The Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church: Third Edition with New Material 9781463217044

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The Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church

Gorgias Liturgical Studies

64

This series is intended to provide a venue for studies about liturgies as well as books containing various liturgies. Making liturgical studies available to those who wish to learn more about their own worship and practice or about the traditions of other religious groups, this series includes works on service music, the daily offices, services for special occasions, and the sacraments.

The Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church

Third Edition with New Material

By

Frederick Edward Warren Introduction by

Neil Xavier O'Donoghue

1 gorgias press 2010

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2010 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. 2010

ISBN 978-1-60724-100-3

Printed in the United States of America

1 ISSN 1937-3252

INTRODUCTION TO THE THIRD EDITION OF F . E . WARREN'S LITURGY AND RITUAL OF THE CELTIC CHURCH B Y FR. NEIL XAVIER O'DONOGHUE, P H . D .

It is a testament to the scholarship of Frederick Edward Warren that, more than 125 years after its original publication, his volume on The Uturgy and Jkitual of the Celtic Church still remains the first port of call for those interested in the liturgy of early Ireland. 1 It is still the most significant treatment of the liturgy of Early Christian Ireland 2 and despite a vast quantity of liturgical and historical scholarship on various aspects of Ireland, the so-called "Celtic Church" and early medieval liturgy, Warren's volume is still indispensable for anybody interested in serious study. The Reverend Frederick Edward Warren (1843-1930), was a Fellow of St John's College, Oxford, and later served as pastor of Frenchay, near Bristol and then Bardwell in Suffolk. Like all authors, Warren was conditioned by his particular situation and the currents of his time. He was ministering in the Church of England during the years after the Oxford Movement had helped the Established Church to rediscover the liturgical heritage of Western Christendom. But as a number of the more prominent members of the Oxford Movement formally entered into full communion with the Roman Catholic Church (notably the future Cardinals Newman and Manning), some in the Church of England needed to reassert the value of a traditional liturgy that was not Roman. 3 As the birth of the English Church was inexorably intertwined with St Augustine of Canterbury's papally sponsored mission, the earliest examples of English liturgy were perceived to be very Roman in their origins. 4 This meant that those Victorian Anglicans who were searching for a 1 A second edition of this work was published in 1987 by the Boydell Press with a Monograph and Updated Bibliography by Jane Stevenson. Although this has also been out of print for some time, Professor Stevenson's monograph still remains quite useful. I myself recently completed my Ph.D. thesis on The Eucharist in Pre-Norman Ireland and I hope to publish a revised edition of this through the University of Notre Dame Press. Having consulted with Professor Stevenson, it was decided to republish this edition of The Titurgy and Hitual of the Celtic Church with a shorter introduction and annotated bibliography. This gives direction to those interested in advanced research on early Irish liturgy. My forthcoming book will contain a more comprehensive historical background, textual and iconographic analysis and a complete bibliography. 2 The early medieval or Pre-Norman period in Ireland is customarily referred to as Early Christian Ireland. 3 Henry Chadwick, preface to The Titurgy and Hitual of the Celtic Church Second Facsimile Edition, vii and Frank C. Senn, Christian Titurgy: Catholic and Evangelical (Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress Publishers, 1997), 574-8. 4 Paradoxically, this reliance on Roman liturgical practice in the formation of the English Church was in stark contrast to the very liberal prescriptions which Bede reports Gregory the Great giving to Augustine in his dealings with the pre-existing Christians and their liturgical uses: "Augustine's second question. Even though the faith is one are there varying

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non-Roman precedent of liturgical practice were unable to find much useful material in the early English Church. 5 This understanding encouraged some scholars within the Church of England to look to those pre-Augustinian Christians who had dwelt on the island of Britain for other more ancient non-Roman liturgical traditions. Britain was incorporated into the Roman Empire in 43 AD and remained part of the Empire until about the year 410 when the Roman legions left Britain. Christianity had been introduced into Britain sometime during this period. While many areas of Western Europe experienced a large degree of cultural continuity after the so-called fall of the Roman Empire, most modern historians believe that the level of this continuity was far weaker in post-Roman Britain than on the Continent. But the Christian Church did survive and was perhaps the most important element of civilization introduced during Britain's time as part of the Roman Empire to outlive her membership in the Empire. 6 History would credit St Augustine of Canterbury (d. 604) and his Roman missionaries with the evangelization the Anglo-Saxon tribes and kingdoms which were to form the cultural nucleus of modern England. Yet there was a strong Christian presence in Britain prior to the Augustinian mission. While for many reasons these original British Christians did not manage to Christianize all of the Anglo-Saxon invaders, very significantly they did succeed in the evangelization of Ireland. St Patrick, the apostle of Ireland, is the most famous son of the British Church. 7 His Irish mission is traditionally dated to 433—93 and predates the Augustinian mission to Canterbury by about 150 years.

customs in the churches? and is there one form of mass in the Holy Roman Church and another in the Gaulish churches? Pope Gregory answered: My brother, you know the customs of the Roman Church in which, of course, you were brought up. But it is my wish that if you have found any customs in the Roman or the Gaulish church or any other church which may be more pleasing to God, you should make a careful selection of them and sedulously teach the Church of the English, which is still new in the faith, what you have been able to gather from other churches. For things are not to be loved for the sake of place, but places are to be loved for the sake of their good things. Therefore choose from every individual Church whatever things are devout religious, and right. And when you have collected these as it were into one bundle, see that the minds of the English grow accustomed to it." Ecclesiastical Histo/y 1.27 in Bertram Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors, eds., Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1969), 80—3. 5 Archdale A. King, Uturgies of the Vast (London: Longmans, 1959), 278 and Charles Thomas, Christianity in Roman Britain to AD 500 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1981), 83—4. However, today's scholarship tends to see much more continuity in British Christianity in general before and after the Anglo-Saxon arrival than was the case in earlier scholarship, see John Blair, The Church in Anglo-Saxon Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 10-34. 6 Nicholas Higham, Rome, Britain and the Anglo-S axons (London: Seaby, 1992), 214—16. 7 For more on St Patrick and his mission to Ireland see Ludwig Bieler, trans, and ed., The Works of St Patrick and St Secundinus' Hymn on St Patrick, Ancient Christian Writers Vol. 17 (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1953) and David N. Dumville, ed., St Patrick: AD 493-1993 (Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 1993).

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When Warren and others set out to search for the liturgical heritage of the preRoman British Church they had to confront the sad reality that extremely little material remains of the liturgical uses of this period from Britain itself. However, while scholars of the liturgy in early Ireland might lament the lack of material available, in fact, a great deal more material survives from early Ireland than from early Britain or England, and it is for this reason that Warren's book is very heavily Irish in its content. This predominance of Irish material is so overwhelming that, at least in the liturgical context, the term "Celtic Church" is almost synonymous with Early Christian or pre-Norman Ireland. While Warren and his coreligionists would, undoubtedly, have preferred a more British content for the book, they were happy to settle for a collection of mainly Irish material, reassured that if Ireland had been evangelized by British Christians then there was a fair certainty that the liturgical practices of Ireland would have been similar to those of early Christian Britain, thus guaranteeing a non-Roman ancient liturgical pedigree for the British Isles. When dealing with Ireland, Warren, like so many other people over the centuries, was smitten by a certain romanticism. 8 The Irish are, to use the words of St Columbanus (d. 615), the "inhabitants of the world's edge" 9 and it seems that there has always been a natural tendency to find much of the weird and wonderful in Early Christian Ireland. This tendency is already evident in the Classical authors treatment of Ireland 10 and later in the twelfth century in Gerald of Wales' wonderful tales of Ireland. 11 Even in our own days many seem to think of Early Christian Ireland as "a Dark Age Hippy Colony inhabited by gentle gurus doing their own Christian thing far removed from the stultifying influence of sub-Roman bishops and their dioceses." 12 Indeed, the idea that the Irish had a different type of Church was very popular up until very recently. The dominant theory was that the monastic This was particularly true given that Warren's age also saw the birth of the modern ethnic concept of Celt, see Marcus Tanner, The Last of the Celts (New Haven, CT: Yale, 2004), 10—26. Warren naturally saw a close kinship to pre-English British Christianity and liturgy in the evidence he studies from early Ireland. However, in fact, in the Early Middle Ages there was little sense of cultural or ethnic identity between the populations of Britain and Ireland; Old Irish and Old Welsh (which was spoken by the early British) were most probably mutually unintelligible and the inability to understand each other was one of the factors that contributed to the adoption of Latin as an academic language in Early Christian Ireland. Peter Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and Diversity AD 200—1000, 2 nd ed. (Maiden, MA: Blackwell, 2003), 239. 9 "Ultimi habitatores mundi," Epistula 5.23 in G. S. M. Walker, Sancti Columbami Opera, Scriptores Latini Hiberniae Vol. 2 (Dublin: School of Celtic Studies, Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1957), 38-9. 10 For a full collection of the Classical and Patristic treatment of Ireland see Philip Freeman, Ireland and the Classical World (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2001). 11 An accessible translation can be found in J o h n J . O'Meara, trans., Gerald of Wales: The Histoty and Topography of Ireland (London: Penguin, 1982). 12 Alfred J. Smyth, "The Golden Age of Early Irish Monasticism: Myth or Reality?" in Brendan Bradshaw and Daire Keogh, eds., Christianity in Ireland: Revisiting the Story (Dublin: Columba, 2002), 21. 8

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element of the Church in Ireland overshadowed the episcopal and that abbots took the place of bishops so that the bishops were relegated almost to the position of chaplains to the abbots with the function of ordaining monks as priests at the abbots' requests. 13 But today most historians of Early Christian Ireland would disagree with the assertion that an independent "Celtic Church" ever existed. There are major problems with the very concept and this supposed Church is rooted more in place than in time.14 In this vein most popular works will juxtapose Julius Caesar's De hello gallico with medieval Irish hagiography, and Alexander Carmichael's latenineteenth century collection of Scottish folklore, thus producing a vision of Christianity more at home on the shelves of the New Age section of a trendy bookstore than in the pages of a history book. A continuing legacy of Warren that must still be faced today is the status of the Celtic Rite. Paradoxically, while the concept of "Rite" is very important in liturgical studies, most modern works never give a definition of this technical term. Taft is one of the very few contemporary authors to give a specific definition. He sees a rite as "a coherent, unified corpus of liturgical usages followed by all churches within a single ecclesiastical conscription." 15 Obviously the whole thrust of Warren's TheEiturgy and 'Ritual of the Celtic Church is that a separate Celtic Rite existed and that today we can partially reconstruct it. Warren is still the main proponent of this separate Celtic Rite and, following him, many older standard works propose the existence of this rite.16 Today very few scholars would hold that a separate Celtic Rite ever ex-

13 This is not to deny that monasticism was very important in Early Christian Ireland (as in many other parts of Christendom), and that some individual abbots may have had more personal prestige than some bishops. But the earlier conception of a monastic-domination of the Irish Church has recently been seriously challenged, see Richard Sharpe, "Some Problems Concerning the Organization of the Church in Early Medieval Ireland," Peritia 3 (1984): 230—70, and Colmân Etchingham, Church Organisation in Ireland: AD 650 to 1000 (Maynooth, Co. Kildare: Laigin Publications, 1999). 14 Wendy Davies, "The Myth of the Celtic Church" in Nancy Edwards and A. Lane, eds., The Early Church in Wales and the West: Recent Work in Early Christian Archaeology, History and Place-Names, Oxbrow Monograph 16 (Oxford: Oxbrow Books, 1992), 12. 15 Robert F. Taft, The Byzantine Rite: a Short Histo/y (Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press, 1992), 24. 16 Perhaps most influentially in Louis Gougaud, "Celtiques (liturgies)," in F. Cabrol and Henri Leclercq, eds., Dictionnaire D'Archéologie Chrétienne et de Eiturgie (Paris: Librairie Letouzey et Ané, 1922), 2/2: 2969-3032. Today the article in the original 1908 edition of the Catholic Enyclopedia is also still very influential as it is readily available on the internet and forms the basis of the article on The Celtic Rite in Wikipedia (Henry Jenner, "The Celtic Rite," in The Catholic Enyclopedia [New York: Macmillan, 1908], 3:493-504). The standard history of the Mass in the West also accepts the existence of a separate Celtic Rite, see Joseph A. Jungmann, The Mass of the Roman Rite: its Origins and Development (Missarum Solemnia), Francis A. Brunner, trans. (New York: Benziger Brothers, 1951), 1:45. Even today, some more modern works still continue to propose the existence of a Celtic Rite, e.g., Antonio C. Molinero, Eas Otras Eiturgias Occidentales (Bilbao: Ediciones EGA, 1992), 51—75.

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isted and the weight of scholarly opinion today is that the liturgy of Ireland and the other Celtic regions belonged to the wider Gallican liturgical tradition. 1 7 In the Early M i d d l e A g e s the Gallican Rite w a s the m o s t w i d e s p r e a d of the liturgical traditions in W e s t e r n E u r o p e . Besides Ireland, present-day France, G e r m a n y and the L o w Countries all celebrated the liturgy using a f o r m of the Gallican Rite. T h e Gallican Rite w a s also closely related to the N o r t h e r n Italian liturgical traditions 1 8 and it even seems that the Hispanic (or M o z a r a b i c ) Rite evolved f r o m the s a m e c o m m o n ancestor as the Gallican Rite. 1 9 T h e other m a i n W e s t e r n Rite is that of R o m e . Older histories speak of h o w the R o m a n Rite gradually displaced the Gallican Rite. C h a r l e m a g n e is often credited w i t h the abolition of the Gallican Rite and the forced imposition of the R o m a n Rite in his domains. 2 0 H o w e v e r c o n t e m p o r a r y scholarship sees C h a r l e m a g n e ' s liturgical efforts in less radical terms and emphasizes

17 Marc Schneiders summarizes the evidence for the use of the Gallican Rite in Early Christian Ireland in "The Origins of the Early Irish Liturgy," in Proinseas Ni Chathain and Michael Richter, eds., Ireland and Europe in the Early Middle Ages: Learning and Uterature (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1996), 76-98. 18 Some authors hold that early Irish liturgy was closer to the liturgies of Northern Italy than to France. This is the conclusion reached by Hugh Kennedy in his important doctoral dissertation on the Stowe Missal, Hugh P. Kennedy, Tinkering Embellishment orEiturgical Fidelity? An Investigation into Eiturgical Practice in Ireland before the 12th Century Reform Movement as Illustrated in the Stowe Missal, Unpublished D.D. Thesis, Pontifical University, St Patrick's College, Maynooth, Co. Kildare, 1994. For the most recent work on the connection between Ireland and Northern Italy, even though it doesn't deal with liturgical matters, see Michael Richter, Bobbio in the Early Middle Ages: the Abiding Eegacy of Columbanus (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2008). 19 The standard work on the Gallican Rite in English is W. S. Porter, The Gallican Rite (London: Mowbray, 1958), although a much more comprehensive and up to date treatment can be found in Matthieu Smyth, Ea Eiturgie Oubliee: Ea Priere Eucharistique en Gaule Antique et dans I'Occident non Romain (Paris: Les Editions Du Cerf, 2003). Also see, Jordi Pinell i Pons "History of the Liturgies in the Non-Roman West," in Ansgar J. Chupungco, ed., Introduction to the Eitu)gy, Vol. 1 of the Pontifical Liturgical Institute, Handbook for Liturgical Studies (Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press, 1997), 179-95; Jordi Pinell i Pons, "Gallicana (Liturgia)" and "Hispanica (Liturgia)" in Angelo Di Berardino, ed., Diccionario Patristicoy de la Antigiidad. Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum — Roma (Salamanca: Ediciones Sigueme, 1991), 1:910-14 and 1:1047-53 and Achille Triacca, "Liturgia Ambrosiana" and J. Bohajar, "Liturgia Hispana," in Domenico Sartore, Achille M. Triacca and Juan Maria Canals, eds., Nuevo Diccionario deEiturgia, 3rd Spanish edition (Madrid: San Pablo, 1996), cols. 53—96 and 943—62. 20 Particular emphasis is given to the so-called Hadrianum Sacramentay. Charlemagne asked Pope Hadrian to send him a typical Roman sacramentary with the liturgy of Pope Gregory the Great. This was a difficult task as Rome did not have a common sacramentrary at the time and the manuscript that was eventually sent was for use in papal stational liturgies and quite incomplete for use in a cathedral or parish outside of Rome, see Cyrille Vogel, Medieval Eiturgy: an Introduction to the Sources, Revised and Translated by William Storey and Niels Rasmussen (Portland, OR: The Pastoral Press, 1986), 80-5, and Eric Palazzo, A Histoy of Eiturgical Books: from the Beginning to the Thirteenth Centuy, Madeleine Beaumont, trans. (Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press, 1998), 50-4.

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the continuity of earlier liturgical traditions in the Carolingian domains. 21 Complete liturgical standardization in any given area remained impossible until the invention of the printing press, 22 but it is helpful to see the history of Western liturgy in the Early and High Middle Ages as the history of the homogenization of the Roman Rite with the various Gallican traditions. The Roman Canon as the central prayer of the Mass was universally adopted and gave a Roman imprint to the whole liturgy, but virtually all of the other elements, from chant melodies, to feast days, to the texts of various prayers, prefaces and other liturgical traditions, were equally likely to be of either Gallican or Roman origin. While Ireland was not as individual in her liturgical practices as once thought, nonetheless early Irish liturgy is an important part of the European whole. In my opinion, the most important indication of the integration of early Ireland is the debate over the origin of the Bobbio MissalP This missal (now in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, codex latini 13246)24 takes its name from its earlier home in the northern Italian monastery of Bobbio, a monastery founded by St Columbanus, the most famous of the early Irish missionaries to Continental Europe. Mainly on the basis of its connection with the monastery of Bobbio, many earlier scholars ascribed this manuscript to the Celtic Rite.25 Yet today few would hold that there is any Irish or Celtic connection whatsoever with the missal, they would rather see it as an important example of a missal of the Gallican Rite, albeit with Roman influences. 26 But the very fact that serious scholars could disagree on the Irish origins of this missal shows just how typical Ireland and her liturgy were in the greater Western European context. 27 21 Yitzhak Hen, The Royal Patronage of the Liturgy in Lrankish Gaul: to the Death of Charles the Bald (877) (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Henry Bradshaw Society/The Boydell Press, 2001), 65-95. 22 The revised liturgical ritual books which were promulgated in the wake of the Council of Trent in the sixteenth century, were to be the first fully standardized liturgical books. But it must be remembered that, from a practical point of view, it is impossible to fully standardize the liturgy and local circumstances and eccentricities of individual priests will always result in some variations in the performance of the liturgical rites. 23 The acts of an important conference on this missal have recently been published, Yitzhak Hen and Rob Meens, eds., The Bobbio Missal: Liturgy and Religious Culture in Merovingian Gaul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). 24 Vogel, Medieval Liturgy, 323. 25 E.g. Jungmann, The Mass of the Roman Rite, 1:45; Jenner, "The Celtic Rite," 496 and Gougaud, "Celtiques (liturgies)," 2971. Although, Warren himself did not accept it as Irish in origin, The Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church, 272—3. 26 Vogel, Medieval Liturgy, 323—4; Bernard Botte, Le Canon de la Messe Romaine: Edition Critique, Introduction et Notes (Louvain: Abbaye de Mont Cesar, 1935), 11; Gregory Woolfenden, "The Medieval Western Rites," in Cheslyn Jones, Edward Yarnold, Geoffrey Wainwright and Paul Bradshaw, eds., The Study of Liturgy (New York: Oxford University Press, Revised Edition, 1992), 266 and Louis Bouyer, Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer, C. Quinn, trans. (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1968), 319. 27 It is also interesting to note that the Drummond and Corpus missals, two missals that were traditionally identified as being examples of liturgy in the post-Norman period in Ire-

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Yet this contemporary challenge to the existence of a separate Celtic Rite does not change the fact that The Uturgy and Jkitual of the Celtic Church retains its important place. Besides its obvious value as a work of historiography and as an example of late-nineteenth century attitudes to the early British and Irish Churches, the work has value as a compendium and analysis of early texts, some of which have yet to be published in accessible modern critical editions. But it would be a mistake to take Warren as the final word on the subject, since there have been some major developments in the fields of liturgical studies and the history and archaeology of Early Christian Ireland. The annotated bibliography at the end of this introduction should provide a guide to some fundamental publications for those who wish to delve deeper. Above all, many important critical editions of texts of the period have been published. Of these mention must be made of the Irish Valimpsest Sacramentary of Munich. A critical edition of this sacramentary was published in 196428 and partly because this source was unknown to Warren when he was compiling The Uturgy and Jkitual of the Celtic Church it is also not mentioned in a lot of secondary works. 29 Analysis of the handwriting used in the sacramentary suggests that it was written in Ireland around the year 650 and it later made its way to Reichenau where it was "recycled" as a palimpsest in the ninth century. Modern technology allowed a partial reconstruction of the original text and it is clearly of a Gallican type with some Roman and Spanish influences. As the sacramentary was originally written about 150 years before the Stowe Missal', it is undoubtedly the most important textual source that is not included in Warren's collection. In addition to the many published primary sources, the last century has seen major developments in the field of liturgical studies. So much has been written that it is hard to pick just a few titles that can serve as a useful springboard for those who wish to enter the field. The need for further study of general liturgical scholarship is particularly acute given that the world has greatly changed since Warren's day and it can no longer be taken for granted that everyone interested in the study of Early Christian Ireland will already have a background in the foundations of Christian liturgical practice. The last few years have also seen an important emphasis in liturgical studies on the experience of regular worshippers as opposed to the "elites" of Christianity. The other areas of study that have vastly expanded since Warren's time

land when the last vestiges of native liturgical practice had been displaced by the Norman invaders who brought current English and French liturgical practices, are now proposed to be pre-Norman by some scholars. See, Martin Holland, "On the Dating of the Corpus Irish Missal," Peritia 15 (2001): 280—301 and Aubrey Gwynn, The Irish Church in the TLleventh and Twelfth Centuries, Gerard O'Brien, ed. (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1992), 17-33. 28 Alban Dold and Leo Eizenhofer, Das Irische Palimpsestakramentar im CTM 14429: Der StaatsbibliothekMunchen (Beuron: Beuroner Kunstveriag, 1964). 29 Some scholars have also been hesitant in accepting it as being "really" Irish as the Sacramentary is so clearly Gallican and thus its acceptance became problematic for those who proposed the existence of the Celtic Rite.

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are the interpretation of the remaining physical artifacts 30 and ecclesiastical sites of the period and a renewed understanding of early Christian iconography, all of which provide an important corollary to the simple analysis of texts that dominated the field of liturgical studies until very recently. In my opinion, all of these developments allow us to build on Warren's masterpiece. It is my hope that this new edition of The Uturgy and Jkitual of the Celtic Church will provide a starting point for those who wish to study early Irish liturgy. Today this study's goal ought not be the discovery of a separate Celtic Church or some liturgical peculiarities 31 - the value in the study of early Irish liturgy is precisely because Early Christian Ireland was part of the liturgical mainstream. Furthermore, as more liturgical sources are available from Early Christian Ireland than most other parts of Western Europe in the Early Middle Ages, this makes the study of early Irish liturgy profitable not only for what it can teach us about Early Christian Ireland but also for what we can learn about the liturgy of Western Europe in general in the Early Middle Ages. This edition of The Uturgy and 'Ritual of the Celtic Church also includes a reproduction of two related works: an edition of the Stowe Missal prepared by the Rev. Dr. Bartholomew MacCarthy and "The Tebar Brecc Tractate on the Consecration of a Church," an Old Irish liturgical text edited and translated by Whitley Stokes and until now only available in an obscure Italian festschrift edition from the turn of the last century. These complementary texts were selected according to the simple criteria that during my initial research into the field of early Irish liturgy they were among the hardest materials to find. The Rev. Dr. MacCarthy (1843—1904) was a Roman Catholic priest of the diocese of Cloyne in the south of Ireland and was one of the foremost scholars of Early Christian Ireland of his generation. While his views on the early Irish methods of calculation of Easter and of early Christian and insular chronology in general are also very important, his edition of the Stowe Missal is perhaps his most significant work. Today most scholars use the more widely available edition of the Stowe Missal

30 Particular mention must be made of the corpus of Irish eucharistic vessels which has been minutely studied by Michael Ryan, see Early Irish Communion Vessels, The Irish Treasures Series (Dublin: Country House, Dublin, in association with The National Museum of Ireland, 2000) and Studies in Early Irish Metalwork (London: The Pindar Press, 2002). Ryan provides an analysis more thorough than any similar treatment of the Continental material so that it is difficult to compare the Irish vessels with the less-studied Continental examples. 31 As was the case in every other region, early Irish liturgy did exhibit some peculiarities such as the use of chrismals whereby individual priests carried a consecrated host on their person in a type of portable reliquary. It is also possible that some aspects of liturgical spirituality and practice that were later to become part of the high medieval liturgical synthesis were present in Ireland before they became widespread in the rest of the West. These would include the multiplication of Masses and private Masses, and the importance given to the words of institution and devotion to the Blood of Christ.

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edited by Warner as the basis of their study. 32 While Warner's edition remains very valuable and may be more accessible (and includes a facsimile of the manuscript itself), the earlier edition by MacCarthy has been by no means superceded. In terms of textual reconstruction MacCarthy is sometimes more accurate than Warner. In addition to providing a critical edition of the text of the Stowe Missal he also supplies material on the Old Irish Mass Tract of the Stowe Missal. This allegorical tract on the meaning of the Mass is very important as it gives us a window into how Christians of the time understood the Eucharist. Given that the Stowe Missal is not a lavish manuscript for use in the great church of a cathedral or major monastic center, the Mass tract was probably used for the preparation of sermons or the formation of priests. As the tract is in Old Irish, MacCarthy helpfully provides us with an English translation of the work. A variation of this tract also occurs in the Teabhar Breac33 and MacCarthy supplies the text of this variation. 34 The fact that we possess two separate witnesses to this tract would tend to suggest that the tract enjoyed some popularity, and it is our hope that the fact that both are provided here will lead to a renewed appreciation of this important document. Whitley Stokes (1830—1910) was a contemporary of MacCarthy, but was a barrister by profession. He spent twenty years in India playing a very active role in the codification of the Indian law system. Besides his professional activities, he had a great interest in philology and Celtic studies, publishing nine books on Celtic studies while living in India, and was seen as one of the best philologists of his day and the world expert on Celtic studies. While not considered to be his most important work, Stokes' edition of the Tractate on the Consecration of a Church from the Teabhar Breac is a very important publication from our point of view as it provides us with the only early Irish text of this ritual.

32 George F. Warner, ed., The Stowe Missal: MS. D.II.3 in the Tibraty of the Royal Irish Academy, Dublin (Suffolk: The Henry Bradshaw Society/The Boydell Press, originally published as two volumes in 1906 (vol. 1) and 1915 (vol. 2): reprinted in one volume 1989). 33 This important manuscript is now in the Royal Irish Academy in Dublin (R.I.A. MS 23 P 16: Cat. No. 1230) and dates from the early fifteenth century, although it copies earlier material. This same manuscript also contains the Tractate on the Consecration of a Church which Stokes edited, albeit with a variation in the spelling of the name of the manuscript due to transliteration styles. 34 Padraig O Neill compares the two versions on a linguistic level in "The Old-Irish Tract on the Mass in the Stowe Missal: Some Observances on its Origin and Textual History," in Alfred P. Smyth, ed., Seanchas: Studies in Early and Medieval Irish Archaeology, Histo/y and Titerature in Honour of Francis J. Byrne (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2000), 199—204. I deal with the significance more in depth in, The Eucharist in Pre-Norman Ireland (forthcoming).

ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY

This bibliography is not meant to be exhaustive, and does not fully duplicate the works referred to in the introduction. A more complete bibliography may be found in my forthcoming The Eucharist in Pre-Norman Ireland. Here the main aim is to point those who wish to study early Irish liturgy in the right direction. Sometimes it seems that modern historians have made great advances in under-standing the early Middle Ages but lack the most basic liturgical knowledge, while liturgists write without profiting from the advances in the historical disciplines. Recent years have witnessed a prolific output of critical editions of original texts and important studies of the Early Christian period of Irish history, and much valuable material has been produced, but again there seems to be an almost unconscious hesitation to explicitly incorporate the liturgical dimension into these studies. 1. History of the Liturgy Chupungco, Ansgar J., ed. The Pontifical Uturgical Institute, Handbook for Uturgical Studies. 5 Vols. (Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press, 1997-2000). Martimort, A. G., ed. The Church at Prajer. One Volume Edition. Matthew J. O'Connell, trans. (Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press, 1992). These two series provide comprehensive overviews of the discipline of Liturgical Studies. Wainwright, Geoffrey and Karen B. Westerfield Tucker, eds. The Oxford History of Christian Worship (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006). Basurko, Xavier. Historia de la Uturgia. Biblioteca Liturgica Vol. 28 (Barcelona: Centre de Pastoral Liturgica, 2006). Wainwright and Westerfield Tucker provide the most up-to-date history of the liturgy in English. As in all multi-author volumes some entries are more valuable than others, but generally it is a good starting point for an introduction to the history of the liturgy. Basurko provides a good counterbalance to the Oxford History of Christian Worship from a more Roman Catholic point of view. Bradshaw, Paul F. The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship: Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy, 2nd ed. (London: SPCK, 2002). Bradshaw has made an important contribution to the study of early Christian liturgy. While the volume deals with the beginnings of Christian liturgy and does not tackle the Middle Ages, it provides a useful background and methodology. Jungmann, Joseph A. The Mass of the Roman Bate: its Origins and Development (Missarum Solemnia). Francis A. Brunner, trans. (New York: Benziger Brothers, 1951). This is the classic history of the Roman Mass, written under very difficult circumstances during World War II. It forms the basis of most modern treatments of the Eucharist in the West. Foley, Edward. From Age to Age: How Christians Have Celebrated the Eucharist, 2nd ed. (Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press, 2009).

xv

xvi

THE LITURGY AND RITUAL OF THE CELTIC CHURCH

Mazza, Enrico. La Celebratone (Bologna: EDB, 2003).

Eucarìstica:

Genesi del Baio e Sviluppo

dell'Interpretatone

In the study of liturgy it is very important to go beyond the ritual texts. The texts of the Eucharist have remained very stable over the centuries; the major changes have been in how Christians have understood them and these works greatly help us to appreciate the historical development of the meaning given to the liturgical rites. Baldovin, J o h n F. The Urban Character of Early Christian Worship: the Origins, Development, and Meaning of Stational Liturgy (Rome: Pontifical Oriental Institute Press, 1987).

Early Medieval liturgy had a stational dimension (i.e. it often involved physical movement outside the church building) that is absent in most Christian liturgies today. Baldovin introduces modern readers to this concept. Palazzo, Eric. A History of Liturgical Books: from the Beginning to the Thirteenth Century. Madeleine Beaumont, trans. (Collegeville, M N : The Liturgical Press, 1998). Vogel, Cyrille. Medieval Liturgy: an Introduction to the Sources. Revised and Translated by William Storey and Niels Rasmussen (Portland, OR: The Pastoral Press, 1986).

These are the basic handbooks to the study of medieval liturgy and deal with the different liturgical forms and manuscripts of the time. Taft, Robert F. The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West: the Origins of the Divine Office and its Meaning for Today, 2 nd ed. (Collegeville, M N : T h e Liturgical Press: 1993). . Beyond East and West: Problems in Liturgical Understanding, 2 nd ed. (Rome: Pontificio Istituto Orientale Press, 1997).

Taft is perhaps the best liturgical scholar active today. Although he specializes in Byzantine liturgy, his work often provides a voice of reason in this complicated field. His work on the Divine Office is the best introduction to the subject presently available. 2. General Historical Background: Brown, Peter. The Rise of Western Christendom, lishing, 2003).

2 n d ed. (Maiden, M A : Blackwell Pub-

Brown's study is a very good starting point for a view of the world of Late Antiquity and the world which gave birth to the liturgical texts that Warren presents in his collection. Wickham, Chris. Framing the Early Middle Ages: Europe and the Mediterranean, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).

400—800

Wickham provides a very valuable analysis of the Middle Ages. This book is quite heavy and not for the casual reader, and while not as specific to the British Isles as Brown's Rise of Western Christendom, a careful reading will provide a good understanding of the early medieval world and a very good synthesis of contemporary historical research in this field that has developed so much recently. Fletcher, Richard. The Barbarian Conversion: from Paganism Henry Holt and Company, 1997).

to Christianity

(New York:

ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY

xvii

Murphy, G. Roland. The Saxon Savior: the Transformation of the Gospel in the NinthCentury Heliand (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989). Russell, James C. The Germani^ation of Early Medieval Christianity: a Sociohistorical Approach to Religious Transformation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). Conversion of a society to Christianity is not an easy process. It is gradual and often intertwined with political and social considerations. Christianity may take a few generations to penetrate a culture and all too often modern scholars fall into the extreme positions of either thinking that the adoption of Christianity is complete for every member of a given society, or that Christianity is of little real importance for the individual members of society who basically continued living as before, albeit with a new Christian veneer. Fletcher's work provides the reader with a nuanced understanding of the complicated process of the conversion of the non-Roman peoples of Europe. Murphy and Russell concentrate on the "Germanization" of Christianity, while this does not directly relate to Ireland or Britain they are helpful in understanding the analogous process which happened in Ireland and Britain. While these regional nuances did not change the heart of Christianity they stressed elements of the Christian worldview which all contributed to the Christianity of the High Middle Ages and the Western synthesis. Pelikan, Jaroslav. The Growth of Medieval Theology (600—1300). The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1978). Pelikan provides a good introduction to the theological background that underlies so many of the concerns of early medieval liturgy. 3. Early Christian Ireland and Britain: O Croinin, Daibhi, ed. A New History of Ireland I: Prehistoric and Early Ireland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). In general this is a good introduction to the history of early Ireland. However, this particular volume of the series was plagued by extremely long delays. This means that some of the articles were written decades before the volume was published. For example, Kathleen Hughes wrote her contributions in 1974, 31 years before this volume was released. Other articles such as those by Hilary Richardson, Nancy Edwards, Roger Stalley and Ann Buckley are very valuable (these deal with art, archaeology, architecture and music). But the overall narrative is quite out of date and the modern student will have an incomplete narrative on which to "hang" the newer supplemental articles. Charles-Edwards, Thomas M. Early Christian Ireland (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). . "Beyond Empire II: Christianities of the Celtic Peoples." In Thomas F. X. Noble and Julia M. H. Smith, eds. Early Medieval Christianities, c.600-c.100. Cambridge History of Christianity Vol. 3 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 86-106. Etchingham, Colman. Church Organisation in Ireland AD 650 to 1000 (Maynooth, Co. Kildare: Laigin Publications, 1999).

xviii

THE LITURGY AND RITUAL OF THE CELTIC CHURCH

Stafford, Pauline. A Companion to the Early Middle Ages: Britain and Ireland c.500—1100. Blackwell Companions to British History (Maiden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009). These works provide a much better central historical narrative of Early Christian Ireland than that of O Croinin. Thomas, Charles. Christianity in Roman Britain to AD 500 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1981). Blair, John, The Church in Anglo-Saxon Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). Good introductions to the Church in Britain in the Early Middle Ages. Clarke, H. B. and Mary Brennan, eds. Columbanus and Merovingian Monasticism (Oxford: British Archaeological Reports International Series, 1981). Herbert, Maire. Iona, Kells and Deny: the History and Hagiography of the Familia of Columba (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1988). While the monastic element was not as dominant in Ireland as was once thought, it was nonetheless an important dimension of the early Irish Church. These studies provide an introduction to a modern understanding of this phenomenon. Godel, Willibrord. "Irish Prayer in the Early Middle Ages" in Milltown Studies 4, (1979): 60-99; 5 (1980): 72-114; 6 (1980): 8 ^ 1 0 4 ; 7 (1981): 21-51; 8 (1981): 75-96 and 9 (1982): 38-57. Ward, Benedicta. High King of Heaven: Aspects of Early English Spirituality. Cistercian Studies Series Vol. 181 (Kalamazoo, MI, Cistercian Publications, 1999). Most books on Celtic Spirituality are not worth the paper they are printed on, these are two rare exceptions. Godel, in particular, makes a lot of use of the liturgical texts of the period. Herren, Michael W. and Shirley Ann Brown. Christ in Celtic Christianity: Britain and Ireland from the Fifth to the Tenth Century (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press, 2002). O'Loughlin, Thomas. Celtic Theology: Humanity, Word and God in Early Irish Writings (London and New York: Continuum: 2000). While I do not agree with all of the findings of these works they are a good starting point for studying the inculturation of Christianity in Ireland and Britain. 4. Primary Sources Undoubtedly the most important academic development since Warren published his Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church has been the publication of numerous editions and translations of material from Early Christian Ireland and Britain. The following list, while not complete, touches upon most published texts that relate to early Irish liturgy. Atkinson, R., trans, and ed. The Passions and Homilies from the TeabharBreac. Todd Lecture Series 2 (Dublin, 1887). Bernard, J. H. and R. Atkinson, eds. The Irish Tiber Hymnorum. 2 Vols. Henry Bradshaw Society 13 and 14 (London: Harrison & Sons, 1898).

ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY

xix

Bieler, Ludwig, trans, and ed. The Works of St Patrick, St Secundinus' Hymn on St Vatrick. Ancient Christian Writers Vol. 17 (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1953). , trans, and ed. The Irish Penitentials. Scriptores Latini Hiberniae Vol. 4, 2nd ed. (Dublin: School of Celtic Studies, Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1975). , ed. The Patrician Texts in the Book of Armagh. With a contribution by Fergus Kelly. Scriptores Latini Hiberniae Vol. 10 (Dublin: School of Celtic Studies, Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1979). Connolly, Sean. "Vita Prima Sanctae Brigita c." Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 119 (1989): 5—49. Connolly, Sean and J. M. Picard. "Cogitosius's Ufe of St Brigit Content and Value." Journal ofthe Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland \\1 (1987): 5—27. Curran, Michael. The Antiphonaty of Bangor (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1984). Dold, Alban and Leo Eizenhöfer, eds. Das Irische Palimpsestakramentar im CUM 14429: Der Staatsbibliothek München (Beuron: Beuroner Kunstverlag, 1964). Farmer, D. H., trans, and ed. The Age of Bede (London: Penguin, 1988). Fleming, John. Gille of Timerick (c. 1070-1145): Architect of a Medieval Church (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2001). Forbes, G. H., ed. Missale Drummondiense: The Ancient Irish Missal in the Possession of the Baroness Willoughy deEresly (Edinburgh: Pitsligo Press, 1882). Greenwell, William, trans, and ed. The Pontifical of Egbert, Archbishop of York, AD 732766. The Publications of the Surtees Society Vol. 28 (London: T h e Surtees Society, 1854). Gwynn, E . J . "An Irish Penitential." Eriu 7 (1914): 121-95. Gwynn, E. J. and W. J. Purton. "The Monastery of Tallaght." Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 39:C (1911-1912): 115-79. Lawlor, Hugh Jackson, ed. The Rosslyn Missal: An Irish Manuscript in the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh (London: Henry Bradshaw Society, 1899). McNeill, John T. and Helena M. Gamer, trans, and eds. Medieval Handbooks of Penance: a Translation of the Principle Tibri Poenitentiales. Records of Western Civilization Series Vol. 29 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990). O Maidin, Uinseann, trans, and ed. The Celtic Monk: Rules and Writings of Early Irish Monks. Cistercian Studies Series Vol. 162 (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 1996). O'Keeffe, J. G. "Cain Domnaig I: The Epistle of Jesus." Eriu 2 (1905): 189-214. . "The Rule of Patrick." Eriu 1 (1905): 216-24. Orr Anderson, Alan and Marjorie Ogilive Anderson, trans, and eds. Adamnän oflona: Ufe of Columba, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991). Plummer, Charles. Bethada Näem nErenn: Uves of the Irish Saints Edited from Original Manuscripts (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1922). . Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae Partim Hactenus: Ineditae ad Fidem Codicum Manuscriptorum Recognovit Prolegomenis Notis Indidbus Instruxit (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1910). Selmer, C., ed. Navigatio Sancti Brendani Abbatis (South Bend, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1959).

XX

THE LITURGY AND RITUAL OF THE CELTIC CHURCH

Walker, G. S. M., trans, and ed. Sancti Columbami Opera. Scriptores Latini Hiberniae Vol. 2 (Dublin: School of Celtic Studies, Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1957). Warner, George F., ed. The Stowe Missal: MS. D. II. 3 in the Library of the Royal Irish Academy, Dublin (Suffolk: The Henry Bradshaw Society/The Boydell Press, originally published as two volumes in 1906 [vol. 1] and 1915 [vol. 2]: reprinted in one volume 1989). Warren, Fredrick Edward. The Manuscript Irish Missal Belonging to the President and Fellows of Corpus Christi College, Oxford (London: Henry Bradshaw Society, 1879). ., ed. The Antiphonary of Bangor, 2 Vols. (London: Harrison & Sons, 1893, 1895). 5. Secondary Liturgical Sources This is a selection of the more important secondary works on Early Irish and British liturgy. Blair J. and Richard Sharpe, eds. Pastoral Care before the Parish (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1992). Breen, Aidan. "The Text of the Constantinopolitan Creed in the Stowe Missal." Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 90 (1990): 107—21. Carver, Martin, ed. The Cross Goes North: Process of Conversion in Northern Europe, AD 300-750 (Suffolk, York Medieval Press, 2003). Dooley, Kate. "From Penance to Confession: the Celtic Contribution." Bijdragen, Tijdschrift voorFilosofe en Theologie 43 (1982): 390—411. Etchingham, Colmân. "Pastoral Provision in the First-Millennium: A Two-Tier Service?" In Gillespie, Raymond and Elizabeth FitzPatrick, eds. The Parish in Medieval and Post-Medieval Ireland: Community, Territory and Building. Group for the Study of Irish Historic Settlement Monographs (Dublin, Four Courts Press, 2006), 79-90. Fletcher, Alan J. and Raymond Gillespie, eds. Irish Preaching 700—1700 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2001). Hatchett, Marion J. "The Eucharistie Rite of the Stowe Missal." In J. Neil Alexander, ed. NPN Studies in Church Music and Liturgy, Time and Community in Honor of Thomas Julian Talley (Washington, D.C.: The Pastoral Press, 1990,153-70). Hen, Yitzhak. The Royal Patronage of the Uturgy in Frankish Gaul: to the Death of Charles the Bald (877) (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Henry Bradshaw Society/The Boydell Press, 2001). . "Rome, Anglo-Saxon England and the Formation of Frankish Liturgy." Revue Bénédictine 112 (2002): 301—22. Hen, Yitzhak and Rob Meens, eds. The Bobbio Missal: Uturgy and Religious Culture in Merovingian Gaul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). Holland, Martin. "On the Dating of the Corpus Irish Missal." Peritia 15 (2001): 280301. Hunwicke, J. W. "Kerry and Stowe Revisited." Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 102C (2002): 1-19.

ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY

xxi

Jeffery, Peter. "Eastern and Western Elements in the Irish Monastic Prayer of the Hours." In Margot E. Fassler and Rebecca A. Baltzer, eds. The Divine Office in the Latin Middle Ages, Methodology and Source Studies, Regional Developments and Hagiographj: Written in Honour of Professor Ruth Steiner (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 99-143. Mârkus, Gilbert. "The Sick and the Dying in the Book of Deer." In Katherine Forsyth, ed. Studies on the Book of Deer (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2008), 67—97. Meeder, Sven. "The Early Irish Stowe Missal's Destination and Function." Early Medieval Europe 13:2 (2005): 179-94. Murphy, Gerard. "Eleventh or Twelfth Century Irish Doctrine Concerning the Real Presence." In J. A. Watt, J. B. Morrall and F. X. Martin, eds. Medieval Studies Presented to Aubrey Gnynn (Dublin: Colm O'Lochlainn, 1961), 19—28. O Carragâin, Eamonn. "''Traditio Evangangeloruni and 'Sustenatio'': The Relevance of Liturgical Ceremonies in the Book of Kells." In Felicity O'Mahony, ed. The Book of Kells: Proceedings of a Conference at Trinity College Dublin, 6—9 September 1992 (Aldshot, Hampshire: Scholar Press, 1994), 398-436. O Néill, Pâdraig. "The Old-Irish Tract on the Mass in the Stowe Missal: Some Observances on its Origin and Textual History." In Alfred P. Smyth, ed. Seanchas: Studies in Early and Medieval Irish Archaeology, History and Literature in Honour of Francis J. Byrne (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2000), 199—204. O'Loughlin, Thomas. "The Significance of Sunday: Three Ninth-Century Catecheses." Worship 64 (1990): 533-44. . "Penitentials and Pastoral Care." In G. R. Evans, ed. A History of Pastoral Care (London: Cassell, 2000), 93-111. . "The Praxis and Explanation of Eucharistic Fraction in the Ninth Century: the Insular Evidence." Archivfiir Liturgiewissenschaft 45 (2003): 1—20. Pfaff, Richard W. The Liturgy in Medieval England: a History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009). Schneiders, Marc. "The Origins of the Early Irish Liturgy." In Proinséas Ni Chathâin and Michael Richter, eds. Ireland and Europe in the Early Middle Ages: Learning and Literature (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1996), 76—98. Smyth, Matthieu. La Liturgie Oubliée: La Prière Eucharistique en Gaule Antique et dans l'Occident non Romain (Paris: Les Éditions Du Cerf, 2003). Stevenson, Jane. "The Antiphonary of Bangor." Peritia 5 (1986): 430—37 [review of Michael Curran, The Antiphonary of Bangor (Dublin 1984)]. . "Hiberno-Latin Hymns: Learning and Literature." In Proinséas Ni Chathâin and Michael Richter, eds. Ireland and Europe in the Early Middle Ages: Learning and Literature (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1996), 99—135. , ed. Second Facsimile Edition of Fredrick Edward Warren. The Liturgy and Rjtual of the Celtic Church, with a Monograph and Updated Bibliography by Jane Stevenson and a preface by Henry Chadwick (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1881: Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 1987).

xxii

THE LITURGY AND RITUAL OF THE CELTIC CHURCH

6. Art and Architecture These fields of study, which have developed greatly in recent years, provide an important counterbalance to earlier studies which tend to over-emphasize the textual dimension of liturgy. Brady, N. "De Oratorio: Hisperica Famina and Church Building." Peritia 11 (1997): 327-35. Buckley, Ann. "Music and Musicians in Medieval Irish Society." Early Music 28: 2 (2000): 165-90. , ed. Hibernia Cantans (Turnhout: Brepols: Forthcoming). Casey, Sarah G. '"Through a Glass, Darkly': Steps Towards Reconstructing Irish Chant from the Neumes of the Drummond Missal." Early Music 28: 2 (2000): 205-15. Farr, Carol. The Hook of Kells: its Function and Audience (London: The British Library Press, 1997). Harbison, Peter. The Golden Age of Irish Art: the Medieval Achievement 600—1200 (London, Thames & Hudson, 1999). Hourihane, Colum, ed. From Ireland Coming: Irish Artfrom the Early Christian to the Fate Gothic Period and its European Context (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001). . Insular and Anglo-Saxon: Art and Thought in the Early Medieval Period (University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 2010). Leask, Harold G. Irish Churches and Monastic Buildings I: The First Phases and the Romanesque (Dundalk: Dundalgan Press, 1955). Manning, Conleth. "References to Church Buildings in the Annals." In Alfred P. Smyth, ed. Seanchas: Studies in Early and Medieval Irish Archaeology, History and Literature in Honour of Francis J. Byrne (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2000), 37—52. Meehan, Bernard. The Book of Kells: an Illustrated Introduction to the Manuscript in Trinity College, Dublin (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1994). O Carragäin, Eamonn. "The Meeting of Saint Paul and Saint Anthony: Visual and Literary Uses of a Eucharistie Motif." In G. Mac Niocaill and P. F. Wallace, eds. Tjeimelia: Studies in Medieval Archaeology and History in Memoy of Tom Delaney (Galway: Galway University Press, 1988), 1-58. O Carragain, Tomas. "Church Buildings and Pastoral Care in Early Medieval Ireland." In Gillespie, Raymond and Elizabeth FitzPatrick, eds. The Parish in Medieval and Post-Medieval Ireland: Community, Territory and Building. Group for the Study of Irish Historic Settlement Monographs (Dublin, Four Courts Press, 2006), 127-52. . "The Architectural Setting of the Cult of Relics in Early Medieval Ireland." Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries ofIreland 133 (2003): 130—76. ."The Architectural Setting of the Mass in Early-Medieval Ireland." Medieval Archaeology 53 (2009): 119-54. O'Keeffe, Tadhg. Romanesque Ireland: Archaeology and Ideology in the Twelfth Centuy (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2003).

ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY

xxiii

Ryan, Michael. Early Irish Communion Vessels. The Irish Treasures Series (Dublin: Country House, Dublin, in association with The National Museum of Ireland, 2000). . Studies in Early Irish Metalwork (London: The Pindar Press, 2002). Spearman, R. Michael and John Higgitt, eds. The Age of Migrating Ideas: Early Medieval Art in Northern Britain and Ireland (Gloucester: Sutton and Edinburgh: National Museum of Scotland, 1993). Stalley, Roger. The Cistercian Monasteries of Ireland: an Account of the History, Art and Architecture of the White Monks in Ireland from 1142 to 1540 (London and New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987).

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Quali a fueiit apad Britoiies et Hibernos sacriüc&Bdi ritus non plane compertuin est, Modum tarnen iEum a Koro ano di visoni exstitisse intelligitur ex Bernard» in libro de vita MalacHae ce. Sii,, viil, ubi Malachias barbaras consuetudines Romanis mutasse, et c-momeum dirinae laudi« officium in illas ecclesia? invexiase nieaioratur. Mabillon, De Lü. Gali. lib. i. cap. ii. § 14. H acte im 3 lyturgia Scettica tyjiia vulgata non habetur ; et Bri tamii ae virortun dcctorum esset, fragüienta ritus Scottici, eircumquaque dispersa, colligere et illustrare. C. Pur Ion Cooper'$ (inlendcd) Itcport ort Focdera, Appendix Ä,p, 94.

[26]

C O N T E N T S . PAGE

Authorities cited

,

xiti

C H A P T E R I. § 1. Extent and Duration of the Celtic Church § 2, Its Monastic and Missionary Character

,

l

.

17

§ 3, I t s Orthodoxy

26

§ 4, I t s Independence of Rome

20

§ 5. Eastern Connection

46

5 6, Gallican Connection

57

I 7. Spanish Connection .

6:

§ 8. Points of Difference between Celtic and Roman Churches

.

63

CHAPTER I L § 1. Material, Structure, and Arrangement of Churches

,

.

§ 2. Titles of the Liturgy § 3. Multiplicity of Collects

9S

I 4. The Lord's Prayer § 5, Lections § 6. Sermon

. .

.

.

S3 9+

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

9S

.

9S

.

99

§ 7- Proper Prefaces

90

§ 3. Benediction § 9, The Pax § 1 0 . Prayer for the Dead

¡02

§ H,

Consecration Prayer .

.

.

§12.

Communion Anthems .

,

.

§ 14. Position of the Priest

.

I 13, Benedicite

.

.

.

.

.

.

1» . n o

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

tn «I

§ 15. Vestments

uz

§ 10. Use of Colours

122

§ 17. Choral Service .

IJ

§ 18. Incense

«7

§ 1£>, Joint Consecration § 20, Oblations and Offertory

[27]

5

vi

Contents. PA OB

§ 21.

Unleavened Bread

§ 22.

Mixed Chalice

¡33

5 23.

Communion in both kinds

»34

§ 24.

Communion of Infants

.

.

§ 2».

Women to be Veiled

.

.

§ 26.

Reservation

§ 27.

Eulogiae

.

131

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 1 3 6 136

.

.

.

13S 135

§ 23.

Frequency of Celebration

§ 29.

Hours of Celebration

. 1 4 0

5 30.

Duplicating

143

§ 31,

Paten and Chalice

143

§ 32,

Fan, Knife

144

% 33,

Sign of the Cross

| 31.

Fasting

§35.

Confession

.

.

,

.

.

.

*

No traces of a Vernacular Liturgy

| 1.

Cornish Fragment.

| 3,

Welsh Fragments.

§ 5. Scottish Fragment,

.

146 14"

§ 1.

„

. 1 4 2

145

.

CHAPTER

§ 4.

.

III. 155

Miasa S . Germani

,

.

.

.

. 1 5 9

,

.

.

,

, 3 6 2

Missa de S. Daviil

161

Misaa dc S. Teilao Book of Deer

.

. .

.

§ 6,

Irish Fragments.

Book of IMmma .

.

5 7,

„

Book of Mulling

5 8.

„

Book of Armagh

§ 9.

„

St. Gail MS. No. 1394

• .

. .

.

. .

,

. 1 6 3 .

16?

.

. 1 7 1

.

.

174

.

.

173

§ 10,

„

S t . G a l l M S , S o . 1395

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„

Basle M S . A. vii. 3

§ 12.

„

Antiplioniuy of Bangor

.

5 13,

,,

Book of Ilymns .

.

5 14.

,,

Stowe Missal

§ 15.

«

Dnimmond, Corpus, and Rosslyn Missals .

269

5 16,

„

P a r k M S . 2333 A. Colbert

,

371

§ 17. Missile Vesontionense

,

.

.

1S7 . 1 9 4

,

,

. . »

Index of Passages of Scripture

.

General Index

. .

19S

Index of Collects and other Liturgic.i! Formulae ,

179 1S5

.

.

.

,

. 2 7 2

.

,

, 2 8 2

275 283

[28]

PREFACE. THE following pages contain an account of the Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church in these islands, so far as their character can be ascertained from the limited sources of information open to us,

Tliey relate to a subject about

which, until recently, very little was known.

The

great

continental Liturgiologists of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were either silent about it, or dismissed it as offering uo data for information and no materials for investigation.

Mabillon wrote:

'Quails

fuerit

a pud

Britonos et

Hiberoos sacrificandi rituSj non plane eompertum est,

Mo-

dum tamen ilium a Romano diversum exstitisse iutelligitur ex Bernardo in libro de vita Malachine, eapit.ibus iii et viii, ubi Malachias barbaras consuetudines Romanis mutasse, et canonicum divinae landis officium in illas ecclesias invexisse memoratnr«'—De Liturgia Gallicana, lib. i, c. ii. § 14. wrote:

Gerbert

' I n dubio est qui et qua!is antiquitus ea in orbis

plaga i'uerit ordo opens D e i . ' — L i t , Aleman. i. 76. In more recent times Dr. Lingard has disclaimed all possibility of any knowledge of the subject: ' W h e t h e r the sacrificial service of the Scottish missionaries varied from that of the Romans we have 00 means of judging. 5 —AngloSaxon Church, edit 1858, vol, i, p. 271. Sir W . Palmer in bis Origines Liturgicae (i. 176-189) devoted one short chapter

to the Liturgy of the

Celtic

Church, which consisted largely of guesses and of the repetition at secondhand of statements which he was unable to verify, but which, were he to write now, he would either

[29]

via

Preface.

abandon or modify,

Within

the last few years

extensive

additions have been made to the scanty materials available to Sir W . Palmer in 1839, in some instances by the discovery, in other instances by the publication for the first time, of various ancient Irish and Scottish liturgical fragments ; by the printing- of certain

important Celtic manuscripts;

by

the collection ill pakeographical and archaeological volumes of the representations in Celtic illuminated M S S . ; by the examination of architectural remains, and of stonework inscriptions and designs, The sources from w h i c h the information contained in the present volume lias been drawn are chiefly the f o l l o w i n g : (a) Scattered notices in the works of contemporary writers ; viz,

fifth

centuryj

Fastidius }

Patricias,

century, Columba. Fiacc, G i l d a s ; A l b a s , Adamnanus, Col uml »anus.

Secundums;

sixth

seventh century, Cumimus Bachiarius and Sednlius

are omitted from this list, in consequence of the uncertainty attaching to their date and nationality. e. g . Aleuin, Bode, Bernard

Non-Celtic authors,

of Clairvaux, Jonas, Walafrid

Strabo, &c., have been frequently referred to. (b) Scattered notices in Celtic M S S . , viz. Catalog us Sanctorum Hiberniae, Leabhar Breac, Smodus Hibernensis, Senchus Mor, &c, (c) Fragments of the ancient Celtic L i t u r g y surviving in the St owe (ninth century), Drummond (eleventh century), and Corpus (twelfth century) Irish M i s s a l s ; in the Books of M u l ling (seventh century), Dimma (seventh century), Deer (ninth century), A r m a g h (ninth century) ; in Irish M S S . on the Continent, Nos. 1394 and 1395 (ninth century) at St. Gall, and

the Antiphonariu m

Bcnchorense (eighth

century)

at

Milan, and ¡11 a few other M S S . enumerated in Chapter lis. {d) Illuminations in Celtic manuscripts, which have lately become accessible to the uutravelled student in the magnifi-

[30]

Preface.

ix

cent volumes of Professor Wcshvood, Mr, Gilbert, and the late Dr. Todd, (e) Architectural remains of churches, sepulchral inscriptions, sculptured crosses, carved or engraved

book-covers,

caskets, pastoral staves, bells, chalices., spoons, and other ecclesiastical relies. In drawing information from sueh various quarters the author can hardly hope to have escaped all errors of detail, and not to have hazarded some conjectures which will be criticised, and to have drawn some conclusions which will be disputed. A certain element of incompleteness is still inevitable in the treatment of this subject from the state of a part of the material from which our knowledge is derived.

Some

important Irish manuscripts, as the Stowe Missal, Src., have never been published ; others, as the Leabhar Breae, &e,, have been published in facsimile, without note or comment, and need the editorial explanations of some one who is at once an antiquarian, an ecclesiastical historian, and a paleographer, in order to assign their date and value to the historical, ecclesiastical, and liturgical tracts of which they are composed 1 .

There is a vast amount of unsifted and undated*

or erroneously dated, material preserved in various collections, especially in the Bollandists' edition of the Acta Sanctorum. Much of it might be useful for illustration in matters of detail, even where it could in no sense be relied upon as historical.

B u t until some discriminating hagiologist shall

have undertaken the laborious task of visiting the various European libraries, and critically examining

the

original

M S S . from which such Lives are drawn, and publishing the 1 Since this sentence was written one of the most important of these documents, the Felire of OeogiiE, baa been edited by Mr, Whitley Stokes, with a translation and complete apparatus critieua. Transactions of II, I A , , June, 18S0.

[31]

Preface.

X

result of such investigations, they must be regarded as more likely to mislead than to inform.

Occasional reference lias

been made to a very few of these biographies, viz. those of Cogitosus, Ultan, St. E v h i , ice., which have been passed and repassed through the crucible of modern, criticism, and the evidential value of which i t has approximately to ascertain. bagiologic

literature

therefore

been

possible

The general importance of this

has been discussed by the late

Sir

Thomas Duffus Hardy, in his Preface to the Iterura Britannic&rum medit aevi

Scriptures (pp. 18-30),

a work which

includes a dated catalogue of all the M S . material accessible in Great B r i t a i n ; and, so far as Ireland and Scotland are concerned, by M r , Skene (Celtic

Scotland, ii. cap. s, and

Chronicles of the Piets and Scots, Preface).

I t s value for

liturgical illustration is diminished by the fact that it all belongs to a period subsequent

to the conformity of the

Celtic Church to the Church of Home.

This appears plainly

on the face of such unhistorical passages as the following in TJI tan's L i f e of S t , Bridget. her dream and consequent action:

The author thus describes ' I n urbe Romana juxta

corpora Petri et Pauli audivi missas; et nimis desidero ut ad me istius ordo et nniversa regula feratur a Roma.

Tune

misit B r i g i d a viros sapientes et detulerunfc inde missas et regulam, 5 —Cap. 91,

The introduction of the Roman L i t u r g y

into the Irish Church is antedated 131 this passage by many centuries.

I t s historical value is equal to that of the next

chapter, which describes St. Bridget hanging her clothes to dry on a sunbeam. A part of Chapter ii lias previously appeared in the form of an article in the Church Quarterly Review (vol, x . p. 50), and a part of Chapter iii in letters to the Editor of the Academy. L a t i n authorities have been frequently quoted hi esxtenso.

[32]

Preface.

xi

Gaelic authorities have merely been referred to.

Long pas-

sages in the ancient dialects of Ireland, Scotland, and Wales would have added considerably to the bulk of the volume, and would have been unintelligible t-o the majority of readers. The retention of an original orthography will explain the occasional occurrence of such forms as * sinodus,' ' imnus,' ' eremen,' &c,, for ' synodus,' 'hymnus,' 'crimen, 3 &c.

The

retention of a popular nomenclature will account for such forms as Charlemagne, lona, &c.. instead of Karl the Great, Hi, &c. I t would not be possible to compile

such a volume

as the present one without being largely beholden to the labours of other writers.

The source of information

has

been generally indicated in foot-notes, but in case of accidental omission the author begs once for all to express his indebtedness to such recently deceased writers as Dr. Todd, Mr. Haddan, and Bishop Forbes, and to such living writers as Professor Stubbs, Mr, Skene, and Dr, Reeves, from whose edition of Adamnan's Life of St. Columba,, as from a rich quarry, a knowledge of many facts recorded in this volume has been obtained.

I t is doubtful whether in the annals

of literature so much important information has ever before been so lavishly accumulated and so skilfully arranged within a few hundred pages, or whether any other editorial task has ever been more thoroughly executed. The author also begs to express his thanks to the Earl of Ashburnham for his kind permission to inspect and copy out the liturgical portion of the MS. volume known as the St,owe Missal, and to Professor Rhys, Mr. Whitley Stokes, Professor Westwood, and Mr. Henry Bradshaw for their kindly-afforded assistance in linguistic and palceographical questions respectively.

[33]

[34]

AUTHORITIES

CITED.

[This list is not exhaustive. I t only includes certain well-known works, to which frequent reference has been made, in the case of which it seemed desirable to specify once for all. the edition sin.de use o f ; and certain less-known works, to which occasional reference has been made, and to which it seemed desirable to append the date of their composition, and of the earliest MS. authority.] Adamnani Canones ; see CftnOnes. Adamnani Y i t a S, Columbae. The Latin text, taken from an early eighthcentury M S , at Schalihausen, was published with copious notes by Dr. Reeves at Dublin, 1857. Adamnan was the ninth presbyter-abbot of Ion a., A.t), 6; 9-704. Holls Series, Descriptive Catalogue, vol, i. pt. i. p. 16 j . Antiphpnarium Tienehorense. A seventh-century M.S. originally belonging to the monastery of Bangor, county Down, I t is proved from internal evidence to have been written A.D. 680-691, during the life-time of Abbot Cron&n. I t is nosv preserved in the Ambr.isian Library at Milan. I t has been printed 111 Muratori'a Aneedota Bibliotbecae AmbrOflianae, vol. iv. pp. J 21— 159 ; Migne, Patrol. Curs. Lat. IxxM. 582 ; Ulster Journal of Archaeology, iS53- PP. 168-179. Archaeologia: London, from 1770. Archaeologia Cambrensis; London, from 1846, Archaeologia Seotica : Edinburgh, from 1752. B us British Martyrology : London, 1761. Bedas Historia Ecclesiastic® : edited by (L H. Moberly, Oxford, 1SG9- Bolls Series, Descriptive Catalogue, vol. i. pt, 1, p. 43s, Bernardi de V i t a Malaehiae Liber: fob Paris, 1586. Rolls Series, Descriptive Catalogue, vol. ii, p. 236, Betham, Sir W . , Irish Antiquarian Researches : Dublin, 1827. Black Book of Caermarthen; a twelfth-century Welsh MS. ( A . D . I I 5 4 - 1 1 8 9 ) , published in Skene's (W, F.) Four Ancient Books of Wales, Edinburgh, 1S6S, Blight, J . T „ Ancient Crosses and other Antiquities in the East of Cornwall: London, 1858. Book of Armagh : in Trinity College, Dublin, written by Ferdomnach A.D, 807. The evidence for this date, together witli a description of the contents of this MS,, is given in the Nat. M S S , of Ireland, part L p. xiv. Book of Deer ; see p. 163. Book of Dimma : see p. 167, Book of Hymns ; see Liber Hymnorum, Book of Mulling: see p. i f 1. Book of Obits : a fifteenth-century MS. in Trinity Collcgej Dublin, published by Irish Arch. Soc. Dublin, 1844.

[35]

xiv

A u tJwrities Cited.

Borlase, W . C., The Age of tins Saints (Cornish) : Truro, 187S, Bright, W . , Early English Church History : Oxford, lBj8. CiinoBea AdaJnnani: MS. Codex Paris, 3182; sn.ec. xi; printed vu Wasstsrsclileben, Eussordiiinig. der Abcudland. Kircliej p. 120. Canoues S. Patricii : Irish Canons, ( 1 ) Sînodi episeoporam, Patricii Auxilii, Iaormni, (2) two single Canons attributed to St, Patrick, (3) Canotieis aecund&e S. Patricii siuodi, all eroneonsly so attributed, and to be referred in their present form to à date a.d. 7 1 6-807, Printed in II. and S. vol, ÏÏpt, ii. p. 328. Canones Wallici belonging to the period A.D. 550-650; M S . Cod. Paris. S. Germani, 121, saee. viii. Printed in H. and S. i. 127. Catalogua ¡Sanctorum Hibenda« ; traditionally believed to have been composed by Tireehan c. 650, and certainly not later than the middle of the eighth century. Printed by Archbp. Ussher, De Brit. Ecoles. Prim, cap. xvtf, from two M S S . of which he does not give the date, H , and S. vol. ii. pt. 1Î. p. Î03, Codex M S . Vstustisdmus, A document containing information about the British Liturgy, assigned l»y Spelman to the ninth century 011 palaeographical grownds, but proved on internal evidence to have been written in the eighth century. Printed in H. and S. i. 13S. Cogitosi V i t a S. Erigidae : printed in Colgan, Trias. Thaum. pp. 518-26. The date of this wort is discussed in the Transactions of the Royal Irish Acad, vol. xx. pp. 195-205. The earliest M S , authority for it belongs to the middle of the math century. Cogitoaus has been identified with the father of Muirohu Macumactheni (ob. a.d. 659'); therefore the work must originally have been written e, A.D. 650, unless Mr. Skene is right in his conjecture, that the work has been fathered on Cogitosus, and erroneously assigned to the seventh century (Celtic Scotland, ii. 296) ; a conjecture supported by internal evidence, see p, go. Rolls Series, Descriptive Catalogue, i. 106. Colgan, J., Acta Sanctorum veteris et majoris Sootiae seu Hibemiae : Lovami, 1645. Colgan, J.. Triadis Thanmaturgae Acta : Lovami, 1647. Çolumbae : Régula, vide Rule ; Hynmns, ' A l i u s Pronator ' in Liber Hymnoram, p. 201 ; Leabhar Breac, 237, cul. 1. Columbani Opera : quoted from Fleming's Colleetan. Sacra, printed by him ' e x fintiquis TOOnasterii Bohieiosis monninentis,' Cooper, C, Purton : Appendix A , % C, D, E to intended Report on Foedsra, in three vola, printed 1837, published, but not publicly circulated, by the Record Office, 1869. Corpus Missal = Missalo Yetus Hibermeum, q . v , Culdeea : see Rule of. Ctiiiiinii De mensura Foenitentiarum, or Poenitentiale. I t is doubtful how far this -vork retains its original Scottish form, W&ssersclileben considers that it has so far lost it as to rank it among Frankish rather than Celtic Penitential», Hacldan and Stubbs (lutrod. p. xii) incline to consider it the work of a Bishop Cummiaa at Bobbio, A.D, 711-744, I t may however be regarded as founded upon an earlier Celtic work. References are made to Fleming's Collect»»« Sacra., p. 197, by whom it was printed from a St, GaU MS,, No. 550.

[36]

Authorities Cited.

xv

Cimiinii A l b j (or Cuiomenei, or Cumeani), V i t a S. Columbae: written by Cummene Ailbhe, son of lirnan, seventh presbyler-ahbot of lona, A. D. 657-669. The reference, unless otherwise specified, is to Pinkerton's edit. Holls Series, Descriptive Catalogue, i, 166. Cumming, J . G., Runic and other Monuments! Remains in the Isle of Man : London, 1S57. D. = Martyrology of Donegal, q. v. Descriptive Catalogue of the Materials relating to the History of Great Britain and Ireland, by T , Du flu s Hardy : Kolk Series, London, 1863. DoHinger, J . yon, Geschichte der christlichen K i r c h e : Landshut, 1833. Dunravel!, Lord, Irish Architectural Antiquities : edited by Margaret Stokes, London, TS;S. Evin, St., "Vita, S. Patricii : a ninth, tenth, or eleventh century compilation (Skene's Celtic Scotland, ii. 442; Chron. of Picts and Scots, Pref. sxix), known as the Tripartite Life of St. Patrick, attributed to his disciple St, Evin in the sixth century, by whom it was supposed to have been written partly in Irish and partly in Latin. Translated in Colgan, Trias Tliaum, pp. 11 J-169, from three Irish MSS. which cannot now be with certainty identified. Bolls. Series, Descriptive Catalogue, 5. 65. F. = F€Hre of Oengos, q. v. Fastidii Da V i t a Christiana Liber unus : addressed by Fastidius, Bishop of London in the fifth century, to a widow named Fatalis. This book bears internal marks of genuineness, and is no doubt the work alluded to by Gennadius of Marseilles writing at the end of the fifth ceutury. ' Fastidius Britanniarum Epiwopus seripsit ad Fatalem (quendam) de V i t a Christiana librum urnun, et alium de vidnitate servanda, sana et Deo digna doctrina,' Gennadius (c. 458), De Viris lllustr. in Uieron, Opp. v. 39. Boned. It has been printed by Migne, Patrol. Curs. Lat. vol. 1. p. 3S5; Galland. Bib, V e t , P a t . ix. 481, Felire of Oengus: a metrical account of the festivals of the Church, attributed to Oengus the Culdee in the begimasg of the ninth century, but certainly written after A.D. 982, preserved in the Leabhar Breac, and in six other MSS. of which an account is given by Mr. Whitley .Stokes (pp. 3-6). I t is described tu E. O'Curry's Lectures on MS. Materials of Ancient Irish History (pp. 364-71}, and has recently been published by Mr. Whitley Stokes with translation and glossary in the Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, Irish MS. Ser, vol. i. part 1, June, 18S0, Arabic numerals refer to pages in the Leabhar Breae, Soman numerals to p3ges in M r . W , Stokes' edition, Fiace, St.. Bishop of SI eblue (15,418-495}, Gaelic Hymn o f : perhaps composed as early as the end of the sixth century. The earliest extant MS. copy is in the Liber Hyinnorun, q.T. Printed in H. and S. il, 2. M r . Skene considers this hymn a composition of the ninth century (Celtic Scotland, 435)- Rolls Series, Descriptive Catalogue, i. 62. Fleming, Patricii, Collectanea Sacra : Lonvain, 1667, Forbes, A , P., Kalendar of Scottish Saints : Edinburgh, 1S72. Gilbert, J, T., Facsimiles of National MSS, of Ireland, in four parts; Ordnance Survey Office, Southampton, 1874. Gildas: British historian (De F*xcidio Britarmiae), sixth century A. 1). His genuine works are, Epistola (c, A.D. 547-550); Fragments ax Epistola.

[37]

XVI

A u tkorilies Cited,

Üten, (e, A D. 565-570) 5 Frefltio de Penitenlia (ante A.D. 570), MS, Cod, Paris. 3182, saeo, si, Unless otherwise specified, reference I m been made to J , Stevenson's edit., London, 1838. Kol la .Series, Descriptive Catalogue, i. 131. Greith, C. J „ Geschichte der al ti fischen Kirche : Breisgau, lS5/Haddan, A , W,, Remains of: edited by A. P, Forbes, Bishop of Brechin, Oxford, 187e. H . and S.^Haddan, A. "WV, and S hi h t s, W., Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents of Great Britain and Ireland 1 Oxford, 1SÖ9. Hardy, T, Duffte : see Descriptive Catalogue, Hibemensis Sinodus : sei Waeserschlebeu. Howe] Dda, Welsh laws of, A.D. 928. Earliest MS. authority twelfth and thirteenth century, Printed in H, and S. i. 211-285. Hübner, jrEinilius, Inscriptiones Briianniae Cbristianae : Berolini, MDCCCLXXVI. Jonae Vita S. Columbanî. Jonas, a native of Susa in Piedmont, wrote (c. A.D. 624) by order of Attala and Eustace, successors of Columbauus, the former at Bobbici, the Satter at Luxeuü. Several MSS. of this Life exist on the continent, none of them probably earlier than a ninth-century copy which •was sold in London at SI, Liber's sale, March 9, 185S (Catal, No, 369, p. 63). I t is printed in Fleming's Collectanea, ii. 214-243, Rolls Series, Descriptive Catalogue, i. 212, Irish Archaeological an ct Celtic Society, Publications of the: Dublin University Press, frora 1S55. Volumes from 1S4Q-1S55 were published by two separate 'Archaeological and 'Celtic'Societies which amalgamated in the latter year, Keller, F., Bilder und Sehriftziige in den irischen Manuscripts», in Mittheilungen des antiquarischen Gesellschaft in Zurich, vol. vii. p. 61, Leabhar Breac, or Lehar Brecc : The Speckled Book, Otherwise called Leabhar M or Dunn, The Great Book of Dun Doighre ; a large fol, vellum volume ill the Royal Irish Academy, Dublin, containing a collection of pieces in Irish and Latin, compiled from ancient sources about the end of the fourteenth century, Published in facsimile from the original MS,, Dublin, 1876. Liber Davidis : MS. Cod, Paris, 3182, saec. s i ; printed in H, and S. i. tig. Liber Hynmorum, or'Book of Hymns,' a MS. Irish collection of hymns and collects. See page 194. A sccord MS. copy belongs to S, Isidore's College at Rome, Liber Kilkenniemàg : a feurtêentli-century MS, containing lives of Irish Saints ; M arsh's Library, Dublin, It is described at length by Dr. Reeves in the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Acadeuiy, Second Series, vol. iLiber Landavensis : a tenth-ccntnry MS. containing lives of Welsh Saines, &c. (see Rees" Preface), written during the episcopate of Bishop Urban, 1107-34; published by L. J , Ress, Llandovery, 1840. Mart.»Marlene, Edm., De Antiquis Eeclcsiae Ritibus : Bassani, mdcclxxxtitx. Martyrology of Christ Church, Dublin ; a fifteenth-century MS. in Trinity College, Dublin, published, together with the Book of Obits, by the Irish Archaeological Society, Dublin, 1844, Martyrology of Donegal : compiled in the Emncîscan Couvent of Donegal by Michael O'Clery, and finished on April 19, 1Ö30 ; published by Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society, Dublin, 1S63. Martyrology of Ocugus — l'élire of Qengus, q. v.

[38]

A it thorilies Cited,

xvii

Martyroiogy of Tallaght. Traditionally said to have beeil compiled at the end of the ninth century by St, Maelruaiti and St. Oengus, but certainly as late as the tenth century; imperfectly edited by M . Kelly, Dublin, 1S57, frOBl KU early seventeenth-century IMS. copy in tlie Burgundern Library at Brussels. Missale de Arbutlmott (fifteenth century, Scottish) 1 edited by A . P . Fortes : Burntisland, 1864. Missale Brummondense (Irish MS., eleventh century). See p. 269. Missale Grillicanum : K t s l i g o Press edition; Burntisland, 1S55. Missale Gothicuni : Pitsligo Press edition : Burntisland, 1S55. Missale Mozar&bicum : Migne, Patrol. Curs. Lat., vol. Ixxxv, Missale Richenovenso (Gallican): Burntisland, 1855. Missale Romanom ; Meehlimae, 1S70. Missale Boedyniaotwa : Irish MS., fourteenth century. See p. 2C9. Missale Sarisburiense : Burnt island, 1861, Missale Stowense. See p. 198. Missale Vesontionease : Pitsligo edition; Burntisland, 1855,and in Mabillon's Museum Italicum, torn. i. p. 273. S e e p . 27a, Missale Vetus Hibernicum (twelfth century) : Pickering, London, j S j g . Montalembert, Comte de, Les moines d'Occident : Paris, 1S60-77 ; Authorised translation. Edinburgh, 1S61—77. O'Conor, C. t Bîbliotbeca MS, Stowerisis : Buckinghainiae, Nfi.cccxvra, B r . 0'Conor's liturgical remarks and criticisms are often erroneous and misleading (see p. 19S), and his palaeographies! descriptions must be received with caution, O'Conor, C., Kerum I libera. Soriptores Veteres, torn, iv : Buekinghaniiae, SHJCCCXïV. O'Neill, H., Sculptured Crosses of ancicnt Ireland : London, 1857. Ozanam, A . P., L a Civilisation Chrétienne chez les Planes : Paris, 1S49, Patrie» O p e r a : all composed before A.D. 493, i.e. {1) Confessio, in Book of A r m a g h ; (2) Epistola ad Corotici subditos, in Cotton MS. Nero E. i. (eleventh century); (3) Canticura Scotticum, in the , Liber Hynmorlim ; printed in H . and S. vol. ¡i. pt. Ü. pp. ¡96-323. Pétrie, G., Christian Inscriptions in the Irish Language: edited by M . Stokes, Dublin, 1870-78. Petrie, G,, The Ecclesiastical Architecture of Ireland anterior to the AngloNorm an Invasion ; vol, xx. of the Transactions of the Koyal Irish Acad. Pinkerton, J., V i t a e Antiq. SS. Scotiae : London, 1789, Poeiiitentiale Columbani : printed in Fleming's Collect,™. Sac. p. 94, from a sixth-century MS, at Bobbio ; also by Wasserschieben, Bussordnungeu, p. 353, who ranks it among Prankish Penitentials, and proves that it has been erroneously attributed to St. Coluinbanus, p. 12. Poenitentiale Cnroinii : vide Curomii. Poeiiitentiale Gild ae: ante A.B. 570. MS. Cod. Paris. 3182, saec. xi = Prefatio Gildae de peniteutia :. vide Gildas. Poenkentiale Vinniaiii : MS, Cod. Yindob. Tbeol. 725, 8®. wee. ix, printed in "Wasserschlebeii, Biissordtuiug. der abendlaad. Kirche, p, to8. Proceedings of Royal Irish A c a d e m y : Dublin, from 1836. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of London : from 1S43. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland : from 1S5C. R. « Mias-ile Ronianuln, q. v. b [39]

xv! ii

Authorities Cited.

Reeves, \V„ Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Down, Connor, and Dromore : Dublin, 1S4J. Reeves, W , , Life of Columba : see Adanman. Regula: see Rale. Report on Foedera : see Cooper, C. F. Rituale liomanum (Fit. Rom.); Mediliniae, M D C C C L X S . Rule of St, C o l o m i a : from a seveuteenth-century SIS. in the Burgnndian Library nt Brussels; itself a trans crip lion by Michael O'Clory, one of the Four Masters, from earlier M S . records. I t is probably the compilation of a later Coluroban monk. Printed in Gaelic, with a translation, by H. and S. ii. pt. i. p. J19. Rule of St, Colunibaiius: Regnla Sancti Columbaui, descripta ox MS. Codice Monaster)! Bobiensis, et collnta cum aliis exemplariboB M S S . Bib- Oxenhusaut in Sutivia et SS. M M et Uldarici urbis A u g m t b w e . Printed in Fleming's Collectanea, pp. 4, 19. Rule of the Culdees (Riagail n» Celedne o Maelrnain eechiit), in the Leabhar Breac, q. v. I t is an Irish tract drawn up ia its present form in the twelfth or thirteenth centnry, but regarded by Dr. Reeves to be an amplified and modernised form of the Rule drawn up Isy St. Maelruain, founder, abbot, and bishop of the Churcli of Tamlacht (Tallaght), near Dublin, at the close of the eightb century. The pages referred to are those of B r , Reeves' edition, Dublin, 1864. S. «= Miesale Sarisburionse, q. v, Saci'aacentarium Gallieanum m Missile Vcsontionense, q. v. Sacracnentarram Leoniamun, Gelasiannm, Gregorianum. A l l paginal references are to Muratorii Liturgia Romara Vetus : Velietiis, J J D C C X L Y I J I . Scltoell, C. G.j B e ecclesiasticis Britomun Scotorutnqae fontibus: Berlin, 1S5J. Secundiai Hyninus in landeiu S, f a t r i c i i : Hymn of St. Sechnnll, composed before A.D. 44S ; written in the Antiphon. Bencher,, q, v. Printed in H. and S. vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 334. Seiichus M o r : a collection of Irish laws drawn >ip A.D, 438-44], between the sixth and ninth years after St, Patrick's arrival in Ireland, representing the modifications which the and ant Pagan laws under wont- 011 the conversion of Ireland to Christianity; printed at Dublin, l S 6 j . Four 518. copies exist, the earliest of which was written in the fourteenth century ( F r e t vol. i, pp. xxxi-xxxiv), and a few MS. fragments (Pvef- vol iii. p. Ixv). Suiodu» Aqoilunalis Britannia»; MS. Cod. Paris. 3t8a f aaec. s i ; printed in H . and S. i. 117. Sinodus Hibornensle : see Waeserseiloben. Siuodus Luci Victuviae, A.D, 569 : MS, Cod. Paris. 3182, snec. x i ; printed in H , and S . i. 116. Skene, W . P., Celtic Scotland, tiro vols.: Edrnb. 1876. Stcwe Missal, see p. 19S. Stuart, J., Sculptured Stones of Scotland, in vol, x*vi of the publications of the Spalding Club, T . — Martyrology of Tallaght, q. v. Todd, J. H., Descriptive Remark« on Illuminations in certain ancient Irish M S S . : London, 1S69, Todd, J . H., L i f e of St. Patrick : Dublin, 1S64. Transaction» of Royal Irish Academy; 4to., Dublin, from 1787.

[40]

A uthorities Cited.

xix

Transactions »f ¡society of Antiquaries of Scotland : Edinb., From I j g a , Ulster Journal of Archaeology *. Belfast,, 1853 -61. UJtiini V i t a S. Brigidae: a tenth-century MS. in the monastery of St. Magnus at Bfitisban, of A work liy Ultan Bishop of Artibracean (ob. A,D. 656-J); printed in Colgau's Trias. Thanm. pp. 542-5. "Dasher, Archbishop, Brit. Eccles. Antiquitäten: Dublin, 1739. Ussier, Archbishop, Opera Omnia ; Dublin, 1S47. V . = Ilililia Sacra Vr.Ign.tte Editionis: AugBstae Tatnräonim, 1875. Walafridus Strabo, V i t a S . G.ilti: quoted from Goldasti, Alcman. Iierum Script, aliquot vetusti, Franeof. 1606. There is a ninth-century MS. in the Library at Born. WasserEcbleben, F . W . II., Die Busaotdmtngeii der abendländischen K i r c h e : Halle, 1851. WasserscMeben, F. W . H., Irische Ksuonenfalmnlung: Glessen, 1S74, A collection of Irish cations of the end uf the seventh or beginning of the eighth centuries. The gronnds for assigning this date, and the age of various 1 1 8 . copies collated in different European libraries» are discussed In the Preface. The M S S . vary from the eighth to the eleventh centuries, A tenth-century SIS. copy exists in the Bodleian Library (Hatton MSS. No. 42, fol. r-65), and a ninth or tenth century SIS. In C, C, C., Catnb., No. 2 70' both nucollated b y IVasserschleben, Irat mentioned in the Introduction, pp. svi, xxi. Wattenbach, Dr., Die Kongregation der schütten Klöster in Deutsdtland. Translated, with notes, by Dr. Iieeves in Ulster Journal of Archaeology, vii. 12 7, j g 5 . Westwood, J, 0., Lapidarium IT ail is e : Oxford, 1S7Ö-9. Westwood, J". 0., Miniatures and Ornaments of Anglo-Saxon and Irish M S S . : London, 1S6S Westwood, J. O., Palaeographia Sacra Pjctoria: London, 1843. Wilson, D,. Archaeology and pre-hsstoric Annals «>f Scotland; Edinburgh, 1851.

[41]

[42]

CHAPTER

I.

INTKODUCTIOX.

§ 1, Extent and Duration of t i e

Celtic Church. — 5 2 Its Monastic

aid

Missionary Character. — § 3. Its Orthodoxy. — § 4. I t s

Independence

of Rome. —

connection.—

5. Eastern

connection.— § 6. Galilean

§ 7. Spanish connection. — § 8, Points of difference between Celtic and Roman Churches,

B

[43]

[44]

C H A P T E R

I.

INTRODUCTION.

I t would be alien to the purpose with which this volume is written, and impossible within the limits which it is intended to assume, to present to the reader a complete history of the 1 Celtic Church ; ! bnt it is necessary to define at the outset what is meant by that term, and it will be advantageous to add to this definition a notice of such of its more important features and general characteristics as have an a pt'iovi hearing on the probable ¿¡rentes of its Liturgy and Ritual, which will then be described with as much detail as the nature of the subject-matter and the amount of evidence at our disposal render possible. § 1. E x t e n t a n d D u r a t i o n of t h e C e l t i c C h u r c h . — B y the

term 'Celtic Church' is meant the Church which existed in Great Britain and Ireland (with certain continental offshoots) before the mission of St. Augustine, and to a varying extent after that event, until by absorption or submission the various parts of it were at different dates incorporated with the Church of the Anglo-Saxons 1 , Central England.—The Celtic Church in Central England became extinct at the close of the fifth century, its members being then either exterminated in war, or retiring to the 1 The Scotl and Bntonea are often mention«! together, as in the letter of the first Anglo-Saxon Bishops preserved by Bede (H. E. lib. i). c. 4 ) ; in the Penitential of Theodore, cap. is. % 1. See p. 9. 11. 2, p. 28. n. 6.

B

3

[45]

C H A P T E R

I.

INTRODUCTION.

I t would be alien to the purpose with which this volume is written, and impossible within the limits which it is intended to assume, to present to the reader a complete history of the 1 Celtic Church ; ! bnt it is necessary to define at the outset what is meant by that term, and it will be advantageous to add to this definition a notice of such of its more important features and general characteristics as have an a pt'iovi hearing on the probable ¿¡rentes of its Liturgy and Ritual, which will then be described with as much detail as the nature of the subject-matter and the amount of evidence at our disposal render possible. § 1. E x t e n t a n d D u r a t i o n of t h e C e l t i c C h u r c h . — B y the

term 'Celtic Church' is meant the Church which existed in Great Britain and Ireland (with certain continental offshoots) before the mission of St. Augustine, and to a varying extent after that event, until by absorption or submission the various parts of it were at different dates incorporated with the Church of the Anglo-Saxons 1 , Central England.—The Celtic Church in Central England became extinct at the close of the fifth century, its members being then either exterminated in war, or retiring to the 1 The Scotl and Bntonea are often mention«! together, as in the letter of the first Anglo-Saxon Bishops preserved by Bede (H. E. lib. i). c. 4 ) ; in the Penitential of Theodore, cap. is. % 1. See p. 9. 11. 2, p. 28. n. 6.

B

3

[45]

Introduction.

4

[ C H , T.

remoter parts of the country for shelter from the attacks of heathen invaders from Jutland, Sleswicb, and Ilolstein. In those more distant quarters the ancient national Church maintained a separate existence and a corporate- continuity long after the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons which was begun by the Roman mission under the leadership of St. Augustine. Wales,—The Britons of North Wales did not conform to the usages of the Anglo-Saxon Church till A.D, 768, those of South Wales not till A.D. 777. The supremacy of the See of Canterbury was not fully established here till the twelfth century. Southern England.—The British Church in Somerset and Devon> or to speak more exactly the British population dwelling within the territory conquered by the West-Saxons, conformed at the beginning of the eighth century, through the influence of Aldhelm, who became Abbot of Mai mesh my A.D. 671, Bishop of Sherborne A.D. 705 B In Cornwall the Bishops cf the British Church were not subject to the See of Canterbury before the time of King Atholstan (925-940), the submission of Bishop Ivenstee to Archbishop Ceolnoth (833.-7°) being the Only exception. On the conquest of Cornwall by the Saxons the British Bishop Conan submitted to Archbishop Wulfhelm, and was recognised by King Athelstan, who formally nominated him to the Cornish See of Bodmin A.B. 936 s . Northumberland,—The Celtic Church, established in Northumberland by King Oswald A.d. 634-5, after having flourished thirty years under the Scottish bishops Aidau, Finan, and Colman, successively, conformed to the Roman practice at the Synod of Whitby A.D. 664 ; when Col man, who had throughout unsuccessfully opposed the change, 'perceiving that his doctrine was rejected and his sect despised, took with him such as were willing to follow him, and would not comply with the Catholic Easter and coronal tonsure,—for there was much 1

Biidej H . l i

f.18.

» H, ami & i. 676,

[46]

§ i.]

Extent

and Duration

of the Ccliic

Church.

5

controversy about that also,—and went hack into Scotia, to consult with his people what was to be done in this case1,' Strathelyde.—-The Britons of Strathelyde conformed A.D. 68K? the year after the death of St. Cuthbert, on the occasion of a visit among- them of Ail airman, Abbot of lona, who himself had been persuaded aliout this time to adopt the new policy. Sedulius, the first British Bishop of Strathelyde who conformed to Roman usage, is mentioned as present at a council held at Rome under Gregory II, A.D, 731 2 . Scotland,—A dam 11 an attempted to force the Scottish Church to conform to Roman usage at the close of the seventh century, after his return from his second mission to King Aldfrith in Northumbiia A.D. 688, but unsuccessfully. His action is thus recorded by Bede:— ' Adamnan, priest and abbot of the monks who were in the isle of Hii, was sent ambassador by his nation to Aldfrith, King of the Angles, where, having made some stay, he observed the canonical rites of the Church, and was earnestly admonished by many who were more learned than himself, not to presume to live contrary to the universal custom of the Church in relation to either the observance of Easter or any other decrees whatsoever, considering the small number of his followers seated'a-t so distant a corner of the world. In consequence of this he changed his mind, and readily preferred those things which he had seen and heard in the Churches of the Angles to the customs which he and his people had hitherto followed. For he was a good and wise man and remarkably learned in the knowledge of the Scriptures. Accordingly returning home he endeavoured to bring his own people that were in Hii, or that were subject to that monastery, into the way of truth, which he himself had learned and embraced with all his heart, but in this he could not prevail3.* Bede, H. E. lii, 25. 'Sedulitis, episcopus Britannia«, de genera Scottorum, liuic constitute a nobis promulgate! subseripsi.' II, and S. ii. J, with. note. 3 Jiede, H, E. v. 15, 1

2

[47]

6

[ch. I.

I n t r o d u c t i o n ,

After the death of Adnmnan, A,L>. 704, there were two parties in this controversy, which was eventually settled in favour of the Roman rule by a decree of Neetan, King 1 of the Piets, A.TJ. 710.

£

Not long1 after which,' says Bede, 'those

monks also of the Scottish nation who lived in the isle of Hii, with the other monasteries that were subject to them, were, by the procurement of our Lord, brought

to the

canonical observance of Easter and the ri. H. and S, it. I. 70. 5 Notice of its Irish origin is preserved in a fragment of .in eleventli-century chronicle from a palimpsest vellum leaf printed in Pertz, Monum. Germ. Hist, torn. ii. p. 214. It begins thus :— " Scoti multo tempore illud mcoluerunt, donee a primo fervore tepescentes ex hoc, sicnt etiam ex ftliia quihuadain. monasteriis expulst sunt, el alii German! sunt substituti,' &e, A good deal of detail about the later Celtic monasteries 011 the Continent will be found in the Chronicle of MarianosScotus, whose Irish name was Maelbrighte, but who, like most of his countrymen, assumed an equivalent and more pronounceable Latin name. He died in ueclusiou at Menta A.D. 10S2 ; Pertz, Monum. Germ. Hist, v, 4S1. ® 'In esteras regiones, quasi inundatione facta, illa se sanctorum examina

effuderunt-' Vita S. Mai, c, 0.

[58]

§ 2.] Its Monastic and Missionary

Character.

I7

islands off the coasts of Great Britain and Ireland must have been small Others wore very large. The Irish monastery of St. Fin man of Clonard, and that of St. Com gall a t Bangor, were said to contain three thousand inmates. The Welsh monastery of Bangor-Iscoed contained, according- to Bede, two thousand one hundred monks, of whom twelve hundred were slaughtered under the Northumbrian K i n g /Ethelfrith 1 . St. Patrick asserted that the number of Irish men and women who embraced the monastic life in his own time was incalculable 2 . The structure of the monasteries was of a simple and inexpensive character. Like the early Celtic churches (eh, iii) they were built at first of earth, and wattles, or wood. It was not till the end of the eighth century that stone buildings besran in Scotland and Ireland to be substituted for wooden ones, as a protection against the ravages of the Danes. The Rule of the Western monks, as laid down in the writings of St. Columbauus, was very severe, far more so than the Rule of St. Benedict. Its principles were absolute and unreserved obedience, constant and severe labour, daily self-denial and fasting; and the least deviation from the Rule was visited with corporal punishment or a severe form of fast, the precise number of blows and of days or hours of fasting being minutely prescribed 3 .

1

Bede, H, E . ii, z. ' E t f i l i i Scotorum et filiae Reguloriim monachi fiebant et virgines Christi quag enumerate nequeo.' Patrieii, ad Coiot. ep. vi, Farther details are given in Beeves' edit, of Adamnan, p. 336. 3 Usaher, iv. 305 ; Montalemberf, Monks of the West, ii. 447. The Rule itself ia printed-« Fleming, Collectanea Sacra, p. 4. It is frequently alluded to along with other Irish Rules in the Lives of the Saints, passages from which have been collected by Dr. Beeves in his edit, nf Archbishop Col ton's Visitation of Deny, p. 109, I t was mentioned by Wilfrid in his controversy with St. Cohnan: * De patre autem vestro Columba et sequaclbus ejus, quorum sanctitatem vos imitari, etrey ulum ao praecepta eaelestibus aiguis coufirmata aequi perhibetis, possem response re.' Bed«, J.l. E . iii. 25. In describing the success of St, Aidaii's mission to Northumberland, Bede speaks of the erection of churcbaa and monasteries where ' unbuebantur prae3

C [59]

Introduction,

[ C H . I.

The chief occupation of all the monies, and the only occupation of the more aged, apart from the services of the Church, consisted of reading1 and writing, I t was said of the Irish monastery of Lughmagh under Bishop Mochta 3 that * Threescore psalm-singing seniors Were bis household, royal the number, Without tillage, reaping, or kiln-drying, Without work exsejjt reading The office of Scribe (Seribhmdh or Sertblmeoirj was of such honour and importancelit an Irish monastery, that the penalty for shedding his blood was as great as that for killing a bishop or abbot 2 . Sometimes in Scotland, in the seventh to tenth centuries, a scribe was elected to be an abbot or a bishop, and the head of a diocese or monastery thought that it added to the dignity of ¡lis position to he able to append the title o f ' seriba' to his name. Baithene, the second Abbot of loon, was an accomplished scribe, and was selected by Columba before his death to finish the Psalter left incomplete by himself 3 . The eighteenth and thirtieth Abbots of lona, in 797 oeptnribus Scottis parvuli Anglorum, una cum majoribua «turiìis et observation« disciplinae regularia.' Hist, Ec. iii. The Irish Rule at Bangor in the seventh century U described in the Antiphon. Benchw, p. 156 ;—• • Benchuir bona regula Recta atque divina. Strida, saneta, sedula,1 etc. Ozanam attributes the eventual failure of Columban rule on the Continent to its Eastern severity ; La Civilization Ohretienne, p. 140. 1 Jlartyrology of Donegal, p. 216; Félire of Oengus, p. exxxii, a 'Sanguis Episcopi vel excels! Principia [= Abbot] vol Scrihae qui ad terrain effimd.it,ur, si collirio mdiguerit, cum qui effuderit, sapiratescruci ligi judicant, vel vii arici Ila g reddant,* Sth cent. Canon of a SinoiJua Hiberwensis; Wasserschteben, Biissoidnsingen, p. [40. The latter alternative f—vii anciìIaram pretium) is St. Patrick's modification of what would be demanded under the older national law of retaliation. See also Sinodus Ilibemensis, cap. 19 ; ib. p. 13S. Again : * Patricias ¡licit omnia qui ansua fuer it ea quae sunt regis vel epìscopi Vel serUiao furari a ut nliquod in cos coin In it tore, parvi pendens dispicere, vii ancillanum pretium reddat, ant vii ¡uiitis peniteat cum episcopo vel scriba,' SÌu, Hit em, iii. c. 8, ib. p. 141 ; iv. c. 6, ib. p. 142. a Adamaan, Yjt. S. Col. i. 23, iii, a3.

[60]

$2.] Its Monastic and Missionary Character.

19

and 978, and the Bishop of the Isles of Alba in 961, are also recorded to have been scribes 1 . St. Patrick is said to have first taught his converts letters ill a passage which is interpreted as attributing to him the introduction of a written alphabet. I f so, it was probably the Irish or Latin-Irish alphabet supplanting1 the earlier Ogham characters 2 ; and the books of Durrow, Kells, Dim ma, Mulling, &e. survive to show what apt scholars the Irish were, and to what a marvellous pitch of perfection calligraphy reached within a few centuries after St, Patrick's death 3 . The art of writing was transferred from Ireland to Scotland by St. Columba and his followers. It may have flourished at an earlier date in Southern Pictland at the time of St. Ninian's mission, as doubtless it flourished in the early British Church in England, but invading waves of heathenism had swept that earlier Christian civilisation away, and all traces of its sacred and liturgical writings are irrecoverably lost. But in connection with Iona there are many references to books. St. Columba himself wrote a volume containing hymns for the various services of the week 4 . He possessed a volume containing the Prayers and Ceremonial for the Consecration and Coronation of Kings, which, perhaps on account of its beautiful binding, was called the ( book of glass 1 and considered to be of celestial origin 5 . His last occupation on earth was the writing of a Psalter, and he was engaged in transcribing the thirty-fourth Psalm for it on the evening before his death 5 . Baithene wrote a Psalter so correctly that a single omission of the vowel ' i : was the only ' Annals of the "Four Masters. For further information sea Skene's Celtic Scotland, ii, pp. 423, 444. 2 Skene's Celtic Scotland, ii. 449. 3 Facsimiled of National MSS, in Ireland, edited by J , T, Gilbert. * ' Hyirmorum Liber Septimamorum;' Adam nan, Y l t . S. Col. ii. 9. Tlie total number of books written by St, Columba was, according to tradition, three hundred ; Leabhar Breac, p. b. The same number of books was said to have been written by Dagaeua (ob. 58G); Acta SS. Aug. iit. 656. s * Vitreuin ordmationis regum libruiu ;' Adattman, Y i t . S. Col. iii. 5. 6 lb. iii. 23.

c a [61]

Introduction.

20

[ch. t.

mistake which St., Columba could find throughout i t 1 . There are many other allusions to books and writing', as in the ease of the awkward monk who dropped the book which he was reading- into a vessel M l of water 2 , and of the impetuous guest who in his anxiety to greet St, Columba managed to spill that saint's ink-horn 3 . Sometimes the monks wrote on wax tablets, ceracula, pngillaria, tabulae,, with a hard pointed instrument, grapkiitm, or slmvfos, i Cum in agro ipse eederet allato an gel as Domini eeraculo eum litterarum doeuit elements V Adamnan narrates in his -work 'De Locis Sanctis' how Bishop Arnulf 'primo in tabtdas describenti fideli et indubitabili narrations dictavit quae nunc in membranis brevi textu seribuntur 5 .' I n the Codes Sangallensis, 242, entitled ' D e pugillaribtis id est parvis tabulis,' there is a gloss written over v, 3, Stent viiletur in tabulis Scoiorum. The parchment skins (r membranae'), the use of which superseded the 'ceracula,' were either bound together in the form of a volume 6 , or assumed the shape of a long scroll 7 . The word commonly ¡11 use for writing was camxare, cf/amxare, craxare, crassare, or wraxare. The Irish monk Artie doe, who wrote the MS, Cod. Lat. Paris. 1302 ij begins by invoking the Divine blessing t h u s : ' Mihi xraxanti literas missereatur trinitas.' Adamnan closes his work 1 De Locis Sanctis' by a request that the reader would offer a prayer 'pro me misello peccatore eorundem craxatore.' The same Abbot closes his Vita S. Columbae with this adjuration, ! Obsecro eos qui cum que volu1

Adamnan, "Vit. S. Col. i. 23. lb. i. 34. 8 lb, 1. 25, Many other phrase? anil allusions to the art of writing have bioii collected together by Dr. Reeves in the additional notes to bis edit, of Adamuiin's Life of Columba, p, 359, 4 Vita S. Mochtei, Acta Si. Aug. torn, iii, die xix. 5*43. 5 In Prologo Auetoris, Migne, Bib, Pat, Lat. Ixxsvili, 7S1, c Wftstwood, Facsimiles, Plates x, xxii, xxiii, sxvi. 1 lb, I'l. i, xv, xvi. 2

[62]

§ a,J Its Monastic and Missionary Character.

21

erint hos dcscribcre Hbelîos, iinino potius adjure per Christum judieem saeeulornm, ut postquam diiigentcr descripserint, conférant et emendent cum omni diligentia ad exemplar unde earaxerunt et banc quoque adjurationem hoc in loco snbseribant 1 .' Specimens of the early Scottish style of writing survive in an eighth-century M S . Life of Columba by Adamnan, Codex. A at Sehaiffaausen, and in the Book of Deer written by a native scribe of Alba, in the ninth century.

These two

M S S. are specially mentioned because the facsimiles of the originals which accompany the careful editions of the books by Dr. Beeves and M r . Stuart place samples of early Scottish calligraphy within the reach of every modem reader.

Their

ornamentation and initial letters, though less elaborate than those of the Book of K i l l s and other early Irish M S S , , confirm the statements so often made m the Lives of the Saints, that the arts of designing, drawing, and illuminating were extensively practised in these early times 2 .

Other monks were

skilful workers in leather, metal, and wood.

St. Patrick

himself was said to have been accompanied by workers ia bronze and artificers of sacred vessels 3 .

I t was recorded of

St. Dega, an Irish monk and bishop (d. 586), that he spent his nights in transcribing MSS., his days in reading them, and in carving in copper and iron'1.

A m o n g the articles of

must frequent construction were costly reliquaries for enshrining the remains of saints,

metal cases of

embossed

Oarasare aeems to be a Latinised form of yfipimtiv, and to point to the earlier form of writing by engraving letters oil wax tablets, ! The passages referred to are collected by Professor Westwood it« bis PalaeOgïftpMa Sacra, Gospels of Meîel Brith Ma« Durnan, p. 7. The epithet 'pictorimn' ill the passage quoted therefromAdamuan, Vit. S. Col. ïii. jo, is an 1

erroneous reading for ' pis tori urn.' 3 4 Très fiibrï aerarii vasormiique sacroium fabricatores.' Colgau, Trias. Thatim. p. 16" a. 4 'Idem Daygeus epfecopus abbatibus aliisque Hibemiae sanctis, eampauas, cymbala, baculgs, crucqs, scrini;!, capsas, pyxides, calices, discos, altariola, chryamalia, liborumque cbopertoria, ; qaaedam liorum nuda, quacdam vero alia auro atque argento, gemnjisque pretiosie eircumtecta, pro amore Dei ct sanctorum honore, sins ulïu terrano pretio, ittgeiùûfie ac mirabiliter coiuposutt.' Acta SS. Aug. torn, iii, p. 659 a. Moatalembert, Monks of the West, iii. S9.

[63]

Introduction.

22

[ch.

t.

bronze or silver (cumhtlachs) for enclosing- copies of the Gospels or other M S S . ,

and leathern

cases (pol aires) for

carrying about portable missals and other service books Education was also carried on by these early monks.

Their

monasteries were seminaries for the training- of the

native

y o u t h 2 , and were frequented by adult foreigners, w h o

flocked

to Ireland from all parts of Great Britain, France, and the Continent generally for purposes of study 3 .

A m o n g the dis-

tinguished persons who thus visited Irish or Scottish monasteries were E g b e r t and C h a d 4 , the French Agilbcrt,

who

succeeded Birinus as second Bishop of Dorchester a, d, 650% A l d f r i t h j who succeeded his brother Ecgfrith as K i n g of Northurnbria a.d. 685 Frisia a.o,

6907,

Willibrord, the A n g l o - S a x o n missionary to &c.

W h i l e the seniors were exclusively engaged in the sedentary occupations of reading, writing, and teaching, the yonnger monks also laboured in the various departments of husbandly, at least so far as to provide for the wants of their own monasteries,

W h e n S t . Columba visited the monastery of Clon-

maenois the monks at work in the fields flocked together to receive h i m S t . their own hands®.

C nth be i t and S t Furseus worked w i t h S t . Gall went

fishing

while his monks

1 F a r t h e r account of these various article» is given ill J . 0 . Westwood's Facsimiles, &c., pp. So, 149, 150.

W , Skene, Celtic Scotland, it, 7 ; , ' E r a n t ibidem eo tempore ( a . d , ¿64) InuUi nobilium simwl et mecrocrium de gente Anglorum, qui ternpore FiiiAtii t Caiman! epbcoporttoi, relieta insula patria, vel divinae lectionis, vel contlnentkiris vita© gratia, Ulo seccsserant. E t quid&m quidero o w x se monastkae conversation! fklelitor tnancipaverunt; alii magis cireumeundo per cellas magistrorum lectioni oper:tm dare gaudeb a n t : q u M c n u K i Seotti liberitissime suscipientes victura eis qnotidiannm sine pretio, libros quoque ad tenendum, et magirterinm gratuitum praebeve eurabant.' Bede, H . E , iii. 27. 4 Bede, H , E . i f , 3. 5 'Natione quidem G a l l u s sed tunc legendru-nm gratia Sci-ipturarura ¡11 Hibernin nun pai vo tempore demoratu»,' l b . iii. 7. * V i t , S. Cuthberti auct. anon., quoted in Skene's Celtic Scotland, ii. 422. 7 ' E t quia in Hibernia scholasticam eruditionem vlguisse audi vit Hibernians gccessit,* &c. A l c u i n , V i t . Wtllibroirdi, lib. i. cap. 4. a

3

* A d a mo an, V i t . S. Col. i. 3. » Bedoj V i t . S. Cuthberti, cap, 19 ; H . E . iii. 19.

[64]

§2.]

Its Monastic and Missionary

Character,

23

were, some of them, working in the garden, and others were dressing the orchard \ One short fragment of an ancient Celtic Pontifical survives in the Public Library, Zurich, in an Irish handwriting of the tenth century.

The first page is quite illegible, having been

made the outside cover of a book.

Page 2 contains these

words : —

[_T)e Tir ghie Investimela^ '(a) Pcrmaneat ad prudontibus qui . . . virginibus vigilanza . » , adferie copuletur . , , per. (A) Oremus, fratres carissimi, miserieordiam ut e un turn bonum tribuerc dig no tur huic puellae N, quae Deo votum candidata veste m perferre cum integrità te coronae in resnrrectione vitae aeternae quam facturas est -, orantibus nobis, praestet Dens. (c) Conserva, Domine, istias devotae pndorem eastitatis dileetionem conti ncntiae in factis, in dictis, in eogitationibus ; Per te3 Christ© Jesu3 qui, (//) Accipe, puclla, pallium candidimi

quod perforas ante

tribunal Domini.' This fragment is interesting as showing that the office for the reception of a nun into a Celtic monastery included, in addition to the ceremony of crowning, the formal presentation of a white dress, which is not part of the 'Ordo de Consecratione Yirginum' in the present Roman Pontifical.

Nor

are (0) (b) (c) (ti) found elsewhere, although a formula resembling (rfj accompanies the presentation of the veil, in a tenth-century order for the ' Consecra tio Sacrac Virginia' printed in Gerbert, Litürg. Alemán, li. 9 6 : sacrum, pnella, quod praeferas

sine

( Accipe

macula ante

velum

tribunal

Domini nostri Jesn Christ!. 1 And again in the tenth-century copy of the Pontifical of 1 ' Alii hortum laTwraverunt, alii arborea pomiferas exeoluerunt, E. vero Gallus tesebat retia,,' &c. Wal, Strabo, Vit. S. Gatli, cap. 6,

[65]

Introduction*

24

[ C H , I.

Egbert, Archbishop of York, at the presentation of the 'pallium' in the 'Consecratio Vidnae 1 Post 1

—

haec itfiponis vidnae pallium ei dicis.

Accipe vidnae pallium quod perferas sine macula ante

tribunal Domini nostri Jesu ChristiV The monastic was closely connected with the missionary character of the Celtic Church,

The list of monasteries

Lj'iven on pp. 34-16 proves how widespread was the area once covered by its evangelistic agency and monastic development ; but such development was not the work of

one

century, nor due to the energy of a single portion of the Celtic CSiurch, I t be^an by the colonisation of Brittany from the British Church in the fifth century 2 . A British colony was established in Spanish Gallicia in the sixth century, where a Celtic See was occupied by a bishop named Madoc, e. A.D. 570 s . In the same century the Irish Church began to exhibit its missionary power.

The Christianising of the whole of the

north and north-west of Scotland and its adjacent islands was due to St. Columba, chief among the missionary Irish. H e was Abbot of Ion a, and patron saint of Mull, Tiree, Islay, Oronsay, and Lewis.

Maeealdus, a native of Down,

became Bishop of Man in the fifth century; St. Donnan of E g g ; St. Maelrubha of S k y e ; St. Moluoe of Lismore, and Raasa.y;

St. Brendan of Seil; St. Molaise of Arran ;

Catan ant! Blaan of Bute.

SS.

St. Columba's successors at lona

converted in a similar way the whole of the Anglo-Saxon population north of the Plumber.

St. Aidan, the Apostle

of the Northumbrians (A.D. 634); whose diocese extended from the 11 umber to the Frith of Forth, was an Irishman s See p. 15. Pontif. Ecgb. (Hurtees Soc.), p. 114. * The evidence on these points "will be found in H. & S., Councils, vol. i. There was a mission oil the part of the British Church to Ireland to restore the faith C.A.IJ. 550, conducted by SS. David, Gildas, and Uadoc; i t . p. 115. 1

[66]

§ 2.] Its Monastic and Missionary and a monk of l o n a ;

Character.

25

so were his successors Finan and

Col man, the latter of whom resigned his see after the Synod of' Whitby a.d, 664, and retired to his native country rather than accept its anti-Scottish d e c i s i o n s D i n m a , the

first

bishop of the Mercians, and his successor Ceollach, were both of them Irishmen, the former certainly and the latter probably having been brought up at lona. tinguished Irish saints 111 England were planted Christianity at Bivrgheastle

in

Other

St, Fnrsa, who

Suffolk ;

(Meildulfus), the founder of Malmesbury;

dis-

Mailduf

St. Bega,

the

foundress of St. Bees in Cumberland ; St. Moninna (Modweuna), the patron saint of Burton-on-Trent;

St. Ciarim,

or Piran, whose name occurs frequently in the dedications

of Cornish churches But Irish missionary zeal sought a vent beyond the eonfines of Great Britain,

Early in the sixth century (A, D. 5 1 1 )

the Irish St. Fiidolin appeared at Poitiers, Strasbourg, and Seckingen near Basle, as the pioneer of future missionary hosts.

Late in the sixth and early in the seventh centuries

St. Colnmbanus and St. Gall, with their companions, traversed Gaul, Italy, and Switzerland, founding their chief monasteries at Lnxenil, Bobbio, and St. Gall.

Soon afterwards St.

Kilian, with his companions the priest Totman and the deacon Colman, penetrated to "Wurzburg, where he was martyred a.d. 687; and the later names of Fiacriua, Chillenus, Furseus, Ultanns, FoiEanus, &c., celebrated at L a g n y near Paris, at Meaux, Peronne, &c., indicate the Irish nationality of many who laboured successfully in propagating the Christian faith

1

B e d e , H . E . Hi. 2 , . 26,

E v e n For S t . Cuthbert an Irish origin has been claimed. B e d c introduces him to the reader a t his H . E . •without raentiunin«; bis birth-place or nationality (iv. 38), but recognises hiai as a native of Britain in his poetifal life of S t . C u t h b e r t ; Smith's B e d e , p. 269. The authority for his Irish origin is a. Libel]us dc Ortu S . Cutliberti written in the t w e l f t h century, but the earliest e x t e n t copy of which belongs to the fourteenth century. I t has been published by the Snrceee Soo. vol, viii, St. Cnthbert's Irish name is said to have bean a

Mullacc,

[67]

20

Introduction.

[CH. I.

in France, Belgium, and other parts of central Europe. Less known Irish missions also carried Christianity to the Faroe Isles c. A.D. 725, and to Iceland A.D. 795 Thus between the fifth and eighth centuries the Celtic Church extended, with intermissions, North and South from Iceland to Spain, East and West from the Atlantic to the Danube, from Westernmost Ireland to the Italian Bobbio A,D. 612, and the German Salzburg A.D. 696. Even beyond these limits Irishmen were afterwards and occasionally elected bishops, as Cataldus at Tarant» and his brother Donatus at Lupiae in the eighth century, and another Don at us at Fiesolc a century and a half later. It will have been noticed that all the great leaders in this Celtic wave of missionary enterprise were of Irish origin, viz. St. Columba, the Apostle of the Piets and Scots; St. Aidaiij the Apostle of Northumbria ; St. Columbanus, the Apostle of the Burgundiansof the Vosges district of Alsace; St. Gall, the Apostle of North-east Switzerland and Alemannia; St, Kilinii, the Apostle of Thuringia ; and Virgilius, the Apostle of Carinthia. § 3 . ORTHODOXY

OF TIIP; CELTIC

CHURCH.—There

are

no

substantial grounds for impugning the orthodoxy of the Ccltic Church. On the contrary, there is unimpeachable evidence the other way. But expressions have been sometimes used with reference to it which would lead to a different conclusion. Pope Gregory probably knew very little about the faith of the British Church when he claimed the right of subjecting to the jurisdiction of Augustine 'not only the bishops whom he should ordain, but also all the priests in Britain, that they might learn the rule of believing rightly and living well from his life and teaching 2 .'

' Recorded by Dictiilus (an Irish monk A.r>, 825), De Mettsu™ Orb ¡5, pp. 29, 30, His work exists 1» a tenth-century MS, at Paris (Bib!, Imp. 110, 4806}, printed by A . C, A . Wiilckener at Paris, 1 So-. i Bede, H. B . i. ¡9.

[68]

20

Introduction.

[CH. I.

in France, Belgium, and other parts of central Europe. Less known Irish missions also carried Christianity to the Faroe Isles c. A.D. 725, and to Iceland A.D. 795 Thus between the fifth and eighth centuries the Celtic Church extended, with intermissions, North and South from Iceland to Spain, East and West from the Atlantic to the Danube, from Westernmost Ireland to the Italian Bobbio A,D. 612, and the German Salzburg A.D. 696. Even beyond these limits Irishmen were afterwards and occasionally elected bishops, as Cataldus at Tarant» and his brother Donatus at Lupiae in the eighth century, and another Don at us at Fiesolc a century and a half later. It will have been noticed that all the great leaders in this Celtic wave of missionary enterprise were of Irish origin, viz. St. Columba, the Apostle of the Piets and Scots; St. Aidaiij the Apostle of Northumbria ; St. Columbanus, the Apostle of the Burgundiansof the Vosges district of Alsace; St. Gall, the Apostle of North-east Switzerland and Alemannia; St, Kilinii, the Apostle of Thuringia ; and Virgilius, the Apostle of Carinthia. § 3 . ORTHODOXY

OF TIIP; CELTIC

CHURCH.—There

are

no

substantial grounds for impugning the orthodoxy of the Ccltic Church. On the contrary, there is unimpeachable evidence the other way. But expressions have been sometimes used with reference to it which would lead to a different conclusion. Pope Gregory probably knew very little about the faith of the British Church when he claimed the right of subjecting to the jurisdiction of Augustine 'not only the bishops whom he should ordain, but also all the priests in Britain, that they might learn the rule of believing rightly and living well from his life and teaching 2 .'

' Recorded by Dictiilus (an Irish monk A.r>, 825), De Mettsu™ Orb ¡5, pp. 29, 30, His work exists 1» a tenth-century MS, at Paris (Bib!, Imp. 110, 4806}, printed by A . C, A . Wiilckener at Paris, 1 So-. i Bede, H. B . i. ¡9.

[68]

§ 3-]

Orthodoxy of the Celtic Church,

27

Certainly Britain, like the rest of Christendom, may have been partially tainted with Arianism in the fourth cent m y , when certain British bishops at A r i m i n u m A.D. 359 were deceived or terrified into signing- a setni-Arian creed;

and

with Pelagianism in the fifth century, which was the cause of the j o i n t visit of Germ amis Bishop of Auxerre and Lupus Bishop of Troyes A. I>. 429, and of another visit of Germanus with Severus Bishop of Treves, A.D. 447.

B u t t h e Gallican

bishops are recorded to have been eminently successful in their missioiij and to have returned across the Channel leaving the Catholic faith firmly established in these islands l .

The

real difficulty here is to understand how the rationalism of Pelagius can have

had even a passing attraction

for the

naturally superstitious and mystic Celt, not how Germanus sueceedcd in stamping it out. admitted

There is u o t h i u g in

facts to j u s t i f y ns in inferring from the

these above-

quoted words of St. Gregory that the Celtic Church was destitute of any ' forma recte crpdcmli 2 ;' or in acquiescing m the language of an Anglo-Saxon took steps for ' t h e destruction

Synod (A.D. 705), which of the m a l i g n a n t and too

flourishing heresy of the Britons 3 .' O n the other hand, a catena of evidence can be produced to disprove the charge of heresy and in support of the orthodoxy of the

first

Church of the British Isles,

Hilary

of

Poitiers (A.D 358) congratulates the bishops of the British

1 Authority for this and other statements of a historical character with reference to tills period are accumulated in H. and S., vol. i. {>. 10. Arianism is referred to by name and Pelagianism by inference m Gildas, Hist. § 12. 2 'Tua. vero fraternitas . , . orones Brittaniae sacerdotes h a b e a t . . , mihjeetoe, quatenúa ex lingua et vita tuae sanetitatis, et recte credendi et bene vivendi form am percipiant, atque officium swum fide ac moribus exaequentes, ad coelestia, cum Dominus voluerit, regna pertingant." Bede, H . E. t. 29, 3 ' Q u o maligna quae tunc supra modura pullulabat haeresis Britonum destrueretur,' H. and S. iii. 268. The visit of Vietrioius Bishop of Ronen., a.D. 396, was for the purpose of settling some British dispute, not, as has been ground I essly surmised, For the purpose of quelling Arianism. The Epistle of Gildas provea the moral depravity of the British priesthood in the sixth century, but is silent as to any charge of heresy.

[69]

Introduction.

aS provinces on ' their

HAVING'

[CH. I,

continued UDcontaminated and

uninjured by any contact with the detestable heresy 1 ' (of Arianism).

Athanasius (A.D. 363) states that the

British

Churches had ¡signified by letter to him their adhesion to the Nicene faith 2 .

St. Chrysostom (A.O. 386-398) said that

' even the British Isles have felt the power of the word, for there too churches and altars have been erected. There too, as on the shores of the Euxine or iu the South, men may be heard discussing points in Scripture, with differing voices but not with differing belief, with varying tongues but not with varying faith 3 .'

St. Jerome (c. A.D 400} asserted that 'Britain

in common with Borne, Gaul, Africa, Persia, the East, and India, adores one Christ, observes one role of faith V

Vcnan-

tius l'ortunatus (E. A.D. 580) testified to British orthodoxy in the sixth century 5 , and Wilfrid in the seventh century. The testimony of the latter, whose hostility to the Celtic Church was notorious, is as honourable to himself, as it is placed beyond all suspicion of inaccuracy or exaggeration. Present at Rome A.D. 680 at a council of a hundred and twenty-five bishops, held in anticipation of the (Ecumenical Council of Constantinople

in the same year against

the

Monothelites, "Wilfrid asserted that the true Catholic faith was held by the Irish. Scottish, and British, as well as by the Anglo-Saxon Church

I t had therefore been uo vain

boast of Colnmbanus to Pope Boniface (A.D. 612) that his Church was not sehismatical or heretical, but that it held the whole Catholic faith 7 . 1

Hilar. Pictav. D e Synodis, Prolog, et § 2.

2

AtUanas. Ep. aá Jov. Imp. i.

Chrys, Quod Christus sit Deus, 1 3 ; In Priiieip. A c t . 3. I. * Hieron. Bp. ad Evangel. 0.1. 3

8

' Carrit acl extremas fidei pia Fabula gentes

E i trans Oceanum terra Britatma fovet.' A i l Justin, J u n . Imp. ' Pro Omni A(|uiloui parte Brilanniae et Hüjernlae, insulisque quae ab Anglorum et Britouum accnou Scotorum et i'ictorum gentibus colebautwr, veram et catiiolicam M e m CMifessUs est, et cum subscriptions sua corrolioravit.' Eddius, V i t . Wilfrid, c. Ii. s

1

'Nihil extra Evaiigc-lieam et Apostolieam doctrinan! recipientes; nullus

[70]

Independence of Rome.

29

Had it been otherwise, could British bishops have been present certainly at the Council of Aries A.D. 314, perhaps at N i c e A.D, 325, probably at Sardica A.D. 347

1

?

Could

the conferences have taken place at Augustine's O a k A.D. 6 0 3 , and a t W h i t b f A.D. 6645 w i t h o u t at all events far more serious questions having been raised than the form of the tonsure or the calculation

of

Easter2?

Would

Wini

Bishop

of

Winchester have associated t w o British bishops with himself in the consecration of S t . Chad A.D. 664 s ? Both direct testimony and indirect inference conclude with

reference to the whole Celtic

lead us t o

Church

what

Montalembert allows with regard lo primitive Ireland, that it was p r o f o u n d l y and unchangeably Catholic in doctrine, but separated from Home in various points of discipline and liturgy V § 4.

I N D E P E N D E N C E OF R O M E . — A n o t h e r

noteworthy feature

of the Celtic Church, was its independence of the

Roman

Church in its origin, mission, and jurisdiction. Before the sixth century Roman claims were not opposed, partly because such claims were not y e t in existence in the form, which

they

assumed after S t . Augustine's

mission,

partly because, so far as they may have existed potentially, there was an entire unconsciousness of them on the part of the Christian Church in these islands. The contrary view has notwithstanding been entertained, and rests on the testimony of early and generally

trust-

worthy witnesses on the Roman side, or on later

native

haeretieus, nullus Judaeus, millus schismatic us fait, ged fides Catholic» sicsit a vobis primum, sanctorum scilicet Apostolomm suecessoribtis tmdita, est, inconcussa tenctur.' Epiat iv. ad Boriifacium ; Fleming, Collectan. l y j . 1 H. & S. i. pp. 7-S. 5 For other minor points of difference raised by Augustine see Beds, H, E. ii, 2. i Beds, H. E, iii, 28. The validity of this consecration was afterwards disputed by Archbi&hop Theodore, on grounds which are discussed at length in W. Bright'a Early Eng. Ch. Hist. pp. 213, 226-7. * Monks of the West, iii. 79.

[71]

Independence of Rome.

29

Had it been otherwise, could British bishops have been present certainly at the Council of Aries A.D. 314, perhaps at N i c e A.D, 325, probably at Sardica A.D. 347

1

?

Could

the conferences have taken place at Augustine's O a k A.D. 6 0 3 , and a t W h i t b f A.D. 6645 w i t h o u t at all events far more serious questions having been raised than the form of the tonsure or the calculation

of

Easter2?

Would

Wini

Bishop

of

Winchester have associated t w o British bishops with himself in the consecration of S t . Chad A.D. 664 s ? Both direct testimony and indirect inference conclude with

reference to the whole Celtic

lead us t o

Church

what

Montalembert allows with regard lo primitive Ireland, that it was p r o f o u n d l y and unchangeably Catholic in doctrine, but separated from Home in various points of discipline and liturgy V § 4.

I N D E P E N D E N C E OF R O M E . — A n o t h e r

noteworthy feature

of the Celtic Church, was its independence of the

Roman

Church in its origin, mission, and jurisdiction. Before the sixth century Roman claims were not opposed, partly because such claims were not y e t in existence in the form, which

they

assumed after S t . Augustine's

mission,

partly because, so far as they may have existed potentially, there was an entire unconsciousness of them on the part of the Christian Church in these islands. The contrary view has notwithstanding been entertained, and rests on the testimony of early and generally

trust-

worthy witnesses on the Roman side, or on later

native

haeretieus, nullus Judaeus, millus schismatic us fait, ged fides Catholic» sicsit a vobis primum, sanctorum scilicet Apostolomm suecessoribtis tmdita, est, inconcussa tenctur.' Epiat iv. ad Boriifacium ; Fleming, Collectan. l y j . 1 H. & S. i. pp. 7-S. 5 For other minor points of difference raised by Augustine see Beds, H, E. ii, 2. i Beds, H. E, iii, 28. The validity of this consecration was afterwards disputed by Archbi&hop Theodore, on grounds which are discussed at length in W. Bright'a Early Eng. Ch. Hist. pp. 213, 226-7. * Monks of the West, iii. 79.

[71]

Introduction.

3°

[ e n . t.

writers, who however do not profess to be independent or original authorities on this subject. Bede attributes the conversion of England to the agency of Pope Eleutherus (A. D. 1 7 1 - 1 9 0 ) , during the joint reigns of Anrelius and Verus ( 1 6 1 - 9 ) ,

^rae

the British

prince Lucius T h i s story is now k n o w n to have originated in Rome in the fifth or sixth century, 300 years or more after the date assigned to that event.

I n the eighth century Bedc intro-

duced it into England, where b y the ninth century it bad grown into the conversion of the whole of Britain, while the full-fledged fiction, connecting it specially with Wales and Glastonbury, and entering into further details, grew up between the ninth and twelfth centuries 2 . Prosper of Aquitaine (A.U, 402-463), who went- to Rome on a mission to Pope Ctelestiue, A. I>. 4 3 1 , and was afterwards secretary to Pope Leo the Great, w r i t i n g c. 455, asserts with regard

to the conversion

of Ireland

that ' Palladius

was

consecrated by Pope Cadestine (422-432), and sent to the Scots believing in Christ, as their first bishop 3 .*

This

is

the original source of a statement which reappears in substance, t h o u g h not in this exact form, in many later documents, and with considerable additional detail.

I t would be

difficult to find any other sentence penned by any ecclesiastical historian which has caused so much which has been so variously interpreted. who were the Scots to whom Prosper

confusion, or

I n the first place, refers?

We

know

beyond a doubt that they were the inhabitants of Ireland, but this necessary limitation of the meaning of the term Bede, 11, E, i. 4, This conclusion with further and Interesting details will be found in H . and S, i.pp, 25-26, The historical anachronism involved in Eede's account U pointed out by G, H , Moberly, edit, of Bede, p. 14 n. Oxf. iSOo. 3 ' Ail Scotoa in Christum eredentes ordinatur a Pa.]ta Coelestiuo Palladius, et primus episcopus mittitiir.' Prosper, Chron. Consular, ad ann, 429, In another place Prosper says, 1 Et ordinate Scotia episcopo, dum Romanam insulim studet servare Catholic-am, fecit etiam barbaram Ciiristianani,' Contra Collat. s i i . 1

a

[72]

§ 4-]

Independence of Rome.

31

before the tenth century has only recently become generally accepted and understood, and it is probable that the later legends connecting Palladius with Scotland, as found in the Aberdeen Breviary, in the Leabhar Breac, and in the Scotiehronicon of John of Fordun (14th cent.), have originated in a misinterpretation of Prosper's language. was Palladius?

Secondly, who

W a s he, as Prosper intimates rather than

asserts, a Roman, or, as is stated in the Book of Armagh, an archdeacon of the Church of Rome 1 ? or was he, as Dr. Todd concludes, a Gaul 2 , and is to be identified with a certain Galilean bishop, commemorated under the name of Patricius, at Clermont, in the Roman martyrology on March 16 ? or was he an Irishman?

and as the annotations of Tireehan

on the Life of St. Patrick state thai called Patrick V

1

has there been some

St, Palladius and St, Patrick, and can

Pal lad ins was also confusion

between

statements which

were meant to apply to the one have become transferred to the other?

Thirdly, what is the force of ' p r i m u s 3 ?

Is it

to be interpreted chronologically, and accepted as a disproof of numerous later legends, which allude to the existence of Christianity and of Christian bishops in Ireland before A. D. 431 ? or are we to infer that there was previously a presbyterian form of Christianity in that country? or is ' p r i m u s ' to be taken in the sense of precedence, and is it the primacy of Ireland which was conferred at this early date by a Bishop of Rome upon Palladius 4 ? evidence for the Roman

There is no contemporaneous

mission of

St. Patrick, for

the

earliest authority for which see p. 37, The first introduction of Christianity into Scotland was due to the labours of Ninian among the Southern

Picts

Fol. 2 a. Todd, J . II,, Life of St. Patrick, p. ajg-. 3 Book of Armagh, fol. 1.6 a, quoted in H. & S. ii, pt, ii, p. 390. 4 We have preferred to enumerate the difficulties of lliss passage, rather than to suggest their solution. The question is discussed at much length by Dr, Todd, Life of St. Patrick, pp. 270-309, and the available evidence is summarised in H . & S, ii. pt. il, pp. 290-291. 1

2

[73]

Introduction.

[CH.

r.

(c. A. d. 401), who, ' according to Bede/ had been regularly instructed in the faith and the mysteries of the Rome1;

and who, according- to

Ailred 3 ,

truth

at

had been consecrated

a bishop by Pope Sirieitis. These statements appear again

and

again in the

later

annals and lives of the saints, acquiring a more circumstantial character the further they are removed from the period of which they profess to g i v e an account,

Their truth has

been generally taken for granted by modern writers s , until the careful research of Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs has given the death-blow to the story of K i n g Lucius and Pope Eleut h e r a s 4 , and it m a y b e suspected, although the difficulty of p r o v i n g the negative has not been fully overcome, that the stories of the consecration

of Palladius by Pope Caelestine

and of N i n i a n by Pope Siricins are equally without foundation,

For while

Prosper and

Bede must be accepted as

generally impartial and trustworthy historians, no one can read the works of the former without noticing that his chief object was to m a g n i f y the importance of the Papacy * j and, Bede, H. E. iii. 4. " Ailred. Vita s, Xiniani, cap. 2. Ailred wrote in the twelfth century. 4 Mi', Skene, who certainly cannot be suspected of any Roman bias, says, chiefly on the strength of the above authorities, that the early British Church 'regarded the Patriarch of Rome as the Head of the Western Church, and the source of ecclesiastical authority and mission.' Celtic Scotland, ii. p. 6. The reader will find facts on pp. 35-40 which disprove such a statement as far as the later Celtic Church—and therefore inferentially as far as the earlier Celtic Church—is concerned. 1 Councils, &c. i. 15, 5 I. p. 171a. As an instance of Prosper'5 Roman bias compare his statement that Germanus of Auxerre (and Lupus) were sent by Pope Cielestine to Britain to combat Pelagianism A.D. 429, with the statement of Constant!us a presbyter of Lyons (A.n. 473-492") that they were sent by a Gallican synod. Prosper aays, "Ad actionem Palladii diaconl Papa Gaetestimis Germanum Autesiodorensem epi^copum vice sua mitt-it, et deburbatis hacreticis Britannos ad Catholicamficlemdirigit.' Chron, [after A, D, 455]. Constaotiua says, ' EoJem tempore es Britanmis directa legatio Galltcanis epiacopis aunciavit Pelagisaam perrersitatem in locis suis lata populos oecupassei et quainprimum fidei Catholicae debere succlirri, Ob quam c&xisam synodus nuuierosa coJleeta est : omniumque juilicio duo praeclara religionis luniina umTeraorutn precibus ambitmiur, Germanus et Lupus, apostolici sacer1

[74]

§4-]

Independence

of

33

Rome,

on the other hand, Bede, who was removed by more than a century from the events recorded in the first Book of his Ecclesiastical History, was actuated by an intense dislike of the independent Celtic Church, which has been stigmatised by a modern Roman Catholic writer in the following w o r d s : — ' T h i s (i.e. the feeling and attitude of the British Church) is called by Bede, in language too like that which Muscovite writers of our own day employ in respect to the Poles, " a domestic and immoral hatred : " " Britones maxima ex parte dornestico sibi odio genteoi Anglorum

et totius Ecelesiae

Catholicae statum Pascha, minus rccte moribusquc improbis pugnant."

There is no just Teason for imputing

to the

British Christians a lower rate of morals than those of the Saxon converts; but our venerable historian, blinded by his passhms and prejudices, goes still further, and yields, as so many have done after him, to the hateful of identifying the work of God with

temptation

a human

conquest.

"Tarnen et divina sibi et humana prorsus resistente

vir-

tutc, in nentro eupitum possunt obtincrc propositum j quippe qui quamvis ex parte sui sint juris, nonnulla tamen ex parte Anglorum sunt servitio maneipati." (II. E. v. 23.)

He says

elsewhere (v. 18) that St. Aklhelm wrote " lifarum egregium adversus eriorem Britonum, quo vel Pascha non suo tempore celebrant, vel alia traria gerant,"

perplura

ecckssasticae

caslHati

con-

ei pad,

I n all Aldhelm's writings that have been

preserved to us there is not the least allusion to the irregular morals of the Celtic clergy 1 , 1 So Bede uses such epithets as f nefanda* and f pcrfida' of d o t e

q u i , '

kc.

D e

T i t a .

G e r m a n ! ,

i.

1 9 .

T h i s

is

a l s o

B e de'a

a c c o u n t ,

H .

E .

i. 7. F o r

f u r t h e r

t e r i t o r u m L i b e r 7 8 , 1

e v i d e n c e

S e d i s

c o n t r a

o f

t h e

A p o s t o l i c a e

C o l l a t o r e m ,

p r o - p a p a l

tendency

E p i s c o p o r u m

c a p ,

v ,

s x i ,

x l i i i ;

o f

P r o s p e r ,

a u c t o r i t it es, C a r m e n

d e

r e a d

P r a e f .

h i s

c a p ,

Iiigrafcis,

1 ' i a c -

y m ,

p i ,

i.

viii 11.

;

40,

3 84. M o n t a l e m b e r t ,

' e a s t i t a s ' r a t h e r

i n

t h a n

H e x l u u n ,

as

t h e

' p u r i t y ' i n

M o n k a

a b o v e of

of

t i e

p a s s a g e m o r a l s . '

c a t h o l i c a e

G d e i

W e s t ,

m a y

v .

m e a n

B e d e

e l s e w h e r e

c o n f e s s i o n s

D [75]

2 5 .

I t

' p u r i t y

h a s o f

b e e n

d e s c r i b e s

c a s t i s s i m u s

a u g g e s t e d

ecalfrftfostical

1

( H ,

A c o a , E .

v .

t h a t

d i s c i p l i n e B i s h o p

2 1 ) .

1

o f

Introduction.

34

[ c h . I.

the British nation when he records their defeat by iEthelfrith at the battle of Chester A.D. 613, and the massacre of the monks of Bangor, in accordance with the prophecy of St, Augustine 1 .

The clue to such language is the fact that

Bcde wrote under the influence of two motives, independent in their origin hut conducing to the same result.

Firstly,

there was a national hatred of the British Church and nation. This was no douht largely due to a feeling of resentment at the absence of British evangelistic enterprise in Anglo-Saxon heathendom,

of which Bede complains once and

again 2 .

But we have seen that the British Church was not destitute of missionary p o w e r 3 ; and more allowance must be made in the instance before us than Bede is inclined to make for the difficulties of the case.

It is easier for the conquerors

to preach to the conquered, than vice vena4. must

Mission work

have been very difficult while the state of feeling

between the two nationalities was as embittered as it was still in the eleventh century, when any "Welshman found armed east of Ofla's Dyke was legally punishable by mutilation 5 .

A second motive for Bede } s violence may have been a

desire to aggrandise Rome at the expense of the rest of Christendom, and to represent her as the mother of all Western. Churches ; a desire which began to exhibit itself as early as the fifth century in the writings of Prosper, and which 1

H , E , n, J. ' Q u i , inter alia, i n e n a r r a b i l i u m scelera, quae histortcus e o r i i m G i l d n s flebiE (sermons deseribit, et hoc addebant, ut n u n q u a m genti S a x o n u m sive A n g l u r u a a j Seconl B r i t t a m a m incolenti v e r b a m fidei prnedieando coimmttareBt,' I I . E , i . 22. C o m p a r e t h e t h r e a t and prophecy w i t h w h i c h S t , A u g u s t i n e wound Hp the conference; w i t h B r i t i s h bishops a t ' A u g u s t u s e s & e l" ' Q u i b u g v i r D o m i n i A u g u s t i a n s fertnr m i a i t u » p r a e d i s i i s e , q u i a si p a c e m c u m fratribuB aceipere nollent, h e l i u m a h hostibus forunfc a e c e p t u r i ; e t si naticmi A n g W u r a nuluissent viarti v i t a s praedlcare, per h o r u m m a u u s i i l t i o n c m easeat m o r t i s pnssuri. Q u o d i t » per omnia, u t p r a e d i x e r a t d i v i n o a g e n t s j u d i c i o p a t r a t u m est.' I b . i i . 2. The state of h o s t i l i t y between the two C h u r c h e s i s further i l l u s t r a t e d at p. 43, 3

' P- 1 3 . * Eddjtas speaks of t h e ' loca, saneta i n d i v e r s i s regionibus, quae C l e r u s B r i t o n u i n , a c i e m g l a d i i h o s l i l i s mswm g e n t i s nostras fugiens, deseruit.' T i t , S . s W i l f r . c. x v i i . l o h a n n c s S a r i s b u r . P o l y c r a t i c u e , v i . 6.

[76]

Independence of Rome.

35

became intensified instead of diminished in each succeeding O century. The following- facts tend to prove a non-Roman origin of the Celtic Church. (a) Incidental allusions in ancient documents to the existence of a primitive Christian Church in these islands differing' from the Anglo-Roman or Scoto-Roman Church of later days, Giraldns Cambiensis in. his description of Ireland (A. D. 1185) narrates how f in North Munster there is a lake containing two islands ; in the greater island there is a church of the ancient monastic rule eeelesia antiqliae religionis*), and iti the lesser a chapel wherein a few monks, called C id dees, devoutly serve God1.11 In South Munster the same traveller visited the church of St. Michael ('eeelesiam antiquae nimis et authentieae religionis 2! ). This ancient monastic rule may have been that not only of SS. Patrick, Cohimba, &c., but also of (1) Mansuetns, first Bishop of Toul in France (fourth century); (2) Sedulius, the Christian poet (fifth century); (3) Caclestius, the Pelagian (third and fourth centuries); (4) Eliphius and Eucharius, martyrs in France (fourth century). All these were Irishmen, and though much obscurity hangs over the history and date of (2) and (4), they may all have been trained under the pie-Roman ' antiqua et authentiea religio HiberniaeV There are also allusions to an 'eeelesia primitiva' in Scotland in the Aberdeen Breviary 1 , the strange Masses of which were finally abolished by Queen Margaret". The independence of the ancient Cornish Church is attested by a passage in the Leofrie Missal, an eleventh-century MS. in the Bodleian Library, which describes how Eadulf, the 1 Top. JTib. ii, cap. 4, Master of Rolls Ser., v. p. S i . * lb. ii; 30, p. 11S. 3 For further evidence for the existence of Christianity in Ireland bofore St. Patrick, stee R . Brash, Eceles, Architecture of Ireland, p. n o ; II. and S1 See I ml ex, 3 p, j . Yol, ii. p. 291,

D% [77]

Introduction.

36

[CH. 1

first A n g l o - S a x o n Bishop of Credi ton (A.D. 909-34 ), acquired three properties in Corn wall tliafc lie m i g h t more frequently visit the erroneous and unruly Church in that county I t s divergence from the Roman ChuTch early in the eighth century

had

been

complained

of b y

Aldhelm A b b o t

of

(¿} The absence of any allusion to a Roman mission

or

Malmesbury A.D. 7 0 5 2 . jurisdiction in the few surviving genuine w r i t i n g s of Celtic saints, GÌ Idas 3 , Fastidius, Aileran, P a t r i c k , Seelinall, Fiacc, Columbanns, Columba. Cu mi 11 ins, Adam nan, (c) T h e presence in such writings of passages which are inconsistent with

any

recognition

of

Roman

mission

authority.

S t . Patrick in his Confession and his

ad Corotici

subditos 3

f

or

Epistola

is not only silent as to any commission

1 ' Ut inde singulis annis visitaret gentem Corn ubi enscni ad esprimendos eorum errores, nato antca in quantum potuerant veri tati rosìstebant, et non decretìs apostolici« oboedìebant.' (MS. no. 579. fol. 3 b.) 5 ' Audi tura nam que et diversìa rurooribua compertuni nobis est, quod sacerdote» vestri a Catholicae fidei regula, secundum Scripturae preceptum minime concordcnt.' Aldhelna, Ep.ad Gerunt. lìeg, Damnoniae ; H. &S. ì. 6;a. 3 An obscure sentence of Gilda:? quoted by Dr. Lingard (A.S. Church, i, 3 3 5 , 3 4 5 ) DOES not mention and does not ECCDI to refer to Rome. The following passage occurs in Gildas' description of the British priesthood : ' Praecepta Chriaii spernentes, et suaa libidines votis omnibus implere ourantes, sedem Petri Apostoli irmnundis pedibus usurpante^, sed merito cupiditatis in J udae traditori® pestilente!« caUiedram deddenles.' Epistola, in H. and S., Councils, i, 74. Bishop Forbes sees in this passage an allusion to British pilgrimages, to Rome (Historians of Scotland, v. p. 263) ; but Barely the allusion to the two Apostles is purely metaphorical, though British pilgrimages to Rome, and to Jerusalem also, were probable enough, and common enough according to the Lives of the Saints : e.g. All red, writing a life of St. Kiiu&b io the twelfth, century, attributes these sentiments to him : 'In terra mea quaesivi quern diligit anima mea et non invenL Surgam et circuito mare et andana , , , Traasìensque Britannicum mare, et per Gallicanas Alpes iugressus Italiani, prospero itinere ad urbern usque pervertii,' Pinkerton, J.( Vìt. SS. Scot. p. 4. The contemporary evidence of Theodoret, &e. about British pilgrimages is quoted in II. and S., Councils, &.C. i, 13. Gildas interpreted St, Matt. svi, 1S, 19 as a divine commission given to every priest : ' Vero sacerdoti dicitur, *' Tu es Petrus et super liane petram aedificabo Ecclesiali] mcaw ; " vos quidem assimilamini viro stnlto qui aodificavit doaium saura ¿uper arenam . . . itemque omni saneto sacerdoti promittitur ; "Etquaecunque Eolveris super terrain erunt soluta et in coelis, et quaecunque ligaveris," &c. Sed quomodo YOS aliquid solvette ut sit solutuin et in coelis, ob acelera adempti, et immauium peccatorum funibus «impediti,' &c. Epistola, sub finem.

[78]

Independence of Rome.

4 4-1

37

from a Bishop of Hojue^but describes himself in general terms as a bishop in Ireland, deriving1 his commission directly from God Himself.

The latter letter opens thus: ' Patricias peceator

indoctus, Hiberione eonsliiutus episcopns, a Deo aeeepi id quod sum.5 In other passages he attributes bis Irish apostleship to an inward call, which be regarded as a divine command; and to a vision of a man (or an angel) in the night beckoning him over to Ireland l.

The earliest written records of S t . Patrick,

the Hymn attributed to St, Fiacc Bishop of Sletty, near CarloWj a convert and disciple of St. Patrick—the

Hymn

of St. Sechnall (S. Secundmns), another contemporary

of

St. Patrick, whose sister's son be is said to have been,— the ancient Life of St. Patrick, written

by Muirchu Mac-

cumachtheni at

Bishop of

the dictation

of Aedh

Sletty,

(d. 698 ), and preserved in the Book of Armagh, all alike are silent as to any Roman mission of St. Patrick 2 . The language of a later Irish saint—Columbanns—representing the attitude of that portion of the Celtic Church to Borne at tlie end of the sixth and the beginning of the 1 The passages are too long to quote. They will be found in English in Todd's Life of St. Patrick, pp. 377-3791 According to Si. Sechnail, Si. Patrick : * Apostol.itura a Deo sortibus est.' This is the more remarkable as St. Peter fa mentioned in the previous lino without any allusion to a. mission to St. Patrick from his successor ill the See of Rome, And again : 1 Domiutts eum elegit ut doceret baibaros, Quein Deus misit, ut Pnulum ad gentes, apostoliim.' St. Fiace's Hymn mentions the admonition of an angel (stanza y) ; Liber Hymnoruni, pp. 287-304 5 H, and S. vol. ii. pt. it. p. 339 a. The earliest Irish authority for St. Patrick's Roman mission are the annotations ofTirecJian in the Book of Armagh, and the Scholia (ninth century or later) to St. Fiaoc's Hymn. The nn historical character of Tirecban's Life of St. Patrick is demonstrated in Skene's Celtic Scotland, ii, 425. liede does not mention St. Patrick, The ' V i t a S. Patricii' sometimes printed among his works iv&s written by the Irish Frobus, ob. S59, Adanman makes only one, and that quite an incidental, allusion to h i m : * Nam quid am p r o s e l y t e Biito, homo sanetus, sancti Patricii episcopi discipulys, Maucteus nomine,' &e. Vit. S. Golum. Praef. ii. p. 6.

[79]

38

Introduction,

[ch. i.

seventh century, is quite inconsistent with any theory of its Roman origin, and must sound strange in the ears of a modern Ultramontane. The position assumed by Oolnmbanus, writing on the Continent to the Pope, substantially amounted to t h i s : an acknowledgment of the Bishop of Rome as a true bishop of the Church of Christ, and of the need of courteous language in addressing the occupant of so distinguished a See, with, throughout an implied assertion of exemption from his jurisdiction, and a claim to be allowed to criticise freely, and from the independent, standpoint of an equal, the character and conduct of any Roman pontiff. The language which he used to Boniface I V is not that of a subordinate, but is couched in terms the freedom of' which may have been resented then, but would certainly be resented now. He laments over the infamy attaching itself to the Chair of St. Peter in consequence of disputes at Rome 1 . He exhorts the Pope to be more on the watch 2 , and to cleanse his See from error, because it would be a lamentable thing if the Catholic faith was not held in the Apostolic See 3 . He says that many persons entertain doubts as to the purity of the faith of the Roman bishop 1 . He allows a high post of honour to the See of Rome, but second to that of Jerusalem, the place of our Lord's resurrection 5 . He upbraids the Roman Church 1

"Dolor eaim potius me qnam elatio compellit vobis Sndicare, tramiUima, lit decet, suggestions, quod nornen Dei per vos contemlentes iitrinque blasphematur inter gt-ntis; doleo tnim. fateor, tie iufamia cathedrae Sancti Petri,* iv. Epist. ad Bonif,; Fleming, Cullectan. 135. He apparently alludes here to some dispute among tlif: Italian bishops,for be says afterwards,1 Aguoscite vos ioTicem, lit sit gaudium in coelo et in terra pro pace et conjunctione vestra ;' and in another place, 'Qnum itaque omnes dieite, et gnam sentite, ut utrique nnum sitisfcotiClmstiaii),' ic. 2 ' Vigil.1, itaque quaeso, Papa, vigil a, et iterum dico, vigil a,, quia forte nou bene vigilavit Vigilius (S37-i5j) quem caput scandali isti clamant qui nobis eulj'iim Iiijiciunt. Vigila prime pro fide,' lb. p, [40. 3 ' Ut mundes eatherlram Petri ab omiii errore (a later MS. band has attempted to substitute ' horrors') si qui est, lit aiunt, intromifsus, si non puritas agtioscatur ab omnibus, Doleudum eniin ac cleflenduai est, si in sede ApostolicafidesCatliolica uon tenetur.* lb, ¡>. 141. 1 ' Rugo vos, quia multi dubiUnt de fidei vestrae pari ta to.' Epist. v. ad Eonifac. 5 j4. 4 1 Propter Christi geminos apostolos, vos prope eoelestes estia, et Roma [80]

§ _(.]

Independence of Rome,

39

for proudly claiming a greater authority and power in divine tilings than was possessed by other Churches merely because of a certain fact recorded in the Gospelsj and denied by no one, that oar Lord entrusted the keys of the kingdom of heaven to St. Peter, and points out that the prerogative of the keys stands upon a different basis, and must be wielded 011 other grounds 1 , Writers from a Roman standpoint have resorted to curious devices to escape the necessary inference from such passages. Dr. von Bollinger collects the courteous expressions contained in the Epistles of Columbanus, and deduces from them the conclusion that the Celtic saints ( recognised ill'the Roman Bishop the Head of the Church, and were in unbroken communion with him., and through him "with the Church universal! 1

He sees in St. Columbanus' claim to

Catholicity in a passage previously quoted 2 ' a clear proof of the Roman mission of St. Patrick 3 31 Ozanam's explanation of Columbanus 3 language is still more amazing. seventh century.

It is due ' t o the disordered eloquence of the This period was one of those in which

thought, ceasing to be the mistress of language, betrays itself orbis terrari]m caput et ecclesìaram, salva loci Doisiiisicae resurreelkmis «iugulari praerogativa. 1 E p , ivr. p, 143, 1 H e vrarns the Bishop of R o m e , ' U t non perdati s vestram dignitatem per aJiquain perversitatem. T a m d i u enirn potesfcas apud vos erit, qua.mdiu recta ratio permaiiserit• ille cairn « e r t i » regni coelorum d a v l e u l a r ì u * est q u i digiti»per

veratri ecienti&m aperit et mdignis claudiU A l i o q u i n ai contraria fecsrit nec aperire nets claudere potent. Cum hare igifcur vera sinfc, et sine ulla eontradictione ab omnibus vere sapìentibus recepta siut, licet omnibus notuui est, et «emo qui nesciat qualiter salvator noster Sanelo P e t r a regni codorimi contulit claves, et vos per hoc forte snperciliosum neseio quid p i a « ceteris Tobia majoris auctoritatis ac iti divinis rtibus potestatis indicatis; noveritis, uiinoreni fort pofcestsiem vestram apud Dominum si veì cogitati® i o c in cordibue vestris. Q u i a unit.is fidei ili tato orbs unicatem fecit potestatis et prnerogafcivae, ita ut liberta» verltati ubique a b omnibus .letur, et adìtus erforis ab omnibus similiter s p. 2S. n. 7. a b n e g e t e r,* E p . v . 5 10, 3 B u t Dr. Dtilliuger wrote thua as far b a c k as 1833 ; Geschìchte der chrìstlichen K i r e h e , Per-iode il. SeÌte 1S5. Landsiiut. Other writers w h o adduce Columbanus aa a witness in favour of R o m a n supremacy are D r . Morati, Essays on E a r l y Irish Church, p, 99, and M r . C , F . B . A l l n a t t , Cathedra Petri, j n d edit. pp. 6g, So.

[81]

Introduction.

40

[CH. I,

either by an excess or defect of expression, whereby a writer says less than he means, or more than lie means, seldom what he means to say 1 .' Tlie whole subsequent history of the Celtic Church, both in these islands and on the continent, exhibits occasional proofs of its independence of, and hostility to, the claims of Rome. In A.B. 6qi Gregory entirely ignored the existence of the Celtic bishops, as bishops, in his answer to Augustine's sixth question whether consecration by a single bishop is valid. ' Y e s / he replied, ' i n the English Church, while you are the only bishop, you can only consecrate in the absence of other bishops.

B u t when bishops shall come over from Gaul they

will assist yoii as witnesses at the ordination of a bishop-J In answer to his seventh question Gregory committed all the bishops of Britain to his supervision and control 3 , a position of subordination which they repudiated, not surely through any misapprehension of the nature and grounds of St. Augustine's claims, but because they ignored the theory of papal supremacy. In a.d. 604 Augustine was succeeded in the See of Canterbury

by one of his companions, Laurentius by name.

'Archbishop Laurence,' Bede tells us, 'not only attended to the charge of the new Church that was gathered from the English people, but also regarded with pastoral solicitude the old natives of Britain, and likewise the people of the Scots who inhabit the island of Ireland adjacent to Britain. For observing that the practice and profession of the Scots in their own country, and also those of the Britons in Britain itself, were less in accordance with Church order in many things, particularly because they used not to celebrate the solemnity of Easter at the proper time . . . he in conjunction with his fellow-bishops wrote them a letter of exhortation, beseeching and entreating them to keep the bond of peace and 1 i 5

L a Civilisation Chreiientie, chap, iv. p. 11 -Gregorii Magna Op,, M i g n e ; Uib, Pat. Lat. btxviL p. 1 1 9 ; . Bede, H- E . i.

[82]

§ 4„]

Independence of Rome,

41

Catholic observance with that Chureli of Christ which is extended ail over the world;' of which letter these were the opening words: ' T o onr lords and most dear brethren the bishops OT abbots throughout all Scotia, Laurcntius, Mellitus, bishops, the servants of the servants of God.

W h e n the Apo-

stolic See, according to her practice in all the world, directed us to preach to the pagan nations in these western parts, and so it came to pass that we entered into this island which is called Britain, before we were acquainted with it, believing that they walked in the ways of the Universal Church, we felt a very high respect for the Britons as well as the Scots, from our great regard to their sanctity; but when we came to know the Britons we supposed the Scots mast be superior to them.

However, we have learned from Bishop Daganus

coming into this island, and from Abbot Columbanus coming into Gaul, that the Scots differ not at all from the Britons in their habits; for Bishop Daganus, when he came to us, not only would not take food with us, but would not even eat ill the same lodging where we were eating 1 / Daganus was the Celtic bishop of Inverdaoile in Wexford. The Saxon Archbishop's letter cannot have had all the desired effect, for writing 137 years later (A. D. 731) Becle implies that the state of separation and the feelings of enmity between the two Churches remained at least unchanged 2 . became gradually intensified.

In fact they

The Roman attitude towards

the Celtic Church, both British and Irish, in the latter part of the seventh century was one of unmitigated hostility. Late in A.D. 664 St. Wilfrid went to France for consecration to his Northumbrian See, refusing to be consecrated at home by bishops out of communion with the See of S o m e 3 . — J.

The

Bede, H . E . ii. 4. "Setl quantum haec agendo profeceiit, sdbuc praesentia tempera declarant.' Ib. 3 1 Seil perstitit ¡He negate, ne ab episcopis Scotis, vet ab iis quoa Scoti ordinaver&ot coiisecratipnem susciptret. quotum communiiYnem sedes aspemarefcur catholica," Guliel. M a l m , de Gestis Pontif. lib. i i i ; Migue, Bib. Pat, Iiftt. d x x i x , 1555. T h e speech of W i l f r i d r>n this occasion has been preserved by EJdius, his earliest and moat trustworthy biographer: 'Omnibus modis 1

a

[83]

Introduction.

42

[CH

i.

whole of England, except Kent, East Anglia, Wessex, and Sussex, was at this time in communi on with the Scoto-Celtic Church.

O f the excepted parts, Sussex was still heathen.

"Wessex was under a Bishop Witti, in Gallica» orders, and in communion with the British bishops.

Kent and East Angli;)

alone remained in complete communion with Home and Canterbury. In A.D. Ó67 Pope Vi tali an wrote to Oswy, saying that he would look out for a fit person to fill the Archiepiseopal See of Canterbury, a person who would eradicate the tares from the whole of the island, alluding under this expression to the clergy of tbe Celtic Church 1 . W e learn from the Penitential of Archbishop Theodore (A. D. 668-690} that the validity of its Orders was denied, if not entirely, at least so far as to need a fresh imposition of hands by a Catholic bishop ; the consecration of its churches was not recognised ; its members were refused communion, without first making a formal submission ; and doubts were thrown out even as to the validity of their baptism 2 .

And the Areh-

nob;3 ut'oessarium est considerare, qooffiodo cum elections vostra. sine accusations OathoKcorum virorum, ad grftdum episcopal cm cum elei adjutorio venire valeam ; sunt e&iro hie iu Britannia, multi Episcopi, quorum milium meum est accusare, q u s m v b vcraciter sciam, quod ant quartadeeimaiii s u i t ut Briton ea, ut Scoti, aut ali illia sunt ordinati quos aee Apostolica sedes in coiuniunionem veripit, neque eos qui schignaaticis coiisen timi t. Et ideo in multa humilitate a VOIHS pusco, ut me raittaiù cum vesta» praesidio trans mare ad Galliarum regione™, ubi Catholici Episcopi multi liabéntur, ut sine controversia Apostoliche s«lt8, licet i a d i p i n , graduili Episcopal em me rear accipere.' V i i , S. W i l t cap. xii, Eddius, like BeJe, betrays a strong anti-Celtic bias, speaking of the ' selli amatici Bri tannile et H i b e r a k e ' (ib, c. v."), and of 1 peecatum ordinandi a QuartadedmaniE in sedera aHerius' (ib. c, xv). 1 ' U t ipae et viva voce et per divina ovacula omuétfi inimici ziznmatn ex ornili veetrn insala cum divino natii eradieet,' Bode, 11.E, ili. 29. The meaning of the passage is obvious from the context. a ' I . Qui ordinati sunt a Scottoruiti ve! Britouum episcopi^ qui in Pascila vel tonsura c&tholfci noti sunt, adunati eceksiae non sunt, Sed iterum a cattolico episcopo manus impositions coniìrmetitur. ' 2. Similiter et aecclesiae quae ab ipsia episcopis ordinantur, aqua cxorcizata »Bpergantnr et aliqua culloctiorse coiifirmentur, ' 3, Iiicentiam quoque noil habemus eis poacentibvis crismali! vel Evscliaiistiam dare, uisi ante confessi fuermt velie nobiscum ESSA in imitate ccclesiae. E t qui ex horom similiter gente vel quicunque de b&ptismo suo dubitaverit, baptizetur. 1 Poemteiitiak Tfreodori, ii. 9.

[84]

5 4-]

Independence of

Rome.

43

bishop gave ;i practical proof that lie meant what he said, by objecting- to the regularity of Chad's consécration as Bishop of York (A, p. 665-6) because two of his eonsecrators, assistants of Wiiii of Winchester, had been British bishops, probably summoned from Cornwall for the purpose ; and on Chad's transference to Mercia Theodore "completed his consecration afresh in the Catholic manner 1 , 5 A.D. 669. I n A.D. 687 the dying words of St. Cuthbert, himself a convert to Roman usage, with reference to that Celtic Church ia which he had spent some thirty years of his life, exhibit much bitterness.

' Keep peace,' he said, ' one with another,

and heavenly charity ; and when necessity demands of you to hold counsel as to your state, take great care that yon he of one mind in your conclusions; and, moreover, maintain mutual concord with other servants of Christ, and despise not the household of the faith who come to yoii seeking hospitality, but he careful to receive such persons, to entertain them, and to send them away with friendly kindness; and do not think yon are better than other followers of the same faith and conversation; but with those that err from the unity of Catholic peace either by not celebrating Easter at the proper time, or by living perversely, have no communion 2 .' On the other hand, the members of the British Church reciprocated by in their turn regarding the Christianity of the Anglo-Saxons a thing of nought, and refusing to hold any intercourse with them.

I n the year A.p. 705, Aldhelni

Abbot of Maîmesbuiy, instructed by a West Saxon Synod, wrote a letter to Gemntms (Geraint) K i n g of Damnonia (Devonshire and Cornwall), in which he complained f

that

beyond the mouth of the Severn, the priests of Cambria,

proud of the purity of their morals 3 , have such a horror of 1

Be (le, H . E . iv. a.

* Bed«, V î t . S, Cud. x x x v i i - x x x i x . The date of unknown, but he entered the monastery of Melrose EumaJtt usage after the Synod, of Whitby A.D. 664, and 1 This fact, admitted Ly Aldhelni, unless his words

St. Cuthbert's birth is A.D. 6 5 1 , conformed to died A.D. 687. are sarcastic, contrasts

curiously with the accusations of GUdas, A.D. 5 4 7 ; Episfc. in H . and S. i. 74.

[85]

Introduction,

44

[CM. I.

communication with as, that they refuse to pray with us in the churches, or to seat themselves at the same table: more than this, what is left from our meals is thrown to dogs and swine, the dishes and bottles we have used have to be rubbed with sand or purified by "five, before they will condescend to touch them. The Britons give us neither the salutation nor the hiss of peace; and if one of us went to live in their country, the natives would hold no communication with him till after he had been made to endure a penance of forty days.' Aldbelm then proceeds to assume that these British Christians, with their bishops, arc outside the pale of the Catholic Church, and to assert in language, which has often been heard in more modern times, that it is impossible to be a Catholic and yet not in visible union with the See of St. Peter. ' W e entreat you on our knees, isi view of our future and common country in heaven, and of the angels our future fellow-countrymen, do not persevere in your arrogant contempt of the decrees of St. Peter and the traditions of the Roman Church, by a proud and tyrannical attachment to the decrees of your ancestors. Whatever may be the perfection of faith and good works, they arc unprofitable out of the Catholic Church, . . . To sum up everything in one word, it is vain for any man to take credit to himself for belonging' to the Catholic faith, so long as he rejects the doctrine and rule of St. Peter, For the foundation of the Church and the consolidation of the faith, placed first in Christ and secondly in St. Peter, will not waver before the assaults of any tempest. It was oa St. Peter that the Truth Himself conferred the privilege of the Church, saying, Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my Church 1 .' In a.d. 816, the Council of Celehyth, under Wulfred Archbishop of Canterbury and Kenulf King of Mereia, passed a 1

II. and S. iii. 266-273.

[86]

§ 4.]

Independence of Rome.

45

resolution questioning the ordination of certain Irish clergy and the efficacy of Sacraments administered by them 1 . The same state of antagonism between the Roman Church and the Celtic communities existed on the Continent. The Anglo-Saxon Winfrid, A.D. 680-755, better known as Boniface Archbishop of Mentz, and styled 'The Apostle of Germany/ regarded the Irish and British missionaries with whom he came in contact in Germany as little or nothing else than heretics. H e induced Pope Gregory I I I (A.D. 7 3 1 741) to write a letter exhorting the bishops of Bavaria and Alemannia to reject the ' teaching and the ritual of the Gentiles,'and * of those Britons who came there,5 as well as of 1 other false priests and heretics V He delated two of them, Yirgilius the Apostle of Carinthia, who had been known in Ireland as Ferghal Abbot of Aghabo, and Sidonius, to Pope Zacliary A.D. 746, for incorrectly administering baptism, and though the Pope acquitted them on this score, Boniface secured their condemnation in the following year on a question of the existence and character of the antipodes. A third Irishman was charged with holding heretical views of baptism, and a. fourth, named Clement, was condemned for heterodoxy A.D. 742, and afterwards imprisoned by Carloman. The above facts present to our view a vast Celtic communion existing in Great Britain and Ireland, and sending its missions among the Teutonic tribes on the Continent, and to distant islands like Iceland ; Catholic in doctrine and practice, and yet with its claims to Catholicity ignored or impugned by the Church of Rome ; with a long roll of saints, every name of note on which is either that of one like 1

' l i t nullits permittatur ile genere Scottorum in alicujus tlioctsl sac ram sibi minkteria asurpare, neque ei conswifcire lieeat es sacro online aliquot attingere, vet ab eis acoijiere in baptismo, aut in oelcbratione inissarum, vt-l etiain Eucharistiam populo praebcre, quia incertom est nobis, nude, en (an) abaliqun ordmentur,' &c. Cap. y ; H, and S, iii, 581. 5 1 Gentilitatis ritum, ct doctrinal», Tel venientjum Erit.tonum, vel falaoruto sacerdotum et haeretieorum, ant undecunque sint, renuentes ac prohibentas »djiciatis/ &c. Greg. 1 1 1 . Epist. ad Episcopoa Bajoariae ct Alt-man niae; jb. i p. 203,

[87]

46

Introduction.

[CH.

r.

St. Colutnbanus taking a line wholly independent of Rome, or, like Bishop Colman at the Synod of Whitby, directly in collision with her; having its own Liturgy, its own translation of the Bible, its own mode of chanting, its own monastic rule, its own cycle for the calculation of Easter; and presenting both internal and externa] evidence of a complete autonomy § 5. E A S T E R N OlUGlN.-—It is hardly possible to pass over in silence the theory of the Eastern origin of the Celtic Church which was once much in vogue, but which is now generally abandoned as untenable. This theory has, for obvious and polemical reasons, been maintained by all Protestant, and by some Anglican writers, while it has been as uniformly repudiated by writers of the Church of Rome 2 . Neander writes: 'The peculiarity of the British Church is evidence against its origin from Rome, for in many ritual matters it departed from the usage of the Roman Church, and agreed much more nearly with the Church of Asia Minor 3 .' On the other hand, Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs speak of ' the groundlessness of the so often alleged Orientalism of the early British Church,—Oriental in no other sense than that its Christianity originated like all Christianity in Asia, and found its way to Britain through (most probably) Lyons, and not through the then equally Greek Church of Rome, but without imprinting one single trace upon the British Church itself of any one thing in a peculiar sense Greek or 1

The foregoing is for the most part a picture of the early Celtic Olirjrcta only, The influence of Rome began to predominate ill Ireland in the seventh century, and appeals to Rome are1 recognised in the Book of Armagh. I t (lid not fully establish itself till the twelfth century (see p, 10). A l l the arguments brought forward by Bishop Greith (A)tirisehen Kirche, p. 453) to prove the recognition of the papal supremacy by the early Church of Ireland, and the authorities by which he supports til em, refer not to the Church of SS.Columba andColumbanns, much less of SS. Patrick and Bridget, but to the Irish Church after conformity to the Roman Church had commenced to set in (for dates see p. 9). 5 Sir James Dalrymple, Collections, Epist. Dedicat. p. 2 ; Pref. p. xliv ; George Buchanan, Hiat. in Rage Aidano; David Buchanan. Pref. to Knox, Hist, edit. Loud. fol. p. 1 5 1 ; Spottiswoode, Tindication of Collections, p. 3 0 ; Thomas limes, Civ. and Ecclea. Hist, of Scotland, p. II, Aberdeen 1853. s Gen. Ch. Hiat, i. ¡ 3 7 .

[88]

46

Introduction.

[CH.

r.

St. Colutnbanus taking a line wholly independent of Rome, or, like Bishop Colman at the Synod of Whitby, directly in collision with her; having its own Liturgy, its own translation of the Bible, its own mode of chanting, its own monastic rule, its own cycle for the calculation of Easter; and presenting both internal and externa] evidence of a complete autonomy § 5. E A S T E R N OlUGlN.-—It is hardly possible to pass over in silence the theory of the Eastern origin of the Celtic Church which was once much in vogue, but which is now generally abandoned as untenable. This theory has, for obvious and polemical reasons, been maintained by all Protestant, and by some Anglican writers, while it has been as uniformly repudiated by writers of the Church of Rome 2 . Neander writes: 'The peculiarity of the British Church is evidence against its origin from Rome, for in many ritual matters it departed from the usage of the Roman Church, and agreed much more nearly with the Church of Asia Minor 3 .' On the other hand, Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs speak of ' the groundlessness of the so often alleged Orientalism of the early British Church,—Oriental in no other sense than that its Christianity originated like all Christianity in Asia, and found its way to Britain through (most probably) Lyons, and not through the then equally Greek Church of Rome, but without imprinting one single trace upon the British Church itself of any one thing in a peculiar sense Greek or 1

The foregoing is for the most part a picture of the early Celtic Olirjrcta only, The influence of Rome began to predominate ill Ireland in the seventh century, and appeals to Rome are1 recognised in the Book of Armagh. I t (lid not fully establish itself till the twelfth century (see p, 10). A l l the arguments brought forward by Bishop Greith (A)tirisehen Kirche, p. 453) to prove the recognition of the papal supremacy by the early Church of Ireland, and the authorities by which he supports til em, refer not to the Church of SS.Columba andColumbanns, much less of SS. Patrick and Bridget, but to the Irish Church after conformity to the Roman Church had commenced to set in (for dates see p. 9). 5 Sir James Dalrymple, Collections, Epist. Dedicat. p. 2 ; Pref. p. xliv ; George Buchanan, Hiat. in Rage Aidano; David Buchanan. Pref. to Knox, Hist, edit. Loud. fol. p. 1 5 1 ; Spottiswoode, Tindication of Collections, p. 3 0 ; Thomas limes, Civ. and Ecclea. Hist, of Scotland, p. II, Aberdeen 1853. s Gen. Ch. Hiat, i. ¡ 3 7 .

[88]

Eastern Oriental 1 .'

Origin.

47

Elsewhere Mr. Haddan speaks of ' t h e common

but utterly groundless idea of a specially Gveek origin of the British Church V After such decided expressions of opinion from persons so qualified to form them, it is yet hoped that it may not be considered as labour thrown away to accumulate and lay before the reader the various converging- facts which, though they do not establish a specially Oriental origin of the Celtic Church, yet go far to save such a theory from the charge of being 'utterly groundless,' and explain how it grew up, This theory is of course quite distinct from the ethnological question as to the origin of Celtic nations, and from the philological question as to the relation of the Celtic language to the Indo-Germanic family.

Its discussion is complicated

by the fact that the date of the evidence offered is sometimes difficult to ascertain.

Such similarities as that of British

weapons found in barrows, in form and a l k y , to those found in the plains of Phoenicia, and of cromlechs and pillars in Ireland to stone monuments in Palestine S j have reference to an original connection long anterior to the introduction of Christianity, and are chronologically irrelevant to the subject in hand.

The similarity in these and other points between

Cornwall, Ireland and the East, is almost certainly due to the fact that in the earliest historical times the great traders and navigators were the Phoenicians, who brought

their

commerce to these shores, and may have influenced the manners and customs of their inhabitants in their architecture, arts, and manners.

With regard to the carved symbol of the

Greek cross which is frequently found, but not in a majority of eases, on the ancient sculptured stones of Christian Scotland 4 , while in Cornwall and Brittany the same form of the cross preponderates 5 , and with regard to other supposed signs of Councils and Eecles. Doc. I, p. six. 3 Ulster Journ. Arch, i. 226, Remains, p. 210. 4 Stuart, J., Sculptured Stones of Scotland, i i JJ. Ixxxvi. s Blight, J, T„ Ancient Crosses of the West of Cornwall, LOIMI. IS;6 ; Aiekaeol. CambrensU for 1857, p. 370. 1

2

[89]

48

Introduction,

[ c H , I.

an Eastern origin said to be exhibited by the British Christian architectural remains in Cornwalltheir use may he traced in all early Continental Western art, and is only due to the original connection of all Western Christianity with the East 2 , Architectural Evidence,—Mr. Fergusson makes the following remarks on the general Eastern character of early Christian Irish architecture: — ' Ireland possesses what may properly be called a Celtic style of architecture, which is as interesting in itself as any of the minor local styles in any part of the world, and, so far as at present known, Is quite peculiar to the island. None of the buildings of this style are large, though the ornaments of many of them are of great, beauty and elegance. Their interest lies in their singularly local character and in their age, which probably extends from the fifth or sixth century to the time of the English conquest in i 176. They consist chiefly of churches and round towers3,. . . No Irish church of this period, now remaining, is perhaps even 60 feet in letigthj and generally they are very much smaller, the most common dimensions being from 20 to 40 feet*. Increase of magnificence was sought more by extending the number than by augmenting the size. The favourite number for a complete ecclesiastical establishment was seven, as in Greece, this number being identical with that of the seven Apocalyptic Churches of Asia. Thus, there are seven at Glendalougli, seven at Cashel, and the same sacred number is found 1

J o u r n a l of Brit. Archaeol. Assoc. vol, xxiii. pp. 2 2 1 - 2 3 0 . The Labiirum has been found on sepulchral stones, as on the Frampton stone in ])iirset, ice., an J on an oval tin ornament., fourth century; H tibiier, J S m . , Inscript. E n t a i l , p. 12, No». 3 1 , i j S , 2 1 7 , S i S , 219, 220, 22S. For the Greek cross in early Italian art, see J . H . Parker's photographs, N o . 442, ill E a r l y Iridh A r t , Kilkenny Archaeol. Soc. 1S54, p, 2t>7s The date of the existing round lowers is much later. 4 Some of the oratories in fact are much smaller. St. Molhgga's oratory, Co. Cork, measures JO ft. * *i ft. 1 i n , ; St. Dechn'a at Ardmore, 13 ft. 8 in. x 8 f t . 4 i n , ; St. Mohia's, Killaloe, 1 0 ft. 6 in, X 6 ft. 4 i n . ; St, Colulab's, at Ktslls, 16 ft. 1 in. x 1 3 ft.;. St. Kevin's, at Giendakragh, 22 ft. 7 in. x 14 ft. 1 3 in., exclusive of the walls. R , Brash, Ecclts. Architect, of Ireland, p. 8. Tiie dimensions of churches are stated ib. p. 3 2 1 . 1

[90]

§ 5-]

Eastern Origin,

49

at several other places, and generally two or three, at least, are found grouped together. ' N o church is known to have existed in Ireland before the Norman Conquest that can be called a basilica, none of them being divided into aisles either by stone or wooden pillars3 or possessing an apse, and 110 circular church has yet been found

nothing in short that would lead us to believe that

Ireland obtained her architecture direct from Home j while everything, on the contrary, tends to confirm the belief of an intimate connection with the farther East, and that her early Christianity and religious forms were derived from Greece by some of the more southerly commercial routes which at that period seem to have abutted on Ireland. ' B o t h in Greece and Ireland the smallness of the churches is remarkable.

They never were, in fact, basilicas for the

assembly of large congregations of worshippers, but oratories, where the priest could celebrate the divine mysteries for the benefit of the laity.

It

is not only at Mount Athos, and

other places in Europe, but also in Asia Minor, that we find the method of grouping a large number of small churches together, seven being the favourite number and one often attained V A little further on M r . Fergusson alludes to the still older class of antiquities — ' t h e circular domical dwellings found in the west of the island, constructed of loose stones in horizontal layers, approaching one another till they meet at the apex like the old so-called treasuries of the Greeks, or the domes of the Jains in India 2 .'

Some words of Tertullian with

reference to the Eastern sect of the Marcionites have been somewhat fancifully quoted as fitly describing these Irish beehive-shaped buildings:

1

early

Hahent apes favos, habent

et ecclosias Marcionitae/ &c. Similar Christian architectural remains have been found 1 Feryubson, J., Illustrated Handbook of Architecture, London, 1855, vol. 5 lb. 915. ii. p. 915.

E [91]

Introduction.

5°

[ch. I.

in Cornwall (A.D, 250-450), and are described by Mr. Borlase in his ' A g e of the Saints 1 .' In his Preface to the Sculptured Stones of Scotland Mr, Stuart, quotes Dr. Wise's assertion that there is a striking similarity between the stone monuments of the East and those of Britain 2 , and M r . Chalmers' assertion that there are figures on some of the stones in Scotland identical with those 011 Gnostic gems 3 . These and such like facts, without amounting' to proof, are suggestive of Eastern origin or influence, more probably the latter.

On the other hand, the explanation which has

already been given 4 of the existence of Greek crosses

in

Cornwall may he extended to all the other points of architectural similarity between the early Christian remains of Great Britain and Ireland and those of the East 3 .

Palaeoarapkieal Evidence.—The palaeographieal evidence is at first sight strongly in favour of an Eastern connection, though the tendency of recent writers and of fuller investigation has been to modify the extent of the connection or even to deny it altogether. The distinctive style of ornamentation adopted or invented by native artists consisted of intricate designs formed— 1. B y the use of dots, generally in different coloured inks. 2. By simple lines, straight or curved. 3. B y the step-like angulated pattern. 4. B y the Chiuese-like z pattern. 5. B y interlaced ribbons. 6. B y interlaced zooraorphic patterns. 7. B y various spiral patterns, which are by far the most characteristic of the whole. 8. B y the formation of gigantic initial letters, sometimes occupying a whole page, which are filled up with geometrical a p- iv. 3 p. xiv. s p. 48. p. 30. Haddan, Remains, p. 23S. For an account and explanation of the mixture of I'uddliist and Christian symbols on Scottish atones, see Proceedings of Royal Irish Acad. to. l l S . 1

1

[92]

§ 5,]

Eastern Origin.

designs of interlaced work, convoluted

51 serpentine

figures,

spiral ornaments, grotesque birds, insects,, quadrupeds, &e.' W h a t is the origin of this style of Celtic art? A Roman origin is impossible, because not a single Italian M S , nor a single piece of Italian sculpture can be produced older than tbe ninth century having a close resemblance to those of this country,

The illuminations in the Book

of Kells find no exact parallel in Italy.

They resemble

Assyrian or Egyptian rather than Italian work, A Scandinavian origin, suggested by the existence of Runic inscriptions on stones found in various places, especially in the Isle of Man, is impossible, because all such stones are several centuries more recent than the oldest Celtic M S S . , the writers of which had no intercourse with the inhabitants of Denmark or Norway, A n Eastern origin, is suggested by the similarity of much of the Celtic ornamentation to that found in early Syriae, Egyptian, Etluopie, &e. M S S . , by a resemblance in the delineation of birds and animals to Egyptian fresco pointing, in the manner of drawing the wings, in the conventional representations of eagles, lions, calves, &c. ; in the swathed mummy-like .figures of Christ-.

The theory of such an

origin is facilitated by the early commercial intercourse which is known to have existed between this country and the East, and liy the frequent expeditions recorded to have been made by early Christian pilgrims of the Celtic Church to the Holy Land, and by the immigration of foreign ecclesiastics". On the other hand, it is rendered doubtful

by the

fact

that work resembling Byzantine work, and some features of Oriental ornamentation, are to be found ¡11 very early M S S , not only in the East, but also throughout Western Christendom 4 . 1 See the monogram of the Book of Kells, Gilbert, J. T., Nut, MSS. of Ireland, i. pi. vii; West wood, J. O., Facsimiles, &c., p. iv.

3

Westwood, J. O., Facsimiles, &c., plates xxvi, xxviii.

3

See p. 56.

* 'Professor Westwood said ill his Palaeograpliia Sacra (1845, not paged);

E 2 [93]

Introduction.

52

[ C H . I,

A peculiarity of Greek writing, sometimes adopted by Celtic scribes, as in the Scottish Boole of Deer; the Welsh nintheentnry

Ovid preserved

in

the Bodleian

Library

(Auet.

F. iv. 3 2 ) ; the Irish Stove Missal (ff. 18, 20-24); consists in the written letters depending from the line above them, instead of resting- on the line beneath. Another feature suggestive of Oriental influence is the introduction of the serpent as a common form of ornamentation in the elaborate illuminations of interlaced work which adorn the early Irish M S S .

I t is also prominent among

Christian emblems on the rudely carved stone crosses, most of which are earlier than the ninth century, and some of which are coeval with the introduction of Christianity into these

islands 1 .

This

serpentine ornamentation reaches a

climax on the ease of St. Patrick's Bell (eleventh century),' one side of which is beautified with stones with ornaments of fine gold representing serpents, curiously and elegantly intertwined in most intricate folds, and in various knots, like the complicated involutions in tlie collar of the Order of the Knights of St. Patrick.

On one of the ends below the

knob and ring by which it is suspended there are eight serpents so singularly infolded and intermingled with one

' T h e collection of many of these MSS. lias also furnished additional though unlooked-for evidence that the ancient Church in these islands was independent of Home, and that it corresponded, on the contrary, with the Eastern Churches. , . . . These apparently trifling circumstances (ornamental details) seem to me to prove, more forcibly than the moat laborious Arguments, the connexion between the early Christians in these islands and those of the East, so strongly insisted on by various writers.' I t is fair to add that in 1S6S the Professor seems so far to have modified his opinion of the Eastern origin of the style of illumination as to speak of it as probable rather than as capable of positive proof; Facsimiles, &c-, Introd. p. 5, • For specimens, see Wilson's Archaeology of Scotland, p. 503 ; Stuart's Sculptured Stones of Scotland, vol. i. plates lxH, I s i f , Ixxvii; vol. ii. plate XXT; 0'Neil'5 Sculptured Crosses of Ancient Ireland, plate m » ; Petriu's Irish Inscriptions, part v, p. xxxvii. For the prominence of the serpent in the ancient worship of Africa, Asia, Egypt, Grcece, see Dennis, G., Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, Vol. i. p. 1Û9, note I. edit, 1S78; Fergusson, J"., Tree and Serpent Worship, London, Introd. Essay.

[94]

Eastern

Origin. o

S3

another, that it requires minute attention and singular discrimination to trace oach separately and to distinguish it. from its fellows. Their eyes are skilfully formed of hlue glass. Above the cross are four of the same kind, and in each of the four compartments into which it is divided there are two golden serpents in relief. Below the knob of suspension, on the opposite end or side, are six other serpents, with blue eyes, hut differently intertwined. On the top is a strange representation of two of these creatures with, two legs 1 .' The serpent continued to make its appearance in the Ritual of the Anglo-Saxons, according to a traditional use possibly perpetuated from their Celtic predecessors. On Maundy Thursday, after Nones, a procession went down to the church door, bearing with it a staff which ended at the top in the shape of a serpent. There, fire, struck from a flint, was first hallowed, and then used for lighting a candle which came out of the serpent's mouth. From this all other candles were lighted; and tlie same ceremonial was repeated on (rood Friday and Easter Eve 2 . The serpent appears iu the Mozarabie Liturgy, which contains the following rubric amid the ceremonial of Easter E v e : ' Hie exeat Subdiaeonus enm. erase hoc oi'dine. Ceroferarii cum cereis pergant coram eruee; et eereus paschal is coram cere is, et serpens coram cereo/ &c. 3 There is no evidence as to early Gallicau usage on this point, but the serpent-rod was in vise at Rouen as late as the commencement of the eighteenth century 4 , and iu England up to the sixteenth century 5 . Another custom common to Ireland and the East, though ' Reeves, Description of St, Patrick's Bell, Belfast, 1850, p. 6, plates iv, v. ifayneri, Apostolatus Eeiiedietiiiorum in Anglia, Appendix, p, 87. 'Dunstani Concordia praescrlbens ritus i n Coena Domini servandos a i t ; Tiara eongrua agatur nona, qua cantata . . . . fiatres pergant ad ostium eeclesiae ferentes b a i t am on in imagine aerpentis ibiijue . . . . eandela quae in ore serpen tig iuiixa est a^cenrtatur.' Zaeearia, F . A . , Onornasticon, ii, 149. 3 Migne, Pat. L a t . lxxxv. 4 6 1 , 470, ! De Moleon, Voyages Liturgiques, p. 304. 8 Sarum ProcesjicaiJ, edit. 1503, fol. 70, F o r the serpentine formation of ihe pastoral staff of Eastern bishops, sere Goal', Euckol. pp. 1 1 5 , 314, 2

[95]

54

Introduction*

[CH. I,

not exclusively confined to Ireland among Western nations!, was that of providing their more precious sacred books with leather satchels called ' polaires,' furnished with straps for slinging round the shoulder, and ornamented in a kind of basso-relievo produced by stamping the leather. Woodcuts of the polaire of the Book of Armagh and of the shrine of St. Maidoc are given in Mr. Petrie's Round Towers, pp. 329,322; Arehasologia, vol. xliii. plate xiv. There are before the writer at this moment the leather satchel of the Irish Missal belonging to C, C. C, Library, Oxford, and the leather satchel of an iEthiopie MS, of about the same date belonging to St. John's College, Oxford. They resemble each other so closely in texture and design that they might be thought to have come from the same workshop. An independent origin is claimed for the Celtic style of ornamentation by some modern writers j as by Mr, French, who thinks that it is an imitation of the interlaced wickerwork of gigantic animals within which the natives in a preChristian period immolated their victims 1 . The anonymous writer of a recent article on this subject gives it as his view t h a t 1 English interfacings and Irish spirals are not traditional or taught ornament, but the special fancies of a race;' and again, speaking of the miniatures in the Book of Kells the same writer says that 1 they are constructed not without power or beauty, but with the quaintuess which marks the work of an isolated Church, which owed Rome nothing, and to which Greece or Syria had taught nothing but the faith 3 / Liturgical Evidence.—The monastic rule of the Celtic Church has been often ascribed to an Eastern origin 3 . Its canons, so far as they can be judged from the extant remains of the

1

Origin and Menning of the early Interlaced Ornamentation found. on ancien t

Sculptured Stones of Scotland ; 1 8 5 8 , Manchester. - Church Quarterly, vol. r , p. 457.

3Ir. E , Brash also claims an independent

origin for Irish a r t ; Eceles. Architecture of Ireland, p, 39. * e.g- in the Y i t a S. Gmngaloei in a passage quoted in H . and S. ii. i. 7 9 ; Will, of Malmesbury, quoted iu O'Conor, Eermn Hibern. Script, vol. i i p. 166.

[96]

Eastern• Origin.

55

Rules of St. Ci-lu'.i;lia, Columbanus, Adam nan, &c., are not identical w i t h any other Eastern or Western code.

T h e y are

found on comparison rather to resemble the former than the latter in the greater severity of their r e g u l a t i o n s l , which probably caused them to give way eventually before the milder Rule of S t . Benedict, and in the appearance in the Rule of St. Columbanus of such Eastern words as paximacium, paraearaximus, Arehimnndrita, Normus 2 . The scattered traces of Oriental influence in the remains of the Celtic L i t n r y and Ritual may be summed up as consisting of' the following points i — (ff) The episcopal benediction immediately preceding communion of the people, and

sometimes

the

bestowed in the

Eastern fashion 3 , The veiling of women at the reception of the Eucharist 4 . (ir) The use of unleavened bread 5 . (d) The custom of fasting on Wednesdays and Fridays is spoken

of by Archbishop

Ussher as 'agreeable to

custom of the Grecian rather than of the Roman

the

Church7.'

B u t there does not seem to be sufficient authority for drawing such a distinction. (c) Several of the points of Celtic Ritual, specified on p. 61 as Galilean, are Oriental in their origin. Historical

Evidence,—Mention

may

be

made,

in

con-

* The penalty of beating, which is reserved in the Benedictine Code for a few extreme cases, was assigned in the Penitential of St. Columbanus to the mast trivial offences, the number of blows to be inflicted varying from six to two hundred. Montalembert, Monks of t i e West, ii. 44S. 2 Of these words, Nomina, though said to be an Egyptian word, appears also la the Keg. S. Bened., and Archimandrita, in a differs lit sense, is used by later 3 Oh. ii, 5 8. Western writers, • Oh. it, § 25. 4 Ch. ii. § 35. V e r y early W e stem authority ean be found for most of these ritual Orientalisms, in the repreaeutationa in the Catacombs, or in early Italian mosaics. AH that they prove is therefore the Oriental origin of the Celtic Church in common with the rest of Western Christianity. * Ch. ¡1 § ¿4, 1 Op. vol. iv. p. j o j . Chr. A n t i q . ; Bingham, Friday is ordered in the Rule of St. CaesariuB of

The question is treated at length in Smith, Diet, of Antiq. book xxi, oh. 3. The fast on Wednesday and Eastern Rule of St. Antony, cap. xv ; in the Western Aries, c. xxii.

[97]

Introduction.

56

[CH. I.

neetion with the above facts, of the constant allusions to the East, and especially to Jerusalem, in the legendary lives of the saints;

e.g. in the legend connecting Scotland with

St. Andrew as its patron, saint, and describing the arrival of Regulus, a monkish pilgrim from the city of Constantinople, bringing the bones of the Apostle from the East.

The

oldest document containing this legend is of the twelfth century, and is printed in the Chronicles of the Picts and Scots 1 ,

So in the legendary lives of St. Bonifacius 2 , St.

Servanus 8 , and of others enumerated iu Haddan and S t u b W Councils, &e. 4 , in the legendary consecration at Jerusalem, in the sixth century, of St. David first Bishop of St. David's, St. Teilo second Bishop of LlandafT, St. Patera Bishop of Llandabarat,

Sometimes Eastern pilgrims visited Ireland.

Seven Egyptian monks, buried at Disert Ulidh, are invoked in the Felire of Oengus 5 . Celtic saints sometimes referred to Eastern authority in selfdefence, in their controversies with Rome.

St. Columbanus,

soon after the arrival of his mission in Gaul A.D. 590, protected himself from the charge of schism, and defended the Celtic mode of determining the fall of Easter, by referring to the authority of Anatolias Bishop of Laodieea, A.D. 270.

He

accused the continental Church of innovation ; its computation having been altered by Sulpieins Severus A.D. 410, by Y i c torius of Aquitaine 450, by Dionysius Exiguus 5 2 5 3

and

he finally declared to Pope Bonifacc his readiness to abide by the second canon of the Second Council of Constantinople, ' L e t not bishops go out of their dioceses to churches out of their bounds, nor bring eonfusion on the Churches,' &e. At

the Synod of Whitby, while St. "Wilfrid urged the

acceptance of the Roman calculation of the fall of Easter on the authority of St. Peter, Bp. Colman defended the Celtic cycle on the authority of St. John.

' T h e n Colman

said,

The Easter which I keep I received from my elders who sent 1 3

p. 138. lb. ii, 255.

4

1 Skene, W . F . , Celtic Scotland, ii. 229. 6 Colgan, Acta SS. Ilib. p. 539. i. 3 5 ; ii. pt. i. 86.

[98]

§ 6.]

Gallican

Connection.

57

me bishop hither; all our forefathers, men beloved of God, are known to have kept it after the same manner; and that the same may not seem to any contemptible or worthy to be rejected, it is the same which St, John the Evangelist, the disciple beloved of our Lord, with all the Churches over which be presided, is recorded to have observed 1 ,' British clergy are recorded to have visited Constantinople during the patriarchate of Methodius (842-847) for the sate of obtaining information about the Paschal cycle 2 . The above facts go far to explain and justify the opinion that there must have been originally some connection between the Celtic and Oriental Churches. not have been direct.

But this connection need

The most probable hypothesis is that

Christianity reached the British isles through Gaul, and that whatever traces of Eastern influence may be found in the earliest Liturgy and Ritual of Great Britain and Ireland are not due to a direct introduction of Christianity from the East, but to the Eastern character and origin of that Church through which Christianity first reached these shores. § 6.

GALLIC AX CONNECTION.-—There

is strong circumstantial

evidence in favour of the immediately Gallican origin of the British Church, and for fixing the date of its foundation bet ween A. D. 176 and 208,

In the former year Irenaeus, enumerating

the Christian Churches then in existence, made no allusion to any Church in Britain 3 .

In the latter year Tcrtullian wrote

a passage which contains the first historical allusion to the existence of Christianity ¡n these islands 4 .

The dispersion

1 Bede. H . E, iii. 25. T h e author does not wish to be considered as endorsing the historical accuracy of Column's assertions, but merely to call attention to the fact that the Celtic party themselves, however erroneously, claimed an Eastern origin of and sought Eastern authority for their Paschal cycle. Its non-Eastern origin is proved by Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, &c, i.

157. s KA^/MKOI Yup TTVFS TSIV eh airA TTOV TA aitpa. TT)S ohcovjlivqs OIKOVVTMY '¿rota riv&v (KKAy/Tiaaritiivv irapetdufsea:*, rtKiiai re ToC HW(YCt\iot «a! a«pj3oil KaraXfjijieais Trju PuatXtSa ir6hty fC(iTaXa£a!T(S [tw rat-Tip] Tot' njvfmvTa ta.Tpiapx'fl'

TrpQi?t\Tj\(/$a6. l Tim. iii. S-13. Luke ix. 57-62.

1 Tim, iii. S. John xii, 34.

Of Pried*.

Ecclus. XXX IT. 2. Matt. xkiv. 43.

Tit. i. Luke xii 42-44. Of Bishops.

Mai. 1. 6-11, 1 Cor. ix. 7-12, Luke xx. 45-xxi. 4.

Of

Priests.

Of Btehops.

Matt. x. r ; xxiv. 42, Mark vi. 6. Luke x. 1. John k. 12 ; xii. 24. 1 Tim. iii. 1. Tit. i. 7.

St. Gregory, in Iris celebrated answers to St. Augustine, distinctly recognised the validity of consecration by single bishops in case of necessity, and authorised and commissioned hint to consacrato single-hand eel. 'Truly in the Church of the English, in which as yet you arc found the only bishop, you cannot ordain a bishop otherwise than ivi t ho ut other bishops.' Bede, H. E. i. 27. Eespons, ri. 1 St. Ansclm said, * Episcopi quoque qui detoni esseformaet esemplimi aliia canonica© religioni®, inordinate, sicut awlhnu*, »ut a solis episcopi», ant in lucia, ubi non debent, conseerantur.' Ussher, Vet. Epist, JEibera. Sylloge, Ep. xxxv ; also ill Ep. xxxvi. LanfraHC complained 'Quod episcopi ab una episcopo consecrantw.' Ib. Ep. xxviì, 5 f Ut sine tribus episcopis nullus episcopal ordinetur, De Ms qui usurpant aibi quod soli debeant episcopos ordinare, plaeuit ut null us hoc sibi pra esuma t nisi assumptis securn septem ali is episeopis : si tauten non potuerit septem infra tres non audeat ordinare,' Mansi, Cone, torn, ii, p, 474. can. xi. [111]

7o

Introduction,

[ch. i.

(e) The anointing of the hands of deacons and priests at ordination. This custom, together with the above use of lections, is vouched for by the contemporaneous authority of Gildas: £ Recnriere tandem aliqu.mdo usque ad lectiones illas, quae ad hoc non solum nt vecitentur, sed etiam adstipulentur benedictioni, qua initiantur saeerdotum vol ministrorum mauusj' & c l The earliest extant formula for such unction is found in. the Pontifical of the Anglo-Saxon Egbert Archbishop of York (733-766), and runs as follows 3 :— ' A D ORD'ZNAJfSOS PRESBITEROS.

{1} Consecra!io Mams. {2) BenediCj Domine, et sanetifica has man us saeerdotís tui 111. ad consecrandas hostias quae pro delictis atque ueglegentiis populi offerunUir, et ad cetera benedicenda quae ad usns populi necessaria sunt - et praesta, quaesumus, ut quaecunque benedixeriut beaedicentur, et quaecunque sacrauerint sacrentur, Saluator mundi, qui uiuis et regnas.

(3} Facie us crueem sanetam Ae chrisínafe in manibus eini (ncl eoruiu) et dicis .* (4) Consccrentur manus istae, quaesumus, Domine, et sanctificentur; per istam sanctam unetionem et nostrum inuocationetn, adqne diuinam benedictioncm, ut quodquod benedixcrint sit bcnedictum, ct quodquod sanctificauerint sit sanctificatum. Per.

{5) Consecralio capitis oho. (6) Ung-uatur et consecretur caput tuum coelesti benedic1

Gildfte Epiat. If this interpretation of the passage is correct, Jocelin (twelfth eeutury) must be wrong in stating that unction of the head onlyforinocipart of the British rite, ' Moss inolevit 5n Britannia iti consecration« pontifleumtarn morto capita eorum sacri crismatis infusione perilngere, cum invocati une Sancti Spiritus, et bencrtietione et ìu&nus impositione ; quem ritum dicebant rtiaipientes se suscepisse diviaae legis institutionein, et Apostolornnx tradition«».' Vit. S. Kent. c. si, ftp, Pinkerton, Vit. Antìq, p. 223. s Printed by the Surtees Society, vol. xxvit. p. 24, from a tenth-Century MS, in the Imperial Library at Paria, [112]

§8.] Difference between Roman and Celtic Church. 7 i tione in ordine sacerdotali, in nomine Patri s, et Filli, et Spiritns Sancti.

Àmen.

Pax tibi,

Presp. Et cum Spirita tuo.' In the ordination of* deacons in the same Pontifical 1 there is the following rubric and collect : —

(7) ( Consccratio manmm Diaconi de oleo sancia et chrism,a. (8) Consecrentur manus, iste, quaesnmus Domine, et sanctifìeentur per is Lira iractionem, ut quaecunque benedicta

si ut, et quaecunque

sanctificauerint

benedixerint sanctifieata

sint.' (1) and (4} are found in the Gregorian Sacramentary 2 ; not in the Gelasian ; and in three ninth-century Galliean Saeramentaries 3 . The rubric and formula for the unction of the hands in the consecration of priests, in the present Roman Pontificai, are as follows ;—-

Ponfifex cum oleo catechiiìnenorum- inungit wnieidqice amia* mams, simid jimcias, in modum crucis, produccndo cum,pollice suo dexte.ro in dictum oleum intincto duas linea»jj videlicet, a pollice dexterae mamts usque ad indiaem sinistrae, et a, pollice sinistrae nsqve ad indicem dexterae, tingendo mox totali-ter palmas, die ens, dim quemlilet inungit : 1

Consecrate et santificare digneris, Domine, manus istas per istam imctioncm et nostrani benedictionem.

E. Amen.

Fon fi/ex producit maim denterà signum crucis super manus illius, quern ordinai, et prosequitur : Ut quaecunque benedixerint benedicali tur, et quaecunque eonsecranerint eonseerentur et sancti (ìcentur in nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi.

Àmen 4 .'

1 Muratori, Lit. Rom. V e t . ii. 414, from a tenth-century M S . l b . p. « , Mart. i. vili, xi. ordo iv, vol, ii. p. 41, 1 There is a passage in a letter from Pope Nicolas I (858-867) to Rodolph Archbishop of Bourses, asserting tliat tlie anointing of the hands wag riot then in usi; in the Roman Church in the ordination either of priests or deacons : •Seiseiiaris utrum solia presbyteris an et diaconibuB debeant cum ordinantur tu-inui chrisrnatie liquore perungi ; quod in san eta hac Romana, cui Deoauctore 1

3

[113]

Introduction.

72

[ch. I.

The anointing of the hands at the ordination of deacons [{7) and (8}] is not found in any form of the Roman Ordinal, ancient or modern, nor in any Galilean Ordinal 1 .

I t is found

in the A n g l o - S a x o n Ordinals of S t . Dunstan 3 , of E g b e r t o f B e e 4 ; and is asserted hy Martene to have been a peculiarity of the A n g l 0 - S a x o n C h u r c h 5 .

W i t h the passage of Gildas

in view 0 , it seems a safe inference that it was imported into the A n g l o - S a x o n Ordinal from the more ancient forms of the British Church. A similar inference has been drawn with reference to the following points, hut

with less certainty, as there is

no

passage of Gildas, or other Celtic author, which can be produced to throw light on the earlier British practice.

{(I) The Prayer at the giving 0/ the stole to

deacons at

Ordination:— ' I n nomine sanctae Trinitatis et unicae divinitatis accipe stolam quam tibi Dominus per humilitatis nostras famulatum, seu per nomas nostras, aecipiendam praeparavit; per quam scias sarcinam

Domini

positam, et ad hnmilitatem

Dei atque

tui cervieibus tuis ministrationem

irn-

t-e esse

connexum, et per quam te eognoscant fratres tni ministrnm D e i esse ordinatum, u t qui in diaconatus ministerio es constitutum, leuitice benedictionis online elareseas, et splritali connersatione praefulgens gratia sanctiiicationis eluceas ; sed et in Christo Jesu firm us et stabilis perseveres, quatenus hoe quod per hanc stolam signifieatnr

in die

rlistrieti

iiultcii

ante tribunal Domini sine macula reprosentare tialeas ; ipso auxiliante cui est honor et gloria in saecula saeculorum.

Amen/

deservimtre, ecolesio, neutris agitur.' Martens expresses his astonishment at this passage. Certainly Anuluim (ob. 83"), writing some years previously, had asserted the custom in the ease of the ordination of priests : 'Ilunc morem teneui üpiscopi noatri ; umnuä prealiyteromm ungnnt de oleo.' De Dir. Off. lib. it 13. Ttodolph and Amalarius were familiar with Gullican, and perhaps also with Anglo-Saxon Ritual. 1 But (8) is found in the ordering of priests in an early Poitiers Pontifical, C'od, Pictav. saec. vii. in Eibl. Vatican. 2 Mart. i. viii. xi. ordo iii, 3 lb. ordo it, ' lb, ordo >:i. 5 lb, i, viii. Is. § 9. 6 p, 70.

[114]

§ 8 ] Difference between Roman and Celtic Church. 73 This prayer is found in the Winchester Pontifical 1 , and in the English Pontificals of Egbert 5 and St, Dunstan at Paris 3 , and in that of J n m i £ g e s b u t not in any other Western ordinals. (i?) Kite of delivering the book of the Gospels to Deacons at Ordination. This rite, which is now in general use in the Roman Church, is not found in any of the Ordines Romani in the Western Pontificals prior to A. V. 1000, except in the abovementioned Pontificals of the Anglo-Saxon Church. The words with which it is there accompanied are t h e s e : — ' J?ostea traded ei episcopns sane ¿a m. eiumgeUv,m, dicens: Aeeipe illtid ixolumen Euangelii.

Lege, et intellige, et

aliis trade, et tu opere adimple 5 . 1 It is not mentioned by the early ritualists St. Isidore, Amalarios, or Alcuin.

I t must therefore have been imported

from England into France 9 , and through France into the rest of Western Christendom,—and from what other source is the Anglo-Saxon Church likely to have obtained it except from the ancient Celtic Church which preceded it ? (,/*) Mite of im'estwg priests with a stole at ordination. This rite is not mentioned in the Gelasian or Gregorian Sacramentaries, nor in any of the earlier Western Rituals collected by Marione. who conjectures that its absence is due to the fact that the stole had already been given to the deacon at ordination 7 .

But the rite does appear in the Office for

the Ordination of Priests in the English Pontificals before Bari. MSS. 561. SMC. xiv ; MaskeU, Mon. Kit. iii. 198, 3 Ib. p. 39, Mart. iì. p, 35. * Rouen MSS, 362. ga.ee. x ; Mari, ti. p. 37. 5 Ib, p. 39. The presemi Roman Stanala is very Uil&rent : 'Postrema Pontifex (icdp'ìt ci tradii omnibus librimi Erangelìorum qntm manu desterà tangimt, diesis; Àccipe potestatem logcudi Evatigclinm in Ecclesia Dei tam prò vivis quam prò defunctig. In nomina Domini, Amen.' 6 1 Cum ergo solsmnis fuerit in Angli a evangeli! tradìtio. reperiatnrque in omnibus quos inde videreimts Librici Ritualibus, ab ea ecclesia hune ritirai init-ium traxisw focile eolligitur.' Mart. i. vili. ix. § S. 1 Mart, i. viìi is. 5 13. 1

1

[115]

74

Introduction.

[ch. I.

mentioned, whence it probably spread, like the Delivery of the Gospels, into the rest of Western Christendom, The Pontifical of Egbert contains the following directions r— 1 Presbyter cum ordii/ai.ur, circumdenlur humeri eiws cum stola ah ejiiscopo Quando datnr slola Presbyters. Stola(m) iustitiae circumdet Dominus cervteem t u a m et ab omni eorruptione peccati purifieet Dominus mentem tuam V The same reason exists as in (c) for supposing a Celtic origin for this rite, j. Peculiar mode of consecrating Churches and Monasteries. {«) Celtic Churches as a rule, to which those of St. Martin and of the 'Quatuor Coronatr 1 ' at Canterbury and that of St. Martin at Whithorn must be considered exceptions, were not named after departed saints, but after their living founders. On one occasion Archbishop Theodore supplied an Anglo-Roman dedication to the wooden cathedral which had beeti built some fourteen years previously at Liudisfarne by the Celtic Bishop Finan. Bede narrates how (a.d. 651) ' Aidan, the Bishop, having departed this life, Finan, who was ordained and sent by the Scots, succeeded him in the bishopric, and built a cathedral church in the isle of Lindisf a m e ; nevertheless after the manner of the Scots, he made it not of stone, h a t of hewn oak, and covered it with reeds; and the same was afterwards dedicated in honour of St. Peter tbe Apostle by the most reverend Archbishop Theodore V The dedications of Celtic churches m a y b e divided into two classes, those to native saints before the existence of the Anglo-Saxon 1

The Roman Ordinal has the Following; 'Pont/fix sedd acctpta in Urn et r^jleciit orarimn, sine Mam, (ib humem sinistra onjwilibet, ea/iiens partem quae retro pendet, et iiuponens super dextemm hamcrum, aptat eanl ante pectus in modum emdfa singulis dicens. ' Accipe jugura Domini; jugum enim ejus suave est et onus ejus leve.* 4 Surteea Soc. vol, xxvti. p. 21. Bede, H. E. 5. 26; Si, 7. ' Bede, H. E, iii. 25. We we indebted to this Celtic custom of dedicating churches to their living founders or consecrators for the preservation of many saints' naiaea, especially in Cornwall, 4

[116]

§ 8.] Difference between Roman and Celtic Church.

75

Church, those to saints in the Anglo-Saxon or Roman Calendar imposed at a later date 1 . Sometimes the earlier dedication lingered on in use by the Celtic population, side by side with the later one, as in the ease of £ St. Elider and St. James,' { S t . Beuno and St. Michael,' ' St. Dogniael and St, Thomas1 &C. in Wales ; 1 St. Maw nan us and St. Stephen ,s !Sfc. Manacus and St. Dunstan,' ' St. Mersn and St. Thomas a Beeket' in Cornwall. (6) The consecration of a church or monastery was preceded by a long fast. Bishop Cedd of the East Saxons (653-564) told iEthelwald, King of Deira, that 1 it was the custom of those from whom he had learned a rule of regular discipline that they should first consecrate with prayer and fasting those places which had been newly obtained for founding a monastery or church.1 Accordingly he fasted 4 for the whole forty days of Lent/ and the exercise of fasting and prayer being completed he built a monastery, which is now called Lastingham, and established it with religious customs, according to the practice of Lindisfarne, where he had been educated*2. 6. The Liturgy and the Ritual of the Mass, The surviving fragments of the Celtic Liturgy have been put together in ch. iii, and the information which can be gleaned about its ritual is contained in ch. ii. It will therefore be sufficient to group together here certain passages which supply historical evidence of the existence of a Liturgy, other than the Romanj in these islands. In England and Wales.-—The use of a Liturgy here, certainly different from the Roman, and either identical with or very like the Gallican Liturgy, is an inference from the second of the questions put by Augustine to Gregory I f and from that 1 Borlase, A g e of the Saints, pp. 74-76. Mr. Ii. "Rees lias detected a third and intermediate list of Celtic dedications to St, Michael, ranging fnan the seventh to the tenth century, Welsh Saints, p. 65. 1 Beile, H. E . iii. 23. The detail with which Beds records the above facta implies that lie thought this moJe of consecration unusual and deserving of special mention.

[117]

[CH , I,

Introduction.

Pope's reply 1 .

It is strengthened by the language in which

Augustine addressed the British bishops at the Synod of BangOt*:

s

In many respects yon aet in a manner contrary to

our customs, and indeed to those of the Universal Chureli; and yet if you will obey me in these three things; to celebrate Easter at the proper time; to perform the office of baptism, in which we are born again to God, according to the custom of the Holy Roman and Apostolic Church ; and to join us in preaching the word of God to the English people (Anglorum gcnti), we will tolerate to

our

own2.'

all your other customs, though

contrary

The last clause almost certainly includes a

difference of Liturgy, which however Augustine had previously received instructions from Gregory not to elevate into a casus belli. Gildas C« A.D. 570 had asserted a difference between the British and Roman Liturgies in these words: ' T h e Britons are at variance with the whole world, and are opposed to Roman customs, not only in the Mass, but also in their tonsureV Tbe Council of Clovesho. A.n. 747, can, siii, ordered the general adoption of lloman Sacramental usages throughout the English dioceses: *Tertio deeiino deiiuitur decreto: TJt uno eodemque modo Dominica® dispeusationis in came sacrosanctae festivitates, in omnibus ad eas rite competentibiis rebus, id est, in Baptismi officio,

hi Missarum

celebratione,

in

eantilenae modo cetebrantur, juxia exemplar videlicet quod scriptum de

Romana habemus Ecclesia,

Itemqüe ut per

gyrum totius anni natalitia sanctorum uno eodemque die, juxta mai'tyrologium

ejusdem Romanac Ecelesiae, cum sua

sihi convenient! psalmodio seu cantilena venerentar 4 .' This passage proves that in A.D. 747 the Roman Liturgy was only in partial, not in universal use in Eagland.

Possibly

Bede, H, E. i. 27 ; Kraüer, P , A . , De Lit, p. 89, ed. 1787. Bede, II, E. ii. -j. J 'Britonea toti mundo contraiii, moribus Romania inimici no a solum in missa seil in tonsura etiiUn,' Gildas, Epist. i i ; H - and S. i. 112, 4 H, and S. iii. p. 367, 1

a

[118]

$ 8.] Difference between Roman and Celtic Church, 77 the Gregorian Canon had been introduced in some places without the whole service having been assimilated to the Roman type, as is concluded., from an examination of the old G alii can Liturgies, to have been the ease in France 1 . The Irish Catalogue of the Saints, A . D. 750, asserts that A British Liturgy, different from St. Patrick's, had been int.ro« duced into Ireland, in the latter half of the sixth century, by St. David, St. Cadoc, and Gildas 3 . A t the close of the eighth century the Scottish Liturgy was said to be still in daily use in. the church of York, and Aleuin writing from France (790-800) urged Archbishop Eanbald to abolish it, just as Charles the Great, in. 789, had ordered the Roman rite to be substituted everywhere iit France for the old Galliean Liturgy 3 .

In Ireland.—'Xhc following account of the origin of the Scottish (=Irish) Liturgy, and of the British (after A,.D, 429) assumed to be the same, tracing it through Gcrmanus and Lupus to St, Mark and distinguishing it from the Galiiean, was drawn up by some foreign Scoto-Irish monk probably in the eighth century:— ' Cursug Tlomawisi,—BeatusTrosinms,

Episeopus Arelatensis,

ot Sanctus Photimis, martir et Episeopus Lugthmcnsis, discipnlus S. Petri, sicnt et refert Josephus, et Eusebios Caesariensis Episeopus, cursum Roman nm in Galeis tradiderunt.

Jlissale Fraacorunij p. m3!BftrilHlet percgrina Kpiseopi Coiilaith, decorati 1 urn in is, quibus in Bolcmpmtaiibus Domini et vigiliis Apoetolorutn, saersi In. altari bus offerens mysteria utetatur, pauperibas largita est.' Cogitosus, Vita S. Brigsd. cap. 29. s * Bcati Tiri vestillienta etlibios, inito consilio, super al tare, cum psalm is et jejunntionc, et ejus nominis invocations posuimus.' Lib. ii. cap. 45. 7 'Cum scriptorum plerique caaul&m a ciLsa. dictam scribuut, qugd totuxn [154]

§ i5.]

113

Vestments.

in the reliquary of St. Maedoc1 (eighth-century, Irish), on Evangelists depicted in the Book of Deer- (ninth-century, Scottish), and on figures of priests sculptured on the very ancient- Kirriermuir stones in Scotland, Two of these priests hold booksj the third has no book, but a A -shaped ornament on the lower front part of his dress just above the feet 3 . Several of these figures will be seen to have in front of them a rectangular ornament which may lie taken for a hook borne in the hand, but which is possibly the rationale, Rationale.—The rationale is an ancient but little known ornament of the Celtic bishops, which according to Dr. Rook is never found in Anglo-Saxon times, but which re-appeared among the episcopal ornaments in Anglo-Norman days, and dropped entirely out of use in the fourteenth century. It was fashioned in all shapes, at one time round, at another a trefoil or a quatrefoil, hut more generally an oblong square. It was made of gold or silver¡ studded with precious stones, and it was worn in imitation of the rational of the Aaronie priesthood, from which it took its name4. Another example of it

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[155]

GEAJRAA LITURG. MITTEL-

Celtic

Ritual.

[ C H . II,

may bo seen on a figure of St. Gall in the Golden Psalter", I t corresponds to the Greek Verhteihion, an oblong plate of jewelled gold or silver worn oyer the chasuble by patriarchs and metropolitans in the Eastern Church. Alb,—The

figures above referred to on the shrine of St.

Maedoc are vested in albs with embroidered borders (apparela) under their chasubles 2 .

So also are those on the Soiscel

Molaise 3. Maniple.—'The

maniple appears to have been worn not on

the wrist, but over, and depending from the forefinger of the left lmnd, as 011 the figure of St. Jerome in the Golden Psalter at St. Gall

The same mode of wearing it prevailed in the

Anglo-Saxon Church, as may be seen by the vested figure worked on St. Cuthbert's stole at Durham, and proved by the inscription on it to have been embroidered by Queen Elfleda* wife of K i n g Edward the Elder, 905-906; and at Rome up to the eleventh century, as in the fresco of St. Clement R'ni'j.-—-There was a ring in the tomb

of

Ebregesilns

Bishop of Mcanx, a monk of the Columban school, when it was opened in the seventh century 6 .

There is still earlier

evidence of the use of the episcopal ring in Gaul, which is a presumption in favour of its use among contemporaneous British bishops.

Clovis I, writing to the Gallieiin. bishops

A D. 510, promised to pay every attention to their letters provided that they sealed them with the seals of their pastoral rings 7 .

Avitus, Bishop of Yienne, writing to Apollinaria

alters, vol. i. p. 3,75. Taf. vi, where it in part, of the dress of a thirteenth-century Italian bishop. 1 Unless this is a hook which is so often represented in the lifttuls of saints, held where the rationale would appear, if worn. Westwood, J . O,, Unpublished Facsimiles. 3 l b . plate x x , * Arehaeologia, xliii. plate xviii, 1 Westwood, J, O., Unpublished Facsimiles. SeeRahn, J . P . , description of this Psalter, Taf. v i i ; St. Gallon, 1878. 6 Marriott, W . B „ Vestiarium Christianuai, plate xlfii, 1 iliibilion, Aimal. Bened. i. 456, 1 Nouveau Tiaite de Diploin. 318,

[156]

5 igi}

Vestments.

115

Bishop of Valence, requested that his monogram might he engraved on his r i n g 1 . Pectoral Cross.—The

pectoral cross of St. Aidan, a monk

of lona and first Bishop of Lindisftune (635-652), was preserved among the relies at Durham in the fourteenth century 2 . Them is evidence hi the writings of St. Gregory of Tours that pectoral crosses were worn by Galilean bishops in the sixth century 3 . Pastoral Staff.—There

is varied evidence for the early use

of the pastoral staff as an ornament and emblem of authority borne by bishops.

Its Celtic name was cambntta, cambola,

or more rarely cambo 4 .

S t . Patrick's staff is alluded to in

a seventh-century Irish prophecy, preserved by the Scholiast on I'iace's Hymn 5 , and later authority asserts that it was made of gold, and

adorned with

precious

stones 0 .

His

disciples St. Dagaeus and St. Asie were traditionally famous for their skill in gilding and bejewelling pastoral staffs and other ecclesiastical ornaments 7 , made many staffs 8 .

St, Coltimba is said to have

crosses, book-satchels

(polaires), and

pastoral

When he and St. Kentigern met they exchanged

staffs, and St. Kentigern's staff, as given to him by St. Colombo, covered with gold and jewels, was still preserved Epist. 78, Raine, J., St. Cutlibert, p. p. The ring and the pectoral cross were also worn by bishops in the Anglo-Saxon Church. Id. pp. 216-17. 3 ' Hnjus be&tae Virginis relicjuias . . . super me in aur^a erne« positas eiliibebimi. Tunc ex tract am a pectore cruiiem efevo,' etc. De Gloria il;ir ty rum. lib. i. cap. 11. St. Gregory of Tours evidently wore a gold pectoral cross within the folds of his garment on Ills breast, which also served aa a reliquary. 4 Wajsfrid Strabo, Vit. S. Galli, i. 26; Fleming, Codec but. p. 243. In Durandns (Rat. vt. 34) the word has become modified intosambuca. Acconting to Bu C.inge it is an Armoric word. I t is used in a rubric ill the Gregorian Sacraiuentary; Migne, Bibl. Fat. Hat. txxviii. p. 153. s Todd, J. BE., St. Patrick, p. 411. 6 'POTTO Xigellug videns sibi fmniiitere fugam tulit secuin insignia (juaeilam aedis iUlus, tectum scilicet Evangeliorum, qui fait beati Patricii, baculumque auro tectum, gemmia pretiosissnau aclornatum,' &c. S. Beinardi dc Vita Maiachiae, c. 8. * Acta SS, in Vita Dagaei. * Ancient Irish Life of St. Colmnba in the Leabliar Breac, translated l a Skene's Celtic Scotland, vol. ii. App. p. 4S8. 1

1

i a [157]

Celtic Ritual, at Ixipon in the beginning of the fifteenth century \

[ C i l , II.

In the

tenth century it was belli in great veneration, and was carried as a standard in going to battle under the name o f e Cathbhuaidli 2 ' ( = Batt le Victory). In its original shape the episcopal staff was short, rounded at the top, truncated at the bottom, and made of wood, A specimen may be seen in the hands of one of the figures engraved on the ancient Irish shrine of St. Mnedoc of Ferns s ; and in the hand of an ecclesiastic, vested in an embroidered chasuble, engraved on the Soiscel Molaise, a small box of tenthcentury work at the latest, which once contained a now lost copy of the Gospels written in the sixth century by St. Molaise of Devcnish,

I t is fair to add that it rather resembles

an aspersory than a pastoral staff 1 , in which case it might be appealed to as evidence for the early use of holy water, and the small circular vessel, like a pome3 held by another figure, might he a holy-water stoup 5 , but the smallness of the vessel and the largeness of the staff seem fatal to this explanation.

I t is not unlike the baton of a ruler of a choir.

St. Padarn, who arrived in Wales from Armories A.D. 576 and became first bishop of Llandabarn, had a choral cap and staff presented to him by the people in recognition of his musical talent 0 .

B u t on the whole it may be with most

probability inferred that it is an early form of a Celtic bishop's pastoral staff, which in the ninth or tenth century began to assume its more modem and now usual form,

Other

1 ' A c n o n e eaiiiljo, qtteEl beat us K e n t i g e r c m s a beato Columba. recepeiat ineculesiaSaueti Wilfrid] tie Kipoittl, aureis cruatulis inelusUs, ae margaritarata divereltate circumstellatus cum m a g n a reverent!» ftdhuc s e r r a t e . ' Fordua, Seotieliroiiieon, iii. 30. 1 Irish A n n a l s , quoted in Reeves' edit, of A d a m nan's L i f e of Coltimba, p 333- Compare the anxiety of the detected thief to avveair to his ianoecnce over the staff o f S t . S e r f ; Brev, A b e r d o n . , J u l y 2, leet, viii. fol, 16 a. 3 St. Moedoc WAS horn A.D, 555, but the shrine is at least a century later. Archacolngia, xliii. 140, * Archaeologia. s l i i l . plate 20.

l b . plate i S . There is a reference to the miraculous power (not the liturgical use) of holy water, blessed by S t . Columba, in Adamtmo, V i t , S, C o l li, 4, 5, 6, 17 ; and by S t . Bridget, in her L i f e by 111 tan, cap. 45. ' L i b e r La-tnl&vetisis, eh, iii. sett. 1. s

[158]

§ r^.j

Vestments.

1 1 7

specimens of the primitive cambntta, in its transition size and

shape, may

be

seen

in the

hands of St, Matthew

and St. Luke, as depicted in the M S . Gospels Brith Mac Duraan, e. A,D.

S50 1 .

of Meiel

and in the ease of a figure

carved on tlie eumhdacb, or metal-work covet, of the Stowu Missal 2 ,

The Bachal-more of St. Moloch, in the possession

of the Dolce of A r g y l l , and figured in the Origines Parochiales (ii. 163), is a black-thorn bludgeon, with traces of a metal covering, measuring only 2 feet 10 inches in length.

Several

of the bronze cambuttas preserved in the museum of the Irish Academy are little longer. Bracelets.—It

has been suggested that bracelets or

formed part of the sacerdotal costume of a British

cuffs

priest.

In the absence of documentary or other reliable evidence this is merely an inference from the custom of the early Gallican priesthood to wear metal bracelets or cuffs of

silk

or other handsome texture !

If,' says Dr. Koch, 'the ritual observances of our Britons

were like those of their nearest neighbour, Gaul,—and there is every reason for thinking so,—then do we, far off as we are from their times, catch a glimpse of another among the sacred appurtenances of a priest in the British eta of our Church history; and beholding him vested for the holy sacrifice of 1 Westwood, J- 0., Facsimiles, &c. plate s x i i ; Stuart, Sculptured Stones of Scotland, vol. ii. p. ixxviii. 5 Westwood, J. O., Facsimiles, &c. plate ii. fig, t). Further descriptions ami details are given in Stuart, Sculptured Stones of Scotland, ii. p.Iv ; Q'A'eil, H s Fjne A r t s and Civilization of Ireland, i S f i j , plates 7, 10 ; figures of Kilklispeen and Monasterboiee Crosses, Ulster Journal of Archaeology, 1x. 51 ; in an account of the Shrine of St. M a n c b a n in Kilkenny Arch&eoL Soc. 1874, p. 147; Proceedings of tlie Soc, of A n ^ t j . of Scotland, v o l . i i . pp. 1 4 , 1 2 s . A n account of Welsh Relics, including the staff of St, Cyric, the bell of St. David, &e. } is given in the Welsh itinerary of Giraldus Cambrensie, edit. Lond. ]So6, pp. 6, 7, 13, 14. s Tito evidence for the Galilean custom in the middle of the sixth century is explicit: ' Manualia vera, id est manieas itiduere mcerdotibus mos est ¡ustar armillaruin, quas regum vel sacerdotum brachia constringebantur. Idea ex quolibdt pretioso relieve, 11 on metalli duritia extant, vel ut onmes couimtimter sacerdotcs, etiam mTunis dignitatis in eaeculo faeilius invariant." Germain' Paris!. Expos. Brev. Aiitiq. L i t . Gall. A somewhat similar o r n a m e n t — r i m ^ i a t W i ! — i s worn by the Greek clergy. Marriott, W , 35,, V e s t . Christ, p. 169.

[159]

Ccltic

Ritual,

[CH. 11.

the Mass, we shall perceive that along with the fine full chasuble he wore a kind of apparel on the sleeves of Ins alb. Cuffs of this sort are still found in use among the Greeks, who call them Im/iaputiaV &c. Bracelets have frequently been found in ancient tumuli, and in other places and positions,

A gold bracelet found

in a loch in Galloway, and consisting of two very artificially intertwining circles, has been assigned to a late Celtic period 2 , Cubic circular ornaments of gold have been found in Peeblesshire 3 ; bracelets, armlets, earrings, head and jet ornaments have been discovered m British burial-plaees*, and in Ireland 5 . But there is nothing in the shape of proof, it is mere conjecture to assign to these bracelets, as has been sometimes done, any ecclesiastical connection.

Such a connection, in

any case, would more probably be with Dnudism than with Christianity.

The Druid priests of Great Britain may have

resembled those of Gaul, who, Strabo informs us, wore golden bracelets, and coloured vesture variegated with gold 6 .

But

the tendency of recent investigation has been to assign to all such relies a distant prehistoric date, perhaps as far back as the neolithic period of mankind 7 . Comb.—Tlie ritual use of the comb, now long since obsolete, but as it was employed in Anglo-Saxon times before High Mass 8 , was probably derived from the Celtic Church.

The

Chuncli of our Fathers, i. 43S, Stuart, J.. Sculptured Stones of Scotland, ii. p. is. " Archaeol. Scot. iv. 21 J. 4 Ulster Journal of Archaeol. tx. zS, kc, * Archaeol. Cainbrensre, riv. a Jo. f ipucro£f>opcwi re y&p irep' ft—T11 e ordinary outer dress of a British priest was a long hair cassock called a 'earaealla.' Amphibalus 8 ,

by the priest

This was worn

and assumed by St. Alban in

exchange for his own clothes in order to facilitate the escape of the former 4 .

The ordinary outer cloak of a monk at lona

was called 'amphibalus 5 ' or ' e a c u l l a V worn over a white under-dress,

c

tunica C a n d i d a 7 or ' p a l l i u m 7 . '

§ 16. U S E O® C O L O U R S . — It has been asserted that the assigning of special colours to certain seasons for saccrdotal vestments or altar coverings does not belongo1 to the O eight centuries of Christianity 8 .

first

This is true as far as any

Adamnan, Vit. S. Culum, ii. 13 ; iii. 12 ; Du Gange, sub TOO. Stuart, J „ Sculptured Stones of Scotland, vol. i. plate ; vol. ii. p. S. J For t i c possible origia oE the name Amphibalus, which is not mentioned by Bede, see G. II, Moberly, edit, of Bede's H . E. p. 18. n. 7, 1 "Qui cum ad tugurium martyr is pervenissent mos. sc sanetus Albanus pro hospitc ac magistro suoj ipsEus liabitu, id est caracalla qua vestiebatur iadutus, militibus exlubuifc, aique ad judiccrn vinctns perductus est.' Bedc, It. £ . i. 7. But the caraealla was not an exclusively sacerdotal dreBa. Du Gange, Faccio!ati, sub voc4 Adam nan, V i t . 8- Col, i, 3 ; ii. 6. Also in Britain; ' s u b sanct! abbatis amphibalo ;* Gilda» Ep,, 11. and S. i. 49. ' AinpblUala«' was also, at least in Gaul, the Latin for a chasuble, Germani Baris. Epist. ii. in Martene et Durand. Thesaur. Anecd. torn, v, col. 99. Sulpicius Severus represents St. Martinas celebrating the Eucharist in an ' a m p h l b a l u m D i a l , ii, 5 r. p. 545, Lugdun. Batav. 1647, 0 Adamuati, Vit. S. C'o3, ii. 24. 7 lb. ii. 44. 6 Iiefele, Beiträge zur Ardiaeologic, ii. 15S, There is no allusion to any aysteinatic sequence of colours in the earlier Online» Romani, or iu the writing» of the earlier ritualists. The first reference to the regular Roman sequence of four colours is found In the works of Innocent I I I ( n g S - i s i ö ) , De Myst, Miasae, Üb. i. cap. Lev, black being there substituted for violet. 1

3

[164]

122

Celtic

Ritual,

[ch. n.

Sandals.— Sandals are represented OR the feet of St. Matthew and St. John in the Book of Kells, and in the case of many other figures in early Celtic M S S . at Iona, and were called ' fieo,' all

words

Celtic saints 1 .

4

They were worn

caleeus,' or ' calceamentam, 5 or

frequently

employed

in

the

Lives

of

Curiously-shaped slippers are to be seen on

the Feet of four ecclesiastics 011 a sculptured stone at St. Vigean's, to whom the Roman tonsure on their heads compels the assignation of a date subsequent to A.D. 710®. Caracalhi >—T11 e ordinary outer dress of a British priest was a long hair cassock called a 'earaealla.' Amphibalus 8 ,

by the priest

This was worn

and assumed by St. Alban in

exchange for his own clothes in order to facilitate the escape of the former 4 .

The ordinary outer cloak of a monk at lona

was called 'amphibalus 5 ' or ' e a c u l l a V worn over a white under-dress,

c

tunica C a n d i d a 7 or ' p a l l i u m 7 . '

§ 16. U S E O® C O L O U R S . — It has been asserted that the assigning of special colours to certain seasons for saccrdotal vestments or altar coverings does not belongo1 to the O eight centuries of Christianity 8 .

first

This is true as far as any

Adamnan, Vit. S. Culum, ii. 13 ; iii. 12 ; Du Gange, sub TOO. Stuart, J „ Sculptured Stones of Scotland, vol. i. plate ; vol. ii. p. S. J For t i c possible origia oE the name Amphibalus, which is not mentioned by Bede, see G. II, Moberly, edit, of Bede's H . E. p. 18. n. 7, 1 "Qui cum ad tugurium martyr is pervenissent mos. sc sanetus Albanus pro hospitc ac magistro suoj ipsEus liabitu, id est caracalla qua vestiebatur iadutus, militibus exlubuifc, aique ad judiccrn vinctns perductus est.' Bedc, It. £ . i. 7. But the caraealla was not an exclusively sacerdotal dreBa. Du Gange, Faccio!ati, sub voc4 Adam nan, V i t . 8- Col, i, 3 ; ii. 6. Also in Britain; ' s u b sanct! abbatis amphibalo ;* Gilda» Ep,, 11. and S. i. 49. ' AinpblUala«' was also, at least in Gaul, the Latin for a chasuble, Germani Baris. Epist. ii. in Martene et Durand. Thesaur. Anecd. torn, v, col. 99. Sulpicius Severus represents St. Martinas celebrating the Eucharist in an ' a m p h l b a l u m D i a l , ii, 5 r. p. 545, Lugdun. Batav. 1647, 0 Adamuati, Vit. S. C'o3, ii. 24. 7 lb. ii. 44. 6 Iiefele, Beiträge zur Ardiaeologic, ii. 15S, There is no allusion to any aysteinatic sequence of colours in the earlier Online» Romani, or iu the writing» of the earlier ritualists. The first reference to the regular Roman sequence of four colours is found In the works of Innocent I I I ( n g S - i s i ö ) , De Myst, Miasae, Üb. i. cap. Lev, black being there substituted for violet. 1

3

[164]

Use of

§ '6,]

Colours.

123

elaborate cycle of colours is concerned, such as is prescribed in mediaeval Missals and Rituals* but allusion to the ecclcsiastieal use in the Celtic Church of at least two colours has been preserved to us. Purple.—G i hi as refers to the custom of covering the altars in British churches with purple p a l l s T h e three choirs of saints which appeared to Sfc. Brendan were clad ' in vestibus candidissimis jacinctinis purpuréis5 (Navigatio S. Brendani, eleventh

century M S . Nat. Lib. Paris, No, 3784),

St.

Cuthbert was buried in a purple dalmatic A.n, 687, but this fact illustrates early Anglo-Saxon rather than Celtic usage 2 ,

In the leg-end of St. Mulling, as preserved in the

Book of Leinster, an Irish M S . of the earlier half of the twelfth century, Christ is represented as appearing to that saint, in a vision vouchsafed to him 111 church, in a purple garment 3 .

Purple is very largely introduced into the earliest

extant specimens of Celtic illumination, as in the Book of Kells, and into the later Irish M S S . at St. G a l l 4 , A passage in Bede's works alluding to the ease with which a red or purple dye could be obtained from shells on the Irish coasts, at once explains and renders probable the preponderating ecclesiastical use of this c o l o u r W e have evidence of the use of purple altar-cloths-—pallae—in Church.

the

early Gallican

St. Germanas of Paris, c, a.d. 550, explains the

use of this colour by referring to the mention of purple in 'Slab BSnctdabbatis aiupMbalo latera regiorum tenerrimsi pueromm inter ípsii, tit dúd, sacrosancta altada, nefando ense hastaque pro dentibus laceravit, Ua ut B.icrificii cotléatis sedero purpurea, ac si coagrdati cruoris pallia attingerenfc,' Gildae Epist. p. 37. 1 ' Cliristianorum more pontifica» post Imec tunica et dalmatica indutus est, quarum iitrarumque genus ex pr^tioso parpurae colore et textili varietate satis venustum et permirabile eat." Keg. Dunclm. p. 87, Surtees Soc. 1835, and BollatiJ, Acta SS- Mart, xx. torn, iii. p. 140. 3 Reeves, W., British Culdees, p. 77. F. civ, 1

4

Facsimiles of National MSS. of Ireland, plate via, &e.

'Sunt et cochleae satis snpetque ab andantes quibus tincturacoccinei colorís COllfieitur, eujus raber pulcherrimus nullo linfjuitm sol is ardore, 121111a valet pltiviarwm injuria palleseere. Sed quo vetusfcior est, solet esse vermstior;' quoted in Ulster Journal of Archaeology, viü. 231, and in Keller's Bilde:und Scliriftziige, p. 70. 3

[165]

124

Celtic Ritual.

[ch: ii.

the Lcvitical Account of the tabernacle 1 . St. Gregory of Tours, in the same century, mentions the defence of the Abbess of St. Badegund against the charge of cutting up one of these purple altar-coverings for a dress for her niece 2 . And the use of these purple altar-palls was perpetuated, like other British and Galliean customs, in the Anglo-Saxon Church :s . ¡Ihile.—The second colour, of the ecclesiastical use of which there is distinct mention, is white. I t was the festal colour at lona. Adamnan describes how white vestments were worn by St. Columba and his attendants on the occasion of the celebration in memory of Columbamts, as if it was a holy day 4 . The same saint when dying before the aliar at lona was clothed in a white dress 5 . White is the only colour referred to in the early Irish Canons,, which order that the deacon at the time of oblation should be clad in a white vestment 8 ; whereas in a mediaeval Irish tract 021 the origin and meaning of colours in the mass-vestments, as many as seven colours arc named, yellow, blue, white, green, red, black, purple 7 . I n this employment of white the custom 1 * birtcum (vid. Da Gauge) auteniornatur aut auto vol gemniis quia Doiuiiius Moysaeiu tabernáculo fieri velaroJna jus-sit ex aarojacintlw ot purpura coccoqus bis tineto et bysso retorta.* Gerniarú Paris. Expos. Brev, Antiq. Lit. Gall. 1 ' De reliqno vero quantum opportunnnt fuit ad ornattim altar is pallar« condifrne condiderit, et fie flja inscisswa qua« pailae superfuifc, purpnram nepti suae ¡11 tunica posuetit.' Gregorü Tur. Hist lib, x. c. 16. 3 'Altaría purpura et sérico mduta,' arc msntioned in Vita S. WllfrWI, 0. xxi, ap, Mabillon, Acta Sauct. torn. v. A purple altar-cloth is depleted in the Benedictions»! of ¡it. iEthelwold; Archaeologia, vol. sxiv. p, 116, Five purple altar-coverings were among the gifts of Bishop Leofi-ic to Exeter Cathedral: Coiex Dip. Anglo-Sax. Iv. 275, &c, • ' Et his dictis i ratees obsequuntur, etjuxta Sancti j ussio&em, eadem oci&atur dte/praeparatisqúe sacrie ad eeeieaiam minisferils, quasi die solemii albati cum gánete perjfutit,' Adamaan, Vit, S, Columbae, c. 12. 5 * Candida tunica qua, in hora ex i tus indutus crat," Cumimi Vit. S, Colurabac, e. 26. 6 ' Diaconua tempore oblationis alba utatur veste." Hibernensts, lib. in. cap. 6. ' Buide, gorm, gel, uüie, do tul, í g , dub, e o r c a t r . Leabhar lireac, fol. 10S a. For information about the mediaeval use of colours, the reader is referred to O. C, Bollé, The Ancient Use of Liturgical Colours, Oxford, 1879.

[166]

fi7,]

Choral Service.

125

of the Celtic agreed with that of the early Gallican ChurchIn the fifth and sixth centuries white was recognised there as the festal, and especially as the Paschal colour. St. llemig-ius Bishop of Rheimsj in lvis will A, p. 499. bequeathed to his successor his white Easter vestment 1 . Similar allusions are found in the case of St. Caesarius of Aries 2 , anrl of St. Gregory of Tours®. St. Germanus of Paris c. 550 mentions the appearance of angels clad in white at the sepulchre as the symbolical reason for the selection of white as the liturgical colour at Eastertide 4 , The predominant employment of white and red in the Sarum Use may be a survival of the early British preference for those colours. Is it only a coincidence that the Kale of St. Columba recognised but two classes of martyrdom, ' red martyrdom* (— death),,' white martyrdom 5 ' {=. self-mortification)? § 17. CHORAL SERVICE.—The services of the Celtic Church, both at the altar and in the choir, were choral. Gihlas, referring- to Britain, speaks of ' ecclesiastical melodies/ and the musical voices of the young sweetly singing the praises of God 5 . The word * dec an tare' is used of the introduction of the Liturgy into Ireland in the fifth century 7 , and of its performance at I on a in the sixth century®. Adamnan states 1 ' Futuro apiscopo «ttceessori ineo iiniphifealuLn album paschftlem relranuo,' iligngj Bibl. Pat. Lat. lxv. 971.

2

' Caaulnmque qtiam processor! ain Inlwliat albamque Paschalem ei dedit.* Greg, 5>w. Op. p. 1187, note 1. 3

' Diacono quidani c&sulam tribuit . . . cappa cujtia it« dilatata erat atque coiwuta, ut solet in illis eamlidia fieri quae per pasclialia festa sacerdotura hu merit tiaponuntur.' Greg. Tur. Op. 1188. 1 ' Albis autem vestibus in Pa&cha. induetnr secundum quod angelua ad monuMentmn all-is veatibua cerneretur.' Gerinani Paris. Expos, Brer. Antiq. Lit. Gail. s H. and S. ii. pt, i, 120, The fragment of an Irish sermon in the Codes Cauieracensis adds a third, or 'green* martyrdom. The original Gaelic with a Latin translation is given in Zfeuss, Grain mat. Celtic, p. 1007. 5 ' Ecclesiasticae melodiae'—' Dd laudes canora Christi tyrorum voce suaviter niodul&nt.e.' Epist. p. 44. 1

Cotton MS. c. 800, deOfficiovum Ecolesiasticoniiri Origine. " Adamnan, "V'it. S. Columtae, iii. 12. [167]

fi7,]

Choral Service.

125

of the Celtic agreed with that of the early Gallican ChurchIn the fifth and sixth centuries white was recognised there as the festal, and especially as the Paschal colour. St. llemig-ius Bishop of Rheimsj in lvis will A, p. 499. bequeathed to his successor his white Easter vestment 1 . Similar allusions are found in the case of St. Caesarius of Aries 2 , anrl of St. Gregory of Tours®. St. Germanus of Paris c. 550 mentions the appearance of angels clad in white at the sepulchre as the symbolical reason for the selection of white as the liturgical colour at Eastertide 4 , The predominant employment of white and red in the Sarum Use may be a survival of the early British preference for those colours. Is it only a coincidence that the Kale of St. Columba recognised but two classes of martyrdom, ' red martyrdom* (— death),,' white martyrdom 5 ' {=. self-mortification)? § 17. CHORAL SERVICE.—The services of the Celtic Church, both at the altar and in the choir, were choral. Gihlas, referring- to Britain, speaks of ' ecclesiastical melodies/ and the musical voices of the young sweetly singing the praises of God 5 . The word * dec an tare' is used of the introduction of the Liturgy into Ireland in the fifth century 7 , and of its performance at I on a in the sixth century®. Adamnan states 1 ' Futuro apiscopo «ttceessori ineo iiniphifealuLn album paschftlem relranuo,' iligngj Bibl. Pat. Lat. lxv. 971.

2

' Caaulnmque qtiam processor! ain Inlwliat albamque Paschalem ei dedit.* Greg, 5>w. Op. p. 1187, note 1. 3

' Diacono quidani c&sulam tribuit . . . cappa cujtia it« dilatata erat atque coiwuta, ut solet in illis eamlidia fieri quae per pasclialia festa sacerdotura hu merit tiaponuntur.' Greg. Tur. Op. 1188. 1 ' Albis autem vestibus in Pa&cha. induetnr secundum quod angelua ad monuMentmn all-is veatibua cerneretur.' Gerinani Paris. Expos, Brer. Antiq. Lit. Gail. s H. and S. ii. pt, i, 120, The fragment of an Irish sermon in the Codes Cauieracensis adds a third, or 'green* martyrdom. The original Gaelic with a Latin translation is given in Zfeuss, Grain mat. Celtic, p. 1007. 5 ' Ecclesiasticae melodiae'—' Dd laudes canora Christi tyrorum voce suaviter niodul&nt.e.' Epist. p. 44. 1

Cotton MS. c. 800, deOfficiovum Ecolesiasticoniiri Origine. " Adamnan, "V'it. S. Columtae, iii. 12. [167]

12Ó

Celtic

Ritual.

[CH,

n.

that, the voice of St, Col anil >a was so powerful that when he was cliaunting he could be heard sometimes half a mile., sometimes even a mile off,—a statement not necessarily involving' either miracle or exaggeration,—in the stili air of an autumn clay oil one of the western islands of Scotland'. In Ireland music was an art early cultivated, and intimately connected with divine worship. Harpers arc represented on the most ancient sculptured stones of Ireland, and pipers areintroduced as decorations of initial letters in sacred manuscripts of the eighth and ninth centuries 2 . In the Fé!ire of Ocngus a good man is compared to ' an altar whereon wine is shed, round which is sung a multitude of melodies 3 ,' Irish Annals speak of the destruction of church organs a.d. 814 4 . There is nothing improbable in such an entry, as organs are known to have been m general use in Western Europe before that date*''. The more interesting question is, What was the style and character of the music in the Celtic Church? To this enquiry, unfortunately, no answer can be given beyond the negative one, that it was not the Roman eh aunt in its 1 ' S e d et hoc silere non debemuSt quod a b expertis q u i b u s d a m de voce beati paalmodiae v i r i indolii tariter tradì tura est. Qua© scilicet v o x venerabili^ v i r i in ecclesia cum fratribtls decanta liti £ aìiquando per q n a t u o r stadia hoc est D, passai, aliqnando vero per o d » , h o c est m. passila incomparabili elevata modo nudiebator.' A d a m n a n . V i t . S. C o i n m . i. 37. T h e distance h a s grown to 1 5 0 0 paces hi a n old G a e l i c poem preserved i n the L e a b h a r B r e a c , fot. J i b . 1

3 Z u r i c h , A n t i q . Gesellschaft, v i i . 65. p. evi. J u n e 1 7 . ' D i r e p t i o organ orom ecclesìae Clooncretie.' A n n n l e s Ultonieiisc-s, a i m . ECCCXIV, 8 T h e r e are d r a w i n g s of two organs i n the U t r e c h t P s a l t e r (sixth 01' n i n t h century) i n the illustrations to Pas. ci, d i . T h e r e i s a still earlier representation of an organ on one of the catacomb s l o n i n i n the monastery of S a n Paolo f uori le M u r a at R o m e . St. A u g u s t i n e says t h a t organs w i t h bellows were used i n his day ; C o m m e n t i o P s . Ixi. T h e s e organs m u s t h a v e been curious a n d cumbrous Structures i f they resembled that w h i c h J E l f e a h B i s h o p o n V i u c h e s t e r ( 9 3 4 - 5 1 ) caused to be constructed iti his monastery, w h i c h required seventy men to blow it. ' B i s s e n i supra sociantur in o n l i n e l'olle3, Iiiferiusque j a c e u t quattuor atque decern. F l a t i b u s alterni® s p i r a t a l a m a x i m a redduut, Quo» a In the Mozarabic and Galliean Liturgies an anthem or hymn was sung during the offertory called ' Sacriiicium' or ' SonumV Such may he this short anthem in the Antiphonary of Bangor, which resembles an offertory sentence of the Anglican Liturgy rather than the offertorimn of the Roman Missal. 'Pro eleemosgnariis. — Dtspersit, cledit pauperisms, institia ejus manct in saeculum saeculi, cornu ejus exaltahitur in gloria, Eleemosynas iacientibus in hoc mundo retvibue, Domin% in regno tuo sancto,1 A11 account is preserved in the Leabhar Breae of the ritual accompanying the oblation of the elements which is probably a genuine survival of the ancient Celtic Liturgy, First three drops of water were placed in the chalice, the priest saying, 'Peto [or Qnaeso] te, pater, deprecor te, filii, obsecio te, spiritus sancte; J then three drops of wine, with the accompanying formula, * Mittet pater, indulgeat filhiSj misseretur spiritus sanet u s 3 ; ' or, ' Remittet pater, indulget filius, misseretur spiritus sanctusV § 2 1 . UNLEAVENED BREAD,—Dr. Bollinger enumerates the use of unleavened bread in the Eucharist among the peculiarities of the British Church, and as one of the points 011 which it differed from the rest of "Western Christendom: ! Dass der Gebrauch der Azyma eine Eigentümlichkeit der Briten gewesen sey, schliesse ich aus einer Stelle der capitula selecta canonum llibern bei D'Achery, Spicilcg. i. 505 : Gildas ait: Britones toto mundo eontrarii, moribus Romanis inimici non solum in rnissa, sed etiarn in tonsura cum Judaeis umbrae futurorum serviertes. Gerade so drückt sieh Kieetas contra 1 Leabhar Breac, p. 32 b. The word used here is idpairt, to wliieh no technic ¡it weaning ia affixed. The usual word for the Eucbariatic offering itself was oiffreun — 'the mass-.' 3 Lea lei, IJraefatio in Liturg. Moz. sect. 76; Gtsrmani Paris. Expos. Brev. Ant,. Lit. Gall., De Soao. » Fol. »51 ft, * Stowe Mia, fbl 64 b. K i2 [173]

132

Celtic Ritual,

Latinos, Bibl. PP.

fcH. 11

Max. xviii. 405. aus;

adhue participant, sub umbra legis

Qui azymorum

sunt, et Iiebraeorum

mensani comedunt 1 .' This ingenious inference is supported, as far as the later continental Celtic Church, is concerned, by a statement of Walafrid Strabo that it was the custom of St. Gall to use unleavened bread 2 .

The design at the foot of the monogram

of the B o o t of Keils may be taken to prove that circular wafer bread, stamped with a x , was in use in Ireland in the sixth century.

The consecrated wafer bread is there drawn

between animals which seem to hesitate to destroy or devour it3.

The host in a circular form, with a chalice or portable

altar underneath

it, is represented between two

figures OD the N i g g stone in

Ross-shire 4 .

In

kneeling mediaeval

Celtic literature there are plentiful allusions to wafer bread. ' I ashed the secular priests, To their bishops and their judges, W h a t is the best thing of the soul ? The Paternoster, and

consecrated wafers, and

a

holy

Creed 5 / Dr. Dollinger is not quite right in inferring that in their use of unleavened bread the British Church differed from the rest of Western Christendom,— f wahrend man sich damals ia der Römischen Kirche und im übrigen Occident noch des gesäuerten Erodes bediente/—and Bingham is quite wrong ill asserting that it is [ a matter beyond all dispute that the Church for a thousand years used no other but common or Geschielite s p. 3 5 i . Beg. Colamban. cap, i. 11 Adamnan, ii, 17. « l b . ii. 37. l b . ii. 26. 15 16 II»- H- 33l b . ii. 4. lb. ii. 5. lb, ii. 2$. " Ih. ii 29.

Ch, iii. §§ 6, 9.

8

L [187]

« Ih, ii. jg. * lb, cap. ii. 13 lb. ii, 35. 17 lb, ii. 6.

T 46

Celtic Ritual.

[CM. 11

§ 34. FASTING.—There is no direct evidence of tile practic< of fasting reception of the Communion, but we may infer il from t h e early hour a t which the Eucharist was celebrated 1 and from t h e prominent, position assigned t o fasting- general!) in t h e regulations of the Celtic Church. Wednesday trad Friday were observed as fast-days a t I on a b u t a dispensation was g r a n t e d b y the abbot in t h e case 0 the reception of strangers®, &e.; also a t Lindisfarae, where tin Celtic custom of fasting- till three o'clock (except in Eastertide) had been introduced by St, Aldan from I mm 3 . The Huh of St, Columbanus prescribed the same custom for t h e Irisl 1 continental monasteries' 1 .

I n the R u l e of the Irish Culdees

(eighth century) skimmed milk was allowed on S t . Patrick's Day even if it fell on a Wednesday or Friday r \

T h e non-

eating of flesh on Wednesdays and. Fridays was one of the customary laws by which t h e soul-friend ( a n m c a r a ) bound the Irish people 6 . L e n t (dies quadragesimales) was observed a t Iona as & season

of preparation

for E a s t e r 7 .

T h e severity of the

Lenten Rule may be gathered from t h e statement of Risbof Cedd t h a t the strict rule which he observed had been learned by h i m in the Columbim monastery in which he had been brought up8. T h e three Rogation Days, before the Feast of the Aseens A damn an, V i t . S, Col. i. 26. p. 142. ' Per totum annum, excepts. remissione quSnquagesiaiae prischnlis, quitrSa et, sexta anbbati j e j u m n m ail nonani usque horam protelarc.' Bede, II. E. iii. 5, J

3

' ' S i quia ante hciram nonam q i u r t a sextaqne feria manducat, nisi intimitis, duos dies in pane et aijua.' Cap. xiii. p. JJ. 5 p. 84. In the Black Book of C?ierma.rthen (Welsh, twelfth century)* this charge is brought. against an irreligious person : ' Thou respectedat not F r i d a y , of thy great humility,' & c . ; v. 30. 6 Senclma Mor, iii. 15. 7 A dam nan, V i t . S. Col, ii. 39. " ' Diebcis Ciinctis.excepfca Dominica, jejuni um a d vesperam usque jjcxf® SKOfeM protelaiss, ne tunc quldem nisi panls permoiicuui, et unum ovum gallmaeeuro cum parvo lacte aqua mix to percipiebat. Dicebat en!m hanc esse consuclurlinemwrum,aquilusnormamdkeipliHat nyularitdidfcm/t.' B e d e , H . E. iii. 23 Thf; rule of St. Benedict was t i e same as to the bours of food botli on Wednesd a y ! and Fridaj r s ant! in Lent, and it appears to have been still more strict as to quality (ec. 39, 41, 49).

[188]

Fasting.

§ 34-]

147

si011, were observed, with fasting up to the ninth hour, and their observation was perpetuated in the Anglo-Saxon Church by the 16th canon of the Council of Clovesho (a.d. 747), which expressly refers to their observation not as a custom derived from Rome, but as a traditional custom of the country : ' S e x t o décimo eondixerunt capitulo: U t Lnetaniae, id est rogationes, a clero omnique populo his diebus cum magna reverentia agantur, id est, die séptimo kalendarum Maiarum, juxta ritnm Romanae Ecclesiae, quae et Letania major apud earn vocatur.

E t item queque, secundum morem prioraW no$-

irorum, tres dies ante Ascensionem Domini in cáelos cum jijnnio usque ad horam nonam et Missarum

celebrations

veneran tur', 5 &c. The wording of this canon is noteworthy.

The observance

of the Rogation Days was a Gallican custom, unknown at that date in the Roman Church, into which it was first introduced by Leo I I I (795-81Ó) • and their recognition in the British Church, and their perpetuation from that source in the Anglo-Saxon Church, if we may see an allusion to that Church in the words ' priores nostri/ is a link in the proof of the early connection between the British and Gallican Churches. The connection of a special fast with the Celtic rite of the consecration of churches has been already pointed out 2 . § 35, Confession.—There is plentiful evidence of the practice of confession in the Celtic Church, but there is 110 trace of its connection with or of its use as a preparation for the celebration or reception of the Eucharist,

Gildas uses the

general expressions ' poenitentiae medicamen* and ' ut pecoata sua delerentur humilitate eonfessionisV title for a confessor was

{

an meara' or

The ordinary Irish 1

soul's friend,' and

every person seems to have attached some priest to himself in that capacity. 1

II. awl S. in, 368. s

Epiat., H. and S. i. 78, So. 1 % [189]

Fasting.

§ 34-]

147

si011, were observed, with fasting up to the ninth hour, and their observation was perpetuated in the Anglo-Saxon Church by the 16th canon of the Council of Clovesho (a.d. 747), which expressly refers to their observation not as a custom derived from Rome, but as a traditional custom of the country : ' S e x t o décimo eondixerunt capitulo: U t Lnetaniae, id est rogationes, a clero omnique populo his diebus cum magna reverentia agantur, id est, die séptimo kalendarum Maiarum, juxta ritnm Romanae Ecclesiae, quae et Letania major apud earn vocatur.

E t item queque, secundum morem prioraW no$-

irorum, tres dies ante Ascensionem Domini in cáelos cum jijnnio usque ad horam nonam et Missarum

celebrations

veneran tur', 5 &c. The wording of this canon is noteworthy.

The observance

of the Rogation Days was a Gallican custom, unknown at that date in the Roman Church, into which it was first introduced by Leo I I I (795-81Ó) • and their recognition in the British Church, and their perpetuation from that source in the Anglo-Saxon Church, if we may see an allusion to that Church in the words ' priores nostri/ is a link in the proof of the early connection between the British and Gallican Churches. The connection of a special fast with the Celtic rite of the consecration of churches has been already pointed out 2 . § 35, Confession.—There is plentiful evidence of the practice of confession in the Celtic Church, but there is 110 trace of its connection with or of its use as a preparation for the celebration or reception of the Eucharist,

Gildas uses the

general expressions ' poenitentiae medicamen* and ' ut pecoata sua delerentur humilitate eonfessionisV title for a confessor was

{

an meara' or

The ordinary Irish 1

soul's friend,' and

every person seems to have attached some priest to himself in that capacity. 1

II. awl S. in, 368. s

Epiat., H. and S. i. 78, So. 1 % [189]

148

Celtic Ritual,

[CH. H.

St. Doiman of E i g requested St. Coluraba to act as his anmeara.

' T h i s Donnau went to Columeille to make him

his soul's friend ; upon which Colurneillc said to him, " I shall not be soul's friend to a company of red martyrdom ; for thou sh< come to red martyrdom, and thy people with thee." A n d it was so Fulfilled 1 . 5

St. Colomba is said to have been

' anmeara' to Aidan K i n g of Dalriada A.D. 574 Adamnau acted as aumeara to Knnsnechta, who became monarch of Ireland A.D, 675 3 ,

Minute regulations

about

confession are laid down in the Irish Rule of the Ctildees (pp. 88-90).

I n some of the later entries in the Annals of

Ulster the office of chief confessor is named 4 .

There are

various regulations on the subject of penance and confession in the Welsh laws of Howe! 5 .

In the B l a c t B o o t of Caer-

marthen an irreligious Welshman is taunted with the question,, ' W h a t gavesfc thou of thy wealth before private confession e ? 1 Three points are worthy of note with regard to the practice of confession in the Celtic Church. (a) I t was public rather than private. W e read how a certain Irishman (de Scotia), named Feachnaus, touched with remorse for some crime committed by him, came to Iona, and falling at St. Colutuba's feet, lamenting bitterly, ' confessed his sins before all that were there present.'

Whereupon St. Columba, weeping together with

him, absolved hitn in these words: * Rise up, my sou, and be comforted ; thy sins which thou hast committed are forgiven, because, as it is written, a contrite and a bumble heart God doth not despise17.'1

1

F i l i r e of Oeagua, p, 86. l i r e 3 ; also p. c x x i x and passim.

M S . H . 2, 16. Tr'm. Coll., D u b l i n , p. S58, quoted in l i e e v e a ' Adamn.tn, 3 M S , quoted in Reeves' A d a m n a s , p. xliii. p . Ixxvi, * A s in the ease of Oengus Q'Domiellan, prlmli anmcaxa, wrongly trans1

lated b y O'Conur 1 prinnis aiiMhoreta' of the Coliuaban m o n k s ; anno u c l x . a H . and S , i. pp. 2 1 1 - 2 8 3 . 6 v, 21. 7 ' Feachnaus, cum Hetu ei I amen to, auto pedes ejus [sc. Columbae] ingejiieulans flexis genibus a.m.'vrisaime ingemuit, et coram omnibus H'd ibidem iuei'dut

[190]

§ 35-]

Confession.

T49

On another occasion, when St, Columba was visiting the little monastery of Travel, eo. Heath, a priest who had been chosen by the brethren to celebrate the Eucharist on account of his supposed superior sanctity, was conscieneeatriclren by some words tittered by St. Columbn, and * was compelled to confess his sin in the presence of them all 1 ,' An old Irish canon speaks of confession of sins in the presence of priest and people2, {¿) I t was optional rather than compulsory. In early Irish law there is frequent mention of the anmeara, and of" confession to him being* profitable (not necessary), and of his power to impose penances, such as a pilgrimage after a murder 3 . The direction on the subject in the Penitential of Cuminius ran in these words: ' Cotifessio autem Deo soli ufc agatur, si necesse est, licebit 4 / I t was perhaps owing to its optional character that the practice of confession seems to have dropped into disuse in the later Irish Church. Alcum writing to certain brethren in Ireland (eighth century) urged the practice of confession very strongly on men and women, secular and religious, young and old 5 . In another letter he complained peccantias confitetur suas. Sanctus turn, cura ao parité F illacrymatus, ad emu ait, Surgefilí.et consolare ; diuiissa sunt in,a quae commisisti peccamina ; quia, sicut acriptnm est. Cor contrîtum et huoiilia turn De us non spernit.' Adamo an Vit, S. Col. î. 30. 1 'Presbyter i Ile " de quo Isaeo dîcebantur verba coram omnibus peccantiam compnlsus est suani confiteri." ' Ib. i. 40. s 'Post confession em peccatorum coram sacerdote et plebe,' Sin, Bibern. ii. s c. 4. SenohuB Mor, iii, 39, 73. 4 The same direction appears in tbe Anglo-ïaxon Penitential of Theodore (66S-690) : ' Confess» autem Deo soli agatur 1 i collit si necease est. Et hoc neccsmrittán in cjuibusdam codieibus non est;' cap, xii, sect, J, Tbe meaning of these directions depends upon the interpretation which is placed upon the conditional clause. Is the necessity alluded to • objective * as maintained by Roman writers, such as would be caused by a stroke of paralysis, or by tbe impossibility of access to a priest? or is it 'subjective,1 of the existence of which each person is judge according to his own spiritual needs ? Lingard, A. B. Church, L 304. 4 Aleulnl Epist, C C J C X V . ad iratreS qui in Hiberiiia insula per diversa loca Deo deserviré Yidentur.

[191]

150

Celtic RiiuaL

[CH, 11.

that 1 it is reported that none of the laity are willing to make their confession to the priests, whom we believe together with the holy Apostles to have received the power of binding- and loosing from God in Christ 1 / St. Bernard asserted that the custom of going to confession had died out in Ireland in the twelfth century, and that its restoration wag 0110 among the reforms of St. Malachi 2 . (c) I t was not the custom to pronounce absolution until after the penance assigned had been fulfilled. An early Irish canon assigned a year of penitence as the punishment for certain crimes. When the year was accomplished the penitent might come with witnesses and receive absolution from the priest 3 . Eede records how an Irish youth named Adamnanus made confession to a priest, and on hearing the penance imposed complained of it, not on account of its severity, but because he wished more quickly to receive absolution. The penance had been imposed for an indefinite time, and absolution was deferred until the priest should see Mm again. No second interview ever took place, in consequence of the snclden death of the priest in his native country (Ireland), whither a sudden emergency had caused him to return, and Adamnanus continued to comply with the conditions of the penance for the rest of his natural life *. This regulation, although it led to a practical inconvenience in the case of Adamnanus, is more in accordance with the discipline of the primitive Church than the modern

1 * Dicitur vero neminem ex l.veis «nam velie confessinnem saoerdotibns dare, quos a Beo Christo cum Sanctis Apostoli« li gaudi sol vendi que potestatem aceepis.se credìmua.' Epiat. exH. ad fratrca in provincia Scotorum [ 8» 13, 14) 'Si 16 have been printed from the original MSS j §§ 9,10 from facsimiles of the original MSS.; 40» i t 12 from collations with the original MSS., kindly supplied by P. B. Da vies-Cooke, Esq., Dr. L. Sieber, and the Very Rev. W. Beeves, D.D.

[195]

[196]

CHAPTER

III.

TIELIQUIAE CELTICAE LITURGICAS.

§

I.

No

T K A C E S OF

A VEHIÍ ACULAR

LlTURGY.

is no trace of a vernacular Liturgy having- been in

THERE

use in any portion of the Celtic Church; but in the absence of any lit urgical remains! of tin earlier date than the seventh century,, only negative evidence can be produced on this point. The undoubtedly Celtic liturgical fragments of a later date which have survived are in the Latin language, relieved by an occasional vernacular rubric, as in the ease of the St, Gall M S S . , the Stowe Missal, and the Books of Deer, Dim ma, and Mulling 1 .

But there is not only an absence of direct

proof, but also of any indirect evidence which points to a vernacular Liturgy having

onee

possible interpretation of the

c

existed, if we except a

ritus barbaros,3 abolished in

Scotland by Queen Margaret 2 . A s far as the earliest British Church is concerned mauy facts suggest a partially Latin origin.

The most important British

bishopries belonged to the capitals of Roman provinces— \'orb, London, and possibly Caerleon.

The earliest Christian

martyrs in Britain bore Roman, or at least not Celtic names— Albanus, Julius, Aaron.

The earliest antiquarian remains of

British Christianity are connected with Roman stations, as at Canterbury, Dover, Lvminge,

RichbOTOOgh,

&e,

Ptolemy,

writing in the earlier part of the second century (c. a.d. 150}, enumerates under their Latin titles fifty-six cities then §5 5. 6, 7, 9, 14. ' Tlieoderic, Vita- S. M a r g a r e t , c, S, quoted on p, 7. n, 5.

1

[197]

156

Reliquiae Cclíkae Liturgicctc.

[CH nr.

existing in Britain 1 ; Mareianus in the third century reckons fifty-nine 2 . Other names of towns have been collected from the pages of Asser, Nennius, Henry of Huntingdon, and the Saxon Chronicle 3 . The walls by which some of these places are still surrounded, the ruins of theatres, villas, baths, and other public and private buildings, the vases, coins, inscriptions discovered from time to time, prove that they once contained a flourishing Roman population. Possibly, therefore, 1 he earliest Christian Church in these islands consisted of converts to Christianity among its Roman invaders and of such natives as were brought into immediate connection with them 4. Gradually, as the Roman power dwindled away, the Church spread over the population of these islands ; but in quite early days Latin, and not any form of Gaelic, may have been, if not the vernacular language, at least a language understood by all the members of the Christian Church in Britain. Tacitus informs us that the Roman language was adopted by the leading inhabitants of Britain under the 'policy 5 of Agrícola 3 . Most of the writings of the British, Scottish, and Irish authors of the first six centuries4, all the extant Psalters and Books of the Gospels, and the few liturgical fragments which have been preserved, are written in the Latin language by scribes who not only understood what they wrote, but were so far masters of the language in which they were writing as to have compiled a special British and Irish revision of the old Latin text of the Bible for use in their own Church 7 . The ecclesiastical use of the ancient

8 Hcracleot. Tie pirr^ovs, edit. H.DC. p. 92, Geogr, lib. ii. cap. Their Celtic names, and where possible the Roma.ii equivalents, arc given by Thomas Gale (liist. Brit, Script, p. 135) and W. Gunn (Edit, of Nenmns, p. 07"). 4 The remains of Celtic churches, crosses, in C o n wall are to be re6 Tacitus, Y i t . Agric, c. 21. ferred to this period. '' p. 36, 7 Including the DotBJSach-Airgid MS., written hi the fifth century ami believed 1

3

to have belonged to St. Patrick, now in the Royal Irish Academy at Dublin; an ancient version of the Gospels, fifth to seventh century, ¡11 Trinity College, Dublin ', the Psalter Styled Cathach, and the volume of the Gospels known as the Book of Diirrow (Vutg,), both written by St.Columba in the sixth century.

[198]

§ j,]

No

traces of a

Vernacular

Liturgy.

157

Celtic tongue, if this theory is correct, commenced when the Chureb. Logan to include among its members and to receive into its priesthood persons who were ignorant of Latin

hut

even then it was confined to the rubrics, and to sermons or addresses,

A large fragment of a sermon on self-denial and

compassion in the old Irish language from the Codex Camaraeensis (eighth century) is printed in Zeuss, Grammatica Céltica 1 .

Vernacular sermons arc in existence for ilie Feast of

All Saints 2 , on the Beatitudes 3 , Judgment and Resurrection 4 . The above is virtually Mr, Haddan's theory of the Latin character of the earliest Church

in Britain.

A

counter

theory of its non-Latin and purely Celtic character been

more recently advanced

by M r . Brewer, and

has sup-

ported by the following considerations:—(1) Christianity was not as yet (second and part of third centuries) tolerated by Roman law, and those who under Roman law had just beeu Facsimiles of some of their pages are given i n The Jiatsoiial M-SS. of Ireland, part i. plates i - v i ; Dublin, 1874. The evidence for a special Scoto-Britanmc version is collected in H. and S. i. 170-1 yS, liede says that, through the study of the sacred Scriptures, Latin had become ' a common language for the Angles, Britons, I'icts, and I r i s h H i s t , Eccl. lib, i. cap. 1. There are traces of the use of Greek. Greek words are introduced into the Hyinnus Sancti Comgilli, and in the Antiphon. Bencher. (ch. iii. § 11). Occasional Graecisins occur in Adamnan'g Life of Columba, and 111 the writings of other early Irish saints. Examples of Ilibenio-Greek characters are given in Keller's Bilder, &c., plates :5; Book ofMulling, p.i;3;Stowo Missal, p. 225.

The sigli of the cross is also directed to be made at the conclusion of the Office for Unction in the Stowe Missal, p. 235. c Thin Messing is given in aa amplified form in Stowe Missal, p. 325; Book of Mulling, p, 172. ' Book of Deer, p. i t ì j . n. 7. 5

Book of Dimma, p, 167. note 3. This use of the word ' Praefatio' for a »hört exhortation to the people is peculiar to and common in the old Galilean Liturgies. B

9

[213]

Reliquiae

Celiicae

Liturgicae,

[cu,

ni.

commodo carnie et egretudine uexatur, ut domìni pietas per angèhvffi medicina celesti s uisitare et corroborare dignetur, per dooiinuin. . . . . . . . . [patè]r omuipotens, et consci'ua famulum tuum lume .a. qnem [sanati] ficasti et redemistì pre[tio] magno sancii sangumis tui, in seeuia secutorum. BENEDrCTIO SUPER AQ.UAM. Oremus et postulemus de domini missericordia, ut celesti Spirita liune fontem bcnedìcere et sancti&care dignetur, per domuium. BENEDICTIO

HOJIIMS.

1

Benedicat tibi doìniiuts et custodiat t e ; illuminet 2 domili us faciem suam super 3 te 4 et rnisseriatur tui, connettatene 5 dominus unitimi snum adt-e, et det tibi paeem et 3 salitatela®. Misserere n. d. a. Tarn

unffes

cwn

oleo.

0

Ungno te dcoleo sanctificatiouU in nomine dei patrie, et filii, et spiritus saneti, ut salnus eris in nomine sanetn trini» tatis. Sìmal

canìt.

Credo in deum patrem. Tuia

di ci tur

ei ni

dhnittat

omnia.

Cor.LECTIO OBATIONIS 1JOMINICAE. Creator natùrarum omnium 7 , deus, et pari rais uniuersarum in celo et interra origimun has trini tatis populi tui rélegiosas preces ex ilio inaccesse lneis tlirono tuo susci pe, et in ter hiruphin et saraph[in i]ii-dc0essas cireu[m] si [an] tinnì laudes esaudì spei noti ambi[gue] preeationes. P[ater] noster, Cvllectio

mne

seqnìfur.

Lìbera nos a inalo, domine chrisfce iliesu, et eustodies nos in 1 3 È

Num. vi. 24-26 ; Book of Bini ma. p. 171. 4 V. am. V. tibi. Book doeete omues gent e s, babtitzantes eas in nomine patris, et filii, et spiritus saaeti, Pol. 52 b.

T i b i a igitur precipio omnis spiritus i m m u n d e , +

omne fantasma, onine mendacium, eradicare, effugare ab haé creatura aquae ut discensurus in ea sit ei fons aquae sallientis reprint, iS'79, p, 354], stud in the Office of Extreme Unction in the R i t . R o m . p. n o . 1 F o r the Unctions prescribed iti this Office, see I n trod, p. 66. 3 Ps. x x v i i t . 3, Pa. x!i. 2. * P s . xxviii. 1 . T h e Ii. T r a c t and v v . are from P s , xli, 1, 2, 3, 1 E . Benedico, from the Benedict;« Fontis in S a b b a t « Sancto in M i s . R o m , I». 1 9 9 ; Sacrai 11. Gel. j>. 568 ; see Corpus M i n a i , fot. 101 a, w i t h Considerable variations. This and the following paragraph are transposed from their present R , position, where they come after ' eoiiaeqnaatur ' (on p. 2 (4.) f - 5 R , om, 7 R, Benedico. 1 E . + unicum. 3 T h i s and the following paragraph are strangely placed hero. The R. Benedictio Fontis proceeds -with the clause f H a c c nobis praeoepta,* &«., £S on p. 215,

[254]

3 14.]

The Stowe Missal,

213

in uitam ae ternani. EfBeae ergo, aqua sa net a [a] qua benedieta, ad regenerandos fiiios deo patri omnipotecti, in nomine domini nostri iliPSLi cliristi, qui uenturus est in spirita saneto iudieare eecnlum per igucni, Exoreizo té, creatura aquae, in nomine dei patris omnipotentis, et in nomine domini nostri ihesu christi filii eius, et spiritus sancii, omms uirtus aducTsarii, omnis incursus diaFol. 53». buli, omne fantasma eradicare et effugare ab hac creatura aquae, ut. sit foiis fcalìientes in uitam aeternarn, ut cum babtizatus f'uerit fiat templum dei nini ¡11 remisionem peecatorum, per doni inum nostrum ihesum christum, qui ueoturus est indicare saeculum per ¡gnem'. Omnipotens sempiterna» deus 3 , adesto magnae pie talis tuae misteris ; adesto sacrament is, et ad creandos 3 nouos populos Foi. 53 b, quos tibi fons babtisuiatìs parturìt ; spiritum adoptionis emitte ut quod humilitatia nostrae gerendum est ministerio tuae uirtutes eompìeatur effeetu. per. Deus 4 , qui inuisibili potentia saeramentorum tuoram mirabiliter operane effeetu, et licet nos tan ti s misteris adsequandi sumus indigni, tu tamen gratiac tuae dona non deferens, etiam ad nostras preeos aurea tuae pietatis inclina, per dominum nostrum deum. Deus 5 , cuius spiritus, super aquas inter ipsa mundi primordia ferèabatut, ut etiam tunc uirtutem saneti ficationìs aquarum natura eonciperefc. Deus 6 , qui innocente? mundi cremiua per [a]quas abluens Foi. 54a. regenerationis speciera in ipsa diluii eif'ussione sig1 This form of ' Exorcisinus aquae' occurs in a tenth-century German Oriio Eaptisiiii, printed by Gerbert, Lit. A toman, vol. U, p. ro; and in part in St. Gall MS, No. T395, p 1S4, There is a collect resembling this one, but not identical with it, although opening with the same words, in the Ordo ad fad(stidpun aquam bunedictani Bit. Bom. p, 2S7, 2 Mis. Rom. p. 19 r, Benedict» font is in Sabbato Sancto, with verbal -variations; Corpus Missal, p. 199 j fine ram. Gelaa. p. $58 ; Gregor p. 63. From this point down to the unction immediately following the act of baptism t!ie readings of the Gdasian 3&cromentary are closely followed. s So Gel,; recreandos Kit, Bom. 1 lb. Part of the Proper Prefrice. 5 lb, 6 lb.

[255]

214

Reliquiae Celtìcae Liturgìcae.

[CH, ni.

nasti, ut unius einsdemque elementi min isterie, et finis esset uitis et ori go nirtutibus, respice in faciem aeelesiae tua©) et mnltipMca in ea generali ones tuas, qui gratiae afflnent.es impeti! laetifteas cinitatem tunm, fontemque babtismatis aperis loto orbe terrarum gentibns innouandis, ut tua© maiestatia imperio sumat unigeniti tui grati am de Spirito sancto, qui liane aquam regenerandis homi ni bus preparatala, arcana sui luminia 1 ammixtionc fecundot, ut, siinetifìcatione cótìeepta3 ab immacolato diuini fontes utero in nouam renouatam creaFoi. 54 b. tu ram progenies eoeìestÌs emergat ; et qnos aut sexas in oorpore, aut aetas discern it. in tempore, omnes in una pari at gratia ni atque infanti am. Proemi ergo biiiCj iubente té. domine, omnis spirit«* immundqg abscedat. Prooal tota, neqnìtia diabulÌtieae fraudis absistat, Nili il. ine loci habeat eontrnriae uirtutis ammixtio, non insidiando cireumuolet, non Intendo subripiat, non inficiando eorrumpat. Sit bee sancta et irmoeeus creatura libera ab omni impuguationis incorsi», et iotius ncqui tiae purgata diseessu. Sit fons uiuus, regenerans Poi. 55a. aqua, nuda purificans, ut omnes hoc lauaero salutifero diìuendij operante in éis spiri! u sancto, perfeetae puri lìt-ationis indulgenti am eonsequantur, per®, linde benedico 3 té, creattirac aquae, per denta uiuum, per deum sanctum, qui te in principio nerbo separauit ab arida 4 et in quatuor iluminibus totam terrain rigati précipit, qui té in deserto amaranì suanitate indita feeit esse potabilcm} et sitiFol, 5Sb. enti popolo de potrà, produxit. Benedico te et per ihesum ehristum filium eius unicum, dominum nostrum ; qui te in channan galileae signo ammirabili sua potentia conuert.it in mniirn ; 6 qui pedibus super té ambulauit, et ab 1

R. immillili. For the rubric;s insetted here in the later Irish rite, see Corpus Missal, p. zoo. 3 lb. This and the following paragraph have already occurred once 011 ili, ' exorcizo ' teing there substituted for 'benedico.' 1 So Get. ; R. T eujuB spiritila super te ferebatur qui te tie paradisi fonte inanare fecit, ' qui—sane ti. A zigzag mark on the maxgin calla attention to the fact that this passage has already occurred in the form of1 Exorcism us aquae ' on p. aia. 3

[256]

| t

4

|

The

iohanne

in

sanguine

oirdane

Stowc

in

do I n t e r a

té

M u s a i .

2 1 5

babtizatus est ;

sua produxit, et

qui

discipulis

té una

eum

suis iusit

ut

e r e d e n t e s b a p t i z a f e ( n ) t i n te-, d i c e n s j i t e doue t e o m n e s g e n t e s , sancti3.

b a p t i z a n t e s eos i n n o m i n e p a t r i s , e t fili, e t s p i r i tu s Haee

nobis

precept»

e l e m e n s adesto, tu

senumtibus

tu,

deus

omnipotent,

aspira, t u has simpliccs

aquas

t u o o r e b e n e d i c i t i } , u t p e r t e natii r a i e r a e m u n d a t i o n e m

qtiam

Fol. 56a.

etiam

lanandis

benigniti possimt

adhibere

corporibus

sititi

p u r i f ì e a n d t s m e n t i b u s e f f i c a c e s , d i s c e n d a t in l i a n e p l e n i t u d m e m i o n t i s u i r t u s s p i r i t u s t u i 1 , et t o t a n i h u i u s a q n a e regenerandi

feeundet effeetu.

deleantur, rem

sui

ingressus

prineipii,

in

uerae

Fol. s o b.

i n n o c e n t ine n o a ara i n f a n t i a m

aqua

m Jim/em,

benedicUonis

aspargìtiiì'

aqua

pat rem,

et ftlìum,

ad

et

Credts in deum

clirist-um . completa,

et qitique

domes

benedìciti.

mittii

uoluerit4

consecrandas, Itenm

spinilim

renaseatur,

3

ihèsuin

I k in de, lieuedictio

crucis

gcaloribits2

e i m o t is u e t u s t a t i s

h o m o h o c s a c r a t a e nt u r n r e g e n e r a t i o n i s

per dominimi nostrum

modifia

H i e o m n i u m pecatoritm maculae

H i c natura ad imaginent tuam condita, a d honoreformata

errumdetur, ut omnis

in

substantial«

roga

sacerdoti

crisma

i-mplet

uasculum

et pop nia8 a

diacono

sì

pressens credat

in

sanctum,

pat rem omnipo t e n t e r a 5 ?

B . Credo.

C r e d i s e t i n i h e s u m c h r i s t n m filiti t u e i u s u n i c u m d o m i n i m i nostrum natum

et passum ?

Ji.

Credo.

1

So Gel. ; E . + sancti, totamque. 3 », s u ' , n. 3. E,, + qui venturi» est, &c. * There is a similar direction to the members of the congrégation generally in the Corpus Missal, p. zoî. The present R . rubric confines tlic l ight of taking away the consecrated water to 'unaa ex mmistris ecclesi&e,1 There too ft triple use of oil is proscribed instead of the single application ordered here, vi», i. of the oil of the catechumens ; ii. of the chrism ; HI. of both wis combined. The Benediction of the font being now complete, the Baptismal Office proper is resumed. The Gelaxian rubric ruas thus, ' Jmk baxdida ì

fonte

baptisas

unumqumnqiic

ìn. ordine

suo s uh his

htterrogat iambus'

p.

57")-

In the later Roman Ordine* Bapt, these three questions as to belief" are immediately preceded by three questions as to the renunciation of Satan and his works. It is remarkable that while they are omitted here in accordance •with Gelasian précédant, they should have occurred twice close together in the earlier portion of the service ; p, 209. s So Gel. ; R + creatorem coeìi et terrae.

[257]

216

Reliquiae

Creáis

et

in

Célticas

spiritimi

Liturgicae.

sanctum) aeelesiam

[ch. h i . catholieam 1 ,

remisionem peceatorum, earnis resurreetionom 2 ? lies. 3I)isce?idU4

infontem

el ííncfiiw

ter nel aspar ¡.fit nr.

qnam babiimretur oleatur cresmaie in cerebrum in fronte uentem candidavi diacimus super capute in frontae, piter8

Credo. 5

J?o$t-

5,3

et dai

et dicìt

pres-

;

Deus omnipotent, pater domini nostri ihesn ehristi, qui té regeneran it ex aqua et spirita sancto, qui que tìbi dedit remisionem omnium peceatorum, ipse té lineal crísmate saint is in eliristo. Pol, 57 a.. litigo8 O

imud

dognither

intowjath1.

té de oleo et de crísmate saìotis et san et i fi eat ioni s, *

in nomine dei patris, et fìlli, et spiritus, nunc et per omnia in saecula saeeulorum. Operare 0 , creatura oleis operare in nomine (lei patris ora impotenti s, et filii, et spiritus sancii, u t non latest lue spiritus 1 Gel. sanctain, - So Gel. ; R. + et vitam «eternam, The text follows the Odas. Saoram. in omitting the additional question now found in the Ordines Rom.:—'Vis baptizar!. lì. Volo.' s—9 Gel. Sscram,, Detnde per singula« vices inerbi» eumtertio in aqua, Postea, cura ascendent a fonte iitfans «¡guattir « Presbytero in cerebro de chrismate his verbis. (See Introd, p. 65.) The actual baptismal formula is omitted here as in the Gelas, Pacram, (Ordo xllv. p. 570 ; Gregor. Sacra in. p. 65) ; in the description of baptism given in the GaHican work known under the title of St. Ambrose Ve Sacrarti, lib. ii. cap. j ; and in a nmth-century Saer&mentary (Cod. Colbert, No. 1348) printed by Martene, Ordo v. vol. Í. p. 66, The omission is strange. Perhaps, as in the case of the Eucharistic words of conii.-eration, so often omitted, as on p. 246, it was presumed that the priest would know them by heart, * It is to be noticed that the direction to go down into the font implies that immersion was the general rule. a_s ii.it. Horn,, 'Deinde Entingit pollicoro in sacro uh riamate et nngit infantum in su mm i t;.t te capitis dicens,' * Kit. Rom. p. 30. ' Aug!ice, * Here the miction is made,* * The only other place where a formula of unction occurs with the verb in the first person is in the Missal. Gotb., ' D'Oli chrìsma BUM taivjin Jicis, Parungo te ebriema sanetitatis.' (Mab. ed. p. 248.) a This address to the oil occurs in the Ordo Baptismi in the Sacramentari 11 m Galilean um (Mart, i- p. 65; Mab. Lit. GaL p. 324), but in connection with the rite of Unction before the act of Baptism ; in an ancient but undated Ordo Via, Infirm, in a Beauv&is Pontif,, Mart. i. p. 332 ;TOthe CoJex Vat. of the Greg. Sacram. edited by Rocca, Antv. 1615, p. 3/4,

[258]

The

§ r-iO immnndus

nee

raembroramj altisimi,

in

sed et

Slows,

membris, operetur

spirit us

nec

in

sancti,

MissaL

217

i n m o d u l i is,

te

nirtus

christi

per

omnia

saecula

compaginibus filii

(lei

uiui

saeculorura.

Amen.

M dal ttesfem candid am diaconus super caput eius in frontae> et ilim wstm&ito

mndido iegitur dicit

A c c i p e western c a n d i d a r n , P o l , 57 ii.

lie-i,

prespiter1;

sanctain, et immaculatam,

perferas ante tribunal domini nostri ihesu

Accipio et

quam

christi,

perferam2,

Et dicit prespiter, Aperiatur

m a n u s jrasri®.

Dicem, S i g j i u m e n i e i s c h r i s t i + accipe in m a n u m e t c o n s e r n e t te

in u i t a m

aeternam.

E.

tnam

dexteram,

Amen.

Tntic lanantur pedes eiits, accepto Hideo aeeepto*. 1 B i t . Ram. p. 30, The presentation of the white dress is followed in the B . Ordo Bapt. ParV. hy the presentation of a lighted taper, of which there is here no trace. Although nut mentioned in the Gelas, and Gregor. Sac-ram,., the latter ceremony is found in all mediaeval office books except those of Mnyeuce. s

Tiiis response does not seem to occur elsewhere.

This ceremony is not found in the R . Ordo Bapt. nor in any of the Baptismal Offices printed by JIartene, nor is any allusion made to it by him or by other writers on Baptism, But a similar rite is found in an eleventh century Jmnieges Ritual, where it occurs at a much earlier point in the Servian, after the sign of the cross has been made on the infant's forehead: 'Tunc 3

presbyter fuetcnt crucan cum potttee intra pa/mam dtztrem infantis dicat. Trade signaeulum Domini nostri Jean Christi in maim tlia dextera, ut te signes et te dc adversa parte repellas, et in Sde catlmliea permaueas, et habeas vitarn aeternam, et vivas cam Domino semper in saecula saeculerum. Amen." (Mart. Oldo xiii. vol. i. p. 73.) * This ceremonial washing of the feet, or * pedilaviura," is not found in any Roman Office, but is common to the early Galilean * Ordiiies Baptismi,' and was still ill use in France ill the eighth century, as we gather from a work, which usually passes under the name of St, Ambrose, and is bound up with I lis writings, but is now ascertained to be a Galilean production of about A.D. 8oo, 'Ascendisti de fonte ? Quid seeutuni est? Audisti lectionem. Succiuctus fiummus sacerdos pedes tibi t a v i t . . . Non ignoramus quod Eccleaia Rom ana hane eoneuetudinem non habeat.' (Ambros. Tit Saeram. lib, iii, cap, i , and Gallican Liturgies, ed. by G , H. Forbes, pp. 97, 1S9, 167.) Its presence in this ancient Irish Missal possibly supplies the clue to the meaning of one of the conditions of union offered, but without success, by St. Augustine to the British bishops, the. precise interpretation of which has been hitherto left to

[259]

Reliquia?

Alleluia,

Celticae

Lìturgicae.

[cu. ni.

Lucerna pedibus mieis uerbum tmim, domine 1 .

Alleluia. Adiuua ino, domine, et saiuus ero 3 . Alleluia. Uìsita nos, domine) in saiutare tuo 3 . Alleluia. Tu mandasti mandata tua custodire nimis *, Maudasti missericordiam tuam, opus mamnim tuarum ne despieias 5 . Sì" ego laui pedes uestras doni in u s et magìsfcer uester, et nos debetis altèrutrius pedes lauare ; esemplimi enini dodi nL'IJi's ut quemadmodum feci uobis et uos faeifceis7 alìis. Dominila® et salnator noster ihesus cbristus, pridie quam pateretur, aeeepto linteo splendido, smieto, et immacolato precinetis lumbis suis, misit aquam in piluem, lauìt pedes diseipnlorum snorum. Iloe et tu facias exemplmn domini nostri ihesn ci tristi hospitibus et peregrini« fetiis. Foi. 58 a. Corpus 1 0 et sangui 11 is domini nostri iliesu cliristi sit tibi In uitam aeteruam. Amen. conjecture:—"Ut lufotsterium haptiaandi. quo Deo renascimur, j u s t a morem sauetae Roftanae et ApostoKcae Ecelesiae compleatis,' (Bade, H . E. ii. i \ H . and S. i. 155.) Tlik passage has by some been supposed to « f o r to confirm*' tiotl. l>r. Lingani states, without giving any authority, that the Britons did not confirm after baptism. (A., S. Church, t. 295.) This rite of pedilavium obtained also at one time 111 Spain, but was abolished by Can, 4S of the Council of El 5 tier is, A.D, 305. (Mausi, Condi, torn. ii. p. 14). 1

Pfi. CKlriii. 1 0 5 ,

1

lb. I I / , 1

3

P s . 0V- 4. p.

* Ps, Cxviii. 4, Fs. CKSXvii. S, ' loan, xiii, 14, 15. A sentence resembling this is ordered to be repeated at tlic Pedilavium in the three extant Galilean Ordincs Bapt, Mis. Goth., ¿lab. ed, p. 349; Mis. Galliean., Mab. ed, p. 3^4 ; Sacram. Gallioan., Mab ed. p. 325, The formula in the latter runs thus ; * Ego tibi lavo pedes, sicut Dominus noster,' &c.; n. S. "* For facialis. B Compare the following formula in the Sacram, Galilean. (Mab. ed, p. 325) : ' Domiims noster Jesus C h m t u s da linteo, quo erat praeeinctus tersit pedes disscipiilorum snorum, at eg« faeio tibi, tu faciei peregrinis, hospitibus et pauperibus.' 5 Compare the three epitlielsapplied to the din'som, supra, • Aeoipa vestetn.'&c. 10 [Communion of ihs neivly-baptiied,] The immediate approach to the altar of the newly-baptized, still d a d in their white dress, 'fainilm candidate,' is described at length in the (ial)¡can work usually printed as S. Ambroa. do Sacrain. lib. iii. 2. 5 15 ; iv. 2 ; v. 3. § 14. The confirmation or communion (generally both) of such peisans is ordered in every mediaeval Ritual till the fourteenth century. The rubric in the Gelasian Ovdo Bapt, ( M a r a t . « d , p. 5 7 1 ) simply prescribes, * Deinde ah episeopo datureis Spiritus eeptifbrmis.' In the

[260]

§ 14.]

The Stowe Missal.

219

Itefecti 1 spiritalibus eseis, cibo codesti, corpore et sanguine domini reereati, (leo domino nostro ihesii divisto debitas landes et grattas rei Grani us, orantes indefessam eins raissericordiam, ut diuini munerîs sacramentum ad iucreraeotum fidei et pro« fectiim ne terna,e saluti s habeamus. per. Oremus, fratres earisiim 3 , pro fratre nostro N . qui g r a t i a m domìni couseeutus est, u t babtisrni quod accipit immaculatum atque integrum perferat ante tribunal

domini

nostri ihesu

ebristi, qui. Foi. 58 b.

Dens

tibi gratias a g i m u s per quem misteria

saacta edebrammus, et a te sanetitaÉis do[num] deposeimus,, per dominum. Alleluia.

Memento nostri, domine, ili beneplacito populi

tai, uísita nós in salutari t u o 4 . Alleluia.

Ó domine, salmwn f a c 5 . Ó domine, bene prosperare 6 .

ninth-century Gela^an Codices (Colbert, 1348, Tieg. 386$) there is this order:— ' Postea si fuerit ob lata, agenda est miss a, et coiuuimiicat. Sin autein, dabia, eis tan tum saoramenta Corporis et Sanguinis Christi dieens, Corpus Domini nostri Jena Christi sit tibi in vltorn a c t c r n a m f o l l o w e d by two short collects of thanksgiving for baptism, (Mart. i. p. 66.) For this purpose altars were usually erected in baptisteries, a custom which can be traced back to the time of Pope Hilary (461-7). (M&M, vol. i, l'p. 5. 55-) In a tenth-century Parisian Codex this rubric occurs : ' E t vestitur infaws restiraentis suis. Si vero cpiscopns adest statim coilfirmari eutu oportet chrisniate et postea communieare; Et si episcopus dees 6, communicetux a presbytero dieente ita,' &c, (Mart. Ordn x. vol. i. p. 70,) Book of Deer, p. ¡64. n. 5 ; Book of Din una, p. i j o ; Book of Mulling, p. 173. 1 For the Ephesine character of this and the following thanksgivings, see Bosk of Deer, p, 165, n. 1. Compare the post-receptiou collects in the Book of Dimma, p. 1 7 1 ; Bool; of Moiling, p. 173, s p. 167, n. 3, There are one or two post-baptismal collects of thanksgiving resembling this one in their tenor in all the Gallican Offices. Compare the following from the Sacram, Gallican. (Mab. edit, p, 355); ' Laudes et gratias Domino referamu*, fnUres dileotissimi, quod augere d ¡gnat us est eocleslae sjuae congregationem per caros nostros qui modo baptiaati ¡sunt. Petamus ergo da Domini misericordia ut haptkmum sanctum quod accepurunt, inlibaium, tnviolatum, at immaculatum perferant ante tribunal Christi,' 3 Book of Deer, p. 165. n, 7; Book of Dimma, p, 1 7 1 ; Book of M u l l i n g p. 173. 1 Ps, cv. 4, The latter half of this verse is repeated in the Ordo ad Com. Infirm, p. 225, s Pa. cxvii. a j . 6 lb.

[261]

220

Reliquiae Celticae Liturgicae.

Alleluia.

Ostende nobis, domine,

usque

[OH. M.

nobis 1 .

Saiua nos, ihesn, qui potes saluarae, qui dedit a ni main det e t 2 salutem, per dominum, Benedie 3 , domine, liaue creaturani aquae, ut sit remedium Fol. so a,

generi humano salutare, presta, per inuoeationem

nominis lui, per liane creaturam aquae, corporis sani tat em, et animae tutellam, rerum defensionem, per. E x o r e i z o 4 té, spiritns immunde, per deum pat rem omnipotentem, qui fecit caelum et terrain, marc, e t omnia quae in eis sunt, ut oranis ujtus aduersarii, omiiis exercitus diabuli, omnis incursus, omtie fantasma inimici eradieetur et éfÌifg-etur ab hac creatura aquae, ut sit saneta et salutifera, et arde n s aduersus insidtas inimici, per iuuooationem

ignis

nomili is

domini nostri ihesu christi, qui iudieaturus est saeeulum per iguem in spirita saneto. [Or.DO

Oremus Fol, 59 b.

AD

iratres,

Amen,

VISXTAXDUM

dominum

INFIR.1IUM.]

deum

nostrum

pro

fratre

nostro ad pressens malum langoris aduleerat, u t

1 P s . l x x x i v . 8. Book of Dimma, p. 170 ; St«tre Mis. p. 232. ~ p. 221, line 2, s Kacr. Gregor, p. 229, This and the following Exorcism are apparently misplaced here. They seem to be appended as forms once in use, but now rendered useless by the insertion of the larger lioinim ' Benedietio Font!« " (p. 212} in its proper placr another use of the word ' deprecatio,' see p. 106. The association of these prayers with the name of St, Martin, Bishop of Tours (371-401), indicates that, though of Eastern origin, they reached Ireland through a Gallican channel. That such a Litany existed in the ancient Gallican rite is proved by the allusions of various writers. Caesarius of Aries speak« of the 'Oratio (quae) Diacofto claiaante mdimtiir* (Serin, cclxxxvi. in App. ad Opp. S. Aug., Migne, Bib. P a t , L a t . xxxix. Si85). Germanua Parisiensis devotes a paragraph to its description under the name o f ' Flex,' and indicates its position after thTH>v

ràf ¿KtTjptoavvas ùftj&wj-tti'.

[295]

254

Reliquiae Celticae Lihirgicae,

£CH. in.

(«, A, ¡x) "iirìp àW-fikcuv Zc-t]$SiiifV, Óireus , 246, Uisita nos D. iu snhitañ tuo, 21S, 225. t i n g o te de oleo sanctificationis in nomine Dci, 172. TJugo te de oleo sandificato, in nomine Patris, 209. Utigo te de oleo sanetiíicato, ut salueñs, 223, Ungo te oleo et de crísmate salutis, 216. XJngo te oleo sanctíficato iu nomine Trinitatis, 169, Unguatnr et consecrctur cajmt tuum. 70. Un i tas in Trini tate, te, deprecar, 196. U t tres pneros iu flamraa saluasti, 191.

[323]

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[324]

ìSo 178, 243 .,..218 1 1 7 ,

Acta, 1

íi. 9 X. ID xi. 26-32 XV. 1 9 - 2 ;

177, 192 231 m . H*

243

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147 241 228 168

GENERAL O B E X . A, Aaron, p. 156. Aberdeen Breviary, 35, S i , 3a, n 6 . Abgarus, 1^6. Ablutions, 203. Adamuan, .tili, 5, 6, g, 20, 36, 60,14S, Adamnanus, 1,50. Aedh, St., 37, 240. Aengus = Oengus. Aghaboe, 15, 139, 45. Agilbert, 22. Agnus Dei, 242, 266. Agrestims, 96, Aidan, bishop, 17, 24, 26,115,146, Aklatij king, 148. Aslbe, St., 238, 240, Ailera.ii, 36, r 27, Ailrcd, 32, 36. Alb, 114. Alban, St., 122, 15Ö. Alderman 11, 261. Aldfrith, 5, 32. Aldhelra.St., 4, 33, 36, 43. Altars, 9 1 ; of wood, 91 ; of stone, 92 ; in baptisteries, ? 19. Amboisf, ) 5. Ambrosian Liturgy, see Milanese. Ambrosii oratio, 239, 249, 262, Amphibalus, 122. Anathkticus gradiis, 203, 238, AnCgray, 15. Anmraira, 146, 147, 149 Anthems sungduring Communion, n o , 187, 391, 242. Authleta, 260. Antiphonary of ii.nigor, xiii, 131, 1S7. Apologia^acerdotis, forms of, 1S5, 226, 2 2 7 . 2 3 ° , z39> Aran, 15, Arbedoc, 20. Arbutluioit Missal, 166. Archimandrita, 55, 159. Architecture, Celtic, 48, 85. Arculftis, 60. Ardbraccan, six. Ardoilan, 92. Ariminum, Council of, 2 f, Aries, Council of, 29.

Armagh, 10 ; Rook of, xiii, 3 7 , 1 7 3 . Arnulf, bishop, 20. A r n o , 24, Asaph, St., 14. Ascetisio, 235. Asic, St., j rg. Assumption of 13. V . M . , 273, Athanasius, St., 28. Athelstan, king, 4. Attala, xvi. Augmcntuni, 203, 2128, 233, 251. 252. Augustine, St., of Canterbury, 26, 34, 40, 61, 62, 63, 64,. 263. Augustine's Oak, 39, Augustioi Oratio, 226, 249. AuxiiiuSj ¡it., 240. B. Bacbalmore, the, 117. Baithene, St., 18, 19, I 4 r , 142. Bangor, 15, 17, Bangor, AnMpbonary of, see Antiphonary. Rancor, Buk? of, 18. Bangot-Doiniol, 14, Baiigor-G armon, 14. Bangor-Iscoqd, 54, 17. Baoitliiis, S t . , -¡64,. Baptism, Celtic Ritual of, 64. 204; Office of, 207; unction at, 66; by a parent, 67 ; in milk, 67 ; validity of, doubted by Archbishop Theodore, 42, Baresy, 15. Barrus, St., 262. Basle, Irish fragments at, 185. Beatus, bishop, 59. Beauiieu, 15. Bede, anti-Celtic bias of, 33 ; pro-papal bias of, 34. Bega, St., 25. Bells, 92, Benedicite, the, i n , 190. Benedict X I V , 96. Benedict Bis cop, 87, 90. Benedict, St., Rule of, 1 2 , 1 7 , 146, Benedict» aquae, 184, 257, 2 1 1 , 214. Bwiedlctio aquae et salis, 1S3. Benedictio Fontis, zog, 31 2.

[325]

284

G e n e r a l

Bénédictin salie, 2oS. Benediction, modes o f givi"?:, t o o ; position of, i o ! ; forms of, IJ-J, 1 7 s , 225. Beo, Ht», 264. Bernard, St., vii, 1 0 , 15, 1 . Communion, in batli kinds, 134, 164, l77i ¡ 9 - , 2 6 7 ; of neivly-baptizcd, 206, 218 • of mfants, igfi, 178, 243, 267 ; of (he ski;, 1 6 4 , 1 6 7 , J 71, 223. Conan, bishop, 4. Confession, 147 j its disuse in Ireland, 149, IjO. Confirmation, 150, 218. Cnnfraetio, 241, 265. Conlaeth, bishop, 89, 9 0 , 1 1 2 , 240, 263. Consecration, P r a y e r of, said b y several priests jointly, 1 28 ; see Celtic Canon, Gelasi&n Canon. CunscrraUon bv a single bishop, 40, 68, 69. Consecration of churches, 74, Constance, 16, ConstautiUs of LyOI», 32. C mtment, Caltic Church on the, i t ,

Creed, formsof, 166,169, 1 73, iSg, 231, Cronan, bishop, 101. Cross, sign of the, 145, 171, 1 7 7 , 203, 3 1 7 , 225. Crowns, 1 19 ; sa&psnded over alt ars, 120. Cuanus, St., 240. Cuculla, 3 32. Culdecs, 8, 104, 1 4 1 , 146, 1 4 8 ; R u l e of, KVÎii. Caminius, abbot, x v , 36, 1 3 7 , 1 4 1 , 1 4 9 . Cummian, abbot, 9. Cusance, J 5, 140. Cuthbcrt, St., j , 22, 25» 43. Cyric, St., 1 1 7 . I). Dagaeus, St., 19, 21, I j 5 . Daganus, bishop, 41, 240, Darunonia, 43. David, St., 24, 1 1 7 ; Mass of, 1 6 1 . Declach, St., 2 ^o. Declan, St., 48, 240, Deer, Liook of, 163. 1 >ega, St., = Piisaeus. Dcprecatio, 106, 246, 251, 253, 268Derbbfraicl), St., S5, Devon, Church in, 4, 43. DicuUus, 26. Dimma, Book of, ¡67. Diptyebs, 105, 256, 257, 265, Disciplina areaiii, i ro, Discus, 143, Diuma, 25. Pocwinni, 14. Jloginael, St., 75. Do), 119. Dominicale, 137. Donatus, 26 Donnât], S t . , 24, 148. Dro move, 15. Dnimmond Missal, 269. Dunchad, abbot, 6. Dunkeld, 1 lJunstan, archbishop, 14. Duplicating, 143, Durrow, 9, 14 ; Book of, 103.

IE, 16. 45' Corentin, St., i f . Cornwall, Church of, 4, 43, 47, 48- independence of, 35, 36 ; liturgical remains of, 159, Corpus Missal, 269. Crassare, c rax are, 20, Creditor!, 36.

[327]

E. Endulf, bishop, 3 ; . Easter D a y , 7. See Pasclia, Paschal Controversy, Eastern authority claimed for Celtic practices, 56. Eastern Influence on Celtic Church, 46 architectural evidence for, 4^ ; ¡lalaeogiapiucal evidence, 50 ; lit urgical evidence, 54 ; historical evidence, 55. Eastern Liturgies and Ritual,traces of, 100, F20, (37, 139» >44; H5»

General Index.

286

197,. 251, a j i , 253, *S9> zfo* 263, 36s, 266, 2 6 ; , 26S, Ecelcsia primitive, notices of, in Ireland, 3s ; in Scotland, 81. Ecgbcrt-, priest, 6, Eiiiiius, 3 4 , 4 1 ; his anti-Celtic bias,42. Edwin, king, 88. Egbert, 22, 24, 148, Kleutherus, pope, 30, Eiitler, St., 75. Eli phi us, 35, Etnboiismus, forms of, 98, 164, 169, 172, 1 7 7 , 223, 242, 265. E n d s , St., 15, 240. England, first, introduction of Christianity into, 30 ; Celtic monasteries in, 14 ; Church in, 3, 155, Enlli, 14. Enghan, S t , 240, Bphesiae features of Celtic l i t u r g y , see Eastern, tsallican, Mozarabie, "EififioKjtia, 1 1 7 . Epiphany, 1 j S . Sec Stella. Ercus, St., 240. Erfurt, 16. Ermenfried, 140. Etchain, bishop, 68. EtUMihehnmu nster, ¡6. Eucharist, frequency of, 140 ; on Sundays and Saint a' Days, i.ji ; hours of celebrating, 142, Set Thanksgivings, Eucharius, 35. Eugenia, St., G t , 369. Eugesius, bishop, 264. Eulogiafi, 139. Bustasius (Eustace), zvi, 96. Evin, St., xv. Exedra or Exedriola, 92. Exorcism, forms of, 207, 20S, 210, 211, 212, 213, 220. Extended hands, 1 1 2 . F. Factnae, St., 23 S. Faenza, 16. Fat), 144. Faretno utter, 1 5 . Faroe Islands, 1 1 , zG. Fastidius, bishop, xv. Fastioir, 146 : before Use consecration of churrhes, 73 ; on Wednesday and Friday, 5 5 , 1 4 6 . Feachuans, I4S, Fechin, St., 92. Felire of Oengus, x\, Ferdonmach, 173. Pcrghal, abbot, 45, F u k t , St,, xv, 36, 37. Fiaerius, 25.

Fico, 122. Fiesole, 16, 26, Fiiioque, omission of, 202, 232, Fillati, St., 93. Fin an, bishop, 4, 25, £i 7. Find bur, St., 238, 240. Finden, St., 133. Finnian, St., 17, 141, I94, 238, 261, See Vinnian, Fiabeilum = fan, Flacius (M.) lUyricas, « e Missa. Foillanus, 25. Fontaines, 15, Fontenelles, I i , Font«, size of, 64. Fortunatus, i S . Fraction, 109, 303, 265, France, Celtic monasteries in, 15. Frev burg, 16. Fridolin, St,, 25. Fragdual, St., 15. Furscus, Sr., 22, 25. G, Gall, St., 1 6 , 1 2 , «5, 26, 95, 1 4 2 , 1 4 3 . Galii can Church, Oriental origin and character of, 5 8 ; intercourse with British, 58 62.' Gallium Liturgy and Ritual, traces of, 6 1 , 97, l o i , 106, tor), 1 1 1 , 11 7,123, 125* 137. 143. 144. '45» H I , 159p 163, 164, lfi.ij 167, 16S, 169, 170, 1 7 1 , 173, 1 7 7 , 184, 190, 2 1 1 , ar6, 217, 2i8, 219, 220, 221, 224, 2-it, 255, 256, 257, 25S, 259, 260, 264, 265,2fiS, 2G7, 268, 2 % , 272, 273. Gallicau Psalter, 60. GaUicia, j 1, 24 Gallicuni opus, SS. Gaul, commercial intercourse of, with Britain, j g . Gelasian Canon. 202, 234, Geraint = Gerontius. Germanus, St., 27, 32, fio, 127, 157, 160, Germany, Celtic monasteries in, 16. Gtiruntius, 43. Gildas, St., xv, 13, i£, 24, 36, i l l , 1 1 2 , 123, 125. 131, 147. 357* Gillebcrt, bishop, 10, Giraldus Carabrensia, 35, 1 1 7 . Giaisnaoidhen, 15, Glasgow, 9. Glastonbury, 14,87. Glendaiough, 4S. Gloria in Escelsis, 193, 196, 227, 250. Gloria Patri, 165, 1 7 3 . Gobban, St., 86". Gospel, at end of Mass, 26S ; collects after, 192, 193, 196, 231, 256.

[328]

General Index„ G rap ilium, £0. Gre.it St. Martin's, iG. Greek cross, 47, 48, 50. Greek language, liturgical use of, 157. Gregorian Canon, 174, 260. Gregory, St,, of Tours, 60, 1 1 5 . Gregory I, pope, 26, 27. 40, S i , 62. 160. Gregory III, pope, 4 ; , Giid tires, 16. Gundleias, St., 87. Guortbemas=Vortigern. G w n n w f j T02. Gwyullyw, St.=Gnndleras. H. Hautmonf, Hautvillers, 35, Hentlaod-on-tlieAVye, 14. Herbert, bishop, 9. liii = Iona, (j, v, Hilary, St., 27, 59, 60, 273. Hohenaug. 16. Honorius, pope, 9, Hymns sung during Commniaion, 310, 187. I. Ibar, BL, 240, 263, Iceland, J I, 26. Immersion, 2 1 6 ; single, 64. Imperatores, 254. Incense, 127. Incest, 151, Inehcolw, i g . Infants, Communion of, set Communion. Inismacsaint, 15. Injsm array, 9 : . Innocent 1 ! , IO, Intinetioti, 164, 170, 173, 192, 224, Introductions to Pater N'ostcr, 164,169, 172, 177, 223, 242. leverdaoile, 41. Invocation, triple, in Baptism, 66, lona, 5, 6, 15, 24, 103, J 2 S, 134. I40, 143, 145, 346. Ireland, first introduction of Christianity into, 30, 35 ; monasteries in, 14. Ireland, North, Church of, p. Ireland, South, Church of, 9. Irish churches, sin a l i n e s of, 4S, 4 9 ; number of, 48, Irish ¡Missals lost, 1 7 5 ; later Missals, 269. Iserninus, St., 240, I s h y , 24. Ita, St., 238. Italy, Celtic monasteries in, 16.

287

J. Jerome, St., 28. Jerusalem, 36, 38. John and James, SS., Festival of, 273. Jonas, xvi, Joaaire, 15. J ti litis, 156. Jumiisgcs, ig, Justus, 240, K, Kalcmlao, 203, 235, 259. Keby, St., 60. Kells, j 5 ; Synod of, 10. Kenen —Kienan. Kenneth, St-,, 139. Kenstec, bishop, 4. Kentigera, St., 68, 8 7 , 1 1 5 . Kenulf, 44. Kevin, St. Cocmgen. Kienan, St., S8. Kiemn, 8t,, 59, 144, 261. Kiidare, 14, 135, 142. Kiliftn, St., ag, 26. Kirkmauien, 88. Kirriemair, 113. Kiss of Peace, ste Pas, Knife, 144. Kremsmunstcr, 13. L. Labanim, the, 48. Lactenus, St., 238, I'Hgny, i.i, 25. Lastingham, 14. Latin character of first Church in Britain, 355. Latin Liturgy, early use of, 156, Lauren tins, archbishop, 40, 41, 158, 240, 263. Lavabo, the, 133, Leabhar Breac» xvi. Lections, 9S. Lent, J, 146, L e o I, pope, 30. Leofric Missal, 35, 164, 16S, 207, 253, 35S. Lewis, 24. Liber llymnorum, set Book of Hymns. Liber vitae, 203, 233, 257. Liege, (6. Limerick, 10. Lindisfame, 12, 14, Lismore, I I , 24. Litany (Missal), i 7 g , 229, 249, 25 s, Liudhard, bishop, 6i. L?analedli, 160. Llancarvan, 14. Llanitabam-fawr, 24, Sl6, Llanetwy, 14.

[329]

Genera/

208

Iudex. Mellitus, 41, 240. Melrose, 14. Meriimingeu, 16, Mentz, If), 4 ; . Mt-ran, St,, 75, Methodius, 56. Metopius, bishop, C3. Mid», St., Milanese Liturgy, traces of, 220, 232, 254, 238, 265, 267, 2G0, Mtssa, Missa!, meaning of. 143, Missa a Ji. Flacio Ulyrico edita, T13, 1S7, 203, 249, 250, 255, 256, 257. Missa Apnstolnrum, etc., 244. Miss» tie Intirmia, 164, 167, 171, 223. Missa Dedications, 259. Missa pro mortuis, 847. Missa pro poeniteatibas, 246. Missale Vesontiouense, 273. Mitre, Mixed Chalice, 13J, 133, 236, Mochaos, St., 8fi. Mocbonna, St., 238. Mochte, St., 18, 240. Modwenoa, St., 25. Moel Caieh, 199, 243, 267, Moel, St., 92. Mogue, St., 93, Moiaise, S t , 24, 9?, r i 6 . Mullagga, St., 4S. Moloch, St, (Midosms), 94, 117. Molua, S t , 48, 262. Moluoc, St., 24. Monasteries, list, of Celtic, 1 4 ; size of, 16 ; structure of, 1 7. Monastic character of Celtic Church, 1 2 ; Itulf, 18, 5 4 ; its severity, 5 5 ; See Ooluraba, Colnmbanas, Culdees. Monenna, St., Sg. Monks, occupation of, 18. Mont St. Victor, 1(3. Moutier-en-Der, i j . Moulier-la-Celle, I J. Moville, 15, Mozatabic Liturgy and Ritual, traces of, 53, 97, l o t , i n , 163, 164, 163, 168, »69, 1 So, 190, 218, 221, J M , 332, 255, 236, 258, 260, 264, 365, 166, 267, 268. Mugint, St., 194. Muirchu Maccumactbetii, 37Mull, 24. Mulling, St,, S6, 123, 171. Mulluec, 25.

Lianfair, l i8. Llaiigwynodd, 93, Llan-Iltut, 14. London, 155. Lord's l'rayer the, ììc Pater Köster. Lothra, igS. Louie le Wùbotinaire, j j , Loan, St., 15, 262. Lucca, 16. Lucius, 30, 3,2. Lngiimagh, )8. Lugidus, St., 238. Lupiae, 26. Lupus, St., 0?, 32, 60, 127. Lure, 15. Luseuil, 15, 25, 9G. SI. Maccaldos, 24. Mac Regol, Book of, 103. Madianus, J80, 226, 240, 249, 263. Madoc, 24. Mael—Moel. Mae! bright e, J 6, Maelruain, St., Kviii. Maelrublia, St., 24. Maa^oire, St., 15. Maguoaldus, 93. Mini", St"., 240, Mail, St., 240. Mailduf, 25. Mailoc, bishop, 63. Mailros, 14. Malachy, St., 1 o, 86, 150. Malcolm 111, king', 7, S, 9. Malraesbury, 14, 25. Malo, St., ¡5, Man, 24. Manaous, St., 75, Mancban, St., : 17, Maniple, 114. Mans net us, bishop of Toul, 35, 59. Mansuetus, a Breton bishop, 59. Maoioetin, St., 240, Margaret, queen, 6, 7, 8, 9, 155. Marianus Scotus, 16. Marriage, 150. Married !'iergy, notices of, 13. Martin, St., 59, Co, 107, 240, 273. Martini deprecati«, 239. Martyr ologieSj Irish, xvi. Matthew, St., collect for, 174, Maocteus, 37. Maur-les-Fosses, St,, 15. ilawnatoUS, St., 75. Mawr, 14. Menus, 25. Merlan, S t , 88. Meiidiilfus, -25, M el = Moel,

N. "Namur, 16. Natale Domini, 178, 235. Natalis Calicis, I9S, 203, 235, 259. Neetan, 6, GS, 87.

[330]

General Index. Nessan, S t , 238. Netherlands, the, Celtic monasteries in, 16. Nice, Council of, 29. Nicene Creed, 256. Kiniaji, St., 3 1 , 32, 3C, 60, SC. Nisse, St., 240. Notmus, 55. North. Wales, Church of, 4. Northumberland, C h i m b of, 4. 5, Niirembnrg, 16, O. Oblations, 1 3 0 ; ritual «sage of, 131, Oengns, St., 140. Ofl'evtory, 130. Officium defunctortim, 180, 247. Oghams, 19. 104. Oratio, set Collectio. Ordinal, the Celtic, 68 ; lections in, 69. Ordinafioa (Celtic), validity of, doubted b y Theodore, 68, Organs, 126. O ríen tatj geí Eastern, Oronsaj", 24 Osmund, bishop, 9. Oswald, king-, 4, Oswy, king, 4 1 .

289

Perrartzabutoe, 92. Phoenicians, 47. Pilgrimages, of Celtic saints, 36, 56. I'irittl, St., 25, 93. Plasma, iGS, 22E. Poemteutiae Oi-do, 1 5 1 , Poeuitentiaiia CeStica, xvii, Poitiers, 25, Polaires, 54, 115, Position of the priest a t the altar, HI. Pothiaua, bishop, 58. l'rayer for the departed, 102 ; it) inscriptions, 103 ; in M S S . , 103 ; in the Liturgy, l o g , iStj, »37, 239, 247-248. Prayer to the departed, 10S, 1S0, 2 26, 23S. Prefaces, 99, 167, 17g, 233, 245, 347, 24S, 257, Probus, 37. Prosper of Aquitaine, 3 0 ; pro-papal bias of, 33, 33, Pugillaria, 20. Purple, use of, 123, QQuartodeeimam, 42. Quoiaiins, St., 261. Qumquagensima, 203, 235, 259.

P. Padarn, St., 116. Palaeography, Celtic style of, 50, 5 r. Palla, 13 3» Palladius, 30, 31, 33, 81. Pallium, 13 2. Panis benedictus, 139Fapara, Johannes,, 1 1 . Paracaraximoi, 55. Pascha, 179, 335. Paschal controversy, the, 4, 5, 64, (69, 172, 177, 1S9, 223, h ¡ Patriarchs, names of, 239, 262. Patrick, St., xvii, 7, 13,' I fS, 36, 37, 60, 92, 130, 134, 143, IÖI, IÖ2, 238, 240, 265, 266, 269, 270, 271. Pausare, 240, 264, Pax, the, (02, 370, 1773 224, 242, 266. Paxiraacimn, 55. Pectoral cross, 115. P e d i l a m m , 66, 20¡, nj. Pelagius, 27. Penkivel, 92, Pentecost, 179, 335, Perisietliion, 1 1 4 . Peronne, 15, 25,

R. Raasay, 3 4. Rationale, 1 1 3 . Rebais, 15. Rede B a k e of Darbye, ¿56. Regensburg, 16, R e k b e n a u , 16. Relies, 233, 237. Remivemout, 15, Renunciation, baptismal, 209. Réservation, 138. Re-all, 15. Rheinau, 16. Ring, 114. Rïpôli, 14. Rogation Days, 146, 273. Roi nai D-llou tier, 15, Roman Canon, ¡74, 204, 334 ; date of' introduction into Ireland, 10, 204; see Gelasian, Gregorian. Roman influence, spread of, in Ireland, 15S. Roman Liturgy, date ot' introduction into Ireland, 1J8. Komattcnse opus, 88. RomannsOrdo, Ecclesiïj &c:,, 159, 202,

[331]

Rosslyn Missal, 269. S o u n d Towers, 93.

290

General Index.

Ruadhan, St., ¡98, 238. Euen. St., 240. Eules, monastic, xviii. a Sacorfatcc = Sacrifirium. SacramcntarmtB Gallicanum, St'C Missale VesontionenseSacrificium, 95, I31, IÖ4; spirituals', 303, 237, 26a, 271. St. liees, 14, 25. St, Gall, it); Irish fragments at, 15 r, 174, 179, 180, 182, 1S3. St. Germans, töo, St. Maur-les-Vosses, 15, St. Sacns, 15. St, Salaberga, 15. St. Ursannc, 15. St. Vigcans, 12 2. Sälmbuca, I Ig. Samditia, St., 23p, Sampson, St., 15, 119. Sandals, 12 2. Sardiea, Council of, 29. Sarum Use, 7, i o i , 125, 266, 267 ; introduced into Scotland, 9 ; into Ireland, I t . Soetha, St., 23S. Schuttern, 16. Stilly islands, 6 s. Scoticum opus, S5. Scotland, first introduction of Christianity into, 3 1 ; Church in, J, 47, Si ; monasteries, i£ ; Liturgy of, 163. Screens, 91. Scribe, office of, iS. Sechnail, St., 36, 37, 240, 263; Hymn of, xviii, Seekingcn, 16, 25. Secundifms=Seehnal3, Sedulius {1), bishop, 5. Sedulius {2), viii, 35, Segme, abbot, 9. Seil, 34, Senan, St., 240. Senchus Mar, xviii. Senior, 203, 234, 237, 260, 261. Senora, 261. Serf, St., S i , 82, 11S. Sermons, gp, 157. Serpent, the, in illumination and carving, S3 ; ritual use of, 53. Severus, bishop, 27, Sidonius, 45, Sigismund, St., 273. Sign of the cross, See Cross. Sinecha, St., 239, Sirieius, pope, 32. Sfeye, 24. Soigncs, 46. Soucel Molaise, 114, 116,

Somerset, Church in, 4. Song of tlie Three Children, see Benedicite. Somim, 131, Saroby, 15. South Wales, Church of, 4. Spain, 11, 24, 62. Spoons, use of, 66, 133-134, Stella, 203, 235, 2J9' Stimulus, 20, Stole, presentation of, at ordination, 72. Stove Missal, 198. Strasbourg, 15, 23. Strathclyde, Church in, 5, Suiblmc, abbot, 6.

[332]

Switzerland, Celtic monasteries in, iö, T. Tabulae, 20, Tallaght, xvii, Iviii. Tara, Synod of, 9. Toronto, ¡¡6, 26. Teilo, St., 15 ; Mass of, 162. Temple Malaga, 92, Ternan, St., 94. Thanksgivings, Eucharistie, 165, 170, ' 7 3 .

«Tg-

2t9


-

3

S '

243-

Tlieli!m=Tcilo. Theodore, archbishop, 29, 42, 43, 68. Tigcrtiich, 240. Tirechan, 37, Tirec, 24. Tirrdaglas, r 5. Titles of the Liturgy, 94. Toledo I V , Council of, 11. Tonsure (Celtic), 4,6, 63; various forms of, 67 ; controversy about, öS. Totiuan, ag, Toul, 15. Transitorium, i l l . Trecanum, I I I , Tunica, 13 2. Tygwyn-ar-Daf, 14, U, Uinmaii, St. ( = Finn la 11, q. v.), siii, 240. Ultan, bishop, six. Ultanus, 8g> Unction, 212, 2 r6,233 ; forms of, 145, iCi), 17 2 ; of hands at ordination, 70; omission of and use of in Ireland, 65, 66. Uuiversitatis Auetor, 221. Unleavened bread, use of, 131 ; traces of, J J2. V, Vernacular Liturgy, no proof of a, 155 ; traces of, j, 8. Vestments, 112.

Gemmi Index. Vestry, 92. Viaticum, 95, 135. Vietricius, bishop, 27, 59. Vigilius, pope, j S . Vinnian, St. = Umn'tau, q . v . Virgilius, 36, 4 5 . Visit alio Informorum, 1S2, 220. Vitalian, pojie, 43. Vortigern, jfio. W. Wafers, sec Unleavened bread. W a l e s , Critic monasteries in, 14. Wales, Church in, 4 , 1 4 . Wales and Brittany, connection between, 59. Water, Eucharistic use of, 1 3 1 , 135. Wednesday arid Friday, 55, 146. Welsh Fragments, 1 6 1 - 3 . W h i t b y , 14 j Synod of, 4, 15, tg, 56. White, use of, 134. Wilfrid, St., 28, 4 1 , 56 ; his dislike of the Celtic Church, 4 1 - 4 3 .

291

Wjllibrord, %i. W i n frid = Boniface. Witii, bishop, ig, 42, 43, 68. Women ordered to receive under a veil, 136 ; not to approach d i e altar or touch the chalice, 137. Writing, origin of, 19 ; mode of, 20. Wulfhelm, archbishop, 4. Wulfred, archbishop, 44. Wurtzburg, 16. X. Xraxare, 10. Tf, Y e w s , 94. Y o r k , 9, 77, 156, 351. Y t h c , St., i(>2. Z, Zachary, pope, 45.

ERRATA. P a g o 158, note 4, for

339 read

P a g o 168, note I, line 5, for

240

120 read

P a g o 199, lines sS, 29, omit oM-

[333]

221

[334]

THE

TRANSACTIONS OF

THE

ROYAL IRISH VOLUME

ACADEMY. XXVII.

POLITE LITERATURE AID ANTiaUITIES.

[335]

[336]

(

VII.—

On the Stowe Missal

135

)

By REV. B. MACCARTHY, D . D .

[Read, June 8, 1885.]

THE MS. known as the Stowe Missal was enclosed in a costly shrine, which has been well depicted in four plates bound up with the second volume of Dr. O'Conor's Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores, and described in the Appendix to Volume i. of the same writer's Stowe Catalogue.* The inscriptions on the shrine have been transcribed and interpreted by Dr. Todd, in a Paper published in the Academy's Transactions.f As both these dissertations are accessible, it will suffice for my purpose to mention that the cover was made in the first half of the eleventh century, at the expense of MacCraith, King of Cashel, and Donchad O'Brien, King of Ireland; and that the MS. belonged to a Munster church, perhaps that of St. Ruadan of Lothra, in Lower Ormond. Here, however, it is necessary to correct two errors, into which Dr. Todd has fallen, respecting an entry in the Annals of Tigernach, recording the murder of Tadg, brother of Donchad O'Brien. The passage and a note appended are as follows X '•— " Tadg mac Briain Boromha do marbhadh d'Elibh a bhfell, iar na umhaill dia brathar .i. do Dhondchadh."

" Tadhg, son of Brian Boroimhe, was killed by the Elians with treachery, they having been instigated thereto by his brother, viz., by Donnchadh."

" I quote from the MS. of Tighernach, in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, the text of this important annalist having been most incorrectly printed by Dr. O'Conor." * Buckingham, 1819. E L . IK. ACAD. TRANS., VOL. XXVII.

f Vol. xxiii., Antiquities. POL. L I T . AND ANTIQ.

[337]

J Ibid., p. 6. Z

136

REV. D E . MAC CARTHY—

On the Stowe

Missal.

The translation of the second part of this Irish sentence is quite erroneous, and the note betrays a strange lack of critical insight. The value of the Trinity College copy can be estimated from the present specimen. The nominative singular (fell) in place of a dative; and a genitive plural (brathar) instead of a dative singular, show that the copyist, MacFirbis, was totally ignorant of the Old Irish declensional forms. Dr. O'Conor's reading is:— " Tadg m Briain Boroma do mart), deiliba fill i ar na umail dia brathair .i. do Donchad."*

This, no doubt, looks enigmatical; but it arises partly from, the omission of the contractions and partly from errors of the press. The text can be easily restored, and the translation presents no exceptional difficulty. " Tadg, mac Briain Boruma, do marbad d'Elib i fill, iar n-a umal dia brathair .i. do Donchad." *

" Tadg, son of Brian Boru, was killed by the Eli in treachery, after his submission to his brother, that is, to Donchad."

From two other inscriptions we learn that the shrine was redecorated by Philip O'Kennedy, King of Ormond, and his wife Aine. These personages both died in 1381. This disproves O'Conor's conjecture that the shrine and its contents were amongst the donations sent by Conor O'Brien, King of Munster, to the monastery of Ratisbon, in 1131. The MS. enclosed is small, and in shape nearly quarto. It is bound in boards of oak, covered with leather. The end, or right hand, cover is perforated with ten holes. These tally with ten others extending some distance through the final folios, and with an equal number of nails in the lower side of the case; showing that the book was made fast to the casket. The exterior exhibits evidence of additions made at a subsequent date. * Eerurn Hibemicanim Scriptores, II. 276.

[338]

Rev. D e . M a c C a r t h y — O n the Stoive

Missal.

137

I n MSS. which were in daily use, like this before us, such indications are to be sought for on the upper margin. Not having been subjected to constant manipulation, its surface will reveal the existence and extent of diversity in the component parts. In the light lines here contrasting with the prevailing dark colour, the eye readily detects the presence of interpolated folios. T h e material is of vellum. T h e MS. was originally made up of twenty-nine membranes, distributed into five gatherings of six, five, seven, six, and five, respectively. T h e membranes were doubled, and those of each gathering placed within one another. Of the fifty-eight folios thus formed, the first and last, probably from having been left vacant, were cut away. Nine were inserted at a subsequent date. T h e book in its present condition, accordingly, consists of sixty-five folios. T h e y measure about 5f inches in length, and 4 - inches in width. T h e gatherings are as old as the MS. itself. Unlike those of the Priscian and other MSS. in St. Gall, they were not numbered, either b y the maker or the scribes. T h e contents are as follows:— I.—Fol. 1 a—11 a.—Excerpts from the Gospel of St. John. II.— „

12a-44a.—Missal.

I I I . — ,, 44 b—58 a.—Ordo Baptismi. IV.— ,, 58 a—63 a.—Order of Visitation of Sick, including Extreme Unction and Communion. V.— ,, 63 b - 6 5 a.—Irish T r a c t on the Mass. V I . — „ 65 b.

— T h r e e Irish Spells.

I. No. 1 is contained in the first gathering. T h e annexed diagram will exhibit the arrangement. T h e Roman numerals represent the membranes. T h e Arabics show the folios, which I have numbered for convenience of reference :— Z 2

[339]

138

the Stowe

REV. D R . M A C C A R T H Y — O n

FIRST GATHERING

Missal.

[SEXTERNIO].

ii. in. IV.

VI.

* * Cut away.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

lit

•(• Folio 11 b is occupied •with figure of St. John the Evangelist.

The ruling of this gathering consists of thirty-one horizontal lines. T o ensure straightness and uniformity, an equal number of punctures was made on both sides. Each puncture was carried through and through, thus marking all the folios at once. Margins about three-fourths of an inch in width were marked off by a vertical line at each side. The impression of the lines is indelible, which shows that the process was carried out whilst the parchment was still damp. T h e writing is a small, somewhat ill-shaped, Minuscule. I t is probably coeval with that of the Book of Dimma, a seventli century Evangelistarium, to the more rudely executed portions of which it bears a close resemblance. In confirmation of the similarity in script and age, it may be mentioned that, if the Missal was kept in Lothra, the two MSS. belonged to neighbouring monasteries, the Book of Dimma having been preserved in the Abbey of St. Cronan, Roscrea. The contents are the following portions of the Gospel of St. John, both references being inclusive :— 1. 2.

i.-vi. 30.

6. xviii. 15 (from Discipulus)-23.

vii. 45-viii.

7.

3.

xii. 9-39. 4. xvi. 11 (from Pater Sánete) - s v i i i . 1. 5.

xviii.

4-13.

[340]

six. 40-xxi. 6.

S.

xxi.

9.

xxi. 1-5-to end.

9-12.

the Stowe

R E V . D R . M A C CAKTIIY—On

Missal.

139

The sections are not numbered; nor, as a consequence, are the references to the Eusebian canons given. Furthermore, the Text runs on continuously, the only distinction being that the initial letter of each section was placed opposite, about the centre of the left margin. For example, the conclusion of vi. 30 is placed in juxta-position with vii. 45-6, on folio 6 a, in the following manner :— et credamus tibi quod operaris J quare non addusistis eum responderunt V

enerunt igitur ministri ad pontifices et farisseos et dixerunt eis illi ministri nunquam sic locutus est homo sicut hie homo.

Upon what principle the selection was made, we have no means of deciding. From the fact that there are but few perceptible changes in the ink, it may perhaps be inferred that the scribe wrote on continuously from a book in which the excerpts were placed just as we have them here. The Recension does not come within the scope of the present Paper. The Colophon stands thus :— Deo gratias ago.

Amen.

Finit.

Amen.

Rogo qui cum que hunc librum legeris ut memineris mei peccatoris scriptoris . i . grinuS.

Amen.

jj ^^ jj|j

11

pere-

Sanus sit qui scripsit et cui scriptum est. Amen.

Read from left to right, the ogam is Sonid ; from right to left, Dinos. The former, I have little doubt, is the true form. The writer clearly intended to play upon the Irish word soncid (fortunate, happy), and the Latin sanus. His name has completely disappeared from every other memorial, whether of stone or parchment, which to my knowledge has yet come to light. It has to be added, in conclusion, that this portion has no necessary connection with the rest of the MS. The similarity in size probably led to its being bound up with the larger volume. Such collections, or bibliothecse, were not unusual in the history of Irish MSS.

[341]

140

REV. DE. MACCARTHY—On the Stowe Missal.

II.

T h e next work is the Missal from which the MS. has in part derived its modern name. I t is the most valuable liturgical monument which has been preserved of the E a r l y Irish, and probably of any other Western, Church. I n structure, it was originally composed of two gatherings, containing five and seven membranes respectively. At a later date, some pages were cancelled, wholly or partially, and nine folios interpolated, b y a scribe who gives his name, Moelcaich (Calvus luscus), 011 folio 35 a. T h e annexed diagrams will show in a more convenient form than a verbal description the folio arrangement, the extent of the Palimpsest, the position of the inserted leaves, and the present amount of the Missal The numbering of the folios is continued from the first gathering.

SECOND GATHERING [QUINTERNIO]. i. Ii. in. i. IV. II. V.

17

12

13

t

14

t

15

16

t

* Polios interpolated.

20

18

19 +

21

22

23

24

t

25

f Polios oil which erasures took place.

[342]

26

t

REV. DI?. M A C C A R T H Y — O n

THIRD

28 27

29

GATHERING

33 30

31

the Stowe Missal.

141

[SEPTERNIO].

34

32

35

t

t

* Polios interpolated.

36

t

37

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

f Folios on which erasures took place.

In addition, writing has been placed on the sides, and between the lines, of the original folios ; but, as they do not affect the structure, they will be pointed out as they occur. All these parts—erased, inserted, marginal, and interlinear—have been written by Moelcaicli, whose name, it has been already mentioned, is found on 35 a. The following shows the amount of the Palimpsest:— Folio 13 b, 14 a, 16 b,

4 lines. 8 „ 9 „

1 9 a , nearly 1

19 b, 24 a,

Folio 24 b,

,,

all. all lines.

8 lines.

„

26 b,

2 words.

„

32 b,

10 lines,

,,

35 a,

all.

,,

36 a,

1 word.

This List is interesting, as affording the only evidence yet discovered of the execution of a Codex Rescriptus in Ireland. A Codex Rescriptus is a MS. which has been written a second time. A Palimpsest (TTaXi/xxp-rjcrTos) is a MS., the writing of which has been removed to prepare the parchment for the reception of the second script. The removal of the original script was effected by a damp or by a dry process. The damp, and, if we can apply the term to such a practice,

[343]

142

R E V . D R . MAC C A R T H Y —

On the Stowe Missal.

scientific system, consisted in rubbing with pumice-stone. The dry, on the other hand, was a rough and ready method, carried out with an edged instrument in either of two ways. Sometimes the letters were removed one by one; more frequently, the stroke was drawn over a portion or the whole of a line. Of the three, the first, though producing a tabula rasa to the eye, was the least destructive; the visible portion of the writing being alone removed. The great drawback is, that nothing can be recovered without the aid of chemicals. The second is the worst of all. Fortunately, it was so tedious of execution as to be very seldom employed; and then only in the erasure of single words. The third obliterates the central portion of the letters,—sometimes to the extent of wearing holes in the vellum. Still, since it leaves the edges comparatively intact, portions of the original can be made out without the employment of reagents. The present Palimpsest was not executed in the first and best (?) fashion. This fact is important, showing, as it does, that the person qui optime noverat radere chartas had no congeners in the caligraphic schools of Ireland. All included in the foregoing List, with two exceptions (26 b and 36 a), that belong to the second, was carried out, as occasion arose, in the third and inexpert manner. What I have succeeded in recovering will be found in the sequel. To achieve fuller, perhaps perfect, results is only a question of leisure, bright weather, and occasional application of reagents. I t will be convenient to set down in this place the arrangement and numbering of the remaining gatherings : — FOUKTH GATHERING [ S E X T E R N I O ] ,

F I F T H GATHERING [ Q U I N T E R N I O ] ,

I.—Folios 45, 56.

I.

II.—

46, 55.

II.

,,

58,65.

III.—

47, 54.

III.

„

59, 64.

IV.—

48, 53.

IV.

60, 63.

V.—

49, 52.

V.

61, 62.

VI.—

50, 51.

[344]

Folios 57, 66.

This folio cut off.

(66)

is

Last folio (65), at present.

R e v . D e . M a c C a k t h y — O n the Stowe

143

Missal.

This distribution, taken in connection with the Table of Contents, shows that the Missal could be, and most probably was originally, separated from the Sacramentary. T h e ruling of the original portion consists of thirteen horizontal spaces, one-eighth of an inch in breadth, and one-fourth of an inch apart. E a c h space is defined b y two lines. T h e lateral margins are marked off b y spaces of the same size and similarly formed. As in the first gathering, the process was effected whilst the parchment was moist. T h e boldness and regularity of the lines are very remarkable, in the absence of marginal guides, such as were employed in the Gospel portion. T h e writing is executed on the narrow spaces. I t is carried across the page, except on 12 b, 30 a b, and 3 1 a , which have two, four, and three columns respectively. A noticeable feature is, t h a t when the final words of a paragraph were insufficient to fill a line, t h e y were placed, as a rule, at the end, leaving the first part vacant. T h e Palaeography next demands attention. T w o scribes were employed in the transcription of the older portion of the MS. T h e second copied from 26 a to the end of the Missal (44 a) ; 64 b and 65 a b (I omitted to note, as being unnecessary for m y present purpose, the respective shares in the remainder of the work). His writing, however, displays no diversity of character or d a t e : it was the work of the bolder and the heavier hand,—nothing more. Passing over the initial P — a good specimen of a large Square Capital—the Script exhibits five clearly defined species. T h e Capitals are—(1) some Angular, and (2) some Uncial, the latter predominating. Composite, that is, partly angular and partly uncial, Capitals are also to be f o u n d ; but these m a y be classed as subdivisions of (1) and (2), according to the prevailing element. T h e Text of the Latin presents —(3) a large, that of the Latin Rubrics and of the Irish T r a c t and Spells a small, Minuscule. In the capital R, in the non-connection of some letters, and in the angular formation of all, this t y p e retains three distinctive features of the Angular Majuscule (1). I t may, therefore, be called Semi-Majuscule, or Mediuscule. T h e Irish Rubrics on folio 49 a R L . I E . ACAD. TRANS., VOL. XXVII.

POL. L I T . AND ANTIQ.

[345]

2

A

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and folio 56 a are—-(4) in a small angular the Latin Titles on folio 36 a and folio 45 a ; (5) in a medium uncial, Minuscule. -Majuscule (1). ANGULAR

-Mediuscule

(3).

-Majuscule (2). UNCIAL

-Minuscule (4).

—Mediuscule (None), i—Minuscule (5).

I t needs but a cursory acquaintance with Irish writing to notice here the absence of a well-known, and the presence of a new, style of letter. The missing type may be described in the words of Dr. Ferdinand Keller. His Bilder und Schriftzüge, drawn from original sources, established once for all the claim of Ireland to the matchless monuments which the Benedictines and others had labelled Anglo-Saxon, and the Essay will always remain a standard authority :— " Die irische Schrift erscheint in zwei, dem Gehrauche nach verschiedenen Gestalten, nämlich in einer Minuskel .(Rundhandschrift) [Uncial Mediuscule] u n d in einer mehr eckigen Currentschrift [No. 4], Die erstere zeigt mehrere Nuancen. E i n e von diesen, die E u n d h a n d f o r m [Uncial Mediuscule], wie sie in den Gospels of Lindisfarne, S. Chad, S. Columba's zu Dublin und dem Missal des h. Columbanus zu Mailand erscheint, gränzt an die r u n d e Uncialschrift, während eine andere, schmale, kleine H a n d , wie in L e a b h a r Dimma, Book of Armagh, Gospels of Mac D u r n a n mit der Cursiv-Schrift verwandt ist [No. 4], " Der Charakter der Uncialschrift erhält durch die R u n d u n g e n u n d den sanften Schwung der Züge eine "Weichheit, die das Auge erfreut, im Gegensatz zur fränkischen Schrift, die mehr Eckiges darbietet, u n d allmählig in das Gebrochene, Steife der sogenannten gothischen Schrift übergeht."*

Here is a palaeographer who, in addition to the knowledge of our most famous MSS. in England and Ireland, had personally examined those in St. Gall and Schaffhausen, in Basle, and Berne, and Zurich, and what conclusions does he arrive at respecting the graphic form ? * Bilder und Schriftzüge in den irischen Hamiscripten der Schweizerischen Bibliotheken gesammelt, und mit Bemerkungen herausgegeben, von Dr. Ferdinand Keller.—{Mittheilungen der Antiquarischen Gesellschaft in Zürich, Siebenter Band, drittes H e f t : Zürich, 1851), p. 71.

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REV. DE MACCARTHY—On the Stoive Missal. T h a t the round-hand Mediuscule is their characteristic; angular form is not Irish at all, but Frankish !

145 and that the

Strange, that it never

occurred to him to inquire whence came the angular running hand mentioned b y him. Turning now to the MS. before us, we find indeed a Semi-Majuscule : but, withal, it presents no evidence of roundness.

Just the contrary.

T h e letters are all composed of straight lines ; drawn vertically where practicable, and joined, when occasion arose, b y other straight lines. In the body, or interlinear portion, of the Script y o u will scarce find a segment of a circle. How, it is of importance to determine, is this hitherto undiscovered species to be explained and classified ? T h e Missal furnishes the requisite data. T h e characters were modelled upon the forms of the Angular Capitals. T h e y are reduced copies of the initials found in this volume. T h e y take up the place till now unoccupied between the Angular Majuscule and the Angular Minuscule. Accordingly, they stand in a position corresponding to that which the writing of the Book of Kells holds in the Uncial division. T h e Script is, consequently, an older form than the latter, as its archetype the Quadriform was prior in time to the Round. Independent investigation has thus led to the same conclusion as Dr. Todd's; namely, that the original MS. was written in a character " w h i c h may well be deemed older than the sixth century."* Of this Script no other example has as y e t come to light. The nearest approach to it is contained in the specimen from the Martyrology of St. Willibrord, given in the Nouveau Traité de Diplomatique and in the angular portion of the St. Gall Fragment, to be mentioned later on. T w o reasons can with probability be assigned for its disappearance. In the first place, as experience shows, its execution, owing to the number of separate strokes, was extremely laborious. A more effectual cause was, that Missals and Rituals and Evangelisteria were intended to be read at a distance. T h e superiority which the round Semi-Majuscule presented for this purpose in its large open spaces was so decided as to cause * Ubi sup., p. 16.

t Cooper's Appendix A, Supplement, Plate I I I . 2 A 2

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Rev. D r . M a c C a r t h y — O n the Stowe Missal.

the total supersession of the older form. Its retention in the present instance was owing perhaps to the veneration in which the original libettus, written doubtless in Angular Majuscule, was held. T h e palseograjihic interest of the MS. consists, accordingly, in this, that it has brought to light a hitherto unknown t y p e of, Scriptura Scottica : adding another to the book-hands which the Irish School of Caligrapliy practised and carried to such unrivalled excellence. T h e writing of Moelcaich is a medium-sized Minuscule, partly angular and partly uncial, the latter feature predominating. It marks the transition from one type to the other, and can be as old as the middle of the eighth century—the date to which this portion of the MS. may be assigned. Some Middle-Irish, so called, corruptions have been collected (the list is capable of extension), to prove that, since they occur therein, the Irish T e x t cannot have been written before the tenth century. But, upon investigation, these corruptions will be found to belong, one to pronominal prolepsis, the rest to vocalic and consonantal interchange,— two barbarisms, the existence of which in our most ancient linguistic monuments is amongst the commonplaces of Irish Philology.* T h e presence of these corruptions, instead of proving the recent date of the Irish Text, establishes the early date of their own introduction into the national speech. A second assertion, that the Irish was probably transcribed in the twelfth century, illustrates, if I mistake not, the danger of drawing conclusions without taking all the circumstances into consideration. What are the admitted facts connected with the volume ? Early in the eleventh century it was enclosed, at the expense of two kings, in a shrine the value of which, we may safely assume, was the measure of the reverence in which the book was held. T h e enshrining is evidence, since it was the result, of disuse as a Missal and Sacramentary. Henceforward it became a Reliquary. F o r this conclusion we can produce such authority as is not often available. Those who re-decorated the case, few will care to deny, * Note A.

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147

knew its character. Now, the two Inscriptions mentioned above ask a prayer for Philip, etc., [ly whom was c]overed this shrine: [lasar c\umdaiged in mindsa. Dr. Todd, no doubt, translates the word mind by ornament. But, as he had read the proofs, he might have learned the true meaning from Dean Reeves's noble edition of Adamnan : " T h e word minna [pi. of mind] signifies articles of veneration, such as the crozier, books, or vestments, of a saint."* T h e Shrine, we may accordingly well believe, was jealously guarded, to be exhibited only on solemn occasions, such as the Festival of the patron Saint. Is it probable that, under such circumstances, the MS. was extracted f r o m the cover, to insert writing which nobody would have an opportunity of reading ? H a d such an event taken place, the loss. I venture to say, would have been ours; a treasure so lightly regarded would never have been preserved to the present time. If it be argued that additions were not unknown in MSS. similarly enshrined; and that the Book of Kells and the Book of Armagh are cases in point, the reply is obvious and final. The Tract in the Missal was intended for use; the entries in the other books were for reference,— muniments entered on behoof, and with the consent, if not at the request, of the respective custodians. W e shall see immediately that the Liturgies of the Missal and Tract are substantially the same. This sufficiently accounts for the insertion of the T r a c t : that the priest might have at hand a brief exposition of the Liturgy. Such were the Expositio brcvisf of Germanus Parisiensis, and that of the Roman Mass by the anonymous Gallican Author, + both of which were designed for popular instruction. I come now to the contents. With respect to Dr. O'Conor's Essay upon the cover, Dr. Todd writes : " I t is deeply to be lamented that he did not abridge some of his ' excursus,' and give us instead a correct transcript of the very important text of the ancient Latin Missal which the box contains. Such a transcript would have superseded his unsatis* P. 315-6, Note B. f Martene, De Antiq. JSeelesiee ritibus, Antwerp, 1736 : torn. i. col. 464, sq. J Ibid., col. 443, sq.

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the Stowe Missal.

factory description of the MS., and would have been an invaluable addition to our existing materials for a history of the primitive Missal of the Western Churches"* With these observations O'Conor's readers will readily concur. I have accordingly endeavoured to make the transcript appended to this Paper reliable. Moelcaich's additions are distinguished by being set in different type. The peculiar Irish orthography and accentuation have not been retained. The words in which they appear are, however, given at foot. Thus, by substituting the marginal for the textual form, the MS. reading will be obtained. Emendations are made where possible, and the grounds for them stated. The scribes, as will be seen, were mere manual workers. Punctuation was employed sparingly, and, as was to be expected, occasionally without meaning. The following marks are found:—single point placed on centre of writing space • = comma, colon, and full stop ; two : and three points : . = comma ; three points \ = colon and full stop ; two points with comma ; , - = full stop. Moelcaich, necessarily, was acquainted with Latin. The Irish Tract (A) has been added, as being coeval with the Missal, and affording materials for judging of the contents. A second, but imperfect copy, is preserved in the Lebar Breac (B). Like the other contents of that great collection, it has been sadly marred by corruptions of form and meaning in the transcription. The parallel passages are numbered, to facilitate reference. The omission of the opening sentences shows that A was itself a copy. This is further evidenced in one of the corrections made by the scribe. On folio 64 a, lines 11-12, conrecatar indaleth (the two halves meet) stood thus in the first transcription. A little further on, line 13, fombaiter indalled (ivhereby one half is submerged) occurred. Accordingly, the copyist goes back to the preceding line, and places an I over the one in the Text, thereby making the form indalleth ! But this is nonsense here. For the first grouping is = in da leth (the two halves), nominative dual; whilst the second represents ind ala led (the other half), nominative * P. 4-5.

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149

singular. Ind, it may however be said, is the nominative singular feminine of the article, and led is neuter. But the solution is familiar to students of Irish : Anteponi solet indala (unus e duobus) per omnes casus immutabile* The transcriber, therefore, did his work accurately at first, and showed his own knowledge by improving it afterwards. The ludicrous interpolation in B that at the Consecration the priests chant the Miserere, demonstrates how completely the meaning was lost at the date of the copy which the Lebar Breac scribe had before him. The Fraction and Distribution were passed over in B, owing doubtless to the fact that the tradition regarding this rite had died out,—a circumstance which need excite no surprise. With respect to the Latin Text, the first thing that calls for explanation is placing the membrane numbered 2 8 - 2 9 immediately after folio 12. Some alteration, it is evident, was demanded. For who shall construe Libera nos Domine with propheta omnes-, and quorum ut dixit with Abelis ? T h e clue to the solution lies herein, that the final portion of 29 b and the opening lines on 13 a both belong to the prayer of St. Ambrose. Bringing them together, the modern title of the Litany is borne out by the additions of Moelcaich; and dixit, standing last on 29 b (a left-hand page), finds its subject in propheta, the first word on 13 a (right-hand page). The Prophet is Isaiah ; the quotation being taken from lxiv. 6. That the displacement is of modern date can be inferred from the fact that the sheet, which evidently had become detached, is fastened with thread. As he considered the Litany to be in its proper place, the arrangement is perhaps to be attributed to O'Conor. The Latin and Irish Texts taken together supply data for explaining them upon liturgical grounds. In the Latin we find (folio 39 b) the Prayer Vere Sanctus given in full. This was to be followed by another, which was so well known as to render it superfluous to insert more than Qui pridie, the opening words. Where, the question naturally arises, are these Prayers to find a place in the frame-work of the present Missal ? The answer must be: Nowhere. Now, by this radical dissimilarity we can * Zeuss,

Oram. Celt.,

[351]

Ed. 2, p. 359-60.

150

REV. DR. MACCAKTHY—On the Stowe

Missal.

determine the character, and, consequently, the approximate date, of the Liturgy presented in the older part of the MS. T h e Prayers in question belong to the Gallican Mass: Vere Sanctus being what is called the post Sanctus, and Qui pridie the first words of the Consecration formula. The retention of both in juxta-position with the Gelasian Preface and Canon is proof conclusive that we have here a mixed Recension—a Gallican Liturgy enlarged from Roman sources. Passing over to the Irish Tract, A reads: Accepit Iesus panem. To this, B adds: stans in medio discipulorum suorum. Usque in finem. Yet more is given in the Gallican Missal: Qui pridie quam pro omnium salute pateretur, . . . stans in medio discipulorum suorum, accepit panem. JEt rel* Read by the light of the Latin Text, this shows that the Liturgy which the Tract purported to explain was Gallican too. W e come back to the work of Moelcaich. The Rubrics are in consonance with what is contained in the Irish Tract, and therefore Gallican; whilst the additional matter is mostly of Gallican origin, inserted in accordance with the Gallican system. W e have thus three Recensions: modified Gallican in the Irish Tract (A); modified Gallican with Roman additions in the Missal (B); this RomanGallican with Gallican additions in the later portion of the MS. (C). Let us now proceed to discriminate the components of the older Latin Recension(B). The first step in this direction is to ascertain the reading of the Palimpsest. Had Moelcaich's alterations been confined to the insertion of folios, their omission, it is manifest, would, as in 2 8 - 9 , suffice to restore the original Text. But the continuity has been broken b y the erasures. Still, the search need not be abandoned as hopeless. I t is noteworthy, to begin with, that whilst nine new leaves were put in, not one, the structural arrangement proves, was left out. Excision, plainly, was not the object proposed. Again, though much new matter has been added, for instance, to the Canon, no part certainly of the old has been taken away. Substitution, therefore, was not the intention. Nothing remains then except to conclude that the end in view was * Feria V. in ccena Domini.

[352]

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151

the Stowe Missal.

addition. The abraded Text of (B) must consequently have been embodied in the enlarged Recension (C). The next thing to be done is to distinguish these erased portions amidst the additional matter which was introduced. Herein, fortunately, we are materially assisted by two of those undesigned coincidences so characteristic of our national MSS. The Bobio Missal, in transcription, was the work of an Irishman. The Script, according to Mabillon, is Majuscule. The authors of the Nouveau Traité* judged it belonged perhaps to the Roman writing used in the British Isles before the conversion of the Angles. I n other words, it is Irish ; an opinion in which Dr. Keller agrees without hesitation. It bears a resemblance to the Muratorian Canon (another Bobio MS.), and to the Gospels of St. Kilian, in having some of the characters Angular, and others, the greater part, Uncial, with Minuscule letters of each kind interspersed. The orthography, so far as noted by Mabillon, is, in some instances, even more distinctive than that of the Stowe Missal,—suggesting that the copyist worked from the dictation of a fellow-countryman. But it does not follow, because the writing is Irish, that a MS. was executed in Ireland ; much less, upon Irish subjects. Far from it. In the present case, the Mass of St. Martin and the names introduced into the Canon tell as plainly as the most explicit Colophon that the Missal was drawn up for a Church in France. This, the Mass for St. Sigismund makes it certain, was situated in Burgundy : doubtless, one of those founded by St. Columbanus. Evidence still more conclusive respecting the locality is contained in the Penitential appended to the volume. The subject would well repay separate treatment, were this the place to enter upon it. One proof will suffice for our present purpose. Canon xxxi. stands thus : Si quis Calendas Januarias in cervolo vel vicola vadit, etc. In consonance therewith, the destruction of idolatry is mentioned in the Mass for the Circumcision.f The enactment was made to carry out the first decree of the Council of Auxerre, held perhaps some twenty years previously (A. D. 578). * hi. 210. f Omnia idola destruxit . . . regnum idolatriae (sic) destruxisti. R L . I E . ACAD. TRANS. VOL. XXVU.

POL. L I T . AND ANTIQ.

[353]

2

B

152

Rev. De. Mac Cakthy—On the Stowe Missal.

But in the Collectio Canonum Hibernensis, which was admittedly compiled for the Irish Church, you will seek this prohibition in vain. The omission confirms what is attested by the silence of the native records, that our pagan forefathers indulged in no mummery on the first of January. I t has been said, I know, that vicola occurs in Cummian.* But, to make this fact of any significance, it should first be shown that Cummian's Penitential is an Irish, not a Frankish, document—an up-hill task, to say the least. Besides, the reading, as may be observed at foot, is vecola. Vicola is also said, ib., to be found in Adamnan. On referring to the places indicated,! the word used, it will be seen, is viculus, the diminutive of vicus, a village—one of eighty-three such derivatives affected by St. Columba's biographer. The vocable, it to ought be superfluous to observe, is a vox nihili—a copyist's blunder. The true reading, vetula,% is given in the St. Gall and other Penitentials, and the meaning has been within easy reach for more than two centuries. § The Missa Romensis• Cottidiana, inserted consecutively at the beginning of the Bobio Missal, enables us to determine the portions, whether erased or retained, of the Stowe Missal that were styled Orationes et preces Missce Ecclesice Romance by Moelcaich. Allowing for variations arising from local causes, the sustained similarity of diction proves that both compilers copied from duplicates of the same Gelasian Sacramentary. The second coincidence helps to complete the discrimination of the old and new Texts. In the Library of St. Gall are two Collections of Fragments, numbered respectively 1394 and 1395. The latter contains one, * Essays on the Early Irish Church, p. 287. Si . . . in vecola . . . vadit. Cum. vii. 9. f Aliquo . . . Ticulo . . . reperto. Quid in illo agitur viculo. i. 31. Ut viculus . . . totus concremeretur. ii. 7. J SG. § 16. Hal. vi. 3. Ps.—Theod. xn. 19. Non licet Kalendis Januarii vetula aut cervolo facere. Cone. Autis. can. i. Cone. om. gen. et prov. Coll. regia, Paris. 1644. xiii., p. 14. Read : vetulam aut cervulutu. § " Solebant quippe ii [Pagani] Kal. Jan., belluarum, pecudum, et vetularum assumptis formis, hue et illuc discursare et petulantius sese gerere." Caroli Dufresne, Domini Du Cange, Glossarium ad Scriptores mediae & infimae Latinitatis. Franeofurti ad Mamun, 1681. Yoce Cervula, torn. 1, col. 940.

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the former two folios, all three of which belonged to the same volume.* This, there can be little doubt, was the " Missalis in Vol. I.," entered amongst the six and twenty " Libri Scottice scripti" in the ninth century Catalogue of the monastic books. With regard to the writing, the Initial on the first page of the single folio is an Uncial of extreme beauty. The remaining letters are the Literce quadratce angulosce, which seem, according to Dr. Keller,f to be peculiar to the Irish Script. They resemble those in the Inscription on the Ardagh chalice, and, more nearly, the forms in the Erat Verbum of the Gospels of Mac Regol.i The second, fifth and sixth pages, and parts of the third and fourth, exhibit a Semi-Majuscule with Uncial; the remainder, a Semi-Majuscule with Angular, predominating. An interlinear Rubric, on page 3, post and per dnm nm ihm, on page 4, are in Angular Minuscule. These three were inserted, it is plain to see, after the original transcription; and, to judge from the facsimiles, were executed by the writer of the Angular Script. I am thus led to conclude that the portion done in this hand is a Rescription ; the chief object being to make additions to the Communion Antiphons on the second folio. Respecting the contents, the third folio preserves parts of a Mass for the Circumcision, and of another Mass ad prohibendum ab idolis. The presence of the latter entitles us, according to the criteria laid down by Mone,§ to fix the date of the Uncial transcript in the seventh century. On the single leaf are found an Antiphon and Litany; on the second, an introductory prayer to the Pater Noster, the Embolismus, Pax, Communion Antiphons, and two Post-Communions. But what is of importance, these, with the exception of that prefatory to the Lord's Prayer, all agree, as far as they go, with those of the present Missal. The identity, it will not be denied, was the result of identical causes. Working a thousand miles apart, the two Irishmen must have had copies of the same national Liturgy and the same Grelasian Missal. * Cooper's Appendix to Report on Rymer's Foedera. Plate XXIII. = fol. 1 a, xxiv. = fol. 1 b (1395); xxix. = fol. 2 a, xxx. = fol. 2 b (1394); vi. = fol. 3 a, XXVIII. = fol. 3 b (1394). F Ubi sup. J Gilbert's Facsimiles, etc. Part I., Piute XXIII. § Note C. 2 B 2

[355]

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REV. DE. MACCARTHY—On the Stowe

Missal.

A collation of the Communion Antiphons with those given in the interpolated folios and in the Codex Rescriptus will be of assistance in determining the reading of the Palimpsest. These Fragments have another, possibly greater, interest, as helping to decide a long-vexed question. In 623, the Synod of Maçon was held, to finish the controversy between Agrestius and the monks of Luxeuil. H e advanced four charges, the chief of which was that their Liturgy differed from the Liturgy of others in the multiplied variety of its Prayers and Collects.* In reply, Eustasius quoted the command of praying without intermission to justify the multiplicity. The pith of the objection, namely, the variety, he did not notice at all. Indeed, the accusation, it is evident, was not brought forward in good faith. For Agrestius, as well as those present, could not have been ignorant that the Roman Liturgy was accommodated, in the Bobio and other Missals, to the G-allican Use. His malevolence, accordingly, proceeded from another source. What that source was, we have clear indication in the Penitential appended to the Bobio MS. The x t v u t h Canon is as follows :—Si tutoaverit (titubaverit) sacerdos super oratione Dominica, die uno in pane et aqua. The Lord's Prayer here alluded to is not the Pater Noster, but, as the Irish Tract and Penitentials place beyond question, the formula of Consecration. The omission of the qualifying clause—quae dicitur periculosa—is of a piece with the defective literary execution, whether arising from ignorance or haste, of the whole volume. Now, the St. Gall Fragments, read in connection with this enactment, prove that the variety here intended by Agrestius was of Irish origin. It was brought, namely, by Columbanus and his associates from the monastery of Bangor. For the rest, in its fate the St. Gall Missal is typical of the decline and extinction of the Columban Institute. First, it became obsolete, being superseded by the Roman. Then, in the Catalogue, the fourth hand placed one of his pithy criticisms—Legi non potest, Inutile, Corruptum, or Nihil est—opposite the title. Finally, the volume was broken up ; the first folio * Note D.

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155

preserved for its marvellous border and caligraphy, and the greater portion, the parchment being thick, prepared, it may be, for a Codex Rescriptus. The two leaves here mentioned were found by Father Ildephonsus Yon Arx, forming part of a book-cover! Habent sua fata libelli. Having removed what these and other tests verify as Roman, the residue will represent a Recension employed in Ireland before the introduction of the Gelasian. It has been already observed that in form and, with few exceptions, in substance the Insertions and Rescription reverted to the older or Gallican Use. A comparison of what was incorporated by the first compiler and of what was inserted by Moelcaich leads to the inference that the latter was for the greater part derived from the same original as the former. That original, we may assume, was preserved in the Monastic Library. Books of the kind were not excessive in number, or easy of access for transcription, in those days. We may, accordingly, avail of Moelcaich's additions in reconstructing the order and supplying the contents of the Hiberno-Gallican Mass. In proceeding to deal with these, attention has to be directed to the erasure made in the Title on folio 36 a. The opening word was removed, and Misa substituted by Moelcaich. Fortunately, three points (:.) which stood after the abraded letters remain intact. Hereby we can see that what was first written was a contracted form. This can have been no other than ora., namely, Oratio. The Text, the Irish Tract, and the Rubrics, are thus in accord, in regarding these prayers as Augments ; to be employed, that is, when occasion required. In other words, the integrity of the Mass was complete without them; hence they did not necessarily belong to the Liturgy from the beginning. This is confirmed by two facts recorded in our Hagiology. Amongst the four honours mentioned in the Book of Armagh to be paid to St. Patrick on the recurrence of his festival, the second was : Offertorium ejus proprium . . imniolari* On the margin opposite, Ferdomnach, the scribe, placed the note of interrogation, Z. And well he might; neither in his time, nor for *Fol. 16 a 1.

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centuries after, was such a prayer in existence. The solution of the puzzle is not far to seek. Tirechan was acquainted with the Proprium Sanctorum, like that here given. Accordingly, he deemed it fitting that the National Apostle should have one to himself. But in the undoubtedly native portion of the Stowe Missal due precedence was accorded by placing his name at the head of the Irish Saints in the general Commemoration. Such too was the course followed by St. Columba when he wished to honour his deceased friend Columbanus as a Saint. He inserted his name in the accustomed Prayer. Evidently, he was acquainted with no other way of showing his veneration in the Liturgy. What, it will be asked, was the consueta deprecatio of Adamnan ?* Dean Reeves f quotes the Diptychs of the Church of Aries as a possible explanation. But the wording renders the suggestion untenable. Precantes oramus pro animabus famulorum . . ., mentis et intercessionibus sanctorum proves that this was an intercession for the dead. The Prayer intended, there can, I judge, be no doubt, is the Cum omnibus (B a/3 15). The formula pro commemorando served St. Columba's purpose exactly; and the List of Saints was capable of extension. In fact, nearly a column is left vacant with that object in the present Missal. If the Title, Deprecatio Bancti Martini, inserted by Moelcaich, folio 15 b, can be relied upon, which I see no reason to doubt, as meaning that the Litany Dicamus (B a 6) was used in the Church of Tours, the Deprecatio and Gum omnibus are evidence connecting the Stowe with the Missal of St. Martin which was preserved in the Diocese of Derry. The Cum omnibus was not confined to the Liturgy. It passed into the domain of popular devotion at an early period. A valuable document of this kind has been preserved. It is attributed to Colgu, Lector of Clonmacnoise, who died towards the close of the eighth century. Though the existing transcript dates only from the end of the fourteenth century, declensional and, still more, syntactical, forms avouch the Prayer as the composition of one versed, as became the supposed author, in his native tongue. In addition, it elucidates some passages in the Irish Tracts-i * Note E.

f P. 211-12.

[358]

+ Note F.

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On the Stowe Missal.

157

Considered liturgically, the Deprecatio and Cum omnibus are, some will think, the most interesting contents of the volume. They afford decisive proof that the Clementine Liturgy was, at least in part, not a mere literary compilation, but actually used. Petitions corresponding in substance with most of the Deprecatio are found in the Deacon's Litanies aud Great Intercession, and the Cum omnibus is an enlargement of a clause in the latter. The concluding words, quorum Deus nomina nominavit et novit, allowing for the necessary change in person, are a close rendering of &v avro? ¿•uicTTacrai ra ovoy.,ara. Applying the foregoing facts and deductions to the Latin and Irish Texts considered as a whole, we obtain the result set forth in the following comparative analysis. It is to be read in connexion with the full Transcripts and Notes given in the Appendix. It will, doubtless, be noticed, perhaps with surprise, that the Cursus Scottorum is not placed amongst the Titles. But the truth is. that Tract, as its first publisher, Spelman, rightly understood,* does not deal with the Liturgy at all, but with the Office, or Celebration of the Canonical Hours. Two proofs will here suffice. The author lived probably towards the beginning or first quarter of the seventh century—a disciple of St. Columbanus. Well, the seventh chapter of that Patriarch's Rule begins : | De Synaxi, ergo, id est, de Cursu psalmorum et orationum modo canonico. Throughout the chapter, Synaxis and Cursus are used as convertible terms —the former, three, and the latter, five times. The Synodical Discourse to be announced to parish priests in every Synod, a fragment of which is preserved in the Lebar Breac, contains the two following injunctions,J in which the distinction between Cursus and Missa could not be more clearly expressed:—Cursum vestrum horis certis decantate. Missarum celebrationes religiose peragite. If additional evidence be desired, time can be profitably spent in studying the quotations and verifying the references, more than half a column long, under the word Cursus, in Du Cange.§ * Cone, etc., Lond. 1639, i. 167. f Bib. Max. Patr., XH. 4.

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160

R E V . D R . MAC C A R T H Y — O n

the Stowe Missal.

With reference to the Title Hiberno-Gallic an, no perfect monument of the Gallican Liturgy, it is well known, has been yet discovered. Of the variable portions much has been preserved in five (so-called) Missals.* The Ordo, or fixed contents, and the Rubrics have totally disappeared. Here, on the contrary, we have a Mass almost complete from beginning to end. To some extent, therefore, the existing lacunae can be supplied from the present source. This, however, is a purely liturgical question, outside the limits of the Paper. I direct attention to the absence of a feature which the Grallican possessed in common with ancient Eastern and Western Liturgies. No trace of the distinction between the Missa Catechumenorum and the Missa Fidelium can be discovered. This is the principal modification, and the evidence available connects the change with St. Patrick himself. In the beginning, as we learn from the Book of Armagh,! adult Baptism, as a rule, was administered after a profession of Faith. Fuller instruction was given subsequently. Nor is this contradicted by the Rubric: Hue usque Catacominus in the Ordo Baptismi (adultorum) given in the present MS.J For the generic equivalent, lelachaich (postulant), supplied in the native Rubric by the original hand on the preceding folio, is a reliable testimony that in Ireland catechumeiius from the first only meant a person on whom this portion of the Rite was being conferred. That the term implied no restriction of age is placed beyond doubt by the nineteenth Canon of the Second Council of St. Patrick:— § [19. Qua cetate baptisandi sunt.'] Octavo die chatechumeni sunt, postea solemnitatibus Domini baptizantur, id est, Pascha et Pentecoste et Epiphania. Coming to a later time, no mention is made of Catechumens in what * f t §

Eeichenau, Bobio, Gothic, Gallican and Prankish, Note G. Pol. 50 b. Spelman, Councils, p. 58. The title was prefixed by Spelman.

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REV. DR. MAC CAETHY— On the Stowe Missal.

161

may be called the Ceremonial of tlie Cathedral Church of Armagh, as set forth in the Liber Angeli.* Still more recently, Cormac Mac Culennain, himself a Bishop, did not include the vocable in his Glossary of Irish Words. The forms Cathchomnidi and Chadchoimnidi are found glossing catacomini in the Turin Fragments of St. Jerome's Commentary on St. Mark.f But the word was merely formed from the Latin by adding the Irish termination. It was coined on purpose by the glossarist, and never passed into the popular speech. The Catechumenate, we have accordingly to conclude, was not adopted into the Early Irish Church. Finally, we are in a position to estimate the value of the MS. as a contribution to our knowledge of the ancient National Liturgy. The threefold Catalogue of the Saints of Ireland dates at latest from an early part of the eighth century. The document is an original authority. It has been published from different MSS. by Ussher and Fleming. J The readings of the portions with which we are concerned vary considerably in both Texts. ( 1 ) . PKIMUS O K D O . — A . D . U.

432-544. F.

Habebant unam missam, unam celebra-

(Habentes) unam celebrationem missae-

tionem. ( 2 ) . SECUNDUS O B D O . — A . D . Diversas missas celebrabant et diversas regulas. A Davide episcopo et Gilla et a Doco Britonibus missam acceperunt.

544—598.

Diversos oelebrandi ritus habebant. H i ritum celebrandi missam acceperunt a Sanctis viris de Britannia, scilicet, a S. David et a S. Gilda et a S. Doco.

* Note H. f Glossae Hibernicae veteres Codicis Taurinensis. Edidit Constantinus Nigra, Lutetise Parisiorum, 1869, pp. 7, 9. Zimmer : Gloss. Hib., p. 202. J Ussher: Brit. Eccl. Antiq. Wks. vi. pp. 477-9. Fleming : Col. Sacra, pp. 430-1. 2P2

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162

Rev. De. Mac Carthy— On the Stowe Missal. (3). Tertius ORDO.—A.D. 598-664.

Diversas regulas et missas habebant.

Diversas regulas et diversos oelebrandi ritus habebant.

The writer of F., the later copy, took missam, celebrationem and missas, regulas to be a hendiadys. That this was a mere guess is proved by the insertion of diversas regulas in (3). The U-Text, on the contrary, is consistent throughout ; and, assuming that celebratio is employed in its technical sense to signify celebration of the Office, the meaning is clear. The first Order had but one Liturgical rite and one rule for performance of the Office ; the second and third had divers rites for the Mass, and different regulations for the celebration of the Canonical Hours. That celebrad (— celebratio) meant the carrying out of the daily Office is well-established from Irish sources.* That various Rules were in practice regarding the method of execution, we have on record, to mention but one reliable authority, the express testimony of St. Columbanus: De Synaxi, ergo, id est, de cursu-psalmorum etorationum modo canonico, quaedam sunt distinguenda, quia varie a diversis memoriae de eo traditum e s t . | Thus understood, we have the una Missa of the first Order represented by B a -f yS (13); the diversce Missce of the second and third Orders by the una Missa ; B a + /3; B a fi + y. Furthermore, the Missa Patricii of the Book of Armagh! is to be equated with B a. Against the exclusion of ft from the Mass of St. Patrick, it may be put forward that the Collect Deum in 4 (1) contains phrases corresponding with those in the Lorica of St. Patrick. This parallelism, no doubt, is very valuable towards establishing the authenticity of the Irish Hymn ; but it does not suffice to outweigh the facts mentioned above. In the first place, the Recension of B a does briefly what /3 does diffusely ; secondly, no Augment of the kind has been preserved respecting the National Apostle; * Note I. f Bib. Max. Patr., ubi sup. J Missam Patricii aceeperunt. Fol. 13 b 1.

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REV. DE. MACCAKTHY—On the Stowe

Missal.

163

and, finally, it was a method of commemoration with which St. Columba was unacquainted: that is to say, a, not ¡3 or y, was employed in Iona. The celebration of a Saint's festival did not, therefore, it is important to bear in mind, imply the use of a special Collect, much less of a missa propria, in the Early Irish Church. To sum up: the importance of the Missal and Tract lies herein, that they present the Texts, and data for discrimination, of the various Masses current in Ireland from the introduction of Christianity to the middle of the eighth century: rescuing from oblivion, and rendering it feasible to adjust, the forms in which Liturgy found expression in the Irish Church during the golden era of her sanctity and learning. The remaining observations will be most conveniently divided under the different Titles. A. 1. The preparation for the Liturgy is not mentioned in B, C, D. The omission shows this portion of the Rite to have been traditional, and is an evidence of antiquity. That it was a G-allican feature can be seen in the extracts from the old Missals of Chalons and Auxerre, quoted by Martene.* From Adamnan we learn that it was the .Deacon's office to prepare what was necessary before the celebration commenced, f The old Penitentials which assign punishment to the neglect of the duty are in substantial and verbal agreement with the Rubrics preserved in the Irish Tract.! 6. Bigradual Psalm. That Psalm (Salm) in Irish signified, in addition to the usual meaning, an intercessory prayer, can be inferred from a line in the Calendar of Oengus, Sep. 11: Sillan, salm cech lobuir—(St.) Sillan, the psalm of (i. e., whose name is invoked for aid by) every sick person. Thus the Title can include the Litany as well as the verses of the Palms given in this place. 14. Periculosa oratio. The statement that the Qui pridie, or Consecration formula, was so called is borne out by the Penitentials of Grildas, Cummian, and Halitgar.§ The wording of Gildas—ubi adnotatur periculum— * Note K.

f Note L.

+ Note M.

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§ Note N.

164

REV. DE. MAC CABTHY—On the Stowe

Missal.

clearly implies that a note stood on the margin of the Missal, opposite the opening words of the Institution. 17. Fraction and Cruciform Arrangement. The process so elaborately described here has been found in no other Western Missal. Something similar is given in the Libellus of Eldephonsus, quoted by Martene; but in multiplied detail and wealth of symbolism it falls far short of the Irish method. As throwing light on this passage, I have subjoined it.* The principle was partially condemned in the third Canon of the Second Council of Tours (A.D. 567): Ut Corpus Domini in altari non in imaginario modo, sed sub crucis titulo, componatur.f B. a. The date of these portions of this Recension can be determined approximately. The structure is the first evidence of antiquity, and it adds new interest to the Missal. The word Libellus is twice employed to s i g n i f y a Missal by St. Gregory of Tours. J Probably because he had never seen such a book, Du Cange has not described it. Zaccaria§ quotes Georgius, a liturgical writer, who says the libellus of Gregory meant a collection made from larger books, to be used on certain solemn occasions. But here, at length, we light upon the true explanation. This is the only MS. hitherto discovered that has preserved the primitive form and size of the Gallican Mass-book. Column a consisted of about ten such leaves as are found in this little book—a number quite sufficient to contain all the Liturgy originally in use. It is scarcely necessary to observe, accordingly, that Gregory called the Missal a libellus /car' igoxwThe internal evidences of antiquity are so apparent and conclusive that it is needless to do more than state them formally. The absence of a Calendar marks this Ordo Missse as older than the Leonine Sacramentary of the fifth century, which has different Masses for Sundays and other ecclesiastical divisions of (a portion of) the year. The use of a fixed Epistle and Gospel indicates a time before the intro* t t §

Note 0. Acta Cone. Paris, 1725, m. 358. Note P. Bibliotheca Ritualis, Romae, 1776, Tom. 1. cap. 3, art. 8, p. 75.

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Hey. D r . MacCakthy—On the Stowe Missal.

165

duction of variable Lessons. This, it is believed, took place in the first quarter of the fifth century. The absence of special Collects and Prefaces for individual Saints shows the Mass to be prior in time to the portion of the Eeichenau Palimpsest containing the Missa for Grermanus of Auxerre. The Saint died in 448. On the other hand, the absence of any allusion to persecution, such as the pathetic expressions in a Contestatio of the Gallican Liturgy,* proves that it cannot date farther back than the middle or end of the fourth century. The most pious Emperors would thus be Arcadius and Honorius. The time in which B was transcribed can be fixed with tolerable accuracy by the List of Names in the Cum omnibus. The most modern Saint there mentioned, as far as I can determine, is Justus, fourth Archbishop of Canterbury. His death took place in the November of 627. Allowing for the lapse of a few months before the news of his demise reached this country, we have the beginning of 628 as the year before which the transcription of the older portion of the Missal could not have been executed. We can, accordingly, assign the second quarter of the seventh century as the period in which the B-Recension was copied. With exception of y8 15, the Compilation, the time of Gelasius shows, can date back to a.d. 500. a 6. Dicamus. The Title of this Litany given in C in all likelihood means no more than that it was used in the Church of Tours. For it is given without any mention of St. Martin in a Fulda Missal quoted b y Cardinal Bona.f fi 13. Hanc-convertas. The Prayer that the founder of the Church may be converted from idolatry was manifestly composed before the extinction of heathenism. Its evidence, however, does not stand alone with reference to the Church in Ireland. The foundation of Armagh itself, as we learn from the graphic account of the donation in the Book of Armagh and in the Tripartite, was owing to the generosity of a pagan.J * Missa Y. Miss. Rich. Mone: Lat. u. Griech. Messen, Frankfurt, 1850, pp. 24-5. f Rerum Liturgicarum, lib. ii., cap. iv., § iii. Op. omnia, Amtverp. 1676, p. 317. + Note Q.

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166

Rev. De. Mac Carthy—On the Stowe Missal.

Furthermore, one of the Canons of the first Synod of St. Patrick is evidence that similar grants were of such frequency as to demand legislative regulation. [24. De advena plebem ingrediente.~] Si quis advena ingressus fuerit plebem, non ante baptizet neque offerat, nec consecret, nec Ecclesiam aedificet, [dojnec permissionem accipiat ab Episcopo : nam qui a gentibus sperat permissionem, alienus sit.* This, with three others of kindred scope from other sources, was incorporated in the Irish Collection.f From /3 13 we find that the occasion for these enactments had not passed away at the beginning of the seventh century. The Prayer in the Text is consequently older than the date of the transcription and of the compilation, and may, not unlikely, have had reference, to one of those against whom the thirty-first Canon in the second Synod of St. Patrick was directed. [31. De gentilibus qui ante baptismum[o~\ credunt quam poenitentiam habeant.'] Remittuntur quidem omnium peccata in baptismo; sed qui cum fideli conscientia infidelem [lis] tempor[arius] vixit, ut fidelis peccator judicandus est.J This would explain the apparent contradiction of calling the founder famulus tuus, and in the next breath praying that he may be turned from the worship of idols. Be that as it may, the Prayer undoubtedly refers to the national Church, and carries us back, if not to its inception, to a very early period of its existence. C. 2. Sancte Stephane, etc. The Additions made to the Litany of the Saints enable us to assign the earliest date at which this Recension can have been composed. The latest Saint mentioned, as far as I know, is Samthan, Virgin, of Clonbroney, Co. Longford. Her death took place in 739. I find no evidence of a more modern origin than the middle of the * Spelman, i. S3.

The title is Spelman's.

f Note E.

[368]

+ Spelman, ut sup. 59.

R e v . D e . M a c C a r t h y — O n the Stowe

Missal.

167

eighth century. I pass by the insertion of Filioque in the Creed. That addition was formally adopted at the Council of Toledo in 653. With the intercourse existing between this country and the Continent, who will deny that it could have been brought hither well within a century from that time ? Independent confirmation of this date is afforded by the entry at folio 35 a : Moelcaich scripsit. Who was Moelcaich ? " I can find no mention of this personage in any of our records," says Dr. Todd* There was, he adds, a Moelcaich son of Aed Benan, who, he rightly concludes, could not have been the Scribe. The following Table, compiled, with exception of the dates, from the Book of Leinster| will, I am of opinion, contribute towards deciding the question:— A i l i l l O l o m , •(• circa

I Eogan mor, f 250. Eponymous head of Eoganachts.

Cormac Cas, \ 283. Eponymous head of Dalcasians.

Core, 4th in descent from Eogan mor.

Aed, f' 601. 10th in descent from Cormac Cas, King of | [Cashel.

Naithfraich.

Cairpre.

Oengus, f 4 8 9 . Aed Benan, f619. King of Cashel, St. King of Kerry (Luachra), Patrick's convert. 5thindescent from Cairpre. Moelcaich, f circa

236.

650.

(L.L., 321 a.)

Donchad, f962. 14th in descent from Oingus. | Soerbrethach. | Mac Craith, f 1052. King of Munster. (L.L., 320/3.)

Congal.

Aithime.

Irchlossach. I Elann.

Tordclbach.

Mathgaman (Mahon). I Anion. Moelcaich, f circa 750. | (L.L., 322 c.) Core. I Lachtna. | Lorcan, 4th in descent | from Mahon. Cennetig, from whom | the O'Kennedys. Brian, 826, f 1014. Donchad, deposed 1064, (L.L., 322 t )

f Lith. Ed., 319-22, 336.

* Ubi sup-, p. 18.

B L . I K . ACAD. TRANS., VOL. XXVII.- - P O L . L I T . AND ANTIQ.

[369]

2 D

168

REV. D E . MACCARTHY—On

the Stowe Missal.

In Moelcaich, son of Flann, we have, I submit, the author of the C-Recension, First, he was an ecclesiastic, not unlikely a bishop ; nobody, except a person entitled to use it, could have had any motive to re-arrange the Missal. Besides, his was a mere pedigree: the name forms a ban-en branch on the genealogical tree. Next, the time accords well. The fourth in descent from Aed, who died at the opening of the seventh century, must have lived towards the middle of the eighth. Lastly and chiefly, Moelcaich not alone belonged to the Dalcasian stem, but was himself eligible to be elected King of Cashel—perhaps even of Minister. Herein lay the reason why the book became an heirloom and was enshrined in the chief line, and redecorated when it passed into possession of the junior branch. It was, namely, the relic of a family saint. The spirit of clanship so reprehensibly exhibited in the old Irish monastic system appears in instances like the present in a far more commendable guise. The retention of the ruling monopoly in the founder's family was due to considerations other than religious: to employ gems and precious metals and to invoke the aid of the fine arts, in the preparation of a fitting receptacle for the memorials of a saintly kinsman, could have arisen from no motives that were sordid;—must have been inspired by a generous devotion and an educated taste. I now proceed to such of the Rubrics as require a more detailed explanation. 3. Haic oratio in omni missa cantatur (13 b). This signifies that Ascendat (B a 3) was always to be said; whilst others, like the Deus qui (y 3), were employed only on some occasions. 4. Quotidianis diebus (14 a) would be at present ferialibus diebus, ferial days; on which, namely, neither solemn festivals nor anniversaries of saints fell. The expression occurs in the Libellus of Eldephonsus and in the G-allican Missals, with the same meaning. Hie augmentum (ib.), that is, the Augment, as shown in B /34, 7 4 , is to be inserted here, when occasion required, from the Proper (1) of Saints, (2) of the living, or (3) of the dead. 7. LethdirecTi suhd (17 a), half uncovering here:

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Rev. De. MacCarthy—On the Stowe Missal.

169

10. Landirech sund (19 a), full uncovering here. These correspond respectively with the Rubrics in A 7, 10. To understand them, it has to be remarked that there were two veils, or coverings, employed. The outer, called Coopertum Sacramentorum by Germanus Parisiensis, is defined Coopertorium quo altare dominicum cum oblationibus tegitur by Gregory of Tours.* Both authors agree in describing the material to be silk. It was adorned, Germanus says, with gold work and precious stones, f The inner veil enveloped the chalice: mappa qua calix involvitur is the definition of Durandus. j The expression palla linostima, in the Expositio irevis, shows it was of linen. At the present day it is usually stiffened. When, therefore, the outer veil was removed, a half uncovering took place; when the inner, a full uncovering. 11. Ter canitur is explained by the triple repetition of Amen, to be found in an Offertorium in the Trinity College copy of the Book of Hymns. § I t was done, probably, in honour of the Trinity; as may be inferred from the individual invocation of the three Persons in blessing the water and wine and bread before the Celebration. 12. Isund totet Dignum in tormaig ind, maid Per quem ies inna diudidi || thall (21 a): It is here Dignum of the Augment comes into it, if Per quem is the Introduction b e y o n d . T h i s means that the Prefaces (called Dignum from one of the mnemonic words), in the Proper—(1) of Saints, or (2) living, or (3) dead, to which the mnemonic initial per quem [majestatem tuam, etc. J is appended, were to be inserted at this place. Such are those for the living and the dead. Isund totet Dignum in tormig ind, maid Sanctus less inna diudidi thall (21b): I t is here Dignum of the Augment comes into it, if Sanctus is the Introduction beyond. The remaining Prefaces, namely, the Proper of Saints, are * Be Tit. Pair., tiii. f Cumque jam altarium cum oblationibus pallio serico opertum esset. Greg. vn. 32. Siricum autem ornatur aut aureo vel gemmis. Germani Expositio brevis, etc. Martene, i., col. 467. | Rational, lib. 1, cap. 3, n. 49. § Note S. || For this idiom, see O'Donovan's Grammar, p. 291, and the examples collected in "Windisch, Wort., pp. 608-9. ^f Beyond refers to Augments, at end of Missal. 3 2)2 *

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170

Rev. De. MacCakthy—On the Stowe Missal.

meant in this Rubric. They contain appropriate formulae, analogous to Per quern, etc. 16. Isund conogabar ind ablu tuair for sin cailech: ocus fobdidithir leth na lairgine isin cailuch (32 a) : I t is here the chief (?) Host is raised over the Chalice: and half of the Bread is submerged in the Chalice. These actions are to be performed whilst Fiat, Domine, misericordia tua super nos, etc., is being chanted. The super shows when the raising over the Chalice was to take place. The Rubric corresponds to A 16, and refers to the Host to be taken by the Celebrant. 17. Isund conbongar in lair gen (ib.): It is here the Bread is broken. That is, while Cognoverunt Dominum in fractione panis was being recited. Here, again, Fractione was intended to be said at the moment of Fraction. The Rubric represents A 17, and has reference to the Fraction for the general Communion. 21. Moelcaich scripsit (35 a): Calvus luscus scripsit. In the St. Gall Priscian,* caech glosses luscus. That it did not signify blind is put beyond dispute by an entry "in the Annals of Ulster (a. d. 723) of the death of Caech Senile (luscus scholae), who was Scribe of Londonderry. III.—44 b - 5 8 a. The third Part is an Ordo Baptismi, which I do not intend to deal with at present. Its chief linguistic interest lies in two Irish Rubrics. Folio 49 a. Isund doberar in salann imbelu ind lelachaich: I t is here the salt is placed in the mouth f of the postulant. The Rubric stands before Effeta, quod est apertio, etc., in the Order for the Baptism of Adults. Lelachaich is the genitive singular masculine of lelachach, a reduplicated root. Lach, dpi icated la(i)lach = lelach. Lelach + ach(aca), the derivative suffix, = lelachach, gen. lelachaich, — ich. The verbal forms of lach will be found in Gueterbock and Thurneysen4 Dorothlaichset is the equivalent in the Tripartite § for postulaverunt of the Book of Armagh.|| In lelachaich * Fol. 24 b., ed. Ascoli, p. 26. } Indices Grammatical CelticLipsise, § Egerton MS., p. 58.

f " I n t o the lips," literally. 1881, voce duttluchw, p. 109. || Fol. 12 a 3.

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REV. DK. MAC CARTHY—On the Stowe Missal.

171

the Rubric makes an addition to the Irish Vocabulary, the word not being found elsewhere. Folio 56 a. Isund dognither intongath: It is here the Unction is done. This is placed before JJngo te de oleo et de ckrismate. IV.—58 a—63 a. The fourth Part is the Order for Visitation of the Sick. Attention may be directed to the two concluding pages as most perfect specimens of Irish Angular Caligraphy. V.—63b-65 a. The fifth is the Irish Tract on the Mass, which will be found transcribed and translated in the Appendix. VI.—65 b. The sixth consists of three Irish Spells, in great part illegible. The first is for loss of eyesight; the second for a thorn ; the last for strangury. In that for the eye, the Gospel of St. John ix. 6, 7, is quoted. But the wonderful reading, lava manus tuas in Siloe, given by Mr. Stokes, it is a relief to learn, is not found in the MS. Lava in natatoria Siloe can be made out very plainly. The final folio, it has been already mentioned, was cut away.

Scripsi hunc, ut potui, librum ; pulsare conetur Omnia quicumque legerit, ut evadere poena Ad ccelum valeam, et ad summi premia regni, Patricio Dominum pulsante, habitare per aevum.* * Lib. Armach., fol. 18 b 2.

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172

REV. D ß . MACCARTHY—On

the Stowe Missal.

A.—11 Middle Irish Corruptions." " The Latin portion of the manuscript seems to me to have been written partly in the eighth, partly in the tenth or eleventh century. The Irish tract and the spells cannot have been written before the tenth century, and were probably transcribed in the eleventh or twelfth. For we find therein the following Middle-Irish corruptions: [1] -o for -u (baullo, gnimo, firto, esergo) ; [2] -oth, -od for -uth, -ud (suidigoth, fobdod, slocod); [3] ui for the diphthong 6i (ro-bui, cuic, tuib); [4] ae for the umlaut ai (caelech, rosaegeth); [5] a for e (cadacht); [6] a for o (fathri); [7] e for i (for-sen, in-sen, ro-saegeth); [8] g for c (corrigi, enngaib); [9] d for t (cuaird); [10] nd for nn (brond): [11] inorganic infection of c after the gen. sg. of a fem-wi-stem (figor 6ge chuirp), and after the acc. sg. of the article (frisin chorp); [12] crann for the dat. sg. crunn; and [13] pleonastic use of the possessive pronoun (a slocod inparsa). But, as a rule, the language is that of the Zeussian glosses, and the scribe may therefore have copied from an Old-Irish codex."* With reference to the statement that the older portion of the Latin was written three centuries before the transcription of the Tract and Spells, the Plate will assist in determining whether or not the first hand executed 2 and 3; the second, 4 and 5. That the Irish Texts cannot have been written before the tenth century is a conclusion proceeding from the assumption that corruptions like the twelve set out above are not to be found in national MSS. anterior to that date. This narrows the issue to a question of fact. The following is compiled from documents, none of which is later than the ninth century; and on two of which (Sg., Wb.) Zeuss mainly based the Irish part of the Grammatica Celtica :— 1. o for u: ebreo, ML 27 d, iudeo, 35 a ; deo, Sg. 2 1 7 b ; lao, Wb. 4 b ; lobro, 17 b. * The Irish Passages in the Stowe Missal, by Whitley Stokes. Kuhn and Schmidt's Zeitsohrift, vol. 26, part 5. Berlin, 1882, p. 498.

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REV. D E . MACCAETHY—On

the Stowe Missal

173

2. -oth, -od for -uth, -ud : dondirsolcoth, Wb. 22 d ; aidbligod, Sg. 216 a. 3. ui for tlie diphthong 6i: euit, Ml. 32 d; seüit, Ar. 17 b 1, socheniuil, 18a 2. 4. ae for the umlaut ai: saethir, Dim. fol. ult.; aedocht, Ar. 17a2. 5. a for e : cadecht, Ml. 19 b, catecht, 30 b. 6. a for o : fa dess, fa thuaith, Wb. 29 a. 7. e for i: lemm, Wb. 4 b , lenn, 4 a : rosaegeth is correct; = rosaegati, fern, i-stem. The accusative, cen saigith, is given in the preceding sentence of the Tract. 8. g for c: Cr. 48 b.

chumgai, Ml. 19 b ;

frithorgon, Cam. PI. x ;

ingecht,

9. d for t: cuaird, Ml. 25 a. 10. nd for nn: trindoti, Ml. 2d, 15b, 11. Inorganic infection of c : ichomus, Cam. PI. vii., ar chruche, PI. viii., foditu chruche, PI. xi. 12. Crann for dat. sg. erunn : crann is correct ; hi (in) here governs (not the dative, but) the accusative. Compare hi linannart, hi cailech, hicocell, hirruna in the Tract. 13. Pleonastic use of the possessive pronoun: aainm indfirso, Ml. 23d; a oiph in forcitil, Wb. 7c. Ar., Book of Armagh, in Trinity College ; Cam., Cambray Codex, Cooper's Supplement to Appendix A, Plates vii.-xii. ; Cr., Carlsruhe Priscian, Ed. Zimmer, Glossai Hibernicw, Berlin, 1881 ; Dim., Book of Dimma, in Trinity College ; ML, Milan Columbanus, Ed. Ascoli, 1878 ; Sg., St. Gall Priscian, Ed. Ascoli, 1880; Wb., Wiirzburg St. Paul, Ed. Zimmer, Gloss. Hib.

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174

R E V . D E . M A C CARTHY—On

B.—The term "Mind"

the Siowe Missal.

(pronounced Meen).

As specimens of the assistance given in the so-called Dictionaries towards the elucidation of Irish Texts, it may not be out of place to set down their explanations of Mind. O'Davoren's Glossary (1569): " Minn .i. uasal no sui "; noble, or a sage. O'Clery's Vocabulary (1643): " Minnech .i. breg"; a lie. O'Brien's Dictionary (1768) : " Minn each, a lye. Mionn, the head, the scull, or the crown of the head. Ex. dar mionnaibh na Naomh, by the heads of the saints; hence the word mionn is adopted to signify a holy Relick; and hence it signifies an Oath, or solemn protestation made before God and man, because, immediately after the establishment of Christianity in Ireland, they usually swore solemnly by the Relicks of the Saints. Ex. tug se na mionna, he took his oath, or, literally, he swore by the Relicks. Droich-mhionna, perjury, Mionn Riogdha, a diadem, or a regal crown." Mionn — the head, etc., is beneath notice. It arose from confusion of mind with mind = mo ind, pronounced meen. Lurech De du mimdegail, ota mind gom bond:"God's corslet to protect me from my crown unto my sole. (Zimmer, Gloss Hib., p. 265.) O'Reilly (1817) deserves to be quoted in full. " Mind, s. m., a crown, a diadem. Mindech, a. lying, false, deceptious; 'on ni is mendax; i.e., brecach, Cor.' [from mendax, that is, lying. Cormac's Glossary]." To attribute this derivation to him is a cruel libel on Cormac, who has not given the word at all! Farther on, O'Reilly gives nine vocables, as follows :—" Mionn, s. m., a holy relick ; mionn, s. f., purity, cleanness ; mionn, s. f., glass; mionn, s. f., a bell; mionn, s. m., an oath ; mionn, s. m., a chieftain ; mionn, s. m., a crown, a diadem; mionn, s. m., the crown of the head; mionna, s., an oath." " Alias ohne Belege." (Zimmer, Kelt. Stud. I. 97.) The following shows the original meaning and modification of the word :—Mind, neut. i-stem. Sg. Dat. don mind, gloss on insigni, in Milan Columbanus, 25 d; Ac. mind, gloss on deadema, Turin Fragment, Nigra, p. 13, mind nabstalacte (insigne apostolatus), gloss on Gal. vi. 17, in "Wiirzburg St. Paul, 20 d; PI. Nom. and Ac., with termination omitted, mind[e], gloss on insignia, Ml. 18 d (Nom.); Carlsruhe Bede, 41 c(Ac.)

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REV. DE. MAC CAETHY—On

the Stowe

175

Missal.

In the Calendar of Oengus, mind is used figuratively. One example will suffice: Scoithine, mind mairce: Scoithine, diadem of Mairge (Jan. 2). The two subjoined quotations and their quaint English renderings will sufficiently show the meaning of the term in Hagiology and its present application. A N N A L S OP U L S T E R , A.D. 5 5 2 .

O L D E N G L I S H TRANSLATION.

Tri minna uaisle do fagbhail isin adhnacal .i. in Coach, ocus Soiscela ind aingil, ocus Clocc in oidechta. Is amlaidhso ro fhoghail int aingel do Colum cille inna .iii. minna.

Three precious Bwearing reliques were found in the tomb, viz., the relique Coach [Cup], the angell's Gospell, and the bell called Clog uidhechta [Bell of the Will]. The angell thus showed to Columbkille how to divide these. — O ' D O N O V A N , Annals, p. 1 8 9 .

—REEVES, Adamnan,

p . 326.

F O U R MASTERS, A.D. 1 1 4 3 .

M A G E O G H A G A N ' S TRANSLATION.

A mhac fein .i. Ruaidhri, do ergabhail la Toirrdhealbhach U a Conchobhair tar sarughadk laech ocus cleireach, mind ocus comairgeadh.

King Terlagh took his son prisoner (his name was Rowrie O'Conor, he that was afterwards King of Ireland); after that he gave him protection before upon these oaths and securities following.

—O'DONOVAN, p. 1070.

—Ib.

C.—Mone's Criteria for fixing the date of Mass ad prohibendum ab idolis. " (Die Messe) ad prohibendum ab idolis . . . zum Neujahrstag gehört. Die Messe hat Gelasius, Gregor nicht, das gothische Messbuch . . . hat sie auch nicht, sondern nur im Contexte noch die Worte : quos error gentilitatis invokit, welche aber mehr die auswärtigen Heidenvölker als die Ueberbleibsel des Heidenthums im Innern der christlichen Yölker betreffen. Noch im fünften Jahrhundert hatten die Römer heidnische Neujahrsgebräuche und Leo I . bekämpte dergleichen Ueberbleibsel des Heidenthums, daher Gelasius Rechte hatte, eine besondere Messe dagegen vorzuschreiben.* D a die Franken erst im sechsten Jahrhundert Christen wurden, so ist begreiflich, dass eine Sammlung von Messen, welche in Gallien während des siebenten Jahrhunderts * Leon. M., sermo 84, wirft den Bömern vor : plus impenditur ämmoniis quam apostolis. EL. IB. AOAD. TKANS. VOL. XXVII.

POL. LIT. AND ANTIQ.

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2 E

176

REV. D R . MACCAKTHY—On the Stowe

Missal.

gemacht wurde, noch G r u n d g e n u g hatte, die Gelasianische Messe gegen die Ueberbleibsel des Heidenthums aufzunehmen. I m achten J a h r h u n d e r t konnte sie bereits unnöthig scheinen und wegbleiben, wie im gothischen Messbuch." —Lateinische u. Griechische Messen, von F . J . Mone, F r a n k f u r t am Main, 1850, p. 118.

D.—MABILLON'S Account and Ann. Chr. 623, xxxvi.

of the Dispute

the Monks

of

between

Agrestius

Luxeuìl.

Matisconensis Synodus in causa Agrestii Monachi.

Sub finem anni sequentis, indicta Matisconem synodo, Gallicani e B u r g u n d i a episcopi jussu Chlotharii istuc in suburbano loco frequentes convenerunt ad finiendam Agrestii cum Luxoviensibus monachis controversiam T u r b a n t u r omnes, sciscitanturque Agrestium, quid contra regulam beati Columbani dicere, quid objicere vellet Eustasio. A t ille trementibus labiis, cum nihil sani aut solidi aiferre posset, superflua qusedam et canonicse institutioni contraria in Luxoviensium ritibus haberi causatur : nempe quod cochleare cum lamberent vasaque et pocula, siguo crucis crebro signarent ; quod ingredientes egredientesque quamlibet monasteri! cellulam benedietionem pöstularent ; in summa quod a cseterorum ritu ac norma desciscerent, et sacra missarum solemnia orationum et collectarum multiplici varietate celebrarent. l i s e decantai se erant semulorum querelse tempore Theodoriei regis, cujus notarius fuerat Agreslius. Eustasius ad hsec: " Yestrum est," inquit, " o Patres, discernere utrum hsec objecta quidquam contineant, quod religioni, scripturarumque auctoritati adversetur. A n vero religioni contrarium, si cochleare, quod lambit Christianus, vel quodcumque vas aut poculum signetur signo crucis per quam h u m a n i generis hostis victus, ej usque pestis depulsa est ? Quid autem contra rectos mores, immo quid magis Psalmistse votis consentaneum, quam unumquemque monachum, sive cellulam ingreditur sive egreditur, seu quovis progreditur, signo crucis muniri, vel benedictione sodalium roborari P Orationum porro multiplicationem in sacris officiis m u l t u m prodesse quis neget ? Cum et orationi sine intermissione vacare nobis ex divino praecepto ineumbat, el quo plus Dominus quseritur, plus inveuiatur ; nihilque cuivis Christiano, et maxime psenitentibus, salubrius sit, quam Deum multiplicatione precum et orationum assiduitate pulsare." H i s responsis eonfutatus et turbatus Agrestius, nihil habuit quo dieta refelleret : t a n t u m adjecit garrulus calumniator, Luxovienses a cseterorum norma desciscere, qui comam nova ratione tondeant, novam coronse formam exprimant, scilicet ab aure in

[378]

Rev. D r . MacCarthy—On the Stowe Missal.

177

aurem per frontem in dimidiatse coronse moduni casso capillo, sed ab aure in aurem per oocipitium intonso ; qute Hibernorum seu Scottorum tonsura erat. Talia effutienti homini indignatus Eustasius : " E g o , " inquit, " ejus discipulus et successor, cujus tu disciplinam et instituta carpis, in prsesentia tantorum sacerdotum, intra finem anni vertentis te ad divinum voco judicium, acturum cum ipso, experturumque ejus sententiam et ultionem, cujus famulum tuis conviciis et calumniis lacerare et infamare audes. Ad heec quidam ex Agrestianis metu perculsi sunt : omnes vero hortantur ambos, ut, offensa deposita, alter alteri reconciliaretur ; et Agrestius quidem conceptae temeritatis audaciam abjiceret ; Eustasius vero paterno affectu lapsum reciperet, et piis ad emendationem correptionibus provocaret. Quibus Eustasius se eorum precibus ex animo acquiescere paratum esse respondit, nisi Agrestii obfirmata contumacia omne correctionis remedium excluderet. Instantibus nibilo minus cunctis, cum pacem, quamvis ficte et simulate, petiisset Agrestius, petenti Eustasius indulget, osculumque porrigit.

Annates Ordinis S. Bencdicti . . . alidore Domno Johanne Mab ilio n, torn, i., pp. 320-321.

E . — E x t r a c t from Adamnan, describing St. Columbus of Commemorating a Saint in the Liturgy.

Method

De angelorum visione sanctorum qui Sancti Columbani, episcopi, Mocu Loigse, animam ad coälum evexerant. Quadam itidem die, dum fratres, se calceantes, mane ad diversa monasterii opera ire praepararent, sanctus e contra ea die otiari prsecipit, sacrseque oblationis obsequia prseparari, et aliquam, quasi in Dominico, prandioli adjectionem fieri. Meque, ait, hodie, quamlibet indignus sim, ob venerationem illius animae, quae hac in nocte inter angelorum choros vecta, ultra siderea ccelorum spatia ad paradisum ascendit, sacra oportet Eucharistise celebrare mysteria. E t bis dictis fratres obsequuntur, et, juxta sancti jussionem, eadem ociantur die ; praeparatisque sacris, ad ecclesiam, ministeriis quasi die solenni albati cum sancto pergunt. Sed forte, dum inter talia cum modulatione officia illa consueta decantaretur deprecatio, in qua Sancti Martini commemoratur nomen, subito sanctus ad cautores, ejusdem onomatis ad locum pervenientes : Hodie, ait, pro Sancto Columbano, episcopo, decantare debetis. Tunc omnes qui inerant fratres intellexere quod Columbanus, episcopus Lagenensis, carus ColumbiB amicus, ad Dominum emigraverit. E t post alicujus temporis intervallum, aliqui de Lagenica commeantes provincia ea nocte eundem obiisse nunciant episcopum qua sancto ita revelatum est. I I I . 12. 2£ 2

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178

REV. D E . MAC CARTHY—

On the Stowe

F . — P r a y e r of Coiffa Ua Duinechda, Y E L L O W BOOK OF L E C A N , T . 0 . D .

H . 2.16,

COL.

Missal.

f 796. TRANSLATION.

336.

Ateoch frit, a Isu noib, do iiii suisceJaige ro scribsad do shoscelai comdheta .i. Matha, Mairco, Lucas, loin.

I beseech with thee, 0 Jesus holy, thy four Evangelists who wrote thy Gospel divine, to wit, Matthew, Mark, Luke, John.

Ateocli frit do iiii primfhaide rothirchansatar tli' inchollugug (sic), Daniel, ocus Erimias, ocus Essias, oeus Ezechel.

I beseech with thee thy four chief prophets who foretold thy Incarnation, Daniel, and Jeremias, and Isaias and Ezechiel.

Ateocli frit viiii ngrada na heclaise talmanta, o salmehedlaid eo hesscubaide.

I beseech with thee the nine grades of the Church earthly, from psalmsinger to episcopate.

Ateoch frit ina huile thuicsenchu arroedatar na grada sin o thossueh nuad fiiiadnaise cosaniu, ocas -arfoemad o'ndiu co laithe in mhesa.

I beseech with thee all the elect who received those grades from the beginning of the new Testament to to-day, and who shall receive them from to-day to the day of the judgment.

Ateoch frit viiii ngrada na heelaise nemdha .i. aingle ocus archangle, virtutes, potestates, principatus, dominationes, troin, irrophin, saropin.

I beseech with thee the nine grades of the Church celestial, to wit, angels and archangels, virtues, powers, principalities, dominations, thrones, cherubim, seraphim.

Ateoch frit na da uasalaithrech dec rothaircnatar très na ruinib spirdaldaib.

I beseech with thee the twelve noble fathers (patriarchs) who foretold thee through the spiritual mysteries.

Ateoch frit na da mhinfâidh dec rotfiugraidsetar.

I beseech with thee the twelve minor prophets who figured thee.

Ateoch frit na da apstal dec rotcarsatar, ocus rotailsetar ocus rotsechsetar ocus rotlensatar ocus roroegatar recach.

I beseech with thee the twelve apostles, who loved thee, and who desired thee, and who adhered to thee, and who followed thee, and who chose thee before everyone.

[380]

Rev. De. Mac Carti-iy—On the Stowe

Mmal.

179

Ateoch frit th'uli maccu ina firoige in domuin uile, etir fetarlaine oous nuadfhiadnaise, im Eoin maccan, im do bruin de dalta uadessin.

I beseech with thee all thy sons of true virginity of the whole world, both of the old Law and the New Testament, around John the youth, around thy bosom child himself.

Ateoch frit na huile noebu aithrigechu im Petar napstol.

I beseech with thee all the saints penitent, around Peter, Apostle.

Ateoch frit hule noeb inghena ógha in uile domuin, im Muire óig, imot noeb mathair uadessin. Ateoch frit na huile fhedbai aithrigecha im Muire Magdalena.

I beseech with thee all the female saints, virgins, of the whole world around Mary, Virgin, around thy holy mother herself.

Ateoch frit huile lochta in chomamais dligtheig, im l o b nimnedach, forsa tarta fóichide.

I beseech with thee all the folk of lawful wedlock, around Job the suffering, on whom was sent tribulation.

Ateoch frit huile noeb martire in domuin uile, etir fetarlaioc ocus nuadfhiadnaise, ó thosach in betha corice Helii ocus Enoc, fodhemad in marthra ndeighenaig fri bruinde in bratha ; im Stefan, im Chornil, im Chiprian, im Laurint, im Geurgi, im German.

I beseech with thee all holy martyrs of the whole world, both of the old Law and the new Testament, from beginning of the world to Eli and Enoch, who shall suffer the final martyrdom on the brink of the j u d g m e n t ; around Stephen, around Cornelius, around Cyprian, around Lawrence, around George, around Germanus.

Ateoch frit na huile noeb maDchu romiltnigsetar erut sechnon in domuin uile, im Eliam ocus im Elesium i petarlaicc ; im Eóin, im Pol, im Anton in nua fiadnaise.

I beseech with thee all the holy monks who battled for thee throughout the whole world, around Elias and around Eliseus in the old L a w ; around John, around Paul, around Antony in the New Testament.

Ateoch frit huile thuicsenchu rechta aicnid, im Aibel, im Sheth, im Heli, im Enoc, im Nói, im Abraham, im Isaac, im Iacob.

I beseech with thee all the chosen of the law of nature, around Abel, around Seth, around Eli, around Enoch, around Noah, around Abraham, around Isaac, around Jacob. I beseech with thee all the chosen of the law of the letter, around Moses, around Jesse, around Caleb, around Aaron, around Eleazar, around Jonas.

Ateoch frit huili thuicsenchu rechta litre, im Moysi, im Iesu, im Chalep, im Aron, im Elizar, im Ionass.

I beseech with thee all the widows penitent around Mary Magdalen.

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180

R e v . D ß . Mac C a r t h y — O n the Stowe Missal.

Ateoch frit huli thuicsinchu rechta fatha, im Eliam, im Elisium, im David oeus im Sholmain.

I beseech with thee all the chosen of the law of the prophets, around Elias, around Eleseus, around David, and around Solomon.

Ateoch frit huile thuicsenchu reohta xmafiadnaise im do noeh apstalu uadessin oeus im na huile noeb, co deired in domuin.

I beseech with thee all the chosen of the law of the New Testament, around thy own holy apostles, and around all the saints to the end of the world.

Ateoch frit na huile noeb epscopu forothaigsetar in cathraig neclasdagda in Ierusalem, im Iacop ngluinech, im do noeh [b]rathair uadessin.

I beseech with thee all the holy bishops who founded the city ecclesiastical in Jerusalem, around James the kneed, around thine own holy brother.

Ateoch frit na huile noeb epscobu forothaigsetar in cathraig neclastacdha hirRoim, im Lin, im Chleit, im Chlement.

I beseech with thee all the holy bishops who founded the city ecclesiastical in Rome, around Linus, around Cletus, around Clement.

Ateoch frit na uile noeb epscobu forothaigsetar incathraig neclasdacdha in Alexandir, im Maircc suiscealaige.

I beseech with thee all the holy bishops who founded the city ecclesiastical in Alexandria, around Mark, Evangelist.

Ateoch frit na huile noeb epscobu forothaigsetar in cathraig neclasdagda inandiaidb, im Petur napstal.

I beseech with thee all the holy bishops who founded the city ecclesiastical after them, around Peter, Apostle.

Ateoch frit huile noeb noidenu in domuin uile rodamatar croich marttra forut, imon cethrachait ar cet ar dib milib macân rohorta la Hiruath imBethil Iuda ; im Chiric macan.

I beseech with thee the holy infants of the whole world who suffered the cross of martyrdom for thee, around the forty above one hundred above two thousand youths who were slain by Herod in Bethel of Juda ; around Quiricus the youth.

Ateoch frit huile shlogu ina sean forpthe fhiren fororcansatar a sentataid oeus a forpietad, oeus a firinde forut, im hEligib ipetarlaic ; imon sruith senoir forpthe fhirian, im Semion i tossach nuafiadnaise, rotgab for a rigthib oeus glunib oeus uillib

I beseech with thee all the hosts of the old perfect faithful who testified in old age and in perfection and in truth for thee, around Eliasib(P) in the old Law ; around the venerable senior, perfect, faithful, around Simeon in the begin-

[382]

R E V . D R . MAC CARTHY—

On the Stowe

Missal

181

icbâide umut, conerbairt : Nunc dimitte— Israel [Luc. ii. 29-32],

ning of the New Testament, who took thee on his arms and knees and elbows, rejoicing about thee, so that he said ' Nunc dimitte.' [The rest of the test is the Vulgate.]

Ateoch frit na huile noeb desciplu foroegfoglainsetar (sic) ina fhiadnaise, imon da descipul sechtmogat.

I beseech with thee all the holy disciples who learned the testimony, around the two and seventy disciples.

Ateoch frit ina uilé forcetlaige forbthe forforcansatar in sians spirudalda, im Poi napstol. Con imragba for greis ocus ditin ocus dethidin, dom imdegail ocus dom imditen ar demnaib cona ulib aslaigib; ocus ar uile dulib in domuin ; ar tholaib, ar thargabalaib, ar pecdaib, ar imarbasaib, in betha ; ar gabthaib in chentair, ar pianaib in altair ; do lamaib namut, ocus cena agesta ; ar thenid ifirnd ocns bratha ; ar enechcreca fiad ghnuis Dé ; ar comthetarrachta ndemna, ar na docoemsat ni dun fri hitacht indaltair ; as- gaibthib inchentair ; ar cech duine romfitir Dia commiduthracht dun fo déc rennaib in domuin.

I beseech with thee all the perfect teachers who proclaimed the spiritual sense, around Paul, Apostle— That thou take me under shelter and protection and care, to secure me and to protect me against demons with all their assaults; and against all the creatures of the world; against the desires, against the transgressions, against the sins, against the offences of the world ; against the snares of this life, against the pains of the next; from the hands of enemies and ? against the fire of hell and judgment ; against dishonour before the face of God ; against the grasp of demons, that they prevail nought against us towards entering the next life; against the snares of this life; against every person whom God knows (to be possessed) with evil intent for us in the ten parts of the world. May God keep apart from us their furv, their power, their haughtiness, their prowess, their cunning. May God enkindle meekness and charity and love and mercy and affection in their hearts, and in their thoughts, and in their souls, and in their minds, and in their entrails.

Roscara Dia dun ainbruth, ambrig, ambaraind, a crodataid, anamaiudae. Co roadanna Dia cendsa ocus deeirc ocus bóide ocus trocaire, ocus dilgidetaid inacridib ocus inaniniraitib ocus inananmaib ocus inamemnaib ocus inanindib.

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182

R E V . DH. M A C C A R T H Y — O n the Stowe

I.—Celebrad

Missal.

= Celebration of the Canonical Hours. {a)

WURZBURG

1 T H E S . V. 17. Sine intermissione orate. [Ceist c]ate ind irgnig[de] (sic: lege irnigde) cen chumsanad ? [Ni anse.] Bicunt alii combad [ce]lebrad tratha. [Quod] non est verum.—Folio 25 c.

(ST.

PAUL).

[ I t is a question,] what is the prayer without cessation ? [Not difficult.] Some say that it is the Celebration of the Hours. But this is not true.

(b) SALTAIR NA K A N N .

Ri roraide friu tria rath, Fri aiffrenn, fri celebrad, Treb Levi, lerol, cen greis, Immedon, immon eclais.. -4441-4.

The King, who said to them graciously:— " For Offering, for Celebration, " The tribe of Levi, very great, without dispute, " I n the centre, around the Church."

(C) CORMAC'S GLOSSARY.

Celebrad .i. honni is celebro .i. urdarcaigim. Celebrad, diño, .i. urdarcaigimm luad anma De.—L. B. 265 a.

(d)

Celebrad from the word Celebro, that is> I celebrate. Celebrad, therefore, namely, I celebrate the praise of the name of God.

L E B A R NA HTJIDRI.

I n tan dognithea celebrad ocus offrend. —10 a.

What time celebration and Mass used to be carried out.

I n tan, imorro, robatar lucht curaig Beoain ocimram forsind farrci, co cualatar celebrad aiDgel fon churuch. Coroiarfaig Beoan: cid diata in celebradsa, for se ? —40 b.

What time, howbeit, the crew of the coracle of Beoan were faring o'er the ocean, they heard the celebration of angels beneath the coracle. So that Beoan asked : whence is this celebration? quoth he.

[384]

REV.

D E . MAC

(e)

CAKTHY

183

—On the Stowe Missal.

B O O K OF L E I N S T E R .

At celebrating nocturn in his church.

Oo celebrad iarmerge ina eclais.—282 a. Gebatsa, chetus, or fer dib, na tri coicdu, cech día, la celebrad mo thrath ocus la aiffrend cech día. Grebaitsa, daño, or araile, tri coictu ernaigthi, la celebrad mo thrath ocus la aiffrend cech día. Gebatsa, daño, or in tres fer, tri coictu Tmnum dicat cecli dia, la celebrad mo thrath, ocus la offrend cach dia.—283 a.

(/)

I -will recite, in the first place, quoth a man of them, the three fifties [i.e. 150 Psalms] each day, with celebration of my hours, and with mass each day. I will recite, moreover, quoth another, thrice fifty prayers, with oelebration of my hours, and with mass each day. I will recite, also, quoth the third man, thrice fifty Tmnum dicats* each day, with celebration of my hours, and with mass each day.

LEBAR

BREAC.

Celebration of Vespers.

Celebrad Espartan.—10 a. Célébrait in Teirt.—10 b.

They celebrate Tierce.

Oifrend cech domnaig ocus cech primshollaman, ocus cech primfheli—celebrad cech tratha—celebrad ocus oiffriund.—11b.

Mass each Sunday, and each chief solemnity, and each chief festival—Celebration of every Hour — Celebration and Mass.

Cid arandentar celebrad is na thrathib sea, sech na trathib ele.—247 a.

"Why is Celebration carried out during these Hours in preference to the other Hours?

* Tmnum dicat are the first words of a Hymn attributed to St. Hilary of Poitiers. It is contained in the Trinity College (fol. 6 b), and Franciscan (fol. 10 b), Liber Hymnorum; and has been published from the former, in the second fasciculus of the Book of Mymm, p. 151, sq. E l . IE. ACAD. TEAKS., VOL. XXVII.—POL. LIT. AND ANTIQ.

[385]

2

F

184

REV. D E . MACCAKTHY—On the Stowe

Missal.

G.—Extracts from, BOOK OF ARMAGH, showing that Adult Baptism was generally administered after Profession of Faith and before full Catechetical Instruction. Respondensque ille tyrannus crudelis ait : Pcenitet me facti hujus. . . . E t ait Sanctus: crede ergo in Deo, . . . et confiterepeccata tua, et baptizare in nomine etc. . . . E t conversus . . . oredidit Deo. Baptizatusque est insuper. Fol. 6 a 2. Fuit vir. . . . Hercaith nomine. . . . Credidit Deo Patricii et baptizavit ilium Patricius. . . . E t exivit cum Patricio ad legendum. 9 a 1. E t dixit illi : Cur tu solis surrexisti in honorem Bei mei in me ? E t dixit ei Hercus : Nescio quid video scintillas igneas de labiis tuis ascendere in labia mea. Sanctus quoque dixit : Si baptisma Domini accipies, quod mecum est ? Respondit : Accipiam. Et venerunt ad fontem. . . . Cumque aperuisset librum atque baptizasset virum Hercum. 10b 1. Baptizavit Patricius multitudinem nimiam, 14 b 1. Cum viderent omnes homines hoc miraculum, et baptizavit multos in ilia die 14 b 1. E t baptizavit multos, 15 a 1. LIBER

ANGUELI

incipit.

Quodam itaque [die]*, Sanctus Patricius de Alti Mache urbe ad multitudines utriusque sexus humani generis babtizandas, docendas atque sanandas, juxta fontem in orientali praedictse urbis parte prope herentem pie perrexit. E t ibi ante lucem multos undique ad notitiam fidei confluentes expectavit, 20 b 1. Compare "Wurzburg St. Paul : 1 Cor. xiv. 6. In doctrina .i. forcetal neich iarna baithius : that is, instruction of anybody after his Baptism. Folio 12 c. I b . 26, Doctrinam habet .i. iarmbaithius : that is, after Baptism. Folio 12 d.

H.—Extract from the L I B E K ANGELI, enumerating the Religious Orders attached to the Church of Armagh. I n ista vero urbe Alti Machse homines Christiani utriusque sexus religiossi ab initio fidei bucusque pene inseperabiliter commorari videntur. Cui vero praedictae tres ordines adhserent : virgines et pcenitentes, in matrimonio ligitimo seclessise servientes. E t his tribus ordinibus audire verbum prsedicationis in seclessia aquilonalis plagae conceditur semper, diebus dominicis. I n australi vero bassilica 8Bpiscopi et prsesbyteri et anchoritse »elessi®, et caeteri religiossi laudes sapidas offerunt. Lib. Ar., fol. 21 a-b. * Die is most probably in the MS., although it is not in my transcript.

[386]

REV. DE. MAC CAETHY—On the Stowe Missal.

K . — E x t r a c t s from

MISSALS OF AUXEERE AND CHALONS, showing

the Eucharistie before Mass Ex

185

Elements were placed

upon the Altar

that

and blessed

commenced.

ANTIQUO MISSALI ECCLESIJE AUTISSIO-

Ex

ANTIQUO MISSALI ECCLESIJE CATALAU-

DOKENSIS.

NENSIS.

Incipit Ordo Missm.

Modus Celebrandi Missam.

Sacerdos primo se reconciliet, si indigeat ; et, peraetis his quae sibi a confessore injuncta sunt, dicat : Actiones nostras, et csetera. Postea la vet manus dicens : Amplius lava me, et csetera, usque in finem psalmi. Postea, discooperto altari et preparato, administret panem super patenam, et vinum et aquam in calicem, si velit : saltern ante evangelium hoc faciat ; et tunc dicit : De latere Domini nostri, Jesu Christi, exivit sanguis et aqua baptismatis, in remissionem peccatorum. Ponendo aquam : Commixtio vini et aqua pariter fiat, in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancii. Postea induat se amictu, dicens . . .

Sacerdos lavet manus suas dicendo : Largire, queesumus, Domine, et csetera. Postea, altari parato tribus mappis lineis, ministret panem super patenam, et vinum et aquam in calice ponat, et, dum ponit vinum, dicat : De latere domini nostri, Iesu Christi, exivit sanguis et aqua, in remissionem peccatorum nostrorum. Ponendo aquam in calice dicat, Commixtio vini et aquee pariter fiat, in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancii. Postea, flexis genibus, ante altare dicat hanc orationem : Domine Iesu Christe, propitius esto mihi peccatori, et csetera. Postea erectus sacerdos, facto signo crucis, capiendo amictum dicat. . .

De- Antiquis Ecclesice Ritibus. Antwerpise, 1736, lib. 1, cap. 3, Art. 9, col. 351-2.

—MARTENE,

L . — E x t r a c t s from

ADAMNAN,

describing

in connexion with

some of the Deacon's

Celebration

of

functions

Mass.

Quadam solenni die vinum ad sacrificale mysterium casu aliquo minime inveniebatur. De cujus defectu cum ministros altaris inter se conquerentes audiret, ad fontem sumpto pergit urceo, ut ad sacrse Eucharistise ministeria aquam, quasi diaconus, fontanam hauriret; ipse quippe, illis in diebus, erat in diaconatus gradu administrans. Lib. II., cap. 1. 1F1

[387]

186

REV. DB. M A C C A E T H Y — O n

the Stowe Missal.

Mane primo suum advocat . . . ministratorem . . . eique praecipit, inquiens :

eeleriter

Eucharistice

minuteria

prceparentur.

Lib. in., cap. 11.

sacra

Sanctus . . . ea die otiari praecipit sacraeque oblationis obsequia prsBparari.... Juxta sancti jussionem, eadem ociantur die ; praeparatisque sacris, ad ecclesiam, ministeriis, quasi die solenni albati cum sancto pergunt. Cap. 12.

M.—Penitential Enactments respecting (a)

PCENITENTIALE

Neglect of Deacon's

Duty.

CUMMIANI.

Diaconus obliviscens oblationem adferre, donee auferatur linteamen, quando recitantur nomina pausantium, similiter poeniteat [id est, superponat]. xxxi. 14.

This Canon was incorporated into the (B) PCENITENTIALE X X X V .

CAPITULORUM.

Diaconus obliviscens oblationem adferre, donee adferatur [auferatur] lintheamen, quando reeitantur nomina pausantium, superponat. xxxiv. (c)

PCENITENTIALE

HALITGARII.

Diaconus obliviscens oblationem ofierce sine linteamine, donee offeruntur, similiter [id est, xx. diebus] poeniteat. x. 5.

The incredible corruption of (c) warrants the conclusion that the rite intended by Cummian was unknown at the close of the eighth, and opening of the ninth, century in the Church of Cambray.

N.—Penitential Enactments confirming Equation of Irish periculosa oratio = Consecration Formula.

Tract—

(A) G I L D A S DE PCENITENTIA.

Si quis errans comniotaverit aliquid de verbis sacris, ubi duanum aut tres superpositiones faciat. 20.

[388]

periculum

adnotatur, tri-

REV. DB. MACCABTHY—On the Stowe

(b)

PCENITBNTIALE

Missal.

187

BOBIENSE.

Si tutoaverit [titubaverit] saoerdos super oratione dominica, die uno in pane et aqua, XLVII. (C) PCENITENTIALE CÜMMIANI.

Si quis errans commutaverit aliquid de verbis saororum, ubi perimlum adnotaverit, tres superpositiones faciat. XIII. 4. Si titubaverit sacerdos super orationem dominicam, quae dicitur periculosa, si una vice, quinquaginta plagas; secunda, centum; tertiá, superponat. XIII. 21. (D)

PCENITENTI ALE

HALITGARII.

Si titubaverit sacerdos super orationem dominicam, quae dicitur periculosa, una vice quadraginta psalmos; secunda vice, centum plagis. x. 10.

O.—Extract from the LIBELLUS OF ELDEPHONSUS, given in MARTENE, torn, i., cap. iv., art. vi., § x., col. 389. Hie juvat ecclesiarum Hispanise ritus seculo nono observatos referre, quos describit Eldephonsus, episcopus Hispaniensis, in libello hac de re ab ipso edito, ex cujus praescripto, habita dierum et festivitatum ratione, in Natali Domini " in prima Missa et secunda et tertia offerendi sunt panes equali numero et figura semper duodeeim, per gyrum ; hoc est, in rotundum, ad significandum angelicum chorum et in medio quinque in crucis modum, ad significandos Evangelista^ et unicum Filium Dei. " In Pascha, scilicet, Dominica ßesurrectionis, de qua fit sermonis ratio, centum triginta et quinque panes sunt offerendi, in crucis modum per trium missarum officia, videlicet, quadraginta et quinque in unaquaque missa. " I n Domini Jesu Christi Ascensione et Ipsius manifesta quibusdam diseipulis in monte excelso Transfiguratione, quae fuit sexto Kalendas Augustas, quinto in mense, ita sunt uno eodemque numero et figura panes offerendi similiter omnino, ut in Natali Domini, scilicet, septemdecim ad singulas missas. " I n Pentecoste etiam sub quadrata, cum cruce tamen in medio, civitatis figura ccelestis Jerusalem, tot panes offerendi sunt per omnia," subaudis missarum officia, " quot in Besurrectione Dominica.

[389]

188

REV. DB. MAC CARTHY—On the Stowe

Missal.

" In diebus autem dominicis et Dei sanctorum festis, amplius non sunt offerendi panes nec minus maxime, quam quinque in crucis forma." Additque : " Ille enim panis medius ssepe debet esse potius major et honestior aliis omnibus, de quo legitur in quodam loco : Agnus in medio significatus. " Quotidianis autem diebus, nec amplius nec minus, nisi unus tantum. " Quae omnia," inquit, " iterum ob memoriam cordis replicamus. In Natali Domini, sicut audistis, decern et septem, per tres vices. In Resurrectione Domini quadraginta quinque panes, tribus vicibus. Sic in Pentecoste quadraginta quinque panes, tribus vicibus. Sic in Transfiguratione decern et septem panes, tribus vicibus similiter, ut in Natale Domini. In dominicis autem diebus et sanctorum festivitatibus, semel tantum, hoc est, una vice, quinque panes."

P.—Extracts from

GREGORY OF T O U K S

proving Libellus =

Missal.

Quad am dominica ad missarum celebranda sollemnia invitatur, dixitque fratribus: jam oculi mei caligine obteguntur, nec possum libettum aspicere. Greg. Tur. De Yit. patr., 16. Ablato sibi [Sidonio] nequiter libello, per quem sacrosancta sollemnia agere consueverat, ita paratus a tempore cunctum festivitatis opus expliouit, ut ab omnibus miraretur. Hist. Francor. n. 22.

Q-—Extracts from

BOOK OF ARMAGH

and

TRIPARTITE

LIFE

describing the Foundation of Armagh. LIBER ARMACHANUS.

Fol. 6 b 2. Fuit quidam homo dives et honorabilis in regionibus Orientalium, cui nomen erat Daire. Hunc autem rogavit Patricius ut aliquem locum ad exercendam religionem dar et ei. Dixitque dives ad sanctum : Quem locum petis ? Peto, inquit sanctus, ut illam altitudinem terree, quae nominatur Dorsum salicis, dones miài; et construam ibi locum. At ille noluit sancto terrain illam dare altam ; sed dedit illi locum alium in inferiori terra, ubi nunc est Ferite martyrum juxta Arrd Machae. E t habitavit ibi Sanctus Patricius cum suis . . . Fol. 7a 1. Interrogavitque Daire socios suos dicens : quid dixit Christianus quando reporta&tis wneim ? [Nullum ?] dictum lam bonum est cum [quam ?] Grasacham illis* * Id est, Christianis.

[390]

REV. D E . MAC CARTHY—

On the Stowe

Missal.

189

E t venit Daire in semet ilia vice . . . dioens e i : . . . Insuper et partem illam agri quain olim petisti,

do tibi nunc quantum habeo, et inhabite

ibi.

E t ilia est civitas q u a e

nunc Ardd Machae [fol. 7 a 2] nominator. E t exierunt ambo, Sanctus Patricius et Daire, ut considerarent mirabile oblationis et beneplacitum munus, et ascenderunt illam altitudinem terrse, inveneruntque cervam cum vitulo suo parvo jaciente in loco in quo nunc altare est sinistralis aeclessias in Ardd Maehae.

TRIPARTITE

LIFE.

British Museum MS., Egerton, 93.

Translation.

P . 136. Do dechoid tra Patraic iarsin don Machai, la breithir ind aingil, co maigin bita Rath Dare indiu. Bui alailiu fer soimm airmitnecb hi suidiu, Dare a ainm, .i. Dare mac Findchada, maic Eogain, maic Niallain. Conaitigir Patraic inned a reclesa fair. Adubairt Dare : Cia du

Now Patrick went after that to the Maeha, by the word of the angel, to the place wherein is Rath Dare to-day. There was a certain man, wealthy, respectable, therein, Dare his name ; to wit, Dare, son of Finchad, son of Eogan, son of Niallan. Patrick requested a site for his church from

adcobrai ?

Hisin

tailaich

mor se this,

Patraic (du bita Ardd Macbae indiu). tiber,

ol D a r e , dober duit chena inned

reclesa isin raith cliobsaid se this—(du

ol

him.

Ni

desire ?

do

Patrick (the spot whereon Armagh is to-

bita

inde Ferta indiu). Eo fbotaig tra Patraic re cian hi suidiu. . . .

Said D a r e :

What

spot

dost

thou

On the large hill—this below, q u o t h

day) . I ivill not give it:

q u o t h D a r e ; I will

give thee, however, a site for the strong fort—this

thy church in

below (the spot w h e r e i n

are the ferta (graves) to-day). Now Patrick settled for a long time therein. P . 137.

Ocus rofiarfacht Dare : Cid as-

bert Patraic hie tabairt in choiri huad . . . Is deg briathar leosom, ol D a r e , Oratzi-

cum. Luid Dare iarsuidiu ocus a sheitig cona ogreir do Patraic, ocus adropartadar . . . [P. 138] in telcha conatigair riasund. E t accepit Patricius, et benedixit ei et fundavit in eo loco ecclesiam, cui est nomen Ardd Machai.

* i. e., with the Christians.

And Dare in bringing A

asked :

What

the cauldron

good word

with them*

said

away from

Patrick him ?

q u o t h D a r e , is

Ora%icum. . . . Dare and his wife went after this with his full demand to Patrick, and they offered to Patrick the hill which he asked before that. And Patrick accepted, and blessed him, and founded in that place a church, of which the name is Height of Macha (Armagh). This shows Dare was a pagan.

[391]

190

REV. D E . MAC CAKTHY—On

LEBAR

the Stome Missal.

BREAC.

Translation.

Lithographed Edition. P. 28 a. Tanic Patraic iarsin do Ard Macha, la brethir in angil, ocus dorocht eo Eaith Dari .i. fer soimm oirmitneoli boi inoirtheraib .i. Dare, mac Finchada, maic Eogain, maic Niallain. Dorat sum inad ard eclaise do Patraic, bale hita in ferta indiu. . . .

Patrick came after that to Armagh, by the word of the Angel, and he arrived at the Bath of Dare, to wit, a man wealthy, respectable, who was in the Oiriors; that is, Dare son of Finchad, son of Eogan, son of Niallan. He gave a site of a high church to Patrick, the place wherein the Ferta is to-day. P. 28 b. Iarfaigis Dare do na timtherib: Dare enquired of the servants : What Cid atrubairt Patraic tea thabairt uad ? . . . said Patrick at its being taken from him ? Is ni maith acasum inbriathar sin, ol Dare. A good thing with them is that word, quoth . . . Teit Dare fen . . . ocus dorat a rer do Dare . . . Dare himself went and gave his Patraic, conid andsin tuce do an inud hita demand to Patrick, so that it was then he Ard Macha indiu. Ard Sailech tra a ainm gave him the site wherein is Armagh tocosin. day. Sallow Height, indeed, its name to that time.

R . — Canons received in Early Irish Church respecting Grants made by Pagans. COLLECTIO CANONUM

Liber XLIII.

HIBERNENSIS.

De Loch.

CAP. 1. De ecclesia ab infidelibus non fundanda. N.B.—Sinodus : Si quis ingressus fuerit locum, non ab infidelibus aut a laicis, sed ab ecclesia fundatur ecclesia. CAP. 3. Be fundamento ecclesia ab infidelibus accepto. Sinodus ait : Quieumque edificai ecclesiam, si ab infidelibus accipiat fundamentum, convocet episcopum et seniores, et firmetur episcopo, et firmet episcopus in oblationem Deo et advenís. CAP. 4. De conversatione advence accipientis locum. Sinodus [I] Patricii [c. 24] dicit : Si quis advena ingressus fuerit in plebem, non ante baptizet, nec offerat, nec consecret, nec edificet ecclesiam, donec permissionem

[392]

REV. DE. MAC CARTHY.—On the Stowe

191

Missal.

acceperit ab episcopo illius provinciae, quia exemplum humilitatis est ; nam qui sperai ab infidelibus aut laiois, et non ab episcopo permissionem accipit, infidelis est. CAP. 5. De advena non valente tenere locum, mum.

Sinodus Eibernensü ait : Plaeuit ut advena accipiat locum inter monasteria ; cum vero datum ei locum obtinere non potuerit, ad suum monasterium revertetur, unde venerat. Si ab infidelibus accipit, et non potuit obtinere, accipiat pretium ejus ab heredibus, aliis vero vendi non poterit. Si in eo plantaverit reliquias sanctorum, potest dare aliis clerieis, sed tantum perfectis oportet.

S.—

Offertorium from BOOK OF HYMNS, Trinity College, Dublin, folio 3 1 « , showing the triple repetition of Amen.

Has orationes, preces supplicationesque fundimus in conspectu misericordissimse divinse majestatis tuse, Domine Deus omnipotens et misericors, in honore beatissima Marise semper Yirginis, genetricis tuse, sanctique Michaelis Archangeli, novemque graduum supernorum civium, totiusque secclesise catholicse, et in honore ipsius summse sanctissimseque unicae Trinitatis, Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti ; ac specialiter horum quorum hodie festivitas celebratur, et quorum hic reliquise habentur : ut in hac vita sine offensione feliciterque a cunctis diaboli vitiorumque necnon malorum hominum insidiis ac temptationibus liberati, post hanc vitam in electorum grege, te, Domine Deus omnipotens et misericors, adjuvante et gubernante, inseri numerarique mereamur, ac sine fine in sempiternis gaudiis, unica solaque visionis tuse consolatione, summa Sanctissimaque Trinitas, in conspectu missericordissimse majestatis tuse gloriose coronemur. Per omnia secula seculorum. Amen, Amen, Amen.

RL. IE. ACAB. IRAKS. VOL. XXVII.

POL. LIT. AND-ANTIQ.

[393]

2 Cr

192

R E V . D R . M A C CARTHY—On

the Stowe Missal.

STOWE MISSAL.

Fol. 12 a.— 1

LITANIA APOSTOLOJRUM AC 2MARTTRUM SANOTORUM CONFESSORI7M ET VIRGINUM INCIPIT.

Deus, in adjutorium meum—[et] reliqua [Ps. lxix. 1 ] \ Peccavimus, Domine, pecca vimus, parce peccatis nostris, et salva nos. Qui gubernasti Noe super undas 4 diluvii, exaudi 5 nos ; et Jonam de 6 abysso verbo revocasti, libera nos. Qui Petro mergenti manum porrexisti, ausiliare nobis, Christe, Fili Dei. Fol. 12b.—'Fecisti mirabilia, 8 Domine, cum patribus nostris, et nostris propitiare temporibus. 9 Emitte manum tuam de alto, libera nos [Ps. cxliii. 7]. Christe, audi nos ; Christe, audi nos ; Christe, audi nos. Kyrie, 1 eleison. 3

Sancta María, ora pro nobis.] Sánete 2 Petre, ] Sánete 3 Paule, ] Sánete 4 Andrea, ] Sánete 5 Jacobe, ] 6 Sánete Bartholomaee, ] 55 Sánete 'Thoma, ] 55 Sánete 8 Matthase, ] 55

Sánete Jacobe, ora pro nobis.] ] 9 Sánete Thaddase, ¡) Sánete 10 Mattlña, )> J) ] ] Sánete Maree, 55 55 ] Sánete "Luca, JJ J) Omnes sancti, orate pro nobis. Propitius esto, 12parce nobis, Domine Propitius esto, libera nos, Domine.

Ab omni malo, libera nos, Domine. Per erucem tuam, libera nos, Domine.

MS. s

READINGS. s

Fol: 12a.—'Letania. marfcirum. « always = u and v. 4 dilui. so accented; the acute accent is employed throughout. 6 abiso. 'ficisti. 8 domini. 9 emite. Fol. 12 b.—'elezion. 2 petri. 'pauli. 4anrias. 5 iacobi. 6 bartholomei (with cedilla appended to e). 7tomse. 8 mathei. 'tathei. lo madiani. "lucae. "parcae. Tol. 12a.—'The addition is contained in two lines on the upper margin. The Title, it will bo observed, is borne out by the Litany, which con-

tains Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, and Yirgins. I t is unnecessary to point out the choral portions of the service in detail.

[394]

REV. DE. MAC CAETHY—On the Stowe

Fol. 28b.

Fol. 28 a. Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete

Fol. 29 a.-

193

Missal.

1

Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Sánete Saneta Saneta Saneta Saneta Saneta

Stephane, ora pro z Martine, 4 Hieronyme, Augustine, 5 Gregori, Hilari, 6 Patricia Ailbeif Finnio Finnio,4 Ciarani," Ciarani Brendini,s Columba,h Columba/

ora pro nobis. Comgillif Cainniehi,b Findbarri,c Nessanif Faetni,e Lugidi* Laeteni,s Ruadani,h Carthegi,1 Coemgenif Moehonne,1 l Brigita,m Ita,n Seetka," Sineehaf Samdinef

Omnesa saneti, orate pro nobis. Propitius esto, parce nobis, Domine.

MS.

READINGS.

Fol. 28 a.—"Stefane. accented in this word throughout the Litany, 'hironime. 5grigorii. 6patricii. Fol. 28 b.—'brigta. Fol. 28a—»493. The dates are those of the obits. "B., Emly, 541. c Ab., Clonard, 548. d Ab., Moville, 579. 'Ab., Clonmacnoise, 548. f Ab., Seirkiaran, 560. * Ab., Birr, 572. h Ab., Terryglas, 548. 'Ab., Iona, 597. Fol. 28b.—"Ab., Bangor, 601. bAb., Aghabo, 598. C B., Cork, 623. d Deacon, Mungret, 551. • B., Kosscarbery, 6th century. r B., Connor,

'martini,

537. «Ab., Freshford, Co. Kilkenny, 622. B., Lothra, 584. ' Ab., Lismore, 636. k Ab., Glendalough, 615. 'Ab., Derry, 705. " Y . , Kildare, 523. "V., Kilmeedy, 569. °Y., Fert Sceithe, Barrymore, Co. Cork, circa 622. p Y., Taughshinny, Co. Louth, 596. *V„ Clinbroney, Longford, 739. h

Fol. 29 a.—a~*is a repetition of part of the

2 G2

[395]

194

REV. D E . M A C C A E T H Y — O n

the Stowe Missal

Fol. 29 a (continued) :— Propitius esto, libera lnos, Domine. Ab omni malo, libera nos, Domine. Per Crucem tuam, libera nos, Domine.'' Peccatores, He rogamus, audi nos. 3

Fili Dei, te rogamus, audi nos. Ut pacem idones, te rogamus, audi nos. Agne Dei, qui tollis peccata mundi, 5miserere nobis. Christe, *audi nos ; Christe, audi nos ; Ghriste, audi nos. ORATIO

lAMlinOSII

Ante conspectum divinoe hnajestatis tuoi, Deus, 0assisto, qui invocare nome?i Fol. 29b.—sanctum tuum prcesumo ; 5miserere mihi, Domine, homini | "peccatori luto lfcecis 2immunde zinhoerenti; ignosce indigno sacerdoti, per cujus manus hcec oblatio videter off erri ; par ce, Domine, i polluto peccatorum labe sprce 6 cceteris capitalium,b et non intres insudicio cum servo tuo, quia non justificabitur in conspectu tuo omnis vivens. Scilicet, 1 vitiis ac voluntatibusc carnis gravati sumus. MS.

READINGS.

Fol. 29 a.—1o accented throughout the Litany. 2e accented in these three petitions. 3 Filii. *e accented. 5misserere. 6audii. 'Ambrosi. "maestatis. s adsisto. Fol. 29b.—lfeccis. 2inmunde. 3inherenti. 4pulluto. 5pre. 6e for ce in first syllable; i accented. 7 vitis, with final i accented. Litany given on fol. 12b. The remaining portion here following stood upon fol. 13a. 'Martene gives this Prayer from eleven Missals, ranging in date from the time of Charlemagne to the first half of the sixteenth century. Its usual position is before the commencement of Mass, as here. There are, however, exceptions. For instance, in a Tours Missal of the ninth century, the prayer is to be recited post lotionem ante secretum (De Antiq. Ec. Bit., vol. i., art. vii., § iii., col. 395). The Variants are not worth quoting. I t will be sufficient to note that the present Text

is somewhat fuller than the others. Fol. 29 b. —"This sign | marks end of page. h creminum (criminum) was here interlined. The writer, in revising, took the contracted form of peccatorum for peccatori, and added the substantive to agree with capitalium. In the Mass published by Placius Illyricus. the reading is: Parce mihi, Domine, prae caeteris capitalium criminum labe polluto (Martene, ubi sup., col. 507). The meaning, most likely, is: mihi polluto prae caeteris. e The other copies have voluptatibus.

[396]

REV.

DE.

MACCARTHY—

On the Stowe Missal.

195

Recordare, Domine, quod caro sumus, et non est alius tibi comparandus ; in tuo conspectu etiam cceli non sunt mundi, quanto magis nos, homines terreni, Fol. 13 a.—quorum, ut dixit | lpropheta, Omnes 2justitice nostrce, sicut pannus 3menstruatce [Is. lxiv. 6]. Indigni sumus, 4 Jesu Christe, ut simus viventes, sed tu, qui non vis mortem peccatoris, 5 da 6 nobis veniam in came 6 constitutis, ut per 1 poenitentice labores vita oeterna perfruamur in ccelis. Per Dominum.s ORATIO A UG US TINI.*

Rogo" 8 te, Deus 9Sabaoth 10altissime, pater sancte, uti me "tunica castitatis digneris accingere, et meos lumbos ba/theo tui amoris ambire, ac renes cordis mei tuae caritatis igne 1 2 urere; ut pro "peccatis 13meis possim intercedere, et "adstantispopuli peccatorum veniam 15promereri, ac pacificas singulorum hostias immolare: me quoque tibi audaciter 16accedentem non sinasd perire; sed dignare lavare, ornare et leniter suscipere.d Per Dominum nostrum. Fol. 13b. a — l Hcec oratio in omni 2missa cantatur. Ascendat oratio nostra usque ad 3thronum claritatis tuae, Domine, et ne vacua revertatur ad nos postulatio nostra. Per Dominum.

MS.

READINGS.

Fol. 13 a.— profeta. 'iustitae. 'menstruate, 'ihuxpe. 5 a accented. *i accented; also in final syllable of constitutis. 'penitentiae. "e accented. s zabaoth. l0altisime. "tonica. 12uxire. I3e accented, "adstantes. "promiriri. I6accidentem. Fol. 13 b.—'Hec. Jmisa. Hronum. 1

Fol. 1 3 a . — " T h e portion occupied by the description consisted of four lines.

What is

The oldest is probably the Pontifical of Prudentius, Bishop of Troyes, in the middle of the

legible of the original writing has been given,

ninth century (ubi sup., col. 529).

in the explanation of the Plate, No. 9.

title i s : Ad tunicam.

b

The title is given on the upper margin,

with a reference

mark corresponding to

similar one on the lateral margin,

are of no importance.

a

opposite

I n this the

The different readings

d

Moelcaich inserted neque permittas after sinas;

and prcesta after suscipere. Fol. 13 b.—* Given in the Liber Hymnorum,

Rogo. •Martene quotes this Prayer from seven missals.

T . C . D . , fol. 29b., -with the reading tronum.

[397]

196

R E Y . DK. M A C C A K T H Y — IN

1

On the Stowe Missal.

SOLEMN ITA TIB US PETRI

ET

CSRISTI.

Deus,b qui beato Petro, apostolo tuo, 5 collatis clavibus regni cselestis, animas ligandi 6 atque solvendi pontificium tradidisti, suscipe propitius preces nostras, et intercessione ejus 7 quaesumus, Domine, auxilium, ut a peccatorum nostrorum 8 nexibus liberemur. Per Dominum. s

HYMN US

ANGELICUS.

c

Gloria in excelsis Deo, et in terra pax hominibus bonse voluntatis. Laudamus 10te, benedicimus 10te, adoramus 10te, glorificamus 10te, magnificamus te. Grratias agimustibi pro[pter] magnam "misericordiam tuam. Domine, Slip of vellum inserted.—rex cselestis, | Deus pater omnipotens, Domine,

MS. 4

READINGS.

5

Fol. 13 b.— sollemnitatibus. conlatis. ,Q 11 "Immis. e accented. missericordiam. b

'autque.

'quesumus.

S

neximus.

This is the first Collect in the Missa vfivovfifv crt, fikoyov/ifv at, irpoaicvvovfifv at Romensis Cottidiana of the Bobio Missal. If nal r a ¿£rj-

2 H

200

Rev. De. MacCarthy—On the Stowe Missal.

Pro d pastore, N., episcopo, et omnibus episcopis et 6presbyteris et diaconi et omni clero. Oramus.d Pro e hoc loco et inhabitantibus in eo; e pro' 7piissimis imperatoribus ; et omni Romano exercitu.1 Oramus. Pro 6 omnibus qui in sublimitate constituti sunt g ; prob virginibus, 8viduis, et 9orplianis. Oramus.11 Fol. 16 a.—Pro a 1 peregrinantibus et iter agentibus ac navigantibus ; * pro 1 pcenitentibus et 2catechumenis.b Oramus. Pro 0 bis qui in sancta 3ecclesia fructus 4misericordÌ8elargiuntur,° Domine, Deus virtutum, exaudi preces nostras. Oramus.

MS.

READINGS.

Fol. 15b.—'praespeteris. 'pissimis. su accented. 9orfanis, with a accented. Fol. 16a.—'perigrinantibus. 2catacominis. »œclesia. 'misserecordiae. " "Yirip iracrqs ¿TTUJ-KOIri}s . . . «at virip TOViréSov (b). Distinct petition, and singular ¿TrurKOTTOV vjjjitov. Kat virip TU1Vnumber irpetrfivrcptsiv in P. rjfitov SerjOuifiev. 'Yirep TraoTjs rijs iv XpicrrEcclesiac catholica, quam pacificare, custodire 6et unared et regere digneris etoto orbee terrarum, una cum beatissimo1 famulo tuo,e N., Papa n nostro, episcopo* sedis apostolicaet omnibus 12orthodozis atque1 13apostolica | Fol. 22b.—fidei cultoribus, etaAbbate nostro, N., episcopo 1

Hica recitantur nomina vivorum

Mementoa etiam,a Domine, famulorum atuorum, N.f famularumque tuurum; et omnium circumadstantium, quorum tibi fides cognita est et nota devotio, qui libi offerunt hoc sacrificium laudis prò se suisque omnibus, prò redemptione animarmi suarum; pròb stratu0 seniorum suorum et ministrorum omnium puntate; prò

MS.

READINGS.

? Fol. 22 a.—1e -with appended cedilla. 'Grilasi. 'e aocented. * clementieime. 6 8 10 'ihesum. suplices. ~a accented. inlibata. "final i accented. seclesia. 11 o accented. "ortodoxis, with i accented. "apostolice. Fol. 22 b.—1li accented.

Pol. 22a.—"omitted, B (Bobio Missal). b aoceptum, B. "placed before tua, B. The collocation in the Text is Irish. d ~ d adunare, B. •-"totum orbem, B. 'devotissimo, B. sfamolo, B. h + et antestite nostro, B. 'adque, B. Fol. 22b.——omitted, B. l p r o - to dignetur, on fol. 23b, omitted, B. ' i . e . , body, congregation. The present is the only instance I have met of stratus with this meaning. Compare posuerunt sibi stratum et sedem. Book of Armagh, 12b2.

(Post nomina.) Offerunt tibi, Domine virtutum, munera et vota credentes. Suscipe nomini tuo debita honoris obsequia, pro pace ecclesiae tuse, pro commemoratione omnium sanctorum, pro saeerdotum et ministrorum puntate, pro regum pacabilitate, pro sufficientia rerum et temporuin tranquilitate, pro perseverantia virginum et continentia viduarum, pro orphanorum tuitione ct poenitcntium sublevatione, pro salute omnium yiventium et pro requie defunctorum Per. Mis. Goth., Miss. Dom., lxxviii.

[410]

REY.

DE. M A C CARTHY—

On the Stowe Missal.

209

5

integritate virginum et continentia viduarum;d prò ceris temperie et fructum Fol. 23 a.— z foecunditate terrarum;& \pro pacis lreditu et fine discriminum; prò 2incolumitate regum et pace popidorum ac reditu captivorum; prò 3votis adstantium\ prò memoria imartyrum; *pro 5remissione Gpeccatorum nostrorum et actuurn emendatione \j\eorum; ac requie defunctorum,a et prosperitate Sitineris nostri; prò domino Papah episcopo et omnibus °episcopis et i,wpresbyteris et omni 11 ecclesiastico ordine; cpro imperio Romano et omnibus regibus 9christianis0; prò fratribus et sororibus 9nostris; prò fratribus in via 9directis; Fol. 23 b .-pro fratribus quos de 9caliginosis \ mundi hujus ltenebris Dominus "-arcessere dignatus est, uti eos in ceterna summce lucis 3quiete ipietas divina suscipiat;a prò fratribus qui 1,5variis dolorum generibus 6 affliguntur,a uti eos divina 4pietas curare dignetur; prò 7spe lsalutis et 6incolumitatish suce, tibi reddunt vota sua * esterno Deo, vivo et vero: 10 Communicantes,c

MS.

Fol. 22 b.— 2 intigritate. 1

3

READINGS.

fecunditate.

2

s 4 5 Pol. 23 a.— redetu. ineoKmitate. i accented. martirum. remisione. 6 9 10 pecatorum. ' first o accented. iteneris. i of final is accented. prespeteris. 11firste •with appended cedilla. Fol. 23b.—'j accented. 2arcisire. 3 quietae. i a accented. 5 varis. "adfiiguntur. 7 e accented, "incolimitatis. 9 eterno. "commonicantes. 6

(Cottectio post Sanctus.) . . . pro sacerdotum tuorum et ministrorum omnium puritate . . . pro votis adstantium et omnium commemoratione sanctorum, ac pro requie defunctorum. Per. Mis. Gallic., Missa v. d_dy

TRIas

b

Papa qualifies episcopo. Cf. folio 22 a. ~ See Mone's first chapter on the Roman Mass (Op. cit. p. 107 sq.), showing these phrases to have reference to the circumstances of Gaul in the fifth century. c c

ETl TTpOOripOfl€V antiq. 2 0 POL. LIT. A

incidentally by Cormac : Sscop fina—isna muirbrethaib : idon, escra tomais fina le oennaigib Gall ocus Frangc : Scoop of wine—in the sea-laws: namely a vessel of measurement of wine (employed) by the traders of the Galls and Franks. Glossary, L. B., 267 a. 7. "Introitus ideo vocatur, quia introeunte populo in basilicam decantatur. Aurelianus Kemensis, Traotat. de Musica, temp. Caroli Calvi. Martene i., coi. 363. Psallentibus clericis, procedit sacerdos . . . de sacrario. Germ. Expos. Id., col. 464. Note the absence of tbe Gloria, stowing a Recension older than By. BL. IS. ACAD. IKAKS., VOL. XXVII.

the Stowe Missal.

[449]

b

248

REV. D R . MACCARTHY—On the Btowe

memorial of the law of the Letter, wherein was figured Christ, who was not known as yet, though he was figured therein. 9. The Uncovering, as far as half, of the oblation and of the chalice, and what is chanted by them—both Gospel and Benediction, as far as Oblata, it is a memorial of the law of the Prophets, wherein Christ was foretold clearly, but was not seen until He was born. 10. The raising of the Chalice after its full uncovering, when Oblata is chanted, that is a memorial of the Birth of Christ and of His exaltation through signs and miracles.

in rofiugrad Crist, nadfess cadacht, cid rofiugrad and.

9. In dinochtad corrici leth inna oblse ocus in cailich ocus a canar occo, iter 13Soscel ocus 13Ailloir,a corrici Oblata, is foraithmet rechta l2fathe, hi "tarc(hjet Crist co follus, acht nathnaicess co rogenir.

10. 13Tocbal in cailicli iarn a 12landiurug, quando canitur 3 Oblata, is foraithmet gene Crist insin [ocus] 15 a indocbale tre airde15 16 ocus firto.

MS.

Fol. 63 b.—"Second

Missal.

READINGS.

syllable accented.

u

h

placed

overhead.

15-15

tre airde a

indocbale, with corresponding interlinear marks before tre and a, signifying the collocation was to be readjusted, as it stands at present in the Text. forgot to copy the conjunction after insin.

16

9. aAilloir = benediction-prayer. A marginal gloss, Book of Armagh, 77 a 1, on benedixit illis, Luc. ix. 16, is ffaiis ailli: he pronounced a benediction. Sanctificatur enim per verbum Dei, i Tim. iv. 5, is explained in the WJaxzburg MS., 28c, by tre ailli gaibther re proinn : through the benediction that is said before

that

The Scribe

et = ocus.

dinner. The reference in the Text is to Ostende, etc. of the Missal, Ba (9). The absence of the Creed, like that of the Gloria, is of importance for determining the date of the Tract. 10. "Quando canitur = Ir., intan canar.

[450]

REV.

DK. M A C G A R T H Y — O n

11. Quadno canitur: 11Accepit Jesuspanem, tanaurnat in sacart 14 fat(h)ri du aithrigi dia pecthaib; atnopuir Deo; ocus slecthith* in popul: ocus ni taet guth isson, ar Fol. 64 a.—na tar | masca in sacardd; ar issed a thechta ar na rasera a menrne contra Deum, 1 cene canas

MS.

the Stowe Missal.

249

11. When Accepit Jesus panem is chanted, the priest bows thrice for sorrow for their sins; he offers them [i.e., the bread and wine] to God; and the people prostrates: and there comes not a sound then, that it disturb not the priest; for it is his duty that his mind separate not from Grod whilst he chants this Lection.

HEADINGS.

Fol. 63 b.—1"accipit ihs. Fol. 64a.—»First syllable accented.

11. ' I n the Gallican Church, we learn from St. Gregory of Tours, the congregation stood during the reading of the Lections. Stante autem populo et Lectionum dogmata auscultante. Mirac., ii. 17. During the other portions of the service, we can infer from the words of St. Cassarius that they knelt. Quotienscumque juxta altare a clericis oratur, aut oratio diacono clamanteindicitur. Rebuking those who stood with heads erect at those times, he contrasts their attitude with what is read of Elias and Elisseus and other Saints : de quibus legitur quod frequenter prostra.ti in terrain . . . oraverint. Amongst the a l i i sancti he had doubtless before his mind St. Martin of Tours, of whom his biographer Sulpicius records : Ac primum, quae erant illi familiaria in istiusmodi rebus arripiens arma solita, prostratus oravit. Book of Armagh, folio 196 b2. He then gives the example of our Lord's

posture during the Prayer in the Garden. Et de ipso Domino nostro in Evangelio seriptum est, quod procidens in terrain ita oraverit ut ab eo guttse sanguinis stillarent . . . Prostratus in terra orat Medicus et non inclinatur segrotus. . . . Non ergo pigeat, si infirmitas non prohibet, ut se unusquisque in terram prostratus adoret. Serm. 85, Aug. Op., torn, supra cit., Append., col. 337, A.n. That slecthith here means prostration is established by the following, to quote but two passages. Talleci ina slechtain, condechaid carpat Eergusa taris co fo thri: He cast it (the corpse") prostrate, so that the chariot of Eergus went over it up to thrice. Lebar na hTJidri, 69 a. Dudechaid Lupait ar a chend, condatarlaicc inna slechtain ar chiund in carpait. In carput tairsi, or Patraic. Dochoid in carput tairse, co b a t h r i : Lupait went to meet him, so that she laid herself prostrate in the way of the chariot. The chariot over her

2C

[451]

250

in liachtso. 2 a nomen.

REV. D R .

M A C C A R T H Y—

Is de is Periculosa Oratio

On the Stowe Missal.

It is from this that Periculosa Oratio is its name.

12. Na 3 tri chemmen" cinges in 12. The three steps which the fergraith for a 'culu, ocus toeing ordained man steps backwards and afrithisi, ised a trede in imruimde- which he steps in return, that is the thar cach duine, idon, himbrethir, triad wherein sinneth every person, hi cocell, 4 hingnim; ocus ised 3 trede to wit, in word, in thought, in deed; tressanaithnuigther iterum, ocus tri- and that is the triad through which satoscigther do Chorp Crist. he is renewed again, and through which he is moved to the Body of Christ. 13. In mesad mesas in sacart in 13. The examination wherewith 5 cailech ocus in obli, ocus int ammus the priest examines the chalice and admidethar a combach, figor nan the Host, and the assault which the aithisse ocus nan esorcon ocus inna fraction implies, a figure of the con6 (aur) gabale insexr. tumelies and of the stripes and of the capture (is) that. 14. Ind oblas forsin 2meis, coland 14. The Host upon the paten, Crist hi crann cruche. the Body of Christ upon the tree of the Cross.

MS.

Fol. 64a—2Accented.

3

Given

in

READINGS.

Roman

notation.

"Second

syllable

accented.

Hn i s p l a c e d o v e r h e a d w i t h r e f e r e n c e m a r k c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o a n o t h e r b e f o r e t.

6

What

s t a n d s w i t h i n ( r o u n d ) b r a c k e t s i s i n t e r l i n e d a b o v e t h e w o r d to w h i c h i t is a d d e d .

said Patrick. The chariot went over her, up to thrice. Vita Tripartita, Brit. Mus. Eg. 93, p. 140.

mentioned in the preceding section. The celebrant stepped back each time to perform the ceremony unimpeded by the altar.

Deo = Ir., do Dia ; contra Deum = Ir., fri D i a ; nomen = Ir., ainm.

13. "The examination refers to the portions of the Liturgy in which it was prescribed to uncover and touch the Chalice and Host, prior to the Fraction.

Fol. 64a.—12. 'These three steps were to be taken in connection with the bowing thrice,

[452]

REV. DR. MACCARTHY—On

the Stowe Missal.

251

15. A combag forsin meis, Corp Crist do chombug co cloaib forsin °c(h)roich. 16. In comrac conrecatar in da 6 (l)leth 7 iarsin chombug, figor 1,4 oge chuirp Crist iarn 4 esergo.

15. The fraction upon the paten, the Body of Christ being broken with nails upon the Cross. 16. The meeting whereby the two halves come together after the fraction, a figure of the integrity of the Body of Christ after Resurrection. 17. In fobdod fombaiter indalled, 17. The submersion wherewith figor fobdotha cuirp Crist inna fhuil, the other half is submerged, a figure iarn aithchumbu 2 hi croich. of the submersion of the Body of Christ in His Blood, after the wounding on the Cross. 18. In pars benar a hichtur ind 18. The part that is taken from lithe 5 bis for laim cli, figor ind aith- the bottom of the half which is wont chummi cosind 'lagin in ozil in tuib to be on the left-hand, a figure of deiss; ar is 2 siar robui aiged Crist a in the wounding with the spear in the cruce, id est, contra civitatem: a ocus armpit of the right side; for it is i[s] sair 4 robui aigeth Longini; westward the face of Christ was on arrobo tliuaisre do shuidiu, issed ropo the Cross, namely, towards the city: desse do Crist. and it is eastward the face of Longinus was; what was left for this person was right for Christ. Ataat 3 secht ngne forsin chombug : There are seven kinds upon the idon, 3 cuic parsa di obli choitchinn,i> Fraction: that is, five parts of the

MS.

HEADINGS.

2, \ see pp. 249, 250], ''fig., the contracFol. 64a.—[For MS. Readings of tion of figor, was placed by an oversight after leth ; it was erased by drawing a line through.

18. ""»In cruce, id est, contra civitatem = Ir., hi croich, idon, frisin catraig.

"The common Host meant that, used on ferial days, in quotidianis diebus.

[453]

252

REV. DR. MACCAKTHY—On the Stowe Missal.

hi figuir 3cuic° sense anixise. A secht di obli noeb ocus huag, acht na huaisli,d 2hi figuir 3 secht c ndana Spiritus Sancti.f A 3ocht di obli 2 martir, hi figuir ind nui fliiadnisi ochti.g A 3noe di obli domnich, 2 hi figuir noe montar nima3h ocus noe iigraith secalsa.' A 3oen 3deac di obli Apstal, 2hi figuir inna airme 6 anfuir[b]t(h)e Apostolorum iarn immarmus Iudae. A 3 di 3deac di s

3

common Host, in figure of the five senses of the soul. Seven of the Host of Saints and Virgins, except the chief ones, in figure of the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit. Eight of the Host of Martyrs, in figure of the octonary New Testament. Nine of the Host of Sunday, in figure of the nine folks of heaven and of the nine grades of the Church. Eleven of the Host of Apostles, in figure of the

MS. READINGS.

Fol. 64a.—[For MS. Readings of 2, 3, 6, see p. 250.]

*Omnis anima in corpore ideo quinario numero censetur, quia quinque sensibus utitur. Nihil est enim quod sentimus ex corpore, nisi janua quinque-partita—aut videndo, ant audiendo, aut odorando, aut gustando, aut tangendo. Aug. Serm. 93, de verbis ET. Matt. xxv. Op. torn, v., col. 350 B. d The chief Saints are Martyrs and Apostles, as given just below. "Et requiescit super eum spiritus Domini, spiritus sapientise et intellectus, spiritus consilii et fortitudinis, spiritus scientiae et pietatis, Et replebit eum spiritus timoris Domini. Isai. xi. 2, 3. 'Spiritus sancti = Irish, in spirito noib. 6 That is, the four Gospels (4); Acts (5) ; Pauline Epistles (6); Catholic Epistles ( 7 ) ;

and Apocalypse (8). hGiven in Prayer of St. Colga, Appendix F. 'De episcopo, de presbytero vel sacerdote, de diacono, de subdiacono, de lectoribus, de exorcista, de ostiario, are the respective titles of Books I-VII., in the Colleetio Canomim Hibernensis. Book IX. is headed: De acolito et psalmista et clericis. Quoting, though without mentioning, the tenth Canon of the fourth Council of Carthage, Gillebert of Limerick excluded Psalmists from the Ecclesiastical Grades. I f his work De usu ecclesiastico was as applicable as this specimen of erudition, its loss may be borne with equanimity. The Canon and the inference therefrom were adopted in the Irish Church three centuries before Gillebert's time. Coll. Can. Hib. ix. 2.

[454]

REV. DH. MACCARTHY—On

obli 8 calann k ocus "cfhjenlai, 1 2 hi foraithmut airmse foirbte inna nApFol. 64b.—stal. | A 1 teora Meac di obli minchasc ocus fresgabale— prius, 3 ce fodailter n i bes miniu iarum, oc techt do laim b —, hi figuir

the Slowe Missal.

253

imperfect number of the Apostles after the scandal of Judas. Twelve of the Host of the kalends [of J a n u a r y , i.e., Circumcision] and of [last] Supper day, in remembrance of the perfect number of the Apostles.

M S . READINGS.

Fol 64a.—[For MS. Readings of J, 6, see p. 250.] attached to I. Fol. 64b.—'Given in Roman notation.

k

The connection between the Circumcision and the perfect number of the Apostles as here set forth is not corroborated by tlic Missal or any other liturgical documents with which I am acquainted. 'Cenlai is explained in Cormac's Glossary, L. B., 265 a. (The words in brackets are interlined in the MS.) Cendla, dino, (idon, cenalse) non de capite, sed de (cena) Domini dicitur; id est, cenele, idon, lathi fhledi Crist ocus a aspolu uimme: Cendla, however, (namely, Supper-day) is said not of the head [i. e., like Capitilavium, Caplait, given just before in the Glossary], but of the (Supper) of the Lord; that is, Supper-day, to wit, the day of the feast of Christ and his Apostles around him. In the Life of St. Brigit, L. B. 63 b, it is called dardain cendla, Thursday, (last) Supperday. Cenla also occurs in the prose Rule of the Culdees, L. B. 10a. In both these places the day is further defined as that on which the Maundy (fossaic, ablutio) took place.

8

K1., with sign of contraction

Pol. 64 b.—'Prius = Irish arthuus. From prius to laim, is placed awkwardly in the present position. I t should have been inserted above, after chomlug. The meaning is: Fraction into five, seven, eight, nine, eleven, twelve or thirteen parts took place at first; these portions were subdivided afterwards, in the administration of Communion. b

Techt do laim means literally going to hand. The following extracts show how it came to signify going to Communion. Omnes viri, quando ad altare accessuri sunt., lavant manus suas ; et omnes mulieres nitida exbibent linteamina, ubi Corpus Christi accipiant. Csesarii, Serai. 52, ubi sup., col. 267 E. Et ideo . . . obseiyamus, quando nobis Corpus Christi ministratur, ut nihil ex ipso de nostris manibus in terrain cadat. Ejusdem Serm. 95, col. 357B. ISion licet mulieri nuda manu Eucharistiam accipere. Cone. Autis., anno 578, can. 36. I t has to be remarked, however, that the Irish expression leaves it in doubt whether the particle was placed on the communicant's

[455]

254

REV. D E .

MACCAETHY—On

the Stowe Missal.

Thirteen of the Host of little Easter [Low S u n d a y ] and of the feant of Ascension—at first, although they are distributed more minutely afterwards, in going to Communion— in figure of Christ with His twelve Apostles. I n n a 'cuic, ocus inna 1 secht, ocus T h e five, and t h e seven, and the inna 'ocht, ocus inna 'noe, ocus eight, and the nine, and the eleven, inna 'oen 'deac, ocus inna ' d i and the twelve, and the thirteen— 'deac, ocus inna 'teora 'deac—ithe they are five [ a n d ] sixty together; a cuic sescot samlith ; ocus is hœ lin and that is the number of parts pars insin bis in obli Case, ocus which is wont to be in the Host of Notlaic, ocus Chenncigis; arcongaib- Easter, and of the Nativity, and of ther huile 2 hi Crist insin. Pentecost; for all t h a t is contained in Christ. Crist cona dib nApstalaib deac.

MS.

READINGS.

Fol. 64b.—'Given in Roman notation. hand, as described in the authorities just quoted. Some light is thrown upon the question by the thirteenth Canon of the second Synod of St. Patrick, and by an enactment preserved in the Sermo Synodalis in the Lebar Breac. [De Sacrificio.] I n nocte Paschas si fas est ferre foras? Non foras fertur, sed fidelibus deferatur. Quid aliud significat in una domo sumitur agnus [Exod. xii. 3, 4], quam sub uno fidei culmine creditur et communicatur Christus ? Spelman, Conc. i., 57. Nullus preesumat tradere communionem laico ant foeminœ ad deferendum infirmo. Serin.

2

Accent on i.

Synod., L. B., 248 a. Taking both these decrees in connection (for the second is manifestly of considerable antiquity), the agent of deferatur and deferendum is the same. Accordingly, as the laity received the Communion on the hand to carry to the sick, we can infer that they received it in the same manner when communicating themselves. Perhaps too the Canon of Cummian presents not alone the Prankish custom, for the regulation of which it was intended, but also that which obtained in the compiler's native country. Si accedentis de manu sacrificium ceciderit in stramen, vii. dies pceniteat is a quo ceciderit. Poenit. Cum., xiii. 11.

[456]

Rev.

D e .

M a c C a e t h y — O n

Ocus is hi torrund cruisse suidigthir huile forsin 8 mei»; ocus is for 3 eloen in pars ochtarach for lam eli, ut dictum est: 4 Inclinato capite, tradidit spiritum. f j o a n . xix. 30.] c Suidigoth d combuig Case ocus N o t l a i c ; — Heora \j-ecte: eetheora] parsa deac in eo n a eros; a 1 noe [recte: a eetheora deac] inna tarano; 'fiche pars inna cuairtroth" (' caie parsse cache oxile); a 'se 'deac iter in cuaird ocus chorp na eros (idon, a 'eetheora [ca]cha rainne).

MS.

the Stowe Missal.

And it is in form of a cross all is arranged upon the p a t e n ; and on the incline is the upper part on the left hand, as hath been said: Inclinato capite, tradidit spiritum. T h e arrangement of the Fraction of Easter and of the Nativity;— thirteen [fourteen] parts in the tree of the crosses; nine [fourteen] in their cross-piece; twenty parts in the circuit-wheel (five parts of each angle); sixteen between the circuit and the body of the crosses (that is, four of each portion).

READINGS.

Fol. 64b.—'Accented.

"Hereupon Mr. Stokes observes: " The quotation is from St. John, xix. 30, where the Vulgate has 'emisit' for 'tradidit'". Ubi sup., p. 504. This pairs well with his other discovery, that in St. John, ix. 7, the MS. has " manus tuas i n " Siloe for " i n natatoria" Siloe. d The numerals in the arrangement do not correspond with sixty-five,—yet another instance of the mischief wrought by alphabetical notation. The Text, notwithstanding, can be restored. Twenty and sixteen are correct, asweleam from the respective explanatory clauses. Hence the

BL. I E . ACAD. TKAHS., VOL. XXVII.

255

inclinate.

tree and the cross-piece were of equal length ; an inference borne out by the Turin Fragment: Ipsa species cruris, quid est nisi forma quadrati mondi? Ed. Nigra, p. 16. Deducting thirtysix and the centre piece from the total, we have fourteen each for the shaft and thwart. The readings accordingly should have been .iiii. parsa deac, instead of .iii. parsa deac; and .xiiii. instead of .viiii. 'This is the only mention, to my knowledge, in native documents of the circular feature so characteristic of our ancient Crosses.

POL. LIT. AND ANTIQ.

[457]

256

REY. Dß. MACCARTHY—On the Stowe

f

I n pars medonach, is 2 lii diatet in tii oifres; 6 idon, figor in bruinni cosna 5 runaib. 2

Ambis ho shen suas dind eo, do epscopbaib. h A tarsno for laim eli, do sacardaib.11

Missal.

The middle part, this is the one to which the celebrant goes [i.e., partakes of]; namely, a figure of the breast with the mysteries. What is from there upwards of the tree, to bishops. The thwart-piece on the left-hand to priests.

M S . READINGS. 3

5

Fol. 64b.— Accent on i.

f

accent on u.

The following diagram will illustrate the distribution.

G (9; i.e., 5 + 4) Upper right angle—Innocent youths.

B

H (9; i.e., 5 + 4) Lower left angle—Penitents. I (9 ; i.e., 5 + 4) Lower right angle—Married (65) people and first communicants. °In tii oifres, literally, he who offers. I n the express mention of a single celebrant in this place, as well as in sections 11, 12, 13, and in the Cum omnibus of Ba(15), we obtain a catena of original proofs that joint Consecration was not the custom of the Early Irish Church. h

A AB AC AD

(1) (7) (7) (7)

Middle part—Celebrant. Upper part of shaft—Bishops. Left part of cross-piece—Priests. Eight part of cross-piece—Inferior grades. AE (7) Lower part of shaft — Anchorites [and ?]. F (9 ; i.e., 5 + 4) Upper left angle—Clerical students.

Here we have bishops and priests not consecrating, but communicating in the same manner as the inferior orders and the laity—confirming what we learn from Adanman (i. 40; iii. 17), that individual Celebration was not practised in large monastic establishments. I n fact, with the great numbers of episcopal and sacerdotal rank belonging to those communities, that described in the Text was the only practicable arrangement. This is what is meant in the thirtieth Canon of the first Synod of St. Patrick, respecting a

[458]

REV. DE. MACCARTHY—On the Stow e Missal. Ani for laim deis, do liuilib fogradaib. 2Ani ond tarsno 2 sis, do anchordaib . . . aithirge. 2 An i 2 bis

isind oxil ochtarthuaiscerdaig, do firmacclerchib. Ind ochtardescerdach, do maccaib enngaib.' An ichtarthuaiscerdach, do aes aithirge. An ichtardescerdach, do aes lanamnassa dligthig, ocus do aes na tet do laim riam.k Issed tra as brig lades[inj, menmse dobuith Iii figraib in . . , ocus co rop Fol. 65 a.—he tómenme I ind rann

257

The portion [athwart] on the right hand, to all under-grades. The portion from the thwart-piece downwards, to anchorites of . . . ? penance. The portion that is in the upper left-hand angle, to true clerical students. The upper right-hand (portion), to innocent youths. The lower left-hand (portion), to folk of penance. The lower right-hand (portion), to folk of lawful wedlock and to folk who have not gone to hand [i.e., to Communion] before. Now the effect of this is, (to cause) a meaning to be in [these?] figures, and that this be your meaning, as if

MS. READINGS.

Fol 64 b.— 2 Accent on i.

bishop outside his own diocese : Episcopus . . . die Dominica off erat tantum susceptione . . . Spelman, i. 53. ' Compare the Antiphon Sinite parvuloi in the Missal and in the St. Gall Fragment. In the Gallican Church, to judge from the sixth Canon of the second Council of Maçon, the practice -was different: Quascunque reliquise sacrificiorum post peractam missam in sacrario supersederint, quarta et sexta feria innocentes

pueri ab ilio cujus interest ad ecclesiam adducantur, et, indicto eis jejunio, easdem reliquias conspersas vino percipiant. Martene, i., col. 442. k Tet do laim riam stands at the beginning of a line. On the remainder is continued the sentence following, which commences on the next (and last) line of the page. The breaks in the Text are owing to the writing being defaced by damp.

2

[459]

258

REV. DB.

MACCARTHY—On

the Stow e Missal.

arafoemi din obli, amail bith ball di the part which you receive of the Crist assa chroich, ocus 1 arambe croch Host were a member of Christ from [a] sa [rit?] hirfor cacharith" fhein, off His Cross; and as if it were this hore noenigethir frisin Chorp crochte. Cross whence runs upon each one his own draught [lit. run], since it is united to the crucified Body. Ni techte a shlocod in[na] parsa It is not proper to swallow it, the cen a mlaissiuth; amai nan coer cen part, without tasting it; as it is saigith mlas hirruna 'De. not proper not to pause in tasting the mysteries of God. Ni coir 2 a techt fo culfhiacli; hi It is not proper to have it go figuirnan coir rosaegeth forruna 'De, under back teeth; in figure that it is not proper to dwell overmuch na forberther heres noco. upon the mysteries of God, that Finit. Amen. Deo gratias. heresy be not forwarded thereby.

MS.

READINGS.

F o l . 6 5 a . — A c c e n t on e.

Fol. 65 a.—"This is evidence of Communion under both kinds. I t accords with what is related in the Lebar Breac panegyric of St. Brigit, 65b : Fecht naill do Brigit ic techt do laim in epscuip, co taifas di cend buie isin cailech affrind. Booipdestar Brigit in eailech affrind. . . . Doehuaid iarsin do laim ocus ni fhacca in fuath : Another time, as Brigit was going to the hand of the bishop, there appeared to her the head of a he-goat in the Chalice of Mass. Brigit refused the Chalice of Mass. . . . She went after that to hand and saw not the appearance.

2

Accented.

According to the Prose E u l e of the Culdees (if, that is, my emendation of the Text be reliable; about which, in the absence of a second copy, I am diffident), an exception was made in the case of first year's novices. Inti teti prius . . , do saearbhaicc nama theit, ocus ni theit do chailech, ocus ni theit iterum usque ad finem anni. Teit iarum do . . . diblinaib. H e who goes for the first time, to the sacrifice alone he goes, and he goes not afterwards until the end of the year. H e goes the second time to both (i.e., to the Bread and the Chalice). L. B., 10a.

[460]

REV. D K . MAC GARTHY—On

the Stowe

Missal.

259

B. LEB AR BREAC, Lith. Ed., p. 251a. De figuris et spiritualibus

sensibus oblationis sacrificii

Figuir tra inchollaigthi Crist o chompert co a cliesad, ocus co a fresgabail—inchoiscid sin ord innaifrind. 1. In tempul ditnes in popul ocus ind altoir—figuir inn a nditen diadacda diada, dianebrad : sub umbra alarum tuarum protege me [Ps. xvi.

ordinis.

The figure of the Incarnation of Christ from [ H i s ] Conception to His Passion and to His Ascension, that explains the Order of the Mass. 1. The Church that shelters the people and the altar, a figure of the shelter of the Godhead divine, of which was said: sub umbra alarum tuarum protege me. 2. Ind altoir isin tempul:—figuir 2. The Altar in the Temple, a ingrema na Cristaide imofolgnat figure of the persecution of the Chrisfochaide inellach cuirp Crist. Prout tians, wherein they bear tribulation Spiritus Sanctus ex persona Isaiae in union with the Body of Christ. dixit: Torcular conculcavi solus Prout, etc. [Ixiii 3]; id est, ipse cum membris suis. 3. In cailech aifrind—[figuir] inna 3. The chalice of the Mass, [a heclaise rofuirmed ocus rofothaig-ed figure] of the Church which was for ingreim ocus martra na fhatha placed and was founded upon the ocus tuicse nDe archena. Sicut persecution and martyrdom of the Christus dixit: Super liane petram prophets and elect of God besides. edificabo eccl Sicut, etc.; that is, upon the firmesiam meam [Matt. xvi. ness of the faith of the first martyrs 18], i. for sonairti irsi na martirech who were laid in the foundation of toisech rolaitea i fotha in chumtaig,

[461]

260

Rev. De. Mac Carthy—• On the Stowe Missal.

oeus inn a martirech ndedinach conice hElii ocus Enoc. 4. Usci isin cailech artus icon timthirthid a , ised istechta. Et dicis: quaeso te, Pater, banna lassin; deprecor te, Fili, banna lassin ; obsecro te, Spiritus Sancte, in tres banna ]assin —figuir in popuil doroiset in eolus in rechta nui tre oentaid thoile na Trinoti, ocus tria erlathar in Spirta Noib. Ut dictum est: Effundam de Spiritu meo super omnem carnem et prophetabunt, et reliqua [Joel. ii. 28; Act. ii. 17]. Et, ut dictum est: Venient ab Oriente et ab Occidente et ab Aquilone, et recumbent, cum Abraham et Isaac et Jacob in regno Dei [Luc. xiii. 29]; id'est, in ecclesia terrena primo, ultimo in regno easiest!.

the building, and of the last martyrs up to Elias and Enoch. 4. Water into the chalice at first by the minister, it is what is meet. Et dicis: Quasso te, Pater,—a drop with that; deprecor te, Fili, a drop with that; obsecro te, Spiritus Sancte, the third drop with that, a figure of the people that was poured into knowledge of the new Law through the unity of the will of the Trinity and through the presence of the Holy Spirit. Ut dictum est, etc.

6. Fin iarum isin cailecli ar in usee . i . deacht Crist ar doenacht [ocusJ for in popul, in aimsir a thusten ocus tusten in popuil. Ut est: Angelus sermonem fecit, Christum virgo concepit .i. is annsin tanic in deacht ar ceud na doenachta. Is don popul dino atbert: Namquid ego in utero concepi omnem popuhim istum [Cf.

6. Wine afterwards into the chalice upon the water, to wit, the Divinity of Christ upon the humanity [and] upon the people at the time of hi» begetting and of the begetting of the people. Ut est, etc.; namely, it was then the Divinity came io meet the humanity. It is of the people, however, he said: Numquid, etc.

"Timpred, a phonetic form, is given in the MS. The Gloss on 1 Cor. iii. 5 (Ministri ejus oui oredidistis) in. the Wurzhurg Codex is: Moge oem timthirthidi indi diaruchretsM :

servants and minisisters of Him in whom you have believed. Fol. 8 o. Diaconus grascum notnen est, et latine minister, eo quod altario et gradui sacerdotali min-

[462]

Rev. Dr. Mac Carthy—0,i the Stowc Missal.

261

Job xxxi. 15]. E t iterum: la tristitia et in dolore concipies filios tuog [Gen. iii. 16]. In eclais atbert sin. The Church said that. Ut, etc. Ut apostolus dicit: Filioli mei, quos iterum parturio, donee Christus formetur in vobis. [Galat. iv. 19]. Ised chanair ic tabairt fina isin caiWhat is chanted in putting wine lech nofrind: [Kejrnit.tat Pater, into the Chalice of the Mass is: banna annsin; indulgeat Filius, [Rejmittat Pater, a drop with that; banna aile andsin; misereatur Spiritus indulgeat Films, another drop with Sanctus, in tres banna andsin. that; misereatur Spiritus Sanctus, the third drop with that. 7. Acanar dino icon oifrind iarsin, 7. Now what is chanted at the itir Intrait ocus Orthanaib ocus Mass after that, both Introit and Imthormach, corice Liachtain nan Orations and Augment, as far as the Apstal ocus Psalm digraid . i . figuir Lection of the Apostles and bigradual rechta aicnid sin, in rohathnuiged Psalm, that is a figure of the Law of aichne Crist tria runaib ocus gnimaib nature, wherein was renewed the ocus tomoltod naicnid. Ut dictum knowledge of Christ through mysest: Vidit Abraham diem meum et teries and deeds and convulsions of gavisus est [Joan. viii. 56]. Uair nature. Ut, etc. For it was through is tria recht naicnid itconnairc the law of nature Abraham saw. Abraham. 8. Liacht nan Apstal b ocus in Salm 8. The Lection of the Apostles digraid [ocus] oshein co dinochtud and the bigradual Psalm, and from choilig oifrind—is figuir sin rechta that to the uncovering of the Chalittri inbertar 0 in rofiugrad Crist; ocus lice of Mass, that is a figure of the ni fes cadacht, [cid] cl rofiugrad ann, Law of the letter . . ? wherein was istret. Coll. Can. Hib. m . 1. See Notes L. M. The omission of the section respecting the bread was the result probably of an oversight. b The scribe, in total ignorance of the meaning, gives Liaehtu Apstal ocus Liachtu Sosceli

ocus in di shalm digraid: The Lections of the Apostles and, Lections of the Gospel and the two bigradual Psalm. 0 This word I am unable to explain. d "We have here an instructive example of the

[463]

262

Rev. Dr. MacCakthy—On the Stow e Missal.

11. Intan tra chanar: Accejnt Jesus panem, stans in medio discipu-

figured Christ; and he was not known as yet, [although] he was figured therein, and the thing [i.e., the reality] came not, and perfection was not wrought through it. Neminem, etc. 9. The uncovering, as far as half, of the chalice of the Mass and of the host, and what is chanted by them, both Gospel and Benediction, a figure of the Law of the letter [is] that, wherein Christ was proclaimed manifestly, but He was not seen until He was born. 10. The raising up of the chalice of Mass and of the paten after fully uncovering them, whereat is chanted this verse: Immola Deo sacrificium laudis, [is] a figure of the birth of Christ and of His glory through deeds and marvels. The beginning of the New Testament [is] that. 11. The time, now, Accepit, etc. is chanted, the priests bow thrice for

•way in which the Mac Egans,

Ancient L a w s of I r e l a n d , iv. 366.

ocus ni roacht inni, ocus ni roforbthiged trit. Neminem enim ad perfectum duxitlex. [Heb. vii. 19.]

9. In dinochtad coleth in choilig oifrind ocus inna hablainne ocus icantar occu, itir Shoscel ocus Alleoir—figuir rechta litri sin, in roterchanad Crist cofollus, acht na facus he cein congenir.

10. Comgabail in choilig oifrind ocus na mesi iarn a landirgiud, icanair infersa . i . * Immola Deo sacrificium laudis e [Ps. xlix. 14]— figuir gene Crist ocus a inocbala tria fertaib ocus rnirbulib. Novi Testamenti initium sin.

Mac Firbises,

But

the

O'Clerys, and other copyists corrupted, often be-

" B r e h o n " who transcribed t h e work k n e w his

yond t h e possibility of restoration, t h e valuable

T e x t so w e l l , t h a t h e divided t h e vocable into

T e x t s confided to t h e m for t r a n s c r i p t i o n .

cad acht;

The

and these are f a i t h f u l l y reproduced

cadacht,rid:nondum, in t h e official edition ! licet. N o t understanding w h a t cadacht signi- e As t h e transcription of fied, h e m a n u f a c t u r e d cid acht from it, and displays complete illiteracy scribe had before him

the Lebar

Breac

w i t h respect

to

omitted t h e original word cid ; t h e r e b y i n t r o d u c -

Latin, t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of this verse into t h e

i n g t w o radical perversions.

T e x t m u s t h a v e taken place a t a t i m e w h e n

Cadacht

also occurs in t h e

Crith Gablach (u.), the

[464]

selection w a s still l e f t to individual option.

Rev.

Dr.

MacCarthy—On

the Stow e Missal.

263

lorum suorum, — usque in fmem, dotoirnet' fotri na sacairt f do aitrige do na pecthaib doronsat, ocus idprait' do Dia, ocus canait g in salmsa uli: Miserere mei, Deus [Ps. 1] ; ocus ni theit guth ison leo, co na tairmescthar in sacart, uair ised is techta co na roscara a menma fri Dia, cid in oen vocabulo, icon ernaigthisea: uair is bidbu in uird spirtalla ocus mihairitin h fri Dia, menip amlaid sin is denta. Conid desin ise ainm na hernaigthisea . i . Periculosa Oratio.

sorrow for the sins they did, and they offer to God, and they chant all this psalm: Miserere mei, Deus; and no sound is sent forth by them (the people) then, that the priest be not disturbed, for what is meet is that his mind separate not from God, even in one vocable, at this prayer: for it is guilty of the spiritual order and of bad reception from God, unless it is like that it is done; wherefore it is from this that the name of this prayer is Periculosa Oratio.

12. Na tri ceimend cbindes in fer graid fora chula, ocus chinnes iterum for a gnuis—ise sin tredi ituitend in duine . i . in imradud, ixnbrethir, ingnim. Ocus ise sin tredi tresanathnuidigther in duine iterum co Dia.

12. The three steps the man of order takes backwards and takes again forward — that is the triad wherein man falls, to wit, in thought, in word, in deed. And that is the triad through which man is renewed again to God. 13. The aim which the priest aims at the chalice of Mass and at the paten, and the attack which he makes

13. Int aimsiugud aimsiges in sacart in cailecli oifrind ocus in mcis ocus in ablaind, ocus int amus dosbeir forsin Compare the passage in the Book of Armagh: Fixoqne ibi tentorio, debita paschse vota sacrificiumque laudis cum omni devotione Sanctus Patricius cum suis Deo altissimo, secundum prophetse vocem, reddidit. Fol. 3 b. 1. 'Here again the writer took tanaurat of his original to be the plural. Accordingly, he makes sacart into the plural sacairt, and atnopuir into atnopruit; thereby completely altering the sense. g

The assertion that the M i s b h e r b was chanted

E L . ER. ACAD. T&ANS., VOL. X X Y I I . — P O L . LIT. AN

before, or during, the Consecration is worthy of the transcriber. "The MS. reads iii hairitin. The copyist, that is, took airitin to be the nominative. He was of course unaware that airitin (airiten) is the genitive ; the nominative being airitiu, an re-stem. Ni is therefore substituted by him for mi, an inseparable prefix signifying bad. Uird and mihairitin are both objective genitives upon bidbu: guilty of the spiritual order and of bad reception. ANiia.

[465]

2Q

264

REV. D R . MAC C A K T H Y — O n

the Stowe Missal.

ablaind dia combach—figuir sin inna haithise ocus inna hesoircne ocus inna nergabal forfhulaing Crist. Ocus ise sin a thaithmech sianside.

upon the Host to break it, that is a figure of the contumelies and of the stripes and of the capture which Christ underwent. And that is its literal explanation.

14. Ocus in abland forsin meis— coland Crist forsin croicli.

14. And the Host upon the paten, the Body of Christ upon the Cross.

15. A combach forsin meis—coland Crist dochombach fri crand crochi.

15. The confraction upon the paten, the Body of Christ being broken against the tree of the Cross.

16. I n comrac chomracithir in da leth iarsin combach—figuir oige Chuirp Crist iarn esergi.

16. The meeting wherein the two halves come together after the confraction, a figure of the integrity of the Body of Christ after Resurrection.

17. In fodbugud fhodbaigther indalleth 1 iarum—figuir sin fhodbaigti inna fuile dothebrensat Iudaide a Colaind Crist.

17. The submersion whereby the other half is submerged afterwards, that [is] a figure of the submersion of the blood which the Jews drained from the Body of Christ.

18. I n rand benair a hichtar in lethi bis i laim eli in sacairt—figuir sin ind athcumai cusin lagin i laim Longini, isind achsaill toibe deiss Isu : uair is siar boi aiged Crist in a chroich . i . frisin catraig, Ierusalem, ocus is sair roboi aiged Longini ; ocus inni

18. The portion which is taken from the lower part of the half that is in the left hand of the priest, that is a figure of the wounding with the spear in the hand of Longinus, in the armpit of the right side of Jesus: for westward was the face of Christ

\Na da leth, the two halves, MS.

This

arose, as in the case of the transcriber of the

A-Text,

indaleth.

[466]

from

confounding

indalleth

with

REV. D R . MACCARTHY—On

ropu tuathbel dosum, issed on robo dess do Crist.

Uair issed boi aiged Crist frinde, oc tidecht chucaind, ut dictum est: Orietur in diebus illis vobis, timentibus nomen Domini, sol justitiae [Malach. iv. 2]. E t : Deus ab Oriente {lege, Austro] veniet. [Habac. iii. 3.] A chul, immorro, frind, ic tocht uaind, ocus se ic togairm chaich uli chuci in a diaid, dicens: Yenite omnes ad me, post me [Matt. xi. 28]. In chongbail congbus lam iiit shacairt in mias ocus in coilech aifrind— figuir comthinoil sin muintire nime ocus talman in oen muintir: . i . muintir nime per mensam, muintir thalman per calicem.

the Stowe Missal.

265

on His Cross, to wit, towards the city, Jerusalem, and eastward was the face of Longinus; and the thing that was left for this person the same in deed was right for Christ. For the face of Christ was towards us, coming to us. Ut, etc.

His back, however, toward us, in going from us, and H e calling each and every one to Himself after him. Dicens, etc. The simultaneous holding wherewith the hand of the priest holds the paten and the chalice of Mass— that [is] a figure of the assembling of the people of heaven and of earth into one people: to wit, the people of heaven by the paten, the people of earth by the chalice.

[467]

Rev. D r . M a c C i r t h y — O n the Stowe

EXPLANATION

OF P L A T E

Missal.

VI.

[.Figures within brackets refer to Synopsis, p. 144.]

1. Fol. 6a.—Portions of Gospel of St. John ; vi. 30 and vii. 45, 46 in juxtaposition Marginal dots denote the punctures made to ensure regular ruling. Script hangs from, instead of resting upon, the lines. The Text reads as follows :— [Joan. vi. 29.] quern [misit] ille. [80.] Dixerunt ergo ei: Quid ergo tu faois signum, ut videamus et ere | damus tibi ? quod operaris ? | [vii. 45.] Yenerunt igitur ministri ad pontifices et farisseos, et dixerunt eis illi: | Quare non adduxistis eum ? [46.] Eesponderunt | ministri: numquam sic locutus est homo, sicut hie homo. [47.] Responderunt ergo | eis pharissei: numquid et vos seducti estis ? [48.] Numquid aliquis ex | principibus credidit in eum, aut ex farisseis ? [49.] Sed turba li®c, quas non no|vit legem, maladicti sunt. | [60.] Dicit Nicodimus ad eos, ille qui venit ad eum nocte, qui unus erat | ex ipsis : [51.] Numquid lex nostra iudi- | 2. Fol. 12a.—Upper portion of initial P ; section of zoomorphic lacertine border. Body of Capital is 111 inch long ; main stroke, -J- inch wide, same pattern, serves as left border, and is carried f beyond lowest ruled space. A little above the twelfth ruling, the zig-zag design terminates. From this to the thirteenth is devoid of ornament, and encircled by a narrow band drawn within, and touching, the marginal lines. Upper moiety of terminal portion graduates inside to half the width; the lower is curved on same side, i.e., segment of circle, commencing at narrowest part of first half is carried from right to left a little under, and terminates on margin a little higher than, the end of external line ; to which it is joined by a third stroke. A broad line placed in the centre, oblique in the first, and angular in the second section, forms the ornamentation. Lower border is narrower than the others. It does not quite touch that of the lefthand margin. The design ends in hind part of beast of prey. The legs are carried down towards the right, as low as the end of Capital. The tail is drawn between and around them, ending on centre behind the paws. As the horizontal bands take up four spaces, the page contains but nine lines of Text. The writing was executed by the first hand. (See p. 148.)

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?late VI.

Traiis.RIA .Vol.XXVII. Pol.Lit. & Antiq.

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[469]

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Rev. D r . MACCarthy—On the Stowe

267

Missal.

Fig. 8. Fol. 19 a.—Examples of Majuscule:—Angular (1), 0 in Oblata; Uncial (2), 0 in Ostendc: Semi-Majuscule:—Angular (3), Test. All by first hand. Minuscule of Moelcaich. The Palimpsest contains, I judge, the opening of a Psalm-excerpt, followed by " Usque in finem." Observe on first line the conclusion of sentence placed at the end. Fig. 3a. Fol. 64a.'—Reduced form of (3), by first hand. Note h and I interlined, over croich and indaleth, andy%f. erased—all showing that the scribe worked from a copy. Fig. 4. Fol. 32a.—(3), by second hand. Minuscule by Moelcaich. Note here, as in Fig. 3, the termination of sentence arranged at end of line. To finding spaces thus vacant we owe Moelcaich's Rubrics. Fig. 4a. Fol. 64b.—Eeduced form of (3), by second hand. One of the nails, mentioned at p. 136, passed between the a of diate and the n of runaib, near the right margin. Portion on the left is almost illegible, arising from damp. Fig. 5. Fol. 55b.—Eeduced form of (3), in the Latin Rubrics, by second hand. The Text is to be read :— Discendit in fontem et tinlgitur ter, vel aspargitur. Postquam babtizaretur, oleatur cresmate in celrebrum, in fronte; et dat vestem candidam diacunus super ca-| pute, in f r o n t s ; et dicit prespiter. The vocalic and consonantal interchange will not fail to be noticed.

(Cf. pp. 240-4.)

Fig. 6. Fol. 49a. 1 Two Irish Rubrics in the Ordo Baptismi, in Angular Minuscule (4). „ 6a. Fol. 56a. j (See pp. 170-1.) Fig. 7. Fol. 36 a.—Latin Title in Uncial Minuscule (5). Observe the abrasion of the original opening word. The three points after the contracted form were left intact. The first reading, I consider, was Ora:- [= Oratio.] (See pp. 155, 224.) Fig. 8. Fol. 35 a.—Moelcaich's Signature.

(See p. 223.)

Fig. 9. Fol. 13a.—Codex Rescriptus; four lines of 13 a were abraded. The original was as follows, line for line, as much as I could recover with the unaided eye :— Line ,, ,, ,,

1, [Peccatores, te] rogamus, audi nos. 2, ut paeem dones, rogamus, 3, audi nos. Agne Dei, qui tollis peccata mundi, 4, [First part vacant] misserere nobis.

This, it will have been observed, was embodied by Moelcaich in his Recension. (See p. 194.) Note Title at top of page, with reference marks on left margin, corresponding to those opposite Rogo, on the same side. The blotch between menstruate and indigni represents a hole made in the process of abrasion. E L . IK. ACAD. TRANS., VOL. XXVII.

POL. L I T . AND ANTIQ.

[470]

% R

MISCELLANEA LINGUISTICA IN ONORE

DI

GRAZIADIO ASCOLI.

[471]

[472]

WHITLEY STOKES.

THE LEBAR BRECC TRACTATE ON THE CONSECRATION OF A CHURCH.

The following tractate is edited from the lithographic facsimile of the Lobar Brecc, pp. 277, 278, a ms. in the library of the Royal Irish Academy, Dublin. The ms. is of the fourteenth century, but the composition of the tractate may safely be placed in the eleventh, when Old-Irish was passing into Early-Middle-Irish. This appears, not only from the reference to wooden altars, but from the following Old-Irish forms: the gen. sg. of the fern, article, in[n]a § 18, 26, 37 and the nom. pi. of the neuter article in[n]a 17, dat. pi. in -aiby onaib 4, infixed pronouns: do-mrbeir § 10, do-t-choisc 18, no-das-cain 25: suffixed pronouns: berth-e 10, berlhri 37: numerals: teora 23, 24, cetheora 18,25: adverbs in cilnaidu (gl. primo 7). In compound verbs the three conjugations are still distinguishable in the present indicative active. Thus: 1. o- stems: at-raig 2, 4, 6, 7, 36, com-buig 10, dom-beir 10, do-t-coisc 18, do-feith 32, do-nig 18, fris-gair 31, co frecair (=frith-gair) 31. t-aur-caib 32. 2. a- stems: ad-anna 18, do-derna 18, lind-scna 14, tinn-scna 28, 30, in-tinn'Scna 29, 35, in-tinn-scana 27. 3. i- stems: a(s)-$r coisecrad ind impertoir i- na méisi, nó bréit bee dia n-airi[m]ter corp Crist. § 21. IS hi in cóiced iodal ásas5) asin altoir -i- coisecrad in choilig, ut àicitur in libro episcopi.

*) leg. teora? •> Ms. fásas.

s

) leg. do-d-coiscl

[482]

*) Ms. fasas.

*) Ms. fasas.

A Tractate on the Consecration of a Church.

373

four corners of the Altar'), and he marks three crosses over the middle of the Altar, namely, a cross over the middle on the east at its edge, and a cross over the middle on the west at its edge, and a cross over the middle on the west at its edge, and a cross over its centre 8 ). And he washes the Table of the Altar down with the water and with the wine and with the Host. And he spills what remains of the water round the base, and wipes (?) the Altar with his small linen cloth until it is dry, and he kindles incense 8 ) in the small vessel on the Altar, and he sings 'Let my prayer be set forth in thy sight as the incense' down to 'evening sacrifice' (Ps. 140, 2), as it enumerates in the Bishop's Book', and he anoints with consecrated oil the seven crosses which he marked on the Altar, et dicit ' Ungore (leg. ungerel) Altare de oleo sanctificato\ with the form which follows it in the Bishop's Book. § 19. This is the third subdivision which grows out of the Altar, the consecration of the altar-cloths, and the setting them on the Altar. § 20. This is the fourth subdivision which grows out of the Altar, the consecration of the Impertor, i. e. of the slab, or a little cloth in which the Body of Christ is received. § 21. This is the fifth subdivision which grows out of the Altar, the consecration of the Chalice, ut dicitur in Libro Episcopi. ') The altar must, therefore, have been of wood; consequently, as Mr Olden observed, our tract must have been composed before A. D. 1186, when wooden altars were prohibited in Ireland. ') i. e. seven crosses in all, not five, as contemplated by the Synod of Dublin, A. D. 1186. *) The mention of incense here is the only one in Irish ecclesiastical literature, if Mr. Warren [The Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church, p. 127] is right in his account of the matter, Olden, ubi supra. The word occurs, Bpelt ingchis, in the Milan glosses, ed. Ascoli, 141° 2. [483]

374

Whitley Stokes,

§ 22. VI. IS hi in sesed fodal àsas asin altoir i- coisecrad coitcend fil isin libur escuip forsin altoir eona builib àidraib imalle. § 23. 0 ra çédigsem tra na da fotha thoisechu dorime ar line cwsna teora fôdla déc âsta ') estib i- a secht asin làr, a sé asin altoir, redigem innossa a tress fotha cona fôdlaib amal dorime in line -i- quatuor ministeriorwm ecclesiasticorum *) triplex exsurgit -i- atraig ord coisecartha quatuor ministeriorum eclesiae -i- na ceithri timtevecht n-eclastacda.

§ 24. Cia lin side? Ni ansa, triplex i- defilltech [leg. trefilltech], IS e cosecrad9) 7 doefis atrubartmar isna fothaib riam, 7 it teora fódla fásta ass, condat x- ui. fodla sámlaiei asna tri fothatô dorurmisium. conad da fotha 7 ocht fódla ardunta do rediugud iarum.

§ 25. Ceisl. cadeat na -iiìl- fodla eclasdacda atrubrumar isin tres-fothu-sa? Ni ansa -ini- fódla fodailter occa coisecrad dianectair 7 cetheora fodla fodailter [ar medón i ], na di salm déc, canticum occo eona n-urfoclaib. IS aire is triplex in t-ord sin, fobith is triar chañas 4 ) na salmu sin dianectair 7 triar did« nodas-cain6) ár tnedon.

') M8. fásta. *) Ms. rtlasisticorum. *) Ms. consecra. chant««, •) Ms. nodoscan.

[484]

4

) Ms.

A Tractate on the Consecration of a Church.

375

§ 22. This is the sixth subdivision which grows out of the Altar, the general consecration, according to the Bishop's Book, of the Altar together with all its furniture *). § 23. Now, as we have explained the two chief subjects which our tractate enumerates, together with the thirteen subdivisions growing out of them, that is, seven out of the Floor and six out of the Altar, let us now explain the third subject with its subdivisions, as the tractate enumerates (them), i. e. quatuor ministeriorum, ecclesiasticorum (ordo) triplex exsurgit, i. e. there arises a (triple) order of consecration quatuor ministeriorum ecclesiae, i. e. of the four ecclesiastical ministrations. § 24. What is this complement? Easy (to say). Double [leg. Triple]. This is the consecration and good science8) which we have declared in the subjects before, and there are three subdivisions which grow thereout, so that there are sixteen8) subdivisions thus (growing) out of the three subjects that we have enumerated. So that two subjects (Aspersion inside, Aspersion outside), including eight subdivisions, are to be explained hereafter. § 25. Question, what are the four ecclesiastical sections which we have mentioned in this third subject? ftasy to say. Four sections are allotted in the consecration outside, and four sections are allotted in the middle (of the church) i. e. the twelve psalms, a canticle with them, with their ') Mr Olden notes the absence of the ceremony of the inclosure of relics of the saint to whom the Church was dedicated, and suggests as a reason, that the early British and Irish Christians only dedicated their churches to living saints. But according to Walafrid Strabo, Columbanus once placed in an altar the relics of S t Aurelia (Mart. II 13, 6, cited in Smith's Dictionary of Christian Antiquities i. 429). *) doe-fis: cf. doi-duine