The Malabar Muslims: A Different Perspective 9788175969353

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The Malabar Muslims A Different Perspective

LRS Lakshmi

Delhi  Bengaluru  Mumbai  Kolkata  Chennai  Hyderabad  Pune

ii Introduction Published by Cambridge University Press India Pvt. Ltd. under the imprint of Foundation Books Cambridge House, 4381/4 Ansari Road, Daryaganj, New Delhi 110 002

Cambridge University Press India Pvt. Ltd. C-22, C-Block, Brigade M.M., K.R. Road, Jayanagar, Bengaluru 560 070 Plot No. 80, Service Industries, Shirvane, Sector-1, Nerul, Navi Mumbai 400 706 10 Raja Subodh Mullick Square, 2nd Floor, Kolkata 700 013 21/1 (New No. 49), 1st Floor, Model School Road, Thousand Lights, Chennai 600 006 House No. 3-5-874/6/4, (Near Apollo Hospital), Hyderguda, Hyderabad 500 029 Agarwal Pride, ‘A’ Wing, 1308 Kasba Peth, Near Surya Hospital, Pune 411 011

© Cambridge University Press India Pvt. Ltd. First Published 2012

ISBN

978-81-7596-935-3

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Published by Manas Saikia for Cambridge University Press India Pvt. Ltd.

Introduction iii

To My Parents

iv Introduction

Introduction v

Contents

List of Maps List of Tables Acknowledgements List of Abbreviations Note on Transliteration Maps Introduction

vi vii ix x xi xii xv

1.

The Hadhrami Roots

1

2.

Family and Inheritance Laws: Continuities and Changes

33

3.

Religious Spaces and Disputes

62

4.

Reformist Trends

87

5.

Education and Social Mobility

107

6.

Mappilla Leadership and Political Mobilization

132

7.

Mappillas in the Twenty-first Century: A Standing Applause

156

Conclusion

171

Appendix Glossary Bibliography Index

184 186 188 199

List of Maps

Map 1: Administrative divisions in Malabar under the British in late nineteenth century Map 2: Muslim settlements in Malabar in 1870 Map 3: The areas of influence of Muslim organizations in Malabar

xii xiii xiv

List of Tables

Table 1.1: Genealogical table of the Jifris of Malabar Table 5.1: Number of literate Mappillas per 1000 in 1901 and 1911 Table 5.2: Literacy per 10,000 Mappillas in 1931 Table 5.3: Progress of education among Mappillas between 1891–92 and 1939–40

23 116 121 126

viii Introduction

Introduction ix

Acknowledgements

I would like to extend my special thanks to several people who went through the manuscript and provided useful criticisms and suggestions. My gratitude to my teachers, Sudha Jha, Narayani Gupta and Mukul Kesavan who trained me to be an unbiased historian. The untiring guidance of Avril Powell and stimulating discussions with K.N. Panikkar, Michael Anderson, Conrad Wood, Stephen Dale, Susan Bayly, Christopher Fuller, Peter Hardy, Joan Mencher, Gervace Clarence-Smith, Ulrike Frietag, Omar Khalidi, Francis Robinson and James Chiriyankandath enabled me to fill the major gaps in my work. I wish to thank all the staff members of the Kozhikode State Archives, the Tamilnadu State Archives, the National Archives of India, the School of Oriental and African Studies Library, the India Office Library, London and the National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh. I would also like to say a sincere thank you to K.K.N. Kurup, Hafiz Mohammad and S.M. Mohammad Koya of Kozhikode University and C.K. Kareem of the Kerala History Association. I am grateful to my parents for their encouragement, especially my mother, for her help with the translation of difficult Malayalam documents. Finally, I would like to thank Cambridge University Press India Pvt. Ltd. for getting the book published.

List of Abbreviations

Confdl. FR GO HC IHC Proc. I.L.R. IOR Judl. KRA LAD Misc. MLCP MHCR MLJ MNNR MSS. MWN NAI NLS RDPI SA TNA SOAS

Confidential Fortnightly Reports, Home Political Department Government Order High Court Indian History Congress Proceedings Indian Law Reports India Office Library and Records Judicial Kozhikode Regional Archives Legislative Assembly Debates Miscellaneous Madras Legislative Council Proceedings Madras High Court Reports Madras Law Journal Madras Native Newspaper Reports Manuscripts Madras Weekly Notes National Archives of India National Library of Scotland Report of Public Instruction in the Madras Presidency Second Appeal Tamilnadu Archives School of Oriental and African Studies

Note on Transliteration

In this book, The Malayalam and English Dictionary by Herman Gundert has been used for the meanings and explanations of Malayalam terms. In the transliteration of Malayalam words, the system followed in N. Madhusoodanan Nair, P. Narayanan Kurup and A. Muhamed Yusuf (eds.), Yugarasmi’s Illustrated English, Malayalam, Tamil, Hindi, Arabic Dictionary has been followed. Accordingly, in the Malayalam alphabetical order: a,aa (kaarnavar, thaavazhi), I,ee (as in beebi), u, oo, iru, ilu, e, e, ai, o, o, ow, am (as in janmam), ka, kha, ga, gha, nga, cha, chha, ja, jha, nga, ta, dta, da (as in Nambudiri), dta, na, tha (as in tharavaadu), dha, da, dha, na, pa, pha, ba, bha, ma, ya, ra, la, va, sa, sha, sa, ha, la, zha (as in korapuzha, thaavazhi), ra, na. The original Malayalam place-names such as Kozhikode, Kannur, Talasherri and Kollam have been used instead of their anglicised forms which are Calicut, Cannanore, Tellicherry and Quilon. For Arabic terms and meanings, The Arabic-English Dictionary by F. Steingass and the Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition have been used. The spelling of Arabic words usually follows the method used by Steingass. Exceptions are Arabic names like Fathima, Ayesha, Khadija, Abu Bakr, for which their Malayalam equivalents, Pathumma, Ayissa, Katisa, Abu Bakkar have been used. The court books and archival files have also mostly used the Malayalam equivalents except for some anglicised exceptions. Diacritical marks have not been used in the book. For plurals of Malayalam words, the English alphabet ‘s’ has been added to them, as in the case of tharavaads, niskarapallis, srambis, etc. instead of Malayalam tharavaadugal, niskarapalligal and srambigal. For plurals of Arabic words as well, the same method has been followed, as in the case of qadis, maulavis, mullas, etc.

Map 1: Administrative divisions in Malabar under the British in late nineteenth century Source: Adapted from W. Logan, Malabar. New Delhi, 1951

Map 2: Muslim settlements in Malabar in 1870 Source: Adapted from C.A. Innes, Malabar and Anjengo. Madras, 1908

Map 3: The areas of influence of Muslim organizations in Malabar Source: This map is based on the author’s research findings

Introduction

Kerala, fondly known as the ‘God’s Own Country’, has always been famous as the cradle of different religions since the ancient times. Islam, Christianity and Judaism have flourished side by side in this region for centuries. Kodungallur, in southern Kerala, is a living example of how a Hindu temple, a mosque and a church stand alongside each other as witnesses to the early arrival of Islam and Christianity to this land. The Jews arrived in Cochin as early as 68 AD and a small Jewish town exists even today in this region surrounding the oldest Jewish synagogue in the world. Apart from the historical facts, Kerala is a land where all the different religious communities have coexisted in harmony over several centuries. It has therefore set an example to other regions in India. Having said that, the reader would certainly have a question in mind regarding the ‘Moplahs’ who have made history by boldly attacking the British colonial administration in Malabar. Eventually, they have acquired a scarred reputation in the historical records, books, among history students and the general public. This book is an attempt to construct the social history of an Arab-Islamic community on the southwest coast of India. So far, students of history have only learnt about the ‘Moplah Peasant Rebellions’ in their classrooms. However, recent historical writings have made genuine attempts to correct the charred image of the ‘Moplah revolts’. The central idea of writing this book has been to break the traditional rhetoric of several historical writings on the so called ‘Moplah Rebellion’. It is a departure from the general historiography available on the ‘uprisings’ and an attempt to purge the Mappilla community of the ‘fanatical’ stereotype attributed to them. There are some interesting aspects that need to be appreciated in the Mappilla community.

xvi Introduction Research studies on the Mappillas of Malabar have expanded over the years and they are very important to our understanding of the history of Muslims in South India. The earliest study on the community was Roland Miller’s general survey from their early existence till the 1970s.1 Scholarly research is largely confined to the peasant revolts of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and their economic, social, religious and political implications. Works of Stephen Dale, Conrad Wood, K.N. Panikkar and M. Gangadharan have focussed on the Mappilla peasant uprisings in Malabar upto 1921, the eventful year of the Mappilla rebellion.2 Conrad Wood, in his work, has stressed on the economic causes behind the agrarian revolts, while Stephen Dale has concentrated on the religious overtones in the behaviour of the Mappilla peasants. K.N. Panikkar has treated both the factors in his study of the nature of these uprisings. M. Gangadharan, in his most recent publication has analysed the political factors that instigated the rebellion. M. Abdul Samad’s study is the first detailed work of its kind in the field of Mappilla history which covers all the important theological reform movements such as the Islahi, the Jama’ati-Islami Hind, the Tabligh and the Kerala Aikya Sangham movements.3 Sociological studies by scholars like Kathleen Gough, Hamid Ali and V. D’Souza have also examined the Mappilla society. Gough4 studies the patterns of kin networks, the incest prohibitions and succession rules in the Mappilla matrilineal joint families while Hamid Ali5 has focused on Mappilla custom and law in Anglo-Muslim jurisprudence with emphasis on succession, property and wakf (religious endowment) laws upto 1938. V. D’Souza has examined the sociological significance of Mappilla names.6

1 2

3 4

5 6

Miller, Roland, Mappilla Muslims of Kerala. Madras: Orient Longman, 1976. Dale, Stephen, Islamic Society in the South Asian Frontier: The Mappillas of Malabar 1498–1922. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980; Wood, Conrad, The Mappilla Rebellion and its Genesis. New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1987; Panikkar, K.N., Against Lord and State. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989; and Gangadharan, M., The Malabar Rebellion. Kottayam: D.C. Books, 2008. Samad, M. Abdul, Islam in Kerala. Groups and Movements in the 20th century. Kollam: Laurel Publications, 1998. Gough, Kathleen, ‘Mappilla: North Kerala’, in Schneider D.M., and Gough (eds.), Matrilineal Kinship. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961; Gough, K., ‘Incest Prohibitions and Rules of Exogamy in Three Matrilineal Groups of the Malabar Coast’, International Archives of Ethnography, Vol. 46, No. 1. Ali, Hamid, Custom and Law in Anglo-Muslim Jurisprudence. Calcutta: Thacker Spink, 1938. D’Souza, V., ‘Sociological Significance of Systems of Names with Special Reference to Kerala,’ Sociological Bulletin, Vol. 4, No. 1, March 1955.

Introduction xvii Dilip Menon’s contribution to Malabar studies covers the notions of community identity and political conflict between the Hindus and the Mappillas.7 Beyond Kerala, the study of the political evolution of Tamil Muslims by J.B.P. More has argued that historical conditionings have been the major factors for the growth of Muslim politics in Tamilnadu.8 His most recent study of the impact of print technology on the literature of Tamil Muslims is an altogether different approach to the formation of Tamil Muslim identity.9 This book is a departure from the existing literature and will examine some of the social and institutional changes within the community under colonial administration. The year 1870 has been chosen as the take-off point of the study because it was only around and after that time that colonial administrative and legal changes began to affect the traditional order of the Mappilla community in significant ways. Writing a social history is a challenging task because historians tend to brand the work as one of ‘interest only to sociologists’. The general tendency of historians is to look for new material on the Mappilla rebellion. A sincere effort has been made to satisfy the historian and the sociologist alike. Various aspects of the community have been covered in this book. Chapter one has traced its historical roots and social formation. Family and succession laws along with their modifications under the colonial judicial system have been discussed in Chapter two. The religious issues have been analysed in Chapter three. Chapter four throws light on the social and religious reform movements that have transformed the Mappilla society. Education and social mobility within the community and its impact is the highlight of Chapter five. Chapter six has focussed on the political mobilization of the community and Chapter seven looks at the most recent developments among Mappillas in the twenty-first century and their notable presence in Kerala society. A careful selection of sources has been made in order to emphasize social and institutional changes at different periods of time. Archival materials were consulted at the Kozhikode Regional Archives, Kozhikode, the Tamilnadu State Archives, Madras, the National Archives of India, New Delhi, the Oriental and India Office Collections and the Western

7 8 9

Menon, Dilip, Caste, Nationalism and Communism in Malabar. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. More, J.B.P., The Political Evolution of Muslims in Tamilnadu and Madras 1930–1947. Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 1997. Ibid., Muslim Identity, Print Culture and the Dravidian Factor in Tamilnadu. Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2004.

xviii Introduction Manuscripts department of the British Library, London, and the National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh. Of these, the most valuable deposits were found in the Kozhikode Archives where most materials relating to Malabar have been transferred from the Tamilnadu State Archives. The Revenue department files and the Land Revenue Settlement registers are a huge source of information on various aspects of Malabar. Most of the files related to mosque and family property disputes invariably carried attachments of original Malayalam manuscripts. Indian Law Reports, Legislative Council Proceedings and Legislative Assembly Debates were valuable sources in the understanding of Anglo-Muslim jurisprudence. Official records, primary Malayalam sources, newspapers, journals and personal interviews have also richly supported the study.

The Context Malabar was geographically separated from the rest of the Madras Presidency by the Western Ghats on its east. It was bounded by South Kanara in the north; Coorg, Mysore and the Nilgiris in the east; the princely state of Cochin in the south and the Arabian Sea on the west. It was traditionally divided into vadakke or North Malabar and thekke or South Malabar by the Korapuzha or the Kora river. North Malabar was located between the Chandragiri and the Kora rivers and comprised of the former kingdoms of Nileswaram, Kolattunad, Kottayam and Kadattunad. The kingdoms of Kozhikode, Walluvanad and Palghat formed thekke Malabar (See Map 1). The Malabar coast, with its wealth of spices and timber was the cradle of commerce.10 The region had wide trade networks across the Arabian Sea. Countries from the Far East, the Middle East, the Near East and the West established trade links with the region. The period between the eighth and the eleventh centuries was one of expansion of Muslim commerce on all main trade routes of the Indian Ocean. André Wink observes that in the eighth and ninth centuries, the Indian Ocean became an ‘Arab Mediterranean’, and the Arab or Muslim trading diaspora along the coasts became predominant.11 Ships sailed from the Red Sea or the Persian Gulf, crossed the western Indian Ocean and first anchored at Gujarat or Malabar. Ships from the Bay of Bengal, whether sailing from the eastern Indian

10 11

Hunter, W.W., The Imperial Gazetteer of India. Vol. 9, second edition. London: Trubner & Co., 1886, p. 9. Wink, André, Al-Hind. The Making of the Indo-Islamic World. Vol.1. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1990, p. 65.

Introduction xix Ocean or the Southeast Asian islands would stop at Kozhikode or Kollam, where they would meet and trade with the oncoming ships from Aden, Hormuz and Gujarat. The contacts with Malabar were conditioned by its frequent monsoons and the products of the region. The main attraction on the Malabar coast was its material wealth, especially pepper, the ‘black gold’ of the country and other valuable spices like cloves, cinnamon and cardamom. The frequent contacts of traders by sea gradually gave birth to ports, markets and towns on the west coast. Kollam, in southern Kerala, was first heard of as an important stopover in Malabar for Arab ships on their way to China.12 Malabar had a custom of people living in dispersed settlements with scattered garden-houses rather than in a continuous collection of houses. The houses were built wall to wall with sloping roofs to suit the extreme monsoon conditions of the region. Although most settlements were dispersed, it is argued that foreigners from the east coast or beyond the Arabian Sea settled in nucleated settlements maybe for security or occupational reasons.13 In the mid-thirteenth century, two coastal Hindu chieftains with strategic ports expanded into small kingdoms by conquering the surrounding inland chiefdoms and monopolising their trade. In the north was the Kolattiri kingdom centered around Mount Eli, and in the south, the kingdom of Travancore, centered around Kollam. In the fourteenth century, a third Hindu kingdom of the Samuthiris had expanded with its centre at Kozhikode. The most important event in the history of medieval Malabar was the gradual extension and consolidation of the Samuthiri Rajas.14 The Samuthiris acquired a large measure of power from the Muslims through trade taxes and naval support. According to the Tuhfatul Mujahidin (written in the sixteenth century): ‘Plenty of merchants have come from different countries to parts of the western coast of India. New towns sprang up; the trade of the Muslims has increased the population… the Hindu Rajas of Malabar adopt an attitude of respect and kindness towards the Muslims, as the establishment of many towns is due to the Muslim traders having settled in those ports.’15 12 13 14 15

Dunn, E. Ross, The Adventures of Ibn Battuta. London: Croom Helm, 1986, p. 220. Menon, V.K.J., ‘Geographical Basis for the Distribution and Pattern of Rural Settlement in Kerala,’ Journal of Sayajirao University of Baroda, Vol. 2, pp. 41–54. The word ‘Samuthiri’ in Sanskrit means ‘Samundri’ or sea-king. As cited in Arnold, T.W., The Preaching of Islam. Lahore: Muhammad Ashraf, 1913, p. 382.

xx Introduction The Samuthiri’s kingdom remained the most powerful kingdom until the mid-eighteenth century. The trade of Malabar was predominantly in the hands of Muslims. The arrival of Muslims on the Malabar Coast is traced to the eighth century as a result of trade relations between the Arab world and the peninsula. Therefore along with the flourishing mercantile network, there was a simultaneous spread of Islam on the coast. Gradually, Muslim settlements were found in Kozhikode, Talasherri, Kannur, Ponnani, Vadagara, Kollam, Kodungallur and other coastal towns of Malabar. Their trade was however threatened by the arrival of the Portuguese explorer, Vasco da Gama in Kozhikode in 1498. He approached the Samuthiri for opening up trade with Malabar, which was duly sanctioned and a factory established at Kozhikode in 1500. There were four major ports in northern Malabar during the period of Portuguese trade – Kannur, Kozhikode, Mahe and Vadagara. It was the Portuguese who called the Samuthiris, ‘Zamorins’. In the first decades of the sixteenth century, immediately on their arrival on the Indian Ocean, the Portuguese made serious attempts at policing and choking off links between the southwest coast of India and the Red Sea. This policy of the Portuguese which was mainly aimed at shipments of pepper and spices resulted in a decline in the trade between Kozhikode and Kannur to the Middle East.16 The period between 1498–1792 was one of bitter struggle between European and Arab merchants who formed shifting alliances with native rulers for the control of pepper trade. The monopoly of the Muslim traders was affected tremendously and there were long skirmishes between the two. By 1600, the Portuguese had practically abolished the Arab trade but were themselves driven from the coast by the Dutch in 1663. They captured the Fort St. Angelo factory in Kannur from the Portuguese. The English came to Kozhikode in 1664 and also established a factory in Talasherri in 1683, which was close to the pepper and cardamom hills. The French founded a factory in Mahe. There was constant competition between the French and the English which reached its high point when war broke out between England and France in Europe in 1744. In 1766, the northern half of the Malabar coast was invaded by the Muslim rulers of Mysore. The Mysorean conquest of Malabar began with Haider Ali’s expedition in 1766 followed by that of his son, Tipu Sultan’s in 1792. Tipu removed Malabar’s capital from the old seat of Kozhikode to 16

Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, ‘The Portuguese, the Port of Basrur and the Rice Trade, 1600–50,’ in Subrahmanyam, Sanjay (ed.), Merchants, Markets and the State in Early Modern India. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1980, p. 28.

Introduction xxi a site seven to eight miles from the town where he founded a fort-city called Farukkabad, and compelled the natives of Kozhikode to settle there much against their wishes. However, soon after he left, they returned to the former capital.17 The Samuthiri sought the help of the English against Tipu and the English agreed to help him in return for a moderate tribute, some commercial privileges and all the territories conquered by the Mysore Sultans. With the treaty of Srirangapatanam of 1792, the whole of the province of Malabar was formally ceded to the English by Tipu Sultan.

Administrative Structure under the British During the Mysorean invasions, Malabar was divided into nine small kingdoms and a number of border chiefdoms. The British amalgamated the seven northern kingdoms of Kolattunad, Kottayam, Kurumbranad, Kadattunad, Kozhikode, Walluvanad and Palakkad to form the Malabar District. In 1800, the British assumed direct administrative control over the entire district with Kozhikode as the administrative capital. The political boundaries of Malabar under the British administration was reorganized into three divisions – northern, middle and southern. The northern division included Chirakkal, Talasherri, Kannur and Mahe; the middle division was mainly bounded by Kozhikode, Beypore and Wyanad; and the southern division comprised of Walluvanad, Chavakkad, Ernad, Chernad and Palakkad.18

Malabar Society Among the three political sections of Kerala, namely Malabar, Travancore and Cochin, all of which were predominantly Hindu, there were still wider divisions within the Hindu society. The Malayali Hindus were socially divided in a hierarchical structure with the Nambudiri brahmins ranking first as temple priests, religious scholars and traditional landowners. Next to them, in the rank of higher castes were the Nayars. Land was an important source of wealth for both the Nambudiris and the Nayars, who were predominantly landed aristocrats. The Thiyyas or the Ezhavas, were toddy tappers by virtue of which they were seen as low castes by the Nambudiris and the Nayars. There was a category of untouchables called the Cherumars, who were largely peasants. The Hindu fishermen called the Mukkuvans

17 18

Reports of the Joint Commission, Province of Malabar, 1792 and 1793, Vol. 1, p. 62. Hunter, W.W., Imperial Gazetteer of India. Vol. 3, London: Trubner & Co., 1885. p. 268.

xxii Introduction also came under the low caste group. Hierarchy was strictly observed by these castes in the form of residential segregation. While the Nambudiris, the Nayars, the Thiyyas, the Cherumars and the Mukkuvans were distributed all over Kerala, a large non-Hindu society also thrived. In Travancore and Cochin, there was a large concentration of Syrian Christians, whereas in Malabar, Muslims were a major religious community. As Roland Miller has argued, in Malabar, the Muslims had to primarily interact with Hindus. Since the Christian population was concentrated in southern Kerala and the Muslim population in the northern area, MuslimChristian interaction had been secondary.19 As land was the chief source in Kerala, relations between landlords and tenants were of great significance. In Travancore, the Nambudiris, the Nayars and the Syrian Christians held positions as landlords. In Malabar, the Nambudiris and the Nayars were landlords; the Muslims were largely tenants in South Malabar and landlords in North Malabar.

The Agrarian Economy The main features of Malabar’s economy were trade and the cultivation of paddy and garden crops. The Malabar district stood next to the Madras city in conducting sea-borne trade.20 As far as land economy was concerned, the crop patterns in Malabar were decided by climatic and soil conditions and accordingly, garden crops were predominantly grown in North Malabar whereas paddy was grown in South Malabar. Thus in most of the northern taluks of Kottayam and Kurumbranad, garden crops like pepper, coconut and areca-nut were cultivated whereas the southern taluks of Ernad, Walluvanad and Palakkad were wet paddy-growing areas. Palakkad was the largest paddy-producing taluk in Malabar. However, there were exceptions. The northern-most taluk of Chirakkal for example, had more paddy lands than garden lands. The central taluk of Kozhikode, though administratively and traditionally part of south Malabar, was dominated by garden crops.21 Black pepper, cashewnuts, areca-nut, coconut, dry ginger and cardamom were the main cash crops and most houses had a big garden surrounding them where these crops were grown. Pepper was grown all over the coast, but concentration was inland, at the foot of the Western ghats. Cash 19 20 21

Miller, Mappilla Muslims. p. 21. India Office List, 1891. London, 1891. Gopinath, Ravindran, ‘Gardens and Paddy Fields: Historical Implications of Agricultural Production Regimes in Colonial Malabar,’ in Hasan, Mushirul and Gupta, Narayani (eds.) India’s Colonial Encounter. New Delhi: OUP, 1993. p. 366.

Introduction xxiii transactions were for a long time the monopoly of the coastal towns where the trade with the Arabs and from the sixteenth century, the Europeans, flourished. In the beginning, the Europeans traded in pepper with the Arabs in cash and then with other commodities. After the East India Company’s take-over, a plantation was set up by British in north Malabar in 1797, for the cultivation of coffee, pepper and cinnamon. Coffee plantations were also set up in Wyanad and by the mid-nineteenth century were well-established. By 1883, there were five tea-gardens and 13,568 coffee plantations in Malabar.22 Traditionally, all cultivated lands in Malabar, and much of what was not cultivated was the inheritance of individuals, whose absolute private property was recognized under the name of ‘janmam’ (proprietary right). The person in whom such rights were vested was called janmi, who usually let out his lands to actual cultivators on various subordinate tenures, such as pattam and kanam (mortgage). The rent received by the janmi was known as pattam and the portion that was payable to the government was called nihudi.23 There were two general types of land tenures – janmam and kanam. Most lands were held by mortgage, and a considerable proportion without written documents. The janmis could not be dispossessed of their lands by the State, and they enjoyed the rights to mortgage or to lease it to any person they wished. In this, Malabar differed from the zamindari areas of India, where, not the zamindar but the State was the owner of the land.24 The creation of revenue divisions for the convenience of revenue settlements in Malabar has been attributed to Haider Ali, the Sultan of Mysore. According to official opinion, the British government had the right to escheated property. But as no register had been made of landed property since the conquest of the province by Haider Ali, many estates which should have been escheated to the government must have been assumed by individuals.25 The British administrators recognized the janmis all over Malabar as landlords. The kanakkarans were given the legal status of tenants. Till the 1830s, this juridical revision of rights did not have any impact on agrarian relations. With the rise in agricultural product prices in the 1830s, the janmis started exercising their new-found legal status on their subordinate tenants. Thus the earlier system of custom was soon eclipsed by the uniform

22 23 24 25

Hunter, Imperial Gazetteer of India. Vol. 9, p. 231. Proceedings from the Inam Commissioner, Coimbatore, 13.8.1863. Mayer, Adrian, Land and Society in Malabar. Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1952, p. 79. Mackenzie Collection: General. IOR/MSS.Eur.49.

xxiv Introduction contractual relations codified by the British law courts.26 For revenue purposes, the Malabar district was divided into ten taluks or subdivisions. The unit of distribution was the amsam (Malayalam: revenue division). By the late nineteenth century, there were 424 amsams in the district which were further divided into desams (villages).27 Ravindran Gopinath has argued that the tenurial arrangements of north and south Malabar varied with the cropping patterns of the two regions. According to him, the high level of inputs into the wet paddy cultivation, practiced in most of south Malabar and the Chirakkal taluk in the north may be correlated with the larger proportion of agricultural labourers in these taluks in contrast to the garden cropped taluks. The southern region continued to have a much larger number of agricultural labourers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Garden cultivation involved larger investment of capital and longer cultivation periods. This heavy investment by the cultivators probably checked the janmi from overexploiting them. The north-south difference in the degree of socio-economic inequality in the form of strict caste restrictions on purity and pollution was also manifested in the tenurial and agrarian relations of the respective zones.28 It has been observed that from the nineteenth century, garden lands were less severely taxed than paddy fields and that could have encouraged garden cultivation and discouraged paddy cultivation.

Peasant Rebellions in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries Closely linked to agrarian relations were the peasant uprisings in the nineteenth century particularly in the Ernad and Walluvanad taluks in south Malabar where wetland cultivation was predominant and where thirty-seven per cent of the Muslim population lived. Most of them were tenants, tenants-at-will or agricultural labourers mostly under Hindu higher caste janmis and were therefore subject to frequent eviction and rack-renting. The peasant uprisings of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries need to be analysed against the background of landlord-tenant relations in south Malabar. The economic conditions of the Muslims of south Malabar from the eighteenth till the early twentieth centuries were significantly different from those in north Malabar. Stephen Dale has observed that in

26 27 28

Gopinath, Gardens. p. 373. Hunter, Imperial Gazetteer, Vol. 9, pp. 224–5 Ibid. p. 379.

Introduction xxv interior south Malabar, the Muslim settlements were located in a largely Hindu countryside, dominated by Hindu Nambudiri and Nayar janmis. These landed aristocrats did not grant janmam lands to the Muslims, neither were the Muslims economically capable of acquiring janmam rights. This general economic condition created a sense of economic insecurity within the Muslim tenants of the Ernad and Walluvanad taluks.29 In the coastal regions of Calicut and north Malabar, the situation was different. The Muslims there flourished in a mercantile economy and as a consequence possessed janmam lands, which accounted for their economic and social security.30 Therefore, the economic insecurity of the south Malabar Muslim peasants resulting from the coercive social authority of the landed janmis became the root cause of continuous tension and conflicts in the landlordtenant relationship. These conflicts took violent forms in the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. As a remedy to the agrarian problem, the Malabar Compensation for Tenants Improvement Act was passed in 1900 by which the janmi had to pay the full expenses to the tenants for any improvement made by him. In his study on land relations in Malabar, Toshie Awaya has argued that the janmi had a legally recognized right of eviction. Legal eviction could be affected directly through the courts or by means of a melcharth, a kind of second mortgage upon lands leased on kanam where a kanam tenant could be evicted by returning his kanam advance and paying compensation for any improvements.31 However, between 1900 and 1920s, the cases of eviction in Malabar in the form of melcharth was between 2,800 and 3,600. Awaya argues that the customary relationships between the various agrarian classes must have deteriorated because of a number of bitter court struggles; and without the evictions, tenancy agitation could not have happened.32 He concludes that the British perception of the janmis as having the sole right to absolute ownership, and the legal reconstruction of interests by the British officials and the courts prepared the ground for tenancy agitations.33 K.N. Panikkar argues that the nineteenth and early twentieth century uprisings were limited in extent and scope; none of them were large-scale

29 30 31

32 33

Dale, Islamic Society. p. 71. Ibid. pp. 71–2. Awaya, Toshie, ‘Situating the Malabar Tenancy Act, 1930,’ in Robb, Peter, Sugihara, H. and Tanagisawa, H. (eds) Local Agrarian Societies in Colonial India. London: Curzon Press, 1996, p. 377. Ibid. pp. 378–9. Ibid. p. 398.

xxvi Introduction peasant revolts against the janmis and the colonial state. According to Panikkar, the number of rebels who participated in the incidents were only 351. The social composition of these rebels were related to land; they were either tenants or agricultural labourers.34 He also explains that although Hindu janmis and revenue officials were the principal targets of the nineteenth and twentieth century revolts, they were hardly directed against the Hindus in general. Religiosity, he explains was a decisive influence in the uprisings, not as an immediate cause but as a mediating factor.35

The 1921 Rebellion The tenancy agitations of the early twentieth century culminated in the Mappilla rebellion of 1921. The most prominent actions of the rebels were the attacks on the British officials and non-officials and government buildings; and the Hindu janmis. They were also motivated by the religious appeal of the Khilafat movement. Not less than fifty thousand people comprising of labourers, cultivators and religious preachers mostly from the poorer sections were active participants in the rebellion.36 The uprising was directed mainly against the colonial state. Agrarian discontent and the deteriorating relations between the janmis and the tenants were the major causes for the rebellious nature of the Muslim peasants. The repressive measure by the army and the police was a traumatic experience for both the Muslims and the Hindus – houses were burnt and men were arrested and jailed at random.37 In the long run, the 1921 upheaval had a deep impact on the process of communalization within the Malabar society, manifested in the politics of the twentieth century.38 It was also expressed in the form of contestation for religious space in South Malabar. The rebellion did not primarily have religious undertones (as Stephen Dale has suggested) but was a fall-out of the British interpretation of agrarian relations in Malabar. When the British government began suppressing the rebellion with harsh measures, it was totally blind and indiscriminate towards the people of the rebel areas. Mappillas who had not participated in the rebellion were also in pitiable conditions under British oppression. They were attacked by the rebels as traitors, for the Hindus, they were violent Mappillas and for the British, they were part of the troublesome community. The British 34 35 36 37 38

Panikkar, Against Lord. pp. 85–6. Ibid. p. 88. Ibid. pp. 167–9. Dale, Islamic Society. p. 71. Ibid. pp. 71–2.

Introduction xxvii army did not discriminate between the Mappillas and the Hindus.39 This left a totally shattered population in the rebel area whose sufferings were uncounted and who needed immediate relief and rehabilitation. The refugees moved to Kozhikode where men and money poured in from various places such as Kozhikode, Palakkad, Madras, Bombay, Allahabad, Delhi, Lahore and even from Mesopotamia and Singapore. Voluntary organizations such as the Jamiat-e-Dawat-e-Tabligh-e-Islam, the Servants of India Society and the Arya Samaj reached Malabar to provide relief for them.40 In the post-rebellion period, tenancy movements continued because arbitrary evictions of the tenants continued. Sreevidhya Vattarambath, in her findings, has divided the tenancy movements into two stages – one led by upper class tenants or kanakkaran, and the other by lower class tenants or verumpattamkars (verumpattam tenure was a simple lease, used only for paddy lands). She has shown that the tenants were entirely at the mercy of the janmis. While the earlier peasant revolts were that of the Mappillas who were largely verumpattamkars and who demanded prevention of eviction and full compensation, the later tenancy movements were led by the kanakkarans who were mostly Nayars.41 To prevent further revolts, the Madras government was forced to enact limited land reform for Malabar by the Malabar Tenancy Act of 1930. Before the Malabar Tenancy Act of 1930 was passed, the janmi could evict the kanakkarans at the end of each twelve-year period. Since 1930, the janmi had been able to evict only if the kanakkarans could not, or did not wish to pay his renewal fee, or was in arrears of rent, or if the janmi needed the land for his own cultivation. The cultivating verumpattamkar was liable to eviction by his landlord, or by any intermediary tenant, at any time. In any case, the Tenancy Act of 1930 gave him a certain security of tenure by further restricting the occasions on which he could be evicted. The Act fixed a maximum renewal fee for the kanakkarans at the expense of the janmi.42 There were however regional variations to this general trend. For example, protection against eviction was given for predominantly wet lands. In the interior of Chirakkal taluk, the lands were mostly dry, and therefore the

39

40 41 42

Muhammedali, T., ‘In Service of the Nation: Relief and Reconstruction in Malabar in the Wake of the Rebellion of 1921,’ Indian History Congress Proceedings, 68th Session, 2007, p. 791. Ibid. pp. 791, 793. Vattarambath, Sreevidhya, ‘Growth of Tenancy Movement in the Post 1921 Rebellion Period’, Indian History Congress Proceedings, 68th Session, 2007, p. 654. Mayer, Land. p. 81.

xxviii Introduction security of tenure was the weakest compared to the other regions in Malabar.43 However, the Act did not benefit the cultivating verumpattamkar or kanakkaran much. The Mappillas had to face two challenges in the post rebellion period – firstly, the problems of relief and rehabilitation, and secondly, the Tenancy Act which failed to give any relief to poor Mappilla peasants.44 In 1940, the Malabar Tenancy Enquiry Committee suggested a further fixity of tenure for all kanakkarans whether cultivating or not. Thus, Malabar had a very complex agrarian system and rigid land relations which prompted peasant uprisings and subsequent legislation.

Litigation In the late nineteenth century, the volume of litigation in Malabar had considerably increased. Litigation arose from the form of land tenure, the collection of overdue rents and renewal fees, and disputes over family properties. In north Malabar where the value of land-holdings was high, litigation was relatively more frequent. For example, Kurumbranad taluk had twice as many lower courts as any other taluk. According to the administrative report of the Madras Presidency for 1875–76, The average proportion of appeals to appealable suits in six years from 1870 to 1875 was about 10.5 per cent; in the wealthy and litigious districts of Malabar and south Kanara, the proportion was specially high, being respectively, 14 and 20.4 per cent.45

Judged by the ratio of population to suits, and excepting the Madras city, the most litigious district in 1893 was north Malabar where one in every fifty-one persons went to court. Comparatively, one in every ninety persons went to court in south Malabar.46 The explanation given for the extent of court cases was the general prosperity of the district, its immunity from famine and its complex land tenure system. Against this backdrop, the institutional and social changes within the Mappilla community will be discussed in this book.

43 44 45 46

Ibid. p. 93. Vattarambath, Growth of Tenancy. p. 658. Report in the Administration of Madras Presidency 1875–76. Madras, 1877. p. 39. Report in the Administration of Madras Presidency 1893–94. Madras, 1894. p. 47.

1 The Hadhrami Roots

Islamization in Malabar Historians have always been intrigued by the processes of Islamization in various parts of the world. Nehemia Levtzion, in a study which has influenced subsequent scholarship, perceived of Islamization as a movement of individuals and groups, departing from some form of traditional religion and following a process which ends with normative Islam.1 Writing about Islam in West Africa, he argued that as long as Islam was confined to the trading communities, it operated on the fringes of West African societies where there was actually a dispersion of Muslims rather than a spread of Islam. He identifies social interaction, intermarriage and the role of traders as the important factors of Islamization. Similarly, Trimingham explained the spread of Islam on the East African coast as the result of trans-oceanic contacts, the role of traders and the intermarriage of Arab and Persian settlers with the local Bantu women.2 He also observes that sections of the people of Hadramaut in Yemen, cut off by the desert from the interior of Arabia, had long ago turned to the sea for a livelihood.3 The role of intermarriage as a major factor of social integration in the Islamization of

1

2 3

Levtzion, Nehemia, ‘Patterns of Islamization in West Africa,’ in N. Levtzion (ed.) Conversion to Islam. New York: Holmes and Meier, 1979. p. 216. Levtzion’s work represents one of the few comparative studies on conversion to Islam in medieval times. Trimingham, J.S., Islam in East Africa. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1964, pp. 2–53. Ibid. p. 2.

2 The Malabar Muslims East Africa has also been emphasized by Guennec-Coppens in her recent study of the Swahili-speaking groups of the Comoros Islands.4 In port enclaves, the primary concern of the foreign merchants was commerce. During their short stays in the different ports, many of the Arab merchants entered into temporary marriages with the local women and in certain regions, multiple marriages were contracted to create a network of lineages in the host societies. Viable commercial networks led to temporary settlements in the urban centres. Almost all of the transit trade of the Indian west coast was in the hands of Muslims. Colonies of Arabs and Persian Muslims were gradually becoming established in Malabar, as in various other places between Sind and Canton from the eighth century. Gradually the entire Malabar trade began to prosper in the hands of the industrious Mappilla merchants. Along with the Balija Naidus and the Sayyids of Golconda, the Mappillas have also been classified as a typical diaspora community.5 From the eighth century, colonies of Arab and Persian Muslims were gradually becoming established in Malabar, as in various other places between Sind and Canton. Gradually, the entire Malabar trade began to prosper in the hands of the industrious Mappilla merchants. As traders, they filled a void in a society which lacked an indigenous commercial class. Malabar’s links with Hadhramaut in South Yemen is suspected to have begun as early as the first century AD. A large number of Arabs had settled along the Malabar Coast in this century.6 In André Wink’s view, in ancient times, the people of Yemen and Hadhramaut appear to have been especially numerous here.7 Moreover, he shows that the predominance of the Shafi’i school (one of the four schools of Islamic law) can also be related to the Hadhrami influence.8 The two ports of importance on the coast of Hadhramaut were ashShihr and al-Mukhalla. Tarim was the largest town in the region, in terms of its population as well as in trade, industry and intellectual culture. It was an educational centre most highly regarded in South Arabia, and the

4

5 6 7 8

Guennec-Coppens, Francoise Le, ‘The Patterns of Hadrami Emigration in East Africa,’ Paper presented at the Conference of South Arabian Migrants to Hadhramaut held at the School of Oriental and African Studies, London, 27–29 April, 1995. Subrahmanyam Sanjay, The Political Economy of Commerce: Southern India 1500–1650 Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. p. 338. André Wink, Al-Hind. The Making of the Indo-Islamic World. Vol.1. Leiden, 1991. pp. 67–8. Ibid. p. 68. Ibid. p. 71.

The Hadhrami Roots 3 intellectual and religious life has traditionally revolved around a number of sayyids, sufis and ‘ulama whose influence and reputation extended overseas.9 Scholars who have been studying the routes of Hadhrami migration have argued that Hadhramis have been found in various coasts of East Africa and Southeast Asia as early as the thirteenth century. However, it has been unanimously accepted that perhaps the earliest known Hadhrami migrants were actually found in Malabar, where a number of Muslims traced their origin to Tarim.10 The trade between Yemen and Malabar dated back to ancient times, Zufar in Hadhramaut being its chief centre. It is believed that betel, betelnuts and coconuts were carried from Malabar and planted in Hadhramaut.11 The fact that Arabs settled in Malabar earlier than in Southeast Asia is also confirmed from the general consensus that Islam spread to that region from the southwest coast of India.12 The initial Islamization of Malabar was thus through Arabs who came as seamen, merchants, nakhudas (Arabic: captains) and shahbandars (Arabic: port chiefs). It was the practice of the Samuthiri to appoint one of the leading Muslim merchants of Kozhikode as the Shahbandar. Since the Arab women seldom followed their husbands out of their country, their men usually married the local women.13 Therefore many children (called Arabs) born in Malabar were actually of mixed blood. What Berg has argued for Southeast Asia can also be argued for Malabar. Many of the early Arabs intermarried with the Malayali women, built houses for their family and taught them the basic practices of their religion. The offspring of such unions were raised and brought up by their mothers and were called ‘Mappillas’. Berg observes that the Arabs who settled with a commercial motive almost wholly abstained from making propaganda in favour of Islam outside their family or immediate connections.14 9

10 11 12

13

14

The sayyids are the highest social group in the social hierarchy of Arabia, the sufis are religious mystics and the ‘ulama are the highest religious authority. Omar Khalidi, ‘The Role of the Hyderabad Hadhramis in the Politics of Hadhramawt in the nineteenth century’, Paper presented at the Conference of South Arabian Migration Movements in the Indian Ocean, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 27–29 April, 1995. p. 2. Ibid. p. 1. M. Koya Parappil, Kozhikottu Muslimin Charitram. Kozhikode: 1994. p. 90. Oscar Evangelista, ‘Some Aspects of the History of Islam in Southeast Asia, in Peter Gowing (ed.), Understanding Islam and Muslims in the Philippines. Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1988, p. 19. Berg, Van den, ‘Hadhramaut and the Arab Colonies in the Indian Archipelago,’ Translated by C.W.H. Sealy, Selections from the Records of the Bombay Government, New Series No. 212. Bombay: 1887. p. 41. Ibid. p. 48.

4 The Malabar Muslims Similar processes of intermarriage occurred among other diaspora communities across the Indian Ocean. For example, Arabs intermarried with the Konkans on the Konkan coast, the Tamils on the Coromandel coast, with the Chinese in the Indonesian archipelago and the Bantu women in East Africa.15 Intermarriage was therefore a feature of Islamization as a result of the Arab trade diaspora. Missionaries from the Arab world followed the traders in their zeal to preach their faith. In Malabar, the first mosque was founded in Kodungallur in the eighth century by the Arab religious preachers. In Kozhikode taluk, the first mosque, called the Chaliyam Puzhakarapalli was also built in the eighth century. During the same time, Malik ibn-Habibi, an Arab missionary, is said to have preached in Chaliyam for about five months and in the process, some of the Nambudiri illams (Malayalam: Nambudiri joint-family households) were said to have embraced Islam.16 It appears that Malik ibn-Dinar disseminated Islam among the Mukkuvans (Malayalam: fishermen) all along the coastline between Kozhikode and Pantalayini in Kozhikode taluk.17 The Arab merchants who sailed to the coast of Malabar, were generous patrons of mosque-building and repair. For example, the Mishkhalpalli in Kozhikode, which dates back to the fourteenth century, is said to have been constructed by Nakhuda Mishkhal, an Arab ship-owner and merchant who lived in Kozhikode. Ibn Battuta wrote: ‘… in this town lives the very rich and celebrated Nakhuda Misqal who possesses numerous vessels employed in the trade with India, China, Yemen and Persia.’18

The Jamaatpalli (Jamaat-Arabic:assembly) in Kozhikode (originally dated from the fifteenth century) was repaired in the late seventeenth century and, according to an inscription carved on one of the lintels, this restoration was carried out under the patronage of Shaikh Imad ibn Ibrahim, known

15

16 17 18

See for example, D’Souza, V. The Navayats of Kanara. Dharwad: Kannada Research Institute, 1955 for the Konkan coast; Bayly Susan, Saints, Goddesses and Kings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989 for the Tamils; Guennec-Coppens, Hadhrami Emigration… for East Africa and Oscar Evangelista, ‘Some Aspects of the History of Islam in Southeast Asia,’ in Gowing, Peter, (ed.), Understanding Islam for Indonesia. Parappil, Kozhikottu. p. 45. Ibid. p. 46. Gibb, H.A.R., (Trans.) Ibn Battuta. Travels in Asia and Africa 1325–54. London: Robert McBride, pp. 243–7.

The Hadhrami Roots 5 as Nakhuda.19 As in the other ports of the Indian Ocean, marriage networks with the local Malayali women were formed by these merchants and their offspring thus added to the initial population of Muslims on the coast. In a study of the process of conversion in this region, Stephen Dale points out that the Hindu upper castes like the Nambudiris and the Nayars would not even enter the urban areas for fear of pollution, whereas lower castes were free to work for foreigners. In towns like Kozhikode, they would also have to come into contact with representatives of a prosperous, relatively egalitarian religious community which welcomed converts and sometimes actively proselytised among the Hindu population.20 Royal patronage also seems to have encouraged Islamization. For example, in Kozhikode, the Samuthiris gave special trading privileges to the Arab merchants because the port was an important source of revenue for the kingdom. It is known from the Dutch records that in the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries, the Samuthiri encouraged conversion. His war-boats could be manned by Muslims alone, and change of faith was the simplest means of providing sailors to cope with the Portuguese at sea.21 Also, according to C.A. Innes, ‘The Zamorin of Calicut, who was one of the chief patrons of Arab trade, is said to have encouraged conversion to Islam, in order to man Arab ships on which he depended for aggrandisement, and to have ordered that in every family of fishermen in his dominion, one or more of the male members should be brought up as Mohammedans.’22

Ibrahim Kunju has highlighted the importance of sufis in the spread of Islam in Malabar. Kunju argues that there is scanty information available on the sufi activity in the early period as compared to the detailed accounts of sufism in North India because the Shaf’i ‘ulama discountenanced all forms of religious activity other than their own.23 Ibn Battuta in the fourteenth century had mentioned his meeting at Ezhimala with a theologian, whom

19

20

21 22 23

Shokoohy, Mehrdad, ‘Architecture of the Sultanat of Ma’bar in Madura and other Muslim settlements in South India,’ in Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, III Series, Vol.1, Part 1, April 1991, p. 84. Dale, S.F., ‘Trade, Conversion and the Growth of the Islamic community of Kerala, South India,’Paper presented at the International Conference on Islamization in South Asia, Oxford, July 13–15, 1989. p. 10. Hunter, Imperial Gazetteer, Vol.9, p. 226. Innes, Malabar. p. 190. Kunju, Ibrahim A.P., ‘Origin and Spread of Islam in Kerala’, in Engineer, A.A. (ed.), Kerala Muslims: A Historical Perspective. Delhi: Ajanta Publications, 1995. p. 23.

6 The Malabar Muslims he simply referred to as ‘Said’. At Kannur, he was a guest of a theologian from Baghdad. At Kozhikode, Battuta met a preacher, Shaikh Shahabuddin from Arabia who was revered as one with healing powers. His tomb preserved in the Shekindepalli, was a cult centre. A three-day festival was held every year on his death anniversary – the Koran was read and offerings were made to the tomb. At Kollam, Battuta spent some days in the hermitage of Shaikh Fakhruddin, the son of Shaikh Shahabuddin.24 Traditional accounts of the sufis and religious missionaries in Malabar have been preserved in malas (verse) which were written in ArabiMalayalam25 dialect and were therefore not widely known outside the region. Mention has been made in the malas of one Jalaluddin of Bukhara who came to Valiapatanam in 1494. The Qadiri tariqa26 was the most popular tariqa (a sufi order) in Kerala, having many followers from the fifteenth century. Kunju holds that even men of other tariqas were initiated into the Qadiri tariqa. The maulud27 of Abdul Qadir al-Jalani known as Muhiyuddin Mala (in Arabi-Malayalam) composed by Qadi Mohammad al-Kalikutti in 1607 became widely popular in Kerala.28 Another tariqa which had a wide following in Malabar was the Rifa’i tariqa, 29 which spread from the mainland to the Maldive islands. Throughout Malabar, Rifa’i Mala, a poem extolling the miracles of the Rifa’i Shaikh, was chanted to get relief from burns and to guard against snakebite. One of the several malas, the Puthiya Saifuddin Mala, indicates that the Naqshbandi tariqa had spread widely in Malabar in the earlier days but the date was unknown, and it was mainly confined to Wyanad. There were regular religious disputes between the Naqshbandi scholars and the orthodox ‘ulama. However, the explanation for the relatively limited spread

24 25

26

27

28 29

Ibid. p. 25. In the Arabi-Malayalam script, Malayalam was written in Arabic letters and new alphabets were created using diacritical marks on the Arabic alphabets to represent Malayalam letters and local phonetics. Karassery M.N., ‘Arabic-Malayalam’ in Engineer, Kerala Muslims. p. 168. The Qadiriyya tariqa was a sufi order founded by ‘Abdul Qadir al-Jilani (d.1166). He was the Principal of a school of Hanbali law in Baghdad. The order spread in North Africa, Constantinople and India. Gibb, H.A.R.and Kramers, J.H. (ed.), A Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1961 pp. 202–5. The maulud ceremony is a reading of a short treatise celebrating the birth, life, works and sayings of the Prophet or a saint. A mulla is called upon to read the treatise, part of which is in verse. Kunju, Origin. p. 26. The Rifa’i tariqa was founded by Ahmad bin ‘Ali Abu al-Abbas (1118–1183), in the twelfth century in Basra. He was also trained in the Shafi’i law. Gibb and Kramers, Shorter Encyclopaedia. pp. 475–6.

The Hadhrami Roots 7 of sufi activities in Malabar compared to the Tamil region, northern India, Bengal or the Panjab could be the absence of a court culture and patronage in the region. In 1718, Muhammad Shah, an Islamic preacher, migrated from a village near Bombay to Kondotti. William Logan wrote about his impact on the local Mappillas even as late as the nineteenth century as follows: ‘…They are chiefly sunnis or the followers of the Ponnani Tangal, the chief priest of the orthodox party, but sometime in the 18th century, a schism was created by the introduction of new forms of worship by a foreign (Persian) Muhammadan, who settled at Kondotti in the Ernad taluk. His followers were called Shiahs by the orthodox party, but they themselves when questioned, object to the use of the name and assert that they were as much sunnis as the other party. This sect, though still numerous, does not seem to be increasing in numbers.’30

Some of the practices of the followers of Muhammad Shah, like the celebration of the Muharram festival and the prostration of murids (Persian:disciples) before the preacher, gave rise to popular suspicion that they were Shiahs. These practices led to disputes and clashes between their supporters and opponents. As a result, many such practices were dropped.31 Tipu’s subsequent patronage to them was in recognition of Muhammad Shah’s particular sanctity, for he claimed to be a member of the influential Chishti order of Rajputana.32 The jifris, who were religious authorities in Hadhramaut, came to Malabar in the eighteenth century.33 The first Ba’alawi preacher who came to Malabar was Sayyid Hasan Jifri, who belonged to the Alawiyya sufi tariqa.34 The Ba’alawis were a large and influential clan in Hadhramaut.35 Hasan Jifri was the religious leader of the Alawiyyas in Malabar. The Jifris of Mambram and Kozhikode were venerated and their shrines became important pilgrim centres. During the eighteenth century, large-scale conversion seems to have taken place at the time of Tipu’s conquest of Malabar. According to the

30 31 32 33 34 35

Logan, Malabar. Vol. 1, p. 199. Kunju, Origin. pp. 26–7. Dale, Islamic Society. p. 112. Kunju, Ibrahim, The Mappilla Muslims of Kerala. Their History and Culture. Trivandrum: Kerala Historical Society, 1989. p. 26. Ibid. S.T. Buzpinar, ‘Abdul Hamid II and Sayyad Fadl Pasha of Hadhramawt,’ Journal of Ottoman Studies, Vol.13, 1993. pp. 227–8.

8 The Malabar Muslims reports of the Malabar Joint Commission, his conversion activities were induced from motives of religious zeal.36 But Mohibbul Hasan, author of the most authoritative study of Tipu, explains it as an outcome of his political motives and not of religious ones. He argues that Tipu regarded forced conversion as a form of punishment which he inflicted on those of his subjects who were guilty of repeated rebellion.37 Except for Coorg and Malabar, Tipu did not adopt the policy of proselytization in other parts of his kingdom, for the rebellions there were few and far between. Hasan argues however, that some of the conversions in the case of the Yeravas and the Holeyas in Coorg and the lower castes in Malabar were voluntary.38 A recent scholar, M. Janaki, has shown that Tipu was a generous patron of Hindu satrams, which were centres of religious learning.39 The inam (Arabic: gift) registers of the British period have recorded the generous inam grants40 that Tipu had made to Hindu families as well as Hindu temples in Malabar. For example, in the Kadikad village of Chavakkad district, he had granted a stretch of land for the personal benefit of the Hanumadathil Nambudiripad illam.41 Similarly, in the Kozhikode taluk, inam lands were granted for the support of Hindu Brahmins serving in temples.42 Tipu had also donated lands to the temple at Guruvayur in the Ponnani taluk.43 It seems that in the eighteenth century, some members of the low castes converted to Islam to gain economic benefits. For example, the levy on merchandise depended, among other things, on the caste of the person bringing them for sale. According to Ruchira Bannerjee, ‘… as for instance upon the articles of tobacco, a Brahmin (Pattar or Tamil Brahmin) pays three fanams for hundred bundles, a Mussalman

36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43

Reports of Joint Commission, Province of Malabar, 1792 & 1793. Vol. 1, p. 61. Hasan, Mohibbul, History of Tipu Sultan. Calcutta: The Bibliophile Ltd., 1971. p. 362. See footnotes. Ibid. p. 363. Janaki, M., ‘Hyder and Tipu Sultan in Malabar,’ in Engineer, A.A. (ed.), Kerala Muslims. p. 110. Inam grants were actually revenue lands granted tax-free for charitable purposes in religious institutions in commutation of ready money allowances. Inam Register, Kurumbranad and Chavakkad Taluks. Malabar Collector’s Office: Kozhikode, 1866. Inam Register, Kozhikode Taluk. Kozhikode, 1866. Inam Register, Ernad Taluk. Kozhikode, 1866.

The Hadhrami Roots 9 five, and so in proportion to the caste of the seller, the lowest caste being obliged to pay as high as ten to twelve fanams per hundred bundles.’44

This point can be further substantiated by the revenue administration report of Malabar for 1822, which said: ‘The Mohammedan religion is extending very rapidly in Malabar, the zeal of the followers being seconded by their wealth, enables them to hold out irresistible temptations to the poorer classes of people, who flock to the coast in a season of scarcity, and on becoming converts are saved from immediate starvation.’45

Further commenting on the various conversion processes, Stephen Dale has explained the evolution of the Muslim community as a natural extension of the interrelated processes of settlement, marriage and conversion which had occurred along the sea coast. He argues that the Mappillas must have predominated as those who carried trade to upcountry bazaars, establishing the settlements which attracted converts from lower Hindu castes in the surrounding countryside.46 André Wink has argued that by entering into marital alliances with local women, the Arabs may have ensured themselves of a spouse in the harbours which they frequented and this was of extra importance in Malabar on account of the strong taboos on commensality which developed here among the Hindus. The women with whom such ties were made were often of fisher and mariner castes.47 A seafaring life, trade with Arabia, and Arab missions led to extensive conversion among the Malabar fishermen.48 Therefore, a number of mukkuvans on the Malabar Coast embraced Islam during the missionary activities of Malik ibn Dinar. This group of converted fishermen was known as pusalars. It seems that conversion to Islam continued during the colonial period. The British census reports prepared in the late nineteenth century have recorded that the majority of Muslims in Malabar made their living as tenants or agricultural labourers. During the nineteenth and twentieth 44

45 46 47 48

Banerjee, Ruchira, ‘Mappilla Merantile Network of Malabar in the 18th century’, Gupta, Aniruddha (ed.), Minorities on India’s West Coast: History and Society, Delhi World Press: 1991. p. 156. Graeme, H.S., Report of the Revenue Administration of Malabar, 14 January, 1822. Dale, Trade. p. 14. Wink, Al-Hind. pp. 71–2. Hunter, Imperial Gazetteer. Vol. 9, p. 23.

10 The Malabar Muslims century Mappilla uprisings, the Mappilla peasants converted many of the low caste Hindu peasants called cherumars en masse in order to escape the tyranny of their janmis. For example, the cherumars who numbered 99,000 in 1871 were reduced to 64,725 in the next ten years. There was therefore a total loss of 34.6 per cent which has been attributed to conversion in the census report.49 These conversions particularly among the lower caste Hindus could have been accentuated by their poor economic conditions as well as the possible work incentives available within the flourishing Mappilla community both on the coast and the interior. It has however been found that the pusalars, despite conversion, remained a low status group within the Mappilla social hierarchy. Similar patterns of conversion on the basis of economic incentives continued in the twentieth century. For example, the cherumars were found to have converted in this period due to the oppressive land tenure system that continued from the nineteenth century. Thomas Shea, a scholar on the land tenure system of Malabar, writes: ‘Evidence pointing to the significance of conversion included the consistent decline in the population of cherumars over the period 1901– 31, the presence of a numerous subcaste called Puthiya Islam, meaning new (converts) Islam and evidence based upon difference in inheritance laws and caste customs prevailing among Muslims of the north from those of southern Muslims’.

The reference here is being made to the Muslims of south Malabar where the cherumar population was numerous in the first three decades of the twentieth century. Conrad Wood has argued that the cherumars certainly had material advantages on conversion. Even in the nineteenth century, a Cherumar was paid fewer wage than that of a free labourer such as a Mappilla.50 The material advantage that Wood talks of is obviously the prospects of a better earning as a Mappilla rather than as a Cherumar. Scholars such as Ibrahim Kunju and Roland Miller have also supported the argument of economic upgradation as a cause of Islamization in Malabar. Kunju explains that apart from the encouragement of rulers like the Samuthiris to convert to Islam, the low caste Hindus, till the twentieth century, were also attracted by better economic prospects open to them

49 50

Imperial Census Report, Madras Presidency, Vol. 1, 1881. Madras: Government Press, 1883. Wood, Conrad, ‘Historical Background of the Moplah Rebellion: Outbreaks, 1836– 1919’ Social Scientist, Trivandrum, August, 1974. p. 23.

The Hadhrami Roots 11 on conversion.51 Miller has argued that the presence of wealthy Arab merchants on the coastal settlements was a major attraction for the Hindu outcastes right from the early centuries.52 The utilitarian aspect of working for these merchants was that as Muslims, there were less restrictions on workers who transported trading goods from the interior to the coast, than as outcastes.53 Demographic statistics for the twentieth century showed that one-third of the Muslims of the Madras Presidency were found in the Malabar district in 1901 where thirty percent were Muslims against 6.5 per cent in the Presidency as a whole.54 Between 1911 and 1921, the Mappilla population in the west coast increased by six per cent. This increase was again attributed to conversion, especially when the Cherumar population had fallen during the decade by 7,000 or two per cent.55 By this period of time, the Malabar district had the largest concentration of Muslims in South India, the majority of whom were Malayalam-speaking Mappillas.56 Islamization in the form of Arab intermarriage with Malayali women continued even in the twentieth century. Evidence has been found that in 1907, a considerable number of Arab pearl-divers visited Ceylon and on their way back, halted at several places on the west coast such as Kozhikode where they contracted marriages for various periods of time with young Mappilla girls.57 In regions of Kondotti and Malappuram, the low caste Hindu peasants were also influenced by the egalitarian concept of Muslim religious preachers. This suggests that a large measure of voluntary choice went into their conversion to the new faith. In other words, the different social roles played by enterprising Arab traders, religious preachers, the encouragement of rulers and the economic prosperity of Mappilla merchants were the chief agents of Islamization in Malabar.

Muslim Settlements in Malabar The earliest Muslim settlements in Malabar which emerged on its coastal fringes were Ezhimala, Kozhikode, Kannur, Kollam, Chaliyam, 51 52 53 54 55 56 57

Kunju, Ibrahim, ‘Genesis and Spread of Islam in Kerala’, Journal of Kerala Studies, Vol. 3, 1976. pp. 487–8. Miller, Mappilla Muslims. p. 55. Ibid. Census of India Report, Madras, 1901, Vol. 1, part 1, p. 383. Census of India Report, Madras, 1921, Vol. XIII, part 1, p. 59. Ibid. Letter from Bradley to the Collector of Malabar, KRA/Judl./G.O.No.1560/5.12.1907.

12 The Malabar Muslims Parappanangadi, Tanur, Ponnani and Kodungallur. They settled around mosques, the first of which was founded in Malabar by Malik ibn Dinar in Kodungallur in the eighth century. The foundation of the mosque is linked by a well known Malabar tradition with the conversion of the last Chera king, Cheruman Perumal, to Islam. Unlike other mosques in the world, the Kodungallur mosque does not face Mecca but is inclined towards the east.58 As Malik ibn Dinar and his followers travelled around preaching Islam, they built mosques all along the Malabar Coast in Kollam, Ezhimala, Chaliyam and Kasargod. Some of the oldest Muslim settlements in Kozhikode were Kuttichira, Idiangara, Kondungal and Parappil, located in the nagaram desam of the city. Together they formed a close-knit colony bounded on all sides by the sea, the Kallayi river, the big bazaar and by the late nineteenth century, the railway lines. Many of the Muslims owned the best or superior types of garden lands. Shops and markets ran alongside their houses and around the mosques. The Kuttichira and the contiguous quarters of the town were populated almost exclusively by Mappillas. Several mosques built from the thirteenth century onwards in the nagaram desam provide evidence for the early arrival of Islam on the Malabar coast. Logan mentions the presence of no less than forty mosques in the town of Kozhikode.59 In the Kuttichira region, which was the oldest Mappilla quarter in the southwestern direction of the town, there were two mosques which stood on either side of the big tank known as Kuttichira, used for washing purposes. The mosque on the south of the tank was the Jamaatpalli, and the one on the north, was the Mishkhalpalli. The Muchandipalli was another ancient mosque in Kozhikode situated in Kuttichira. In an attack on Kozhikode in 1510, the Portuguese set fire to the Mishkhalpalli. Shaikh Zainuddin, the well-known historian, who lived in Malabar in the sixteenth century has given a vivid account of the struggle between the Portuguese and the Muslims, in his Tuhfat al-Mujahidin. It is believed that the original mosque had seven storeys but after the Portuguese onslaught, only four remained.60

58

59 60

Similar features were seen in some of the ancient mosques of Sind. Pillai, Balakrishna A., ‘The First Mosque in India. Flood of Light in History of India and Kerala,’ The Hindu – Illustrated Weekly edition, Madras, October 22, 1939. p. 7. Logan, William, Malabar. Vol. 2, Appendix xxi, New Delhi: 1951. p. ccxliv. Nainar, Husayn MS, Arab Geographers’ Knowledge of Southern India. Madras: G.S.Press, 1942. pp. 40–1.

The Hadhrami Roots 13 Recently, scholars have deciphered a stone inscription in the Muchandipalli which is dated to the thirteenth century written in two scripts. Parts of it were in Vattezhuthu script which was in old Malayalam. There were passages in Arabic by the side which the local Arab scholars deciphered as containing a series of Muslim personal names, passages of prayers and signatures. In the inscription, the king of Kozhikode seems to have granted a daily allowance of some rice to the Mucciyanpalli. From the rest of the portion, it may be gathered that certain lands in Kunnamangalam and Pullikkil were set apart for this purpose.61 The name Muchandipalli was probably the corrupt form of ‘Mucciyanre palli’ meaning the mosque founded by a person called ‘Mucciyan’. There was an old aristocratic Muslim house called ‘Muccinrakam’ or the house of ‘Muccin’ close to the mosque and a burial monument was also found there. These indicated that probably an Arab merchant named Mucciyan settled down in Kuttichira and built a mosque which was endowed with landed property by the Samuthiri Raja. M.G.S. Narayanan, in his study of the inscription, notes that the stone inscription registers a permanent grant of property by the Hindu monarch to the Muslim place of worship in his capital.62 In the eighteenth century, Tipu seems to have given generous inams for the upkeep of mosques. Some of them were renewed by the British during the later half of the nineteenth century. For example, the ancestors of the inamdar, Sayyad Abdulla Koya of the Koilandy mosque in the Kurumbranad taluk, were said to have drawn an allowance from the Nawab of Carnatic and Tipu for the support of the mosque.63 In 1780, funds were raised in the favour of Nawab of Carnatic for the Koilandy mosque, from the merchants, some Muslims and some Hindus, of different villages in the Tinnelvelly district, in the form of a small fee from each man’s load or bullock load of merchandise which passed their respective villages.64 Under the sanad (Arabic:certificate) granted to him by Tipu Sultan, Sayyad Abdulla of Koilandy claimed certain lands and houses as jagir

61 62 63

64

Narayanan, M.G.S., ‘The Zamorin’s Gift to Muccunti Mosque,’ Malabar Mahotsav Souvenir, Kozhikode, 1993. pp. 66–7. Ibid. p. 67. Order of Extracts Minutes of Consultation, dated 29 February, 1828 and Board’s Proceedings, dated 20th November, 1848. Inam Register, Ernad taluk, Kozhikode: 1966. Letter from the Collector of Tinnelvelly, J.Munro to J.M. Macleod, Secretary to the government, 6 June, 1826. Board’s Collections, IOR/F/4/1249/50263/1830.

14 The Malabar Muslims (revenue lands from the state) from the Malabar Joint Commissioners in 1793, but there was no record of the sanad in their diaries. On the recommendation of the Malabar Supervisor, the Commissioners allowed the grant, ‘only for the lifetime of the Syed as his Sunnad from Tipu expresses no longer duration of the grant’. Similarly, a sum of money appears to have been allowed in 1799 for the support of the Edakkad mosque till 1865 when the allowance was commuted into a grant of lands for the due performance of the ceremonies of the mosque and the tomb of the old thangals (Malayalm: priests) of the Pudiyangadi family.65 Grants were also made towards Muslim ceremonials in mosques in Ponnani taluk by Tipu as far back as 1776 and were used for meeting the expenses of illumination and festivals in the Arikode mosque, the Tannurpalli and the Koilandy mosque.66 In 1774, Tipu granted inams for the personal benefit of the Kondotti thangal and these were confirmed to the grandson of the original grantee, Kondotti Takiakal Shaikh Ishthiyak Shah Valia thangal in 1865, so long as he continued to be ‘true and loyal’ to the British government.67 Apart from the Mappillas, the only significant group of Hanafi Muslims was the Pathanis and the Tamil-speaking Ravuttans from the east coast. The Pathanis were said to have migrated from Mysore and Bijapur and settled in Kozhikode during Tipu’s Malabar expedition. They served in Tipu’s army and later in the nineteenth century were found in the government services. Tipu built the Pattanipalli or the Pattalapalli (Malayalam: Pattalam-army), in Kozhikode for his Pathani soldiers. As an Islamic community of the southwest coast, the Mappillas were unique in their religious and social behaviour. Despite their Arab origin, the Mappillas spoke Malayalam, the language of the native Malayalis. Arabic was used mainly for reading and recitation of the Koran. The ArabiMalayalam script was used and the beginning of Arabi-Malayalam literature is traced to the seventeenth century verse, Muhiyuddin Mala by Qadi Muhammad of Kozhikode.68 The script was however confined to the traditional learned Mappillas. The Mappillas were mostly Sunnis of the Shafi’i school like the coastal Tamil Muslims and the Navayats of Kanara, and differed in this from the rest of the Indian Sunnis who followed the Hanafi school. The reason was that the Arabs who travelled to the southwestern and southeastern coasts 65 66 67 68

KRA/Revenue/G.O.No.1222/3.11.1892. KRA/Revenue/G.O.No.1223/23.8.1892. Inam Register, Ernad Taluk, Kozhikode, February, 1866. Karassery, ‘Arabic-Malayalam’, in Engineer, Kerala Muslims. p. 168.

The Hadhrami Roots 15 of the subcontinent belonged to the Shafi’i school. In the Arabian Peninsula, the qadis took decisions on the civil and criminal cases on the basis of the works of jurists of the Shafi’i sect.69 The original source of the Shafi’i doctrine was the Kitab ul Umm, a text written by the founder of the school, Imam Ash Shafi’i, in 820 AD. However, the standard work on the Shafi’i law was the Minhaj ut Talibin of Imam Nanawi which dates back to the thirteenth century. The two important commentaries on the Minhaj were the Nihayat al-Muhtaj of Al Ramli, an Egyptian, and the Tuhfat al Muhtaj of Shaikh Shahabuddin Hailini, a south Arabian, written in the sixteenth century. In Malabar, because of its direct links with south Arabia, the Shafi’i law was transmitted through the Tuhfat al Muhtaj.70 The only Muslim rulers in Malabar were the Ali Rajas of Kannur. The royal house of the Ali Rajas was called the Arakkal House. The Arakkals had their domains spread all over the Chirakkal taluk in north Malabar, the southern part of the Kasargod taluk and the islands of Lakshadweep. The Arakkal women, respectfully addressed as beebis, held political office and even ruled their subjects in the island territories. They had monopoly over practically all of the lands in the islands, and their continuing commercial influence in the early nineteenth century was observed by Buchanan who reported that ‘the Biby possesses several vessels that sail to Arabia, Bengal and Sumatra’.71 The Ali Rajas functioned as a semi-autonomous power at Kannur like the Rajas of Chirakkal, Kottayam and Kadattanad. The town of Kannur was built at the ‘bottom of the bay’ and had considerable trading facilities. The Ali Rajas carried on a large maritime trade with the outside world.72 The coir industry of the Lakshadweep islands and the overseas trade formed the basis of their property. Other Mappilla settlements were found in South Kanara, that is, Kasargod taluk and Coorg, and the Lakshadweep islands. The Kasargod taluk was traditionally divided into north and south by the Chandragiri river. The population to the south of the river was predominantly that of

69

70

71 72

The school was started in Cairo and is now found in lower parts of Egypt, in the Hijaz, Aden, Hadhramaut, Yemen, Erithrea, Kenya, Tanzanyika, Malabar and Coromandel coasts of India, Malaya, Thailand, Indo-China and Philippines. Wilson R.K., A Digest of Anglo-Muhammadan Law. London: Thacker & Co., 1930. p. 418. The two important commentaries on the Minhaj were the Nihayat al Muhtaj of Al Ramli and the Tuhfat al Muhtaj of Shaikh Shahabuddin Hailini, a south Arabian. Ibid. p. 418. Buchanan, Francis, A Journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar. London: Cadell and Davies, 1807. p. 193. Menon, Padmanabha K.P., History of Kerala. Vol. 2, New Delhi: 1993. p. 544.

16 The Malabar Muslims the Mappillas of Malabar. According to the census report of 1931, the Malayalam-speaking population of Kasargod taluk was approximately 70 per cent and it was stated that the people whose mother-tongue was not Malayalam were found almost entirely north of the Chandragiri river. Kasargod and north Malabar had similar physical features. The southern portion of the taluk showed marked resemblance to north Malabar. This part was at one time within the domains of the Raja of Chirakkal. The landlords of this area had large extents of lands and were mostly Mappillas. Some of them also owned lands in north Malabar and most of them were related to families in Malabar.73 In the coastal villages of Kasargod, a considerable amount of tobacco was raised by Mappilla cultivators.74 The Lakshadweep islands were situated about two hundred miles west of Kozhikode. The four main inhabited islands of Androth, Kavaratti, Agatti and Kalpeni were densely populated by Mappillas. The people were originally Hindus from the mainland. As these islands were situated on the main Arab trade routes, the islanders seem to have embraced Islam around the fourteenth century under the influence of an Arab preacher, Ubaidulla.75 The Muslims of the islands followed practices similar to those on the mainland particularly in matters of property and divorce. It was against this landscape of the Muslim settlements in Malabar that the social structure of the community grew.

Social Structure Within the Mappilla community, there was a greater use of Malayalam terminologies rather than Arabic to represent its various social groups, may be because of local influence. Social groups were formed among the Mappillas as a consequence of intermarriage, migration and conversion at various periods of time. Some were dispersed all over Malabar and some were predominant in particular regions. For example, the sayyids or the thangals were common to the entire Malabar region; while, the keyis and the koyas were dominant groups in the coastal towns of Talasherri and Kozhikode respectively. The baramis and the themims were Hadhrami groups exclusive to Kozhikode. Again, the pusalars and the ossans were common to the entire Malabar coastline. Unlike the better known classification of Muslims in northern India into ashraf and ajlaf, the Mappillas identified themselves by their own group 73 74 75

Report of the Malabar Tenancy Committee, Vol. 1. Madras: 1940. p. 54. Imperial Gazetteer. p. 393. A.J. Platt Papers, 1934. IOR/MSS.Eur.D832/1.

The Hadhrami Roots 17 names. Using Gough’s classification, the middlemen traders, petty shopkeepers, wage labourers and peasants were categorized as ‘commoners’. The arakkals, the keyis and the koyas were regarded as ‘aristocratic’ Muslim families.76 The aristocratic lineages were granted land and wholesale trading rights by the local Indian rulers in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The arakkals of Kannur, the keyis of Talasherri and the koyas of Kozhikode were cases in point. Gough speculated that these aristocratic lineages may have had some judicial rights, probably equivalent to those of a Nayar77 village headman, over the Muslim commoners. However, only the arakkal Rajas seem to have held rights equivalent to the Nayar chief.78 The keyis flourished as wealthy traders and merchants. They owned extensive landed properties in Talasherri, some of which were leased from the Raja of Kottayam and also in Travancore, granted by the Maharaja of Travancore at the end of the seventeenth century.79 The keyis originally belonged to one family, but subsequently sub-divided into four families, namely, the Chovakkaran Keloth, the Pudiyapura, the Orkattari and the Valiyapurayil families. According to Mammad Keyi Sahib Bahadur, a landlord of Talasherri, ‘…We are ancient and as aristocratic as the Arakkal Rajas. We function as the benefactors and custodians of Muslim culture and tradition in North Malabar.’80

The term ‘koya’ is derived from khwaja (Persian: respected). The koyas claimed a high status on account of two reasons – firstly, the patronage of the rulers and secondly, their being rich, prosperous urban merchants. Like the keyis of Talasherri and the arakkals of Kannur, they were regarded in high esteem as the economically dominant group in Malabar, for the entire market trade in Kozhikode was held by them.81

76 77 78 79 80 81

Gough K., ‘Mappilla: North Kerala’. A Malayali Hindu upper caste. Ibid. p. 417. V.V. Kunhikrishnan, ‘Matriliny among the Mappillas of Malabar,’ in Engineer A.A., (ed.), Kerala Muslims. pp. 58–9. KRA/Revenue/G.O. No.1119/37/27.9.1937. Interview with A.P. Abdur Rahiman, Feroke College, Kozhikode, and P.P. Ummar Koya, Kozhikode, November 1994.

18 The Malabar Muslims The Shahbandar82 (Arabic: port chief) Koya enjoyed the rights and privileges of holding jurisdiction over all Muslims living in the bazaar; the right to levy poll tax on every foreign ship landing at Kozhikode; and standing, on ceremonial occasions, on the left side of the Samuthiri Raja.83 The koyas constituted the bulk of the Muslim population of Kozhikode. They were granted wholesale trading rights by the Samuthiris which were comparable to landed estates. The Koyas seem to be very much influenced by the Malayali society. According to local informants, one possible reason could be that many of them were supposed to be converts from higher caste Hindus like the Nambudiris and the Nayars. The Samuthiri himself is supposed to have asked some of the Nambudiri illams in Kozhikode to embrace Islam. A typical example of a koya family house was the Karuthedathu illam which was the name of a Nambudiri illam situated in kuttichira.84 Another example was that of a merchant called Sheikh Marakkar who came from Ponnani to Kozhikode. It is held that the Samuthiri allowed him to marry a Nambudiri woman and granted him many areas of land and a house in thekkepuram in the southwestern part of the town.85 The settlement register mentions the grantee of the Koyassam Marakkarakam paramba as Manavikrama Samuthiri Raja of Kozhikode.86 There was also a category of learned theologians, who could neither be classified as aristocrats nor as commoners. This group of Mappilla theologians consisted of the sayyids, who were respectfully addressed as thangals (Malayalam: respected) by the Mappillas. There were two categories of thangals- the early thangals and the later thangals. The sayyids of Malabar, originally from the town of Tarim, claimed to be the

82

83

84 85 86

It was the practice of the Hindu kingdom of the Samuthiri Rajas to appoint one of the leading Muslim merchants of Kozhikode as the Shahbandar. The word ‘Samuthiri’ in Sanskrit means ‘Samundri’ or sea-king. In the fourteenth century, the kingdom of the Samuthiris had its centre at Kozhikode and remained the most powerful kingdom until the eighteenth century. Miller E.J., ‘An Analysis of the Hindu Caste System in the interactions with the Total Social Structure in North Kerala’. Unpublished PhD Dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1950, p. 143. Interview with the kaarnavar of the Karuthedathu tharavaadu, Kozhikode, 12 October, 1994. Interview with the members of the Toppil tharavaadu, Kozhikode, 12 October, 1994. Survey and Settlement Register of Nagaram Desam, No.38, Kozhikode Taluk, Malabar District. Kozhikode, 1903.

The Hadhrami Roots 19 descendants of the fourth Khalifa and Fatima in the female line.87 As spiritual leaders, they wielded their influence all over Malabar and had been present in Malabar from the eighth century.88 It appears that the early thangals functioned as qadis in mosques. The first qadi of Kozhikode is considered to have been Malik-ibn-Dinar’s grandson, Zainuddin-ibn-Madani at the Chaliyam Jamaat mosque. This period coincided with the conversion of the last ruler, Cheruman Perumal, to Islam and the arrival of the first batch of missionaries from the Arabian shore.89 Initially, the Muslims of Malabar seem to have been under the authority of the Chaliyam qadi. The qadi of Kozhikode was appointed by the Samuthiri of Kozhikode and was given special privileges and dignities. For example, at the Mamakam90 festival, he along with the Shahbandar had the dignity of standing on the left side of the Samuthiri on the Vakayur platform on the last day of the festival. A letter from the royal camp at Vairanellur palace in 1759 addressed to the qadi, the Shahbandar Koya and the musaliar of the mosque says: ‘We have decided to start from here at the sign of Dhanu on the 13th day of Kanni 935 Malayalam Era and arrive at Calicut at the sign of Dhanu on the 18th instant. Therefore as we arrive at Kallayi you should as in times past be in attendance there for Akampati duty.’91

The thangals were highly respected in Mappilla society and were comparable to the sayyids of Arabia. In some clans, the thangals used both the Arab sayyid name and the matrilineal naming system.92 The sociological significance of a thangal’s name has been examined by D’Souza showing

87

88 89 90 91

92

In Hadhramaut, the sayyids were the most numerous. Most of the cultivable lands were in their hands. They considered their nobility better established than all the other descendants of the daughter of the Prophet. In other words, stratification was lineage-based in Hadhramaut. The language of lineage was used even in the economic divisions that were created. Berg, Hadhramaut. Wink, Al-Hind. p. 71. Logan in his Malabar Manual says that the Perumal’s departure to Arabia took place in 825 AD. Mamakam was a Hindu religious festival held once in twelve years at the banks of the river Bharatapuzha in Malabar. Ayyar, Krishna K.V. ‘The Mamakam,’ Malabar Mahotsav Souvenir, Kozhikode, 1993. p. 48; Abdur Rahman K.V. and Ibrahim Kunju A.P., ‘Muslims of Calicut – A Historical Account,’ Calicut Corporation Centenary Celebrations Souvenir, Kozhikode, 1966. p. 17. Ibid. p. 75.

20 The Malabar Muslims that a thangal had two group names, one patrilineal and the other matrilineal. For example, in the name ‘Sayyid Muhammad bin Mustafa Hydros Vettampokirianakam Atta-Koya Tangal’, Sayyid showed the connection with the Prophet, Muhammad was the personal name, Mustafa was the father’s name, Hydros the Arab group name of the father, Vettampokirianakam, the mother’s tharavaadu name (a tharavaadu is a matrilineal joint family), Atta was the maternal uncle’s name and Koya was the matrilineal group name. When the names of different thangals were examined, it was found that their patrilineal group names were of Arab origin and the matrilineal group names were of local type, showing thereby that all the male ancestors of the thangals were Arabs and the female ancestors were Malayali women.93 This seems to be the result of an all-male migration of Arabs from Arabia. An example of an early thangal settlement was that of the Makhdum thangals at Ponnani. The Makhdum thangals, named after Shaikh Zainuddin al-Ma’bari (1467– 1521), founder of the training school at Ponnani (founded in the fifteenth century) were pioneers of traditional Islamic learning among the Mappillas. Ma’bari was the author of a mystic poem, Hidayatul Tariqat il Auliya, a ‘manual of sufism in Malabar’. According to the commentary written on the Hidayat by his son, Ma’bari had been initiated into the Chishti tariqa.94 Zainuddin’s grandson, Shaikh Muhammad al-Ghazzali wrote a textbook on the shari’a called Fathul Muin.95 The Makhdum Thangals were also known as the Ponnani thangals. The activities of the Makhdum family centering around the big Juma mosque made Ponnani a centre of Muslim learning. According to Buchanan, ‘Ponyani is the residence of the Tangal or the chief of the Moplays, who says that he is descended from Ali and Fatima. Both the Tangal and his sister’s son, according to the custom of Malayala, is considered as the heir to this dignity…’96

In religious matters, the Ponnani thangal was the head of the community and held important powers of appointing Imams (Arabic: one who leads the prayers) and mullas (Persian: religious teacher) in mosques. They served as qadis in mosques and officiated at all religious ceremonies. Haider Ali,

93 94 95 96

D’Souza, ‘Sociological Significance’, p. 39. Kunju, Ibrahim, ‘Origin and Spread of Islam in Kerala’ in Engineer (ed.) Kerala Muslims pp. 25–6. Miller, Mappilla Muslims. p. 260. Buchanan, Journey. p. 102.

The Hadhrami Roots 21 the Sultan of Mysore, made an inam grant to the Ponnani thangal in 1765– 66 which said: ‘Whereas I have determined to give in Enaum to Abdool Rayman Hydross Peergad (the Mappilla Thangal of Ponnani), son of Syed Mustafa of Cochin, land the produce of which may yield 400 Rupees, in the Kozhikode taluk, you are hereby directed to give to Peerjad such land, the produce of which may yield 400 Rupees situated in the talook of Kozhikode as he may ask. You will see that he enjoys that annually. This order to be entered in the Accounts by the Shanbague and to be returned to him (Peerjad).97

A generous contribution was also extended by Tipu to the Makhdum Thangals in the form of inams which were renewed by the British. In a letter from the Board of Revenue dated 13th June 1825, they were of the opinion that Rayman Hydross Pargeed’s sanad ought to be considered “as an hereditary grant”.98 ‘Mahomed Hussen Muckadom has frequently brought me your father’s letter, which have given me satisfaction. You say that the produce of your lands being appropriated to the purposes of charity, you did not in the time of Tipu pay any revenue… . This gives me great pleasure and has assured me of your good wishes for the Honourable Company. I have therefore sent an order to Mr. Stevens, the Southern Superintendent, not to collect any revenue from your land … So long as you show yourself a faithful subject of the Company you may depend upon their support and protection always.’99 In the eighteenth century, a second major wave of Hadhrami migration occurred, in which a new group of sayyids from Hadhrami centres like Tarim and Mukhalla sailed to Malabar as merchants and missionaries.100 Around the same time, there was a large-scale Hadhrami migration to East Africa and Southeast Asia. Stephen Dale argues that the settlement of Hadhramis in Muslim dominated towns and villages in Kerala, such as Tirurangadi, represented one of the most important ways in which

97 98 99

100

From the Translation in the Records of 1825. Logan, Treaties. p. 121. Ibid. p. 121. Letter from William Gamul Farmer, Esq., Supervisor of Malabar, dated 1793, October 2nd or 969. Kanni 21st. Translated 5th August 1798. Diary of the Second Malabar Commission, dated 5th August, 1798. Logan, Treaties. p. 208. Dale S.F., ‘Trade, Conversion and the Growth of the Islamic Community of Kerala, South India’ Paper presented at the International Conference on Islamization in South Asia, Oxford Centre of Islamic Studies, Oxford, 1989. p. 16.

22 The Malabar Muslims immigration of West Asian Muslims continued to influence the expansion of Islamic society in southern India and throughout much of Southeast Asia.101 Hadhrami groups were found dispersed all over coastal and interior Malabar either as traders or as religious leaders and sometimes they combined their commercial and religious activities. They considered themselves to be the highest status group in the social scale. The jifris of Kozhikode and Mambram were examples of the eighteenth century thangal migration. As discussed earlier in the chapter about the Alawiyyas, two interrelated sayyid lineages arrived in Malabar in the eighteenth century. Sayyid Hasan Jifri arrived in the first half of the eighteenth century and settled in Mambram in the Ernad taluk. Around 1746, he was joined by his brother, Sayyid Shaikh Jifri, who settled in Kozhikode.102 Their nephew and Hasan Jifri’s son-in-law, Sayyid Alawi arrived in Malabar around 1766–67. He was addressed as Taramal Thangal after the name of his house, and also as Pukkoya Thangal. Sayyid Hasan had a daughter and his nephew, Sayyid Alawi ibn Sahl Thangal, married her as his first wife. He married two more women and had various descendants103 (see Table 1.1). The inam for the Mambrampalli was made by Tipu (date of the grant unknown). Members of the Jifri and Alawi lineages were members of, or associated with, the Alawi tariqa. In Sayyid Shaikh Jifri’s late eighteenth century work, Kanz Barahin, the Alawis of Tarim were repeatedly praised.104 Jifri hints at the emigration of large numbers of ‘alims to Malabar, who were presumably Hadhramis as well.105 The sayyids exercised varying degrees of spiritual and political influence over the local Muslims.106 On his father’s death, Sayyid Fazl took over as the leader of the Mappilla community. Buzpinar, in a study of Ottoman relations with the family, argues that under his leadership, they became more politicised. He used his influence to undermine the presence of the British rule who had been affecting developments in the area since the 1790s and who also influenced

101 102 103 104

105 106

Ibid. Karim, Abdul K.K.M., Hasrat Mambram Sayyad Alavi Thangal. Tirurangadi, 1975. pp. 15–20, 60–4. TNA/Judl(Confdl.)/G.O. No.1027/25.6.1912. Dale, ‘The Hadhrami Diaspora in Southwestern India: Sayyids of the Malabar Coast,’ Paper presented at the International Conference on South Arabian Migration Movements in the Indian Ocean: The Hadhrami Case, 1750–1967. School of Oriental and African Studies, London, 27–29 April, 1995. pp. 10–11. Ibid. p. 11. Ibid. p. 12.

The Hadhrami Roots 23 Table1.1: Genealogical Table of the Jifris of Malabar

Source: Adapted from the genealogical table of the Jifris in Arabic from Dale S.F., ‘The Hadhrami Diaspora in Southwestern India: The Sayyids of Malabar’, Paper presented at the International Conference on South Arabian Migration in the Indian Ocean, SOAS, London, April, 1995; ‘Letter from Sayyid Ahmad, son of Sayyid Fazl, to the Mambram Restoration Committee dated 5.4.1933’, in Moidu Maulavi E., Ende Koottukaran Mohammad Abdurahiman Sahib. Thrissur 1964, pp. 206-217; TNA/Judl.(Confdl.)/G.O.No.1027/ 25.6.1912.

24 The Malabar Muslims developments in Aden, Mukhalla and Muscat in their attempt to protect their trade route in India.107 In the mid-nineteenth century, Mambram became the centre of Mappilla uprisings and was supported by Sayyid Fazl, the then Mambram thangal. In 1852, he was asked to leave Malabar for Arabia, which he did along with his family. He was not deported, though he probably would have been, had he not consented to go, nor was his property confiscated. He escaped to Istanbul along with his five sons and one daughter.108 The Mambrampalli formed the property of the tharavaadu of Sayyid Fazl who in 1858, transferred all of it in his elder sister’s name. The amount of revenue on the land was very little and the land itself had been enjoyed tax-free for more than fifty years. It was confirmed to Puthiya Maliakal Kunhi Beevi of Kozhikode, next inamdar, by the Inam Commissioner J.W. Robinson, for the purposes of the inam as long as she lived109 (see Table 1.1). After Sayyid Fazl left for Arabia, there had been constant correspondence among British officials about him on two points, first, the efforts of Fazl and his sons and relatives to get back to Malabar, and second, the recovery and management of the property alleged to have been left behind by him. Regarding the first issue, the policy never allowed him or his sons to come back to Malabar. Secondly, there was evidence to prove that Sayyid Fazl’s sister’s husband had held the income from the mosque properties at his disposal.110 In 1872, the District Magistrate of Malabar reported that his property consisted of a few old family residences, with the usual gardens attached to them, in the vicinity of the hereditary mosque; and that the said property was managed by a local agent under the supervision of Sayyid Alawi Jifri of Kozhikode, also known as Pudiyapilla Koya, who had married Sayyid Fazl’s sister. The hereditary mosque formed part of Sayyid Fazl’s property. The evidence gathered confirmed that Pudiyapilla Koya collected the offerings made at Mambram thangal’s tomb and held the money at the disposal of Sayyid Fazl. In 1888, Sayyid Fazl executed an order in favour of one of his descendants, Muthukoya Thangal, that the income of his properties should be devoted to the management and repair of the mosque and for meeting the expenses of pilgrims. Sayyid Alawi Jifri’s son, Abdulla Jifri, also had the hereditary rights over the management of the properties

107 108 109 110

Buzpinar, Abdul Hamid II. p. 228. TNA/Judl. (Confdl.)/G.O. No.1027/25.6.1912. Inam Register, Ernad Taluk. TNA/Judl. (Confdl.)/G.O. No.1027/25.6.1912.

The Hadhrami Roots 25 in Mambram. He is said to have reformed Arabi-Malayalam and he also had an interest in English education.111 He died in 1908. Meanwhile, Sayyid Fazl was invited to become the Amir of Zufar in Hadhramaut but after some political chaos in the region, he moved to Mukhalla, from there to Egypt, and finally to Constantinople where he served in the Turkish government.112 After his death, the government gave grants to his children which were stopped after the First World War.113 In 1926, Sayyid Fazl’s son, Sayyid Ali, reached Madras via Colombo and submitted a petition to the government claiming rights to the Mambram properties.114 He was informed by the British government in Malabar that action under the Madras State Prisoners’ Regulation of 1819 would be taken against him if he returned to Malabar without permission.115 He therefore left for Egypt. This family history traces the Arab roots of some of the thangals of Malabar, and the amount of power and influence they wielded on Mappilla society. For example, some of these Hadhrami thangals like Sayyid Fazl, took an anti-British stance by giving spiritual benediction to several Mappilla outbreaks against the oppression of the Hindu janmis (landowners) and the British government.116 Furthermore, the annual celebrations held at the tombs of their ancestors, their prosperity in terms of large amount of property holdings, and the adoption of local practices like transferring properties to their sisters in the matrilineal pattern were significant. There were instances of sayyids migrating to Southeast Asia from the Malabar mainland as in the case of a certain Sayyid Abdurrahman bin Mohammad az-Zahir. Born in Hadhramaut in 1832, he was taken to Malabar by his father. He studied in Kozhikode and was conferred the rank of colonel by the Nizam of Hyderabad. After a few years, he left in 1864 for Atjeh (in Southeast Asia) where he preached theology and law and became the most influential person in the region.117 The thangals were an important force in the expansion of Islam in interior Malabar. Writing about a village called Tirurangadi in interior Malabar,

111 112

113 114 115 116 117

Parappil, Kozhikottu. p. 95. ‘Translation of letter sent on Sayyad Ahmad to the Mambram Restoration Committee,’ in Moidu E., Ende Koottukaran Muhammad Abdurahiman Sahib. Kozhikode: Mohd. Abdurahiman Press, 1964. pp. 209–11; Fortnightly Reports, February, 1934. Ibid. p. 213. Ibid. p. 213. Ibid. p. 216. Kunju, Origin. p. 26. Berg, Hadhramaut. p. 57.

26 The Malabar Muslims Dale says that the sayyids possibly acted as catalysts in the conversion process.118 They played important roles as qadis and managed the annual nerchas (festivals) in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Some of them like the Mambram thangals mobilized the community against the British in the form of militant activities. Others like the jifris of Kozhikode did not participate in the anti-British activities and in fact, as shown, members of the family, like Abdulla Jifri, took interest in English education.119 Apart from the sayyids, there were other groups that migrated from Hadhramaut to Malabar, particularly to Kozhikode in the eighteenth century. They were the baramis and the themims. The baramis traced their local roots to Mukhalla in Hadhramaut. Also found in Egypt and Indonesia, they claimed to have descended from the Prophet’s lineage. The first migrant to Kozhikode was Valiagath Haji Ali Barami who carved an economic niche for himself in this commercial port as a shipbuilder. The barami workshops were located in Beypore, the other important port near Kozhikode. The First World War report lists Valiagath Haji Ali Barami as one of the important local shipbuilders who provided ships for the British army. There were other barami families who flourished as timber merchants.120 The themims were a small group from Tarim who sailed to Malabar at the same time as other Hadhrami groups. They probably got their name from the themim tribe in Hadhramaut. The first migrant of the themim family initially lived in Cochin and later moved over to Kozhikode. The few families that lived in Kozhikode were the descendants of the same ancestor. Their hereditary occupation was to serve as commission agents for cargoes exported to the Persian Gulf.121 The pusalars were found all along the Malabar coast and in the Kasargod taluk.122 The ossans were a group of barbers and their women were hired as singers for social functions like weddings. The term ossan was probably derived from ‘muzayyinin’, who were barbers and singers in Yemen. Both the pusalars and ossans were endogamous groups. They were considered

118 119 120 121 122

Dale, Trade. p. 17. Parappil, Kozhikottu. p. 95. Interview with Abdulla Barami, Barami House, Kozhikode, October, 1994; KRA/ Revenue/June 1918. Interview with V.S. Kadir Koya Mulla, Kozhikode, September, 1994. D’Souza V., ‘Status Groups among the Moplahs on the south-west coast of India’, in Ahmed Imtiaz (ed.), Caste and Social Stratification among Muslims in India. New Delhi: Manohar, 1978. p. 46

The Hadhrami Roots 27 inferior because of their low occupation. They had separate neighbourhoods on the sea-shore. By virtue of their occupation, the ossans formed the lowest section in the Muslim community. The ethos of South Indian Muslims of the harbour towns was the exact opposite of the rural orientation of the Malayali Hindu society. As Wink observes, ‘Among the Muslims, the hierarchy of social ranks came to be determined by the tradition of physical mobility and participation in trade’.123 The Mappillas conveyed social exclusion primarily on the basis of lineage, wealth and occupation, articulated in various forms of physical and social distance like private mosques, burial grounds, residential segregation and marriage alliances. The symbols of stratification were both physical and behavioural. Lineage as a form of distinction between different sections of the Mappilla society was asserted by the thangals and the baramis of Hadhrami origin. As descendants in the line of the Prophet like the sayyids in Hadhramaut, the thangals claimed to be the highest religious authority in Malabar. The very use of the word ‘thangal’ as a way of addressing the sayyid group was symbolic of their high status. Other than the sayyids, the baramis also considered themselves as high status Hadhramis compared to the themims, on account of their lineage. However, they were not spiritually superior to the thangals. Tharavaadu was also symbolic of social and economic status among the matrilineal families of the koyas, the keyis, the baramis and the themims and was one of the important criterion in securing marriage alliances. The very expansion of Malabar’s trading networks account for the early presence of Arabs in the region. On this point, one can draw parallels with the port towns of the Coromandel Coast like Kilakkarai, Kayalpatanam and Pulicat which controlled the international textile trade that linked South India to the trading diasporas in West Asia and Southeast Asia. As a consequence of this, Muslim men rose to prominence in the Tamil country’s local court centres.124 A similar phenomenon was noticed in Java, Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula.125 The wide social network of Malabar port towns such as Kozhikode, Beypore, Talasherri and Kannur reflected their strategic and economic importance for migrant communities. By making elbowroom for such communities, these towns further enhanced

123 124 125

Wink, Al-Hind. p. 73. Bayly, Susan, Saints, Goddesses and Kings: Muslims and Christians in South Indian Society 1700–1900, p. 74. Evangelista, Oscar L., ‘Some Aspects of the History of Islam in Southeast Asia,’ in Gowing, Peter (ed.), Understanding Islam and Muslims in the Phillippines, p. 19.

28 The Malabar Muslims their position as maritime towns. It is against this landscape and social setting that an Arab-Islamic community grew. We can therefore infer from the social structure of the Mappillas that the thangals were spiritually superior whereas the keyis, the koyas and the baramis were economically superior. The pusalars and the ossans were occupationally inferior. In other words, there was no homogeneity among the different sections of the community.

Economic Conditions and Occupations of Mappillas In the northern divisions of Malabar like Talasherri and Kannur, the bulk of the inhabitants were Mappilla merchants. In the southern division where there were more townships and cities on the coast, rich Mappillas were engaged in peaceful commercial pursuits.126 Other than these, there were landholders and agriculturists among them in both the northern and the interior taluks of Malabar. Forbes, writing in the nineteenth century, describes the Mappillas as, ‘...the principal merchants both for foreign and home trade; many are the proprietors of trading vessels, navigated by Muhammadan commanders and seamen, in which they make an annual voyage to the Persian and Arabian Gulfs...’127 The first Principal Collector of Malabar in 1802, Major Macleod observed that the Mappillas formed by far the greatest part of the population of towns on the coast. In the interior parts of the southern districts, they lived in detached houses like the Nayars; and in those of Ernad, they possessed a larger portion of landed property than the Nayars.128 Francis Buchanan, in his travelogue observed in the early nineteenth century that: ‘About fifty years ago, the Moplays of this place were very rich and possessed vessels that sailed to Surat, Mocha, Madras and Bengal; but the oppression of Tipu has reduced them to great poverty... They however have a few small boats that go to Tellicherry and Calicut for supplies of European and Bengal goods.’129

126

127 128 129

Volume containing Official Memoranda and Correspondence Relating to the Condition of Malabar and the Activities of the Malabar Commission, 1796–1800. Walker of Bowland Papers, NLS/MSS.13616 and 13623. Forbes’ Oriental Memoirs, Vol.1, London, 1834. pp. 258–9. Letter from Major Macleod, Kozhikode, 18.6.1802, Mackenzie Collection: General, IOR/ MSS/Eur.49. Buchanan, Journey from Madras. p. 102.

The Hadhrami Roots 29 In Malabar, by 1871, out of 37,195 traders, 27,121 were Muslims, and nearly all of these were Mappillas. Conveyers, who also came under the category of commerce, were mostly Muslims. The number of Muslim cultivators and labourers were 49,906 and 70,426 respectively.130 The census statement also showed that in the Madras government service, out of the 3,577 men in the army, military and police, 1,155 were Nayars and 740 were Mappillas.131 Some Mappillas were employed in the tile factories like the one set up in Kozhikode in 1874. They found employment in the railways too. Other than being a centre of tile-making and timber yards, Kozhikode was also an important port of shipment of coir products. Work in the beedi and cashew factories of Malabar was done mainly by Muslim women.132 The census of 1881 reported that the class of ‘converted’ Muslims was mostly fishermen, sailors and coolies in the coastal towns and cultivators in the inland taluks of Walluvanad and Ernad.133 The Kolar gold fields also employed a number of Mappilla labourers. Writing in 1897, Fawcett, during his tenure as the superintendent of Police in Malabar, has argued that, ‘Moplas have done the heaviest work and earned the reputation of being the best workmen... in the building of the iron bridges which the Madras Railway Company have thrown over the big rivers of the Presidency; and in the gold mines in south India, the best miners are Moplas.’134

Knife and tool grinders were also very common in Malabar, perhaps owing to the practice of carrying knives which all Mappillas observed.135 The chief saw mills were in Kallayi in Kozhikode where many people were engaged as woodcutters, carpenters and timber dealers.136 Trees in private forests were felled for timber by Mappilla merchants on payment of a stump fee and dragged by elephants to the nearest river to be taken to the coast.137

130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137

Census Report, Madras Presidency, 1871, Vol.1, pp. 153–4. Ibid. p. 353. Census Report, Madras, 1881, part 1; Woodcock, George, Kerala. London: Faber & Faber, 1967. p. 299. Census Report, 1881. Fawcett, Moplahs. p. 300. Census of India Report Madras, Vol. XV, Part 1, 1902. Ibid. Tour Diary – Fifth Tour of Arthur Lawley, Malabar, 13–24 September, 1907.

30 The Malabar Muslims Between 1896 and 1915, the timber trade flourished providing work on the hills, on the rivers and in the timber mills; tile works opened everywhere; rubber estates started work; more weekly markets were opened and these were almost in the hands of the Mappilla petty traders who travelled daily from one to another; and emigration to the Straits and Colombo increased.138 The increase in Mappilla labourers in Ernad was due to the establishment of six rubber estates in the decade between 1891 and 1901; in Ponnani, it was stimulated by the increasing demand for the products of coconut.139 Fish-curing was mainly in the hands of Mappillas. In coastal towns, there were many prosperous timber merchants among the Mappillas. As far as Mappilla representation in the army was concerned, the Deputy Commissioner for Salt and Abkari (liquor) Revenue, southern division, E.S. Laffan, wrote to the Madras Revenue department in 1889 that in the recruitment of Mappillas for general service in sufficient numbers to form class regiments, a wide distinction had to be made between those of south and north Malabar. He wrote: ‘Whereas in the south, a Moplah will eat food cooked by a nair, in the north, he would I believe starve. They are very strict Muslims in North Malabar, and of course, no true followers of the Prophet will have anything to do with liquor.’140

In the Kozhikode and Palakkad regiments, he reported that there was a fair sprinkling of Mappillas among the peons; but in the Talasherri circle, there was not a single Mappilla in the Abkari department despite efforts to enlist them. In Chavakkad and Ponnani, enlisting Mappillas for the Abkari or police department or for the formation of class regiments would not be difficult provided a sufficiently attractive pay was offered. The reason Laffan gave was, ‘They were very keen successful traders as a class, and the wages demanded by them were generally higher than those claimed by other classes of people’. This report of Laffan shows that the social status and hierarchy among the aristocratic Mappillas of north Malabar in relation to those in south Malabar and also the Hindu castes, forbade them from joining some of the government departments like the Abkari and the army. It also shows

138 139 140

Hitchcock, R.H., Peasant Revolt in Malabar. Madras: Government Press, 1925. p. 14; Census Report, 1911. Census Report, 1911. KRA/Revenue (Confdl.)/G.O.No.5413-89/5.11.1889.

The Hadhrami Roots 31 that the Mappillas as traders claimed a higher economic position and therefore demanded higher wages. However, two regiments of Mappillas were recruited for the Madras army in 1906.141 In the Carnatic Infantry Regiments recruited between 1916 and 1918 during the war crisis, men enrolled were mostly Mappillas.142 After the Mappilla rebellion of 1921, the Madras government considered the possibilty of sending the Mappilla rebels to the Middle and North Andamans along with their families to be employed in the forests. This they thought would solve the problem of the provision of labour for the forests. In return, there were to be no charges upon the settlement and the forest authorities would take care of their rations.143 A 1923 report said, ‘... so far only seven Mappilla families have been sent to the Andamans and of these, four have returned to India’. The Madras government however tried to encourage more Mappilla deportees along with their families to immigrate to the islands.144 At a public meeting of Muslims held at Madras in 1925, the members condemned the action of the government because the islands had been pronounced inhabitable for people and it would also depopulate the southern taluks of Malabar of their Mappilla population.145 In the same year, twenty-five Mappilla convicts already in the Andamans were returned temporarily to jails in Madras with the object of allowing them to personally influence their own, and the wives and families of other convicts to emigrate. These men had taken back 292 men, women and children with them. They had been given the option of remaining on the islands as self-supporters, either as labourers in the forest department or on coconut or other plantations leased to private capitalists, or as smallholders. The families mostly migrated from the Ernad and Walluvanad taluks.146 Among the three political units of Kerala, the Malabar District sent the largest number of migrants to other regions. For example, in Malaya, the emigrants from Malabar or their descendants in 1931 were more than 25,000. There were migrants in Burma and Sri Lanka too. A high proportion of Mappillas predominated as workers either in the estate or in the nonestate sectors. The non-estate workers comprised of dockworkers,

141 142 143 144 145 146

Imperial Gazetteer, Provincial series, Madras, Vol. 2, p. 341. KRA/Revenue/June 1918. NAI/Home (Jails)/File No.527/1922. Ibid. NAI/Home (Jails)/File No.279/1925. Ibid.

32 The Malabar Muslims construction workers, miners and factory hands. Migrants linked to trade consisted mainly of Mappillas who engaged themselves as retail distributors, hoteliers and pedlars.147 It has been observed by Susan Lewandowski that the Mappillas who migrated to the Madras city in the 1940s made fortunes by running hotels, biscuit factories, textile factories and import-export firms. She has also noted that a Muslim timber merchant who migrated from Malabar owned one of the largest timber firms in South India with twenty branches in Madras city.148 In other words, the economic conditions of the community varied from region to region and between different social groups. Against the backdrop of the economic and social structures, the institutional and social changes within the community will be the highlight of the next few chapters.

147 148

Joseph, K.V., Migration and Economic Development of Kerala. Delhi: South Asia Books, 1988, p. 42. Lewandowski, Susan, Migration and Ethnicity in India: Kerala Migrants in the City of Madras, 1870–1970. Delhi: Manohar, 1980.

Family and Inheritance Laws 33

2 Family and Inheritance Laws: Continuities and Changes

Geographical location played an important role in determining the social behaviour of the people of the southwest coast. Malabar was traditionally divided into vadakke or north Malabar and thekke or south Malabar by the Korapuzha or the Kora river. This river functioned as a social boundary for the Hindu Nayar women of north Malabar who, by custom, did not cross the river as it meant losing one’s own caste. Similarly, for the Mappillas too, it was a social frontier. Says Hamid Ali, ‘The more one proceeds to the north in the district beyond Korapuzha river, the more strict is the observance of the rule of the matrilineal system of descent.’1

Systems of Descent The matrilineal system of descent in Kerala is called marumakkathayam. The origin of the marumakkathayam system is still debated among anthropologists, sociologists and historians. In Malabar, it is believed that the marumakkathayam system was a fall-out of some kind of practice of polyandry, the evolution of which has not been historically researched. The practice was most common among the Hindu Nayars. The most accepted view on the origin of the marumakkathayam was the peculiar social custom of having hypergamous relationships between a small section of the Nayar elite and the Nambudiris in certain regions of Kerala, and also

1

Ali, Hamid, ‘The Moplahs’, in Gopal Panikkar, T.K., (ed.), Malabar and its Folk. Madras: G.A.Natesan and Co., 1929. p. 274.

34 The Malabar Muslims the occupation of Nayar men in the royal militia because of which they were away from their homes for an indefinite period of time.2 It was a custom among the Nambudiris that only the eldest son could marry and the rest of the sons were not allowed to marry but could have relationships with Nayar women. The practice enabled them to hold their family properties intact. The followers of the marumakkathayam custom were commonly addressed as marumakkathayees. A variant of this system was the aliyasantana system practised by the Billavas in South Kanara. It is considered older than the marumakkathayam system and postulates inheritance through the female line, yet, the principal heir is always the sister’s son. A kind of visiting-husband system was originally practised by the Nayars. According to the custom, the Nayar women consorted with a man through sambandham marriage.3 This led to a system where Nayar families welcomed other males as evening visitors – arriving after supper and leaving before breakfast – to have liaisons with their women. These men however had no rights over the women or their children. This visitinghusband system meant that the woman lived permanently in her maternal house and this provided the ideal social setting for the evolution of matriliny. Says D’Souza, ‘... it is found in various degrees on the west and east coasts of India, in Ceylon and Sumatra. This type of marriage was particularly suited to the peculiar mode of life of the Arab sailors, and these Arabs made full use of this institution which was locally present in Kerala. With only a few exceptions, the Mappillas of Arab descent have retained many of the mother-right traits.’4

2

3

4

Arunima, G., ‘Colonialism and the Transformation of Matriliny in Malabar, 1850– 1940,’ Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1992. p. 19. ‘Sambandham’ originated from the sanskrit word bandham meaning connection. Among the Nayars, a man negotiated with a woman’s family head, got the approval of the woman and presented her with a cloth. This was called sambandham. Either the man or the woman could end the sambandham with little formality. This custom was determined by conventions. It was not a strong marital attachment between a man and a woman which was characteristic of the rest of India. This led some scholars and foreign travellers to describe it as a ‘quasi-matrimonial connection’, ‘casual union’. See Balakrishnan, P.V., Matrilineal System in Malabar. Kannur: Satyavani Prakashan, 1981. pp. 95–6; and Unny, Govindan, Kinship Systems in South and Southeast Asia: A Study. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1994. pp. 109–116. D’Souza, Status Groups. p. 43.

Family and Inheritance Laws 35 Other than Nayars, the visiting custom and matriliny was followed by the Thiyyas of north Malabar and the Muslims of north Malabar and Kozhikode. There were however regional variations to it. Among the Thiyyas and the Mappillas, this was not a case of polyandry. It was the influence of the Nayars who formed a dominant social group. Among the Muslims, matriliny was adopted as a matter of convenience. The initial phase of intermarriage between the Arabs and the local women was of a temporary nature and hence the father did not play a significant role. The children were brought up in the mother’s house and this therefore planted the roots of matriliny among the Malayali Muslims. Robertson Smith, who has studied the marriage patterns in early Arabia, says, ‘... in mut’a marriage, the woman did not leave her home, her people gave up no rights which they had over her and the children of the marriage did not belong to the husband’.5 In a discussion on the hostile attitude of Islam to mut’a marriage, Kapadia argues that matrilocality and matriliny is inherent in a mut’a marriage and they clashed with patrilocality and patriliny that had come to be the feature of the contemporary Arab family organization for which Islam stood. Hence he says that this type of marriage is an anachronism.6 The Mappillas observed both the Islamic style of nikah and the Hindu style of kalyanam. The nikah was solemnised with the reading of the Koran by the qadi, the payment of mahr and the formal betrothal in the presence of three witnesses. The residence rules of the Muslims varied from region to region. The Muslims of north Malabar and Kozhikode followed a duolocal residence pattern where a man stayed in his own house and visited his wife and children at his wife’s maternal house. This custom seems to have been adopted from the local Nayars. Gradually, for the sake of convenience, duolocality was replaced by uxorilocality. In this system, the man stayed with his wife’s kin permanently. In other words, matrilocal residence pattern became the accepted social model. The common family-type of a matrilineal system was a joint family residing in a tharavaadu.7 The matrilineal joint-family centred in the tharavaadu house formed a domestic group.8 The tharavaadu was usually 5 6 7 8

Smith, Robertson, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. pp. 198–20. Kapadia, K.M., Marriage and Family in India. New Delhi: OUP, 1955. p. 175. ‘Tharavaadu’ is a Malayalam word for an extended joint-family household originally used for the Nayars. A domestic group is a social group occupying or centred in a dwelling house, living and usually eating together and characteristically exercising corporate control over family property.

36 The Malabar Muslims headed by the eldest male member of the joint family who was addressed as the kaarnavar. He held the management rights of the tharavaadu and was responsible for keeping the joint-family intact. When the tharavaadu house could no longer accomodate any more members, smaller branches of the joint family were created. They were known as thaavazhis. A thaavazhi was a group of persons consisting of a female ancestress, her children and all the descendants in the female line. While the members of the thaavazhi ceased to have legal right to the property of the parent tharavaadu, their kinship ties continued. The thaavazhis also came under the jurisdiction of the kaarnavar. Within the Arakkal royal family of Kannur, matriliny was the dominant form of social organization. After marriage, the husband stayed at the wife’s house and the royal descent was traced in the female line. The Arakkal beebis, as the women in the family were called, administered the district as heads. The keyis were also matrilineal. The baramis and the koyas followed a type of visiting marriage like the local nayars and thiyyas, in which the wife lived in her parental house and her husband visited her there. This practice was also found in early Arabia where it was known as beena marriage.9 To suit their matrilocal residence patterns, the koyas preferred local endogamous marriages. The groom was addressed as pudiyapilla (which means a ‘new groom’ or a ‘bridegroom’) and his advice was sought by the matrilineal kinsfolk in all the tharavaadu matters. In his discussion on the social organization of the Mappillas in the early twentieth century, Edgar Thurston observes, ‘... in some parts such as Calicut, the husband is only a visitor for the night.’ The continuance of the practice into the twentieth century was confirmed by a local informant.10 Gradually, the man left his natal home after marriage and settled permanently in his wife’s house. The members of the family held corporate rights over the tharavaadu property. Although in Islam, a patrilocal household was the accepted norm, the koyas and many other groups among the Malabar Muslims were matrilocal like the keyis, the baramis, the themims and the Arakkal royal family.11 In Malabar, marital alliances among the keyis were confined only to a few selected families. The koya men were allowed to have exogamous marriage alliances with the keyis and the Arakkal beebis. The women of the Arakkal family did not marry men from Kannur, however respectable they

9 10 11

Smith, Kinship. pp. 198–204. Interview with Prof. Shiyali Koya, Kozhikode, 1994. Interview with Hafiz Mohammad, Kozhikode, September, 1994.

Family and Inheritance Laws 37 were because, they were their subjects. Instead they sought marital alliances with men from the highest status groups of Talasherri and Kozhikode.12 Similarly, the men of the Arakkal family also sought alliances from these status groups. For example, one of the ladies of the Toppil tharavaadu in Kozhikode was given in marriage to the Arakkal house of Kannur.13 The proprietor of the Marakkar paramba of Kozhikode was the Arakkal Sultan, Kannur Puthiya Pandikasala Valia Arakkal Raja.14 The baramis were an endogamous group as late as the 1960s.15 These groups considered themselves to be economically superior to the thangals and the themims. In Miller’s observation, a combination of factors such as bloodlines, position and wealth determined hierarchy in the case of the Kuttichira Muslims of Kozhikode, who would not ordinarily give their daughters in marriage outside the limits of their aristocratic group.16 The thangals generally intermarried only among themselves. This may be because they considered themselves spiritually superior to all the other groups. They may be compared with the sayyids of Hadhramaut for whom, as Berg has argued, the marriage of their daughters with any individual of a different social group was regarded as a misalliance by the law; and although the laws itself did not go so far, custom, in Hadhramaut, did not allow such a misalliance. He further observes that the most powerful chief of a tribe could not obtain, as wife, the daughter of the lowest of the sayyid.17 Descent and kin formations among the Mappillas varied according to their residence rules. In the matrilineal households, descent was traced through the female ancestress of the joint family. Therefore, in a uxorilocal family set up, the maternal kinsmen formed the corporate members of the property group. The relations between the kin members were essentially co-residential. The kin network was large in an extended joint family house where the kin formation was based on a chain of relationships with the female head of the family – that is, a woman and all her brothers and sisters, her own and her sisters’ children, their grandchildren in the female line and their descendants. The husbands of the female members

12 13 14 15

16 17

D’Souza, Status Groups. p. 51. Interview with the members of the Toppil tharavaadu, Kozhikode, October, 1994. Survey and Settlement Register of Nagaram Desam, Kozhikode taluk, 1903. The baramis since the 1960s have started considering marriage outside their kin groups. They intermarried with the koyas but did not form alliances with the other Hadhrami sections. Interview with P.N. Barami, Kozhikode, 1994. Miller, Mappillas. p. 253. Berg, Hadhramaut. p. 41.

38 The Malabar Muslims and the wives and children of the male members of the tharavaadu were excluded from its membership. As Victor D’Souza describes, the tharavaadu mainly indicates the kin relationship among the members.18 Other than economic ties, the members were also bound by social ties such as pollution during death and birth ceremonies and other social occasions like weddings. Unlike the north Malabar Muslims, those of Kozhikode adopted both the patrilineal and the matrilineal principles of descent, called double descent. This was peculiar to the Muslim social groups of Kozhikode such as the koyas and the Hadhramis. The tharavaadu house belonged to the eldest woman of the family and from her it descended to her consanguineallyrelated kin through her daughters. Unlike the matrilineal Hindu families where the man was a father in the biological sense but played no social role as a father, the matrilateral Mappillas gave importance to the father who held disciplinary rights over his children and was permanently attached to the matrilineal household. The economy of the community also had an impact on their kin structure. Most of the Muslims along the coast and in the bazaar towns subsisted on trade. The kind of trade varied from small scale shops to wholesale markets as well as overseas trade. In the interior regions, the primary means of subsistence was agriculture and river trade. Trade in itself involved physical mobility and that meant the frequent absence of men from their homes. This created a setting for the children to be brought up in the mother’s house where they were looked after by her brother that is, their maternal uncle. In this way, all the sisters, their children and their grandchildren lived in the same house and had a permanent interest in the tharavaadu. The descendants of this ancestry formed the matri-kin. Trade on a largescale involved heavy investment and manpower. The resources for that investment usually came from the tharavaadu properties and for that a matrilineal set up was ideal because the fragmentation of landed property was rare. Moreover, it was probably more lucrative to have members from the same household involved in running the family business so that the profits would be incurred by the same tharavaadu and invested again in buying more landed property for its upkeep. In the patrilineal extended families where trade or agriculture were the chief sources of subsistence, it was a practice to share the economic activity among the agnatic kin members and this helped in keeping the family resources intact. 18

D’Souza V., ‘Kinship Organization and Marriage Customs among the Moplahs on the Southwest Coast of India,’ in Ahmed, Imtiaz (ed.), Family, Kinship and Marriage among the Muslims in India. p. 144.

Family and Inheritance Laws 39 Kathleen Gough has argued that because of their dependence on markets based on cash payments, their frequent buying and selling of gardens, their use of land for cash crops, and their relative mobility, the lineage tended to degenerate into a mobile extended family.19 Cash crops needed a huge investment and for that the kaarnavar used the tharavaadu properties and the family members shared in the management and marketing of the produce. Every tharavaadu had its own family business run by its own kin members and that in a way cemented the kin relations in a matrilineal household. Many koya and barami tharavaads traded in timber and spices for the overseas market as well as shipping especially in the Arabian Peninsula. In the eighteenth, nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the matrilineages in Kozhikode and regions of north Malabar like Talasherri and Kannur formed close-knit economic units by virtue of their share in the family occupations and property rights. The kindred were bound by mutual ties of sharing and dependence in the domestic responsibilities. Those merchant families which had regular trade links with the Persian Gulf and other distant countries, such as the baramis and the koyas, preferred the matrilineal household because of the mobility involved in long distance trade. The maternal tharavaadu gave stability to their families and strengthened the kinship bonds in economic and non-economic matters. Writing about the Nayar kinship systems in the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries, Arunima argues, ‘In this period, the matrilineal household was characterised by a fluid structure, and was not spatially locatable to ‘a’ particular house alone. This meant that kinship within a household was not restricted only to those who lived, ate or shared domestic responsibilities together. In addition, a household could own property and exercise extra-economic jurisdiction in lands that were scattered over several villages which were often not contiguous with one another.’20

This was true for the mother-right Muslims too as in the case of rich tharavaads in north Malabar and Kozhikode like the keyis, the Arakkal family, the baramis and the koyas. One possible fall-out of a flourishing cash

19

20

Gough, Kathleen, ‘Incest Prohibitions and Rules of Exogamy in Three Matrilineal Groups of the Malabar Coast,’ International Archives of Ethnography, Vol. 46, No.1, 1952. p. 103. Arunima G., Colonialism. p. 16

40 The Malabar Muslims economy could have been the investment in more landed properties and the branching out of Muslim tharavaads into more thaavazhis.

Property and Inheritance In Kerala, the most dominant form of inherited property was the tharavaadu house itself and other landed property like garden lands, paddy lands, retail shops or share in imports and exports of commodities. The customary forms of inheritance practised by the Malayali Hindu population were the marumakkathayam and the makkathayam. Among the marumakkathayees, every member, whether male or female or minor, had an equal interest in the common stock of the tharavaadu, but no member could claim ownership of his or her share of it. The kaarnavar held the right to mortgage the property to clear debts but he could sell it only with the consent of the other members. The debts incurred by him for the tharavaadu was entrusted on the tharavaadu females only. Men had only maintenance rights in the house and women had all the property rights. A female ancestress having property rights but without a heir could adopt a female only. The marumakkathayam rights remained the same for widows.21 Seniority on the questions of descent of property was one of age and not that of actual relationship. Although the brothers and the nephews could become the head of the tharavaadu management, in practice, in a marumakkathayam family, the person who was senior in age, be he the brother or the nephew, succeeded to the management of the tharavaadu or the thaavazhi. Thus if a marumakkathayee died leaving a brother and a nephew and if the nephew was older than the brother, it was the nephew who became the kaarnavar and not the brother. In undivided tharavaads, persons who were strictly cousins in the family line but were considered ‘brothers’, succeeded to the titles of the deceased marumakkathayaees. In the early decades of the nineteenth century, branches were created largely on the basis of matrilineal principles, which meant that only women were allowed to separate and set up a new thaavazhi. This meant that brothers, sons or nephews in a tharavaadu were dependent on the goodwill of the women within their households.22

21

22

Civil Vyavaharathin Sambandicha Mohammada Sastra Sangraham. Translation of Madras High Court Pleader Gopachariar’s English copy. Kozhikode, undated. (Malayalam), IOR. Arunima, Matriliny. p. 117.

Family and Inheritance Laws 41 Special concessions and privileges were granted to children of marumakkathayam or aliyasantana households. For example, a new version of the Village Officers’ Special Test Notification previously published in the Fort St. George Gazette, in 1906, but subsequently amended in 1937, read as follows: ‘The fee for admission to the examination will be one rupee for all registered minors and for the sons and brothers of persons governed by the aliyasantana and the marumakkathayam laws of succession in the South Kanara and the Malabar districts, who are holding or have held, within three calendar years preceding the date of the exam, the office as a karnam, assistant karnam or headman in a ryotwari, or a property village in the districts.’23

Similarly, in 1946, under the Madras Educational Rules, fee concessions were granted to students governed by the aliyasantana or the marumakkathayam law. The income of both the guardian, that is the uncle and the parent had to be ascertained as well as the details of the person who actually met the cost of education of the student before the grant was made.24 This facility could have been availed by the marumakkathayee Mappillas as well. This is an indication of the importance that continued to be given to marumakkathayees at official levels.

Muslim Marumakkathayees The Muslims of north Malabar were marumakkathayees living in the tharavaadu houses managed by the kaarnavar. The rights and obligations of the kaarnavar were similar to the Nayars. Descent and kinship among them were traced from the senior-most female of the house. They were strictly matrilineal and since the members belonged to the same parent family, they did not intermarry. For example, the keyi women were given in marriage to non-keyis. Even the commoner Muslims of this region like small traders, shopkeepers and inland traders were marumakkathayees because it suited their physically mobile profession. Hamid Ali observes that although among marumakkathayees, the wife lived in her tharavaadu house maintained by her kaarnavar, nevertheless, among prosperous tharavaads, it had become a practice for the husband to maintain his wife, even though she lived with her maternal kindred for social reasons.25 23 24 25

KRA/Revenue/G.O. No. 9548/37/2.8.1937. TNA/Educational/G.O.No.458/5.3.1946. Ali Hamid, Custom. See footnotes. p. 88.

42 The Malabar Muslims A notable custom among the matrilineal Muslims was the giving of stridhanam (gift made to the bride) grants which were made by the tharavaadu for the maintenance of its women and their children on the condition that in case of a divorce, the grants would be returned to the donor. The Kozhikode Muslims differed in significant ways in their social organization from those of north Malabar and south Malabar. They had also been influenced by the indigenous customs of the local society. They had adopted certain aspects of the matrilineal system like but in matters of inheritance, they adhered to the Islamic law. In other words, they were marumakkathayees as far as descent and kinship was concerned but makkathayees in their mode of inheritance. The koyas, the baramis and the themims maintained tharavaadu houses managed by the kaarnavar. The tharavaadu however belonged to the kaarnoti (female head of the matrilineage) of the house and her female descendants. Among the baramis, house tax was the responsibility of the kaarnoti.26 Among the Kozhikode Muslims, except for the tharavaadu house in which the male members had no share, all the other incomes like shares in business or cash crops were divided according to the Islamic law where the daughters received only half the share of the sons. The reason given was that the daughters inherited jewellery as part of their wedding gifts and were maintained from the income of the tharavaadu even after their marriage.27 The duolocal and matrilocal residence patterns, the tali-kalyanam and the stridhanam grants were all un-Islamic customs, yet, they indicated signs of local adaptations. The Islamic custom of nikah and mahr, the social importance given to the role of the father, and his paternal rights in a matrilineal set-up and the strict adherence to the Islamic laws of property and inheritance bound them as a separate religious entity. In a way, they had struck a flexible compromise between the marumakkathayam and the Islamic customs. These Muslims may be compared with those of the islands of Lakshadweep. Owing to the monopoly of all the island lands by the Arakkal beebis, houses formed almost the only kind of real property. According to the island laws, no man could have claim to a house. It belonged to the women of the family and the men had only the right of residence and maintenance till their marriage. A man moved to his wife’s house and took her family name after marriage. Other properties were divided according to the

26 27

Interview with P.N. Mohammad Barami of the PNM tharavaadu, Kozhikode, 15 September, 1994. Ibid.

Family and Inheritance Laws 43 Islamic law of succession.28 Private property known as thingalazhcha sothu or Monday property passed to a man’s children by ordinary Muhammadan law. Family property known as velliazhcha sothu or Friday property passed to a man’s sister’s children in accordance with the custom of the Hindu Nayars of the mainland. A.J. Platt, who was the administrator of the Lakshadweep islands between 1929 and 1944, observed that this duplication led to much complication and a good deal of litigation. It often happened that there was no evidence to show to which class a certain piece of property belonged and in such cases, one group would challenge the other to swear in the mosque that he was lawfully entitled to it. If he did that he obtained the rights to the property.29 Platt actually settled more than one case on the islands by this method.30 Similarly, the Kozhikode Muslims also had a dual system of family organization. They combined the matrilineal principles of matrilocality and descent with that of the Islamic rules of inheritance. The Muslims of south Malabar were largely converts from the thiyyas and the cherumars, who were patrilineal in their family organization. Family property was divided according to Islamic law and by tradition, the family house was inherited by the youngest son.31 However, there were exceptions among the south Malabar Muslims. For example, the thangals conformed to the virilocal rule of residence where the wife lived with the husband’s kin in a paternal extended family. They followed a system of double descent, that is, they were makkathayees as far as descent and inheritance was concerned but were marumakkathayees in the succession of the religious office.32 According to the Malabar Gazetteer: ‘In the south, the makkathayam system was usually followed but it is remarkable that succession to religious sthanams, such as that of the Valia Thangal of Ponnani, usually goes according to the marumakkathayam system.’33

The thangals usually belonged to old marumakkathayam families except for a few like the Mambram and Kondotti thangals, who were of later origin. Hamid Ali has analysed the possible reasons why the religious 28 29 30 31 32 33

Ellis, R.H., A Short Account of the Laccadive Islands and Minicoy. Madras: Government Press, 1924. pp. 76–7. A.J. Platt Papers, 1929–44. IOR/MSS. Eur.D832/I. Vol.1. pp. 4–5. Ibid. p. 5. Ibid. p. 3. D’Souza, Kinship Organization. p. 143. Thurston, Edgar, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. IV. Madras: Government Press, 1909. p. 492.

44 The Malabar Muslims offices of the thangals descended according to the marumakkathayam rules. Firstly, he argues that this particular system was the most stable for the conservation of wakfs by the kaarnavar for the tharavaadu. Secondly, since it was customary for them to marry the girls in their tharavaadu only to sayyids, while that was not mandatory on their men, hence, the descendants of the sisters of a Mappilla thangal were bound to be purer in blood than those of the male members. Therefore, in order to maintain the purity and sanctity of the religious office, it was natural to appoint a person descended in the marumakkathayam line.34 For example, the Makhdum Thangal, as kaarnavar of the Pazhiagam tharavaadu, ‘… is descended in the female line from an Arab, named Zein-ud-din who more than 600 years ago, was said to have founded the Muhammadan College at Ponnani.’35

In the case of the qadi of Mambram, he was the senior male member in the marumakkathayam line of descent and the qadiship of the Mambram Jamaat mosque had been hereditarily vested in his family.36

The Court Scenario With the take-over of the administration of Malabar entirely by the British in 1800, the court scenario saw a gradual frequency in the number and variety of civil cases. Cases were dealt by both English and Indian Judges. The appeal suits were usually first heard by the lower courts and often they decided the cases in accordance with the local custom. But when the cases were forwarded to the higher courts, the judges mostly reversed the decisions of the lower courts. Often there was hardly any consensus between the courts at the two levels. Although the marumakkathayam system and the janmam rights of the Malabar janmi prevented the absolute alienation of property, Malabar recorded a large proportion of leases registered in the Madras Presidency.37 There is not much evidence in the form of detailed reports on the succession disputes of the Mappillas in the early nineteenth century. Only a few have been recorded. It was only from the 1870s that the Judges, 34 35 36 37

Ali, Hamid, Custom. pp. 107–8. Ibid. p. 107. Petition of the qadi of Malappuram to the Collector of Malabar. KRA/Revenue/ G.O.2869-19/29.3.1919. Innes, C.A. & Evans F.B., Gazetteer of Malabar and Anjengo. Madras: Government Press, 1908. p. 167.

Family and Inheritance Laws 45 both English and Indian, began battling with the increasing complexities of the customs, usage and the disputes within the Muslim households over lines of succession, that were soon entering the courtrooms. From the 1860s, English Judges in the courts of Malabar and the Madras Presidency, such as William Holloway,38 Herbert Wigram, the District Judge of South Malabar from 1875 to 1882, and Lewis Moore39 were getting interested in the customary practices of the Mappillas. But their ruling on cases was never uniform and varied according to the circumstances of the cases. The Mappillas being strictly Shafi’i Muslims unlike the Hanafi Muslims of most other parts of India, the Shafi’i legal texts were consulted to judge certain cases regarding marriage, maintenance and divorce. Fitzgerald argues that the Shafi’i school, wherever it was dominant in the Muslim world was uncompromising in its attitudes to customs. However, customs have had its revenge; and wherever Shafi’i doctrines predominated, a large and flourishing body of custom existed alongside law.40 Fitzgerald’s arguments also hold true for the Shafi’i Muslims of Malabar. Generally, the Shafi’i school had special rules of divorce. For example, a khula divorce was exclusive to the school where a separation was effected by mutual discharge from the marriage tie. Faskh was the dissolution of the contract of marriage by judicial decree and could be demanded on any ground which could invalidate the marriage contract such as cruelty or impotence. The inability to maintain was also a ground of divorce only special to the Shafi’i school.41 When a Mappilla woman filed a complaint against her father in the court in 1928, that her consent had not been obtained before the performance of her nikah, the lower courts upheld her contention. The Judges of the District Court referred to Wilson’s Anglo-Mohammedan Law in which he had quoted the Minhaj at Talibin to the effect that: ‘Not only female minors, but adult women who are virgins may be disposed of irrevocable in marriage by the father or failing him by the paternal grandfather with or without their consent; but their consent is nevertheless desirable.’42 38

39 40 41 42

Holloway was appointed the Subordinate Judge of Kozhikode in 1857; the Civil and Sessions Judge, Talasherri, in 1861; and the Judge of the High Court of Judicature, Madras, in 1862. Lewis Moore also served in Malabar from 1882 as District and Sessions Judge. Fitzgerald, S.V., Muhammadan Law. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1931. p. 16 Wilson, R.K., A Digest of Anglo-Muhammadan Law, pp. 422–3. Hassan Kutti Beary v. Jainabha; I.L.R., 42 Madras, 1929. p. 39.

46 The Malabar Muslims In this case, the court ruled that under the Shafi’i law, the consent of a woman who was an adult virgin was as essential as under Hanafi law to validate her marriage. Therefore, the marriage of the Mappilla girl should be held invalid because her father had not secured her consent for it.43 Similarly when a Mappilla woman of Kozhikode sued her husband for dissolution of marriage on the grounds of cruelty and impotence, the Lower Court held that the suit should be decided in accordance with the Shafi’i law. The husband was asked to grant his wife a khula divorce for a sum of money fixed by the qadi of Kozhikode. The court held that under the Mohammedan law, a khula was valid even though it may be granted under compulsion.44 Persistent failure to maintain was also considered cruelty. For example, a Mappilla woman sued her husband for the recovery of the arrears of maintenance because he had neglected to maintain her. The man pleaded that the arrears were not recoverable unless the amount had been previously fixed between the two parties. The Judges consulted the Tuhfat al Muhtaj, an authoritative commentary on the Minhaj at Talibin. It was expressly stated in it that maintenance was a debt on the husband even if it was not decreed by the qadi. Therefore, the judgement held that the wife was entitled to recover arrears though not due under the decree of the court or a mutual agreement.45 These instances have proved that the Shafi’i text was used as the authority in the courts for justifying the cases and giving appropriate judgement. The Shafi’i laws were also favourable to Mappilla women particularly in matters of divorce and maintenance. Among the marumakkathayam Mappillas of Malabar, gifts were often made to the husband of a girl given in marriage as a contribution towards the maintenance of the girl and her future children. The gifts consisted of paying kaipanam (Malayalam: purse money) and stridhanam or strisothu (Malayalam: woman’s property) to the bridegroom. Strisothu descended in the female line only.46 One of the terms of the strisothu was that in the event of a divorce, the gifts had to be returned to the wife’s tharavaadu. The peculiarity of strisothu property was that only females could have the

43 44 45 46

Ibid. Vadake Vittil Ismail v. Odakkel Beykutti Umah; I.L.R., 3 Madras, 1881. p. 347. Kozhikotu Palliveetil Mahamed Haji v. Moidin Kalimabi; I.L.R. 41 Madras, 1918. p. 211. The continuance of the practice into the twentieth century was seen on the west coast and among some Tamil Muslims where large sums of money or land were given by the bride’s father to the bridegroom on specific terms. Yakub Hasan Sahib Bahadur to the Collector of Malabar, KRA/Home(Misc.) G.O.No.6753-18/25.1.1919.

Family and Inheritance Laws 47 right of management. For example, in the karuthedathu tharavaadu of Kozhikode, according to a written deed dated April, 1873, the kaarnoti transferred the house to her female descendants.47 If we look at some of the civil cases that were dealt in the courts of Malabar in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it is clear that the property given as strisothu devolved to females only. For example, in the Bivi Umah v. Cheriyath Kutti case, the intention of a Mappilla named Pakki was to leave his property to his sisters and to their daughters, without power of partition or alienation.48 Again, in the Kandath Veetil Bava v. Musaliam Veetil Pakrukutti case of 1907, properties consisting of a house and lands were given by a Muslim mother to her daughter as strisothu.49 There was a prolonged debate in the courts of north Malabar whether there was a custom or usage prevailing among the marumakkathayam Mappillas by which property could be settled as strisothu on the female members of the tharavaadu or thaavazhi to the exclusion of the males. The debate also centred on the question of whether the female members could sell the family property for necessary tharavaadu purposes without the consent of the males.50 The judgement held no objection to the rights of the female owners of a strisothu property. They were allowed to manage and enjoy what was their own, and to utilise the income in a particular manner. These rights were valid till the death of the last survivor of those to whom the properties were allotted in the deed.51 Although in a Mappilla tharavaadu, all the male members habitually followed trade as an occupation, there was however a rule specified by the courts concerning the trade of a tharavaadu. In 1919, the courts ruled that in the absence of evidence that a trade carried on by a kaarnavar52 had been the trade of a tharavaadu as a whole or at least the adult member of the tharavaadu had consented to it, the other members of the tharavaadu were not bound by the liabilities incurred by the kaarnavar in connection with the trade.53

47 48 49 50 51 52 53

Written deed preserved in the karuthedathu koya tharavaadu in Kozhikode, dated April 1873. (Malayalam) Interview dated 12 October, 1994. S.A. No. 932 of 1894, MWN, 1910. pp. 693–4. Also see I.L.R. 16 Madras, 1892. p. 201. I.L.R., 30 Madras, 1907. p. 305. Muhammad Kunhi v. Pakrichi Umma, I.L.R., 46 Madras, 1923. p. 650. Avulla v. Kottayi Matha, S.A. No.157 of 1930, 21.2.1934; MWN, 1934, pp. 874–8. The seniormost male in a tharavaadu and therefore its head and manager. Kutti Haji v. Kunhi Haji, I.L.R., 42 Madras, p. 761.

48 The Malabar Muslims

Customary Law versus Islamic Law The practice of customary law among Muslims had been observed in many Muslim countries. For example, in the Malay Peninsula, the Muslim law of succession was varied by customary law. In some regions of Africa also, the Shari’a failed to replace the customary law. Even in the strongholds of Islam, the existence of customary law contrary to the Shari’a was noticed. In Morocco, though Islam had taken deep roots for centuries, the usage proved stronger than the Shari’a and the daughters did not inherit.54 According to Coulson, ‘…Certain tribes of the Yemen never relinquished their established customary law under which, inter alia, women did not enjoy any proprietary rights’.55 In the Indian context, Tyabji says, ‘… Custom being inheritance in a particular family had long been recognized in India, although such custom was unknown to the law of England and foreign to its spirit.’56

The Malabar Muslims were no exception. Their rules of descent and inheritance were however more complicated than those of the Hindu Nayars. On the basis of reported cases, Lewis Moore had categorized the variations in succession rules into three broad types. Firstly, there were those in the north who inherited according to marumakkathayam rules. Secondly, even among those who were matrilineal, it was sometimes a practice to treat the self-acquisitions of a man as descending patrilineally. This kind of double descent was peculiar to some Muslims of north Malabar and almost all of them in Kozhikode. Thirdly, among those who followed the Islamic law of succession, it was not unusual for them to hold family property jointly, and for the property to be managed by the father and, after his death, by the eldest son like the Hindu joint family system. Regarding the inheritance system among the Mappillas of Malabar, the census report of 1891 observed: ‘Families following different systems of inheritance intermarry, and then the succession gets complicated and most expensive litigation follows. The race is a very litigious one.’57 54

55 56 57

Sivaramayya, B., ‘Equality of Sexes as a Human and Constitutional Right and Muslim Law’, in Mahmood, Tahir, (ed.), Islamic Law in Modern India. New Delhi: New India Press, 1972. p. 74. Coulson, N.J., A History of Islamic Law. Edinburg: University Press, 1964. p. 137. Tyabji, F.B., Muhammadan Law. Bombay: N.M. Tripathi & Co., 1940. p. 73. Census Report, Madras Presidency, 1891, Vol. XIII, p. 278.

Family and Inheritance Laws 49 The Mappillas of north Malabar followed the marumakkathayam system regarding succession and not the Mohammedan law. In 1809, the Sudder Court at first refused to recognise the local usage among the Mappillas of north Malabar.58 But in 1816, the Provincial Court of the Western Division held that the marumakkathayam law of inheritance was applicable generally to Mappilla families in Kannur.59 Although the Mappillas in Malabar generally followed closely the Hindu custom of holding family property undivided, yet, as they were not subject to the personal law of the Hindus, their claims could not be governed by legal presumption of joint ownership.60 For instance, in the case of Kunnath Ahmed Koya v. Ainan Kutty, it was decided that although the members of the family of makkathayam Mappillas were entitled to the definite shares prescribed by the Islamic law, the property of the father was not at once divided on his death. It was kept joint and was managed by the eldest member on behalf of the others. This joint enjoyment of family property especially prevailed in Malabar where the wives of Muslims were often selected from tharavaads who followed a rather stricter coparcenary law than the other Hindus.61 There were several examples of Muslim families where one spouse was governed by the patrilineal laws and the other by the matrilineal ones. The Madras High Court Judge, William Holloway, described the peculiar custom among some of the Mappillas where the self-acquired property descended according to Islamic law while the tharavaadu property descended in the female line as ‘a piebald system of descent’. In a case of a north Malabar family decided in the late nineteenth century, Holloway, at that time, the Civil Judge of Talasherri, laid down the law as follows: ‘The presumption of course is that of nephews, as is the rule of North Malabar universally.’

The Sudder court on appeal upheld his decision.62 However, in 1861, when it came to deciding a case of a family that followed both the marumakkathayam and the Mohammedan laws, he held the ‘piebald system of descent’ invalid.63 58 59 60 61 62 63

S.A. 5 of 1809, I Sudder Decisions, p. 29. Quoted in Moore, Lewis, Malabar Law and Custom. Madras: Higginbothams, 1905. p. 323. A.S. 44 of 1816, Moore, p. 323. Ibid. A.S.20 of 1882. Nambiar, Govinda, A Handbook of Malabar Law and Usage. Madras: Government Press, 1899. p. 45. S.A. 651 of 1860, Moore, Malabar Law. pp. 323–4. A.S. 110 of 1861, Moore, Malabar Law. p. 324.

50 The Malabar Muslims In a case filed in 1892, land which originally belonged to a Mappilla was given after his death to his wife and her children according to a wish orally expressed by him. The donor seemed to have been governed by the makkathayam law and his wife and children by marumakkathayam law. The idea of separate self-acquired property had long been familiar in Malabar, and here the donees, if they took the property as self-acquisition, would be better off than if the gift was part of the tharavaadu property. The court’s judgement read that the donor expressed no intention as to how the properties should be held by the donees. Therefore, it was presumed that they should take them as part of their tharavaadu properties according to marumakkathayam usage which governed them.64 A similar debate arose on the issue of marumakkathayam and Mohammedan laws when a kaarnavar of a Mappilla tharavaadu sued to recover property acquired by his late sister and now in the possession of her children. The question framed was whether in marumakkathayam Mappilla families in north Malabar, the devolution of self-acquired property was governed by ordinary Mohammedan law, or whether on the death of the acquirer it lapsed to the tharavaadu. The defendants pleaded that the property had been given to them and their mother jointly and that their mother was not governed by marumakkathayam law. The suit was dismissed on the grounds that the evidence was not convincing enough.65 The thaavazhi as a corporate unit was an important consideration in deciding cases. A thaavazhi had always been understood as consisting of a mother and all her children and descendants in the female line. With all its members, it formed a corporate unit capable of holding property as such. A body consisting of a woman and some of her children could not be recognized as a thaavazhi as it was opposed to the basic principle of marumakkathayam law that the mother was the source of the line of descent and not the father.66 The system of descent worked differently with the Mappillas of Kozhikode. This is clearly illustrated in a suit where a Mappilla of Kozhikode following Mohammedan law made a gift of some properties in favour of his mother. The gift was to be enjoyed by his mother and her female descendants. The children of the donor filed a suit for the declaration that the gift was not valid. Justice Krishnan held that the gift was opposed to Mohammedan law as it created a new line of succession.

64 65 66

Kunhacha Umma v. Kutti Maami Hajee, I.L.R., 16 Madras, 1892. p. 201. Illikka Pakramar v. Kutti Kunhamed, I.L.R., 17 Madras, 1893. p. 69. Moithiyan Kutti v. Mammali, MWN, 1928, p. 331.

Family and Inheritance Laws 51 Upholding his view, it was decided that the gift was invalid. The gift could not operate in favour of the donees as the primary intention of the Mappilla, following Mohammedan law, was to create tharavaadu property.67 This shows that a Mappilla who followed Mohammedan law, could not, even if he desired, create a tharavaadu property. Custom, accompanied by what was considered to be sufficient evidence, was often accepted. For example, the junior member of the Cheria Orkatari branch of the Chowakaran Orkatari keyi tharavaadu, claimed a higher maintenance from his kaarnavar on account of the fact that he was married. It was proved by the evidence of his witnesses that, by custom, a Mappilla living in his wife’s house was entitled to maintenance and that a married man was entitled to a larger sum. The court declared that there was evidence to support the custom and therefore the junior member had to be given a higher maintenance.68 The various cases that have been analysed makes it clear that the courts had difficulties in administering a double law of inheritance and declared judgements according to the evidences provided in each hearing. They arrived at the decisions on the basis of proof as to which property was ancestral and which self-acquired, and if the custom was proved that the nephews inherited one and the children the other, to give effect to that custom. It was also binding on the children to prove what portion of the property was self-acquired and whether it was acquired from private funds and not from tharavaadu funds. In many instances they looked for precedents in the previous cases. Among the English Judges, Lewis Moore noted that despite the attempts of the courts to stifle the customary practices of the Mappillas, they still existed and were in full force in the Lakshadweep islands.69

Legislation In the early twentieth century, some important Bills were presented in the Provincial Legislature in a bid to Islamise the personal laws of the Malabar Muslims. The Bills passed were the Mappilla Succession Act, 1918, the Mappilla Wills Act, 1928 and the Mappilla Marumakkathayam Act, 1939. At the All India level, the Shariat Application Act was enacted in 1937.

67 68 69

MWN, 1925. p. 107. Ibid. Moore, Malabar Law. p. 326.

52 The Malabar Muslims A deputation from the Muslim (Mappilla) Educational Association, Kasargod and the Mappillas of Talasherri and Kannur, sent a petition to the Provincial government saying, ‘… we earnestly pray that it may be enacted that the law regarding the devolution of the self-acquired property of a Mappila marumakkathayam family, or of a property which he may have got as a gift from either of his parents, shall be the Mohammedan law.’70

The Collector of Malabar issued a Press communiqué inviting opinions on the legislation from north Malabar. Thirteen meetings were held in the Chirakkal taluk which were well-represented and almost all of them were presided over by the qadis of the localities. At some of the meetings, the qadis and learned maulavis went as far as declaring that if anyone were to say that he did not want that his self-acquired property should, on his death, devolve according to the Mohammedan law, he would turn a kafir (infidel). A few Mappillas of Talasherri were of the opinion that no necessity existed for any change in the existing law as marumakkathayam Mappillas were now at full liberty to will away their self-acquired property by the Malabar Wills Act of 1898.71 There were many who felt that the legislation if carried out would be a serious blow to the marumakkathayam system and hence they did not want to disrupt existing tharavaads. Some of the Muslims of Kottayam and Kurumbranad pointed out that the tharavaads would continue to increase in size and every member would continue to be able to claim maintenance in the tharavaadu house. But the tharavaads would cease to receive additions of property from the self-acquisitions of male members. They argued that taking them as a whole, the Mappillas of north Malabar were more prosperous, more peaceable and more lawabiding than those of south Malabar, and the marumakkathayam system was partly responsible for it.72 A member of the Taluk Board of Talasherri, V.Moidu, pointed out that the change suggested would, in the first place, prove a perennial source of litigation such that the right to succeed to the undisposed-off properties of the deceased kaarnavar of a tharavaadu would invariably be contested by his sons and nephews. Secondly, in his view, it was not fair and just

70 71 72

TNA/G.O.No.1191/Judl./31.5.1915. In 1898, the Malabar Wills Act was passed by which the marumakkathayees were allowed to will away the self-acquired property to their own wives and children. NAI/G.O.No. 153/Judicial/January, 1918. p. 17.

Family and Inheritance Laws 53 that a member following the marumakkathayam law should leave all his self-acquired properties to his children to the prejudice of his nephews. He argued that a Mappilla following the marumakkathayam law had ample opportunities of providing for his children during his lifetime as the system was practiced and there was no need for a special enactment which would have an indirect effect of opening up new avenues for litigation.73 Despite the opposition from some sections of the community, the Mappilla Succession Act was eventually passed in 1918 by which the selfacquired properties of marumakkathayam Mappillas were to descend according to Mohammedan law. It was the earliest in the series of statutes intended to ‘Islamise’ the personal law of Indian Muslims.74

Inapplicability of the Shariat Application Act, 1937 In 1937, a Bill to make provision for the application of the Muslim Personal Law (Shariat)75 to the Muslims in British India was proposed. The pressures for the Bill came mostly from Muslims of northern India who wished to give inheritance rights to their women according to the Shariat law. The Mappillas did not ask for it because their women already enjoyed inheritance rights according to the marumakkathayam rules. The Shariat Bill’s aim was to unify Muslims of different provinces under a uniform law. Speaking for the Muslims in the Madras Presidency, Mr. George Joseph, Barrister and also one of the members of the Select Committee, pointed out that if the Bill was passed, the changes among a section of the Mappilla community who observed the marumakkathayam law would be of a revolutionary character. What may be seen as improvement of the position of Muslim women in the rest of India was not true in the case of the Mappillas. In his words, ‘Among them, the position of a lady in a marumakkathayam family was infinitely stronger than the position that was sought to be brought about by the Bill. There, they had the right to manage property and therefore, the application of the Muslim law was not favourable.’76

73 74 75

76

Letter from the Tahsildar, Kurumbranad to the Sub-Collector, Tellicherry, dated February, 1915. NAI/GOI/No.157/Home (Judl.)/August, 1918. pp. 19–20. Derrett, J.D.M. Religion, Law and the State in India. London: Faber & Faber, 1968. p. 525. The literal meaning of shari’at is the road to the watering place; the path to be followed. As a technical term, it means the canon law, the totality of Allah’s commandments. LAD (India), Vol.5, 1937. IOR/V/9/143.

54 The Malabar Muslims B. Pokkar Sahib, one of the founders of the Malabar Muslim League, and M. Ravuttan, both members of the Legislative Council of Madras Presidency in 1937, argued that any sudden replacement of a customary law by any other law may endanger the economic equilibrium of a Muslim society affected by the change.77 It should be emphasized at this point that the general Mappilla reaction and the response of Malabar Muslim League to the Shariat Bill was different from the rest of the Muslims of British India. The reasons for such a response were – firstly, the peculiar inheritance patterns of the community already gave inheritance rights to their women; and secondly, the personal law of the Mappillas were already ‘Islamised’ by a provincial enactment, namely the Mappilla Succession Act of 1918. The Malabar Muslim League’s efforts at purging the customary law of the Mappillas were seen in a provincial bill, the Mappilla Marumakkathayam Bill, tabled in the same year. The Governor of Madras argued that there would be no justification for replacing the customary law by which certain sections of Muslims were governed. According to him, any sudden alteration of the law of succession in the case of people like the Mappillas would lead to confusion and seriously affect their economic condition. The Mappilla Succession Act of 1918 already contained an express reservation regarding tharavaadu or joint family property. The repeal of this reservation, he felt, may lead to disturbing consequences.78 In the amendment of the Shariat Bill, the communities governed by customs resembling Hindu law in matters of inheritance and succession like the Memons, the Khojas and the Mappillas, were under the legal nomenclature of ‘anomalous’ Muslims. Therefore, the Shariat Application Act was inapplicable to the Mappillas.

The Mappilla Marumakkathayam Bill, 1939 As a sequel to the Madras Marumakkathyam Act of 1933, which gave sanction to curtail the powers of the kaarnavar and allowed the partition of a Nayar or Thiyya tharavaadu on specific terms, a Bill on similar lines was proposed by Schamnad Sahib, a Mappilla of Kasargod taluk, to be introduced in the Legislative Assembly in 1937. There was a huge uproar among the Muslims of Malabar against the proposed Bill. Opinion was heavily divided.

77 78

NAI/GOI/Home (Judl.)/File No. 28/34/38/1938. Ibid.

Family and Inheritance Laws 55 The Divisional Revenue Officer of Kozhikode remarked that almost all the kaarnavars were opposed to the Bill as it would curtail their powers. It was a custom for the documents relating to immovables and sometimes valuables such as family ornaments to be kept in the custody of the kaarnavar in his wife’s house. In the event of his death, occasions for misunderstanding commonly arose with the result that in many cases the wife did not hand over the documents and valuables to the successor. Therefore he suggested that such ‘mischiefs’ could be put to a stop if another clause could be added saying, ‘The kaarnavar shall keep all the documents and valuable movables belonging to the taravadu in the taravadu house itself.’

Another argument raised was that the Hindu Marumakkathayam Act had increased litigation by splitting up many tharavaads. Similarly, there would be a rush for partition in many Muslim tharavaads especially those with many young members who would jump at the chance of getting some property in their own name. In only a few richer tharavaads with few members would the division bring in any great amount as a nucleus for a private fortune. The individuals would not have the benefit of great bargaining power in social and financial matters as before, and collectively, they would stand to lose very much. In the case of small tharavaads, partition could prove disastrous because if a thaavazhi had only a few acres of land, it would probably lose those few acres rapidly. In the already existing state, the argument ran, even a fairly poor tharavaadu very rarely refused food or clothing to the destitute members. Therefore, in the event of partition, these individuals would have nothing to fall back upon. The bill was sponsored by a representative of Kasargod taluk, where presumably there was some demand for the present proposals for reform among the South Kanara Mappillas. There was not as much mismanagement among Malabar Mappilla tharavaads as among Hindu tharavaads and therefore not the same genuine need for reform. Arguments such as the unnecessary break-up of a long-standing custom and the fragmentation of substantial estates were also raised by the Mappillas of north Malabar.79

79

Letter from the Collector of Malabar to the Secretary to Government, Home Department, 1938.

56 The Malabar Muslims Keyi Sahib Bahadur, a landlord from Talasherri, described the Bill as subversive in character, ‘…because it tends to revolutionise a system which is several centuries old and also time-honoured by tradition and custom. No agitation of any sort has ever occurred among the Mappilla public of North Malabar. In fact, they had objected to their being included within the ambit of the Madras Marumakkathayam Act.’80

He argued that the removal of the kaarnavar was an extreme step. Partition would undoubtedly unsettle long established usages and customs and would certainly result in undoing the fabric of Mappilla society. Speaking for the Muslim women of north Malabar, he said: ‘There are several taravadus which own nothing except the taravadu house and the ladies can claim shelter so long as the taravadu remains intact. The split will render many of these women homeless.’81

Opinion was also divided between the Majlis members and the Muslim League members. This was evident when a memorandum from some Mappillas of north Malabar opposing the marumakkathayam Bill was presented to a decision-making Committee chaired by Muhammad Abdurahiman, the prominent leader of the Malabar Muslim Majlis and the Congress-Left. Abdurahiman delivered a speech supporting the memorandum to which B. Pokkar Sahib, the League member, raised an objection. He was supported by another League member, C.P. Mammu Keyi. There was however not much majority support for Pokkar Sahib. Young Mappillas in the audience and a noted Talasherri Mappilla, Arabi Mammu Sahib, also objected to Pokkar’s support of the marumakkathayam Bill.82 The heated arguments between the Muslim League leaders and the Muslim Majlis members is an indication of the fact that the Mappilla Marumakkathayam Bill was opposed by a large section of Mappilla marumakkathayees, particularly from north Malabar regions. They were also strongly backed by the Muslim Majlis supporters such as Muhammad

80 81 82

Letter from Khan Sahib C.K. Mammad Keyi Sahib Bahadur, Landlord, Talasherri, to the Tahsildar of Kottayam. KRA/Revenue/G.O.No. 1119-37/27.9.1937. Ibid. Moidu E., Maulavi, Ende Koottukaran Abdur Rahiman Sahib. Kozhikode: Mohammad Abdurahiman Press, 1964, pp. 193–5.

Family and Inheritance Laws 57 Abdurahiman and other Mappilla youths. It also shows that the Muslim League did not wean much support from the Mappilla public, except from the qadis. It is worth noting that the Mappilla Marumakkathayam Bill was first proposed by the Muslims of Kasargod. In Malabar, it was largely supported by only the qadis. Despite many objections to the Bill, the Mappilla Marumakkathayam Act was passed in 1939 by the Madras Legislature governing the marumakkathayee Muslims of Malabar in their joint family matters. According to the Act, in a partition of a tharavaadu, unless twothirds of its members desired to the contrary, the tharavaadu would be kept undivided for the common use of all the members. The provisions of the partition clause did not however apply to the stanam83 properties of the Ali Rajas of Kannur. Thus, by 1939, the Mappillas like the Cutchi Memons were treated as Hindus as to joint family property, but Muslims as to separate property, both in respect of testamentary and intestate succession.84 The Mappilla Marumakkathayam Act however did not apply retrospectively. In 1945, a kaarnavar of a tharavaadu filed a suit regarding the tenure of a lease of the tharavaadu lands. The tharavaadu possessed, among other properties, an extensive forest in the Western Ghats. The earlier kaarnavar had granted the right to cut and carry away certain trees of a particular girth from the forest to one Koyakutti for a period of ten years. The kaarnavar died during the pendency of the litigation and the plaintiff, Mammu haji had succeeded him. Both the lower courts held that the lease was a proper one and that it was binding on the kaarnavar and the tharavaadu. Haji’s advocate argued that the case came under section 8 of the Mappilla Marumakkathayam Act according to which the transaction was invalid for the reason that the written consent of the majority of members was not sought. Clause 1 of section 8 said: ‘Except for consideration and for taravaadu necessity or benefit and with the written consent of the majority of the major members of the taravaadu, no kaarnavan shall sell immoveable property of the taravaadu or mortgage with possession or lease such property for a period exceeding twelve years.’

Koyakutti’s advocate argued that the present case was not a mortgage or a lease but at best a licence or a contract for ten years. Therefore, the 83 84

Stanam means rank or dignity. Derrett, Religion. p. 526.

58 The Malabar Muslims Act had no application here and the contract was valid. The case was dismissed.85

Continuities and Changes Although the Malabar Muslim League leaders argued that the customary law was put to end with the enactment of the Mappilla Marumakkathayam Act of 1939, evidence shows that it did not affect the stability of the Muslim marumakkathayees for some time after its enactment. For example, there were twelve members in the Payyaloth Puthiyapura tharavaadu, a thaavazhi of the keyi family. In 1940, the members of the tharavaadu applied for registration under the Act of 1939. The twelfth member, Eramu Moidin was reported to be residing in his wife’s house. All the rest of the eleven members were willing for the registration of the tharavaadu as impartible. This example shows that despite the enactment of the 1939 Act, tharavaads such as this preferred to remain joint and follow the customary law.86 Similarly, a tharavaadu named Kattikoottathi was divided into three thaavazhis in 1875 by a family karar (deed). Properties with saleable rights were set apart for each thaavazhi. The members belonging to one such thaavazhi sought the registration of their tharavaadu in 1940. According to their statement, the family had properties worth one lakh rupees. These properties comprised of the self-acquisitions of late kaarnavar, Ahmad, and they were set apart by him for the family by the karar. The tharavaadu owned houses in twelve villages in the Chirakkal taluk. Of the twelve members, eleven had consented to the registration against partition while the twelfth member had not given a statement either to his willingness or otherwise.87 In the same year, Moideen Kutty and five others of the Koottummukath tharavaadu of the Kurumbranad taluk, forwarded an application for registration. The seventh member stated that he sold his share of the tharavaadu property but his rights over the tharavaadu house had not been sold. Satisfied that six out of seven members gave their consent for registration, and no objection having been raised, the Collector of Malabar accepted their application.88

85 86 87 88

Ponnamalathy Parapravan Mammu Haji v. Nitunkadathil Koyakutti, All India Reporter (A.I.R.) 32, Madras, 1945. p. 170. Mal. MSS. KRA/Revenue/G.O. No. R-6081/30.8.1940. Ibid. Mal. MSS. KRA/Revenue/G.O.No.5710/31.7.1940.

Family and Inheritance Laws 59 In the Chirakkal taluk, a thaavazhi tharavaadu called Akkolath thaavazhi had a house, a garden and a small paddy field adjoining it as its sole properties. In 1940, four members having community of interest over the properties sought the registration of the tharavaadu as impartible.89 The same thaavazhi, five years later, sought the cancellation of the registration because all members agreed to it and therefore, it was granted.90 Under the section 21(1) of the Mappilla Marumakkathayam Act, registration could be cancelled if not less than two-thirds of the major members gave their consent. This example shows signs of change in the aftermath of the enactment of the Mappilla Marumakkathayam Act. Among the Kozhikode Muslims, the Mappilla Marumakkathayam Act did not apply because their system of inheritance was based on the Islamic law even within their matrilineal households. So the chances of disputes were negligible. Although some of the tharavaads were breaking up into nuclear families due to shortage of space, education, new business enterprises by individual members who were capable of buying properties, even then, within the nuclear families, matrilocality was retained. Unlike north Malabar, where the volume of litigation on succession and inheritance of tharavaadu property was growing, in Kozhikode, most of the litigation was related to mosque properties. Tahir Mahmood rightly points out: ‘The Mappilla community has, however retained its customary law relating to joint family, which is affected neither by the two special laws applicable to it (that is the Mappilla Succession Act of 1918 and the Mappilla Wills Act of 1928) nor by the Shariat Application Act of 1937. On the contrary, it has been saved and provided by a special law, the Mappilla Marumakkathyam Act of 1939.’91

Powers of the Mappilla Women The tharavaadu symbolised a kind of protection for women because it was bound by matrilineal principles to maintain them even after their marriage.

89 90 91

Mal. MSS. KRA/Revenue/G.O.No.R-207-40/16.2.1940. Mal. MSS. KRA/Revenue/G.O.No.12909-45/6.10.1945. Mahmood, ‘Progressive Codification of the Muslim Personal Law’, in Mahmood, Islamic Law. p. 83. Derrett has argued that judicial opinion has not been unwavering on the implementation of these legislations on the Mappillas. See Derrett, Religion. pp. 526–9.

60 The Malabar Muslims The powers of the Mappilla women were manifested in various forms. Evidence from land records show that they were proprietors of extensive stretches of lands and owners of mosque lands as late as 1935. They even headed the tharavaadu houses as kaarnotis. An interesting example is that of the arakkal beebis of Kannur. Evidence from family deeds show that some of the Mappilla women in Kozhikode administered their households as kaarnotis. Despite legislation, which was in favour of the Mappilla men in the case of succession of self-acquired properties, the matrilineal tharavaadu properties were still administered according to the customary law and, although the rights of women were cut down, they were not completely dispossessed. Therefore, the Mappilla women of north Malabar and Kozhikode were still infinitely stronger and unusually empowered compared to those in patrilineal south Malabar, and Muslim women in general in the rest of the sub-continent.

An Assessment The constant debates on the law to be followed in the devolution of property in families where one parent followed the Islamic law and the other, the marumakkathayam law, highlight the dual social structure of the Mappillas. The judgements passed on such cases emphasize the importance of custom and usage. The system of double descent also speaks about the peculiar ability of the community to provide elbowroom to accommodate different social systems. It is important to note that matriliny was more strictly followed and well-preserved by the Muslims of Malabar as compared to the Hindu marumakkathayees. The resistance to any legislation damaging the system was stronger and more vocal among the north Malabar marumakkathayees than their Hindu counterparts. As a trading community, the Mappillas were known to be thrifty and the joint family was probably preferred because it proved economical for the tharavaadu in that every individual’s earnings contributed to the wealth of the tharavaadu. The joint family was also an advantage against the fragmentation of landed estates. Partition was rare and no rapid disintegration of joint families as in the case of Nayars was noticed. The tharavaadu symbolised status and therefore was an important determinant in marriage alliances. It was also a profitable economic unit. For the Nayars, many of whom were migrating to Presidency towns like Madras in search of higher education and jobs, partition was welcome and therefore they claimed their share of the tharavaadu property. In other words, with urbanization, economic shifts were taking place. As a result of these factors, nuclear families emerged

Family and Inheritance Laws 61 with only intermittent contact with the joint family. Unlike the Nayars, the Mappillas were basically traders and shopowners in the coastal belts and agriculturists or petty traders in the interior. They did not normally go to distant places in search of education or employment. The Mappilla marumakkathayam households in Malabar were peaceable compared to those in Kasargod. There was not so much mismanagement and tyranny of the family heads as compared to the Nayar households or those of the Kasargod Muslims. Double descent continued even after legislation was enacted. In the case of Kozhikode Muslims, Islamic law was followed within the tharavaadu system. A classic example of double descent was that of the office of qadi which descended matrilineally although property descended according to the Islamic principles. This was a paradox because the qadis were the most vocal in the enactment of the Acts of 1918 and 1939. However, the pressures of legislation and the attempts by political organizations such as the Muslim League to ‘Islamise’ the Mappilla personal laws were to be influential factors in the changes that occurred in the social customs and practices of the community.

62 The Malabar Muslims

3 Religious Spaces and Disputes

In a situation where there is more than one religious community in any region, the question of ‘religious space’ always holds an important place in any society. In Malabar, the Mappilla settlements were found within a wider Hindu countryside, dominated by the Nambudiris and the Nayars. Like any Muslim settlement in the Islamic world, the Mappilla settlements grew around the centre of Muslim worship, the mosque. In the acquisition and construction of mosque lands for the purpose, the question of ‘religious space’ was often contested by the Hindu community from the nineteenth century. Particularly in south Malabar where the janmi-tenant relations were quite fragile, coincidentally, since the bulk of the tenants in the Ernad and Walluvanad taluks were Mappillas, the contestation of ‘religious space’ by the wider Hindu society became imminent in the wake of the peasant uprisings in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. As Stephen Dale has observed, the sense of economic insecurity and dependence among the Mappilla tenants of south Malabar was also reflected in their inability to acquire mosque lands. Therefore, when disputes over mosques arose, they resented their subordination in a corporate sense, as members of a religious community.1 One of the social consequences of the uprising, particularly that of the twentieth century episode, was the friction over places of worship, which sometimes took violent forms. In the coastal Muslim settlements of north Malabar, the Hindu-Muslim friction over ‘religious space’ from the early twentieth century was not a consequence of the rebellion, but of economic rivalry. Moreover, what was particular in this region was the rivalry between Mappillas and a section 1

Dale, Islamic Society. p. 71.

Religious Spaces and Disputes 63 of the Hindu society, the Thiyyas. It should be noted that the relations between the Mappillas and the Nayars of north Malabar were very amicable because of their economic interdependence. The Nayar cultivators of the interior were largely dependent on the Mappillas of the coast for the transport and sale of agricultural products cultivated by them.2 The economic rivalry between prosperous Thiyya toddy owners and the Mappillas took religious overtones in the form of building Thiyya temples and mosques. Within the Mappilla community, there was a contest between various status groups over ‘religious space’, in the form of graves and burial grounds. The pattern of mosques in Malabar was in the local architectural style. They were raised on high plinths and had sloping roofs to suit the torrential monsoon conditions. They resembled the Hindu temples of the region in their building style. They were simple, functional buildings with the essentials of a courtyard, a water-tank for ablutions, an outer veranda, an inner hall, the mihrab and the mimbar.3 The minar was usually absent in the old Malabar mosques because it was non-functional in a region that had a dispersed settlement pattern with houses spread out over large areas. Therefore, the call for prayers five times a day from the minar would not be heard over such a dispersed population. The mosques in Malabar were themselves utilitarian buildings and wood was used extensively in their construction. Their wooden pulpits or mimbars were known for their exquisite carvings. In the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries, mosques were the central focus around which the Mappilla neighbourhoods continued to grow. Like any Muslim settlement in Madras or the United Provinces, mosques in Malabar were surrounded by bazaars and shops run by Mappilla traders. The religious life was centered around the mosque schools or the maktabs where the Koran was taught, and which were maintained from the funds raised from the shopkeepers of the bazaars. In 1874, a proposal was made by the Mappillas for the introduction of a Bill into the Legislative Council of Madras, for the purpose of enabling them to acquire, by a compulsory process, land upon which mosques could

2 3

Menon, Dilip, Caste. p. 73. In a mosque, the qibla wall is the wall oriented towards Mecca, which determines the direction of prayer. The mihrab or niche is the sign that distinguishes the qibla wall from the other walls. The pulpit known as the mimbar, is the place from which the Imam delivers the khutba or Friday sermon. The minar or minaret is important for the call of prayers. Qureshi, M.S., The Role of Mosque in Islam. New Delhi: International Islamic Publishers, 1990. pp. 10–13.

64 The Malabar Muslims be constructed and burials could take place within the district of Malabar. After much hesitation, the Madras government enacted the Malabar Religious Sites Act in the same year to facilitate the acquisition of land for the construction of mosques or other places of worship and for burial grounds in Malabar. This Act applied only when a particular sect did not have a suitable site for the building of their mosques or burial grounds.4 By the 1880s, the attitude of the local officials of Malabar began to change as they began to realise the problems of the Mappilla tenants. In 1881, the Madras government appointed William Logan, the Collector of Malabar, to enquire into land tenures in south Malabar and to consider the best means of tackling the difficulty of getting sites from Hindu landlords for mosques and burial grounds. On his recommendation, the Malabar Compensation for Tenants’ Improvement Act was passed in 1889 and the government decided to consider proposals for the compulsory acquisition of sites for Mappilla cemeteries in special cases.5 In Kozhikode, the Municipal authorities had, by this time, taken the initiative to provide burial grounds for the Mappillas. In 1896, a request was forwarded to the Collector for the necessary action regarding the Mappilla burial grounds in the town and making a grant of Rupees 7,500 from provincial funds towards the costs.6 Again in 1898, the application of the Municipal Council for a loan of Rupees 9,580 for providing them with burial grounds was approved.7 The land settlement records of Kozhikode taluk have listed the mosques that continued as inam lands from the time of Tipu until well into the early twentieth century. For example, the survey name, Muchchikkal paramba held by the inamdar Puthiya Purayil Hamsa was probably the land constituting the Mishkhalpalli. The inamdar of the Jamaatpalli in 1903 was Kattivu Kilassanantekathu Mammataji.8 The inamdar of Muchandipalli paramba was Kadiri Koya Mulla in 1903. The place-name Muchchantiyakam paramba was probably the Muslim house ‘Muccinrakam’ that stood next to the mosque where a burial monument had also been found. This land was held by Muchchantiyakathu Ayisabi. Other references include the Shekindepalli owned by Kilsikkatakathu Mammat Mulla, and the Kunnalipalli paramba owned by Mussakoya Mulla. The inamdar of the Nalakampalli was the kaarnoti of a tharavaadu listed as Palli Nalakathu Neyittibi. The

4 5 6 7 8

Proceedings of the Government of Madras, Judicial Department, 28 August, 1874. Tour Diary- Tour of Arthur Lawley. p. 25. KRA/Public/G.O.No.1006/4.6.1896. KRA/Public/G.O.No.113/26.3.1898. Land Register of Kozhikode taluk, 1935. (Malayalam)

Religious Spaces and Disputes 65 Moyitinpalli paramba was again an inam under the management of one Mulla Kattilvittil Kumithin Koya.9 The trusteeship of the mosques in Kannur was in the hands of the members of the ruling house. For example, the Mohiyudinpalli in Kannur was built under the patronage of Imbichi Beebi, one of the ruling beebis.10 Burial grounds were generally attached to mosques, especially Jamaat mosques and under the same management. For example, the Satiripallinte kavarasthalam (burial ground) was managed by Sayyidalivittil Imbichchammat Mulla in 1903. In some places, there were private burial grounds belonging to rich tharavaads, where only their members were buried as in the case of the burial ground attached to the Odathil Jamaat mosque at Talasherri (founded by a well-known merchant of Talasherri, Chovakkaran Moosa, in the early nineteenth century), which was managed by their kaarnavars.11 The Koyamarakkarakam kavarasthalam in Kozhikode was in 1903 jointly owned by Koyamarakkarakathu Ali Koya and his sister, Katisabi.12 Other than mosques, there were small prayer halls where daily prayers were held. These were known as srambis and niskarapallis. The srambis were not used for imparting religious instructions, holding religious discourses or for the burial of the dead. They were not used for juma prayers either. The main difference between a mosque and a srambi was that the latter being a small building, constructed in many cases on lease-hold land, it could become converted at some point into a private property or could be demolished. The survey records of Kozhikode have mentioned niskarapallis, the lands of which were held by local Muslim families and some of them by women of the tharavaads. For example, the manager of the Srambikkal paramba in Kadappuram in 1903 was Valiagath Haji Ali Barami, the shipbuilder.13 The female owners of some of the niskarapalli parambas were Toppilakathu Bimabi, Suppikkavittil Ayissabi and Mullantakathu Pathummabi; Toppil, Suppikkavittu and Mullantakathu were the respective tharavaadu names.14 Physical segregation in the form of private family and sectarian mosques was an expression of social and economic dominance. Aristocratic Muslim 9 10 11 12 13 14

Survey and Settlement Register, Kozhikode Taluk, 1903 and Land Register of Nagaram Desam, Kozhikode Taluk, 1935. (Malayalam) Kurup, K.K.N., Ali Rajas of Cannanore. Trivandrum: College Book House, 1975. p. 84. Ali, Hamid, Custom. p. 104. Survey and Settlement Register of Nagaram Desam, Kozhikode taluk, 1903. Land Register of Kozhikode taluk, 1935. (Malayalam) Survey and Settlement Register of Nagaram Desam, No.38, Kozhikode Taluk, 1903.

66 The Malabar Muslims lineages which owned estates maintained their private burial grounds and mosques. For example, the Valiagath Haji Ali Barami family of Kozhikode maintained two family mosques in Kadappuram with their own private mullas to conduct prayers and nikahs.15 Similarly, the Arakkals of Kannur had their own private mosque with a burial ground within the precincts of their palace. All the juma prayers and family nikahs were held separately in the family mosques.16 The keyis of Talasherri had a separate mosque with its own burial ground for their daily prayers, although they attended the local jami mosque for their Friday prayers.17 Hierarchy was also expressed in the separation of graves and burial grounds. The practice among the thangals in Malabar was to bury their dead in front of their own houses or in separate burial grounds. They did not share a common burial ground with the other Mappillas. For example, the petition of Puthiyamaliakal Hasan bin Ahmad Jifri Muthu koya Thangal of Kozhikode read: ‘That owing to want of space in the mosque compounds, a special ground called kanamparamba has been acquired and set apart as a burial ground for Moplas and as obedience to the order issued on the subject dead bodies as a rule buried in that ground since 10 May, 1900. That it has been the practice to bury the dead bodies of the tangals in a special building erected for the purpose and that that ground will never be turned over again for burial of other corpses. That the corpses of tangals are buried separately as stated above in all places in Mecca, Medina and Malabar. And that the petitioner and other tangals may therefore be permitted to bury the corpses of tangals according to their usual procedure.’

The Collector of Malabar replied: ‘… the practice among the tangals seem to be that each tangal should be buried in front of his own house. This, I beg to submit cannot be allowed. It is true that the tangals are not buried with the other Moplas. If necessary, a portion of the new grounds may be walled off for the purpose. We refuse to grant any special concession to the tangals.’18

15 16 17 18

Interview with Abdulla Barami, Kozhikode, November 1994. Interview with members of the Arakkal House, Kannur, October, 1994. D’Souza, Status Groups. p. 50. KRA/Public/G.O.No.101/31.7.1900.

Religious Spaces and Disputes 67 Similarly, the thangal of Mambram also claimed the right to decide where anyone should be buried within the wall of the mosque compounds, ‘with greatest deference to custom’.19 This kind of physical distance was also found among the Kokni Muslims of Bhiwandi in Maharashtra, who had demarcated areas in their graveyards reserved for those families which were supposedly high in the hierarchy.20 A similar system of separation occurred in Hureidah, a town in Hadhramaut. These examples of physical hierarchy in the form of burial grounds within the Mappilla community suggest levels of contest over religious space.

Wakfs Closely related to mosque properties were the charitable endowments called wakfs for their upkeep and maintenance. The dedication of landed property for the building and maintenance of a mosque or a tomb or for the purpose of charity was called a wakf. The founder of the wakf, called the wakif had full liberty to appoint himself as the mutawalli or the trustee of the wakf property. Two kinds of wakfs were made – one for the religious or charitable purpose of the public called the public wakf and the other for the benefit of the wakif’s family and his descendants called the private wakf. The private wakfs were also known as family wakfs. In Malabar, family wakfs were quite common in the form of family mosques. For example, the Kadappuram Baramipalli in Kozhikode, the Arakkal mosques in Kannur and the keyi mosques in Talasherri were all family wakfs but were also open for public use. In north Malabar, rich tharavaads built mosques, which were maintained by single kaarnavars. Hamid Ali says that these mosques were something between a public and a private wakf. None other than the members of the mosque could interfere in their management and the public were only entitled to join in the prayers.21 There were such mosques in south Malabar too, like the Kadappuram Baramipalli in Kozhikode and the Mambrampalli. Jamaat mosques in north Malabar and parts of south Malabar were usually managed by kaarnavars of tharavaads. Kozhikode and parts of south

19 20 21

KRA/Revenue/G.O.No.2869/19/29.3.1919. This particular claim will be taken up again later in the chapter. Momin. A.R., ‘Muslim caste in an industrial township in Maharashtra,’ in Ahmad (ed.), Caste and Social Stratification among Muslims in India. p. 119. H.C. Appeal No. 178 of 1887 (unreported) Ali, Hamid, Custom. p. 103.

68 The Malabar Muslims Malabar, such as Mambram and Ponnani, had many mosques managed by kaarnavars. There were mosques under the management of single kaarnavars like those managed by the Ali Raja of Kannur, who was the sole mutawalli of all the mosques in the town. In Kannur, it was customary for the Ali Raja to bear all the maintenance expenses of even private mosques. As late as 1935, in Kozhikode, the Koyamarakkarakam burial ground was still under Katisabi’s management, the owner of the Muchandipalli land was Puthiyakattu Mammad Koya Mulla Haji and the manager of the Kadappuram Baramipalli was Valiagath Haji Ali Barami thus showing their continuity of tenure as managers over a long period of time.22 A Mappilla woman entrusted her wakf property to her husband to maintain herself and her children out of the income and to hand over the property to her children on their becoming majors. She also instructed that in the event of the settlor’s death without having children, he should have the Koran recited in the mosque, give food to the mullas who would recite and get the maulud performed with the income of the property. The settlor also reserved to herself and her representatives, the right of an option of dealing with the property as a special fund for the maintenance of her children, if any. However, she died leaving no children. In a suit filed by her half-sister against her husband and others to recover her share of the property, it was held by the Judges that the plaintiff was entitled to recover her proportionate share of the property, notwithstanding the provisions of the instrument. There had been no complete dedication of the property, and except regarding the income required for the three specific purposes named by the donor, her property was indisposed of.23 There was a legal debate regarding the division of wakf property between Cheria Imbichi Beebi and the other members of the Mappilla family following the Muhammadam law of inheritance. A wakf deed had been executed in 1901 by which certain properties which had been constituted as wakf properties were, after making provision for the expenses of the wakf, set apart for the maintenance of the various members of the family. Imbichi Beebi wanted the division of the wakf properties while the other members contended that they were indivisible. However, nothing was found in the document (dated 1893), to support the respondent’s contention that the property in question was indivisible. Therefore, the courts held that Cheria Imbichi Beebi was entitled to division.24 22 23 24

Land Register of Kozhikode taluk, 1935. (Malayalam). Pathukutti v. Avathalakutti, I.L.R., 13 Madras, 1889. p. 66. S.A. Nos. 1553 and 1554 of 1901, MWN, 1912. pp. 45–6.

Religious Spaces and Disputes 69 When the Wakf Validating Act was passed in 1913, it defined the wakf as a permanent dedication by a person professing the Mussalman faith, of any property, for any purpose recognized by Muslim law as religious, pious or charitable. The main aim of the Act was to save Muslim families from ruination. This Act was not retrospective and did not apply to wakfs created before the passing of the Act. ‘Family’ in the Mussalman Wakf Validating Act of 1913 meant persons descended from one common progenitor and having a common lineage. The experience of the working of the Act however showed that it was mainly used to deprive the daughters or some other legal heirs of a deceased Muslim, who were entitled to receive shares under Mohammedan law. The validity of the Wakf Validating Act was questioned in a case filed by a Mappilla in 1934. The question raised was whether the income of a wakf property could be used for the purpose of reciting the Koran over the tomb of Atta Beevi, who was the daughter of Sayyad Hasan Jifri Alawi Koya Thangal (see Table 1.1). According to the court judgement the Wakf Validating Act of 1913 expressly enacted that it would be lawful for any person professing the Muslim faith to create a wakf which, in all other respects, was in accordance with the provisions of the Mohammedan law for the maintenance and support, wholly or partially, of his family, children or descendants. The object of the wakf was to read the Koran over a tomb and it was not in substance a dedication to charitable use. There was no provision for anything more than reading the Koran at the tomb and there was no distribution of food or alms among the poor. The District Munsif noted that Atta Beevi was the daughter of a thangal, there was no evidence on record to show that she was saintly or even a pious woman. The Judges concluded that the dedication in question being merely for the purpose of reciting the Koran over a tomb of a private person did not create a valid wakf.25 This example also reveals that the worship of the tombs of saints was sacred to the Mappillas.

Nerchas In Ponnani, and many other places, both rural and urban, formal mosque teaching and learning was paralleled by sufi practices. The most important shrines were located at Kozhikode and Mambram. Sufi influence seems to have had a bearing on some of the thangals like the jifris of Kozhikode

25

Kunhamutty v. Ahmed Musaliar, I.L.R., 58 Madras, 1935. p. 204.

70 The Malabar Muslims and Mambram, who venerated the tombs of their Alawi ancestors and celebrated their anniversaries in the form of mauluds and nerchas. At the popular level, the veneration of the tombs of saints and martyrs had a long history in rural Malabar. The most important of these tombs, known as jarams, were located in Ponnani, Mambram, Malappuram and Kondotti. The tradition was also followed in some large towns and cities. The most elaborate of the Mappilla festivals was a form of saint worship called the nercha. A nercha was held at the dargapallis26 of saints or at the tombs of the shahids (Arabic: martyrs). In Kozhikode, the most famous nercha festival was held annually on the death of Sheikh Shahabuddin, revered as Sheikh Mamu Koya Thangal. The annual nercha festival held on three days in the Islamic month of Rajjab at the saint’s tomb, was initiated in the eighteenth century by the Mambram thangal. The nerchas were celebrated with large processions of decorated elephants to the accompaniment of music. The Koran was read and offerings of rice, appams (rice cakes), and money were made at the dargapalli. Men and women, irrespective of their religion, participated in the festivities. A report in the Madras Mail of 1908, said: ‘The festival goes by the name Appani. A feature of the celebration was that every Moplah household prepares a supply of rice cakes, which were sent to the mosque to be distributed among the thousands of beggars who gathered for the occasion…’27

The striking aspects of the festival were the elephant processions and the playing of music, both of which were elements borrowed from Hindu Temple festivals. There were instances when nercha funds of the Mambram mosque were looted during the rebellion. For example, the collections of the 1919, 1920 and 1921 nerchas at the Mambram mosque had been deposited in the Ernad Sub-Treasury. The qadi had applied for the payment of that money to him. The collections from 1919 to 1921, which were deposited in the sub-Treasury, were looted by the rebels in 1921. The Additional District Magistrate of Malabar however sanctioned the payment of the money to the qadi.28 In general, the powers of the qadi in the nercha festivals were supreme and when necessary, he took the support of the courts to exercise them.

26 27 28

Dargah is a Persian word meaning the shrine of a Muslim saint. The Madras Mail, 1908. KRA/Revenue/G.O.No.9737-25/26.1.1926.

Religious Spaces and Disputes 71 The responsibilities that were held by him during the festival seasons suggest how elaborate the nerchas were. By giving him full rights over the collections of the festival, the government gave his position more credibility. What needs to be emphasized here is that while the nerchas held in Kozhikode and Mambram were in commemoration of Muslim sufi saints, those in Kondotti, Ponnani and Malappuram were to celebrate the martyrdom of the shahids of the Mappilla uprisings. 29Again, the participation of Hindus in the nercha celebrations of Kozhikode and Mambram was absent in the rebel-sensitive south Malabar because of the mutual antagonism that arose in the aftermath of the uprisings. However, syncretic tendencies in the mode of celebrations, such as, the playing of music, drum beating and elephant processions, in the north as well as the south (despite the antagonism) significantly showed the irresistible influence of the wider Hindu society.

The Qadi’s Office In Malabar, the place of the qadi was in the Jamaat mosques. The smaller mosques were usually run by the maulavis or the mullas who had formal instruction in Muslim theology and were in overall charge of the mosque. Among the other functionaries of the mosque were the Imams who led the ritual prayer and the mukri who rendered all kinds of help to the other functionaries. The functions of the qadi ranged from giving religious discourses in the mosque, celebrating the anniversaries of saints, the general management of the mosque and social ceremonies like conducting marriages and formalities of the newly born. Other than Arabic, for the rendition of the Koran, the official language used by the qadis in Malabar for registering marriages and explaining the religious texts in the mosques was Malayalam. The most important religious office among the Mappillas was that of the Makhdum of Ponnani. He was venerated as the religious head of the community. The Makhdums of Ponnani gave instruction in the Koran and conferred the degree of musaliar upon the mullas (their degree in the undergraduate course). A special ceremony called the Vilakkath irikka (Malayalam: to sit by the lamp) was held to honor the title of musaliar. On this occasion, the makhdum authorised him to read at the big lamp in the 29

A detailed discussion of nerchas at martyrs’ tombs in Kondotti and other places of south Malabar in the 1970s can be found in Dale, S.F. and Gangadhara Menon, M., ‘Nerccas; Saint-Martyr worship among the Muslims of Kerala’, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Vol.XLI, 1978.

72 The Malabar Muslims mosque. When the degree of musaliar was conferred, the sacred lamp was lit.30 The musaliars were distributed in mosques and madrassas all over Malabar. The Makhdum was the ultimate authority in Muslim law and jurisprudence for the Mappillas scattered all over Malabar. The class of musaliars graduating from Ponnani may be compared to the’ulama of upper India. The Makhdum also held the right to appoint the qadis of various places and had full control over all the mosques in the region. Other centres of learning were in Chaliyam and Vazhakkad. The qadis, the thangals and the musaliars together formed the learned class or the ‘ulama of Malabar. For example, Umar Qadi (1757–1852), the qadi of Veliamcode, in south Malabar, issued a fatwa criticising British administration which led to his arrest and punishment.31 Similarly, Sayyid Fazl, the son of the Mambram thangal, issued some fatwas regarding the religious practices of the Mappillas. Some musaliars also participated in anti-British activities like Ali Musaliar of Tirurangadi who led the 1921 rebellion.32 On the subject of a Mappilla outbreak in Manjeri in 1894, the qadi of Kozhikode declared in a fatwa that the coastal towns were peaceful and these revolts occurred only in the rural areas. The judicial powers of the qadi had been cut down by the imposition of colonial courts and functionaries. By the Qadi act of 1864, the appointment of qadis was discontinued. But, because of the abolition of the office of the qadi, there was no proper machinery for registering marriages and divorces. Therefore, the Muslims of Madras Presidency first took up the case and petitioned to the Madras government about the problems caused by the Qadi Act of 1864.33 Therefore, in 1880, the Qadi Act was passed according to which the local government could suspend or remove any qadi appointed, who was guilty of any misconduct in the execution of his office.34 Despite the passing of the Qadi Act of 1880, there were recurring incidents of corruption by qadis in the Madras Presidency. For example, it was brought to the notice of the Madras government that a considerable number of Arab pearl-divers visited Ceylon in the early part of 1907 and on their way back to their homes, stayed at several places on the west 30 31 32 33 34

Thurston, Edgar, Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Madras: Government Press, 1909. pp. 468–9. Panikkar, K.N., Against Lord. pp. 60–1. Hardgrave, R.L., ‘The Mappilla Rebellion, 1921: Peasant Revolt in Malabar’, Modern Asian Studies, Vol. II, No.1. pp. 16–28. India-Bills, Objects and Reasons, 1880, IOR/L/P&J/5/28. India Acts, 1880, IOR/V/8/51.

Religious Spaces and Disputes 73 coast of the Madras Presidency and contracted marriages for various periods of time with young Mappilla girls. One of these men took along two wives from Kozhikode with him to his native country in Bahrein. One of the wives was only nine or ten years old. Owing to the man’s cruel treatment, the elder girl obtained divorce with the help of her brother, a boat khalasi35 in her husband’s country. The qadi in question was Palliveetil Mammad, the cheria qadi of Kozhikode.36 The qadi of Bahrein pronounced the second marriage incomplete because the girl was underage and the contracting parties were ignorant of each other’s language.37 According to the Shariat law, an alliance between persons ignorant of each other’s language was incomplete and therefore, the marriage of an Arab with a Mappilla girl was likely to be declared void by the qadi of the former country. The qadi of Kozhikode was not suspended but was warned against such negligence in dealing with similar cases in the future. Although under the Qadi Act, the government could suspend or remove any qadi appointed by them if he was guilty of any misconduct in the execution of his office, the Governor conveyed only a warning to the qadi to be more careful in registering such marriages. He argued that such incidents were possible because some unscrupulous persons could have made false declarations about the age of helpless girls and even posed as the parents of these orphans. The qadis were hence asked to observe due procedure in the performance of marriages. Firstly, they were asked not to solemnise marriages between Arabs and Mappilla girls unless they had trustworthy information about the age of the girls and their consent. Secondly, they had to enter in their books, the full name, that is, the house name and the father’s name, of both the contracting parties and also of the witnesses, including the name of the village to which they belonged. And lastly, they had to enter the full name of the guardian who gave away the girl.38 In order to deal with such problems, in 1918, a Bill was placed before the Madras Legislative Council by the young Muslim League member of the Madras Presidency, Yakub Hasan Sahib Bahadur, to provide for the voluntary registration of Mussalman marriages and divorces. Debates ensued over several issues of the Bill.

35 36 37 38

Khalasi is derived from the Arabic term ‘khalas’ which means ‘release or ‘relief’. They are skilled labourers working on large boats or ships. KRA/Judicial/G.O.No.1560/5.12.1907. KRA/Judicial/G.O.No.58/23.1.1908. KRA/Judicial/G.O.No.1560/5.12.1907.

74 The Malabar Muslims It was pointed out that according to the strict laws of Muslim marriage, a Shafi’i woman had the right to affect a divorce known as faskh if she desired; but the Bill provided no such provision for the exercise of such a right by a Shafi’i woman. This was considered a serious flaw. Therefore, it was suggested that if a Shafi’i woman gave notice of her intention to effect divorce to the Muslim registrar, the registrar after giving due notice to the person, must take account of it and register the divorce. It was also pointed out that an entry should be made in the marriage register about the kaipanam and stridhanam payments made by the Mappillas to the bridegroom. The opinion in Malabar was however divided. A majority of about two to one were against the Bill. The Hidayathul Muslimin Sabha of Manjeri, the valia thangal of Walluvanad taluk, the District Munsif of Chavakkad and the Makhdum thangal of Ponnani were for the Bill. Those against it were the qadis of Kannur, Kozhikode, Talasherri and Koilandy and the Sultan Ahmad Ali Raja of Kannur.39 The Jaridah-i-Rozgar, an Urdu daily published from Madras, reported in its February 1919 issue that among Muslims there were a few who regarded the question of legislation as a secular one; a larger section however endeavoured to prove that it was against the Mohammedan law. It also wrote that the question being a religious one, the government should not interfere. It also expressed astonishment at the fact that the Madras government’s report had mentioned only a few meetings against the Bill, whereas many more had actually taken place.40 However, despite opposition from a majority of the Muslim population, the Registration of Mussalman Marriages and Divorces Act was passed in 1919 according to which a ‘licence was granted to any person, being a Mussalman authorising him to register marriages and divorces’.41

Mosque Disputes In Malabar, there were many disputes on matters concerning the religious place of worship. The most common subject of dispute was over the ownership of mosque land and its management. There were also ideological splits over issues concerning mosques. Regarding disputes over succession to mosque lands in Malabar, the British court decided that the Mohammedan law of succession must be 39 40 41

KRA/Home (Misc.)/G.O.No. 6753-18/25.1.1919. Jaridah-i-Rozgar, Madras, 4 February, 1919. MNNR, IOR/L/R/5. KRA/Home (Misc.)/G.O.No. 6753-18/25.1.1919.

Religious Spaces and Disputes 75 applied unless a custom to the contrary was proved. In a case filed by Kunhi Bivi (Sayyid Fazl’s sister) in 1882 to recover the Mambram mosque which, she alleged, belonged to her tharavaadu, the defendant, Abdul Aziz, claimed to be the legal heir under the Mohammedan law. An issue was accordingly raised as to whether the right to the mosque was governed by the makkathayam or the marumakkathayam law. The District Munsif found that the mosque had always been under the marumakkathayam law, and that no mosques in Ponnani were held under the makkathayam law. The District Judge reversed the decision on the grounds that in 1821, it was decided in the provincial Court that the right to succeed to the property of Mamu Musaliar’s brother, who succeeded to his estate was governed by Mohammedan law. One of the witnesses remarked: ‘… I have no information of a son having succeeded to the management of the mosque managed by his father. I have heard of sons having managed at Kozhikode. It is because the customs of the two places are different.’

Another witness said, ‘I remember, sixteen mosques in Ponnani, inclusive of the jama mosque are held by the taravadu people. The Jama mosque is managed under the kaarnavar of the taravadu. It is not under makkathayam law. I, the present kaarnavar of the taravadu manage now.

Despite the statements of witnesses, the Judge’s verdict said that in the absence of a proved custom, succession must be governed by the Mohammedan law.42 As already mentioned elsewhere, the customary law, that is marumakkathayam law was followed in matters of hereditary rights of religious office like that of the thangals and the qadis. In this case, the question of the predominance of the customary law on the matter of the succession to mosque property was raised but in the end, not vindicated. Again in 1886, Valiagath Syed Alawi bin Hassan Hydros Muthukoya Thangal (See Table 1.1), the inam holder and manager of the Mambram mosque filed a suit to recover revenue of eight rupees per annum charged on his paramba from Kunhi Bivi and others who were its janmis. The government had transferred the revenue of the paramba many years ago

42

Rayanmakanagath Kunhi Bivi Sheriff v. Cheriapudagath Abdul Aziz; I.L.R., 6 Madras, 1882. p. 103.

76 The Malabar Muslims during Tipu Sultan’s reign to the trustees of the mosque. The Inam Commission deed was dated 23 April, 1886. The trustees of the mosque hence became, on the transfer by the government, entitled to recover the revenue from the janmis. It was found that the rent had not been paid by the janmis for more than twelve years and therefore the court made a decree for payment to Kunhi Bivi.43 There were situations where the management of the mosque was questioned, as for instance, some of the trustees of a mosque filed a suit in 1910 for the removal of its manager. The manager claimed that the suit was unsustainable and that instead of his being indebted to the mosque, the mosque owed him a considerable sum of money which he had spent out of his own pocket. The trial court found on evidence that the manager was entitled to be paid a sum from the mosque and directed that the payment be made.44 The mosque was the centre of Muslim religious life and a constant matter of dispute among the Mappillas, the government and other religious groups. Issues of its management, succession to its trusteeship, the acquisition of mosque lands, processions and the playing of music and the devolution of mosque property seem to have been settled either by the government or the courts.

Disputes among Qadis Differences did arise between some qadis in Malabar over mosque issues. For example, during the 1860s, there was a clash between the Mishkhalpalli and the Jamaatpalli in Kozhikode on the issue of a stone which was taken from the Mishkhalpalli for the use of the Jamaatpalli. The Mishkhalpalli committee registered a complaint against the Jamaatpalli, the committee of which defended it on the grounds that since both the mosques were run by the same qadi, permission was not required. The committee consulted the religious authorities at Ponnani to redress the matter. The stone was however taken back to its original place and the case seemed closed.45 However, this issue caused a longstanding split, and the kaimutti pattu sangham joined the Mishkhalpalli committee. This sangham was a group of singers who sang for weddings by clapping hands (kaimutti literally means

43 44 45

Alabi v. Kunhi Bi; I.L.R., 10 Madras, 1886. p. 115. Kunhi Kuttiali v. Kunhammad, the High Court of Judicature at Madras, O.S. No. 579 of 1910. Parappil, Kozhikottu, pp. 123–4

Religious Spaces and Disputes 77 clapping hands). The followers of the Mishkhalpalli formed the muttilla bhagam or cheria bhagam and those of the Jamaatpalli, who did not clap hands for wedding songs, were called the muttilatha bhagam or the valia bhagam. Thurston writes, ‘One section of the Mappillas at Kozhikode is known as ‘clap the hand’ (Kaikottakar) in contradiction to another section, which may not clap hands (Kaikottathakar). On the occasion of wedding and other ceremonies, the former enjoy the privilege of clapping their hands as an accompaniment to the processional music, while the latter are not permitted to do so.’46

The people were thus divided into two factions but the qadi of the two mosques, Haji Koya Qadi, remained neutral. The split nevertheless became complete when the two sons of Haji Koya Qadi, Abu Bakkar Kunhi Qadi and Palliveetil Mammad had a personal clash in the 1870s. As a result of the dissension, the qadi of Mishkhalpalli (the cheria qadi) decided to hold juma and conduct nikah for his followers.47 Under the provisions of the Qadi Act of 1880, the Governor of Madras appointed Abu Bakkar Kunhi Haji as valia qadi and Palliveetil Mammad as cheria qadi of Kozhikode in 1882.48 The powers of the qadi in the management of mosques were also sometimes disputed as in the case of the qadi of the Mambram mosque, who was the sole manager of the mosque and the jaram attached to it. He was the senior male member of the ottakathu tharavaadu in the marumakkathayam line of descent. In a case filed in 1915, he pleaded that the management of the Jamaat mosque and Sayyidakkamars’ jaram (Malayalam: sayyid’s mausoleum) had been hereditarily vested in his family and as the senior member, he had all the administrative rights. The kaarnavar of the tharavaadu argued that the qadi was strictly subordinate to the hereditary kaarnavar.49 The kaarnavarsthanam was vested since the foundation of the mosque in four families. The main dispute between the parties was whether the right of management was vested in the hands of the ottakathu tharavaadu or the kaarnavar. It was stated that Pukkoya Thangal was a direct

46 47 48 49

Thurston, Castes. p. 470. Parappil, Kozhikottu. pp. 124–5. Extract from the Fort St. George Gazette, Judicial, Part I, dated 6.1.1882. KRA/Revenue/G.O.No. 2869-19/29.3.1919.

78 The Malabar Muslims descendant of the Prophet, and was held in extraordinary veneration by the Mappilla population. The annual festival was attended by thousands who made offerings to the thangal amounting to thousands of rupees. The qadi’s name was found alongwith those of the kaarnavar on the invitations of the nercha. There were other tharavaads in Mambram equal in importance to those of the kaarnavar, and sharing with them the privilege of special places of burial. The defendants contended that they enjoyed a kaarnavarsthanam by virtue of the fact that their ancestors were the chief men when the mosque was founded. The kaarnavar argued that ottakathu tharavaadu could continue to hold the office of the qadi, but it should not claim any right to the management of the mosque. However, the lower court’s final decision was that the kaarnavar had no right to interfere with the qadi in the appointment and the dismissal of the khatib, the mullas and the drummers. The courts gave the qadi the rights to all repairs, the lighting of the lamps in the mosque, the fixing of the nercha date and the collections of the nercha offerings. In the annual nercha at Mambram, the offerings were distributed to the drummers and other poor pilgrims.50 On an entirely different issue, the rights to benefit from the provisions of the Qadi Act were claimed by the Hanafi Muslims of Kozhikode, such as the Pathani and Ravuttan migrants. They had a Hanafi Juma Masjid in the town, commonly known as the Pattalapalli. In 1938, they appealed to the District Magistrate of Malabar that C.M. Moulvi Sahib was the only qadi of the Hanafi community and was quite independent of any other qadi in Kozhikode. The petitioners argued that the Hanafis did not subscribe to the rituals and other forms of religious ceremonies of the Shafis. Moulvi Saheb had been officiating as qadi for thirty years but he had not been recognized as qadi under Section 3 of the Qadi Act of 1880. They also held that there were two qadis for the Shafi’i sect in Kozhikode and both were recognized by the Qadi Act. The Hanafis stressed their need for a separate qadi who was conversant in their language which in the majority cases was Urdu, while Tamil was also spoken by many like the Ravuttans while the Shafi’i qadis knew only Malayalam. However, the Magistrate did not consider it necessary to appoint C.M.Moulvi as the qadi of the Hanafi Juma Masjid.51 The matter was thus closed. This case shows that the British officials took decisions arbitrarily on the religious matters of the Muslims, overlooking the

50 51

Ibid. KRA/Revenue/G.O. No. R1265-38/16.10.1938.

Religious Spaces and Disputes 79 importance of the qadi in their religious and social life. It also indicates that language was considered a significant marker of identity between leaders of the two sects in Kozhikode. The qadis were also vocal during the debates that raged over the enactment of the Mappilla Marumakkathayam Bill in 1939 especially in north Malabar where the Muslims were organized in a matrilineal pattern. They asserted that the devolution of property according to the Mohammedan law was the Islamic practice and all Mappillas should adhere to it. The qadis of north Malabar rallied many Muslims around them and were the strongest supporters of the Bill.

Areas of Mappilla-Hindu Friction Apart from differences between Mappillas, there were occasions when the Hindus and the Mappillas confronted each other over issues of mosque sites, burial grounds and religious processions. Sometimes amicable settlements were made while at other times, unpleasant incidents occurred. A number of disagreements between Hindus and Mappillas occurred over the issue of mosque sites. For example, in the Walluvanad taluk, some members of the Mappilla community had unauthorisedly built a mosque on land belonging to a Hindu, Kolathur Variar. Variar executed a deed in 1878, by which the long-standing dispute was brought to an amicable settlement. He surrendered the necessary stretch of land required for the construction of the mosque and the land made over was permanently closed with a wall.52 In another instance, some of the Mappilla inhabitants of Makkada amsam of Kozhikode petitioned in 1911 for the acquisition of a piece of land for constructing a mosque with a graveyard attached to it, with the financial help from the rich Mappillas of that area. The Hindus of the locality strongly objected to the proposed site. The President of the District Board ordered that as the Hindus objected to the original site, it should not be acquired for a burial ground and that if the Mappillas were anxious to have a burial ground, they could have the other site; if not, the matter must be dropped. The Mappillas, on their part, did not accept the other site on the grounds that it was near the river, and that it would be difficult for the people to reach the place in the rainy season as a result of floods. Therefore, they did not use the site for their mosque.53 52 53

Letter from William Logan, District Magistrate of Malabar to the Chief Secretary of Government, TNA/Judl./G.O.No. 1658/17.8.1878. KRA/Public/G.O.No. 2128/2.12.1911.

80 The Malabar Muslims A similar situation arose in the Kovur amsam of the Kozhikode taluk, where a niskarapalli, not a wakf property but the private land of Chalil Kunhacha was used as a Jamaat mosque. In 1938, a separate mosque with a burial ground was built. The Hindus of the area objected to a burial site near a residential neighbourhood. Secondly, they argued that since there was a temple nearby where festivals were accompanied by processions, the Muslims of the area would object to the drum-beating and the playing of music. Therefore, an amicable settlement was made by which the Muslims agreed not to bury the dead bodies in the mosque and to tolerate music except between 11am and 2 pm on Fridays.54 There were also incidents of provocation between the two communities during festivals which were very common between Muslims and Hindus in other parts of India during the late nineteenth century. For example, the Kerala Patrika reported in 1910 that on the day of the Hindu festival, Vishu, over a thousand Mappillas assembled at the Moideen mosque in Kozhikode, prepared to stop a procession of a group of Thiyyas which was expected to pass by the mosque to the accompaniment of music. The Divisional Magistrate sent a body of police in time to the spot, but as there was no procession or prospect of one, no breach of peace ensued.55 Dilip Menon has argued that the Mappilla-Thiyya frictions at this period of time in the regions of Talasherri and Kannur was to be seen more as a fallout of an economic rivalry between Thiyya and Mappilla elites rather than of a communal nature.56 The Thiyya community, by the beginning of the twentieth century had found in their leader, Sri Narayana Guru, a source of social and economic upliftment from their given position as lower Hindu castes. The rivalry between the Mappilla and Thiyya elites were accentuated by heavy taxation on Thiyya toddy tappers in the 1920s and the soaring prices of toddy. This saw the transfer of toddy trade into Mappilla hands and the earlier Thiyya monopoly being diluted.57 By this time, the prosperity and wealth of rich Mappilla business magnates were manifested in the form of Mappilla srambis all over north Malabar, thus creating a community-consciousness among them.58 Meanwhile, in south Malabar, the 1921 rebellion had left behind bitter feelings between the Mappillas and the Hindus. K.P. Kesavan Menon, the Malabar Congressman, has argued that Hindu-Muslim unity during the rebellion was affected only when the British army in Malabar sought the 54 55 56 57 58

KRA/Revenue/G.O.No. R-5362M-38/22.11.1938. Kerala Patrika, Kozhikode, 23 April, 1910, MNNR. IOR/L/R/5. Menon, Caste. p. 73. Ibid. p. 76 Ibid. p. 73

Religious Spaces and Disputes 81 help of Hindu spies to locate the Mappilla rebels. It was only then that attacks on Hindus began.59 It is important to note that the thangal leaders of the Mappillas like Ali Musaliar, Chembrassery Thangal and Kunhu Alavi, all through the rebellion constantly stressed that at no cost should the Hindu community be attacked.60 However, by the end of 1921, bitter feelings were brimming between sections of the Hindu Congress who lost faith in the Khilafat supporters. A section of the Mappillas blamed the Congress for not giving support when the army and police attacked them.61 In any case, the conflict between Mappillas and Nayars in south Malabar was on the subject of landlord-tenant relationship accentuated by aggressive land tenure policies adopted by the British government. The Congress was never again able to win Mappilla support in the rebel areas. Instead, the thangals and Muslims of south Malabar were to join the Muslim League in the thirties and the forties. Organizations such as the Young Men’s Muslim Association (YMMA) of north Malabar did however foster Hindu-Muslim unity during the Payyanur salt satyagraha of 1930.62 By the 1930s, the Mappilla-Thiyya divide in north Malabar had sharpened with the imposing excise policy on toddy trade, the increasing prosperity of Mappilla merchants and the simultaneous decline of the Thiyya merchants with the toddy monopoly switching places.63 Apart from the conflict between the Mappilla and Thiyya elites, there were occasional frictions between other groups of Mappillas and Hindus. Incidents of trouble between the mukkuvans, who were Hindu fishermen and the pusalars (Mappilla fishermen), have been recorded in south Kanara and Kannur in 1929 and 1933 respectively.64A procession of Thiyyas in front of a mosque instigated violent interactions with the Mappillas in 1934 resulting in one death and some minor injuries.65 Trivial incidents such as a quarrel during a wrestling match between a Mappilla boy and a Thiyya boy was also made a cause for attacks between the two communities.66 Although incidents between the Thiyyas and the Mappillas continued to be a cause of bitter feelings, by 1936, the administration reports of the Madras Presidency observed with concern that the disputes between 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66

Menon, Keshava K.P., Kazhinja Kalam. Kozhikode: Mathrubhumi Press, 1982, p. 120 Ibid. pp. 110–3 Ibid. p. 128 Menon, Caste. p. 104. Ibid. p. 76. Fortnightly Reports (FR) in July, 1929 and January, 1933. FR, March 1934. FR, December 1934.

82 The Malabar Muslims Thiyyas and Mappillas over the question of music before mosques spread to other Hindu sects and other parts of the district.67 This is evident in an instance where a procession of Nayars passing a Mappilla srambi near Kannur was prevented from playing music. This caused resentment among the Nayars, which was apparently ‘fomented by local Congressmen’.68 On another occasion, it has been recorded that a group of Hindus on their way to a temple festival stopped outside a srambi and created disturbance.69 A group of Thiyyas was also said to have drummed in the middle of the night outside a srambi in Kannur.70 The causes of such provocative incidents have been attributed by Dilip Menon to the prosperity of the Mappilla merchants in Kannur and Talasherri. Their monopoly over the toddy, copra and rice trade was a constant economic threat to the Thiyya elite. This forced a section among the Thiyyas to adopt Hindu militant stances, which took the form of attacks on the growing number of Mappilla srambis.71 The nature of the conflicts, as Menon has suggested, could have turned ‘communal’ in the thirties.72 In order to prevent further incidents, a prohibitory order was issued under Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code by the law and order authorities all over Kannur, Kozhikode, Talasherri and Ponnani.73 This order thus prevented the attempts made by a Hindu procession in Kannur to pass near a srambi; a Mappilla nercha procession in Kozhikode that was to pass through several temples; and a sabotage attempt by a Mappilla to disrupt a conference organized by an influential Thiyya organization in Ponnani taluk.74 However, by May 1936, the order under Section 144 expired and the communities gave an undertaking to stop playing music while passing through each other’s place of worship.75 The District Magistrate reported that there seemed to be no permanent reconciliation between the Mappillas and the Thiyyas. Instead, three suits were filed by a section of the Thiyyas against the Joint Magistrate, the Inspector of Police and other officers, to get a decision in their favour from the civil courts.76

67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76

Report on the Administration of the Madras Presidency, 1936–37, p. 34. FR, February, 1936. Ibid. Ibid. Menon, Caste. pp. 125–6. Ibid. FR, April, 1936. Ibid. FR, May, 1936. FR, June, 1936.

Religious Spaces and Disputes 83 Incidents of Hindu-Muslim tension recurred in the forties as well, on various issues. In Talasherri in 1943, a Hindu alleged that a Mappilla shopkeeper was selling rice only to his community and therefore, a fight followed leaving a few people injured.77 What was significant at this period of time was the war crisis and the consequent restrictions on rice import from Burma. In Malabar, the Mappilla merchants exercised a monopoly over rice imports because of the presence of Mappilla traders in Burmese ports, a privilege that the Hindu merchants did not have. This state of monopoly was prevalent even earlier during the First World War and had increased considerably during the Second World War. This advantageous position of the Mappilla rice merchants was misused in the sale of rice to other communities. Two different instances of clashes between the communities were also recorded in 1944 over the issue of drumbeating in front of a mosque.78 Thus the economic conflict between prosperous Mappilla and Thiyya elite that began in the early twentieth century escalated by the thirties, emphasizing communal boundaries. This was reflected in the attacks by the communities on each others’ places of worship. At another level, theological differences and disputes within the Mappilla community itself on various religious issues had already begun to surface simultaneously. Meanwhile, from the mid-1930s, government attitude towards the religious practices of the Mappillas seems to have changed as they began to grant special concessions to them. For example, with effect from 1936– 37, the Madras government sanctioned the levy by the Malabar District Board on special sanitary arrangements made for the fairs held by them during the nercha festival at Mambram.79 Again in 1938, a government order was circulated to the civil and criminal courts of the Madras Presidency to permit all suitors and witnesses, to avail not more than two hours between 12:15 pm and 2:15 pm on Fridays, to say their juma prayers.80 This order seems to have been announced rather late since there had been similar suggestions by organizations like the Manjeri Muslimin Sabha as early as 1901. A possible reason for the sudden interest of the British in giving special favours and privileges to the Mappillas could be the threat of the emerging Congress activities in Malabar from the 1930s.

77 78 79 80

Ibid., March, 1943. Ibid., April, 1944. KRA/Revenue/G.O.No.708-37/15.1937. Proceedings of the High Court of Madras, KRA/Revenue/G.O.No. 1269M/28.2.1938.

84 The Malabar Muslims

Influence of Mappilla Politics on Religious Institutions and Functionaries The beginning of 1933 marked an important landmark in the history of the Mambram Thangalship. Mappilla political leaders like Muhammad Abdurahiman Sahib, the Congress-Left leader, formed a Mambram Restoration Committee in order to restore the Mambram properties to the rightful inheritors of Sayyid Fazl.81 Abdurahiman published an article relating to the Mambram issue in his journal Al-Ameen.82 He argued that the government orders passed in 1852 on Sayyid Fazl and his descendants prohibiting their entry into Malabar should be withdrawn and that they should be given possession of the Mambram mosque and the jaram properties.83 A correspondence was also initiated with Sayyid Ahmad, the son of Sayyid Fazl, in order to get the family details of the heirs.84 The co-operation of the Mappillas of south Malabar was sought to fight the case. The Madras government noted with some cynicism: ‘The Thangalship of the Mambram mosque is still the cause of a good deal of subterranean intriguing among the Moplas. No serious trouble is however apprehended and there is no sign of hostility to the government.’85

February 1934, saw the surprise return of Sayyid Ali, the youngest son of Sayyid Fazl, despite the government warning issued to him during his visit to Madras in 1926. He came to Malabar from Cairo via Colombo, although, it was unknown as to how he procured the visa for India. His visit coincided with the agitation of the Mambram Committee, which, according to officials ‘… appears to have some public support’.86 They further added, ‘Endeavours are being made to put pressure on his supporters’. Sayyid Ali was ordered to return to Colombo immediately but he however moved to the French settlement of Mahe. The government’s attitude towards him was given wide publicity in Malabar by a Press Communique.87

81 82 83 84 85 86

87

Maulavi, Ende Koottukaran. p. 206. FR, January, 1933. Maulavi, Ende Koottukaran. p. 206. ‘Translation of letter sent by Sayyad Ahmad,’ dated 5.4.1993, Ibid. pp. 207–17. FR, March, 1933. Demi-official from G.G.T.H. Bracenn, Chief Secretary to Govt. of Madras, to M.G. Hallet, Secretary to Government of India, Home Department, Fort St. George, 20.2.1934. FR, March, 1934.

Religious Spaces and Disputes 85 It was reported that Sayyid Ali intended to file a civil suit on his behalf to claim the hereditary rights to the Mambram mosque but however did not do so. Instead, he returned to Egypt in October.88 When B. Pokkar Sahib stood for the Madras Assembly Elections in 1937 as a Muslim League candidate, he was supposed to have exhibited a placard showing a letter from Sayyid Ali. Maulana Shaukat Ali, who visited Malabar to support Pokkar’s candidature, was warned by the Madras government that Pokkar should not be allowed to base any arguments on religious sentiments or on the Mambram mosque. He was also warned for showing the placard.89 When the Congress ministry was formed in 1937, a resolution regarding the Mambram issue was passed by the Mambram Restoration Committee at a Kerala Muslim Conference at Kozhikode.90 Abdurahiman organized an ‘oppu varam’ (meaning: signature week) to get atleast one lakh signatures from the Mappilla public to support the petition. Circulars were sent to the Mappillas of Ernad, Walluvanad, Ponnani and Kozhikode. The signed petition was sent through the Malabar Collector to the Madras Governor. A copy was also sent to Yakub Hasan, a member of the Madras Legislative Assembly. Despite all the efforts, the entire issue was suppressed by the Madras government and no action was taken.91 By the early forties, qadis and thangals were joining the League in large numbers. For example, at a Muslim League meeting in Kandakkadavu, the flag was hoisted by Kondotti Thangal.92 A Zilla League meeting in Vandur was also organized in the presence of a qadi.93 During the Muslim League procession in support of the ‘Pakistan’ demand in August 1946, prayers were held in Jamaat mosques under the leadership of qadis.94 The Muslim Majlis-Muslim League friction in the forties also led to religious conflicts between them in that a Majlis member was refused permission to offer prayers in a mosque.95 The British policy of intervention in the religious affairs of the Malabar Muslims could be seen right from the time they officially took up the administration of Malabar in the early nineteenth century. The change of British religious policy from the late thirties was significant in the light of

88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95

Ibid., October, 1934. FR, February, 1937. Maulavi, Ende Koottukaran. p. 218. Ibid. ‘Muslim League Vijayipikkiga’, in Chandrika, 9.3.1946. p. 3. ‘Zilla League Yogam’, Ibid. ‘Malabar Muslimgalude Samara Sannadhata’, Chandrika, 18.8.1946. p. 3. FR, December, 1945.

86 The Malabar Muslims the emerging political activities of the Congress and the Muslim League in the district. Subjects like the Mambram Thangalship became a political agenda and the British government made every attempt to suppress the issue. The popularity of the dargahpallis and the nercha festivals was more in the rural pockets of interior Malabar. Yet towns like Kozhikode also held annual nercha celebrations and venerated saints. In the interior regions like Mambram, these festivals were grand occasions and had a rural flavour as they were celebrated during or after the harvest seasons. The syncretistic borrowings from the local society took the form of lighting the vilakku, music, fireworks and elephant processions although these were non-Islamic practices. Finally, the differences, disputes and divisions over religious institutions and functionaries, show that the Malabar Muslims were certainly fragmented on religious lines. In other words, one could argue that they were a pluralistic religious community. This will become more explicit in our discussion on the division within the Mappillas on theological lines.

Reformist Trends 87

4 Reformist Trends

The geography of Malabar was partly responsible for the relative isolation of Malabar Muslims, the intellectual consequences of which were noticeable during the period of socio-religious movements in the nineteenth century North India. Apart from the linguistic and geographical barriers, it can be argued that the Mappillas of Malabar were unaffected by the reform movements in the north possibly because of the absence of a powerful ‘ulama class associated with a court culture like that of the Mughals; the lack of a highly educated Muslim elite like the ashraf of North India; their being sunnis of the Shafi’i school; and their links with the Arabian heartlands rather than with the rest of India. However, there were exceptions to this general trend in that there were a handful of Mappillas who went to Deoband and also, the usual barriers to penetration were surpassed by the missionary Ahmadiyya movement. Among the early socio-religious movements in Malabar in the period between 1870s and 1920s was that of Sanaullah Makti Thangal. He was initially an excise inspector in the British government but resigned in 1882 to become a social reformer. He was a severe critic of the Christian missionary activities in Malabar and to counter them, he mobilised the Mappillas through public meetings and pamphlets defending Islam and challenging Christian religious ideas. He also advocated English education, the education of girls and reformed the Arabi-Malayalam script.1 In 1871, the first madrassa was established at Vazhakkad by a family called the Koyapathodi family. It was called the Dar-ul-Uloom madrassa whose manager was Muhammad Haji, a member of the family. Under Chalilagath Kunhamed’s administration, the madrassa expanded 1

Panikkar, Against Lord. p. 64.

88 The Malabar Muslims considerably. Tafsir (commentary on the Koran), hadis (Prophetic traditions), fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), geography, astronomy, geometry, history, logic and science were included in the syllabus. A modern system of learning was followed with the help of teaching aids like globes, atlases, dictionaries and picture books. Facilities for encouraging the habit of newspaper reading were also provided. The Vazhakkad system of education was later introduced in Kannur and Valiapatanam.2 The Vazhakkad Dar ul-uloom became a nursery of bright Mappilla students who were to lead the community later as leaders. E. Moidu Maulavi, Sulaiman Maulavi, P.K. Musa Maulavi, E.K. Maulavi and Talasherri Ahmad Kutty were its learned students.3 Apart from these early socio-religious reform movements, reform influences in Malabar also spread from the centuries old links with the Arabian Peninsula, initiated and maintained through a trade diaspora. The Shafi’i centres of Egypt and Arabia had their influence in Malabar in the transmission of Islahi teachings to the region in the 1920s.

The Islahi Movement of Vaikkom Maulavi The social backwardness created by blind faith and lack of education among the Mappillas prompted a great humanist of the time, Vaikkom Abdul Kader Maulavi, to persevere towards a social change within the community. Born in 1873, he grew up in a scholarly family and was educated in Islamic theology, logic, Arabic grammar and literature, Tamil, Malayalam, Sanskrit, Urdu and Persian. Tamil Muslim scholars from Vellore, Kayalpatanam, Kilakkarai and Ceylon were appointed to teach him Tamil language.4 Vaikkom Maulavi’s voracious reading habits kept him well-informed about changing events in the Arab world. The 1870s was a period of national consciousness in Egypt articulated through the press. The activities of Egyptian reformers like Mohammad ‘Abduh (1845–1905) were significant. ‘Abduh through his writings and commentaries on the Koran expressed his ideas of modernism. His aim was to show that Islam could be reconciled with modern thought.5 His stress on the importance of reason was manifested through the introduction

2 3 4 5

Pasha, Kamal, ‘Muslim Religious Education’, in Engineer, p. 136. Ibid. p. 86. Ibid. pp. 14–15. Hourani, A., Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age: 1789–1939. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. pp. 132–40.

Reformist Trends 89 of subjects like Islamic thought, geography, ethics and history to the curriculum.6 Qasim Amin published two books between 1899 and 1900 on the emancipation of Muslim women and advocated equal rights to them through the medium of education.7 Rashid Rida, a disciple of ‘Abduh, started publishing an Arab periodical, Al Manar, which became the voice of ‘Abduh’s reformist ideas. Among Rida’s major ideas of reform were a criticism of mystical practices, the education and equal rights for women, and the teaching of Arabic language.8 These reformist ideas of ‘Abduh and Rida inspired Vaikkom Maulavi to work towards the progress of Mappilla society. He used the medium of ‘print culture’ to propagate his thoughts and ideas among the Muslim public of Travancore. Through his contacts, he bought a press from the Pierce Lesley Company at Alapuzha in 1905 and started a Malayalam paper, Swadeshabhimani.9 It started as a four-page weekly and became a vehicle for social and political reform. The Swadeshabhimani was a bold modern Malayalam paper of the time and a strong critic of the Travancore government. Vaikkom Maulavi and the publishers toured Cochin, Travancore and Malabar to publicise about the newspaper and in the process gained the support of many subscribers.10 The Swadeshabhimani fought for the social and educational reform of the masses. On Mohammedan education, the report of the Government Gazette observed: ‘… the Muslims are not interested in sending their children for secular education… The government has encouraged those who have taken advantage of government schools by appointing them in public services. This has created some interest in other Muslims.’11

In 1906, the Maulavi began publishing another monthly, the Muslim, from the Swadeshabhimani Press. This monthly was solely intended for the awakening of the Muslim public. In the pages of the Muslim, the importance to the upliftment of Mappilla society through education was

6 7 8 9 10 11

Ibid. p. 154; ‘al-Jamiyathul Islamiyat’, in Muslim, Feb–March, 1914. p. 109. Hourani, Arabic Thought. pp. 164–7. Ibid. pp. 298–9. Kannu, Mohd., Vaikkom Moulavi. Trivandrum: Published by Author, 1981. p. 30. Ibid. p. 31. ‘Thiruvithankurle Muhammadiya Vidyaabhyaasam,’ in Swadeshabhimani, 9 Feb., 1908.

90 The Malabar Muslims stressed again and again. The significance of the point can be gauged from the following lines: ‘Among all religious communities, Muslims are the most backward. Rich people should contribute financially towards the development of education among poor Muslims. We should not depend only on the government and… We must take the example of Hindus around us whose leaders are working hard for their educational progress. They are establishing big organizations which are opening schools and giving scholarships to poor students… We should follow their example and improve our community.’12

Taking the example from Hindu reformers, Abdul Kader Maulavi experimented with the idea of founding a Muslim organization through the pages of the Muslim monthly. This effective drive culminated in the creation of the Travancore Muslim Samajam, the first annual meeting of which was held in 1914 in Varkala. Participants included both Muslims and Hindus. Discussions were held on the social conditions of the Muslims and the position of women in Islam. Muslim journalists read papers in Arabic on ‘Arabic language and Muslims’. These papers were also translated into Malayalam.13 The question of women and their education was regularly discussed in the monthly. In A. Mohammad Kunju’s ‘Nammude Streegal’ (our women), written in the Muslim, he argued that the progress of the Mappillas depended mainly on their women’s education. He wrote: ‘Today Egypt stands foremost in the field of women’s education… schools, sabhas and newspapers have been started in Egypt. The subject of women occupies an important position in their newspapers, journals and monthlies… You must try and give education to girls. Also give them religious education… and build their character.’14

The example of women’s education in Egypt was cited from the Egyptian journal, Al Manar, for the Mappillas to understand its relevance for their progress. The article on Muslim women thus read: ‘Women in Egypt enjoy a higher position… Our women need to be educated on language, religion, culture and other subjects. Madrassas 12 13 14

‘Samudayodhdhaaranam’, in Muslim, Jan–Feb., 1914, part 6. ‘Muslim Samajam’, in Muslim, May–June, 1914, part 10. p. 156. ‘Nammude Streegal’, in Muslim, Jan–Feb., 1914, part 6, pp. 89–91.

Reformist Trends 91 should be opened for them. Malayali Muslim women should also progress…’15

Other than the examples from Egypt, Vaikkom Maulavi also cited the example of the founding of the All India Muslim Women’s Educational Conference in 1914 at the Aligarh Muslim Girls High School.16 Vaikkom Maulavi’s inspiration thus emerged from the Arab world through the issues of the Al-Manar and its founders. A book review of Thomas Arnold’s ‘The Preaching of Islam’, published in the Near East monthly was also translated into Malayalam in Maulavi’s journal, the Muslim.17 Maulavi’s views about education and the powerful writings in the Muslim turned out to be fruitful in the long run. A meeting was called by the Director of Education of Travancore, Dr. Bishop, in 1914, which was attended by the Muslim representatives from Alwaye, Quilon, Vaikkom and Alleppey. It was decided in the meeting that Arabic would be given importance, Arabic teachers would be appointed in schools which had more than twenty-five students and scholarships and salaries for grantsin-aid Muslim schools would be given.18 By 1915, seventy-five schools were opened for the Mappillas of Travancore and Koran teachers and Arabic Munshis were appointed. Maulavi and the first Mohammedan school inspector, S. Sulaiman Sahib, were appointed members of the Arabic Board examination of Travancore. They planned the Arabic syllabus and textbooks. As the President of the Arabic textbook committee, the Maulavi had regular contacts with the education department in Egypt. He followed the modern system of Arabic education of Egypt and also bought Arabic textbooks from there.19 The first Arabic press was established in Edava where the first translation of the Koran into Malayalam was printed. This was also the time when the Maulavi took special efforts to spread his reformist ideas to Malabar where he knew that education was backward and the Mappillas resisted English education. In order to reach out to the Mappillas in Malabar regions where Arabic was a favourite, he started publishing another monthly, the Al Islam. Al Islam was a ‘religious, social and moral review in Malayalam language and in Arabi-Malayalam

15 16 17 18 19

‘Muslim Streegal’, in Muslim, March–April, 1914, part 8, pp. 121–2. ‘Al-Jamiyathul Islamiyat’, in Muslim, Feb–Mar. 1914, part 7, pp. 106–110. Ibid. Kannu, Vakkom Moulavi. pp. 72–8. Ibid. p. 81.

92 The Malabar Muslims characters, published in the beginning of every Arabic month’.20 The first issue, published a Malayalam translation of the Koran in 1918. The birth of the Al-Islam was attributed by Vaikkom Maulavi to the influence of the Egyptian Journal Al Manar.21 In his own words, ‘I started the Al Islam to propagate the ideas published in the Al Manar… The ideas of Al Manar and my modern thoughts were opposed by the orthodox ulama… They ordered that the Mappillas should not read these papers’22.

The teachings of ‘Abduh and Rida, which were mirrored in the Al Manar, were made accessible to the Mappillas of Kerala through the pages of the Al Islam. The Maulavi was assisted in this effort by a Malabar Mappilla from Edavanna, Arakkal Mohammad.23 A study of the issues of the Arabi-Malayalam monthly shows clearly that unlike the Muslim, where education was the key theme, the Al Islam concentrated more on the religious aspects that had influenced the Maulavi. The theological doctrines of the Egyptian reformers, that of rejection of taqlid (blind acceptance of the views of early scholars), the importance of the Koran, the purification of Islam on the basis of the hadith (prophetic tradition) and a rational approach to theology, were the highlights of Vaikkom Maulavi’s modern approach to Islam. He wrote: ‘We are lost in superstitions and darkness… Have we taken any efforts to preach proper religion to our community? Values of ‘good path’ are missing in our society… Dear friends, please preach your religion around the world… Let your ideas and thoughts progress. Follow the right path.’24

The concept of Al Islahudini which means the purification relating to religious practices was discussed by the Maulavi. He argued that the backwardness of the Mappillas was because of their superstitious beliefs and practices, which opposed the idea of din (Arabic: religion). These were considered shirk (Arabic: Sin of Polytheism) by the Islahis (Islah means reform). Maulavi and his followers tried to purge Islam of such superstitions and preach the right ideas of din.25 20 21 22 23 24 25

Al Islam, April 1918, part-1 (Arabi-Malayalam). Ibid. Kannu, Vakkom. pp. 108–9. Sharafuddeen, S., ‘Vakkom Maulavi-A Pioneer Journalist of Kerala’, in Journal of Kerala Studies, Vol. 8, Dec.1981. p. 94. ‘Nammude Avastha’, in Al Islam, April, 1918, part 1, pp. 9–12. ‘al-Islahudini’, in Al Islam, April, 1918, part 1, p. 13.

Reformist Trends 93 Questions relating to the right religious practices were raised by the Islahi followers to which Maulavi provided solutions. These discussions were printed in the issues of the Muslim. On the question of whether it was right to read the Khutba in Arabic on Friday jum’as without understanding its meanings, the Maulavi explained that ‘there was nothing wrong, but its translation into Malayalam would help to thoroughly follow the meanings…’26 Allowing young women to visit burial sites or to stay nearby at night was wrong according to the Prophet. The Maulavi stressed on that and considered it right only in special circumstances. He however said that women were not allowed to worship the burial tombs and that was a privilege only for the men.27 The Maulavi’s Islahi followers also raised the question of the worship of saints’ tombs. Their question was whether it was a right practice and whether the saints had the power to cure diseases and bless women with children. The Maulavi argued that it was wrong to give saints the power of God. Thus, the practice of nerchas at the tombs of saints was attacked severely by the Islahi movement. They argued that the Shaikhs (that is, the thangals) in Kerala were spreading un-Islamic practices. E. Moidu Maulavi, in an article in Al Islam wrote: ‘These shaikhs are uneducated and are therefore fostering superstitious beliefs and practices… Many rich families donated their properties to one Musaliar… These Shaikhs actually make money from the nerchas. These practices are against the Shariat…’ 28

The position of women in Islam was also a favourite subject of discussion in the Al Islam. Through its monthly issues, the importance of improving Muslim women’s social position was stressed. It was argued that women should be taught to read and write.29 Regarding the seclusion of women, the opinion was that purdah was followed in Islam ‘to protect women who were delicate, vulnerable and precious’. According to Islam, women did not occupy a subordinate position. ‘Even within the antapuram (Malayalam: seclusion of the house), they held authoritative positions. The

26

27 28 29

‘Madavaramaya Chila Chodyangalum Avarkku Maulaviyude Samadhanangalum’, in Abda Mohamad S. (ed.) Vakkam Maulaviyude Thiranjedutha Krithikal. Vaikkom: Vaikkom Maulavi Publications, 1979. pp. 145–8 (Malayalam). Ibid. pp. 148–9. Maulavi , E. Moidu, ‘Malayalathile Shaikhumarum Islam Samudayamum’, in Al Islam, June 1918, part 1, pp. 45–7. ‘Streegale Kaiezhuthu Pattipikkamo?’ In Al Islam, July, 1918, part 4, pp. 105–121.

94 The Malabar Muslims house was under their control and management of finances was their privilege’, was the Islahi argument.30 The subject of education of Mappilla women created a controversy among the orthodox thangals of Malabar. This was evident when a group of subscribers of the Al Islam from Chadayamangalam returned the monthly to the publishers.31 On enquiring, the person who headed the group wrote back saying that on the visit to their village for establishing a dars (higher institution of learning), Ali Maulavi Thangal, the son-in-law of the Ponnani Makhdum Thangal, incidentally happened to see the Al Islam. The thangal ordered the subscribers to return the monthly because it was, according to him, an insult to Islam. On further enquiry, he explained that the article in the journal about teaching women to write was unacceptable. He also challenged that ‘if a hadith allowing the education of women existed, he would like to be shown the reference’.32 Technical criticisms were also made by the subscribers about the monthly. Some pointed out that the language of the monthly was not simple enough. In their opinion, the usage of Sanskrit words was creating difficulty for women and men to understand the meanings of passages.33 In reply, the publishers argued that the Malayalam language itself had Sanskrit roots. However, they agreed to simplify the language and also print the meanings of difficult words. In any case, only five issues of the journal could be published owing to Vaikkom Maulavi’s sudden illness. An organized movement of the Islahis was manifested in the formation of the Kerala Aikya Sangham on an all-Kerala basis. In 1922, the seeds of the sangham were sown in Eriyattu village in Kodungallur, led by Vaikkom Maulavi and his close followers, K.M. Seethi Sahib, K.M. Maulavi, E.K. Maulavi, E. Moidu Maulavi, Manapatt Kunhahmed Haji and Kochu Moideen Haji. The first annual meeting of the sangham was held in 1923 at Eriyattu, presided by its founder. Its activities included opening libraries, establishing madrassas and publishing journals. Monthlies like the Al Irshad and the Al Islahi in Arabi-Malayalam were published. The Aikya Sangham condemned un-Islamic practices like ear-piercing and nercha rituals.34 The musaliars of the Aikya sangham issued fatwas against the nercha practices and in response those musaliars who favoured nerchas also issued fatwas.35 30 31 32 33 34 35

‘Islam Madavum Streegalum-Anthapuravasam,’ in Al Islam, May, 1918, part 2, p. 34. ‘Al Islam Varithiyaal Ee Maanyane Kedupattum Atre’, Al Islam, May, 1918, part 2, pp. 61–63. Ibid. ‘Al Islamine sambandicha Chila Aakshepangal’, in Al Islam, May, 1918, part 2, p. 37. Kannu, Mohd., Vakkom Maulaviyum Navottana Nayakanmarum. Trivandrum: Published by Author, 1982. pp. 55–6. Maulavi, E.Moidu, Maulaviyude Atmakatha. Kottayam: SPCS, 1981. p. 97.

Reformist Trends 95 Meetings of the sangham activities were also held in various parts of Malabar like Kannur, Kozhikode and Talasherri. During the annual meeting of the sangham which was held in Alwaye in 1924, a resolution for community reform was passed. In this meeting, an ‘ulama organization under the leadership of K.M. Maulavi and E.K.Maulavi was formed. It was called the Kerala Jamaiyathul ‘Ulama.36 Maulavis from elsewhere such as the Principal of the Vellore al-Baqiyyathul Arabic College (in the Tamil region), Maulavi Abdul Jabbar Sahib, Schamnad Sahib of Kasargod and Maulavi Mohammad Ali from Bombay also participated in the meeting.37 After the 1924 meeting, the sangham activities and its founder, Vaikkom Maulavi was condemned by the Sunni ‘ulama of Kerala through public meetings and debates. The Islahis began to defend their movement. In 1931, a Sunni-Islahi debate took place in Kozhikode and the venue was Madrassathul Muhammadiya. Seethi Sahib presided over it. A number of musaliars and their followers raised their arguments on the Islahi teachings. The defendants of the Islahis were Seethi Sahib, Moidu Maulavi and E.K. Maulavi.38 Another similar debate was held in Kuttiyadi, again presided by Seethi Sahib.39 In 1936, a group of Muslims in Tirurangadi in south Malabar severely condemned the Aikya sangham activities in a public meeting. As a counter attack, K.M. Maulavi held a religious debate defending the Islahis.40 In another instance, the sangham had started an interest-free bank to collect funds for the upliftment of the Muslims under the leadership of K.M. Maulavi. This was opposed by the Malabar Congress leader, Muhammad Abdurahiman Sahib and his followers through their paper, the Al-Ameen. This counter propaganda through the Al Ameen led to the failure of the bank activities which affected the financial position of the sangham.41 The Aikya Sangham lasted only for twelve years because of financial losses and splits within the organization. For example, the Kerala Jamaiyathul ‘Ulama, dissatisfied with the Islahi ideas, left the organization and formed the Samastha Kerala Jamaiyathul ‘Ulama. Despite the split, the Kerala Jamaiyathul ‘Ulama continued to fight against superstitious practices and

36 37 38 39 40 41

Kutty, Ahmad E.K, ‘The Mujahid Movement and its Role in the Islamic Revival in Kerala’, in Engineer (ed.), Kerala Muslims. p. 74. Kannu, Nayakanmar. p. 56. Aboosiddique, Seethi Sahib. Kozhikode: Green House Publishers, 1996. p. 39. Ibid. p. 40. Kannu, Nayakanmar. p. 99. Ibid. pp. 139–40.

96 The Malabar Muslims preached the path of true Islam. It opened many madrassas and established Islahi mosques where the Friday khutbas were delivered in Malayalam. The old Arabic system of education was replaced by the modern system. For example, the Madrassa Itihadiyya was founded in Eriyattu in Kodungallur and was run by E.K. Maulavi.42 In 1939, with the support of M. Kunhahmed Haji, the Nurul Islam Madrassa was opened in Tirurangadi. This madrassa was run from local funds raised from copra (dried coconut) and other merchants. There were eighteen members in its teaching faculty.43 Other important madrassas were the Ma’adanul Uloom Madrassa in Kannur (1911) founded by A.M. Koyakunhi, the Rowazathul Uloom Arabic College near Manjeri (1942), the Sullamussalam Arabic College in Areacode (1944) and the Madeenathul Uloom Arabic College at Tirurangadi (1947) – all of which were founded by the Islahis.44 At the beginning of 1947, the management of the Vazhakkad madrassa closed down the establishment due to a financial crisis. It was however reopened soon under the initiative of the Kerala Jamiyathul ‘Ulama.45 Meanwhile Vaikkom Maulavi kept his ‘print culture’ alive and launched another monthly journal in Malayalam, the Deepika in 1931. Deepika’s pages also reiterated the social progress of the Mappillas through the education of men and women and the importance of true Islam. A Malayalam translation of a review of Syed Ameer Ali’s book on Women in Islam from the translation in an Urdu paper, the Dar-ul-Islam of the Tamil region, was published in the Deepika. Ameer Ali’s discussion on the position of women and their rights to Islam was also translated into Malayalam to motivate the Mappilla community to encourage their women to progress.46 As always, Vaikkam Maulavi tried to inspire the Mappilla community by citing the example of the progress among other religious communities in Kerala. For instance, he and the Deepika staff commended the activities of the Nambudiri youths of Travancore in fighting superstitious practices inherent in Nambudiri illams. For the education of poor Nambudiri children, they led a movement for the collection of funds from richer illams. Reforms in the marriage practices of the community was also taken up which led to the subsequent enactment of the Madras Nambudiri Act of 1933. The Maulavi hoped that the Mappilla youths would also work towards social

42 43 44 45 46

Kannu, Nayakanmar. p. 56. Ibid. pp. 99–100. Pasha, Kamal, ‘Muslim Religious Education’ in Engineer, Kerala Muslims. pp. 137– 145. Ibid. pp. 137–145. ‘Islamile Streegal’, in Deepika, March–April, 1931, Vol. 1, part 5, p. 208, pp. 228–9.

Reformist Trends 97 and educational progress by taking the example of these revolutionary Nambudiri youths.47 The Deepika’s lifespan was limited to only twelve issues because of the sudden death of the Maulavi in 1932. With that the beacon-light of Kerala’s social renaissance was no more. However, his teachings and call for social reform through a long period of active journalism influenced many Mappillas of Travancore and Malabar to join the Islahi movement. The theological differences between the Sunnis and the Islahis were accentuated by the division of their mosques into Sunnipallis and Islahipallis. Unlike Sunnipallis where the tradition of reading the Koran and the khutba continued in Arabic, the Islahipallis adopted Malayalam. Women were allowed to participate in the juma prayers in Islahipallis where a separate enclosure was created for them. The Sunni principle of prohibiting them in mosques remained. The centre of Islahi activity in Kozhikode was the Pattalapalli where the khutba messages were read in the vernacular.48 Other mosques in the city such as the Kondungal Moideenpalli, the Palaiyampalli, the Mishkhalpalli and the Kadappuram Baramipalli were also Islahipallis. Given the centrality of such customary practices such as matriliny and stridhanam among the Mappillas, conflict was inevitable on several issues. The Islahi emphasis on strict adherence to the Koran advocated patrilocality and denounced stridhanam. Unlike the Sunni system of appointing a qadi for their marriage activities, the khutba in an Islahi nikah could be read by any member of the community. Some of the socially well-placed marumakkathayam families like the koyas and the baramis of Kozhikode and the keyis of Talasherri favoured ‘change’ according to the Islahi concepts.49 Thus, the influence of the Egyptian reformers on the Islahis reflected in their social agendas such as women’s education, their entry into mosques, a modern system of Arabic education, the translation of the Koran and the condemnation of saint worship. Vaikkom Abdul Kader Maulavi’s pioneering effort was therefore a major turning point in the social history of the Mappillas.

The Ahmadiyya Movement Apart from the ‘Islahi’ movement which had a much greater influence in Malabar, the religious reform movement of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Panjab also generated a following in the region. 47 48 49

‘Nambudiri Yuvajanangalude Anukaraneeyamaya Matrika’, Deepika, March–April, 1931, Vol. 1, part 5, p. 239. Interview with the Chairman, Mujahid Association, Kozhikode, 6 October, 1994. Ibid.

98 The Malabar Muslims It is interesting to note that the initial impetus of the Ahmadiyya movement in Malabar did not actually come directly from the Panjab, but through indirect links outside the subcontinent. The beginnings of the spread of the Ahmadi faith in Malabar are traced to the arrival of the merchant named Mohammad Didi from the Maldives to the Malabar Coast in 1896.50 Didi is said to have visited Kannur in north Malabar, where he was acquainted with a Mappilla rice merchant named Abdul Kader Kutty. A year after his stay in Kannur, Didi visited Calcutta and on his return, brought with him writings by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad. Both Didi and Abdul Kader Kutty collected some more works written by Ghulam Ahmad. On his return to Kannur, he held debates and discussions on Mirza’s preachings. As a result, some of the participants were drawn towards the new Islamic faith. Twelve Mappillas thus converted to the Ahmadi faith.51 This narration not only speaks of the relative geographical isolation of Malabar from upper India but also the spread of religious reform movements through its perennial trade links outside the peninsula. The first Ahmaddiyya Jamaat was thus founded in Kannur. Among the Mappilla Ahmadi leaders were Hasrat Maulavi Moideen Kutti Sahib, B. Kunhahmad Haji Moulaviyar and C. Kunhahmad Sahib, who through their effective preaching, gathered a few Ahmadi followers in Kannur.52 In 1909, thirteen Ahmadis led a ‘social boycott’ movement from the Kannur Arakkal Palace against the non-Ahmadi Mappillas. Among them was the Ahmadi leader, Hasrat Moideenkutti Sahib.53 As a consequence of the social boycott, in many instances, Ahmadi converts were asked to leave their wives’ tharavaads. For example, C. Kunhahmed Sahib was attacked by his wife’s tharavaadu members and was forced to divorce her because he was an Ahmadi.54 By 1915, the Ahmadiyya Jamaat of Kannur had a hundred Ahmadi followers in its list. By then, Ahmadiyya Jamaats were also formed in Kudali and Kozhikode.55 For the first time in 1919, Ahmadi missionaries from Qadian visited Malabar and held religious debates. It is important here to note that the Malabar Ahmadis all belonged to the Qadiani branch of Ahmadis. As a result of internal dispute within the Panjab Ahmadis, a split had occurred after 1914 and they were divided into the Qadiani branch 50 51 52 53 54 55

‘Ahmadiyya Prasthanam’ in Kareem, Kerala Muslim History. pp. 655–6. Ibid. p. 635. Hamid, N., ‘Pazhayangadiyile Ahmadiyya Masjid’, in Sathyadoothan, August, 1973. (Malayalam) pp. 374–390. Ibid. pp. 375–6. Ibid. p. 380. Kareem, Prasthanam. p. 636.

Reformist Trends 99 and the Lahori branch. The Qadianis continued to stress the prophethood of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad while the Lahori branch stressed instead his ‘reforming’ role rather than his Prophetic role.56 The Qadiani Ahmadis planned an Ahmadiyya Jamaat in Pazhayangadi.57 The foundation stone for an Ahmadi mosque was laid in Pazhayangadi in the same year by Hazrat Maulavi Ghulam Rasul Rajiki, a missionary from Qadian and a disciple of Ghulam Mirza. During his visit to Malabar, religious debates were already in full force under the leadership of Shaikh Ahmad Irfani Sahib, a missionary from Egypt and Hazrat Khalifatul Masihsami from Qadian. Hazrat Khalifatul’s disciple, Hazrat Maulavi Syed Abdul Rahim Bihari, led the prayer ceremony at the Pazhayangadi mosque and also spread the Ahmadiyya message in Kannur and Kudali.58 The completion of the mosque took one year and in 1920, it was opened to the public for daily prayers. The land for its construction was bought from the Pazhayangadi railway authorities. In 1921, the surrounding area of the mosque was registered with the Central Ahmadiyya Sangathan called the Sadar Anjuman-e-Ahmadiyya in the Panjab.59 By the end of the second decade of the twentieth century, the spread of the Ahmadi faith in Malabar and the increase in the numerical strength of the followers showed consistent progress despite opposition from the non-Ahmadis. The initial converts were largely drawn through the efforts of leaders like Abdul Kader Kutty, Maulavi Moideen Kutty Sahib and Kunhahmed Sahib Maulaviyar. These Mappilla leaders came from rich marumakkathayam tharavaads of Kannur. Through the conversion of some of their family members, the Ahmadi faith in Malabar gained its initial following. For example, Hasrat Maulavi Moideen Kutty’s wife’s tharavaadu members converted to Ahmadism. 60 Similarly, some members of Kaderkutty’s and Maulaviyar’s families also converted to the new faith. Apart from converting their own families, these Ahmadi leaders were also successful in increasing the members of Ahmadis by having disciples and followers. In other parts of Malabar like Kozhikode, Kudali and Pazhayangadi, Ahmadis also largely came from prosperous marumakkathayam tharavaads.61 It was only in the late 1930s that conversion of some peasants

56 57 58 59 60 61

Ahmad, Aziz, An Intellectual History of Islam in India. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1969. p. 33. Hamid, Pazhayangadi. p. 383. Ibid. p. 377. Ibid. Ibid. p. 382. Sathyadoothan, 1925. pp. 123–4.

100 The Malabar Muslims of north Malabar to Ahmadism has been recorded. Eric Miller describes an incident in Kottayam in north Malabar, where the Nayar landlords decided disputes among their Mappilla tenants and patronised them by donating rice to the local mosque. In 1937, a group of Mappilla tenants converted to the Ahmadiyya faith and from then on, their landlords did not accept gifts from them and denied them the right to use the common Muslim burial ground.62 This example illustrates that at the landlord-tenant level, although there was general amity between the Nayars and the Mappillas, the conversion of the former to the Ahmadi faith was not tolerated. From the 1920s, the activities of the Malabar Ahmadis took off on a relatively organized scale. Annual meetings were held by the Anjuman-eAhmadiyya at Kannur from 1922. In 1925, the organization started a Malayalam monthly called the Sathyadoothan (which literally means the ‘Messenger of Truth’) published and edited by Janab H. Hussain. The expenses for its publication were run from the generous donations made by the Ahmadis themselves. Twenty-three members of the Kannur Anjuman contributed towards its publication.63 Apart from that, contributions were also made by other Ahmadiyya centres like Pazhayangadi and Kozhikode in the form of Eid funds.64 Books, journals and monthlies relating to the Ahmadi faith were bought from the Lahore Ahmadiyya Anjuman. With the launch of the Sathyadoothan, the reform activities of the new faith gradually began to take shape. A madrassa was opened for the education of the Ahmadiyya community. The students of the Madrassah-e-Ahmadiyya, as it was called, were encouraged by giving them prizes for passing their examinations.65 The call for educating Ahmadi women was also voiced through the Sathyadoothan. Maulavi B. Abdul, an Ahmadi from the Kannur Anjuman, wrote that the first teacher for a child is his mother, and it is she who should be taught to read and write.66 Abdul laid emphasis on teaching women to read Arabic so that they could also learn to fight legal battles against their men.67 Thus, the missionary programme of the Malabar

62

63 64 65 66 67

Miller, E.J., ‘An Analysis of the Hindu Caste System in its interaction with the Total Social Structure in North Kerala’, Unpublished Ph.D Dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1950. pp. 121–2. Sathyadoothan, March, 1920. p. 79. Ibid. Jan-Feb., 1928. p. 49. ‘Kurippugal’, Sathyadoothan, March, 1925. p. 120. Abdul, B., ‘Islam Madavum Stree Vidyabhyaasamum’ in Sathyadoothan, Oct.–Dec. 1928. p. 400. Ibid. p. 121.

Reformist Trends 101 Ahmadis gave importance to education, and particular attention was given to their women’s schooling. They were also allowed to attend prayers in the Ahmadi mosques. A few Ahmadi leaders like C. Kunhahamed Sahib even sent one of his sons, Kamaluddin to the Qadian Ahmadi centre for higher theological learning. Kamaluddin sat for the examination at the Arabic College of Qadian in theology in 1946.68 There were other leaders who aspired to send their children for higher theological learning. The emergence of the Ahmadiyya movement was vehemently condemned by the rest of the Mappilla community. The Mappillas argued that the Ahmadi belief of Ghulam Ahmad being a Prophet was against the teachings of the Koran. Therefore, like elsewhere, the Ahmadis in Malabar were also ostracised as a heretic body. As an opposition to the Ahmadi gathering at Kannur in 1925, stone-pelting attacks were carried out by some non-Ahmadi Mappillas.69 Among the critical opponents of the Ahmadis was Chalilagath Kunhahmed Haji, the founder of the Vazhakkad madrassa, who wrote a book in Arabi-Malayalam called Qadiani Khandanam (Refutation of Qadiyanism) in 1911. Others who attacked the sect were the Islahi founders such as Vaikkom Maulavi, E.K. Maulavi and K. Maulavi.70 The Ahmadiyya community was neither allowed to enter the mosques or use the common burial grounds. The Ahmadis, in their turn, argued that every Muslim had the right to enter any mosque for prayers.71 However, they built their own mosques in all the Ahmadi centres where the khutba was read in the vernacular. For example, the Dar-us-salaam mosque in Kozhikode, the Pazhayangadi Ahmadiyya Masjid in Pazhayangadi, the Ahmadiyya Jamaat in Kannur and the Kulangarapalli in Kudali were all Ahmadi mosques. Separate burial grounds were also constructed in order to solve the Ahmadiyya-Mappilla disputes. In Kozhikode, the Ahmadis acquired a burial ground in 1934.72 Family members of some of the leading Ahmadis also protested against their conversion to the new faith. C. Kunhahmad Sahib who belonged to the Seereveetil Kudumbam tharavaadu was threatened by his tharavaadu members. They revolted against the Ahmadi ideas and his brother allegedly

68 69 70 71 72

‘Pazhayangadi’, Sathyadoothan, August, 1973. pp. 385–6. ‘Kurippugal’, Sathyadoothan, March, 1925. p. 120. Samad, Abdul, Islam in Kerala. p. 174. ‘Pallimudakkam’, Sathyadoothan, Feb.,1925. FR, April, 1934.

102 The Malabar Muslims even planned to kill him.73 Similarly, the members of his first two wives’ tharavaads showed their aversion to his conversion, and as a result, he divorced them.74 However there were cases of other leaders like Hasrat Maulavi Moideen Kutty Sahib, whose wife’s Bilavinagam tharavaadu members embraced Ahmadism.75 Ahmadi marriages were simple according to Islamic law and the alliances were settled within their own community. The custom of mahr was retained. The daughter of Abdul Kaderkutty, the first Ahmadi follower of Kannur, Nafiza Bibi, was given in marriage to an Ahmadi. There were no other ceremonies in the nikah and stridhanam was not given, as was the custom with other Mappillas.76 Similarly, the member of the Kudali Jamaat, Janab Abdulla Sahib’s daughter, Amattul Hafiz Begum, was married to the son of the Kannur Jamaat member, Hakim Mohammad Kunhi.77 Challenges over marriage validity were also sometimes taken to court. The British courts were not concerned with peculiarities in belief, orthodoxy or heterodoxy, so long as the minimum of belief existed. In the case of a Mappila woman from north Malabar who had married a man who later converted to Ahmadism, the courts held that Ahmadis were Muslims, despite their heterodox beliefs.78 The change of faith on the part of the husband was considered by the rest of the family as an act of apostasy. According to the shariat, ‘the act of apostasy on the part of one of the spouses could completely severe the marital tie’. Amidst their reform activities in Malabar, the Ahmadis also maintained their links with the Sadar Anjuman at Qadian and other Ahmadi centres outside the subcontinent. In 1925, the Principal of the Ahmadiyya missionary school of Qadian, Hazrat Roshan Ali Sahib visited the Pazhayangadi Ahmadiyya Jamaat and gave religious lectures. Hasrat Wasin Ahmad Sahib, the grandson of Ghulam Ahmed also visited the masjid and shared his religious experiences.79 Janab C. Kunhahmed Sahib, the leader of the Pazhayangadi Anjuman donated one-eighth of his funds to the Sadar Anjuman Ahmadiyya centre in the Panjab.80

73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80

Sathayadoothan, August, 1973. p. 385. Ibid. pp. 379–81. Ibid. p. 382. ‘Oru Vivaham’, in Sathyadoothan, March, 1925. pp. 123–4. ‘Vivaha Parasyam’, in Ibid. December, 1941. p. 98. TNA/Law (Gen.)/G.O.No.11/4.4.1921; Narantakath Avullah v. Parakkal Mamu, I.L.R. 45, Madras, 1922. p. 986. ‘Pazhayangadi’, Sathyadoothan, August, 1973. p. 378. Ibid. pp. 385–86.

Reformist Trends 103 The activities of the Sadar Anjuman were regularly reported in the Sathyadoothan to keep the Malabar Ahmadis informed. However, after 1936, the monthly was stopped due to unknown reasons.81 Between the fiftieth annual meeting of the Ahmadis held at Qadian in 1942 and the fifty-fifth annual conference held in 1947, the number of Ahmadi converts had risen to 39,000.82 These reports from the nerve centre of the Ahmadiyya movement not only kept the Malabar Ahmadis well-informed about events elsewhere, they also provided some sort of cohesiveness to the movement in Malabar. The social change as a result of the movement and its reforms was reflected in different spheres like women’s education, their space in the Ahmadi mosque, the use of the local vernacular, Malayalam, in khutba readings, simple marriages and the abolition of stridhanam. Apart from the reformist activities of theological movements such as the Islahi and Ahmadiyya movements, there were other Islamic associations in Malabar which worked towards social and educational reform.

Contribution of Islamic Associations Associations were formed in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in Malabar based on reformist ideas aimed at increasing the opportunities for Mappillas. The most important of them were the Himayathul Islam Sabha and the Ansarul-Islam-Bitheyle-Mil-Anam, also known as the Mohammedan Educational Society, in Kozhikode and the Manjeri Hidayathul Muslimin Sabha in Manjeri, Ernad Taluk. The Himayathul Islam Sabha and the Mohammedan Educational Society founded schools for Mappillas with the financial support of rich traders, timber merchants, landholders and the thangals of Kozhikode. The Himayathul Islam Sabha or the Mappilla Sabha (as it was called) was established in 1890 with very few members on its rolls. The name ‘Himayathul Islam’ itself meant an association intended to protect the interests of Islam. It was started at the house of its President, Muthukoya Thangal (See Table 1.1), a landholder in Kozhikode. The Sabha included almost all the leading members of the Mappilla community including qadis, thangals, merchants and janmis. They built a mosque in the adjoining compound from the Sabha’s funds and undertook the repair of many mosques in the town.

81 82

Interview with Bichi Koya, Ahmadiyya Jamaat, Kozhikode, Dec. 1997. ‘Ahmadiyya Varshika Sammelanam’, Sathyadoothan, Jan–Feb., 194. pp. 37–40

104 The Malabar Muslims The representatives of the Sabha were very active and offered their views publicly on several occasions on issues such as the Mappilla outbreaks, various legislation, the Makkah pilgrims, Muslim education and their representation in employment.83 Relief measures were taken up by the association at times of distress in the form of food distribution to the poor and destitute infants who were victims of the 1921 rebellion. A madrassa was built by the members for imparting free religious education to Mappilla youths and a special endowment was created for its maintenance. A committee called the Indirasul Islam Committee was set up in 1908 to open a school in Kozhikode. For raising funds, the Himayathul Islam High school approached wealthy Mappilla merchants as well as the Nizam of Hyderabad and the Begum of Bhopal. Mappilla merchants like P.B. Imbichi Koya of Colombo, Haji Ibrahim Sait of Poona and Moideen Kutty Haji gave generous donations in the form of money and land. The Nizam of Hyderabad and the Begum of Bhopal agreed to consider the matter in the near future.84 It is however not known if they gave any donations. In December 1927, the Himayathul Islam committee’s resolution seeking government aid for some building grants was passed at the All India Muslim Educational Conference held at Madras.85 At this period of time, the President of the Himayathul Islam Sabha was P.M. Sayyid Ahmad Jifri Attakoya Thangal (See Table 1.1). Attakoya Thangal also held other offices such as the member of the Malabar District Board, the Malabar District Educational Council and the Municipal Council, Kozhikode and the Vice-President, the Kozhikode Taluk Board. The Secretary post was occupied by C.A. Kunhi Moosa Sahib, Municipal Councillor Kozhikode. Other members of the Management Board consisted of Mappilla merchants and landlords.86 The Himayathul Islam Elementary school was opened in 1911 with thirteen students in the First standard. These students came from rich families of timber merchants and traders of Kozhikode. Besides the donations and subscriptions from the members, a charity fee called taraku contribution of four per cent of timber and two per cent of other commodities like ginger, copra, pepper bought or sold by Mappilla merchants at the copra bazaar at Kozhikode, was collected and added to

83 84 85 86

Tour Diary-Third Tour of Lord Ampthill in the Madras Presidency. Madras, 1901, pp. 178–9. Ibid. p. 7. Ibid. Ibid. p. 11.

Reformist Trends 105 the Sabha funds. It became a High school in 1919 which, in its early days was run from the revenue incurred from taraku contributions, government grants, donations and religious endowments. After the Mappilla rebellion of 1921, the school enrolled a number of orphans as students. A characteristic feature of the school was that it was the only institution which imparted free secular and religious education.87 The objectives of the Himayathul Islam Sabha were to advance both secular and religious education by opening schools, the encouragement of the study of Arabic, English and other subjects, the establishment of a library of Arabic and the management and maintenance of the Mekarapalli mosque attached to the High School. The Committee had been endowed with four warehouses worth 30,000 Rupees by Maliakkal Kunhahmad of Kozhikode.88 The Ansarul-Islam-Bitheyle-mil-Anam or the Muhammadan Educational Association was registered at Kozhikode in 1918. The governing body of the society consisted of Kunhahmed Koya Haji, Valiagath Haji Ali Barami, the shipbuilder and Koyapathodi Mammadkutti, all of whom were wealthy timber merchants. The association aimed to encourage and improve religious and secular education and the study of Arabic and English. It also wanted to establish a High School in Kozhikode with scope for further development, on the lines of the Madrassa-i-Azam of Madras, an important madrassa in the Madras Presidency. A public library of Arabic books was also on its agenda.89 As a result of the efforts of the association, in 1918, the Madrassathul Muhammadiya was inaugurated by the Madras High Court Judge, Abdur Rahim.90 It started as a Middle school with nine students and two teachers. The Madrassathul Muhammadiya had a positive attitude towards western education and the introduction of both secular and religious education in its curricula. Other than the Himayathul Islam Sabha and the Muhammadan Educational Society, another influential Sabha was established in Ernad taluk. The Manjeri Hidayathul Muslimin Sabha, as it was called, was formed in the late nineteenth century and had its headquarters at Manjeri. This Sabha which represented the Mappillas of south Malabar, fought consistently for the cause of their education and employment. The role of the association in claiming provisions for the secular and religious education of the community from the colonial officials has been discussed

87 88 89 90

Memorandum of the Himayathul Islam High School, Kozhikode, 1927. p. 1. KRA/Public/G.O.No. 7026/28.2.1930. KRA/Revenue/June, 1918. Ibid. p. 30.

106 The Malabar Muslims in the next chapter. The Sabha itself did not open any school, but constantly provided recommendations regarding syllabus and textbooks to the educational department. To sum up, these Islamic associations were to evolve into important Mappilla pressure groups in bargaining for special concessions for the community. Although most of the socio-religious reform movements in Malabar were quite different from that of those in north India, they were yet movements of mobility and change affecting the Mappilla community. The influence of the reform movements in Egypt was evident in the Islahi teachings. Their condemnation of the practice of stridhanam, the translation of the Koran, the delivery of the khutba in Malayalam in Islahi mosques, and the opening of Arabic colleges from the late 1940s were significant in bringing about social changes in the Mappilla community. The contribution of the Ahmadis to women’s education and their freedom to enter mosques, despite the theological attacks on the community, was also an important step towards educational mobility.

Education and Social Mobility 107

5 Education and Social Mobility

In the pre-colonial period, Kerala had an unusually high proportion of literate people, including women, compared with most of the Indian subcontinent.1 The reasons were attributed to the extensive growth of overseas commerce, the buying and sale of lands, cash rents and mortgages that needed the knowledge and use of accounting and legal documents. Also in matrilineal castes like the Nayars, where the women held a higher status, it was customary for them to learn to read.2 Sreedhara Menon and Gough have both argued that in the early British period, there was ‘an alarming increase in illiteracy’ because of the wars of the late eighteenth century in which schools were disrupted, and the British, by introducing English as a medium of instruction, discouraged Sanskrit learning and the running of the vernacular village schools. Both in British Malabar and in the princely states of Cochin and Travancore, regular public instruction was re-established only towards the end of the nineteenth century.3

Traditional Muslim Education Trade, both overseas and inland, was the traditional economic activity of the Mappillas of the coastal towns of Malabar. Therefore, the Mappilla traders and merchants, by virtue of their occupation, would know basic

1 2 3

Gough, K. ‘Literacy in Kerala,’ in Jack Goody (ed.), Literacy in Traditional Societies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968. p. 151. Ibid. Menon, Sreedhara A, Kerala District Gazetteers, Trivandrum. Trivandrum: Government Press, 1962. p. 651; Gough, Literacy. p. 155.

108 The Malabar Muslims arithmetic and accounting, and in the case of overseas merchants, at least have some geographical knowledge. Mappilla religious learning was centred around the mosque. The traditional Muslim institutions could be classified into three categories. They were: (a) Schools attached to mosques and maintained out of mosque funds, known as Koran schools, where the reading and the writing of the Koran was taught. They were also called othupallys or othupuras;4 (b) the dars – in Malabar, a specialised form of religious learning known as dars prevailed. Unlike the othupallys, the dars was a system of higher Islamic learning held within the upper storey of the mosque; and (c) Madrassas – they were institutions of higher learning. The Mappillas initiated their children into learning in the month of Moharram (the first month in the Islamic calendar). It was customary, particularly among the matrilineal Mappillas, for the maternal uncle to shoulder the responsibilities of the children’s schooling, particularly boys. The initiation ceremony was solemnised with formal prayer which was attended by the instructor of the othupally, who was usually the mulla. In the dars, the teaching was conducted by an ustad. The pupils in the othupallys were often taught by the senior students of the dars. The method of teaching was oral and included the recitation of chapters from the Koran.5 The oldest and the best-known among the dars was at Ponnani. It was the centre for Islamic learning and produced several learned qadis and musaliars who then served in mosques at several places in Malabar. The dars at Ponnani attracted students from other parts of India and also from the Malay Peninsula and Java.6 An estimated 300 students were enrolled in 1906. The curriculum included Arabic, grammar, Koran, rhetorics, astronomy, philosophy, arithmetic, geometry, medicine, logic, history, hadith and fiqh (Arabic: jurisprudence). But in many darses, the syllabus was confined to the Koran, Arabic grammar, hadith and fiqh.7 Other than othupallys and dars, facilities for higher learning were provided in the madrassas. Apart from those founded by Mappilla reformers such as the Islahis, the earliest madrassa was the Chaliyam madrassa in Kozhikode, dating back to Malik ibn Dinar’s visit to Malabar. This madrassa was an important centre for Islamic learning from where a number of mullas, imams and qadis graduated. Some of the Mappillas also travelled

4 5 6 7

The othupally is probably derived from ezhuthupally which in Malayalam means the school for writing (ezhuthu) meant for the Malayali Hindus. Pasha, Muslim Religious Education. p. 136. Ibid. p. 134. Ibid. pp. 134–5.

Education and Social Mobility 109 outside the region for higher education. For example, they went to the alBaqiyyat-us-Salihat College, in Vellore (in the Tamil region).8 A few Mappillas also seem to have travelled to the Dar-ul-Ulum at Deoband. Barbara Metcalf has shown that forty-two Muslims from Kerala went to study at Deoband between 1867 and 1967. It is doubtful if all these Muslims from Kerala were Mappillas, because of the stress on the Hanafi school in Deoband and also the use of Urdu as the medium of instruction. There is a greater probability that the Pathanis and the Ravuttans of the region, who were Hanafi Muslims and spoke Urdu, went to the Dar-ul-Ulum. From the 1870s, through private initiative, a few Mappilla families began to open primary schools and madrassas for their community. One such effort was the founding of the Dar-ul-uloom madrassa by a rich landed Mappilla family well-known as the Koyapathodi family. Located in Vazhakkad and, managed by Muhammad Haji, a member of the family, the Vazhakkad madrassa was the first major institution to impart a modern system of Islamic education.9 Another example of Mappilla private enterprise was the establishment of a Muslim primary school in Azhikode (in Kodungallur taluk) by Haji Seethi Mohammad Sahib, a wealthy Mappilla, a scholar and a social activist of the time.10 The Islahi madrassa and higher secondary school, Lajnathul Muhammadiya of Alapuzha appointed scholars from Aligarh to teach Arabic language and literature in the early twentieth century.11 In another instance, Vaikkom Maulavi sent his son, M. Abdul Salaam to the Jamia Millia Islamia at Delhi for higher learning.12 Mohammad Abdurahiman Sahib, the prominent Congressman was also an alumnus of the Jamia Millia Islamia.

Colonial System of Education W.W. Hunter, a member of the Bengal Civil Service, observed in 1870 that in Northwestern India, the Mohammedans contributed a proportionately higher share, either in numbers or money, to government schools than in any other part of the subcontinent. In other regions like Bengal, he argued, both the more pious and the wealthier families of Calcutta would have nothing to do with institutions that did not teach Persian or Arabic, and in which Hindu teachers would teach their children.

8 9 10 11 12

Miller, Mappilla Muslims, p. 261. Kannu, Nayakanmarum. pp. 86–8. Ibid. Kannu, Vaikkom Moulavi. p. 80. Ibid. p. 116.

110 The Malabar Muslims The lower caste Muslim peasants of eastern Bengal, who participated in the Faraizi movement, under the leadership of Haji Shariatullah in the early nineteenth century against the British revenue administration, remained beyond the influence of English education.13 Hunter suggested that the solution to these problems was to meet the perceived special needs of the Muslims, by relaxing the Grants-in-aid rules, extending more State grants for Muslim schools and appointing Muslim teachers. He also suggested the establishment of at least fifty schools on a small scale, with low-paid Muslim teachers in the eastern districts of Bengal which would gradually attract the Muslim peasant population and also help the livelihood of Muslim teachers.14 Meanwhile, in Malabar, in the 1860s, state-aided vernacular primary schools had been opened for both boys and girls in most villages, and private English medium high schools began to receive grants-in-aid from the government. According to the 1871 census, after Madras and Tinnelvelly, South Kanara, Malabar and Tanjore ranked next in female instruction.15 On Mappilla education, the report said, ‘The Moplahs have shown very little desire for education’. An overwhelming majority among them were educated in othupallys and maktabs. Their participation in western education was as insignificant as the other Muslims of the subcontinent. The reasons given by the Muslims of British India for refraining from English education were many. Some held that the absence of the tenets of their faith, and still more the bad effects of English education in creating cynicism in religion were the main obstacles. Other reasons included the small proportion of Muslim teachers in government schools, and the practice among the well-to-do Muslims of educating their children at home.16 In August, 1871, the Government of India passed a resolution calling attention to the problems of Muslim education and suggested the encouragement of vernacular languages and the appointment of Muslim teachers in government schools. The resolution was circulated to the local governments. Accordingly, the Madras government made a special provision for the teaching of Arabic and Persian.17 13 14 15 16

17

Hunter, W.W., Indian Musalmans. Delhi: Indological Book House, 1969. pp. 156–7. Ibid. pp. 157–8. Census Report, Madras Presidency, 1871. Vol. 1, p. 192. Correspondence regarding the education and employment of Mohammedan community in British India. Selections from the Records of Government of India, Home Department. IOR/ V/23/46/205/1886. p. 355. Begum, Rehmani, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan. The Politics of Educational Reform. Lahore: Vanguard, 1985. pp. 208–9.

Education and Social Mobility 111 The question of Mappilla education began to receive serious attention from the educational authorities in the beginning of the 1870s. British administrators tried to implement W.W. Hunter’s suggestions of providing grants-in-aid to Muslim schools in the regions of Mappilla revolts in Malabar, particularly, the Ernad and Walluvanad taluks from the late nineteenth century. L. Garthwaite, the Inspector of schools in Malabar, seems to have taken special efforts to overcome some of their prejudices against education, though they still stood out against instruction in English. Muslim inspectors were appointed to organize their schools.18 The government sanctioned the Local Fund Board’s proposal to assign a grant of twelve hundred rupees to aid Mappilla schools, supplied a Malayalam Reader, free slates and a monthly salary grant.19 The government, District Board and Municipal Council, aided and unaided schools in Malabar came under the category of public institutions. The educational statistics of the Malabar Muslims during the years 1893–94 did not seem encouraging to the officials.20 There were twenty-six aided Mappilla schools at the end of 1873 which were actually elementary Koran schools. The quality of instruction was meanwhile also rising, with pupils entering the second and third standards. The number of such schools had risen to 210 by 1876. The services of Hindu teachers were engaged, the Mappilla masters not being themselves competent to teach all subjects.21 Garthwaite, in his report of 1876–77 said: ‘Mopla education sustained a check owing to the action of the Malabar Boards in reducing the stipends formerly given to the Mopla mullas and for result grants to schools. The mullas were incompetent to teach anything but Arabic reading and the Koran. When the stipend was reduced from four rupees to two rupees, teachers could not be secured. Therefore, some schools closed… and at others the attendance was allowed to fall off.’22

18

19 20 21 22

Letter from H.B. Grigg, Director of Public Instruction, to the Chief Secretary to Government of India, dated 21 November, 1885. KRA/Financial/G.O. No. 404/ 6.4.1886. Letter from H.B Grigg, Director of Public Instruction, to the Chief Secretary of Government of India, dated 21 Nov. 1885. KRA/Financial/G.O.No. 404/6.4.1886. The number of public schools intended for them fell from 1,178 to 1,115 and their pupil strength from 50,041 to 46,949. KRA/Revenue/G.O.No.9/16.1.1895. Ibid. Ibid.

112 The Malabar Muslims The Malabar District Board proposed the reopening of closed Mappilla schools, the payment of grants at maximum rates, opening of two or more normal schools, one for north Malabar and one for the Ernad taluk, scholarships, the establishment of two female normal schools, more liberal grants for girls’ schools and the publication of a vernacular journal for Mappillas. All the proposals were approved and around ten thousand rupees per annum was to be spent by the board on Mappilla education, in addition to any grants received for the purpose from Provincial funds.23 The system of training schools in the Madras Presidency was mainly ascribed to Garthwaite’s initiative.24 Normal schools or classes were started in the 1880s for the training of Muslim teachers. The Moyen training school, Kozhikode and the Mappilla training school, Malappuram, had begun to turn out a number of efficient and trained teachers annually. This soon began to have a beneficial effect on Mappilla education. From the 1880s, Malabar’s position ranked high in education among the districts of the Madras Presidency. After Tanjore, Malabar was second in female education.25 However, it was noted that the percentage of literacy would have been higher but for the low literacy among the Mappillas and the Cherumars. There were regional variations and exceptions to this in that north Malabar had more literate persons than the south, where the Mappillas were numerous. Still, Malabar stood fourth out of the ten best educated taluks of the Presidency in the first decade of the twentieth century.26 There was a large decrease in the number of Mappilla pupils in 1884– 85 which was ascribed to the fluctuating policy of the Malabar District Board in giving or withholding full grants to Mappilla schools. The success of the special education scheme depended on the stability of the grants; and uncertainty on that point had greatly shaken the faith of Mappilla schoolmasters in the value of State support.27 As late as 1885, trained Mappilla masters were waiting for employment but whether they got employment or not is not known. The educational statistics of the Malabar Muslims in the early 1890s did not seem encouraging to the officials. This decline seemed to have been the result of the action of certain Taluk Boards which closed down

23 24 25 26 27

Ibid. Croft, Alfred, Review of Education in India in 1886. Calcutta: Government Press, 1888, p. 74. Innes, Gazetteer of Malabar, p. 281. Ibid. pp. 281–2. Croft, Review. p. 118.

Education and Social Mobility 113 ninety-four Mappilla schools. Some were closed for the need of funds to maintain them and others were aided schools which collapsed as a consequence of a reduction in provincial grants. The Madras government looked upon the education of the Mappilla community as a matter of pressing necessity and wrote to the Director of Public Instruction that the reduction in the number of their schools was regretted.28 The first Mappilla who qualified in the Bachelor of Arts degree examinations of the Madras University in the 1890s was a Kunhahmad Koya from the Brennen College, Talasherri. This College was affiliated to Madras University.29 The Kerala Patrika hoped that the government would, in order to encourage other Mappillas to follow his example, give him a good appointment in consideration of the fact that he was the first Mappilla who had ever passed the Degree examination.30 After the Mappilla outbreak which occurred in March 1894 in the Ernad and the Walluvanad taluks, the Madras government decided to place the Mappillas in these taluks in the category of ‘backward classes’ regarding education. Therefore, special concessions made in the grants-in-aid code to the backward classes were extended to them. The concessions included the establishment of fourteen new schools in the two taluks at the cost of 2,100 rupees from provincial funds and the employment of an additional sub-assistant inspector for Mappilla schools. This measure made Mappilla pupils eligible for free education in elementary Mappilla schools under public management and entitled managers of aided schools to receive capitation grant at fifty per cent above the ordinary rates.31 Suggestions for secular education for Muslims in the riot-prone areas of south Malabar like the Ernad and Walluvanad taluks were constantly made by vernacular papers. The Kasim-ul-Akhbar, an Urdu daily published from Madras, attributed the cause of the Mappilla riot to the illiteracy and poverty of the people. It advised the government to diffuse education among them and take measures to improve their status. It also said that since they were known to be brave and hardy, their admission into the army was desirable.32 The Kerala Sanchari observed that it was absolutely necessary for the government to establish two or three Mappilla schools in Ernad and Walluvanad taluks and hoped that the Collector of Malabar would pay 28 29 30 31 32

KRA/Revenue/G.O.No.9/16.1.1895. Innes, Gazetteer of Malabar. p. 282. Kerala Patrika, 3 March, 1894. MNNR (Madras Native Newspaper Report). Madras, 1894. Report of Director of Public Instruction (hereafter RDPI), 1891–97, p. 125. Kasim-ul-Akhbar, 16 April, 1894. MNNR.

114 The Malabar Muslims special attention to the matter. Besides, whereas the majority of the Mappillas of north Malabar were acquainted with Arabic, those in the taluks of Ernad, Walluvanad and Ponnani did not know Arabic. In these regions, the Koran was taught by the thangals and the mullas. It was therefore suggested that the Koran should be translated into Malayalam and the government should render help in doing it.33 A report in the Kerala Patrika said that some musaliars in Kannur town prohibited the Mappilla boys from studying English for the reason that studying English was ‘injurious’.34 Frederic Fawcett, the Superintendent of Police of Malabar in the 1890s and a strong supporter of the cause of the Mappillas, contended that the Mappilla should have his religious teaching properly and he should be given special assistance. He wrote: ‘… were the government to encourage the study of Arabic and the appointment of competent and orthodox teachers to the Mopla schools, secular subjects would also be studied with alacrity, and fanaticism would disappear.’35

He also suggested that it was for the legislation to consider how State aid could best be given to education in a curriculum in which religious instruction was not omitted. That was the way to help them. It was not fair to assume, as it had been, that these people were incapable of improvement.36 Fawcett was the finest example of a British official rationally arguing for the betterment of the community. This question was discussed by the Director of Public Instruction and he recommended a special class in the Kozhikode School of Commerce (founded in 1895), in which instruction in commercial subjects would be imparted to the Mappillas in Malayalam. He argued that the people were still indifferent to secular education, and the finances did not permit any additional outlay on Mappilla education.37 Similar arguments for religious education in schools were made in the North Western Provinces in the same period.38 33 34 35 36 37 38

Kerala Sanchari, 28 May, 1894. MNNR. Kerala Patrika, 26 May, 1894. Ibid. Fawcett, Moplahs. p. 298. Ibid. p. 299. Letter from Duncan to the Secretary to the government, No.6058, dated 5.6.1897. RDPI, 1897. p. 125. See Minault, Gail, Secluded Scholars. Women’s education and Muslim Social Reform in Colonial India. Delhi: OUP, 1998.

Education and Social Mobility 115 The government sanctioned the opening of a vernacular commercial class in 1899, which Duncan had recommended, intended primarily for the benefit of the Mappillas belonging to merchant and trading families. The syllabus comprised of commercial arithmetic, book-keeping and commercial geography. They were taught in the vernacular and the course was adapted to the requirements of the native traders.39 The official vernacular, Malayalam, was taught as an optional subject in primary and middle schools, and it was used as a medium of instruction for arithmetic and accounts. The Kozhikode School of Commerce was the largest technical institution in the Presidency and the only one maintained by the government. Mappilla students who attended the Malayalam Commercial class in this school were given scholarships at the rate of two rupees a month during the course of their studies.40 It was noted with some concern that the permanence of Mappilla schools was very uncertain – their teachers were not receiving fixed salaries, however small; and the reduction in the rate of grants was also responsible for the closure of a large number of aided schools.41 However, by 1901, the census noted that generally, the best educated districts in the Madras Presidency were Tanjore, Malabar and Tinnelvelly.42 It showed that among the Muslims of the Madras Presidency, those of the Nilgiri district were the most literate. It argued that North Arcot, Tinnelvelly, Tanjore and Madurai had the best educated Muslims because in these regions, the Labbai traders, a literate community, were numerous. The Mappillas remained at the bottom of the scale. The report remarked that the Mappilla boys particularly lagged behind the Hindu boys of Malabar in the two lower age groups of ten and fifteen years.43 This was probably because of their custom of sending their boys first to Koran schools. A representative body of the Manjeri Hidayathul Muslimin Sabha approached Ampthill, the Governor of Madras, in 1901, during his Malabar tour, suggesting that some grants should be made to deserving Mappilla students. This association representing the Mappilla community of the south Malabar region, fought consistently for their education and representation in government jobs. They also asked the government to make arrangements for providing Mappilla candidates with a certain proportion of public appointments. In his reply to their petition, Ampthill 39 40 41 42 43

Tour Diary – Fifth Tour of Lawley, 1907. p. 81. RDPI, 1898–99. p. 98. KRA/Revenue/G.O.No. 306/31.7.1900. Census Report, Madras, 1901. Part 1, p. 81. Ibid. pp. 76–7.

116 The Malabar Muslims repeated that the real reason for the general backwardness of the community was its reluctance to allow secular education to run concurrently with religious education.44 He refused to take any further action in the matter. The generally non-progressive character of the Mappilla schools was also attributed by some other British officials partly to the want of qualified teachers. By 1912, the proportion of boys going to secondary schools had risen (See Table 5.1). Two Mappillas took B.A. degrees that year, of whom, one went ahead to study for the degree of Bachelor of Law.45 Table 5.1: Number of Literate Mappillas per 1000 in 1901 and 1911 Year

Males

Females

1901 1911

87 108

4 6

Source: Census of India Report, Madras, 1911, Vol.XII, p. 132

By this time, the Municipal Council of Kozhikode maintained sixteen elementary schools in the city, out of which seven were for the Mappillas and seven for the Hindus. In all the Mappilla schools, education was free. In 1914, the Chairman of the Council, O. Krishnan, forwarded a petition to the Collector of Malabar for the acquisition of an additional plot of ground for the construction of a Mappilla school in Kuttichira.46 Initially, this school taught students up to the fourth standard. Three years later, the Himayathul Islam Sabha wrote to Pentland, the incoming Governor of Madras, that the education of the Muslims in Kozhikode town still remained backward. There were only one or two students in the final year of school and this was attributed to the general poverty of the people. It recommended raising the Kuttichira School to the status of a High school. The Sabha argued that since the Kuttichira quarter was predominantly Muslim, the presence of a High school in its midst may be expected to give higher education a great impetus.47 However, the Collector was of the view that there was no immediate necessity for a high school reserved exclusively for the Mappillas. The Municipal Council also suggested to Pentland that it was practicable for the Council to make education in all its schools free, provided, the

44 45 46 47

Tour Diary – Third Tour of Ampthill. pp. 125–130. RDPI, 1911–12. p. 56. KRA/Revenue/G.O.No.31/P/14.5.1914. KRA/Revenue/June 1918.

Education and Social Mobility 117 educational rules be altered or the District Municipalities Act be amended. The Governor refused to give grants for the purpose because of a financial crisis owing to the First World War.48 This shows how the British prepared for war at the expense of Indian resources, thus depriving the Indian people of their basic rights. Again, a deputation from the Manjeri Hidayathul Muslimin Sabha put forth further demands to the government in 1919. It emphasized that Arabic should be taught in all grades of Mappilla schools and more scholarships should be provided for them. It also demanded that they should be exempted from fees and more secondary and high schools should be opened in the Ernad taluk. The association also insisted that English should be imparted in elementary Mappilla schools. It claimed that the Mappilla students were kept back by their parents and guardians from state and aided institutions, mainly because of the absence of facilities in such institutions for the study of Arabic. The Director of Public Instruction, in his reply, argued that in government secondary schools, Arabic was recognized as one of the optional subjects that may be taught. Hence the demand for it was practically negligible.49 Despite the stiff refusal of the colonial administration, the association persisted in its efforts to seek special concessions and privileges for the community.

Debates on the Abolition of Separate Mappilla Schools The slow but steady development of education among the Mappillas suffered a severe setback after the Mappilla rebellion in 1921. Several unrecognized Muslim schools were opened under private management in 1920–21 in the Madras Presidency, during the period of the Khilafat NonCooperation movement. For the first time, two middle schools for Mappilla boys were started and managed by Mappillas themselves. This period saw a simultaneous decrease, as in other parts of India, in the strength of Muslim students in public institutions. Under the provisions of dyarchy introduced by the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms of 1919, the department of education became a provincial subject and was to be supervised by elected provincial Ministers of Education. Despite the new experiment, it has been argued by scholars that only the department with little funds was transferred to the provincial ministers. Real improvements in education needed more funds that the government 48 49

Tour Diary – Eighteenth Tour of Pentland. Mangalore, Kozhikode, Madura and Trichinopoly. October, 1917. pp. 82–9. TNA/Home (Educational)/G.O.No.1327/30.10.1919.

118 The Malabar Muslims was willing to distribute. As Aparna Basu has argued, under the Montford reform scheme, as education was transferred to limited Indian control, there was a certain amount of unwillingness among local bodies to finance primary education.50 During this period, the 1919 Act had also extended separate electorates for Muslims in the Municipal, District and Taluk Boards. As a result, a few Mappillas were represented in these local bodies. For example, in the twenties, the Mappilla Municipal Councillors of Kozhikode were P.M. Attakoya Thangal, T. Mammu Koya Haji, C.A. Kunhimoosa Sahib and Haji V. Ali Barami.51 P.M. Attakoya Thangal was also the member of the District Educational Council and the Vice-President of the Kozhikode Taluk Board.52 The Ministers of education for the Madras Presidency were A.P. Patro and Ranganatha Mudaliar. 53 They seem to have considered some favourable measures for Mappilla education. For example, they visited the Himayathul Islam School in the 1920s to study their teaching methods so that they could be implemented in the other Mappilla schools.54 However, on the question of separate Mappilla schools, the educational department of Madras suggested stringent measures which sparked a series of debates in the official circles of Malabar, particularly at the levels of the Taluk Boards and the Municipal Boards.55 In 1922, the Madras government appointed a committee to investigate the question of abolishing separate elementary schools for Mappillas. The committee recommended that these should not be closed down, and instead, elementary schools should be made compulsory especially in the taluks affected by the rebellion. However, the committee suggested the abolition of the separate training school in Malappuram.56 The Kozhikode Taluk Board Office’s reaction to the proposal was very strong. Many leading Muslims of north and south Malabar felt that the proposed change would be disastrous. They saw practical difficulties in the proposal. In their opinion, it would be difficult to provide for Koran study in mixed schools. There was also the question of separate holidays for Muslims and for Hindus. The textbooks would vary for each 50 51 52 53 54 55 56

Basu, Aparna, Essays in the History of Indian Education. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Co., 1982. pp. 15–19. Asylum Press Almanac, 1920–29. Memorandum of the Himayathul Islam High School, Kozhikode, 1927. p. 11. Ibid. p. 7. Ibid. Combined Civil List for India and Burma, Oct–Dec., 1928. RDPI, Quinquennium, 1921–22 to 1926–27. p. 124.

Education and Social Mobility 119 community according to their religion. Besides, Mappilla girls would not attend mixed schools. Another argument put forward was that because of separate schools, many Mappillas found employment as teachers and inspectors. Moreover, the students were exempted from fees in Mappilla schools, which would be imposed in mixed schools.57 Supporting the case, the Municipal Councillor of Kozhikode argued that in the interior parts of the district, almost all Mappilla schools were mosque schools, which the Hindu boys were unlikely to join. It would be a difficult proposal to expect the Muslims of Ernad, Walluvanad and Ponnani to go to the Hindu schools and vice versa. In such a situation, the Mappillas would prefer to have only religious education from their mullas and musaliars.58 The Kerala Patrika generally approved of establishing Mappilla-Hindu mixed schools.59 On the contrary, the Malabari, a paper supporting the cause of the Mappillas, pleaded for the continuance of separate schools for Hindus and Muslims on the grounds that religious instruction should hold pre-eminence in both sets of schools. It also observed that if all the Mappilla schools in Malabar worked like the Madrassathul Muhammadiya or the Himayathul Islam School, education of the right sort would gradually spread in the community. 60 Meanwhile, the Manjeri Hidayathul Muslimin Sabha sent a strong petition for the retention of the Malappuram training school, the continuance of Arabic teaching in elementary schools and the compilation of Arabic textbooks. 61 While reviewing the committee’s report, the Madras government accepted its recommendations and decided not to abolish separate elementary schools and arranged for the compilation of Malayalam textbooks from selected portions of the Koran. It also appointed a textbook committee. The Mappilla training school was raised to a higher elementary grade and religious instruction was given. In 1925, a special assistant was provided to the District Educational Officer of Malabar mainly to forward the interests of the Mappilla education. The facilities offered for training at the government training schools were deemed to be insufficient, and a scheme for the expansion of training facilities for Mappilla teachers was considered.

57 58 59 60 61

KRA/Public (Educational)/G.O. No.7462-22/14.1.1923. Ibid. Kerala Patrika, Kozhikode, 12.8.1922, MNNR, Aug–Oct., 1922. Malabari, Kozhikode, 21.8.1922. Ibid. TNA/Law (Educational)/G.O.No. 944/5.7.1923.

120 The Malabar Muslims In 1926–27, a large number of Muslim students came under the scheme of compulsory education introduced in the three principalities of Kozhikode, Talasherri and Cochin and in the selected areas of the Ernad, Walluvanad and Ponnani taluks. But compulsion was not effective in the latter areas and could not be so until the conflicting claims of the religious and secular instructions of the mulla and the schoolmaster had been harmonised and the co-operation of the mullas secured. By this time, the educational portfolio had changed hands and Dr. P. Subbarayan had been appointed in place of A.P. Patro.62 The district was bifurcated for educational purposes into south and north Malabar in 1929.63 The crisis of the world economic depression was reflected in the colonial educational policies of the Mappillas. In order to cut down on the expenditure, the admission of more students and the appointment of Arabic teachers solely for religious instruction were rejected by the government. In a few cases, it had permitted the employment of Arabic teachers in schools under local bodies subject to the condition that they devoted a fair portion of their time to secular teaching.64 On the question of industrial courses in training schools and aided schools, the provincial government warned that there was provision for manual training in the Malappuram training school but regular industrial training was not the responsibility of the education department. The increase of scholarships for Mappillas was not considered because the Indian Retrenchment Committee had recommended reducing the expenditure on scholarships.65 In the early 1930s, steps were taken to increase the facilities for religious instruction by providing a short course of training for the mullas and musaliars with a view to qualifying them as regular teachers in recognized elementary schools. To lessen the antagonism of the mullas, a special sessional school for them was started in 1931, the idea behind the experiment being the utilization of the religious teacher who was established in the confidence of the people, as a teacher of secular knowledge. By 1931, the administrative charge of Mappilla education in south Malabar which had a dense Muslim population was given to a Mappilla officer. The departmental officers analysed the problems and causes of

62 63 64 65

Combined Civil List for India and Burma, Oct-Dec., 1928. p. 37. Ayyar, Krishnaswamy K.N., Malabar District Gazetteer. Madras: Government Press, 1933, p. xxxix. TNA/Law (Educational)/G.O.No.308/1.3.1932. Ibid.

Education and Social Mobility 121 Mappilla education to be the ignorance of parents, the importance attached to religious instruction, the disregard for secular education and the propaganda carried on by mullas and the musaliars against secular education. In order to counteract these difficulties, the department made efforts to give both religious and secular instruction in its recognized schools with a view to satisfying the public demands and harmonising the conflicting forces that were at work. In this period, education committees were appointed at select centres for setting up agencies for local supervision and conducting propaganda against rooted prejudices.66 There was one middle school and one higher elementary school for Mappillas in Kozhikode in 1931 with three hundred and twenty students. There were also several night schools for adult Mappillas in the district. The sudden fall in the strength of Mappilla boys in the schools in the next couple of years was according to the education department, probably the result of the counter-propaganda work of a few musaliars who were reported to be preaching against secular education by trained Mappilla teachers.67 (See Table 5.2). This was likely because the position and livelihood of traditional musaliars could have been threatened by the appointment of trained government teachers. In the Mappilla schools, religious instruction was imparted to all the students for three hours every day because it was regarded as most essential by the parents. Table 5.2: Literacy per 10,000 Mappillas in 1931

Males Females

Literate

Literate upto V Standard

1425 125

200 12

Literate in English 54 2

Source: Census of India Report, Madras, 1931, Vol.XIV, Part 1. p. 285

The sessional class attached to the government training school at Malappuram continued to provide instruction to mulla teachers in secular and religious subjects on modern lines so that they would be qualified to impart both kinds of instruction in public elementary schools after undergoing training. Most of the trained mulla teachers were reported to be employed in recognized schools. Meanwhile, in the early 1930s, the Madras government was trying to economise on its expenditure on Mappilla education by refusing to spend

66 67

RDPI, 1931–32, Vol. 1, Madras, 1933. p. 128. In the years 1932–33, the strength of Mappilla boys in the schools intended for them fell from 68,217 to 67,540.

122 The Malabar Muslims on their religious instruction. This was evident when in 1930, the Malabar Muslim Majlis invited the special attention of the government to the backwardness of Mappilla education and the absence of special facilities for them. It sought the grant of more scholarships and the establishment of more Muslim schools and colleges.68 Again, when the Manjeri Hidayathul Islam Sabha asked for the inclusion of Arabic and religious textbooks in the syllabus for elementary schools, the permanent retention of the sessional class for mullas at the Malappuram training school and the admission of a larger number of students, the Madras government warned that it was not permissible to utilise public funds on imparting religious instruction. Such instruction, it said, could be given only at the beginning or at the end of a school session and not as part of the regular instruction in the school. Therefore, the request that religion may be included as part of the curriculum in Mappilla schools could not be entertained. Yet within two years British policy towards the religious instruction of the Mappillas changed from its earlier refusal to the petitions of the Malabar Muslim Majlis and the Manjeri Hidayathul Sabha regarding the matter. It is important to mention at this juncture that another major constitutional change was effected by the Government of India Act, 1935. When the 1935 Act substantially enlarged separate electorates, for the first time, a Mappilla named K. Muhammad Sahib, was appointed as the District Educational Officer of Malabar. He reported in 1936 that: ‘The new scheme of studies for the teaching of Arabic in elementary schools has been tried with satisfactory results in the Kozhikode Municipality and it seems desirable that the scheme be extended to rural areas and other municipalities also.’69

The restriction regarding the imparting of religious education in schools under public management was thus relaxed. He introduced a new scheme which sanctioned the employment of part-time Muslim instructors in all government institutions set up for Muslims. Provision was made for imparting religious instruction to Mappilla students in District Board and Municipal secondary schools.70 A temporary Higher Elementary training session for Mappilla teachers attached to the Government training school for Masters in Kannur, was sanctioned for a period of two years from

68 69 70

NAI/Home (Establishments)/File No.21/5/30/1930. Madras Educational Proceedings, March, 1937. Ibid.

Education and Social Mobility 123 1935 as an experimental measure. The employment of part-time religious instructors for two years from 1935 was also sanctioned for the Government Mohammedan secondary and training schools.71 There were two Muslim full-time religious instructors in the Malappuram training school and in other Muslim schools, there were part-time religious instructors. By 1936, the Malappuram Sessional School for musaliars and mullas had forty students on its rolls.72 Meanwhile, the fortnightly report of Madras in 1937 observed that the Congress drive in Malabar (after the formation of ministries), to capture the support of the Muslim population continued to meet with little success. K. Kelappan, a Congress member, said in one of his public speeches that separate schools for Mappillas obstructed Hindu-Muslim unity considering that separate Muslim schools were one of the chief objects of the leading Mappillas in the district.73 Robin Jeffrey has argued that the British officials were ‘gleeful’ because now they contended that Mappilla schools were so indispensable for the community that they would prevent Mappilla co-operation with the Congress.74 In the same year, the Madras government had also recommended to local bodies the desirability of supplying free books and slates to poor pupils of Scheduled castes reading in elementary schools under them. They decided to extend the concession to poor students of the Muslim community as well.75 Elementary education continued to be compulsory in the municipalities of Talasseri and Kozhikode, and the Ernad, Walluvanad and Ponnani taluks. The length of school life in compulsory areas was not much of an improvement on the duration of school life in non-compulsory regions. The ineffectiveness of compulsion so far as Mappillas were concerned was attributed to their general indifference to secular education. The village educational committees organized in selected centres for enlisting parental cooperation and for improving the strength and attendance of students in elementary schools had to be disbanded as they did not function satisfactorily. The Malappuram Training School was raised to the status of a high school in 1936 to meet the demand for a separate high school for the Mappillas.

71 72 73 74 75

Ibid. Ibid. Madras Fortnightly Reports. 19.6.1937. Jeffrey, Robin, Politics, Women and Well-Being. London: Macmillan, 1992. pp. 113–4. Educational Proceedings, Madras, G.O. No.2101, 11 September, 1937.

124 The Malabar Muslims Significant progress was noticed within the community in the thirties when the Madrassathul Muhammadiyya School of Kozhikode had 114 students on its roll.76 In Kuttichira, the first Mappilla received the Bachelor of Arts degree in 1939.77 In the same year, the secondary school for Mappillas at Malappuram presented fifty-one students for the SSLC (Secondary School Leaving Cetificate) Public Examination and thirty-two were declared eligible for University courses of study.78 The Farook College was founded in Kozhikode in 1948 as a Mappilla educational enterprise under the initiative of a few rich Mappillas. Although it started with a handful of students, it created a generation of progressive youth over the years. It has been called the ‘Aligarh of the South’.79

Literacy among Mappilla Girls In the late nineteenth century, the literacy rate of Muslim girls all over British India was very low compared to that of Hindu girls as well as Muslim boys. Education was restricted to a few belonging to richer Muslim families where their religious texts such as the Koran were taught at home by tutors. This was the general trend in North Western Provinces, Panjab, Bengal as well as the Madras Presidency. By the beginning of the twentieth century, Koran schools for Muslim girls were opened through private initiative or government aid and with strict purdah restrictions. The curriculum in these schools included, apart from the religious texts, handicrafts, arithmetic, home science, hygiene, gardening and some form of moral education, with Urdu as the medium of instruction.80 Provisions for Muslim girls in the North Western Provinces and United Provinces also included special scholarships, improved teaching staff and purdah arrangements. Girls’ schools had to provide closed transport such as palanquins and escorts for girls in purdah.81 A similar system was also found in some of the districts of the Madras Presidency, such as Tanjore and Madras (both in the Tamil region), and Guntur, Kurnool, Cuddapah and Bellary (all in the Andhra Belt). Muslim gosha (meaning: veil) girls

76 77 78 79 80 81

RDPI, 1938–39, Vol. 1, Madras, 1940. p. 31. Miller, Mappilla Muslims. p. 206. RDPI, 1939–40. p. 34. Ali, Mohammad K.T., The Development of Education among the Mappillas of Malabar, 1800–1965. Delhi: Mines Publishers, 1990. p. 175. Minault, Secluded Scholars. p. 169. Ibid. p. 162.

Education and Social Mobility 125 and women in government secondary and training schools in these regions were provided conveyance in the thirties and forties.82 In the Madras Presidency, in 1891, the Madras district had the highest proportion of educated females followed by the Nilgiris and Malabar. However, the percentage of illiterate Mappilla girls was, in stark contrast, 98.85 per cent.83 The educational statistics for Mappillas show that there were no schools, whether government-aided or unaided, for Mappilla girls till the late nineteenth century. In 1894–95, there were 14 schools for them with strength of 647 students.84 This probably means that before this period, the few Mappilla girls who would have learnt to read or write were probably from rich families where they were taught at home. Most Mappilla women, particularly in north Malabar and Kozhikode, enjoyed a privileged position in their tharavaads. Among the rich families like the Arakkal beebis, the koyas and the keyis, women would have learnt to read the Koran, and to read and write Malayalam for writing property deeds for their successors. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, although there was no increase in the number of girls’ schools, the management of the existing ones was run either by the government or with the aid of public funds. A couple of them were also unaided.85 The curriculum of the Mappilla girls’ schools included Arabic language, the Koran and other religious texts, and also practical subjects such as handicrafts, similar to the Muslim girls’ schools in the United Provinces, the Panjab and Bengal. The only difference was the use of Arabic as the medium of instruction, instead of Urdu. A training school, called the Moyen Training School for Mappilla girls intending to become teachers at girls’ schools, was opened in Kozhikode at the end of the nineteenth century. A few Mappilla girls joined this school and by 1900, fourteen of them obtained employment.86 The Kozhikode taluk Board complained that there were no separate Mappilla girls’ schools in Kozhikode taluk in the early 1920s, but five Mappilla girls were studying in a Hindu girls’ school in the taluk called the Kuruvathur Girls’ School. The first Mappilla girl passed the Vernacular School Leaving Examination in 1925.87 Despite the encouragement of the educational department in the form of fee concessions and scholarships, the number of Muslim girls attending vernacular schools in Malabar was very small. 82 83 84 85 86 87

TNA/Educational/G.Os dated 1931–47. Census Report, 1891. pp. 176–180. Quinqueinnium Reports, 1891–97. p. 125. Ibid. RDPI, 1898-99. Madras, 1899. p. 97. Census Report, 1931. p. 267.

126 The Malabar Muslims For the first time in 1936, six girls were admitted to the Himayathul Islam School. Towards the end of the thirties, the number of trained teachers in the Moyen training school rose and these Mappilla women taught in elementary schools for girls. About fifty scholarships were awarded for girls in these elementary schools (See Table 5.3).88 Table 5.3: Progress of Education among Mappillas between 1891–92 and 1939–40 Year 1891-92 1939-40

Boys’ Schools

Strength

Girls’ Schools

Strength

574 1,476

29677 149,073

– 131

– 7,546

Source: Reports on Public Instruction in the Madras Presidency, quinqueinnium reports, 1891– 92 to 1896–97, p. 125; and 1939–40, p. 69.

Supporting the Mappilla case, the President of the Women’s Wing of the Madras Presidency Muslim League, Mrs. Khadija Yakub Hasan submitted a petition in 1939 for the education of Mappilla girls, a separate training school for them and an increase in the number of scholarships for girls in schools.89 The appointment of women teachers in all Mappilla schools with a considerable number of girl students was also urged. The Malabar Muslim Educational Association awarded a scholarship in 1941 to a Mappilla girl student, Kunhamina, studying in the final year of school in the Zamorin’s College, Kozhikode.90 In Kozhikode, twenty-one girls were admitted to the first standard of the Madrassathul Muhammadiyya in 1944.91 There was therefore a constant emphasis on the educational needs of the Mappilla girls and the demand for special facilities for their advancement. The interest among the members of the community for the education of their girls was apparent and their strength in schools increased steadily over the years. By the late 1930s, the importance of Mappilla schools for girls and boys was felt more strongly by the Mappilla leaders and the Muslim League members when the Congress threat began surfacing in Malabar. By the 1940s, the political balance had already tilted in favour of the Muslim League and their initiatives and demands regarding the education of the Mappillas were beginning to bear fruit.

88 89 90 91

RDPI, 1938–39. pp. 188–9; 1939–40. The Madras Mail, 17 March, 1939. ‘Muslim Vidyaarthinikki Sahaayam’, Chandrika, 30.7.1941, p. 4. Madrassathul Muhammadiya High School Golden Jubilee Souvenir, 1969.

Education and Social Mobility 127

Representation of Mappillas in Public Services British attitudes towards Muslims in Northwestern India and the deprivation of Muslims of their position in government employment was a fall-out of the revolt of 1857. Syed Ahmad Khan had argued that from the 1860s, the British government’s efforts to make English influence predominant in government departments like education, revenue, army, police and judiciary reduced Muslim influence to a great extent. The British education officers held that state employment was closely connected to state education. In the North-West Provinces, there were still Muslims in senior posts but as the emphasis on efficiency grew, the occupational prospects for a later generation of Muslims were uncertain.92 This was not the case in Malabar because in this region, the economic position of the Mappillas was not conditioned by the Mutiny but by the several peasant uprisings. Moreover, other than agriculture, trade, as their important economic activity made them more self-reliant and therefore, they did not seek government employment in large numbers. In 1872, a report on the education and employment of the Muslim community of British India explained that the low rate of employment of Muslims in the public services was in great measure due to the failure of the Muslims to take advantage of English education which was necessary for entry into the public services. It was also attributed to some extent to the provisions for Muslims in the educational system.93 Regarding the Bengal Muslims, Hunter argued that because they lagged behind in attending government schools and therefore could not compete for public appointments, they wanted to be treated as a separate community for job reservations and privileges. Francis Robinson holds that Hunter’s argument cannot be used for the Muslims of the United Provinces because although the UP Muslims were slow in attending government schools, it did not seem to impede them from getting government jobs. He argues that those who attended traditional Islamic institutions did well in procuring government employment and were better off than those who attended government schools. So, for them, more than backwardness itself, it was the threat of becoming backward that forced them to enter organized politics.94 In the case of Malabar, the slow progress 92 93

94

Begum, Rehmani, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan. pp. 124–7. Extract from the Proceedings of the Government of Madras in the Educational System, 1872. Correspondence regarding the education and employment of the Mohammedan Community in British India. IOR/V/23/46/205/1886. Robinson, Francis, Separatism among Indian Muslims. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974.

128 The Malabar Muslims of Mappilla education was because of the priority given to Koranic schooling as in the Northwestern Provinces and Bengal, which delayed their going to elementary schools. The situation created by the peasant disturbances in regions of south Malabar also affected their progress. These were also the reasons why the Mappillas demanded a separate community status for special concessions and privileges in public services. In Malabar, educated lawyers, timber merchants, shipbuilders and rich traders formed the elite of the Muslim community and were an increasingly influential force in the social and educational advancement of their coreligionists. Some of them were committee members of reformist organizations such as the Himayathul Islam Sabha, the Muhammadan Educational Society and the Manjeri Hidayathul Islam Sabha. All these organizations made constant appeals to the government to give more public appointments to the Mappillas. The need for Mappilla representation was also pressed by Mappilla pressure groups that emerged in the late 1920s and 1930s. These were the Malabar Muslim Majlis, the Young Men’s Muslim Association (hereafter YMMA), Kannur, the Thanveerul Islam Association, Kasargod and the al-Azhariyya Association, Mangalore, which spoke for the Kasargod Mappillas. The Malabar Muslim League was also active in seeking privileges for Mappillas in the public services. All these organizations asked for the Mappillas to be treated as a separate community for representation in the public services. The Madras government claimed that if the proportion of the members of the community in the educational department was low compared to the other communities, it was due to the fact that very few Muslims who offered themselves for employment satisfied the conditions of admission into the public services.95 When the Himayathul Islam Sabha wrote to Pentland in 1913 for more appointments for Malabar Muslims in the public services, he pointed out that there were Mappillas serving as a Deputy Collector, a Tahsildar, a Deputy Superintendent of Police, and as officers in the registration, police and educational services with many representatives in the clerical posts.96 Regarding the representation of Mappillas in the Taluk Boards, in 1918, the Himayathul Islam Sabha appealed that: ‘... the special claims of our community to see competent Muhammadans appointed, as occasions occur, to Presidentships of Taluk Boards in the district may be recognised.’97

95 96 97

RDPI, 1899–1900. Madras, 1900. p. 93. Tour Diary – First Tour of Pentland, p. 103. KRA/Revenue/June, 1918.

Education and Social Mobility 129 In Local Boards and Educational Councils, the Manjeri Hidayathul Islam Sabha observed in 1923 that there was inadequate representation of Mappillas. It argued that if more Muslims were appointed in the public services, it would accelerate the work of educational authorities to diffuse education, the panacea of all ills, and would lead to the rehabilitation of the community.98 A resolution was drawn by the Thanveerul Islam Association representing the Mappillas of Kasargod, regarding Mappilla appointment in government services and the nomination of a Mappilla to the Indian Civil Services (ICS) of 1930. A personal request was also made by H.H. Schamnad in 1930, requesting that as a member of the Mappilla community, he may be nominated to the ICS, or that he may be granted a foreign scholarship of three hundred and fifty pounds a year for about three years for higher education in England. His request was turned down on the grounds that no special favours could be granted to a particular community.99 The YMMA held that in view of the inadequate representation of the community, and the trauma caused by the peasant rebellion of 1921, the government should regard the Mappillas as a separate community for the purposes of appointments to the All India Provincial and Subordinate services.100 B. Pokkar Sahib, as a Madras Legislative Assembly member from 1930, urged the necessity for public appointments of Malabar Muslims particularly in services such as the ICS, the Indian Audit Service and the Indian Forest Service where they were entirely unrepresented. He noted that the entire absence of a Mappilla in the Income-tax department either as an income-tax officer or in any other capacity was really a matter for legitimate grievance especially in view of the fact that they were a commercial community paying a large amount of income-tax.101 The Al-Azhariyya Association, Mangalore, representing the Mappillas of Kasargod, earnestly appealed to the government in 1931 to select a Mappilla to the ICS in view of the backwardness of the community in education, the consequent Mappilla disturbances in Malabar and the importance of the community in south India.102

98 99 100

101 102

TNA/Law (Educational)/GO No.944/5.7.1923. NAI/Home (Establishments) File No. 21/5/30/1930. Ibid. The YMMA had attempted to mitigate the legacy of 1921 and remove the bogey of the ‘mad Mappilla’ and had taken up issues of community reform. Menon, Dilip, Caste. p. 104. NAI/Home (Establishments)/File No.21/5/30/1930. NAI/Home (Establishments)/ File No.137/31/1931.

130 The Malabar Muslims The Malabar Muslim Majlis also raised the question of the relaxation of age limits and other qualifications for the ICS and other public services examinations in favour of the Mappillas. In 1935, it wrote to the Madras government that the age limit of twenty-three years fixed for the ICS examinations was seriously detrimental to the interest of the Muslims in general and that of the Mappillas in particular. It argued that the Mappillas formed one-third of the Muslim community of the Madras Presidency, but still there was not a single ICS officer among them. The Majlis also pointed out that because of the greater importance attached to religious instruction, the Mappilla boys took up secular education late. Therefore, the age limit should be raised at least to twenty-five years for entrants in the public services.103 The association further requested that in the matter of recruitment of Muslim teachers, the age limit be raised from thirty to thirty-two years. The British government in its reply, said that the age limits and other qualifications had been prescribed with due regard to the requirements of each service. Therefore, it stated that it was unable to make any alterations in them merely to suit the convenience of a particular community.104 This clearly indicates the adamance of officials in such matters. With the granting of provincial autonomy and substantial electorates to Muslims, few Mappillas were appointed as District Educational Officers. For example, Mappilla deputy inspectors were appointed for the Kozhikode, Kannur, Vadagara and Ponnani Mappilla ranges.105 Sattar Sait, a member of the Madras Legislative Assembly, raised the issue of Mappilla representation in the Railway Services in 1936. Referring to his statements, the Chandrika daily also pushed the case through an article in its February issue. It complained that Mappillas were not adequately represented in the Railway department in South India. It stated that this injustice should not continue and the Madras government should take appropriate steps to recruit Mappillas.106 The Muslim League also forwarded a petition to the Madras government in 1941 to recruit more Mappillas to the judicial services.107 By 1943, Mappillas were beginning to be represented in the judicial services of the Malabar District. They were appointed as District and Sessions Judges as well as Honorary Bench Magistrates. For example, Khaja Sheriff Sahib was

103 104 105 106 107

NAI/Home (Establishments)/File No.244/35/1935. Ibid. Asylum Press Almanac, 1935. Chandrika, 24.2.1936, MNNR, 1936. ‘Malabar Zilla Muslim League’, Chandrika, 15.7.1941. p. 4.

Education and Social Mobility 131 the additional District and Sessions Judge for the Talasherri District Court and Kunhahmad Kutty Sahib was recruited for the Ottapalam division in Palakkad. Two Honorary Bench Magistrates’ posts, each for Kozhikode and Talasherri, were filled by Palakardy Ahmad Koya and Kadiyaravath Ahmad Koya, P.V. Kunhi Moosa Keyi and Madathingal Ali Koya, respectively.108 However, the need for the appointment of more Mappilla District Educational officers was felt even as late as 1946. Petitions in this regard were sent by the Malabar Muslim League members to the Educational department.109 The colonial administration followed a carrot and stick policy regarding Mappilla education and its decisions were often wavering, stringent and uncompromising. The government antagonised the community by branding them as ‘backward classes’ after the Mappilla revolts, by trying to abolish separate Mappilla schools and by economising on their religious education. On the other hand, Muslim pressure groups, such as the Himayathul Islam Sabha, the Manjeri Muslimin Sabha and the Muslim League extended their generous support to the community’s educational progress by demanding special privileges for their religious education and the education of Mappilla girls. The initiatives of such organizations in seeking concessions for the representation of Mappillas in the public services are examples of social mobility and progress.

108 109

Asylum Press Almanac, 1943. ‘Vidyabhyasa Samadhyakshande Adukkal Nivedanam’, Chandrika, 21.2.1946. p. 3.

132 The Malabar Muslims

6 Mappilla Leadership and Political Mobilization

The Muslim political leaders had begun to exercise their influence in the matter of Mappilla girls’ education by the late 1930s and early 1940s. It would be most appropriate at this juncture to show the emergence of an educated Mappilla intelligentsia which gave a cohesive political leadership to the community.

Growth of the Press in Malabar Apart from its position as the administrative capital of the Malabar District, Kozhikode also became the centre of the print culture from the late nineteenth century. A study of the ‘Native Newspaper Reports’ reveals that a number of newspapers were published from Kozhikode. The list included the Kerala Patrika, the Kerala Sanchari, the Manorama and the Malabari, in Malayalam and they were mostly owned by the Nayars.1 These papers seem to have effectively voiced their opinion on British policy matters in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Their reports generally dealt with regional and local issues such as legislation related to marriage reform, inheritance, partition of properties, school education and other such debates. Other vernacular papers such as the Malayala Manorama and the Swadeshabhimani were published from Travancore. These papers also sometimes expressed their views on Malabar issues. By the 1920s, the emergence of political parties in Malabar saw the birth of Malayalam political newspapers with their publishing offices in Kozhikode. For example, with the formation of the District Congress Committee at the end of the first decade of the twentieth century, a 1

Madras Native Newspaper Reports (MNNR). (1890–1922).

Mappilla Leadership and Political Mobilization 133 Congress daily called the Mathrubhumi was published from Kozhikode. The Al Ameen, a Congress-Left paper, started in 1924, had its office in the Al Ameen Lodge in Kozhikode. When the Malabar Muslim League was organized in the 1930s, its members started the Chandrika weekly from Kozhikode in 1934. The Kerala Communist Party which was founded in 1939 launched the Communist newspaper, the Deshabhimani, in the beginning of the 1940s. These newly-founded dailies reflected the emerging political activities in Malabar from the 1920s till the end of the colonial period.

Municipal Boards and Native Representation A major development in the colonial history of British India was the formation of Municipal Boards in the late nineteenth century. By 1870, local bodies such as Municipal Councils were formed in the Madras Presidency. Native members were nominated to the Councils on the basis of their wealth and profession as well as their tax-paying status. In the Madras Presidency, Madurai, Tanjore, Trichinopoly, Nagapatnam and Kozhikode were considered the wealthiest municipalities.2 In Malabar, Municipal Boards were formed in Kozhikode, Talasherri and Kannur. Five to six Indians were nominated to the Kozhikode Municipal Council between 1875 and 1877, out of which one seat was held by a Mappilla, T. Mammu Koya Haji.3 Mammu Koya Haji was an influential Koya of Kozhikode and a wealthy timber merchant. The required qualification for nomination was the wealth and tax-paying status of the individual. The elective principle was introduced in Malabar in 1879–80. The number of Indian members elected to the Kozhikode Municipal Council till 1885 was ten, out of which nine were Hindus representing various castes, such as the Nayars, the Pattars and the Chettis and one was a Muslim. Mammu Koya Haji continued to be a member.4 In the 1906 elections, out of eleven members, there were two Mappilla representatives, Mammu Koya Haji and Haji Ali Barami.5 It should be noted at this point that firstly, the slight increase in the number of Mappillas to two could have been a remedy to an observation made in the 1880s that ‘the electoral law is in need of amendment, and that the rights of minorities have hitherto been

2 3 4 5

Municipal Reports, Government of Madras, 1877–78. p. 1. Asylum Press Almanac and Compendium of Intelligence, Madras, 1875. p. 76. Madras Local Administration Reports, 1880–81. p. 1. Asylum Press Almanac, Madras, 1906, part 4.

134 The Malabar Muslims inadequately safeguarded’.6 Secondly, the Mappillas were not elected to any important official post like that of the chairman or the overseer. Thirdly, Haji Ali Barami belonged to the socially and economically dominant barami group of Mappillas and was a wealthy timber merchant and shipbuilder. By virtue of his tax-paying status, he could stand for the Municipal Board Elections. In other words, although there were more than a handful of Mappillas who could have qualified by wealth, it was not until the twentieth century that they were to be found controlling the Municipal Board elections. By 1915, the number of Mappilla members rose from two to four. Mammu Koya Haji, Haji Ali Barami, Puthiyamaliakal Sayyid Ahmad Jifri Attakoya Thangal (hereafter, P.M. Attakoya Thangal) and C.A. Kunhi Moosa Sahib were the Mappillas who were non-official members of the Board.7 P.M. Attakoya Thangal was the grandson of Sayyid Alawi Jifri of Kozhikode and a descendant of the Mambram thangal, Sayyid Hasan Jifri Thangal (See Table 1.1). Apart from being a member of an influential thangal family in Kozhikode and Mambram since the eighteenth century, Attakoya Thangal was an owner of several acres of landed property in the regions. C.A. Kunhi Moosa Sahib was a copra merchant in Kozhikode. What is significant is that the Muslim seats in the Municipal Board were being filled by wealthy Mappilla landlords and merchants. This was also the case in Talasherri and Kannur where the keyi and the arakkal landlords stood for Municipal Board elections by virtue of their being landed aristocrats and socially and economically, a higher status.

Rise of a Mappilla Intelligentsia Apart from private initiatives from wealthy Mappilla families in opening primary schools and the Vazhakkad madrassa, there were also a few such families who aspired to send their children for an English medium higher education to different places within Malabar as well as outside the region. Their aspirations were met by the English medium missionary schools such as the Basel Mission School in Kozhikode and the Brennen College in Talasherri. The Basel Mission activities were started in Kozhikode by German missionaries led by Dr. William Gundert in 1842. He opened a primary school in 1848 and a high school was founded in the 1860s which imparted education up to the Intermediate level.8 The Brennen High School 6 7 8

Municipal Reports, 1881–82, p. 1. Asylum Press Alamanac, 1915. part 3. ‘The Basel Mission,’ in Malabar Mahotsav Souvenir, Kozhikode, 1993. pp. 140–2.

Mappilla Leadership and Political Mobilization 135 in Talasherri was founded in 1862 under the generous patronage of Edward Brennen, an English naval Captain. In 1890, college classes were started for students and the institution was affiliated to the Madras Presidency.9 The congenial atmosphere created by the opening of Muslim schools and madrassas by wealthy Mappillas, and the patronage of European missionaries and individuals in imparting English education provided the initial grounding for aspiring Mappilla students. A new generation of Mappilla youths born in the late nineteenth century, was emerging within the community. Some were products of the Vazhakkad madrassa, educated in a modern Islamic association and well-versed in Arabic literature and other secular subjects. The Dar ul-Uloom of Vazhakkad schooled a group of learned maulavis such as E. Moidu Maulavi, Sulaiman Maulavi and Talasherri Ahmad Kutty. All these Mappilla scholars came from traditional maulavi and musaliar families of Malabar. The new generation also produced Mappillas such as B. Pokkar Sahib, K.M. Seethi Sahib and Muhammad Abdurahiman Sahib. B. Pokkar Sahib hailed from Talasherri and was educated in the Brennen College, the Madras Christian College and the Madras Law College. After completing his degree in law, he joined the Madras High Court as a lawyer.10 K.M. Seethi Sahib was the son of Haji Seethi Mohammad Sahib, the founder of the Muslim primary school at Azhikode. He studied in the Azhikode Muslim School, the Basel Mission High School in Kozhikode, the Maharaja’s College in Ernakulam for Intermediate examinations and took the Bachelor of Arts Degree from the Travancore Maharaja’s College. He passed the Law degree examination from the Thiruvanthapuram Law College in 1925 and joined the Madras High Court as an advocate in 1927.11 Muhammad Abdurahiman Sahib was the nephew of Haji Seethi Mohammad Sahib and the cousin of K.M. Seethi sahib. He was sent to the Kodungallur High School and the Basel Mission High School in Kozhikode. After completing further studies at the Madras Muhammadan College and the Madras Presidency College, Abdurahiman went to study at the Jamia Millia Islamia founded by Maulana Mohammad Ali.12

9 10 11 12

‘Edward Brennen’, in Malabar Mahotsav Souvenir, Kozhikode, 1993. pp. 185–6; Tour Diary - Seventh Tour of Pentland - Malabar and Tinnelvelly, 1914. p. 105. ‘B. Pokkar Sahib’, in Kareem, CK (ed.) Kerala Muslim History: Statistics and Directory. Vol. 3 Edappally: Charitram Publications, 1991, p. 191. Aboosiddique, Seethi Sahib. pp. 6–7. Maulavi, E. Moidu, Ende Koottukaran. p. 3, p. 14.

136 The Malabar Muslims These new generation Mappillas were to lead the community as able intellectuals and political leaders. Meanwhile, political organizations were beginning to take shape in Malabar.

The KPCC, Khilafat and the Rebellion: 1920–21 The late nineteenth century marked the foundation of the Indian National Congress and its units at the regional level. Units were formed in the Bombay, Bengal and Madras Presidencies. The Madras Presidency Congress Committee was established in the late nineteenth century although its activities did not assume any significance till the second decade of the twentieth century. In Malabar, a District Congress Committee was formed in 1910 even while the new generation of Mappillas was in college. Members included Kunhiraman Menon, U. Gopala Menon, K.P. Kesava Menon, K.V. Gopala Menon, T.V. Sunadara Ayyar, Kesavan Nayar and P. Ramunni Menon. In 1920, the Kerala Pradesh Congress Committeee was formed by bringing the three political units of Malabar, Cochin and Travancore together. Active Congress workers included A.K. Pillai, a student of Oxford University, K. Kelappan, a law graduate from Bombay, and barrister George Joseph. The first meeting of the KPCC was held in Ottapalam in 1921. Muhammad Abdurahiman who was since then a student at the Jamia Millia at Delhi, also attended the Ottapalam conference. Even before that he had been a student representative at the Nagpur session of 1920.13 While a student at Jamia Millia, Abdurahiman’s political ideas were very much influenced by Maulana Mohammad Ali’s nationalist ideas. Encouraged by Abdurahiman’s leadership qualities, the Maulana sent him back to Malabar to lead the Khilafat movement. At the Ottapalam Conference itself, a Khilafat Conference was held with Syed Murthusa Sahib of Trichinopoly as its President who appointed Abdurahiman as the secretary of the Malabar Khilafat Committee. A student Conference was held at the same time under the presidentship of George Joseph.14 The Malabar Khilafat Committee had its headquarters at Kozhikode and a meeting was held in Kuttichira, the Muslim stronghold of the town where E. Moidu Maulavi, a Khilafatist, delivered his first ever political speech.15 Congress-Khilafat meetings were also held in the south Malabar taluks of Ernad, Walluvanad and Ponnani. The Ernad Congress secretary

13 14 15

Maulavi, Moidu, Maulaviyude Atmakatha, p. 19. Menon, Kazhinja Kalam. pp. 81–2. Maulavi, Atmakatha. pp. 17–18.

Mappilla Leadership and Political Mobilization 137 at that time was M.P. Narayana Menon. This period was the height of Hindu-Muslim unity in Malabar manifested in the Congress-Khilafat activities.16 The Khilafat meetings held in Ponnani and Tirurangadi in JulyAugust 1921 were led by Kelappan and Kesava Menon respectively. Ali Musaliar, Lavakutty and Kunha Alavi were the local Khilafat leaders in Mambram.17 This was also the period of the Mappilla rebellion in south Malabar against the janmis and the British administration. The peasant rebels were greatly inspired by the Khilafat appeal and from then on, the rebellion gathered more momentum. In order to control this gathering momentum among them, the army was stationed all over south Malabar. Ali Musaliar sent circulars to the public ordering peace and restraint from attacking the Hindus.18 By the end of August, the situation worsened with the army and police surrounding the kizhakkepalli at Tirurangadi. When they started firing, some Mappilla rebels began retaliating with swords. However, in the end, they were forced to surrender and Ali Musaliar and many others were arrested. In retaliation, rebels in Ponnani, Manjeri and Perintalmanna began looting government treasuries, police stations and destroyed records in huzur offices. Their activities were brought to control by leaders like Kelappan, Kunhahmed Haji, Moidu Maulavi, K.M. Maulavi, Mohammad Abdurahiman and Kesava Menon. K.M. Maulavi called a meeting in Kozhikode to draw a solution to the chaotic conditions. He, along with the other leaders toured the affected areas and requested the public to maintain peace.19 The rebellion had spread to 220 villages of south Malabar. Around 15,000 Mappillas were killed by the army, some were jailed and others were sent to the Andaman Islands to provide cheap forest labour force.20 Ali Musaliar was court-martialled at Coimbatore and hanged to death on 17 February, 1922 while Kunhahmed Haji was shot dead as per court order.21 Although leaders like Kelappan, Kunhahmed Haji, Moidu Maulavi, K.M. Maulavi, Mohammad Abdurahiman and Kesava Menon tried to control the rebelling peasants, they were arrested and jailed for conspiring with

16 17 18 19 20 21

Menon, Kalam. pp. 93–4. Ibid. pp. 93–110. Ibid. Kannu, Nayakanmar. p. 93. Ibid. p. 93. Menon, Kazhinja Kalam. p. 116.

138 The Malabar Muslims them. The procedure in the Military Court Trials was described by a Criminal lawyer, Manjeri Ram Ayyar as follows: ‘… For the same offence, two sets of appellants/ defendants were tried by separate judges. Evidence was different in both cases. If one accused was a Khilafat secretary or a follower, he had no shelter or sympathy from the judge…’22

Along with leaders such as Abdurahiman, Kelappan and others, many thangals, maulavis and musaliars was also jailed. With the arrest of Congress and Khilafat leaders, there was a lull for two years in political activities in Malabar. But the rebellion had left behind several refugees, both Muslims and Hindus. Voluntary relief committees were formed to provide food, clothing, medical aid and shelter for them. B. Pokkar Sahib formed the Mappilla Amelioration Committee, and along with T.M. Moidu toured the affected areas providing relief measures.23 Seethi Mohammad Sahib, the father of K.M. Seethi Sahib, also rendered help to the refugees in kind and cash. From Panjab, the Jamaat-i-Da’vat-i-Tabligh-i-Islam Sabha set up an orphanage in Kozhikode for the orphans of the rebellion.24 The long-term impact of the 1921 rebellion was to be seen, as Kesava Menon describes, in the slow and gradual polarization of the Hindus and Muslims. Menon observes that after the rebellion, the Mappillas of south Malabar grudged a grievance against the Congress, which they identified with the ‘Hindus’, that instead of helping them it toed the line of the British administrators.25 K.N. Panikkar has also argued that the two communities had begun to drift apart socially and politically which showed itself in the politics of the twentieth century.26 It was noted with some criticism that the relief measures organized by the Congress and the Khilafat Committee ran on communal lines to such an extent that even a nationalist Muslim like Abdurahiman remarked that the relief activities of Congress workers catered to the Hindus alone.27 The gradual shift in Hindu-Muslim politics in Malabar in the next few decades from the 1920s was to lead to a communalisation of political interest. The rebellion, in this regard, was

22 23 24 25 26 27

Ibid. p. 117. ‘B. Pokkar Sahib’, in Kareem, Kerala History. p. 191. Maulavi, Atmakatha. p. 89. Menon, Kazhinja Kalam. p. 128. Panikkar, Against Lord. p. 188. Ibid. pp. 188–9.

Mappilla Leadership and Political Mobilization 139 only a starting point showing the weakness of the Congress influence on the Mappillas of south Malabar.

The Kerala Muslim Aikya Sangham: 1922 Among the Mappilla leaders who had escaped to Travancore after the rebellion were K.M. Maulavi, E.K. Maulavi and Mohammad Musaliar. They were given refuge at Kodungallur by Seethi Mohammad Sahib.28 At this time, K.M. Seethi Sahib was a student at the Thiruvanthapuram University College. Even while a student, he was a Congress follower. Travancore, from the beginning of the twentieth century was a seat of several social reform movements. Vaikkom Maulavi spread the message of reform and modern thought by forming several reform organizations. One such organization was the Kerala Muslim Aikya Sangham founded in 1922 at Eriyattu village in Kodungallur. The Aikya Sangham was an outlet for Mappillas like K.M. Seethi Sahib, K.M. Maulavi, E.K. Maulavi and Moidu Maulavi to provide leadership to the Mappilla community. The sangham also heralded the birth of Muslim organizations in Kerala.

The 1919 Act and Mappilla Representation: 1920–30 With the devolution of power to the provinces by the 1919 Act, there were some changes in Malabar as well. In the 1920 Municipal elections of the Kozhikode Municipal Boards, P.M. Attakoya Thangal, T. Mammu Koya Haji, C.A. Kunhimoosa Sahib and Haji Ali Barami continued as non-official members till 1930.29 The posts of the chairman, health officer, manager, secretary and engineer continued to be dominated by Hindus, some of whom were Congress members.30 P.M. Attakoya Thangal represented the Mappillas in the Malabar District Educational Council as a member from 1920 onwards.31 He was also the Vice President of the Kozhikode Taluk Board till 1929. Meanwhile, two Mappillas, T.M. Moidu and Uppi Sahib were elected to the Madras Legislative Assembly in 1923. In the Madras Legislative Council there were three Mappillas, two from Malabar and one from south Kanara.32 In 1930, B. Pokkar Sahib was elected secretary of the Madras Legislative Assembly’s United Nationalist Party.33 T.M. Moidu was also elected President of the 28 29 30 31 32 33

‘K.M. Seethi Sahib’, in Kareem, Kerala History. p. 175. Asylum, 1920. Ibid. 1920–30. Himayathul Islam Sabha Memorandum, 1927. Proceedings of the Madras Legislative Council, 1925–30. ‘B. Pokkar Sahib’, in Kareem (ed.) Kerala History. p. 191.

140 The Malabar Muslims Malabar Distrct Board.34 By 1929, there were Mappillas occupying important posts in the Taluk Boards.35 Thus, Mappillas were found in the District and Taluk Boards as well as in the Legislative Assembly although their numbers were few.

The KPCC: 1923–30 After the 1921 Khilafat activities and the rebellion, some of the Congress workers were jailed and some others left the party.36 There was a general lull in their activities in this brief period. They were released from jail in 1923. K.P. Kesava Menon started a new Malayalam tri-weekly, the Mathrubhumi. A second KPCC conference was held at Palghat presided by Sarojini Naidu.37 In 1924, when there were severe floods in Malabar, the KPCC under the leadership of its President, Kelappan, provided relief work for the several affected people.38 Even while in jail, Abdurahiman decided to publish a newspaper. His wish was fulfilled when after his release, in December 1923, the Al Ameen Company was registered at Kozhikode. It started as a tri-weekly and was co-edited by Sayyid Mohammad Sahib, P. Moideen Kottayan and K.A. Damodara Menon.39 The sole reason behind Abdurahiman’s Al Ameen publication was to remove the alleged categorization of the Mappillas as ‘fanatics’.40 The Al Ameen was an attempt to give the Mappilla community its due respect. By this time, there was a split in the KPCC into two groups – one was the Left Wing led by Abdurahiman, and the other was the Right called the Chalappuram gang, dominated by lawyers. Abdurahiman’s Left wing was supported by Moidu Maulavi, barrister George Joseph, P. Moideen Koya, K. Damodara Menon, E.M.S. Namboodiripad and Sayyid Mohammad Sahib.41 The Right Wing was led among others, by Kelappan, Madhava Menon and Ramunni Menon. The Al Ameen therefore was a Leftist paper and carried several articles against the British government. K.M. Seethi Sahib, who was then a Congress follower and a cousin of Abdurahiman also contributed articles to the paper. Abdurahiman wrote critical articles against the British

34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41

Aboosiddique, Seethi Sahib. p. 85. Asylum, 1929. Menon, Kazhinja Kalam. p. 128. Ibid. p. 158. Maulavi, Atmakatha. p. 91. Maulavi, Ende Koottukaran. p. 186. Ibid. p. 185. Maulavi, Atmakatha. p. 92.

Mappilla Leadership and Political Mobilization 141 Andamans scheme which had been proposed by the Madras government. According to the scheme, Mappilla rebels released from jail were to provide cheap forest labour force in the Andaman Islands. Abdurahiman fought vigorously through the Al Ameen to withdraw the scheme. At an All-party conference held at Amritsar in 1925, Abdurahiman, as the President of the conference tabled a memorandum seeking the withdrawal of the Andamans scheme. The resolution was passed. When he returned to Madras after the meeting, the Madras government was in the process of sending two hundred Mappilla families to the islands. Abdurahiman’s attempt to interview them failed when the officials stopped his efforts on the pretext that he belonged to the press. With that, his efforts to prevent the implementation of the Andamans Scheme failed.42 He also tried to withdraw the Moplah Outrages Act but was not successful. The bold subjects of the Al Ameen were not relished by the colonial officialdom. In 1928, it was banned from the students’ reading room of the Mappilla Training School at Malappuram.43 It became a daily in 1930. Apart from Abdurahiman, other Mappilla leaders also made several contributions to the KPCC in the twenties. K.M. Seethi Sahib, while as a student, translated Mahatma Gandhi’s speech at the Trivandrum Congress meeting of 1922. Soon, he became a member of the KPCC Left Wing as well as the Congress activity committee.44 At the Kakkanad Congress meeting of 1923 presided by Maulana Mohamad Ali, Abdurahiman, Moidu Maulavi, Uppi Sahib, Hussain Kutty and K.P. Kesava Menon were the active KPCC leaders. Seethi Sahib actively participated in all the Congress meetings along with Abdurahiman, such as those in Madras, Lahore and Tripura. At the Madras Congress meeting of 1927, Seethi Sahib met Maulana Mohammad Ali for the first time. He had translated some of Maulana’s speeches and writings into Malayalam. After the Maulana’s death, Seethi Sahib wrote his biography in Malayalam which was published in 1938.45 Meanwhile in the twenties, the Kozhikode Municipal Board was also coming to be dominated by the Congress-Right. In 1930, the Civil Disobedience Movement in the region was led by Kelappan, the then KPCC President. A satyagraha procession was planned from Kozhikode to Payyanur village. Abdurahiman Sahib, E.M.S. Namboodiripad and Moidu Maulavi also participated in the Payyanur Satyagraha camp. Meetings were

42 43 44 45

Ibid. p. 196. Proceedings of the Madras Legislative Council, October 1928. ‘K.M. Seethi Sahib’, in Kareem (ed.), Kerala History. p. 173. Aboosiddique, Seethi Sahib. p. 11.

142 The Malabar Muslims held in Kozhikode and Vallayil by Mappilla leaders like Hassan Koya Mulla and P. Moideen Koya. Moidu Maulavi delivered a powerful speech at Payyanur and also led the volunteers on a tour to Pazhayangadi, Kannur, Talasherri, Vadagara, Mahe, Koilandy and Kozhikode.46 The Young Men’s Muslim Association (YMMA) formed in 1926 at Kannur, and consisting largely of Mappilla youths, joined hands with the satyagraha volunteers and called for Hindu-Muslim unity.47 Several of these meetings were obstructed by the presence of police rings. At Talasherri, the volunteers were arrested and jailed. The Al Ameen published articles about official sabotage during the satyagraha, for which it was banned for six months in 1930.48 Thus, after the Congress-Khilafat cooperation, the salt satyagraha of 1930, manifested the height of Hindu-Muslim alliance and unity in Malabar.

The Malabar Muslim Majlis: 1930 During the Civil Disobedience movement, the political history of Malabar took a new turn. The first Muslim political organization called the Malabar Muslim Majlis was founded in Talasherri in 1930. Among the founders were K.M. Seethi Sahib, C.P. Mammu Keyi Sahib, Sattar Sait, Arakkal Sultan Abdurahman Ali Raja and Uppi Sahib. The objective of the Majlis was to bring different Mappilla leaders on a common platform. Abdurahiman and many of his young followers joined the Majlis, the first annual meeting of which was held in 1931.49 The leader of the Majlis was K.M. Seethi Sahib. By 1935, the Majlis represented thirteen lakhs of Mappillas on the west coast.50 It took up issues relating to the progress of the community such as that of education and public appointments. Committee members of the Majlis included P.M. Attakoya Thangal, Moidu Maulavi, T.M. Maulavi, B. Pokkar Sahib, Haji V. Ali Barami and Uppi Sahib. Meetings were held in Kozhikode and Kannur. Along with the Majlis, a Muslim Club was also founded by K.M. Seethi Sahib and other Majlis members in Talasherri. The Club aimed at community services such as education, distributing scholarships and founding schools for the Mappillas. It created a Muslim Educational Association for scholarship funds and also founded the Malappuram Muslim High School.51 As an 46 47 48 49 50 51

Maulavi, Ende Koottukaran. pp. 148–170. Menon, Caste. p. 104. Maulavi, Ende Koottukaran. p. 117. Ibid. p. 191. NAI/Home (Establishment)/File No.244/35/1935. ‘K.M. Seethi Sahib’, Kareem (ed.) Kerala History. p. 174.

Mappilla Leadership and Political Mobilization 143 outcome of the discussions and debates held in the Muslim Club, the Malabar Muslim League was founded in 1934.

The Malabar Muslim League, 1934 Although the Madras Presidency Muslim League was founded as early as 1908 under the presidentship of the Prince of Arcot52, only one Mappilla was associated with it. That was B. Pokkar Sahib, who, as a practising lawyer in Madras, became associated with the Presidency Muslim League Committee.53 It was only in 1934 that a Malabar unit of the Muslim League was formed after several discussions in the Muslim Club. Meanwhile K.M. Seethi Sahib had left the KPCC in 1933. In 1934, he became a member of the All India Muslim League Council. In the same year, The Malabar Muslim League came under the aegis of the All India Muslim League and formed League committees all over the region.54 Leading members of the Malabar Muslim League were Arakkal Sultan Abdurahman Ali Raja, C.P. Mamoo Keyi Sahib, Schamnad Sahib, K.M. Kadiri Koya; Uppi Sait became the President of the League and Seethi Sahib was made the secretary. As a vehicle of the Malabar Muslim League, a Malayalam paper, the Chandrika, was started in 1934. It started as a weekly from Talasherri edited by C. Mohammad Sahib, who later took over as its editor.55 The paper was discontinued for a while in 1935 after the Central Assembly elections. It was however resumed soon and an Editors’ committee was also formed. In 1938, the Chandrika became a daily under the editorship of K.K. Mohammad Shafi. But it soon relapsed into a weekly because of shortage of paper during the war years. During this crisis period, generous donations were made by C.P. Mammoo Keyi, Sattar Sait, Kunhimayan Haji, Kunhi Moosa Sahib and C.V. Pakki Keyi for the press. In 1946, the press was moved to Kozhikode and from then onwards, it was published daily.56

The Muslim League and the Congress in the Thirties After the Civil disobedience activities in Payyanur in 1930, the KPCC began its agitation for the release of Mappilla prisoners on the anniversary of the Mappilla train tragedy on 19 September 1931. This was the decade

52 53 54 55 56

More, J.B.P., The Political Evolution. p. 35. ‘Indian Union Muslim League’, in Kareem (ed.), Kerala History. Vol. 1, p. 637. Kareem, Mohd. Abdul K.K., Shere Kerala Seethi Sahib. Tirurangadi, 1959. p. 64. Aboosiddique, Seethi Sahib. p. 24. Ibid. pp. 25–6.

144 The Malabar Muslims after the 1921 rebellion when about three-hundred Mappilla prisoners in a train wagon had died of suffocation. Meetings were held in several places for the release of prisoners from jails.57 This was also the period when there was competition for the Municipal, District and Taluk Board elections as well as the Legislative Council and Assembly elections. Important Mappilla leaders like Abdurahiman stood for the Kozhikode Municipal elections and won a seat in 1931. He was also a successful candidate from Tirur for the Malabar District Board elections in 1932.58 By this time, Seethi Sahib had started his legal practice in Talasherri. Along with that, he worked for the Majlis and the Muslim Club. With his resignation from the Congress in 1933 and the formation of the Muslim League, there were two major political organizations in the Malabar region – the Congress and the League. The Majlis however, continued to have both the KPCC and the League members. By 1933, the number of Mappilla members in the Municipal Councils, District Boards and Taluk Boards had considerably increased. The Kozhikode Municipal Board had seven Mappillas, out of which there were five koya merchants namely, Ahmad Koya Haji, Kunhahmed Koya, P. Mohammad Koya Sahib, Thayyil Hasan Koya Mulla and P.I. Kunhahmed Haji. Among the other two Mappillas, one was Assankoya, an advocate, and the other was Abdurahiman.59 However, none of these Mappillas held important official posts like that of the chairman or the secretary. Unlike the Kozhikode Municipal Council, the Mappillas of the Talasherri Municipal Council were found in some key official posts. For example, C.P. Mamoo Keyi Sahib, landlord, was the Chairman and K. Abdulla Sahib was the head clerk. Among the other five Mappilla members, there were two merchants, two landlords, one of whom was Haji Sattar Sait and the fifth member was C.P. Savankutty Keyi Sahib, the proprietor of the Imperial Press, Talasherri.60 The Kannur Municipal Board however had only five Mappilla representatives, all in the non-official seats.61 With the formation of the Malabar Muslim League, two Mappilla candidates, Sattar Sait and Abdurahiman stood for the Central Assembly elections in 1934. One was a Muslim League candidate while the other

57 58 59 60 61

Fortnightly Reports, October, 1931. Maulavi, Ende Koottukaran. p. 192. Asylum, 1933. Ibid. Ibid.

Mappilla Leadership and Political Mobilization 145 stood for the KPCC. K.M. Seethi Sahib supported the Muslim League member, Sattar Sait, who won the seat.62 With the expansion of separate electorates by the 1935 Act, for the first time, the District Educational Officer was a Mappilla, K. Muhammad Sahib.63 However, there was no real change in the Municipal Board Elections. The Boards continued to be dominated by the Congress-Right. In the Madras Legislative Assembly elections of 1936, Abdurahiman contested as a Congress candidate from the Ernad and Walluvanad taluks and won a seat. Along with him were two other Mappilla representatives in the assembly, namely, B. Pokkar Sahib and Khan Bahadur Unnikammu Sahib.64 The constitutional provisions of the provincial governments came into force in April, 1937. By July, 1937, Congress ministries were formed in all the Presidencies including the Madras Presidency and remained in office till 1939. Meanwhile, the Malabar Muslim League had drawn up its objectives and future agendas. One of its important objectives was to encourage and improve Mappilla education. Along with that, the League also aimed to improve the economic position of small-scale traders and labourers through the patronage of wealthy Mappillas.65 In the early months of 1937 itself, the Malabar Muslim League was becoming prominent in the political scene. For the 1937 Madras Assembly elections, Maulana Shaukat Ali visited Malabar to support the candidature of B. Pokkar Sahib. Although K.M. Seethi Sahib backed Pokkar Sahib, he lost in the elections. Abdurahiman was elected to the Legislative Assembly as a Congress candidate from the Malappuram division.66 T.M. Moidu Sahib, a Majlis member, who did not belong to either the Congress or the League was re-elected to the Assembly in 1937.67 The Congress in Malabar was busy in early 1937 trying to woo the Mappillas. Moidu Maulavi, a Congress-Left member made attempts to gain Mappilla members to the Congress but did not seem to have succeeded.68 The Muslim League, on its part, held a major meeting in Kannur which was attended by thousands of Mappillas. Jinnah’s views were upheld at the meeting and it was emphasized that no rapprochement

62 63 64 65 66 67 68

Aboosiddique, Seethi Sahib. p. 14. Asylum, 1935. Maulavi, Atmakatha. p. 149. Aboosiddique, Seethi Sahib. pp. 49–57. ‘Muhammad Abdurahiman Sahib’, in Kareem, Kerala History. p. 133. Aboosiddique, Seethi Sahib. p. 85. FR, May, 1937.

146 The Malabar Muslims with the Congress was possible until a clear pact had been made with the Congress to safeguard ‘Muslim interests’.69 The KPCC, at a meeting in Kozhikode held in June 1937, formed a Muslim Contact Committee headed by Muhammad Musaliar who had been recently elected Vice-President to the Malabar District Board. A civic board and a new working committee were also elected at the meeting. The civic board consisted of a balanced proportion of the moderate Congress and the socialist while the working committee was dominated by the Left. Muhammad Musaliar and Abdurahiman Sahib visited the rebellion-affected south Malabar to persuade local Mappillas to form Muslim Contact Committees. There was however no response from them.70 At Talasherri, P. Krishna Pillai, a Congress Socialist, was warned by a Mappilla audience at a meeting for commenting that the Muslims in some places were not working with the Congress.71 In another instance, at a meeting in Ponnani, P. Damodaran, a KPCC member and MLA, commented that the general poverty ‘was driving Mappilla women and children to the streets’. His reference to Mappilla women was objected to by the audience and consequently, he had to leave the meeting.72 Thus, the Congress efforts to gain Mappilla support were withering away with the Muslim League’s active propaganda to safeguard Mappilla interests. Within the Congress itself, the rift between the Left and the Right wings was widening as was evident from the Municipal and District Board elections of 1936 and 1938 respectively. Abdurahiman Sahib contested for the Chair post of the Kozhikode Municipal Council in 1936 because no Muslim had ever been elected the Chairman of the Board till then. However, the Congress-Right wing objected to Abdurahiman’s candidature and he could not secure the post. From then onwards, conflicts within the KPCC grew.73 In the Kozhikode Municipal Elections of 1937, Moidu Maulavi won a non-official seat. In that year also, there was rivalry between the Left and the Right over the election of the Chairman. Although U. Gopala Menon was elected, the Right-wing argued that a Government advocate was not eligible to be a Councillor and he was therefore forced to resign.74

69 70 71 72 73 74

Ibid. FR, June, 1937. Ibid. Ibid. Maulavi, Atmakatha. p. 150. Ibid. pp. 153–5.

Mappilla Leadership and Political Mobilization 147 To add to the vexation of the Right-wing, Abdurahiman became the KPCC President and E.M.S. Namboodiripad, its secretary, in 1938, both belonging to the Socialist group. The rest of the office-bearers and committee members were also Socialists.75 Serious competition was also noticed at the Malabar District Board elections held in the same year. Abdurahiman stood as a Congress Left candidate and the Right wing in opposition, placed K.T. Moosa Kutty as his opponent. Abdurahiman lost to Moosa Kutty while Moidu Maulavi who contested from Andathottai against N. Narayana Menon was elected to the District Board.76 Apart from the conflict within the KPCC itself, the line dividing the KPCC and the Muslim League was hardening during the Congress ministry in Malabar. The Congress bid to seek the support of the Mappillas was constantly turning out to be unsuccessful because of the Muslim League’s appeal.77 Bitterness between a section of the Mappillas supporting the League and those adhering to the Congress was found to be increasing.78 By 1939, the Muslim League, dissatisfied with the Congress regime, had become a bitter rival. Sir Currimbhoy Ibrahim, a member of the working Committee of the All India Muslim League, on his visit to Malabar in 1939, criticised the Congress and asked the Mappillas to join the Muslim League.79 The Al Ameen was also banned in 1939 for publishing anti-war articles.80 It became extinct and was revived only after independence.81 Thus, the thirties saw the emergence of the Malabar Muslim League into an active opponent of the KPCC, the failure of the KPCC to gain Mappilla adherents, the growth of the Muslim League into an advocate of the Mappilla interests and the growing dominance of the Socialists within the KPCC.

Initiatives of the Muslim League Meanwhile, the Muslim League began to take initiatives towards the welfare of the community. Muslim political leaders had begun to exercise their influence in the matter of Mappilla girls’ education. By 1939, C.P. Mammu Keyi, M.L.A and League member alleged that the Congress majority in Malabar was trying to obstruct Mappilla education. During

75 76 77 78 79 80 81

FR, January, 1938. Maulavi, Atmakatha. p. 155. FR, May, 1938. Ibid. December, 1937. Ibid. November, 1939. Ibid. September, 1939. Raghavan, Pathrapravarthana. p. 246.

148 The Malabar Muslims this time, the Congress ministries formed in 1937 were in power in the region. Consequently, the Budget Committee of the Municipal Council of Talasherri, which had a Congress majority, proposed the abolition of three schools in 1939, one of which was a Mappilla boys’ school and another, a Mappilla girls’ school. Mammu Keyi argued that it was with great difficulty that he had established a separate zenana school for Mappilla girls. He argued that the Mappillas, as a community, were averse to sending their girls to school and this proposal would affect the education of Muslim girls in town. Therefore, he moved an amendment that the schools should not be abolished.82 T.M. Moidu Sahib, a Mappilla member of the Madras Legislative Council, urged the Muslims and Hindus in Talasherri to boycott all the Municipal schools if the Council persisted in its decision. All Muslim and a few Hindu shops in Talasherri were closed. Mammu Keyi moved a resolution protesting against the action of the Council, as it would affect Mappilla education, especially that of girls. K.M. Seethi sahib, the League leader and Muhammad Shafi, Chandrika’s editor, supported the resolution and moved that the ‘Malabar government and the Municipal Council be informed that the Mappillas would be forced to resort to satyagraha’, if the Council abolished the schools.83 By the 1940s, when the Muslim League activities had advanced by leaps in the wake of new political developments, the educational needs of the Mappillas were also met. A meeting was held in Talasherri in July, 1941 by the League President, Sattar Sait, with the guardians of the students of the Mappilla schools in town. The chief guest of the meeting was Khaja Hussain Sahib, the Deputy Inspector of schools. He encouraged the guardians to send their children to schools, and also increase the strength of students in primary classes.84 At a Malabar Zilla Muslim League meeting at Talasherri presided by Arakkal Sultan Abdurahiman Ali Raja, a resolution was passed to open a Muslim High school in Mahe.85 On another occasion, a petition was drawn at a League meeting in Talasherri to open a Muslim Girls’ High School in the town. The educational officer replied that it was not possible to open a school for Mappilla girls but would consider a co-educational Muslim High School.86

82 83 84 85 86

The Madras Mail, 24 February, 1939. Microfilm: India Office Records. The Madras Mail, 17 March, 1939. ‘Rakshithagalude Yogam’, in Chandrika, 8.7.1941. p. 3. ‘Malabar Zilla Muslim League’, Ibid. 15.7.1941. p. 4. ‘Talasseriyil Muslim High School Stappikan’, Chandrika, 21.2. 1946. p. 3.

Mappilla Leadership and Political Mobilization 149 The League also sought the patronage of wealthy Mappillas in the establishment of Muslim High Schools. For example, leading Mappillas were requested to come forward and help in the improvement of the Malappuram High School. A mosque was constructed in its premises and inaugurated in 1946 by League members such as A.K. Kunhimayan Sahib. The President of the Malabar District Board, Unnikammu Sahib, presided over the function.87 Similarly, a resolution was passed at a League meeting in Kannur to establish a Muslim High School in the town with the patronage of wealthy Mappillas.88 A resolution seeking the upgradation of the Madrassathul Muhammadiya School into a High school was also passed at a League meeting held at Kozhikode in June 1946. The members of the Committee were O.K. Abubacker, P.P. Kunhahmed Koya, P.V. Ummarkoya and A. Muhammad Koya. As a result, the Madrassathul Muhammadiya School became a High School in 1947.89 Under the initiative of the Muslim League leader, K.M. Seethi Sahib, the first Mappilla College, called the Farook College, was opened in Feroke, near Kozhikode. It was a full-fledged Arabic College upgraded from the Rouzathul Uloom founded in Manjeri in 1942. The Rowzathul Uloom was moved to Feroke in 1948 when K.M. Seethi Sahib acquired a site for the college building. He donated his wakf funds of the Kerala Aikya Sangham for its management. The Farook College was started with only thirty-two students and five-faculty members.90

Mappilla Politics in the Forties Congress ministries took office in the various provinces, in 1937. Two years later, Viceroy Linlithgow associated India with Britain’s declaration of war on Germany, without consulting the provincial ministries. The Congress demanded, in turn, for cooperation during the War, a promise of a postwar Constituent Assembly to determine the political structure of a free India. Linlithgow agreed to some kind of a post-war body to derive a constitution after consulting with representatives of ‘several communities’.91

87 88 89 90 91

‘Muslim High Schooline Palli,’ Chandrika, 20.2.1946. p. 4. Chandrika, 8.5.1946. p. 4. Madrassathul Muhammadiya High School Souvenir, 1969. Aboosiddique, Seethi Sahib. p. 35. Bandopadhyay, S.K., Qaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah and the Creation of Pakistan. New Delhi, 1991. pp. 210–9.

150 The Malabar Muslims Meanwhile, Muslims all over British India were disillusioned by the provincial and federal aspects of the 1935 Act. The victory of the Congress in the elections shook them, particularly in the areas where they were minorities. Consequently, the Muslim mass contact campaigns of the Congress were a total failure exhibiting Muslim dissatisfaction with the Congress Ministries. Jinnah, at the Lahore session of the All India Muslim League in March 1940, demanded that Muslim-minority provinces should be grouped together as ‘Independent States’ in which the constituent units were to be autonomous and sovereign. Pakistan or partition was not mentioned at this stage.92 Subsequently, Muslim branches were formed in all provinces and public meetings were organized to rally Muslims for the new demand. Apart from the United Provinces and Panjab, conferences were also held in the Madras Presidency. In Malabar, the League’s activities accelerated with their demand to safeguard Muslim interests in any future reorganization of India. A major District Muslim League conference was organized in Kozhikode in May, 1940 which was presided by Fazlul Haq, the President of the Bengal Muslim League. The meeting was well-attended by Mappillas. Haq spoke in favour of the Muslim League and made criticisms about the recent Congress administration.93 His speeches were translated by Seethi Sahib. At Talasherri, Haq was presented with an address by the Congressdominated Municipal Council, although many Councillors absented themselves. At Kannur, he addressed an audience of 7,500 Mappillas.94 In the same year, Abdurahiman was appointed the President of the Kerala branch of the Forward Bloc. But the activities of the Socialists were however curbed by the imposition of government orders to arrest and imprison the leaders of the Forward Bloc. Consequently, Abdurahiman was also jailed for five years.95 The arrest of Abdurahiman was a serious blow to the Congress-Left as well as to the Muslim Majlis. However, it was a victory for the RightWing because once again the Kozhikode Municipal Board began to be dominated by them. In the absence of Abdurahiman, Moidu Maulavi took over as the leader of the Congress-Left. The Municipal Boards were dominated by Right Wing members such as Madhava Menon, K.P. Ramunni Menon and Narayana Ayyar.96 92 93 94 95 96

Khan, Mohammad Raza, What Price Freedom. Madras: Nuri Press, 1969. pp. 54–5. FR, 17 May, 1940. Ibid. ‘Mohammad Abdurahiman Sahib’, in Kareem(ed.). Kerala Muslim History. p. 134. Maulavi, Atmakatha. pp. 154–5. p. 166.

Mappilla Leadership and Political Mobilization 151 The forties were also a turning point in the relationship between the Malabar Muslim Majlis and the Muslim League. With the arrest of Abdurahiman, the Majlis was considerably weakened. Moreover, the Muslim League alienated itself from the Majlis because of the role of Congress-Left Mappillas in its activities. This widening division between the Majlis and the Muslim League became prominent only after the untimely death of Abdurahiman soon after his release in 1945. The Majlis now lost an important Mappilla leader at a crucial political stage.97 Meanwhile, the Malabar Muslim League continued its community activities. Meetings of the Kozhikode Town Muslim League and the Zilla Muslim League branches were held regularly to discuss important agendas. For the victims of the floods that had ravaged the Kurumbranad and the Kozhikode taluks at the end of the thirties, the Malabar Zilla Muslim League elected a committee consisting of N.C. Imbichama, E.P. Ali Koya, P. Mammu and P.V.C. Kunhahmed Koya. This committee organized relief measures for the flood-hit areas.98 Similarly, in Kasargod, a Muslim League Relief committee was formed under the leadership of Schamnad Sahib. They distributed rice, bamboo, thatched roof and money to the flood victims.99 At the annual meeting of the Kozhikode Town Muslim League in 1941, a new committee was formed with Bafaqi Thangal as the President. A resolution was passed to have two Zilla Muslim League Committees – one for north Malabar and the other for south Malabar.100 At Kannur, the Zilla Committee President was Sultan Abdurahiman Ali Raja who was also a Madras Legislative Assembly member.101 Liberal donations were made to the Malabar Muslim League Relief Committee by timber merchants and proprietors, other Muslim League branches within the region and also the Madras Presidency Muslim League.102 Rice and funds were distributed to families in Chirakkal, Kottayam, Kozhikode, Palakkad, Kurumbranad, Ernad, Walluvanad and Ponnani taluks.103 Apart from regular meetings held to sort out the League programmes, a special drive was also made to increase the membership of the League. This was done by League leaders like Seethi Sahib, K.K. Mohammad Shafi, P.K. Mamoo

97 98 99 100 101 102 103

‘Mohamad’, in Kareem, Kerala History. p. 136. ‘Vellapokkam Kondu Undaya Nashtangal,’ in Chandrika, 20.7.1941. p. 4. ‘Thekkan Karnataka Muslim League,’ Ibid. ‘Kozhikode Town Muslim League’, Chandrika, 30.7.1941. p. 4. ‘Malabar Zilla Muslim League Vaarshika Yogam’, Chandrika, 29.7.1941. p. 3. ‘Malabar Muslim Relief Committee’, Chandrika, 8.7.1941. p. 3; ‘Muslim League Relief Fund,’ Chandrika, 9.7.1941. p. 3. ‘Malabar Muslim League’, Ibid. 15.7.1941. p. 4.

152 The Malabar Muslims Sahib and M.P. Chokran, whose speeches influenced Mappillas to join the League.104 The League representatives in the Madras Legislative Assembly in 1942 were Khadija Yakub Hasan from the Madras Presidency, Schamnad Sahib from Kasargod and five Malabar Mappillas, namely Arakkal Sultan Abdurahiman Ali Raja, P.M. Attakoya Thangal, A.K. Kaderkutty, P.I. Kunhahmed Kutty Haji and P.K. Moideen Kutty.105 By this time, two important Mappilla leaders, T.M. Moidu, a former MLA and Majlis member, and C.P. Mamoo Koya, the prominent League leader had passed away. The leaders in the forefront of the Malabar Muslim League in the forties were Seethi Sahib, Sattar Sait, A.K. Kaderkutty, P.M. Attakoya Thangal, Bafaqi Thangal, Pokkar Sahib, Uppi Sahib, K.M. Maulavi and M. Mamoo Sahib. In 1943, a severe cholera epidemic hit Malabar and left orphans in its wake. The League leaders Seethi Sahib, Sattar Sait and K.M. Maulavi opened an orphanage in Tirurangadi for the cholera victims.106 By 1945, intense rivalry had gripped the Malabar Muslim Majlis and the League. Serious election campaigns were organized by both the organizations for the ensuing Central Assembly elections. An election propaganda sub-committee was formed and leaflets were circulated by the Muslim League to raise funds for the elections. The Majlis also decided to set up candidates for all the Muslim seats.107 The Congress and the nationalist Muslim Majlis decided to place candidates to oppose every Muslim League candidate. However, the Majlis lost in the Central Assembly elections to the Muslim League which won decisive victories in the West Coast.108 Despite its defeat, the Majlis continued to contest against the League in all the elections.109 By this time, at the All-India level, the influence of the League had advanced considerably. It had wielded a reasonably tight control over its provincial units and League ministries had been formed in Assam, Sind, Bengal and the North Western Provinces by 1943. Although in the Muslim majority provinces of Panjab and Bengal, Jinnah had problems initially in gaining full control, the ‘Pakistan’ concept was beginning to appeal to much of the Muslim peasants of the two regions. The success of the League was also noticeable in the Central assembly elections of 1945–46. It won all the thirty reserved constituencies in the 104 105 106 107 108 109

‘Muslim League Varam’, Ibid. TNA/Home/G.O.No. 447/4.2.1942. Aboosiddique, Seethi Sahib. pp. 59–60. FR, September, 1945. Ibid. December, 1945. Ibid.

Mappilla Leadership and Political Mobilization 153 centre with 86.6 per cent of Muslim votes and 442 Muslim seats out of a total of 509 in the provinces. It also made advances in the Panjab unlike the 1937 elections. The Congress this time won majorities in most provinces except Bengal, Sind and Panjab. In South India, the Muslim League showed an overwhelming victory in Tamilnadu, Andhra, South Kanara and Malabar. This overall changing balance between the Congress and the League was a particularly major advantage for the League in that unlike 1937, it had now established its dominance among the Muslims. Back in Malabar, by 1946, Jinnah’s demand for Pakistan was the focus of Muslim League action. Apart from intense meetings, the drive for Pakistan was publicised through other media such as Malayalam books and plays. For example, one of the Muslim League book stalls in Talasherri, called the ‘Jinnah Book Stall’ put up a sale of books such as ‘The Meaning of Pakistan’, ‘Pakistan a Nation’, ‘Pakistan and Muslim India’, ‘Pakistan Series’, ‘Pakistanum Deshiya Aikyamum’ and ‘Pakistan Zindabad’.110 A Malayalam musical play, written and directed by League leader, M. Mammoo Sahib, called ‘Mammoo – Musalmande Nethavu’ (MammooLeader of the Muslims) was held in Kozhikode. The themes of the play included questions such as: ‘Is Hindu leadership acceptable?’ ‘Is Pakistan, the Muslims’ aim?’ ‘Why did we move away from the Congress?’111

Another Malayalam musical play called ‘Pachchakodi’ (meaning: the green flag) was staged at the Talasherri Town Hall as part of the Muslim League Charity programme for health and nutrition.112 Translations of Jinnah’s writings in Malayalam were also put up for sale.113 At major League conferences, effective speeches were delivered by Seethi Sahib, Sattar Sait, Pokkar Sahib, Bafaqi Thangal and Arakkal Sultan Abdurahman Ali Raja. Mappillas in large numbers were beginning to attend League meetings. In many such meetings, several Majlis members were supposed to have resigned from the Majlis and joined the League.114 Linked to the concept of Pakistan demand which gained currency in the mid-forties, was the Mappilla demand for a separate state. By August 1946, a new landmark in the history of the Malabar Muslim League was

110 111 112 113 114

‘Books on Pakistan’, Chandrika, 12.2.1946. p. 4. ‘Mamoo-Musalmaande Nethavu’, Ibid. p. 3. Chandrika, 22.2.1946, p. 4. Ibid. 9.3.1946. p. 3. ‘Muslim Leagine Vijayipikkuga,’ Chandrika, 9.3.1946. p. 3.

154 The Malabar Muslims the demand for a separate region for the Mappillas called ‘Mappillanadu’ or ‘Mappillastan’ as in the case of the Panjab and Bengal. The Mappillastan was to comprise of the Muslim majority taluks of Ernad, Walluvanad, Ponnani, Kozhikode and Kurumbranad, south Kanara as well as Lakshadweep. A Mappillastan resolution was passed by Sattar Sait. A committee was also formed to represent the issue in the Madras Assembly and the Central Assembly.115 Sattar Sait had been elected to the Central Assembly; Arakkal Ali Raja, Seethi Sahib and Pokkar Sahib became members of the Madras Legislative Assembly and Uppi Sahib was elected to the Legislative Council.116 Meanwhile, in support of the ‘Pakistan’ demand, the League in Malabar organized a grand procession in Kozhikode and Talasherri in August 1946. Educational institutions, factories, mills and shops were closed. Traders, labourers and fishermen struck work. Public meetings attended by over 15,000 Mappillas were held; Sattar Sait and Seethi Sahib addressed these meetings and the public voices chorused, ‘Pakistan Zindabad’.117 A Kerala Muslim Vidyarthi association meeting was also held in Madras under the presidentship of P.K. Moideenkutty for the cause of ‘Pakistan’. Impressive speeches were given by Pokkar and Seethi Sahib. By end-1946, Ali Raja passed away and T. Mustafa, the leader of the Independent Municipal Party, took over as the leader of the Kannur League. When the Madras Assembly passed a resolution at its session in April, 1947, recommending the redistribution of provinces along linguistic lines, it was an encouragement to the Malabar Muslim League.118 It organized a ‘Mappillastan Day’, and proposed to hold a ‘Mappillastan Convention’ for the division of Malabar as in the case of Panjab and Bengal.119 The Mappillastan proposal however, remained a still-born idea. When the Muslim League delegation from Madras met Jinnah after the session of the Council of the All India Muslim League, the Qaid-e-Azam thanked them for their strong backing for the Pakistan demand. However, on the question of Mappillastan, he held that the idea was ‘fantastic, foolish and deserved no consideration’. He declared, “it is all closed”.120 Sattar Sait, however, left for Pakistan leaving Seethi Sahib behind to lead the League.

115 116 117 118 119 120

‘Mappilastan Ulpatta Sanyukta Keralam – Muslimgalude Aavashyam,’ Chandrika, 16.8.1946. p. 2. ‘Indian Union,’ in Kareem, Kerala History, Vol. 1, p. 639. ‘Malabar Muslimgalude Samara Sannadhata,’ Chandrika, 18.8.1946. p. 3. FR, April 1947. FR, May 1947. Khan, What Price. pp. 320–1.

Mappilla Leadership and Political Mobilization 155 In a nutshell, although Muslim politics in Malabar was not as intense and widespread like that of the United Provinces or the Panjab, yet being a Muslim-majority region in the Madras Presidency, there was a Mappila intelligentsia which safeguarded the interests of the community. Different political groups were formed and finally, the Muslim League stood out as the vanguard of the community. It took great interest in its social and educational progress which was reflected in the social and institutional changes that took place within the community.

156 The Malabar Muslims

7 Mappillas in the Twenty-first Century: A Standing Applause

In the twenty-first century, Kerala now has a very prominent and progressive Muslim community which has moved forward in leaps and bounds. It has shown tremendous progress in the spheres of education, women empowerment, religion, politics, literature and other spheres of development.

Educational Progress For the educational benefits of the Mappilla society, the Muslim Educational Society (MES) was founded in 1967 by an eminent neurologist from Kodungallur, Dr. Abdul Ghafoor. He studied Medicine in England and was a dedicated teacher at Kozhikode Medical College. In 1974, he renounced his profession for the cause of the social upliftment of the Mappilla community. His son, Dr. P.A. Fazal Ghafoor, also a neurologist, is the present State President of MES.1 MES schools were opened all over Malabar, Cochin and Travancore. Colleges have also been founded. The present strength of MES institutions amount to more than one hundred and fifty. The funds for the institutions are derived from the donations made by the different members of the MES Trust and Board of Management. Yusuf Ali, an international industrialist, is a major trustee of the MES group of institutions. The medium of instruction in all the MES institutions is English and their schools are affiliated to the Central Board of Secondary Education.2 1 2

MES Higher Secondary School Souvenir, Palakkad (also Palghat), 2010. Interview with the Chairman, N. Aboobacker of MES School, Palakkad, 21.6.2010.

Mappillas in the Twenty-first Century 157 Arabic is offered as an optional language and Islamic Studies is offered as one of the compulsory subjects for Muslim students. The Hindu students are given the choice of moral science in lieu of Islamic Studies.3 These schools are co-educational and both Muslim and Hindu students are admitted, their strength being almost fifty-fifty. Twenty per cent of fees of the students are waived. Apart from schools in Kerala, the MES has also founded schools in the Gulf region, that is, in Qatar and Riyadh, where they are the biggest Indian schools. The first MES College was the MES Kalladi College in Mannarkad. Under the popular pressure of the local people, the first MES Arabic College was founded in Edathunattu, Palakkad. All the MES colleges are affiliated to Kozhikode University. In the MES Medical College in Kozhikode, the ratio of girls and boys studying medicine is 40:60.4 In the educational field, Mappilla girls are in the limelight. For example, in the Kozhikode University B.Sc. Polymer Chemistry Examinations for the year 2010, the first three ranks were attained by the girls of Valanchery MES College. The second and third ranks were bagged by two Mappilla female students, P.P. Soufina and E. Shabna. The first rank holder in B.Sc. Microbiology was yet again a Mappilla student, Noormol Kottakaran.5 In the B.A. Examinations held by Kozhikode University, students of the MES College, Mannarkad, won all the first three ranks, out of which two were Mappilla girls. The first rank in B.A. Arabic and Islamic History was awarded to A.T. Suhaima and the second rank in Islamic History was awarded to K.P. Najma.6 In the B. Com examinations held by Kozhikode University, all the six State ranks were bagged by girls, out of which two were Mappilla girls.7 A Mappilla girl, Jasila, a student of Manjeri Unity Women’s College won the first rank in B. Sc Botany. She was complimented by the Ex-education Minister, E.D. Muhammad Basheer and a Manjeri MLA, Abdurahiman. Jasila is now planning to pursue her post graduation in Botany.8 The overall performance of Mappilla girls is outstanding and is an indicator of the tilt in balance towards a higher female literacy.

3 4 5 6 7 8

Interview with Farsheena, Teacher, MES Pattambi, 19.6.2010. Interview with the Secretary, P.V.M. Abdul Hameed of MES School, Palakkad, 21.6.2010. Chandrika, 10.6.2010. ‘Kozhikode B.A.: Mannarkad MESin Moonu Rankugal,’ Ibid. 19.6.2010. ‘Kozhikode B.Com Rankugal Pennkuttigalukku Sonthamayi’, Ibid. 9.6.2010. ‘Jasilayude Onnam Rank Naadinaabhimanam,’ Chandrika, 4.6.2010.

158 The Malabar Muslims Under the aegis of the Samastha Kerala Islamic Religious Education Board, madrassas are run not only in Kerala but also in Karnataka and Kuwait, Qatar and Saudi Arabia in the Gulf region. That is the extent of its influence in the Gulf countries. Some of the well-known madrassas in Kerala are the Tanur K.K. Hasrat Memorial Secondary Madrassa, the Valavanur Bafaqi Yateemkhana Primary Madrassa and the Najmul Huda Majmat Malabar AlIslami Madrassa in Malappuram (a predominantly Muslim district created in 1969 comprising of all the taluks of south Malabar), and in Kozhikode, the Koilandy Madrassathul Islamiyya, the Kadamery Rahmaniyya Arabic College, the Darussalam Yateemkhana (Yateemkhana means an orphanage) and the Mukhan Muslim Yateemkhana Madrassa.9 Even in madrassas, the talim imparted to the students seem to be grasped better by the girls than the boys. This is evident in the results of the examinations conducted in madrassas in 128 states for the fifth, seventh, tenth and twelfth classes. Out of thirteen rank holders, ten are Muslim girls and only three are Muslim boys.10 This shows the excellence of Mappilla girls over boys. Similarly, the K.L.M. Education Board also conducts examinations for its madrassas. This year, the examinations for the fifth and seventh classes were held simultaneously in Karnataka, Kudaloor in Tamilnadu, Lakshadweep islands, Andamans and Riyadh, Jeddah and Damam in Saudi Arabia. Eight Muslim girls bagged the ranks, out of which one was from Salafi Madrassa, Riyadh.11 This is a fine example of the links that the Mappilla community has with the Persian Gulf and also the excellent performance of female students over the male students. Madrassa teachers are also encouraged to participate in various activities such as the Islamic Kala-Sahitya (art and literature) competition organised by the Samastha Kerala Jamiyathul Muallinin Council between madrassa teachers and students in Mannarkad Darunnajath campus.12 Madrassa teachers under the Samastha Kerala Islamic Religious Education Board are selected by the Samastha Kerala Jamiyathul Muallimin Kendra Council every year for their services. For the year 2010, Chappanangadi Hamsa Musaliar was selected as a model teacher and was awarded by the Jamiyathul President, C.K.M. Sadiq.13 However, the approximately one and a half lakhs madrassa teachers in Kerala have their own grievances. It has been observed that their standard of living is pitiable. The Madrassa Board Management and the Wakf Board 9 10 11 12 13

‘Samastha School Varsha Pothupariksha: 88.27% Vijayam’, Chandrika, 25.4.2010. Ibid. ‘K.L.M. Madrassa Parikshafalam’, Chandrika, 1.6.2010. ‘Samastha Kerala Jamiyathul Muallimin Kendra Council Islamiya Kala Sahitya Malsaram Samapanam Inna’, Chandrika, 23.5.2010. ‘Chappanangadi Hamsa Musaliar Matrukaadhyapakan’, Ibid., 28.5.2010.

Mappillas in the Twenty-first Century 159 takes care of their pensions. They do not get any minority welfare fund (also called kshemanidhi in Malayalam) and in this regard, 276 applications have been sent by madrassa teachers to the government in December, 2010, out of which there were forty-seven women applicants teaching in nursery classes. The Samastha Kerala Mada Vidyabhyasa Board, Sunni Vidyabhyasa Board, Dakshina Kerala Islam Madavidyabhyasa Board, Mujahid Madavur and the Samsthana Kerala Jamiyathul Ulama had sent a memorandum to the Kerala Government but have had no response so far.14 The situation in Tamilnadu is much different where the government has allocated a minority welfare fund for madrassa teachers, mosque Imams and khadims. On their retirement, they have been allotted a pension of four hundred rupees, their children are given monetary assistance for their education and a compensation of one lakh rupees is given to them in case of natural or accidental deaths.15 The dedicated interest that the Mappilla community is taking in its educational progress is appreciable. In December 2008, the Fatimi Committee passed a resolution seeking the admission of the minority Muslim community in the Kendriya Vidyalaya Schools. The C.H. Mohammad Koya Education Trust sent a petition addressing the matter to the Prime Minister and the Minorities Commission Minister. The Trust Chairman, Dr. Poovachan L. Aliyarkunnu and Secretary, T.A. Abdul Wahhab, have requested the Prime Minister to intervene and allow Muslim students to be admitted from the First Standard to the Kendriya Vidyalayas in the new academic session.16 The decision of the Centre is yet to be announced but it is hoped that the needs of the Muslim minority would be met. The Mappillas have struck a definite balance between secular education and religious education. Some of their madrassas offer secular subjects along with religious subjects. Although Mappilla students attend English medium day schools, they are also given facilities to attend their religious schools where evening classes are held. For example, in the Kadameri Rahmaniyya Arabic College in Kozhikode, there is a R.A.C. Boarding Madrassa. The teaching is for fifth to ninth classes and it has also opened a Twelfth Standard coaching centre. Spoken English, Modern Science, Office

14 15 16

Abubakr, Pinnankode, ‘Madrassa Adhyapakar Kshemanidhiyude Pinnapuram’, Chandrika, 21.2.2011. Ibid. ‘Kendriya Vidyalayangalil Muslim Vidyarthi Praveshanam: Pradhanamantrikku Nivedanam,’ Chandrika, 30.5.2010.

160 The Malabar Muslims Administration and Computer courses are also offered by the madrassa. The madrassa also provides free boarding, food, shelter, clothing, health and educational facilities for orphans, refugees and poor students.17 Similarly, in the Darussalaam Yateemkhana and Agati Mandiram18, free boarding, food and a monthly stipend from eleventh standard is given to orphans and refugees. In the Madarul Islam Yateemkhana, orphans, refugees and poor students are admitted in their English medium school and religious knowledge is also imparted alongside.19 The Darussalaam College of Arts, Islamic Studies and Propagation run by the Jamia Darussalaam Al-Islamiyya offers an eight-year theology course. Apart from that, it also offers Masters Degrees in English and Arabic which is awarded by the Kozhikode University. The College has a computer laboratory where computer courses are taught. Monthly stipends are also given to students.20 Under the management of the Al-Majlis Liddahwathil Islamiyya Majlis, Malappuram, the Majlis Arts and Science College, affiliated to Kozhikode University offers graduate and postgraduate courses in Arts, Science and Commerce. While inaugurating the Ponnani Career Guidance and Research Institute, the Education Minister of Kerala, M.A. Baby, promised to open an International Arabic Educational Centre in Kozhikode soon.21 An important observation in the religious learning centres of Malabar is that religious schools up to twelfth standard and religious colleges that impart long-term theological courses are commonly addressed as ‘madrassas’ unlike those in other regions of India. In Upper India, Deoband, Firangi Mahal and other higher centres of Islamic learning are called madrassas whereas the religious schools catering to small children are called maktabs. The Chemmad Darul Huda Islamic University, Malappuram, was given recognition by the Federation of Islamic Universities which has its headquarters in Cairo. The recognition was awarded at the Eighth International Confederation held at Salha University in Yemen on 6 June 2010. The faculties of the Darul Huda University include languages, humanities, Koran and related sciences, fiqh and fundamental studies, Islamic culture, hadis and related knowledge, comparative religions, sociology, history and psychology. The Vice Chancellor of Darul Huda,

17 18 19 20 21

‘Boarding Madrassa Admission’, Chandrika, 2.4.2010. Agati mandiram means refugee house. ‘Madarul Islam Yateemkhana – Admission Notice’, Chandrika, 27.4.2010. Ibid. 26.4.2010. ‘Kozhikodil Antarrashtriya Arabi Patana Kendram Udan: Mantri Baby’, Ibid. 7.6.2010.

Mappillas in the Twenty-first Century 161 Dr. Bahauddin Muhammad Nadvi received the membership certificate. The Chancellor of the institution is Sayyid Haidar Ali Shihab Thangal.22 Almost all the Muslim educational institutions in Malabar are selffinanced without any government aid. Technical colleges such as the MEA Engineering College, Perinthalmanna, offer B.Tech courses and are affiliated to Kozhikode University.23 Similarly, the Al-Ameen Engineering College in Shornur is also a self-financing institution affiliated to Kozhikode University offering B.Tech. courses. Surprisingly, apart from Malabar’s links with the Persian Gulf, the Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) has also started its off-campus at Malappuram. The President of India has given recognition to the Aligarh off-campus at Malappuram. A grant of twenty-five crore rupees has been made by the Central government. At a conference held by the AMU in Delhi, a decision was taken to start LLB and MBA courses soon. The State Education Minister, M.A. Baby, has announced a grant of hundred acres of land for the same.24 Despite all the endeavours made by self-financing institutions for the development of education in Malabar, especially for the Mappilla community, there is a deep resentment among the people that the government has neglected the region. There is a common grievance that the government has not given much educational facilities in Malabar. While in the Travancore and Cochin regions of the State, children between 6–14 years of age get free education in government schools, in Malabar, there are more self-financed schools. There is a demand among the people of Malabar for government-aided schools. Their question is ‘when the children of one part of Kerala are getting education under government expenses, why should those in Malabar pay fees to study?’25 The Students Islamic Organization of India (SIO) took out a march in June, 2010 to the Collectorate demanding an end to the ‘neglect’ of Malabar in terms of educational facilities. The placards of the protestors read, ‘we want solutions, not promises’. The protestors demanded that the government give shape to a comprehensive educational package to address the backwardness of Malabar. Their major demands included the increase in the undergraduate and postgraduate seats, more new-generation courses,

22 23 24 25

‘Darul Huda University Federation of Islamic Universities Angeegaram’, Ibid. 7.6.2010. Ibid. 26.4.2010. ‘Aligarh Malappuram Campusin Rashtrapatiyude Angeegaram’, Chandrika, 6.5.2010; ‘Aligarh Muslim University Special Centergalude Yogam’, Ibid. 31.5.2010. ‘Pothuvidyabhyasa Mekhala Ahambhavam Apagadamagum’, Ibid. 28.5.2010.

162 The Malabar Muslims effective interventions to end the ‘inefficiency’ of the Kozhikode University and solutions to the transport problems faced by students. The SIO agitations over the last six years have forced the government to agree that there were serious lapses in the education of Malabar. The SIO State Council member, K. Sadik, warned of launching mass protests if the government failed to address the issues.26 Many of the Muslim children are compelled to study in Convent schools where they are sometimes ill-treated by the staff. The example of M.S. Shamima is a case in point. She is a student at St. Philomina’s School, Thiruvananthapuram, where she complained that her teachers forbade her to wear a scarf to school. Seventy-five per cent of students in the school are Muslims and the school forbade Muslim girls to wear scarves. The Muslim Students Federation (MSF) and the Muslim League Zilla President intervened for attacking Muslim girls. The school authorities duly apologised and promised to treat all students equally.27 The Mappilla community has risen to the challenge of the State’s neglect of Malabar by founding several self-financed schools and colleges. It is their self-effort which has brought the community to the forefront. However, it is the constitutional duty of the government to provide educational facilities to the region without bias.

Women Empowerment Women are as always, highly respected in Mappilla society. Those in north Malabar such as in Talasherri, Kannur and Kasargod, are still the power wielders in the matrilineal tharavaads. As already shown, they are literate and send their children for higher education. Girls are sent to Englishmedium schools and technical colleges to become doctors, engineers, software engineers, teachers and lawyers. Many of them are working abroad as software engineers. For example, the daughter of N. Aboobacker, the Chairman of MES School, Palakkad, is a software Engineer in the United States whereas the daughter of its treasurer, P.V.M. Abdul Hameed, is in the IT field in Finland.28 Many learned teachers and legal practitioners are members of the Women’s Wing of the Muslim League, called the Vanita League. The Muslim

26 27 28

‘End Neglect of Malabar, says SIO’, The Hindu, 20.6.2010. ‘Maftayittu varunna vidyarthinigalodu St. Philominasil Chodyam Chodikilla,’ Chandrika, 21.6.2010. Interview with N. Aboobacker, Chairman, MES School, Palakkad, 21.6.2010.

Mappillas in the Twenty-first Century 163 League Zilla President, Panakkad Sayyid Sadiq Ali Shihab Thangal addressed a Vanita League conference in Malappuram in which he stated that ‘a happy family means a happy nation’. He further said, ‘… only if a woman progresses, a good family will grow and will create a good nation. Islam respects its women and therefore, women should express their talents.’29 The emphasis on women’s progress and their roles show how important their position is in Mappilla society. There are frequent public protests against stridhanam given at the time of wedding to the bride in the form of gold ornaments and money. Protestors argue that there is no mention of stridhanam in the Koran. Only feeding the poor during weddings is suggested in the Koran.30 Young girls and women express their literary talents through writings, short stories, poems and other articles in magazines such as Mahila Chandrika, which is a forum to discuss domestic issues, health, education, and jobs. In other words, Mappilla women are coming forward to express their independent views.

Religious Developments Ponnani, considered to be the earliest Muslim religious learning centre in Malabar, has attracted the attention of various scholars and institutions alike. Shaikh Zainuddin Makhdoom’s Tuhfatul Mujahidin is considered as Kerala’s first historical work. The Shafi School’s work, which is taught in Kerala, the Fathul Muin, has its genesis in Ponnani. The Makhdoomi School is famous for its religious traditions. There are several Malayalam writings on Ponnani history such as Prof. K.P. Abdurahiman’s ‘Mappilla Charitra Shagalangal’, C. Hamza’s ‘Tuhfatul Mujahidinin Malayalam Paribhasha’, T.K.M. Hudavi’s ‘Ponnani Documentary’ and Dr. Hussain Ramdani’s CD ‘Vishwa Sanskritiyude Vidyalaya’.31 The recent demand of educated Mappillas is for a research centre in Ponnani and that the house of the Makhdoom should be converted into a Memorial Trust. The Ponnani MES College has reiterated the demand as one of high priority. The Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) is also working on the possibility of making Ponnani into an important historical centre.32

29 30 31 32

‘Bhadratayulla Kudumbam naatinde Purogatikku Anivaaryam’, Chandrika, 24.5.2010. ‘Ee Kanneerin Oru Avasaanam Vende?’ by Suhaira Chukkathara, Ibid., 8.6.2010. ‘Ponnaniyil Charitra Gaveshana Kendrathin Aavashyamaairunnu’, Chandrika, 7.6.2010. Ibid.

164 The Malabar Muslims A three-day International Koran Seminar was held by the Kerala Sarvakala Shakha Arabic department at Trivandrum from 28th April, 2010. The Chief Guests included the present Travancore Prince, Maharaja Uthradam Tirunal Marthanda Varma, M.A. Yusuf Ali, the Director of the Indo-Arab Friendship Centre, the Kerala Chief Minister and other Ministers. Renowned maulavis such as the Imam of the Trivandrum Palaiyam Juma Masjid, Jamaluddin Makkad, the President of the Trivandrum Muslim Association, Anaf Abdul Khader Haji, P.M. Moosa Maulavi and many more participated in the seminar. Leaders of other religious faiths such as Major Archbishop Baseliyos Mar Khimmis Catholica Bava, Swami Lokahitananda and Swami Sookshmananda were also invited for the seminar. There were thirty-seven academic sessions in which forty-six papers were presented in Arabic and one hundred and fifty-four papers in English. Scholars from UAE, America and Europe presented research papers at the academic session.33 On the occasion of the Silver Jubilee Celebrations of the Kappad Ainul Huda Yateemkhana in Kozhikode, the General Secretary of the Samastha Kerala Islamic Education Board, T.M. Bappu Musaliar stated: ‘Even as the world is progressing at a rapid pace, the power of the Koran will also increase…’34 An All-Kerala Koran reading session was conducted in which several maulavis participated. An Islamic exhibition called ‘Drops’ was also inaugurated by Panakkad Basheer Ali Shihab Thangal. The Mappillas have utilised modern education to the maximum and along with that, they have also maintained their religious traditions intact. Religion is seen by them as a moral cover against unnecessary deviations and distractions that could be detrimental to the society and the nation. Although their children are sent to English medium schools, religious education is compulsorily inculcated at a very young age. Organizations such as the Sunni Yuvajana Sabha (SYS) and the Samastha Kerala Sunni Students Federation (SKSSF) have been formed to spread the importance of Islam among their youth. In the SKSSF Majlis Iltisvab National Delegates Campus Conference held in April 2010 for three days in Kozhikode, Panakkad Sayyid Haider Ali Thangal said: ‘… it is the responsibility of the Muslim youth to protect their religion. In the educational field, the Mappillas have made notable progress

33 34

‘Antarrashtriya Koran Seminarin Naala Thodakkam,’ Ibid. 27.4.2010; ‘Antarrashtriya Koran Seminar: Academic Sessionil Aazhametiya Charcha,’ Ibid. 30.4.2010. Chandrika, 29.4.2010.

Mappillas in the Twenty-first Century 165 which is a matter of pride. As we protect our religion, we should also help in the development of our country. Terrorism is not a solution for anything at all.’35

There is a constant emphasis on moulding the Muslim youth in the right direction and the community’s condemnation of terrorism. Inaugurating the Sunni Yuvajana Sangham meeting, Sayyid Munnaftali Shihab Thangal said that the Kerala Muslims are very fortunate and their motto is love and unity. He also stressed on the point that terrorism of any sort should not be encouraged.36 Like other Muslim communities in India and the Islamic world, the Mappillas are devout Muslims and follow all the tenets of Islam – one important tenet being the pilgrimage to Hajj. For the convenience of the pilgrims, the Government Hajj Committee provides free application forms and travel rules. The Kerala Hajj Committee in Kozhikode declares the list of Hajj pilgrims every year. In 2010, 6,784 applications were received, out of which 5,222 were selected in the Kerala quota of the Central Government Hajj Committee.37 Apart from that, travel services such as the Al-Thaibah Travels, Kottakal, Manshah Hajj Group, Kannur, offer package tours to Mecca, Medina, Hiddah and other pilgrim centres in the Arab world. Hajj camps are also organized where all arrangements are made for the pilgrims such as the Pookottur Hajj Camp in Malappuram.38 Old traditional Kerala mosques have undergone a physical transformation with many of them rebuilt in the Persian style with the typical domes and minars. Annual nerchas are conducted in the dargahs of sufi saints sans the pomp and show of the earlier centuries. There are no more elephant processions, drum-beating and music. Nerchas are simplified with only the maulid ceremony, the rendering of the Koran and feeding the poor. The Mambram nerchas have become simple ceremonies with emphasis on annadhanam (poor-feeding). 39 In Kozhikode, the 451st Appavanibha nercha in memory of the Ajmer sufi saint, Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti, fondly known as Ajmiri Thangal, took place between 19–28 June, 2010, under the management of the Jamia Darussalaam Committee and the

35 36 37 38 39

‘Dhaarmikatha Kaakkan Yuvakkal Badhyasthar: Haider Ali Shihab Thangal’, Ibid. 26.4.2010. ‘Muslimgal Islaminde Yathartha Sandeshavahakarakanam: Munnaftali Thangal’, Ibid. 13.5.2010. ‘Hajj Natukeduppu Inna’, Ibid. 30.5.2010. ‘Pookottur Hajj Camp’, Ibid. 10.6.2010. Interview with Mohammad Ali, 21.6.2010.

166 The Malabar Muslims cooperation of the local people.40 This is a fine example of the reverence of the Mappillas towards the Ajmer Khwaja. The Urs (annual festival) in memory of Hasrat Suhurishah Noori, Haider Musaliar and Kallayi Kunhipoo Haji was celebrated in the Dargah Sharif at Karuparakunbh Noorinagar in Malappuram between 20–22 June, 2010. They were the spiritual saints of the Qadiri-Chishti tariqas. The All India President of Majlisul Ulama Ahlusunnatti Jamaat, Sayyid Arifuddin Jilani from Hyderabad inaugurated the ceremonies. The Principal of Hyderabad Jamia Arifiyya College, Maulana Abdurahim Kharmushi, Maulana Bilali Shah Suhuri from Tamilnadu, the Kerala Silsila Nooriya Samsthana President, Yusuf Nizami Shahsuri and many maulavis spoke on the occasion. A spiritual camp was also conducted for two days.41 This was a spiritual occasion where the leaders of the various sufi schools from different parts of south India converged as a mark of unity. In all, the religious spectrum of the Mappilla community is widening and they have developed links not only with the Arab world but also with neighbouring states. They have made every effort to protect their religion, educate their youth about the truth of Islam and maintain a peaceful society and nation.

The Political Arena Mappilla politics in the twenty-first century revolves around its sole spokesman, the Muslim League (ML). In 1969, in response to the demands of the ML in Kerala, and as a reward for its political support, the United Front Ministry of E.M.S. Namboodiripad redrew the boundaries of Kozhikode and Palakkad districts to form the predominantly Muslim district of Malappuram (Hardgrave, p. 57). The present President of the ML is Sayyid Haidar Ali Shihab Thangal. The League takes initiatives for the social and educational upliftment of the Mappilla society. The ML is allied with the Congress forming the United Democratic Front (UDF) in Kerala. The Chandrika Daily, published from Kozhikode, is a League publication which has a large circulation among the Mappillas. The daily is circulated in madrassas, MES schools, colleges and other educational institutions. On one occasion a Gulf Returnees Organization sponsored the distribution of Chandrika daily in 225 schools.42 The Chandrika is also 40 41 42

‘Appavanibha Nerchakku 19anna Thudakkam’, Ibid. 15.6.2010. ‘Urs Mubarakum Tarbiyyat Campum Naala’, Ibid. 19.6.2010. ‘225 Vidyalayangalil Gulf Returnees Organization Vagaa Chandrika Dinapatram,’ Chandrika, 19.6.2010.

Mappillas in the Twenty-first Century 167 published from Dubai (1995) and Bahrain (2000) under the sponsorship of the Kerala Muslim Cultural Centre. A youth wing of the League, called the Youth League, and a women’s wing called the Vanita League (VL) have also been founded. The objective of the Youth League is to motivate young Mappillas to rise high in society, become self-sufficient and serve the society. It also condemns terrorism and often holds youth rallies to highlight its demands.43 The VL was founded in December 1991 by the late ML leader, Marhoom Mohammad Ali Shihab Thangal for the benefit of the Mappilla women. The State President of the VL is Mrs. Qamarunnissa Anwar, and Advocate Noorbina Rashid is its General Secretary. Many Mappilla teachers, advocates and other professionals are League office-holders. As a minority community, the VL creates an awareness of the rights of Muslim women in educational, economic and other progressive fields. In May 2010, it held a conference under the caption, ‘Santushta Kudumbam, Santushta Raajyam’ (Happy Family, Happy Nation). The bottom line of the conference is that it is the women who must create a happy family in order to prevent their children and the youth from taking the wrong path such as terrorism or anti-socialism. The anthem of the Vanita League is, ‘only when there is a happy family, a happy nation will exist’.44 The SKSSF was founded in February, 1989, with the aim of rallying the youth for the welfare of the Mappilla community. Various educational and cultural activities are conducted for students by the organization. It also guides the Mappilla youth in their careers and condemns terrorism. The SKSSF has a committee in UAE with branches in Dubai, Sharjah and Abu Dhabi. Recently, it conducted a one-day workshop in Islamic banking. The committee resolves the problems of the Gulf Non-Resident Indians (NRIs). It has created its own website as well.45 Thus, politically, the Mappilla community is very active and looks out for political gains for the minority community. Even before independence, the leadership of the ML has been in the hands of the thangals which till today is descending in the genealogical line. At this juncture, it would be most appropriate to mention the importance of the family in the Mappilla society in the twenty-first century.

43 44 45

‘Vengara Mandalam Muslim Youth League Sammelanam’, Ibid. 14.5.2010; ‘Youth Janajagrata Yatrakku Ujjwala Varavelppu’, Ibid. 17.5.2010. ‘Vanita League Malappuram Zilla Pratinidhi Sammelanam,’ Ibid. 23.5.2010. ‘SKSSF Zilla Special Convention,’ Ibid. 2.4.2010.

168 The Malabar Muslims

The Thangals: Leaders of the Community The family of the Jifri thangals has had a long association with Mappilla politics in Malabar, particularly after the formation of the ML in 1934. The Jifri lineage now has several branches under different family names such as Bafaqi, Shihab, Saqaf, Hydros and many more. They have been leaders of the community even before independence. For example, in the 1940s, Bafaqi Thangal was the President of the League and post-partition, he was succeeded by his son, Pookoya Thangal. C.H. Mohammad Koya Thangal took over as the League leader after his father’s death. He had two sons, Panakkad Mohammad Ali Shihab Thangal and Panakkad Haider Ali Shihab Thangal. The latter is the present surviving thangal and the President of the ML. Apart from the Presidentship of the League, the thangal is a father figure for the Mappilla community. He is the President of all the Sunni mosques, madrassas, Arabic colleges and orphanages in Malabar. All the religious fatwas are declared by the thangal after consultation with the Samatha Kerala Jamiat ul-Ulema (SKJM). The ML General Secretary, P. Kunhali Kutty has stated that the family is devoted to the peace of Kerala and the nation. It has a moral control over the Mappillas and is against political terrorism.46 Overall, the thangals still hold sway over the Malabar Muslims. They have encouraged English education as well as madrassa education, worked for the upliftment of the society and are the protectors of the community.

NRI and Refugee Issues Several Mappillas who had moved to the Gulf countries fifteen to twenty years ago have returned to Kerala and settled there. There are others who are NRIs in Gulf and other countries. There is a constant demand to give voting rights to NRI Mappillas through the online system and to make an entry of their names in their ration cards. The ML incorporated about fifty lakh NRIs in the Pravasi (NRI) League Camp organized in June, 2010.47 Another sensitive issue has sparked off among Mappilla Muslims living in Pakistan. They were displaced in 1921 when they were driven out as victims of the British excesses in Malabar. Many Mappilla men went to Karachi and earned a livelihood as tea-vendors. Their women lived in

46 47

‘Panakkad Kudumbathe Kayattanulla Neekam Chedukkum: Kunhalikutty’, Ibid. 26.4.2010. ‘Pravasi Vottavakasham - Saadhyamanna’, Ibid. 27.4.2010; ‘Pravasi League Membership Camp Innu Mudal,’ Ibid. 15.6.2010.

Mappillas in the Twenty-first Century 169 Kerala and the family would reunite once or twice a year. But postpartition, these displaced Mappillas, whose numerical strength in Pakistan is around 10,000 are facing visa restrictions from the Indian Government to visit Kerala. They have been unable to visit their families in Kerala. Many of them have taken the Mysore route to gain illegal entry into Kerala.48 There are presently many Pakistani refugees in Malabar, particularly in Tirur, Tanur and many other places in the Malappuram district. Their children are given free education, clothing, health facilities and food in yateemkhanas. They have been in the limelight in recent years because they do not have ration cards and therefore, no Indian Citizenship. Hence they have no voting rights. There has been a constant demand in the Mappilla community for the legal rights of these refugees and the betterment of their living conditions. Self-financed organizations within the community are giving them facilities but the Kerala Government is yet to provide them the fundamental rights to live.49 The refugee issue is a serious matter of social concern and their grievances need to be redressed without further delay.

Other Interests of the Community The Mappillas are also taking keen interest in environmental issues such as green revolution and rainwater harvesting. Recently, there was an environment program to save nature at the Kozhikode Mofussil.50 The Mappillas have also set up many hospitals under private enterprise for the community. The Kerala Unani Hospital, Manjeri, the Al-Abeer Hospital, Kizhisseri, the Maulana Hospital, Perinthalmanna, the Al-Salaam Hospital, Vengara, the Mahar Ayurveda Hospital, Pulikkal are some of the few examples. The doctors in these hospitals are mostly Mappilla men and women.51 Overall, the Mappillas have made deliberate efforts to rise up at par with the other religious communities, namely, the Hindus and the Christians of the region. They have set up self-financed educational, religious, political, social and health institutions in Malabar and without

48 49 50 51

‘Malayalee Muslims in Pak bemoan Indian Govt’s visa restriction’, The Hindustan Times, 24 July, 2006. Interviews with Mohammad Ali, Farsheena and others, Palakkad, Pattambi, 19.6.2010. ‘Prakriti Samrakshanamthinde Sandeshavumayi Green Messenger Pradhanam Thudangi’, Chandrika, 11.5.2010. See the advertisements of these hospitals in the issues of the Chandrika daily, 2010–11.

170 The Malabar Muslims much support from the State government. The products of their endeavours are bright and ambitious young Mappillas, both men and women, who are to lead the community tomorrow as successful leaders. What is most appreciable about the Malabar Muslims is that they did not wait for the government to give them facilities but have been self-sufficient to make everything possible under their own community efforts. Whether it is education, women, religion, politics, judiciary or literature, the community’s success is commendable and is a feather in its cap. The Malabar Muslims certainly deserve a standing applause!

Conclusion 171

Conclusion

Islamization in Malabar was influenced by various factors, the most predominant being trade and intermarriage in the early centuries. The patronage of rulers such as the Samuthiris in encouraging some of the Hindu castes to embrace Islam was also an important factor. In the late nineteenth and the early twentieth century, conversion among the lower Hindu castes by voluntary choice was often prompted by their poor economic conditions and the prospects of work on the coast. Also, by 1921, there was a mass conversion of the Cherumar population which has been attributed to the rigid landlord-peasant relationship and the Mappilla uprisings. The economic conditions and occupations of the Mappillas were quite disparate for, those of the coastal towns were generally rich, prosperous traders and merchants, often with trade links across the Arabian Sea, and those in the interior regions, particularly later converts from low castes, were agriculturists. Closely linked to the mode of Islamization, their economic status and occupations, and their Arab identity was the social stratification of the Mappillas into various groups. For example, the thangals claimed a superior status on account of their sayyid ancestry in Hadhramaut, while the keyis, the koyas and the baramis as landed aristocrats and merchants were economically dominant. The pusalars and the ossans, as converts from the mukkuvans, were occupationally inferior and socially distant. Again, the coastal Mappillas considered the inland agriculturist population as economically inferior. The predominant factor of Islamization on the coast was trade while in the interior religious preachers were dominant. This was also true of Southeast Asia such as Java where, as Ricklefs observes, ‘Islam has struck deeper roots on the coast and has tended to be at its most self-conscious

172 The Malabar Muslims among trading communities’.1 He further argues that in the interior of Java, the only plausible agent of conversion in the fourteenth century was the occasional Muslim teacher.2 Islam travelled to Southeast Asia through trade, not direct from Arabia, but from Gujarat and South India, that is from the Malabar and the Coromandel coasts. Since the Indian subcontinent is considered the route of Islam’s spread in Southeast Asia, it is held that Indian Islam with a sufi variant played a decisive role in the Islamization process.3 In the West African societies, both trade and the scholarship of learned men helped the dispersion of Muslims. The trading Tamil Muslims, the Kayalars and the Marakkayars of the Coromandel coast, were also Arab descendants like the Mappillas and hence shared the Shafi’i madhab (those in the Tamil hinterland were Hanafis and hence believed to be of different origin4).The thriving trade links of Mappilla maritime merchants like the baramis, the koyas and the keyis with the Arab world could be compared with the Tamil Muslim traders such as the Marakkayars of the port towns of Kayalpatanam, Kilakkarai and Adiramapatnam. Census statistics show that among the migrants to Burma, Malaya and Singapore, the East coast Muslims such as the Labbais, and the Mappillas from the West coast were numerous. The thangals particularly identified themselves with the Arabian Peninsula in their expressions of social hierarchy like lineage and physical segregation in the form of separate burial grounds. However, despite their identification with the sayyids of Hadhramaut, some of their social practices reflected indigenous Malabar society rather than Hadhrami society. A classic example was the office of the thangal in regions of south Malabar like Mambram where it passed in the marumakkathayam line of descent. For example, an interesting feature of the Jifri lineage was the transfer of properties to the daughters and the sister of Sayyid Fazl was vested with the management of the Mambram mosque, as an inamdar. However, in Kozhikode, the office of the thangals descended in the male line as in the case of the qadis of Jamaatpalli and Mishkhalpalli. The considerable prosperity of some of the Kozhikode and north Malabar Mappillas was reflected in the number of civil suits that were filed in the civil courts from the late nineteenth century. The Judges, both English and Indian, began battling with the increasing complexities of the 1 2 3 4

Ricklefs, M.C., ‘Six Centuries of Islamization of Java,’ in Levtzion, N., (ed.) Conversion. p. 106. Ibid. p. 104. Evangelista, Some Aspects. p. 19. See Bayly, Susan, ‘Islam in Southern India: “Purist” or “Syncretic”?’ in Bayly, C.A., and Kolff, D.A. (ed.) Two Colonial Empires, Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1986. p. 39.

Conclusion 173 customs, usage and disputes within the Muslim households over lines of succession. It has been argued that although the courts attempted to stifle the customary practices, eventually custom itself became law and despite legal interference, continuities and changes existed side-by-side. The courts also re-interpreted the social practices and customs of the community and decisions were taken on the basis of their interpretations. The disputes over strisothu, customary law versus Mohammedan law, the registration of tharavaads, the management and ownership of mosque lands and the rights of the qadis over nercha celebrations show the range and amount of cases that were taken to the civil courts. Between the late nineteenth century and the 1940s, the amount of litigation among the Kozhikode and north Malabar Mappillas indicated their economic position vis-à-vis the category of Mappilla peasants in parts of south Malabar, whose endless poverty was manifested in revolts. The frequently wavering decisions of the courts on the customary and Islamic laws upset the hereditary patterns of succession and descent. Most suitors preferred to retain the customary law, but the decisions of the Judges in favour of the Islamic law often deprived the descendants in the female line of their rights and privileges. However, in cases regarding strisothu property forwarded by the Mappillas of Kozhikode and north Malabar, custom became law. At the same time, the reversal of the Mohammedan law in favour of the marumakkathayam law was not given credence. This has been explained in the case of a Mappilla of Kozhikode, following the Islamic law, who tried to create tharavaadu property. Legislation like the Shariat Application Act, 1937 and the Mappilla Marumakkathayam Act, 1939, released social tensions within the community. Firstly, within the community itself, the legislation was seen as breaking their age-old social traditions and customs. Secondly, most of the Mappillas who followed the matrilineal pattern did not suffer tharavaadu feuds as much as matrilineal nayars. The only supporters of the Mappilla Marumakkathayam Bill were the Muslim League leaders and the qadis, which again raises the paradoxical question of the qadi’s system of descent. The Shariat Application Act was irrelevant to the matrilineal case because in Malabar, the rights of the women were already honoured. Despite the argument of the Muslim League leaders that the hold of custom in Mappilla society had been considerably loosened with the implementation of the Mappilla Marumakkathayam Act, continuities and changes speak differently. The extent of litigation among the Mappillas is evident from the volume of mosque disputes. The powers of the qadis were unlimited in the matters of mosque practices and nerchas and they often received State support in

174 The Malabar Muslims claiming their rights. Notions of community identity were manifested in different situations. For example, the Hindus were dependent on Mappillas for establishing trade contacts between the coast and the interior. Therefore, the Mappillas were given a considerable social status. Conflicts between the Mappillas and the Hindus often arose over mosque issues. Objections were sometimes raised by the Hindus on the subject of acquisition of mosque and burial sites. Tension between the two communities was created on subjects of religious processions and the playing of music. It has been shown how certain religious institutions such as the Mambram issue was made a political agenda by Mappilla politicians and also their success in gearing functionaries such as the qadis and the thangals into the political sphere. Like the Muslims of north India, they were divided on lines of religious doctrines and practices into the Sunnis, the Islahis and the Ahmadis under the leadership of religious reformers. The theological split also manifested itself in social changes like education for women, their entry into mosques, the use of the vernacular for the khutba and the division of mosques into Sunni, Islahi and Ahmadiyya pallis. The Mappilla women of Kozhikode and north Malabar generally enjoyed a number of rights and privileges as holders of strisothu and tharavaadu properties. The Mappilla Marumakkathayam Act did not completely deprive them of their customary rights and the Shariat law did not affect them. Many among them have been listed as inamdars and owners of mosques and niskarapallis in the land settlement records as late as 1935; and were also often involved in mosque disputes. Moreover, the Shafi’i laws were in favour of Mappilla women regarding their divorce and maintenance rules. For example, faskh and khula were peculiar to the Shafi’is. In all these aspects, the Muslim women of Malabar were definitely socially well-placed compared to their Tamil neighbours and their counterparts in North India and Bengal. Compared to the Hindus of Malabar, the Mappillas lagged behind in their general literacy levels. They were no different from other Muslims in most parts of British India in their general attitude towards Western education and their marginal representation in the public services. Various Islamic associations such as the Himayathul Islam Sabha, the Mohammedan Educational Society and the Manjeri Hidayathul Muslimin Sabha served to promote both religious and secular education. The education of Mappilla girls was also a community concern and was encouraged by various Muslim organizations. The contribution of these associations in steadfastly bargaining with the colonial officials for special facilities and privileges for educating the Mappillas achieved significant advances. The backing of pressure groups and political bodies like the Malabar Muslim Majlis and

Conclusion 175 the Malabar Muslim League in the education of the community is noteworthy. There was also a simultaneous rise of a Mappilla intelligentsia within the community. The first generation Mappilla leaders were largely wealthy landlords and merchants who represented the community in Municipal, District and Taluk Boards. There was also a new generation of Englisheducated Mappillas such as Abdurahiman Sahib, Pokkar Sahib and Seethi Sahib, who were to dominate Mappilla politics between the 1920s and the 1940s. Political leadership within the community took shape with various political movements such as the Congress-Khilafat activities and the Civil Disobedience movement. The parting of ways between the Congress and the Muslim League was most noticeable in the late 1930s and the forties. Organizations such as the Kerala Aikya Sangham, the Malabar Muslim Majlis and the Muslim League endeavoured in their own ways to sculpt a separate identity for the community and safeguard its interests. Ultimately, despite the Arabic influence, the Mappillas were certainly part of the Malabar society. This was evident in the use of Malayalam as the common spoken language, and some of the social and religious practices that they shared with the rest of the Malayali society. They had adopted the ways of indigenous society especially in their marriage and residence patterns. This process of interaction which took place was a dynamic one. The influences of the Arab and local Malayali cultures were reciprocal. Elements which were contrary to Islam were allowed to exist parallel to the Islamic way of life. The central conclusion is that the British colonial policies regarding the administration, judicial system and socio-religious institutions in Malabar, disturbed the traditional social order of the Mappilla community. Nevertheless, continuities and changes existed side-by-side. The simultaneous existence of two contradictory phenomena, ‘matriliny’ and ‘Islam’ within the community is itself a classic example. Although paradoxical, it is a historical truth which has survived the test of time. Further, it can be argued that the Mappilla Muslims did not per se constitute a monolithic social group but exhibited inter and intra-regional variations. Post-independence, the position of the Indian Muslims has been different in different regions. In 1970, Roland Miller observed that within fifty years of the disaster of 1921, the Mappillas had shown remarkable changes and were recognized as a symbol of hope for other Muslims.5 He argues that in Kerala, Muslims had a comparatively higher literacy rate but like their

5

Miller, Mappila Muslims. p. 308.

176 The Malabar Muslims co-religionists, they held very few positions in government departments.6 During this period of time, they accounted for thirty per cent of college students in the Malappuram and Kozhikode districts. At the beginning of 1974, about seven hundred lower and thirty-six higher schools were being run under Mappilla management.7 In the nineties, it was noted with grave concern by Omar Khalidi that the Muslims in India were far behind other groups even when they were in a majority in a particular geographical area or in an educational institution run by the community.8 He has stated that Bihar and Uttar Pradesh are some of the most educationally backward states where the Muslim population is relatively higher.9 Although the voluntary efforts and huge investments by the Muslim community in the establishment of Muslim degree colleges in the southern states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala and Tamilnadu have set an example for those in North India, Khalidi has argued that most of these institutions, including the Aligarh Muslim University and the Jamia Millia Islamia, do not have Muslim students in a majority.10 Mushirul Hasan has also echoed similar views on the educational profile of the Muslims in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Despite a large population of Muslims in these states, illiteracy, a high drop-out rate and the neglect of women’s education are the major drawbacks. He has argued that although the Aligarh Muslim University and the Jamia Millia Islamia have attracted bright students through a liberal admission policy, yet their numbers are small.11 The scenario is quite different in the southern states. In the neighbouring State of Tamilnadu, JBP More, in his most recent publication, has emphasized on the importance of printing which created several Tamil Muslim authors who contributed to the literary productions as early as the nineteenth century. He has argued that the modern print technology and the possibilities offered by it played a major role in strengthening the

6 7 8 9 10

11

Ibid. p. 325. Ali, Development of Education. pp. 176–8. Khalidi, Omar, Indian Muslims Since Independence. Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1995, p. 105. Ibid. p. 114. Ibid. p. 117 It is significant to mention here that the Jamia Millia Islamia has been declared a minority institution by the National Commission of Minority Educational Institutions recently. This will allow the University to reserve up to fifty per cent seats for Muslim students. See The Hindu dated 23 February, 2011. Hasan, Mushirul, Legacy of a Divided Nation. India’s Muslims since Independence. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2007. pp. 292–3.

Conclusion 177 Islamic identity of the Tamil Muslims. It also contributed to their participation in large numbers in the Khilafat agitation and the Pakistan movement.12 This itself is proof of a comparatively higher literacy rate among the Muslims of Tamilnadu. S.M. Abdul Khader Fakhri, has differentiated the Muslims of Tamilnadu into three categories – Tamil Muslims, Dakhni Urdu Muslims and Tamil Dakhnis.13 In the post-independence period, some of these Muslims sought education as a platform for social and economic mobility. They demanded educational concessions from the State. The Muslim Educational Association of South India (MEASI) was formed in the early years of the twentieth century under the patronage of the professional classes and the wealthy merchants among the Tamil, Dakhni and Tamil Dakhni Muslims. In the early years after partition, they saw the educational policy of the Madras government unfavourable for the Muslims of South India. This made them take a decision to follow a policy of self-help through MEASI by founding a number of Muslim schools and colleges in the 1950s and 1960s.14 The Muslims of Tamilnadu were particularly concerned when the Madras Government followed a policy of secularism in the educational sphere by converting the Muslim colleges into secular institutions. For example, the Government Mohammedan College in Madras became Government Arts College and there was also a proposal to close down the Government Muslim Women’s College.15 This led the MEASI to mobilise funds from their Muslim counterparts as far as Malaysia, Burma and countries of Southeast Asia for the purpose of setting up educational institutions. This effort led to the establishment of eleven Muslim Arts Colleges in Tamilnadu and some more in the Telugu districts within ten years of independence.16 This is evidence of the fact that education was very important for the Muslims of Tamilnadu as early as the twentieth century, and it played a significant role in their social, economic and political development. In Vellore in the North Arcot district, which has a large population of Muslims, even a Muslim fruit seller is literate up to the twelfth standard.17 12 13 14 15 16 17

More, J.B.P., Muslim Identity, Print Culture and the Dravidian Factor in Tamilnadu. Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2004. pp. 198–200. Fakhri, S.M. Abdul Khader, Dravidian Sahibs and Brahmin Maulanas. The Politics of the Muslims of Tamilnadu, 1930–1967. Delhi: Manohar, p. 30. Ibid., p. 188. Ibid. pp. 188–9. Ibid. pp. 190–1. Interview with Muhammad Mustafa, Vellore, February 2011.

178 The Malabar Muslims In Andhra Pradesh studies show that illiteracy and poverty among the Muslims exist and state education at the primary and secondary level is poor. A large section of women are also illiterate.18 Omar Khalidi has argued that professional colleges such as Engineering and Medical Colleges have been established by Muslim educational societies but the high capitation fee in these colleges makes them inaccessible to poor Muslim students.19 Regarding their economic prosperity, improvement has been seen and the Gulf remittances sent by migrant workers seem to have led to some notable changes. For example, the Hadhramawti Arabs, who were small-scale fruit growers, are now exporters to the Middle East.20 However, Khalidi has repeatedly emphasized on the point that Muslim representation in the government services was almost negligible and the State government had not allocated reservations for Muslims as done for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.21 He has stressed upon repeated cycles of poverty and unemployment among the Muslims in Andhra Pradesh and that they have not shown any progress in Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics.22 In Karnataka, in the 1980s, in addition to substantial economic assistance, the Muslims were given eighteen per cent reservation in government jobs and twenty per cent in educational institutions. This is when they already had a higher representation than other castes in government service in the state. Karnataka was the first state in India to appoint a Minorities Commission to safeguard their interests in the eighties.23 Assayag has proved that the government has been very generous to the Muslims by creating Chairs for Urdu in Gulbarga, Bangalore and Mysore and teaching posts in colleges. It has also provided substantial scholarships, assisted in book publishing, instituted awards for writers and has been instrumental in the publication of an Urdu-Kannada dictionary.24 The Justice Sachar Committee Report published in 2006 showed that there was official discrimination and neglect of India’s Muslim population. It showed the backwardness among the community in the spheres of education, livelihood and access to public spheres and pointed at poverty

18 19 20 21 22 23 24

Khalidi, Omar, Muslims in Indian Economy. Gurgaon: Three Essays, 2006. p. 160. Ibid. p. 161. Ibid. p. 164. Ibid. p. 225. Ibid. p. 226. Assayag, Jackie, At the Confluence of Two Rivers. Muslims and Hindus in South India. Delhi: Manohar, 2004. p. 222. Ibid. p. 223.

Conclusion 179 as the main obstacle to education among the Muslims. There is a shortage of good quality government schools in Muslim areas and particularly girls’ schools. The report also showed the poor representation of Muslims in the government services and other employment markets in all the states. The policies of economic liberalization had also affected the traditional occupations of Muslims.25 In a case study of districts with a high Muslim population in three states, that is, Bihar, West Bengal and Haryana have shown little government initiatives to improve the conditions of poor Muslim households. The Muslims in these regions unanimously wanted education in government institutions with both Hindu and Muslim children.26 A similar argument cannot be held for the Kerala Muslims. It has to be borne in mind that the Mappillas have suffered the brunt of British excesses in the form of a harsh land tenure system which was reflected in the antagonism of the peasants, who were largely Muslims. Their attack on their landlords who were mostly Hindus and a few Muslims, and against the British administrators, took violent forms. The British government wasted no time in suppressing the Mappilla rebellion with an iron hand. The aftermath was appalling – they had been totally shattered both physically and emotionally. Those in south Malabar had been reduced to poverty and were in a pitiable state. Although relief measures were provided to them by various voluntary organizations within and outside Malabar, it took a good many years for them to come out of the shock of British insanity. Many fled as far as Karachi to earn a living. Today they are refugees in Kerala struggling to find an identity for themselves. The government is yet to reach out to them. It is the self-supporting Mappilla community which is catering to their needs. Therefore, it is certainly necessary to treat them with extra sympathy for bearing extraordinary sufferings at the hands of the colonial masters. The language of the colonial officialdom branded them as ‘violent Moplahs’, ‘Moplah fanatics’ and ‘backward in education’ and this has sunk into the minds of history students in India and abroad. However, it is important to mention here that the Mappillas of the entire Malabar district were not poor peasants cultivating under the tyrannical janmis; there were rich merchants among them who prospered in north Malabar and the coastal belts. These Mappillas did not participate in the rebellion and there were many in south Malabar who were innocent victims of British atrocities.

25 26

Mander, Harsh, ‘Promises to Keep,’ The Hindu, 20 February 2011. Ibid., ‘If We Walk Together,’ in The Hindu, 13.3.2011.

180 The Malabar Muslims Moreover, after independence, the community has come out of the grief and has risen above other Muslims in India in their social development. U. Mohammed, in his study of Muslim institutions and Muslim students in Kerala attending various courses in 1989–90, has shown that the Muslims were educationally backward. Although they had eight per cent reservation in professional courses, that was not the case in Degree courses. Muslim backwardness was even more glaring in their literacy levels. In the Kozhikode district the Muslim illiterates were a startling 40 per cent, whereas in Kannur and Wyanad, it was 30 per cent and 23.17 per cent respectively.27 This was reflected in their poor representation in the government services although under the OBC (Other Backward Castes) category, the Muslims are given 12 per cent reservation in the Kerala government services.28 However, things have changed since then. On 18th April, 1991, Kerala was declared a ‘Fully Literate State’. It is therefore obvious that illiteracy does not exist among the Mappillas. Between my field visits in the years 1994, 1997 and 2010, there has been a dramatic change within the community. The business acumen among the enterprising Mappillas has not only made them prosperous but has also helped eradicate poverty within the community. At all the local railway stations in Kerala, the various miscellaneous stalls and high-tech facilities are owned by Mappillas. There are both Muslim men and women employees in the railway services. According to the Census of 2001 of Kerala State, Hindus constitute 57.3 per cent, Muslims are 23.3 per cent and Christians are 19.3 per cent. Muslims therefore form the second largest community in the state. The most populated Muslim majority district is Malappuram, followed by Kannur, Kozhikode and Wayanad.29 As far as literacy among the Muslims is concerned, the Muslim males are 89.4 per cent literate and the females are 85.5 per cent literate. This is a very significant marker in the history of the Mappillas because the general literacy rate of the Muslims in the other states is comparatively much lower.30 The Malappuram district, which was once the hotbed of political turmoil and rebellion during the British era is now totally transformed and ranks first in Mappilla education. Education at the primary and secondary levels

27 28 29 30

Mohammed, U., ‘Educational Problems of the Muslim Minority in Kerala’, in Engineer, Kerala Muslims. pp. 148–9. Ibid. p. 150. Census of Kerala State, 2011. Ibid.

Conclusion 181 is spearheaded by the MES schools. Schools and madrassas for orphans and refugees are run through individual efforts thus making sure that no section of the community is neglected. Mappilla students, both girls and boys, avail the opportunities of higher education in degree colleges affiliated to Kozhikode University. Professional colleges financed by the Muslim community are mushrooming in Malabar and they provide the platform for ambitious Mappilla youth. These professional institutions include medical, engineering, and information technology courses. Apart from that, Aligarh Muslim University has also started its off-campus centre in Kerala in the hope of getting a large number of Muslim students under its roll. Malappuram is also the seat of the family of the Shihab Thangals who are the social and religious leaders of the community. The Mappilla community looks up to the leadership of Panakkad Hyder Ali Shihab Thangal who is the President of the Muslim League. It is under his umbrella leadership that the community is socially and politically aware. He provides the right guidance to the community and its youth to become responsible citizens of the nation and work towards its welfare. The Chandrika, a Malayalam daily, is a vehicle of the Muslim League and has a wide readership within the community in Kerala as well as among expatriate Mappillas in the Gulf countries. Regarding the political representation of the Mappillas in Kerala State Assembly, Iqbala Ansari has made a significant observation that in society and polity, Kerala shows a model of coalition. This coalition accommodates all significant social and religious segments without causing sociocommunal tensions and conflict. One can totally agree with his point that the people of Kerala have built their institutions on the basis of social and religious pluralism.31 The Muslims of Kerala are the only ones who have their own political party, sharing power in the state with other political parties. Ansari’s observation that, having a more favourable territorial distribution than the Muslims in most other states, they are the second least deprived group in Assembly representation in the country, is significant.32 Muslim representation in the Lok Sabha and the State Assembly was at its peak in 1982. More than fifty per cent of Muslim membership in Kerala Assembly has been consistently taken over by the Muslim League. Out of the two hundred and forty-nine Muslim members that the Kerala 31 32

Ansari, Iqbala, Political Representation of Muslims in India (1952–2004). Delhi: Manak Publications, 2006. p. 230. Ibid.

182 The Malabar Muslims Assembly has had between 1960 and 2001, the share of the Muslim League was one hundred and forty-nine. Ansari concludes that this distribution pattern indicates the allegiance of the Muslims to the Muslim League.33 The Indian Union Muslim League, which is mainly based in north Kerala, won two Parliament seats in the Lok Sabha Elections in 2004. One was won by E. Ahmed from Kerala and the other by K.M. Kader Mohideen from Tamilnadu (Vellore district).34 There is however a major development deficit as far as Mappilla representation in the government services is concerned and in this, I agree with Omar Khalidi and Justice Sachar that Muslims are under–represented in the public services in the country. Apart from the business and merchant class, the salaried class of Mappillas is found working in their self-founded institutions, whether they are schools, colleges, hospitals or technical centres. It is a pity that despite their high literacy rate and professional qualifications, the Kerala government has not given them sufficient opportunities. As already discussed, government schools in Malabar are not only few, they do not provide free education as is done in the Cochin and Travancore regions of the state. No discussion on the Mappilla community would be complete without mentioning their women. Compared to their Muslim sisters in the rest of the country, the Mappilla women have always held a superior position and have been inheritors of family property, particularly in north Malabar. They hold a very high literacy rate compared to their counterparts in other states and have been successful professionals in almost all fields such as teaching, medicine, law, information technology and engineering. They work in institutions set up by the community and have also travelled abroad in pursuit of a career. They serve as models for other Muslim women in India. The Mappilla expatriates to the Gulf countries have not only contributed liberally to the economic development of Kerala, but also to the welfare and prosperity of the community. They have extended funds for establishing schools, colleges, madrassas, mosques, hospitals, orphanages, chain of supermarkets, tourist hotels, software companies, landed properties and much more, thus enhancing the social development and the standard of living of the Mappilla Muslims of Kerala. In the twenty-first century, the Malabar Muslims are at par with the other religious communities in Kerala State. They have shown immense enthusiasm in education, employment, literature, politics and women 33 34

Ibid. p. 231. Chandrika, 2004.

Conclusion 183 empowerment. This indicates the community’s ability to change along with globalization. On the darker side, there are challenges faced by the community in the form of the problems of displaced Muslims, insufficient government educational institutions in Malabar and the inadequacy of government aid.

184 Appendix

Appendix

Some Famous Mappilla Personalities Justice M. Fatima Beevi – The First Woman Judge of Independent India Fatima Beevi, a Mappilla Muslim, was born in 1927 in Pathanamthitta, in Southern Kerala to Meera Sahib and Khadeeja Bibi. She was awarded her Law degree by the Government Law College, Trivandrum and was enrolled as an advocate in 1950. Later she rose to the level of the District and Sessions Judge in Kerala in 1974. In 1989, she was the first woman judge appointed to the Supreme Court of India following the controversy over the Muslim Women’s (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act. She was not only the first Muslim woman to be appointed to any higher judiciary but also the first woman Judge of a Supreme Court of a nation in India and Asia. She has also served as the Chairman of Kerala Commission for Backward Classes (1993), member of National Human Rights Commission (1993) and the Governor of Tamilnadu (1997). She is a recipient of several awards such as the Honorary D. Litt Degree, the Mahila Shiromani Award and the Bharat Jyoti Award. She now resides at her ancestral home in Pathanamthitta.

Vaikkom Mohammad Basheer: A Freedom-Fighter and a Famous Writer Vaikkom Mohammad Basheer was born in Travancore to a poor Muslim family. He was educated in an English-medium school in Vaikkom. While at school, he was inspired by Mahatma Gandhi and participated in the Vaikkom Satyagraha (1924). He joined the Indian National Congress, moved to Kozhikode and took part in the Salt Satyagraha in 1930. He was

Appendix 185 imprisoned several times and after his release from the Kannur jail in the 1930s, he edited a revolutionary journal, Ujjivanam. Apart from his role as a freedom fighter, he is well known as a Malayalam short story writer. He wrote on bold themes such as the atrocities of the Travancore Government for which his works were banned and he was arrested several times. After independence, he continued his career as a writer and became famous for his works, Baalyakaalasakhi1 (Childhood Friend), Shabdangal2 (Voices), Maranathinde Nizhalil3 (In the Shadow of Death) and Ende Appupankoruaanaindarnnu4 (My Grandfather had an Elephant). After Basheer’s demise from the literary world in 1994, his works have been translated into English and eighteen Indian Languages.

B.M. Zuhara – The First Mappilla Woman Writer of Malayalam Fiction Born in Kozhikode in 1952 in a literate family, B.M. Zuhara, began as a short-story writer. As the first Muslim woman writer of Malayalam fiction among the eight million Muslim population of Kerala, her novels reflect the social issues within the Mappilla community. She has won several awards such as the Lalithambika Antarjanam Memorial Special Award, the K. Balakrishnan Smaraka Award, the Unnimoy Memorial Award and the Kerala Sahitya Akademi Award. Some of her best known works are Kinavu (Dream), Iruttu (Darkness), Nizhal (Shadow), Venal (Summer), Bhraanth (Madness) and the most recent work, Akasabhoomikalute Thakkol (Key to the Heavens and Earth).

V.P. Zuhara – A Mappilla Woman Activist V.P. Zuhara runs a voluntary group called the Nisa Progressive Muslim Women’s Forum, at Kozhikode. She has been part of a feminist movement in Kerala since the mid-1970s. The organization lends voice to Muslim women silenced by practices such as polygamy and talaq (divorce). Nisa also fights for equal rights for Mappilla women and has been under the vigil of Islamic fundamental groups.5 1 2 3 4 5

Basheer, Vaikkam Mohammad, Balyakaalasakhi. Kottayam: Sahitya Pravarthaka Cooperative Society Ltd., 1944. Ibid., Shabdangal. Ibid., 1947. Ibid., Maranathinde Nizhalil. Ibid., 1951. Ibid., Ende Appupankoruaanaindarnnu. Ibid., 1951. Nazeer, Mohammad , ‘Beacon in a Dark World,’ in The Hindu Magazine, 27.3.2011. p. 5.

186 Glossary

Glossary

Aliyasantana Amsam Anandravan Cherumar Dargapalli Desam Gosha Illam Imam Janmam Janmi Kaipanam Kalyanam Kanam Karar Kaarnavar Kaarnoti Khula Kovilagam Mahr Makkathayam Marumakkathayam Mukkuvan Mulla Nambudiri Nercha Nikah Palli Paramba Sanad

Inheritance in the female line in South Kanara Revenue division Junior member in a tharavaadu Member of an inferior caste in Malabar A Sufi shrine Sub-division of an amsam Veil House of a Nambudiri Leader of the canonical prayer Birthright, hereditary proprietorship Landlord with whom the janmam title vests Purse money Marriage Mortgage Deed The senior male in a tharavaadu A female head Divorce under Shafi’i law Palace of the Malabar royal families Irrevocable gift given by the groom to the bride during nikah Inheritance from father to son Inheritance through the female line Hindu fishermen Reciter and teacher of the Koran The Malabar Brahmin Vow; Offering A Muslim marriage Mosque Garden lands Certificate

Glossary 187 Shafi’i Shahid Sthanam Strisothu Tamburatti Thangal Tharavaadu Thaavazhi Thiyya Vilakku Wakf

School of Islamic law founded by Imam Shafi Martyr Rank or dignity A gift made to a girl on her marriage Senior woman of a kovilagam Mappilla priest A marumakkathayam family with descendants in the female line A branch of a tharavaadu Low caste Hindu, a toddy tapper Traditional brass lamp A trust created under and governed by Islamic law

188 Bibliography

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Index 199

Index

Ahmadiyya movement, 87, 97–103 Al-Ameen, 84, 95 al-Azhariyya Association, 128, 129 Ali Rajas of Kannur, 15, 57 Ansarul-Islam-Bitheyle-mil-Anam, 103, 105 Arakkal Beebis, 36, 42, 60, 125 Baramis, 16, 26–28, 36, 37, 39, 42, 97, 171, 172 Beena marriage, 36 Chaliyam madrassa, 108 Chandrika, 130, 133, 143, 148, 166–167, 181 Cherumars, xxi, xxii, 10, 11, 43, 112, 171 Dars, 94, 108 Deoband, 87, 109, 160 Faskh, 45, 74, 174 Hadhramaut, 2, 3, 7, 25–27, 37, 67, 171, 172 Hadhramis, 3, 21, 22, 27, 38 Hajj, 165 Hanafis, 14, 45, 78, 109, 172 Himayathul Islam Sabha, 103–105, 116, 128, 131, 174 Islahis, 92, 94–97, 108, 174 Jarams, 70 Jifris, 7, 22, 23, 26, 69

Kerala Aikya Sangham, xvi, 94, 149, 175 Kerala Patrika, 80, 113, 114, 119, 132 Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee (KPCC), 136, 140–147 Kerala Sanchari, 113, 132 Keyis, 16, 17, 27, 28, 36, 39, 66, 97, 125, 171, 172 Khula, 45, 46, 174 Koran, 6, 14, 35, 63, 68–71, 88, 91, 92, 97, 101, 106, 108, 111, 114, 115, 118, 119, 124, 125, 160, 163–165 Koyas, 16–18, 27, 28, 36, 38, 39, 42, 97, 125, 171, 172 Madrassathul Muhammadiyya, 124, 126 Makkathayam, 40, 43, 49, 50, 75 Malabari, 119, 132 Malabar Muslim Majlis, 56, 122, 128, 130, 142–143, 151, 152, 174, 175 Malik ibn Dinar, 4, 9, 12, 19, 108 Manjeri Hidayathul Muslimin Sabha, 103, 105, 115, 117, 119, 174 Mappilla Marumakkathayam Act, 51, 57–59, 173, 174 Mappilla rebellion, 1921, xxvi, 31, 105, 117, 137

200 Index Mappillastan, 154 Mappilla Succession Act, 51, 53, 54, 59 MES schools, 156, 162, 166, 181 Minhaj at Talibin, 15, 45, 46 Mishkhalpalli, 4, 12, 64, 76, 77, 97, 172 Moyen training school, 112, 125, 126 Muchandipalli, 12, 13, 68 Muhammadan Law, 43, 68 Muslim League, 54, 56-58, 61, 73, 81, 85, 86, 126, 128, 130, 131, 133, 143-155, 162, 166, 173 Nayars, xxi, xxii, xxvii, 5, 18, 28, 29, 33–36, 41, 43, 48, 60–63, 81, 82, 100, 107, 132, 133, 173 Nerchas, 26, 69–71, 93, 94, 165, 173 Niskarapallis, 65, 174 Ossans, 16, 26–28, 171 Othupallys, 108, 110 Payyanur Satyagraha, 81, 141 Ponnani dars, 108 Pusalars, 9, 10, 16, 26, 28, 81, 171 Qadi Act, 72, 73, 77, 78 Refugees, xxvii, 138, 160, 168–169, 179, 181 Sayyids, 2, 3, 16, 18, 19, 21, 22, 25–27, 37, 44, 172 Shafi’i Law, 2, 15, 45, 46, 74, 174 Shariat Application Act, 51, 53–54, 59, 173

Shekindepalli, 6, 64 SKSSF, 164, 167 Srambis, 65, 80, 82 Stridhanam, 42, 46, 74, 97, 102, 103, 106, 163 Strisothu, 46–47, 173, 174 Students Islamic Organization of India (SIO), 161–162 Tarim, 2–3, 18, 21, 22, 26 Thaavazhi, 36, 40, 47, 50, 55, 58, 59 Thangals, 14, 16, 18–21, 25–28, 37, 43–44, 66, 69, 72, 75, 81, 85, 93, 94, 103, 114, 138, 167, 168, 171, 172, 174, 181 Thanveerul Islam Association, 128, 129 Tharavaadu, 20, 24, 27, 35–42, 44, 46, 47, 49–52, 54, 55, 57–61, 64, 65, 75, 77–78, 98, 99, 101–102, 173, 174 Themims, 16, 26, 27, 36, 37, 42 Thiyyas, xxi, xxii, 35, 36, 43, 63, 80–82 Tuhfatul Mujahidin, xix, 163 Urs, 166 Vanita League, 162, 163, 167 Vazhakkad madrassa, 96, 101, 109, 134, 135 Wakf, xvi, 44, 67–69, 80, 149, 158 Yateemkhana, 158, 160, 164, 169 Young Men’s Muslim Association (YMMA), 81, 128, 129, 142