The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe: The Stoke Newington Edition 9781684480852

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The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe

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Figure 1. ​Portrait of Daniel Defoe. Van der Gucht, frontispiece to Defoe’s Jure Divino (1706).

The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe

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The Stoke Newington Edition

By Da n i e l D e f o e Wi t h a n I n t ro du c t i o n a n d N o t e s b y M a x i m i l l i a n   E . N ova k I rv i n g   N . R o t h m a n M a n u el S chon hor n

Lewisburg, Pen nsylvania

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Defoe, Daniel, 1661?–1731, author. | Novak, Maximillian E., editor. |   Rothman, Irving N., 1935– editor. | Schonhorn, Manuel, editor. Title: The life and strange surprizing adventures of Robinson Crusoe /   by Daniel Defoe; with an introduction and notes by Maximillian E. Novak,   Irving N. Rothman, Manuel Schonhorn. Other titles: Robinson Crusoe Description: Stoke Newington Edition. | Lewisburg : Bucknell   University Press, 2020 | Contributors for the edition: Kit Kincade,   Maximillian E. Novak, John G. Peters, Irving N. Rothman, Manuel Schonhorn. |   Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2019050815 | ISBN 9781684480968 (paperback) |   ISBN 9781684480821 (hardback) | ISBN 9781684480838 (epub) |   ISBN 9781684480845 (mobi) | ISBN 9781684480852 (pdf) Subjects: LCSH: Crusoe, Robinson (Fictitious character)—Fiction. | Shipwreck   survival—Fiction. | Castaways—Fiction. | GSAFD: Adventure fiction. Classification: LCC PR3403 .A1 2020 | DDC 823/.5—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019050815 A British Cataloging-­in-­Publication rec­ord for this book is available from the British Library. The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, Of York, Mari­ner was first published in 1719 by William Taylor. Introduction to this edition and scholarly apparatus copyright © 2020 by Bucknell University Press All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without written permission from the publisher. Please contact Bucknell University Press, Hildreth-­Mirza Hall, Bucknell University, Lewisburg, PA 17837–2005. The only exception to this prohibition is “fair use” as defined by U.S. copyright law. The paper used in this publication meets the requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—­Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48–1992. www​.­bucknell​.­edu​/­UniversityPress Distributed worldwide by Rutgers University Press Manufactured in the United States of Amer­i­ca

Contents



Contributors   vii List of Illustrations   ix Acknowl­ edgments   xi Introduction   xiii Note on the Text    xlix

The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe   1 The Preface   3 The Journal   65 Notifications of Books Printed and Sold    253 Bibliographic Descriptions   261 Variants   291 Works Consulted   359 Selected Bibliography   361 About the Editors   367 Index   369

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Contributors

Kit Kincade, Indiana State University Maximillian E. Novak, University of California, Los Angeles John G. Peters, University of North Texas Irving N. Rothman, University of Houston Manuel Schonhorn, Southern Illinois University

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Illustrations

1. Portrait of Daniel Defoe. Van der Gucht, frontispiece to Defoe’s Jure Divino (1706).

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2. Crusoe with ­Rifles (1719). John Pine and John Clark.

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3. Crusoe with Saw (1721). French ed., Bernard Picart.

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4. Crusoe Shipwreckt at Yarmouth. “7th ed.” (1726 [original 1722]).

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5. Crusoe Shooting a Lion Off the Coast of Guinney (Africa) (1726 [original 1722]).

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6. Crusoe Shipwrecked on a Deserted Island. Early German illustration.

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7. Crusoe Saving His Goods Out of the Wreck of the Ship (1726 [original 1722]).

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8. Crusoe’s ­Family. T. H. Nicholson and Charles William Sheeres (1862).

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9. Viewing the Footprint. Thomas Stothard (1820 [original 1790]).

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10. Viewing the Footprint. George Cruikshank (1838 [original 1831]).

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11. Viewing the Footprint. Grandville [Jean-­Ignace-­Isadore Gérard] (1840).

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12. Viewing the Footprint. Frederick Went­worth (1863).

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13. Crusoe Rescues His Man Friday and Kills His Pursuers (1726 [original 1722]).

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14. Crusoe and Friday Hunting. William Thomas (1863).

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15. An En­glish Ship Comes to Robinson Crusoe’s Island (1726 [original 1722]).

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16. Crusoe Recovers the Ship for the Captain and Conquers the Pyrates (1726 [original 1722]).

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The illustrations in this volume are provided through the courtesy of the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library, Special Collections of the Young Research Library at the University of California, Los Angeles, and the collection of Maximillian E. Novak.

Acknowl­edgments

The three volumes of Robinson Crusoe ­were the product of much research in a variety of libraries. The line notes and introductions owe a g­ reat deal to the resources of the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library. But over the years the editors made use of the British Library, the Bodleian Library, the Columbia University Library, the Special Collections of the Young Research Library of the University of California, the Boston Public Library, the Beinecke Library and the Sterling Library of Yale University, the Henry E. Huntington Library, and the University of Houston Library. We wish to thank t­ hese institutions and their librarians for their generosity in giving of their time to help us. We also wish to thank the institutions that provided us with grants to do the research involved in this proj­ect. ­These include the Research Council of the University of California, Los Angeles, the University of California Committee that awards President’s Fellowships, the Henry E. Huntington Library that awarded us a Mellon Fellowship, and the William Andrews Clark Library that gave us a yearlong Clark Professorship. Funding for the collational portion of this edition also came from the publisher, Gabe Hornstein, AMS Press Inc., and from resources at the University of Houston for which we are grateful: the University of Houston Limited-­Grant-­in-­Aid Program, Small Grant Program, Provost’s Undergraduate Research Scholarship (PURS), Donald L. Birx, Office of the University of Houston’s Vice-­Chancellor/Vice-­President of Research, and the Martha Gano Houstoun Endowment of the University of Houston Department of En­glish. We wish to thank t­ hose who provided special research help for the introduction and line notes at UCLA. ­These include Irene Beesemyer, Jacob Klein, Zoe Goldstein, and Catherine Nguyen. The most extensive use of assistants came with the collation of vari­ous editions of Robinson Crusoe. For this work, we have many helpers to thank. The effort to produce a definitive edition required the examination of the first edition and all subsequent editions. To that extent the Stoke Newington Edition finds itself f­ ree xi

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A c k n o w l ­e d g m e n t s

to correct or alter text, depending upon data that Defoe, himself, might have chosen to alter. The definitive edition is also embellished with engravings obtained in ­later editions, from the third and the seventh. The proj­ect gained support from the Department of En­glish and the administration at the University of Houston. It also became an instructional proj­ect in the classroom. Students in the studies of bibliography and methods of research found themselves actively engaged in primary research in the examination of the variant texts. We are grateful to all t­ hose who became involved in the structuring of this definitive edition by working on unique and distinctive editions. Computer input of unemended first edition text: Polly Heil-­Mealy. Computer input of second edition text: Polly Heil-­Mealy. Compilers of variants: Irving N. Rothman, with 2nd ed.: James Hall, Polly Heil-­ Mealey, 3rd ed. (L): Christine Aguirre; 3rd ed. (OP): Sadaf Alam, Meredith Allison, Kritren Bagnall, Kellie Buhunko, Lindsay Crate, Maria Van Furstenberg, Mercedes Garcia, Roy Granados, Allison Laubach, Tasneem Mandiwala, Matthew McKinney, Glynis Mitchell, Grinelda Morales, Jane Nguyen, Crystal Smith, Brittany Stuhlmiller, Elise Wahm; 4th ed. (F): Ashley Andrews, Andrew Pickup; 4th ed. (G): Pam Sutherland; 5th ed.: Beth Ebersbaker; 6th ed. (O6): Julie Caplan, Patricia Clay, Kelly Fritsch, Pat Green, April Hill, Tyler Jans, Megan Lowry, Melissa Luna, Jason Nedbalek, Shari Ottman, Peggy Mims, Aaron Pavlock, Scott Peckler, Jennifer Saul, Carmen Seitan, Michale Webster, Ashley Wilson, Teneka Woods; 6th ed. (D6): Bruce Martin;7th  ed.: Jennifer Loftin; Dublin ed.: Aaron Crippen, Chad Wilson, Pamela Maddox Stelly (Provost Undergraduate Research Fellow, 2003), Aaron Pavlock (Provost Undergraduate Research Fellow, 2004). Collators: James Hall, Polly Heil-­Mealey, Samantha Lay, Bruce Martin, Jason Poland Con­sul­tants: Dvorah Arbisser (German), Houston, Texas; Sean Casey, Rare Books & Manuscripts Department, Boston Public Library; Kate Hutchens, Special Collections, University of Michigan; Maximillian E. Novak, UCLA, William Andrews Clark Memorial Library; Adrienne Sharpe, Beinecke Library, Yale University; Austin Thomason, Photo Ser­v ices, University of Michigan; Karla Vandersypen (Dutch), Special Collections, University of Michigan; Pat Bozeman, Doan Chinh, and Julie Grob, Special Collections, University of Houston. Proofreaders: University of Houston student personnel. Bibliographic assistance: Elliot Paul Rothman, Boston.

Introduction

The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, Of York, Mari­ner was published around 25 April 1719 by William Taylor.1 It went into six printings within four months and was a huge success. John Nichols, who had access to the papers of William Bowyer, one of the printers used by Taylor, remarked, “So rapid was the demand for this ingenious production, that several printers ­were employed to print the successively successful editions.”2 It was serialized in the Original London Post, beginning 7 October  1719, and an unauthorized abridgment was published by T. Cox in the same year.3 Despite this exposure Defoe brought out a sequel, The Farther Adventures, published on 20 August 1719, and a series of essays on subjects raised by the two volumes. Serious Reflections during the Life and Sur­ prising Adventures of Robinson Crusoe appeared on 6 August 1720, and new editions of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures appeared almost annually over the next seven years. The fourth edition appeared with a map of the world showing Crusoe’s travels, and the edition of 1726 was elaborately illustrated. Daniel Defoe lived to see himself the author of a world-­famous book; translations appeared almost immediately in Dutch, French, German, and Spanish. Yet his name never appears on the title page or in the prefaces to the two works of fiction, or indeed in Serious Reflections as anyone but “Robinson Crusoe.” Like so many works of the time, ­these ­were written ­under a “mask” or disguise. Defoe was anything but an obscure author when he published his masterpiece, but he was more notorious than famous. U ­ ntil 1710 he had been a radical “Court Whig,” but between 1710 and 1714 he had lent his ser­v ices as a journalist to the Tory government of Robert Harley. His reputation as a turncoat was never repaired during his lifetime. In replying to the accusation of plagiarism made against him, Cox, who had published an unauthorized abridgement of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adven­ tures, referred to a letter he received from ­either Taylor or Defoe suggesting that “Honesty is the best Policy.” In responding, Cox suggested that adherence to such an ethical princi­ple might “convert one of the most prostituted pens in the w ­ hole xiii

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world more steadily to the ser­v ice of religion and the best of governments.” 4 This rejoinder, published in the Flying Post of 29 October 1719, was accompanied by a threat that Cox could reveal some secrets about the author. At this time, Defoe not merely was considered as someone who had betrayed his princi­ples but also had the reputation of being a Jacobite—­a defender of the rights of the Stuarts to the throne and therefore a traitor to George I, Britain’s legitimate monarch. Since Defoe was an impor­tant writer for Nathaniel Mist, who was indeed a Jacobite and the publisher of an opposition newspaper, The Weekly Journal; or Saturday’s Eve­ ning Post, Defoe also gained the reputation of being a Jacobite. That he was working for the government as a censor of that newspaper for Walpole’s Whig government was a closely guarded secret. Defoe clearly felt that he was in no position to make himself con­spic­u­ous by announcing his authorship of any of the Rob­ inson Crusoe volumes.

Critical Reputation Despite his attempt at anonymity, Defoe’s authorship was almost immediately revealed by Charles Gildon in an attack upon the work with a lengthy title in imitation of the title of Defoe’s novel: The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Mr. D . . . . . De F . . . ​, of Lond, Hosier. The title went on to promise exposure of Defoe’s vari­ous disguises, a dialogue between Defoe, Crusoe, and Friday, and critical remarks on “the Life of Crusoe.” B ­ ecause it represents the only extended criticism of Defoe’s novel, this work may have been given too much prominence by ­later critics. It is mainly a demonstration of Gildon’s pique against Defoe for creating a brilliant new form of fiction and, perhaps, for Defoe’s e­ arlier attack upon him in More Reformation (1703) as one who Sets up for a Reformer of the Town, Himself a first Rate Rake below Lampoon.5

Gildon complains about the popularity of the work by having Crusoe exclaim, “Your Hero! Your Mob Hero! your Pyecorner Hero! on a foot with Guy of Warwick, Bevis of Southampton, and the London Prentice!” 6 In addition to placing it in the realm of chap-­book lit­er­a­ture, he compares it to such popu­lar religious works as Pilgrim’s Pro­gress and God’s Revenge against Murther. As Paul Dottin points out, as a staunch defender of the classics and as someone who came from a ­family of gentlemen, Gildon was affronted by the success of Robinson Crusoe and its author. Since Defoe had worked as an importer of goods, in Gildon’s mind he lacked the gentility required of an author. Defoe was hardly the only author Gildon viewed as lacking such credentials; he used a similar type of hauteur ­toward Alexander Pope, whose ­father had been a grocer.7 To Gildon, the first two volumes of Robin­ son Crusoe ­were wrongly conceived, debased forms of narrative—­realist versions of life and attitudes told by someone who comes from the “­Middle Station” in a style that attempts to imitate ordinary speech.

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Gildon attempted to point to what he considered to be inconsistencies in Defoe’s work, often with some justification. He criticized Friday’s speech for failing to show very much improvement and for Crusoe’s moral observations that w ­ ere not necessarily connected with events. He was the first to note such now famous oversights as having Crusoe swim out naked to the wreck and then put sal­vaged objects in his pockets. On the other hand, his notion that the work is somehow an insult to the British navy is absurd, and some of his criticisms are picky. For example, he finds it odd that Crusoe attempts to make beer rather than wine, which he might have made with “­little or no trou­ble,” and he criticizes Defoe for giving Crusoe “a blind superstitious Fear, which ­ought not to be minded by any Man of common Sense or Religion.”8 But aside from such criticisms based on what amounted to a personal distaste, Gildon also mockingly suggested an autobiographical ele­ment in the two volumes of Robinson Crusoe, a hint that Defoe was to take up in an in­ter­ est­ing way in Serious Reflections. In addition to the obvious success that The Life and Strange Surprizing Adven­ tures achieved among the reading public in ­Great Britain and abroad, it received considerable attention from critics on the Continent, and since Defoe was a translator of the foreign news for Mist’s Weekly Journal, it is unlikely that he would have been unaware of such notices. The reviewer in Le Journal des Scavans of 1720 clearly recognized it as a work of fiction despite its realism and praised the section in which Crusoe addresses the gold he finds on the ship as well as his spiritual bookkeeping, balancing the evils against the advantages of his condition.9 In the same year, the preface to the French-­language edition, published in Amsterdam, argued that it had to be a history rather than a romance b ­ ecause it seemed so real and lacked the “politesse” expected of a work of fiction. And again in the same year, the introduction to the sixth edition of the German translation, published in Leipzig in 1720, remarked on its fame throughout Eu­rope and proclaimed the work a masterpiece that would live forever.10 In 1721, Jean Le Clerc’s Bibliothèque Anci­ enne et Moderne reviewed the third volume and gave a summary of the two e­ arlier volumes. Le Clerc or one of his assistants described the volumes approvingly as “une sort de Roman Moral,” pointing out that its tremendous success did not depend upon the notion that it was an au­t hen­tic account by a real Robinson Crusoe. The reviewer argued that Defoe’s volumes had replaced the novels of gallantry that had been so popu­lar for the past thirty years, and that unlike ­t hose works of fictions Defoe’s work tended to cure rather than inflame the passions. No author is named aside from the remark that he was well known in E ­ ngland (“assez connu en Angleterre”).11 The reputation of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures among readers continued ­after Defoe’s death.12 Even Alexander Pope, who along with the ­others of the Scriblerian group had nothing good to say about Defoe and satirized Defoe in his Dunciad, grudgingly noted to Joseph Spence that the first volume of Robin­ son Crusoe trilogy was “good” if not truly “excellent,”13 and Henry Baker, Defoe’s son-­in-­law and editor of The Universal Spectator, remarked upon it as having “been

xvi I n t r o d u c t i o n

read over the Whole Kingdom, and pass’d as many Editions as perhaps any Book now extant.”14 And as the controversies over Defoe’s po­liti­cal ­career in ­Great Britain began to fade in the de­cades following his death, some genuine criticism of the work became pos­si­ble. By 1753, when Robert Shiels contributed a life of Defoe to The Lives of the Poets of G ­ reat Britain collection, ­under the general editorship of Theo­philus Cibber, the controversies that marked his life appear to have been forgotten.15 Defoe was praised as a ­great defender of liberty as well as a person of “an invincible integrity in his po­liti­cal sphere,” and Robinson Crusoe as the product of a “fertile, strong, and lively” imagination. This was a Defoe who created “a model [of fiction] entirely new.”16 Since the materials in Shiels’s life ­were frequently used as introductions to eighteenth-­and early nineteenth-­century editions of Robin­ son Crusoe, his view of Defoe had wide influence. Considering the low esteem with which prose fiction was regarded in Britain through much of the eigh­teenth ­century, it is hardly surprising that the first serious treatment of Robinson Crusoe came from the Continent and from one of the most impor­tant of the philosophes, Jean-­Jacques Rousseau. In his Émile: ou de l’Éducation (1762), Rousseau used Robinson Crusoe as the first book to be given to his ideal pupil.17 It would teach him about nature and ­things rather than words. It would help him to grow up ­free from the opinions of ­others, governed by no authority “beyond that of his own reason.”18 And it would teach the potential benefits of solitude and in­de­pen­dence. The notion that Robinson Crusoe might be used as a serious philosophic or educational text must have come as a revelation to the many admirers of Rousseau throughout the world. Before this, The Strange Surprizing Adventures and The Farther Adventures ­were mainly considered as volumes “of adventures,” as Tobias Smollett described them in Roderick Random.19 Rousseau’s appreciation led to a series of adaptations of Defoe’s novel as a text for instructing ­children in morality and geography that lasted well into the nineteenth ­century, the most famous of which was by Joachim Heinrich Campe (1779–1780). And it prob­ably led to the possibility of approaching the two volumes as literary texts. During the 1780s, the reputation of Defoe and Robinson Crusoe became fully established. The Novelist’s Magazine, a multivolume collection of the rich and varied fiction of the ­century, published the first two volumes ­under Defoe’s name. He also garnered considerable interest from two impor­tant Scottish critics, James Beattie and Hugh Blair. Blair praised Defoe for his imagination and ability to create the real­ity of live experience, while Beattie admired Defoe’s ability to create an exciting and imaginative narrative. But Beattie repeated the accusation made in the Universal Magazine of August 1778 that Defoe had merely stolen and transcribed the manuscript of Alexander Selkirk in putting together Robinson Crusoe, thus committing a “cruel fraud,”20 a charge that was also repeated in Love and Mad­ ness (1780), a widely read novel by Sir Herbert Croft. Croft’s protagonist, James Hackman, first praised the brilliant feeling of authenticity created by Defoe and then accused him of plagiarism. Although Defoe was exculpated of such charges by a number of impor­tant critics, the possibility of his indebtedness to some kind of manuscript by Selkirk concerned critics well into the nineteenth ­century.

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With George Chal­mers’s The Life of Daniel Defoe (1785; rev. ed. 1790), serious discussion of Defoe as a writer may be said to have begun. Chal­mers was unstinting in his praise of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures. For him it was already a classic work of En­glish fiction: “If it be inquired by what charm it is that t­ hese surprising Adventures should have instantly pleased, and always pleased, it ­will be found, that few books have so naturally mingled amusement with instruction. The attention is fixed, ­either by the simplicity of the narration, or by the variety of the incidents; the heart is amended by a vindication of the ways of God to man; and the understanding is informed, by vari­ous examples, how much utility ­ought to be preferred to ornament: the young are instructed, while the old are amused.”21 By now this was the general view of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures,22 but at a time when ­t here was much discussion of the nature of original genius, Chal­mers provided a biographical background for treating Defoe as a writer. In 1810 t­ here appeared The Novels of Daniel Defoe in twelve volumes, including Sir Walter Scott’s continuation of John Ballantyne’s memoir and Anna Lettitia Barbauld’s fifty-­volume collection The British Novelists, with its inclusion of Robinson Crusoe. Barbauld was mainly intrigued by Defoe’s ability to interest and entertain the reader, but Scott saw in Defoe an essential creation of the real—an essential quality in a novelist. Such ac­cep­tance signaled the general appreciation of Defoe among the romantics, with Coleridge’s feeling that Robinson Crusoe was better than Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels ­because of its faithfulness to experience. When John Dunlop published his History of Fiction in 1814, he too compared the two works with much the same conclusion as Coleridge’s, arguing that, as readers of Robin­ son Crusoe, we rise “exulting in our nature,” whereas the experience of Gulliver’s Travels entailed a disgust with ­human nature. Dunlop also recognized the influence of Defoe and Richardson in the development of realistic technique in the novel. In short, Defoe was becoming part of literary history, and since Dunlop was a comparativist, Defoe became a player in both British literary history and world literary history. Since editions of Dunlop’s study continued to be published throughout the nineteenth ­century and into the twentieth, Dunlop’s work helped to sustain Defoe’s growing reputation. By the ­middle of the nineteenth ­century, Robinson Crusoe was becoming not only a standard text for every­one’s reading, but an almost magical text. As early as 1801 Maria Edgeworth had written of a character who tended to lose himself in Robinson Crusoe to an extent that he modeled his life upon Defoe’s character,23 and in Wilkie Collins’s novel, The Moonstone (1868), Gabriel Betteredge famously consults Defoe’s novel on all occasions involving an impor­tant decision. He simply opens the novel at random to a given page and is able to arrive at the answer to his prob­lems, a secular version of bibliomancy. The image of Robinson Crusoe as a near magical text may have been aided by biographies of Defoe, by Walter Wilson (1830), William Chadwick (1859), and William Lee (1869), that presented him as a saintly figure—­directly opposite to the demonic image to be found in works published during his lifetime.

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But inevitably the critical pendulum had to swing in the opposite direction. For in the same year that Henry Kingsley called Robinson Crusoe “almost the tenderest, gentlest, purest book in the language,”24 Leslie Stephen was dismissing Defoe’s method of creating a sense of the real as merely “the most amazing talent on rec­ ord for telling lies.” Stephen was attempting to hold up Defoe to the new “realism” practiced in France and championed by a journal with that name. For Stephen, unlike that new French realism with its dedication to aspects of the real that w ­ ere genuine, Defoe’s methodology was merely a bundle of tricks.25 Stephen’s deprecatory essay was republished in his Hours in a Library, which went through a number of editions in the late nineteenth ­century and even into the twentieth ­century. And it had a lasting effect. In dismissing Defoe’s fiction as possessing any value at all, the extremely influential critic F. R. Leavis, in the ­Great Tradition (1948), merely referred his readers to Stephen’s essay as saying all that anyone might need to say about Defoe as a novelist.26 A companion to Stephen’s criticism on a biographical level appeared in 1879 with William Minto’s Daniel Defoe, which viewed Defoe as a master “liar” and all of his fiction as a projection of his duplicitous personality. Despite such negative judgments, Defoe and Robinson Crusoe continued to be the subject of more or less admiring criticism. Among the novelists, Thomas Hardy was an admirer of Defoe’s colloquial language,27 and if Henry James and his followers had l­ ittle good to say about Defoe, in 1919 V ­ irginia Woolf put Bloomsbury’s seal of approval with an essay published in TLS and frequently reprinted in her Second Common Reader. Woolf stressed Defoe’s “genius for fact” and his masterful creation of Crusoe’s character—­“that naturally cautious, apprehensive, conventional and solidly matter-­of-­fact intelligence.”28 And although James Joyce’s 1912 lecture on Defoe was not available to En­glish readers ­until de­cades ­after he delivered it in Italy, like Woolf he was a g­ reat admirer of Defoe’s novels, thinking that in Robinson Crusoe Defoe had set forth all that was to come in Britain’s f­ uture of colonial repression. Only by understanding Crusoe’s character could one comprehend how a small island off Eu­rope could, at one point, become the master of three-­ quarters of the globe. If Defoe was being praised by the modern novelists, he was also becoming the continued subject of twentieth-­century scholarship. In Amer­i­ca, William Petersfield Trent expanded the canon of Defoe’s writings, and in his Daniel Defoe and How to Know Him, published in 1916, he treated The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures as a book that belonged to the lit­er­a­ture of the entire world. Focusing on the “island portion,” Trent argued that the permanent appeal of Defoe’s novel lay in “the absorbing story of how a weak and solitary man strug­gles successfully with the pitiless and seemingly unconquerable forces of nature.”29 In 1924, Arthur Wellesley Secord devoted an entire volume to the sources of Robinson Crusoe, building on ­earlier studies by German scholars Friedrich Wackwitz (1909) and Max Günther (1909). In 1925, Henry Hutchinson published his careful bibliographical study, The Printing of Robinson Crusoe. And James Sutherland’s biography of 1937 provided a useful background for treating the combination of isolation and En­g lishness that keeps a hold upon the imagination. Sutherland reads Crusoe’s

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looting of the wreck not merely as a form of ingenious self-­preservation but also as satisfying the desire to achieve a “successful theft,” an ele­ment always lurking ­behind any enterprising business man.30 John Robert Moore began his work of many de­cades in the 1940s with a number of essays on Robinson Crusoe, and he was eventually to publish his lengthy biographical study of Defoe in 1958. If Moore’s biography contained some new pieces of information, it did ­little to change anyone’s mind about Robinson Crusoe or about Defoe’s status as a novelist. On the other hand, in 1957 Ian Watt’s The Rise of the Novel succeeded in transforming the way critics in Britain and Amer­i­ca looked at Defoe’s fiction. The New Criticism, an excellent system for reading poetry, had gained ac­cep­tance as the primary critical tool for reading fiction, and Defoe’s novels w ­ ere considered as too formless to be considered as works of conscious artistry. By using a combination of approaches—­historical, so­cio­log­i­cal, and mythic—­Watt shifted the grounds for discussing fiction. He approached Defoe’s fiction in terms of a growing sense of individualism exemplified by the isolation of figures such as Robinson Crusoe and Moll Flanders and attempted to analyze the interests of the audiences that w ­ ere attracted to the early novel. He continued to treat Defoe as a somewhat “primitive” writer in comparison to his two other exemplars, Samuel Richardson and Henry Fielding, but he recognized Defoe’s contribution to the novel as the master of what he called “formal” or “circumstantial” realism. And since he made the vari­ ous forms of realism—­“ formal,” “psychological,” and the “realism of assessment”—­ the central aspect of fiction from Defoe onward, Defoe was given a central position in the history of the novel. Much in the manner of “the man who came to dinner”—­ the famous guest who would not leave, to whom Michael Seidel compared Watt in an excellent article31—­Watt’s book has remained the standard account of the development of fiction, despite his omission of the many w ­ omen novelists and the many changes in critical fashion since 1957. His attention to the content of fiction as well as its form gave par­tic­u­lar advantage to Defoe. Few of the many studies of Defoe that followed did not, in some way, continue to deal with issues that Watt had raised. Defoe’s star may have been on the rise even before Watt’s study. In the year before Watt’s Rise of the Novel was published yet another work appeared that was influential in raising the critical fortunes of Defoe. Alan McKillop’s survey, The Early Masters of En­glish Fiction, gave considerable space to Robinson Crusoe, noting, “­There had been other stories of shipwrecked solitaires; Defoe’s art makes the difference.” McKillop’s suggestion that Defoe was indeed an artist in creating his fiction was an attempt to reformulate the way Defoe and Richardson had been viewed. But a­ fter The Rise of the Novel, most critics attempted to build upon Watt’s view of Defoe. In 1962, Maximillian Novak’s Economics and the Fiction of Daniel Defoe attempted to read Defoe’s fiction in terms of Defoe’s own economic writings. Watt had projected a socioeconomic idea of the Puritan view of economic activities on Defoe’s fiction. Novak suggested that the ideas ­behind Defoe’s fictions ­were best illuminated by his own economic ideas. In 1963, once again drawing upon Defoe’s own writings, Novak published Defoe and the Nature of Man in an attempt

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to deal with Defoe’s fiction in terms of his attitudes t­oward ­human nature, particularly in connection with con­temporary concepts of natu­ral law. And a few years ­later he began writing a series of articles that attempted to argue for Defoe’s deliberate artistry that ­were collected in his 1983 book, Realism, History, and Myth in the Fiction of Daniel Defoe. If all of t­ hese writings ­were, in vari­ous ways, arguments against some of Watt’s ideas, they also took their inspiration from Watt’s discussions. The aforementioned studies showed the potential complexity of Defoe as both a writer and a thinker and opened up a variety of critical stances. In 1965, George A. Starr’s Defoe and Spiritual Autobiography suggested that t­ here was a formal structure to be found in Robinson Crusoe as well as in many of his other novels and that was the pattern of sin, repentance, and new-­won faith that might be found in any number of works association with “Puritan” and l­ater Dissenting lives. What had previously seemed like a lack of artistic form in Robinson Crusoe might now be understood as an elaboration on a well-­established pattern. A year ­later, in The Reluctant Pilgrim, J. Paul Hunter presented Robinson Crusoe against an array of forms, of spiritual autobiography as in Starr’s book, but also of its relation to seventeenth-­century guidebooks and works attempting to illustrate the works of Providence. In addition to tying Defoe to the formal structures of an established body of literary works, both Starr and Hunter saw Defoe as the heir to traditional Protestant religious thought. Through ­t hese works, both authors have influenced ­later writers on Defoe. By now Defoe was revealed as a rich source of con­temporary ideas and as a writer of fiction whose artistry might be explored in ways that the New Criticism had hardly permitted. In 1968, Michael Shinagel examined Crusoe’s social situation in Daniel Defoe and Middle-­Class Gentility, and in the 1970s ­t here ­were a rash of critical books on Defoe that touched on Robinson Crusoe with considerable subtlety. John Richetti’s Defoe’s Narratives: Situations and Structures (1975) showed that Defoe’s fictions might withstand an extraordinarily complicated reading. Published in the same year was Everett Zimmermann’s Defoe and the Novel. And during the following years, ­t here appeared a number of books that subjected Rob­ inson Crusoe and Defoe’s other novels to a variety of critical approaches. Among ­t hese ­were Paul Alkon’s Defoe and Fictional Time (1979) and David Blewett’s Defoe and the Art of Fiction (1979). In this same year also appeared a general book on Rob­ inson Crusoe by Pat Rogers that contained a ­great deal of information and some perceptive criticism. Michael McKeon’s The Origins of the En­glish Novel, published in 1987, attempted a reconsideration of the territory that Ian Watt had covered and revealed how complex criticism had grown since 1957. He brought a new theoretical sophistication to the discussion of Robinson Crusoe as seen against the development of fiction in the Restoration and the early eigh­teenth ­century. ­After such intense critical scrutiny during the 1970s and 1980s, interest tended to shift away from Robinson Crusoe to Defoe’s other writings, but in 1989 J. M. Coetzee published his novel, Foe. Although some major fictional variations on Rob­ inson Crusoe had appeared e­arlier, most notably Michel Tournier’s Vendredi

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(1967), Foe represented a vision of Defoe’s work from an imaginative, postcolonial standpoint. It tended to make Defoe’s novel into a central text for the postcolonial approach to lit­er­a­ture. In the same year Paula Backscheider brought out her bio­ graphy, Defoe, with an extended discussion of Robinson Crusoe; and in 1991 Manuel Schonhorn produced his Defoe’s Politics: Parliament, Power, Kingship and Robinson Crusoe, in which he examined Crusoe’s claim to kingship over his island against the very complex ideas on that subject raised by the Glorious Revolution and the reigns of William and Mary and then William III. And in 1997 appeared Homer Brown’s Institutions of the En­glish Novel from Defoe to Scott, with a version of his brilliant phenomenological exploration of Robinson Crusoe, “The Displaced Self in the Novels of Daniel Defoe,” written originally in 1971 and containing some remarkable insights into Defoe’s fiction. The authorship of Robinson Crusoe was left unscathed by the questions about the Defoe canon raised by P. N. Furbank and W. R. Owens during the 1990s. In 2001 Geoffrey Sill published his The Cure of the Passions, viewing Robinson Crusoe and Defoe’s other novels in terms of the age’s concern with ways to lessen the control of the passions over h ­ uman life, and in that year appeared Maximillian Novak’s substantial literary biography, Daniel Defoe, Master of Fictions, with its reading of the novel in terms of Defoe’s life and ideas. This brief survey has omitted a number of impor­tant books and has mentioned few articles. But it does attempt to demonstrate the continued interest in Defoe’s novel and its resilience as a literary text. In some ways, as a novel, it is a tour de force. Crusoe is stuck on his island, but despite storms, earthquakes, and the arrival of cannibals, V ­ irginia Woolf was right to insist that the story was dominated by a very real and solid earthenware pot. Modern students, accustomed to fast-­paced action adventures, may complain about vari­ous difficulties with the novel, but in most cases they are objecting to the interiority of most of the novel, to the slowing of time that distinguishes most serious lit­er­a­ture from popu­lar novels. Of course Defoe intended it to be popu­lar, but he also put much of his thought and experience into this one text. If it has lost some of the magic that Betteredge in Collins’s The Moonstone thought he saw ­there, it has not yet lost its power to interest the reader.

Sources in Defoe’s Writing and the Work of Other Authors It is well to begin with some of Defoe’s writings during the years preceding the publication of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures. He was certainly no stranger to narrative fiction, having written his imaginary voyage to the moon, The Consolidator, in 1705, and having filled his journal, the Review, with a variety of allegories and stories. He had practiced historical narrative in his History of the Union (1709), autobiographical narrative in his An Appeal to Honour and Justice (1715), and mixed dialogues and narrative in his ­Family Instructor (1715, 1718) and in his Minutes of the Negotiations of Monsr. Mesnager (1717), a fictional memoir purportedly written by one of the French negotiators of affairs between Britain and France during the reign of Queen Anne.

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But of all the works that seem like a prelude to Defoe’s account of isolation, none is quite so impor­tant as another work that he wrote for William Taylor, his A Con­ tinuation of Letters Written by a Turkish Spy at Paris (1718). Defoe added a ninth volume to an eight-­volume work generally ascribed to Giovanni Paolo Marana dealing with Eu­ro­pean politics in the second half of the seventeenth ­century. The main purpose of the work was to treat the 1690s in a way that discredited French intentions ­toward James II and thereby discourage his followers, the Jacobites. The Turkish Spy, Mahomet, delivers his opinions on a variety of religious and po­liti­cal subjects. Marana’s work had been enormously popu­lar, and the hint, in the preface, of the possibility of additional volumes to come suggests that Defoe was searching ­after a large fictional proj­ect.32 The Continuation contains a number of subjects that appear in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, including discussions of the terrible earthquakes at Port Royal and Messina. Through the eyes of this devout follower of Islam, Defoe is able to comment wryly upon the religious strife among Christians. In his own religious beliefs, Mahomet is far more of a religious enthusiast than Crusoe. But it is in rendering Mahomet’s despair at his exile, his loneliness, that the germ of Crusoe’s isolation takes its seed. “It is the sum of h ­ uman Misery to have no Body to communicate our Joys and Griefs with,” he writes to the person who is supposed to relieve him of his post. “The Heart is not able to contain its own Excesses, but they ­will break out, and if we have not a Friend to unburthen the Soul to, it ­w ill discover its Burthen in e­ very Line of the Countenance.”33 Longing for his home and his fellow Muslims, he begs his friend, Hassan El Abmenzai, to remember him and his suffering, and he describes his “violent Agitations” of despair, relieved only by the thought that he w ­ ill eventually return home a­ fter his replacement has 34 arrived. Although the distance between Mahomet, the Turkish Spy, and Crusoe, the En­glishman, may seem ­great, Defoe was apparently able to make an imaginative leap from the spy’s alienating experience in Paris to Crusoe’s literal isolation on his Ca­rib­bean island. A second source of influence for Defoe came from his con­temporary journalism. Th ­ ere he reported on terrible tempests, of lightning striking supplies of gun powder, and of volcanoes erupting. The Weekly Journal of 8 March 1718 reported a story of a floating island filled with beasts making “hideous Noises . . . ​a most horrible and frightful Roaring and Howling,” and of a terrifying invasion of wild beasts into the villages of the Pyrenees whose frightening “confus’d Noise of Roarings and Howling” w ­ ere so horrific that several villa­gers died simply of fright. Such reports provide a background of scarcely muted terror that runs through much of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures.35 In 1924, Arthur Wellesley Secord published his Studies in the Narrative Method of Daniel Defoe, and, with a few minor adjustments, he presented the basic prob­ lem of determining what works seemed to be genuine sources and which seemed to be merely analogs to Crusoe’s story. He even provided a chart (page 107) that we ­here reproduce.

I n troduction Portion of the Story

Certain

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Sources Probable

Pos­si­ble

Part I Crusoe’s roving disposition Yarmouth storm

*“Bucaniers of Amer­i­ca” *Defoe’s “Storm” (1704)

Salee slavery Island story

*Ogilby’s “Africa” Published accounts of Selkirk *Knox’s “Ceylon” *Dampier’s “Voyages” *“Leguat’s Voyage” Pitman’s “Relation”

*Knox’s manuscript notes

Peter Serrano story “Simplicissimus” “Krinke Kesmes”

Part II Voyage from Bengal to China

*Dampier’s “Voyages”

Adventures in China

*Le Comte’s “China”

Journey from Peking to Archangel

*Ides’s “Travels”

Note: Separate columns indicate t­ hose which may be regarded as certain, ­t hose which are probable, and ­t hose which are pos­si­ble sources. An * marks works the influence of which upon “Robinson Crusoe” has not hitherto been traced.

Since the view of Defoe in Secord’s time was that of a man rooted in a realist view of life and art, he did not attempt to speak of the way in which Defoe’s imagination tended to merge his readings into a work that, in the words of Michel de Certeau, functions as “one of the rare myths that modern Occidental society has been able to create.”36 The myth has been so power­ful that it has tended to absorb many of the works about wrecked ships and stranded voyagers, both real and fictional, that preceded it. If the story of Alexander Selkirk received such notoriety when it was featured in Woodes Rogers’s Voyage Round the World (1712) and was given larger ramifications in Sir Richard Steele’s The En­glishman (1–3 December 1713), it was ­because interest in such a subject had prepared the audience for it. Stories of shipwrecks on strange lands ­were, of course, a staple of romance lit­ er­a­ture from the time of the Greek romance.37 In drama, it is famously used by Shakespeare at the beginning of Twelfth Night and given full development in The

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Tempest. In seventeenth-­century fiction, it was a typical lead-in for the pre­sen­ta­ tion of utopias and dystopias as well as being a frequent story sequel in picaresque fiction. Examples in both forms are common enough. Secord mentioned The En­glish Rogue by Francis Kirkman and Richard Head as well as the episode in Grimmelshausen’s Simplicissimus in which the protagonist is driven ashore on an island and lives in a cave as a hermit, but even the second part of Lazarillo de Tormes has a sea adventure, and Vincent Espinel’s The History of the Life of the Squire Mar­ cos de Obregon (1618), in addition to an island adventure, contains a number of episodes that might have influenced Defoe.38 But the island shipwreck was also the standard introduction to the discovery of a land that might be used in a variety of ways for ideological statement. Secord mentions the two parts of Henry Neville’s The Isle of Pines (1668), but ­t here ­were also Denis Vairasse’s The History of the Sevarites (1675), Gabriel de Foigny’s Dis­ covery of Terra Incognita, translated by John Dunton in 1693, and Hendrik Smeeks’s The Mighty Kingdom of Krinke Kesmes (1708). Secord dismissed the influence of Smeeks’s book upon Defoe on the grounds that Defoe would have been unlikely to have known of such an obscure work, but David Fausett has revived the claim.39 The opening section, which precedes the description of the utopia, involves a cabin boy who is accidentally abandoned on a part of what is now Australia. Like Crusoe he manages to find tools and weapons from a wreck and encounters hostile natives. Although he is extremely resourceful, he is eventually captured by the natives. Fi­nally, he is rescued by the troops from Krinke Kesmes and brought to that kingdom, where he lives out his adult life. Although Fausett’s arguments are stronger than t­hose of Lucius Hubbard, to whom Secord was replying, the real “source” must be ascribed to con­temporary interest in the subject itself.40 One of the better known accounts of a seaman surviving on an island was that of Pedro Serrano, whose three-­year stay on an island was told in Garcilaso de la Vega’s Royal Commentaries of the Yncas. Serrano’s hairy appearance was used to argue the notion of man’s degeneration to the animal state in nature, and while he survived, he was almost “ready to end his misery by death” when he was discovered.41 Despite similar accounts of the misery caused by loneliness and the strug­ gle to survive, it seemed as if every­one was waiting for the opposite story—­t hat of happiness found in a return to nature.42 The traveler J. Albert de Mandelslo, in his Voyage and Travels . . . ​into the East Indies, showed a general interest in the subject. He not only recorded the story of a Frenchman who was stranded on the island of Maurice for twenty months—­t he man was found entirely naked and in a state of delirium, though Mandelslo described the island as a kind of paradise—­but also reported a conversation with the Lord Mayor of London on this subject when he came to ­England in 1639–1640. The Lord Mayor told the story of a Dutchman who was so terrified at being abandoned on Saint Helena that he rowed out to his ship in a coffin and begged to be taken aboard. The Lord Mayor felt that he was motivated by “fear”

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and “despair” and that he should have stayed. The optimism of the Lord Mayor, shown by the story of a successful flight of Christian slaves from North Africa, is countered by a tale of misery involving an En­glishman who lived in despair on a rock in the ocean for eleven months.43 Such stories w ­ ere common enough. William Dampier, with whose writings Defoe was well acquainted, told of finding ­Will, a Moskito Indian who had been left on Juan Fernandez in 1680. ­After three years, Dampier and his ship returned for him, and Dampier describes the elaborate “Ceremonies of Civility” between Robin, another Moskito on board, and ­Will as they greeted one another.44 Secord included as a pos­si­ble influence A Relation of the ­Great Sufferings and Strange Adventures of Henry Pitman (1689) b ­ ecause Pitman was shipwrecked on a Ca­rib­ bean island and b ­ ecause of such parallels involving the difficulty of cooking without pots and the inclusion of a diary. Recently, Tim Severin has discovered that Pitman actually lived above the printing shop of the elder William Taylor, the f­ ather of Defoe’s printer, but beyond this in­ter­est­ing fact he has not added very much to Secord’s analy­sis.45 Other likely sources include Robert Knox’s Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon (1686). Knox was never solitary, but he did have to find a way of surviving ­a fter he was captured and held hostage by the natives. Defoe had read and was acquainted with Knox and may even have had access to materials not published ­until the twentieth ­century. In addition, Knox’s ordeal lasted for a very long time (twenty years), and like Crusoe, he suffered a terrible ague and found comfort in the Bible. Defoe may also have been familiar with The Voyage of François Leguat (1708), who tried to establish a colony with eight men on the island of Roderiguez. Although they regarded the island as a paradise, the adventure failed ­because the men complained that ­t here was no equivalent to Eve on the island. The dif­fer­ent choices of Knox as opposed to Leguat and his men would have interested Defoe. Knox insisted on remaining celibate during his long years in what is now Sri Lanka, while ­t hose with Leguat found the like situation intolerable.46 But what­ever hints Defoe may have taken from the aforementioned works, ­there can be ­little doubt that his chief inspiration came from the narrative of Alexander Selkirk’s four-­year and four-­month stay on the island of Juan Fernandez. Selkirk’s decision to have himself put on the island was a voluntary one—­a flight from a ship that he considered to be unseaworthy and doomed to sink. Captain Woodes Rogers, who rescued Selkirk on 2 February 1709, went into considerable detail about Selkirk’s way of relieving his melancholy by “reading, singing Psalms, and Praying, so that he said he was a better Christian while in this Solitude than ever he was before, or than, he was afraid, he should ever be again.” In contact with nature, he became healthier than ever and a remarkably good runner. Defoe unquestionably knew Selkirk’s story, but it served more as a general inspiration than as a specific source. For example, the plague of vermin and the goat skin clothing Crusoe manufactured and wore might seem to be obvious borrowings, yet they might have come from any number of accounts. Unlike Selkirk, Crusoe does not dance and

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sing with his goats, and Crusoe makes no mention of his having “forgot his Language for want of Use.” But both Crusoe and Selkirk conquer many of the miseries of solitude and, just as Crusoe thinks of himself (ironically) as the king of his island, so Selkirk is referred to (ironically) as the “Governour” and “absolute Monarch” of his island.47 Rogers was not reluctant to draw the moral “that Solitude and Retirement from the World is not such an unsufferable State of Life as most Men imagine” and he added a further “Maxim”: That Necessity is the M ­ other of Invention, since he found means to supply his Wants in a very natu­ral manner, so as to maintain his Life, tho not so con­ve­ niently, yet as effectually as we are able to do with the help of all our Arts and Society. It may likewise instruct us, how much a plain and temperate way of living conduces to the Health of the Body and the Vigour of the Mind, both which we are apt to destroy by Excess and Plenty, especially our Meat and Drink: for this Man, when he came to our ordinary Method of Diet and Life, tho he was sober enough, lost much of his Strength and Agility.48

Admitting that this set of ideas was more apt for a “Phi­los­o­pher and Divine than a Mari­ner,” Woodes Rogers dropped this discussion. Richard Steele, in The En­glishman of 3 December 1713, took up that challenge, for his Selkirk reflects on how “happy” he was when poorer and in his former tranquil condition. Not every­one was that impressed with Selkirk. For example, Captain Edward Cooke, who published his account in the same year as Woodes Rogers, did not think that Selkirk’s story offered much in the way of a religious moral. He urged his readers to read the “Lives of ancient Anchorites, who spent many years in the Deserts of Thebaida in Egypt” if they wanted to learn about the moral benefits of isolation instead of wasting their time upon a “downright Sailor” who merely strug­ gled to survive and to keep off his loneliness by conversing with goats.49 Cooke was protesting against all the attention that had been showered on what he called “the most barren Subject that Nature can afford.” It would be dif­fer­ent, he argued, if he had been engaged in using his isolation for the purpose of making scientific discoveries, but the mere attempt of an ordinary person at keeping alive could be of no real interest.50 Fortunately, Defoe saw g­ reat possibilities in just that subject, and despite efforts to resurrect the story of Alexander Selkirk as the “real” Robinson Crusoe, The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures simply swallowed up all the forms that came before it.

Con­temporary Influences on the Novel Defoe is careful to give The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures a historical setting, and that setting deserves a separate section. In 1719 Defoe was very much an editor of a variety of journals—­Mist’s Weekly Journal, Mercurius Politicus, Dor­ mer’s News Letter, Mercurius Britanicus, and The White-­Hall Eve­ning Post.51 He confronted con­temporary life on a daily basis through reporting and through read-

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ing a variety of newsletters and printed sources. As Stuart Sherman has suggested, such an encounter is likely to shape a writer’s vision in such a way as to make him highly conscious of the interaction of pre­sent time and ­human experience.52 It would seem odd, then, if Defoe did not make his work reflective of what was happening in the world around him. One of the most significant events of the time was the interest in the South Sea Com­pany and the investments in it that eventually brought about the famous “­Bubble.” It was a time of frenzied financial activity. In France, John Law was attempting to stir up investment in the Mississippi Com­pany and beginning his experiment with paper money. The Assiento—­the agreement that was part of the Treaty of Utrecht—­was supposed to allow Britain to send one ship annually to trade with the Spanish colonies in the New World and to supply ­these colonies with African slaves. For some p ­ eople this seemed to hold out a prospect of endless riches. And this, in turn, raised interest in the area itself. An early manuscript in the Bodleian Library, usually thought to be in Defoe’s hand, contains a scheme to colonize the area of present-­day Chile and Argentina. Though the scheme itself was that of another projector, William Paterson, it shows that Defoe’s interest in the area dates back to several de­cades before the publication of The Life and Strange Sur­ prizing Adventures. In the Weekly Journal of 7 February 1719, ­t here was an announcement in the daily papers of a plan by a British com­pany to colonize the northern area of South Amer­i­ca around the Orinoco River. We expect, in two or three Days, a most flaming Proposal from the South Sea Com­pany, or from a Body of Merchants who claim kindred of them, for erecting a British Colony on the Foundation of the South-­Sea Com­pany’s Charter, upon the Terra Firma, or the Northermost Side of the Mouth of the ­great River Oroonoko. They propose, as we hear, the establishing a Factory and Settlement ­there, which ­shall cost the Com­pany £500000. Sterling, and they demand the Government to furnish six Men of War, and 4000 regular Troups, with some Engineers and 100 Pieces of Canon, and military Stores in Proportion for the maintaining and supporting the Design; for which they suggest, that the Revenue it s­ hall bring to the Kingdom w ­ ill be a full amends. It is said they w ­ ill send over Workmen to build 12 Sloops with 12 Guns each, and able to carry 300 Men, which are to maintain a Commerce up the ­Great River to the Province or Empire of Guiana, in which they resolve to establish a new Colony also, above 400 Leagues fro the first Settlement, to be always supplied with Forces as well as Merchandizes from the first Settlement; and they doubt not to carry on a Trade t­ here equal to that of the Portuguese in the Brazils, and to bring home an equal quantity of Gold, as well as to cause a prodigious Consumption of our British Manufactures. This it seems, is the same Country and River discovered by Sir Walter Rawleigh, in former Days, and that which he miscarried in by several M ­ istakes, which may now easily be prevented.

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Defoe may not have composed this report for The Weekly Journal, but, as one of its editors, he certainly would have read it. And the comments on the “prodigious Consumption or our British Manufactures” along with the evocation of Sir Walter Raleigh certainly sound like Defoe. If the emergence of a full colonial theme was to await the publication of The Farther Adventures, we do get the origins of a colony in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures.53 Economic themes make up an integral part in all of Defoe’s work. In addition to the interest in paper money provoked by John Law in France, t­ here ­were considerable discussions about the possibility of a new coinage in Britain, and, along with it, considerable speculation about the nature of money. One of the most famous sections in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures is Crusoe’s address to the gold that he discovers aboard the wreck. He finds it completely worthless on the island, yet “upon Second Thoughts (66),” he decides to take it with him. It is a speech admired by con­temporary commentators and by Coleridge in the nineteenth c­ entury, both for its awareness of the artificiality of money in what Crusoe calls a “State of Nature” and for Crusoe’s inability to resist what his gold might mean if ever he w ­ ere to return to civilization. On the island, every­t hing is mea­ sured by its usefulness to his life t­ here, and it is hardly surprising that Robinson Crusoe’s judgment about the value of money was picked up by t­ hose trying to illustrate a theory of “marginal utility,” in which the question of value is mea­sured by what is absolutely necessary for his existence and what might be considered a luxury to be dispensed with when the threat of the cannibals c­ auses him to change his way of living.54 Defoe’s fictional expression of what Locke preached in his Two Treatises of Civil Government receives its best treatment elsewhere in Defoe’s text: In a Word, The Nature and Experience of ­Things dictated to me upon just Reflection, That all the good Th ­ ings of this World are no farther good to us, than they are for our Use; and that what­ever we may heap up indeed to give o ­ thers, we enjoy just as much as we can use, and no more. The most covetous griping Miser in the World would have been cur’d of the Vice of Covetousness, if he had been in my Case; for I possess’d infinitely more than I knew what to do with. I had no room for Desire, except it was of ­Things which I had not, and they ­were but Trifles, though indeed of g­ reat Use to me. I had, as I hinted before, a Parcel of Money, a well Gold as Silver, about thirty six Pounds Sterling; Alas! Th ­ ere the nasty sorry useless Stuff lay; I had no manner of Business for it; and I often thought with my self, That I would have given a Handful of it for a Gross of Tobacco-­Pipes, or for a Hand-­Mill to grind my Corn; nay, I would have give it all for Six pennyworth of Turnip and Carrot Seed out of ­England, or for a handful of Pease and Beans, and a ­Bottle of Ink. As it was, I had not the least Advantage by it, or Benefit from it; but t­ here it lay in a Drawer, and grew mouldy with the Damp of the Cave, in the wet Season, and if I had had the Draw full of Diamonds, it had been the same Case; and they had been of no manner of Value to me, ­because of no Use.

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In addition to emphasizing use value, Crusoe feels a genuine disgust for the value that society places upon money. Implicit in this condemnation is a judgment upon Western society for its mistaken emphasis—­its fetishization of gold, silver, and diamonds, mediums of exchange that have only an illusory value. Accompanying this rejection of an absolute value inherent in money is the emphasis on useful tasks. It was Ian Watt who first suggested that society had just reached the stage of urbanization in which ordinary products—­bread, clothing, meats—­were pur­chas­able at shops rather than part of home industry. Watt posited a kind of nostalgia built into The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures for a simpler past.55 Crusoe’s manufacture of pots, his reflection on all the tasks that are necessary for making a loaf of bread, and his sewing together the goat skins to make himself an outfit ­were conceived in terms of the plea­sure that a con­temporary audience, removed from such tasks, would feel in seeing Crusoe master t­ hese difficulties. But if this is true enough, it is also true that Defoe was attempting to illustrate a point he makes over and over again—­t hat any h ­ uman being could do what he is d ­ oing, that the economic history of mankind is latent within e­ very h ­ uman being. In other words, even if most h ­ uman beings in the West w ­ ere now removed from the necessity to engage in ­these activities, they ­were always recoverable. From this standpoint, Defoe points forward to Jean-­Jacques Rousseau, who saw in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures a potential educational manual—­a manual that would urge the student to deal with ­things rather than words and to understand how much of what passes for civilization is unnecessary. Of course for Crusoe all of this is an act of recovery. And the recovery is made pos­si­ble by the tools he discovers on the wreck. Defoe is explicit on this and hardly needed Karl Marx’s insistence upon it.56 Crusoe brings away from the wreck the accumulated l­abor and knowledge of thousands of laborers. To a certain extent his return to a primitive state of existence is an illusion. Selkirk too had a few tools from his chest to work with, but compared to Crusoe he lived a primitive life. He tamed his goats and sewed his outfit from their skins, but that was almost the extent of his manufacturing. He had no umbrella to keep off the sun, no grain to plant and harvest for making bread, no clay pots to manufacture. He survived, but it can hardly be said that he thrived. Selkirk did have a ­kettle in which to cook his food, but Defoe, the former manufacturer of bricks and other items made of clay, could not resist having Crusoe discover how to work with that medium. In short, Defoe wanted to build in a utopia of self-­learned crafts in his novel, and he wanted to give Crusoe something of a start in his endeavors. In addition to the relevance of con­temporary economic themes, The Strange Sur­ prizing Adventures also reflects some of the religious disputes of the period. During the years preceding the publication of Defoe’s work, both the Church of ­England and the Dissenters w ­ ere embroiled in controversy. What has been called the “Bangorian Controversy” involved the efforts of the High Church to censure Benjamin Hoadly, the Bishop of Bangor, for preaching sermons in 1716 and 1717 intended to suggest that since the Kingdom of Christ was not of this world, it w ­ ere best if the Church of E ­ ngland tended to the spiritual well-­being of its communicants rather

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than meddling in politics. George I prevented a condemnation of Hoadly by the Convocation of the Church by abolishing the Convocation itself. Already considered a radical Whig cleric by High Churchmen long before ­t hese events, Hoadly became a highly divisive figure within the Church, and his positions and statements between 1716 and 1722 created a firestorm of controversy. Perhaps the most impor­tant aspect of the vari­ous pamphlet wars over Hoadly had to do with the question of “sincerity.” At one point in his writings Hoadly argued that sincerity of intention might be taken as an impor­tant standard in judging ­human actions.57 Although this argument was subjected to considerable ridicule, sincerity became a key concept in the age. And at least in part Robinson Crusoe belonged to the lit­ er­a­ture of sincerity that, before the triumph of sensibility, dominated the age.58 In 1718, only a relatively short time ­after the Church of ­England was divided by opinions over the Bishop of Bangor, the Dissenters became embroiled in a controversy over the Trinity—­t he Christian concept of a united and equal entity of God the F ­ ather, Jesus Christ, and the Holy Ghost. The Catholic Church had battled against the “Arian heresy” in the third and fourth centuries, and the Athanasian Creed had attempted to make the hypostatic ­union represented by the Trinity a central part of Orthodox Chris­tian­ity. But during the seventeenth and eigh­teenth centuries, when a new type of biblical scholarship began to flourish, questions about the controversy between Arius and Athanasius arose once more. ­Those with doubts about the literal truth of the Trinity during this period included two of the most impor­tant En­glishmen of the age, Sir Isaac Newton and John Locke, but they kept their notions to themselves. However, in 1711 the disciple of Newton, William Whiston, created considerable controversy when he argued that the doctrine of the Trinity had no basis in the early historical texts of Chris­tian­ity. When a distinguished Dissenting minister was accused of preaching against the Trinity, ­there was a meeting at Salters’s Hall in 1718 in an attempt to resolve the m ­ atter. But instead of arriving at a consensus, the Dissenters divided on the idea of taking an oath on their belief in the Trinity. The results of the meeting had a devastating influence on any kind of unity among the Dissenters, particularly the Presbyterians, with many of the congregations slipping t­ oward an Anti-­Trinitarian posture. When Robinson Crusoe discovers his faith in Chris­tian­ity away from the power of a par­tic­u­lar church, it has to be seen in terms of Defoe’s considerable distaste for what he considered to be modern heresies and for controversies among clergymen. Early in his life he liked to quote Dryden’s line, “For Priests of all Religions are the same,” and in his The Pre­sent State of Parties (1712), he commented at length upon the decline of the ministry among the Dissenters. Crusoe’s situation allows him to discover a broad concept of Chris­tian­ity, purged of par­tic­u­lar dogmas. He does not claim to have any par­tic­u­lar knowledge beyond the reading of his Bible. That this is a particularly Protestant gesture is obvious, and one critic has argued that it may have had its origins in the Schism Bill of 1714, which deprived the Dissenters of their right to teach their princi­ples in their own schools. This same critic argued that the thrust of both The ­Family Instructor (1715) and The Life and Strange

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Surprizing Adventures came from a need imposed upon the Dissenters by the Schism Bill to teach proper religious doctrines to their c­ hildren at home, thereby avoiding a suspect clergy.59 But if Crusoe’s Chris­tian­ity is essentially anticlerical, it is also a response to t­ hose he considered to be the heretics of his time—­John Toland, William Whiston, and Anthony Collins. If the socioeconomic and religious aspects of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures seem obvious enough, its po­liti­cal meaning is more vague. Defoe seems to have been a “Court Whig,” with no objections to George I, the Hanoverian monarch whose succession in 1714 ensured the Protestant Succession, which he had fought for and promoted throughout his adult life. Thus, although his position as a spy upon the opposition press occasionally allowed him to voice some objections to the government, he was hardly fighting against the status quo. ­Under ­these circumstances, his fantasy about being an absolute monarch of his island has to be seen as just that—­acceptable when he is ruling over his dog, his parrot, and his cats; but for all his insistence on literal contracts, it hardly has much real­ity once his island is peopled with real h ­ uman beings. When he notes that he allows complete toleration in his dominions, with the Catholic Spaniard, Friday’s pagan ­father, and the Protestant Friday, Defoe may have been making a subtle reference to efforts at repealing the Test Act, which prevented Dissenters from serving in government positions. U ­ nder George I, the attempts at regulating the education of Dissenters, which passed at the end of Queen Anne’s reign, had already been dropped. It would be in­ter­est­ing to speculate on ­whether, for a brief period, Defoe felt confident enough in the stability of the Protestant monarchy to allow a full toleration that would indeed have included both pagans and Catholics.

The Novel as a Historical Fiction As his story begins, Defoe’s narrator declares that he was “born in the Year 1632 in the City of York, of a good F ­ amily, tho’ not of that Country, my F ­ ather being a Foreigner of Bremen.” Laurence Sterne’s ­Uncle Toby was ­later to note all of the complications involved in Trim’s attempt to name an exact date in commencing the “story of the king of Bohemia,” in a similar manner.60 Toby felt that by bringing up the date of 1712, Trim had evoked all kinds of prob­lems involving the War of the Spanish Succession. But The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, like Tris­ tram Shandy as a w ­ hole, was essentially dif­fer­ent from the fairy tale that Trim attempts to tell. Like so much of the fiction that was to follow its publication of Defoe’s work—­Tom Jones, Roderick Random, Persuasion—­Defoe’s account of Robinson Crusoe was very much set in its historical time, and t­here is no reason to think that Defoe was unaware of some of the historical events surrounding the life of his protagonist. The year 1632 saw the death of Gustavus Adolphus at the B ­ attle of Lützen on 16 November. The Swedish king had delivered an astonishing defeat to the Catholic forces at Breitenfeld near Leipzig in the previous year, a victory that, as one historian argued, marked “the turn in the tide of the ­Counter Reformation.” 61

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Gustavus Adolphus was seen as the g­ reat Protestant leader of the period. With his death, the Thirty Years’ War became a series of impasses, ending fi­nally with the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. In ­England, the image of the ­great Swedish king and the “Swedish Discipline” loomed large in the minds of the Puritans during the first half of the seventeenth ­century.62 He and his army became the model of heroism and military discipline that the armies of Parliament and ­Cromwell during the Civil War attempted to imitate. For Defoe, Gustavus Adolphus was both a ­great historical figure and a continuing symbol of militant Protestantism. Defoe always distinguished between the Dissenters of his time and the “Puritans” of the early seventeenth c­ entury. For his forebears Gustavus Adolphus had been a vivid real­ity; for Defoe he was someone whose memory had to be called up through an imaginative sense of the past. Defoe glorified him in his fictional Memoirs of a Cavalier (1720) and hardly missed an opportunity to use anecdotes about his be­hav­ior as a King and military leader. In placing Crusoe’s birth in 1632, then, Defoe associated him with a variety of impulses within Protestantism, not the least of which was his individualism and his reliance on the Bible for his religious beliefs. As Michael Seidel pointed out, Crusoe’s absence from E ­ ngland roughly coincided with the period between the Restoration of Charles II to the throne of E ­ ngland and the Glorious Revolution of 1688.63 For Dissenters like Defoe and his f­ amily, it was a period of internal exile, and to a certain extent, it is pos­si­ble to see Crusoe’s exile on his island as an extended meta­phor for the life of the Dissenters in E ­ ngland. But, in fact, Crusoe leaves E ­ ngland before 1660 and returns in 1687, a year before the Glorious Revolution. Defoe was writing not allegory but what he was to call allusive “allegoric history,” which might be interpreted as a type of fiction that was based in history with occasional allusions to the Bible and other texts.64 Attempts to read vari­ous parallel events into the text appear to range from the perhaps pos­ si­ble to the overly ingenious.65 Of course Defoe’s text is historical in a number of specific and general ways. For example, Crusoe’s f­ ather is from Germany, travels to Hull, and then retires to York, a pattern that has its example in a famous mayor of Hull, who had made a similar journey and transformation.66 And in a more general sense it may be said that having made that very journey, Crusoe’s ­father places himself in a weak position for advising his sons to stay at home.67 The mobility of the sons represents a general image for the age. But t­ here are also some very specific historical m ­ atters mentioned, such as the very bad winter in the year that Crusoe decides to cross the Pyrenees. And perhaps no section of the novel is more historically accurate than the pattern of Crusoe’s life in Brazil. By 1719, when Defoe published his novel, Brazil had ceased to be the ­giant among sugar producers in the New World. Britain’s Ca­rib­bean islands had long before surpassed Brazil in this. In fact, the discovery of gold and diamonds in Brazil was a more exciting event to con­temporary Eu­rope than its sugar production. But in the 1650s, when Crusoe arrives in the Bahia de todos os Santos, the production of sugar was a quick way to wealth for ­t hose with the resources to purchase land and eventually become the owner of an

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“Engenho de acucar,” what Crusoe calls an “Ingeino.” As Stuart Schwartz has suggested, Crusoe’s path to wealth follows, in exact historical detail, the pro­cess by which many a plantation owner financed his purchase of a plantation and his ultimate building of a mill to refine the sugar canes.68 In addition, sugar was produced in mills that functioned in ways similar in many re­spects to the En­glish factories of the eigh­teenth ­century. Thus Crusoe enters into the way to wealth not very dif­fer­ent from that associated with the cap­i­tal­ist expansion of the early Industrial Revolution and its need for l­ abor.69 Crusoe works hard as one of the cutters of sugar cane (lavradores de cana), but the way to become wealthy involved the purchase of slaves. From this standpoint, from the very beginning of his ­career as a trader to Africa, Crusoe’s involvement in the slave trade and his understanding of the use of l­ abor are central to his story. If his stay on the island may be viewed, in part, as punishment for trying to exploit slave ­labor, he is certainly unrepentant on this point (at least in his imagination) as he dreams of acquiring slaves from among the cannibals. But real­ity is always dif­fer­ent from fantasy. Crusoe’s pro-­slavery stance is partially undermined as Friday becomes less a slave and more the perfect servant and friend.

Philosophical and Social Themes A glance at the illustrations in the 1720 German translation of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures shows some standard depictions—­Crusoe listening to his ­father, Friday kneeling before Crusoe, the discovery of the cannibal feast—­but it also has scenes of Crusoe digging at his cave, shaping his boat, and manufacturing pottery. The frontispiece, taken from Picart, prominently displays Crusoe’s hatchet and saw rather than the two guns and sword in the original frontispiece by John Pine and John Clark. We note the variety of ­t hese illustrations ­because it is sometimes suggested that Rousseau’s praise of Robinson Crusoe represented a kind of distortion of the way in which Defoe’s novel was perceived. Rather it may be said that Rousseau’s praise of Defoe’s work was an eloquent elaboration on attitudes already well established on the Continent, where the baggage of Defoe’s notorious po­liti­cal reputation was not a ­factor in viewing the work as serious commentary. Defoe was writing ­after key statements on ­human existence by Anthony Cooper, Third Earl of Shaftesbury, in his Characteristicks (1711) and by Bernard Mandev­ille in his Fable of the Bees (1714). Defoe was to deal with both writers at some length during the 1720s, for he perceived them as offering a division in the way in which ­human nature might be understood. It is hardly surprising that he found Mandev­ ille more congenial since, to his mind, Shaftesbury’s ideas seemed to go against his view of a fallen ­human nature. On the other hand, if he tended to find Mandev­ille’s view of ­human nature as governed by self-­interest generally correct, he did believe ­human beings could act with genuine feelings of charity and kindness. As Ian Watt argued so well, Crusoe is ruled by a sense of individualism. He tends to regard ­people in terms of what use they may be to him, and his venture to engage

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in the slave trade while he is prospering in Brazil is a good example of h ­ uman beings as Mandev­ille and, before him, Thomas Hobbes viewed them—as creatures constantly moved by desire and a sense of aggrandizement. The island pre­sents Crusoe with a scene of action that he can absorb. His single job is to survive within the limitations of what the island has to offer to thrive. His looting of the ship and the motivation it affords him is in the manner of a final act of economic venturing. Defoe pronounced in his Compleat En­glish Tradesman (1726–1727) that all trade was a form of “Theft.” So Crusoe begins his island adventure by appropriating the ­labor that went into manufacturing the vessel and its goods. Nevertheless, Crusoe is essentially in the state of nature that was of such interest to Defoe’s time. In his works on natu­ral law, Samuel Pufendorf speculated on what the condition of a man “antecedent to all Culture and Information” would be ­were he placed alone in such a state: The Condition of such a Person could not prove other­w ise than extreamly miserable, w ­ hether he ­were thus cast upon the Earth in Infancy, or in Maturity of Stature and of Strength. If an Infant, he could not but have sadly perish’d, u ­ nless some Brute Creature had by a kind of Miracle offer’d its Duggs for his Support; and then he must necessarily have imbib’d a fierce and savage Temper, u ­ nder the Nursery and Education of Beasts. If in Perfection of Limbs, and Size, we must however conceive him Naked, able to utter but an inarticulate Sound, . . . ​amaz’d and startled at the t­ hings about him, and even at his own Being.70

Like Thomas Hobbes’s fearful being, Pufendorf’s natu­ral man lives a life of fear, surviving on roots and creeping into a cave to protect himself from the weather. Pufendorf was clearly aware of the other view—­t he view that saw man growing ­toward wisdom by his contact with nature, an idea that had ancient roots in the philosophy of the Stoics. It was perhaps best represented by The History of Hai Ibn Yokdhan, in which a child is suckled by goats and, as he grows to adulthood, achieves a state of full understanding through his natu­ral powers.71 Such a viewpoint would have interested Defoe.72 Crusoe grows in wisdom through the use of his reason, but even in his Serious Reflections, at the end of which he allows his imagination full flight, his way of thinking is essentially directed t­ oward prob­lem solving rather than abstract contemplation. He always insists on his being an ordinary man, that what he achieves in the way of craftsmanship and invention—­his building a boat and making pots—is what any h ­ uman being might do. Like Pufendorf’s natu­ral man, Crusoe has his caves and is certainly ruled by his fears, especially ­after discovering the presence of the cannibals, but ­there is ­little doubt that he is much more like John Locke’s resourceful natu­ral man, creating property by his l­ abors and ­eager for the society of ­others. Defoe once wrote that if twenty men “born in the dark, and that had never known Men or t­ hings” ­were set on an island, the first ­t hing they would do, ­after satisfying their hunger, “would be to ­settle Government among them.”73 Crusoe’s individualism and his sense of self-­interest are components in his ability to survive, but he is completely happy on the island only a­ fter Friday arrives.

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Taking the hint from Selkirk as “absolute monarch” of his island, Defoe played with this po­liti­cal concept. It is ­simple enough when Crusoe rules over his parrot, dog, and goats, but it becomes more complicated a­ fter he finds his island peopled. What­ever the real meaning of Friday’s gesture when he puts Crusoe’s foot upon his head, Crusoe has saved his life, and by the natu­ral laws of gratitude and the stoic theory of “benefits,” Friday owes him his loyalty. The same applies to Friday’s ­father and to the Spanish Captain, but with the expansion of the settlement to include the sixteen Spanish sailors, the relationship becomes more a ­matter of a ­legal contract. And though it cannot be signed in any literal way, Crusoe insists upon it. When Crusoe relinquishes his control over the island in The Farther Adven­ tures, he is following an inevitable path. Ultimately the monarch can rule only through the consent of the governed. That, as Manuel Schonhorn has suggested, Defoe was attracted to the Williamite model of monarchy t­ here can be no doubt.74 Crusoe remains the leader of his small colony, but his followers are like members of an extended ­family. That he allows toleration for religion among his subjects—­Catholic, pagan, and Christian—is very much along the Whig ideal promulgated by Locke. It is a world in which every­one has a “Property in his own Person” and a right to the property created by his own ­labor.75 More ­will be said about the politics of Crusoe’s island in the introduction to The Farther Adventures, but in this first volume Defoe provides a rough sketch of the origin and evolution of society.

Religion as a Formal Structure and Practice Karl Marx dismissed Defoe’s religious observances as a form of entertainment, but it is clearly central to the text. In 1965, in his Defoe and Spiritual Autobiography, G.  A. Starr argued that Defoe’s novel followed the rather rigid structure of con­ temporary spiritual biography. In so d ­ oing, however, he made that structure more flexible. In the following year, J. Paul Hunter examined this form along with several other literary types, seeing them as major influences on The Life and Strange Surpriz­ ing Adventures. ­There ­were, of course, several first-­person forms that Defoe knew and sometimes used, including the picaresque novel and the personal memoir, both genuine and fictional. But both Starr and Hunter w ­ ere certainly right in arguing the influence of forms associated with the inward turn of the seventeenth ­century. On the other hand, Defoe was very much attuned to his time and perfectly aware that he was writing a work of fiction and not a genuine spiritual autobiography. It might be well to begin with Crusoe’s diary, for such documents often formed the basis for the spiritual autobiography. That Defoe included a fictional diary within the main fiction was a stroke of genius. The spiritual diary of the seventeenth c­ entury was supposed to be a kind of account book of the sinner’s relationship with God.76 John Fuller’s introduction to John Beadle’s A Journal or Diary of a Thankful Christian (1656) notes that God himself keeps a rec­ord of e­ very h ­ uman’s action and suggests the keeping of a balance sheet of sins and good deeds much in the manner of Crusoe’s balancing the evils of his condition against the good,77 and

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Edward Wettenhall urged his readers to engage in private meditation in their “Closet” along with a rec­ord of their daily experience.78 Defoe learned much from the notion of the spiritual diary, but the rec­ord of his conversion, which occurs on 27 June 1660 and is noted in Crusoe’s diary, is one entry in the midst of vari­ous practical reports on the ague that has attacked his body. Stuart Sherman argued that the diary is about Crusoe’s ordering of time, but he quotes another critic who compares the diary to a “time-­and-­motion study” rather than anything resembling the customary Puritan diary.79 Crusoe’s conversion, though vital to his spiritual well-­being, is just one part of his life—­noted alongside looting t­ hings from the ship or making pots. It is closer to the kind of log that might be expected of the “mari­ ner” announced on the title page than the diary of a person accustomed to examine his soul. In addition, unlike the spiritual diary that fervently examined and recorded one’s spiritual condition, Crusoe notes in the paragraphs before he pre­ sents his “journal” that it is actually written as an act of memory, not in the heat of emotion but rather recorded sometime ­after the experience. Starr gives an eight-­step outline of a typical spiritual autobiography, including the person’s state before conversion, the conversion itself, the falling off of religious fervor, the full recovery of the believer, the pre­sent state of the believer, and the par­tic­u­lar mercies that God has shown a person.80 But the crucial moment is the conversion itself, which transforms the sinner. In comparing The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures to a spiritual biography published in 1711, An Account of Some Remarkable Passages in the Life of a Private Gentleman, Starr concludes that “the Private Gentleman’s own attempts to evade responsibility and escape painful self-­awareness actually lead him no further afield than the play­house and other local haunts of idleness and dissipation. Yet such action differs from Crusoe’s only in geo­graph­i­cal scope, not in spiritual implication.”81 The disclaimer is significant. Crusoe is a wanderer and an adventurer. Once he is converted to a belief in a God who is everywhere pre­sent, his life takes on a new dimension, but scenes in which he is shaping his earthenware vessels, manufacturing a boat, or battling wild beasts in the Pyrenees reveal very ­little recording of meditation or inner contemplation. A comparison with Richard Norwood’s Journal, a seventeenth-­century document dated 1640, is also instructive. It begins in much the same manner as The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures with an account of the place and year of his birth. His conversion occurs when he is twenty-­five years old and living on the island of Bermuda, but he rec­ords the presence of God and his mercies in his life before that time. As was Crusoe, he is attracted to the life of a seaman and embarks on a voyage, disobeying the advice of his parents. He studies “the art of navigation” and becomes skilled at mathe­matics.82 As for religion, he sins continually, yet has a sense of God’s presence in his life. Once he is fully converted, from pages 71 to 111, and for ten pages leading up to his conversion, his journal is concerned almost entirely with his spiritual life. It is easy enough to find the outlines of a similar pattern of conversion in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, but it would be an exaggeration to say that Defoe’s account of isolation, survival, and cannibalism was exclusively a conversion narrative.

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Thus, although ­t here is ­little doubt that Defoe was influenced by spiritual autobiography, in addition to the many other seventeenth-­century traditions, outlined by J. Paul Hunter,83 he was also very much aware of what was happening in con­ temporary writing—­developments in essays, memoirs, and fiction. Sherman notes that the diary section of The Strange Surprizing Adventures is ­shaped to do “impor­ tant narrative work.”84 Entries are shortened during Crusoe’s sickness and expanded at dramatic moments, such as his conversion, or discursive sections, such as the making of bread. Hence, if the diary gives a kind of concreteness to his conversion, it also allows him to rec­ord the most trifling of details about the items that he takes from the wreck or about the fish he is able to catch or his exploration of the island. All of ­t hese entries give a remarkable solidity to Crusoe’s world.85 It was this technique that was so new in Defoe’s fiction and made him the innovative writer we recognize t­ oday.

Colonial and Postcolonial Themes Perhaps few aspects of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures have been of more interest during the past twenty years than that of the encounter with the “other”—­with the cannibals in general and with Friday, in par­tic­u­lar.86 It has been the occasion of a number of novels and films attempting to tell the story from a dif­fer­ent point of view than that provided by Defoe. In Michel Tournier’s Friday (Vendredi [1969]) the encounter between Friday and Crusoe is a liberating experience for both of them. At the end Friday sails off, while Crusoe remains on the island to find his life’s work in teaching a young boy who has been left ­there. Tournier’s Crusoe is at first hostile or indifferent to the island. He refuses to confront or recognize the condition that the island imposes upon him and then attempts to merge with it, just as he at first feels estranged t­ oward Friday and then comes to love him. In his brilliantly realized Foe, J. M. Coetzee makes use of another of Defoe’s fictional creations—­Susan or Roxana, who has been shipwrecked a­ fter a trip to Bahia to find her lost ­daughter. The island is relatively barren. ­There is no pleasant valley or “Country House” to which Susan or Crusoe can travel. Crusoe is presented as a taciturn and perhaps brutal colonizer building terraces for no clear reason for a ­f uture he cannot foresee. Friday has had his tongue cut out, perhaps by Crusoe. This makes him an enigma for most of the novel as he is brought to E ­ ngland by Susan, who hopes that her story of the island w ­ ill make a publishable work of true adventure. She seeks out the famous writer Foe, who tells her that she needs more material to make a successful work. At the end t­ here is a dream sequence, seemingly u ­ nder ­water, in which all of the wrongs produced by colonialism pour out of the mouth of Friday. Similarly the Nobel Laureate poet Derek Walcott has written a number of works in which the encounter between Crusoe and Friday is used to symbolize the tragic dilemmas spawned by the colonial situation. ­There is nothing new about this imitative use of The Life and Strange Surpriz­ ing Adventures. Thomas Sheridan wrote a popu­lar pantomime in 1781, modeled on

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Defoe’s work. Through the years it has been the subject of musicals as well as a number of films. It has inspired numerous works of science fiction in which the outlines of Defoe’s work are still detectable. Although in ­t hese works The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures is used as a springboard for imaginative statements about Eu­rope’s encounter with and attempt to control cultures and ­peoples who are essentially dif­fer­ent, ­t here have been some controversial scholars, particularly at the end of the twentieth c­ entury, who have accused Defoe of writing a work that advocates slavery, the brutal destruction of native populations, and the violent imposition of Eu­ro­pean constructs upon indigenous races.87 In answer to this, it may be said that Crusoe is not Defoe but a fictional character. In his spirit of economic adventurism, he is very dif­fer­ent from another one of Defoe’s characters, Col­o­nel Jack, who operates ­toward ­others on the belief that treating ­others fairly and generously ­will result in an equal return. Although Defoe would have admired Crusoe’s energy, he would not have been sympathetic to Crusoe’s attitude t­ oward ­t hose about him. Like the natu­ral leader he is, Crusoe tends to think of ­people entirely in terms of their use to him. A comparison between Defoe’s treatment of Crusoe and Friday might be enlightening ­here. In contrast to the “Sketch” that Crusoe draws of himself that depicts a grotesque figure in his goat skins and g­ reat, hanging mustache, Friday is described in an idealized manner as physically attractive.88 But it is especially ­a fter Friday’s conversion, when Crusoe confesses that Friday was a “better Christian” than he was, that Friday emerges as the superior ­human being. He is open and friendly compared to the suspicious Crusoe. But Defoe wanted his reader to admire Crusoe for his good qualities—­his determination to survive, his energy, his inventiveness. It is true that Crusoe dreams of taking some of the cannibals as slaves, but if Friday acts as Crusoe’s servant while on the island, Crusoe’s relation to Friday is closer to that of a friend. Crusoe knows that Friday would give his life for him ­after Crusoe has saved his life from the pursuing cannibals, and Crusoe returns such loyalty with considerable affection. The creation of Friday does not suggest a ­simple alterity, them and us, but in the tradition of the “good cannibal” established most notably by Jean de Léry in his account of Brazil, Friday and his ­father represent the possibility of a tripartite division—­colonist, convert to Western manners and religion, and virtuous pagan.89 Of course the truly “good cannibal” in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures is one who had abandoned the practice. In Friday’s case, he is a cannibal who has embraced Chris­tian­ity and, with the exception of his dislike of salt, accepted what­ ever way of living Crusoe recommends. On the other hand, his emotional reaction to the discovery of his f­ ather, his complete happiness, shown by his display of “antick Gestures,” suggests that he is capable of feelings in a way that Crusoe is not. Crusoe’s suspicions about Friday’s joy in having rescued his ­father, his fear that it ­will diminish Friday’s affection for and loyalty to him, is an indication of the narrowness of Crusoe’s emotions. If Friday’s capacity for joy along with his speed as a runner and prowess as a swimmer may seem to have racist connotations in anticipating the image of the happy, ignorant slave that was part of the

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propaganda of the southern U.S. states during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, it may be argued that such a view is distorted by the history of ­later developments. Defoe was a champion for teaching swimming and including exercise in education, and ­t here is no reason to think the reader was to view Friday’s athleticism in a negative, narrowly racist way.90 On the other hand, ­there is ­little question that Crusoe exploits Friday’s sense of gratitude. His notion that Friday’s gesture of kneeling and putting Crusoe’s foot on his head means that he is swearing to be his slave forever is a clear case of overinterpreting a gesture that may mean nothing more than “thank you.”91 Since Defoe throws doubt upon gestures as universal modes of communication in The Farther Adventures, we may assume that Crusoe reads into this situation what he wants to believe. As Warren Montag argues, in applying the arguments of Louis Althusser to this scene, any notion that Friday is a ­free party to a contract of obedience when Crusoe is almost literally holding a gun to his head is absurd.92 Friday is eventually a ­free agent who chooses to serve Crusoe out of a kind of loyalty that Defoe believed to be natu­ral in a good person—­a part of the law of nature.93 None of this takes away from the fact that Crusoe is an exploiter of o ­ thers and part of the system of slavery that, at one time, included himself. That he had been captured and enslaved by the raider from Salé does not appear to transform his ideological foundations, but being shipwrecked on an island for twenty-­eight years does seem to change him somewhat, at least by the time we view him in The Far­ ther Adventures. On a moral and po­liti­cal level, Defoe was a staunch defender of liberty, and he condemned slavery as cruel and inhuman. But he was also an economist, and in an area that mea­sured all ­t hings on the basis of profit and loss, he saw slaves as a product and slavery as a trade. Insofar as the novels w ­ ere, at least partly, ethical texts, he was to show Crusoe becoming something of a champion of native p ­ eoples. But ­there is no question that he starts out as an exploiter of ­others and that even in his reformed stage he is less of a good ­human being than we would want him to be. Insofar as he was the typical colonial En­glishman of his age and predictive of E ­ ngland’s colonial f­ uture, Defoe may be said to have been loyal to a notion of presenting the realities of his time.

Language, Style, and Fiction The only study of the language of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures was a brief monograph by Gustaf Lannert in 1910. His conclusions ­were hardly anything that might not have been expected, but it may be well to repeat them. He argued that Defoe used “a remarkably fluent and easy style” that was more typical of colloquial speech than of “refined, conventional literary language.” Defoe’s aim was “to speak clearly and forcibly” and to create a sense of the real through the use of “every-­day speech.” Lannert noted the use of the historical pre­sent and of loose constructions but argued that “the clearness of the point and of the periods is never lost.” He thought that the renderings of the dialects of Xury and Friday ­were attempts at voicing par­tic­u­lar examples of En­glish spoken by ­people outside

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the sphere of Western Eu­rope and, therefore, original. He picked out a few oddities. ­These included what he called the use of the ­Middle En­g lish North of ­England plural (as in “I fetches my Guns”), the occasional use of “thou,” and the inconsistency of comparative forms (“more terrible,” “pleasanter”). ­There are a number of issues to comment upon ­here. Defoe did not have a single style but employed a variety of styles as suited the occasion. His three-­part Secret History of the White Staff, published in 1714–1715, and a number of pieces that he wrote for Robert Harley ­were written in such a way as to avoid the colloquial manner that he cultivated in some of his more popu­lar pamphlets. He was an excellent mimic and got into trou­ble with the Quaker community by imitating Quaker dialect in one pamphlet. He imitated lower class dialects in the Review, what he thought to be the mannerisms of the Turks in A Continuation of Letters to a Turk­ ish Spy, and a buffoonish country dialect in one episode of Moll Flanders. In the cases of Xury and Friday, rather than rendering their manner of speaking in ordinary En­glish or, as sometimes was the case with sympathetic natives, in an elevated or stoic manner, Defoe prob­ably attempted what he thought might be their ­actual rendering of En­glish.94 How close to con­temporary real­ity all of this may have been is difficult to say. As for Crusoe, he is conceived as someone born into the life of the m ­ iddle ­orders, who, with the development of his story, becomes more knowing, even acquiring a considerable nautical vocabulary. As for Defoe’s styles, as P. N. Furbank and W. R. Owens remarked in an excellent essay, Defoe’s ways of writing w ­ ere vari­ous and extremely effective. They begin with Sir Walter Scott’s evaluation of Defoe’s “colloquial, circuitous, and periphrastic style” as having set the tone for subsequent discussions. For Scott, Defoe’s style is an emanation of himself, a wonderful but unchangeable part of his personality. They note that G. A. Starr’s defense of the variety of Defoe’s styles still leaves “the impression that ‘immethodical homespun garrulity,’ is Defoe’s usual way of writing.”95 What they discover in Defoe’s style is “continual verbal inventiveness,” remarkable variations in tone, and extraordinary syntactical inventiveness. In other words, instead of Lannert’s half apol­o­getic assertion that the reader never loses the threat of the discourse in Defoe’s narrative, they find in Defoe’s “sentence-­ paragraph,” as John Henry Raleigh called them,96 a “beautifully or­ga­nized and articulated” method. They call the style of ­these large verbal units Defoe’s “improvisatory method,” noting the way in which the full meaning is postponed ­until the end and argue that it is an extremely effective style for a narrative told in the voice of a given character.97 In short, Furbank and Owens demonstrate some of the complexities and brilliance of Defoe’s style. Furbank and Owen note some similarities to the style of John Locke in his Two Treatises on Government, but abandon that line of investigation to discover similarities between Defoe and the improvisatory method employed by Laurence Sterne in Tristram Shandy (1760–1767) four de­cades ­after the publication of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures.98 This is extremely suggestive. As Ian Watt remarked, for the novel the style of Defoe and Richardson was a more suitable vehicle than the more balanced style that became the mode of writing a­ fter the suc-

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cess of Addison and Steele’s Spectator (1711–1712, 1714).99 Viewing Defoe’s style from the perspective of the novel, Watt was unquestionably right, but by the 1720s publishers appear to have regarded Defoe’s manner of writing as somewhat old-­ fashioned, too loose and wordy, and ­t hose books of Defoe that ­were republished during the eigh­teenth ­century ­were frequently revised to suit con­temporary tastes. But Defoe’s choice of style was deliberate. He could and sometimes did imitate the style of Addison and Steele,100 but he was fond of the looser seventeenth-­century prose style, as was Samuel Johnson, several de­cades ­later. When he came to write his Conjugal Lewdness (1727), Defoe deliberately imitated the style of the seventeenth-­century divine Jeremy Taylor to achieve a par­tic­u­lar emotional effect. Although this commentary has stressed the variety of stylistic effects in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, the stylistic ele­ment that attracted most attention was Defoe’s ability to create a seemingly real world through language. Ian Watt described one ele­ment of this as “formal” or “circumstantial” realism.101 As studies in aphasia have shown, the h ­ uman mind has the capacity to conceive a w ­ hole world from the pre­sen­ta­tion of a few details.102 One of the best examples of this is the description of the corpse of the boy from the Spanish ship who had been cast on the island by the sea: I never knew ­whether any ­were saved out of that Ship or no; and had only the Affliction some Days a­ fter, to see the Corps of a drownded Boy come on Shore, at the End of the Island which was next the Shipwreck: He had on no Cloaths, but a Seaman’s Wastcoat, a pair of open knee’d Linnen Drawers, and a blew Linnen Shirt; but nothing to direct me so much as to guess what Nation he was of: He had nothing in his Pocket, but two Pieces of Eight, and a Tobacco Pipe; the last was to me of ten times more value than the first.

It is notable that this passage sustains the themes of loneliness and the valueless of money on the island. But such m ­ atters deflect the pathos of the scene. As readers, we ­don’t know what the boy’s face or body looked like or even his nationality. All that we have are some bits of his clothing and the contents of his pocket.103 The very arbitrariness of the details creates what Roland Barthes called the “real­ity effect.” Yet ­these details, along with the silences—­what is not mentioned—­call upon the reader to imagine the scene.104 In other words, the details give us a sense of the concreteness of the real­ity presented, but demand that the reader work at creating the entire picture—­sea, sand, clouds. And all of this has to be merged with the reader’s knowledge of Crusoe’s violent longing for h ­ uman companionship that had created the fit of clenching his hands and striking his teeth on the preceding page. Some details are t­ here simply to create a kind of solidity for Crusoe’s world. He tells us the exact dimensions in feet of the ditch he digs to bring his boat to the creek to launch it. In the making of pottery or in the manufacturing of bread, the reader again is given exact details. But the reader always has to join his mind with the pro­cesses of manufacturing to make such descriptions work. Michael McKeon is unquestionably right to associate such descriptions with a new empirical spirit in the age as well as the scientific accuracy in mea­sur­ing demanded in the experiments of

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the Royal Society.105 Readers liked to know how t­ hings worked, and Defoe supplied them with such information in a way that allowed them to feel they w ­ ere able to reenact Crusoe’s achievements.106 For Defoe, the impor­tant ­t hing was to have Crusoe tell a story in a compelling manner, in a way that would interest his readers. Who would t­ hese readers be? Lannert assumed that the readership would be ­t hose among the ­middle ­orders who could afford the expense of the five shillings charged by William Taylor. But of course it was read by a wide variety of p ­ eople—­t hose interested in voyages, t­ hose interested in exciting narratives, and t­ hose moved by Crusoe’s religious reflections. And once it was serialized in a newspaper, it could be had for the price of a penny an episode. The year 1719 was a good time for fiction, for Eliza Haywood as well as Defoe, and both writers ­were feeding an audience ­eager for exciting narrative, ­whether of adventure or love. How did he succeed in capturing the interest of his audience? The beginning of the narrative is not very dif­fer­ent from a number of picaresque novels, but the description of the storm off Yarmouth is almost cinematic in its effects—­t he sky, the waves, the reactions of the crew, the report of ships in distress, the terror of the narrative. All of this evoked the feelings of distress associated with the sublime, just a few years before James Thomson’s Winter (1726) made this the mode to imitate in poetry. ­There are storms in other accounts of the sea, but nothing half so dramatic in, say, the tales of voyagers such as William Dampier and Woodes Rogers. And shortly ­after the storm ­t here is Crusoe’s trip to Africa, his capture and enslavement in Salé, his escape, his rescue, his work as a sugar planter in Brazil, his decision to use his knowledge of the slave trade to go to Africa, and the storm that throws him on his island. Up to his island adventure, The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures is essentially an adventure story. For example, the story of enslavement in North Africa or among the Turks was a sub-­genre in con­temporary fiction.107 But Defoe knew a ­great deal about the trade to Africa and also had considerable knowledge of the ways in which individual planters became rich during the seventeenth c­ entury in Brazil. Th ­ ere are some picaresque novels that take their narrators through three countries in one paragraph. Defoe lingers on economic details, creating a sense of real­ity in his text that was original. But once on the island, within what seems to be a seamless narrative, Defoe used all kinds of rhetorical methods to keep his reader absorbed, from the set piece like the address on the uselessness of gold on an island to the dream sequence in which an angelic figure descends with the seeming purpose of destroying him, from a how-to guide to making pots to a frightening strug­gle with the violent currents that surround the island, from diary technique, with its variations offering new ways of seeing the main narrative, to dialogues. To some modern readers it seems lacking in adventure. A ­ fter all, for most of his years on the island he is engaged with the tedious necessity of finding ways to survive. The eyes shining in the cave are indeed nothing but t­ hose of a goat. The cannibals provoke a crisis in Crusoe’s life, but it is an internal crisis for the most part—­a crisis involving how

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he ­ought to behave ­toward them and how he should regulate his life in the knowledge that they are always t­ here. The single footprint in the sand brings with it an almost endless series of emotions, actions, and ruminations, but he never has to encounter the cannibals u ­ ntil he chooses to rescue Friday. Although Ian Watt attempted to argue that “formal realism” belonged to Defoe and “psychological realism” belonged to the novels of Samuel Richardson, The Life and Strange Sur­ prizing Adventures is very much a novel about the way a par­tic­u­lar person responds to the world around him. We are always in Crusoe’s mind as he recounts his experiences. In many ways, it is an adventure novel, but it also reflects the inward turn of narrative, of inward experience, that was to be one of the impor­tant developments of the novel. How dif­fer­ent Defoe’s novel was from the kind of island adventure that appeared in the works of his contemporaries may be seen by a comparison with another work published in 1719, The Adventures and Surprizing Deliverances of James Dubour­ dieu and His Wife, by Ambrose Evans. This work has a variety of adventures, including the discovery of what might be called a “paradise story,” a natu­ral utopia in which the natives are naked, live in perfect peace and harmony, have no sense of property and no government, and are governed by a general spirit of love.108 But what is most significant h ­ ere, is that t­ here is no concentration upon the daily events of ordinary life. Rather, the first of two narrators informs us, “We had nothing readable for above two years more, the same t­ hings happening to us ­every day over and over again, with very ­little variation, which afforded nothing worth relating, we eat of the fruit, and drank of the purling stream. . . . ​During ­these three years of solitude I had nothing happen to me that deserves of par­tic­u­lar narration” (57–58, 66). In place of this sense that only “adventures” are of importance, Defoe gives us the feeling that, as readers, we are experiencing every­t hing with Crusoe on a daily basis. Indeed, the diary, while it lasts, provides just this feeling of the significance of ordinary life, ordinary t­ hings.

Notes 1. ​Keith Maslen pointed out that Taylor recorded the work in the Stationer’s Register on 23 April 1719, as its sole owner. John Robert Moore noted that an advertisement listed the work as “Printed for W. Taylor . . . ​, J. Graves . . . ​, T. Harbin . . . ​, J. Brotherton and W. Meadows,” suggesting that t­ here ­were actually five publishers involved, but if Taylor actually sold shares in the work (a not uncommon practice), t­here is no rec­ord of such a transaction. See Keith Maslen, “The Printers of Robinson Crusoe,” Library, 5th Series, 7 (1952): 124–131; Maslen, “Edition Quantities for Robinson Crusoe, 1719,” Library, 5th Series, 24 (1969): 145–150; and John Robert Moore, A Checklist of the Writings of Daniel Defoe (Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1971), 163. 2. ​John Nichols, Literary Anecdotes of the Eigh­teenth ­Century, 5 vols. (London: Printed for the Author, 1812), 1:181–182; Maslen, “Printers of Robinson Crusoe”; Maslen, “Edition Quantities for Robinson Crusoe”; and Moore, Checklist of the Writings of Daniel Defoe, 163. 3. ​Henry Clinton Hutchins argued that ­t here was some kind of arrangement between Heathcot, the publisher of the Original London Post, and William Taylor. See Hutchins, Rob­ inson Crusoe and Its Printing 1719–1731 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1925), 160–162. 4. ​Printed in Nichols, Literary Anecdotes, 1:182. 5. ​Daniel Defoe, A True Collection of the Writings of the Author of the True Born English-­ Man, 2 vols. (London, 1703–1705), 2:39.

xliv I n t r o d u c t i o n 6. ​Charles Gildon, The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Mr. D . . . . . De F . . . ​, in Robinson Crusoe Examin’d and Criticis’d, ed. Paul Dottin (London: Dent, 1923), 72. 7. ​See Gildon, Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 33, 44. 8. ​Gildon, Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 105. In both his taste for beer and his religious faith, Crusoe reveals what Gildon would have felt to be ungentlemanly. 9. ​ Le Journal des Scavans (Paris, 1720), 503–508. 10. ​ Das Leben und Gantz Ungemeine Begebenheiten des Robinson Crusoe (Leipzig, 1720), A3–­A4v. 11. ​ Bibliothèque Ancienne et Moderne 15 (Amsterdam, 1721), 440–441. 12. ​This account of Defoe criticism is intended only as an outline of attitudes. For excellent biblio­graphies of such criticism of Defoe in general, with the inevitable emphasis on the Robinson Crusoe trilogy, see Spiro Peterson, Daniel Defoe: A Reference Guide 1732–1924 (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1987); and John Stoler, Daniel Defoe: An Annotated Bibliography of Modern Criti­ cism, 1900–1980 (New York: Garland, 1984). A good se­lection of early criticism is contained in Pat Rogers’s volume on Defoe in the Critical Heritage series (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972). Although all of t­ hese volumes are excellent, they have sometimes been used in a way that fails to distinguish between what criticism has been impor­tant and had considerable influence and what has not. 13. ​Joseph Spence, Observations, Anecdotes, and Characters of Books and Men, 2 vols., ed. James Osborn (Oxford: Clarendon, 1955), 1:213 (item 498). 14. ​ The Universal Spectator, no. 466, 10 September 1737. 15. ​Theo­philus Cibber, ed., The Lives of the Poets of G ­ reat Britain, 4 vols. (London, 1753), 4:313–325. 16. ​Cibber, Lives of the Poets of G ­ reat Britain, 4:322, 325. 17. ​“This is the first book Emile w ­ ill read; for a long time it w ­ ill form his w ­ hole library, and it w ­ ill always retain an honoured place. It w ­ ill be the text to which all our talks about natu­ral science are but the commentary. It ­w ill serve to test our pro­gress ­towards a right judgment, and it w ­ ill always be read with delight, so long as our taste is unspoilt.” Rousseau also describes it as “the best treatise on an education according to nature.” See Emile or Education, trans. Barbara Foxley (London: Dent, 1955), 147. 18. ​Quoted by Svetan Todorov, Imperfect Garden, trans. Carol Cosman (Prince­ton, NJ: Prince­ton University Press, 2002), 70. Todorov stresses Rousseau’s attraction to the concepts of solitude. 19. ​See Tobias Smollett, Roderick Random, in Works, 12 vols., ed. G. H. Maynardier (New York: Jensen Society, 1907), 3:174. 20. ​See Peterson, Daniel Defoe, 23. 21. ​George Chal­mers, The Life of Daniel Defoe (1785; rev. ed., London, 1790), 52–53. 22. ​See, for example, the introduction to The Exploits of Robinson Crusoe (no publisher, place, or date, but sometime in the 1790s), sig. xi, where it is called “a masterpiece.” 23. ​See Peterson, Daniel Defoe, 47 (entry 1 for 1801). In her Forrester, Edgeworth has her eponymous protagonist display a type of ­mental isolation. He lives in society, but he would prefer to be like Robinson Crusoe on his island. He is uncomfortable with social rules, and before he undergoes a reformation, he believes that the life of workers is superior to that of the upper m ­ iddle class in that it is less trivial. That such attitudes should be associated with Crusoe and his island is of some interest. See Maria Edgeworth and Felix Octavius Carr Daily, Moral Tales (Philadelphia: C. G. Henderson, 1856), 9–128. 24. ​See Peterson, Daniel Defoe, 179 (entry 16 for 1868). 25. ​In the hands of a brilliant writer such as Flaubert, realistic techniques surpassed the rather formulaic demands of the time. What seemed to Stephen the very height of art often appears dreary enough ­today. For a discussion of the “myths” of realism, see Linda Nochlin, Realism (Harmonds­worth: Penguin, 1971), esp. 13–56. Of course ­there are modern critics who find all kinds of realism, from Defoe to Zola, a form of betrayal. See Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. Steven Rendall (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 152. 26. ​F. R. Leavis, ­Great Tradition (London: Chatto and Windus, 1948), 2, n2. 27. ​See Peterson, Daniel Defoe, 206.

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28. ​Reprinted in Michael Shinagel, ed., Robinson Crusoe, 2nd ed. (New York: Norton, 1994), 286–287. 29. ​William Petersfield Trent, Daniel Defoe and How to Know Him (Indianapolis: Bobbs-­ Merrill, 1916), 187. 30. ​James Sutherland, Defoe, 2nd ed. (London: Methuen, 1950), 232. 31. ​Michael Seidel, “The Man Who Came to Dinner: Ian Watt and the Theory of Formal Realism,” Eighteenth-­Century Fiction 12 (2000): 193–212. 32. ​Daniel Defoe, A Continuation of Letters Written by a Turkish Spy at Paris (London, 1718), viii. 33. ​Defoe, Continuation of Letters, 266. 34. ​Defoe, Continuation of Letters, 267–270. 35. ​For a fuller discussion of the way that Defoe’s journalism influenced Robinson Crusoe, see Maximillian Novak, Realism, Myth, and History in Defoe’s Fiction (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), 32–44. 36. ​De Certeau, Practice of Everyday Life, 133. 37. ​Manuel Schonhorn’s useful dissertation (“Defoe’s Narrative Method,” University of Pennsylvania, 1963) has extended excerpts from many of ­these tales of shipwreck and isolation. 38. ​­These include an inaccessible island where the currents drive ships away and the blowing up of an idol, an event that occurs in The Farther Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. Although this work was not translated into En­glish u ­ ntil 1816, Defoe spent some time in Spain and was able to read Spanish. 39. ​See David Fausett, introduction to Henry Smeeks, The Mighty Kingdom of Krinke Kes­ mes, trans. Robert Leek (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1995), xxix–­x li; and Fausett, The Strange Sur­ prizing Sources of Robinson Crusoe (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1994). 40. ​Secord was responding to Lucius Hubbard, A Dutch Source for Robinson Crusoe (Ann Arbor: George Wahr, 1921). 41. ​Garcilaso de la Vega, Royal Commentaries of the Yncas, trans. Clements Markham, Hakluyt Society, nos. 41 and 45 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1869–1871), 1:44. 42. ​For a description of the miseries experienced by a seventeenth-­century seaman a­ fter only five days of isolation, see Richard Norwood, The Journal of Richard Norwood, ed. Wesley Craven and Walter Hayward (New York: Scholars’ Facsimiles and Reprints, 1945), 54. 43. ​See J. Albert de Mandelslo, The Voyages and Travels of J. Albert de Mandelslo . . . ​into the East Indies, trans. John Davies (London, 1662), 246–247, 280–282. 44. ​Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World (New York: Dover, 1968), 65–67. 45. ​See Tim Severin, In Search of Robinson Crusoe (New York: Basic Books, 2002). 46. ​See François Leguat, The Voyage of François Leguat of Bresse to Rodriquez, Mauritus, Java and the Cape of Good Hope, 2 vols., ed. Pasfield Oliver (London: Hakluyt Society, 1891), 55–121. Leguat, if he was the ­actual writer, used fictional materials, and ­whether his is a genuine account is still a ­matter of speculation. 47. ​Woodes Rogers, A Cruising Voyage Round the World, ed. Percy Adams and G. E. Manwaring (New York: Dover, 1970), 91–94. Although Selkirk is called “Governour” in this edition, the idea of his being “absolute Monarch” was added in the second edition (London, 1718), 131. 48. ​Rogers, Cruising Voyage, 95–96. 49. ​Edward Cooke, A Voyage to the South Sea, 2 vols. (London, 1712), 2:xviii–­x ix. 50. ​Cooke, Voyage to the South Sea, 2:xix. 51. ​For most of ­t hese, see The Letters of Daniel Defoe, ed. George Healey (Oxford: Clarendon, 1955), 453. 52. ​Stuart Sherman, Telling Time (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 109–184. 53. ​For the argument that colonial and economic themes ­were the main thrust ­behind Rob­ inson Crusoe, see Maximillian Novak, Economics and the Fiction of Daniel Defoe (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962), 36. 54. ​See Eugen von Böhm-­Bawerk, The Positive Theory of Capital, trans. William Smart (New York, 1923), 149. 55. ​Ian Watt, The Rise of the Novel (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1957), 44.

xlvi I n t r o d u c t i o n 56. ​Karl Marx, Capital, trans. Samuel Moore and Edward Aveling (London: Allen & Unwin, 1949), 47–50. 57. ​For a discussion of Defoe’s relationship to the Bangorian controversy, see Maximillian Novak, “Sincerity, Delusion and Character in the Fiction of Defoe,” in Augustan Studies, ed. Douglas Patey and Timothy Keegan (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1985), 109–126. 58. ​See Leon Guilhamet, The Sincere Ideal (Montreal: McGill-­Queens University Press, 1974). 59. ​See R. G. Iványi, “Defoe’s Prelude to The ­Family Instructor,” Times Literary Supplement, 7 April 1966, 312. Although John Robert Moore accepted Iványi’s argument to the effect that The Schism Act Explain’d (1714) was by Defoe and incorporated it into l­ater editions of his Checklist as number 279a, P. N. Furbank and R. W. Owens have omitted it from their Critical Bibliography of Daniel Defoe (London: Pickering, 1998). Nevertheless, the argument about the influence of the Schism Act upon Defoe’s ­later work is still valid. 60. ​Laurence Sterne, The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, ed. Melvyn New and Joan New, 6 vols. (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1978–1984), 2:686 (vol. 8, chap. 19). 61. ​David Ogg, Eu­rope in the Seventeenth ­Century (London: Adam and Charles Black, 1946), 156. 62. ​Michael Walzer, The Revolution of the Saints: A Study in the Origins of Radical Politics (New York: Atheneum, 1969), 275–277. 63. ​Michael Seidel, “Crusoe in Exile,” PMLA 96 (1981): 363–374. 64. ​Daniel Defoe, Serious Reflections of Robinson Crusoe (London, 1720), 115. See also Robert Ayers, “Robinson Crusoe: ‘Allusive Allegorick History,’ ” PMLA 82 (1967): 399–407. 65. ​See, for example, Tom Paulin, “Fugitive Crusoe,” London Review of Books, 19 July 2001, 16–20. 66. ​Defoe cites the example of Michael de la Pole, who, though originally from Brabant, became mayor of Hull. See Defoe, A Tour Thro’ the Whole Island of ­Great Britain, 2 vols., introduction by G. D. H. Cole (London: Peter Davies, 1927), 2:652–654. 67. ​On this point, see Warren Montag, Louis Althusser (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2003), 103– 117, esp. 105–107. 68. ​See Stuart B. Schwartz, Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550–1835, Cambridge Latin American Studies 52 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), esp. 211. 69. ​For a discussion of the manufacturing of sugar as a labor-­intensive industry, see Sidney Mintz, Sweetness and Power (Harmonds­worth: Penguin, 1986), 53, 71. 70. ​Samuel Pufendorf, Of the Law of Nature and Nations, trans. Basil Kennett (Oxford, 1703), 79 (2. ii. 2). 71. ​This work by Abu Jafar Abu Bakr ibn al-­Tufail, written in Arabic, was available in Latin through the translation of Edward Pocock in 1671. En­glish translations in 1674 and 1686 suggest that both the Quakers and the Cambridge Platonists ­were interested in the work, and it had a following in the circle of Baruch Spinoza. A new translation by Simon Ockley appeared in 1708 and had considerable popularity. For a discussion of this work and its relation to the first and third volumes of Robinson Crusoe, see Matthew Reilly, “ ‘No Eye Has Seen, or Ear Heard’: Arabic Sources for Quaker Subjectivity in Unca Eliza Winkfield’s The Female Ameri­ can,” Eighteenth-­Century Studies 44, no. 2 (2011): 261–283, esp. notes 7–21. 72. ​For a fuller discussion of Defoe’s interest in such subjects, see Maximillian Novak, Defoe and the Nature of Man (Oxford: Clarendon, 1963), 1–64. 73. ​Daniel Defoe, A Review of the Affairs of France, ed. Arthur Secord, 9 vols., reproduced in 22 vols (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938), 3:431. 74. ​Manuel Schonhorn, Defoe’s Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). 75. ​John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, ed. Peter Laslett (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967), 305–306 (2:27–28). 76. ​For a full discussion of the nature of spiritual diaries, kept by both men and w ­ omen during the seventeenth ­century, see Dan Doll and Jessica Munns, eds., Recording and Reor­ dering: Essays on the Seventeenth-­and Eighteenth-­Century Diary and Journal (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2006).

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77. ​See A Critical Edition of John Beadle’s A Journal of a Thankful Christian, ed. Germaine Murray (New York: Garland, 1996), 16–18. 78. ​Edward Wettenhall, Enter into Thy Closet: or, A Method and Order for Private Devo­ tion, 5th ed. (London, 1684), esp. 52, 69, 111. 79. ​Sherman, Telling Time, 160–231. See page 229, where Sherman quotes Leo Damrosch on the trivial ­matters in the journal. 80. ​See George A. Starr, Defoe and Spiritual Autobiography (Prince­ton, NJ: Prince­ton University Press, 1965), 40. Starr quotes the formal pattern set by James Fraser of Brae just before he was to enter the Presbyterian ministry. 81. ​Starr, Defoe and Spiritual Autobiography, 57. 82. ​Norwood, Journal, esp. 14, 63–111. Norwood, who became an excellent surveyor in the Bermudas, has some doubts about how much a person should follow the calling chosen by a person’s parents, since he feels that, aside from the necessity of following Christian princi­ ples, God seems to allow ­human beings the right to follow their talents and inclinations in ­matters of what professions they may select. 83. ​J. Paul Hunter, The Reluctant Pilgrim (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966). Hunter treats the “Guide” tradition, the “Providence” tradition, and the use of allegory and meta­phor dealing with the sea and with Crusoe’s other experiences. 84. ​Sherman, Telling Time, 226. 85. ​John Richetti suggests that ­t here is “an existential pathos surrounding all of Defoe’s realism, whereby t­ hings and persons are linked and objects often enough survive their o ­ wners and dramatize the dispersal and essential fragility of being.” The Life of Daniel Defoe (Oxford: Blackwell, 2005), 191. 86. ​We use “other” not only in the sense of Crusoe’s encounter with dif­fer­ent races but also for his attitude t­ oward other Eu­ro­pe­a ns whom he often regards with suspicion. For a subtle philosophic discussion of Crusoe’s tendency to see his world through his self-­interest and its relation to seventeenth-­and eighteenth-­century ethical thought, see John Llewelyn, “What Is Orientation in Thinking? Facing the Facts in Robinson Crusoe,” in Proximity: Emmanuel Levinas and the Eigh­teenth ­Century, ed. Melvyn New, Robert Bernasconi, and Richard Cohen (Lubbock: Texas Tech University Press, 2001), 69–90. 87. ​See esp. Patrick Keane, Coleridge’s Submerged Politics: The Ancient Mari­ner and Robin­ son Crusoe (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1994). 88. ​For Defoe’s graphic depictions in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, see Maximillian Novak, “Describing the ­Thing Itself, or Not: Defoe and the Art of Describing,” Eighteenth-­Century Fiction 9 (1996): 1–20. 89. ​For a discussion of the “good cannibal,” and Léry’s contribution to this idea, see Claude Rawson, God, Gulliver, and Genocide (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 44–55. 90. ​See Defoe’s remarks in his Essay upon Proj­ects, ed. Joan Kennedy, Michael Seidel, and Maximillian Novak (New York: AMS Press, 1999). 91. ​Hugo Grotius argued that a captive taken in war is entirely at the mercy of the victor who holds the power of life and death over him, and Crusoe may be thinking in ­t hese terms. See De Jure Belli ac Pacis, trans. Francis Kelsey, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1927), 2:165–185 (2.1:1–17). On the other hand, except in the sense that he is a cannibal, Friday is not clearly Crusoe’s ­enemy. 92. ​Montag, Louis Althusser, 117. 93. ​See Novak, Defoe and the Nature of Man, 113–128. 94. ​For an example of the kind of eloquence given in a sympathetic portrayal of an African native, see Thomas Tryon [Philotheos Physiologus], The Negro’s Complaint of Their Hard Servitude and the Cruelties Practised upon Them (London, 1684), esp. 104. 95. ​See G. A. Starr, “Defoe’s Prose Style,” Modern Philology 71 (1974): 227–294. 96. ​John Henry Raleigh, “Style and Structure and Their Import in Defoe’s Roxana,” Uni­ versity of Kansas City Review 20 (1953): 128–135. 97. ​P. N. Furbank and W. R. Owens, The Canonisation of Daniel Defoe (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1988), 130.

xlviii I n t r o d u c t i o n 98. ​Furbank and Owens, Canonisation of Daniel Defoe, 125–133. 99. ​Watt, Rise of the Novel, 30–34. 100. ​Defoe’s journal, The Commentator (1720), was clearly written in imitation of the style of The Spectator. In the last numbers he reverted to his usual style. 101. ​Watt, Rise of the Novel, 101–104. 102. ​Roman Jakobson suggested that realism was related to metonymy, or the ability of the ­human mind to create an entire world out of a few details, a quality lacking in ­t hose suffering from aphasia. Like Roland Barthes, he saw the use of “inessential details” in a work as one way of creating a sense of the real in novels, and he noted that the perception of realism depended on both the author’s attempt at verisimilitude and the reader’s perceptions of the same, both of which depended on vari­ous norms in a given society. See “Two Aspects of Language and Types of Aphasic Disturbances,” in On Language, ed. and trans. Linca Waugh and Monique Monville-­Burston (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), 115–133, esp. 132; and “On Realism in Art,” in Language in Lit­er­a­ture, ed. Krystyna Pomorska and Stephen Rudy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), 19–27. 103. ​Roland Barthes, “The Real­ity Effect,” trans. R. Car­ter, in French Criticism ­Today, ed. Tzvetan Todorov (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 11–17. 104. ​For a discussion of “silences in the novelistic text with a specific application to The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures,” see Pierre Macherey, A Theory of Literary Produc­ tion, trans. Geoffrey Wall (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978), 82–101. 105. ​Michael McKeon, The Origins of the En­glish Novel (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987), 68–71, 101–104, 316. 106. ​In defending the complexity of Defoe’s realist technique against such authors as Leslie Stephen, who complained that Defoe’s realism was a simplistic bag of tricks, we are not attempting to reply to the social and philosophical attacks upon all realist repre­sen­ta­tion in prose fiction launched by a number of modern critics. We do agree with Erich Auerbach, Mimesis (first published in 1946), on the permanence of the realist tradition. For Stephen, see “Defoe,” in Hours in a Library (London: Smith, Elder, 1874), 1–58. For an example of the modern attack upon realism, including Defoe, see de Certeau, Practice of Everyday Life, 152. Oddly enough, de Certeau’s attack comes ­a fter a lengthy discussion of The Life and Strange Surpriz­ ing Adventures as an impor­tant, modern Eu­ro­pean myth. 107. ​See G. A. Starr, “Escape from Barbary: A Seventeenth-­Century Genre,” Huntington Library Quarterly 29 (1965): 35–52. 108. ​Ambrose Evans, The Adventures and Surprizing Deliverances of James Dubourdieu and His Wife (London, 1719; repr., New York: Garland, 1972), 70–96. This island adventure and another published with it, The Adventures of Alexander Venderchurch, appear to be attempts to take advantage of the popularity of Defoe’s novel.

Note on the Text

Symbols refer to footnotes, Arabic numbers refer to the list of variants in the backmatter.

xlix

The Life and STRANGE SURPRIZING Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, MARINER:* Who lived Eight and Twenty Years, all alone in an un-­inhabited Island on the Coast of America, near the Mouth of the G ­ reat River of Oroonoque; Having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, where-­ in all the Men perished but himself. WITH An Account how he was at last as strangely deliver’d by PYRATES.† Written by Himself ‡ LONDON: Printed for W. Taylor at the Ship§ in Pater–­Noster–Row. MDCCXIX.

* Mari­ner] Although authors ­were not always responsible for what appeared on the title page, the designation “Mari­ner” is significant, since every­thing in the novel proceeds from his desire to go to sea. †  Pyrates] Crusoe, of course, is not “deliver’d by PYRATES” in any direct way, though the mutineers planned to become pirates. This suggests that the title page was e­ ither prepared before the work was finished or that it was used as an advertising device to entice the reader. ‡  Written by Himself] Even in The Serious Reflections of Robinson Crusoe, where Crusoe suggested that the first two volumes of the work ­were essentially an allegorical biography of a living person (i.e., Daniel Defoe), he retains his fictional identification. §  W. Taylor at the Ship] William Taylor occasionally used the logo of a small ship, but in the second edition of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures he added the logo of a large ship, which accompanied all subsequent editions. It provided the kind of image that often accompanied accounts of voyages around the world. It eventually became the logo of Longmans, the com­pany that purchased Taylor’s shop ­a fter his death in 1722.

The Preface

IF ever the Story of any private Man’s Adventures in the World ­were worth making Publick, and w ­ ere acceptable when Publish’d, the Editor of this Account thinks this ­will be so. The Won­ders of this Man’s Life exceed all that (he thinks) is to be found extant; the Life of one Man being scarce capable of a greater Variety. The Story is told with Modesty, with Seriousness, and with a religious Application of Events to the Uses to which wise Men always apply 1 them (viz.) to the Instruction of ­others by this Example, and to justify and honour the Wisdom of Providence in all the Variety of our Circumstances, let them happen how they w ­ ill. The Editor believes the ­thing to be a just History of Fact; neither is ­there any Appear­ ance of Fiction in it: And however thinks, b­ ecause all such t­hings are dispatch’d, that the Improvement of it, as well to the Diversion, as to the Instruction of the Reader, w ­ ill be the same; and as such, he thinks, without farther Compliment to the World, he does them a g­ reat Ser­vice in the Publication.

3

Figure 2. ​Frontispiece. Crusoe with R ­ ifles (1719). John Pine and John Clark.*

The Life and Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, &c.

•

* Frontispiece] John Clark (active 1710–1720) and John Pine (1690–1756) are listed in the right-­ hand corner of the scene as the engravers of a piece by an unnamed artist. The flower in the foreground is prob­ably intended to suggest an exotic climate. David Blewett argues that the image of the ship in this illustration hardly suggests a shipwreck and shows how the picture was changed over time to suggest a vessel in distress. While the artist failed to show the disaster befalling the ship, he does show a black cloud above it and heavy seas. Like the frontispiece before each of the volumes, vari­ous moments of time are suggested. The ship is about to be wrecked; Crusoe is already in the costume he assumes ­after his clothes wear out; and the fence on the hill is used to suggest part of Crusoe’s enclosure. For a discussion of the illustrations of Robinson Crusoe over the centuries, see Blewett, The Illustrations of Robinson Crusoe 1719–1920 (Gerrards Cross: Colin Smythe, 1995), esp. 26–27.

Figure 3. ​Crusoe with Saw (1721). French ed., Bernard Picart.

I Was born in the Year 1632,* in the City of York,† of a good F ­ amily, tho’ not of that Country, my F ­ ather being a Foreigner of Bremen,‡ who settled first at Hull:2§ He got a good Estate by Merchandise, and leaving off his Trade, lived afterward at York, from whence he had married my M ­ other, whose Relations w ­ ere named Robinson,¶ * The Editor . . . ​just History of Fact] Defoe clearly believed that ­there was considerable advantage to passing off Robinson Crusoe as a genuine autobiography, but he hedges slightly in stating that ­t here is no “Appearance of Fiction in it.” Though Charles Gildon was to mock Defoe for holding that a work was not fictional if it had the “appearance” of what Defoe usually called a “true History,” in fact he did seem to believe this to a certain extent. †  York] In his Tour thro’ the Whole Island of ­Great Britain, Defoe described York as a “spacious City . . . ​f ull of Gentry and Persons of Distinction,” but he also noted that despite being “stately and magnificent,” it was “not more populous and wealthy than any other City in the King’s Dominions.” More crucially, he remarked, “­Here is no Trade.” A good city for the retirement of Crusoe’s ­father, it would not have been the most exciting place for his son. See Defoe, Tour, 2 vols., introduction by G. D. H. Cole (London: Peter Davies, 1927), 2:642. ‡  Bremen] A city in Lower Saxony, Germany, situated upon the Weser river, twelve miles north of Hamburg. Edmund Bohun described it as “a very potent City.” Sweden exerted some control over it, but it fell u ­ nder the dominion of Denmark in 1712. In 1715, it was transferred to the Elector of Hanover. See Bohun, A Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary (London, 1688), sig. G2–­G2v. §  Hull] Defoe described Hull (full name, Kingston-­upon-­Hull) in his Tour as a major port, particularly for the trade to Northern Eu­rope. That the elder Crusoe should have moved from Bremen, which had trade ties to Hull, engaged in business ­t here, and then retired to York was a not unlikely pattern in the seventeenth and eigh­teenth centuries as well as in ­earlier times. See Defoe’s Tour, 2:652–654. ¶  Robinson] In The Rise of the Novel (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1957), 18–19, Ian Watt proposed connections between con­temporary philosophy and the novel—­between the attack on universals as opposed to particulars as well as with concepts of identity. He argued that in novels (as opposed to romances and allegories) “most of the main characters such as Robinson Crusoe and Moll Flanders have complete and realistic names or aliases.” This is certainly true of the name Robinson. It was rare, though not without pre­ce­dent, for a surname to be used as a forename, but in the seventeenth ­century the name Robinson would have been unusual if not unique, giving Defoe’s protagonist a highly par­tic­u ­lar identity. The popularity of Defoe’s novel gave the name Robinson some currency during the nineteenth ­century. For typical forenames in ­England at the time, see Scott Smith-­Bannister, Names and Naming in ­England 1538–1700 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1997), 135–141.

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a very good F ­ amily in that Country,* and from whom I was called Robinson † Kreutznaer; but by the usual Corruption of Words in ­England, we are now called, nay we call our selves, and write our Name Crusoe,‡ and so my Companions always call’d me. I had two elder ­Brothers, one of which was Lieutenant Collonel3 to an En­glish Regiment of Foot in Flanders, formerly commanded by the famous Coll. Lockhart,§ and was killed at the B ­ attle near Dunkirk¶ against4 the Spaniards: What became of 5 my second ­Brother I never knew any more6 than my F ­ ather or ­Mother did know what was become of me. Being the third Son of the ­Family, and not bred to any Trade, my Head began to be fill’d very early with rambling Thoughts: My F ­ ather, who was very ancient, * a very good F ­ amily in that Country] The Dictionary of National Biography lists a number of families from Yorkshire, some of whom may have been familiar to Defoe. Sir William Robinson (1522–1616) had been an eminent Hamburg merchant and became Mayor of York. Defoe would undoubtedly have known Matthew Robinson (1628–1694), a clergyman of some note who, while remaining within the Church of E ­ ngland ­a fter 1660, allowed Nonconformists to preach at his church, and of John Robinson (1650–1723), who was made Bishop of London in 1714. †  Kreutznaer] The first part of this name means cross; the second part may be related to Narr or fool. On the other hand, it may be related to nähren, to nurse or nourish. Some critics have interpreted the name to mean something like “fool of the cross” or, more broadly, “fool of God,” but by equal ingenuity it could mean nursed by the cross. Another possibility would be a relation to permutations of the German word for near, nahe, näher, Nähe. Near the cross? Perhaps most significant is its suggestion that language itself is often subject to change and interpretation. ‡  Crusoe] Among many pos­si­ble suggestions, the name may have some echoes of the cruising that he does as a mari­ner or the crusado, the Portuguese coin that is part of his trea­sure. ­Toward the end of Serious Reflections of Robinson Crusoe, Defoe recommends that the nations of the West embark on a “crusado” against the non-­Christian world. In being suggestive but not specific, the surname of Defoe’s protagonist fits well into the type that Ian Watt (The Rise of the Novel, 19–21) found to be characteristic of the novel. For the suggestion that Defoe may have been thinking of his fellow classmate at Newington Green Acad­emy, Timothy Cruso, see J. Paul Hunter, The Reluctant Pilgrim (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966), 32, 47, 49–50, 204–207. §  the famous Coll. Lockhart] Sir William Lockhart (1621–1676) made his reputation as a soldier and diplomat u ­ nder Parliament and ­Cromwell during the Interregnum. He was in charge when the En­glish defeated the Spanish at Dunkirk in 1658 and assumed the role of Governor of Dunkirk ­until 1660, when he was stripped of his title. He was ­later restored to ­favor and performed a number of diplomatic ser­v ices for Charles II. It is perhaps not without significance that, like Crusoe’s elder b ­ rother, Lockhart ran away from his home to become a soldier for Holland. ­A fter returning to Scotland briefly in 1636, he quickly went back to the Continent, where he became a ­horse captain for the French. In some sense his life provides the model for a successful rejection of parental authority, as, perhaps, despite his death, does the rise to the rank of Lieutenant Col­o­nel of Crusoe’s ­brother. ¶  killed at the ­Battle near Dunkirk] This was one of the ­great victories of ­Cromwell’s rule. On 14 June  1658, En­glish forces ­under Lockhart’s command heroically charged the Spanish infantry and defeated them, taking the city the next day. Clarendon mentions Lockhart as the victorious leader of the En­glish forces, but ­others disparaged his role. See Edward Hyde, First Earl of Clarendon, The History of the Rebellion, ed. W. Dunn Macray, 6 vols. (1888; repr., Oxford: Clarendon, 1958), 6:84 (xv, 137); and Sir Thomas Morgan, A True Relation of Maj. Gen. Sir Thomas Morgan’s Pro­gress in France and Flanders with Six Thousand En­glishmen in the Years 1657 and 1658 (London, 1699), 4, 6, 9–10.

The Life a n d Str a nge Su r pr izi ng A dv en tu r es

9

had given me a competent Share of Learning, as far as House–­Education, and a Country ­Free–­School* generally goes, and design’d me for the Law; but I would be satisfied with nothing but ­going to Sea, and my Inclination to this led me so strongly against the W ­ ill, nay the Commands of my F ­ ather, and against all the Entreaties and Perswasions of my ­Mother and other Friends, that ­t here seem’d to be something fatal in that Propension of Nature tending directly to the life of Misery7 which was to befal me. My ­Father,8 a wise and grave Man, gave me serious and excellent Counsel against what he foresaw was my Design. He call’d9 me one Morning into his Chamber, where he was confined by the Gout,† and expostulated very warmly with me upon this Subject: He ask’d me what Reasons more than a meer wandring Inclination I had for leaving my ­Father’s House and my native Country, where I might be well introduced, and had a Prospect of raising my Fortunes10 by Application and Industry, with a Life of Ease and Plea­sure. He told me it was for Men of desperate Fortunes on one Hand, or of aspiring, superior Fortunes on the other, who went abroad upon Adventures, to rise by Enterprize, and make themselves famous in Undertakings of a Nature out of the common Road; that t­ hese ­t hings ­were all e­ ither too far above me, or too far below me; that mine was the ­middle State,‡ or what might be called the upper Station of Low Life, which he had found by long Experience was the best State in the World, the most suited to ­human Happiness, not exposed to the Miseries and Hardships, the L ­ abour and Sufferings of the mechanick Part of Mankind, and not embarass’d with the Pride, Luxury, Ambition and Envy of the upper Part of Mankind. He told me, I might judge of the Happiness of this State, by this one ­t hing, viz. That this was the State of Life which all other ­People envied,11 that Kings have frequently lamented the miserable Consequences of being born to ­great ­t hings,12 and wish’d they had been placed in the ­Middle of the two Extremes,13 between the Mean and the ­Great; that the wise Man gave his Testimony to this as the just Standard of true Felicity, when he prayed to have neither Poverty or Riches.§ * House-­Education . . . ​Country Free-­School] Charles Gildon, who had an excellent education in the classics, mocked Defoe’s Latin and what he considered Crusoe’s poor education. See Robinson Crusoe Examin’d and Criticis’d, ed. Paul Dottin (London: Dent, 1923), 69. †  Gout] A disease usually associated with arthritis in this period and often thought to be caused by an overly rich diet and pos­si­ble sexual excess. This fact may undercut the value of his advice to his son. See Roy Porter and George Rousseau, Gout: The Patrician’s Disease (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998), 4, 14–15, 58–61, 83–85. ‡­  ­middle State] The form of this speech of Crusoe’s f­ ather bears a close relationship to a translation from the French of The Spanish Rogue, written originally in Spanish by Matteo Alemán. This version has many excisions from and additions to the original. In this work, however, it is the beggar’s life that is extolled: “No Cares molest it, no Sorrows disturb it; but it glides on in that smooth and easy manner, that no State on Earth can be more happy.” Although Defoe suggests the “­middle Station of Life” as the most satisfactory, both passages involve the quest for happiness through a par­tic­u ­lar choice of station in life. See The Spanish Rogue, trans. John Savage et al., 2 vols. (London, 1708), 1:252. §  wise Man . . . ​R iches] From Proverbs 30.8, “Remove far from me vanity and lies; give me neither poverty nor riches; feed me with food con­ve­nient for me.” Proverbs opens with the ascription of the work to Solomon, son of David, King of Israel.

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He bid me observe it, and I should always find, that the Calamities of Life ­were shared among the upper and lower Part of Mankind; but that the m ­ iddle Station had the fewest Disasters, and was not expos’d to so many Vicissitudes as the higher or lower Part of Mankind; nay, they ­were not subjected to so many Distempers and Uneasinesses e­ ither of Body or Mind, as t­ hose w ­ ere, who by14 vicious Living, Luxury and Extravagancies on one Hand, or by hard ­Labour, Want of 15 Necessaries, and mean or insufficient Diet on the other Hand, bring Distempers upon themselves by the natu­ral Consequences of their Way of Living; That the ­middle Station of Life was calculated for all kind of Vertues16 and all kinds17 of Enjoyments; that Peace and Plenty w ­ ere the Hand–­maids of a ­middle Fortune; that Temperance, Moderation, Quietness, Health, Society, all agreeable Diversions, and all desirable Pleasures, ­were the Blessings attending the ­middle Station of Life; that this Way Men went silently and smoothly thro’ the World, and comfortably out of it, not embarass’d with the ­Labours of the Hands or of the Head, not sold to the Life of Slavery for daily Bread, or harrast18 with perplex’d Circumstances, which rob the Soul of Peace, and the Body of Rest; not enrag’d with the Passion of Envy, or secret burning Lust of Ambition for g­ reat ­things; but in easy Circumstances sliding g­ ently thro’ the World, and sensibly tasting the Sweets of living, without the ­bitter, feeling that they are happy, and learning by e­ very Day’s Experience to know it more sensibly. ­A fter this, he press’d me earnestly, and in the most affectionate manner, not to play the young Man, not to precipitate my self into Miseries which Nature and the Station of Life I was born in, seem’d to have provided against; that I was ­under no Necessity of seeking my Bread; that he would do well for me, and endeavour to enter me fairly into the Station of Life which he had been just recommending to me; and that if I was not very easy and happy in the World, it must be my meer Fate* or Fault that must hinder it, and that he should have nothing to answer for, having thus discharg’d his Duty in warning me against Mea­sures which he knew would be to my Hurt: In a word, that as he would do very kind ­t hings for me if I would stay and ­settle at Home as he directed, so he would not have so much Hand in my Misfortunes, as to give me any Encouragement to go away: And to close all, he told me I had my elder B ­ rother for an Example, to whom he had used the same earnest Perswasions to keep him from ­going into the Low Country Wars,† but could not prevail, his young Desires prompting him to run into the Army where he was kill’d;‡ and tho’ he said he would not cease to pray for me, yet he would venture to say to me, that if I did take this foolish Step, God would not bless me, and I would have Leisure hereafter to reflect * meer Fate] Defoe uses “meer” as we might use the words “essential” or “basic.” †  Low Country Wars] In 1657 C ­ romwell signed a treaty with France to fight against the Spanish in what is now Belgium, controlled at that time by the Spanish. He dispatched six thousand troops and won victories at Mardyck and Dunkirk. ‡  he was kill’d] Since the death of Crusoe’s oldest ­brother occurred in 1658, at the ­battle before Dunkirk, this is an error on Defoe’s part. On this same page Crusoe speaks of being eigh­ teen, which would mean the year was 1650.

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upon having neglected his Counsel when ­there might be none to assist in my Recovery. I observed in this last Part of his Discourse, which was truly Prophetick, tho’ I suppose my ­Father did not know it to be so himself; I say, I observed the Tears run down his Face very plentifully, and especially when he spoke of my ­Brother who was kill’d; and that when he spoke of my having Leisure to repent, and none to assist me, he was so mov’d, that he broke off the Discourse, and told me, his Heart was so full he19 could say no more to me. I was sincerely affected with this Discourse, as indeed who could be other­wise;20 and I resolv’d not to think of ­going abroad 21 any more, but to ­settle at home22 according to my F ­ ather’s Desire. But alas!23 a few Days wore it all off; and in short, to prevent any of my ­Father’s farther Importunities, in a few Weeks ­after, I resolv’d to run quite away from him. However, I did not act so hastily neither as my first Heat of Resolution prompted, but I took my ­Mother, at a time when I thought her a ­little pleasanter than ordinary, and told her, that my Thoughts w ­ ere so entirely bent upon seeing the World, that I should never ­settle to any ­t hing with Resolution enough to go through with it, and my ­Father had better give me his Consent than force me to go without it; that I was now Eigh­teen Years old, which was too late to go Apprentice* to a Trade, or Clerk to an Attorney;† that I was sure if I did, I should never serve out my time,24 and I should certainly run away from my Master before my Time was out, and go to Sea; and if she would speak to my F ­ ather to 25 let me go but one Voyage abroad, if I came home again and did not like it, I would go no more, and I would promise by a double Diligence26 to recover that Time I had lost. This put my ­Mother into a ­great Passion: She told me, she knew it would be to no Purpose to speak to my ­Father upon any such Subject; that he knew too well what was my Interest to give his Consent to any t­ hing so much27 for my Hurt, and that she wondered how I could think of any such t­ hing28 a­ fter such a Discourse as I had had with my ­Father, and such kind and tender Expressions as she knew my ­Father had us’d to me; and that in short, if I would ruin 29 my self ­t here was no Help for me; but I might depend I should never have their Consent to it: That for her Part she would not have so much Hand in my Destruction; and I should never have it to say, that my M ­ other was willing when my ­Father was not. Tho’ my ­Mother refused to move it‡ to my ­Father, yet as I have heard afterwards, she reported all the Discourse to him, and that my ­Father, ­after shewing a ­great Concern at it, said to her with a Sigh, That Boy might be happy if he would stay at * Apprentice] The typical age for an apprenticeship was sixteen, but eigh­teen would not have been outrageously late. Crusoe’s attitude is that it is too late for him. See Peter Earle, The Making of the En­glish ­Middle Class: Business, Society and ­Family Life in London 1660–1730 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 89. †  Clerk to an Attorney] Peter Earle suggests that although some barristers and solicitors did extremely well, the cost of a lengthy apprenticeship might be between £1,000 and £1,500 a year “with no guarantee that he would ever earn a decent living.” See Making of the En­glish ­Middle Class, 61. ‡  move it] propose. See Oxford En­glish Dictionsry (hereafter OED).

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home, but if he goes abroad30 he w ­ ill be the most miserablest Wretch that was ever born: I can give no Consent to it. It was not till almost a Year a­ fter this that I broke loose, tho’ in the mean time I continued obstinately deaf to all Proposals of settling to Business, and frequently expostulating with my ­Father and ­Mother, about their being so positively determin’d against what they knew my Inclinations prompted me to. But being one Day at Hull, where I went casually, and without any Purpose of making an Elopement that time; but I say, being t­ here, and one of my Companions being g­ oing by Sea to London, in his F ­ ather’s Ship, and prompting me to go with them, with the common Allurement of Seafaring Men, viz That it should cost me nothing for my Passage, I consulted neither F ­ ather or ­Mother any more, nor so much as sent them Word of it; but leaving them to hear of it as they might, without asking God’s Blessing, or my ­Father’s, without any Consideration of Circumstances or Consequences, and in an ill Hour, God knows.31 On the first of September 16532* I went on board a Ship bound for London; never any young Adventurer’s Misfortunes, I believe, began sooner, or continued longer than mine. The Ship was no sooner gotten out of the Humber,† but the Wind began to blow, and the Winds to rise‡ in a most frightful manner; and as I had never been at Sea before, I was most inexpressibly sick in Body, and terrify’d in my Mind: I began now seriously to reflect upon what I had done, and how justly I was overtaken by the Judgment of Heaven for my wicked leaving my F ­ ather’s House, and abandoning my Duty; all the good Counsel of my Parents, my ­Father’s Tears and my M ­ other’s Entreaties came now fresh into my Mind, and my Conscience, which was not yet come to the Pitch of Hardness to which33 it has been since, reproach’d me with the Contempt of Advice, and the Breach of my Duty to God and my F ­ ather. * first of September 1651] The first edition has 1661. Defoe corrected it to 1651 in the errata, but he mistakenly stated that it was a correction of 1601. It would hardly strain credulity to think that he may have been somewhat ner­vous about this date. Within ­England this Monday in 1651 saw the preparations for the victory of Oliver ­Cromwell over the forces of Charles II at Worcester. The ­battle itself, fought on 3 September, resulted in a complete victory for the Commonwealth and an end to any effective military operation by royalist forces. That the dates provided by Defoe have any larger, historical significance than their private meaning for Crusoe is questionable. Much depends on the interpretation of the nature of Defoe’s text. But some of the dates are close enough to significant historical events to allow critics to see parallels. See, for example, Michael Seidel, “Crusoe in Exile,” PMLA 96 (1981): 363–374; and Tom Paulin, “Fugitive Crusoe,” London Review of Books, 19 July 2001, 16–20. For the ­battle of Worcester and its import, see Hyde, History of the Rebellion, 5:189–192; Peter Young and Richard Holmes, The En­glish Civil War: A Military History (London: Eyre Methuen, 1974), 314; and Bulstrode Whitelock, Memorials of the En­glish Affairs from the Beginning of the Reigns of Charles the First to the Happy Restoration of King Charles the Second, 4 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1853), 3:346–349. †  Humber] Defoe describes Hull as being at the confluence of rivers entering the Humber. See Tour, 2:652. ‡  Winds to rise] In the corrected and annotated edition of 1815 prepared by the “Hydrographer to the Naval Chronicle,” the word “Winds” was changed to “waves,” and this may have been Defoe’s intent. See Robinson Crusoe: A New Edition Revised and Corrected for the Advancement of Nautical Education (London: [no publisher], 1815), 4.

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All this while the Storm encreas’d, and the Sea, which I had never been upon before, went very high, tho’ nothing like what I have seen many times since; no, nor like what I saw a few Days a­ fter: But it was enough to affect me then, who was but a young Sailor,34 and had never known any ­t hing of the ­matter.35 I expected ­every Wave would have swallowed us up, and that ­every time the Ship fell down, as I thought, in the Trough or Hollow of the Sea, we should never rise more; and in this Agony of Mind, I made many Vows and Resolutions, that if it would please God ­here to spare my Life this one Voyage, if ever I got once my Foot upon dry Land again, I would go directly home to my ­Father, and never set it into a Ship again while I liv’d; that I would take his Advice, and never run my self into such Miseries as ­t hese any more. Now I saw plainly the Goodness of his Observations about the m ­ iddle Station of Life, how easy, how comfortably he had liv’d all his Days, and never had been expos’d to Tempests at Sea, or Trou­bles on Shore; and I resolv’d that I would, like a true repenting Prodigal, go home to my F ­ ather. ­These wise and sober Thoughts continued all the while the Storm continued, and indeed some time a­ fter; but the next Day the Wind was abated and the Sea calmer, and I began to be a l­ ittle inur’d to it: However I was very grave for all that Day, being also a ­little Sea sick still; but ­towards Night the Weather clear’d up, the Wind was quite over, and a charming fine Eve­ning follow’d; the Sun went down perfectly clear36 and ­rose so the next Morning; and having ­little or no Wind37 and a smooth Sea, the Sun shining upon it, the Sight was, as I thought, the most delightful that ever I saw. I had slept well in the Night, and was now no more Sea sick 38 but very chearful, looking with Won­der upon the Sea* that was so rough and terrible the Day before, and could be so calm39 and so pleasant in so ­little time ­after. And now least my good Resolutions should continue, my Companion, who had indeed entic’d me away, comes to me, Well Bob, says he, clapping me on the Shoulder, How do you do ­after it? I warrant you ­were frighted, wa’n’t you,40 last Night, when it blew but a Cap full of Wind? A Cap full d’you call it? said I, ’twas a terrible Storm: A Storm,41 you Fool you, replies he, do you call that a Storm why 42 it was nothing at all; give us but a good Ship and Sea–­room,43 and we think nothing of such a Squal of Wind as * looking with Won­der upon the Sea] This appreciation of the loveliness of the sea in calm (as opposed to the horror felt during the storms on this voyage) follows the pattern of the sublime and the beautiful that was to be a preoccupation of the ­century. Dutch artists had already exploited this dramatic contrast in their sea paintings. Defoe attempts to portray both the appearance of external nature that was thought to be intrinsically beautiful and sublime and the inner experience of beauty and sublimity on Crusoe. John Dennis had already listed “Tempests” and “raging Seas” among the images that the reader finds sublime. See Dennis, The Grounds of Criticism in Poetry (1704), in Critical Works, 2 vols., ed. Edward Hooker (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1939), 1:361. See also Gary Hentzi, “Sublime Moments and Social Authority in Robinson Crusoe and A Journal of the Plague Year,” Eighteenth-­Century Studies 26 (1993): 419–434; and Maximillian Novak, Realism, Myth and History in Defoe’s Fiction (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), 27–46.

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that; but ­you’re but a fresh ­Water Sailor,* Bob; come let us make a Bowl of Punch† and w ­ e’ll forget all that, d’ye see what charming Weather ’tis now. To make short this sad Part of my Story, we went the old way of all Sailors, the Punch was made, and I was made drunk with it, and in that one Night’s Wickedness I drowned all my Repentance, all my Reflections upon my past Conduct, and all my Resolutions for my ­f uture. In a word, as the Sea was returned to its Smoothness of Surface and settled Calmness by the Abatement of that Storm, so the Hurry of my Thoughts being over, my Fears and Apprehensions of being swallow’d up by the Sea being forgotten, and the Current of my former Desires return’d, I entirely forgot the Vows and Promises that I made in my Distress. I found indeed some Intervals of Reflection, and the serious Thoughts did, as it ­were,44 endeavour to return again sometimes, but I shook them off, and rouz’d my self from them as it w ­ ere from a Distemper, and applying my self to Drink45 and Com­pany, soon master’d the Return of t­ hose Fits, for so I call’d them, and I had in five or six Days got as compleat a Victory over Conscience as any young,46 Fellow that resolv’d not to be troubled with it, could desire: But I was to have another 47 Trial for it still; and Providence, as in such Cases generally it does, resolv’d to leave me entirely without Excuse. For if I would not take this for a Deliverance, the next was to be such a one as the worst and most harden’d Wretch48 among us would confess both the Danger and the Mercy. The sixth Day of our being at Sea we came into Yarmouth Roads;‡ the Wind having been contrary, and the Weather calm, we had made but l­ittle Way since the Storm. H ­ ere we ­were obliged to come to an Anchor, and h ­ ere we lay, the Wind continuing contrary, viz. at South–­west, for seven or eight Days, during which time a ­great many Ships from Newcastle§ came into the same Roads, as the common Harbour where the Ships might wait for a Wind for the River. We had not however rid ­here so long, but should have Tided it up the River,¶ but that the Wind blew too fresh; and a­ fter we had lain four or five Days, blew very hard. However, the Roads being reckoned as good as a Harbour, the Anchorage good, and our Ground–­Tackle very strong, our Men ­were unconcerned, and not in the least apprehensive of Danger, but spent the Time in Rest and Mirth, ­after the manner of the Sea; but the eighth Day in the Morning, the Wind increased, and we had all Hands at Work to strike our Top–­Masts, and make ­every ­thing snug and close, that the Ship might ­ride as easy as pos­si­ble. By Noon the Sea went very

* fresh ­Water Sailor] The OED quotes this passage as meaning new to the sea, but it may also have the implication of someone who is untrained for sailing. †  Bowl of Punch] In its origins punch was supposed to have five ingredients including either/ or rum, brandy, gin, and whiskey along with ­either lime or lemon juice. ‡  Yarmouth Roads] The area of the sea next to ­Great Yarmouth in Norfolk. §  Ships from Newcastle] The Hydrographer of the Naval Chronicle pointed out that in 1815, despite many wrecks, this area was still the “chief rendezvous of the colliery navigation between London and the North of ­England.” See his edition of Robinson Crusoe (1815), 7. ¶  River . . . ​R iver] The first river alluded to is the Thames. The second is prob­ably the Yare that runs in Breydon ­Water at ­Great Yarmouth.

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high indeed, and our Ship rid Forecastle in,* shipp’d several Seas, and we thought once or twice our Anchor had come home; upon which our Master order’d out the Sheet Anchor;† so that we rode with two Anchors a–­Head,49 and the Cables vered out to the better End.‡ By this Time it blew a terrible Storm indeed, and now I began to see Terror and Amazement in the ­Faces even of the Seamen themselves. The Master, tho’ vigilant to50 the Business of preserving the Ship, yet as he went in and out of his Cabbin by me, I could hear him softly to himself say several times, Lord be merciful to us, we ­shall be all lost, we s­ hall be all undone; and the like. During ­t hese first Hurries,§ I was stupid,¶ lying still in my Cabbin, which was in the Steerage,** and cannot describe my Temper: I could ill re–­assume the first Penitence, which I had so apparently trampled upon, and harden’d my self against: I thought the Bitterness of Death had been past, and that this would be nothing too like the first. But when the Master himself came by me, as I said just now, and said we should be all lost, I was dreadfully frighted: I got up out of my Cabbin, and look’d out; but such a dismal Sight I never saw: The Sea went Mountains high, and broke upon us e­ very three or four Minutes: When I could look about, I could see nothing but Distress round us: Two Ships that rid near us, we found,51 had cut their Masts by the Board, being deep loaden; and our Men cry’d out, that a Ship which rid about a Mile a–­Head of us was found­ered. Two more Ships being driven from their Anchors, ­were run out of the Roads to Sea 52 at all Adventures,†† and that with not a Mast standing. The light Ships fared the best, as not so much labouring in the Sea; but two or three of them drove, and came close by us, ­running away with only their Sprit–­sail‡‡ out before the Wind. ­Towards Eve­ning the Mate and Boats-­wain§§ begg’d the Master of our Ship to let them cut away the Foremast, which he was very unwilling to: But the Boatswain53 protesting to him, that if he did not, the Ship would founder, he consented; and when they had cut away the Fore–­mast,54 the Main–­mast 55 stood so loose, and shook the Ship so much, they w ­ ere obliged to cut her away also, and make a clear Deck. * our Ship rid Forecastle in] Rode with the deck ­under ­water. †  Sheet Anchor] The largest anchor on the ship. ‡  Modern ­bitter end or utmost length. §  Hurries] ­Mental agitation. See OED. ¶  stupid] Deprived of the use of one’s faculties. See OED. ** Steerage] That division of the a­ fter part of a ship that is immediately in front of the chief cabin. See Richard Falconer, Falconer’s Marine Dictionary (1780; repr., New York: Augustus Kelly, 1970), 277. ††  at all Adventures] Taking their chances. See OED. ‡‡  Sprit-­sail] A sail about the size of the topgallant sails. It is extended on a yard or pole and attached to the bow sprit to catch the wind that escapes ­under the foot of the foresail. Since it frequently dips into the sea, it is provided with holes in each of the lower corners to let out ­water. Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 275. §§  Boat-­Swain] The officer on a ship in charge of work involving sails, boats, anchors, and rigging. Falconer notes that he is supposed to do his jobs without drawing attention to himself. Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 41.

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Any one may judge what a Condition I must be in at all this, who was but a young Sailor, and who had been in such a Fright before at but a ­little. But if I can express at this Distance the Thoughts I had about me at that time, I was in tenfold more Horror of Mind upon Account of my former Convictions, and the having returned from them to the Resolutions I had wickedly taken at first, than I was at Death it self; and ­t hese added to the Terror of the Storm, put me into such a Condition, that I can by no Words56 describe it. But the worst was not come yet, the Storm continued with such Fury, that the Seamen themselves acknowledged they had never known a worse. We had a good Ship, but she was deep loaden, and wallowed in the Sea, that the Seamen e­ very now and then cried out, she would founder. It was my Advantage57 in one re­spect, that I did not know what they meant by Founder, till I enquir’d. However, the Storm 58 was so violent, that I saw what is not often seen, the Master, the Boat–­Swain, and some ­others more sensible than the rest, at their Prayers, and expecting e­ very Moment when the Ship would go to the Bottom. In the ­Middle of the Night, and ­under all the rest of our Distresses, one of the Men that had been down on Purpose to see, cried out we had sprung a Leak; another said t­ here was four Foot W ­ ater in the Hold. Then all Hands w ­ ere called to the Pump. At that very Word my Heart, as I thought, died within me, and I fell backwards upon the Side of my Bed where I sat, into the Cabbin. However, the Men roused me, and told me, that I that was able to do nothing before, was as well able to pump as another; at which I stirr’d up, and went to the Pump and work’d very heartily. While this was ­doing, the Master seeing some light Colliers,* who not able to r­ide out the Storm, w ­ ere oblig’d to slip and run away to Sea, and would come near us, ordered to fire a Gun as a Signal of Distress.59 I who knew nothing what that meant, was so surprised, that I thought the Ship had broke, or some dreadful ­t hing had happen’d. In a word, I was so surprised,60 that I fell down in a Swoon. As this was a time when e­ very Body had his own Life to think of, no Body minded me, or what was become of me; but another Man stept up to the Pump, and thrusting me aside with his Foot, let me lye, thinking I had been dead;61 and it was a ­great while before I came to my self. We work’d on, but the ­Water encreasing in the Hold, it was apparent that the Ship would founder, and tho’ the Storm began to abate a ­little, yet as it was not pos­ si­ble she could swim till we might run into a Port, so the Master continued firing Guns for Help; and a light Ship who had rid it out just a Head of us ventured62 a Boat out to help us. It was with the utmost ­Hazard63 the Boat came near us, but it was impossible for us to get on Board, or for the Boat to lie near the Ship Side, till at last the Men rowing very heartily, and venturing their Lives to save ours, our Men cast

* light Colliers] Colliers ­were ships used to carry coal. Defoe refers to them as “light Colliers” to designate ­those heading north ­a fter unloading at London. See footnote above (“Ships from Newcastle”), n. 10:7–8.

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them a Rope over the Stern with a Bouy* to it, and then vered it out† a g­ reat Length, which they ­after ­great ­Labour and ­Hazard took hold of64 and we hall’d‡ them close ­under our Stern and got all into their Boat. It was to no Purpose for them or us ­after we w ­ ere in the Boat to think of reaching to their own Ship, so all agreed to let her drive65 and only to pull her in t­ owards Shore as much as we could, and our Master promised them, That if the Boat was stav’d upon Shore he would make it good to their Master, so partly rowing and partly driving our Boat66 went away to the Norward67 sloaping t­ owards the Shore68 almost as far as Winterton–­Ness.69§ We w ­ ere not much more than a quarter of an Hour out of our Ship but we saw her sink, and then I understood for the first time what was meant by a Ship foun­ dering in the Sea; I must acknowledge I had hardly Eyes to look up when the Seamen told me she was sinking; for from that Moment they rather put me into the Boat than that I might be said to go in, my Heart was as it ­were dead within me, partly with Fright, partly with Horror of Mind and the Thoughts of what was yet before me. While we ­were in this Condition, the Men yet labouring at the Oar to bring the Boat near the Shore, we could see, when our Boat mounting the Waves, we w ­ ere able to see the Shore, a ­great many ­People ­running along the Shore to assist us when we should come near, but we made but slow way ­towards the Shore, nor ­were we able to reach the Shore, till being past the Light–­House at Winterton, the Shore falls off to the Westward t­owards Cromer,¶ and so the Land broke off a l­ittle the Vio­lence of the Wind: ­Here we got in, and tho’ not without much Difficulty got all safe on Shore and walk’d afterwards on Foot to Yarmouth, where, as unfortunate Men, we w ­ ere used with ­great Humanity70 as well by the Magistrates of the Town, who assign’d us good Quarters, as by par­tic­u ­lar Merchants and ­Owners of Ships, and had Money given us sufficient to carry us e­ ither to London or back to Hull, as we thought fit. Had I now had the Sense to have gone back to Hull, and have gone home, I had been happy, and my ­Father, an Emblem of our Blessed71 Saviour’s Parable,** had even kill’d the fatted Calf for me; for hearing the Ship I went away in72 was cast * Bouy] A hollow cask, hooped with iron and surrounded with cordage, usually used to indicate where the anchor is. ­Here it is used to float a line out to the boat that is attempting to rescue them. †  vered it out] Let it out. ‡  hall’d] Modern, hauled. §  Winterton Ness] A place famous for shipwrecks, Winterton-­Ness is located on the coast of Norfolk about seven miles north of Yarmouth. Defoe appears to have been evoking the storm of 1692 when hundreds of ships in Yarmouth Roads ­were driven northwest and wrecked at Winterton-­Ness. See Defoe, Tour, 1:71. ¶  Light-­House . . . ​Cromer] In the Hydrographer’s edition of Robinson Crusoe, the editor speaks of this area as extremely dangerous and named by mari­ners “the dev­i l’s throat” for its rocks and shoals. He also describes a light­house at a headland called “Foul-­ness” to the southeast of Cromer. See the footnote and illustration, 10. Cromer is located about twenty-­ five miles north of Winterton. ** our Blessed Saviour’s Parable] The Parable of the Prodigal Son. See Luke 15.11–32.

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away in Yarmouth Road, it was a g­ reat while before he had any Assurance that I was not drown’d. But my ill Fate push’d me on now with an Obstinacy that nothing could resist; and tho’ I had several times loud Calls from my Reason and my more composed Judgment to go home, yet I had no Power to do it. I know not what to call this, nor ­will I urge, that it is a secret over–­ruling Decree that hurries us on to be the Instruments of our own Destruction, even tho’ it be before us, and that we push73 upon it with our Eyes open. Certainly nothing but some such decreed unavoidable Misery attending, and which it was impossible for me to escape, could have push’d me forward against the calm Reasonings and Perswasions of my most retired Thoughts, and against two such vis­i­ble Instructions as I had met with in my first Attempt. My Comrade, who had help’d to harden me before, and who was the Master’s Son, was now less forward than I; the first time he spoke to me ­after we ­were at Yarmouth, which was not till two or three Days, for we ­were separated in the Town to several Quarters; I say, the first time he saw me, it appear’d his Tone was alter’d, and looking very melancholy and shaking his Head, ask’d me how I did, and telling his F ­ ather who I was, and how I had come this Voyage only for a Trial74 in order to go farther abroad; his F ­ ather turning to me with a very grave and concern’d Tone, Young Man, says he, you o­ ught never to go to Sea any more, you o­ ught to take this for a plain and vis­i­ble Token that you are not to be a Seafaring Man. Why,75 Sir, said I, ­will you go to Sea no more? That is another Case, said he, it is my Calling, and therefore my Duty;* but as you made this Voyage for a Trial,76 you see what a Taste Heaven has given you of what you are to expect if you persist;77 perhaps this is all befallen us on your Account, like Jonah† in the Ship of Tarshish. Pray, continues he, what are you? and on what Account did you go to Sea? him some of my Story; at the End of which he burst out with a strange kind of Passion, What had I done, says he, that such an unhappy Wretch should come into my Ship?78 I would not set my Foot in the same Ship with thee again for a Thousand Pounds. This indeed was, as I said, an Excursion of his Spirits which w ­ ere yet agitated by the Sense of his Loss, and was farther than he could have Authority to go. However he afterwards talk’d very gravely to me, exhorted me to go back to my ­Father, and not tempt Providence to my Ruin;79 told me I might see a vis­i­ble Hand of Heaven against me, And young Man, said he, depend upon it, if you do not go back, where–­ever you go, you ­will meet with nothing but Disasters and Disappointments80 till your F ­ ather’s Words are fulfilled upon you. We parted soon a­ fter; for I made him l­ittle Answer, and I saw him no more; which way he went, I know not. As for me, having some Money in my Pocket, * my Calling . . . ​my Duty] For a discussion of the “Calling” in relation to Crusoe’s choices of a c­ areer and in connection with the theological and economic arguments on this subject, see Maximillian Novak, Economics and the Fiction of Daniel Defoe (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962), 40–43. †  like Jonah] A specific reference to the first chapter of the Old Testament book of Jonah as well as the moral drawn from Jonah’s experience at sea in the second chapter.

Figure 4. ​Crusoe Shipwreckt at Yarmouth. “7th ed.” (1726 [original 1722]). [14]

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I travelled to London by Land; and ­t here, as well as on the Road, had many Strug­ gles with my self, what Course of Life I should take, and ­whether I should go Home, or go to Sea. As to g­ oing Home, Shame opposed the best Motions that offered to my Thoughts; and it immediately occurr’d to me how I should be laugh’d at among the Neighbours, and should be asham’d to see, not my F ­ ather and M ­ other only, but even ­every Body e­ lse; from whence I have since often observed, how incongruous and irrational the common Temper of Mankind is, especially of Youth, to that Reason which ­ought to guide them in such Cases, viz. That they are not asham’d to sin, and yet are asham’d to repent; not asham’d of the Action for which they onght justly to be esteemed Fools, but are asham’d of the returning, which only can make them be esteem’d wise Men. In this State of Life however I remained some time, uncertain what Mea­sures to take, and what Course of Life to lead. An irresistible Reluctance continu’d to ­going Home; and as I stay’d a while, the Remembrance of the Distress I had been in wore off; and as that abated, the ­little Motion I had in my Desires to a Return wore off with it, till at last I quite lay’d81 aside the Thoughts of it, and lookt82 out for a Voyage. That evil Influence which carryed83 me first away from my ­Father’s House, that hurried me into the wild and indigested Notion of raising my Fortune; and that imprest ­those Conceits so forcibly upon me, as to make me deaf to all good Advice, and to the Entreaties and even Command of my ­Father: I say the same Influence, what­ever it was, presented the most unfortunate of all Enterprises84 to my View; and I went on board a Vessel bound to the Coast of Africa; or,85 as our Sailors vulgarly call it, a Voyage to Guinea.86* It was my ­great Misfortune that in all ­t hese Adventures I did not ship my self as a Sailor; whereby, tho’ I might indeed have workt87 a l­ ittle harder than ordinary, yet at the same time I had learn’d the Duty and Office of a Fore–­mast Man; and in time might have qualified88 my self for a Mate or Lieutenant, if not for a Master:89 But as it was always my Fate to choose for the worse, so I did ­here; for having Money in my Pocket, and good Cloaths upon my Back, I would always go on board in the Habit of a Gentleman;† and so I neither had any Business in the Ship, or learn’d to do any. It was my Lot first of all to fall into pretty good Com­pany in London, which does not always happen to such loose and unguided young Fellows as I then was; the Devil generally not omitting to lay some Snare for them very early: But it was * Guinea] The area designated as Guinea was between Cape Verde and Cape Lopez, or from modern Senegal to Gabon. This takes in the entire west coast of Africa including Guinea-­ Bissau, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Ivory Coast, Ghana, Togo, Benin, Nigeria, Cameroon, and Gabon. Crusoe is aware of the vagueness of the term. †  Habit of a Gentleman] This description links Crusoe to the characters in Defoe’s other novels (most notably Moll Flanders’s “Gentleman Tradesman”) who attempt combining work at a trade with the be­hav­ior of a gentleman. Although Crusoe does not acquire all of the basic skills required of a mari­ner, he does eventually learn something about navigation and commerce from his friend the Captain.

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not so with me, I first fell acquainted with the Master of a Ship who had been on the Coast of Guinea;90 and who having had very good Success t­ here, was resolved to go again; and who taking a Fancy to my Conversation, which was not at all disagreeable at that time, hearing me say I had a mind to see the World, told me if I wou’d go the Voyage with him I should be at no Expence; I should be his Mess–­ mate and his Companion, and if I could carry any ­t hing91 with me, I should have all the Advantage of it that the Trade would admit; and perhaps I might meet with some Encouragement. I embrac’d the Offer, and entring into a strict Friendship with this Captain, who was an honest and plain–­dealing Man, I went the Voyage with him, and carried a small Adventure with me, which by the disinterested Honesty of my Friend the Captain, I increased very considerably; for I carried about 40 l. in such Toys and Trifles as the Captain directed me to buy. This 40 l. I had mustered together by the Assistance of some of my Relations whom I corresponded with, and who, I believe, got my F ­ ather, or at least my ­Mother, to contribute so much as that to my first Adventure. This was the only Voyage which I may say was successful in all my Adventures, and which I owe to the Integrity and Honesty of my Friend the Captain, u ­ nder whom also I got a competent Knowledge of the Mathematicks and the Rules of Navigation, learn’d how to keep an Account of the Ship’s Course, take an Observation;* and in short, to understand some t­hings that ­were needful to be understood by a Sailor: For, as he took Delight to introduce me, I took Delight to learn; and, in a word,92 this Voyage made me both a Sailor and a Merchant:93 For I brought Home L. 5. 9 Ounces of Gold Dust for my Adventure, which yielded me in London at my Return, almost 300 l. and this fill’d me with ­those aspiring Thoughts which have since so compleated my Ruin. Yet even in this Voyage I had my Misfortunes too; particularly, that I was continually sick,94 being thrown into a violent Calenture† by the excessive Heat of the Climate; our principal Trading being upon the Coast, from the Latitude of 15 Degrees, North even to the Line‡ it self. I was now set up for a Guiney Trader; and my Friend, to my g­ reat Misfortune, ­dying soon a­ fter his Arrival, I resolved to go the same Voyage again, and I embark’d in the same Vessel with one who was his Mate in the former Voyage, and had now got the Command of the Ship. This was the unhappiest Voyage that ever Man made; for tho’ I did not carry quite 100 l. of my new gain’d Wealth, so that I had 200 left, and which I lodg’d with my Friend’s ­Widow, who was very just to me, yet I fell * take an Observation] Locating the geo­graph­i­cal position of a ship at sea, as to its distance from ­either pole of the world, by mea­sur­ing the meridional altitude of the sun by an instrument called a quadrant. †  Calenture] In typical cases, a delirium involving fever, while at sea, during which the victim experiences a longing for cool, green lands. Like “Heimweh,” a longing for their snowy mountains that was supposed to afflict the Swiss when abroad, calentures invited considerable poetic attention during this period. ‡  Line] The equator. As previously noted, the area is approximately from Cape Verde to Cape Lopez.

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into terrible Misfortunes in this Voyage; and the first was this, viz. Our Ship making her Course ­towards the Canary Islands, or rather between ­t hose Islands and the African Shore, was surprised95 in the Grey of the Morning, by a Turkish Rover of Sallee,* who gave Chase to us with all the Sail she could make. We crowded also as much Canvas as our Yards would spread, or our Masts carry, to have got clear; but finding the Pirate gain’d upon us, and would certainly come up with us in a few Hours, we prepar’d to fight; our Ship having 12 Guns, and the Rogue 18. About three in the After­noon he came up with us, and bringing too by 96 ­Mistake, just athwart our Quarter,† instead of athwart our Stern, as he intended, we brought 8 of our Guns to bear on that Side, and pour’d in a Broadside upon him, which made him sheer off again, a­ fter returning our Fire, and pouring in also his small Shot from near 200 Men which he had on Board. However, we had not a Man touch’d, all our Men keeping close.‡ He prepar’d to attack us again, and we to defend our selves; but laying us on Board§ the next time upon our other Quarter, he entred 60 Men upon our Decks, who immediately fell97 to cutting and hacking the Decks and Rigging. We ply’d them with Small–­shot, Half–­Pikes,¶ Powder–­Chests,** and such like, and clear’d our Deck of them twice. However, to cut short this melancholy 98 Part of our Story, our Ship being disabled, and three of our Men kill’d, and eight wounded, we ­were obliged to yield, and ­were carry’d all Prisoners into Sal­ lee, a Port belonging to the Moors. The Usage I had t­ here was not so dreadful†† as at first I apprehended, nor was I carried up the Country to the Emperor’s Court,‡‡ as the rest of our Men ­were, but was kept by the Captain of the Rover, as his proper Prize, and made his Slave, being young and nimble, and fit for his Business. At this surprising99 Change of my Circumstances from a Merchant to a miserable Slave, I was perfectly overwhelmed; and now I look’d back upon my ­Father’s prophetick Discourse to me, that I should be miserable, and have none to relieve me, which I thought was now so effectually brought to pass, that it could not be worse; that now the Hand of Heaven had over* Sallee] Modern Salé in Morocco, near the capital, Rabat, it was then known for its pirates. For a well-­k nown account of a captivity in Salé, see Thomas Phelps, A True Account of the Captivity of Thomas Phelps in Barbary (London, 1685). †  Quarter] “. . . ​t hat part of a ship’s side which lies ­towards the stern.” Falconer, who divides a ship into five sections, with the area from the stern to “abaft the midships” constituting the quarter. Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 224–225. ‡  keeping close] Concealing themselves. §  laying us on Board] Coming alongside our ship. ¶  Half-­Pikes] Sometimes called boarding pikes, ­t hese spear-­like weapons, half the size of a regular pike, w ­ ere used on ships to repel boarders. ** Powder-­Chests] “. . . ​small boxes, charged with powder and a quantity of old nails, or splinters of iron, and fastened occasionally on the decks and sides of a ship, in order to be discharged on an e­ nemy who attempts to seize her by boarding.” Falconer’s Marine Diction­ ary, 219. ††  Usage . . . ​not so dreadful] For another account with a somewhat similar experience of a sailor taken to Algiers, see William Okeley, Eben-­Ezer: or A Small Monument of G ­ reat Mercy (London, 1675), 41. ‡‡  Emperor’s Court] For the horrors of this court, see Phelps, True Account, 7–9.

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taken me, and I was undone without Redemption. But alas!100 this was but a Taste of the Misery I was to go thro’, as ­w ill appear in the Sequel101 of this Story. As my new Patron or Master* had taken me Home to his House, so I was in hopes that he would take me with him when he went to Sea again, believing that it would some time or other be his Fate to be taken by a Spanish or Portugal Man of War; and that then I should be set at Liberty. But this Hope of mine was soon taken away; for when he went to Sea, he left me on Shoar102 to look ­after his ­little Garden, and do the common Drudgery of Slaves about his House; and when he came home again from his Cruise, he order’d me to lye in the Cabbin to look ­after the Ship. ­Here I meditated nothing but my Escape; and what Method I might take to effect it, but found no Way that had the least Probability in it: Nothing presented to make the Supposition of it rational; for I had no Body to communicate it to, that would embark with me; no Fellow–­Slave, no En­glishman, Irishman, or Scotsman ­t here but my self; so that for two Years, tho’ I often pleased my self with the Imagination, yet I never had the least encouraging Prospect of putting it in Practice. ­After about two Years an odd Circumstance presented it self, which put the old Thought of making some Attempt for my Liberty, again in my Head: My Patron lying at Home longer than usual, without fitting out his Ship, which, as I heard, was for want of Money; he used constantly, once or twice a Week, sometimes oftner, if the Weather was fair, to take the Ship’s Pinnace,† and go out into the Road a–­fishing;‡ and as he always took me and a young Maresco with him to row the Boat, we made him very merry, and I prov’d very dexterous in catching Fish; insomuch that sometimes he would send me with a Moor, one of his Kinsmen, and the Youth the Maresco, as they call’d him, to catch a Dish of Fish for him. It happen’d one time, that g­ oing a fishing in a stark calm Morning, a Fog r­ ose so thick, that tho’ we w ­ ere not half a League§ from the Shoar, we lost103 Sight of it; and rowing we knew not whither or which way, we l­abour’d all Day and all the next Night, and when the Morning came we found we had pull’d off to Sea instead of pulling in for the Shoar;104 and that we ­were at least two Leagues from the Shoar: However105 we got well in again, tho’ with a g­ reat deal of ­Labour, and some Danger; for the Wind began to blow pretty fresh in the Morning; but particularly we ­were all very hungry. But our Patron warn’d by this Disaster, resolved to take more Care of himself for the ­f uture; and having lying by him the Long–­boat of our En­glish Ship we had * Patron or Master] A Patron was usually master of a slave. See OED. †  Ship’s Pinnace] A boat used by the captain of eight oars, somewhat smaller than the long boat; also a small boat with two masts. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 215. ‡  a-­fishing] Hans Stade, enslaved by the natives of the Ca­rib­bean, is forced to fish for his master. See The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse, in A.D. 1547–1555 among the Wild Tribes of Eastern Brazil, trans. Albert Tootal, ed. Richard Burton, Hakluyt Society No. 51 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1874), 105–106. §  half a League] Approximately a mile and a half.

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taken,* he resolved he would not go a fishing any more without a Compass and some Provision; so he ordered the Carpenter of his Ship, who also was an En­glish Slave, to build a l­ittle State–­room or Cabin in the m ­ iddle of the Long Boat,† like that of a Barge, with a Place to stand ­behind it to steer and hale home the Main–­ sheet; and Room before for a hand106 or two to stand and work the Sails; she107 sail’d with that we call a Shoulder of Mutton Sail;‡ and the Boom gib’d over the Top108 of the Cabbin,§ which lay very snug and low, and had in it Room for him to lye, with a Slave or two, and a T ­ able to eat on, with some small Lockers to put in some ­Bottles of such Liquor as he thought fit to drink;109 particularly his Bread, Rice and Coffee. We went frequently out with this Boat a fishing, and as I was most dextrous to catch fish for him, he never went without me: It happen’d that he had appointed to go out in this Boat, ­either for Plea­sure or for Fish, with two or three Moors of some Distinction in that Place, and for whom he had provided extraordinarily; and had therefore sent on board the Boat110 over Night, a larger Store of Provisions than ordinary; and had order’d me to get ready three Fuzees¶ with Powder and Shot, which ­were on board his Ship;111 for that** they design’d some Sport of Fowling as well as Fishing. I got all t­ hings ready as he had directed, and waited the next Morning with the Boat, washed clean, her Antient and Pendants†† out, and e­ very t­ hing to accommodate112 his Guests; when by and by my Patroon113 came on board alone, and told me his Guests had put off ­going, upon some Business that fell out, and order’d me with the Man and Boy, as usual, to go out with the Boat and catch them some Fish, for that his Friends ­were to sup at his House; and commanded that as soon as I had got some Fish I should bring it home to his House; all which I prepar’d to do. This Moment my former Notions of Deliverance darted into my Thoughts, for now I found I was like to have a ­little Ship at my Command; and my Master being gone, I prepar’d to furnish my self, not for a fishing Business but114 for a Voyage; tho’ I knew not, neither did I so much as consider whither I should steer; for any where to get out of that Place was my Way. My first Contrivance was to make a Pretence to speak to this Moor, to get something for our Subsistance on board; for I told him we must not presume to eat of our Patroon’s115 Bread; he said, that was true; so he brought a large Basket of Rusk or Bisket of their kind, and three Jarrs with fresh W ­ ater into the Boat; I knew where 116 my Patroon’s Case of ­Bottles stood, which it was evident by the make ­were taken * we had taken] In his edition of Robinson Crusoe (London: Oxford University Press, 1972), 311, second note to p. 20, J. Donald Crowley suggests that the use of “we” by Crusoe suggests that he had begun to identify with his master’s interests. †  Long Boat] The largest and strongest boat belonging to a ship, generally of ten to twelve oars. ‡  Shoulder of Mutton Sail] A three-­cornered sail. §  Boom gib’d over the Top of the Cabbin] The pole to which the sail was attached moved above the newly installed cabin. ¶  three Fuzees] Light muskets. ** for that] Synonymous with “­because” ††  Antient and Pendants] Flag and ensigns and pennants.

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out of some En­glish Prize; and I convey’d them into the Boat while the Moor was on Shoar,117 as if they had been t­ here before, for our Master: I convey’d also a ­great Lump of Bees–­Wax into the Boat, which weighed above half a Hundred Weight, with a Parcel of Twine or Thread, a Hatchet, a Saw118 and a Hammer, all which w ­ ere of g­ reat Use to us afterwards; especially the Wax to make Candles. Another Trick I try’d upon him, which he innocently came into also; his Name was Ismael, who they call Muly 119 or Moely, so I call’d to him, Moely said I, our Patroon’s120 Guns are on board the Boat, can you not get a ­little Powder and Shot, it may be we may kill some Alcamies (a Fowl like our Curlieus)121* for our selves, for I know he keeps the Gunner’s Stores in122 the Ship? Yes, says he, I’ll bring some, and accordingly he brought a ­great Leather Pouch which held about a Pound and a half 123 of Powder, or rather more; and another with Shot, that had five or six Pound, with some Bullets; and put all into the Boat: At the same time I had found some Powder of my Master’s124 in the G ­ reat Cabbin, with which I fill’d one of the large B ­ ottles in the Case, which was almost empty; pouring what was in it into another: and thus furnished with ­every ­t hing needful, we sail’d out of the Port to fish: The ­Castle which is at the Entrance of the Port knew who we ­were, and took no Notice of us; and we ­were not above a Mile out of the Port before we hal’d in our Sail, and set us down to fish: The Wind blew from the N.NE. which was contrary to my Desire; for had it blown southerly I had been sure to have made the Coast of Spain, and at least reacht125 to the Bay of Cadiz;† but my Resolutions w ­ ere, blow which way it would, I would be gone from that horrid Place where I was, and leave the rest126 to Fate. ­After we had fisht127 some time and catcht nothing, for when I had Fish on my Hook, I would not pull them up, that he might not see them; I said to the Moor, this ­will not do, our Master ­w ill not be thus serv’d, we must stand farther off: He thinking no harm agreed, and being in the head128 of the Boat set the Sails; and as I had the Helm I run the Boat out near a League farther, and then brought her too as if I would fish;129 when giving the Boy the Helm, I stept forward to where the ­ ehind130 him, I took him by Moor was, and making as if I stoopt for something b ‡ Surprize with my Arm ­under his Twist, and tost him clear over–­board into the Sea; he rise§ immediately, for he swam like a Cork, and call’d to me, begg’d to be taken in, told me he would go all over the World with me; he swam so strong a­ fter the Boat that he would have reacht me very quickly, ­t here bieng131 but ­little Wind; upon which I stept into the Cabbin and fetching one of the Fowling–­pieces, I presented it at him, and told him, I had done him no hurt, and if he would be quiet I would do him none;132 but said I, you swim well enough to reach to the Shoar,133 and the Sea is calm, make the best of your Way to Shoar134 and I ­w ill do you no harm, but if you come near the Boat I’ll shoot you thro’ the Head; for I am resolved

* Alcamies . . . ​Curlieus] A curlew is a long-­legged bird with a curved bill seen wading. †  Bay of Cadiz] Cadiz on the southwest coast of Spain on the Atlantic side of the Strait of Gibraltar would have been almost (just two degrees east) directly north of Salé. ‡  Twist] The fork of the legs. §  rise] In modern grammar it would have been “­rose.”

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to have my Liberty; so he turn’d himself about and swam for the Shoar,135 and I make no doubt but he reacht136 it with Ease, for he was an Excellent Swimmer. I could ha’ been137 content to ha’ taken this Moor with me, and ha’ drown’d the Boy, but t­ here was no venturing to trust him: When he was gone I turn’d to the Boy, who they call’d Xury, and said to him, Xury, if you ­w ill be faithful to me I’ll make you a ­g reat Man, but if you ­w ill not stroak your Face to be true to me, that is, swear by Mahomet* and his F ­ ather’s Beard, I must throw you into the Sea too; the Boy smil’d in my Face and spoke so innocently that I could not mistrust him; and swore to be faithful to me, and go all over the World with me. While I was in View of the Moor that was swimming, I stood out directly to Sea with the Boat, rather stretching to Windward, that they might think me gone t­ owards the Straits–­mouth† (as indeed any one that had been in their Wits must ha’ been supposed to do) for who would ha’ suppos’d we ­were sail’d138 on to the southward139 to the truly Barbarian Coast,‡ where w ­ hole Nations of Negroes ­were sure to surround us with their Canoes, and destroy us; where we could ne’er once go on shoar140 but we should be devour’d by savage Beasts, or more merciless Savages of ­human kind.141 But as soon as it grew dusk in the Eve­ning, I chang’d my Course, and steer’d directly South and by East, bending my Course a ­little ­toward the East, that I might keep in with the Shoar;142 and having a fair fresh Gale of Wind, and a smooth quiet Sea, I made such Sail that I believe by the next Day at Three a Clock in the After­ noon, when I first made the Land, I could not be less than 150 Miles South of Sal­ lee; quite beyond the Emperor of Morocco’s Dominions, or indeed of any other King thereabouts, for we saw no ­People. Yet such was the Fright I had taken at the Moors, and the dreadful Apprehensions I had of falling into their Hands, that I would not stop, or go on Shoar,143 or come to an Anchor; the Wind continuing fair, ’till I had sail’d in that manner five Days: And then the Wind shifting to the southward,144 I concluded also that if any of our Vessels ­were in Chase of me, they also would now give over; so I ventur’d to make to the Coast, and came to an Anchor in the Mouth of a ­little River, I knew not what, or where; neither what Latitude, what Country, what Nations,145 or what River: I neither saw, or desir’d to see any ­People, the principal ­t hing I wanted was fresh W ­ ater: We came into this Creek in the Eve­ning, resolving to swim on shoar146 as soon as it was dark, and discover§ the Country; but as soon as it was quite dark, * Mahomet] Muhammad was described as a man with a “large beard,” and imitating him by allowing one’s beard to grow was considered a “sunnah” or commandment by some members of Islam. Hairs from the Prophet are treated as holy relics within Islam. See, for example, G. F. Haddad, “The Noble Beard and Hair of the Holy Prophet,” http://­w ww​.­sunnah​.­org​ /­figh​/­Prophets​_­Beard and​_­Hair​_­saws​.­htm. †  Straits-­mouth] Strait of Gibraltar. ‡  truly Barbarian Coast] A pun on the Barbary Coast that comprised the coast of all of Northwest Africa. See Bohun, Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sig. E1v. See also Simon Ockley, An Account of South-­West Barbary (London, 1713). §  discover] Explore. See OED.

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we heard such dreadful Noises of the Barking, Roaring, and Howling of Wild147 Creatures, of we knew not what Kinds, that the poor Boy was ready to die with Fear, and begg’d of me not to go on shoar148 till Day; well Xury, said I, then I ­won’t, but it may be we may see Men by Day, who ­w ill be as bad to us as ­t hose Lyons; then we give them the shoot Gun, says Xury, laughing,149 make them run wey; such En­glish Xury spoke by conversing among us Slaves; however150 I was glad to see the Boy so cheerful, and I gave him a Dram* (out of our Patroon’s151 Case of ­Bottles) to chear him up: ­After all, Xury’s Advice was good, and I took it, we dropt152 our l­ ittle Anchor and lay still all Night; I say still, for we slept none! for in two or three Hours we saw vast ­great Creatures (we knew not what to call them) of many sorts, come down to the Sea–­shoar153 and run into the ­Water, wallowing and washing themselves for the Plea­sure of cooling themselves; and they made such hideous Howlings and Yellings, that I never indeed heard the like. Xury was dreadfully frighted, and indeed so was I too; but we ­were both more frighted when we heard one of ­t hese mighty Creatures come swimming ­towards our Boat, we could not see him, but we might hear him by his blowing to be a monstrous, huge and furious Beast; Xury said it was a Lyon, and it might be so for ­ought I know; but poor Xury cryed to me154 to weigh the Anchor and row away; no, says I, Xury, we can slip our Cable with the Buoy to it and go off to Sea, they cannot follow us far; I had no sooner said so, but I perceiv’d the Creature (what­ ever it was) within two Oars length,155 which something surprized me; however I immediately stept to the Cabbin–­door, and taking up my Gun fir’d at him, upon which he immediately turn’d about and swam t­ owards the Shoar156 again. But it is impossible to describe the horrible Noises, and hideous Cryes157 and Howlings, that w ­ ere raised as well upon the Edge of the Shoar,158 as higher within the Country; upon the Noise or Report of the Gun, a Th ­ ing I have some Reason to believe t­ hose Creatures had never heard before:† This convinc’d159 me that t­ here was no ­going on Shoar160 for us in the Night upon that Coast, and how to venture on Shoar161 in the Day was another Question too; for to have fallen into the Hands of any of the Savages, had been as bad as to have fallen into the Hands of Lyons and Tygers; at least we w ­ ere equally apprehensive of the Danger of it. Be that as it would, we w ­ ere oblig’d to go on Shoar162 somewhere or other for ­Water, for we had not a Pint left in the Boat; when or where to get to it was the Point:‡ Xury said, if I would let him go on Shoar with one of the Jarrs, he would find if ­t here was any ­Water and bring some to me. I ask’d him why he would go? * Dram] A small drink (an eighth of an ounce) of an alcoholic beverage. †  Noise or Report of the Gun . . . ​never heard before] Crusoe makes a similar comment when he uses his gun on the island, and t­here is a parallel scene in Defoe’s Captain Singleton. What­ever ­else such a moment may mean, Defoe considered this event as a transformative experience, when the natu­ral world encounters modern h ­ uman technology for the first time. It has significance for colonial dominance, as in Crusoe’s comment on the weakness of the ­Great Wall of China in the face of modern Eu­ro­pean artillery. See The Farther Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, in The Shakespeare Head Edition of the Selected Writings of Daniel Defoe (Oxford: Blackwell, 1927), 3:166. ‡  the Point] The ­t hing aimed at. See OED.

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Why I should not go and he stay in the Boat? The Boy answer’d 163 with so much Affection that made me love him ever a­ fter. Says he, If wild Mans164 come, they eat me, you go wey. Well, Xury, said I, we w ­ ill both go, and if the wild Mans come we ­will kill them, they ­shall eat165 neither of us; so I gave Xury a piece of Rusk–­bread to eat,166 and a Dram out of our Patroon’s Case of B ­ ottles which I mentioned before; 167 and we hal’d the Boat in as near the Shoar as we thought was proper, and so waded on Shoar,168 carry­ing nothing but our Arms169 and two Jarrs for W ­ ater. I did not care to go out of Sight of the Boat, fearing the coming of Canoes with Savages down the River;170 but the Boy seeing a low Place about a Mile up the Country rambled to it; and by and by I saw him come ­running ­towards me, I thought he was pursued by some Savage, or frighted with some wild Beast, and I run forward t­ owards him to help him, but when I came nearer to him, I saw something hanging over his Shoulders which was a Creature that he had shot, like a Hare but dif­fer­ent in Colour, and longer Legs, however we ­were very glad of it, and it was very good Meat; but the g­ reat Joy that poor Xury came with, was to tell me he had found good ­Water and seen no wild Mans. But we found afterwards that we need not take such Pains for W ­ ater, for a l­ ittle higher up the Creek where we ­were, we found the ­Water fresh when the Tide was out, which flowed but a ­little way up; so we filled our Jarrs and feasted on the Hare we had killed, and prepared to go on our Way, having seen no Foot–­steps* of any humane171 Creature in that part of the Country. As I had been one Voyage to this Coast before, I knew very well that the Islands of the Canaries, and the Cape de Verd† Islands also, lay not far off from the Coast. But as I had no Instruments to take an Observation to know what Latitude we ­were in, and did not exactly172 know, or at least remember what Latitude they w ­ ere in; I knew not where to look for them, or when to stand off to Sea ­towards them; other­wise I might now easily have found some of ­t hese Islands. But my hope was, that if I stood along this Coast till I came to that Part where the En­glish Traded,173 I should find some of their Vessels upon their usual Design of Trade, that would relieve and take us in. By the best of my Calculation, that Place where I now was, must be that Country, which lying between the Emperor of Morocco’s Dominions and the Negro’s, lies wast and uninhabited, except by wild Beasts; the Negroes having abandon’d it and gone farther South for fear of the Moors; and the Moors not thinking it worth inhabiting, by reason of its Barrenness; and indeed both forsaking it ­because of the prodigious Numbers of Tygers, Lyons, Leopards174 and other furious Creatures which harbour ­t here; so that the Moors use it for their Hunting only, where they go like an Army, two or three thousand Men at a time; and indeed for near an hun* Foot-­steps] The absence of cannibals on the west coast of Africa and their i­magined footprints foreshadows the footprint in the sand, the arrival of the cannibals, and the appearance of Friday on Crusoe’s island l­ ater in the work. †  Canaries . . . ​a nd the Cape de Verd] If Crusoe was between the Canaries and the Cape de Verde Islands, he would have been off the coast of the modern nation of Western Sahara, about twenty degrees north of the equator.

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dred Miles together upon this Coast, we saw nothing but a wast uninhabited Country, by Day; and heard nothing but Howlings and Roaring of wild Beasts, by Night. Once or twice in the Day time, I thought I saw the Pico of Teneriffe,* being the high top of the Mountain Teneriffe in the Canaries; and had a ­great mind to venture out in hopes of reaching thither; but having tried twice I was forced in again by contrary Winds, the Sea also ­going too high for my ­little Vessel, so I resolved to pursue my first Design and keep along the Shoar.175 Several times I was obliged to land for fresh W ­ ater, ­after we had left this Place; and once in par­tic­u­lar, being early in the Morning, we came to an Anchor ­under a ­little Point of Land which was pretty high, and the Tide beginning to flow, we lay still to go farther in; Xury, whose Eyes w ­ ere more about him than it seems mine ­were, calls softly to me, and tells me that we had best go farther off the Shoar;176 for, says he, look yonder lies a dreadful Monster on the side177 of that Hillock† fast asleep: I look’d where he pointed, and saw a dreadful Monster indeed, for it was a Piece terrible g­ reat Lyon that lay on the Side of the Shoar,178 ­under the Shade of a of the Hill that hung as it ­were a ­little over him. Xury, says I, you ­shall go on Shoar 179 and kill him; Xury look’d frighted, and said, Me kill! he eat me at one Mouth; one Mouthful he meant; however, I said no more to the Boy, but bad him lye still, and I took our biggest Gun, which was almost Musquet–­bore,180 and loaded it with a good Charge of Powder, and with two Slugs, and laid it down; then I loaded another Gun with two Bullets, and the third, for we had three Pieces, I loaded with five smaller Bullets. I took the best aim181 I could with the first Piece to have shot him into the Head, but he lay so with his Leg rais’d a l­ ittle above his Nose, that the Slugs hit his Leg about the Knee, and broke the Bone. He started up growling at first, but finding his Leg broke fell down again, and then got up upon three Legs and182 gave the most hideous Roar that ever I heard; I was a ­little surpriz’d183 that I had not hit him on the Head; however I took up the second Piece immediately, and tho’ he began to move off fir’d again, and shot him into the Head, and had the Plea­ sure to see him drop, and make but l­ittle Noise, but lay struggling for Life. Then Xury took Heart, and would have me let him go on Shoar:184 Well, go said I, so the Boy jump’d into the ­Water, and taking a ­little Gun in one Hand, swam185 to Shoar with the other Hand, and coming close to the Creature, put the Muzzle of the Piece to his Ear, and shot him into the Head again,186 which dispatch’d him quite. This was Game indeed to us, but this was no Food, and I was very sorry to lose three Charges of Powder and Shot upon a Creature that was good for nothing to us. However Xury said he would have some of him; so he comes on board, and ask’d me to give him the Hatchet; for what, Xury, said I? Me cut off his Head, said he. However Xury could not cut off his Head, but he cut off a Foot and brought it with him, and it was a monstrous ­great one. * Pico of Teneriffe] Since this mountain is two and a half miles above sea level, it is vis­i­ble at a considerable distance. †  Hillock] A ­little hill. See OED.

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I bethought my self however, that perhaps the Skin of him might one way or other be of some Value to us; and I resolved to take of his Skin if I could. So Xury and I went to work with him; but Xury was much the better Workman at it, for I knew very ill how to do it. Indeed it took us up both the ­whole Day, but at last we got off 187 the Hide of him, and spreading it on the top of our Cabbin, the Sun effectually dried it in two Days time, and it afterwards serv’d me to lye upon. ­After this Stop we made on to the Southward continually for ten or twelve Days, living very sparing on our Provisions, which began to abate very much, and ­going no oftner into the Shoar188 than we ­were oblig’d to for fresh ­Water; my Design in this was to make the River Gambia or Senegal, that is to say, any where about the Cape de Verd,* where I was in hopes to meet with some Eu­ro­pe­an Ship, and if I did not, I knew not what Course I had to take, but to seek out for189 the Islands, or perish ­there among the Negroes. I knew that all the Ships from Eu­rope, which sail’d ­either to the Coast of Guiney, or to Brasil, or to the East–­Indies, made this Cape190 or ­t hose Islands; and in a word, I put the ­whole of my Fortune upon this single Point, e­ ither that I must meet with some Ship, or must perish. When I had pursued this Resolution about ten Days longer, as I have said, I began to see that the Land was inhabited, and in two or three Places as we sailed by, we saw ­People stand upon the Shoar191 to look at us, we could also perceive they ­were quite Black and Stark–­naked. I was once inclin’d to ha’ gone on Shoar192 to them; but Xury was my better Councellor,193 and said to me, no go, no go; however I hal’d in nearer the Shoar194 that I might talk to them, and I found they run along the Shoar195 by me a good way; I observ’d they had no Weapons in their Hands, except one who had a long slender Stick, which Xury said was a Lance, and that they would throw them a g­ reat way with good aim;196 so I kept at a distance, but talk’d with them by Signs as well as I could; and particularly made Signs for something197 to eat, they beckon’d to me to stop my Boat, and that they would fetch me some Meat; upon this I lower’d the top of my Sail, and lay by, and two of them run up into the Country, and in less than half an Hour came back 198 and brought with them two Pieces of dry Flesh and some Corn, such as is the Produce of their Country, but199 we neither knew what the one or the other was; however we w ­ ere willing to accept it, but how to come at it was our next Dispute, for I was not for venturing on Shore to them, and they w ­ ere as much affraid of us; but they took a safe way for us all, for they brought it to the Shore and laid it down, and went and stood a ­great way off till we fetch’d it on Board, and then came close to us again. We made Signs of Thanks to them, for we had nothing to make them amends; but an Opportunity offer’d that very Instant to oblige them wonderfully, for while we w ­ ere lying by the Shore, came two mighty Creatures,200 one pursuing the other, * Gambia . . . ​Cape de Verd] Gambia, with its river, is now a separate country, surrounded on both the north and the south by Senegal. It is located at thirteen degrees north latitude on the west coast of Africa. The Cape Verde Islands lie about four hundred miles to the northwest. ­These islands w ­ ere commonly used by ships to take on w ­ ater and supplies. George Anson planned originally to rendezvous with his ships t­ here at the beginning of his voyage. See A Voyage Round the World (London: Heron Books, n.d.), 25–26.

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(as we took it) with ­great Fury, from the Mountains ­towards the Sea; ­whether it was the Male pursuing the Female, or ­whether they ­were in Sport or in Rage, we could not tell, any more than we could tell w ­ hether it was usual or strange, but I believe it was the latter; ­because in the first Place, ­t hose ravenous Creatures seldom appear but in the Night; and in the second Place, we found the ­People terribly frighted, especially the ­Women. The Man that had the Lance or Dart did not fly from them, but the rest did; however as the two Creatures ran directly into the ­Water, they did not seem to offer to fall upon any of the Negroes, but plung’d themselves into the Sea and swam about as if they had come for their Diversion; at last one of them began to come nearer our Boat than at first I expected, but I lay ready for him, for I had loaded my Gun with all pos­si­ble Expedition, and bad Xury load both the other; as soon as he came fairly within my reach, I fir’d, and shot him directly into the Head; immediately he sunk down into the W ­ ater, but ­rose instantly and plung’d up and down as if he was struggling for Life; and so indeed he was, he immediately made to the Shore, but between the Wound which was his mortal Hurt, and the strangling of the W ­ ater, he dyed just before he reach’d the Shore. It is impossible to express the Astonishment of t­ hese poor Creatures at the Noise and the Fire of my Gun; some of them ­were even ready to dye for Fear, and fell down as Dead with the very Terror. But when they saw the Creature dead and sunk in the ­Water, and that I made Signs to them to come to the Shore; they took Heart and came to the Shore and began to search for the Creature, I found him by his Blood staining the ­Water, and by the help of a Rope which I flung round him and gave the Negroes to hawl, they drag’d him on Shore, and found that it was a most curious Leopard, spotted and fine to an admirable Degree, and the Negroes held up their Hands with Admiration* to think what it was I had kill’d him with. The other Creature frighted with the flash of Fire and the Noise of the Gun swam on Shore, and ran up directly to the Mountains from whence they came,201 nor could I at that Distance know what it was. I found quickly the Negroes ­were for eating the Flesh of this Creature, so I was willing to have them take it as a Favour from me, which when I made Signs to them that they might take him, they ­were very thankful, for immediately they fell to work with him, and tho’ they had no Knife, yet with a sharpen’d Piece202 of Wood they took off his Skin as readily, and much more readily than we cou’d have done with a Knife; they offer’d me some of the Flesh, which I declined, making as if I would give it them, but made Signs for the Skin, which they gave me very freely, and brought me a ­great deal more of their Provision, which tho’ I did not understand, yet I accepted; then I made Signs to them for some W ­ ater, and held out one of my Jarrs to them, turning it bottom upward, to shew that it was empty, and that I wanted to have it filled. They call’d immediately to some of their Friends, and t­ here came two W ­ omen and brought a ­great Vessel made of Earth, and burnt as I suppose in the Sun; this they set down for me, as before, and I sent Xury on Shore with my Jarrs, and filled them all three:203 The W ­ omen w ­ ere as stark Naked as the Men. * Admiration] Won­der.

Figure 5. ​Crusoe Shooting a Lion Off the Coast of Guinney (Africa) (1726 [original 1722]). [23]

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I was now furnished with Roots and Corn, such as it was, and ­Water, and leaving my friendly Negroes, I made forward for about eleven Days more204 without offering to go near the Shoar, till I saw the Land run out a g­ reat Length into the Sea, at about the Distance of four or five Leagues before me, and the Sea being very calm,205 I kept a large offing* to make this Point; at length, doubling the Point at about two Leagues from the Land, I saw plainly Land on the other Side to Seaward; then I concluded, as it was most certain indeed, that this was the Cape de Verd, and ­those the Islands, call’d from thence Cape de Verd Islands. However they ­were at a ­great Distance, and I could not well tell what I had best to do, for if I should be taken with a Fresh of Wind I might neither reach one or other. In this Dilemma,206 as I was very pensive, I stept into the Cabbin and sat me down, Xury having the Helm, when on a suddain207 the Boy cry’d out, Master, Mas­ ter, a Ship with a Sail, and the foolish Boy was frighted out of his Wits, thinking it must needs be some of his Master’s Ships sent to pursue us, when, I knew we ­were gotten far enough out of their reach. I jump’d out of the Cabbin, and immediately saw not only the Ship, but what she was, (viz.) that it was a Portuguese208 Ship, and as I thought was bound to the Coast of Guinea for Negroes. But when I observ’d the Course she steer’d, I was soon convinc’d they w ­ ere bound some other way, and did not design to come any nearer to the Shoar;209 upon which I stretch’d out to Sea as much as I could, resolving to speak with them if pos­si­ble. With all the Sail I could make,210 I found I should not be able to come in their Way, but that they would be gone by, before I could make any Signal to them; but ­after I had crowded to the utmost,† and began to despair, they it seems saw me by the help of their Perspective–­Glasses,‡ and that it was some Eu­ro­pe­an Boat, which as they supposed must belong to some Ship that was lost, so they shortned Sail to let me come up. I was encouraged with this, and as I had my Patron’s Antient on Board, I made a Waft§ of it to them for a Signal of Distress, and fir’d a Gun, both which they saw, for they told me they saw the Smoke, tho’ they did not hear the Gun; upon t­ hese Signals they very kindly brought too, and lay by for me, and in about three Hours time I came up with them. They ask’d me what I was, in Portuguese, and in Spanish, and in French, but I understood none of them; but at last a Scots Sailor who was on board, call’d to me, and I answer’d him, and told him I was an En­glishman, that I had made my escape out of Slavery from the Moors at Sallee; then they bad me come on board, and very kindly took me in, and all my Goods. It was an inexpressible Joy to me, that any one w ­ ill believe, that I was thus deliver’d, as I esteem’d it, from such a miserable and almost hopeless Condition as I was in, and I immediately offered all I had to the Captain of the Ship, as a Return for my Deliverance; but he generously told me, he would take nothing from * kept a large offing] Stayed away from the shore. †  crowded to the utmost] Set as many sails as he could to gain speed. ‡  Perspective-­Glasses] Telescopes. §  Waft] A flag (“Ancient”) tied up as a signal of distress.

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me, but that all I had should be deliver’d safe to me when I came to the Brasils,* for says he, I have sav’d your Life on no other Terms than I would be glad to be saved my self, and it may one time or other be my Lot to be taken up in the same Condition; besides, said he, when I carry you to the Brasils, so ­great a way from your own Coun­ try, if I should take from you what you have, you w ­ ill be starved there, and then I only 211 take away that Life I have given. No, no, Seignor Inglese, says he, Mr. En­glishman, Iw ­ ill carry you thither in Charity, and t­ hose ­things ­will help you to buy your Subsis­ tance t­ here and your Passage home again.† As he was Charitable in his Proposal, so he was Just in the Per­for­mance to a tittle, for he ordered the Seamen that none should offer to touch any ­t hing I had; then he took ­every ­thing into his own Possession, and gave me back an exact Inventory of them, that I might have them, even so much as my three Earthen Jarrs. As to my Boat it was a very good one, and that he saw, and told me he would buy it of me for the Ship’s use, and ask’d me what I would have for it? I told him he had been so generous to me in e­ very t­ hing, that I could not offer to make any Price of the Boat, but left it entirely to him, upon which he told me he would give me a Note of his Hand to pay me 80 Pieces of Eight‡ for it at Brasil, and when it came ­there, if any one offer’d to give more he would make it up; he offer’d me also 60 Pieces of Eight more for my Boy Xury, which I was loath to take, not that I was not willing to let the Captain have him, but I was very loath to sell the poor Boy’s Liberty, who had assisted me so faithfully in procuring my own. However when I let him know my Reason, he212 own’d it to be just, and offer’d me this Medium, that he would give the Boy an Obligation§ to set him ­free in ten Years, if he turn’d Christian; upon this, and Xury saying he was willing to go to him, I let the Captain have him. We had a very good Voyage to the Brasils, and arriv’d in the Bay de Todos los Santos,¶ or All–­Saints Bay, in about Twenty–­t wo Days a­ fter. And now I was once more deliver’d from the most miserable of all Conditions of Life, and what to do next with my self I was now to consider. The generous Treatment the Captain gave me, I can never enough remember; he would take nothing of me for my Passage, gave me twenty Ducats** for the Leopard’s Skin, and forty for the Lyon’s Skin which I had in my Boat, and caused ­every * Brasils] Modern Brazil. †  Con­temporary printing practices often rendered dialogue, such as this, in italics. On the other hand, the reported dialogue beginning atop this page is not in italics. ‡  Pieces of Eight] Spanish coin dollars. The eight stands for the equivalent of eight reals or thirty-­four maravedis. In 1815, the Hydrographer who edited Robinson Crusoe estimated it as having the appearance of a British crown piece or five shillings. Trying to determine what that would be worth in modern money is always difficult, but it would be approximately twenty-­five pounds. §  Obligation] A written contract with specific conditions attached to it. See Edward Phillips, The New World of Words: or Universal En­glish Dictionary, 7th ed. (London, 1720), sig. Vvvv3. ¶  Bay de Todos los Santos] Usually referred to as Bahia in con­temporary writings, Bahia de Todos os Santos, as it was called in Portuguese, encompassed a large area of the coast of Brazil, dominated by the city of Salvador. It is located at 12º 58’ latitude and 38º 13’ longitude. ** Ducats] The OED defines a ducat as a “Gold coin of varying value,” but it may also refer to silver coins minted in Italy. The gold coins ­were equal to 9s 4d, the silver to 3s 6d.

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t­ hing I had in the Ship to be punctually deliver’d me, and what I was willing to sell he bought, such as the Case of B ­ ottles, two of my Guns, and a Piece of the Lump of Bees–­wax, for I had made Candles of the rest; in a word, I made about 220 Pieces of Eight of all my Cargo, and with this Stock I went on Shoar in the Brasilo.* I had not been long ­here, but being recommended to the House of a good honest Man like himself, who had an Ingeino† as they call it; that is, a Plantation and a Sugar–­House. I lived with him some time, and acquainted my self by that means213 with the Manner of their planting and making of Sugar;‡ and seeing how well the Planters liv’d,§ and how they grew rich suddenly,¶ I resolv’d, if I could get Licence to ­settle ­t here, I would turn Planter among them, resolving in the mean time to find out some Way to get my Money which I had left in London remitted to me. To this Purpose getting a kind of a Letter of Naturalization, I purchased as much Land that was Uncur’d, as my Money would reach, and form’d a Plan for my Plantation** and Settlement, and such a one as might be suitable to the Stock which I proposed to my self to receive from ­England. I had a Neighbour, a Portugueze of Lisbon, but born of En­glish Parents, whose Name was Wells,†† and in much such Circumstances as I was. I call him my Neighbour, ­because his Plantation lay next to mine, and we went on very sociably together. My Stock was but low as well as his; and we rather planted for Food than214 any ­t hing ­else, for about two Years. However, we began to increase, and our Land began to come into Order; so that the third Year we planted some Tobacco,‡‡ and * Brasilo] A variant for Brazil. †  Ingeino] A combination of plantation and ­house for manufacturing sugar. “Engenho de acucar” was the full phrase for a sugar mill, but Defoe uses the common term for the entire work area. See A. J., A Compleat Account of the Portuguese Language (London, 1701), sig. Uu. ‡  making of Sugar] As Stuart Schwartz points out, the manufacture of sugar required a ­great deal of experience, much of which involved exact judgment of when to skim the large copper ­kettles and when to pour the sugar into the molds. See Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550–1835, Cambridge Latin American Studies 52 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 111. §  how well the Planters liv’d] During the 1650s the senhores de engenho constituted a privileged class in Brazil. No titles of nobility w ­ ere granted, but they often received commissions in the militia and lived in a ­grand style. See Schwartz, Sugar Plantations, 271–278. ¶  grew rich suddenly] Conditions ­were better for rising rapidly before 1600, but in the period described it was still pos­si­ble to become wealthy. This was certainly less true in 1719, when sugar from islands in the Ca­rib­bean flooded Eu­rope. It is hard to believe that Defoe, with his knowledge of economic history, was not aware of this. To a certain extent, then, The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures does function as a historical novel. ** my Plantation] Although the location of Crusoe’s plantation is entirely fictional and has hardly aroused the kind of speculation provoked by his equally fictional island, at least one author who visited the Bahia area in 1821 reported that among the passengers on her ship ­t here was lively speculation about this ­matter. Most de­cided it was at Cachoeira, a town on the Paraguacu river. Since sugar mills often used w ­ ater power, this was not a bad guess. See Maria Graham, Lady Callcott, Journal of a Voyage to Brazil (London: Longman, 1824), 157. ††  En­glish Parents . . . ​Wells] In 1670 over half of the senhores de engenho ­were immigrants. See Schwartz, Sugar Plantations, 267. ‡‡  Tobacco] Starting with raising tobacco was the usual practice of beginning planters before they engaged in the more expensive pro­cess of manufacturing sugar. Schwartz (Sugar Plantations, 211) cites Robinson Crusoe for its accuracy on this point.

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made each of us a large Piece of Ground ready for planting Canes* in the Year to come; but we both wanted Help,215† and now I found more than before, I had done wrong in parting with my Boy Xury.‡ But alas! for me to do wrong that never did right, was no g­ reat Won­der: I had no Remedy but to go on; I was gotten into an Employment quite remote to my Genius, and directly contrary to the Life I delighted in, and for which I forsook my ­Father’s House, and broke thro’ all his good Advice; nay, I was coming into the very ­Middle Station, or upper Degree of low Life, which my ­Father advised me to before; and which if I resolved to go on with, I might as well ha’ staid at Home, and never have fatigu’d my self in the World as I had done; and I used often to say to my self, I could ha’ done this as well in ­England among my Friends, as ha’ gone 5000 Miles off to do it among Strangers and Salvages§ in a Wilderness, and at such a Distance, as never to hear from any Part of the World that had the least Knowledge of me. In this manner I used to look upon my Condition with the utmost Regret. I had no body to converse with but now and then this Neighbour; no Work to be done, but by the L ­ abour of my Hands;¶ and I used to say, I liv’d just like a Man cast away upon some desolate Island, that had no body t­ here but himself. But how just has it been, and how should all Men reflect, that when they compare their pre­ sent Conditions with o ­ thers that are worse, Heaven may oblige them to make the Exchange, and be convinc’d of their former Felicity by their Experience: I say, how just has it been, that the truly solitary Life I reflected on in an Island of meer Desolation** should be my Lot, who had so often unjustly compar’d it with the Life which I then led, in which had I continued, I had in all Probability been exceeding prosperous and rich. I was in some Degree settled in my Mea­sures for carry­ing on the Plantation, before my kind Friend the Captain of the Ship that took me up at Sea, went back; for the Ship remained t­ here in providing his Loading, and preparing for his Voyage, near three Months, when telling him what ­little Stock I had left ­behind me in London, he gave me this friendly and sincere Advice, Seignior Inglese says he, for so he always called me, if you w ­ ill give me Letters, and a Procuration h ­ ere in Form * Canes] Sugar cane. Sidney Mintz treats both sugar and tobacco as “drugs” to which consumers became addicted. By 1700 sugar imports to Britain exceeded tobacco imports. See Mintz, Sweetness and Power (New York: Viking, 1985), 36. †  wanted Help] B ­ ecause the canes needed to be pro­cessed soon ­a fter cutting, the production of sugar required many workers. In many ways, this necessity for l­abor was the force that drove the slave trade. See Mintz, Sweetness and Power, 53, 71. ‡  wrong . . . ​Xury] When Crusoe speaks of the “wrong” in parting with Xury, he is using the word in an economic rather than a moral sense. §  Salvages] Variant of savages. ¶­  ­Labour of my Hands] During the season of harvesting the sugar cane and pro­cessing the sugar, t­ hose involved often worked twenty hours a day. The cane turned sour if it was not pro­cessed within twenty-­four hours ­a fter being cut. As a result the activities at the Engenho ­were often “frenetic.” See Schwartz, Sugar Plantations, 110. ** Island of meer Desolation] “Desolation” is used in the sense of “uninhabited” and not in the sense of “ruined” or “without pleasant areas.” See OED. This passage functions as a prediction of Crusoe’s f­ uture state, though the reader might, at this point, take this meta­phor­ically rather than as a description of a real island.

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to me, with O ­ rders to the Person who has your Money in London, to send your Effects to Lisbon, to such Persons as I ­shall direct, and in such Goods as are proper for this Country, I w ­ ill bring you the Produce of them, God willing, at my Return; but since ­human Affairs are all subject to Changes and Disasters, I would have you give ­Orders but for One Hundred Pounds Sterl.* which you say is Half your Stock, and let the H ­ azard be run for the first; so that if it come safe, you may order the rest the same Way; and if it miscarry, you may have the other Half to have Recourse to for your Supply. This was so ­wholesome216 Advice, and look’d so friendly, that I could not but be convinc’d it was the best Course I could take; so I accordingly prepared Letters to the Gentlewoman with whom I had left my Money, and a Procuration† to the Portuguese Captain, as he desired. I wrote the En­glish Captain’s ­Widow a full Account of all my Adventures, my Slavery, Escape, and how I had met with the Portugal Captain at Sea, the Humanity of his Behaviour, and in what Condition I was now in, with all other necessary Directions for my Supply; and when this honest Captain came to Lisbon, he found means by some of the En­glish Merchants t­ here, to send over not the Order only, but a full Account of my Story to a Merchant at London, who represented it effectually to her; whereupon, she not only delivered the Money, but out of her own Pocket sent the Portugal Captain a very handsom Pre­sent for his Humanity and Charity to me. The Merchant in London vesting this Hundred Pounds in En­glish Goods, such as the Captain had writ for, sent them directly to him at Lisbon, and he brought them all safe to me to the Brasils, among which, without my Direction (for I was too young in my Business to think of them) he had taken Care to have all Sorts of Tools, Iron–­ Work, and Utensils necessary for my Plantation, and which ­were of ­great Use to me. When this Cargo arrived, I thought my Fortunes made,217 for I was surprised218 with the Joy of it; and my good Steward the Captain had laid out the Five Pounds which my Friend had sent him for a Pre­sent for himself, to purchase, and bring me over a Servant ­under Bond for six Years Ser­vice,‡ and would not accept of any Consideration, except a ­little Tobacco, which I would have him accept, being of my own Produce. Neither was this all; but my Goods being all En­g lish Manufactures,§ such as Cloath, Stuffs,¶ Bays,** and ­things particularly valuable and desirable in the * Sterl.] Sterling. †  Procuration] A document giving one party the power to act on behalf of another. ‡  Servant ­under Bond for six Years Ser­v ice] Indentures of this kind w ­ ere common enough in the En­glish plantations. §  En­glish Manufactures] For a parallel example of how En­glish cloth might be sold at g­ reat profit in the sugar-­producing colonies of ­England and used to improve a plantation, see Richard Pares, A West Indian Fortune (London: Longmans, Green, 1950), 32. ¶  Stuffs] A woven textile but particularly worsted, a light, thin wool suitable for lining a ­woman’s gown. ** Bays] Listed u ­ nder “Bay” in the OED. A fine light cloth, the manufacture of which was usually associated with Colchester, a town about which Defoe wrote extensively in his Tour and in Moll Flanders.

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Country, I found means to sell them to a very ­great Advantage; so that I might say, I had more than four times the Value of my first Cargo, and was now infinitely beyond my poor Neighbour, I mean in the Advancement of my Plantation; for the first t­ hing I did, I bought me a Negro Slave,* and an Eu­ro­pe­an Servant also; I mean another besides that which the Captain brought me from Lisbon. But as abus’d Prosperity is oftentimes made the very Means of our greatest Adversity, so was it with me. I went on the next Year with ­great Success in my Plantation: I raised fifty ­great Rolls of Tobacco on my own Ground, more than I had disposed of for Necessaries among my Neighbours; and t­ hese fifty Rolls being each of above a 100 Wt.† ­were well cur’d and laid by against the Return of the Fleet from Lisbon: and now increasing in Business and in Wealth, my Head began to be full of Proj­ects and Undertakings beyond my Reach; such as are indeed often the Ruine of the best Heads in Business. Had I continued in the Station I was now in, I had room for all the happy ­things to have yet befallen me, for which my ­Father so earnestly recommended a quiet retired Life, and of which he had so sensibly describ’d 219 the ­middle Station of Life to be full of; but other ­t hings attended me, and I was still to be the wilful Agent of all my own Miseries; and particularly to encrease my Fault and double the Reflections upon my self, which in my f­ uture Sorrows I should have leisure to make; all ­t hese Miscarriages w ­ ere procured by my apparent obstinate adhering to my foolish inclination of wandring abroad and pursuing that Inclination, in contradiction to the clearest Views of ­doing my self good in a fair and plain pursuit of ­t hose Prospects and t­ hose mea­sures of Life, which Nature and Providence concurred to pre­sent me with, and to make my Duty. As I had once done thus in my breaking away from my Parents, so I could not be content now, but I must go and leave the happy View I had of being a rich and thriving Man in my new Plantation, only to pursue a rash and immoderate Desire of rising faster than the Nature of the ­Thing admitted;‡ and thus I cast my self down again into the deepest Gulph of h ­ uman Misery that ever Man fell into, or perhaps could be consistent with Life and a State of Health in the World. To come then by the just Degrees, to the Particulars of this Part of my Story; you may suppose, that having now lived almost four Years in the Brasilo, and beginning to thrive and prosper very well upon my Plantation; I had not only learn’d the Language,§ * Negro Slave] Although native American ­labor continued to be used by Brazilian planters into the nineteenth ­century, by the time Crusoe is developing his plantation, they had been gradually replaced by slaves imported from Africa. See Stuart Schwartz, “Indian L ­ abor and New World Plantations,” in Plantation Socie­ties in the Era of Eu­ro­pean Expansion, ed. Judy Bieber (Aldershot: Variorum, 1997), 66. †  Rolls . . . ​100 Wt.] “Most Baian tobacco was twisted into ropes and wound into rolls of 8 arrubas (256 pounds) for the Lisbon trade and 3 arrobas (96 pounds) for the Coast of Africa.” Schwartz, Sugar Plantations, 85. A hundred weight was an approximate mea­sure covering as much as 120 pounds. Thus the amount is equivalent to the rolls that ­were sent to Africa. ‡  rash and immoderate Desire . . . ​admitted] For a discussion of the desire to achieve success too quickly, see Defoe, The Compleat En­glish Tradesman, 2 vols, 2nd ed. (London, 1727; repr., New York: Augustus Kelly, 1969), 1:66. § Language] Portuguese.

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but had contracted Acquaintance and Friendship among my Fellow–­Planters, as well as among the Merchants at St. Salvadore,* which was our Port; and that in my Discourses among them, I had frequently given them an Account of my two Voyages to the Coast of Guinea, the manner of Trading with the Negroes ­there, and how easy it was to purchase upon the Coast, for Trifles, such as Beads, Toys, Knives, Scissars, Hatchets, bits of Glass, and the like; not only Gold Dust, Guinea Grains,† Elephants Teeth, &c. but Negroes for the Ser­vice of the Brasils, in ­great Numbers. They listened always very attentively to my Discourses on ­these Heads, but especially to that Part which related to the buying Negroes, which was a Trade at that time not only not far entred into, but as far as it was, had been carried on by the Assiento’s,‡ or Permission of the Kings of Spain and Portugal, and engross’d in the Publick, so that few Negroes ­were brought, and ­t hose excessive dear.§ It happen’d, being in Com­pany with some Merchants and Planters of my Acquaintance, and talking of ­t hose ­t hings very earnestly, three of them came to me the next Morning, and told me they had been musing very much upon what I had discoursed with them of, the last Night, and they came to make a secret Proposal to me; and a­ fter enjoining me Secrecy, they told me, that they had a mind to fit out a Ship to go to Guinea, that they had all Plantations as well as I, and ­were straiten’d for nothing so much as Servants; that as it was a Trade that could not be carried on, b ­ ecause they could not publickly sell the Negroes when they came home, so they desired to make but one Voyage, to bring the Negroes on Shoar220 privately,¶ and divide them among their own Plantations; and in a Word, the Question was, * St. Salvadore] The main city in the Bahia de Todos os Santos area. The city, the bay, and the surrounding lands w ­ ere called the Reconcavo. †  Guinea Grains] Usually called grains of paradise (amomunr melegueta), the reference is to the seeds of a West African plant used both as a spice and in veterinary medicine. See Web­ ster’s Unabridged Dictionary, 2nd ed. (Springfield: G. C. Merriam, 1944), 88, 1087. ‡  Assiento’s] Mention of the Assientos, Spain’s grant of permission for other nations to trade with her colonies, would surely have reminded the con­temporary reader of the agreement between Spain and E ­ ngland that permitted one ship a year to trade with Spain’s American colonies and to supply ­those colonies with slaves. Part of the Treaty of Utrecht (1713), this agreement formed what was supposed to have been the economic base of the South Sea Com­pany, whose disastrous speculation was soon to bring on Britain’s first stock market disaster. Despite the agreement, no En­glish ship ever made a successful voyage between Brit­ nder Queen Anne, 3 vols. ain and the Spanish colonies. See George Trevelyan, ­England u (London: Longmans and Green), 3:123, 147–149. §  excessive dear] The cost of slaves was increased by a tax charged on slaves as they embarked in Africa. ­There ­were other taxes as well, including one for naval protection. And the senhores de engenho had to pay a tithe to the Order of Christ. In 1690, the Portuguese government took over a com­pany it had established the previous year to import slaves. See Marcelo de Parva Abreu and Luiz A. Corrêa de Lago, “Property Rights and the Fiscal and Financial Systems in Brazil,” in Transferring Wealth and Power from the Old to the New World, ed. Michael Bordo and Roberto Cortés Conde (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 332. See also Colin MacLachlan, “African Slave Trade and Economic Development in Amazonia, 1700–1800,” in Bieber, Plantation Socie­ties in the Era of Eu­ro­pean Expansion, 95–128, esp. 99–100. ¶  privately] For a similar operation intended to take advantage of the need for slave ­labor among Portuguese plantation ­owners in Brazil and methods to evade government taxes, see Defoe, Captain Singleton, ed. Shiv Kumar (London: Oxford University Press, 1990), 164–165.

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­ hether I would go their Super–­Cargo* in the Ship to manage the Trading Part w upon the Coast of Guinea? And they offer’d me that I should have my equal Share of the Negroes without providing any Part of the Stock. This was a fair Proposal it must be confess’d, had it been made to any one that had not had a Settlement and Plantation of his own to look a­ fter, which was in a fair way of coming to be very Considerable,221 and with a good Stock upon it. But for me that was thus entered and established, and had nothing to do but go on as I had begun for three or four Years more, and to have sent for the other hundred Pound from ­England, and who in that time, and with that l­ittle Addition, could scarce ha’ fail’d of being worth three or four thousand Pounds Sterling, and that encreasing too; for me to think of such a Voyage, was the most preposterous222 ­Thing that ever Man in such Circumstances could be guilty of. But I that was born to be my own Destroyer, could no more resist the Offer than I could restrain my first rambling Designs, when my F ­ ather’s good Counsel was lost upon me. In a word, I told them I would go with all my Heart, if they would undertake to look a­ fter my Plantation in my Absence, and would dispose of it to such as I should direct if I miscarry’d. This they all engag’d to do, and entred into Writings or Covenants to do so; and I made a formal ­Will, disposing of my Plantation and Effects, in Case of my Death, making the Captain of the Ship that had sav’d my Life as before, my universal Heir, but obliging him to dispose of my Effects as I had directed in my ­Will, one half of the Produce being to himself, and the other to be ship’d to ­England. In short, I took all pos­si­ble Caution to preserve my Effects, and keep up my Plantation; had I used half as much Prudence to have look’d into my own Interest,223 and have made a Judgment of what I o ­ ught to have done, and not to have done, I had certainly never gone away from so prosperous an Undertaking, leaving all the probable Views of a thriving Circumstance, and gone upon a Voyage to Sea, attended with all its common ­Hazards; to say nothing of the Reasons I had to expect par­tic­u­lar Misfortunes to my self. But I was hurried on,224 and obey’d blindly the Dictates of my Fancy rather than my Reason;225 and accordingly the Ship being fitted out, and the Cargo furnished, and all ­things done as by Agreement, by my Partners in the Voyage, I went on Board in an evil Hour, the th of, being226 the same Day eight Year that I went from my ­Father and M ­ other at Hull, in order to act the Rebel to their Authority, and the Fool to my own Interest. Our Ship was about 120 Tun Burthen, carried 6 Guns, and 14 Men, besides the Master, his Boy, and my self; we had on board227 no large Cargo of Goods, except of such Toys as ­were fit for our Trade with the Negroes,228 such as Beads, bits of Glass, Shells, and odd Trifles, especially l­ittle Looking–­Glasses, Knives, Scissars, Hatchets, and the like. The same Day I went on board we set sail, standing away to the Northward upon our own Coast, with Design to stretch over for the Affrican Coast, when they came * Super-­Cargo] The officer in charge of the cargo and commercial affairs aboard a ship.

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about 10 or 12 Degrees of Northern Latitude, which it seems was the manner of their Course in t­ hose Days. We had very good Weather, only excessive hot, all the way upon our own Coast, till we came the Height of Cape St. Augustino,* from whence keeping farther off at Sea we lost Sight of Land, and steer’d as if we was bound for the Isle Fernand de Noronha229† holding our Course N.E. by N. and leaving ­t hose Isles on the East; in this Course we past the Line in about 12 Days time, and ­were by our last Observation in 7 Degrees 22 Min. Northern Latitude,‡ when a violent Tornado or Hurricane§ took us quite out of our Knowledge; it began from the South–­East, came about to the North–­West, and then settled into the North–­ East, from whence it blew in such a terrible manner, that for twelve230 Days together we could do nothing but drive, and scudding¶ away before it, let it carry us whither ever Fate and the Fury of the Winds directed; and during ­these twelve Days, I need not say, that I expected ­every Day to be swallowed up, nor indeed did any in the Ship expect to save their Lives. In this Distress, we had besides the Terror of the Storm, one of our Men dyed of the Calenture, and one Man and the Boy wash’d over board; about the 12th Day** the Weather abating a l­ittle, the Master made an Observation as well as he could, and found that he was in about 11 Degrees North Latitude, but that he was 22 Degrees of Longitude difference West from Cape St. Augustino; so that he found he was gotten upon the Coast of Guinea, or the North Part of Brasil, beyond the River Amozones, t­oward that of the River Oronoque, commonly call’d the ­Great River, and began to consult with me what Course231 he should take, for the Ship was leaky and very much disabled, and he was ­going directly back to the Coast of Brasil.

* Cape St. Augustino] Located near modern Recife (formerly Pernambuco) this cape was at 3454’ longitude and 854’ latitude, this was close to being the most easterly area of Brazil. Although many modern atlases omit naming this cape, it appears as a prominent feature in Edmond Halley’s New and Correct Chart Showing the Variations of the Compass in the West­ ern and Southern Oceans (London, 1700), hand-­colored engraved single sheet, William Andrews Clark Memorial Library. †  Isle Fernand de Noronha] Fernando de Noronha is off the east coast of Brazil at 37º longitude and 4º latitude. ‡  Degrees . . . ​Northern Latitude] Crusoe’s ship must have been nearing the coast of modern Sierra Leone. §  Tornado or Hurricane] Con­temporary usage did not distinguish the tornado as a narrow, intense funnel cloud from the broader, circular motion of a hurricane. Falconer defines it as “a violent squall or gust of wind rising suddenly from the shore, and afterwards veering round the compas like a hurricane.” He notes that they w ­ ere “frequent on the coasts of Guinea and South Barbary,” the general area t­oward which Crusoe’s ship was heading. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 295. ¶  scudding] “. . . ​t he movement by which a ship is carried precipately before a tempest.” See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 258. ** the [first] day of [September 1659] The exact day was omitted in the first edition. For ­t hose seeking a historical and biographical significance for this date, it is close enough to the Restoration of Charles II in 1660 to appear significant. See Michael Seidel, “Crusoe in Exile,” 353–374; and Seidel, Exile and the Narrative Imagination (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1986), esp. 32.

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I was positively against that, and looking over the Charts of the Sea–­Coast of Amer­i­ca with him, we concluded t­here was no inhabited Country for us to have recourse to, till we came within the Circle of the Carribbe–­Islands, and therefore resolved to stand away for Barbadoes,* which by keeping off at Sea, to avoid the Indraft of the Bay or Gulph of Mexico, we might easily perform, as we hoped, in about fifteen Days Sail; whereas we could not possibly make our Voyage to the Coast of Affrica without some Assistance, both to our Ship and to our selves. With this Design we chang’d our Course and steer’d away N.W. by W. in order to reach some of our En­glish Islands,† where I hoped for Relief; but our Voyage was other­wise determined, for being in the Latitude of 12 Deg. 18 Min. a second Storm came upon us, which carry’d us away with the same Impetuosity Westward, and drove us so out of the very Way of all humane Commerce, that had all our Lives been saved, as to the Sea, we ­were rather in Danger of being devoured by Savages232‡ than ever returning to our own Country. In this Distress, the Wind still blowing very hard, one of our Men early in the Morning, cry’d out, Land; and we had no sooner run out of the Cabbin to look out in hopes of seeing whereabouts233 in the World we w ­ ere; but the Ship struck upon 234 a Sand, and in a moment her Motion being so stopp’d, the Sea broke over her in such a manner, that we expected we should all have perish’d immediately, and we ­were immediately driven into our close Quarters§ to shelter us from the very Foam and Sprye¶ of the Sea. It is not easy for any one, who has not been in the like Condition, to describe or conceive the Consternation of Men in such Circumstances; we knew nothing** where we w ­ ere, or upon what Land it was we w ­ ere driven, ­whether an Island or the Main, ­whether inhabited or not inhabited; and as the Rage of the Wind was still ­great, tho’ rather less than at first, we could not so much as hope to have the Ship hold many Minutes without breaking in Pieces, ­unless the Winds by a kind of Miracle should turn immediately about. In a word, we sat looking upon one another,235 and expecting Death ­every Moment, and ­every Man acting accordingly, * Barbadoes] An island colonized by E ­ ngland during the seventeenth ­century, famous for its sugar manufacture and its poor treatment of slaves, both black and white. It is part of the island chain in the Ca­rib­bean known as the Lesser Antilles. Barbados would have been closer than Brazil given their position and therefore easier to reach in a leaky ship. †  En­glish Islands] In addition to Barbados, ­England had settlements at Jamaica, the Bahamas, and several other islands in the Ca­rib­be­a n. ‡  devoured by Savages] Although the very existence of cannibalism among the natives of the Ca­rib­bean has been questioned, Hans Stade’s account is a vivid refutation of such doubts. As in the illustrations of Theodore de Bry, Stade saw body parts being gnawed on by his captives. See Stade, Captivity, 104–105. §  close Quarters] “. . . ​certain strong barriers of wood stretching across a merchant-­ship in several places.” They use the barriers on the deck set up to defend against any ­enemy trying to board the ship and (as h ­ ere) a protection against the waves. See Falconer’s Marine Diction­ ary, 83. ¶  Sprye] Variant of spray. ** nothing] In modern En­glish the addition of an “of” would clarify the sense of this passage.

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as preparing for another World, for t­ here was l­ ittle or nothing more for us to do in this; that which was our pre­sent Comfort, and all the Comfort we had, was, that contrary to our Expectation the Ship did not break yet, and that the Master said the Wind began to abate. Now tho’ we thought that the Wind did a l­ittle abate, yet the Ship having thus struck upon the Sand, and sticking too fast for us to expect her getting off, we ­were in a dreadful Condition indeed, and had nothing to do but to think of saving our Lives as well as we could; we had a Boat at our Stern236 just before the Storm, but she was first stav’d by dashing against the Ship’s Rudder, and in the next Place she broke away, and ­either sunk or was driven off to Sea, so ­t here was no hope from her; we had another Boat on board,237 but how to get her off into the Sea, was a doubtful ­t hing; however238 t­ here was no room to debate, for we fancy’d the Ship would break in Pieces ­every Minute, and some told us she was actually broken already. In this Distress239 the Mate of our Vessel lays hold of the Boat, and with the help of the rest of the Men, they got her slung over the Ship’s–­side, and getting all into her, let go, and committed our selves being Eleven in Number, to God’s Mercy, and the wild Sea; for tho’ the Storm was abated considerably, yet the Sea went dreadful high upon the Shore, and might well be call’d, Den wild Zee,* as the Dutch call the Sea in a Storm. And now our Case was very dismal indeed; for we all saw plainly, that the Sea went so high, that the Boat could not live, and that we should be inevitably drowned. As to making Sail, we had none, nor, if we had, could we ha’240 done any ­thing with it; so we work’d at the Oar ­towards the Land, tho’ with heavy Hearts, like Men g­ oing to Execution; for we all knew, that when the Boat came nearer the Shore, she would be dash’d in a Thousand241 Pieces by the Breach of the Sea.† However, we committed our Souls to God in the most earnest Manner, and the Wind driving us ­towards the Shore, we hasten’d our Destruction with our own Hands, pulling as well as we could t­ owards Land. What the Shore was, ­whether Rock or Sand, ­whether Steep or Shoal, we knew not; the only Hope that could rationally give us the least Shadow of Expectation, was, if we might happen into some Bay or Gulph, or the Mouth of some River, where by ­great Chance we might have run our Boat in, or got u ­ nder the Lee of the Land,‡ and perhaps made smooth ­Water. But ­t here was nothing of this appeared; but as we made nearer and nearer the Shore, the Land look’d more frightful than the Sea.

* Den wild Zee] The wild sea. For some speculation on Defoe’s knowledge of Dutch voyages and ship wrecks, see David Fausett, The Strange Surprizing Sources of Robinson Crusoe (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1994), 179–180. †  Breach of the Sea] The breaking of waves over a vessel. See OED and Falconer’s Marine Dic­ tionary, 51. ‡  Lee of the Land] Where the land acts as protection from the wind. Falconer’s Marine Dic­ tionary, 172.

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­ fter we had row’d, or rather driven* about a League and a Half, as we reckon’d A it, a raging Wave, Mountain–­like, came rowling a–­stern of us, and plainly bad us expect the Coup de Grace.242† In a word, it took us with such a Fury, that it overset the Boat at once; and separating us as well from the Boat, as from one another, gave us not time hardly to say, O God! for we ­were all swallowed up in a Moment. Nothing can describe the Confusion of Thought which I felt when I sunk into the W ­ ater; for tho’ I swam very well, yet I could not deliver my self from the Waves so as to draw Breath, till that Wave243 having driven me, or rather carried me a vast Way on ­towards the Shore, and having spent it self, went back, and left me upon the Land almost dry, but half–­dead244 with the ­Water I took in. I had so much Presence of Mind as well as Breath left, that seeing my self nearer the main Land than I expected, I got upon my Feet, and endeavoured to make on t­ owards the Land as fast as I could, before another Wave should return, and take me up again. But I soon found it was impossible to avoid it; for I saw the Sea come ­after me as high as a ­great Hill, and as furious as an ­Enemy which I had no Means or Strength to contend with; my Business was to hold my Breath, and raise my self245 upon the ­Water, if I could; and so by swimming to preserve my Breathing, and Pi­lot my self ­towards the Shore, if pos­si­ble; my greatest Concern now being, that the Sea, as it would carry me a ­great Way ­towards the Shore when it came on, might not carry me back again with it when it gave back t­ owards the Sea. The Wave that came upon me again, buried me at once 20 or 30 Foot deep in its own Body; and I could feel my self carried with a mighty Force and Swiftness ­towards the Shore a very ­great Way; but I held my Breath, and assisted my self to swim still forward with all my Might. I was ready to burst with holding my Breath, when, as I felt 246 my self rising up, so to my immediate Relief, I found my Head and Hands shoot out above the Surface of the W ­ ater; and tho’ it was not two Seconds of Time that I could keep my self so, yet it reliev’d me greatly, gave me Breath and new Courage. I was covered again with ­Water a good while, but not so long but I held it out; and finding the ­Water had spent it self, and began to return, I strook forward against the Return of the Waves, and felt Ground again with my Feet. I stood still a few Moments to recover Breath, and till the ­Water went from me, and then took to my Heels, and run with what Strength I had farther t­ owards the Shore. But neither would this deliver me from the Fury of the Sea, which came pouring in ­after me again, and twice more I was lifted up by the Waves, and carried forwards as before, the Shore being very flat. The last Time of ­t hese two had well near been fatal to me; for the Sea having hurried me along as before, landed me, or rather dash’d me against a Piece of a Rock, and that with such Force, as it left me senseless, and indeed helpless, as to my own Deliverance; for the Blow taking my Side and Breast, beat the Breath as it ­were quite out of my Body; and had it returned again immediately, I must have * driven] Moved by the force of the waves. Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 102. †  Coup de Grace] Finishing stroke. The image of the sea as an angry executioner is pre­sent throughout this scene. The OED rec­ords the earliest use of this term in En­glish as 1699.

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been strangled in the ­Water; but I recover’d a ­little before the return of the Waves, and seeing I should be cover’d again with the W ­ ater, I resolv’d to hold fast by a Piece of the Rock, and so to hold my Breath, if pos­si­ble, till the Wave went back; now as the Waves ­were not so high as at first, being nearer Land,247 I held my Hold till the Wave abated, and then fetch’d another Run, which brought me so near the Shore, that the next Wave, tho’ it went over me, yet did not so swallow me up as to carry me away, and the next run I took, I got to the main Land, where, to my g­ reat Comfort, I clamber’d up the Clifts of the Shore, and sat me down248 upon the Grass, ­free from Danger, and quite out of the Reach of the W ­ ater. I was now landed, and safe on Shore, and began to look up and thank God that my Life was sav’d in a Case wherein ­t here was some Minutes before scarce any room to hope. I believe it is impossible to express to the Life what the Extasies and Transports of the Soul are, when it is so I sav’d, as I may say, out of the very Grave; and I do not won­der now at that Custom, viz. That when a Malefactor, who249 has the Halter* about his Neck, is tyed up, and just g­ oing to be turn’d off,† and has a Reprieve brought to him: I say, I do not won­der that they bring a Surgeon with it, to let him Blood that very Moment they tell him of it, that the Surprise250 may not drive the Animal Spirits‡ from the Heart, and overwhelm him: For sudden Joys, like Griefs, confound at first.§

I walk’d about on the Shore, lifting up my Hands, and my ­whole Being, as I may say, wrapt up in the Contemplation of my Deliverance, making a thousand Gestures251 and Motions which I cannot describe, reflecting upon all my Comerades that ­were drown’d, and that ­t here should not be one Soul sav’d but my self; for, as for them, I never saw them afterwards, or any Sign of them, except three of their Hats, one Cap, and two Shoes that w ­ ere not Fellows. I cast my Eyes to the stranded Vessel, when the Breach and Froth of the Sea being so big, I could hardly see it, it lay so far off, and considered, Lord! how was it pos­si­ble I could get on Shore?252 ­After I had solac’d my Mind with the comfortable Part of my Condition, I began to look round me to see what kind of Place I was in, and what was next to be done, and I soon found my Comforts abate, and that in a word253 I had a dreadful Deliverance: For I was wet, had no Clothes254 to shift me,¶ nor any t­ hing ­either to eat or drink to comfort me, neither did I see any Prospect before me, but that of perishing with Hunger, or being devour’d by wild Beasts; and that which was particularly * Halter] Hangman’s rope. †  turn’d off] During this time, criminals w ­ ere usually brought to the place of execution in a cart from which they ­were pushed to allow them to strangle by their neck. ‡  Animal Spirits] The theory that the blood contained a spirit of life was common in Western medicine well into the nineteenth ­century. §  For sudden Joys . . . ​first] This line is from a poem by Robert Wild with the title Dr. Wild’s ­Humble Thanks for His Majesties Gracious Declaration for Liberty of Conscience, March 15, 1672 (London, 1672), line 87. See Geoffry Sill, “The Source of Robinson Crusoe’s ‘Sudden Joys,’ ” N&Q 243 [New Series 45] (1998): 67–68. ¶  no Clothes to shift me] No dry clothes to change into.

Figure 6. ​Crusoe Shipwrecked on a Deserted Island. Early German illustration. [39]

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afflicting to me, was, that I had no Weapon ­either to hunt and kill any Creature for my Sustenance, or to defend my self against any other Creature that might desire to kill me for theirs: In a Word, I had nothing about me but a Knife, a Tobacco–­pipe, and a l­ ittle Tobacco in a Box,255 this was all my Provision, and this threw me into terrible Agonies of Mind, that for a while I run about like a Mad–­man; Night coming upon me, I began with a heavy Heart to consider what would be my Lot if ­t here w ­ ere any ravenous Beasts in that Country, seeing at Night they always come abroad for their Prey. All the Remedy that offer’d to my Thoughts at that Time, was, to get up into a thick bushy Tree* like a Firr, but thorny, which grew near me, and where I resolv’d to set256† all Night, and consider the next Day what Death257 I should dye, for as yet I saw no Prospect of Life; I walk’d about a Furlong ‡ from the Shore, to see if I could find any fresh ­Water to drink, which I did, to my ­great Joy; and having drank 258 and put a ­little Tobacco in my Mouth to prevent Hunger, I went to the Tree, and getting up into it, endeavour’d to place my self so, as that if I should sleep I might not fall; and having cut me a short Stick, like a Truncheon,§ for my Defence, I took up my Lodging, and having been excessively fatigu’d, I fell fast asleep, and slept as comfortably as, I believe, few could have done in my Condition, and found my self the most refresh’d with it, that I think I ever was on such an Occasion. When I wak’d it was broad Day, the Weather clear, and the Storm abated, so that the Sea did not rage and swell as before: But that which surpris’d259 me most, was, that the Ship was lifted off in the Night from the Sand where she lay, by the Swelling of the Tyde, and was driven up almost as far as the Rock which I first mention’d, where I had been so bruis’d by the dashing me against it; this being within about a Mile from the Shore where I was, and the Ship seeming to stand upright still, I wish’d my self on board, that, at least, I might save some necessary ­t hings for my use. When I came down from my Appartment¶ in the Tree, I look’d about me again, and the first t­ hing I found was the Boat, which lay as the Wind and the Sea had toss’d her up upon the Land, about two Miles on my right Hand, I walk’d as far as I could upon the Shore to have got to her, but found a Neck or Inlet of W ­ ater between me and the Boat, which was about half a Mile broad, so I came back for the pre­sent, * a thick bushy Tree] Defoe may have recalled the way Lionel Wafer saved his life by climbing into a tree during a fierce storm. Like Crusoe he fell asleep in the tree. See A New Voyage and Description of the Isthmus of Amer­i­ca (London, 1699), 18–19. †  set] Sit. ‡  a Furlong] An eighth of a mile or 220 yards. §  a Truncheon] “A short thick staff, a club.” Oddly enough OED rec­ords this as an obsolete or archaic meaning. ¶  my Apartment] A special place of abode or a place appropriate to any purpose. OED cites this passage for what it describes as an obsolete usage. If, in fact, Defoe was using the word in its sense of meaning part of a h ­ ouse, it is the earliest example of Crusoe’s attempt to domesticate his island. See Nathan Bailey, An Universal Etymological En­glish Dictionary (London: R. Ware, 1755), sig. G3r.

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being more intent upon getting at the Ship, where I hop’d to find something for my pre­sent Subsistence.260 A l­ittle a­ fter Noon I found the Sea very calm, and the Tyde261 ebb’d so far out, that I could come within a Quarter of a Mile of the Ship; and h ­ ere I found a fresh renewing of my Grief, for I saw evidently, that if we had kept on Board,262 we had been all safe, that is to say, we had all got safe on Shore, and I had not been so miserable as to be left entirely destitute of all Comfort and Com­pany, as I now was; this forc’d 263 Tears from my Eyes again, but as t­ here was l­ ittle Relief in that, I resolv’d, if pos­si­ble, to get to the Ship, so I pull’d off my Clothes,264 for the Weather was hot to Extremity, and took the W ­ ater,265 but when I came to the Ship, my Difficulty was still greater to know how to get on board,266 for as she lay a ground, and high out of the ­Water, ­t here was nothing within my Reach to lay hold of, I swam round her twice, and the second Time I spy’d a small Piece of a Rope, which I won­der’d I did not see at first, hang down by the Fore–­Chains* so low, as that with g­ reat Difficulty I got hold of it, and by the help of that Rope, got up into the Forecastle of the Ship, ­here I found that the Ship was bulg’d,† and had a ­great deal of ­Water in her Hold, but that she lay so on the Side of a Bank of hard Sand, or rather Earth, that her Stern267 lay lifted up upon the Bank, and her Head low almost to the ­Water; by this Means all her Quarter‡ was ­free, and all that was in that Part was dry; for you may be sure my first Work was to search and to see what was spoil’d and what was ­free; and first I found that all the Ship’s Provisions§ ­were dry and untouch’d by the W ­ ater, and being very well dispos’d to eat, I went to the Bread–­room and fill’d my Pockets with Bisket,¶ and eat it as I went about other t­ hings, for I had no time to; I also found some Rum in the g­ reat Cabbin, of which I took a large Dram, and which I had indeed need enough of to spirit me for what was before me: Now I wanted nothing but a Boat to furnish my self with many t­ hings which I foresaw would be very necessary to me. It was in vain to sit still and wish for what was not to be had, and this Extremity rouz’d my Application; we had several spare Yards, and two or three large sparrs of Wood, and a spare Top–­mast or two in the Ship; I resolv’d to fall to work with ­these, and I flung as many of them over board as I could manage for268 their Weight, tying e­ very one with a Rope that they might not drive away; when this was done I went down the Ship’s Side, and pulling them to me, I ty’d four of them fast together at both Ends as well as I could, in the Form of a Raft, and laying two or three short Pieces of Plank upon them cross–­ways, I found I could walk upon it * Fore-­Chains] The chains or iron plates that held the lines that in turn helped brace the masts of sailing ships. They ­were attached to the chain-­wales, the broad ledges attached to the side of a ship. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 80. †  bulg’d] Staved or broken in the bilge. ‡  Quarter] “The upper part of a ship’s side between the a­ fter part and the Stern,” or more generally the rear part of the ship. The OED quotes this passage from Crusoe. §  Ship’s Provisions . . . ​dry and untouch’d] For a parallel scene involving the looting of a wrecked ship by a single castaway, see Hendrik Smeeks, The Mighty Kingdom of Krinke Kes­ mes (1708), trans. Robert Leek, intro. David Fausett (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1995), 70–73. ¶  Bisket] Sometimes bisquit, a crisp, dry bread.

Figure 7. ​Crusoe Saving His Goods Out of the Wreck of the Ship (1726 [original 1722]). [42]

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very well, but that it was not able to bear any ­great Weight, the Pieces being too light; so I went to work, and with the Carpenter’s269 Saw I cut a spare Top–­mast into three Lengths, and added them to my Raft, with a g­ reat deal of L ­ abour and Pains, but hope of furnishing my self with Necessaries,* encourag’d me to go beyond what I should have been able to have done upon another Occasion. My Raft was now strong enough to bear any reasonable Weight; my next Care was what to load it with, and how to preserve what I laid upon it from the Surf of the Sea; But270 I was not long considering this, I first laid all the Plank 271 or Boards upon it that I could get, and having consider’d well what I most wanted, I first got three of the Seamens Chests, which I had broken open and empty’d, and lower’d them down upon my Raft; the first of t­ hese I fill’d with Provision,272 viz. Bread, Rice, three Dutch273 Cheeses, five Pieces of dry’d Goat’s Flesh, which we liv’d much upon, and a l­ittle Remainder of Eu­ro­pe­an Corn which had been laid by for some Fowls which we brought to Sea with us, but the Fowls w ­ ere kill’d,274 ­there had been some Barly and Wheat together, but, to my ­great Disappointment, I found afterwards that the Rats had eaten or spoil’d it all; as for Liquors, I found several275 Cases of B ­ ottles belonging to our Skipper, in which ­were some Cordial ­Waters,† and in all about five or six Gallons of Rack,‡ ­t hese I stow’d by themselves, ­t here being no need to put them into the Chest, nor no room for them. While I was d ­ oing this, I found the Tyde276 began to flow, tho’ very calm, and I had the Mortification to see my Coat, Shirt, and Wast-­coat277 which I had left on Shore upon the Sand, swim away; as for my Breeches which ­were only Linnen and open knee’d,278 I swam on board in them and my Stockings: However this put me upon rummaging for Clothes,279 of which I found enough, but took no more than I wanted for pre­sent use, for I had other ­things which my Eye was more upon, as first280 Tools to work with on Shore, and it was ­a fter long searching that I found out the Carpenter’s Chest, which was indeed a very useful Prize to me, and much more valuable than * furnishing my self with Necessaries] In his account of his shipwreck off the island of Ascension at the end of February 1701, William Dampier described how he and his crew managed to take goods off the ship and live well enough for over a month before being rescued by some British ships. Like Crusoe, Dampier made a raft to carry goods and used the sails of his boat as a shelter. And like Crusoe’s island, Ascension had a supply of turtles and goats. See A Voyage to New Holland (London: Argonaut Press, 1939), 248–250. †  Cordial ­Waters] A term applied to any beverage that was considered to be comforting or cheering to the heart. Usually sweet, they ­were sometimes made with wine. ‡  five or six Gallons of Rack] Arrack or rack was an intoxicating liquor encountered and quickly taken up by Eu­ro­pean sailors voyaging to the East. Crusoe’s efforts at getting products from the ship, and particularly his discovery of alcoholic beverages, recalls the wreck of Count Jean d’Estree’s fleet off the island of Las Aves in the Lesser Antilles in 1678. As told by William Dampier, Count d’Estree’s ships ran ashore and did not break up for some time, allowing the En­glish privateers, who had been part of d’Estree’s fleet and who made their way to the island, to obtain a ­great deal of brandy. Dampier remarks that “they lived merrily for some time,” enjoying the liquor. On the other hand, the French sailors, who survived the wreck, unaccustomed to the harsh, island life, “died like rotten Sheep.” Dampier’s account provides both the parallel of looting the ships and an image of the toughness of character required for survival. See William Dampier, A New Voy­ age Round the World (New York: Dover, 1968), 41, 43–45.

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a Ship Loading of Gold would have been at that time; I got it down to my Raft, even ­whole as it was, without losing281 time to look into it, for I knew in general what it contain’d.282 My next Care was for some Ammunition and Arms; ­t here ­were two very good Fowling-­pieces* in the ­great Cabbin, and two Pistols, ­these I secur’d first, with some Powder-­horns, and a small Bag of Shot, and two old rusty Swords;283 I knew ­t here w ­ ere three Barrels of Powder† in the Ship, but knew not where our Gunner had stow’d them, but with much search I found them, two of them dry and good, the third had taken ­Water, ­t hose two I got to my Raft, with the Arms, and now I thought my self pretty well freighted, and began to think how I should get to Shore with them, having neither Sail, Oar, or Rudder, and the least Cap full284 of Wind would have overset all my Navigation. I had three Encouragements, 1. A smooth calm Sea, 2. The Tide rising and setting in to the Shore, 3. What ­little Wind ­t here was blew me ­towards the Land; and thus, having found two or three broken Oars belonging to285 the Boat, and besides the Tools which ­were in the Chest, I found two Saws, an Axe, and a Hammer, and with this Cargo I put to Sea: For a Mile, or thereabouts, my286 Raft went very well, only that I found it drive a l­ ittle distant from the Place where I had landed before, by which I perceiv’d that ­t here was some Indraft‡ of the ­Water, and consequently I hop’d to find some Creek or River t­ here, which I might make use of as a Port to get to Land with my Cargo. As I imagin’d, so it was, t­ here appear’d before me a l­ ittle opening of the Land, and I found a strong Current of the Tide set into it, so I guided my Raft as well as I could to keep in the M ­ iddle of the Stream: But ­here I had like to have suffer’d a second Shipwreck, which, if I had, I think verily would have broke my Heart, for knowing nothing of the Coast, my Raft run a–­ground at one End of it 287 upon a Shoal, and not being a–­ground at the other End, it wanted but a ­little that all my Cargo had slip’d 288 off ­towards that End that was a–­float, and so fall’n into the ­Water: I did my utmost by setting my Back against the Chests, to keep them in their Places, but could not thrust off the Raft with all my Strength, neither durst I stir from the Posture I was in, but holding up the Chests with all my Might, stood in that Manner near half an Hour, in which time the rising of the W ­ ater brought me a l­ittle more upon a Level, and a ­little ­after, the ­Water still rising, my Raft floated again, and I thrust her off with the Oar I had, into the Channel, and then driving up higher, I at length found my self in the Mouth of a l­ittle River, with Land on both Sides, and a strong Current or Tide r­ unning up, I look’d on both Sides for a proper Place to get to Shore, for I was not willing to be driven too high up the River, hoping in time to see some Ship at Sea, and therefore resolv’d to place my self as near the Coast as I could. * Fowling-­pieces] Light guns used for shooting wild fowl. †  Barel of Powder] See above, 96. ‡  Indraft] “An inward flow, stream, of current, as of ­water or air; esp. a current setting t­ owards the land or up an estuary.” OED.

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At length I spy’d a l­ ittle Cove on the right Shore of the Creek, to which with ­g reat Pain and Difficulty I guided my Raft, and at last got so near, as that, reaching Ground with my Oar, I could thrust her directly in, but ­here I had like to have dipt all my Cargo in the Sea again; for that Shore lying pretty steep, that is to say sloping, ­t here was no Place to land, but where one End of my Float, if it run on Shore, would lie so high, and the other sink lower as before, that it would endanger my Cargo again: All that I could do, was to wait ’till the Tide was at the highest,289 keeping the Raft with my Oar like an Anchor to hold the Side of it fast to the Shore, near a flat Piece of Ground, which I expected the ­Water would flow over; and so it did: As soon as I found ­Water enough, for my Raft drew about a Foot of ­Water,290* I thrust her on upon that flat Piece of Ground, and ­t here fasten’d or mor’d her by sticking my two broken Oars into the Ground; one on one Side near one End, and one on the other Side near the other End; and thus I lay ’till the W ­ ater291 ebb’d away, and left my Raft and all my Cargo292 safe on Shore. My next Work was to view the Country, and seek a proper Place for my Habit to stow my Goods to secure them from what­ever might happen; where I was I yet293 knew not, ­whether on the Continent or on an Island, ­whether inhabited or not inhabited, ­whether in Danger of wild Beasts or not: Th ­ ere was a Hill not above a Mile from me, which r­ ose up very steep and high, and which seem’d to over–­top some other Hills which lay as in a Ridge from it northward;294 I took out one of the fowling Pieces,295 and one of the Pistols, and an Horn of Powder, and thus arm’d I travell’d for Discovery up to the Top of that Hill, where ­after I had with ­great ­Labour and Difficulty got to the Top, I saw my Fate to my ­great Affliction, (viz.) that I was in an Island environ’d ­every Way with the Sea, no Land to be seen, except some Rocks which lay a ­great Way off, and two small Islands less than this, which lay about three Leagues to the West. I found also that the Island I was in was barren,† and, as I saw good Reason to believe, un–­i nhabited, except by wild Beasts, of whom however I saw none, yet I saw Abundance296 of Fowls, but knew not their Kinds, neither when I kill’d them could I tell what was fit for Food, and what not; at my coming back, I shot at a g­ reat Bird which I saw sitting upon a Tree on the Side of a g­ reat Wood, I believe it was the first Gun that had been fir’d ­there since the Creation of the World; I had no sooner fir’d, but from all the Parts of the Wood t­ here arose an innumerable Number of Fowls of many Sorts, making a confus’d Screaming, and crying ­every one according to his usual Note; but not one of them of any Kind that I knew: As for the Creature I kill’d, I took it to be a Kind of a Hawk, its Colour and

* Raft drew about a Foot ­Water] See ­under “Draught” in Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 102: “. . . ​the depth of a body of ­water necessary to float a ship; hence a ship is said to draw so many feet of ­water, when she is borne up by a column of ­water of that par­tic­u ­lar depth. Thus, if it requires a body of w ­ ater whose depth is equal to twelve feet, to float or buoy up a ship on its surface, she is said to draw twelve feet ­water.” †  barren] At first glance, Crusoe believes the island relatively lacking in vegetation.

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Beak resembling it, but had no Talons or Claws more than common, its Flesh was Carrion,* and fit for nothing. Contented with this Discovery, I came back to my Raft, and fell to Work to bring my Cargoe297 on Shore, which took me up the rest of that Day, and what to do with my self at Night I knew not, nor indeed where to rest; for I was afraid to lie down on the Ground, not knowing but some wild Beast might devour me, tho’, as I afterwards found, ­t here was ­really no Need for ­t hose Fears. However, as well as I could, I barricado’d my self round with the Chests and Boards that I had brought on Shore, and made a Kind of a Hut 298 for that Night’s Lodging; as for Food, I yet saw not which Way to supply my self, except that I had seen two or three Creatures like Hares run out of the Wood where I shot the Fowl. I now began to consider, that I might yet get a g­ reat many ­Things out of the Ship, which would be useful to me, and particularly some of the Rigging, and Sails, and such other ­Things as might come to Land, and I resolv’d299 to make another Voyage on Board the Vessel, if pos­si­ble; and as I knew that the first Storm that blew must necessarily break her all in Pieces, I resolv’d to set all other ­Things apart, ’till I got ­every ­Thing out of the Ship that I could get; then I call’d a Council, that is to say, in my Thoughts, w ­ hether I should take back the Raft, but this appear’d impracticable; so I resolv’d to go as before, when the Tide was down, and I did so, only that I stripp’d before I went from my Hut,300 having nothing on but a Chequer’d Shirt, and a Pair of Linnen Drawers, and a Pair of Pumps† on my Feet. I got on Board the Ship, as before, and prepar’d a second Raft, and having had Experience of the first, I neither made this so unweildy, nor loaded it so hard, but yet I brought away several Th ­ ings very useful to me; as first, in the Carpenter’s Stores I found two or three Bags full of Nails and Spikes, a g­ reat Skrew–­Jack,‡ a Dozen or two of Hatchets, and above all, that most useful ­Thing call’d a Grindstone;301 all t­ hese I secur’d together, with several ­Things belonging to the Gunner, particularly two or three Iron Crows,§ and two Barrels of Musquet Bullets,302 seven Musquets, and another fowling Piece,303 with some small Quantity of Powder more; a large Bag full of small Shot, and a ­great Roll of Sheet Lead: But this last was so heavy, I could not hoise it up to get it over the Ship’s Side. Besides t­ hese ­Things, I took all the Mens Cloths304 that I could find, and a spare Fore-­top-­sail, a Hammock,305 and some Bedding; and with this I loaded my second Raft, and brought them all safe on Shore to my very ­great Comfort. I was ­under some Apprehensions during my Absence from the Land, that at least my Provisions might be devour’d on Shore; but when I came back, I found no Sign of any Visitor, only ­t here sat a Creature like a wild Cat upon one of the Chests, which when I came ­towards it, ran away a ­little Distance, and then stood * Carrion] Rotten or inedible. †  Pumps] Light, low-­heeled shoes without fastenings that are held on the foot by the snugness of the fit. Still a current term in describing ­women’s shoes. ‡  Skrew-­Jack] A tool used for lifting heavy objects. §  Iron Crows] Modern crow bars. Falconer’s Marine Dictionary (90) defines it as a “lever well known in mechanic. Furnished with a sharp point at one end and two claws at the other.”

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still; she sat very compos’d, and unconcern’d, and look’d full in my Face, as if she had a Mind to be acquainted with me, I presented my Gun at her, but as she did not understand it, she was perfectly unconcern’d at it, nor did she offer to stir away; upon which I toss’d her a Bit of306 Bisket, tho’ by the Way I was not very f­ ree of it, for my Store was not g­ reat: However, I spar’d her a Bit, I say,307 and she went to it, smell’d of it, and ate it, and look’d (as pleas’d) for more, but I thank’d her, and could spare no more; so she march’d off. Having got my second Cargo308 on Shore, tho’ I was fain* to open the Barrels of Powder, and bring them by Parcels, for they w ­ ere too heavy,309 being large Casks, I went to work to make me a ­little Tent with the Sail and some Poles which I cut for that Purpose, and into this Tent I brought ­every Th ­ ing that I knew would spoil, ­either with Rain or Sun, and I piled all the empty Chests and Casks up in a Circle round the Tent, to fortify it from any sudden Attempt, e­ ither from Man or Beast. When I had done this I block’d up the Door of the Tent with some Boards within, and an empty Chest set up an End† without, and spreading one of the Beds upon the Ground, laying my two Pistols just at my Head, and my Gun at Length by me, I went to Bed for the first Time, and slept very quietly all Night, for I was very weary and heavy, for the Night before I had slept l­ ittle, and had l­ abour’d very hard all Day, as well to fetch all ­those ­Things from the Ship, as to get them on Shore. I had the biggest Maggazin310‡ of all Kinds now that ever ­were laid up, I believe, for one Man,311 but I was not satisfy’d still; for while the Ship sat upright in that Posture, I thought I o ­ ught to get e­ very Th ­ ing out of her that I could; so e­ very Day at low ­Water I went on Board, and brought away some Th ­ ing or other: But particularly the third Time I went, I brought away as much of the Rigging as I could, as also all the small Ropes and Rope–­t wine I could get, with a Piece of spare Canvass, which was to mend the Sails upon Occasion, the Barrel312 of wet Gun–­powder: In a Word, I brought away all the Sails first and last, only that I was fain to cut them in Pieces, and bring as much at a Time as I could; for they w ­ ere no more useful to be Sails, but as meer Canvass only. But that which comforted me more still313 was, that at last of all, ­after I had made five or six such Voyages as ­t hese, and thought I had nothing more to expect from the Ship that was worth my medling with, I say, ­after all this, I found a so ­great Hogshead of Bread314 and three large Runlets§ of Rum or Spirits, and a Box of Sugar, and a Barrel of fine Flower; this was surprizing to me, b ­ ecause I had given over expecting any more Provisions, except what was spoil’d by the W ­ ater: I soon empty’d the Hogshead of that Bread, and wrapt it up315 Parcel by Parcel in Pieces of the Sails, which I cut out; and in a Word, I got all this safe on Shore also. * fain] Obliged or necessitated. See OED. †  an End] Possibly an idiomatic way of saying “on End.” ‡  Maggazin] Magazine in the sense of a heap of provisions or materials. See OED. §  large Runlets] Sometimes Rundlets. A vessel containing an indeterminate amount of liquor from three to twenty gallons. Runlets of wine regularly contained eigh­teen gallons, and it is probable that Crusoe is describing a cask of approximately that size. See Phillips, New World of Words, sig. Peppp2.

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The next Day I made another Voyage; and now having plunder’d the Ship of what was portable and fit to hand out, I began with the Cables; and cutting the ­great Cable into Pieces, such as I could move, I got two Cables and a Hawser* on Shore, with all the Iron Work 316 I could get; and having cut down the Spritsail-­ yard, and the Missen-­yard,† and e­ very Th ­ ing I could to make a large Raft, I loaded it with all ­t hose heavy Goods, and came away: But my good Luck began now to leave me; for this Raft was so unweildy, and so overloaden, that ­after I was enter’d the l­ ittle Cove,317 where I had landed the rest of my Goods, not being able to guide it so handily as I did the other, it overset, and threw me and all my Cargo318 into the W ­ ater; as for my self it was no ­great Harm, for I was near the Shore; but as to my Cargo,319 it was ­great Part of it lost, especially the Iron, which I expected would have been of g­ reat Use to me: However, when the Tide was out, I got most of the Pieces of Cable ashore, and some of the Iron, tho’ with infinite ­Labour; for I was fain to dip for it into‡ the W ­ ater, a Work which fatigu’d me very much:320 ­After this I went ­every Day on Board, and brought away what I could get. I had been now thirteen Days321 on Shore, and had been eleven Times on Board322 the Ship; in which Time I had brought away all that one Pair of Hands could well be suppos’d capable to bring, tho’ I believe verily, had the calm Weather held, I should have brought away the ­whole Ship Piece by Piece: But preparing the 12th Time to go on Board, I found§ the Wind begin to rise; however at low W ­ ater I went on Board, and tho’ I thought I had rumag’d the Cabbin so effectually, as that nothing more could be found, yet I discover’d a Locker with Drawers in it, in one of which I found two or three Razors, and one Pair of large Scissars,323 with some ten or a Dozen of good Knives and Forks, in another I found about Thirty six Pounds value in Money, some Eu­ro­pe­an Coin, some Brasil, some Pieces of Eight, some Gold, some Silver. I smil’d to my self at the Sight of this Money,324 O Drug! Said I aloud, what art thou good for,325 Thou art not worth to me, no not the taking off of the Ground, one of t­ hose Knives is worth all this Heap, I have no Manner of use for thee, e’en remain where thou art, and go to the Bottom as a Creature whose Life is not worth saving. However, upon326 Second Thoughts, I took it away, and wrapping all this in a Piece of Canvas, I began to think of making another Raft, but while I was preparing this, I found the Sky over–­cast, and the Wind began to rise, and in a Quarter of an Hour it blew a fresh Gale from the Shore; it presently occur’d to me, that it was in vain to pretend to make a Raft with the Wind off Shore, and that it was my Business to be gone before the Tide of Flood began, other­w ise I might not be able to reach the Shore at all: Accordingly I let my self down into the ­Water, and * Hawser] “A large rope which holds the ­middle degree between the cable and tow-­line, . . . ​ being a size smaller than the former, and as much larger than the latter.” Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 146. †  Missen-­yard] Usually mizzen-­yard. The yard on which the mizzen sail is hung. The mizzen mast is the mast closest to the stern of a ship. ‡  dip . . . ​into] To plunge down a ­little into the ­water and emerge quickly. See OED. §  found] Thought or considered.

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swam cross the Channel, which lay between the Ship and the Sands, and even that with Difficulty enough, partly with the Weight of the Th ­ ings I had about me, and partly the Roughness of the ­Water, for the Wind ­rose very hastily, and before it was quite high W ­ ater, it blew a Storm. But I was gotten home to my l­ittle Tent, where I lay with all my Wealth about me very secure. It blew very hard all that Night, and in the Morning when I look’d out, behold no more Ship was to be seen; I was a l­ ittle surpriz’d, but recover’d my self with this satisfactory Reflection, viz. That I had lost no time, nor abated no Diligence327 to get e­ very t­hing out of her that could be useful to me, and that indeed ­t here was ­little left in her that I was able to bring away328 if I had had more time. I now gave over any more Thoughts of the Ship, or of any ­thing out of her, except what might drive on Shore from her Wreck, as indeed divers Pieces of her afterwards did; but ­t hose ­t hings ­were of small use to me. My Thoughts ­were now wholly employ’d about securing my self329 against ­either Savages, if any should appear, or wild Beasts, if any ­were in the Island; and I had330 many Thoughts of the Method how to do this, and what kind of Dwelling to make, ­whether I should make me a Cave in the Earth, or a Tent upon the Earth: And, in short, I resolv’d upon both, the Manner and Discription331 of which, it may not be improper to give an Account of. I soon332 found the Place I was in was not for my Settlement, particularly b ­ ecause it was upon a low moorish Ground near the Sea, and I believ’d would not be wholsome; and more particularly ­because ­t here was no fresh ­Water near it, so I resolv’d to find a more healthy and more con­ve­nient Spot of Ground. I consulted several Th ­ ings in my Situation which I found would be proper for me, 1st. Health, and fresh ­Water I just now mention’d,333 2dly. Shelter from the Heat of the Sun, 3dly.334 Security from ravenous Creatures, ­whether Men or Beasts, 4thly.335 a View to the Sea, that if God sent any Ship in Sight, I might not lose any Advantage for my Deliverance, of which I was not willing to banish all my Expectation yet. In search of a Place proper for this, I found a ­little Plain on the Side336 of a rising Hill, whose Front ­towards this ­little Plain, was steep as a House–­side, so that nothing could come down upon me from the Top; on the Side337 of this Rock t­ here was a hollow Place worn a l­ittle way in like the Entrance or Door of a Cave, but ­t here was not ­really any Cave or Way into the Rock at all. On the Flat of the Green, just before this hollow Place, I resolv’d 338 to pitch my Tent: This Plain was not above an Hundred339 Yards broad, and about twice as long, and lay like a Green before my Door, and at the End of it descended irregularly e­ very Way340 down into the Low–­grounds by the Sea–­side. It was on the N. N.W. Side of the Hill, so that I was shelter’d341 from the Heat ­every Day, till it came to a W. and by S. Sun, or thereabouts, which in t­ hose Countries is near the Setting. Before I set up my Tent, I drew a half Circle before the hollow Place, took in about Ten Yards in its Semi–­dia­meter from the Rock, and Twenty Yards in its Dia­ meter, from its Beginning and Ending.

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In this half Circle I pitch’d two Rows of strong Stakes, driving them into the Ground till they stood very firm like Piles, the biggest End being out of the Ground about Five Foot342 and a Half, and sharpen’d on the Top:343 The two Rows did not stand above Six Inches from one another. Then I took the Pieces of Cable which I had cut in the Ship, and I laid them in Rows one upon another, within the Circle,344 between t­ hese two Rows of Stakes, up to the Top, placing other Stakes in the In–­side,345 leaning against them, about two Foot and a half high, like a Spurr346 to a Post, and this Fence was so strong, that neither Man or Beast could get into it or over it: This cost me a g­ reat deal of Time and L ­ abour, especially to cut the Piles in the Woods, bring them to the Place, and drive them into the Earth. The Entrance into this Place I made to be not by a Door, but by a short Ladder347 to go over the Top, which Ladder, when I was in, I lifted over ­after me, and so I was compleatly fenc’d348 in, and fortify’d, as I thought, from all the World, and consequently slept secure in the Night, which other­wise I could not have done, tho’,349 as it appear’d afterward, t­ here was no need of all this Caution from the Enemies that I apprehended Danger from. Into this Fence or Fortress, with infinite L ­ abour, I carry’d all my Riches, all my Provisions, Ammunition and Stores, of which350 you have the Account above, and I made me a large Tent, which, to preserve me from the Rains351 that in one Part of the Year are very violent t­ here, I made double, viz. One352 smaller Tent within, and one larger Tent above it, and cover’d the uppermost with a large Tarpaulin which I had sav’d among the Sails. And now I lay no more for a while in the Bed which I had brought on Shore, but in a Hammock, which was indeed a very good one, and belong’d to the Mate of the Ship. Into this Tent I brought all my Provisions, and e­ very t­ hing that would spoil by the Wet, and having thus enclos’d all my Goods, I made up the Entrance, which till now I had left open, and so pass’d and re–­pass’d,353 as I said, by a short Ladder. When I had done this, I began to work my Way354 into the Rock, and bringing all the Earth and Stones that I dug down out thro’ my Tent, I laid ’em up within my Fence in the Nature355 of a Terras, that so* it rais’d the Ground within about a Foot and a Half;356 and thus I made me a Cave just b ­ ehind my Tent, which serv’d † me like a Cellar to my House. It cost me much ­Labour, and many Days, before all ­these ­Things357 w ­ ere brought to Perfection, and therefore I must go back to some other ­Things which took up some of my Thoughts. At the same time it happen’d ­after I had laid my Scheme for the setting up my Tent358 and making the Cave, that a Storm of Rain falling from a thick dark Cloud, a sudden Flash of Lightning happen’d, and ­after that a ­great Clap of Thunder, as is naturally the Effect of it; I was not so much surpris’d359 with * that so] So that. †  Cellar] In the now obsolete sense of “a store-­house or store-­room ­whether above or below ground, for provisions.” See OED.

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the Lightning as I was with a Thought which darted into my Mind as swift as the Lightning it self:360 O my Powder! My very Heart sunk within me, when I thought, that at one Blast all my Powder might be destroy’d, on361 which, not my Defence only, but the providing me Food, as I thought, entirely depended; I was nothing near so anxious about my own Danger, tho’ had the Powder took fire, I had never known who had hurt me. Such Impression did this make upon me, that a­ fter the Storm was over, I laid aside all my Works, my Building, and Fortifying, and apply’d my self to make Bags and Boxes to separate the Powder, and keep it a l­ittle and a l­ittle in a Parcel, in hope, that what­ever might come, it might not all take Fire at once, and to keep it so apart362 that it should not be pos­si­ble to make one part fire another:363 I finish’d this Work in about a Fort night, and I think my Powder, which in all was about 240 1. weight was divided in not less than a Hundred Parcels; as to the Barrel that had been wet, I did not apprehend any Danger from that, so I plac’d it in my new Cave, which in my Fancy I call’d my Kitchin, and the rest I hid up and down in Holes among the Rocks, so that no wet might come to it, marking very carefully where I laid it. In the Interval of time while this was d ­ oing364 I went out once at least e­ very Day with my Gun, as well to divert my self,365 as to see if I could kill any t­ hing fit for Food, and as near as I could to acquaint my self with what the Island produc’d. The first time I went out I presently discover’d that ­t here ­were Goats in the Island, which was a g­ reat satisfaction to me; but then it was attended with this Misfortune to me, viz. That they w ­ ere so shy, so subtile, and so swift of Foot, that it was the difficultest ­t hing in the World to come at them: But I was not discourag’d at this, not doubting but I might now and then shoot one, as it soon happen’d, for ­after I had found their Haunts a l­ ittle, I laid wait in this Manner for them: I observ’d if they saw me in the Valleys, tho’ they ­were upon the Rocks, they would run away as in a terrible Fright; but if they ­were feeding in the Valleys, and I was upon the Rocks, they took no Notice of me, from whence I concluded, that by the Position of their Opticks, their Sight was so directed downward, that they did not readily see Objects that w ­ ere above them; so afterward I took this Method, I always climbed366 the Rocks first to get above them, and then had frequently a fair Mark. The first shot I made among ­t hese Creatures, I kill’d a She–­Goat which had a ­little Kid by her which she gave Suck 367 to, which griev’d me heartily; but when the Old one fell, the Kid stood stock still by her till I came and took her up, and not only so, but when I carry’d368 the Old one with me upon my Shoulders, the Kid follow’d me quite to my Enclosure, upon which I laid down the Dam, and took the Kid in my Arms, and carry’d369 it over my Pale, in hopes to have bred it up tame, but it would not eat, so I was forc’d to kill it and eat it my self; ­t hese two supply’d me with Flesh a g­ reat while, for I eat sparingly; and sav’d my Provisions (my Bread especially) as much as possibly I could.370 Having now fix’d my Habitation, I found it absolutely necessary to provide a Place to make a Fire in, and Fewel to burn; and what I did for that, as also how I enlarg’d my Cave, and what Conveniencies I made, I s­ hall give a full Account of

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in its Place: But I must first give some l­ ittle Account of my self, and of my Thoughts about Living, which it may well be suppos’d371 ­were not a few. I had a dismal Prospect of my Condition, for as I was not cast away upon that Island without being driven, as is said, by a violent Storm quite out of the Course of our intended Voyage, and a ­great Way, viz. some Hundreds of Leagues out of the ordinary Course of the Trade of Mankind, I had ­great Reason to consider it as a Determination of Heaven, that in this desolate Place, and in this desolate Manner I should end my Life; the Tears would run plentifully down my Face when I made ­t hese Reflections, and sometimes I would expostulate with my self, Why Providence should thus compleatly ruine372 its Creatures, and render them so absolutely miserable, so without Help abandon’d, so entirely depress’d, that it could hardly be rational to be thankful for such a Life. But something always return’d swift upon me to check t­ hese Thoughts, and to reprove me; and particularly one Day walking with my Gun in my Hand by the Sea–­side, I was very pensive upon the Subject of my pre­sent Condition, when Reason as it ­were expostulated* with me t’other Way, thus: Well, you are in a desolate Condition ’tis true, but pray remember, Where are the rest of you? Did not you come Eleven of you into the Boat, where are the Ten? Why w ­ ere not they sav’d and you lost? Why ­were you singled out? Is it better to be ­here or ­there,373 and then I pointed to the Sea. All Evils374 are to be consider’d with the Good that is in them, and with what worse attends them. Then it occurr’d375 to me again, how well I was furnish’d for my Subsistence, and what would have been my Case if it had not happen’d, Which was an Hundred Thousand to one, that the Ship floated from the Place where she first struck and was driven so near to the Shore that I had time to get all ­t hese ­Th ings out of her: What would have been my Case, if I had been to have liv’d in the Condition in which I at first came on Shore, without Necessaries of Life, or Necessaries to supply and procure them? Particularly said I aloud, (tho’ to my self) what should I ha’ done without a Gun, without Ammunition, without any Tools to make any ­t hing, or to work with, without Clothes,376 Bedding, a Tent, or any manner of Covering, and that now I had all t­ hese to a Sufficient377 Quantity, and was in a fair way to provide my self in such a manner, as to live without my Gun when my Ammunition was spent; so that I had a tolerable378 View of subsisting without any Want as long as I liv’d; for I consider’d from the beginning how I would provide for the Accidents that might happen, and for the time that was to come, even not only ­after my Ammunition should be spent, but even a­ fter my Health or Strength should decay. I confess I had not entertain’d any Notion of my Ammunition being destroy’d at one Blast, I mean my Powder being blown up by Lightning, and this made the * Reason . . . ​expostulated] An example of what Max Weber called moral “bookkeeping,” which ­w ill have its fuller development below on pages 76–77. See Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Talcott Parsons (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1968), 124. It is also an example of what Locke described as the mind thinking on itself.

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Thoughts of it so surprising379 to me when it lighten’d and thunder’d, as I observ’d just now. And now being to enter into a melancholy Relation of a Scene of s­ ilent Life,* such perhaps as was never heard of in the World before, I s­ hall take it from its Beginning, and continue it in its Order. It was, by my Account, the 30th.380 of Sept.† when, in the Manner as above said, I first set Foot upon this horrid‡ Island, when the Sun being, to us, in its Autumnal Equinox, was almost just over my Head, for I reckon’d my self,381 by Observation, to be in the Latitude of 9 Degrees 22 Minutes North of the Line.§ ­After I had been t­ here about Ten or Twelve Days, it came into my Thoughts, that I should lose my Reckoning of Time for want of Books and Pen and Ink, and should even forget the Sabbath Days from the working Days; but to prevent this I382 cut it with my Knife upon a large Post, in Capital383 Letters, and making it into a ­great Cross I set it up on the Shore where I first landed, viz.384 I came on Shore ­here on the 30th of Sept. 1659. Upon the Sides of this square Post385 I cut e­ very Day a Notch with my Knife, and e­ very seventh Notch was as long again as the rest, and ­every first Day of the Month as long again as that long one, and thus I kept my Kalander,386 or weekly, monthly, and yearly reckoning of Time. In the next place we are to observe, that among the many t­ hings which I brought out of the Ship in the several Voyages, which, as abovemention’d,387 I made to it, I got several ­t hings of less Value, but not all¶ less useful to me, which I omitted setting down before; as in par­tic­u­lar, Pens, Ink, and Paper, several Parcels in the Captain’s, Mate’s, Gunner’s, and Carpenter’s keeping, three or four Compasses, some Mathematical Instruments, Dials,** Perspectives,†† Charts, and Books of Navigation, all which I huddel’d388 together, ­whether I might want them or no; also I found three very good Bibles which came to me in my Cargo from ­England, and which I had pack’d up among my t­ hings; some Portugueze Books also, and among them two or three Popish Prayer–­Books, and several other Books, all which I carefully secur’d. And I must not forget, that we had in the Ship a Dog and two Cats, of whose eminent History I may have occasion to say something in its place;389 for I carry’d both the Cats with me, and390 as for the Dog, he jump’d out of the Ship of himself 391 and swam on Shore to me the Day a­ fter I went on Shore with my first Cargo, and was * Scene of ­silent Life] When Crusoe remarked on the cave he built as his “Cellar,” Defoe, ­whether unconsciously or not, may have thought of it as being closer to a cell, defined by the OED as a “dwelling consisting of a single chamber inhabited by a hermit or other solitary.” †  30th. of Sept.] Some critics have assumed that this day has autobiographical significance in Defoe’s life as a probable day for his birth. Defoe was almost certainly born in the autumn of 1660, but he may have thought that he was born in 1659 or even 1661. ‡  horrid] Perhaps in the usual sense of dreadful, but it may have the connotation of an island without order or civilization, “rude, savage, unpolished.” See OED. §  Latitude of 9 Degrees 22 Minutes North of the Line] This location would be descriptive of an island near Trinidad and Tobago. ¶  not all] Not at all. ** Dials] Sundials. ††  Perspectives] Telescopes.

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a trusty Servant to me many Years; I wanted nothing that he could fetch me, nor any Com­pany that he could make up to me, I only wanted to have him talk to me, but that would not do: As I observ’d before, I found Pen, Ink and Paper, and I husbanded them to the utmost,392 and I s­ hall shew, that while my Ink lasted, I kept ­t hings very exact,393 but a­ fter that was gone I could not, for I could not make any Ink by any Means that I could devise. And this put me in mind that I wanted many ­t hings, notwithstanding all that I had amass’d together,394 and of t­ hese, this of Ink was one, as also Spade, Pick–­ Axe, and Shovel395 to dig or remove the Earth, N ­ eedles, Pins, and Thread; as for 396 Linnen, * I soon learn’d to want that without much Difficulty. This want of Tools made e­ very Work I did go on heavi­ly, and it was near a w ­ hole Year before I had entirely finish’d397 my ­little Pale or surrounded Habitation: The Piles or Stakes, which ­were as heavy as I could well lift, ­were a long time in cutting and preparing in the Woods, and more by far in bringing home,398 so that I spent some times two Days in cutting and bringing home one of t­ hose Posts, and a third Day in driving it into the Ground; for which Purpose I got a heavy Piece of Wood at first, but at last bethought my self399 of one of the Iron Crows, which however400 tho’ I found it, yet it made driving t­ hose Posts or Piles very laborious and tedious Work. But what need I ha’ been concern’d401 at the Tediousness of any t­ hing I had to do, seeing I had time enough to do it in, nor had I any other Employment if that had been over, at least, that I could foresee, except the ranging the Island to seek for Food, which I did more or less ­every Day. I now began to consider seriously my Condition, and the Circumstance I was reduc’d to, and I drew up the State of my Affairs in Writing, not so much to leave them to any that ­were to come ­after me, for I was like to have but few Heirs, as to deliver my Thoughts from daily poring upon them, and afflicting my Mind; and as my Reason began now to master my Despondency, I began to comfort my self 402 as well as I could, and to set the good against the Evil, that I might have something to distinguish my Case from worse,403 and I stated it very impartially, like Debtor and Creditor,† the Comforts I enjoy’d, against the Miseries I suffer’d, Thus,404 EVIL. GOOD. I am cast upon a horrible desolate Island, void of all hope of Recovery.

But I am alive, and not drown’d405 as all my Ship’s Com­pany was.

I am singl’d out and separated, as But I am singl’d406 out too from it w ­ ere, from all the World to be all the Ship’s Crew to be spar’d407 miserable. from Death; and he that miraculously sav’d408 me from Death, can deliver me from this Condition. * Linnen] Linnen was used to make underwear ­because it was a washable fabric. †  Debtor and Creditor] See above, p. 72. Max Weber called this method of balancing the good and evil in the ­human condition as “spiritual bookkeeping” and showed how it was employed by Protestant divines such as Richard Baxter. See Weber, Protestant Ethic, 124.

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I am divided from Mankind, a Solitaire, one banish’d from F Society.

But I am not starv’d and perishing on a barren Place, affording no Sustenance.

I have not Clothes to cover me.

But I am in a hot Climate, where if I had Clothes409 I could hardly wear them.

I am without any Defence or Means to resist any Vio­lence of Man or Beast.

But I am cast on an Island, where I see no wild Beasts to hurt me, as I saw on the Coast of Africa: And what if I had been Shipwreck’d ­there?

I have no Soul to speak to, or relieve me.

But God wonderfully sent the Ship in near enough to the Shore, that I have gotten out so many necessary ­things as ­will e­ ither supply my Wants, or enable me to supply my self even as long as I live.

Upon the w ­ hole, ­here was an undoubted Testimony, that ­t here was scarce any Condition in the World so miserable, but t­ here was something Negativ or something Positiv410 to be thankful for in it; and let this stand as a Direction from the Experience of the most miserable of all Conditions in this World, that we may always find in it something to comfort our selves411 from, and to set in the Description of Good and Evil, on the Credit Side of the Accompt.412 Having now brought my Mind a ­little to relish my Condition, and given over looking out to Sea to see if I could spy a Ship,413 I say, giving over ­t hese ­t hings, I began to apply my self 414 to accommodate my way of Living, and to make ­t hings as easy to me as I could. ­ nder the Side of a I have already describ’d415 my Habitation, which was a Tent u Rock, surrounded with a strong Pale* of Posts and Cables, but I might now rather call it a Wall, for I rais’d a kind of Wall up against it of Turfs, about two Foot thick on the Ouside,416 and ­after some time, I think it was a Year and Half,417 I rais’d Raf­ters from it leaning to the Rock, and thatch’d or cover’d it with Bows of Trees, and such t­ hings as I could get to keep out the Rain, which I found at some times of the Year very violent. I have already observ’d418 how I brought all my Goods into this Pale, and into the Cave which I had made ­behind me: But I must observe too,419 that at first this was a confus’d Heap of Goods, which as they lay in no Order, so they took up all my Place, I had no room to turn my self; so I set my self to enlarge my Cave and Works farther into the Earth,420 for it was a loose sandy Rock, which yielded easily to the L ­ abour I bestow’d421 on it; and422 so when I found I was pretty safe as to * Pale] Pale is first used to mean a fence made of stakes and then used to indicate an area enclosed by a fence.

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Beasts of Prey, I work’d side–­ways to the Right Hand into the Rock,423 and then turning to the Right again, work’d quite out424 and made me a Door to come out, on the Out–­side425 of my Pale or Fortification. This gave me not only Egress and Regress, as it ­were a back Way426 to my Tent and to my Store­house, but gave me room to stow my Goods. And now I began to apply my self to make such necessary ­t hings as I found I most wanted, as particularly a Chair and a T ­ able, for without t­ hese I was not able to enjoy the few Comforts I had in the World, I could not write,427 or eat, or do several ­t hings with so much Plea­sure without a ­Table.428 So I went to work; and ­here I must needs observe, that as Reason is the Substance and Original of the Mathematicks, so by stating and squaring e­ very t­ hing by Reason, and by making the most rational Judgment of ­t hings, ­every Man may be in time Master of e­ very mechanick Art.* I had never handled a Tool in my Life, and yet in time by L ­ abour, Application,429 and Contrivance, I found at last that I wanted nothing but I could have made it, especially if I had had Tools; however,430 I made abundance of ­t hings, even without Tools, and some with no more Tools than an Adze† and a Hatchet, which perhaps w ­ ere never made that way before, and that with infinite ­Labour: For Example, If I wanted a Board, I had no other Way but to cut down a Tree, set it on an Edge before me, and hew it flat on ­either Side with my Axe,431 till I had brought it to be thin as a Plank; and then dubb it smooth with my Adze. It is true, by this Method I could make but one Board out of a ­whole Tree, but this I had no Remedy for but Patience, any more than I had for the prodigious deal of Time and ­Labour which it took me up to make a Plank or Board: But my Time or L ­ abour was ­little worth,‡ and so it was as well employ’d one way as another. However, I made me a ­Table and a Chair, as I observ’d above, in the first Place, and this I did out of the short Pieces of Boards that I brought on my Raft from the Ship: But when I had wrought out some Boards, as above, I made large Shelves of the Breadth of a Foot and Half 432 one over another, all along one Side of my Cave, to lay all my Tools, Nails, and Iron–­work, and in a Word, to separate e­ very t­ hing at large in their Places, that I might come easily at them; I knock’d Pieces into the Wall of the Rock to hang my Guns and all ­t hings that would hang up.

*­  ­every Man . . . ​Master of ­every mechanick Art] This suggestion that each man holds within himself the possibility of mastering all of the crafts that built civilization may have within it the feeling of a remove from the crafts that ­were once part of ­every home as ­people gravitated to the city where crafts ­were separated and all kinds of goods became pur­chas­able from shops. See Ian Watt, Rise of the Novel, 72. †  Adze] “A carpenter’s or cooper’s tool, like an ax with the blade set at right ­a ngles to the ­handle and curbing inwards t­ owards it; used for cutting or slicing away the surface of wood.” OED. ‡  Time or ­Labour was ­little worth] Crusoe appears to mea­sure his ­labor in terms of the wages he would receive in Britain or in strictly monetary terms. In some sense, Crusoe’s freedom from such a mea­sure is part of the plea­sure he experiences on the island—­his plea­sure in his craftsmanship. See James Sutherland, Daniel Defoe (London: Methuen, 1950), 227–235.

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So that had my Cave been to be seen, it look’d like a general Magazine* of all Necessary433 ­things, and I had ­every ­thing so ready at my Hand, that it was a ­great434 Plea­sure to me to see all my Goods in such Order, and especially to find my Stock of all Necessaries so g­ reat. And now it was when I began to keep a Journal of ­every Days435 Employment, for indeed at first I was in too much Hurry,436 and not only Hurry as to ­Labour, but in too much Discomposure of Mind, and my Journal would ha’ been full of many dull t­ hings:† For Example, I must have said thus.437 Sept. the 30th. A ­ fter 438 I got to Shore and had escap’d drowning, instead of being thankful to God for my Deliverance, having first vomited with the g­ reat Quantity of salt W ­ ater which was gotten into my Stomach, and recovering my self a ­little, I ran about the Shore, wringing my Hands and beating my Head and Face, exclaiming at my Misery, and crying out, I was undone, undone, till tyr’d439 and faint I was forc’d to lye down on the Ground to repose, but durst not sleep for fear of being devour’d. Some Days a­ fter this, and a­ fter I had been on board the Ship, and got all that I could out of her, yet I could not forbear getting up to the Top of a ­little Mountain and looking out to Sea in hopes of seeing a Ship, then fancy at a vast Distance I spy’d a Sail, please my self with the Hopes of it, and then ­after looking steadily till I was almost blind, lose it quite, and sit down and weep like a Child, and thus encrease my Misery by my Folly. But having gotten over ­t hese ­t hings in some Mea­sure, and having settled my houshold Stuff and Habitation, made me a T ­ able and a Chair, and all as handsome about me as I could, I began to keep my Journal, of which I ­shall ­here give you the Copy (tho’ in it ­will be told all ­these Particulars over again)‡ as long as it lasted, for having no more Ink I was forc’d to leave it off.

* general Magazine] For a discussion of this effort at organ­izing ­t hings in the manner of an En­glish shop, see Pat Rogers, “Crusoe’s Home,” Essays in Criticism 24 (1974): 375–390. †  my Journal . . . ​dull ­t hings] Crusoe contrasts the way a journal might have been written at the very moment of his arrival to the way it now appears, as a document written some time ­a fter the events have occurred and from a standpoint of greater security and composure. The example that he pre­sents has ­little detail and collapses the trips to the ship and the realization of his condition into a single sentence. Though his sample of the diary that might have been possesses a certain power in its emotional response to the events, as with Words­worth’s aesthetic theory of emotion recollected in tranquility, it sets forth the benefit of remembered experience. ‡  Particulars over again] As a journalist, particularly in his authorship of the Review, Defoe was often accused of repeating himself. He justified his practice in what was a defense of the benefits of what we would call “in-­depth” reporting and of focusing on one subject and examining it from as many ­a ngles as pos­si­ble. The journal represents an application of ­t hese techniques to fiction.

The Journal

September 30, 1659.* I poor miserable Robinson Crusoe,440 being shipwreck’d, during a dreadful Storm, in the offing,441 came on Shore on this dismal unfortunate Island, which I call’d the Island of Despair, all the rest of the Ship’s Com­pany being drown’d, and my self almost dead. All the rest of that Day I spent in afflicting my self at the dismal Circumstances I was brought to, viz. I had neither Food, House, Clothes,442 Weapon, or Place to fly to, and in Despair of any Relief, saw nothing but Death before me, ­either that I should be devour’d by wild Beasts, murther’d by Savages, or starv’d to Death for Want of443 Food. At the Approach of Night, I slept in a Tree for fear444 of wild Creatures, but slept soundly tho’ it rain’d all Night. October 1. In the Morning I saw to my ­great Surprise445 the Ship had floated with the high Tide, and was driven on Shore again much nearer the Island, which as it was some Comfort on one hand, for seeing her sit upright, and not broken to Pieces,446 I hop’d, if the Wind abated, I might get on board, and get some Food and Necessaries out of her for my Relief; so on the other hand, it renew’d my Grief at the Loss of my Comrades, who I imagin’d if we had all staid on board447 might have sav’d the Ship, or at least that they would not have been all drown’d as they ­were; and that had the Men been sav’d, we might perhaps have built us a Boat out of the Ruins of the Ship, to have carried us to some other Part of the World. I spent ­great Part of this Day in perplexing my self on ­t hese ­t hings; but at length seeing the Ship almost dry, I went upon the Sand as near as I could, and then swam on board; this Day also it continu’d raining, tho’ with no Wind at all. From the 1st of October,448 to the 24th. All ­t hese Days entirely spent in many several Voyages to get all I could out of the Ship, which I brought on Shore, e­ very

* September 30, 1659] Crusoe begins his “journal” on the day of his arrival, though, as he points out, what appears as a daily account actually begins with a reconstruction of t­ hose events.

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Tide of Flood, upon Rafts. Much Rain also in ­t hese Days, tho’ with some Intervals of fair Weather: But, it seems, this was the rainy Season. Oct. 20.* I overset my Raft, and all the Goods I had got upon it, but being in shoal ­Water,† and the t­ hings being chiefly heavy, I recover’d many of them when the Tide was out. Oct. 25. It rain’d all Night and all Day, with some Gusts of Wind, during which time the Ship broke in Pieces,449 the Wind blowing a l­ ittle harder than before, and was no more to be seen, except the Wreck of her, and that only at low ­Water. I spent this Day in covering and securing the Goods which I had sav’d, that the Rain might not spoil them. Oct. 26. I walk’d about the Shore almost all Day to find out a place to fix my Habitation, greatly concern’d to secure my self from any Attack450 in the Night, ­either from wild Beasts or Men. T ­ owards Night I fix’d upon a proper Place u ­ nder a Rock, and mark’d out a Semi–­Circle for my Encampment, which I resolv’d to strengthen with a Work, Wall, or Fortification made of double Piles, lin’d within with Cables, and without with Turf. From the 26th. to the 30th. I451 work’d very hard in carry­ing all my Goods to my new Habitation, tho’ some Part452 of the time it rain’d exceeding hard.453 The 31st.454 in the Morning I went out into the Island with my Gun to see for some Food, and discover the Country,455 when I kill’d a She–­Goat, and her Kid follow’d me home, which I afterwards kill’d also456 ­because it would not feed. November 1. I set up my Tent ­u nder a Rock, and lay ­t here for the first Night, making it as large as I could with Stakes driven in to swing my Hammock upon. Nov. 2. I set up all my Chests and Boards, and the Pieces of Timber which made my Rafts, and with them form’d a Fence round me, a ­little within the Place I had mark’d out for my Fortification. Nov. 3. I went out with my Gun457 and kill’d two Fowls like Ducks, which w ­ ere very good Food. In the After­noon went to work to make me a ­Table. Nov. 4. This Morning I began to order my times of Work, of ­going out with my Gun, time of Sleep, and time of Diversion, viz. ­Every Morning I walk’d out with my Gun for two or three Hours if it did not rain, then employ’d my self to work till about Eleven a–­Clock,458 then eat what I had to live on, and from Twelve to Two I lay down to sleep, the Weather being excessive hot, and then in the Eve­ning to work again: The working Part of this Day and of the next w ­ ere wholly employ’d459 in making my ­Table, for I was yet but a very sorry Workman, tho’ Time and Neces* meer Fate] Defoe uses “meer” as we might use the words “essential” or “basic.” †  Oct. 20] In his narrative, Crusoe appears to state that the upsetting of the raft occurs sometime within the first thirteen days that he has been on the island. In his journal account, Crusoe now extends the date of the storm and the destruction of the ship to 25 October from what appears to be 14 October and places the upsetting of the raft beyond the date at which the storm destroyed the wreck. Defoe clearly forgot his chronology at this point. See William Hastings, “Errors and Inconsistencies in Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe,” Modern Language Notes 27 (1912): 161.

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sity made me a compleat natu­ral Mechanick460 soon a­ fter, as I believe it would do any one e­ lse. Nov. 5. This Day went abroad with my Gun and my Dog, and kill’d a wild Cat, her Skin pretty soft, but her Flesh good for nothing: E ­ very Creature I kill’d461 I took off the Skins and preserv’d them:462 Coming back by the Sea Shore, I saw many Sorts of Sea Fowls which I did not understand,463* but was surpris’d464 and almost frighted with two or three Seals, which, while I was gazing at, not well knowing what they ­were, got into the Sea465 and escap’d me for that time. Nov. 6. ­After my Morning Walk I went to work with my ­Table again, and finish’d it, tho’ not to my liking; nor was it long before I learn’d466 to mend† it. Nov. 7 Now it began to be settled fair Weather. The 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, and Part of the 12th. (for the 11th467 was Sunday) I took wholly up to make me a Chair, and with much ado brought it to a tolerable Shape, but never to please me, and even in the making I pull’d it in Pieces468 several times. Note, I soon neglected my keeping Sundays, for omitting my Mark for them on my Post, I forgot which was which. Nov. 13. This Day it rain’d, which refresh’d me exceedingly, and cool’d the Earth, but it was accompany’d with terrible Thunder‡ and Lightning, which frighted me dreadfully469 for fear of my Powder; as470 soon as it was over, I resolv’d to separate my Stock of Powder into as many ­little Parcels as pos­si­ble, that it might not be in Danger.471 Nov. 14 15, 16. ­These three Days I spent in making ­little square Chests or Boxes, which might hold about a Pound or472 two Pound, at most, of Powder, and so putting the Powder in, I stow’d473 it in Places as secure and remote from one another as pos­si­ble. On one of ­t hese three Days I kill’d a large Bird that was good to eat, but I know not what to call it. Nov. 17. This Day I began to dig ­behind my Tent into the Rock474 to make room for my farther Conveniency: Note, Two Th ­ ings475 I wanted exceedingly for this 476 Work, viz. A Pick–­a xe, a Shovel, and a Wheel–­barrow or Basket, so I desisted from my Work, and began to consider how to supply that Want and make me some Tools; as for a Pickaxe,477 I made use of the Iron Crows, which w ­ ere proper enough, tho’ heavy; but the next t­ hing was a Shovel or Spade, this478 was so absolutely necessary, that indeed I could do nothing effectually without it,479 but what kind of one to make I knew not. Nov. 18. The next Day in searching the Woods I found a Tree of that Wood, or like it, which, in480 the Brasils they call the Iron Tree,§ for its exceeding Hardness,481 of this, with ­great ­Labour and almost spoiling my Axe,482 I cut a Piece, and brought it home too with Difficulty enough, for it was exceeding heavy. * understand] In the sense of recognizing the species of the birds. †  mend] Improve. ‡  terrible Thunder] For an account of the terrible thunder in the Ca­rib­bean Islands, see Charles César de Rochefort, The History of the Caribby Islands, trans. John Davies (London, 1666), 143. §  Iron Tree] In his History of the Caribby Islands, 42, Rochefort speaks of the “hardness” and “weight” of the iron wood tree.

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The excessive Hardness of the Wood, and having no other Way,483 made me a long while upon this Machine, for I work’d484 it effectually by ­little and ­little into the Form of a Shovel or Spade, the ­Handle exactly shap’d like ours in ­England, only that the broad Part having no Iron shod upon it at Bottom, it would not last me so long,485 however it serv’d well enough for the uses which I had occasion to put it to; but never was a Shovel, I believe, made ­after that Fashion, or so long a making. I was still deficient, for I wanted a Basket or a Wheel–­barrow,486 a Basket I could not make by any Means, having487 no such ­things as Twigs that would bend to make Wicker Ware, at least none yet found out; and as to a Wheel-­barrow, I fancy’d I could make all but the Wheel, but that I had no Notion488 of, neither did I know how to go about it; besides I had no pos­si­ble Way489 to make the Iron Gudgeons for the Spindle or Axis of the Wheel to run in, so I gave it over,490 and so for carry­ ing away the Earth which I dug out of the Cave, I made me a Th ­ ing like a Hodd, which the Labourers carry Morter491 in, when they serve the Bricklayers. This was not so difficult to me as the making the Shovel; and yet this, and the Shovel, and the Attempt which I made in vain, to make a Wheel–­Barrow,492 took me up no less than four Days, I mean always, excepting my Morning Walk with my Gun, which I seldom fail’d, and very seldom fail’d also bringing Home something fit to eat. Nov. 23. My other Work having now stood still, ­because of my making ­t hese Tools; when they ­were finish’d, I went on, and working ­every Day, as my Strength and Time allow’d, I spent eigh­teen Days entirely in widening and deepening493 my Cave, that it might hold my Goods commodiously. Note, During all this Time, I work’d to make this Room or Cave spacious enough to accommodate me as a Ware­house or Magazin,494 a Kitchen, a Dining–­room, and a Cellar; as for my Lodging, I kept to the Tent, except that some Times495 in the wet Season of the Year, it rain’d so hard, that496 I could not keep my self dry,497 which caused me afterwards to cover all my Place within my Pale with long Poles in the Form of Raf­ters leaning498 against the Rock, and load them with Flaggs499* and large Leaves of Trees like a Thatch. December 10th, I began now to think my Cave or Vault finished, when on a Sudden,500 (it seems I had made it too large) a ­great Quantity of Earth fell down from the Top and one Side, so much, that in short it frighted me, and not without Reason too; for if I had been u ­ nder it I had never wanted a Grave–­Digger:501 Upon this Disaster I had a ­great deal of Work to do over again; for I had the loose Earth to carry out; and which was of more Importance, I had the Seiling502† to prop up, so that I might be sure no more would come down. Dec. 11. This Day I went to Work with it accordingly, and got two Shores or Posts pitch’d upright to the Top, with two Pieces of Boards a–­cross over each Post, this * Flaggs] Plants with large, broad leaves. †  Seiling] This spelling for ceiling was not uncommon at this time. The word had a specific signification in reference to lining the roof of an apartment with boards.

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I finish’d the next Day; and setting more Posts up with Boards, in about a Week more I had the Roof secur’d; and the Posts standing in Rows, serv’d me for Partitions to part of my House. Dec. 17. From this Day to the Twentieth I plac’d Shelves, and knock’d up Nails on the Posts to hang e­ very ­Thing up that could be hung up, and now I began to be in some Order within Doors. Dec. 20. Now I carry’d e­ very Th ­ ing into the Cave, and began to furnish my House, and set up some Pieces of Boards, like a Dresser, to order my Victuals upon, but Boards began to be very scarce with me; also I made me another T ­ able. Dec. 24. Much Rain all Night and all Day, no stirring out. Dec. 25. Rain all Day. Dec. 26. No Rain, and the Earth much cooler than before, and pleasanter. Dec. 27. Kill’d a young Goat, and lam’d another so as that I catch’d it, and led it Home in a String; when I had it Home, I bound and splinter’d up its Leg which was broke. N. B.503 I took such Care of it, that it liv’d, and the Leg grew well,504 and as strong as ever; but by my nursing it so long it grew tame, and fed upon the ­little Green at my Door, and would not go away: This was the first Time that I entertain’d a Thought of breeding up some tame Creatures, that I might have Food when my Powder and Shot was all spent. Dec. 28, 29, 30. ­Great Heats and no Breeze; so that ­there was no Stirring505 abroad, except in the Eve­ning for Food; this Time I spent in putting all my ­Things in Order within Doors. January 1. Very hot still, but I went abroad early and late with my Gun, and lay still in the M ­ iddle506 of the Day; this Eve­ning ­going farther into the Valleys which lay t­ owards the Center of the Island, I found t­ here was plenty of Goats, tho’ exceeding shy and hard to come at, however I resolv’d to try if I could not bring my Dog to hunt them down. Jan. 2. Accordingly, the next Day, I went out with my Dog, and set him upon the Goats; but I was mistaken, for they all fac’d about upon the Dog, and he knew his Danger too well, for he would not come near them. Jan. 3. I began my Fence or Wall; which being still jealous* of my being attack’d by some Body, I resolv’d to make very thick and strong. N.B.† This Wall being describ’d before, I purposely omit what was said in the Journal; it is sufficient to observe, that I was no less Time than from the 3d of January to the 14th of April, working, finishing, and perfecting this Wall, tho’ it was no more than about 24 Yards in Length, being a half Circle from one Place in the Rock to another Place about eight Yards from it, the Door of the Cave being in the Center ­behind it. All this Time I work’d very hard, the Rains hindering me many Days, nay sometimes507 Weeks together; but I thought I should never be perfectly secure ’till this * jealous] Apprehensive. See OED. †  N.B.] Nota Bene or note well. Defoe frequently used such a form in his didactic works to indicate a brief digression or explanation.

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Wall was finish’d; and it is scarce credible what inexpressible ­Labour ­every ­Thing was done with, especially the bringing Piles out of the Woods, and driving them into the Ground, for I made them much bigger than I need to have done. When this Wall was finished, and the Out–­side double fenc’d with a Turf–­ Wall508 rais’d up close to it, I perswaded my self, that if any P ­ eople ­were to come on Shore t­ here, they would not perceive any Th ­ ing like a Habitation; and it was very well I did so, as may be observ’d hereafter upon a very remarkable Occasion. During this Time, I made my Rounds in the Woods for Game ­every Day when the Rain admitted me, and made frequent Discoveries in ­these Walks of something or other to my Advantage; particularly I found a Kind of wild Pidgeons, who built not as Wood Pidgeons in a Tree, but rather as House Pidgeons,* in the Holes of the Rocks; and taking some young ones, I endeavoured to breed† them509 up tame, and did so; but when they grew older they flew all away, which perhaps was at first for Want of feeding them, for I had nothing to give them: however I frequently found their Nests, and got their young ones, which w ­ ere very good Meat. And now, in the managing my houshold Affairs,510 I found my self wanting in many ­Things, which I thought at first it was impossible for me to make, as indeed as to some of them it was; for Instance, I could never make a Cask to be hooped,511 I had a small Runlet or two, as I observed before, but I cou’d never arrive to the Capacity of making one by them,512 tho’ I spent many Weeks about it; I could neither put in the Heads, or joint the Staves so true to one another, as to make them hold W ­ ater, so I gave that also over. In the next Place, I was at a g­ reat Loss for Candle; so that as soon as ever it was dark, which was generally by Seven–­a–­Clock, I was oblig’d to go to Bed:513 I remembred the Lump of Bees–­wax with which I made Candles in my African Adventure, but I had none of that now; the only Remedy I had was,514 that when I had kill’d a Goat, I sav’d the Tallow,‡ and with a ­little Dish made of Clay, which I bak’d in the Sun, to which I added a Wick of some Oakum,§ I made me a Lamp; and this gave me Light, tho’ not a clear steady Light like a Candle; in the ­Middle of all my ­Labours it happen’d, that rumaging my Th ­ ings, I found a l­ ittle Bag, which, as I hinted before, had been fill’d with Corn¶ for the feeding of Poultry, not for this Voyage, but before, * Wood Pidgeons . . . ​House Pidgeons] The OED quotes this passage. The wood pigeon was perhaps the most common Eu­ro­pean variety. †  breed] Although spelling was still relatively unsettled at the beginning of the eigh­teenth ­century, the spelling in the first edition, “bread,” must represent an alternate spelling of “breed,” if the examples provided by the OED are to be taken as representative. ‡  Tallow] Hard animal fat used for making candles and soap. Better candles ­were made of wax. According to the Hydrographer of the Naval Chronicle, tallow candles in Britain w ­ ere made half of beef fat and half of the fat from sheep. See Robinson Crusoe (1815), 77. Defoe’s ­father dealt in candles, so he would prob­ably have known something about this subject. §  Oakum] A loose fiber, obtained by untwisting and picking old rope. Oakum was used in caulking ship’s seams, in stopping leaks, and sometimes in dressing wounds. See OED. ¶  Corn] The word usually used for wheat but extended to other grains such as barley or rye. Ephraim Chambers’s Cyclopedia classifies rice and maize as a substitute for corn. Barley is usually planted in March to catch the spring rains. Rice cultivation requires a ­great deal of ­water. See Cyclopedia, 2 vols. (London, 1738), 2:Zz–­Zz2.

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as I suppose, when the Ship came from Lisbon; what l­ ittle Remainder of Corn had been in the Bag, was all devour’d with the Rats, and I saw nothing in the Bag but Husks and Dust; and being willing to have the Bag for some other Use, I think it was to put Powder in, when I divided it for Fear515 of the Lightning, or some such Use, I shook the Husks of Corn out of it on one Side of my Fortification ­under the Rock. It was a ­little before the ­great Rains, just now mention’d, that I threw this Stuff away, taking no Notice of any ­Thing, and not so much as remembring that I had thrown any ­Thing ­t here; when about a Month ­after,516 or thereabout, I saw some few Stalks of something green, shooting517 out of the Ground, which I fancy’d might be some Plant I had not seen, but I was surpriz’d and perfectly astonish’d, when, ­after a l­ ittle longer Time, I saw about ten or twelve Ears come out, which w ­ ere perfect green Barley of the same Kind as our Eu­ro­pe­an, nay, as our En­glish Barley. It is impossible to express the Astonishment and Confusion of my Thoughts on this Occasion; I had hitherto acted upon no religious Foundation at all, indeed518 I had very few Notions of Religion in my Head, or had* entertain’d any Sense of any ­Thing that had befallen me, other­w ise than as a Chance, or, as we lightly say, what pleases God; without so much as enquiring into the End of Providence in ­t hese ­Things, or his Order in governing Events in the World: But a­ fter I saw Barley grow t­ here, in a Climate which I know was not proper for Corn, and especially that I knew not how it came ­t here, it startl’d me strangely, and I began to suggest, that God had miraculously caus’d this Grain to grow without any Help of Seed sown, and that it was so directed purely for my Sustenance, on that wild miserable Place. This touch’d my Heart a ­little, and brought Tears out of my Eyes, and I began to bless my self, that such a Prodigy of Nature should happen upon my Account; and this was the more strange to me, ­because I saw near it still all along by the Side of the Rock, some other straggling Stalks,519 which prov’d to be Stalks of ­ ecause I had seen it grow in Africa when I was ashore Ryce,520 and which I knew, b ­t here. I not only thought ­t hese the pure Productions† of Providence for my Support, but not doubting, but that t­ here was more in the Place, I went all over that Part521 of the Island, where I had been before, peering in e­ very Corner, and u ­ nder ­every Rock, to see for more of it, but I could not find any; at last it occur’d to my Thoughts, that I had shook a Bag of Chickens Meat‡ out in that Place, and then the Won­der began to cease; and I must confess, my religious Thankfulness to God’s Providence began to abate too upon the Discovering that all this was nothing but what was common; tho’ I o ­ ught to have been as thankful for so strange and unforeseen522 Providence, as if it had been miraculous; for it was r­ eally the Work of Providence as to me, that should order or appoint, that 10 or 12 Grains of Corn should remuin * or had] Properly nor had I. The use of “or” for “nor” was a quirk in Defoe’s writing noted by such scholars as George Aitken and William Trent. †  the pure Productions] Solely the productions. ‡  Chickens Meat] Grain for feeding chickens.

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unspoil’d, (when the Rats had destroy’d523 all the rest,) as if it had been dropt from Heaven; as also, that I should throw it out in that par­tic­u­lar Place, where it being in the Shade of a high Rock, it sprang up immediately; whereas, if I had thrown it anywhere ­else, at that Time, it had been burnt up and destroy’d.524 I carefully sav’d the Ears of this Corn* you may be sure in525 their Season, which was about the End of June; and laying up e­ very Corn, I resolv’d to sow them all again, hoping in Time526 to have some Quantity sufficient to supply me with Bread; But it was not till the 4th Year† that I could allow my self 527 the least Grain of this Corn to eat, and even then but sparingly, as I s­ hall say afterwards in its Order; for I lost all that I sow’d the first Season, by not observing the proper Time; for I sow’d it just before the dry Season, so that it never came up at all, at least, not as it would ha’ done: Of which in its Place. Besides this Barley, t­ here was, as above, 20 or 30 Stalks of Ryce,528 which I preserv’d with the same Care, and whose Use was of the same Kind or to the same Purpose, (viz.) to make me Bread, or rather Food; for I found Ways to cook it up without baking, tho’ I did that also ­a fter some Time.529 But to return to my Journal, I work’d excessive hard t­ hese three or four Months to get my Wall done; and the 14th of April I closed it up, contriving to go into it, not by a Door, but over the Wall by a Ladder, that t­ here might be no Sign in the Out–­side530 of my Habitation. April 16. I finish’d the Ladder, so I went up with the Ladder to the Top, and then pull’d it up ­after me, and let it down in the In–­side:531 This was a compleat Enclosure to me; for within I had Room enough, and nothing could come at me from without, ­unless it could first mount my Wall. The very next Day ­after this Wall was finish’d,532 I had almost had all my ­Labour overthrown at once, and my self kill’d, the Case was thus,533 As I was busy in the Inside of it, ­behind my Tent, just in the Entrance into my Cave, I was terribly frighted with a most dreadful surprising534 ­Th ing indeed; for all on a sudden I found the Earth come crumbling down from the Roof of my Cave, and from the Edge of the Hill over my Head, and two of the Posts I had set up in the Cave crack’d in a frightful Manner;535 I was heartily scar’d, but thought nothing of what was ­really the Cause, only thinking that the Top of my Cave536 was falling in, as some of it had done before; and for Fear537 I shou’d be bury’d in it, I run forward to my Ladder, and not thinking my self 538 safe t­ here neither, I got over my Wall for Fear of the Pieces of the Hill which I expected might roll down upon me: I was no sooner stepp’d539 down upon the firm Ground, but I plainly saw it was a terrible Earthquake, for the Ground I stood on shook three Times at about eight Minutes Distance,540 with three such Shocks, as would have overturn’d541 the strongest Building * sav’d the Ears . . . ​Corn] As a number of critics have suggested, Crusoe’s self-­restraint is that of homo economicus and as far from what might have been expected of such other abstractions as “natu­ral man” or “savage man” as pos­si­ble. †  4th Year] For an example of a schedule of crop planting on a Ca­rib­bean plantation as a way to success, see John Poyntz, The Pre­sent Prospect of the Famous and Fertile Island of Tobago (London, 1683), 39–41.

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that could be suppos’d to have stood on the Earth,542 and a ­great Piece of the Top of a Rock, which stood about half a Mile from me next the Sea, fell down with such a terrible Noise, as I never heard in all my Life,543 I perceiv’d also, the very Sea was put into violent Motion by it; and I believe the Shocks ­were stronger ­u nder the ­Water than on the Island.* I was so amaz’d with the ­Thing it self,544 having never felt the like, or discours’d545 with any one that had, that I was like one dead or stupify’d; and the Motion of the Earth made my Stomach sick like546 one that was toss’d at Sea; but the Noise of the falling of the Rock awak’d me, as547 it w ­ ere, and rousing548 me from the stupify’d Condition I was in, fill’d me with Horror, and I thought of nothing then but the Hill falling upon my Tent and all my houshold Goods, and burying all at once; and this sunk my very Soul within me a second Time.549 ­After the third Shock was over, and I felt no more for some Time,550 I began to take Courage, and yet I had not Heart enough to go over my Wall again, for Fear551 of being buried alive, but sat still upon the Ground, greatly cast down and disconsolate, not knowing what to do: All this while I had not the least serious religious Thought, nothing but the common, Lord552 ha’ Mercy upon me; and when it was over, that went away too. While I sat thus, I found the Air over–­cast, and grow cloudy, as if it would rain; soon a­ fter that the Wind ­rose by ­little and ­little, so that, in less 553 than half an Hour, it554 blew a most dreadful Hurricane: The Sea was all on a Sudden cover’d 555 over with Foam and Froth, the Shore was cover’d with the Breach of the ­Water, the Trees ­were torn up by the Roots, and a terrible Storm it was; and this held about three Hours, and then began to abate, and in two Hours more it was stark calm,556 and began to rain very hard. All this while I sat upon the Ground very much terrify’d and dejected, when on a sudden it came into my Thoughts557 that t­ hese Winds and Rain being the Consequences of the Earthquake, the Earthquake it self 558 was spent and over, and I might venture into my Cave again: With this Thought my Spirits began to revive, and the Rain also helping to perswade me, I went in and sat down in my Tent, but the Rain was so violent, that my Tent was ready to be beaten down with it, and I was forc’d to go into my Cave, tho’ very much afraid559 and uneasy for fear it should fall on my Head. This violent Rain forc’d me to a new Work, viz. to cut 560 a Hole thro’ my new Fortification like a Sink to let the ­Water go out, which would ­else have drown’d my Cave. ­After I had been in my Cave some time, and found still no more Shocks of the Earthquake follow, I began to be more compos’d; and now to support my Spirits, which indeed wanted it very much, I went to my ­little Store and took a small * Crusoe’s description of the earthquake is consonant with the phenomena observed in the thoroughly reported earthquakes at Port Royal in 1692 and the earthquakes in Sicily and southern Italy in 1693. Defoe may have been familiar with the accounts that appeared in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society. ­There ­were also a number of minor earthquakes in Britain during Defoe’s lifetime. See ­under “Earthquakes,” Chambers, Cyclopedia, 1:3Ddv.

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Sup of Rum,* which however I did then and always very sparingly, knowing I could have no more when that was gone. It continu’d raining all that Night, and ­great Part of the next Day, so that I could not stir abroad, but my Mind being more compos’d, I began to think of what I had best do, concluding that if the Island was subject to t­ hese Earthquakes, ­there would be no living for me in a Cave, but I must consider of building me some ­little Hut in an open Place which I might surround with a Wall as I had done ­here, and so make my self secure from wild Beasts or Men; but concluded, if I staid where I was, I should certainly, one time or other,561 be bury’d alive. With ­these Thoughts I resolv’d to remove my Tent from the Place where it stood, which was just u ­ nder the hanging Precipice of the Hill, and which, if it should be shaken again, would certainly fall upon my Tent: And I spent the two next Days, being the 19th  and 20th  of April, in contriving where and how to remove my Habitation. The fear of being swallow’d up alive, made me that I never slept in quiet, and yet the Apprehensions562 of lying abroad indians without any Fence was almost equal to it; but still when I look’d about and saw how ­every ­t hing was put in order, how pleasantly conceal’d I was, and how safe from Danger, it made me very loath563 to remove. In the mean time it occur’d to me that it would require a vast deal of time for me to do this, and that I must be contented to run the Venture where I was, till I had form’d a Camp for my self, and had secur’d564 it so as to remove to it: So with this Resolution I compos’d my self for a time, and resolv’d that I would go to work with all Speed565 to build me a Wall with Piles and Cables, &c. in a Circle as before, and set my Tent up in it when it was finish’d, but that I would venture to stay where I was till it was finish’d and fit to remove to. This was the 21st. April 22. The next Morning I began to consider of Means to put this Resolve in Execution, but I was at a ­great loss about my Tools; I had three large Axes and abundance of Hatchets, (for we carried the Hatchets for Traffick with the Indians)† but with much chopping and cutting knotty hard Wood, they w ­ ere all full of Notches and dull, and tho’ I had a Grindstone, I could not turn it and grind my Tools too,566 this cost me as much Thought as a Statesman would have bestow’d upon a g­ rand Point of Politicks, or a Judge upon the Life and Death of a Man. At length I contriv’d a Wheel with a String, to turn it with my Foot, that I might have both my Hands at Liberty: Note, I had never seen any such t­ hing in ­England, or at least not to take Notice how it was done, tho’ since I have observ’d it is very common t­ here; besides * Sup of Rum] “A small quantity of liquid such as can be taken into the mouth at one time”; equivalent to the modern “sip.” See OED. †  Indians] ­Here used for native p ­ eoples, including t­hose living in West Africa. Among the cargo loaded in Brazil w ­ ere “Hatchets.” See above, p. 46. OED shows William Dampier referring to the natives of the Philippines in this way. Another possibility, aside from a m ­ ental slip on Defoe’s part, is that Crusoe’s ship carried a supply of hatchets in addition to ­t hose put on board for trading with the African natives.

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that, my Grindstone567 was very large and heavy. This Machine cost me a full Weeks Work 568 to bring it to Perfection. April 28, 29. ­These two ­whole Days I took up in grinding my Tools, my Machine for turning my Grindstone569 performing very well. April 30. Having perceiv’d my Bread had been low a g­ reat while, now I took a Survey of it, and reduc’d my self570 to one Bisket–­cake a Day, which made my Heart very heavy. May 1. In the Morning looking ­towards the Sea–­side, the Tide being low, I saw something lye on the Shore bigger than ordinary, and 571 it look’d like a Cask;572 when I came to it, I found a small Barrel, and two or three Pieces of the Wreck of the Ship, which ­were driven on Shore by the late Hurricane,573 and looking ­towards the Wreck itself, I thought it seem’d to lye higher out of the ­Water than574 it us’d to do; I examin’d the Barrel which was driven on Shore, and soon found it was a Barrel of Gunpowder,575 but it had taken ­Water, and the Powder was cak’d as hard as a Stone, however576 I roll’d it farther on Shore for the pre­sent, and went on upon the Sands as near as I could to the Wreck of the Ship to look for more. When I came down to the Ship, I found it strangely remov’d, The Fore–­castle577 which lay before bury’d in Sand, was heav’d up at least six Foot, and the Stern which was broke to Pieces and 578 parted from the rest by the Force of the Sea soon a­ fter I had left rummaging her, was toss’d, as it ­were, up, and cast on one Side,579 and the Sand was thrown so high on that Side next her Stern, that whereas ­there was a ­great Place of W ­ ater before, so that I could not come within a Quarter of a Mile of the Wreck without swimming, I could now walk quite up to her when the Tide was out; I was surpriz’d580 with this at first, but soon concluded it must be done by the Earthquake, and581 as by this Vio­lence the Ship was more broken open than formerly, so many ­Things came daily on Shore, which the Sea had loosen’d, and which the Winds and ­Water rolled by Degrees to the Land. This wholly diverted my Thoughts from the Design of removing my Habitation; and I busied my self mightily that Day especially, in searching ­whether I could make any Way into the Ship,582 but I found nothing was to be expected of that Kind, for that all the In–­side583 of the Ship was choak’d up with Sand: However, as I had learn’d584 not to despair of any Th ­ ing,585 I resolv’d to pull e­ very Th ­ ing to Pieces that I could of the Ship, concluding, that e­ very Th ­ ing I could get from her would586 be of some Use or other to me. May 3. I began with my Saw, and cut a Piece of a Beam thro’, which I thought held some of the upper Part or Quarter–­Deck together, and when I had cut it thro’, I clear’d away the Sand as well as I could from the Side which lay highest; but the Tide coming in, I was oblig’d587 to give over for that Time.588 May 4. I went a fishing, but caught not one Fish that I durst eat of, till I was weary of my Sport,589 when just ­going to leave off, I caught a young Dolphin. I had made me a long Line of some Rope Yarn, but I had no Hooks, yet I frequently caught Fish enough, as much as I car’d to eat; all which I dry’d in the Sun, and eat them dry.

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May 5. Work’d on the Wreck, cut another Beam asunder, and brought three ­great Fir Planks off from the Decks, which I ty’d together, and made swim on Shore when590 the Tide of Flood came on. May 6. Work’d on the Wreck, got several Iron Bolts out of her, and other Pieces of Iron Work,591 work’d very hard, and came Home very much tyr’d,592 and had Thoughts of giving it over. May 7. Went to the Wreck again, but with an Intent not to work, but found the Weight of the Wreck had broke itself down, the Beams being cut, that several Pieces of the Ship seem’d to lie loose, and the In–­side of the Hold lay so open, that I could see into it, but almost full of ­Water and Sand. May 8. Went to the Wreck, and carry’d an Iron Crow to wrench up the Deck, which lay now quite clear of the ­Water or Sand; I wrench’d open two Planks, and brought them on Shore also with the Tide: I left the Iron Crow in the Wreck for next Day. May 9. Went to the Wreck, and with the Crow made Way into the Body of the Wreck, and felt several Casks, and loosen’d them with the Crow, but could not break them up; I felt also the Roll of En­glish Lead, and could stir it, but it was too heavy to remove. May 10, 11, 12, 13, 14. Went ­every Day to the Wreck, and got a ­great deal of Pieces of Timber, and Boards, or Plank, and 2 or 300 Weight of Iron. May 15. I carry’d two Hatchets to try if I could not cut a Piece off of the Roll of Lead, by placing the Edge of one Hatchet, and driving it with the other; but as it lay about a Foot and a half in the W ­ ater, I could not make any Blow to drive the Hatchet. May 16. It had blow’d hard in the Night, and the Wreck appear’d more broken by the Force of the W ­ ater; but I stay’d593 so long in the Woods to get Pidgeons for Food, that the Tide prevented me g­ oing to the Wreck that Day. May 17. I saw some Pieces of the Wreck blown on Shore, at a ­great Distance, near two Miles off me, but resolv’d to see what they ­were, and found it was a Piece of the Head,* but too heavy for me to bring away. May 24.594 ­Every Day to this Day I work’d on the Wreck, and with hard ­Labour I loosen’d some Th ­ ings so595 much with the Crow, that the first blowing Tide several Casks floated out, and two of the Seamens Chests; but the Wind blowing from the Shore, nothing came to Land that Day, but Pieces of Timber, and a Hogshead† which had some Brazil Pork in it, but the Salt–­water and the Sand had spoil’d it. I continu’d this Work ­every Day to the 15th of June, except the Time necessary to get Food, which I always appointed, during this Part of my Employment, to be when the Tide was up, that I might be ready when it was ebb’d out, and by this Time I had gotten Timber, and Plank, and Iron–­Work 596 enough, to have builded * Head] E ­ ither the front part of the ship or the ornamental figure placed at the front of a ship. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 146. †  Hogshead] A vessel for wine or oil containing the equivalent of sixty-­t hree gallons.

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a good Boat, if I had known how; and also, I got at several Times, and in several Pieces, near 100 Weight* of the Sheet–­Lead. June 16. G ­ oing down to the Sea–­side, I found a large Tortoise or Turtle; this was the first I had seen, which it seems was only my Misfortune, not any Defect of the Place, or Scarcity; for had I happen’d to be on the other Side of the Island, I might have had Hundreds of them ­every Day, as I found afterwards; but perhaps had paid dear enough for them. June 17. I spent in cooking the Turtle; I found in her threescore Eggs; and her Flesh was to me at that Time the most savoury and pleasant that ever I tasted in my Life, having had no Flesh, but of Goats and Fowls, since I landed in this horrid Place. June 18. Rain’d all Day, and I stay’d within. I thought at this Time the Rain felt Cold, and I was something chilly, which I knew was not usual in that Latitude. June 19. Very ill, and shivering, as if the Weather had been cold. June 20. No Rest all Night, violent Pains in my Head, and feaverish.597 June 21. Very ill, frighted almost to Death with the Apprehensions of my sad Condition, to be sick, and no Help: Pray’d to GOD for the first Time since the Storm off of Hull, but scarce knew what I said, or why; my Thoughts being all confused. June 22. A ­little better, but ­under dreadful Apprehensions of Sickness. June 23. Very bad again, cold and shivering, and then a violent Head–­ach. June 24. Much better. June 25. An Ague† very violent; the Fit held me seven Hours, cold Fit and hot,598 with faint Sweats a­ fter it. June 26. Better: and having no Victuals to eat, took my Gun, but found my self 599 very weak; however I kill’d a She–­Goat, and with much Difficulty got it Home, and broil’d some of it, and eat; I wou’d fain have stew’d it, and made some Broath,600 but had no Pot.‡ June 27. The Ague again so violent, that I lay a–­Bed601 all Day, and neither eat or drank. I was ready to perish for Thirst, but so weak, I had not Strength to stand up, or to get my self602 any ­Water to drink: Pray’d to God again, but was light–­ headed, and when I was not, I was so ignorant, that I knew not what to say; only I lay and cry’d, Lord look upon me, Lord pity me, Lord have Mercy upon me: I suppose I did nothing ­else for two or three Hours, till the Fit wearing off, I fell asleep, and did not wake till far in the Night; when I wak’d, I found my self603 much refresh’d, but weak, and exceeding thirsty: However, as I had no ­Water in my ­whole * Weight] Prob­ably a hundred pounds; specifically used for weighing lead or other metals. †  Ague] An illness involving the variation of cold and hot fits of shivering followed by sweating. Crusoe’s description of his symptoms is an exact fit. See Chambers, Cyclopedia, 1:IN2. ‡  no Pot] The incon­ve­nience of not having a pot to boil food was commented upon by that other castaway, Henry Pitman. See A Relation of the ­Great Sufferings and Strange Adventures of Henry Pitman in An En­glish Garner, 12 vols., ed. Edward Arber (London: Constable, 1900), 2:431–476, esp. 460. Much is made of this relatively minor detail in Tim Severin’s In Search of Robinson Crusoe (New York: Basic Books, 2002), 269.

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Habitation, I was forc’d to lie till Morning, and went to sleep again: In this second Sleep, I had this terrible Dream.* I thought, that I was sitting on the Ground on the Out–­side of my Wall, where I sat when the Storm blew ­after the Earthquake, and that I saw a Man descend from a ­great black Cloud, in a bright Flame of Fire, and light upon the Ground: He was all over as bright as a Flame, so that I could but just bear to look ­towards him; his Countenance was most inexpressibly dreadful, impossible for Words to describe; when he stepp’d upon the Ground604 with his Feet, I thought the Earth trembl’d, just as it had done before in the Earthquake, and all the Air look’d,605 to my Apprehension, as if it had been fill’d with Flashes of Fire. He was no sooner landed upon the Earth, but he moved606 forward t­owards me, with a long Spear or Weapon in his Hand, to kill me; and when he came to a rising Ground, at some Distance, he spoke to me, or I heard a Voice so terrible, that it is impossible to express the Terror of it; all that I can say, I understood,607 was this, Seeing all ­these ­Things have not brought thee to Repentance, now thou shalt die: At which Words, I thought he lifted up the Spear that was in his Hand,608 to kill me. No one, that ­shall ever read this Account, ­w ill expect that I should be able to describe the Horrors of my Soul at this terrible Vision, I mean, that even while it was a Dream, I even dreamed of t­ hose Horrors;† nor is it any more pos­si­ble to describe the Impression that remain’d upon my Mind when I awak’d and609 found it was but a Dream. I had alas! no divine Knowledge; what I had received610 by the good Instruction of my F ­ ather was then worn out by an uninterrupted Series, for 8 Years, of Seafaring611 Wickedness, and a constant Conversation with nothing but such as ­were like my self,612 wicked and prophane to the last Degree: I do not remember that I had in all that Time613 one Thought that so much as tended ­either to looking upwards ­toward God, or inwards ­towards a Reflection upon my own Ways: But a certain Stupidity of Soul,‡ without Desire of Good, or Conscience§ of Evil, had entirely overwhelm’d me, and I was all that the most hardned, unthinking, wicked Creature among our common Sailors, can be supposed614 to be, not having the least Sense, e­ither of the Fear of God in Danger, or of Thankfulness to God in Deliverances. * terrible Dream] The dream shows the influence of John Milton’s Paradise Lost, particularly the frightening figure of Death with his spear (Bk 2:666–680). †  even while it was a Dream . . . ​Horrors] Crusoe somewhat inarticulately tries to reproduce the sensation of a dream within a dream, or “Vision” within a vision. In addition to the super­natural ele­ments pre­sent to Crusoe’s imagination, it is also true that the remembered experiences of the earthquake and his fear of ­dying at the time are pre­sent in the dream. And it is directly inspired by his ague. For Crusoe’s fears, see Novak, Realism, Myth and History, 42–43; and Geoffrey Sill, The Cure of the Passions and the Origins of the En­glish Novel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 69–106. ‡  Stupidity of Soul] For a discussion of the stages of Crusoe’s conversion, see G.  A. Starr, Defoe and Spiritual Autobiography (Prince­ton, NJ: Prince­ton University Press, 1965), 36–57, 74–125. §  Conscience] Awareness, knowledge.

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In the relating what is already past of my Story, this ­w ill be the more easily believ’d,615 when I ­shall add, that thro’ all the Variety of Miseries that had to this Day befallen me, I never had so much as one Thought of it being the Hand of God, or that it was a just Punishment for my Sin;616 my rebellious Behaviour against my ­Father, or my pre­sent Sins which ­were ­great; or so much as a Punishment for the general Course of my wicked Life. When I was on the desperate Expedition on the desart Shores of Africa, I never had so much as one Thought of what would become of me; or one Wish to God to direct me ­whether617 I should go, or to keep me from the Danger618 which apparently surrounded me, as well from voracious Creatures as cruel Savages: But I was meerly thoughtless of a God, or a Providence; acted like a meer Brute* from the Princi­ples of Nature, and by the Dictates of common Sense only, and indeed hardly that. When I was deliver’d and taken up at Sea by the Portugal Captain, well us’d, and dealt justly and honourably with, as well as charitably, I had not the least Thankfulness on my Thoughts: When again I was shipwreck’d, ruin’d, and in Danger of drowning on this Island, I was as far from Remorse, or looking on it as a Judgment; I only said to my self619 often, that I was an unfortunate Dog, and born to be always miserable. It is true, when I got on Shore first h ­ ere, and found all my Ship’s Crew drown’d, and my self spar’d, I was surpriz’d with a Kind of Extasie,620 and some Transports of Soul, which, had the Grace of God assisted, might have come up to true Thankfulness; but it ended where it begun, in a meer common Flight of Joy, or, as 621 I may say, being glad I was alive, without the least Reflection upon the distinguishing Goodness of the Hand which had preserv’d me, and had singled me out to be preserv’d, when all the rest ­were destroy’d; or an Enquiry why Providence had been thus merciful to me; even just the same common Sort622 of Joy which Seamen generally have a­ fter they are got safe ashore from a Shipwreck, which they drown all in the next Bowl of Punch, and forget almost as soon as it is over, and all the rest of my Life was like it. Even623 when I was afterwards, on due Consideration, made sensible of my Condition, how I was cast on this dreadful Place, out of the Reach of humane Kind, out of all Hope of Relief, or Prospect of Redemption,624 as soon as I saw but a Prospect of living, and that I should not starve and perish for Hunger, all the Sense of my Affliction wore off, and I begun to be very easy, apply’d my self 625 to the Works proper for my Preservation and Supply, and was far enough from being afflicted at my Condition, as a Judgment from Heaven, or as the626 Hand of God against me; ­t hese ­were Thoughts which very seldom enter’d into my Head. * acted like a meer Brute . . . ​Nature] This line bears resemblance to the ideas in Defoe’s Mere Nature Delineated (1726), in which Defoe used the capture of Peter the Wild Boy, a young man found in the forests of Hanover who was apparently intellectually impaired, incapable of speech or hearing, to contemplate some of the prob­lems inherent in the con­temporary understanding of language and education. ­There he also took the occasion to attack the Earl of Shaftesbury’s theories on natu­ral goodness. In this passage, Crusoe speaks of the failure of a Christian spiritual life as being equivalent to the life of an animal.

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The growing up of the Corn, as is hinted in my Journal, had at first some l­ittle Influence upon me, and began to affect me with Seriousness, as long as I thought it had something miraculous in it; but as soon as ever that Part627 of the Thought was remov’d, all the Impression which was rais’d from it, wore off also, as I have noted already. Even the Earthquake, tho’ nothing could be more terrible in its Nature, or more immediately directing to the invisible Power628 which alone directs such ­Things,629 yet no sooner was the first Fright over, but the Impression it had made went off also. I had no more Sense of God or his Judgments, much less of the pre­sent Affliction of my Circumstances being from his Hand, than if I had been in the most prosperous Condition of Life. But now when I began to be sick, and a leisurely View of the Miseries of Death came to place itself before me; when my Spirits began to sink ­under the Burthen630 of a strong Distemper, and Nature was exhausted with the Vio­lence of the Feaver;631 Conscience that had slept so long, begun to awake,* and I began to reproach my self 632 with my past Life, in which I had so evidently, by uncommon Wickedness, provok’d the Justice of God to lay me u ­ nder uncommon Strokes, and to deal with 633 me in so vindictive a Manner. ­These Reflections oppress’d me for the second or third Day of my Distemper, and in the Vio­lence, as well of the Feaver,634 as of the dreadful Reproaches of my Conscience, extorted some Words from me, like praying to God, tho’ I cannot say they ­were ­either a Prayer attended with Desires or with Hopes; it was rather the Voice of meer Fright and Distress; my Thoughts w ­ ere confus’d, the Convictions ­great upon my Mind, and the Horror of d ­ ying in such a miserable Condition rais’d Vapours† into my Head with the meer Apprehensions; and in ­t hese Hurries of my Soul, I know not what my Tongue might express:635 but it was rather Exclamation, such as, Lord! what a miserable Creature am I? If I should be sick, I ­shall certainly die for Want of Help,636 and what w ­ ill become of me! 637 Then the Tears burst out of my Eyes, and I could say no more for a good while. In this Interval, the good Advice of my F ­ ather came to my Mind, and presently his Prediction which I mention’d638 at the Beginning of this Story, viz. That if I did take this foolish Step, God would not bless me, and I would have Leisure639 hereafter to reflect upon having neglected his Counsel, when ­there might be none to assist in my Recovery.640 Now, said I aloud, My dear F ­ ather’s Words are come to pass: God’s Justice has overtaken me, and I have none to help or hear me: I rejected the Voice of Providence, which had mercifully put me in a Posture or Station of Life, wherein I might have been happy and easy; but I would neither see it my self,641 or learn to know the Blessing of it from my Parents;642 I left them to mourn over my Folly, and now I am left to mourn u ­ nder the Consequences of it: I refus’d their Help and * Conscience . . . ​begun to awake] See the note to G. A. Starr, above. For a parallel awakening of conscience in another wanderer, see Dampier, New Voyage, 333. †  Vapours] “Exhalations supposed to be developed within the organs of the body leading to depression of spirits, hypochondria, hysteria, or other ner­vous disorders.” OED.

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Assistance who wou’d643 have lifted me into the World, and wou’d have made e­ very Th ­ ing644 easy to me, and now I have Difficulties to strug­gle with, too ­great for even Nature itself to support, and no Assistance, no Help, no Comfort, no Advice; then645 I cry’d out, Lord be my Help, for I am in g­ reat Distress.* This was the first Prayer, if I may call it so, that I had made for many Years: But646 I return to my Journal. June 28. Having been somewhat refresh’d with the Sleep I had had, and the Fit being entirely off, I got up; and tho’ the Fright and Terror of my Dream was very ­great, yet I consider’d, that the Fit of the Ague wou’d return again the next Day, and now was my Time to get something to refresh and support my self 647 when I should be ill; and the first ­Thing I did, I fill’d a large square Case ­Bottle† with ­Water, and set it upon my ­Table, in Reach of my Bed;648 and to take off the chill or aguish Disposition of the W ­ ater, I put about a Quarter of a Pint of Rum into it, and mix’d them together; then I got me a Piece of the Goat’s Flesh, and broil’d it on the Coals, but could eat very l­ittle; I walk’d about, but was very weak, and withal very sad and heavy–­hearted in the Sense of my miserable Condition; dreading the Return of my Distemper the next Day; at Night I made my Supper of three of the Turtle’s Eggs, which I roasted in the Ashes, and eat, as we call it, in the Shell; and this was the first Bit of Meat I had ever ask’d God’s Blessing to, even as I cou’d remember,649 in my w ­ hole Life. ­After I had eaten, I try’d to walk, but found my self 650 so weak, that I cou’d hardly carry the Gun, (for I never went out without that) so I went but a ­little Way, and sat down upon the Ground, looking out upon the Sea, which was just before me, and very calm and smooth: As I sat h ­ ere, some such Thoughts as ­t hese occurred651 to me. What is this Earth‡ and Sea of which I have seen so much, whence is it produc’d, and what am I, and all the other Creatures, wild and tame, humane and brutal, whence are we? Sure we are all made by some secret Power, who form’d the Earth and Sea, the Air652 and Sky; and who is that? Then it follow’d most naturally, It is God that has made it all: Well, but then it came on strangely, if God has made all ­t hese ­Things, He guides and governs them all, and all ­Things that concern them; for the Power that could make all ­Things, must certainly have Power to guide and direct them. If so, nothing can happen in the g­ reat Cir­cuit of his Works, e­ ither without his Knowledge or Appointment. * Lord be my Help . . . ​Distress] An allusion to Psalm 18.6: “In my distress I called upon the Lord, and cried unto my God.” †  Case ­Bottle] A ­bottle, often square, made to fit into a case with ­others or a ­bottle protected by a case. See OED. ‡  What is this Earth] This meditation suggests an allusion to Psalm 8.4, beginning, “What is man, that thou art mindful of him,” and speculating on the nature of humankind and the power of God.

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And if nothing happens without his Knowledge, he knows that I am ­here, and am in this dreadful Condition; and if nothing happens without his Appointment, he has appointed all this to befal me. Nothing occurr’d653 to my Thought to contradict any of t­ hese Conclusions; and therefore it rested upon me with the greater Force, that it must needs be, that God had appointed all this to befal me; that I was brought to this miserable Circumstance by his Direction, he having the sole Power, not of me only, but of ­every ­Thing that happen’d in the World. Immediately it follow’d, Why has God done this to me?* What have I done to be thus us’d? My Conscience presently check’d me in that Enquiry, as if I had blasphem’d, and methought it spoke to me like a Voice; WRETCH! dost thou ask what thou hast done! look back upon a dreadful mis–­spent Life, and ask thy self what thou hast not done? ask, Why is it that thou wert not long ago destroy’d? Why wert thou not drown’d in Yarmouth Roads? Kill’d in the Fight when the Ship was taken by the Sallee654 Man of War? Devour’d by the wild Beasts on the Coast of Africa? Or, Drown’d655 ­HERE, when all the Crew perish’d but thy self? 656 Dost thou ask, What have I done? I was struck dumb with ­these Reflections, as one astonish’d, and had not a Word to say, no not to answer to my self, but rise657 up† pensive and sad, walk’d back to my Retreat, and went up over my Wall, as if I had been g­ oing to Bed, but my Thoughts w ­ ere sadly disturb’d, and I had no Inclination to sleep;658 so I.sat down in my Chair, and lighted my Lamp, for it began to be dark: Now as the Apprehension of the Return of my Distemper terrify’d me very much, it occurr’d659 to my Thought, that the Brasilians take no Physick but their Tobacco,‡ for660 almost all Distempers; and I had a Piece of a Roll of Tobacco in one of the Chests, which was quite cur’d, and some also that was green and not quite cur’d. I went, directed by Heaven no doubt; for in this Chest I found a Cure,661 both for Soul and Body, I open’d the Chest, and found what I look’d for, viz. the Tobacco; and as the few Books, I had sav’d, lay t­ here too, I took out one of the Bibles which I mention’d before, and which to this Time I had not found Leisure, or662 so much as Inclination to look into; I say, I took it out, and brought both that and the Tobacco with me to the ­Table. What Use to make of the Tobacco, I knew not, as to my Distemper, or ­whether it was good for it or no; but I try’d several Experiments with it, as if I was resolv’d it should hit one Way or other: I first took a Piece of a Leaf, and chew’d it in my Mouth, which indeed at first almost stupify’d my Brain, the Tobacco being green and strong, and that I had not been much us’d to it; then I took some and steeped663 * Why has God done this to me] This type of questioning lies b ­ ehind the book of Job in the Old Testament. †  rise up] Defoe uses the historical pre­sent, such as this, on numerous occasions. ‡  Tobacco] Tobacco was considered a medicinal plant of “extraordinary vertues.” It was thought to be effective for treating colds and for aiding respiration. Its poisonous properties ­were also recognized. See Chambers, Cyclopedia, 2:12N2–2v; and Rochefort, Caribby Islands, 55. See also Sill, Cure of the Passions, 43–44.

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it an Hour or two in some Rum, and resolv’d to take a Dose of it when I lay down; and lastly, I burnt some upon a Pan of Coals, and held my Nose close over the Smoke of it as long as I could bear it, as well for the Heat as almost for Suffocation. In the Interval of this Operation, I took up the Bible and began to read, but my Head was too much disturb’d with the Tobacco to bear reading, at least that Time; only having open’d the Book casually, the first Words that occurr’d to me ­were ­t hese, Call on me in the Day of Trou­ble, and I w ­ ill deliver, and thou shalt glorify me.* The Words w ­ ere very apt to my Case, and made some Impression upon my Thoughts at the Time of reading them, tho’ not so much as they did afterwards; for as for being deliver’d, the Word had no Sound, as I may say, to me; the Th ­ ing was so remote, so impossible in my Apprehension of Th ­ ings, that I began to say as the ­Children of Israel did, when they ­were promis’d Flesh to eat, Can God spread a ­Table in the Wilderness?664† so I began to say, Can God himself deliver me from this Place? and as it was not for many Years that any Hope appear’d, this prevail’d very often upon my Thoughts: But however, the Words made a g­ reat Impression upon me, and I mused upon them very often. It grew now late, and the Tobacco had, as I said, doz’d my Head so much, that I inclin’d to sleep; so I left my Lamp burning in the Cave, least I should want any ­Thing in the Night, and went to Bed; but before I lay down, I did what I never had done in all my Life, I kneel’d down and pray’d to God to fulfil the Promise to me, that if I call’d upon him in the Day of Trou­ble, he would deliver me; ­a fter my broken and imperfect Prayer was over, I drunk the Rum in which I had steep’d the Tobacco, which was so strong and rank of rhe Tobacco, that indeed I could scarce get it down; immediately upon this I went to Bed, I found presently it flew up in my Head violently, but I fell into a sound Sleep, and wak’d no more ’till665 by the Sun it must necessarily be near Three a-­Clock666 in the After­noon the next Day; nay, to this Hour, I’m667 partly of the Opinion, that I slept all the next Day and Night, and ’till almost Three that Day668 ­after; for other­wise I knew not how I should lose a Day out of my Reckoning in the Days of the Week, as it appear’d some Years a­ fter I had done:669 for if I had lost it by crossing and re-­crossing670 the Line,‡ I should have lost more than one Day: But certainly I lost a Day in my Accompt,671 and never knew which Way. Be that however one Way or th’ other,672 when I awak’d I found my self 673 exceedingly refresh’d, and my Spirits lively and chearful;674 when I got up, I was stronger than I was the Day before, and my Stomach better, for I was hungry; and in short, I had no Fit the next Day, but continu’d much alter’d for the better; this was the 29th.

* Call on me . . . ​glorify me] Psalm 50.15. The psalm testifies to the power of God to reward ­t hose who call upon him and to punish the wicked. †  Can God spread . . . ​Wilderness] Psalm 78.19. The question is asked skeptically and is followed by a recital of God’s miraculous actions. ‡  Line] The equator. As Crowley suggests (Robinson Crusoe, 312), Crusoe appears to confuse the change of time caused by crossing the International Date Line with some kind of change occasioned by crossing the equator.

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The 30th* was my well Day675 of Course, and I went abroad with my Gun, but did not care to travel too far, I kill’d a Sea Fowl676 or two, something like a brand Goose,† and brought them Home,677 but was not very forward to eat them; so I ate678 some more of the Turtle’s Eggs, which w ­ ere very good: This Eve­ning renew’d the Medicine which I had suppos’d did me good the Day before,679 viz. the Tobacco steep’d in Rum, only I did not take so much as before, nor680 did I chew any of the Leaf, or hold my Head over the Smoke; however, I was not so well the next Day, which was the first of July, as I hop’d I shou’d681 have been; for I had a l­ittle Spice of the cold Fit,‡ but it was not much. July 2. I renew’d the Medicine all the three Ways, and doz’d my self  682 with it as at first; and doubled the Quantity which I drank. 3. I miss’d the Fit for good and all, tho’ I did not recover my full Strength for some Weeks ­after; while I was thus gathering Strength, my Thoughts run exceedingly upon this Scripture, I ­will deliver thee,§ and the Impossibility of my Deliverance lay much upon my Mind in Barr of ¶ my ever expecting it: But as I was discouraging my self with such Thoughts, it occurr’d to my Mind, that I pored** so much upon my Deliverance from the main Affliction, that I disregarded the Deliverance I had receiv’d; and I was, as it ­were, made to ask my self such Questions as ­t hese, viz. Have I not been deliver’d, and wonderfully too, from Sickness? from the most distress’d Condition that could be, and that was so frightful to me, and what Notice I had taken of it:683 Had I done my Part, God had deliver’d me, but I had not glorify’d him; that is to say, I had not own’d and been thankful for that as a Deliverance, and how cou’d I expect greater Deliverance? This touch’d my Heart very much, and immediately I kneel’d down and gave God Thanks aloud, for my Recovery from my Sickness. July 4. In the Morning I took the Bible, and beginning at the New Testament, I began seriously to read it, and impos’d upon my self to read a while ­every Morning and ­every Night, not tying my self to the Number of Chapters, but as long as my Thoughts shou’d engage me: It was not long ­after I set seriously to this Work, but I found my Heart more deeply and sincerely affected with the Wickedness of my past Life: The Impression of my Dream reviv’d, and the Words, All ­these ­Things have not brought thee to Repentance, ran seriously in my Thought: I was earnestly * The 30th] This would be nine months ­a fter his arrival on the island. Since Defoe was a believer in the spiritual meaning of parallel dates, that this might be deliberately made into a symbolic day of rebirth as well as recovery is highly likely. †  brand Goose] Sometimes called a rent goose, it is one of a variety of wild geese that migrate from the north at the coming of winter. It is brown in color with a brown head. See Hydrographer, Crusoe, 93. ‡  Spice of the cold Fit] A slight touch or trace of some physical disorder or malady. See OED, which quotes this passage. §  I ­will deliver thee] Psalm 50.15. Crusoe meditates upon the notion of deliverance promised by God h ­ ere and in lines 16–17. ¶  in Barr of] In such a manner as to prevent. ­ ental faculties. ** pored] Concentrated his m

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begging of God to give me Repentance, when it happen’d providentially the very Day that reading the Scripture, I came to ­t hese Words, He is exalted a Prince and a Saviour, to give Repentance, and to give Remission:* I threw down the Book, and with my Heart as well as my Hands lifted up to Heaven, in a Kind of Extasy of Joy, I cry’d out aloud, Jesus, thou Son of David, Jesus, thou exalted Prince and Saviour, give me Repentance!† This was the first Time that I could say, in the true Sense of the Words, that I pray’d in all my Life; for now I pray’d with a Sense of my Condition, and with a true Scripture View of Hope‡ founded on the Encouragement of the Word of God; and from this Time, I may say, I began to have Hope that God would hear me. Now I began to construe the Words mentioned above, Call on me, and I ­will deliver you, in a dif­fer­ent Sense from what I had ever done before; for then I had no Notion of any t­ hing being call’d Deliverance, but my being deliver’d from the Captivity I was in; for tho’ I was indeed at large in the Place, yet the Island was certainly a Prison to me, and that in the worst Sense in the World; but now I learn’d to take it in another Sense: Now I look’d back upon my past Life with such Horrour,684 and my Sins appear’d so dreadful, that my Soul sought nothing of God, but Deliverance from the Load of Guilt that bore down all my Comfort: As for my solitary Life it was nothing; I did not so much as pray to be deliver’d from it, or think of it; It was all of no Consideration in Comparison to this: And685 I add this Part ­here, to hint to whoever ­shall read it, that whenever they come to a true Sense of t­ hings, they ­will find Deliverance from Sin a much greater Blessing, than Deliverance686 from Affliction. But leaving this Part, I return to my Journal. My Condition began now to be, tho’ not less miserable as to my Way of living, yet much easier to my Mind; and my Thoughts being directed, by a constant reading the Scripture, and praying to God, to ­things of a higher Nature:687 I had a ­great deal of Comfort within, which till now I knew nothing of; also, as my Health and Strength returned, I bestirr’d my self to furnish my self688 with e­ very t­ hing that I wanted, and make my Way of living as regular as I could. From the 4th of July to the 14th, I was chiefly employ’d in walking about with my Gun in my Hand, a l­ ittle and a l­ ittle, at 689 a Time, as a Man that was gathering up his Strength a­ fter a Fit of Sickness:690 For it is hardly to be imagin’d, how low I was, and to what Weakness I was reduc’d. The Application which I made Use of was perfectly new, and perhaps what had never cur’d an Ague before, neither can * He is exalted . . . ​Remission] Acts 4.31. †  Jesus . . . ​Repentance] Crusoe’s reaction follows that of ­those pre­sent at the preaching of Peter and John in Acts 4.32–33. ‡  true Scripture View of Hope] Hope is one of the triumvirate of graces named by Paul (1 Corinthians 13). It is directly connected to faith and applies to both the pre­sent and ­f uture life. See A Dictionary of the Bible, 5 vols., ed. James Hastings (Edinburgh: F.T. Clark, 1910), 2:412–413.

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I recommend it to any one to practise, by this Experiment; and tho’ it did carry off the Fit, yet it rather contributed to weakening me; for I had frequent Convulsions* in my Nerves and Limbs for some Time. I learn’d691 from it also this in par­tic­u­lar, that being abroad in the rainy Season† was the most pernicious t­ hing to my Health that could be, especially in t­ hose Rains which came attended with Storms and Hurricanes of Wind; for as the Rain which came in the dry Season was always most accompany’d with such Storms, so I found that Rain was much more dangerous than the Rain which fell in Sep­ tember and October. I had been now in this unhappy Island above692 10 Months, all Possibility of Deliverance from this Condition,693 seem’d to be entirely taken from me; and I firmly believed, that no humane Shape had ever set Foot upon that Place:694 Having now secur’d my Habitation, as I thought, fully to my Mind, I had a g­ reat Desire to make a more perfect Discovery of the Island, and to see what other Productions I might find, which I yet knew nothing of. It was the 15th of July that I began to take a more par­tic­u­lar Survey of the Island it self: I went up the Creek first, where, as I hinted, I brought my Rafts on Shore; I found ­after I came about two Miles up, that the Tide did not flow any higher, and that it was no more than a l­ ittle Brook of r­ unning W ­ ater, and very fresh and good; but this being the dry Season, ­t here was hardly any ­Water in some Parts695 of it, at least, not enough to run in any Stream, so as it could be perceiv’d. On the Bank of this Brook I found many pleasant Savana’s, or Meadows;696 plain, smooth, and cover’d with Grass; and on the rising Parts of them next to the higher Grounds, where the ­Water, as it might be supposed, never overflow’d, I found a ­great deal of Tobacco, green, and growing to a ­great and very strong Stalk; ­t here ­were divers other Plants which I had no Notion of, or Understanding about, and might perhaps have Vertues697 of their own, which I could not find out. I searched for the Cassava Root,‡ which the Indians in all that Climate make their Bread of, but I could find none. I saw large Plants of Alloes,698§ but did not then understand them. I saw several Sugar Canes, but wild, and for want of Cultivation, imperfect. I contented my self with ­t hese Discoveries for this Time, and came back musing with my self what Course I might take to know the Vertue699 and Goodness of any of the Fruits or Plants which I should discover; but could bring it to no Conclusion; for in short, I had made so l­ittle Observation while I was in the Brasils, that I knew ­little of the Plants in the Field, at least very ­little that might serve me to any Purpose now in my Distress. * Convulsions] For this effect of the nicotine in tobacco on the body, see Chambers, Cyclope­ dia, 1:12N2v. †  rainy Season] According to Rochefort’s Caribby Islands, 143–146, the rainy season in the Ca­rib­bean was July to September, but see below, pp. 24–25, for Crusoe’s more elaborate division, including mid-­February to mid-­April as rainy. ‡  Cassava Root] Taken from the manioc tree, “sometimes called the Cassava-­tree,” Rochefort, Caribby Islands, 50–51. §  Alloes] This plant is still used ­today in vari­ous lotions for its healing properties. In addition to being applied to wounds, it was used as a purgative. See Chambers, Cyclopedia, 1:Is1v–­Is2.

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The next Day, the 16th, I went up the same Way again, and a­ fter ­going something farther than I had gone the Day before, I found the Brook, and the Savana’s began to cease, and the Country became more woody than before; in this Part I found dif­fer­ent Fruits, and particularly I found Mellons700 upon the Ground in ­great Abundance, and Grapes upon the Trees; the Vines had spread indeed over the Trees, and the Clusters of Grapes ­were just now in their Prime, very ripe and rich: This was a surprising Discovery, and I was exceeding glad of them; but I was warn’d by my Experience to eat sparingly of them, remembring, that when I was ashore in Barbary, the eating of Grapes* kill’d several of our En­glish Men who ­were Slaves ­t here, by throwing them into Fluxes† and Feavers:701 But I found an excellent Use for t­ hese Grapes, and that was to cure or dry them in the Sun, and keep them as dry’d Grapes or Raisins are kept, which I thought would be, as indeed they ­were, as ­wholesome as agreeable to eat, when no Grapes might be to be had.702 I spent all that Eve­ning ­t here, and went not back to my Habitation, which by the Way703 was the first Night, as I might say, I had lain from Home. In the Night I took my first Contrivance, and got up into a Tree, where I slept well, and the next Morning proceeded upon my Discovery, travelling near four Miles, as I might judge by the Length of the Valley, keeping still due North, with a Ridge of Hills on the South and North–­side704 of me. At the End of this March I came to an Opening, where the Country seem’d to descend to the West, and a l­ittle705 Spring of fresh W ­ ater which issued out of the Side of the Hill by me, run the other Way, that is due East; and the Country appear’d so fresh, so green, so flourishing, ­every ­thing being in a constant Verdure, or Flourish of Spring, that it looked like a planted‡ Garden. I descended a ­little on the Side of that delicious Vale, surveying it with a secret Kind of Plea­sure, (tho’ mixt with my other afflicting Thoughts)§ to think that this was all my own, that I was King and Lord of all this Country indefeasibly, and had a Right of Possession;¶ and if I could convey it, I might have it in Inheritance, as compleatly as any Lord of a Mannor in ­England. I saw ­here Abundance of Cocoa Trees,** Orange, and Lemmon, and Citron Trees; but all wild, and very few bearing any Fruit, at least not then: However, the green Limes that I gathered, w ­ ere not * eating of Grapes] Defoe shared with con­temporary Britons a fear of fresh fruit. It was believed that fruit caused the illnesses to which Crusoe refers. See Mintz, Power of Sweetness, 113. †  Fluxes] Dysentery. See Chambers, Cyclopedia, 2:4P. ‡  planted] Defoe flirts ­here with an Edenic ele­ment in his story. §  afflicting Thoughts] Perhaps the image of the Garden of Eden conjures up the realization that his paradise lacks a companion, an Eve. ¶  Right of Possession . . . ​­England] According to Hugo Grotius, the person who discovers an island would have possession, but, in addition to a right of discovery, Crusoe can claim to have possessed the island by his l­ abor, which, according to John Locke, created property and owner­ship. See Grotius, De Jure Belli ac Pacis, trans. Francis Kelsey, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1925), 2:301; and Locke, Two Treatises on Civil Government, ed. Peter Laslett (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960), 305–307 (paras. 27–29). ** Cocoa . . . ​Trees] All of the trees named are described in Rochefort’s Caribby Islands. See esp. 29, 37.

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only pleasant to eat, but very w ­ holesome; and I mix’d their Juice afterwards with ­Water, which made it very w ­ holesome, and very cool, and refreshing. I found now I had Business enough to gather and carry Home; and I resolv’d to lay up a Store, as well of Grapes, as Limes and Lemons, to furnish my self for the wet Season, which I knew was approaching. In Order to this, I gather’d a ­great Heap of Grapes in one Place, and a lesser Heap in another Place, and a g­ reat Parcel of Limes and Lemons in another Place; and taking a few of each with me, I travell’d homeward, and resolv’d to come again, and bring a Bag or Sack, or what I could make to carry the rest Home. Accordingly, having spent three Days in this Journey, I came Home; so I must now call my Tent and my Cave: But, before I got thither, the Grapes ­were spoil’d; the Richness of the Fruits, and the Weight of the Juice having broken them, and bruis’d them, they ­were good for ­little or nothing; as to the Limes, they ­were good, but I could bring but a few. The next Day, being the 19th, I went back, having made me two small Bags to bring Home my Harvest: But I was surpriz’d, when coming to my Heap of Grapes, which ­were so rich and fine when I gather’d them, I found them all spread about, trod to Pieces, and dragg’d706 about, some h ­ ere, some t­ here, and Abundance eaten and devour’d: By this I concluded, ­t here ­were some wild Creatures thereabouts, which had done this; but what they w ­ ere, I knew not. However, as I found t­ here ­t here was no laying707 them up on Heaps, and no carry­ing them away in a Sack, but that one Way they would be destroy’d, and the other Way 708 they would be crush’d with their own Weight.709 I took another Course; for I gather’d a large Quantity of the Grapes, and hung them up upon the out Branches of the Trees, that they might cure and dry in the Sun; and as for the Limes and Lemons, I carry’d as many back as I could well stand u ­ nder. When I came Home from this Journey,710 I contemplated with ­great Plea­sure the Fruitfulness of that Valley, and the Pleasantness of the Scituation,711 the Security from Storms on that Side the ­Water, and the Wood, and concluded, that I had pitch’d upon a Place to fix my Abode, which was by far the worst Part of the Country. Upon the Whole712 I began to consider of removing my Habitation; and to look out for a Place equally safe, as where I now was scituate,713 if pos­si­ble, in that pleasant fruitful Part of the Island. This Thought run long in my Head, and I was exceeding fond of it for some Time, the Pleasantness of the Place tempting me; but when I came to a nearer View of it, and to consider that I was now by the Sea–­Side, where it was at least pos­si­ble that something might happen to my Advantage, and by the same ill Fate that brought me hither, might bring some other unhappy Wretches to the same Place; and tho’ it was scarce probable that any such Th ­ ing should ever happen, yet to enclose my self 714 among the Hills and Woods, in the Center of the Island, was to anticipate* my Bondage, and to render such an Affair not only improbable,715 but impossible;716 and that therefore I ­ought not by any Means to remove. * anticipate] Not only to look forward to something but to cause it as well. See OED.

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However, I was so enamour’d717 of this Place, that I spent much of my Time ­t here,718 for the w ­ hole remaining Part of the Month of July; and tho’ upon second Thoughts I resolv’d as above, not to remove, yet I built me a ­little kind of a Bower, and surrounded it at a Distance with a strong Fence, being a double Hedge, as high as I could reach, well stak’d, and fill’d between with Brushwood; and h ­ ere I lay very secure, sometimes two or three Nights together, always g­ oing over it with a Ladder, as before; so that I fancy’d now I had my Country–­House,719* and my Sea–­Coast–­House: And this Work took me up to the Beginning of August. I had but newly finish’d my Fence, and began to enjoy my L ­ abour, but the Rains came on, and made me stick close to my first Habitation; for tho’ I had made me a Tent like the other, with a Piece of a Sail, and spread it very well; yet I had not the Shelter of a Hill to keep me from Storms, nor a Cave b ­ ehind me to retreat into, when the Rains ­were extraordinary. About the Beginning of August, as I said, I had finish’d my Bower, and began to enjoy my self.720 The third of August, I found the Grapes I had hung up w ­ ere perfectly dry’d, and indeed,721 ­were excellent good Raisins of the Sun; so I began to take them down from the Trees, and it was very happy that I did so; for the Rains which follow’d would have spoil’d them, and I had lost the best Part of my Winter Food; for I had above two hundred large Bunches of them. No sooner had I taken them all down, and carry’d most of them Home to my Cave, but it began to rain, and from hence, which was the ­fourteenth of August, it rain’d more or less, ­every Day, till the M ­ iddle722 of October; and sometimes so violently, that I could not stir out of my Cave for several Days. In this Season I was much surpriz’d with the Increase of my ­Family; I had been concern’d for the Loss of one of my Cats, who run away from me, or as I thought had been dead, and I heard no more Tale or Tidings of her, till to my Astonishment she came Home about the End of August, with three Kittens;723 this was the more strange to me, b ­ ecause tho’ I had kill’d a wild Cat, as I call’d it, with my Gun; yet I thought it was a quite differing Kind from our Eu­ro­pe­an Cats; yet the young Cats ­were the same Kind of House breed like the old one; and both my Cats being Females, I thought it very strange: But from t­ hese three Cats, I afterwards came to be so pester’d with Cats that I was forc’d to kill them like Vermine,724 or wild Beasts, and to drive them from my House as much as pos­si­ble. From the f­ ourteenth of August to the twenty sixth, incessant Rain, so that I could not stir, and was now very careful not to be much wet. In this Confinement I began to be straitned for Food, but venturing out twice, I one Day kill’d a Goat, and the last Day, which was the twenty sixth, found a very large Tortoise, which was a Treat to me, and my Food was regulated thus; I eat a Bunch of Raisins for my Breakfast, * Country-­House] In his discussion of the gardens and country ­houses of Surrey, in his Tour (1:152), one h ­ ouse bears some striking resemblances to Crusoe’s, the ­house called Deaden and owned by a member of the Howard f­amily. It had a tunnel that led to a vineyard and, most significantly, was surrounded by a “Green Wall” of trees. The ­house was in the area of Dorking where Defoe went to school and which he knew thoroughly.

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a Piece of the Goat’s Flesh, or of the Turtle for my Dinner broil’d; for to my g­ reat Misfortune, I had no Vessel to boil or stew any Th ­ ing; and two or three of the Turtle’s Eggs for my Supper. During this Confinement in my Cover,725 by the Rain, I work’d daily two or three Hours at enlarging my Cave, and by Degrees work’d it on ­towards one Side, till I came to the Out–­Side726 of the Hill, and made a Door or Way out, which came beyond my Fence or Wall, and so I came in and out this Way; but I was not perfectly easy at lying so open; for as I had manag’d my self 727 before, I was in a perfect Enclosure, whereas now I thought I lay expos’d, and open for any ­Thing to come in upon me; and yet I could not perceive that ­t here was any living ­Thing to fear, the biggest Creature that I had yet seen upon the Island being a Goat. September the thirtieth, I was now come to the unhappy Anniversary of my Landing. I cast up the Notches on my Post, and found I had been on Shore three hundred and sixty five Days. I kept this Day as a Solemn Fast,* setting it apart to Religious Exercise, prostrating my self 728 on the Ground with the most serious Humiliation, confessing my Sins to God, acknowledging his Righ­teous Judgments upon me, and praying to him to have Mercy on me, through Jesus Christ; and having not tasted the least Refreshment for twelve Hours, even till the g­ oing down of the Sun, I then eat a Bisket Cake,729 and a Bunch of Grapes, and went to Bed, finishing the Day as I began it. I had all this Time observ’d no Sabbath–­Day; for as at first I had no Sense of Religion upon my Mind, I had a­ fter some Time omitted to distinguish the Weeks, by making a longer Notch than ordinary for the Sabbath–­Day, and so did not ­really know what any of the Days ­were; but now having cast up the Days, as above, I found I had been t­here a Year; so I divided it into Weeks, and set apart e­ very seventh Day for a Sabbath; though I found at the End of my Account I had lost a Day † or two in my Reckoning. A ­little ­after this my Ink began to fail me, and so I contented my self 730 to use it more sparingly, and to write down only the most remarkable Events of my Life, without continuing a daily Memorandum of other ­Things. The rainy Season, and the dry Season, began now to appear regular to me, and I learn’d731 to divide them so, as to provide for them accordingly. But I bought all my Experience before I had it; and this I am ­going to relate, was one of the most discouraging Experiments that I made at all: I have mention’d that I had sav’d the few Ears of Barley and Rice, which I had so surprizingly found spring up, as I  thought, of themselves, and believe t­here was about thirty Stalks of Rice, and about twenty of Barley; and now I thought it a proper Time to sow it ­after the Rains, the Sun being in its Southern Position ­going from me. * Solemn Fast] Government Proclamations of fast days ­were common enough in Defoe’s Britain. †  lost a Day] This ­w ill mean, among other issues, that the ­f uture naming of Friday for the day on which he arrived cannot have been right.

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Accordingly I dug up a Piece of Ground as well as I could with my wooden Spade, and dividing it into two Parts, I sow’d my Grain; but as I was sowing, it casually occur’d to my Thoughts, That I would not sow it all at first, b ­ ecause I did not know when was the proper Time for it; so I sow’d about two Thirds of the Seed, leaving about a Handful732 of each. It was a ­great Comfort to me afterwards, that I did so, for not one Grain of that I sow’d this Time came to any ­Thing; for the dry Months following, the Earth having had no Rain a­ fter the Seed was sown, it had no Moisture to assist its Growth, and never came up at all, till the wet Season had come again, and then it grew as if it had been but newly sown. Finding my first Seed did not grow, which I easily imagin’d was by the Drought, I fought for a moister Piece of Ground733 to make another Trial in, and I dug up a Piece of Ground near my new Bower, and sow’d the rest of my Seed in February, a ­little before the Vernal Equinox; and this having the rainy Months of March and April to w ­ ater it, sprung up very pleasantly, and yielded a very good Crop; but having Part of the Seed left only, and not daring to sow all that I had, I had but a small Quantity at last, my w ­ hole Crop not amounting to above half a Peck of each kind. But by this Experiment I was made Master of my Business, and knew exactly when the proper Season was to sow; and that I might expect two Seed Times, and two Harvests ­every Year. While this Corn was growing, I made a ­little Discovery which was of use to me afterwards: As734 soon as the Rains w ­ ere over, and the Weather began to s­ ettle, which was about the Month of November, I made a Visit up the Country to my Bower, where though I had not been some Months, yet I found all ­Things just as I left them. The Circle or double Hedge that I had made, was not only firm and entire; but the Stakes which I had cut out of some Trees that grew thereabouts, ­were all shot out and grown with long Branches, as much as a Willow-Tree usually shoots the first Year ­after lopping its Head. I could not tell what Tree to call it, that ­t hese Stakes w ­ ere cut from. I was surpriz’d, and yet very well pleas’d, to see the young Trees grow; and I prun’d them, and led them up to grow as much alike as I could; and it is scarce credible how beautiful a Figure they grew into in three Years; so that though the Hedge made a Circle of about twenty five Yards in Dia­ meter, yet the Trees, for such I might now call them, soon cover’d it; and it was a compleat Shade, sufficient to lodge ­under all the dry Season. This made me resolve to cut some more Stakes, and make me a Hedge like this in a Semicircle round my Wall; I mean that of my first Dwelling, which I did; and placing the Trees or Stakes in a double Row, at about eight Yards distance from my first Fence, they grew presently, and w ­ ere at first a fine Cover to my Habitation, and afterward serv’d for a Defence also, as I s­ hall observe in its Order. I found now, That the Seasons of the Year might generally be divided, not into Summer and Winter, as in Eu­rope; but into the Rainy Seasons, and the Dry Seasons, which ­were generally thus:735

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Half February, Rainy, the Sun being then on, or near the Equinox. March, Half April, Half April, May, June, July, Half August, Half August, September, Half October, Half October, November, December, January, Half February,

Dry, the Sun being then to the North of the Line.

Rainy, the Sun being then come back.

Dry, the Sun being then to the South of the Line.

The Rainy Season sometimes held longer or shorter, as the Winds happen’d to blow; but this was the general Observation I made: A ­ fter I had found by Experience,736 the ill Consequence of being abroad in the Rain.737 I took Care to furnish my self with Provisions before hand, that I might not be oblig’d to go out; and I sat within Doors as much as pos­si­ble during the wet Months. In this Time738 I found much Employment, (and very suitable also to the Time) for I found ­great Occasion of many ­Things which I had no way to furnish my self with, but by hard ­Labour and constant Application; particularly, I try’d many Ways to make my self a Basket, but all the Twigs I could get for the Purpose prov’d so brittle, that they would do nothing. It prov’d of excellent Advantage to me now, That when I was a Boy, I used to take g­ reat Delight in standing at a Basket-­maker’s739 in the Town where my F ­ ather liv’d, to see them make their Wicker–­ware; and being 740 as Boys usually are, very officious to help, and a ­great Observer of the Manner how they work’d t­ hose Th ­ ings, and sometimes lending a Hand, I had by this Means full Knowledge of the Methods of it, that I wanted nothing but the Materials; when it came into my Mind, That the Twigs of that Tree from whence I cut my Stakes that grew, might possibly be as tough as the Sallows,* and Willows, and Osiers† in ­England, and I resolv’d to try. Accordingly the next Day,741 I went to my Country–­House, as I call’d it, and cutting some of the smaller Twigs, I found them to my Purpose as much as I could desire; whereupon I came the next Time prepar’d with a Hatchet to cut down a Quantity, which I soon found, for t­ here was g­ reat Plenty of them; t­ hese I set up to dry within my * Sallows] A broad-­leaved species of willow. †  Osiers] Any variety of willow used for making baskets. Defoe is being redundant. All of the trees named ­were va­ri­e­ties of willows.

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Circle or Hedge, and when they ­were fit for Use, I carry’d742 them to my Cave, and ­here during the next Season,743 I employ’d my self in making, as well as I could, a ­great many Baskets, both to carry Earth, or to carry or lay up any ­Thing as I had occasion; and tho’ I did not finish them very handsomly, yet I made them sufficiently ser­viceable for my Purpose; and thus afterwards I took Care never to be without them; and as my Wicker–­ware decay’d, I made more, especially, I made strong deep Baskets to place my Corn in, instead of Sacks, when I should come to have any Quantity of it. Having master’d this Difficulty, and employ’d a World of Time about it, I bestirr’d744 my self to see if pos­si­ble how to supply two Wants: I had no Vessels to hold any ­Thing that was Liquid, except two Runlets which ­were almost full of Rum, and some Glass-­Bottles,745 some of the common Size, and o ­ thers which ­were Case-­ Bottles-­Square,746 for the holding of W ­ aters, Spirits, &c. I had not so much as a Pot to boil any Th ­ ing, except a g­ reat ­Kettle, which I sav’d out of the Ship, and which was too big for such Use as I desir’d it, viz. To make747 Broth, and stew a Bit of Meat by it self. The Second ­Thing I would fain have had, was a Tobacco–­Pipe; but it was impossible to me to make one, however,748 I found a Contrivance for that too at last. I employ’d my self 749 in Planting my Second Rows of Stakes or Piles and in this Wicker working all the Summer, or dry Season, when another Business took me up more Time than it could be imagin’d I could spare. I mention’d before, That I had a g­ reat Mind to see the w ­ hole Island, and that I had travell’d up the Brook, and so on to where I built my Bower, and where I had an Opening quite to the Sea on the other Side of the Island; I now resolv’d to travel quite Cross750 to the Sea–­Shore on that Side; so taking my Gun, a Hatchet, and my Dog, and a larger Quantity of Powder and Shot than usual, with two Bisket Cakes, and a g­ reat Bunch of Raisins in my Pouch for my Store, I began my Journey; when I had pass’d the Vale where my Bower stood as above, I came within View of the Sea, to the West, and it being a very clear Day, I fairly descry’d Land, ­whether an Island or a Continent, I could not tell; but it lay very high, extending from the West, to the W. S. W. at a very ­great Distance; by my Guess it could not be less than Fifteen or Twenty Leagues off.751 I could not tell what Part of the World this might be, other­wise than that I know it must be Part of Amer­i­ca,752 and as I concluded by all my Observations, must be near the Spanish Dominions, and perhaps was all inhabited753 by Savages, where if I should have landed, I had been in a worse Condition than I was now; and therefore I acquiesced in the Dispositions of Providence, which I began now to own, and to believe, order’d ­every ­Thing for the best; I say, I quieted my Mind with this, and left afflicting my self with fruitless754 Wishes of being ­t here. Besides, ­after some Pause upon this Affair, I consider’d, that if this Land was the Spanish Coast, I should certainly, one Time or other, see some Vessel pass or re–­pass one Way or other; but if not, then it was the Savage Coast between the Span­ ish Country and Brasils,* which are indeed the worst of Savages; for they are * Savage Coast . . . ​Brasils] Prob­ably the eastern part of what is t­ oday Venezuela, though Crusoe seems to omit the colonies that formed Guiana.

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Cannibals,* or Men-­eaters, and fail not to murther and devour all the humane Bodies that fall into their Hands. With t­ hese Considerations I walk’d very leisurely forward,755 I found that Side of the Island where I now was,756 much pleasanter than mine, the open or Savanna757 Fields sweet, adorn’d with Flowers and Grass, and full of very fine Woods. I saw Abundance of Parrots, and fain I would have caught one, if pos­si­ble to have kept it to be tame, and taught it to speak to me. I did, a­ fter some Pains taking, catch a young Parrot, for I knock’d it down with a Stick, and having recover’d it, I brought it home; but it was some Years before I could make him speak: However, at last I taught him to call me by my Name very familiarly: But the Accident† that follow’d, tho’ it be a Trifle, w ­ ill be very diverting in its Place. I was exceedingly diverted with this Journey: I found in the low Grounds Hares, as I thought them to be, and Foxes, but they differ’ d greatly from all the other Kinds I had met with; nor could I satisfy my self 758 to eat them, tho’ I kill’d several: But I had no Need759 to be ventrous;‡ for I had no Want of Food, and of that which was very good too; especially ­t hese three Sorts, viz. Goats, Pidgeons, and Turtle or Tortoise;§ which, added to my Grapes, Leaden–­hall Market760¶ could not have furnish’d a T ­ able better than I, in Proportion to the Com­pany; and tho’ my Cafe was deplorable enough, yet I had g­ reat Cause for Thankfulness, that I was not driven to any Extremities for Food; but rather Plenty, even to Dainties. I never travell’d in this Journey above two Miles outright in a Day, or thereabouts; but I took so many Turns and Returns, to see what Discoveries I could make, that I came weary enough to the Place where I resolv’d to sit down for all Night; and then I e­ ither repos’d my self in a Tree, or surrounded my self  761 with a Row of Stakes set upright in the Ground, ­either from one Tree to another, or so as no wild Creature could come at me, without waking me. As soon as I came to the Sea Shore, I was surpriz’d762 to see that I had taken up my Lot on the worst Side763 of the Island; for ­here indeed the Shore was cover’d with innumerable Turtles, whereas on the other Side I had found hut three in a Year and half. H ­ ere was also an infinite Number764 of Fowls, of many Kinds, some * Cannibals] The illustrations of Theodore de Bry, with their scenes of roasting ­human limbs, amid seemingly happy native villages, left no doubt in the Eu­ro­pean imagination that cannibalism was a common practice in the Ca­rib­bean. Henry Pitman feared that he would fall into the hands of cannibals when he escaped from Barbados. See Pitman, Relation of the ­Great Sufferings, 451. †  Accident] Prob­ably the scene in which he is surprised to hear the parrot say his name, when he awakes from sleep in his “Country House.” See below, 168:9–31. ‡  ventrous] Venturous. §  Turtle or Tortoise] Although this dish might indeed claim the right to be considered a delicacy, during the seventeenth ­century, it was common fare to ­t hose living in the Ca­rib­bean. The Moskito Indians w ­ ere often taken along on voyages b ­ ecause of their skill as “strikers” or capturers of sea turtles. See Dampier, New Voyage, 33–35. ¶  Leaden-­hall Market] In his Tour (1:345–347), Defoe listed Leaden Hall Market, with its three-­part structure, among the markets of “ancient standing,” and described the “infinite Quantity of Provisions of all Sorts” to be found ­t here.

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which I had seen, and some which I had not seen of before, and many of them very good Meat; but such as I knew not the Names of, except ­t hose call’d Penguins. I could have shot as many as I pleas’d, but was very sparing of my Powder and Shot; and therefore had more Mind to kill a she Goat,765 if I could, which I could better feed on; and though t­ here ­were many Goats ­here more than on my Side the Island, yet it was with much more Difficulty that I could come near them, the Country being flat and even, and they saw me much sooner than when I was on the Hill. I confess this Side of the Country was much pleasanter than mine, but yet I had not the least Inclination to remove; for as I was fix’d in my Habitation, it became natu­ral to me, and I seem’d all the while I was ­here, to be as it ­were upon a Journey, and from Home: However, I travell’d along the Shore of the Sea, ­towards the East, I suppose about twelve Miles; and the setting up a ­great Pole upon the Shore for a Mark, I concluded I would go Home again; and that the next Journey I took should be on the other Side of the Island, East from my Dwelling, and so round till I came to my Post again: Of which in its Place. I took another Way to come back than that I went, thinking I could easily keep all the Island so much in my View, that I could not miss finding my first Dwelling by viewing the Country; but I found my self mistaken; for being come about two or three Miles, I found my self descended into a very large Valley; but so surrounded with Hills, and t­ hose Hills cover’d766 with Wood, that I could not see which was my Way by any Direction but that of the Sun, nor even then, ­unless I knew very well the Position of the Sun at that Time of the Day. It happen’d767 to my farther Misfortune, That the Weather prov’d hazey for three or four Days, while I was in this Valley; and not being able to see the Sun, I wander’d about very uncomfortably, and at last was oblig’d768 to find out the Sea Side, look for my Post, and come back the same Way I went; and then by easy Journies769 I turn’d Homeward, the Weather being exceeding hot, and my Gun, Ammunition, Hatchet, and other Th ­ ings very heavy. In this Journey my Dog surpriz’d a young Kid, and seiz’d upon it, and I r­ unning in to take hold of it, caught it, and sav’d it alive from the Dog: I had a g­ reat Mind770 to bring it Home if I could; for I had often been musing, ­W hether it might not be pos­si­ble to get a Kid or two, and so raise a Breed of tame Goats, which might supply me when my Powder and Shot should be all spent. I made a Collar to this l­ ittle Creature, and with a String which I made of some Rope–­Yarn, which I always carry’d about me, I led him along, tho’ with some Difficulty, till I came to my Bower, and ­t here I enclos’d him, and left him; for I was very impatient to be at Home, from whence I had been absent above a Month. I cannot express what a Satisfaction it was to me, to come into my old Hutch, and lye down in my Hamock–­Bed: This ­little wandring Journey, without settled Place of Abode, had been so unpleasant to me, that my own House, as I call’d it to my self, was a perfect Settlement to me, compar’d to that; and it rendred771 ­every ­Thing about me so comfortable, that I resolv’d I would never go a ­great Way from it again, while it should be my Lot to stay on the Island.

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I repos’d my self h ­ ere a Week, to rest and regale my self a­ fter my long Journey; during which, most of the Time was taken up in the weighty Affair of making a Cage for my Poll, who began now to be a meer Domestick,* and to be mighty well acquainted with me. Then I began to think of the poor Kid, which I had penn’d in within my ­little Circle, and resolv’d to go and fetch it Home, or give it some Food; accordingly I went, and found it where I left it; for indeed it could not get out, but almost772 starv’d for want of Food: I went and cut Bows of Trees, and Branches of such Shrubs as I could find, and threw it over, and having fed it, I ty’d it as I did before, to lead it away; but it was so tame with being hungry, that I had no need to have ty’d it; for it follow’d me like a Dog; and as I continually fed it, the Creature became so loving, so gentle, and so fond, that it became773 from that Time one of my Domesticks also, and would never leave me afterwards. The rainy Season of the Autumnal Equinox was now come, and I kept the 30th of Sept.774 in the same solemn Manner as before, being the Anniversary of my Landing on the Island, having now been t­ here two Years, and no more Prospect of being deliver’d,775 than the first Day I came t­ here. I spent the ­whole Day in ­humble and thankful Acknowl­edgments of the many wonderful Mercies which my Solitary Condition was attended with, and without which it might have been infinitely more miserable. I gave h ­ umble and hearty Thanks that God had been pleas’d776 to discover to me, even that it was pos­si­ble I might be more happy in this Solitary Condition, than I should have been in a Liberty of Society,† and in all the Pleasures of the World. That He777 could fully make up to me, the Deficiencies of my Solitary State, and the want of Humane Society778 by his Presence, and the Communications of his Grace to my Soul, supporting, comforting, and encouraging me to depend upon his Providence h ­ ere, and hope for his Eternal Presence hereafter. It was now that I began sensibly to feel how much more happy this Life I now led was, with all its miserable Circumstances, than the wicked, cursed, abominable Life I led all the past Part of my Days; and now I chang’d779 both my Sorrows and my Joys; my very Desires alter’d, my Affections chang’d780 their Gusts,‡ and my Delights ­were perfectly new, from what they ­were at my first Coming, or indeed for the two Years past. Before, as I walk’d about, e­ ither on my Hunting, or for viewing the Country,781 the Anguish of my Soul at my Condition, would break out upon me on a sudden, and my very Heart would die within me, to think of the Woods, the Mountains, the Desarts I was in; and how I was a Prisoner lock’d up with the Eternal Bars and * a meer Domestic] A member of the ­house­hold. OED quotes this passage for a “domestic animal.” †  Liberty of Society] Juxtaposed against “all the Pleasures of the World,” the liberty to which Crusoe refers may have some suggestion of license and libertinism. Defoe was fond of quoting his own line: “Restraint from ill is freedom to the Wise,” and, on the island, Crusoe is ­f ree from a number of the sins of society. ‡  my Affections chang’d their Gusts] Crusoe is saying roughly: what I liked and disliked w ­ ere transformed by my new, spiritual state. Crusoe may be punning on “Gusts” as both desires and the winds of passion to which he refers in the following passage as a “Storm” (133).

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Bolts of the Ocean,* in an uninhabited Wilderness, without Redemption:782 In the midst of the greatest Composures of my Mind, this would break out upon me like a Storm, and make me wring my Hands, and weep like a Child: Sometimes it would take me in the m ­ iddle of my Work, and I would immediately sit down and sigh, and look upon the Ground for an Hour or two together; and this was still worse to me; for if I could burst out into Tears, or vent my self by Words, it would go off, and the Grief having exhausted it self 783 would abate. But now I began to exercise my self with new Thoughts; I daily read the Word of God, and apply’d all the Comforts of it to my pre­sent State: One Morning being very sad, I open’d the Bible upon ­t hese Words, I ­will never, never leave thee, nor forsake thee;† immediately it occurr’d, That t­ hese Words w ­ ere to me, Why e­ lse should they be directed in such a Manner, just at the Moment when I was mourning over my Condition, as one forsaken of God and Man? Well then, said I, if God does not forsake me, of what ill Consequence can it be, or what ­matters it, though the World should all forsake me, seeing on the other Hand, if I had all the World, and should lose the Favour and Blessing of God, t­ here wou’d be no Comparison in the Loss.784‡ From this Moment I began to conclude in my Mind, That it was pos­si­ble for me to be more happy in this forsaken Solitary Condition,785 than it was probable I should ever have been in any other Par­tic­u ­lar State786 in the World; and with this Thought I was ­going to give Thanks to God for bringing me to this Place. I know not what it was, but something shock’d my Mind at that Thought, and I durst not speak the Words: How canst thou be such a Hypocrite, (said I, even audibly) to pretend to be thankful for a Condition, which however thou may’st endeavour to be contented with, thou would’st rather pray heartily to be deliver’d from; so I stopp’d t­ here: But though I could not say, I thank’d God for being t­ here; yet I sincerely gave Thanks to God for opening my Eyes, by what­ever afflicting Providences, to see the former Condition of my Life, and to mourn for my Wickedness, and repent. I never open’d the Bible, or shut it, but my very Soul within me,787 bless’d God for directing my Friend in ­England, without any Order of mine, to pack it up among my Goods; and for assisting me afterwards to save it out of the Wreck of the Ship. Thus, and in this Disposition of Mind, I began my third Year: and tho’ I have not given the Reader the Trou­ble of so par­tic­u­lar Account of my Works this Year as the first; yet in General788 it may be observ’d, That I was very seldom idle; but * the Eternal Bars and Bolts of the Ocean] This image of the island as a prison is contrasted with the possibility of happiness in a solitary state. It is clear that Defoe establishes this paradox deliberately, and it became a forceful modern complex of ideas that plays about the benefits of escaping society. If Montaigne provided the notion of an inner isolation, the possibilities of the island myth lies with Defoe. †  I ­will never, never leave thee, nor forsake thee] Joshua 1.5. The context of the passage is that of a promised land that Joshua was about to enter. ‡  World . . . ​Loss] An allusion to the words of Jesus in Mark 8.36; and with some variation, Matthew 16.26 and Luke 9.25: “For what s­ hall it profit a man, if he ­shall gain the ­whole world and lose his own soul?”

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having regularly divided my Time, according to the several daily Employments that ­were before me, such as, First, My Duty to God, and the Reading the Scriptures, which I constantly set apart some Time for thrice ­every Day. Secondly, The g­ oing Abroad789 with my Gun for Food, which generally took me up three Hours in ­every Morning, when it did not rain.790 Thirdly, The ordering, curing, preserving, and cooking what I had kill’d or catch’d for my Supply; t­ hese took up ­great Part of the Day; also791 it is to be considered that the m ­ iddle of the Day when the Sun was in the Zenith, the Vio­lence of the Heat was too ­great to stir out; so that about four Hours in the Eve­ning was all the Time I could be suppos’d to work in; with792 this Exception, That sometimes I chang’d my Hours of Hunting and Working, and went to Work in the793 Morning, and Abroad with my Gun in the After­noon. To this short Time allow’d for L ­ abour, I desire may be added the exceeding Laboriousness of my Work; the many Hours which for want of Tools, want of Help, and want of Skill; ­every ­Thing I did, took up out of my Time: For Example, I was full two and forty Days making me a Board for a long Shelf, which I wanted in my Cave; whereas two Sawyers with their Tools, and a Saw–­Pit,* would have cut six of them out of the same Tree in half a Day. My Case was this,794 It was to be a large Tree, which was to be cut down, b ­ ecause my Board was to be a broad one. This Tree I was three Days a cutting down, and two more cutting off the Bows, and reducing it to a Log, or Piece795 of Timber. With inexpressible hacking and hewing I reduc’d both the Sides of it into Chips, till it begun to be light enough to move; then I turn’d it, and made one Side of it smooth, and flat,796 as a Board from End to End; then turning that Side797 downward, cut the other Side,798 till I brought the Plank to be about three Inches thick, and smooth on both Sides.799 Any one may judge the L ­ abour of my Hands in such a Piece of Work;800 but ­Labour and Patience carry’d me through that and many other ­Things: I only observe this in Par­tic­u ­lar,801 to shew, The Reason why so much of my Time went away with so l­ ittle Work, viz. That what might be a l­ ittle to be done with Help and Tools, was a vast L ­ abour, and requir’d a prodigious Time to do alone, and by hand. But notwithstanding this, with Patience and L ­ abour I went through many ­Things; and indeed e­ very Th ­ ing that my Circumstances made necessary to me to do, as w ­ ill appear by what follows. I was now, in the Months of November and December, expecting my Crop of Barley and Rice. The Ground I had manur’d or dug up for them was not ­great; for * Sawyers . . . ​Saw-­Pit] Defoe evokes a scene from a lumberyard in which the top sawyer and the bottom sawyer in the pit below combine to saw the tree trunk. It is an example of successful teamwork in production, just what the solitary Crusoe cannot manage. The subsequent image of the difficulty of making a board evokes the benefits of cooperation and the use of “Tools,” the product of h ­ uman ingenuity, in all forms of manufacturing. If Karl Marx, in arguing against ­t hose who tended to turn Crusoe’s island into a natu­ral utopia, pointed to the hours of h ­ uman l­abor contained in what tools Crusoe managed to salvage from the wreck, he would have had no disagreement from Defoe.

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as I observ’d, my Seed of each was not above the Quantity of half a Peck; for I had lost one ­whole Crop by sowing in the dry Season; but now my Crop promis’d very well, when on a sudden I found I was in Danger of losing it all again by Enemies of several Sorts, which it was scarce pos­si­ble to keep from it; as First, The Goats,802 and wild Creatures which I call’d Hares, who tasting the Sweetness of the Blade, lay in it Night and Day, as soon as it came up, and eat it so close, that it could get no Time to shoot up into Stalk. This I saw no Remedy for,803 but by making an Enclosure about it with a Hedge, which I did with a g­ reat deal of Toil; and the more, b ­ ecause it requir’d Speed. However, as my Arable Land was but small, suited to my Crop, I got it totally well fenc’d,804 in about three Weeks Time; and shooting some of the Creatures in the Day Time,805 I set my Dog to guard it in the Night, tying him up to a Stake at the Gate, where he would stand and bark all Night long; so in a l­ittle Time the Enemies forsook the Place, and the Corn grew very strong, and well, and began to ripen apace. But as the Beasts ruined me before, while my Corn was in the Blade; so the Birds ­were as likely to ruin806 me now, when it was in the Ear; for g­ oing along by the Place to see how it throve, I saw my l­ittle Crop surrounded with Fowls of I know not how many sorts,807 who stood as it w ­ ere watching till I should be gone: I immediately let fly among them (for I always had my Gun with me) I had no sooner shot, but ­t here ­rose up a ­little808 Cloud of Fowls, which I had not seen at all, from among the Corn it self. This touch’d me sensibly, for I foresaw, that in a few Days they would devour all my Hopes, that I should be starv’d, and never be able to raise a Crop at all, and what to do I could not tell: However I809 resolv’d not to lose810 my Corn, if pos­si­ ble, tho’ I should watch it Night and Day. In the first Place, I went among it to see what Damage was already done, and found they had spoil’d a good deal of it, but that as it was yet too Green811 for them, the Loss was not so ­g reat, but that the Remainder was like to be a good Crop if it could be sav’d. I staid by it to load my Gun, and then coming away I could easily see the Thieves sitting upon all the Trees about me, as if they only waited till I was gone away, and the Event proved it to be so; for as I walk’d off as if I was gone, I was no sooner out of their sight,812 but they dropt down one by one into the Corn again. I was so provok’d that I could not have Patience to stay till more came on, knowing that ­every Grain that they eat now, was, as it might be said, a Peck–­loaf* to me in the Consequence; but coming up to the Hedge, I fir’d again, and kill’d three of them. This was what I wish’d for; so I took them up, and serv’d them as we serve notorious Thieves in ­England, (viz.) hang’d813 them in Chains for a Terror to ­others; it814 is impossible to imagine almost, that this should have such an Effect, as it had; for the Fowls wou’d not only not come at the Corn, but in short they forsook all that Part of the Island, and I could never see a Bird near the Place as long as my Scare–­ Crows hung t­ here. * Peck-­loaf] A mea­sure of grain equal to two gallons.

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This I was very glad of, you may be sure, and about the latter end of December, which was our second Harvest of the Year, I reap’d my Crop. I was sadly put to it for a Scythe or a Sickle815 to cut it down, I and all I could do was to make one as well as I could out of one of the Broad Swords or Cutlasses, which I sav’d among the Arms out of the Ship. However, as my first Crop was but small I had no ­great Difficulty to cut it down; in short, I reap’d it my Way, for I cut nothing off but the Ears, and carry’d it away in a ­great Basket which I had made, and so rubb’d it out with my Hands; and at the End of all my Harvesting, I found that out of my half Peck of Seed, I had near two Bushels* of Rice, and above two Bushels and half of Barley, that is to say, by my Guess, for I had no Mea­sure at that time. However, this was a ­great Encouragement to me, and I foresaw that in time, it wou’d please God to supply me with Bread: And yet h ­ ere I was perplex’d again, for I neither knew how to grind or make Meal of my Corn, or indeed how to clean it and part it; nor if made into Meal, how to make Bread of it, and if how to make it, yet I knew not how to bake it; ­t hese ­t hings being added to my Desire of having a good Quantity for Store,816 and to secure a constant Supply, I resolv’d not to taste any of this Crop but to preserve it all for Seed against† the next Season, and in the mean time to employ all my Study and Hours of Working817 to accomplish this ­great Work of Providing my self with Corn and Bread.‡ It might be truly said, that now I work’d for my Bread; ’tis818 a ­little wonderful, and what I believe few ­People have thought much upon, (viz.) the strange multitude819 of ­little ­Things necessary in the Providing, Producing, Curing, Dressing, Making and Finishing820 this one Article of Bread. I that was reduced to a meer State of Nature,§ found this to my daily Discouragement, and was made more and more sensible of it e­ very Hour, even a­ fter I had got the first Handful of Seed-­Corn, which, as I have said, came up unexpectedly, and indeed to a surprize. First, I had no Plow to turn up the Earth, no Spade or Shovel to dig it. Well, this I conquer’d, by making a wooden Spade, as I observ’d before; but this did my Work in but a wooden manner, and tho’ it cost me a ­great many Days to make it, yet for want of Iron it not only wore out the sooner, but made my Work the harder,821 and made it be perform’d much worse. However this822 I bore with, and was content to work it out with Patience, and bear with the badness of the Per­for­mance. When the Corn was sow’d, I had no Harrow, but was forced to go over it my self and drag a g­ reat heavy Bough of a Tree over it, to Scratch it, as it may be call’d, rather than Rake or Harrow it.823 * Bushels] A bushel is equal to four pecks or eight gallons. †  against] In preparation for. ‡  Providing . . . ​Bread] For this passage as an economic allegory, see Novak, Economics and the Fiction, 49–66. §  meer State of Nature] For a general discussion of this idea, see Novak, Defoe and the Nature of Man (London: Oxford University Press, 1963), passim.

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When it was growing and grown, I have observ’d already, how many t­ hings824 I wanted, to Fence it, Secure it, Mow or Reap it, Cure and Carry it Home, Thrash, Part it from the Chaff, and Save it. Then I wanted a Mill to Grind it,825 Sieves to Dress it,826* Yeast and Salt to make it into Bread, and an Oven to bake it,827 and yet all ­these ­things I did without, as ­shall be observ’d; and yet the Corn was an in estimable Comfort and Advantage to me too. All this, as I said, made ­every ­thing laborious and tedious to me, but that ­there was no help for;828 neither was my time so much Loss to me, ­because as I had divided it, a certain Part of it was ­every Day appointed to t­ hese Works; and as I resolv’d to use none of the Corn for Bread till I had a greater Quantity by me, I had the next six Months to apply my self wholly by ­Labour and Invention to furnish my self with Utensils proper for the performing all the Operations necessary for the making the Corn (when I had it) fit for my use. But first, I was to prepare more Land, for I had now Seed enough to sow above an Acre of Ground. Before I did this, I had a Week’s–­work at least829 to make me a Spade, which when it was done was but a sorry one indeed, and very heavy, and requir’d double L ­ abour to work with it; however I went thro’ that, and sow’d my Seed in two large flat Pieces of Ground, as near my House as I could find them to my Mind, and fenc’d them in with a good Hedge, the Stakes of which w ­ ere all cut of that Wood which I had set before, and knew it would grow, so that in one Year’s time I knew I should have a Quick or Living–­Hedge, that would want but ­little Repair. This Work was not so ­little as to take me up less than three Months, ­because ­great Part of that time was of the wet Season, when I could not go a broad. Within Doors, that is, when it rained, and I could not go out, I found Employment on the following Occasions; always observing, that all the while I was at work I diverted my self with talking to my Parrot, and teaching him to speak,830 and I quickly learn’d him to know his own Name, and at last to speak it out pretty loud P O L L, which was the first Word I ever heard spoken in the Island by any Mouth but my own. This therefore was not my Work, but an assistant to my Work, for now, as I said, I had a g­ reat Employment upon my Hands, as follows, (viz.) I had long study’d831 by some Means or other, to make my self some Earthen Vessels, which indeed I wanted sorely, but knew not where to come at them: However, considering the Heat of the Climate, I did not doubt but if I could find out any such Clay, I might botch up some such Pot, as might, being dry’d in the Sun, be hard enough, and strong enough to bear ­handling, and to hold any ­Thing that was dry, and requir’d to be kept so; and as this was necessary in the preparing Corn, Meal, &c. which was the ­Thing I was upon, I resolv’d to make some as large as I could, and fit only to stand like Jarrs to hold what should be put into them. It would make the Reader pity me, or rather laugh at me, to tell how many awkward ways832 I took to raise this Paste, what odd mishapen ugly t­hings I made, how many of them fell in, and how many fell out, the Clay not being stiff enough to bear its own Weight; how many crack’d by the over violent Heat of the Sun, being * to Dress it] To sift flour in the pro­cess of removing impurities. See OED.

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set out too hastily; and how many fell in pieces with only removing, as well before as ­after they ­were dry’d; and in a word, how ­after having ­labour’d833 hard to find the Clay, to dig it, to temper it,* to bring it home and work it; I could834 not make above two large earthern835 ugly t­ hings, I cannot call them Jarrs, in about two Months ­Labour. However, as the Sun bak’d t­ hese Two,836 very dry and hard, I lifted them very ­gently up, and set them down again in two ­great Wicker–­Baskets837 which I had made on purpose for them, that they might not break,838 and as between the Pot and the Basket ­t here was a ­little room to spare, I stuff’d it full of the Rice and Barley Straw, and t­ hese two Pots being to stand always dry, I thought would hold my dry Corn, and perhaps the Meal, when the Corn was bruised. Tho’ I miscarried so much in my Design for large Pots, yet I made several smaller ­t hings with better Success,839 such as l­ittle round Pots, flat Dishes, Pitchers and Pipkins,† and any t­ hings my Hand turn’d to, and the Heat of the Sun bak’d them strangely hard. But all this would not answer my End, which was to get an earthen Pot to hold what was Liquid, and bear the Fire, which none of ­these could do. It happen’d ­after some time, making a pretty large Fire for cooking my Meat, when I went to put it out ­after I had done with it, I found a broken Piece of one of my Earthen–­ware Vessels in the Fire, burnt as hard as a Stone, and red as a Tile. I was agreeably surpriz’d840 to see it, and said to my self, that certainly they might be made to burn ­whole841 if they would burn broken. This set me to studying how to order my Fire, so as to make it burn me some Pots.842 I had no Notion of a Kiln, such as the Potters burn in, or of glazing them843 with Lead, tho’ I had some Lead to do it with; but I plac’d three large Pipkins, and two or three Pots in a Pile one upon another, and plac’d my Fire–­wood all round it with a g­ reat Heap of Embers u ­ nder them, I ply’d the Fire with fresh Fuel round the out–­side, and upon the top, till I saw the Pots in the inside red hot quite thro’, and observ’d that they did not crack at all; when I saw them clear red, I let them stand in that Heat about 5 or 6 Hours, till I found844 one of them, tho’ it did not crack, did melt or run, for the Sand which was mixed with the Clay melted by the vio­lence of the Heat, and would have run into Glass if I had gone on, so I slack’d my Fire gradually845 till the Pots began to abate of the red Colour, and watching them all Night, that I might not let the Fire abate too fast, in the Morning I had three very good, I ­will not say handsome846 Pipkins; and two other Earthen Pots, as hard burnt as cou’d be desir’d; and one of them perfectly glaz’d with the ­Running of the Sand. ­After this Experiment, I need not say that I wanted no sort of Earthen Ware for my Use; but I must needs say, as to the Shapes of them, they w ­ ere very indifferent, * Clay . . . ​to temper it] Defoe’s brick and pantile works at Tilbury Fort was one of his more successful enterprises. If the items found by William Lee ­were indeed the product of Defoe’s factory, it produced a variety of clay products including pipes. See William Lee, Daniel Defoe: His Life and Recently Discovered Writings, 3 vols. (London: John Hotten, 1869), 1:32. †  Pipkins] Small clay pots.

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as any one may suppose, when I had no way of making them; but as the C ­ hildren 847 848 make Dirt–­Pies, or as a W ­ oman would make Pies, that never learn’d to raise Past. No Joy at a ­Th ing of so mean a Nature was ever equal to mine, when I found I had made an Earthen Pot that would bear the Fire; and I had hardly Patience to stay till they w ­ ere cold, before I set one upon the Fire again, with some W ­ ater in it, to boil me some Meat, which it did admirably well; and with a Piece of a Kid,849 I made some very good Broth, though I wanted Oatmeal, and several other Ingredients,850 requisite to make it so good as I would have had it been. My next Concern was, to get me a Stone Mortar,851 to stamp or beat some Corn in; for as to the Mill, ­t here was no thought at arriving to that Perfection of Art, with one Pair of Hands. To supply this Want I was at a g­ reat Loss; for of all Trades in the World I was as perfectly unqualify’d for a Stone–­cutter,852 as for any what­ever; neither had I any Tools to go about it with. I spent many a Day to find out a ­great Stone big enough to cut hollow, and make fit for a Mortar, and could find none at all; except what was in the solid Rock, and which I had no way to dig or cut out; nor indeed ­were the Rocks in the Island of Hardness sufficient, but ­were all of a sandy crumbling Stone, which neither would bear the Weight of a heavy Pestle, or would break the Corn without filling it with Sand; so ­a fter a ­great deal of Time lost in searching for a Stone, I gave it over, and resolv’d to look out for a ­great Block of hard Wood, which I found indeed much easier; and getting one as big as I had Strength to stir, I rounded it, and form’d it in the Out-­ side853 with my Axe and Hatchet, and then with the Help of Fire, and infinite ­Labour, made a hollow Place in it, as the Indians in Brasil make their Canoes.* ­A fter this, I made a g­ reat heavy Pestle or Beater, of the Wood call’d the Iron–­ Wood,854 and this I prepar’d and laid by against I had my next Crop of Corn, when I propos’d to my self, to grind, or rather pound855 my Corn into Meal to make my Bread. My next Difficulty was to make a Sieve, or Search,† to dress‡ my Meal, and to part it from the Bran, and the Husk, without which I did not see it pos­si­ble I could have any Bread. This was a most difficult ­Thing, so much as but to think on; for to be sure I had nothing like the necessary ­Thing856 to make it; I mean fine thin Canvas, or Stuff,857 to search the Meal through. And ­here I was at a full Stop for many Months; nor did I ­really know what to do; Linnen I had none left, but what was meer Rags; I had Goats Hair, but neither knew I how to weave it, or spin it; and had I known how, h ­ ere was no Tools to work it with; all the Remedy that I found for this, was, That at last I did remember I had among the Seamens Cloaths which ­were sav’d out of the Ship, some Neckcloths of Callicoe,858 or Muslin; and with * Indians in Brasil . . . ​Canoes] For a discussion of this method of making canoes or periaguas, see John Esquemeling [sometimes Alexander Exquemeling], The Buccaneers of Amer­i­ca (London: Routledge, 1925), 92, 231. †  Search] Usually spelled searce, it is properly presented as equivalent to a sieve. See OED. ‡  dress] In the general sense of preparing but also used specifically for the task described by Crusoe, cleansing the grain from the chaff. See OED.

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some pieces of t­ hese. I made three small Sieves, but proper enough for the Work; and thus I made shift for some Years; how I did afterwards, I s­ hall shew in its Place.* The baking Part was the next Th ­ ing to be consider’d, and how I should make Bread when I came to have Corn; for first I had no Yeast; as to that Part, as t­ here was no supplying the Want, so I did not concern my self much about it: But for an Oven, I was indeed in g­ reat Pain; at length I found out an Experiment for that also, which was this; I made some Earthen Vessels very broad, but not deep; that is to say, about two Foot Dia­meter, and not above nine Inches deep; ­t hese I burnt in the Fire, as I had done the other, and laid them by; and when I wanted to bake, I made a ­great Fire upon my Hearth, which I had pav’d with some square Tiles of my own making, and burning also; but I should not call them square. When the Fire–­wood was burnt pretty much into Embers, or live Coals, I drew them forward upon this Hearth, so as to cover it all over, and ­t here I let them lye, till the Hearth was very hot,859 then sweeping away all the Embers, I set down my Loaf, or Loaves, and whelming† down the Earthen Pot upon them, drew the Embers all round the Out–­side of the Pot, to keep in, and add to the Heat; and thus, as well as in the best Oven in the World, I bak’d my Barley Loaves, and became in l­ittle Time a meer‡ Pastry–­Cook into the Bargain; for I made my self several Cakes of the Rice, and Puddings; indeed I made no Pies, neither had I any ­Th ing to put into them, supposing I had, except the Flesh ­either of Fowls or Goats. It need not be wondered 860 at, if all ­t hese ­T hings took me up most Part of the third Year of my Abode h ­ ere; for it is to be observ’d, That in the Intervals of ­t hese ­Things, I had my new Harvest and Husbandry to manage; for I reap’d my Corn in its Season, and carry’d861 it Home as well as I could, and laid it up in the Ear, in my large Baskets, till I had Time to rub it out; for I had no Floor to thrash it on, or Instrument to thrash it with. And now indeed my Stock of Corn increasing, I ­really wanted to build my Barns bigger.862 I wanted a Place to lay it up in; for the Increase of the Corn now yielded me so much, that I had of the Barley about twenty Bushels, and of the Rice863 as much, or more; insomuch, that now I resolv’d to begin to use it freely; for my Bread had been quite gone a g­ reat while; Also I resolved to see what Quantity would be sufficient for me a ­whole Year, and to sow but once a Year. Upon the ­whole, I found that the forty Bushels of Barley and Rice, was much more than I could consume in a Year; so I resolv’d to sow just the same Quantity ­every Year, that I sow’d864 the last, in Hopes865 that such a Quantity would fully provide me with Bread, &c. * As Crowley suggests, this is “one of several instances in which Crusoe forecasts ­f uture incidents which fail to unfold,” though, unlike several other episodes that are prefigured in the text, it is difficult to see how an improved sieve would have involved anything adventurous. See Crowley, Robinson Crusoe, 313. †  whelming] “To cover (a ­t hing) by turning a vessel, ­etc. upside down over it.” The OED classifies this usage as e­ ither obsolete or dialect. ‡  meer Fate] Defoe uses “meer” as we might use the words “essential” or “basic.”

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All the while ­these ­Things ­were ­doing, you may be sure my Thoughts run many times upon the Prospect of Land which I had seen from the other Side of the Island, and I was not without secret Wishes that I w ­ ere on Shore ­t here, fancying the seeing the main Land, and in an inhabited Country,866 I might find some Way or other to convey my self farther, and perhaps at last find some Means of Escape. But all this while I made no Allowance for the Dangers of such a Condition, and how I might fall into the Hands of Savages, and perhaps such as I might have Reason to think far worse than the Lions and Tigers of Africa.* That if I once came into their Power, I should run a H ­ azard more than a thousand to one867 of being kill’d, and perhaps of being eaten; for I had heard that the P ­ eople of the Carribean Coast ­were Canibals, or Man–­eaters;† and I knew by the Latitude868 that I could not be far off from that Shore. That suppose they ­were not Canibals, yet that they might kill me, as many Eu­ro­pe­ans‡ who had fallen into their Hands had been serv’d, even when they had been ten or twenty together; much more I that was but one, and could make ­little or no Defence:869 All t­ hese ­Things, I say, which I ­ought to have consider’d well of, and did cast up in my Thoughts afterwards, yet took up none of my Apprehensions at first; but my Head run mightily upon the Thought of getting over to the Shore. Now I wish’d for my Boy Xury. and the long Boat.870 with the Shoulder of Mutton Sail, with which I sail’d above a thousand Miles on the Coast of Africk; but this was in vain. Then I thought I would go and look at our Ship’s Boat, which, as I have said, was blown up upon the Shore,871 a g­ reat Way in the Storm, when we ­were first cast away. She lay almost where she did at first, but not quite; and was turn’d by the Force of the Waves and the Winds872 almost Bottom upward, against a high Ridge of Beachy § rough Sand; but no ­Water about her as before. If I had had Hands to have refitted her, and to have launch’d her into the ­Water, the Boat would have done well enough, and I might have gone back into the Brasils with her easily enough; but I might have foreseen, That I873 could no more turn her, and set her upright upon her Bottom, than I could remove the Island: However, I went to the Woods, and cut Levers and Rollers, and brought them to the Boat, resolv’d to try what I could do, suggesting to my self, That if I could but turn874 her down, I might easily repair the Damage she had receiv’d,875 and she would be a very good Boat, and I might go to Sea in her very easily. I spar’d no Pains indeed, in this Piece of fruitless Toil, and spent, I think, three or four Weeks about it; at last finding it impossible to heave it up with my l­ittle Strength, I fell to digging away the Sand,876 to undermine it, and so to make it fall down, setting Pieces of Wood to thrust and guide it right in the Fall. * Lions and Tigers of Africa] “Tigers” is used as a general term that might be applied to leopards. †  Canibals, or Man-­eaters] Defoe has Xury make a similar comment about being devoured by cannibals and/or wild beasts. ‡  Eu­ro­pe­ans] See the account of Hans Stade, Captivity, 107. §  Beachy] Loose, water-­worn pebbles of the seashore. See OED.

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But when I had done this, I was unable to stir it up again, or to get u ­ nder it, 877 much less to move it forward, ­towards the ­Water; so I was forc’d to give it over; and yet, though I gave over the Hopes of the Boat, my desire to venture over for the Main* increased, rather than decreased, as the Means for it seem’d impossible. This at length put me upon thinking, W ­ hether it was not pos­si­ble to make my † self a Canoe, or Periagua, such as the Natives of t­ hose Climates make, even without Tools, or, as I might say, without Hands, viz. of the Trunk of a g­ reat Tree. This I not only thought pos­si­ble, but easy, and pleas’d my self extreamly with the Thoughts of making it, and with my having much more Con­ve­nience for it than any of the Negroes or Indians; but not at all considering the par­tic­u ­lar Incon­ve­ niences which I lay ­under, more than the Indians did, viz. Want of Hands‡ to move it, when it was made, into the ­Water,878 a Difficulty much harder for me to surmount, than all the Consequences of Want879 of Tools could be to them; for880 what was it to me, That when I had chosen a vast Tree in the Woods, I might with much Trou­ble cut it down, if ­after I might be able with my Tools to hew and dub§ the Out–­side into the proper Shape of a Boat, and burn or cut out the In–­side881 to make it hollow, so to make a Boat of it:882 If ­after all this, I must leave it just ­t here where I found it, and was not able to launch it into the ­Water. One would have thought, I could not have had the least Reflection upon my Mind of my Circumstance, while I was making this Boat; but I should have immediately thought how I should get it into the Sea; but my Thoughts ­were so intent upon my Voyage over the Sea in it, that I never once consider’d how I should get it off of the Land; and it was r­ eally in its own Nature more easy for me to guide it over forty five Miles of Sea, than about forty five Fathom¶ of Land, where it lay, to set it a float in the ­Water. I went to work upon this Boat,883 the most like a Fool,** that ever Man did, who had any of his Senses awake. I pleas’d my self with the Design, without determining ­whether I was ever able to undertake it; not but that the Difficulty of launching my Boat came often into my Head; but I put a stop to my own Enquiries into it, by this foolish Answer which I gave my self, Let’s first make it, I’ll warrant I’ll find some Way or other to get it along, when ’tis done. This was a most preposterous Method; but the Eagerness of my Fancy prevail’d, and to work I went. I fell’d a Cedar Tree: I question much w ­ hether Solomon ever * Main] The open sea. The OED lists this as now being poetical. †  Periagua] A large canoe made by hollowing out a tree and used by the natives of the Ca­rib­ bean and the Gulf of Mexico. For an account of ­t hese vessels, see above, 144:10–11. ‡  Want of Hands] ­Here as in several other places, Defoe stresses the cooperative nature of economic life. §  dub] To trim or work level and smooth. The OED quotes this passage. ¶  Fathom] As a land mea­sure, roughly equivalent to a yard. ** Fool] The subsequent reference to Solomon and his ­temple suggests that Defoe, who loved to descant upon fools, was thinking of the variety of remarks upon fools in the book of Proverbs, including (12.15) “The way of a fool is right in his own eyes,” and one of Defoe’s favorites (27.22), “Though thou shouldest bray a fool in a mortar among wheat with a pestle, yet ­w ill not his foolishness depart from him.”

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had such a One for the Building of the ­Temple at Jerusalem.* It was five Foot ten Inches Dia­meter at the lower Part next the Stump and four Foot eleven Inches Dia­ meter at the End of twenty two Foot, a­ fter which it lessen’d for a while, and then parted into Branches: It was not without infinite ­L abour that I fell’d this Tree: I was twenty Days hacking and hewing at it at the Bottom. I was fourteen more getting the Branches and Limbs, and the vast spreading Head of it cut off, which I hack’d and hew’d through with Axe and Hatchet, and inexpressible ­Labour: ­After this, it cost me a Month to shape it, and dub it to a Proportion, and to something like the Bottom of a Boat, that it might swim upright as it o ­ ught to do. It 884 cost me near three Months more to clear the In-­side, and work it out so, as to make an exact Boat of it: This I did indeed without Fire, by meer Malett885 and Chissel, and by the dint of hard ­Labour, till I had brought it to be a very handsome Periagua, and big enough to have carry’d886 six and twenty Men, and consequently big enough to have carry’d887 me and all my Cargo. When I had gone through this Work, I was extremely delighted with it. The Boat was r­ eally much bigger than I ever saw a Canoe, or Periagua, that was made of one Tree, in my Life. Many a weary Stroke it had cost, you may be sure; and ­t here remain’d888 nothing but to get it into the W ­ ater; and had I gotten it into the W ­ ater, I make no question889 but I should have began the maddest Voyage, and the most unlikely to be perform’d, that ever was undertaken. But all my Devices to get it into the ­Water fail’d me; tho’890 they cost me infinite ­Labour too. It lay about one hundred Yards from the ­Water, and not more: But the first Incon­ve­nience was, it was up Hill ­towards the Creek; well, to take away this Discouragement, I resolv’d to dig into the Surface of the Earth, and so make a Declivity:891 This I begun, and it cost me a prodigious deal of Pains; but who grutches892† Pains, that have their Deliverance in View?893 But when this was work’d through, and this Difficulty manag’d, it was still much at one; for I could no more stir the Canoe, than I could the other Boat. Then I measur’d the Distance of Ground, and resolv’d to cut a Dock, or Canal, to bring the W ­ ater up to the Canoe, seeing I could not bring the Canoe down to the ­Water: Well, I began this Work, and when I began to enter into it, and calculate how deep it was to be dug, how broad, how the Stuff to be thrown out, I found, That by the Number894 of Hands I had, being none but my own, it must have been ten or twelve Years before I should have gone through with it; for the Shore lay high, so that at the upper End, it must have been at least twenty Foot Deep;895 so at length, tho’ with ­g reat Reluctancy, I gave this Attempt over also. This griev’d me heartily, and now I saw, tho’ too late, the Folly of beginning a Work before we count the Cost;896 and before we judge rightly of our own Strength to go through with it. * Solomon . . . ​Jerusalem] The cedars for the T ­ emple ­were to be floated from Lebanon by sea in contrast to Crusoe’s tree, which he cannot bring to the ocean. See 1 Kings 5.6ff. †  grutches] A variant spelling for grudges.

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In the ­middle of this Work, I finish’d my fourth Year in this Place, and kept my Anniversary with the same Devotion, and with as much Comfort as ever before; for by a constant Study, and serious Application of the Word of God, and by the Assistance of his Grace, I gain’d a dif­fer­ent Knowledge from what I had before. I entertain’d dif­fer­ent Notions of ­Things. I look’d now upon the World as a ­Thing remote, which I had nothing to do with, no Expectation from, and indeed no Desires about: In a Word, I had nothing indeed to do with it, nor was ever like to have; so I thought it look’d as we may perhaps look upon it a­ fter, viz. as a Place I had liv’d897 in, but was come out of it; and well might I say, as ­Father Abraham* to Dives, Between me and thee is a ­great Gulph fix’d.898 In the first Place, I was remov’d899 from all the Wickedness of the World h ­ ere.900 I had neither the Lust of the Flesh, the Lust of the Eye, or the Pride of Life.† I had nothing to covet; for I had all that I was now capable of enjoying: I was Lord of the w ­ hole Manor;901 or if I pleas’d, I might call my self King, or Emperor over the w ­ hole Country which I had Possession of. ­There ­were no Rivals.902 I had no Competitor, none to dispute Sovereignty or Command with me. I might have rais’d Ship Loadings of Corn; but I had no use for it; so I let as ­little row as I thought enough for my Occasion. I had Tortoise or Turtles enough; but now and then one,903 was as much as I could put to any use. I had Timber enough to have built a Fleet of Ships. I had Grapes enough to have made Wine, or to have cur’d into Raisins, to have loaded that Fleet,904 when they had been built. But all I could make use of, was, All that was valuable. I had enough to eat, and to supply my Wants, and, what was all the rest to me? If I kill’d more Flesh than I could eat, the Dog must eat it, or the Vermin. If I sow’d more Corn than I could eat, it must be spoil’d. The Trees that I cut down, ­were lying to rot on the Ground.905 I could make no more use of them than for Fewel;906 and that I had no Occasion for, but to dress my Food. In a Word, The Nature and Experience of ­Things dictated to me upon just Reflec­ ings of this World, are no farther good to us, than tion, That907 all the good Th ‡ they are for our Use; and that what­ever we may heap up indeed to give ­others, we enjoy just as much as we can use, and no more. The most covetous griping Miser in the World would have been cur’d908 of the Vice of Covetousness, if he had been in my Case; for I possess’d909 infinitely more than I knew what to do with. I had *­  ­Father Abraham . . . ​fi x’d] Luke 16.26. †  Lust of the Flesh . . . ​Pride of Life] See the First Epistle General of John 2.16. Crusoe follows John in suggesting that such t­ hings belong to the “world” and are not “of the ­Father.” ‡  all the good ­Things of the World . . . ​no Use] One pos­si­ble source for this homily is John Locke’s Two Treatises of Government, in which he develops the ­labor theory of value in terms of what may be enjoyed and used, and he employs the concept of a time before the invention of money. Locke suggests that acquiring more than might be needed would be futile. The invention of money and precious gems created a value that was fanciful but had the benefit of being relatively permanent. Yet neither gold nor diamonds would have any use value on the island. Such a notion was not entirely radical, though it comes through to Crusoe with the feeling of a discovery. As an economic theory, mercantilism, during the late seventeenth c­ entury, gradually moved away from fetishizing gold. See Locke, Two Treatises, 308–313 (paras. 31–37); and Eli Heckscher, Mercantilism, trans. Mendel Shapiro, 2 vols. (London: Allen, 1935), 2:189–259.

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no room for Desire, except it was of Th ­ ings which I had not, and they w ­ ere but 910 Trifles, though indeed of ­great Use to me. I had, as I hinted before, a Parcel of Money, as well Gold as Silver, about thirty six Pounds Sterling: Alas! Th ­ ere911 the nasty sorry useless Stuff lay; I had no manner of Business for it; and I often thought with my self, That I912 would have given a Handful of it for a Gross of Tobacco–­ Pipes, or for a Hand–­Mill to grind my Corn; nay, I would have given it all for Sixpenny–­worth of Turnip and Carrot Seed out of ­England, or for a Handful of Pease* and Beans, and a ­Bottle of Ink: As it was, I had not the least Advantage by it, or Benefit from it; but ­t here it lay in a Drawer, and grew mouldy with the Damp of the Cave, in the wet Season; and if I had had the Drawer full of Diamonds, it had been the same Case; and they had been of no manner of Value to me, b ­ ecause of no Use. I had now brought my State of Life to be much easier in it self than it was at first, and much easier to my Mind, as well as to my Body. I frequently sat down to my Meat with Thankfulness, and admir’d913 the Hand of God’s Providence, which had thus spread my T ­ able in the Wilderness.† I learn’d914 to look more upon the bright Side of my Condition, and less upon the dark Side; and to consider what I enjoy’d, rather than what I wanted; and this gave me sometimes such secret Comforts, that I cannot express them; and which I take Notice of ­here, to put ­t hose discontented ­People in Mind of it, who cannot enjoy comfortably what God has given them; b ­ ecause they see, and covet something that he has not given them: All our Discontents about what we want, appear’d915 to me, to spring from the Want of Thankfulness for what we have.‡ Another Reflection was of ­great Use to me, and doubtless would be so to any one that should fall into such Distress as mine was; and this was, To compare916 my pre­sent Condition with what I at first expected it should be; nay, with what it would certainly have been, if the good Providence of God had not wonderfully order’d917 the Ship to be cast up nearer to the Shore, where I not only could come at her, but could bring what I got out of her to the Shore, for my Relief and Comfort; without which, I had wanted for Tools to work,§ Weapons for Defence, or Gun–­ Powder and Shot for getting my Food. I spent ­whole Hours, I may say ­whole Days, in representing to my self in the most lively Colours, how I must have acted, if I had got nothing out of the Ship. How 918 I could not have so much as got any Food, except Fish and Turtles; and that as it was long before I found any of them, I must have perish’d first. That919 I should have liv’d, if I had not perish’d, like a meer Savage.920 That if I had kill’d a Goat, or a Fowl, by any Contrivance, I had no way to flea¶ or open them, or part * Pease] A common older spelling for peas. †­  ­Table in the Wilderness] A biblical allusion. See especially Isaiah 51.13 and Psalms 78.19. ‡  For a biblical call to contentment, see 1 Timothy 6.6–8. §  Tools to work] For the importance of the tools, the products of hours of h ­ uman ­labor, see Karl Marx, Capital, ed. Samuel Moore and Edward Aveling (London: Allen and Unwin, 1949), 47–50. See also above, the note to 135:10–11. ¶  flea] Variant spelling of flay.

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the Flesh from the Skin,921 and the Bowels, or to cut it up; but must gnaw it with my Teeth, and pull it with my Claws like a Beast.* ­These Reflections made me very sensible of the Goodness of Providence to me, and very thankful for my pre­sent Condition, with all its Hardships and Misfortunes: And this Part also I cannot but recommend to the Reflection of ­t hose, who are apt in their Misery 922 to say, Is any Affliction like mine! Let them consider, How much worse the Cases of some ­People are, and their Case might have been, if Providence had thought fit. I had another Reflection which assisted me also to comfort my Mind with Hopes; and this was, comparing my pre­sent Condition with what I had deserv’d, and had therefore Reason to expect from the Hand of Providence. I had liv’d a dreadful Life, perfectly destitute of the Knowledge and Fear of God. I had been well instructed by ­Father and ­Mother; neither had they been wanting to me, in their early Endeavours, to infuse a religious Awe of God into my Mind, a Sense of my Duty, and of what the Nature and End of my Being,923 requir’d of me. But alas! falling early into the Seafaring924 Life, which of all the Lives is the most destitute of the Fear of God, though his Terrors are always before them; I say, falling early into the Sea–­faring Life, and into Seafaring Com­pany, all that ­little Sense of Religion which I had entertain’d,925 was laugh’d out of me by my Mess–­Mates, by a harden’d despising of Dangers;926 and the Views of Death, which grew habitual to me;927 by my long Absence from all Manner928 of Opportunities to converse with any ­t hing929 but what was like my self, or to hear any ­t hing930 that was good, or tended ­towards it. So void was I of e­ very Th ­ ing that was good, or of the least Sense of what I was, or was to be, that in the greatest Deliverances I enjoy’d, such as my Escape from Sallé;931 my being taken up by the Portuguese Master of the Ship; my being planted so well in the Brasils; my receiving the Cargo from ­England, and the like; I never had once the Word Thank God, so much as on my Mind, or in my Mouth; nor in the greatest Distress, had I so much as a Thought to pray to him, or so much as to ­ nless it was say, Lord have Mercy upon me; no nor to mention the Name of God, u to swear by, and blaspheme it. I had terrible Reflections upon my Mind for many Months, as I have already observ’d, on the Account of my wicked and hardned Life past; and when I look’d about me932 and considered what par­tic­u­lar Providences had attended me since my coming into this Place, and how God had dealt bountifully with me; had not only punished me less than my Iniquity had deserv’d, but had so plentifully provided for me; this gave me ­great hopes933 that my Repentance was accepted, and that God had yet Mercy in store for me. With t­ hese Reflections I work’d my Mind up, not only to Resignation to the ­Will of God in the pre­sent Disposition of my Circumstances; but even to a sin* like a Beast] This passage bears some resemblance to the savage life as described by Martin Frobisher. See Richard Hakluyt, The Princi­ple Navigations, Traffiques and Discoveries of the En­glish Nation, 12 vols. (Glasgow: MacLehose, 1903–1905), 7:224.

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cere Thankfulness for my Condition,934 and that I who was yet a living Man, ­ought not to complain, seeing I had not the due Punishment of my Sins; that I enjoy’d so many Mercies which I had no reason to have expected in that Place; that I ­ought never more to repine at my Condition935 but to rejoyce, and to give daily Thanks for that daily Bread,* which nothing but a Croud936 of Won­ders could have brought. That I ­ought to consider I had been fed even by Miracle, even as g­ reat as that of feeding Elijah by Ravens;† nay, by a long Series of Miracles, and that I could hardly have nam’d a Place in the unhabitable‡ Part of the World where I could have been cast more to my Advantage: A Place, where as I had no Society, which was my Affliction on one Hand, so I found no ravenous Beast, no furious Wolves or Tygers to threaten my Life, no venomous Creatures or poisonous, which I might feed on to my Hurt, no Savages to murther937 and devour me. In a word,938 as my Life was a Life of Sorrow, one way, so it was a Life of Mercy, another; and I wanted nothing to make it a Life of Comfort, but to be able to make my Sence of God’s Goodness to me, and Care over me in this Condition, be my daily Consolation; and ­after I did make a just Improvement of ­t hese ­t hings, I went away and was no more sad. I had now been h ­ ere so long, that many ­Things939 which I brought on Shore for my Help, w ­ ere ­either quite gone, or very much wasted§ and near spent. My Ink, as I observed, had been gone some time, all but a very ­little, which I eek’d out with W ­ ater a ­little and a ­little, till it was so pale it scarce left any Appearance of black upon the Paper: As long as it lasted, I made use of it to minute down the Days of the Month on which any remarkable Th ­ ing happen’d to me, and first by casting up Times past: I remember that t­here was a strange Concurrence of Days,940 in the vari­ous Providences which befel me; and which, if I had been superstitiously inclin’d to observe Days as Fatal or Fortunate, I might have had Reason to have look’d upon with a g­ reat deal of Curiosity. First I had observed, that the same Day that I broke away from my ­Father and my Friends, and run away to Hull, in order to go to Sea; the same Day afterwards I was taken by the Sallé Man of War,941 and made a Slave The same Day of the Year that I escaped out of the Wreck of that Ship in Yar­ mouth Roads,942 that same Day–­Year afterwards I made my escape from Sallé in the Boat.943 The same Day of the Year I was born on (viz.) the 30th of September,¶ that same Day,944 I had my Life so miraculously saved 26 Year ­after,945** when I was cast on * daily Bread] An allusion to the “Lord’s Prayer,” Matthew 6.11 and Luke 11.2–4. †  feeding Elijah by Ravens] See 1 Kings 17.4–6. ‡  unhabitable] Uninhabited. §  wasted] Worn out, deteriorated. ¶  30th of September] Some biographers have taken this to be Defoe’s own birthday. See, for example, Frank Bastian, Defoe’s Early Life (London: Macmillan, 1981), 8. ** 26 Year a­ fter] Crusoe was actually twenty-­seven years old when he was shipwrecked on his island.

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Shore in this Island, so that my wicked Life,946 and my solitary Life begun both on a Day.

The next Th ­ ing to my Ink’s947 being wasted, was that of my Bread, I mean the Bisket which I brought out of the Ship,948 this I had husbanded to the last degree,949 allowing my self but one Cake of Bread a Day for above a Year, and yet I was quite without Bread for near a Year before I got any Corn of my own, and g­ reat Reason I had to be thankful that I had any at all, the getting it being, as has been already observed, next to miraculous. My Cloaths began to decay too mightily: As to Linnen, I had had none a good while, except some chequer’d950 Shirts which I found in the Chests of the other Seamen, and which I carefully preserved,951 ­because many times I could bear no other Cloaths on but a Shirt; and it was a very g­ reat help to me that I had among all the Men’s Cloaths of the Ship almost three dozen of Shirts. Th ­ ere w ­ ere also several thick Watch Coats952 of the Seamens, which ­were left indeed, but they ­were too hot to wear; and tho’ it is true, that the Weather was so violent hot, that ­there was no need of Cloaths, yet I could not go quite naked; no, tho’ I had been inclin’d to it, which I was not, nor could not abide the thoughts953 of it, tho’ I was all alone. The Reason why I could not go quite naked, was, I could not bear the heat of the Sun954 so well when quite naked, as with some Cloaths on; nay, the very Heat frequently blistered955 my Skin; whereas with a Shirt on, the Air itself made some Motion, and whistling ­under that Shirt956 was twofold cooler than without it: No more could I ever bring my self957 to go out in the heat of the Sun, without a Cap or a Hat; the heat of the Sun beating958 with such Vio­lence as it does in that Place, would give me the Headach presently, by darting so directly on my Head, without a Cap or Hat on, so959 that I could not bear it,960 whereas, if I put on my Hat, it would presently go away. Upon t­ hose Views I began to consider about putting the few Rags I had, which I call’d Cloaths, into some Order;961 I had worn out all the Wastcoats I had, and my Business was now to try if I could not make Jackets out of the g­ reat Watch–­ Coats* which I had by me, and with such other Materials as I had, so I set to Work a Tayloring,962 or rather indeed a Botching, for I made most piteous Work of it. However, I made shift to make two or three new Wastcoats,† which I hoped wou’d963 serve me a g­ reat while; as for Breeches or Drawers, I made but a very sorry shift indeed, till afterward. I have mentioned that I saved the Skins of all the Creatures that I kill’d,964 I mean four–­footed ones, and I had hung them up stretch’ d out with Sticks in the Sun, by which means some of them w ­ ere so dry and hard that they w ­ ere fit for l­ittle, but ­others it seems w ­ ere very useful. The first t­ hing I made of t­ hese was a ­great Cap for * Watch-­coats] Not recorded by the OED, but heavy coats used by ­t hose keeping watch on the exposed deck or on the masts of a ship. †  Wastcoats] Usually waistcoats. Garments worn next to the skin or a small jacket.

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my Head, with the Hair on the out Side965 to shoor* off the Rain; and this I perform’d so well, that a­ fter this I made me a Suit of Cloaths wholly of ­t hese Skins, that is to say, a Wastcoat, and Breeches open at Knees, and both loose, for they ­were rather wanting† to keep me cool than to keep me warm. I must not omit to acknowledge that they ­were wretchedly made; for if I was a bad Carpenter, I was a worse Tay­ lor.966 However, they w ­ ere such as I made very good shift with; and when I was abroad, if it happen’d to rain, the Hair of my Wastcoat and Cap being outermost, I was kept very dry. ­A fter this I spent a g­ reat deal of Time and Pains to make me an Umbrella;‡ I was indeed in ­great want of one, and had a ­great Mind967 to make one; I had seen them made in the Brasils, where they are very useful in the ­g reat Heats which are ­t here.968 And I felt the Heats ­every jot as ­great ­here, and greater too, being nearer the Equinox;§ besides, as I was oblig’d969 to be much abroad, it was a most useful t­ hing to me, as well for the Rains as the Heats. I took a world of Pains at it, and was a ­great while before I could make any ­t hing likely to hold; nay, a­ fter I thought I had hit the Way, I spoil’d 2 or 3 before I made one to my Mind; but at last I made one that answer’d970 indifferently well; The main Difficulty I found was to make it to let down. I could make it to spread, but if it did not let down too, and draw in, it was not portable for me any Way but just over my Head, which wou’d not do. However,971 at last, as I said, I made one to answer, and covered it with Skins, the Hair upwards, so that it cast off the Rains like a Pent­house,¶ and kept off 972 the Sun so effectually, that I could walk out in the hottest of the Weather with greater Advantage than I could before in the coolest, and when I had no need of it, cou’d973 close it and carry it ­under my Arm. Thus I liv’d974 mighty comfortably, my Mind being entirely composed by resigning to the W ­ ill of God, and throwing my self wholly upon the Disposal of his Providence. This made my Life better than sociable,975 for when I began to regret the want of Conversation, I would ask my self ­whether thus conversing mutually with my own Thoughts, and, as I hope I may say, with even God himself by Ejaculations, was not better than the utmost Enjoyment of humane976 Society in the World. I cannot say that ­after this, for five Years, any extraordinary ­t hing977 happened to me, but I liv’d on in the same Course, in the same Posture and Place, just as before; the chief ­t hings978 I was employ’d in, besides my yearly ­Labour of planting my Barley and Rice, and curing my Raisins, of both which I always kept up just enough to have sufficient Stock of one Year’s Provisions beforehand. I say,979 besides * shoor] ­Either a form of shower or a typographical error for shoot. On p. 176, in the “scetch” of his appearance, Crusoe speaks of his hat as being useful “to shoot the Rain off from ­running into my Neck.” † wanting] Needed. ‡  Umbrella] The word came into En­glish from Italy in the seventeenth ­century to describe the Italians’ use of this instrument. In Italy it was employed mainly to keep off the sun, but in ­England its usefulness for the rain became apparent. See OED. §  Equinox] Equator. ¶  a Pent­house] Any protective structure, usually with a slanted roof. The OED quotes this passage.

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this yearly L ­ abour, and my daily L ­ abour of g­ oing out with my Gun, I had one ­Labour to make me a Canoe, which at last I finished.980 So that by digging a Canal to it of six Foot wide, and four Foot deep, I brought it into the Creek, almost half a Mile. As for the first, which was so vastly big, as I made it without considering before–­hand, as I o ­ ught to do, how I should be able to launch it; so never being able to bring it to the ­Water, or bring the ­Water to it, I was oblig’d to let it lye where it was, as a Memorandum to teach me to be wiser next Time: Indeed, the next Time, tho’ I could not get a Tree proper for it, and in a Place where I could not get the ­Water to it, at any less Distance,981 than as I have said, near half a Mile; yet as I saw it was practicable at last, I never gave it over; and though I was near two Years about it, yet I never grutch’d my ­Labour, in Hopes of having a Boat to go off to Sea at last. However, though my ­little Periagua982 was finish’d; yet the Size of it was not at all answerable to the Design which I had in View, when I made the first; I mean, Of venturing over to the Terra Firma, where it was above forty Miles broad; accordingly, the Smallness of my Boat assisted to put an End to that Design, and now I thought no more of it: But as I had a Boat, my next Design was to make a Tour round the Island; for as I had been on the other Side, in one Place, crossing as I have already describ’d it, over the Land; so the Discoveries I made in that ­little Journey, made me very e­ ager to see other Parts of the Coast; and now I had a Boat, I thought of nothing but sailing round the Island. For this Purpose, that I might do e­ very Th ­ ing with Discretion* and Consideration, I fitted up a l­ ittle Mast to my Boat, and made a Sail to it, out of some of the Pieces of the Ship’s Sail, which lay in store; and of which I had a ­great Stock by me. Having fitted my Mast and Sail, and try’d the Boat, I found she would sail very well: Then I made l­ ittle Lockers, or Boxes, at e­ ither End of my Boat, to put Provisions, Necessaries and Ammunition, &c. into, to be kept dry, ­either from Rain, or the Sprye† of the Sea; and a l­ittle long hollow Place I cut in the In-­side983 of the Boat, where I could lay my Gun, making a Flap to hang down over it to keep it dry. I fix’d my Umbrella also in a Step‡ at the Stern, like a Mast, to stand over my Head, and keep the Heat of the Sun off of me like an Auning; and thus I e­ very now and then took a l­ittle Voyage upon the Sea, but never went far out, nor far from the l­ ittle Creek; but at last being ­eager to view the Circumference of my ­little Kingdom, I resolv’d upon my Tour, and accordingly I victuall’d my Ship for the Voyage, putting in two Dozen of my Loaves (Cakes I should rather call them) of Barley Bread, an Earthen Pot full of parch’d Rice, a Food I eat a ­great deal of, a ­little ­Bottle of Rum, half a Goat, and Powder and Shot for killing more, and two large Watch–­ coats, of ­those which, as I mention’d before, I had sav’d out of the Seamen’s Chests; ­t hese I took, one to lye upon, and the other to cover me in the Night. It was the sixth of November, in the sixth Year of my Reign, or my Captivity, which you please, That I set out on this Voyage, and I found it much longer than * Discretion] A word with strong biblical echoes. See, for example, Proverbs 1.4. †  Sprye] Spray. ‡  Step] “A block of wood fixed on the decks or bottom of a ship and having a hole in its upper side fitted to receive the heel of a mast or capsten.” Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 279.

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I expected; for though the Island it self was not very large, yet when I came to the East Side of it, I found a ­great Ledge of Rocks lye out above two Leagues into the Sea, some above W ­ ater, some ­under it; and beyond that, a Shoal of Sand, lying dry half a League more; so that I was oblig’d to go a ­great Way out to Sea to double the Point. When first I discover’d them, I was ­going to give over my Enterprise, and come back again, not knowing how far it might oblige me to go out to Sea; and above all, doubting how I should get back again; so I came to an Anchor;984 for I had made me a kind of an Anchor with a Piece of a broken Graplin,* which I got out of the Ship. Having secur’d my Boat, I took my Gun, and went on Shore, climbing up upon a Hill, which seem’d to overlook985 that Point, where I saw the full Extent of it, and resolv’d to venture. In my viewing the Sea from that Hill where I stood, I perceiv’d986 a strong, and indeed, a most furious Current, which run to the East, and even came close to the Point; and I took the more Notice of it, ­because I saw ­t here might be some Danger;987 that when I came into it, I might be carry’d out to Sea by the Strength of it, and not be able to make the Island again; and indeed, had I not gotten first up upon this Hill, I believe it would have been so; for ­t here was the same Current on the other Side the Island, only, that it set off at a farther Distance; and I saw ­t here was a strong Eddy † ­under the Shore; so I had nothing to do but to get in out of the first Current, and I should presently be in an Eddy. I lay ­here, however, two Days; ­because the Wind blowing pretty fresh at E.S.E. and that being just contrary to the said Current, made a g­ reat Breach of the Sea upon the Point; so that it was not safe for me to keep too close to the Shore for the Breach, nor to go too far off b ­ ecause of the Stream. The third Day in the Morning, the Wind having abated over Night, the Sea was calm, and I ventur’d; but I am a warning Piece again,988 to all rash and ignorant Pi­lots; for no sooner was I come to the Point, when even I was not my Boat’s Length from the Shore, but I found my self in a ­great Depth of ­Water, and a Current like the Sluice of a Mill: It carry’d my Boat along with it with such Vio­lence, That all989 I could do, could not keep her so much as on the Edge of it; but I found it hurry’d me farther and farther out from the Eddy, which was on my left Hand.990 ­There was no Wind stirring to help me, and all I could do with my Paddlers signify’d nothing,991 and now I began to give my self over for lost; for as the Current was on both Sides the Island, I knew in a few Leagues Distance they must joyn again, and then I was irrecoverably gone; nor did I see any Possibility of avoiding it; so that I had no Prospect before me but of Perishing; not by the Sea, for that was calm enough, but of starving for Hunger. I had indeed found a Tortoise on the Shore, as big almost as I could lift, and had toss’d it into the Boat; and I had a ­great Jar of fresh W ­ ater, that is to say, one of my Earthen Pots; but what was all this to being * Graplin] “A sort of small anchor fitted with four or five flushes or claws.” Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 140. †  Eddy] ­Water ­running contrary to the direction of a regular current, possibly producing a whirl­pool. Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 104.

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driven into the vast Ocean, where to be sure, ­t here was no Shore, no main Land, or Island, for a thousand Leagues at least. And now I saw how easy it was for the Providence of God to make the most miserable Condition Mankind could be in, worse.992 Now I look’d back upon my desolate solitary Island, as the most pleasant Place in the World, and all the Happiness my Heart could wish for, was to be but t­ here again. I stretch’d out my Hands to it with ­eager Wishes. O happy Desart, said I, I s­ hall never see thee more. O miserable Creature, said I, w ­ hether993 am I g­ oing: Then994 I reproach’d my self with my unthankful Temper, and how I had repin’d at my solitary Condition; and now what would I give to be on Shore ­t here again. Thus we never see the true State of our Condition, till it is illustrated to us by its Contraries; nor know how to value what we enjoy, but by the want of it. It is scarce pos­si­ble to imagine the Consternation I was now in, being driven from my beloved Island (for so it appear’d995 to me now to be) into the wide Ocean, almost two Leagues, and in the utmost Despair of ever recovering it again. However, I work’d hard, till indeed my Strength was almost exhausted, and kept my Boat as much to the Northward, that is, ­towards the Side of the Current which the Eddy lay on, as possibly I could; when about Noon, as the Sun pass’d the Meridian,* I thought I felt a l­ittle Breeze of Wind in my Face, springing up from the S. S. E. This chear’d my Heart a ­little, and especially when in about half an Hour more, it blew a pretty small gentle Gale. By this Time I was gotten at a frightful Distance from the Island, and had the least Cloud or haizy Weather interven’d, I had been undone another Way too; for I had no Compass on Board, and should never have known how to have steer’d996 ­towards the Island, if I had but once lost Sight of it; but the Weather continuing clear, I apply’d my self to get up my Mast again, spread my Sail, standing away to the North,997 as much as pos­si­ble, to get out of the Current. Just as I had set my Mast and Sail, and the Boat began to stretch away, I saw even by the Clearness of the ­Water, some Alteration of the Current was near; for where the Current was so strong, the W ­ ater was foul; but perceiving the ­Water clear, I found the Current abate, and presently I found to the East, at about half a Mile, a Breach of the Sea upon some Rocks; t­ hese Rocks I found caus’d the Current to part again, and as the main Stress998 of it ran away more Southerly, leaving the Rocks to the North–­East; so the other return’d by the Repulse of the Rocks, and made a strong Eddy, which run back again to the North–­West, with999 a very sharp Stream. They who know what it is to have a Reprieve brought to them upon the Ladder,† or to be rescued from Thieves just a ­going to murther1000 them, or, who have been in such like Extremities, may guess what my pre­sent Surprise1001 of Joy was, and how gladly I put my Boat into the Stream of this Eddy, and the Wind also fresh* Meridian] The meridian is an imaginary circle around the poles of the earth. When the sun is at the center of the meridian, it is noon. Chambers, Cyclopedia, 2:sig. 6O2v. †  upon the Ladder] ­Here referring to the ladder used to mount the gallows. See Jonathan Swift, A Tale of a Tub, ed. A. C. Guthkelch and D. Nichol Smith (Oxford: Clarendon, 1920), 58–59.

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ning, how gladly I spread my Sail to it, ­running chearfully before the Wind, and with a strong Tide or Eddy u ­ nder Foot.1002 1003 This Eddy carry’d me about a League in my Way back again directly ­towards the Island, but about two Leagues more to the Northward than the Current which carried1004 me away at first; so that when I came near the Island, I found my self open to the Northern Shore of it, that is to say, the other End of the Island opposite to that which I went out from. When I had made something more than a League of Way by the help of this Current or Eddy, I found it was spent and serv’d me no farther. However, I found1005 that being between the two g­ reat Currents, (viz.) that on the South Side which had hurried me away, and that on the North which lay about a League on the other Side. I say1006 between t­ hese two, in the wake1007 of the Island, I found the W ­ ater at least still and r­ unning no Way,1008 and having still a Breeze of Wind fair for me, I kept on steering directly for the Island, tho’ not making such fresh Way as I did before. About four a–­Clock 1009 in the Eve­ning, being then within about a League of the Island, I found the Point of the Rocks which occasioned this Disaster, stretching out, as is describ’d before to1010 the Southward, and casting off the Current more Southwardly, had of Course1011 made another Eddy to the North, and this I found very strong, but not directly setting the Way my Course lay1012 which was due West, but almost full North. However1013 having a fresh Gale, I stretch’d a–­cross this Eddy slanting North–­west, and in about an Hour came within about a Mile of the Shore, where it being smooth W ­ ater, I soon got to Land. When I was on Shore I fell on my Knees and gave God Thanks for my Deliverance, resolving to lay aside all Thoughts of my Deliverance by my Boat,1014 and refreshing my self with such ­Things as I had, I brought my Boat close to the Shore in a ­little Cove that I had spy’d ­under some Trees, and lay’d me down to sleep, being quite spent with the L ­ abour and Fatigue of the Voyage. I was now at a ­great Loss which Way to get Home with my Boat, I had run so much ­Hazard, and knew too much the Case to think of attempting it by the Way I went out,1015 and what might be at the other Side (I mean the West Side) I knew not, nor had I any Mind to run any more Ventures; so I only resolved in the Morning to make my Way Westward along the Shore1016 and to see if t­ here was no Creek where I might lay up my Frigate in Safety, so as to have her again if I wanted her; in about three Mile or thereabout1017 coasting the Shore, I came to a very good Inlet or Bay about a Mile over, which narrowed till it came to a very l­ittle Rivulet or Brook, where I found a very con­ve­nient Harbour for my Boat1018 and where she lay as if she had been in a l­ittle Dock made on Purpose1019 for her. H ­ ere I put in, and having stow’d my Boat very safe, I went on Shore to look about me1020 and see where I was. I soon found I had but a l­ ittle past1021 by the Place where I had been before, when I travell’d on Foot to that Shore; so taking nothing out of my Boat, but my Gun and my Umbrella, for it was exceeding hot, I began my March:1022 The Way was comfortable enough a­ fter such a Voyage as I had been upon, and I reach’d my old

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Bower in the Eve­ning, where I found ­every ­t hing standing as I left it; for I always kept it in good Order, being, as I said before, my Country House.1023 I got over the Fence, and laid me down in the Shade to rest my Limbs;1024 for I was very weary, and fell asleep: But judge you, if you can, that read my Story, what a Surprize I must be in, when I was wak’d out of my Sleep by a Voice calling me by my Name several times, Robin, Robin, Robin Crusoe, poor Robin Crusoe,1025* where are you Robin-­Crusoe? Where are you? Where have you been? I was so dead asleep at first, being fatigu’d with Rowing, or Paddling, as it is call’d, the first Part of the Day, and with walking1026 the latter Part, that I did not wake thoroughly,1027 but dozing between sleeping and waking, thought I dream’d that some Body1028 spoke to me: But as the Voice continu’d to repeat,1029 Robin Cru­ soe, Robin Crusoe, at last I began to wake more perfectly, and was at first dreadfully frighted, and started up in the utmost Consternation: But no sooner w ­ ere my † 1030 Eyes open, but I saw my Poll sitting on the Top of the Hedge; and immediately knew that it was he that spoke to me; for just in such bemoaning Language I had used to talk to him, and teach him; and he had learn’d it so perfectly, that he would sit upon my Fin­ger, and lay his Bill close to my Face, and cry, Poor Robin Crusoe, Where are you? Where have you been? How come you h ­ ere? And such1031 ­t hings as I had taught him. However, even though I knew it was the Parrot, and that indeed it could be no Body1032 ­else, it was a good while before I could compose my self: First, I was amazed how the Creature got thither, and then,1033 how he should just keep about the Place, and no where e­ lse: But as I was well satisfied it could be no Body1034 but honest Poll, I got it over; and holding out my Hand, and calling him by his Name Poll, the sociable Creature came to me, and sat upon my Thumb, as he used to do, and continu’d1035 talking to me, Poor Robin Crusoe, and how did I come h ­ ere? and where had I been? just as if he had been overjoy’d to see me again; and so I carry’d him Home along with me. I had now had enough of rambling to Sea for some time, and had enough to do for many Days to sit still, and reflect upon the Danger I had been in:1036 I would have been very glad to have had my Boat again on my Side1037 of the Island; but * poor Robin Crusoe] Although the parrot echoes what it has been taught—­Crusoe’s feelings of sadness about his isolation—­the phrase has a certain allusiveness. William Winstanley issued an almanac with the title Poor Robin, and one with this title continued publication into the ­middle of the eigh­teenth ­century. The 1691 edition has him as “Knight of the Burnt-­ Island; a well-­w isher to the Mathematicks.” This almanac appears to have attempted an appeal to the Dissenters and contained a ­table of parallel dates of a kind dear to t­ hose seeking providential parallels. Also having some relevance was the publication of Poor Robin’s Visions (London, 1677), which contained a series of visions, including one of hell and one of “Elizium,” a­ fter Poor Robin falls into a trance. In some sense, Crusoe’s experience with the parrot represents an ­imagined and false vision that parallels the true vision conveyed to him in his dream of the angelic figure with the spear. †  Poll] For some suggestive discussions about the ways in which Poll’s speak fits into the theme of language in Defoe’s novel, see Richard Nash, Wild Enlightenment (Charlottesville: University of V ­ irginia Press, 2003), 91–92, and Eric Jager, “The Language of the Self in Rob­ inson Crusoe,” Eighteenth-­Century Studies 21 (1988): 318–333.

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I knew not how it was practicable to get it about as to the East Side of the Island, which I had gone round;1038 I knew well enough ­t here was no venturing that Way; my very heart1039 would shrink, and my very Blood run chill but to think of it: And as to the other Side of the Island, I did not know how it might be t­ here; but supposing the Current ran with the same Force against the Shore at the East1040 as it pass’d by it on the other, I might run the same Risk of being driven down the Stream, and carry’d by the Island, as I had been before, of being carry’d away from it; so with t­ hese Thoughts I contented my self to be without any Boat, though it had been the Product of so many Months L ­ abour to make it, and of so many more to get it unto the Sea. In this Government of my Temper,* I remain’d near a Year, liv’d a very sedate retir’d1041 Life, as you may well suppose; and my Thoughts being very much composed as to my Condition, and fully comforted in resigning my self to the Dispositions of Providence, I thought I liv’d r­ eally very happily in all t­ hings, except that of Society. I improv’d my self in this time in all the mechanick Exercises which my Necessities put me upon applying my self to, and I believe cou’d, upon Occasion, make1042 a very good Carpenter, especially considering how few Tools I had. Besides this, I arriv’d1043 at an unexpected Perfection in my Earthen Ware, and contriv’d1044 well enough to make them with a Wheel,† which I found infinitely easier and better; ­because I made ­things1045 round and shapable, which before ­were filthy ­t hings indeed1046 to look on. But I think I was never more vain of my own Per­for­mance, or more joyful for any t­ hing1047 I found out, than for my being able to make a Tobacco–­Pipe. And tho’ it was a very ugly clumsy ­t hing,1048 when it was done, and only burnt red like other Earthen Ware, yet as it was hard and firm, and would draw the Smoke, I was exceedingly comforted with it, for1049 I had been always used to smoke, and t­ here ­were Pipes in the Ship, but I forgot them at first, not knowing that t­ here was Tobacco in the Island; and afterwards, when I search’d the Ship again, I could not come at any Pipes at all. In my Wicker Ware also I improved much, and made abundance of necessary Baskets, as well as my Invention shew’d me, tho’ not very handsome,1050 yet they ­were such as ­were very handy and con­ve­nient for my laying ­t hings up in, or fetching ­t hings home1051 in. For Example, if I kill’d a Goat abroad, I could hang it up in a Tree, flea it, and dress it, and cut it in Pieces, and bring it home in a Basket,1052 and the like by a Turtle, I could cut it up, take out the Eggs, and a Piece or two of the Flesh, which was enough for me, and bring them home in a Basket, and leave the rest b ­ ehind me. Also large deep Baskets w ­ ere my Receivers for my Corn, which I always rubb’d out as soon as it was dry, and cured, and kept it in ­great Baskets. I began now to perceive my Powder‡ abated considerably, and this was a Want which it was impossible for me to supply, and I began seriously to consider what * Government of my Temper] For an interpretation of Robinson Crusoe in terms of teaching the control of the passions, see Sill, Cure of the Passions, 86–106. †  Wheel] A potter’s wheel. ‡  Powder] Gunpowder.

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I must do when I should have no more Powder; that is to say, how I should do to kill any Goat. I had, as is observ’d in the third Year of my being h ­ ere, kept a young Kid, and bred her up tame, and I was in hope of getting a He–­Goat, but I could not by any Means1053 bring it to pass, ’till my Kid grew an old Goat; and I could never find in my Heart to kill her, till she dy’d at last of meer Age. But being now in the eleventh Year of my Residence, and, as I have said, my Ammunition growing low, I set my self to study some Art to trap and snare the Goats, to see w ­ hether I could not catch some of them alive, and particularly I wanted a She–­Goat ­great with young.1054 To this Purpose I made Snares to hamper them, and I do believe they w ­ ere more than once taken in them, but my Tackle was not good, for I had no Wire, and I always found them broken, and my Bait devoured. At length I resolv’d1055 to try a Pit–­fall, so I dug several large Pits in the Earth, in Places where I had observ’d 1056 the Goats used to feed, and over t­ hese Pits I plac’d1057 Hurdles* of my own making too, with a g­ reat Weight upon them; and several times I put Ears of Barley,1058 and dry Rice, without setting the Trap,† and I could easily perceive that the Goats had gone in and eaten up the Corn, for I could see the Mark of their Feet. At length I set three Traps in one Night, and ­going the next Morning I found them all standing, and yet the Bait eaten and gone. This was very discouraging. However,1059 I alter’d my Trap, and, not to trou­ble you with Particulars, ­going one Morning to see my Trap, I found in one of them a large old He–­Goat, and in one of the other, three Kids, a Male1060 and two Females. As to the old one, I knew not what to do with him, he was so fierce I durst not go into the Pit to him; that is to say, to go about to bring him away alive, which was what I wanted. I could have kill’d him, but that was not my Business, nor would it answer my End. So I e’en let him out, and he ran away as if he had been frighted out of his Wits: But I had forgot then what I learn’d1061 afterwards, that Hunger ­will tame a Lyon. If I had let him stay t­ here three or four Days without Food, and then have carry’d him some W ­ ater to drink, and then a l­ ittle Corn, he would have been as tame as one of the Kids, for they are mighty sagacious tractable Creatures where they are well used. However, for the pre­sent I let him go, knowing no better at that time; then I went to the three Kids, and taking them one by one, I tyed them with Strings together, and with some Difficulty brought them all home. It was a good while before they wou’d 1062 feed, but throwing them some sweet Corn, it tempted them and 1063 they began to be tame; and now I found that if I expected to supply my self with Goat–­F lesh when I had no Powder or Shot left, breeding some up tame was my only way,1064 when perhaps I might have them about my House like a Flock of Sheep. But then it presently occurr’d to me, that I must keep the tame from the wild,1065 or ­else they would always run wild when they grew up,1066 and the only Way for * Hurdles] Frames made of wood and woven materials. Chambers, Cyclopedia, 1:sig. 5T2. †  Trap] Traps. Uninflected plurals (year for years) w ­ ere common usage in Defoe’s time.

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this was to have some enclosed Piece of Ground, well fenc’d e­ ither with Hedge or Pale, to keep them in so effectually, that t­ hose within might not break out, or t­ hose without break in. This was a ­great Undertaking for one Pair of Hands,1067 yet as I saw ­t here was an absolute Necessity of d ­ oing it, my first Piece of Work was to find out a proper Piece of Ground, viz. where ­t here was likely to be Herbage for them to eat, ­Water for them to drink, and Cover to keep them from the Sun. ­Those who understand such Enclosures w ­ ill think I had very l­ ittle Contrivance,* when I pitch’d upon a Place very proper for all ­t hese, being a plain open Piece of MeadowLand, or1068 Savanna, (as our ­People call it in the Western Colonies,)1069† which had two or three l­ittle Drills‡ of fresh W ­ ater in it, and at one end was very woody.1070 I say they w ­ ill smile at my Forecast, when I s­ hall tell them I began my enclosing of this Piece of Ground in such a manner, that my Hedge or Pale must have been at least two Mile about. Nor was the Madness of it so g­ reat as to the Compass, for if it was ten Mile about I was like to have time enough to do it in. But I did not consider that my Goats would be as wild in so much Compass1071 as if they had had the ­whole Island, and I should have so much Room to chace them in, that I should never catch them. My Hedge was begun and carry’d on, I believe, about fifty Yards, when this Thought occurr’d to me, so I presently stopt short,1072 and for the first1073 beginning I resolv’d to enclose a Piece of about 150 Yards in length, and 100 Yards in breadth, which as it would maintain as many as I should have in any reasonable time, so as my Flock encreased, I could add more Ground to my Enclosure. This was acting with some Prudence, and I went to work with Courage. I was about three Months hedging in the first Piece, and till I had done it I tether’d the three Kids in the best part of it, and us’d§ them to feed as near me as pos­si­ble to make them familiar; and very often I would go and carry them some Ears of Barley, or a handful of Rice, and feed them out of my Hand; so that a­ fter my Enclosure was finished, and I let them loose, they would follow me up and down, bleating ­after me for a handful of Corn. This answer’d my End, and in about a Year and half I had a Flock of about twelve Goats, Kids and all; and in two Years more I had three and forty, besides several that I took and kill’d for my Food. And ­after that I enclosed five several Pieces of Ground to feed them in, with l­ ittle Pens to drive them into, to take them as I wanted, and Gates out of one Piece of Ground into another. But this was not all, for now I not only had Goats Flesh 1074 to feed on when I pleas’d, but Milk too, a ­t hing which indeed in my beginning I did not so much as think of, and which, when it came into my Thoughts, was ­really an agreeable Surprize. For now I set up my Dairy, and had sometimes a Gallon or two of Milk * Contrivance] Understanding or, as the OED suggests, capacity for invention. †  Western Colonies] Britain’s colonies in the West Indies and North Amer­i­ca. ‡  Drills] “A (trickling) runlet or small stream; a rill.” See OED. §  us’d] Accustomed.

Figure 8. ​Crusoe’s ­Family. T. H. Nicholson and Charles William Sheeres (1862). [121]

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in a Day.1075 And as Nature,* who gives Supplies of Food to ­every Creature, dictates even naturally how to make use of it; so I that had never milk’d a Cow,1076† much less a Goat, or seen Butter or Cheese made, very readily and handily, tho’ a­ fter a ­great many Essays and Miscarriages, made me both Butter and Cheese at last, and never wanted it afterwards. How mercifully can our ­great Creator treat his Creatures, even in ­t hose Conditions in which they seem’d to be overwhelm’d in Destruction.1077‡ How can he sweeten the bitterest Providences, and give us Cause to praise him for Dungeons and Prisons.1078 What a ­Table was ­here spread for me in a Wilderness, where I saw nothing at first but to perish for Hunger. It would have made a Stoick§ smile to have seen, me and my l­ ittle ­Family sit down to Dinner; t­ here was my Majesty the Prince and Lord of the w ­ hole Island; I had the Lives of all my Subjects at my absolute Command.¶ I could hang, draw, give Liberty, and take it away, and no Rebels among all my Subjects. Then to see how like a King** I din’d too all alone, attended by my Servants, Poll, as if he had been my Favourite,†† was the only Person1079 permitted to talk to me. * Nature] ­Here as God operating through second ­causes. For examples of this teleological theory of how the world functions, see Defoe’s General History of Trade, no. 1 (London, 1713), 7–11. †  never milk’d a Cow] For a discussion of the urbanization of E ­ ngland and the pleasures to be discovered in a kind of economic primitivism, see Watt, Rise of the Novel, 72. ‡  Creator . . . ​Destruction] Perhaps an allusion to chapters  2 and 4 of the biblical book of Jonah. §  Stoick] Stoicism was a school of philosophy founded by Zeno of Citium (335–263 BCE) The Stoics preached personal control over the emotions, and that might include the avoidance of any tendency ­toward amusement. John Milton, in his Paradise Regained (4:280), mentions the “Stoic severe.” On the other hand, a Stoic would have been pleased by the sight of his ­family b ­ ecause it represented a ­simple and contented life in a setting close to nature. The Stoics believed that only a wise man o ­ ught to rule, hence the possibility of Crusoe as a phi­los­o­ pher king. Defoe was a ­great admirer of the Stoics and devoted considerable space to the painting of the death of the Stoic phi­los­o­pher, Seneca, in his Tour, 2:506–507. For a discussion of the parallel between the Stoic’s vision of the benefit of simplicity and Robinson Crusoe, see Maximillian Novak, “The Wild Man Comes to Tea,” in The Wild Man Within, ed. Edward Dudley and Maximillian Novak (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1972), 201–202. ¶  absolute Command] The irony of this passage is obvious enough. Crusoe imagines himself as an absolute monarch. When he notes that ­t here are “no Rebels” (11) among his “Subjects” (12), he is speaking of a government in which ­t here is no dissent, in other words, the kind of tyranny he attacked in his lengthy poem Jure Divino (London, 1706), esp. bk. 2:19. For the argument that ­t here is a subtext to this picture of an orderly government, see Manuel Schonhorn, Defoe’s Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 141–164. ** like a King] Perhaps a borrowing from the observation of another castaway, the El-ho in Krinke Kesmes, 73: “Now I led the life of a King, and besides had the com­pany of my Dog.” Whereas this is an undeveloped observation in Hendrik Smeek’s work, Defoe uses it as a major motif. Crusoe is closer to Shakespeare’s Prospero, who rules over Ariel, Caliban, Miranda, and a host of spirits, and who plays at being the monarch of his island. ††  alone . . . ​Favourite] Crusoe’s court is very much that of the isolated tyrant who trusts no one, except, perhaps one advisor. That Poll is the only being on the island with the capacity to speak and that, of course, it merely echoes what Crusoe the tyrant has taught him is also part of the pattern. The psychological pattern that Defoe sketched in his Jure Divino, bk. 6, 2–6, is based on the Roman emperor Nero.

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My Dog who was now grown very old and crazy, and had found no Species to multiply his Kind upon, sat always at my Right Hand,1080 and two Cats, one on one Side the ­Table, and one on the other, expecting now and then a Bit from my Hand, as a Mark of special Favour. But ­t hese ­were not the two Cats which I brought on Shore at first, for they ­were both of them dead, and had been interr’d near my Habitation by my own Hand; but one of them having multiply’d by I know not what Kind of Creature, t­ hese ­were two which I had preserv’d tame, whereas the rest run wild in the Woods, and became indeed troublesome1081 to me at last; for they would often come into my House, and plunder me too, till at last I was obliged to shoot them, and did kill a ­g reat many; at length they left me with this Attendance, and in this plentiful Manner I lived; neither could I be said to want any ­t hing but Society, and of that in some time a­ fter this, I was like to have too much. I was something1082 impatient, as I have observ’d, to have the Use of my Boat; though very loath to run any more H ­ azards; and therefore sometimes I sat contriving Ways to get her about the Island, and at other Times I sat my self down contented enough without her. But I had a strange Uneasiness in my Mind to go down to the Point of the Island, where, as I have said, in my last Ramble, I went up the Hill to see how the Shore lay, and how the Current set, that I might see what I had to do: This Inclination encreas’d upon me e­ very Day, and at length I resolv’d to travel thither by Land, following the Edge of the Shore, I did so: But had any one in ­England been to meet such a Man as I was, it must ­either have frighted them, or rais’d a g­ reat deal of Laughter; and as I frequently stood still to look at my self, I could not but smile at the Notion of my travelling through Yorkshire with such an Equipage, and in such a Dress: Be pleas’d to take a Sketch* of my Figure as follows.1083 I had a g­ reat high shapeless Cap, made of a Goat’s Skin, with a Flap hanging down ­behind, as well to keep the Sun from me, as to shoot the Rain off from ­running into my Neck; nothing being so hurtful in ­t hese Climates, as the Rain upon the Flesh ­under the Cloaths. I had a short Jacket of Goat–­Skin, the Skirts coming down to about the m ­ iddle of my Thighs; and a Pair of open–­k nee’d Breeches of the same, the Breeches w ­ ere 1084 made of the Skin of an old He–­goat, whose Hair hung down such a Length on ­either Side, that like Pantaloons†it reach’d to the ­middle of my Legs; Stockings and Shoes I had none, but had made me a Pair of some–­t hings,1085 I scarce know what * Sketch] Crusoe announces his description of himself in terms of a verbal equivalent of a drawing. This sudden objectification of his appearance borders on the grotesque. For a discussion of this in relation to Defoe’s interest in painting, see Maximillian Novak, “Picturing the ­Thing Itself, or Not: Defoe, Painting, Prose Fiction, and the Arts of Describing,” Eigh­ teenth ­Century Fiction 9 (1996): 13–14. †  Pantaloons] A form of trousers sometimes associated with comic figures who wore such a garment.

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to call them, like Buskins* to flap over my Legs, and lace on ­either Side like Spatter–­ dashes;† but of a most barbarous Shape, as indeed ­were all the rest of my Cloaths. I had on a broad B ­ elt of Goat’s–­Skin dry’d,1086 which I drew together with two Thongs of the same, instead of Buckles, and in a kind of a Frog‡ on e­ ither Side of this. Instead of a Sword and a Dagger, hung a l­ ittle Saw and a Hatchet, one on one Side, one on the other. I had another B ­ elt not so broad, and fasten’d in the same Manner, which hung over my Shoulder; and at the End of it, ­under my left Arm, hung two Pouches, both made of Goat’s–­Skin too; in one of which hung my Powder, in the other my Shot: At my Back I carry’d1087 my Basket, on my Shoulder my Gun, and over my Head a g­ reat clumsy ugly Goat–­Skin Umbrella, but which, a­ fter all, was the most necessary ­Thing I had about me, next to my Gun: As for my Face, the Colour of it was ­really not so Moletta,§ like as one might expect from a Man not at all careful of it, and living within nineteen Degrees1088 of the Equinox.¶ My Beard I had once suffer’d to grow till it was about a Quarter1089 of a Yard long; but as I had both Scissars and Razors sufficient, I had cut it pretty short, except what grew on my upper Lip, which I had trimm’d into a large Pair of Mahometan Whis­ kers, such as I had seen worn by some Turks, who I saw at Sallé;1090 for the Moors did not wear such, tho’ the Turks did; of ­t hese Mustachoes,** or1091 Whis­kers, I ­w ill not say they ­were long enough to hang my Hat upon them; but they ­were of a Length and Shape monstrous1092 enough, and such as in ­England would have pass’d for frightful. But all this is by the by; for as to my Figure, I had so few to observe me, that it was of no manner of Consequence; so I say no more to that Part. In this kind of Figure I went my new Journey, and was out five or six Days. I travell’d first along the Sea Shore,1093 directly to the Place where I first brought my Boat to an Anchor, to get up upon the Rocks; and having no Boat now to take care of, I went over the Land a nearer Way1094 to the same Height that I was upon before,1095 when looking forward to the Point of the Rocks which lay out, and which I was oblig’d to double with my Boat, as is said above,1096 I was surpriz’d to see the Sea all smooth and quiet, no Ripling, no Motion, no Current, any more t­ here than in other Places. I was at a strange Loss to understand this, and resolv’d to spend some Time in the observing it, to see if nothing from the Sets of the Tide had occasion’d it; but I was presently convinc’d1097 how it was, viz. That the Tide of Ebb setting from the West, and joyning with the Current of ­Waters from some ­great River on the Shore, must be the Occasion1098 of this Current; and that according as the Wind blew more forcibly from the West, or from the North, this Current came nearer,1099 or went * Buskins] A half boot. †  Spatter-­dashes] Leggings or gaiters used to keep the legs from being dirtied. ‡  Frog] A loop in a ­belt for holding a sword with its scabbard. §  Moletta] ­Here, a general term for dark complexioned, specifically applied to the offspring of the native Indians and a black. See Chambers, Cyclopedia, 2:sig. 6G2v. ¶  meer Fate] Defoe uses “meer” as we might use the words “essential” or “basic.” ** Muschatoes] Mustachios, moustaches.

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farther from the Shore; for waiting thereabouts till Eve­ning, I went up to the Rock again, and then the Tide of Ebb being made, I plainly saw the Current again as before, only, that it run farther off, being near half a League from the Shore; whereas in my Case, it set close upon the Shore, and hurry’d1100 me and my Canoe along with it, which at another Time it would not have done. This Observation convinc’d me, That I had nothing to do but to observe the Ebbing and the Flowing of the Tide, and I might very easily bring my Boat about the Island again: But when I began to think of putting it in Practice, I had such a Terror upon my Spirits at the Remembrance of the Danger I had been in, that I could not think of it again with any Patience; but on the contrary, I took up another Resolution1101 which was more safe, though more laborious; and this was, That I would build, or rather make me another Periagua1102 or Canoe; and so have one for one Side of the Island, and one for the other. You are to understand, that now I had, as I may call it, two Plantations in the Island; one my ­little Fortification or Tent, with the Wall about it ­under the Rock, with the Cave b ­ ehind me, which by this Time I had enlarg’d into several Apartments, or Caves, one within another. One of ­these, which was the dryest, and largest, and had a Door out beyond my Wall or Fortification; that is to say, beyond where my Wall joyn’d to the Rock, was all fill’d up with the large Earthen Pots, of which I have given an Account, and with fourteen or fifteen ­great Baskets, which would hold five or six Bushels each, where I laid up my Stores of Provision, especially my Corn, some in the Ear* cut off short from the Straw, and the other rubb’d out with my Hand. As for my Wall made, as before, with long Stakes or Piles, t­ hose Piles grew all like Trees, and w ­ ere by this Time grown so big, and spread so very much, that ­there was not the least Appearance to any one’s View of any Habitation b ­ ehind them. Near this Dwelling of mine, but a ­little farther within the Land, and upon lower Ground, lay my two Pieces of Corn–­Ground, which I kept duly cultivated and sow’d, and which duly yielded me their Harvest in its Season; and whenever I had occasion for more Corn, I had more Land adjoyning as fit as that. Besides this, I had my Country Seat, and I had now a tollerable1103 Plantation ­t here also; for first, I had my ­little Bower, as I call’d it, which I kept in Repair; that is to say, I kept the Hedge which circled it in, constantly fitted up to its usual Height, the Ladder standing always in the Inside; I kept the Trees which at first w ­ ere no more than my Stakes, but ­were now grown very firm and tall; I kept them always so cut, that they might spread and grow thick and wild, and make the more agreeable Shade, which they did effectually to my Mind. In the M ­ iddle of this I had my Tent always standing, being a piece of a Sail spread over Poles set up for that Purpose, and which never wanted any Repair or Renewing; and ­under this I had made me a Squab† or Couch, with the Skins of the Creatures I had kill’d, and with other * Ear] “The flowers and seeds of wheat, ryle, barley, ­etc. grow in ears.” Chambers, Cyclopedia, 1:sig. 3Cc. †  Squab] A sofa.

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soft Th ­ ings, and a Blanket laid on them, such as belong’d to our Sea–­Bedding, which I had saved, and a ­great Watch–­Coat to cover me; and ­here, whenever I had Occasion to be absent from my chief Seat, I took up my Country Habitation. Adjoyning to this I had my Enclosures for my ­Cattle, that is to say, my Goats: And as I had taken an inconceivable deal of Pains to fence and enclose this Ground, so I was so uneasy to see it kept entire,* lest the Goats should break thro’, that I never left off till with infinite ­Labour I had stuck the Out–­side1104 of the Hedge so full of small Stakes, and so near to one another, that it was rather a Pale than a Hedge, and ­there was scarce Room to put a Hand thro’ between them, which afterwards when ­t hose Stakes grew, as they all did in the next rainy Season, made the Enclosure strong like a Wall, indeed stronger than any Wall. This ­will testify for me that I was not idle, and that I spared no Pains to bring to pass what­ever appear’d necessary for my comfortable Support; for I consider’d the keeping up a Breed of tame Creatures thus at my Hand, would be a living Magazine of Flesh, Milk, Butter and Cheese, for me as long as I liv’d in the Place, if it ­were to be forty Years;1105 and that keeping them in my Reach, depended entirely upon my perfecting my Enclosures to such a Degree, that I might be sure of keeping them together; which by this Method indeed I so effectually secur’d, that when ­t hese ­little Stakes began to grow, I had planted them so very thick, I was forced to pull some of them up again. In this Place also I had my Grapes growing, which I principally depended on for my Winter Store of Raisins; and which I never fail’d to preserve very carefully, as the best and most agreeable Dainty of my ­whole Diet; and indeed they ­were not agreeable only, but physical,† ­wholesome, nourishing, and refreshing1106 to the last Degree. As this was also about half Way between my other Habitation, and the Place where1107 I had laid up my Boat, I generally stay’d, and lay h ­ ere in my Way thither; for I used frequently to visit my Boat, and I kept all ­Things about or belonging to her in very good Order; sometimes I went out in her to divert my self, but no more hazardous Voyages would I go, nor scarce ever above a Stone’s Cast or two from the Shore, I was so apprehensive of being hurry’d1108 out of my Knowledge again by the Currents, or Winds, or any other Accident. But now I come to a new Scene of my Life. It happen’d one Day about Noon g­ oing t­ owards my Boat, I was exceedingly surpriz’d with the Print of a Man’s naked Foot‡ on the Shore, which was very plain to be seen in the Sand: I stood like one Thunder–­struck, or as if I had seen an * uneasy to see it kept entire] Modern syntax would be “uneasy about keeping.” †  physical] Medicinal. ‡  Print of a Man’s naked Foot] This footprint has sometimes been called “Friday’s footprint,” when used symbolically to associate it with the discovery of the “other” or an encounter with any being who is outside our group. It has also become a symbol of the real in lit­er­a­ture—an object examined from all ­a ngles of vision to determine its significance. See, for example, Alexander Welsh, Strong Repre­sen­ta­tions: Narrative and Circumstantial Evidence in E ­ ngland (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), 2–6. For a discussion of a number of pos­ si­ble sources for the footprint motif, see Fausett, Strange Surprizing Sources of Robinson Cru­ soe, 179; and 60–61.

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Apparition; I listen’d, I look’d round me, I could hear nothing, nor see any Th ­ ing,1109 1110 I went up to a rising Ground to look farther, I went up the Shore and down the Shore, but it was all one, I could see no other Impression but that one, I went to it again to see if ­there ­were any more, and to observe if it might not be my Fancy; but ­t here was no Room for that, for ­t here was exactly the very Print of a Foot, Toes, Heel, and ­every Part of a Foot; how it came thither,* I knew not, nor could in the least imagine. But a­ fter innumerable fluttering Thoughts, like a Man perfectly confus’d and out of my self, I came Home to my Fortification, not feeling, as we say, the Ground I went on, but terrify’d to the last Degree, looking ­behind me at ­every two or three Steps, mistaking e­ very Bush and Tree, and fancying e­ very Stump at a Distance to be a Man; nor is it pos­si­ble to describe how many vari­ous Shapes affrighted Imagination represented ­Things to me in,1111 how many wild Ideas ­were found ­every Moment in my Fancy, and what strange unaccountable Whimsies came into my Thoughts by the Way. When I came to my ­Castle,† for so I think I call’d it ever ­after this, I fled into1112 it like one pursued; ­whether I went over by the Ladder as first contriv’d, or went in at the Hole in the Rock, which I call’d a Door, I cannot remember; no, nor could I remember the next Morning,1113 for never frighted Hare fled to Cover, or Fox to Earth, with more Terror of Mind than I to this Retreat. I slept none that Night; the farther1114 I was from the Occasion of my Fright, the greater my Apprehensions ­were,1115 which is something contrary to the Nature of such ­Things, and especially to the usual Practice of all Creatures in Fear: But I was so embarrass’d with my own frightful Ideas of the Th ­ ing, that I form’d nothing but dismal Imaginations to my self, even tho’ I was now a g­ reat way off of it.1116 Sometimes I fancy’d it must be the Dev­il; and Reason joyn’d in with me upon this Supposition: For how should any other ­Thing in ­human Shape come into the Place? Where was the Vessel that brought1117 them? What Marks was ­t here of any other Footsteps? And how was it pos­si­ble a Man should come ­t here? But then to think that Satan should take h ­ uman Shape upon him in such a Place where t­ here could be no manner of Occasion for it, but to leave the Print of his Foot b ­ ehind him, and that even for no Purpose too, for he could not be sure I should see it; this was an Amusement‡ the other Way; I consider’d1118 that the Devil might have found out abundance of other Ways to have terrify’d me than this of the single Print of a Foot. That as I liv’d quite on the other Side of the Island, he would never have been so ­simple to leave a Mark in a Place where ’twas ten Thousand 1119 to one ­whether I should ever see it or not, and in the Sand too, which the first Surge of the Sea * 10 how it came thither] J. Paul Hunter has argued that the single footprint is something of a marvelous phenomenon and that its discovery belongs to the lit­er­a­ture of won­der that flourished during the seventeenth and eigh­teenth centuries. See J. Paul Hunter, Before Novels (New York: Norton, 1990), 195–224. †­  ­Castle] For another castaway who occasionally refers to his dwelling as his “­castle,” see Krinke Kesmes, 66. The castaway, whom we know only by the name of his designation as a person of honor (El-ho), usually refers to this place as his “fortress.” See, for example, 68. ‡  Amusement] Source of perplexity. See OED.

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Figure 9. ​Viewing the Footprint. Thomas Stothard (1820 [original 1790]). [126]

upon a high Wind would have defac’d entirely:1120 All this seem’d inconsistent with the ­Thing it self,1121 and with all the Notions we usually entertain of the Subtilty of the Dev­il.* * Subtilty of the Devil] Saint Paul (2 Corinthians 11.3) used “subtilty” to describe the Devil in his temptation of Eve. In his Po­liti­cal History of the Dev­il (London, 1726), Defoe makes

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Figure 10. ​Viewing the Footprint. George Cruikshank (1838 [original 1831]). [126]

Abundance of such ­Things as ­t hese assisted to argue me out of all Apprehensions of its being the Dev­il: And I presently concluded then, that it must be some more dangerous Creature, (viz.) That it must be some of the Savages of the main Land* over–­against me, who had wander’d out to Sea in their Canoes;1122 and ­either driven by the Currents, or by contrary Winds1123 had made the Island; and had been on Shore, but ­were gone away again to Sea, being as loth, perhaps, to have stay’d in this desolate Island, as I would have been to have had them. While t­ hese Reflections ­were rowling† upon my Mind, I was very thankful in my Thoughts, that I was so happy as not to be thereabouts at that Time, or that frequent references to the Dev­il’s cleverness, but his Devil can harm only t­hose who are ready to accept him. Defoe dismissed most of the stories of the Devil as superstitious fakery. Hence the description of the “Savages” as “more Dangerous Creatures” (183:25). ­ nder * Savages of the main Land] Hans Stade was captured by a raiding party of natives u similar circumstances. See Stade, Captivity, 51–52. †  rowling] Rolling in the sense of thoughts revolving in the mind. See OED.

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Figure 11. ​Viewing the Footprint. Grandville [Jean-­Ignace-­Isadore Gérard] (1840). [126]

they did not see my Boat, by which they would have concluded that some Inhabitants had been in the Place, and perhaps have search’d farther for me: Then terrible Thoughts rack’d my Imagination about their having found my Boat, and that ­t here ­were ­People ­here; and that if so, I should certainly have them come again in greater Numbers,1124 and devour me; that if it should happen so that they should not find me, yet they would find my Enclosure, destroy all my Corn, carry away all my Flock of tame Goats, and I should perish at last for meer Want.* Thus my Fear banish’d all my religious1125 Hope; all that former Confidence in God, which1126 was founded upon such wonderful Experience as I had had of his * For a discussion of Crusoe’s passions, particularly the workings of fear upon him, see Sill, Cure of the Passions, 100–101.

Figure 12. ​Viewing the Footprint. Frederick Went­worth (1863). [126]

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Goodness, now vanished,1127 as if he that had fed me by Miracle hitherto, could not preserve by his Power the Provision which he had made for me by his Goodness:1128 I reproach’d my self with my Easiness, that would not sow any more Corn one Year than would just serve me till the next Season, as if no Accident could intervene to prevent my enjoying the Crop that was upon the Ground; and this I thought so just a Reproof, that I resolv’d for the ­f uture to have two or three Years Corn beforehand,1129 so that what­ever might come, I might not perish for want of Bread. How strange a Chequer Work 1130* of Providence is the Life of Man! and by what secret differing Springs are the Affections† hurry’d about1131 as differing Circumstance1132‡ pre­sent! To Day we love what to Morrow we hate; to Day we seek what to Morrow we shun; to Day we desire what to Morrow we fear; nay1133 even ­tremble at the Apprehensions of; this was exemplify’d in me at this Time1134 in the most lively Manner imaginable;1135 for I whose only Affliction was, that I seem’d banished from ­human Society, that I was alone, circumscrib’d by the boundless Ocean, cut off from Mankind, and condemn’d to what I call’d ­silent Life; that I was as one who1136 Heaven thought not worthy to be number’d among the Living, or to appear among the rest of his Creatures; that to have seen one of my own Species,1137 would have seem’d to me a Raising me from Death to Life, and the greatest Blessing that Heaven it self, next to the supreme Blessing of Salvation, could bestow; I say,1138 that I should now ­tremble at the very Apprehensions of seeing a Man, and was ready to sink into the Ground at but the Shadow1139 or ­silent Appearance of a Man’s having set his Foot in the Island. Such is the uneven State of ­human Life: And it afforded me a ­great many curious Speculations afterwards, when I had a l­ ittle recover’d 1140 my first Surprize; I consider’d that this was the Station of Life the infinitely wise and good Providence of God had determin’d for me,1141 that as I could not foresee what the Ends of Divine Wisdom might be in all this, so I was not to dispute his Sovereignty, who, as I was his Creature, had an undoubted Right by Creation to govern and dispose of me absolutely as he thought fit; and who, as I was a Creature who had offended him, had likewise a judicial Right to condemn me to what Punishment he thought ­ ecause I had fit; and that it was my Part1142 to submit to bear his Indignation, b sinn’d against him. I then reflected that God, who was not only Righ­teous but Omnipotent, as he had thought fit thus to punish and afflict me, so he was able to deliver me;§ that if he did not think fit to do it, ’twas my unquestion’d Duty to resign my self absolutely * Chequer Work] This word combination existed before Defoe in the sense of anything diversified with contrasting characters (see OED). But Defoe used it frequently in his journalism. This one of Crusoe’s more famous meditations. †  Affections] The emotions or passions. For a discussion of the passions in Defoe’s writings, see Sill, Cure of the Passions, 69–106. ‡  Circumstance] Another example of Defoe’s use of an uninflected plural. L ­ ater editions revised such stylistic quirks into “circumstances.” §  to deliver me] God’s power to deliver humanity from its trou­bles is a frequent theme in the Old Testament. See Psalms 18.2, 40.17, 70.5; Job 22.29–30; and Daniel 3.17.

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and entirely to his W ­ ill; and on the other Hand,1143 it was my Duty also to hope in him, pray to him, and quietly to attend the Dictates and Directions of his daily Providence. ­These Thoughts took me up many Hours, Days;1144 nay, I may say, Weeks and Months; and one par­tic­u­lar Effect of my Cogitations on this Occasion, I cannot omit, viz. One Morning early, lying in my Bed, and fill’d with Thought about my Danger from the Appearance of Savages, I found it discompos’d me very much,1145 upon which ­t hose Words of the Scripture came into my Thoughts, Call upon me in the Day of Trou­ble, and I w ­ ill deliver, and thou shalt glorify me.* Upon this, rising chearfully out of my Bed, my Heart was not only comforted, but I was guided and encourag’d1146 to pray earnestly to God for Deliverance: When I had done praying, I took up my Bible, and opening it to read, the first Words that presented to me, w ­ ere, Wait on the Lord, and be of good Cheer, and he ­shall strengthen thy Heart; wait, I say, on the Lord:† It1147 is impossible to express the Comfort this gave me. In Answer, I thankfully laid down the Book, and was no more sad, at least, not on that Occasion. In the m ­ iddle of t­ hese Cogitations, Apprehensions and Reflections, it came into my Thought one Day, that all this might be a meer Chimera of my own; and that this Foot might be the Print of my own Foot, when I came on Shore from my Boat: This chear’d me up a ­little too, and I began to perswade my self it was all a Delusion; that it was nothing ­else but my own Foot, and why might not I come that Way from the Boat,1148 as well as I was g­ oing that Way to the Boat? Again,1149 I consider’d also that I could by no Means1150 tell for certain where I had trod, and where I had not; and that if at last this was only the Print of my own Foot, I had play’d the Part1151 of t­ hose Fools, who strive to make stories of Spectres,‡ and Apparitions;1152 and then are frighted at them more than any body. Now I began to take Courage, and to peep abroad again; for I had not stirr’d1153 out of my ­Castle for three Days and Nights; so that I began to starve for Provision; for I had ­little or nothing within Doors,1154 but some Barley Cakes and ­Water. Then I knew that my Goats wanted to be milk’d1155 too, which usually was my Eve­ning Diversion; and the poor Creatures ­were in ­great Pain and Incon­ve­nience for want of it; and indeed, it almost spoil’d some of them, and almost dry’d up their Milk. Heartning my self therefore with the Belief that this was nothing but the Print of one of my own Feet,1156 and so I might be truly said to start at my own Shadow, I began to go abroad again, and went to my Country House, to milk 1157 my Flock; but to see with what Fear I went forward, how often I look’d ­behind me, how I was ready ­every now and then to lay down my Basket, and run for my Life, it would have made any one have thought I was haunted with an evil Conscience, or that I had been lately most terribly frighted, and so indeed I had. * Call upon me . . . ​me] Psalms 50.15. †  Wait on the Lord . . . ​Lord] Psalms 27.14. ‡  stories of Spectres] For Defoe’s interest in ghost stories, some of which he approached with considerable skepticism, see An Essay on the History and Real­ity of Apparitions (London, 1727).

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However, as I went down thus two or three Days, and having seen nothing, I began to be a ­little bolder; and to think t­ here was ­really nothing in it, but my own Imagination: But I cou’d not perswade1158 my self fully of this, till I should go down to the Shore again, and see this Print of a Foot, and mea­sure it by my own, and see if t­ here was any Similitude or Fitness, that I might be assur’d it was my own Foot: But when I came to the Place, First, It appear’d1159 evidently to me, that when I laid up my Boat, I could not possibly be on Shore any where ­there about. Secondly, When I came to mea­sure the Mark with my own Foot, I found my Foot not so large by a ­great deal; both t­ hese ­Things fill’d my Head with new Imaginations, and gave me the Vapours* again, to the highest Degree; so that I shook with Cold,1160 like one in an Ague: And I went Home again, fill’d with the Belief that some Man or Men had been on Shore ­there; or in short, that the Island was inhabited, and I might be surpriz’d before I was aware; and what course to take for my Security I knew not. O what ridicu­lous Resolution Men take, when possess’d with Fear! It deprives them of the Use of ­those Means which Reason offers for their Relief. The first ­Thing I propos’d to my self, was, to throw down my Enclosures, and turn all my tame Cattle-­wild into the Woods, that the ­Enemy might not find them; and then frequent the Island in Prospect of the same, or the like Booty: Then to the s­ imple† ­Thing of Digging up my two Corn Fields, that they might not find such a Grain ­t here, and still be prompted to frequent the Island; then to demolish my Bower, and Tent, that they might not see any Vestiges of Habitation, and be prompted to look farther, in order to find out the Persons inhabiting. ­These w ­ ere the Subject of the first Night’s Cogitation, a­ fter I was come Home again, while the Apprehensions which had so over–­run my Mind ­were fresh upon me, and my Head was full of Vapours, as above: Thus Fear of Danger is ten thousand Times more terrifying than Danger it self, when apparent to the Eyes; and we find the Burthen of that greater by much, than the Evil which we are anxious about; and which was worse than all this, I had not that Relief in this Trou­ble from the Resignation I used to practise, that I hop’d to have. I look’d, I thought, like Saul, who complain’d not only that the Philistines‡ w ­ ere upon him, but that God had forsaken him;1161 for I did not now take due Ways to compose my Mind, by crying to God in my Distress, and resting upon his Providence, as I had done before, for my Defence and Deliverance; which if I had done, I had, at least, been more cheerfully supported u ­ nder this new Surprise, and perhaps carry’d through it with more Resolution. This Confusion1162 of my Thoughts kept me waking all Night; but in the Morning I fell asleep, and having by the Amusement of my Mind, been, as it w ­ ere, tyr’d, 1163 and my Spirits exhausted; I slept very soundly, and wak’d much better compos’d than I had ever been before;1164 and now I began to think sedately; and upon the * Vapours] In con­temporary medicine, an ele­ment rising from the lower parts of the abdomen and moving to the brain with the resultant production of “wild, delirious, but generally disagreeable imaginations.” See Chambers, Cyclopedia, 2:sig. 13B. †­  ­simple] Foolish. ‡  Saul . . . ​Philistines] See 1 Samuel 28.15.

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utmost Debate with my self, I concluded, That this Island, which was so exceeding pleasant, fruitful, and no farther from the main Land than as I had seen, was not so entirely abandon’d as I might imagine: That altho’ t­ here ­were no stated Inhabitants who liv’d on the Spot; yet that t­ here might sometimes come Boats off from the Shore, who ­either with Design, or perhaps never, but when they ­were driven by cross Winds, might come to this Place. That I had liv’d h ­ ere fifteen Years now, and had not met with the least Shadow or Figure of any ­People yet; and that if at any Time they should be driven ­here, it was probable they went away again as soon as ever they could, seeing they had never thought fit to fix ­t here upon any Occasion, to this Time. That the most I cou’d suggest any Danger from, was, from any such casual accidental Landing of straggling P ­ eople from the Main, who, as it was likely if they ­were driven hither, w ­ ere ­here against their ­Wills; so they made no stay ­here, but went off again with all pos­si­ble Speed, seldom staying one Night on Shore, least they should not have the Help of the Tides, and Day–­light back again; and that therefore I had nothing to do but to consider of some safe Retreat, in Case1165 I should see any Savages land upon the Spot. Now I began sorely to repent, that I had dug my Cave so large, as to bring a Door through again, which Door, as I said, came out beyond where my Fortification joyn’d to the Rock;1166 upon maturely considering this therefore, I resolv’d to draw me a second Fortification, in the same Manner of a Semicircle, at a Distance from my Wall, just where I had planted a double Row of Trees, about twelve Years before, of which I made mention: ­These Trees having been planted so thick before, they wanted but a few Piles to be driven between them, that they should be thicker, and stronger, and my Wall would be soon finish’d. So that I had now a double Wall, and my outer Wall was thickned with Pieces of Timber, old Cables, and ­every ­Th ing I could think of,1167 to make it strong; having in it seven l­ ittle Holes, about as big as I might put my Arm out at: In the In–­side1168 of this, I thickned my Wall to above ten Foot thick, with continual bringing Earth out of my Cave, and laying it at the Foot of the Wall, and walking upon it; and through the seven Holes, I contriv’d to plant the Musquets, of which I took Notice, that I got seven on Shore out of the Ship; ­these, I say, I planted like my Cannon,1169* and fitted them into Frames that held them like a Carriage, that so I could fire all the seven Guns in two Minutes Time:1170 This Wall I was many a weary Month a finishing, and yet never thought my self safe till it was done. When this was done, I stuck all the Ground without my Wall, for a g­ reat way ­every way, as full with Stakes or Sticks of the Osier-­like1171 Wood, which I found so apt to grow, as they could well stand; insomuch, that I believe I might set in near twenty thousand of them, leaving a pretty large Space between them and my Wall, * like my Cannon] For the military theme in Robinson Crusoe and other works, see Maximillian Novak, “Defoe and the Art of War,” Philological Quarterly 75 (1996): 197–213; and Schonhorn, Defoe’s Politics, passim.

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that I might have room to see an ­Enemy, and they might have no shelter from the young Trees, if they attempted to approach my outer Wall. Thus in two Years Time I had a thick Grove1172 and in five or six Years Time I had a Wood before my Dwelling, growing so monstrous1173 thick and strong, that it was indeed perfectly impassable; and no Men of what kind soever, would ever imagine that t­ here was any Th ­ ing beyond it, much less a Habitation: As for the Way which I propos’d1174 to my self to go in and out, for I left no Ave­nue;1175 it was by setting two Ladders,1176 one to a Part of the Rock which was low, and then broke in, and left room to place another Ladder upon that; so when the two Ladders ­were taken down, no Man living could come down to me without mischieving1177 himself;* and if they had come down, they w ­ ere still on the Out–­side of my outer Wall. Thus I took all the Mea­sures ­human1178 Prudence could suggest for my own Preservation; and it w ­ ill be seen at length, that they w ­ ere not altogether without just Reason; though I foresaw nothing at that Time, more than my meer Fear suggested to me. While this was d ­ oing, I was not altogether Careless1179 of my other Affairs; for I had a ­great Concern upon me, for my ­little Herd of Goats; they ­were not only a pre­sent Supply to me upon ­every Occasion, and began to be sufficient to me, without the Expence of Powder and Shot; but also without the Fatigue of Hunting a­ fter the wild Ones,1180 and I was loth to lose the Advantage of them, and to have them all to nurse up over again. To this Purpose, a­ fter long Consideration, I could think of but two Ways to preserve them; one was to find another con­ve­nient Place to dig a Cave U ­ nder–­ground,1181 and to drive them into it ­every Night; and the other was to enclose two or three ­little Bits of Land, remote from one another1182 and as much conceal’d as I could, where I might keep about half a Dozen young Goats in each Place: So that if any Disaster happen’d to the Flock in general, I might be able to raise them again with ­little Trou­ble and Time: And this, tho’ it would require a ­great deal of Time and ­Labour, I thought was the most rational Design. Accordingly I spent some Time to find out the most retir’d Parts of the Island; and I pitch’d upon one which was as private indeed as my Heart could wish for; it was a l­ ittle damp Piece of Ground in the M ­ iddle of the hollow1183 and thick Woods, where, as is observ’d, I almost lost my self† once before, endeavouring to come back that Way from the Eastern Part of the Island: ­Here I found a clear Piece of Land near three Acres, so surrounded with Woods, that it was almost an Enclosure by Nature, at least it did not want near so much L ­ abour to make it so, as the other Pieces of Ground I had work’d so hard at. I immediately went to Work 1184 with this Piece of Ground, and in less than a Month’s Time, I had so fenc’d it round, that my Flock or Herd, call it which you please, who ­were not so wild now as at first they might be supposed to be, w ­ ere * mischieving himself] ­Doing mischief or harm to himself. See OED. †  lost my self] See above, p. 130.

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well enough secur’d in it. So,1185 without any farther Delay, I removed ten young She–­Goats and two He–­Goats to this Piece; and when they w ­ ere ­t here, I continued1186 to perfect the Fence till I had made it as secure as the other, which, however, I did at more Leisure, and it took me up more Time by a ­great deal. All this ­Labour I was at the Expence of, purely from my Apprehensions on the Account of the Print of a Man’s Foot which I had seen; for as yet I never saw any ­human Creature come near the Island,1187 and I had now liv’d two Years u ­ nder ­these Uneasinesses, which indeed made my Life much less comfortable than it was before; as may well be imagin’d I by any who know what it is to live in the constant Snare of the Fear of Man;* and this I must observe with Grief too, that the Discomposure of my Mind had too g­ reat Impressions also upon the religious Part of my Thoughts, for the Dread and Terror of falling into the Hands of Savages and Canibals,† lay so upon my Spirits, that I seldom found my self in a due Temper for Application to my Maker, at least not with the sedate Calmness and Resignation of Soul which I was wont to do; I rather pray’d to God as ­under ­great Affliction and Pressure of Mind, surrounded with Danger, and in Expectation ­every Night of being murther’d and devour’d before Morning; and I must testify from my Experience, that a Temper of Peace, Thankfulness, Love and Affection, is much more the proper Frame for Prayer than that of Terror and Discomposure; and that u ­ nder the Dread of Mischief impending, a Man is no more fit for a comforting Per­for­mance of the Duty of praying to God, than he is for Repentance on a sick Bed: For1188 ­these Discomposures affect the Mind as the ­others do the Body; and the Discomposure of the Mind must necessarily be as ­great a Disability as that of the Body, and much greater, Praying to God being properly an Act of the Mind, not of the Body. But to go on; ­After I had thus secur’d one Part of my ­little living Stock, I went about the ­whole Island, searching for another private Place, to make such another Deposit; when wandring more to the West Point of the Island, than I had ever done yet, and looking out to Sea, I thought I saw a Boat upon the Sea, at a ­great Distance; I had found a ProspectiveGlass,1189 or two, in one of the Seamen’s Chests, which I sav’d out of our Ship;1190 but I had it not about me, and this was so remote, that I could not tell what to make of it; though I look’d at it till my Eyes ­were not able to hold to look any longer;1191 w ­ hether it was a Boat, or not, I do not know; but as I descended from the Hill, I could see no more of it, so I gave it over; only I resolv’d to go no more out without a Prospective–­Glass1192 in my Pocket. When I was come down the Hill, to the End of the Island, where indeed I had never been before, I was presently convinc’d, that the seeing the Print of a Man’s * Snare of the Fear of Man] In searching for the origin of this sense of fear in con­temporary writers, the most obvious sources, at least for Defoe, are to be found in the writings of Thomas Hobbes and John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester. For a discussion of this theme from a po­liti­cal standpoint, see Novak, Defoe and the Nature of Man, 15–21, and Carol Kay, Po­liti­cal Constructions: Defoe, Richardson and Sterne in Relation to Hobbes, Hume, and Burke (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1988), 21–119. †  Canibals] For a discussion of Defoe’s comments on cannibalism, see Maximillian Novak, “Fleischlose Freitage: Kannibalismus als Thema und Metapher in Defoes Robinson Crusoe,” in Das Andere Essen (Freiburg im Breisgau: Rombach Verlag, 2001), 197–216.

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Foot, was not such a strange ­Thing in the Island as I imagin’d; and but that it was a special Providence that I was cast upon the Side of the Island, where the Savages never came: I should easily have known, that nothing was more frequent than for the Canoes from the Main, when they happen’d to be a ­little too far out at Sea, to shoot over to that Side of the Island for Harbour; likewise as they often met, and fought in their Canoes, the Victors having taken any Prisoners, would bring them over to this Shore, where according to their dreadful Customs, being all Canibals, they would kill and eat them; of which hereafter. When I was come down the Hill, to the Shore, as I said above, being the S. W. Point of the Island, I was perfectly confounded and amaz’d; nor is it pos­si­ble for me to express the Horror of my Mind, at seeing the Shore spread with Skulls, Hands, Feet, and other Bones of humane Bodies; and particularly I observ’d a Place where ­t here had been a Fire made, and a Circle dug in the Earth, like a Cockpit,* where it is suppos’d1193 the Savage Wretches had sat down to their inhumane Feastings upon the Bodies of their Fellow–­Creatures. I was so astonish’d with the Sight of t­hese ­Th ings, that I entertain’d 1194 no Notions of any Danger to my self from it for a long while; All1195 my Apprehensions w ­ ere bury’d in the Thoughts of such a Pitch of inhuman, hellish Brutality, and the Horror of the Degeneracy of Humane Nature; which though I had heard of often, yet I never had so near a View of before; in short, I turn’d1196 away my Face from the horrid Spectacle; my Stomach grew sick, and I was just at the Point of Fainting, when Nature discharg’d the Disorder from my Stomach; and having vomited with an uncommon Vio­lence, I was a ­little reliev’d;† but cou’d1197 not bear to stay in the Place a Moment; so I gat‡ me up the Hill again, with all the Speed I cou’d,1198 and walk’d on ­towards my own Habitation. When I came a ­little out of that Part of the Island, I stood still a while as amaz’d; and then recovering my self, I look’d up with the utmost Affection of my Soul, and with a Flood of Tears in my Eyes, gave God Thanks that had cast my first Lot in a Part of the World, where I was distinguish’d from such dreadful Creatures as ­t hese; and that though I had esteem’d my pre­sent Condition very miserable, had yet given me so many Comforts in it, that I had still more to give Thanks for than to complain of; and this above all, that I had even in this miserable Condition been comforted with the Knowledge of himself, and the Hope of his Blessing, which was a Felicity more than sufficiently equivalent to all the Misery which I had suffer’d, or could suffer.1199 In this Frame of Thankfulness, I went Home to my C ­ astle, and began to be much easier now, as to the Safety of my Circumstances, than ever I was before; for I observ’d,1200 that t­hese Wretches never came to this Island in search of what * Cockpit] A small circular theater for viewing cock fights. †  vomited . . . ​reliev’d] This pattern of literal and emotional catharsis ­a fter experiencing a sense of pollution at the sight of the cannibal feast resembles the ancient Greek attitude ­toward similar experiences. See E. R. Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), 28–63. ‡  gat] Variant past tense of get. See OED.

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they could get; perhaps not seeking, not wanting, or not expecting any Th ­ ing 1201 ­here; and having often, no doubt, been up in the cover’d woody Part of it, without finding any ­Thing to their Purpose. I knew I had been ­here now almost eigh­ teen Years, and never saw the least Foot–­steps of Humane Creature ­t here before; and I might be ­here eigh­teen more, as entirely conceal’d1202 as I was now, if I did not discover my self to them, which I had no manner of Occasion to do, it being my only Business to keep my self entirely conceal’d where I was, ­unless I found a better sort of Creatures than Canibals to make my self known to. Yet I entertain’d such an Abhorrence of the Savage Wretches, that I have been speaking of, and of the wretched inhuman Custom of their devouring and eating one another up, that I continu’d pensive, and sad, and kept close within my own Circle for almost two Years a­ fter this: When I say my own Circle, I mean by it, my three Plantations, viz. my ­Castle, my Country Seat, which I call’d my Bower, and my Enclosure in the Woods; nor did I look a­ fter this for any other Use than as an Enclosure for my Goats; for the Aversion which Nature gave me to ­t hese hellish Wretches, was such, that I was fearful of seeing them, as of seeing the Devil himself; nor did I so much as go to look a­ fter my Boat, in all this Time;1203 but began rather to think of making me another; for I cou’d1204 not think of ever making any more Attempts, to bring the other Boat round the Island to me, least* I should meet with some of ­t hese Creatures at Sea, in which, if I had happen’d to have fallen into their Hands, I knew what would have been my Lot. Time however, and the Satisfaction I had, that I was in no Danger of being discover’d1205 by t­ hese ­People, began to wear off my Uneasiness about them; and I began to live just in the same compos’d Manner as before; only with this Difference, that I used more Caution, and kept my Eyes more about me than I did before, least I should happen to be seen by any of them; and particularly, I was more cautious of firing my Gun, least any of them1206 being on the Island, should happen to hear of it; and it was therefore a very good Providence to me, that I had furnish’d my self with a tame Breed of Goats, that I needed not hunt any more about the Woods, or shoot at them; and if I did catch any of them ­after this, it was by Traps, and Snares, as I had done before; so that for two Years ­after this, I believe I never fir’d my Gun once of,1207† though I never went out without it; and which was more, as I had sav’d three Pistols out of the Ship, I always carry’d1208 them out with me, or at least two of them, sticking them in my Goat–­skin1209 ­Belt; also I furbish’d up one of the ­great Cutlashes, that I had out of the Ship, and made me a ­Belt to put it on also; so that I was now a most formidable Fellow to look at, when I went abroad, if you add to the former Description of my self, the Par­tic­u­lar of two Pistols, and a ­great broad Sword, hanging at my Side in a ­Belt, but without a Scabbard. ­Things g­ oing on thus, as I have said, for some Time; I seem’d, excepting t­ hese Cautions, to be reduc’d to my former calm, sedate Way1210 of Living, all t­ hese ­Things tended to shewing me more and more how far my Condition was from being mis* least] Lest. This is the standard spelling within this text. †  never fir’d my Gun once of] Off.

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erable, compar’d1211 to some ­others; nay, to many other Particulars of Life, which it might have pleased, God to have made my Lot. It put me upon reflecting, How1212 ­little repining ­t here would be among Mankind, at any Condition of Life, if ­People would rather compare their Condition with ­t hose that are worse, in order to be thankful, than be always comparing them with ­t hose which are better, to assist their Murmurings and Complainings. As in my pre­sent Condition ­there ­were not ­really many ­Things which I wanted; so indeed I thought that the Frights I had been in about ­t hese Savage Wretches, and the Concern I had been in for my own Preservation, had taken off the Edge of my Invention* for my own Con­ve­niences; and I had dropp’d a good Design, which I had once bent my Thoughts too much upon; and that was, to try if I could not make some of my Barley into Malt, and then try to brew my self some Beer: This was r­ eally a whimsical Thought, and I reprov’d my self often for the Simplicity † of it; for I presently saw ­t here would be the want1213 of several Th ­ ings necessary to the making my Beer, that it would be impossible for me to supply; as First,1214 Casks to preserve it in, which was a ­Thing, that as I have observ’d already, I cou’d1215 never compass; no, though I spent not many Days, but Weeks, nay,1216 Months in attempting it, but to no purpose. In the next Place, I had no Hops to make it keep, no Yeast to make it work, no Copper or K ­ ettle to make it boil; and yet all ­these ­Things, notwithstanding, I verily believe, had not t­ hese ­Th ings interven’d, I mean the Frights and Terrors I was in about the Savages, I had undertaken it, and perhaps brought it to pass too; for I seldom gave any Th ­ ing over without accomplishing it, when I once had it in my Head enough to begin it. But my Invention now run quite another Way; for Night and Day, I could think of nothing but how I might destroy some of ­t hese Monsters in their cruel bloody Entertainment,‡ and if pos­si­ble, save the Victim they should bring hither to destroy. It would take up a larger Volume than this w ­ hole Work is intended to be, to set down all the Contrivances I hatch’d, or rather brooded upon in my Thought, for the destroying ­t hese Creatures, or at least frighting them, so as to prevent their coming hither any more; but all was abortive, nothing could be pos­si­ble to take effect, ­unless I was to be ­t here to do it my self; and what could one Man do among them, when perhaps ­t here might be twenty or thirty of them together, with their Darts, or their Bows and Arrows, with which they could shoot as true to a Mark, as I could with my Gun? Sometimes I contriv’d1217 to dig a Hole ­under the Place where they made their Fire, and put in five or six Pound of Gun–­powder, which, when1218 they kindled * the Edge of my Invention] Th ­ ere are echoes of Thomas Hobbes in this passage, though Hobbesian doctrine is modified in a variety of ways. Like Hobbesian man, Crusoe is ever striving a­ fter new powers, but as he remarks at the top of this page (198:1–8), his life is far from being entirely “nasty” or “brutish” as it is in Hobbes’s famous formula; and he is able to achieve a degree of contentment. See Leviathan, ed. A. R. Waller (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1935), 84 (pt. 1, chap. 13). †  Simplicity] Foolishness. ‡  Entertainment] E ­ ither used ironically to describe what the cannibals are d ­ oing as a pleas­ur­ able activity or the description of it as a kind of per­for­mance. See OED.

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their Fire, would consequently take Fire, and blow up all that was near it; but as in the first Place I should be very loth to wast so much Powder upon them, my Store being now within the Quantity of one Barrel; so neither could I be sure of its ­going off, at any certain Time;1219 when it might surprise them, and at best, that it would do ­little more than just blow the Fire about their Ears and fright them, but not sufficient to make them forsake the Place; so I laid it aside, and then propos’d, that I would place my self in Ambush,1220 in some con­ve­nient Place, with my three Guns, all double loaded; and in the m ­ iddle1221 of their bloody Ceremony, let fly* at them, when I should be sure to kill or wound perhaps two or three at e­ very Shoot;1222 and then falling in upon them with my three Pistols, and my Sword, I made no doubt, but that if t­ here was twenty1223 I should kill them all: This Fancy pleas’d my Thoughts for some Weeks, and I was so full of it, that I often dream’d of it; and sometimes1224 that I was just ­going to let fly at them in my Sleep. I went so far with it in my Imagination, that I employ’d my self 1225 several Days to find out proper Places to put my self 1226 in Ambuscade, as I said, to watch for them; and I went frequently to the Place it self, which was now grown more familiar to me; and especially while my Mind was thus fill’d with Thoughts of Revenge, and of a bloody putting twenty or thirty of them to the Sword,† as I may call it; the Horror I had at the Place, and at the Signals of the barbarous Wretches devouring one another, abated my Malice.‡ Well, at length I found a Place in the Side of the Hill, where I was satisfy’d I might securely wait, till I1227 saw any of their Boats coming, and might then, even before they would be ready to come on Shore, convey my self 1228 unseen into Thickets of Trees, in one of which ­t here was a Hollow large enough to conceal me entirely; and ­were I might sit, and observe all their bloody ­Doings, and take my full aim1229 at their Heads, when they w ­ ere so close together, as that it would be next to impossible that I should miss my Shoot, or that I could fail wounding three or four of them at the first Shoot. In this Place then I resolv’d to fix my Design, and accordingly I prepar’d two Muskets, and my ordinary Fowling Piece. The two Muskets I loaded with a Brace§ of Slugs each, and four or five smaller Bullets, about the Size of Pistol Bullets; and the Fowling Piece I loaded with near a Handful of Swan–­shot,1230¶ of the largest * let fly] Fire my guns. See OED. †  putting . . . ​Sword] Crusoe imagines himself involved in a war against the cannibals, and it is only when he conceives of his actions in terms of justice and himself as “Judge and Executioner (202)” that he begins to reconsider the moral implications of his argument. For Defoe’s interest in warfare and its rendering in fiction, see Maximillian Novak, “Defoe and the Art of War,” 197–213; and “Defoe and the Arts of Describing,” Eigh­teenth ­Century Fiction 9 (1996), 14. ‡  abated my Malice] Abetted in the sense of adding force to or fanning the flames of. See OED. §  Brace] Two. ¶  Swan-­shot] A type of shot used for hunting swans which, according to the OED, was large enough to use as a weight in fishing. Defoe may have taken some hints from Smeek’s Mighty Kingdom of Krinke Kesmes, where the El-ho describes a similar attempt to arm himself with

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Size; I also loaded my Pistols with about four Bullets each, and in this Posture, well provided with Ammunition for a second and third Charge, I prepar’d my self for my Expedition. ­After I had thus laid the Scheme of my Design, and in my Imagination put it in Practice, I continually made my Tour ­every Morning up to the Top of the Hill, which was from my C ­ astle, as I call’d it, about three Miles, or more, to see if I cou’d1231 observe any Boats upon the Sea, coming near the Island, or standing over ­towards it; but I began to tire of this hard Duty, ­after I had for two or three Months constantly kept my Watch; but came always back without any Discovery, ­there having not in all that Time been the least Appearance, not only on, or near the Shore; but not on the w ­ hole Ocean, so far as my Eyes or Glasses could reach e­ very Way. As long as I kept up my daily Tour to the Hill, to look out; so long also I kept up the Vigour of my Design, and my Spirits seem’d to be all the while in a suitable Form, for so outragious an Execution as the killing twenty or thirty naked Savages, for an Offence which I had not at all entred into a Discussion of in my Thoughts, any farther than my Passions ­were at first fir’d by the Horror I conceiv’d at the unnatural Custom of that ­People of the Country, who it seems had been suffer’d by Providence in his wise Disposition of the World, to have no other Guide than that of their own abominable and vitiated Passions; and consequently w ­ ere left, and perhaps had been so for some Ages, to act such horrid ­Things, and receive such dreadful Customs, as nothing but Nature entirely abandon’d of Heaven, and acted* by some hellish1232 Degeneracy, could have run them into: But now, when as I have said, I began to be weary of the fruitless Excursion, which I had made so long, and so far, e­ very Morning in vain, so my Opinion of the Action it self began to alter, and I began with cooler and calmer Thoughts to consider what it was I was ­going to engage in. What Authority, or Call I had, to pretend to be Judge and Executioner upon ­t hese Men as Criminals, whom Heaven had thought fit for so many Ages to suffer unpunish’d, to go on, and to be as it w ­ ere, the Executioners of his Judgments one upon another. How far t­ hese ­People ­were Offenders against me, and what Right I had to engage in the Quarrel of that Blood, which they shed promiscuously one upon another. I debated this very often with my self thus; How do I know what God himself judges in this par­tic­u­lar Case; it1233 is certain t­ hese ­People ­either do not commit this as a Crime; it is not against their own Consciences reproving, or their Light reproaching them. They do not know it be an Offence, and then commit it in Defiance of Divine Justice, as we do in almost all the Sins we commit. They think it no more a Crime to kill a Captive taken in War, than we do to kill an Ox; nor to eat humane Flesh, than we do to eat Mutton. When I had consider’d this a ­little, it follow’d necessarily, that I was certainly in the Wrong in it, that t­ hese ­People ­were not Murtherers in the Sense that I had a variety of weapons on his way to fight the natives of Australia. The El-ho also shoots some black swans with his guns. See 75. * acted] Activated. See OED.

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before condemn’d them, in my Thoughts;1234 any more than t­ hose Christians w ­ ere 1235 Murtherers, who often put to Death the Prisoners taken in B ­ attle; or more frequently, upon many Occasions, put ­whole Troops of Men to the Sword, without giving Quarter,* though they threw down their Arms and submitted. In the next Place it occurr’d to me, that albeit the Usage they thus gave one another, was thus brutish and inhuman;1236 yet it was r­ eally nothing to me: ­These ­People had done me no Injury.1237 That if they attempted me, or I saw it necessary for my immediate Preservation to fall upon them, something might be said for it; but that as I was yet out of their Power, and they had ­really no Knowledge of me,1238 and consequently no Design upon me; and therefore it could not be just for me to fall upon them. That this would justify the Conduct of the Spaniards in all their Barbarities practis’d in Amer­i­ca,† and where they destroy’d Millions of ­these ­People, who however they ­were Idolaters and Barbarians, and had several bloody and barbarous Rites in their Customs, such as sacrificing h ­ uman Bodies to their Idols, ­were yet, as to the Spaniards, very innocent P ­ eople; and that the rooting them out of the Country, is spoken of with the utmost Abhorrence and Detestation, by even the Spaniards themselves, at this Time,1239 and by all other Christian Nations of Eu­rope, as a meer Butchery, a bloody and unnatural Piece of Cruelty, unjustifiable ­either to God or Man; and such, as for which the very Name of a Spaniard is reckon’d to be frightful and terrible to all ­People of Humanity, or of Christian Compassion: As if the Kingdom of Spain ­were particularly Eminent for the Product of a Race of Men, who ­were without Princi­ples of Tenderness, or the common Bowels of Pity to the Miserable, which is reckon’d to be a Mark of generous Temper in the Mind. ­These Considerations ­really put me to a Pause,1240 and to a kind of a Full–­stop; and I began by l­ ittle and l­ ittle to be off of my Design, and to conclude, I had taken wrong Mea­sures in my Resolutions to attack the Savages; that it was not my Business to meddle with them, ­unless they first attack’d me, and this it was my Busi-

* Christians . . . ​w ithout giving Quarter] The classic source for discussions of cannibalism as a cultural practice differing l­ ittle from Eu­ro­pean warfare is Michel de Montaigne’s essay “Of Cannibals.” Montaigne argues that, in fact, Eu­ro­pe­a ns are far worse than the cannibals of the New World. The question of ­whether Defoe read Montaigne is answered by his extensive use of his essay “Of Solitude,” in Serious Reflections of Robinson Crusoe, where he refers to Montaigne as “a wise Man” (7) and paraphrases a number of passages. In addition, Montaigne’s views on cannibalism ­were often quoted at length. For example, Rochefort, in his History of the Caribby Islands (327), uses Montaigne as a springboard for his discussion of cannibalism as a practice that needs to be considered simply as an aspect of native culture. †  Conduct of the Spaniards . . . ​Amer­i­ca] The most impor­tant narrative of the brutal treatment of the native ­peoples of Amer­i­ca by the Spaniards was that of Bartolomeao de Las Casas (1474–1560) in his The Destruction of the Indies (1552). Las Casas, who crusaded for the better treatment of the natives, was responsible for framing what became known as the “Black Legend” of Spanish atrocities. For a discussion of this passage, see Maximillian Novak, “Friday, or the Power of Naming,” in Augustan Subjects, ed. Albert Rivero (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1997), 26–43. For a more general discussion of the subject, see Tzvetan Todorov, The Conquest of Amer­i­ca, trans. Richard Howard (New York: Harper & Rowe, 1984).

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ness if pos­si­ble to prevent; but that if I ­were discover’d, and attack’d, then I knew my Duty.* On the other hand, I argu’d with my self, That this r­ eally was the way not to deliver my self, but entirely to ruin and destroy my self; for u ­ nless I was sure to kill e­ very one that not only should be on Shore at that Time, but that should ever come on Shore afterwards, if but one of them escap’d, to tell their Country P ­ eople what had happen’d, they would come over again by Thousands to revenge the Death of their Fellows, and I should only bring upon my self a certain Destruction, which at pre­sent I had no manner of occasion for. Upon the w ­ hole I concluded, That neither in Princi­ples1241 or in Policy, I o ­ ught one way or other to concern my self in this Affair. That my Business was by all pos­si­ble Means to conceal my self from them, and not to leave the least Signal to them to guess by, that ­t here ­were any living Creatures upon the Island; I mean of humane Shape. Religion joyn’d in with this Prudential,† and I was convinc’d now many Ways, that I was perfectly out of my Duty, when I was laying all my bloody Schemes for the Destruction of innocent Creatures, I mean innocent as to me: As to the Crimes they ­were guilty of ­towards one another, I had nothing to do with them; they ­were National, and I o ­ ught to leave them to the Justice of God, who is the Governour of Nations,‡ and knows how by National Punishments to make a just Retribution for National Offences; and to bring publick Judgments upon t­hose who offend in a publick Manner, by such Ways as best pleases him. This appear’d so clear to me now, that nothing was a greater Satisfaction to me, than that I had not been suffer’d to do a ­Thing which I now saw so much Reason to believe would have been no less a Sin, than that of wilful Murther, if I had committed it; and I gave most h ­ umble Thanks on my Knees to God, that had thus deliver’d1242 me from Blood–­Guiltiness; beseeching him to grant me the Protection of his Providence, that I might not fall into the Hands of the Barbarians;1243 or that I might not lay my Hands upon them, ­unless I had a more clear Call from Heaven to do it, in Defence of my own Life. In this Disposition I continu’d,1244 for near a Year ­after this; and so far was I from desiring an Occasion for falling upon t­ hese Wretches, that in all that Time, I never once went up the Hill to see ­whether ­t here ­were any of them in Sight, or to * my Duty] Hobbes allowed self-­preservation as a natu­ral right, but in his Jure Divino, Defoe argued more strongly to the effect that it amounted to an irresistible impulse and a “Duty.” Self-­Preservation is the only Law, That does involuntary Duty Draw; It serves for Reason and Authority, And ­t hey’ll defend themselves, that know not why. See Jure Divino (London, 1706), bk. 3, p. 10. †  Prudential] The OED cites this passage as an example of the meaning “A prudential maxim or precept.” But Crusoe’s report of his ­mental pro­cesses goes on for two paragraphs. A better definition would be a prudential exercise or meditation. ‡  Governour of Nations] Saint Paul maintained that ­those nations outside the sphere of Christian knowledge w ­ ere a “law unto themselves” to be judged according to the law “written in their hearts.” Romans 2.12–16.

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know ­whether any of them had been on Shore t­ here, or not, that I might not be tempted to renew any of my Contrivances against them, or be provok’d1245 by any Advantage which might pre­sent it self, to fall upon them; only this I did, I went and remov’d my Boat, which I had on the other Side the Island, and carry’d it down to the East End 1246 of the w ­ hole Island, where I ran it into a l­ittle Cove which I found ­under some high Rocks, and where I knew, by Reason of the Currents, the Savages durst not, at least would not come with their Boats, upon any Account whatsoever. With my Boat I carry’d1247 away e­ very ­Thing that I had left t­ here belonging to her, though not necessary for the bare ­going thither, viz. A Mast and Sail which I had made for her, and a Th ­ ing like an Anchor, but indeed which could not be call’d ­either Anchor or Grapling; however, it was the best I could make of its kind: All t­ hese I remov’d,1248 that t­ here might not be the least Shadow of any Discovery, or any Appearance of any Boat, or of any ­human Habitation upon the Island. Besides this, I kept my self, as I said, more retir’d1249 than ever, and seldom went from my Cell,* other than upon my constant Employment, viz. To milk my She–­ goats,1250 and manage my l­ittle Flock, in the Wood; which as it was quite on the other Part of the Island, was quite out of Danger; for certain it is, that ­t hese Savage ­People, who1251 sometimes haunted this Island, never came with any Thoughts of finding any ­Thing ­here; and consequently never wandred off from the Coast; and I doubt not, but they might have been several Times on Shore, ­after my Apprehensions of them had made me cautious as well as before; and indeed, I look’d back with some Horror upon the Thoughts of what my Condition would have been, if I had chop’d upon† them, and been discover’d before that, when naked‡ and unarm’d, except with one Gun, and that loaden often only with small Shot, I walk’d ­every where peeping and peering about the Island, to see what I could get; what a Surprise should I have been in, if when I discover’d1252 the Print of a Man’s Foot, I had instead of that, seen fifteen or twenty Savages, and found them pursuing me, and by the Swiftness of their ­Running,§ no Possibility of my escaping them. The Thoughts of this sometimes sunk my very Soul within me, and distress’d my Mind so much, that I could not soon recover it, to think what I should have done, and how I not only should not have been able to resist them, but even should not have had Presence of Mind enough to do what I might have done; much less, what now ­a fter so much Consideration and Preparation I might be able to do: Indeed, a­ fter serious thinking of ­t hese ­Things, I should be very Melancholly,1253¶ * Cell] Although Crusoe usually refers to his habitation as his “­Castle,” ­here he uses a word associated with hermits and religious solitude. †  chop’d upon] Came upon suddenly and by chance. OED (9b) lists this as an obsolete usage implying a certain vio­lence of discovery. ‡  naked] Defenseless, with no means of defending oneself. §  Swiftness of their ­Running] The agility and ­running ability of the natives of this area was frequently noted by the commentators. Rochefort comments specifically on their “wonderful swiftness in r­ unning.” Caribby Islands, 235. ¶  Melancholly] The notion of depression or even death from perils already experienced and avoided is well illustrated in a version of Cesare Ripa’s Iconologia in the account of the per-

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and sometimes it would last a g­ reat while; but I resolv’d it at last all into Thankfulness to that Providence, which had deliver’d1254 me from so many unseen Dangers, and had kept me from ­t hose Mischiefs which I could no way have been the Agent in delivering my self from; b ­ ecause I had not the least Notion of any such Th ­ ing depending,* or the least Supposition of it being pos­si­ble. This renew’d a Contemplation, which often had come to my Thoughts in former Time, when first I began to see the merciful Dispositions of Heaven, in the Dangers we run through in this Life. How wonderfully we are deliver’d, when we know nothing of it. How when we are in (a Quandary, as we call it) a Doubt or Hesitation, w ­ hether to go this Way, or that Way, a secret Hint† ­shall direct us this Way, when we intended to go that Way; nay, when Sense, our own Inclination, and perhaps Business has call’d to go the other Way, yet a strange Impression upon the Mind, from we know not what Springs, and by we know not what Power, s­ hall over–­rule us to go this Way; and it s­ hall afterwards appear, that had we gone that Way which we should have gone, and even to our Imagination ­ought to have gone, we should have been ruin’d and lost: Upon ­these, and many like Reflections, I afterwards made it a certain Rule with me, That whenever I found ­t hose secret Hints, or pressings1255 of my Mind, to ­doing, or not ­doing any ­Thing that presented; or to ­going this Way, or that Way, I never fail’d to obey the secret Dictate; though I knew no other Reason for it, than that such a Pressure, or such a Hint hung upon my Mind: I could give many Examples of the Success of this Conduct in the Course of my Life; but more especially in the latter Part of my inhabiting this unhappy Island; besides many Occasions1256 which it is very likely I might have taken Notice of, if I had seen with the same Eyes then, that I saw with now: But ’tis never too late to be wise; and I cannot but advise all considering Men, whose Lives are attended with such extraordinary Incidents as mine, or even though not so extraordinary, not to slight such secret Intimations of Providence, let them come from what invisible Intelligence they w ­ ill, that I s­ hall not discuss, and perhaps cannot account for;‡ but certainly they are a Proof of the Converse of Spirits,§ and the secret Communication between t­ hose embody’d, and t­ hose unembody’d; and such a Proof as can never be withstood: Of which I ­shall have Occasion to give some very remarkable Instances, in the Remainder of my solitary Residence in this dismal Place. son who died of fright ­a fter dreaming of the perils that he had overcome in crossing a narrow bridge between two cliffs. In the same work, the “Melancholy Temperament” is associated with solitude. See Ripa, Baroque and Rococo Pictorial Imagery, ed. Edward Maser (New York: Dover, 1971), 109, 185. * depending] Impending. †  secret Hint] Defoe devotes a section of Serious Reflections of Robinson Crusoe to this subject. See esp. 213–238. ‡  that I s­ hall not discuss . . . ​account for] Most emended editions of Robinson Crusoe place a period or colon before “that,” but if such a correction is an aid to clarity, it loses the rush of words and ideas that is typical of Defoe’s style. §  Converse of Spirits] Defoe’s belief that h ­ umans are surrounded by unseen spirits has something to do with his interest in the occult, but it was a notion of his age shared by contemporaries such as Joseph Addison and Samuel Johnson.

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I believe the Reader of this ­w ill not think strange, if I confess that ­t hese Anx­i­ eties, t­ hese constant Dangers I liv’d in, and the Concern that was now upon me, put an End to all Invention, and to all the Contrivances that I had laid for my ­future Accommodations and Conveniencies. I had the Care of my Safety more now upon my Hands, than that of my Food. I car’d not to drive a Nail, or chop a Stick of Wood now, for fear the Noise I should make should be heard; much less would I fire a Gun, for the same Reason; and above all, I was intolerably1257 uneasy at making any Fire, least the Smoke which is vis­i­ble at a ­great Distance in the Day should betray me; and for this Reason I remov’d that Part of my Business which requir’d Fire; such as burning of Pots, and Pipes, &c. into my new Apartment in the Woods, where ­after I had been some time, I found to my unspeakable Consolation, a meer natu­ral Cave in the Earth, which went in a vast way, and where, I dare say, no Savage, had he been at the Mouth of it, would be so hardy as to venture in, nor indeed, would any Man e­ lse; but one who like me, wanted nothing so much as a safe Retreat. The Mouth of this Hollow, was1258 at the Bottom of a ­great Rock, where by meer accident,1259 (I would say, if I did not see abundant Reason to ascribe all such Th ­ ings now to Providence) I was cutting down some thick Branches of Trees, to make Charcoal; and before I go on, I must observe the Reason of my making this Charcoal; which was thus: I was afraid of making a Smoke about my Habitation, as I said before; and yet I could not live ­t here without baking my Bread, cooking my Meat, &c. so I contriv’d to burn some Wood h ­ ere, as I had seen done in ­England,* u ­ nder Turf, till1260 it became Chark, or dry Coal; and then putting the Fire out, I preserv’d the Coal to carry Home;1261 and perform the other Ser­v ices which Fire was wanting for at Home1262 without Danger of Smoke. But this is by the by:1263 While I was cutting down some Wood h ­ ere, I perceiv’d that ­behind a very thick Branch of low Brushwood, or Underwood,1264 ­t here was a kind of hollow Place; I was curious to look into it, and getting with Difficulty into the Mouth of it, I found it was pretty large;1265 that is to say, sufficient for me to stand upright in it, and perhaps another with me; but I must confess to you, I made more hast1266 out than I did in, when looking farther into the Place, and which was perfectly dark, I saw two broad shining Eyes of some Creature, ­whether Devil or Man1267 I knew not, which twinkl’d1268 like two Stars, the dim Light from the Cave’s Mouth1269 shining directly in and making the Reflection. However, a­ fter some Pause, I recover’d my self,1270 and began to call my self a thousand Fools, and tell my self,1271 that he that was afraid to see the Devil, was not fit to live twenty Years in an Island all alone; and that I durst to believe t­ here was nothing in this Cave that was more frightful than my self; upon this, plucking up my Courage, I took up a ­great Firebrand, and in I rush’d again, with the Stick flaming in my Hand; I had not gone three Steps in, but I was almost as much frighted as I was before; for I heard a very loud Sigh, like that of a Man in some * burn some Wood . . . ​­England] For a similar method of making charcoal, as practiced in con­temporary Britain, see Chambers, Cyclopedia, 2:sig. 2Qv.

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Pain, and it was follow’d by a broken Noise, as if 1272 of Words half express’d, and then a deep Sigh again: I stepp’d back, and was, indeed,1273 struck with such a Surprize, that it put me into a cold Sweat; and if I had had a Hat on my Head, I w ­ ill1274 not answer for it, that my Hair might not have lifted it off.* But still plucking up my Spirits as well as I could, and encouraging my self 1275 a l­ ittle1276 with considering that the Power and Presence of God was ­every where, and was able to protect me; upon this I stepp’d forward again, and by the Light of the Firebrand, holding it up a ­little1277 over my Head, I saw lying on the Ground a most monstrous frightful old He–­goat,† just making his W ­ ill, as we say, and gasping for Life, and d ­ ying indeed of meer old Age. I stirr’d him a l­ittle to see if I could get him out, and he essay’d to get up, but was not able to raise himself; and I thought with my self, he might even lie ­t here; for if he had frighted me so, he would certainly fright any of the Savages,1278 if any of them should be so hardy as to come in t­ here, while he had any Life in him. I was now recover’d from my Surprize, and began to look round me, when I found the Cave was but very small, that is to say, it might be about twelve Foot over, but in no manner of Shape, e­ ither round or square, no Hands having ever been employ’d in making it,1279 but ­those of meer Nature: I observ’d also, that ­there was a Place at the farther Side of it, that went in farther, but was so low, that it requir’d me to creep upon my Hands and Knees to go into it, and whither I went I knew not; so having no Candle, I gave it over for some Time; but resolv’d to come again the next Day, provided with Candles, and a Tinder–­box,‡ which I had made of the lock of one of the Muskets, with some wild–­fire1280§ in the Pan. Accordingly the next Day,1281 I came provided with six large Candles of my own making; for I made very good Candles now of Goat’s Tallow; and ­going into this low Place, I was oblig’d to creep upon all Fours, as I have said, almost ten Yards; which by the way,1282 I thought was a Venture bold enough, considering that I knew not how far it might go, nor what was beyond it. When I was got through the Strait,¶ I found the Roof r­ ose1283 higher up, I believe near twenty Foot; but never was such a glorious Sight** seen in the Island, I dare say, as it was, to look round the Sides * Hair . . . ​lifted it off] This observed reflex reaction to fright was exploited by David Garrick ­later in the ­century when he had a wig made for this special effect. The hairs of the wig would rise up in scenes such as Hamlet’s terrifying confrontation with the ghost. †  monstrous frightful old He-­goat] Goats depicted as shaggy forms ­were often part of grotto sculptures. See Philippe Morel, Les Grottes Maniéristes en Italie au XVIe Siècle (Paris: Macula, 1998), 66. ‡  Tinder-­box] A box filled with an easily inflammable substance along with materials for producing a fire. Crusoe uses the flintlock mechanism from a musket along with gunpowder in the touch pan to produce a flame. §  wild-­fire] Any composition of easily lighted substances. In this case, gunpowder. See OED. ¶  Strait] A narrow passage. ** glorious Sight] Among a number of other meanings that might be read into the grotto, it was seen as an example of Nature as the supreme artist. Thus Ovid described Diana’s grotto as an example of how “Nature by her own cunning had imitated art.” Whereas Crusoe speaks disparagingly of his own efforts at making pottery on the island, the grotto might attempt to show the creative powers of that God who lay ­behind Nature. If some artificially constructed grottoes ­were intended to show a rough kind of creativity in Nature, ­others

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and Roof of this Vault, or Cave; the Walls reflected a hundred thousand1284 Lights* to me from my two Candles; what it was in Rock, ­whether Diamonds, or any other precious Stones, or Gold, which I rather suppos’d it to be, I knew not. The Place I was in, was a most delightful Cavity, or Grotto,† of its kind,1285 as could be expected, though perfectly dark; the Floor was dry ‡ and level, and had a sort of small lose1286 Gravel§ upon it, so that ­t here was no nauseous¶ or venemous Creature to be seen, neither was ­there any damp,1287 or wet,1288 on the Sides or Roof: The only Difficulty in it was the Entrance, which however1289 as it was a Place of Security, and such a Retreat as I wanted, I thought that was a Con­ve­nience; so that I was ­really rejoyc’d at the Discovery, and resolv’d without 1290 any Delay, to bring some of t­ hose ­Things which I was most anxious about, to this1291 Place; particularly, I resolv’d to bring hither my Magazine of Powder, and all my spare Arms, viz. Two Fowling–­Pieces, for I had three in all; and three Muskets, (for of them I had eight in all;)1292 so I kept at my ­Castle only five, which stood ready mounted1293 like Pieces of Cannon, on my out–­most Fence; and ­were ready also to take out upon any Expedition. Upon this Occasion of removing my Ammunition, I took occasion1294 to open the Barrel of Powder1295** which I took up out of the Sea, and which had been wet; showed her as the polished artist. See Metamorphoses, trans. Frank Miller and G. P. Gould, 2 vols., Loeb Library (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994), 1:135 (bk. 3, line 156); and Morel, Les Grottes Maniéristes, 94. * a hundred thousand Lights] ­There was ­great interest in grottoes as part of garden architecture at the time, and according to Maynard Mack (The Garden and the City [Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969], 41–82), Alexander Pope began work on his famous grotto at Twickenham in 1720, just a year ­after the publication of The Life and Strange, Surprizing Adventures. This grotto, which was still visitable in the 1990s, though it was far from the condition it had achieved during Pope’s lifetime, it yet had crystals in the roof that reflected the light. †  Delightful Cave or Grotto] In his Elysium Britannicum; or The Royal Gardens, ed. John E. Ingram (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001), 89–91, John Evelyn discusses the use of vari­ous materials such as mosaics and shells with ­mother of pearl in the roofs of grottos, and he constructed one in a garden at Wotton in Surrey. Defoe speaks with consid­ emple’s dedicaerable awe of the gardens of Surrey in his Tour, and in praising Sir William T tion to gardening as a way “to make a Man’s last Days happy” (1:165), he was reflecting his own interest in the gardens of his home at Stoke Newington. Although Pope’s interest in grottoes as a seat of contemplation and poetic inspiration, mentioned in the previous note, gave a certain popularity to grottoes in Britain, they had been established as an essential part of gardens long before. See John Dixon Hunt, “Evelyn’s Idea of the Garden,” in Elysium Bri­ tannicum and Eu­ro­pean Gardening, ed. Therese O’Malley and Joachim Wolschke-­Bulmaln (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library, 1998), 269–271. ‡  Floor was dry] Grottos often had pools or fountains in imitation of the scene of Diana’s ­ ere common enough. In grotto in Ovid’s Metamorphoses (bk. 3, line 155), but dry grottoes w his illustrations of some types of grottoes for eighteenth-­century gardens, Thomas Wright listed types G, H, and I among the dry types. See Wright, Arbours & Grottos, ed. Eileen Haus (London: Scholar Press, 1979), index. §  small lose Gravel] That is, loose gravel, the type of floor recommended by Thomas Wright for several kinds of grottoes. See Arbours & Grottos, index, types G, H, and I. ¶  nauseous] Loathsome. ** Barrel of Powder] For the discovery of the barrel of gunpowder, as recorded in Crusoe’s diary for the first of May, see the text, page 75. For the discovery of the barrel of gunpowder, as recorded in Crusoe’s diary for the first of May, see above, 180.

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and I found that the W ­ ater had penetrated about three or four Inches into the Powder, on ­every Side, which caking and growing hard, had preserv’d the inside1296 like a Kernel in a Shell; so that I had near sixty Pound of very good Powder in the Center of the Cask, and this was an agreeable Discovery to me at that Time; so I carry’d all away thither, never keeping above two or three Pound of Powder with me in my C ­ astle, for fear of a Surprize of any kind:1297 I also carry’d thither all the Lead I had left for Bullets. I fancy’d my self 1298 now like one of the ancient ­Giants, which are said to live in Caves, and Holes,* in1299 the Rocks,† where none could come at them; for I perswaded my self while I was ­here, if five hundred Savages1300 ­were to hunt me, they could never find me out; or if they did, they would not venture to attack me h ­ ere. The old Goat1301 who I found expiring, dy’d in the Mouth of the Cave, the next Day ­after I made this Discovery; and I found it much easier to dig a g­ reat Hole ­t here, and throw him in, and cover him with Earth, than to drag him out; so1302 I interr’d him t­ here, to prevent the Offence1303 to my Nose. I was now in my twenty third Year of Residence in this Island, and was so naturaliz’d to the Place, and to the Manner of Living, that could I have but enjoy’d the Certainty that no Savages would come to the Place to disturb me, I could have been content to have capitulated for spending the rest of my Time ­t here, even to the last Moment, till1304 I had laid me down and dy’d, like the old Goat in the Cave. I had also arriv’d1305 to some ­little Diversions and Amusements, which made the * ancient G ­ iants . . . ​Holes] Although Defoe would not have known of Evelyn’s unpublished discussion of “dry Grotts” composed of “vast rootes of Trees . . . ​heaped one upon another,” he may have been using a common source. Evelyn writes of the stones in t­ hese grottos evoking the “mountains [with] which the Gyants would have scaled heaven . . .” and of the “Dens and Caves” in which they dwelled (Elysium Britannicum, 89–91). In his initial plans for the Grotte de Thetys, built for Louis XIV, Charles Perrault wanted “des figure colôssales” in a mixture of white marble and shells. Defoe’s allusion is prob­ably more biblical than classical, a reference to Genesis 6.4: “­There ­were ­giants in the earth in ­t hose days; and also often that when the sons of God came into the d ­ aughters of men, and they bore ­children to them, they became mighty men which ­were of old, men of renown.” By the pro­cess known as euhemerism, a linking together of vari­ous myths with the Bible, Defoe prob­ably has Crusoe conflate this biblical passage with the Greek myth of how ­giants ­were born from the blood of Uranus ­a fter he had been slain by Chronos. Like Crusoe, ­t hese ­giants dressed in the skins of beasts. They w ­ ere also fierce fighters. Among the historians who used the euhemerist method was one of Defoe’s favorite writers, Sir Walter Raleigh, in his History of the World. See also Charles Perrault, Memoires de ma Vie (Paris: Macula, 1993), 208. †  Caves, and Holes in the Rocks] One grotto near Florence had a gigantic, rough ­human figure coming out of the cave, and as early as the sixteenth ­century, grottoes featuring massive figures, seemingly emerging from the rocks, ­were not uncommon. Among ­t hose making an appearance in grotto sculptures was the barbarous, shaggy Cyclops, Polyphemus, whose cave appeared not only in Homer’s Odyssey but also in Ovid’s Metamorphoses. Homer depicts Polyphemus as a cannibal devouring members of Odysseus’s crew. See Barbara Jones, Follies & Grottoes (London: Constable, 1974), 10; and Morel, Les Grottes Maniéristes, 54, 71. For an illustration of a grotto featuring Polyphemus and his cave, see John Dixon Hunt, Garden and Grove: The Italian Re­nais­sance Garden in the En­glish Imagination 1600– 1750 (London: Dent, 1986), 60. See also Homer, The Odyssey, trans. A. T. Murray, 2 vols., Loeb Library (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1960), 1:315–343 (bk. 9, lines 161–566), and Ovid, Metamorphoses, 2:280–290 (bk. 13, lines 744–897).

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Time pass more pleasantly with me a ­great deal, than it did before; as First,1306 I had taught my Poll, as I noted before, to speak; and he did it so familiarly, and talk’d so articulately and plain, that it was very pleasant to me; and he liv’d1307 with me no less than six and twenty Years: How long he might live afterwards, I know not; though I know they have a Notion in the Brasils, that they live a hundred Years; perhaps poor Poll may be alive ­t here still, calling ­after Poor Robin Crusoe to this Day. I wish no En­glish Man1308 the ill Luck to come t­ here and hear him; but if he did, he would certainly believe it was the Devil. My Dog was a very pleasant and loving Companion to me,1309 for no less than sixteen Years of my Time, and then dy’d, of meer old Age; as for my Cats, they multiply’d as I have observ’d to that Degree, that I was oblig’d to shoot several of them at first, to keep them from devouring me,* and all I had; but at length, when the two old Ones1310 I brought with me ­were gone, and ­after some time continually driving them from me, and letting them have no Provision with me, they all ran wild into the Woods, except two or three Favourites, which I kept tame; and whose Young when they had any, I always drown’d; and t­ hese ­were part of my ­Family: Besides ­these, I1311 always kept two or three houshold1312 Kids† about me, who I taught to feed out of my Hand; and I had two more Parrots which talk’d pretty well, and would all call Robin Cru­ soe; but none like my first; nor indeed did I take the Pains with any of them that I had done with him. I had also several tame Sea–­Fowls, whose Names I know1313 not, who I caught upon the Shore, and cut their Wings; and the l­ ittle Stakes which I had planted before my C ­ astle Wall1314 being now grown up to a good thick Grove, ­t hese Fowls all liv’d among t­ hese low Trees, and bred ­t here, which was very agreeable to me; so that as I said above, I began to be very well contented with the Life I led, if it might but have been secur’d from the dread of the Savages. But it was other­w ise directed; and it may not be amiss for all ­People who ­shall meet with1315 my Story, to make this just Observation from it, viz. How frequently in the Course of our1316 Lives, the Evil which in it self we seek most to shun, and which when we are fallen into it, is the most dreadful to us, is oftentimes the very Means or Door of our Deliverance, by which alone we can be rais’d again from the Affliction we are fallen into. I cou’d give many Examples of this in the Course of my unaccountable Life; but in nothing was it more particularly remarkable,1317 than in the Circumstances of my last Years of solitary Residence in this Island. It was now the Month of December, as I said above, in my twenty third Year; and this being the Southern Solstice, for Winter I cannot call it, was the par­tic­u ­lar Time of my Harvest, and requir’d my being pretty much abroad in the Fields; when ­going out pretty early in the Morning, even before it was thorow Day–­light, I was surpriz’d with seeing a Light of some Fire upon the Shore, at a Distance from me, of about two Mile1318 ­towards the End of the Island, where I had observ’d some

* Cats . . . ​devouring me] Selkirk was both­ered by a large rat population. †  houshold Kids] Selkirk domesticated his goats and would occasionally dance with them for plea­sure.

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Savages had been as before;1319 but not on the other Side; but to my ­great Affliction, it was on my Side of the Island. I was indeed 1320 terribly surpriz’d at the Sight, and stepp’d short* within my Grove, not daring to go out, least I might be surpriz’d; and yet I had no more Peace within, from the Apprehensions I had, that if t­ hese Savages in rambling over the Island, should find my Corn standing, or cut, or any of my Works and Improvements, they would immediately conclude, that ­t here ­were ­People in the Place, and would then never give over till they had found me out: In1321 this Extremity I went back directly to my C ­ astle, pull’d up the Ladder a­ fter me, and made all Th ­ ings1322 without look as wild and natu­ral as I could. Then I  prepar’d my self 1323 within, putting my self in a Posture of Defence; I loaded all my Cannon, as I call’d them; that is to say, my Muskets, which ­were mounted upon my new Fortification,† and all my Pistols, and resolv’d to defend my self to the last Gasp, not forgetting seriously to commend my self to the Divine1324 Protection, and earnestly to pray to God to deliver me out of the Hands of the Barbarians; and in this Posture I  continu’d about two Hours;1325 but began to be mighty impatient for Intelligence abroad, for I had no Spies to send out.1326 ­After sitting a while longer, and musing what I should do in this Case, I was not able to bear sitting in Ignorance any longer; so setting up my Ladder to the Side of the Hill, where t­ here was a flat Place, as I observ’d before, and then pulling the Ladder up a­ fter me, I set it up again, and mounted to the Top of the Hill; and pulling out my Perspective Glass, which I had taken on Purpose,1327 I laid me down flat on my Belly, on the Ground, and began to look for the Place;1328 I presently found ­t here was no less than nine naked Savages, sitting round a small Fire they had made, not to warm them;1329 for they had no need of that, the Weather being extreme hot; but1330 as I suppos’d, to dress some of their barbarous Diet, of humane Flesh, which they had brought with them, ­whether alive or dead I could not know. They had two Canoes with them, which they had haled up upon the Shore; and as it was then Tide of Ebb, they seem’d to me to wait for the Return of the Flood, to go away again; it is not easy to imagine what Confusion this Sight put me into, especially seeing them come on my Side the Island, and so near me too; but when I observ’d their coming must be always with the Current of the Ebb, I began afterwards to be more sedate in my Mind, being satisfy’d that I might go abroad with Safety all the Time of the Tide of Flood, if they w ­ ere not on Shore before: And having made this Observation, I  went abroad about my Harvest Work 1331 with the more Composure. As I expected, so it prov’d; for as soon as the Tide made to the Westward, I saw them all take Boat, and row (or paddle as we call it) all away: I should have observ’d, that for an Hour and more before they went off, they went to dancing, and I could easily discern their Postures, and Gestures, by my Glasses: I could not perceive1332 * stepp’d short] Modern ­stopped short. See OED. †  mounted upon my new Fortification] For a parallel arming against savages ­behind a similar fortification, see Smeeks, Mighty Kingdom, 78–79.

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by my nicest Observation, but that they w ­ ere stark naked, and had not the least 1333 covering upon them; but ­whether they ­were Men or ­Women, that I could not distinguish. As soon as I saw them shipp’d,1334 and gone, I took two Guns upon my Shoulders, and two Pistols at my Girdle, and my ­great Sword by my Side, without a Scabbard, and with all the Speed I was able to make, I went away to the Hill, where I had discover’d the first Appearance of all; and as soon as I gat thither, which was not less than two Hours; for I could not go apace, being so loaden with Arms as I was. I perceiv’d1335 ­t here had been three Canoes more of Savages on that Place; and looking out farther, I saw they ­were all at Sea together, making over for the Main. This was a dreadful Sight to me, especially when g­ oing down to the Shore, I could see the Marks of Horror, which the dismal Work they had been about had left ­behind it, viz. the Blood,1336 the Bones, and part of the Flesh of humane Bodies, eaten and devour’d by t­ hose Wretches, with Merriment and Sport: I was so fill’d with Indignation at the Sight, that I began now to premeditate the Destruction of the next that I saw t­ here, let them be who, or how many soever. It seem’d evident to me, that the Visits which they thus make to this Island, are not very frequent; for it was above fifteen Months before any more of them came on Shore t­ here again; that is to say, I neither saw them, or any Footsteps, or Signals of them, in all that Time; for as to the rainy Seasons, then they are sure not to come abroad, at least not so far; yet all this while I  liv’d uncomfortably, by reason of the constant Apprehensions I was in of their coming upon me by Surprize; from whence I observe, that the Expectation of Evil is more ­bitter than the Suffering, especially1337 if ­t here is no room to shake off that Expectation, or ­t hose Apprehensions. During all this Time, I was in the murthering Humour; and took up most of my Hours, which should have been better employ’d, in contriving how to circumvent, and fall upon them, the very next Time I should see them; especially if they should be divided, as they ­were the last Time, into two Parties; nor did I consider at all, that if I kill’d one Party, suppose Ten, or a Dozen, I was still the next Day, or Week, or Month, to kill another, and so another, even ad infinitum, till1338 I should be at length no less a Murtherer than they ­were in being Man–­eaters; and perhaps much more so. I spent my Days now in ­great Perplexity, and Anxiety* of Mind, expecting that I should one Day or other fall into the Hands of t­ hese merciless Creatures; and if I did at any Time1339 venture abroad, it was not without looking round me with the greatest Care and Caution imaginable; and now I found to my ­great Comfort, how happy it was that I provided for a tame Flock or Herd of Goats; for I durst not upon any account fire my Gun, especially near that Side of the Island where they usually came, least I should alarm the Savages; and if they had fled from me now, * Anxiety] For Defoe’s frequent treatment of anxiety, see Benjamin Boyce, “The Question of Emotion in Defoe,” Studies in Philology 50 (1953): 45–58.

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I was sure to have them come back again, with perhaps two or three hundred Canoes with them, in a few Days, and then I knew what to expect. However, I wore out a Year and three Months more, before I ever saw any more of the Savages, and then I found them again, as I ­shall soon observe. It is true, they might have been t­ here once, or twice; but e­ ither they made no stay, or at least1340 I did not hear them; but in the Month of May, as near as I could calculate, and in my four and twentieth Year, I had a very strange Encounter with them, of which in its Place. The Perturbation of my Mind, during this fifteen or sixteen Months Interval, was very ­great; I slept unquiet, dream’d always frightful Dreams, and often started out of my Sleep in the Night: In the Day ­great Trou­bles overwhelm’d my Mind, and in the Night I dream’d often of killing the Savages, and of the Reasons why I  might justify the ­doing of it; but1341 to wave all this for a while; it was in the ­middle of May, on the sixteenth Day I think, as well as my poor wooden Calendar would reckon; for I markt all upon the Post still; I say, it was the sixteenth of May, that it blew a very g­ reat Storm of Wind, all Day, with a g­ reat deal of Lightning, and Thunder, and a very foul Night it was a­ fter it; I know not what was the par­tic­u ­lar Occasion of it; but as I was reading in the Bible, and taken up with very serious Thoughts about my pre­sent Condition, I was surpriz’d with a Noise of a Gun as I thought fir’d at Sea. This was to be sure a Surprize of a quite dif­fer­ent Nature from any I had met with before; for the Notions this put into my Thoughts, ­were quite of another kind. I started up in the greatest hast imaginable, and in a trice clapt my Ladder to the ­middle Place of the Rock, and pull’d it a­ fter me, and mounting it the second Time, got to the Top of the Hill, the very Moment that a Flash1342 of Fire bid me listen for a second Gun, which accordingly, in about half a Minute I heard; and by the sound, knew that it was from that Part of the Sea where I was driven down the Current in my Boat. I immediately consider’d that this must be some Ship in Distress, and that they had some Comrade, or some other Ship in Com­pany, and fir’d ­these Guns for Signals of Distress, and to obtain Help: I had this Presence of Mind at that Minute, as to think that though I could not help them, it may be they might help me; so I brought together all the dry Wood I could get at hand, and making a good handsome Pile, I set it on Fire upon the Hill; the Wood was dry, and blaz’d freely; and though the Wind blew very hard, yet it burnt fairly out; that I was certain, if t­ here was any such Th ­ ing as a Ship, they must needs see it, and no doubt they did; for as soon as ever my Fire blaz’d up, I heard another Gun, and ­after that several ­others, all from the same Quarter; I ply’d my Fire all Night long, till1343 Day broke; and when it was broad Day, and the Air clear’d up, I saw something at a g­ reat Distance at Sea, full East of the Island, w ­ hether a Sail, or a Hull, I could not distinguish, no not with my Glasses, the Distance was so g­ reat, and the Weather still something hazy1344 also; at least it was so out at Sea. I look’d frequently at it all that Day, and soon perceiv’d that it did not move; so I presently concluded, that it was a Ship at an Anchor, and being ­eager, you may

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be sure, to be satisfy’d, I took my Gun in my Hand, and run t­ oward the South Side1345 of the Island, to the Rocks where I had formerly1346 been carry’d away with the Current, and getting up t­here, the Weather by this Time being perfectly clear, I could plainly see to my ­great Sorrow, the Wreck of a Ship cast away in the Night, upon ­those concealed Rocks which I found, when I was out in my Boat; and which Rocks, as they check’d the Vio­lence of the Stream, and made a kind of ­Counter–­stream, or Eddy, ­were the Occasion of my recovering from the most desperate hopeless Condition that ever I had been in, in all my Life. Thus what is one Man’s Safety, is another Man’s Destruction; for it seems t­ hese Men, whoever they w ­ ere, being out of their Knowledge, and the Rocks being wholly ­under W ­ ater, had been driven upon them in the Night, the Wind blowing hard at E. and E.N.E:1347 Had they seen the Island, as I must necessarily suppose they did not, they must, as I thought, have endeavour’d to have sav’d themselves on Shore by the Help of their Boat; but their firing of Guns for Help, especially when they saw, as I imagin’d, my Fire, fill’d me with many Thoughts:1348 First, I imagin’d1349 that upon seeing my Light, they might have put themselves into their Boat, and have endeavour’d to make the Shore; but that the Sea ­going very high, they might have been cast away; other Times I imagin’d, that they might have lost their Boat before, as might be the Case many Ways; as particularly1350 by the Breaking of the Sea upon their Ship, which many Times obliges Men to stave, or take in Pieces their Boat; and sometimes to throw it over–­board1351 with their own Hands: Other Times I imagin’d, they had some other Ship, or Ships1352 in Com­pany, who upon the Signals of Distress they had made, had taken them up, and carry’d them off: Other whiles I fancy’d, they w ­ ere all gone off to Sea in their Boat, and being hurry’d away by the Current that I had been formerly in, ­were carry’d out into the ­great Ocean, where t­ here was nothing but Misery and Perishing; and that perhaps they might by this Time think of starving,1353 and of being in a Condition to eat one another.* As all t­hese w ­ ere but Conjectures at best;1354 so in the Condition I  was in, I  could do no more than look on upon the Misery of the poor Men, and pity them, which had still this good Effect on my Side, that it gave me more and more Cause to give Thanks to God1355 who had so happily and comfortably provided for me in my desolate Condition; and that of two Ships Companies who w ­ ere now cast away upon this part 1356 of the World, not one Life should be spar’d but mine: I learn’d h ­ ere again to observe, that it is very rare that the Providence of God casts us into any Condition of Life so low, or any Misery so g­ reat, but we may see something or other to be thankful for; and may see o ­ thers in worse Circumstances than our own. * to eat one another] Having distinguished between cannibalism as an aspect of native culture and his own murderous impulses, Crusoe now raises a pos­si­ble justification for cannibalism among Western nations. Defoe was to treat this theme in the beginning of The Farther Adventures. For the natu­ral law justification of cannibalism among sailors adrift without food, see Novak, Defoe and the Nature of Man, 67, 69, 71–72. During the seventeenth ­century, some famous law cases demonstrated that even the conventional law recognized that dire necessity might excuse cannibalism.

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Such certainly was the Case of ­these Men, of whom I cou’d not so much as see room1357 to suppose any of them ­were sav’d; nothing could make it rational, so much as to wish,1358 or expect that they did not all perish ­there;1359 except the Possibility only of their being taken up by another Ship in Com­pany,1360 and this was but meer Possibility indeed; for I saw not the least Signal or Appearance of any such Th ­ ing. 1361 I cannot explain by any pos­si­ble Energy of Words, what a strange longing or hankering1362 of Desires I felt in my Soul upon this Sight; breaking out sometimes thus; O that ­t here had been but one or two; nay, or but one Soul sav’d out of this Ship, to have escap’d to me, that I might but have had one Companion, one Fellow–­ Creature to have spoken to me, and to have convers’d with! In all the Time of my solitary Life, I never felt so earnest, so strong a Desire a­ fter the Society of my Fellow–­ Creatures, or so deep a Regret at the want1363 of it. ­There are some secret moving Springs* in the Affections, which when they are set a ­going by some Object in view,1364 or be it some Object, though not in view, yet rendred1365 pre­sent to the Mind by the Power of Imagination,† that Motion‡ carries out the Soul by its Impetuosity to such violent ­eager embracings1366 of the Object, that the Absence of it is insupportable. Such ­were ­t hese earnest Wishings, That but one Man had been sav’d! O that it had been but One! I believe I repeated the Words, O that it had been but One! A thousand Times;1367 and the Desires w ­ ere so mov’d by it, that when I spoke the Words, my Hands would clinch together, and my Fin­gers press the Palms of my Hands, that if I had had any soft ­Th ing in my Hand, it wou’d have crusht 1368 it involuntarily;§ and my Teeth in my Head wou’d strike1369 together, and set against one another so strong, that for some time I cou’d1370 not part them again. Let the Naturalists¶ explain ­these ­Things, and the Reason and Manner of them; all I can say to them, is, to describe the Fact, which was even surprising to me when I found it; though I knew not from what it should proceed; it was doubtless the effect1371 of ardent Wishes, and of strong Ideas** form’d in my Mind, realizing the * Springs] Elastic energies or forces. See OED. †  Power of Imagination] Crusoe has been fantasizing about the wreck and the pos­si­ble fate of the crew for several pages before this crisis of loneliness. His failed attempt to put his feelings into words resembles John Locke’s description of the confusion with which the mind forms abstract ideas and the way in which words replace real thought as a way of moving the emo­ uman Understanding, 2 vols., ed. Alexander tions to action. See Locke, Essay concerning H Fraser (1894; repr., New York: Dover, 1959), 2:245 (IV.v.4). ‡  Motion] Agitation of the mind. See OED. §  involuntarily] In this passage, the saying of the words “O that it had been but One” produces a mechanical response in Crusoe’s body. ­There is much in Crusoe’s reaction of what Swift called the “Mechanical Operation of the Spirit,” in his essay on that subject. ¶  Naturalists] ­Those skilled in understanding natu­ral ­causes or “Natu­ral Philosophy,” specialists in what we would call the physical sciences—­“that Science which contemplates the Power of Nature, the Properties of natu­ral Bodies, and their mutual Action one upon another”—as opposed to students of the mind and passions. See Bailey, Universal Etymologi­ cal En­glish Dictionary, sig. Bbbb4. ** ardent Wishes . . . ​strong Ideas] Crusoe’s analy­sis of his thought pro­cesses bears some resemblance to Locke’s concept of the “Association of Ideas.” See An Essay concerning ­Human Understanding, 1:527–535 (II.xxxiii).

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Comfort,1372 which the Conversation of one of my Fellow–­Christians would have been to me. But it was not to be; e­ ither their Fate1373 or mine, or both, forbid it; for till1374 the last Year of my being on this Island, I never knew ­whether any ­were saved1375* out of that Ship or no; and had only the Affliction some Days ­after, to see the Corps of a drownded1376 Boy come on Shore, at the End of the Island which was next the Shipwreck: He had on no Cloaths, but a Seaman’s Wastcoat, a pair1377 of open knee’d Linnen Drawers, and a blew Linnen Shirt; but nothing to direct me so much as to guess what Nation he was of: He had nothing in his Pocket, but two Pieces of Eight,1378 and a Tobacco Pipe; the last was to me of ten times more value1379 than the first. It was now calm, and I had a ­great mind1380 to venture out in my Boat, to this Wreck; not doubting but I might find something on board, that1381 might be useful to me; but that did not altogether press me so much, as the Possibility that t­ here might be yet some living Creature on board, whose1382 Life I might not only save, but might by1383 saving that Life, comfort my own to the last Degree; and this Thought1384 clung so to my Heart, that I  could not be quiet, Night or Day, but I must venture out in my Boat on board1385 this Wreck; and committing the rest to God’s Providence, I thought the Impression was so strong upon my Mind, that it could not be resisted, that it must come from some invisible Direction, and that I should be wanting to my self if 1386 I did not go. ­Under the Power of this Impression, I hasten’d back to my C ­ astle, prepar’d ­every Th ­ ing for my Voyage, took a Quantity of Bread, a ­great Pot for fresh ­Water, a Compass to steer by, a B ­ ottle of Rum;1387 for I had still a g­ reat deal of that left; a Basket full of Raisins: And thus loading my self with e­ very Th ­ ing necessary, I went down to my Boat, got the W ­ ater out of her, and got her afloat, loaded all my Cargo in her, and then went Home again for more; my second Cargo was a ­great Bag full of Rice, the Umbrella to set up over my Head for Shade;1388 another large Pot full of fresh W ­ ater, and about two Dozen of my small Loave, or Barley Cakes, more than before, with a B ­ ottle of Goat’s–­Milk,1389 and a Cheese; all which, with ­great ­Labour and Sweat, I brought to my Boat; and praying to God to direct my Voyage, I put out, and Rowing or Padling the Canoe along the Shore, I came at last to the utmost Point of the Island on that Side, (viz.) N. E. And now I was to launch out into1390 the Ocean, and ­either to venture, or not to venture. I look’d on the rapid Currents which ran constantly on both Sides of the Island, at a Distance, and which w ­ ere very terrible to me, from the Remembrance of the ­Hazard I had been in before, and my Heart began to fail me; for I foresaw that if I was driven into e­ ither of ­t hose Currents, I should be carry’d a vast Way out to Sea, and perhaps out of my Reach, or Sight of the Island again; and that then, as my Boat was but small, if any l­ ittle Gale of Wind should rise, I should be inevitably lost. * any ­were saved] This prefigures the fate of the Spanish Captain and some of his crew.

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­ ese Thoughts so oppress’d my Mind, that I began to give over my Enterprize, Th and having haled my Boat into a l­ittle Creek on the Shore, I stept out, and sat1391 me down upon a ­little rising bit of Ground, very pensive and anxious, between Fear and Desire* about my Voyage; when as I was musing, I could perceive that the Tide was turn’d, and the Flood come on,1392 upon which my g­ oing was for so many Hours impracticable; upon1393 this presently it occurr’d to me, that I should go up to the highest Piece of Ground I could find, and observe, if I could, how the Sets of the Tide, or Currents lay, when the Flood came in, that I might judge w ­ hether if I was driven one way1394 out, I might not expect to be driven another way1395 home, with the same Rapidness of the Currents: This Thought was no sooner in my Head, but I cast my Eye upon a l­ittle Hill, which sufficiently over–­look’d the Sea both ways, and from whence I had a clear view1396 of the Currents, or Sets of the Tide, and which way I was to guide my self 1397 in my Return; ­here I found, that as the Current of the Ebb set out close by the South Point of the Island;1398 so the Current of the Flood set in close by the Shore of the North Side, and that I had nothing to do but to keep to the North of the Island in my Return, and I should do well enough. Encourag’d with this Observation, I resolv’d the next Morning to set out with the first of the Tide; and reposing my self 1399 for the Night in the Canoe, u ­ nder the ­great Watch–­coat, I mention’d, I launched1400 out: I made first a ­little out to Sea full North, till I began to feel the Benefit of the Current, which set Eastward, and which carry’d me at a ­great Rate,1401 and yet did not so hurry me as the Southern Side Current had done before, and so as to take from me all Government of the Boat; but having a strong Steerage with my Paddle, I went at a g­ reat Rate, directly1402 for the Wreck, and in less than two Hours I came up to it. It was a dismal Sight to look at: The Ship, which by its building1403 was Spanish, stuck fast, jaum’d in between two Rocks; all the Stern and Quarter of her was beaten to pieces,1404 with the Sea; and as her Forecastle, which stuck in the Rocks, had run on with g­ reat Vio­lence, her Mainmast and Foremast w ­ ere brought by the Board; that is to say, broken short off; but her Boltsprit† was found, and the Head and Bow appear’d firm; when I came close to her, a Dog appear’d upon her, who seeing me coming, yelp’d, and cry’d;1405 and as soon as I call’d him, jump’d into the Sea, to come to me, and I took him into the Boat;1406 but found him almost dead for Hunger and Thirst: I gave him a Cake of my Bread, and he eat it like a ravenous Wolf, that had been starving a Fortnight in the Snow:1407‡ I then gave the * between Fear and Desire] This is the basic pattern of ­human be­hav­ior described by John Wilmot, second Earl of Rochester in his A Satire against Mankind. See Works, ed. Harold Love (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 60–61, lines 128–167. Defoe was fond of quoting vari­ous sections of this passage. †  Boltsprit] Usually bowsprit. “A large boom or mast, which proj­ects over the stem, to carry the sail forwards, in order to govern the fore-­part of a ship.” Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 46. ‡  Wolf . . . ​Snow] This description carries forward the theme of starvation, which is impor­ tant throughout The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures with specific reference to the end of this work and becomes an impor­tant theme in The Farther Adventures and Serious Reflections.

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poor Creature some fresh ­Water, with which, if I would have let him, he would have burst himself. ­A fter this I  went on board;1408 but the first Sight I  met with, was two Men drown’d,1409 in the Cookroom, or Forecastle of the Ship, with their Arms fast about one another: I concluded, as is indeed probable, that when the Ship struck, it being in a Storm, the Sea broke so high, and so continually over her, that the Men ­were not able to bear it, and w ­ ere strangled with the constant rushing in of the W ­ ater, as much as if they had been u ­ nder ­Water. Besides the Dog, t­ here was nothing left in the Ship that had Life;1410 nor any Goods that I could see, but what w ­ ere spoil’d by the ­Water. ­There ­were some Casks of Liquor, ­whether Wine or Brandy, I knew not, which lay lower in the Hold; and which, the ­Water being ebb’d out, I could see; but they ­were too big to meddle with: I saw several Chests, which I believ’d belong’d to some of the Seamen;1411 and I got two of them into the Boat, without examining what was in them. Had the Stern of the Ship been fix’d, and the Forepart broken off, I am perswaded1412 I might have made a good Voyage; for by what I found in t­hese two Chests, I had room to suppose,1413 the Ship had a ­great deal of Wealth on board; and if I may guess by the Course she steer’d, she must have been bound from the Buenos Ayres, or the Rio de la Plata, in the South Part of Amer­i­ca, beyond the Brasils, to the Havana, in the Gulph of Mexico, and so perhaps to Spain: She had, no doubt,1414 a ­great Trea­sure in her; but of no use at that time to any body;1415 and what became of the rest of her ­People,* I then knew not. I found1416 besides ­these Chests, a ­little Cask full of Liquor, of about twenty Gallons, which I got into my Boat, with much Difficulty; ­t here ­were several Muskets in a Cabin, and a ­great Powder–­horn, with about 4 Pounds of Powder in it; as for the Muskets, I had no occasion for them; so I left them,1417 but took the Powder–­ horn: I took a Fire–­Shovel1418 and Tongs, which I wanted extremely; as also two ­little Brass K ­ ettles, a Copper Pot to make Choco­late, and a Gridiron; and with this Cargo, and the Dog, I came away, the Tide beginning to make home again;1419 and the same Eve­ning, about an Hour within Night, I reach’d the Island again, weary and fatigu’d to the last Degree. I repos’d that Night in the Boat, and in the Morning I resolved1420 to harbour what I had gotten in my new Cave, not to carry it home1421 to my ­Castle. ­A fter refreshing my self,1422 I got all my Cargo on Shore, and began to examine the Particulars: The Cask of Liquor I found to be a kind1423 of Rum, but not such as we had at the Brasils; and in a Word, not at all good;1424 but when I came to open the Chests, I found several ­Things1425 of ­great use to me: For Example, I found in one,1426 a fine Case of ­Bottles, of an extraordinary kind,1427 and fill’d with Cordial ­Waters, fine, and very good; the ­Bottles held about three Pints each, and ­were tipp’d with Silver: I found two Pots of very good Succades, or Sweetmeats,† so fastned also on * rest of her ­People] The implication, though never fully established, is that the Spanish Captain, who is l­ater rescued by Crusoe, was the Captain of this ship and that he did indeed escape with part of his crew. †  Succades, or Sweetmeats] Fruits preserved in sugar, ­either candied or in syrup.

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top,1428 that the Salt ­Water had not hurt them; and two more of the same, which the W ­ ater had spoil’d: I found some very good Shirts, which w ­ ere very welcome to me; and about a dozen and half of Linnen1429 white Handkerchiefs, and colour’d Neckcloths; the former ­were also very welcome, being exceeding refreshing to wipe my Face in a hot Day; besides this, when I came to the Till in the Chests,1430 I found ­t here three g­ reat Bags of Pieces of Eight, which held about1431 eleven hundred Pieces in all; and in one of them, wrapt up in a Paper, six Doubloons* of Gold, and some small Bars or Wedges of Gold; I suppose they might all weigh near a Pound. The other Chest I found had some Cloaths in it, but of l­ittle Value; but by the Circumstances it must have belong’d to the Gunner’s Mate;1432 though ­t here was no Powder in it; but about two Pound of fine glaz’d Powder, in three small Flasks, kept, I suppose, for charging their Fowling–­Pieces on occasion: Upon the ­whole,1433 I got very ­little by this Voyage, that was of any use to me; for as to the Money, I had no manner1434 of occasion for it. ’Twas1435 to me as the Dirt u ­ nder my Feet; and I would have given it all for three or four pair1436 of En­glish Shoes and Stockings, which ­were ­Things I greatly wanted, but had not had on my Feet now for many Years: I had, indeed, gotten two pair1437 of Shoes now, which I took off of the Feet of the two drown’d Men, who I saw in the Wreck; and I found two pair1438 more in one of the Chests, which w ­ ere very welcome to me; but they w ­ ere not like our En­glish Shoes, ­either for Ease, or Ser­v ice;1439 being rather what we call Pumps,1440† than Shoes: I found in this Seaman’s Chest,1441 about fifty Pieces of Eight in Ryals,1442‡ but no Gold; I suppose this belong’d to a poorer Man than the other, which seem’d to belong to some Officer. Well, however, I lugg’d this Money home to my Cave, and laid it up, as I had done that before, which I brought from our own Ship; but it was g­ reat Pity1443 as I said, that the other Part of this Ship had not come to my Share;1444 for I am satisfy’d I might have loaded my Canoe several Times over with Money, which1445 if I had ever escap’d to ­England, would have lain ­here safe enough, till I might have come again and fetch’d it. Having now brought all my Th ­ ings on Shore, and secur’d them, I went back to my Boat, and row’d, or paddled her along the Shore,1446 to her old Harbour, where I laid her up, and made the best of my way1447 to my old Habitation, where I found ­every ­t hing1448 safe and quiet; so I began to repose my self, live a­ fter my old fashion,1449 and take care1450 of my ­Family Affairs;§ and for a while, I  liv’d easy enough; only that I was more vigilant than I us’d 1451 to be, look’d out oftner, and did not go abroad so much; and if at any time I did stir with any, Freedom, it was always to the East 1452 Part of the Island, where I was pretty well satisfy’d the * Doubloons] A Spanish gold coin equal to between thirty-­t hree and thirty-­six shillings. †  Pumps] See above p. 118, n. 172. ‡  Ryals] A small silver coin, the rough equivalent of a Spanish sixpence. They w ­ ere sometimes called “reals” or “royals.” §­  ­Family Affairs] ­Family is ­here equivalent to “house­hold,” the meaning of its Latin root. See OED.

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Savages never came, and where I  could go without so many Precautions, and such a Load of Arms and Ammunition, as I always carry’d with me, if I went the other way.1453 I liv’d in this Condition near two Years more; but my1454 unlucky Head, that was always to let me know it was born to make my Body miserable, was all this two1455 Years fill’d with Proj­ects and Designs, how, if it w ­ ere pos­si­ble, I might get away from this Island; for sometimes I was for making another Voyage to the Wreck, though my Reason told me that t­ here was nothing left t­ here,1456 worth the ­Hazard of my Voyage: Sometimes for a Ramble one way,1457 sometimes another; and I believe verily, if I had had the Boat that I went from Sallee in, I should have ventur’d to Sea, bound any where, I knew not whither. I have been in all my Circumstances1458 a Memento to ­t hose who are touch’d with the general Plague of Mankind, whence, for o ­ ught I know, one half 1459 of their Miseries flow; I mean, that of not being satisfy’d with the Station wherein God and Nature has plac’d1460 them; for not to look back upon my primitive Condition,* and the excellent Advice of my ­Father, the Opposition to which, was, as I may call it, my Original Sin;1461† my subsequent ­Mistakes of the same kind1462 had been the Means of my coming into this miserable Condition; for had that Providence, which so happily had seated me at the Brasils, as a Planter, bless’d me with confin’d Desires, and I could have been contented to have gone on gradually, I might have been by this Time; I mean, in the Time of my being in this Island, one of the most considerable Planters in the Brasils,1463 nay, I am perswaded, that by the Improvements I had made, in that ­little Time I1464 liv’d ­t here, and the Encrease I should prob­ably have made,1465 if I had stay’d, I might have been worth an hundred thousand Moydores;1466‡ and what Business had I to leave a settled Fortune, a well stock’d 1467 Plantation, improving and encreasing, to turn Supra–­Cargo1468§ to Guinea, to fetch Negroes;1469 when Patience and Time¶ would have so encreas’d our Stock at Home, that we could have bought them at our own Door, from t­ hose whose Business it was to fetch them; and though1470 it had cost us something more, * primitive Condition] Early. †  ORIGINAL SIN] In using this term, with its implications about Eve’s and Adam’s transgression in the Garden of Eden, Defoe shifts its meaning to what might be called a character flaw. For an extension of its meaning from Genesis to the New Testament, see Romans 5.12. ‡  Moydores] The OED gives “moidore(s)” as the normative spelling, although it lists Defoe’s version among many ­others. ­Later in the text (335:11) Crusoe uses the normative spelling. The word is a corruption of the Portuguese moeda de ouro or gold coin. It defines this gold coin as “current in ­England and its colonies in the first half of the eigh­teenth ­century.” In colloquial speech the evaluation of this coin was equivalent to twenty-­seven shillings, and we ­w ill accept that number even though the first two examples provided by the OED are somewhat higher. Crusoe’s estimate of what his worth might have been is equal to approximately £135,000. Currencies varied greatly in value. See, for example, Alexander Justice, A General Treatise of Monies and Exchanges (London, 1707), 173–179. §  Supra-­Cargo] The supercargo was the officer on a merchant ship in charge of both the cargo and all commercial affairs. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 284. ¶  Patience and Time] See Defoe’s Compleat En­glish Tradesman, 1:57–67, for his more detailed warning against trying to rise too quickly in the world of business. He also argues that anyone in business has to have “a competent stock of patience” (1:85).

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yet the Difference of that Price was by no Means worth saving,1471 at so ­g reat a ­Hazard. But as this is ordinarily the Fate of young Heads, so Reflection upon the Folly of it, is as1472 ordinarily the Exercise of more Years, or of the dear–­bought Experience of Time;1473 and so it was with me now; and yet so deep had the M ­ istake taken 1474 root in my Temper, that I could not satisfy my self in my Station, but was continually poring upon the Means,1475 and Possibility of my Escape from this Place; and that I may with the greater Plea­sure to the Reader,* bring on the remaining Part of my Story, it may not be improper to1476 give some Account of my first Conceptions on the Subject of this foolish Scheme, for1477 my Escape; and how, and upon what Foundation I acted. I am now to be suppos’d retir’d into my ­Castle, ­a fter my late Voyage to the Wreck, my Frigate laid up, and secur’d ­under ­Water, as usual, and my Condition restor’d to what it was before: I had more Wealth indeed1478 than I had before, but was not at all the richer; for I had no1479 more use1480 for it,† than the Indians of Peru had, before the Spaniards came ­t here. It was one of the Nights1481 in the rainy Season in March, the four and twentieth Year of my first setting Foot in this Island of Solitariness;1482 I was lying in my Bed, or Hammock, awake, very well in Health, had no Pain, no Distemper, no Uneasiness of Body;1483 no, nor any Uneasiness of Mind, more than ordinary; but could by no means1484 close my Eyes; that is, so as to sleep; no, not a Wink all Night long, other­wise than as follows: It is as impossible,1485 as ­needless, to set down the innumerable Crowd of Thoughts that whirl’d through that g­ reat Thorow-­fare1486 of the Brain, the Memory, in this Night’s1487 Time: I run over the w ­ hole History of my Life in Miniature, 1488 or by Abridgment, as I may call it, to my coming to this Island; and also of the Part of my Life,1489 since I came to this Island. In my Reflections upon the State of my Case, since I came on Shore on this Island, I was comparing the happy Posture of my Affairs, in the first Years of my Habitation h ­ ere, compar’d to the Life of Anxi1490 ety, Fear and Care, which I had liv’d ever since I had seen the Print of a Foot in the Sand; not that I did not believe the Savages had frequented the Island even all the while,1491 and might have been several Hundreds of them at Times on Shore ­t here; but I had never known it, and was incapable of any Apprehensions about it; my Satisfaction was perfect, though1492 my Danger was the same; and I was as happy in not knowing my Danger, as if I had never r­ eally been expos’d to it:1493 This furnish’d my Thoughts with many very profitable Reflections, and particularly this * Plea­sure to the Reader] Crusoe calls attention to the narrativity of his account by an appeal to the plea­sure of the text and by a subsequent summary of his situation. †  Wealth . . . ​use for it] This par­tic­u ­lar emphasis on the uselessness of gold and any type of money on his island ­a fter he had just said that the gold found on the Spanish wreck was no more valuable to him than “Dirt ­under . . . ​[his] Feet” (228) plays into con­temporary doubts about the intrinsic value of money. In France, John Law was actively advocating the use of paper money, and his Mississippi Com­pany was attracting investors in its paper stock. See H. Montgomery Hyde, John Law (London: W. H. Allen, 1969), 65–163; and Ragnhild Hatton, George I Elector and King (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978), 248–249.

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one, How infinitely Good that Providence is, which has provided in its Government of Mankind,1494 such narrow bounds to his Sight and Knowledge of Th ­ ings,1495 1496 and though he walks in the midst of so many thousand Dangers, the Sight of which, if discover’d to him, would distract his Mind, and sink his Spirits; he is kept serene,1497 and calm, by having the Events of Th ­ ings hid from his Eyes, and know1498 ing nothing the Dangers which surround him. ­A fter ­t hese Thoughts had for some Time entertain’d me,* I came to reflect seriously upon the real Danger I had been in, for so many Years, in1499 this very Island; and how I had walk’d about in the greatest Security, and with all pos­si­ble Tranquillity;1500 even when perhaps nothing but a Brow of a Hill, a ­great Tree, or the casual Approach of Night, had been between me and the worst kind1501 of Destruction, viz. That of falling into the Hands of Cannibals1502 and Savages, who would have seiz’d on me with the same View, as I did of a Goat,1503 or a Turtle; and have thought it no more a Crime to kill and devour me, than I did of a Pidgeon,1504 or a Curlieu: I would unjustly slander my self, if I should say I was not sincerely thankful to my g­ reat Preserver, to whose singular Protection I  acknowledg’d, with ­great Humility, that all t­ hese unknown Deliverances ­were due; and without which, I must inevitably have fallen1505 into their merciless Hands. When ­t hese Thoughts ­were over, my Head was for some time taken up in considering the Nature of ­t hese wretched Creatures;1506 I mean, the Savages; and how it came to pass in the World, that the wise Governour of all ­Things should give up any of his Creatures to such Inhumanity; nay, to something so much below, even Brutality it self,1507 as to devour its own kind;1508 but as this ended in some (at that Time fruitless) Speculations, it occurr’d to me to enquire, what Part of the World ­t hese Wretches liv’d in; how far off the Coast was from whence they came; what they ventur’d over so far from home for; what kind1509 of Boats they had; and why I might not order my self, and my Business so, that I might be as able to go over thither, as they ­were to come to me. I never so much as troubl’d my self 1510 to consider what I should do with my self, when I came thither; what would become of me, if I fell into the Hands of the Savages; or how I should escape from them, if they attempted me; no, nor so much as how it was pos­si­ble for me to reach the Coast, and not be attempted by some or other of them, without any Possibility of delivering my self; and if I should not fall into their Hands, what I should do for Provision, or whither I should bend my Course; none of t­ hese Thoughts, I say, so much as came in my way;1511 but my Mind was wholly bent upon the Notion of my passing over in my Boat,1512 to the Main Land:1513 I look’d back upon my pre­sent Condition, as the most miserable that could possibly be,1514 that I was not able to throw my self into any t­ hing but Death, that could be call’d worse; that if I reached1515 the Shore of the Main, I might perhaps meet with Relief, or I might coast along, as I did on the Shore of Africk, till1516 I came to some inhabited Country, and where I might find some Relief; and a­ fter * entertain’d me] Occupied my mind. See OED.

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all perhaps,1517 I might fall in with some Christian Ship,1518 that might take me in; and if the worse came to the worst,1519 I could but die, which would put an end1520 to all t­ hese Miseries at once. Pray note, all this was the fruit1521 of a disturb’d Mind, an impatient Temper, made as it w ­ ere desperate by the long Continuance of my Trou­bles, and the Disappointments I had met in the Wreck I had been on board of;1522 and where I had been so near the obtaining what I so earnestly long’d for, viz. Some Body1523 to speak to, and to learn some Knowledge from of the Place where I was, and of the probable Means of my Deliverance; I say, I was agitated wholly by ­t hese Thoughts: All my Calm of Mind in my Resignation to Providence, and waiting the Issue of the Dispositions of Heaven, seem’d to be suspended; and I had, as it w ­ ere, no Power to turn my Thoughts to any t­ hing, but to the Proj­ect of a Voyage to the Main, which came upon me with such Force, and such an Impetuosity of Desire, that it was not to be resisted. When this had agitated my Thoughts for two Hours, or more, with such Vio­ lence, that it set my very Blood into a Ferment, and my Pulse beat as high as if I had been in a Feaver, meerly1524 with the extraordinary Fervour of my Mind about it;1525 Nature, as if I had been fatigued and exhausted with the very Thought of it, threw me into a sound Sleep; one would have thought, I should have dream’d of it: But1526 I did not, nor of any ­Thing relating to it; but I dream’d, that as I was ­going out in the Morning, as usual, from my C ­ astle, I saw upon the Shore,1527 two Canoes, and eleven Savages coming to Land, and that they brought with them another Savage, who they ­were ­going to kill, in Order to eat him; when on a sudden, the Savage that they ­were g­ oing to kill, jumpt away,1528 and ran for his Life; and I thought in my Sleep, that he came r­ unning into my ­little thick Grove, before my Fortification, to hide himself; and that I seeing him alone, and not perceiving that the other sought him that Way, show’d my self to him, and smiling1529 upon him, encourag’d him; that he kneel’d down to me, seeming to pray me to assist him; upon which I shew’d my Ladder, made him go up, and carry’d1530 him into my Cave, and he became my Servant; and that as soon as I had gotten this Man, I said to my self, now I may certainly venture to the main Land;1531 for this Fellow ­will serve me as a Pi­lot, and ­will tell me what to do, and ­whether1532 to go for Provisions; and ­whether not to go for fear of being devoured,1533 what Places to venture into, and what to escape: I wak’d with this Thought, and was u ­ nder such inexpressible Impressions of Joy,1534* at the Prospect of my Escape in my Dream, that the Disappointments which I felt upon coming to my self, and finding it was no more than a Dream, w ­ ere equally extravagant the other Way, and threw me into a very g­ reat Dejection of Spirit. * Impressions of Joy] This par­tic­u ­lar dream is an example of Locke’s comment to the effect that “The dreams of sleeping men are, as I take it, all made up of the waking man’s ideas; ­ uman Understanding, 1:136 though for the most part oddly put together.” Essay concerning H (II.i.17). Crusoe’s dream may be read both as the product of a kind of wish fulfillment aroused by the “extraordinary Fervour of . . . ​[his] Mind” (235:5) and as a genuinely prophetic vision, but unlike the dream that converts him to an active Chris­tian­ity, this one is hardly very spiritual.

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Upon this however, I made this Conclusion, that1535 my only Way to go about an Attempt for an Escape, was, if pos­si­ble, to get a Savage into my Possession; and if pos­si­ble, it should be one of their Prisoners, who they had condemn’d1536 to be eaten, and should bring thither to kill; but ­t hese Thoughts still ­were attended with this Difficulty, that it was impossible to effect this, without attacking a ­whole Caravan of them, and killing them all; and this was not only a very desperate Attempt, and might miscarry; but on the other Hand,1537 I had greatly scrupled the Lawfulness of it to me, and my Heart trembled at the thoughts1538 of shedding so much Blood, tho’ it was for my Deliverance. I need not repeat the Arguments which occurr’d to me against this, they being the same mention’d before; but tho’ I had other Reasons to offer now1539 (viz.) that t­ hose Men w ­ ere Enemies to my Life, and would devour me, if they could; that it was Self–­preservation in the highest Degree, to deliver my self 1540 from this Death of a Life, and was acting in my own Defence, as much as if they w ­ ere actually assaulting me, and the like.1541 I say, tho’ t­hese ­Things argued for it, yet the Thoughts of shedding h ­ uman1542 Blood for my Deliv1543 erance, w ­ ere very Terrible to me, and such as I could by no Means reconcile my self to,1544 a ­great while However at last, ­after many secret Disputes with my self, and ­after1545 ­great Perplexities about it, for all t­ hese Arguments one Way and another1546 struggl’d in my Head a long Time,1547 the e­ ager prevailing Desire of Deliverance at length master’d all the rest;1548 and I resolv’d, if pos­si­ble, to get one of ­t hose Savages into my Hands, cost what it would. My next Th ­ ing then was to contrive how to do it, and this indeed was very difficult to resolve on: But as I could pitch upon no probable Means for it, so I resolv’d to put my self upon the Watch, to see them when they came on Shore, and leave the rest to the Event, taking such Mea­sures as the Opportunity should pre­sent, let be what would be. With ­t hese Resolutions in my Thoughts, I set my self upon the Scout, as often as pos­si­ble, and indeed so often till I was heartily tir’d of it,1549 for it was above a Year and Half 1550 that I waited, and for g­ reat part of that Time went out to the West End, and to the South West Corner of the Island, almost ­every Day, to see for Canoes,* but none appear’d. This was very discouraging, and began to trou­ble me much,1551 tho’ I cannot say that it did in this Case, as it had done some time1552 before that, (viz.) wear off the Edge of my Desire to the ­Thing. But the longer it seem’d to be delay’d, the more ­eager I was for it; in a Word, I was not at first so careful to shun the sight1553 of t­ hese Savages, and avoid being seen by them, as I was now ­eager to be upon them. Besides, I fancied1554 my self able to manage one, nay, two or three Savages,1555 if I had them so as to make them entirely Slaves† to me, to do what­ever I should direct them, and to prevent their being able at any time1556 to do me any Hurt. It * to see for canoes] To look for. The OED lists this usage as obsolete or rare. †  Slaves] Although Crusoe uses this term h ­ ere in the sense of having complete power over whomever he might capture, his eventual relationship with Friday w ­ ill be far from being a ­simple slave-­master one. Like his recent dream while sleeping and like his daydreams of himself as an absolute ruler, it is a kind of fantasy of power. See below, 240:8.

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was a ­great while, that I pleas’d my self with this Affair, but nothing still presented; all my Fancies and Schemes came to nothing, for no Savages came near me for a ­great while. About a Year and half a­ fter I had entertain’d t­ hese Notions, and, by1557 long musing, had as it ­were resolved1558 them all into nothing, for want of an Occasion to put them in Execution, I was surpriz’d one Morning early, with seeing no less than five Canoes all on Shore together on my side1559 the Island; and the ­People who belong’d to them all landed, and out of my sight: The Number of them broke all my Mea­sures,1560 for seeing so many, and knowing that they always came four or six, or sometimes more in a Boat, I could not tell what to think of it, or how to take my Mea­sures, to attack twenty or thirty1561 Men single handed; so I lay still in my C ­ astle, perplex’d and discomforted: However I put my self into all the same Postures for an Attack 1562 that I had formerly provided, and was just ready for Action, if any ­Thing had presented; having1563 waited a good while, listening to hear if they made any Noise; at length1564 being very impatient, I set my Guns at the Foot of my Ladder, and clamber’d up to the Top of the Hill, by my two Stages as usual; standing so however,1565 that my Head did not appear above the Hill, so that they could not perceive me by any Means; ­here I observ’d by the help1566 of my Perspective Glass, that they w ­ ere no less than Thirty1567 in Number, that they had a Fire kindled, that they had had Meat dress’d. How they1568 had cook’d it, that I knew not, or what it was; but they ­were all Dancing in I know not how many barbarous Gestures and Figures, their own Way, round the Fire. While I was thus looking on them, I perceived by1569 my Perspective,1570 two miserable Wretches dragg’d from the Boats, where it seems they w ­ ere laid by, and ­were now brought out for the Slaughter. I perceived one1571 of them immediately fell, being knock’d down, I suppose with a Club or Wooden Sword, for that was their way, and two or three ­others ­were at work 1572 immediately cutting him open for their Cookery, while the other Victim was left standing by himself, till they should be ready for him. In that very Moment this poor Wretch seeing himself a ­little at Liberty, Nature inspir’d him with Hopes of Life, and he started away from them, and ran with incredible Swiftness along the Sands directly ­towards me, I mean t­ owards that part of the Coast, where1573 my Habitation was. I was dreadfully frighted, (that I must acknowledge) when I perceived1574 him to run my Way; and especially, when as I thought I saw him pursued by the ­whole Body, and now I expected that part1575 of my Dream was coming to pass, and that he would certainly take shelter1576 in my Grove; but I could not depend by any means upon my Dream for the rest of it, (viz.) that the other Savages would not pursue him thither, and find him t­ here. However I kept my Station, and my Spirits began to recover, when I found that ­there was not above three Men that follow’d him,1577 and still more was I encourag’d, when I found that he outstrip’d 1578 them exceedingly in ­running,1579 and gain’d Ground of them, so that if he could but hold it for half an Hour, I saw easily he would fairly get away from them all. ­There was between them and my ­Castle,1580 the Creek which I mention’d often at the first part1581 of my Story, when I landed my Cargoes out of the Ship; and this

Figure 13. ​Crusoe Rescues His Man Friday and Kills His Pursuers (1726 [original 1722]). [166]

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I1582 saw plainly, he must necessarily swim over, or the poor Wretch would be taken ­t here: But when the Savage escaping came thither, he made nothing of it, tho’ the Tide was then up, but plunging in, swam thro’ in about Thirty Strokes or thereabouts, landed1583 and ran on with exceeding Strength and Swiftness;* when the Three Persons came to the Creek, I found that two of them could Swim, but the Third cou’d1584 not, and that standing on the other Side, he look’d at the other,† but went no further;1585 and soon ­a fter went softly ‡ back again, which, as1586 it happen’d, was very well for him in the main. I observ’d, that the two who swam, ­were yet more than twice as long swimming over the Creek, as the Fellow was, that1587 fled from them: It came now very warmly upon my Thoughts, and indeed irresistibly, that now was my Time to get me a Servant, and perhaps a Companion, or Assistant;§ and that I was call’d plainly by Providence to save this poor Creature’s Life; I immediately run down the Ladders with all pos­si­ble Expedition, fetches¶ my two Guns, for they w ­ ere both but at the Foot of the Ladders, as I observ’d above; and getting up again, with the same haste, to the1588 Top of the Hill, I cross’d ­toward the Sea; and having a very short Cut, and all down Hill, clapp’d** my self in the way, between the Pursuers and the Pursued, hallowing1589 aloud to him that fled, who looking back, was at first perhaps as much frighted at me,1590 as at them; but I beckon’d with my Hand to him, to come back; and in the mean time,1591 I slowly advanc’d ­towards the two that follow’d; then rushing at once upon the foremost, I knock’d him down with the Stock of my Piece; I was loath to fire, b ­ ecause I would not have the rest hear; though at that distance,1592 it would not have been easily heard, and being out of Sight of the Smoke1593 too, they wou’d not have easily known what to make of it: Having knock’d this Fellow down, the other who pursu’d with him stopp’d,1594 as if he had been frighted; and I advanc’d a–­pace ­towards him; but as I came nearer, I perceiv’d presently, he had a Bow and Arrow, and was fitting it to shoot at me; so I was then necessitated to shoot at him first, which I did,1595 and kill’d him at the first Shoot; the poor Savage who fled, but had stopp’d;1596 though he saw both his Enemies fallen, and kill’d, as he thought; yet was so frighted with the Fire, and Noise of my Piece; that he stood Stock 1597 still, and neither came forward or went backward, tho’ he seem’d rather enclin’d to fly still, than to come on; I hollow’d again to him, and made Signs to come forward, which he easily understood, and came a ­little way, then stopp’d again,1598 and then a l­ittle further, and stopp’d again, and * Strength and Swiftness] Exquemeling described the Indians of the Ca­rib­bean area as “strong and nimble at their feet.” See Buccaneers of Amer­i­ca, 232. †  36 the other] The o ­ thers, including, perhaps, not only his fellow tribesmen but Friday as well. Other is sometimes used to mean three or more. See OED. ‡  softly] Slowly. See OED. §  Servant . . . ​Companion . . . ​Assistant] The slippage within this passage of the control he ­w ill exert over the yet unnamed Indian is considerable and a far cry from his fantasy of having a “Slave” (see above p. 230, n. 468). ¶  run . . . ​fetches] Defoe frequently used the historical pre­sent when he wanted to achieve a sense of action. ** clapp’d] Imposed with authority. See OED.

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I cou’d1599 then perceive that he stood trembling, as if he had been taken Prisoner, and had just been to be kill’d, as his two Enemies w ­ ere; I beckon’d him again to come to me, and gave him all the Signs of Encouragement that I could think of, and he came nearer and nearer, kneeling down e­ very ten or twelve steps in token1600 of acknowledgement1601 for my saving his Life: I smil’d at him, and look’d pleasantly, and beckon’d to him to come still nearer; at length he came close to me, and then he kneel’d down again, kiss’d the Ground, and laid his Head upon the Ground, and taking me by the Foot, set my Foot upon his Head; this it seems was in token1602 of swearing to be my Slave for ever;1603* I took him up, and made much of him, and encourag’d him all I could. But t­ here was more work to do yet, for I perceived1604 the Savage who I knock’d down, was not kill’d, but stunn’d with the blow,1605 and began to come to himself; so I pointed to him, and showing him the Savage, that he was not dead; upon this he spoke some Words to me, and though1606 I could not understand them, yet I thought they w ­ ere pleasant to hear, for they w ­ ere the first sound of a Man’s Voice,1607 that I had heard, my own excepted, for above twenty five Years. But ­t here was no time1608 for such Reflections now, the Savage who was knock’d down1609 recover’d himself so far, as to sit up upon the Ground, and I perceived1610 that my Savage began to be afraid; but when I saw that, I presented my other Piece at the Man, as† if I would shoot him,1611 upon this my Savage, for so I call him now, made a Motion to me to lend him my Sword, which hung naked in a ­Belt by my side; so I did: he1612 no sooner had it, but he runs to his E ­ nemy, and at 1613‡ one blow cut off his Head as cleaverly, no Executioner in Germany,1614§ could have done it sooner or better; which I thought very strange, for one who I had Reason to believe1615 never saw a Sword in his Life before, except their own wooden Swords; however it seems, as I learn’d afterwards, they make their wooden Swords1616 so sharp, so heavy, and the Wood is so hard, that they ­w ill cut off Heads even with * in token of swearing to be my Slave for ever] In The Farther Adventures, Crusoe meditates on the difficulty of interpreting gestures of this kind, and Crusoe clearly overinterprets ­here in accord with the desires he expressed in his dream (235). Before this moment, Crusoe has some difficulty making his gestures of friendliness understood. Defoe was undoubtedly aware of the scene in Dampier’s New Voyage Round the World (67) in which the two Moskito Indians—­one who had been on the island of Juan Fernandes for five years and the other a “striker” on Dampier’s ship—­greeted each other by falling down in turn before each other. See also Smeeks, Mighty Kingdom, 79. †  as] So. ‡  cleaverly] Although the OED lists this as a form of “cleverly,” it is difficult to think that Defoe was not intentionally punning on Friday’s action of cleaving the head of his fellow cannibal from his body. §  Executioner in Germany] In his account of a tour through Germany, the En­glish poet John Taylor wrote an account of an execution. He described how “the hangman with a backward blow with a sword w ­ ill take the head from a mans shoulders so nimbly and with such dexterity, that the owner of the head ­shall never want the miss of it.” Beheading with a sword was extremely common in Germany. According to Richard Evans, the blow was a “horizontal backhand blow” that required ­great skill. This mode of execution remained common well into the nineteenth ­century. It was considered a relatively honorable way of ­dying b ­ ecause the victim was usually standing and ­free, and it was regarded as almost painless. See Evans, Rituals of Retribution: Capital Punishment in Germany, 1600–1987 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 28, 48.

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them, ay1617 and Arms, and that at one blow too; when1618 he had done this, he comes laughing to me in Sign of Triumph, and brought me the Sword again, and with abundance of Gestures1619 which I did not understand, laid it down with the Head of the Savage, that he had kill’d just before me. But that which astonish’d him most, was to know how I had kill’d the other Indian so far off, so pointing to him,1620 he made Signs* to me to let him go to him, so I bad him go, as well as I could,1621 when he came to him, he stood like one amaz’d, looking at him, turn’d him first on one side,1622 then on t’other, look’d at the Wound the Bullet had made, which it seems was just in his Breast, where it had made a Hole, and no g­ reat Quantity of Blood had follow’d, but he had bled inwardly, for he was quite dead; He took up his Bow, and1623 Arrows, and came back, so I turn’d to go away, and beckon’d to him to follow me, making Signs to him, that more might come a­ fter them. Upon this he sign’d to me, that he should bury them with Sand, that they might not be seen by the rest if they follow’d; and so I made Signs again to him to do so; he fell to work, and in an instant1624 he had scrap’d a Hole in the Sand, with1625 his Hands, big enough to bury the first in, and then dragg’d him into it, and cover’d him, and did so also by the other; I believe he had bury’d them both in a Quarter of an Hour; then calling him away, I carry’d him not to my C ­ astle, but quite away to my Cave, on the farther Part of the Island; so I did not let my Dream come to pass in that Part, viz. That he came into my Grove for shelter.1626 ­Here I gave him Bread, and a Bunch of Raisins to eat, and a Draught of W ­ ater, which I found he was indeed in g­ reat Distress for, by his R ­ unning; and having refresh’d him, I made Signs for him to go lie down and sleep; pointing1627 to a Place where I had laid a ­great Parcel of Rice Straw, and a Blanket upon it, which I used to sleep upon my self sometimes; so the poor Creature laid down, and went to sleep. He was a comely handsome Fellow,† perfectly well made, with1628 straight strong Limbs, not too large; tall and well shap’d, and, as I1629 reckon, about twenty six Years of Age.‡ He had a very good Countenance, not a fierce and surly Aspect;1630 but seem’d to have something very manly1631 in his Face, and yet he had all the Sweetness and Softness of an Eu­ro­pe­an in his Countenance too, especially when he smil’d. His Hair was long and black,1632 not curl’d like Wool; his Forehead very high, and large, and a g­ reat Vivacity and sparkling Sharpness in his Eyes. The Colour of his Skin was not quite black, but very tawny,1633 and yet not of an ugly yellow nauseous tawny,1634 as the Brasilians, and Virginans, and other Natives of * Signs] For a discussion of “signs” or gestures in relation to signing as a language among the deaf in connection with The Strange Surprizing Adventures, see Nash, Wild Enlightenment, 76–77, 91. †  comely handsome Fellow] This set description in idealized Eu­ro­pe­a nized terms is intended to contrast with the grotesque description (176) that Crusoe gives of his appearance in his goat skins and with his “Turkish” mustachios. For the ways in which ­later illustrators changed Friday’s appearance, see Roxann Wheeler, The Complexion of Race: Categories of Differences in Eighteenth-­Century British Culture (Philadelpia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000), 52, 76–89. ‡  about twenty-­six Years of Age] The same age as Defoe’s son Benjamin at this time.

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Amer­i­ca are; but of a bright kind of a dun olive1635 Colour, that had in it something very agreeable;1636 tho’ not very easy to describe. His Face was round, and plump,1637 his Nose small, not flat like the Negroes, a very good Mouth, thin Lips, and his fine Teeth well set, and white as Ivory. ­After he had slumber’d, rather than slept,* about half an Hour, he wak’d again, and comes out of the Cave to me; for I had been milking my Goats,1638 which I had in the Enclosure just by: When he espy’d me, he came r­ unning to me, laying himself down again upon the Ground, with all the pos­si­ble Signs of an ­humble thankful Disposition, making a many antick† Gestures to show it: At last he lays his Head flat upon the Ground, close to my Foot, and sets my other Foot upon his Head, as he had done before; and a­ fter this, made all the Signs to me of Subjection, Servitude, and Submission imaginable, to let me know, how1639 he would serve me as long as he liv’d;1640 I understood him in many ­Things, and let him know, I1641 was very well pleas’d with him; in a ­little Time I began to speak to him, and teach him to speak to me; and first,1642 I made him know his Name should be Friday,‡ which was the Day I sav’d his Life; I  call’d1643 him so for the Memory of the Time; I  likewise taught him to say Master,§ and then let him know, that1644 was to be my Name; I likewise taught him to say, Yes, and No,1645 and to know the Meaning of them; I gave him some Milk, in an earthen Pot, and let him see me Drink 1646 it before him, and sop my Bread in it; and I gave him a Cake of Bread, to do the like, which he quickly comply’d with, and made Signs that it was very good for him. I kept t­ here with him all that Night;1647 but as soon as it was Day, I beckon’d to him to come with me, and let him know,1648 I would give him some Cloaths, at which he seem’d very glad, for he was stark naked:1649¶ As we went by the Place where he had bury’d the two Men, he pointed exactly to the Place, and shew’d me the Marks that he had made to find them again, making Signs to me,1650 that we should dig them up again, and eat them;** at this I appear’d very angry, express’d my Abhorrence of it, made as if I would vomit at the Thoughts of it, and beckon’d with my Hand to him to come away, which he did immediately, with ­great Submission. I then led him up to the Top of the Hill, to see if his Enemies ­were gone; * slumber’d . . . ​slept] Though sometimes synonymous with “slept,” “slumber’d” ­here appears to mean a half sleep. †  antick] Grotesque, absurd, and, perhaps to Crusoe, through whom we see this “very agreeable” Indian, slightly amusing. ‡  Friday] Since Crusoe’s calendar is a day or two wrong, Friday is named for the wrong day. For a discussion of naming and its significance for colonialism, see Novak, “Friday, or the Power of Naming,” 110–122. §  Master] For the more general theme of colonialism, slavery, and the implications of Crusoe’s encounter with Friday, see Peter Hulme, Colonial Encounters: Eu­rope and the Native Ca­rib­bean, 1492–1797 (London: Methuen, 1986), 175–222. ¶  very glad . . . ​naked] Crusoe’s reading of Friday’s desire for clothing has to be seen as a projection or a willing misreading of Friday’s gestures on Crusoe’s part, since ­t here is no reason to believe that Friday had ever worn clothes. ** eat them] Ritual cannibalism involving the eating of one’s enemies as a form of revenge was fairly well understood by Western explorers ­a fter the accounts of Hans Stade and Jean de Léry.

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and pulling out my Glass, I look’d, and saw plainly the Place where they had been, but no appearance1651 of them, or of their Canoes; so that it was plain they ­were gone,1652 and had left their two Comrades ­behind them, without any search1653 ­after them. But I was not content with this Discovery;1654 but having now more Courage, and consequently more Curiosity, I takes my Man Friday with me, giving him the Sword in his Hand, with the Bow and Arrows at his Back, which I found he could use very dextrously,1655 making him carry one Gun for me, and I two for my self, and away we march’d to the Place, where t­hese Creatures had been; for I had a Mind now to get some fuller Intelligence of them: When I came to the Place, my very Blood ran chill in my Veins, and my Heart sunk within me,1656 at the Horror of the Spectacle: Indeed it was a dreadful Sight, at least it was so to me; though1657 Friday made nothing of it: The Place was cover’d with h ­ uman1658 Bones, the Ground dy’d with their Blood, ­great Pieces of Flesh left ­here and ­t here, half eaten, mangl’d and scorch’d; and in short,1659 all the Tokens of the triumphant Feast they had been making t­ here, ­after a Victory over their Enemies:1660 I saw three Skulls, five Hands, and the Bones of three or four Legs and Feet, and abundance of other Parts of the Bodies; and Friday, by his Signs, made me understand, that they brought over four Prisoners to feast upon; that three of them ­were eaten up, and that he, pointing to himself, was the fourth: That t­ here had been a g­ reat ­Battle between them, and their next King, whose Subjects it seems he had been one of; and that they had taken a ­great Number of Prisoners, all which w ­ ere carry’d to several Places by t­ hose that had taken them in the Fight, in order to feast upon them, as was done h ­ ere by t­ hese Wretches upon ­t hose they brought hither. I caus’d Friday to gather all the Skulls, Bones, Flesh, and what­ever remain’d, and lay them together on a Heap, and make a ­great Fire upon it, and burn them all to Ashes: I found Friday had still a hankering Stomach ­after some of the Flesh, and was still a Cannibal in his Nature; but I discover’d* so much Abhorrence at the very Thoughts of it, and at the least Appearance of it, that he durst not discover it; for I had1661 by some Means1662 let him know, that I would kill him if he offer’d it. When we had done this, we came back to our ­Castle, and ­there I fell to work for my Man Friday; and first of all, I gave him a pair1663 of Linnen Drawers, which1664 I had out of the poor Gunner’s Chest I mention’d, and which I found in the Wreck; and which,1665 with a ­little Alteration, fitted1666 him very well; then I made him a Jerkin of Goat’s–­skin, as well as my Skill would allow; and I was now grown a tolerable good1667 Taylor; and I gave him a Cap, which I had made of a Hare–­skin, very con­ve­n ient, and fash­ion­able enough; and thus he was cloath’d for the pre­sent, tolerably well;1668 and was mighty well pleas’d to see himself almost as well cloath’d as his Master:† It is true, he went awkardly in t­ hese ­Things at first; * discover’d] Displayed, revealed. See OED. †  cloath’d as his Master] Aside from the irony of Crusoe’s grotesque costume being forced upon Friday, Defoe touches on a con­temporary complaint about servants receiving the clothing of their masters and mistresses and appearing in public with considerable sartorial

Figure 14. ​Crusoe and Friday Hunting. William Thomas (1863). [172]

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wearing1669 the Drawers was very awkward to him, and the Sleeves of the Wastcoat gall’d his Shoulders, and the inside of his Arms; but a l­ittle easing them1670 where he complain’d they hurt him, and using himself to them, at length he took to them very well. The next Day a­ fter I came home1671 to my Hutch with him, I began to consider where I should lodge him, and that1672 I might do well for him, and yet be perfectly easy my self; I made a l­ ittle Tent for him in the vacant Place between my two Fortifications, in the inside1673 of the last, and in the outside of the first; and as t­ here was a Door,1674 or Entrance ­t here into my Cave, I made a formal* fram’d Door Case,1675 and a Door to it of Boards, and set it up in the Passage,1676 a ­little within the Entrance; and causing the Door to open on the inside,1677 I barr’d it up in the Night, taking in my Ladders too; so that Friday could no way come at me in the inside1678 of my innermost Wall, without making so much Noise in getting over, that it must needs waken me; for my first Wall had now a compleat Roof over it of long Poles, covering all my Tent, and leaning up to the side of the Hill,1679 which was again laid cross with smaller Sticks instead of Laths, and then thatch’d over a ­great Thickness, with1680 the Rice Straw, which was strong like Reeds; and at the Hole or Place which was left to go in or out by the Ladder, I had plac’d a kind of Trap–­door, which if it had been attempted on the outside,1681 would not have open’d at all, but would have fallen down, and made a g­ reat Noise; and as to Weapons, I took them all in to my Side ­every Night. But I needed none of all this Precaution; for never Man had a more faithful, loving, sincere Servant, than1682 Friday was to me; without Passions, Sullenness,1683 or Designs, perfectly oblig’d and engag’d; his very Affections w ­ ere ty’d to me, like ­t hose of a Child to a F ­ ather; and I dare say, he would have sacrific’d his Life for the saving mine, upon any occasion1684 whatsoever; the many Testimonies he gave me of this, put it out of doubt, and soon convinc’d me, that I needed to use no Precautions,1685 as to my Safety on his Account. This frequently gave me occasion to observe, and that with won­der, that however it had pleas’d God, in1686 his Providence, and in the Government of the Works of his Hands, to take from so ­great a Part of the World of his Creatures, the best uses to which their Faculties, and1687 the Powers of their Souls are adapted; yet that he has bestow’d upon them the same Powers,1688 the same Reason, the same Affections, the same Sentiments of Kindness and Obligation, the same Passions and Resentments of Wrongs,1689 the same Sense of Gratitude, Sincerity, Fidelity, and all the Capacities of ­doing Good, and receiving Good, that he has given to us;† and that when he pleases to offer to them Occasions of exerting ­these, they are as elegance. Defoe commented at length on this issue in his Every-­body’s Business, Is No-­body’s Business (1725). * formal] “Made in proper form, regular.” The OED quotes this passage and lists it as an obsolete usage. †  same Powers . . . ​given to us] This notion of the uniformity of ­human nature was an eighteenth-­century belief that found its best expression in Alexander Pope’s Essay on Man (1734).

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ready, nay, more ready to apply them to the right Uses for which they ­were bestow’d, than we are; and 1690 this made me very melancholy sometimes, in reflecting1691 as the several Occasions presented, how mean a Use we make of all t­ hese, even though we have ­these Powers enlighten’d1692 by the ­great Lamp of Instruction,* the Spirit of God, and by the Knowledge of his Word, added to our Understanding; and why it has pleas’d God to hide the like saving Knowledge from so many Millions of Souls, who if I might judge by this poor Savage, would make a much better use1693 of it than we did. From hence,1694 I sometimes was led too far to invade the Sovereignty of Provi­ dence, and as1695 it w ­ ere arraign the Justice† of so arbitrary a Disposition of Th ­ ings, that should hide that Light from some, and reveal it to o ­ thers, and yet expect a like Duty from both: But I shut it up, and check’d my Thoughts with this Conclusion, 1st,1696 That we did not know by what Light and Law t­hese should be Condemn’d;1697 but that as God 1698 was necessarily, and by the Nature of his Being,infinitely Holy1699 and Just, so it could not be;1700 but that if t­ hese Creatures ­were all sentenc’d to Absence from himself, it was on account of sinning against that Light1701 which, as the Scripture says, was a Law to themselves,‡ and by such Rules as their Consciences would acknowledge to be just, tho’ the Foundation was not discover’d to us: And. 2dly, that1702 still as we are all the Clay in the Hand of the Potter,§ no Vessel could say to him, Why hast thou form’d me thus? But to return to my New Companion;1703 I was greatly delighted with him, and made it my Business to teach him e­ very ­Thing, that1704 was proper to make him useful, handy, and helpful; but especially to make him speak, and understand me when I spake,1705 and he was the aptest Schollar1706 that ever was, and particularly was so merry, so constantly diligent, and so pleased, when he cou’d1707 but understand me, or make me understand him, that it was very pleasant to me to talk to him; and now my Life began to be so easy, that I began to say to my self,1708 that could I but have been safe from more Savages, I cared not, if 1709 I was never to remove from the place while I lived.1710 ­After I had been two or three Days return’d to my C ­ astle, I thought that, in order to bring Friday off from his horrid way of feeding,1711 and from the Relish of a Cannibal’s1712 Stomach, I ­ought to let him taste other Flesh; so I took him out with me one Morning to the Woods: I went indeed1713 intending to kill a Kid out of my own Flock, and bring him home and dress it.1714 But as I was g­ oing, I saw a She Goat lying down in the Shade, and two young Kids sitting by her; I catch’d hold of Fri­ day, hold, says I,1715 stand still; and made Signs to him not to stir, immediately I presented my Piece, shot and kill’d one of the Kids. The poor Creature1716 who * Lamp of Instruction] An allusion to a number of biblical passages. See, for example, Proverbs 6.23 and 20.27. †  arraign the Justice . . . ​t hat Light] See Romans 11.33. ‡  Law to themselves] See Romans 2.14. §  Clay in the Hand of the Potter] See Isaiah 45.9. Defoe used this passage as a theme for one of his earliest works. See Defoe, The Meditations of Daniel Defoe, ed. George Healey (Cummington: Cummington Press, 1946), 18.

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had at a Distance indeed seen me kill the Savage1717 his ­Enemy, but did not know, or could imagine1718 how it was done, was sensibly surpriz’d, trembled, and shook, and look’d so amaz’d,1719 that I thought he would have sunk down. He did not see the Kid I shot at, or perceive I had kill’d it, but ripp’d up his Wastecoat to feel if he was not wounded, and as I1720 found, presently thought I was resolv’d to kill him; for he came and kneel’d down to me, and embracing my Knees,1721 said a ­great many ­Things I did not understand; but I could easily see that the meaning1722 was to pray me not to kill him. I soon found a way1723 to convince him that I would do him no harm, and taking him up by the Hand laugh’d at him, and pointed to the Kid which I had kill’d, beckoned1724 to him to run and fetch it, which he did; and while he was wondering and looking to see how the Creature was kill’d, I loaded my Gun again, and by and by1725 I saw a ­great Fowl like a Hawk sit upon a Tree within Shot; so, to let 1726 Friday understand a ­little what I would do, I call’d him to me again, pointed at the Fowl1727 which was indeed a Parrot, tho’ I thought it had been a Hawk, I say1728 pointing1729 to the Parrot, and to my Gun, and to the Ground ­under the Parrot, to let him see I would make it fall, I made him understand that I would shoot and kill that Bird; according I fir’d1730 and bad him look, and immediately he saw the Parrot fall,1731 he stood like one frighted again, notwithstanding all I had said to him; and I found he was the more amaz’d, b ­ ecause he did not see me put any Th ­ ing1732 into the Gun; but thought that t­ here must be some wonderful Fund of Death and Destruction in that ­Thing, able to kill Man, Beast, Bird, or any ­Thing near,1733 or far off; and the Astonishment this created in him was such, as could not wear off for a long Time; and I believe, if I would have let him, he would have worshipp’d me and my Gun: As for the Gun it self,1734 he would not so much as touch it for several Days a­ fter; but would speak to it, and talk to it, as if it had answer’d him, when he was by himself; which, as I afterwards learn’d of him, was to desire it not to kill him. Well, ­after1735 his Astonishment was a l­ ittle over at this, I pointed to him to run and fetch the Bird I had shot, which he did, but stay’d some Time; for the Parrot not being quite dead, was flutter’d a good Way off 1736 from the Place where she fell; however, he found her, took her up, and brought her to me; and, as1737 I had perceiv’d his Ignorance about the Gun before, I took this Advantage to charge the Gun again, and not let him see me do it, that I might be ready for any other Mark that might pre­sent; but nothing more offer’d at that Time; so I brought home the Kid, and the same Eve­ning I took the Skin off, and cut it out as well as I could; and having a Pot for that purpose, I boil’d, or stew’d1738 some of the Flesh, and made some very good Broth; and a­ fter I had begun to eat some, I gave some to my Man, who seem’d very glad of it, and lik’d it very well; but that which was strangest to him, was,1739 to see me eat Salt with it;* he made a Sign to me, that the Salt was not good * Salt with it] Friday’s attempt to show with gestures that salt was in some sense “unnatural” parallels Crusoe’s attempt to demonstrate the evils of eating ­human flesh. The lesson is that food, even ­human flesh, is an aspect of culture.

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to eat, and putting a l­ ittle into his own Mouth, he seem’d to nauseate it, and would spit and sputter at it, washing his Mouth with fresh ­Water ­after it; on the other hand,1740 I took some Meat1741 in my Mouth without Salt, and I pretended to spit and sputter for want of Salt, as fast as he had done at the Salt; but it would not do, he would never care for Salt with his Meat, or in his Broth; at least1742 not a g­ reat while,* and then but a very ­little. Having thus fed him with boil’d Meat and Broth, I was resolv’d to feast him the next Day with roasting a Piece of the Kid; this I did by hanging it before the Fire, in1743 a String, as I had seen many ­People do in ­England, setting two Poles up, one on each side the Fire, and one cross on the Top, and tying the String to the Cross–­stick,1744 letting the Meat turn continually: This Friday admir’d† very much; but when he came to taste the Flesh, he took so many ways1745 to tell me how well he lik’d it, that I could not but understand him; and at last he told me he would never eat Man’s Flesh any more, which I was very glad to hear. The next Day I set him to work to beating some Corn out, and sifting it in the manner I us’d to do, as I observ’d before,1746 and he soon understood how to do it as well as I, especially ­after he had seen what the Meaning of it was, and that it was to make Bread of; for ­after that I let him see me make my Bread, and bake it too, and in a l­ ittle Time Friday was able to do all the Work for me, as well as I could do it my self.1747 I begun now to consider, that having two Mouths to feed,1748 instead of one, I must provide more Ground for my Harvest, and plant a larger Quantity of Corn, than I us’d1749 to do; so I mark’d out a larger Piece of Land, and began the Fence in the same Manner as before, in which Friday not only work’d very willingly, and very hard;1750 but did it very chearfully, and I told him what it was for;1751 that it was for Corn to make more Bread, b ­ ecause he was now with me, and that I might have enough for him, and1752 my self too: He appear’d very sensible of that Part, and let me know, that he thought I had much more L ­ abour upon me on his Account, than I had for my self; and that he would work the harder for me, if I would tell him what to do. This was the pleasantest Year of all the Life I led in this Place;1753 Friday began to talk 1754 pretty well, and understand the Names of almost ­every ­Thing I had occasion1755 to call for, and of e­ very Place I had to send him to, and talk a ­great deal to me; so that, in short,1756 I began now to have some Use for my Tongue‡ again, which indeed I had very ­little occasion1757 for before; that is to say, about Speech; besides1758 * not a ­great while] Not ­until a ­great while ­a fter. †  admir’d] Marveled at. ‡  Use for my Tongue] Crusoe does not suggest that he had lost any fa­cil­i­t y with language, and Defoe may have deliberately avoided such a possibility. Alexander Selkirk was reported to have had difficulty speaking a­ fter his stay on Juan Fernandes, feeding into notions that language may have been a stage in the development of the ­human species. Jean-­Jacques Rousseau certainly suggested that the orangutan was actually a h ­ uman being who had not developed language. See Novak, “Wild Man Comes to Tea,” 200.

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the Plea­sure of talking to him, I had a singular Satisfaction in the Fellow himself; his s­ imple unfeign’d Honesty,1759 appear’d to me more and more ­every Day, and I began ­really to love the Creature; and on his Side, I believe he lov’d me more than it was pos­si­ble for him ever to love any ­Thing before. I had a Mind once to try if he had any hankering Inclination to his own Country again, and having learn’d him En­glish so well1760 that he could answer me almost any Questions, I ask’d him ­whether the Nation that he belong’d to never conquer’d in ­Battle, at which he smil’d; and said; yes, yes,1761 we always fight the better; that is, he meant1762* always get the better in Fight; and so we began the following Discourse: You always fight the better,1763 said I, How came you to be taken Prisoner then, Friday? Friday, My Nation beat much, for all that. Master, How beat; if your Nation beat them, how come you to be taken? Friday, They more many than my Nation in the Place where me was; they take one, two, three, and me; my Nation over beat them in the yonder Place, where me no was; t­ here my Nation take one, two, ­great Thousand. Master, But why did not your Side recover you from the Hands of your Enemies then? Friday, They run one, two, three, and me, and make go in the Canoe; my Nation have no Canoe that time.1764 Master, Well, Friday, and What does1765 your Nation do with the Men they take, do they carry them away, and eat them, as t­ hese did? Friday, Yes, my Nation eat Mans too, eat all up. Master, Where do they carry them? Friday, Go to other Place where they think. Master, Do they come hither? Friday, Yes, yes, they come hither; come other e­ lse Place. Master, Have you been h ­ ere with them? Friday, Yes, I been h ­ ere ­here; [points to the N.W. Side of the Island, which it seems was their Side.]1766 * fight the better . . . ​he meant] It may be assumed that Friday is supposed to retain the syntax of his native language while using an En­glish vocabulary. The pro­cess is similar to pidgin and similar languages (lingua franca for example) cobbled together for the purpose of conducting business or other forms of communication—­what one scholar has called “instant pidgin.” That Crusoe might better have learned Friday’s language and that Friday’s language skills might have been shown to have improved more over time, as Charles Gildon suggested, are certainly apt observations, although Crusoe does comment on Friday’s increasing understanding and fluency (263:7). Since Friday is supposed to be a sympathetic figure, Defoe might have given him the elevated rhe­toric that was often imposed upon Indians in con­temporary dialogues and drama. Defoe’s refusal to do so has to be seen as an aspect of his realist approach to language and character. It is also likely that Defoe hoped that his audience would be amused by Friday’s En­glish, and it is unlikely that he would have been sensitive to demeaning Friday in par­tic­u­lar and the Indians of the Ca­rib­bean in general. See Charles Gildon, The Life and Strange Surpris­ ing Adventures of Mr. D . . . . . De F., Hosier (1719), in Robinson Crusoe Examin’d, 78. For pidgin, see Suzanne Romaine, Pidgin and Creole (London: Longman, 1988), esp. 22–70.

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By this I understood, that my Man Friday had formerly been among the Savages, who us’d1767 to come on Shore on the farther Part of the Island, on the same Man eating1768 Occasions that he was now brought for; and sometime1769 ­after, when I  took the Courage to carry him to that Side, being the same I  formerly mention’d, he presently knew the Place, and told me, he was ­there once when they eat up twenty Men, two ­Women, and one Child; he could not tell* Twenty1770 in En­glish; but he numbred them by laying so many Stones on a Row, and pointing to me to tell them over. I have told this Passage, b ­ ecause it introduces what follows; that a­ fter I had had this Discourse with him, I ask’d him how far it was from our Island to the Shore, and ­whether the Canoes w ­ ere not often lost; he told me, ­t here was no Danger, no Canoes ever lost; but that ­a fter a ­l ittle way out to the Sea, t­ here was a Current, and a Wind, always one way1771 in the Morning, the other in the After­noon. This I understood to be no more than the Sets of the Tide, as ­going out, or coming in; but I  afterwards understood, it was occasion’d by the g­ reat Draft† and Reflux of the mighty River Oroonooko;‡ in the Mouth, or the Gulph1772 of which River, as I found afterwards, our Island lay; and this Land which I perceiv’d to the W. and N.W. was the ­great Island Trinidad,§ on the North Point of the Mouth of the River: I  ask’d1773 Friday a thousand Questions about the Country, the Inhabitants, the Sea, the Coast, and what Nation¶ ­were near; he told me all he knew with the greatest Openness imaginable;1774 I ask’d him the Names of the several Nations of his Sort of P ­ eople;1775 but could get no other Name than Caribs; from whence I easily understood, that t­ hese ­were the Caribbees,** which our Maps place on the Part of Amer­i­ca, which reaches from the Mouth of the River Oroo­ nooko to Guiana, and onwards†† to St. Martha:1776‡‡ He told me that up a g­ reat way1777 beyond the Moon, that was, beyond the Setting of the Moon, which must be W. from their Country, ­t here dwelt white bearded Men, like me; and pointed to my ­great Whis­kers, which I mention’d before; and that they had kill’d much mans, that was his Word; by1778 all which I  understood, he meant1779 the Spaniards, * tell] Count to. †  Draft] Usually draught. The flow of the river out to the ocean. ‡  the mighty River Oroonoko] The delta of this river extends from approximately 8–10º north latitude and 60–61º west longitude. §  Trinidad] This island is located approximately at 11º north latitude, 61º west longitude. For all the efforts to establish Crusoe’s island as if it had a location outside of Defoe’s imagination, it is significant that Defoe positioned it in an area of the Ca­rib­bean, east of Trinidad, where ­t here ­were no islands. ¶  Nation] Nations. Defoe frequently uses such uninflected plurals. ** Caribs . . . ​Caribbees] The word “cannibals” was supposedly derived from t­ hese words. ††  onwards] Although this word would appear to be equivalent to “forward in the same direction,” in describing the area dominated by the Caribs, Crusoe, a­ fter moving from the Oroonoko eastward to Guiana, actually swings westward in the opposite direction. The redundancy of another quote from Crusoe’s narrative cited by the OED, “further onward the same way,” suggests that Defoe has Crusoe using the word as equivalent to “­towards.” ‡‡  St Martha] Santa Marta is city on the northeast coast of modern Columbia.

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whose Cruelties in Amer­i­ca* had been spread over the ­whole Countries, and was remember’d by all the Nations from F ­ ather to Son. I enquir’d if he could tell me how I might come from this Island, and get among ­those white Men; he told me, yes, yes, I might1780 go in two Canoe;† I could not understand what he meant, or make him describe to me what he meant by two Canoe, till at last with ­great Difficulty, I found he meant it must be in a large ­great Boat, as big as two Canoes. This Part of Friday’s Discourse began to relish with me very well, and from this Time I entertain’d some Hopes, that one Time or other, I might find an Opportunity to make my Escape from this Place; and that this poor Savage might be a Means to help me to do it. During the long Time that Friday has now been with me, and that he began to speak to me, and understand me, I was not wanting to lay a Foundation of religious Knowledge in his Mind; particularly1781 I ask’d him one Time who1782 made him? The poor Creature did not understand me at all, but thought I had ask’d who was his ­Father;1783 but I took it by another ­handle,1784 and ask’d him who made the Sea, the Ground we walk’d on, and the Hills,1785 and Woods; he told me it was one old Benamuckee,‡ that liv’d beyond all: He could describe nothing of this ­great Person, but that he was very old; much older he said than the Sea, or the Land;1786 than the Moon, or the Stars: I ask’d him then, if 1787 this old Person had made all ­Things, why did not all ­Things worship him; he look’d1788 very grave, and with a perfect Look of Innocence, said, All Th ­ ings do say O to him: I ask’d him if the ­People1789 who die in his Country went away any where; he said,1790 yes, they all went to Benamuckee; then I ask’d him w ­ hether1791 ­t hese they eat up went thither too, he said yes.1792 From ­these ­Things,1793 I began to instruct him in the Knowledge of the true God: I told him that1794 the g­ reat Maker of all Th ­ ings liv’d up ­there, pointing up t­ owards Heaven: That he governs the World by the same Power and Providence by which he had made it: That he was omnipotent,1795 could do ­every ­Thing for us, give ­every ­Thing to us, take e­ very Th ­ ing from us; and thus by Degrees I open’d his Eyes. He listned 1796 with g­ reat Attention, and receiv’d with Plea­sure the Notion of Jesus Christ being sent to redeem1797 us, and of the Manner of making our Prayers to God, and his being able to hear us, even into Heaven; he1798 told me one Day, that if our God could hear us up beyond the Sun, he must needs be a greater God than their Benamuckee, who liv’d but a l­ittle way1799 off, and yet could not hear, till * Spaniards . . . ​Amer­i­ca] See p. 180, n. 408 for a discussion of the “Black Legend” of Spanish atrocities in Amer­i­ca. †  two Canoe] Friday’s way of expressing “a very large canoe” is not very dif­fer­ent from the form used in the pidgin of Liberia, which has “small small” as the way of saying “very small indeed.” See Ashley Montagu and Edward Darling, The Prevalence of Nonsense (New York: Harper & Row, 1967), 167; and Some Terms from Liberian Speech, 2nd ed. (Liberia: U.S. Peace Corps, 1970), 51. ‡  Benamuckee] In his History of the Caribby Islands (sig. Aaav), Rochefort provides a vocabulary that does not include this word. God is Icheirikou or Necherakou; the evil spirit is Miboya.

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they1800 went up to the ­great Mountains where he dwelt, to speak to him;1801 I ask’d him if ever he went thither, to speak to him; he said no, they1802 never went that ­were young Men; none went thither but the old Men, who he call’d their Oowocakee,1803* that is, as I made him explain it to me, their Religious, or Clergy, and that they went to say 0, (so he called1804 saying Prayers)† and then came back, and told them what Benamuckee said: By1805 this I observ’d, that t­ here is Priestcraft, even amongst the most blinded ignorant Pagans in the World; and the Policy of making a secret Religion, in order1806 to preserve the Veneration of the P ­ eople to the Clergy,‡ is not only to be found in the Roman, but perhaps among all Religions in the World, even among the most brutish and barbarous Savages. I endeavour’d to clear up this Fraud,1807 to my Man Friday, and told him, that1808 the Pretence of their old Men ­going up the Mountains, to say O to their God Bena­ muckee, was a Cheat, and their bringing Word from thence what he said, was much more so; that if they met with any Answer, or spake with any one t­ here, it must be with an evil Spirit: And then I entred1809 into a long Discourse with him about the Dev­il,§ the Original of him, his Rebellion against God, his Enmity to Man, the Reason of it, his setting himself up in the dark Parts of the World to be worship’d1810 instead of God, and as God; and the many Stratagems he made use of to delude Mankind¶ to his1811 Ruin, how he had a secret access1812 to our Passions, and to our Affections, to adapt his Snares** so to our Inclinations, as to cause us even to be our own Tempters, and to run upon our Destruction by our own Choice. I found it was not so easie1813 to imprint right Notions in his Mind about the Devil, as it was about the Being of a God. Nature assisted all my Arguments to Evidence to him,1814 even the Necessity of a ­great first Cause†† and over–­ruling gov* Oowocakee] Rochefort, Caribby Islands (sig. Zz2), lists as the word for an old man “Ouaili,” which is not far from Friday’s word. †  O . . . ​Prayers] Rochefort, Caribby Islands (sig. Aaav), states that “Invocations, Prayers, Adorations, are t­ hings they have no knowledge at all of.” Defoe appears to have believed that all ­peoples had some kind of religion as well as “Priestcraft” (257:17). ‡  Veneration of the P ­ eople to the Clergy] Th ­ ere is an anticlerical theme implicit in Crusoe’s discovery of his personal Christian religion, which is made explicit ­here. It has been argued that the religious controversies of the time, including the Bangorian Controversy and the debate over the Trinity among the Dissenters, may have soured Defoe on or­ga­nized religion. See Maximillian Novak, Daniel Defoe, Master of Fictions: His Life and Ideas (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 654–655. §  Devil] For biblical references to the devil, see Daniel 7.23–28, 8.9–26, 11.31–12.3; Matthew 24.1–25; Mark 13.1–37; Luke 10.18; 2 Peter 2.4; Revelation 9.1–11, 12.1–14.7, 17.8, 17.14, 20.1–15. For Defoe’s interest in the devil, see Po­liti­cal History of the Dev­il. ¶  delude mankind] See 2 Thessalonians 2.11. ** adapt his Snares] See Luke 21.35; 1 Timothy 3.7; 2 Timothy 2.26. ††­  ­great first Cause] Like so many of his contemporaries, Defoe believed in an all-­powerful God who had created the universe according to a design that was entirely good, just, and moral. Evil appears as something that must be seen as a prob­lem, not for God but for ­human kind. For a con­temporary text with a similar view, see William King, An Essay on the Origin of Evil, trans. Edmund Law (London, 1731).

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erning Power;1815 a secret directing Providence,* and of the Equity, and Justice,1816 of paying Homage to him that made us, and the like. But t­ here appeared1817 nothing of all this in the Notion of an evil Spirit; of his Original, his Being, his Nature, and above all1818 of his Inclination to do Evil, and to draw us in to do so too; and1819 the poor Creature puzzl’d me once in such a manner,1820 by a Question meerly † natu­ral and innocent, that I scarce knew what to say to him. I had been talking a ­great deal to him of the Power of God, his Omnipotence, his dreadful Nature‡ to Sin,1821 his being a consuming Fire§ to the Workers of Iniquity; how, as he had made us all, he could destroy us and all the World in a Moment; and he listen’d with ­great Seriousness to me all the while. ­After this, I had been telling him how the Devil was God’s ­Enemy in the Hearts of Men, and used all his Malice and Skill to defeat the good Designs of Providence, and to ruin1822 the Kingdom of Christ in the World;1823 and the like. Well, says Fri­ day, but you say, God is so strong, so g­ reat, is he not much strong, much might1824 as the Devil? Yes, yes, says I, Friday, God is stronger than the Devil, God is above the Devil, and therefore we pray to God to tread him down u ­ nder our Feet, and enable us to resist his Temptations¶ and 1825 quench his fiery Darts.** But, says he again, if God much strong, much might 1826 as the Dev­il, why God no kill the Dev­il,†† so make him no more do wicked?1827 I was strangely surpriz’d at his Question, and ­after all, tho’ I was now an old Man, yet I was but a young Doctor,‡‡ and ill enough qualify’d1828 for a Casuist, or a Solver of Difficulties: And at first I could not tell what to say, so I pretended not to hear him, and ask’d him what he said? But he was too earnest for an Answer to forget his Question; so that he repeated it in the very same broken Words, as above. By this time1829 I had recovered my self 1830 a ­l ittle, and I said, God ­will at * secret directing Providence] Though his ways may appear mysterious, h ­ umans should be able to read God’s guiding presence in nature. See Douglas Patey, Probability and Literary Form (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). †  meerly] Completely, entirely. ‡  dreadful Nature] In context, the phrase should be “dreadful aversion” or “opposition.” “Dreadful” is used as a descriptive word for God in Daniel 9.4. §  a consuming Fire] Deuteronomy 4.24. See Hebrews 12.29. ¶  Temptations] See 1 Corinthians 10.13; James 4.7. ** quench his fiery Darts] See Ephesians 6.16. ††  kill the Dev­il] In some sense, Friday’s “Question” has no definitive answer in Christian theology. It was indeed the area reserved to the “Casuist,” for speculative religious thought. In his early Meditations, Defoe reflected on the passage from Isaiah (45.9) on the pot questioning the work of the potter. Lacking knowledge, so goes the argument, we must submit to the sovereignty and power of God. In some sense no Christian can provide an entirely adequate answer. For questions from t­ hose in a position similar to that of Friday, see J. Paul Hunter, “Friday as a Convert: Defoe and the Accounts of Indian Missionaries,” Review of En­glish Studies, n.s. 14 (1963): 243–248. For some useful summaries of the prob­lem, see A New Dic­ tionary of Christian Theology, ed. Alan Richardson and John Bowden (London: SCM Press, 1983), especially the articles on “evil,” 193–196, and “theodicy,” 564–566; and the entry u ­ nder “Evil” by A. B. Sharpe, The Catholic Encyclopedia, ed. Charles Herberman et al. (New York: Appleton, 1907–1912), 5:1907–1912. ‡‡  Doctor] Teacher of divinity.

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last punish him* severely; he is 1831 reserv’d for the Judgment, and is to be cast into the Bottomless–­Pit, to dwell with everlasting Fire. This did not satisfie1832 Friday, but he returns upon me, repeating my Words, Reserve,1833 at last, me no under­ stand;1834 but, Why not kill the Devil now, not kill ­great ago? You may as well ask me, said I, Why God does not kill you and I, when we do wicked Th ­ ings h ­ ere that offend him? We are preserv’d to repent and be ­pardon’d: He muses a while at this; well, well,1835 says he, mighty affectionately, that well; so you, I, Dev­il, all wicked, all preserve, repent, God ­pardon all. ­Here I was run down again by him to the last Degree, and it was a Testimony to me, how the meer Notions of Nature, though they ­will guide reasonable Creatures to the Knowledge of a God, and of a Worship or Homage due to the supreme Being, of God1836 as the Consequence of our Nature; yet nothing but divine Revelation† can form1837 the Knowledge of Jesus Christ, and of a Redemption‡ purchas’d for us, of a Mediator of the new Covenant,§ and of an Intercessor,¶ at the Foot–­stool1838 of God’s Throne;** I say, nothing but a Revelation from Heaven, can form ­these in the Soul,1839 and that therefore the Gospel of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ;1840†† I mean, the Word of God,‡‡ and the Spirit of God promis’d for the Guide and Sanctifier of his P ­ eople,§§ are the absolutely necessary Instructors of the Souls of Men, in the saving Knowledge of God, and the Means of Salvation.¶¶ I therefore diverted the pre­sent Discourse between me and my Man, rising up hastily, as upon some sudden Occasion of ­going out; then sending him for something a good way off, I seriously pray’d to God that 1841 he would enable me to instruct savingly*** this poor Savage, assisting by his Spirit the Heart of the poor ignorant Creature, to receive the Light of the Knowledge of God in Christ,††† reconciling‡‡‡ him to himself, and would guide me to speak so to him from the Word of God, as his Conscience might be convinc’d, his Eyes open’d, and his Soul sav’d. When he came again to me, I entred into a long Discourse with him upon the Subject of the Redemption of Man by the Saviour of the World, and of the Doctrine of the Gospel preach’d from Heaven, viz. of Repentance t­ owards God, and Faith in our Blessed Lord 1842 Jesus. I then explain’d to him, as well as I could, why our Blessed Redeemer took not on him the Nature of Angels, but the Seed of Abraham,§§§

* God ­will . . . ​punish him] 2 Peter 2.4; Revelation 20.1–15. †  nothing but divine Revelation] See 2 Corinthians 4.5–7. ‡  Redemption] See Acts 20. 28; Ephesians 1.7–14; Hebrews 9.12. §  Mediator . . . ​new Covenant] See Hebrews 8.6, 9.15, 12.24; Galatians 3.19–22; 1 Timothy 2.5. ¶  Intercessor] See Romans 8.26–34; Hebrews 7.25. ** Foot-­stool of God’s Throne] See Psalms 99.5, 132.7. ††  the Gospel . . . ​Jesus Christ] Romans 1.16–17. ‡‡  Word of God] See Deuteronomy 30.10–14; Romans 10.8; Hebrews 8.10, 10.16. §§  Guide and Sanctifier of his P ­ eople] See Psalms 48.14; John 16.13. ¶¶  Means of Salvation] See Luke 1.69–79; Acts 4.12; Romans 1.16ff. *** instruct savingly] See Luke 4.18. †††  Light . . . ​Christ] See 2 Corinthians 4.6. ‡‡‡  reconciling] See 2 Corinthians 4.18–19; Romans 5.10. §§§  seed of Abraham] In other words, the form of a man and a Hebrew. See Hebrews 2.16.

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and how for that Reason the fallen Angels* had no Share in the Redemption; that he came only to the lost Sheep of the House of Israel,† and the like. I had, God knows, more Sincerity than Knowledge, in all the Methods I took for this poor Creature’s Instruction, and must acknowledge what I believe all that act upon the same Princi­ple ­w ill find, That in laying ­Things open to him, I ­really inform’d and instructed my self 1843 in many ­Things, that ­either I did not know, or had not fully consider’d before; but which occurr’d naturally to my Mind, upon my searching into them, for the Information of this poor Savage; and I had more Affection‡ in my Enquiry ­after ­Things upon this Occasion, than ever I felt before; so that ­whether this poor wild Wretch was the better for me, or no, I had ­great Reason to be thankful that ever he came to me: My Grief set§ lighter upon me, my Habitation grew comfortable to me beyond Mea­sure; and when I reflected that in this solitary Life which I had been confin’d to, I had not only been moved my self to look up to Heaven, and to seek to the Hand that had brought me t­ here; but was now to be made an Instrument u ­ nder Providence to save the Life, and for ­ought I knew,1844 the Soul of a poor Savage, and bring him to the true Knowledge of Religion, and of the Christian Doctrine, that he might know Christ Jesus, to know whom is Life eternal.¶ I say, when I1845 reflected upon all t­ hese ­Things, a secret Joy run through e­ very Part of my Soul, and I frequently rejoyc’d1846 that ever I was brought to this Place, which I had so often thought the most dreadful of all Afflictions that could possibly have befallen me. In this thankful Frame I continu’d all the Remainder of my Time, and the Conversation which employ’d the Hours between Friday and I, was such, as made the three Years** which we liv’d ­t here together perfectly and compleatly happy, if any such ­Thing as compleat Happiness can be form’d1847 in a sublunary State. The Savage was now a good Christian, a much better than I; though I have reason1848 to hope, and bless God for it, that we ­were equally penitent, and comforted restor’d Penitents; we1849 had ­here the Word of God to read, and no farther off from his Spirit to instruct, than if we had been in ­England. I always apply’d my self in Reading the Scripture, to let him know, as well as I could, the Meaning of what I read; and he again, by his serious Enquiries, and Questionings, made me, as I said before, a much better Scholar in the Scripture Knowledge, than I should ever have been by my own private meer Reading. Another ­t hing I cannot refrain from observing h ­ ere also from Experience, in this retir’d Part of my Life, viz. How infinite and inexpressible a Blessing it is, that the Knowledge of God, and of the Doctrine of Salvation by Christ Jesus, is so plainly laid down in the Word of God; so easy to be receiv’d and understood: That as the bare * fallen Angels] See 2 Peter 2.4; Jude 6. †  lost Sheep . . . ​Israel] Matthew 10.6, 15.24. ‡  Affection] Earnestness in pursuing. The OED lists this usage as obsolete. §  set] Sat. ¶  to know whom is Life eternal] See John 17.3. ** three Years] From a strictly chronological standpoint it is closer to two years, but Crusoe repeats this figure again. See 271:36.

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reading1850 the Scripture made me capable of understanding enough of my Duty, to carry me directly on to the ­great Work of sincere Repentance for my Sins, and laying hold of a Saviour for Life and Salvation, to a stated Reformation in Practice, and Obedience to all God’s Commands, and this without any Teacher or Instructor (I mean, h ­ uman)1851 so the same plain Instruction sufficiently serv’d to the 1852 enlightning this Savage Creature, and bringing him to be such a Christian, as I have known few equal to him in my Life. As to all the Disputes, Wranglings, Strife and Contention,1853* which has happen’d in the World about Religion, w ­ hether Niceties in Doctrines, or Schemes of Church Government, they ­were all perfectly useless to us; as for ­ought I can yet see, they have been to all the rest of the World:1854 We had the sure Guide to Heaven, viz. The Word of God;† and we had, blessed be God, comfortable Views of the Spirit of God‡ teaching and instructing us by his Word, leading us into all Truth, and making us both willing and obedient to the Instruction of his Word; and I cannot see the least Use that the greatest Knowledge of the disputed Points in Religion which have made such Confusions in the World would have been to us, if we could have obtain’d it; but I must go on with the Historical Part of ­Things, and take ­every Part in its order. ­After Friday and I became more intimately acquainted, and that he could understand almost all I said to him, and speak fluently, though in broken En­glish to me; I acquainted him with my own Story, or at least so much of it as related to my coming into the Place, how I had liv’d ­t here, and how long. I let him into the Mystery, for such it was to him, of Gunpowder,1855 and Bullet, and taught him how to shoot: I gave him a Knife, which he was wonderfully delighted with, and I made him a * Disputes, Wranglings, Strife and Contention] Although Crusoe’s remarks on the “Niceties in Doctrines, or Schemes of Church Government” are left vague enough for any number of interpretations, the reader would have to consider them historically as comments reflecting Crusoe’s experience before reaching the island, as his attitudes as the aged author writing de­cades ­later, and, more generally, as an allusion to events in 1719. Since religious disputes continued throughout this period, ­t here was nothing anachronistic about his remarks. For an account of some of the disputes at the time Defoe was writing The Life and Strange Sur­ prizing Adventures, see above, 257:20–21. Before Crusoe reached his island, during the Interregnum period, ­England had seen the rise of numerous sects and religious quarrels. And the nation was torn by religious disputes during the twenty-­eight years Crusoe was on the island, with the creation of a large group of Dissenters from the Church of E ­ ngland ­a fter the Restoration and the fears of the return of Catholicism as the state religion. And during the years following the Glorious Revolution, ­a fter Crusoe had returned to ­England, ­t hose refusing to acknowledge William III as the legitimate King of the nation separated from the Church of ­England and became the Non-­Jurors. The Presbyterians and the Congregationalists had briefly joined and separated over the question of antinomianism. Many Catholics had become Jacobites—­active supporters of a return of James and his descendants to the throne. And by the time Crusoe arrives back in E ­ ngland at the end of The Farther Adventures in 1705, the “High Flyers” of the Church of ­England ­were once more threatening to persecute the Dissenters. †  The Word of God] Although Crusoe seems to aim at a generalized Christian belief, the Protestant thrust of his reliance on the Bible as the source for all religious truth is obvious. For the phrase, see above, 260:2. ‡  Spirit of God . . . ​all Truth] Psalms 25.5; John 16.13.

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­ elt, with a Frog* hanging to it, such as in ­England we wear Hangers† in; and in B the Frog, instead of a Hanger, I gave him a Hatchet, which was not only as good a Weapon in some Cases, but much more useful upon other Occasions. I  describ’d to him the Country of Eu­rope, and particularly ­England, which I  came from; how we liv’d, how we worshipp’d God, how we behav’d to one another; and how we traded in Ships to all Parts of the World: I  gave him an Account of the Wreck which I had been on board of,1856 and shew’d him as near as I could, the Place where she lay; but she was all beaten in Pieces before, and gone. I shew’d him the Ruins of our Boat, which we lost when we escap’d, and which I could not stir with my ­whole Strength then; but was now fallen almost all to Pieces: Upon seeing this Boat, Friday stood musing a ­great while, and said nothing; I ask’d him what it was he study’d upon, at last says he, me see such Boat like come to Place at my Nation. I did not understand him a good while; but at last, when I had examin’d farther into it, I understood by him, that a Boat, such as that had been, came on Shore upon the Country where he liv’d; that is, as he explain’d it, was driven thither by Stress of Weather: I presently imagin’d, that some Eu­ro­pe­an Ship must have been cast away upon their Coast, and the Boat might get loose, and drive ashore;1857 but was so dull, that I never once thought of Men making escape from a Wreck thither, much less whence they might come; so I only enquir’d ­after a Description of the Boat. Friday describ’d the Boat to me well enough; but brought me better to understand him, when he added with some Warmth, we save the white Mans from drown: Then I presently ask’d him, if ­t here was any white Mans, as he call’d them, in the Boat; yes, he said, the Boat full white Mans: I ask’d him how many; he told upon his Fin­gers seventeen: I ask’d him then what become of them; he told me, they live, they dwell at my Nation. This put new Thoughts into my Head; for I presently imagin’d, that ­these might be the Men belonging to the Ship, that was cast away in Sight of my Island, as I now call it; and who a­ fter the Ship was struck on the Rock, and they saw her inevitably lost, had sav’d themselves in their Boat, and w ­ ere landed upon that wild Shore among the Savages. Upon this, I enquir’d of him more critically, What was become of them? He assur’d me they lived still t­ here; that they had been t­ here about four Years; that the Savages let them alone, and gave them Victuals to live. I ask’d him, How it came to pass they did not kill them and eat them? He said, No, they make B ­ rother with them; that is, as1858 I understood him, a Truce: And then he added, They no eat Mans but when make the War fight; that is to say, they never eat any Men but such as come to fight with them, and are taken in B ­ attle.‡ * Frog] “An attachment to the waist-­belt in which a sword or bayonet or hatchet may be carried.” The OED lists this as the first usage of this word. †  Hangers] Short swords. ‡  never eat any Man . . . ​­Battle] See above, p. 364, n. 487. See also Frank Lestringant, Canni­ bals, trans. Rosemary Morris (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997).

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It was a­ fter this some considerable Time, that being upon the Top of the Hill, at the East Side of the Island, from whence as I have said, I had in a clear Day discover’d the Main, or Continent of Amer­i­ca; Friday, the Weather being very serene, looks very earnestly t­ owards the Main Land, and in a kind of Surprise, falls a jumping and dancing,1859 and calls out to me, for I was at some Distance from him: I ask’d him, What was the ­Matter? O joy! Says he, O glad!1860 ­There see my Country, ­there my Nation! I observ’d an extraordinary Sense of Plea­sure appear’d in his Face, and his Eyes sparkled, and his Countenance discover’d a strange Eagerness, as if he had a Mind to be in his own Country again; and this Observation of mine, put a g­ reat many Thoughts into me, which made me at first not so easy about my new Man Friday as I was before; and I made no doubt, but that if Friday could get back to his own Nation again, he would not only forget all his Religion, but all his Obligation to me; and would be forward enough to give his Countrymen1861 an Account of me, and come back perhaps1862 with a hundred or two of them, and make a Feast upon me, at which he might be as merry as he us’d to be with ­those of his Enemies, when they ­were taken in War. But I wrong’d the poor honest Creature very much, for which I was very sorry afterwards. However as my Jealousy* increas’d,1863 and held me some Weeks, I was a l­ittle more circumspect, and not so familiar and kind to him as before; in which I was certainly in the Wrong too, the honest grateful Creature having no Thought1864 about it, but what consisted with the best Princi­ples, both as a religious Christian, and as a grateful Friend,† as appeared1865 afterwards to my full Satisfaction. While my Jealousy of him lasted, you may be sure I was ­every Day pumping him to see if he would discover any of the new Thoughts, which I suspected ­were in him; but I found e­ very t­ hing he said was so Honest, and so Innocent, that I could find nothing to nourish my Suspicion; and in spight of all my Uneasiness he made me at last entirely his own again, nor did he in the least perceive that I was Uneasie, and therefore I could not suspect him of Deceit. One Day walking up the same Hill, but the Weather being haizy1866 at Sea, so that we could not see the Continent, I call’d to him, and said, Friday, do not you wish your self in your own Country, your own Nation? Yes, he said, he be much O glad to be at his own Nation. What would you do ­there said I, would you turn Wild again, eat Mens Flesh again, and be a Savage as you ­were before. He lookt1867 full of Concern, and shaking his Head said, No no, Friday tell them to live Good, tell them to pray God, tell them to eat Corn–­bread, ­Cattle–­flesh, Milk, no eat Man again: Why then, said I to him, They w ­ ill kill you.1868 He look’d grave at that, and then said, No, they no kill me, they willing love learn: He meant by this, they would be willing to learn. He added, they learn’d much of the Bearded–­Mans that come in the Boat. Then I ask’d him1869 if he would go back to them? He smil’d at that, and * Jealousy] Suspicion, mistrust. See Phillips, New World of Words, sig. Fff4v. †  grateful Friend] What­ever Crusoe’s previous attitude may have been to Friday, it is clear from ­t hese words that at this point Crusoe regards him as more than even the “Servant” he had wanted and far more than the “Slave” about whom he had dreamed.

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told me he could not swim so far. I told him I would make a Canoe for him. He told me, he would go,* if I would go with him. I go! says I, why they w ­ ill eat me if I come ­t here?1870 No, no, says he, me make they no eat 1871 you; me make they much Love you: He meant he would tell them how I had kill’d his Enemies, and sav’d his Life, and so he would make them love me; then he told me as well as he could, how kind they w ­ ere to seventeen white Men, or bearded Men,1872 as he call’d them, who came on Shore ­t here in Distress. From this time I confess I had a Mind to venture over, and see if I could pos­si­ ble joyn with t­ hese Bearded men, who I made no doubt w ­ ere Spaniards or Portu­ guese; not doubting but if I could we might find some Method to Escape from thence, being upon the Continent, and a good Com­pany together; better than1873 I could from an Island 40 Miles off the Shore, and alone without Help. So a­ fter some Days I took Friday to work again, by way of Discourse, and told him I would give him a Boat to go back to his own Nation;1874 and accordingly I carry’d him to my Frigate† which lay on the other Side of the Island, and having clear’d it of ­Water, for I always kept it sunk in the W ­ ater; I brought it out, shewed it him,1875 and we both went into it. I found he was a most dextrous Fellow at managing it, would make it go almost as swift and fast again as I could; so when he was in, I said to him, Well now, Fri­ day, ­shall we go to your Nation? He look’d very dull at my saying so, which it seems1876 was, b ­ ecause he thought the Boat too small to go so far. I told him then I had a bigger; so the next Day I went to the Place where the first Boat lay which I had made, but which I could not get into W ­ ater: He said that was big enough; but then as I had taken no Care of it, and it had lain two or three and twenty Years ­t here, the Sun had split and dry’d it, that it was in a manner rotten. Friday told me such a Boat would do very well, and would carry much enough Vittle, Drink, Bread, that was his Way of Talking.‡ Upon the w ­ hole, I was by this Time so fix’d upon my Design of g­ oing over with him to the Continent, that I told him we would go and make one as big as that, and he should go home in it. He answer’d not one Word, but look’d very grave and sad: I ask’d him what was the m ­ atter with him? He1877 ask’d me again thus; Why, you angry mad with Friday, what me done? I ask’d him what he meant; I told him I was not angry with him at all. No angry! No angry! says he, repeating the Words several Times, Why send Friday home away to my Nation? Why, (says I) Friday, did you not say you wish’d you w ­ ere ­t here? Yes, yes, says he, wish be both ­there, no wish Friday ­there, no Master ­there. In a Word, he would not think of ­going * would go] In a paper delivered at the William Andrews Clark Library on 6 June  2003, “Reading Practice: Crusoe, Slavery, and Postcolonialism,” Daniel Carey argued that this phrase and the use of “willing” (268:37) strongly suggest Friday’s freedom to leave if he wishes and that Friday’s status had been misunderstood. †  Frigate] Though now obsolete, this was a term for a light, swift vessel that might be used for rowing or with a sail as well as for a warship carry­ing twenty to thirty-­eight guns. See Fal­ coner’s Marine Dictionary, 134. ‡  his Way of Talking] See above, p. 458, n. 500.

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t­ here without me; I go ­there! Friday, (says I) what s­ hall I do ­there? He turn’d very quick upon me at this: You do g­ reat deal much good, says he, you teach wild Mans be good sober tame Mans; you tell them know God, pray God, and live new Life. Alas! Friday,1878 (says I) thou knowest not what thou sayest, I1879 am but an ignorant Man my self. Yes, yes, says he, you teachee me Good, you teachee them Good. No, no, Friday, (says I) you1880 ­shall go without me, leave me h ­ ere to live by my self, as I did before. He look’d confus’d again at that Word, and r­ unning to1881 one of the Hatchets which he used to wear, he takes it up hastily, comes and gives it me, What must I do with this?1882 says I to him. You take, kill Friday; (says he.) What must I kill you for? said I again.1883 He returns very quick, What you send Friday away for? take, kill Friday, no send1884 Friday away. This he spoke so earnestly, that I saw Tears stand in his Eyes:1885 In a Word, I so plainly discover’d the utmost Affection in him to me, and a firm Resolution in him, that I told him then, and often a­ fter, that I would never send him away from me, if he was willing to stay with me. Upon the ­whole,1886 as I found by all his Discourse a settled Affection to me, and that nothing should part him from me, so I found all the Foundation of his Desire to go to his own Country, was laid in his ardent Affection to the ­People, and his Hopes of my d ­ oing them good; a Th ­ ing which as I had no Notion of my self,1887 so I had not the least Thought or Intention, or Desire of undertaking it. But still I found a strong Inclination to my attempting an Escape as above, founded on the Supposition gather’d from the Discourse, (viz.) That ­t here ­were seventeen bearded Men ­there; and therefore, without any more Delay, I went to work 1888 with Friday to find out a ­great Tree proper to fell, and make a large Periagua or Canoe to undertake the Voyage. Th ­ ere w ­ ere Trees enough in the Island to have built a ­little Fleet, not of Periaguas1889 and Canoes, but even of good large Vessels. But the main ­Thing I look’d at, was to get one so near the ­Water that we might launch it when it was made, to avoid the ­Mistake I committed at first. At last, Friday pitch’d upon a Tree, for I found he knew much better than I what kind of Wood was fittest for it, nor can I tell to this Day1890 what Wood to call the Tree we cut down, except that it was very like the Tree we call Fustic,* or between that and the Nicaragua Wood† for it was much of the same Colour and Smell. Fri­ day was for burning the Hollow or Cavity of this Tree out to make it for a Boat.1891 But I shew’d him how rather to cut it out with Tools,1892 which, a­ fter I had shew’d him how to use, he did very handily, and in about a Month’s hard L ­ abour, we finished1893 it, and made it very handsome, especially when with our Axes, which I shew’d him how to ­handle, we cut and hew’d the out–­side1894 into the true Shape of a Boat; ­after this, however, it cost us near a Fortnight’s Time to get her along as it ­were1895 Inch by Inch upon ­great Rowlers into the ­Water. But when she was in, she would have carry’d twenty Men with ­great Ease. * Fustic] The Cladrastis Tinctoria that grew in Amer­i­ca and the West Indies, sometimes called “old fustic” to distinguish it from Venetian sumdrach (Rhus Cotinus). Both ­were used as yellow dyes. †  Nicaragua Wood] A Central American tree yielding a red, heavy wood similar to Brazil wood, obtained from some species of Caesalpinia; peach-­wood. See OED.

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When she was in the W ­ ater, and tho’ she was so big it amazed1896 me to see with what Dexterity and how swift my Man Friday* would manage her, turn her, and paddle her along; so I ask’d him if he would, and if we might venture over in her; Yes, he said, he venture1897 over in her very well, tho’ ­great blow Wind. However, I had a farther Design that he knew nothing of, and that was to make a Mast and Sail1898 and to fit her with an Anchor and Cable: As to a Mast, that was easy enough to get; so I pitch’d upon a strait young Cedar–­Tree, which I found near the Place, and which ­t here was ­great Plenty of in the Island, and I set Friday to Work 1899 to cut it down, and gave him Directions how to shape and order it. But as to the Sail, that was my par­tic­u­lar Care; I knew I had old Sails, or rather Pieces of old Sails enough; but as I had had them now six and twenty Years1900 by me, and had not been very careful to preserve them, not imagining that I should ever have this kind of Use for them, I did not doubt but they ­were all rotten, and indeed most of them ­were so; however, I found two Pieces which appear’d pretty good, and with t­ hese I went to work,1901 and with a g­ reat deal of Pains, and awkward tedious stitching (you may be sure) for Want of ­Needles, I at length made a three Corner’d1902 ugly ­Thing, like what we call in ­England, a Shoulder of Mutton Sail,† to go with a Boom at bottom, and a l­ ittle short Sprit‡ at the Top, such as usually our Ship”s Long-­Boats sail with, and such as I best knew1903 how to manage; b ­ ecause it was such a one as I had to the Boat,1904 in which I made my Escape from Barbary, as related in the first Part of my Story. I was near two Months performing this last Work, viz. rigging and fitting my Mast and Sails; for I finish’d them very compleat, making a small Stay,§ and a Sail, or Foresail to it, to assist, if we should turn to Windward;¶ and which was more than all, I fix’d a Rudder to the Stern of her, to steer with; and though1905 I was but a bungling Shipwright,** yet as I knew the Usefulness, and even Necessity of such a ­Thing, I apply’d my self 1906 with so much Pains to do it, that at last I brought it to pass; though1907 considering the many dull Contrivances I had for it that sail’d, I think it cost me almost as much ­Labour as making the Boat. * my Man Friday] The OED rec­ords this as the origin for the meaning “a man servant” or a “valet” and defines it as a “servile fellow,” with its origin in the Robinson Crusoe volumes. If the passage implies a certain degree of possessiveness on Crusoe’s part, it is also true that it is said with pride in Friday’s dexterity. Hence it has also quite properly taken on the meaning of a person competent to do almost any job. Certainly the passage h ­ ere has nothing to do with Friday’s servility. †  Shoulder of Mutton Sail] A triangular sail attached to a mast. This passage is quoted in the OED. ‡  Sprit] “A small boom or pole which crosses the sail of a boat diagonally from the mast to the upper hindmost corner of the sail which is used to extend and elevate.” Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 275. §  Stay] A rope that helps support the mast. ¶  Windward] Moving against the wind. ** Shipwright] Defoe’s brother-­in-­law, Robert Davis, with whom he was very close for many years, was a shipwright, and Defoe may have learned something about shipbuilding from him. They w ­ ere both involved in the proj­ect of making a workable diving engine. See Novak, Daniel Defoe, Master of Fictions, 55–56.

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­ fter all this was done too, I had my Man Friday to teach as to what belong’d A to the Navigation of my Boat; for though he knew very well how to paddle a Canoe, he knew nothing what belong’d to a Sail,1908 and a Rudder; and was the most amaz’d,1909 when he saw me work the Boat too and again in the Sea by the Rudder, and how the Sail gyb’d,* and fill’d† this way, or that way,1910 as the Course we sail’d chang’d; I say, when he saw this, he stood like one, astonish’d,1911 and amaz’d: However, with a ­little Use, I made all ­t hese ­Things familiar to him; and he became an expert Sailor, except that as to the Compass, I  could1912 make him understand very ­little of that. On the other hand,1913 as ­t here was very ­little cloudy Weather, and seldom or never any Fogs in t­ hose Parts, ­t here was the less occasion1914 for a Compass, seeing the Stars w ­ ere always to be seen by Night, and the Shore by Day, except in the rainy Seasons, and then no body car’d1915 to stir abroad, ­either by Land or Sea. I was now entred1916 on the seven and twentieth Year of my Captivity in this Place; though1917 the three last Years that I had this Creature with me, ­ought rather to be left out of the Account, my Habitation being quite of another kind1918 than in all the rest of the Time. I kept the Anniversary of my Landing1919 h ­ ere with the same Thankfulness to God for his Mercies, as at first; and if I had such Cause of Acknowl­edgment at first, I had much more so now, having such additional Testimonies of the Care of Providence over me, and the ­great Hopes I had of being effectually,1920 and speedily deliver’d; for I  had an invincible Impression upon my Thoughts, that my Deliverance was at hand, and that I should not be another Year in this Place: However, I went on with my Husbandry, digging, planting, fencing, as usual; I gather’d and cur’d my Grapes, and did ­every necessary ­Th ing1921 as before. The rainy Season was in the mean Time upon me, when I kept more within Doors than at other Times; so I had stow’d our new Vessel as secure1922 as we could, bringing her up into the Creek, where as I said, in the Beginning I landed my Rafts from the Ship, and haling her up to the Shore, at high ­Water mark,1923 I made my Man Friday dig a l­ ittle Dock, just big enough to hold her, and just deep enough to give her ­Water enough to fleet‡ in; and then when the Tide1924 was out, we made a strong Dam cross the End of it, to keep the W ­ ater out; and so she lay dry, as to the Tide from the Sea; and to keep the Rain off, we laid a ­great many Boughs of Trees, so thick, that she was as well thatch’d as a House; and thus we waited for the Month of November and December, in which I design’d to make my Adventure. When the settled Season began to come in, as the thought 1925 of my Design return’d with the fair Weather, I was preparing daily for the Voyage; and the first ­Thing I did, was to lay by a certain Quantity of Provisions, being the Stores for our Voyage; and intended1926 in a Week or a Fortnight’s Time, to open the Dock, and launch out our Boat. I was busy one Morning upon some Th ­ ing of this kind, * gyb’d] Usually jibbed or swinging from one side of the boat to the other. †  fill’d] Puffed out with the wind. ‡  fleet] A verb with Anglo-­Saxon roots once equivalent to float. Now obsolete or dialect.

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when I call’d to Friday, and bid him go to the Sea Shore, and see if he could find a Turtle, or Tortoise, a Th ­ ing which we generally got once a Week, for the Sake of the Eggs, as well as the Flesh: Friday had not been long gone, when he came ­running back, and flew over my outer Wall, or Fence, like one that felt not the Ground, or the Steps he set his Feet on; and before I had time to speak to him, he cries out to me, O Master! O Master! O Sorrow! O bad! What’s the ­Matter, Friday, says I; O yonder, ­there, says he, one, two, three Canoe! one, two, three! By his way of speaking, I concluded ­there ­were six; but on enquiry, I found it was but three: Well, Fri­ day, says I, do not be frighted; so I heartned him up as well as I could: However, I saw the poor Fellow was most terribly scar’d; for nothing ran in his Head but that they ­were come to look for him, and would cut him in Pieces, and eat him; and the poor Fellow trembled so, that I scarce knew what to do with him: I comforted him as well as I could, and told him I was in as much Danger as he, and that they would eat me as well as him; but, says I,1927 Friday, we must resolve to fight them; Can you fight, Friday? Me shoot, says he, but ­there come many ­great Number. No ­matter for that, said I again, our Guns ­w ill fright them that we do not kill; so I ask’d him, W ­ hether if I resolv’d to defend him, he would defend me, and stand by me, and do just as I bid him? He said, Me die, when you bid die, Master; so I went and fetch’d a good Dram of Rum, and gave him; for I had been so good a Husband of my Rum, that I had a ­great deal left: When he had drank it, I made him take the two Fowling–­Pieces, which we always carry’d, and load them with large Swan–­Shot, as big as small Pistol Bullets; then I  took four Muskets, and loaded them with two Slugs, and five small Bullets each; and my two Pistols I loaded with a Brace of Bullets each; I hung my g­ reat Sword as usual, naked by my Side, and gave Friday his Hatchet. When I had thus prepar’d my self, I took my Perspective–­Glass, and went up to the Side of the Hill, to see what I could discover; and I found quickly, by my Glass, that t­ here ­were one and twenty Savages, three Prisoners, and three Canoes; and that their ­whole Business seem’d to be the triumphant Banquet upon ­t hese three h ­ uman Bodies,1928 (a barbarous Feast indeed) but nothing more1929 than as I had observ’d was usual with them. I observ’d also, that they ­were landed not where they had done, when Friday made his Escape;1930 but nearer to my Creek, where the Shore was low, and where a thick Wood came close almost down to the Sea: This, with the Abhorrence of the inhumane Errand t­hese Wretches came about, fill’d me with such Indignation,* that I came down again to Friday,1931 and told him, I was resolv’d to go down to them, and kill them all; and ask’d him, If 1932 he would stand by me? He was now gotten over1933 his Fright, and his Spirits being a l­ittle rais’d, with the Dram I had given him, he was very chearful, and told me, as before, he would die, when I bid die. * Indignation] Crusoe had used the italicized “my Island” with the very specific “as I now called it” (264:23) just ten pages ­earlier. Crusoe’s indignation has to do with what he sees as a threat to his life and his property.

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In this Fit of Fury, I took first and divided the Arms which I had charg’d, as before, between us;1934 I gave Friday one Pistol to stick in his Girdle, and three Guns upon his Shoulder; and I took one Pistol, and the other three my self; and in this Posture we march’d out: I took a small ­Bottle of Rum* in my Pocket, and gave Friday a large Bag, with more Powder and Bullet; and as to O ­ rders, I charg’d him 1935 to keep close ­behind me, and not to stir, or shoot, or do any Th ­ ing,1936 till I bid 1937 him; and in the mean Time, not to speak a Word: In this Posture I fetch’d a Compass† to my Right–­Hand,1938 of near a Mile, as well to get over the Creek, as to get into the Wood; so that I might come within shoot‡ of them, before1939 I should be discover’d, which I had seen by my Glass,1940 it was easy to do. While I was making this March, my former Thoughts returning, I began to abate my Resolution; I do not mean, that I entertain’d any Fear of their Number; for as they w ­ ere naked, unarm’d Wretches, ’tis certain I was superior to them; nay, though I had been alone; but it occurr’d to my Thoughts, What Call? What Occasion? much less, What Necessity I was in to go and dip my Hands in Blood,§ to attack ­People, who had neither done, or intended me any Wrong? Who as to me ­were innocent, and whose barbarous Customs w ­ ere their own Disaster, being in them a Token indeed of God’s having left them, with the other Nations of that Part of the World, to such Stupidity, and to such inhumane Courses; but did not call me to take upon me to be a Judge of their Actions, much less an Executioner of his Justice; that whenever he thought fit, he would take the Cause into his own Hands, and by national Vengeance1941 punish them as a P ­ eople, for national Crimes;1942 but that in the mean time, it was none of my Business; that it was true, Friday might justify it, b ­ ecause he was a declar’d E ­ nemy, and in a State of War¶ with t­ hose very par­tic­u­lar ­People; and it was lawful for him to attack them; but I could not say the same with re­spect to me:1943 ­These ­Th ings w ­ ere so warmly press’d upon my Thoughts, all the way as I went, that I resolv’d I would only go and place my self near them, that I might observe their barbarous Feast, and that I would act then as God should direct; but that ­unless something offer’d that was more a Call to me than yet I knew of, I would not meddle with them. With this Resolution I enter’d the Wood, and with all pos­si­ble Waryness and Silence, Friday following close at my Heels, I march’d till I came to the Skirt of *­  ­Bottle of Rum] In keeping with the warfare image of this coming ­battle, Crusoe fortifies himself and Friday with strong drink, a con­temporary practice before a b ­ attle. Hence the notion of “Dutch Courage” for the gin supplied to troops in the Dutch army before a ­battle. †  fetch’d a Compass] Made an encircling movement. ‡  shoot] Shooting distance. See OED. §  Necessity . . . ​dip my Hands in Blood] This is essentially a repetition of the qualms against murder felt by Crusoe as he gradually recovered from his irrational fears and rages against the cannibals ­a fter first discovering them. See above, pp. 363–366, the nn. 407–409. ¶  State of War] The frontispiece of Thomas Hobbes’s De Cive (1651) provided a number of illustrations of native Americans, including an image of cannibalism. Hobbes regarded their lives as an example of the State of Nature in the sense that it was equivalent to or likely to be turned into the “State of War.” See Hobbes, Philosophical Rudiments concerning Government and Society, in The En­glish Works of Thomas Hobbes, 11 vols., ed. Sir William Molesworth (London: Bohn, 1841), 2:xviii.

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the Wood, on the Side which was next to them; only that one Corner of the Wood lay between me and them; h ­ ere I call’d softly to Friday, and shewing him a g­ reat Tree, which was just at the Corner of the Wood, I bad him go to the Tree, and bring me Word if he could see t­ here plainly what they w ­ ere ­doing; he did so, and came immediately back to me, and told me they might be plainly view’d t­ here; that they ­were all about their Fire, eating the Flesh of one of their Prisoners; and that another lay bound upon the Sand, a l­ittle from them, which he said they would kill next, and which fir’d all the very Soul within me; he told me it was not one of their Nation; but one of the bearded Men, who he had told me of, that came to their Country in the Boat: I was fill’d with Horror at the very naming the white–­bearded Man, and ­going to the Tree, I saw plainly by my Glass, a white Man who lay upon the Beach of the Sea, with his Hands and his Feet ty’d, with Flags, or Th ­ ings like Rushes; and that he was an Eu­ro­pe­an, and had Cloaths on. ­There was another Tree, and a ­little Thicket beyond it, about fifty Yards nearer to them than the Place where I was, which by ­going a ­little way about, I saw I might come at undiscover’d, and that then I should be within half Shot of them; so I with–­ held my Passion, though I was indeed enrag’d to the highest Degree, and ­going back about twenty Paces, I got b ­ ehind some Bushes, which held all the way, till I came to the other Tree; and then I came to a ­little rising Ground, which gave me a full View of them, at the Distance of about eighty Yards. I had now not a Moment to lose;1944 for nineteen of the dreadful Wretches sat upon the Ground, all close huddled together, and had just sent the other two to butcher the poor Christian, and bring him perhaps Limb by Limb to their Fire, and they ­were stoop’d down to untie the Bands, at his Feet; I turn’d to Friday, now Friday, said I, do as I bid1945 thee; Friday said he would; then Friday, says I, do exactly as you see me do, fail in nothing;1946 so I set down one of the Muskets, and the Fowling–­ Piece, upon the Ground, and Friday did the like by his; and with the other Musket, I took my aim at the Savages, bidding him do the like; then asking him, If he was ready? He said, yes, then fire at them, said I; and the same Moment I fir’d also. Friday took his Aim so much better than I, that on the Side that he shot, he kill’d two of them, and wounded three more; and on my Side, I kill’d one, and wounded two: They ­were, you may be sure, in a dreadful Consternation; and all of them, who ­were not hurt, jump’d up upon their Feet, but did not immediately know which way to run,1947 or which way to look; for they knew not from whence their Destruction came: Friday kept his Eyes close upon me, that as I had bid him, he might observe what I did; so as soon as the first Shot was made, I threw down the Piece, and took up the Fowling–­Piece, and Friday did the like; he see me cock, and pre­sent, he did the same again; Are you ready? Friday, said I; yes, says he; let fly then, says I, in the Name of God, and with that I fir’d again among the amaz’d Wretches, and so did Friday; and as our Pieces ­were now loaden with what I call’d Swan–­Shot, or small Pistol Bullets, we found only two drop; but so many w ­ ere wounded, that they run about yelling, and skreaming, like mad Creatures, all bloody, and miserably wounded, most of them; whereof three more fell quickly ­after, though not quite dead.

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Now Friday, says I, laying down the discharg’d Pieces, and taking up the Musket, which was yet loaden; follow me, says I, which he did, with a g­ reat deal of Courage; upon which I rush’d out of the Wood, and shew’d my self, and Friday close at my Foot; as soon as I perceiv’d they saw me, I shouted as loud as I could, and bad Friday do so too; and r­ unning as fast as I could, which, by the way, was not very fast,1948 being loaden with Arms as I was,1949 I made directly ­towards the poor Victim, who was, as I said, lying upon the Beach, or Shore, between the Place where they sat,1950 and the Sea; the two Butchers who w ­ ere just ­going to work with him, had left him, at the Surprize1951 of our first Fire, and fled in a terrible Fright, to the Sea Side,1952 and had jump’d into a Canoe, and three more of the rest made the same way; I turn’d to Friday, and bid him step forwards, and fire at them; he understood me immediately, and ­running about forty Yards,1953 to be near them, he shot at them, and I thought he had kill’d them all; for I see them all fall of a Heap into the Boat; though I saw two of them up again quickly: However, he kill’d two of them, and wounded the third; so that he lay down in the Bottom of the Boat, as if he had been dead. While my Man Friday fir’d at them, I pull’d out my Knife, and cut the Flags that bound the poor Victim, and loosing his Hands and Feet,1954 I lifted him up, and ask’d him in the Portuguese Tongue, What he was? He answer’d in Latin, Christianus;* but was so weak,1955 and faint, that he could scarce stand, or speak; I took my B ­ ottle out of my Pocket, and gave it him, making Signs that he should drink, which he did; and I gave him a Piece of Bread, which he eat; then I ask’d him, What Countryman he was? And he said, Espagniole;† and being a ­little recover’d, let me know by all the Signs he could possibly make, how much he was in my Debt for his Deliverance; Seignior, said I, with as much Spanish as I could make up, we w ­ ill talk afterwards; but we must fight now; if you have any Strength left, take this Pistol, and Sword, and lay about you; he took them very thankfully, and no sooner had he the Arms in his Hands, but as if they had put new Vigour into him, he flew upon his Murtherers, like a Fury, and had cut two of them in Pieces, in an1956 instant; for the Truth is, as the ­whole was a Surprize to them; so the poor Creatures w ­ ere so much frighted with the Noise of our Pieces, that they fell down for meer Amazement, and Fear; and had no more Power to attempt their own Escape, than their Flesh had to resist our Shot; and that was the Case of ­t hose Five that Friday shot at in the Boat; for as three of them fell with the Hurt they receiv’d, so the other two fell with the Fright. I kept my Piece in my Hand still, without firing, being willing to keep my Charge ready; b ­ ecause I had given the Spaniard my Pistol, and Sword; so I call’d to Fri­ day, and bad him run up to the Tree, from whence we first fir’d, and fetch the Arms which lay t­ here, that had been discharg’d, which he did with g­ reat Swift* Christianus] A Christian. Latin was still universal enough as a language that, uncertain of the nationality of his rescuer, the Spaniard uses Latin. †  Espagniole] Modern Español or Spaniard. Apparently Crusoe’s “Signs” (279:2) and Portuguese encourage the Spaniard to speak in the vernacular, though Crusoe and Friday’s appearance, dressed as they ­were in their goat skins, could not have been entirely comforting.

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ness; and then giving him my Musket, I sat down my self to load all the rest again, and bad them come to me when they wanted: While I was loading t­ hese Pieces, ­there happen’d a fierce Engagement between the Spaniard, and one of the Savages, who made at him with one of their ­great wooden Swords, the same Weapon that was to have kill’d him before, if I had not prevented it: The Spaniard, who was as bold, and as brave as could be imagin’d, though weak, had fought this Indian a good while, and had cut him two ­great Wounds on his Head; but the Savage being a stout lusty Fellow, closing in with him, had thrown him down (being faint) and was wringing my Sword out of his Hand, when the Spaniard, tho’ undermost wisely1957 quitting the Sword, drew the Pistol from his Girdle, shot the Savage through the Body, and kill’d him upon the Spot;1958 before I, who was r­ unning to help him, could come near him. Friday being now left to his Liberty, pursu’d the flying Wretches with no Weapon in his Hand, but his Hatchet; and with that he dispatch’d t­hose three, who, as I said before, w ­ ere wounded at first and fallen, and all the rest he could come up with, and the Spaniard coming to me for a Gun, I gave him one of the Fowling–­ Pieces, with which he pursu’d two of the Savages, and wounded them both; but as he was not able to run, they both got from him into the Wood, where Friday pursu’d them, and kill’d one of them; but the other was too nimble for him, and though he was wounded, yet had plunged himself into the Sea, and swam with all his might off to ­t hose two who ­were left in the Canoe, which three in the Canoe, with one wounded, who we know not ­whether he dy’d or no, ­were all that escap’d our Hands of one and twenty: The Account of the Rest is as follows; 3 Kill’d at our first Shot from the Tree.* 2 Kill’d at the next Shot. 2 Kill’d by Friday in the Boat. 2 Kill’d by Ditto, of t­ hose at first wounded. 1 Kill’d by Ditto, in the Wood. 3 Kill’d by the Spaniard. 4 Kill’d, being found dropp’d ­here and ­t here of their Wounds, or kill’d by Friday in his Chase of them. 4 Escap’d in the Boat, whereof one wounded if not dead.

21 In all.

* Kill’d at our first Shot] This inventory of the casualties from the b ­ attle may constitute a somewhat gratuitous listing that Roland Barthes called “the real­ity effect” or an awkward use of Ian Watt’s “formal realism,” but it is also an imitation of the typical list given in con­ temporary accounts of b ­ attles. And minor as it was, Defoe wanted his readers to see it in terms of warfare. But see Barthes, “The Real­ity Effect,” trans. R. Car­ter, in French Literary Criticism ­Today, ed. Tzvetan Todorov (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 11–17; and Watt, Rise of the Novel, 31–34.

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­ ose that ­were in the Canoe, work’d hard to get out of Gun–­Shot; and though Th Friday made two or three Shot at them, I did not find that he hit any of them: Fri­ day would fain have had me took one of their Canoes, and pursu’d them; and indeed I was very anxious about their Escape, least carry­ing the News home to their P ­ eople, they should come back perhaps with two or three hundred of their Canoes, and devour us by meer Multitude; so I consented to pursue them by Sea, and ­running to one of their Canoes, I jump’d in, and bad Friday follow me; but when I was in the Canoe, I was surpriz’d to find another poor Creature lye1959 ­t here alive, bound Hand and Foot, as the Spaniard was, for the Slaughter, and almost dead with Fear, not knowing what the ­Matter was; for he had not been able to look up over the Side of the Boat, he was ty’d so hard, Neck and Heels, and had been ty’d so long, that he had r­ eally but ­little Life in him. I  immediately cut the twisted Flags, or Rushes, which they had bound him with, and would have helped him up; but he could not stand, or speak, but groan’d most piteously, believing it seems still that he was only unbound in order to be kill’d. When Friday came to him, I bad him speak to him, and tell him of his Deliverance, and pulling out my ­Bottle, made him give the poor Wretch a Dram, which, with the News of his being deliver’d, reviv’d him, and he sat up in the Boat; but when Friday came to hear him speak, and look in his Face, it would have mov’d any one to Tears, to have seen how Friday kiss’d him, embrac’d him, hugg’d him, cry’d, laugh’d, hollow’d, jump’d about, danc’d, sung, then cry’d again, wrung his Hands, beat his own Face, and Head, and then sung, and jump’d about again, like a distracted Creature: It was a good while before I could make him speak to me, or tell me what was the ­Matter; but when he came a ­little to himself, he told me, that it was his ­Father. It is not easy for me to express how it mov’d me to see what Extasy and filial Affection had work’d in this poor Savage, at the Sight of his F ­ ather, and of his being deliver’d from Death; nor indeed can I describe half the Extravagancies of his Affection ­after this; for he went into the Boat and out of the Boat a ­great many times: When he went in to him, he would sit down by him, open his Breast, and hold his ­Father’s Head close to his Bosom, half an Hour1960 together, to nourish it;* then he took his Arms and Ankles, which ­were numb’d and stiff with the Binding, and chaffed and rubbed them with his Hands; and I perceiving what the Case was, gave him some Rum out of my ­Bottle, to rub them with, which did them a ­great deal of Good. This Action put an End to our Pursuit of the Canoe, with the other Savages, who w ­ ere now gotten almost out of Sight; and it was happy for us that we did not; for it blew so hard within two Hours ­after, and before they could be gotten a Quarter of their Way, and continued blowing so hard all Night, and that from the North–­west, which was against them, that I could not suppose their Boat could live, or that they ever reach’d to their own Coast. * nourish] Cherish and comfort. See OED.

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But to return to Friday, he was so busy about his F ­ ather, that I could not find in my Heart to take him off for some time: But ­after I thought he could leave him a ­little, I call’d him to me, and he came jumping and laughing, and pleas’d to the highest Extream; then I ask’d him, If he had given his ­Father any Bread? He shook his Head, and said, None: Ugly Dog eat all up self; so I gave him a Cake of Bread out of a l­ ittle Pouch I carry’d on Purpose; I also gave him a Dram for himself, but he would not taste it, but carry’d it to his ­Father: I had in my Pocket also two or three Bunches of my Raisins, so I gave him a Handful of them for his ­Father. He had no sooner given his ­Father ­t hese Raisins, but I saw him come out of the Boat, and run away, as if he had been bewitch’d, he run at such a Rate; for he was the swiftest Fellow of his Foot that ever I saw; I say, he run at such a Rate, that he was out of Sight, as it w ­ ere, in an instant; and though I call’d, and hollow’d too, a­ fter him, it was all one, away he went, and in a Quarter of an Hour, I saw him come back again, though not so fast as he went; and as he came nearer, I found his Pace was slacker, b ­ ecause he had something in his Hand. When he came up to me, I found he had been quite Home for an Earthen Jugg or Pot to bring his ­Father some fresh ­Water, and that he had got two more Cakes, or Loaves of Bread: The Bread he gave me, but the W ­ ater he carry’d to his F ­ ather: However, as I was very thirsty too, I took a l­ittle Sup of it. This ­Water reviv’d his ­Father more than all the Rum or Spirits I had given him; for he was just fainting with Thirst. When his F ­ ather had drank, I call’d to him to know if t­ here was any W ­ ater left; he said, yes; and I bad him give it to the poor Spaniard, who was in as much Want of it as his F ­ ather; and I sent one of the Cakes, that Friday brought, to the Span­ iard too, who was indeed very weak,1961 and was reposing himself upon a green Place ­under1962 the Shade of a Tree; and whose Limbs ­were also very stiff, and very much swell’d with the rude* Ban­dage he had been ty’d with. When I saw that upon Friday’s1963 coming to him with the ­Water, he sat up and drank, and took the Bread, and began to eat, I went to him, and gave him a Handful of Raisins; he look’d up in my Face with all the Tokens of Gratitude and Thankfulness, that could appear in any Countenance; but was so weak, notwithstanding he had so exerted himself in the Fight, that he could not stand up upon his Feet; he try’d to do it two or three times, but was r­ eally not able, his Ankles w ­ ere so swell’d and so painful to him; so I bad him sit still, and caused Friday to rub his Ankles, and bathe them with Rum, as he had done his ­Father’s. I observ’d the poor affectionate Creature ­every two Minutes, or perhaps less, all the while he was h ­ ere, turn’d his Head about, to see if his F ­ ather was in the same Place, and Posture, as he left him sitting; and at last he found he was not to be seen; at which he started up, and without speaking a Word, flew with that Swiftness to him, that one could scarce perceive his Feet to touch the Ground, as he went: But when he came, he only found he had laid himself down to ease his Limbs; so Friday came back to me presently, and I then spoke to the Spaniard to let Friday * rude] Roughly made.

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help him up if he could, and lead him to the Boat, and then he should carry him to our Dwelling, where I would take Care of him: But Friday, a lusty strong Fellow, took the Spaniard quite up upon his Back, and carry’d him away to the Boat, and set him down softly upon the Side or Gunnel* of the Canoe, with his Feet in the inside of it, and then lifted him quite in, and set him close to his ­Father, and presently stepping out again, launched the Boat off, and paddled it along the Shore faster than I could walk, tho’ the Wind blew pretty hard too; so he brought them both safe into our Creek; and leaving them in the Boat, runs away to fetch the other Canoe. As he pass’d me, I  spoke to him, and ask’d him, whither he went,1964 he told me, Go fetch more Boat; so away he went like the Wind;1965 for sure never Man or Horse run like him, and he had the other Canoe in the Creek, almost as soon as I got to it by Land; so he wafted me over, and then went to help our new Guests out of the Boat, which he did; but they ­were neither of them able to walk; so that poor Friday knew not what to do. To remedy this, I went to Work in my Thought, and calling to Friday to bid them sit down on the Bank while he came to me, I soon made a Kind of Hand–­Barrow to lay them on, and Friday and I carry’d them up both together upon it between us: But when we got them to the outside of our Wall or Fortification, we w ­ ere at a worse Loss than before; for it was impossible to get them over; and I was resolv’d not to break it down: So I set to Work again; and Friday and I, in about 2 Hours time, made a very handsom Tent, cover’d with old Sails, and above that with Boughs of Trees, being in the Space without our outward Fence, and between that and the Grove of young Wood which I had planted: And ­here we made them two Beds of such ­t hings as I had (viz.) of good Rice–­Straw, with Blankets laid upon it to lye on, and another to cover them on each Bed. My Island was now peopled, and I thought my self very rich in Subjects; and it was a merry Reflection which I frequently made, How like a King I look’d.† First of all, the ­whole Country was my own meer1966 Property;‡ so that I had an undoubted ­ eople ­were perfectly subjected: I was absolute Lord Right of Dominion. 2dly, My P § and Lawgiver; they all owed their Lives to me, and w ­ ere ready to lay down their * Gunnel] Usually Gunwale, the upper edge of a ship’s side. See OED. †  How like a King I look’d] As Katherine Armstrong has remarked, the language in this paragraph is “self consciously po­liti­cal.” Crusoe describes his ruminations as “a merry Reflection,” indicating that his observations contained a degree of irony. A number of contemporaries complained about travel writers who used Eu­ro­pean terms such as “king” and “court” to describe institutions that bore no resemblance to what such terms meant in Eu­rope. Crusoe’s observations about his kingship, then, have to be seen in terms of what is a form of self-­mockery. See Armstrong, Defoe: Writer as Agent, ELS Monograph Series No. 67 (Victoria: University of Victoria, 1996), 118. See also Schonhorn, Defoe’s Politics. ‡  my own meer Property] In other words completely my own. Grotius stated that islands discovered in the ocean “becomes the property of the first occupant.” But when Crusoe goes on to say that he had “Right of Dominion” (286:8), he appears to suggest that his “Right” has been based on his l­ abor in possessing the land in accord with Locke’s arguments about property. See Grotius, De Jure Belli ac Pacis, 2:301; and Locke, Two Treatises, 303–320 (chaps. 5:25–51). See above, p. 109, n. 264. §  absolute Lord and Lawgiver] ­Here Crusoe is playing at being absolute monarch. His grounds are based on his saving the lives of Friday, Friday’s f­ ather, and the Spanish Captain. Whereas

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Lives, if ­there had been Occasion of it, for me. It was remarkable too, we had but three Subjects, and they w ­ ere of three dif­fer­ent Religions. My Man Friday was a Protestant, his ­Father was a Pagan and a Cannibal, and the Spaniard was a Papist: However, I allow’d Liberty of Conscience* throughout my Dominions: But this is by the Way. As soon as I had secur’d my two weak rescued Prisoners, and given them Shelter, and a Place to rest them upon, I began to think of making some Provision for them: And the first t­ hing I did, I order’d Friday to take a yearling Goat, betwixt a Kid and a Goat, out of my par­tic­u­lar Flock, to be kill’d, when I cut off the hinder Quarter, and chopping it into small Pieces, I set Friday to Work to boiling and stewing, and made them a very good Dish, I assure you, of Flesh and Broth, having put some Barley and Rice also into the Broth; and as I cook’d it without Doors, for I made no Fire within my inner Wall, so I carry’d it all into the new Tent; and having set a ­Table ­t here for them, I sat down and eat my own Dinner also with them, and, as well as I could, chear’d them and encourag’d them; Friday being my Interpreter, especially to his ­Father, and indeed to the Spaniard too; for the Span­ iard spoke the Language of the Savages pretty well. ­After we had dined, or rather supped,† I order’d Friday to take one of the Canoes, and go and fetch our Muskets and other Fire–­Arms, which for Want of time we had left upon the Place of B ­ attle, and the next Day I order’d him to go and bury the dead Bodies of the Savages, which lay open to the Sun, and would presently be offensive; and I also order’d him to bury the horrid Remains of their barbarous Friday appeared in Crusoe’s mind to have made a contract by his submissive gesture, the other two seem to owe Crusoe obedience on the grounds of gratitude, Samuel Pufendorf’s first law of nature, and Thomas Hobbes’s fourth law. Defoe is appealing to the idea of “benefits” set forth in Stoic doctrine by which the ruler, by providing a benefit beyond the recompense of the recipient, wins his complete gratitude and loyalty. See Hobbes, Leviathan, 103; Pufendorf, Of the Laws of Nature and Nations (Oxford, 1703), 198–221; Seneca, Moral Essays, 3 vols., trans. John  W. Basore, Loeb Library (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989), 3:2–454, esp. 57, 71, 163. Pufendorf notes that Hobbes wrote of gratitude as a contract and tends to agree. It is clear that Crusoe regards his relationship with his subjects as contractual. * Liberty of Conscience] As John Locke noted in his opening remark to his Letter Concerning Toleration (1689), ­t here had been numerous advocates of religious toleration before him, but Locke systematizes the views of ­t hose who saw the prosperity of the Dutch Republic as being at least partly dependent upon its toleration of vari­ous religious sects, including such non-­ Christian groups as the Jews. Locke argued for the separation between the powers of the state and what he considered to be the very private practice of religion. He argued that a ruler should not force any citizen to adopt a par­tic­u ­lar belief or belong to a par­tic­u ­lar church and often juxtaposed the three groups named by Crusoe as citizens of his island throughout his three treatises on this subject. Locke opened his A Second Letter Concerning Toleration (1690) by responding to his antagonist’s criticism of this very point—­about tolerating Jews, Christians, and Pagans. Locke’s arguments must have had new currency at a time when writers such as Defoe ­were advocating repeal of laws that had been made to make the religious practices of the Dissenters ever more difficult to maintain. The Schism Act was being repealed and new efforts w ­ ere being made to repeal the Test Act. See Locke, Works, 10 vols. (London: Thomas Tegg, 1823; repr., 1963), especially, 6:3, 40, 62. †  supped] In the sense of swallowing by mouthfuls or spoonfuls the broth that Crusoe had prepared. See OED.

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Feast, which I knew w ­ ere pretty much, and which I could not think of d ­ oing my self; nay, I could not bear to see them,* if I went that Way: All which he punctually performed, and defaced† the very Appearance of the Savages being ­t here; so that when I went again, I could scarce know where it was, other­w ise than by the Corner of the Wood pointing to the Place. I then began to enter into a ­little Conversation with my two new Subjects; and first I set Friday to enquire of his ­Father, what he thought of the Escape of the Sav­ ages in that Canoe, and ­whether we might expect a Return of them with a Power too ­great for us to resist: His first Opinion was, that the Savages in the Boat never could live out the Storm which blew that Night they went off, but must of Necessity be drowned or driven South to ­t hose other Shores where they ­were as sure to be devoured as they ­were to be drowned if they ­were cast away; but as to what they would do if they came safe on Shore, he said he knew not; but it was his Opinion that they ­were so dreadfully frighted with the Manner of their being attack’d, the Noise and the Fire, that he believed they would tell their P ­ eople, they ­were all kill’d by Thunder and Lightning, not by the Hand of Man, and that the two which appear’d, (viz.) Friday and me, ­were two Heavenly Spirits or Furies, come down to destroy them, and not Men with Weapons: This he said he knew, ­because he heard them all cry out so in their Language to one another, for it was impossible to them to conceive that a Man could dart Fire, and speak Thunder, and kill at a Distance without lifting up the Hand, as was done now: And this old Savage was in the right; for, as I understood since by other Hands, the Savages never attempted to go over to the Island afterwards; they ­were so terrified with the Accounts given by ­t hose four Men, (for it seems they did escape the Sea) that they believ’d whoever went to that enchanted Island‡ would be destroy’d with Fire from the Gods. This however I knew not, and therefore was ­under continual Apprehensions for a good while, and kept always upon my Guard, me and all my Army; for as we ­were now four of us, I would have ventur’d upon a hundred of them fairly in the open Field at any Time. * I could not bear to see them] Crusoe’s description of the attack upon the cannibals reflects his discomfort with the event. Although Crusoe might justify his actions as acts of self-­ defense, throughout the b ­ attle he refers to the cannibals in sympathetic terms such as “amaz’d Wretches” (277:35), “miserably wounded” (278:3–4), and “poor creatures” (279:17– 18). The qualms that Crusoe felt just before the ­battle continue in the discomfort he feels at the sight of the bodies and the cannibal feast. By his own arguments, he regards the b ­ attle as the result of a clash of two cultures. †  defaced] Erased. ‡  enchanted Island] Perhaps an echo from the revision of William Shakespeare’s The Tempest by Sir William Davenant and John Dryden, subtitled “The Enchanted Island.” First performed in 1667, it was published in 1670 and was extraordinarily popu­lar, especially in the operatic form given to it by Thomas Shadwell. Defoe apparently knew this work and was also familiar with the enchantments associated with the Bermudas in the voyage lit­er­a­ture as well as the po­liti­cal implications of the wreck in 1609 that formed one of the bases for Shakespeare’s play. See Atlas Maritimus & Commercialis (London, 1728), 308. For Defoe’s knowledge of The Tempest, see A Review of the Affairs of France, ed. Arthur W. Secord (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938), 3:518. See also John Robert Moore, “The Tempest and Rob­ inson Crusoe,” Review of En­glish Studies 21 (1945): 52–56.

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In a ­little Time, however, no more Canoes appearing, the Fear of their Coming wore off, and I began to take my former Thoughts of a Voyage to the Main into Consideration, being likewise assur’d by Friday’s ­Father, that I might depend upon good Usage from their Nation on his Account, if I would go. But my Thoughts w ­ ere a ­little suspended, when I  had a serious Discourse with the Spaniard, and when I understood that ­t here ­were sixteen more of his Countrymen and Portuguese, who1967 having been cast away, and made their Escape to that Side, liv’d ­there at Peace indeed with the Savages, but ­were very sore put to it for Necessaries, and indeed for Life: I ask’d him all the Particulars of their Voyage, and found they ­were a Spanish Ship bound from the Rio de la Plata to the Havana,* being directed to leave their Loading t­ here, which was chiefly Hides and Silver, and to bring back what Eu­ro­pe­an Goods they could meet with ­there; that they had five Portuguese Seamen on Board, who they took out of another Wreck; that five of their own Men ­were drowned when the first Ship was lost, and that ­these escaped thro’ infinite Dangers and H ­ azards, and arriv’d almost starv’d on the Can­ nibal Coast,† where they expected to have been devour’d e­ very Moment. He told me, they had some Arms with them, but they w ­ ere perfectly useless, for that they had neither Powder or Ball, the Washing of the Sea having spoil’d all their Powder but a ­little, which they used at their first Landing to provide themselves some Food. I ask’d him what he thought would become of them ­there, and if they had form’d no Design of making any Escape: He1968 said, They had many Consultations about it, but that having neither Vessel, or Tools to build one, or Provisions of any kind, their Councils1969 always ended in Tears and Despair. I ask’d him how he thought they would receive a Proposal from me, which might tend ­towards an Escape:1970 And ­whether, if they ­were all h ­ ere, it might not be done? I told him with Freedom, I fear’d mostly their Treachery and ill Usage of me, if I  put my Life in their Hands; for that Gratitude was no inherent Virtue in the Nature of Man;‡ nor did Men always square their Dealings by the Obligations they had receiv’d, so much as they did by the Advantages they expected. I told him it would be very hard,§ that I should be the Instrument of their Deliverance, and that they should afterwards make me their Prisoner in New Spain,¶ where an En­glish Man was certain to be made a Sacrifice, what Necessity, or what Accident soever, brought him thither: And that I had rather be deliver’d up to the Savages, and be devour’d alive, than fall into the merciless Claws of the Priests, and be * Rio de la Plata to the Havana] Essentially from modern Buenos Aires in Argentina to La Habana, or Havana, Cuba. †  Cannibal Coast] See above (255:15–19), where Crusoe speaks of the area from Santa Marta to Guyana as dominated by cannibals. ‡  Gratitude . . . ​Nature of Man] Hobbes placed gratitude fourth among the laws of nature that mankind “­ought” to obey, but he acknowledged that they ­were often ignored. Defoe, too, frequently complained that self-­interest and ingratitude w ­ ere more typical of h ­ uman nature. See Novak, Defoe and the Nature of Man, 113–122, and Hobbes, Leviathan, 103 (pt. 1, chap. 15). §  hard] Difficult to endure b ­ ecause it was so unjust. OED. ¶  New Spain] The Spanish colonies in Amer­i­ca.

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carry’d into the Inquisition.* I added, That other­wise I was perswaded, if they ­were all h ­ ere, we might, with so many Hands, build a Bark large enough to carry us all away, e­ ither to the Brasils South–­ward, or to the Islands or Spanish Coast North–­ ward: But that if in Requital they should, when I had put Weapons into their Hands, carry me by Force among their own ­People, I might be ill used for my Kindness to them, and make my Case worse than it was before. He answer’d with a g­ reat deal of Candor and Ingenuity,† That their Condition was so miserable, and they ­were so sensible of it, that he believed they would abhor the Thought of using any Man unkindly that should contribute to their Deliverance; and that, if I pleased, he would go to them with the old Man, and discourse with them about it, and return again, and bring me their Answer: That he would make Conditions with them upon their solemn Oath, That they should be absolutely u ­ nder my Leading, as their Commander and Captain; and that they should swear upon the Holy Sacraments and the Gospel, to be true to me, and to go to such Christian Country, as that I should agree to, and no other; and to be directed wholly and absolutely by my ­Orders,1971 ’till they ­were landed safely in such Country, as1972 I intended; and that he would bring a Contract from them ­under their Hands for that Purpose. Then he told me, he would first swear‡ to me himself, That he would never stir from me as long as he liv’d, ’till I gave him ­Orders; and that he would take my Side to the last Drop of his Blood, if ­there should happen the least Breach of Faith among his Country–­men. He told me, they ­were all of them very civil honest Men, and they ­were ­under the greatest Distress imaginable, having neither Weapons or Cloaths, nor any Food, but at the Mercy and Discretion of the Savages; out of all Hopes of ever returning to their own Country; and that he was sure, if I would undertake their Relief, they would live and die by me. Upon t­ hese Assurances, I resolv’d to venture to relieve them, if pos­si­ble, and to send the old Savage and this Spaniard over to them to treat: But when we had gotten all t­ hings in a Readiness to go, the Spaniard himself started an Objection, which had so much Prudence in it on one hand, and so much Sincerity on the other hand, that I could not but be very well satisfy’d in it; and by his Advice, put off the Deliverance of his Comrades,1973 for at least half a Year. The Case was thus: * Inquisition] Established by the pope in the thirteenth ­century, the main purpose of this body was to root out heresy. During the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, the inquisitor, Torquemada, over a period of fourteen years, is supposed to have condemned twelve thousand persons to be burned. Torture was permitted for obtaining confessions. The Inquisition came to the Amer­i­cas not long a­ fter Columbus’s discoveries. The first auto de fé in the New World occurred in 1574 in Mexico, where, along with Peru, the Inquisition was most active. ­There w ­ ere also agents in Cartagena in modern Columbia and in Brazil. †  Ingenuity] Nobility of character. See OED. ‡  1 Contract . . . ​swear] Defoe was a g­ reat believer in a social contract by which a government might be established. However mythical such a contract might have been, monarchs, such as William and Mary, asked for oaths of allegiance from their citizens. See Defoe, The Original Power of the Collective Body of the P ­ eople of ­England, Examined and Asserted (London, 1702 [for 1701]).

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He had been with us now about a Month; during which time, I had let him see in what Manner I had provided, with the Assistance of Providence, for my Support; and he saw evidently what Stock of Corn and Rice I had laid up; which as it was more than sufficient for my self, so it was not sufficient, at least without good Husbandry, for my F ­ amily; now it was encreas’d to Number four: But much less would it be sufficient, if his Country–­men, who w ­ ere, as he said, fourteen still alive,* should come over. And least of all should it be sufficient to victual our Vessel, if we should build one, for a Voyage to any of the Christian Colonies of Amer­i­ca. So he told me, he thought it would be more advisable, to let him and the two other, dig and cultivate some more Land, as much as I could spare Seed to sow; and that we should wait another Harvest, that we might have a Supply of Corn for his Country–­men when they should come; for Want might be a Temptation to them to disagree, or not to think themselves delivered, other­w ise than out of one Difficulty into another. You know, says he, the ­Children of Israel, though they rejoyc’d at first for their being deliver’d out of Egypt, yet rebell’d even against God himself that deliver’d them, when they came to want Bread in the Wilderness.† His Caution was so seasonable, and his Advice so good, that I could not but be very well pleased with his Proposal, as well as I was satisfy’d with his Fidelity. So we fell to digging all four of us, as well as the Wooden Tools we ­were furnish’d with permitted; and in about a Month’s time, by the End of which it was Seed time, we had gotten as much Land cur’d and trim’d up, as we sowed 22 Bushels of Barley on, and 16 Jarrs of Rice, which was in short all the Seed we had to spare; nor indeed did we leave our selves Barley sufficient for our own Food, for the six Months that we had to expect our Crop,‡ that is to say, reckoning from the time we set our Seed aside for sowing; for it is not to be supposed it is six Months in the Ground in the Country. Having now Society enough, and our Number being sufficient to put us out of Fear of the Savages, if they had come, ­unless their Number1974 had been very ­great, we went freely all over the Island, where–­ever we found Occasion; and as h ­ ere we had our Escape or Deliverance upon our Thoughts, it was impossible, at least for me, to have the Means of it out of mine; to this Purpose, I mark’d out several Trees which I thought fit for our Work, and I set Friday and his F ­ ather to cutting them down; and then I caused the Spaniard, to whom I imparted my Thought on that Affair, to1975 oversee and direct their Work.1976 I shewed them with what indefatigable Pains I had hewed a large Tree into single Planks, and I caused them to do the like, till they had made about a Dozen large Planks of good Oak, near 2 Foot broad, 35 Foot long, and from 2 Inches to 4 Inches thick: What prodigious ­Labour it took up, any one may imagine. * fourteen still alive] See below p. 291 in which the number is “sixteen.” ­Either this is an outright error or some of the Spaniards w ­ ere sick when he was captured and their survival doubtful. †­  ­Children of Israel . . . ​Wilderness] See the revolt against Moses, Exodus 16. ‡  expect our Crop] Wait for.

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At the same time I contriv’d to increase my l­ ittle Flock of tame Goats as much as I could; and to this Purpose, I made Friday and the Spaniard go out one Day, and my self, with Friday the next Day; for we took our Turns: And by this Means we got above 20 young Kids to breed up with the rest; for when–­ever we shot the Dam, we saved the Kids, and added them to our Flock: But above all, the Season for curing the Grapes coming on, I caused such a prodigious Quantity to be hung up in the Sun, that I believe, had we been at Alicant,* where the Raisins of the Sun are cur’d, we could have fill’d 60 or 80 Barrels; and t­ hese with our Bread was a ­great Part of our Food, and very good living too, I assure you; for it is an exceeding nourishing Food. It was now Harvest, and our Crop in good Order; it was not the most plentiful Encrease I had seen in the Island, but however it was enough to answer our End; for from our 22 Bushels of Barley, we brought in and thrashed out above 220 Bushels; and the like in Proportion of the Rice, which was Store enough for our Food to the next Harvest, tho’ all the 16 Spaniards had been on Shore with me; or if we had been ready for a Voyage, it would very plentifully have victualled our Ship, to have carry’d us to any Part of the World, that is to say, of Amer­i­ca. When we had thus hous’d and secur’d our Magazine of Corn, we fell to Work to make more Wicker Work, (viz.) ­great Baskets in which we kept it; and the Span­ iard was very handy and dexterous at this Part, and often blam’d me that I did not make some ­t hings, for Defence, of this Kind of Work; but I saw no Need of it. And now having a full Supply of Food for all the Guests I expected, I gave the Spaniard Leave to go over to the Main, to see what he could do with t­ hose he had left ­behind him ­t here. I gave him a strict Charge in Writing, not to1977 bring any Man with him, who would not first swear in the Presence of himself and of the old Savage, That he would no way injure, fight with, or attack the Person he should find in the Island, who was so kind to send for them in order to their Deliverance; but that they would stand by and defend him against all such Attempts, and where–­ ever they went, would be entirely u ­ nder and subjected to his Commands; and that this should be put in Writing, and signed with their Hands: How we ­were to have this done, when I knew they had neither Pen or Ink;† that indeed was a Question which we never asked. * Alicant] Alicante is a town on the Mediterranean coast between Cartagena and Valencia. Defoe, who was knowledgeable about the wine trade in Spain, may have had firsthand information about the raisins of the district as well as the Alicant and “Tent” wine produced ­here. In his Atlas Maritimus (1728), he refers to “Raisin Solis,” which he translates as “Raisins of the Sun,” as one of the chief exports of the area. See 65, 158. †  Pen or Ink] In insisting on a written contract between himself and the ­f uture citizens of his island when ­t here could be no means of writing, Crusoe (and Defoe) plays with the notion that the po­liti­cal contract is not a literal document but rather based on oaths of fidelity, gratitude, and the natu­ral laws dictating social cooperation. Even Locke’s contract was more implicit than explicit. This is essentially Whig ideology at work. It had its detractors in Defoe’s time, and some of its implications, as put in Defoe’s style of satiric rhe­toric, shocked ­t hose pre­sent at the trial of Henry Sacheverell in 1710. See H. T. Dickinson, Liberty and Prop­ erty (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1977), 65–79; and Novak, Daniel Defoe, Master of Fic­ tions, 354–356.

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­ nder t­ hese Instructions, the Spaniard, and the old Savage the ­Father of Fri­ U day, went away in one of the Canoes, which they might be said to come in, or rather ­were brought in, when they came as Prisoners to be devour’d by the Savages. I gave each of them a Musket with a Firelockf came* on it, and about eight Charges of Powder and Ball, charging them to be very good Husbands of both, and not to use ­either of them but upon urgent Occasion. This was a chearful Work, being the first Mea­sures used by me in View of my Deliverance for now 27 Years and some Days. I gave them Provisions of Bread, and of dry’d Grapes, sufficient for themselves for many Days, and sufficient for all their Country–­men for about eight Days time; and wishing them a good Voyage, I see them go, agreeing with them about a Signal they should hang out at their Return, by which I should know them again, when they came† back, at a Distance, before they came on Shore. They went away with a fair Gale on the Day that the Moon was at Full by my Account, in the Month of October: But as for an exact Reckoning of Days, ­after I had once lost it, I could never recover it again; nor had I kept even the Number of Years so punctually, as to be sure that I was right, tho’ as it prov’d, when I afterwards examin’d my Account, I found I had kept a true Reckoning of Years. It was no less than eight Days I had waited for them, when a strange and unforeseen Accident interven’d,1978 of which the like has not perhaps been heard of in History: I was fast asleep in my Hutch one Morning, when my Man Friday came r­ unning in to me, and call’d aloud, Master, Master, they are come, they are come. I jump’d up, and regardless of Danger, I went out, as soon as I could get my Cloaths on, thro’ my l­ ittle Grove, which by the Way was by this time grown to be a very thick Wood; I say, regardless of Danger, I went without my Arms, which was not my Custom to do: But I was surpriz’d, when turning my Eyes to the Sea, I presently saw a Boat at about a League and half’s Distance, standing in‡ for the Shore, with a Shoulder of Mutton Sail, as they call it; and the Wind blowing pretty fair to bring them in; also I observ’d presently, that they did not come from that Side which the Shore lay on, but from the Southermost End of the Island:1979 Upon this I call’d Friday in, and bid him lie close, for ­these ­were not the ­People we look’d for, and that we might not know yet ­whether they ­were Friends or Enemies. In the next Place, I went in to fetch my Perspective Glass, to see what I could make of them; and having taken the Ladder out, I climb’d up to the Top of the Hill, as I used to do when I was apprehensive of any ­t hing, and to take my View the plainer without being discover’d. * Firelock] Sometimes called a fusil, this was the ­rifle that replaced the matchlock. Whereas the latter required the user to carry a lighted fuse, the former ignited the powder with a spark from the hammer striking the flint. †  see . . . ​came] Defoe’s use of the historical pre­sent ­here seems awkward in the midst of tenses that switch from past to a pos­si­ble ­f uture and then back to the past. He apparently found the repeated use of “should” awkward. ‡  standing in] In nautical terminology, this means directing its course ­toward the shore. See OED.

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I had scarce set my Foot on the Hill, when my Eye plainly discover’d a Ship lying at an Anchor, at about two Leagues and an half’s Distance from me South–­south–­ east, but not above a League and an half from the Shore. By my Observation it appear’d plainly to be an En­glish Ship, and the Boat appear’d to be an En­glish Long–­Boat. I cannot express the Confusion I was in, tho’ the Joy of seeing a Ship, and one who I had Reason to believe was mann’d1980 by my own Country–­men, and consequently Friends, was such as I cannot describe; but yet I had some secret Doubts hung about me, I cannot tell from whence they came, bidding me keep upon my Guard. In the first Place, it occurr’d to me to consider what Business an En­glish Ship could have in that Part of the World, since it was not the Way to or from any Part of the World, where the En­glish had any Traffick; and I knew t­ here had been no Storms to drive them in t­ here, as in Distress; and that if they w ­ ere En­glish ­really, it was most probable that they w ­ ere ­here upon no good Design; and that I had better continue as I was, than fall into the Hands of Thieves and Murtherers.* Let no Man despise the secret Hints† and Notices of Danger, which sometimes are given him, when he may think t­ here is no Possibility of its being real. That such Hints and Notices are given us, I believe few that have made any Observations of t­ hings,1981 can deny; that they are certain Discoveries‡ of an invisible World, and a Converse of Spirits,§ we cannot doubt; and if the Tendency of them seems to be to warn us of Danger, why should we not suppose they are from some friendly Agent, ­whether supreme, or inferior, and subordinate, is not the Question; and that they are given for our Good? * En­glish . . . ​Thieves and Murtherers] Crusoe has good reason to modify his initial response to seeing an En­glish ship, “Mann’d by my own Country-­men, and consequently Friends.” Although John Exquemeling’s Buccaneers of Amer­i­ca contained the exploits of pirates from a number of nations, he gave the most pages to the En­glishman Henry Morgan; the second part, by Basil Ringrose, was devoted entirely to En­glish pirates. See also the En­glish pirates on Salt Tortuga in Pitman, Relation of the G ­ reat Sufferings, 452–453. †  secret Hints] Although Crusoe discusses this sudden sense of caution as a premonition of danger that had a super­natural origin, in fact ­there is ­little in the thought pro­cesses he describes that appears remarkable. Crusoe has been cautiously spying on the savages for years. The Ca­rib­bean was not so famous for its blood-­t hirsty pirates as it became in the years following Crusoe’s landing on his island, but his “Confusion” (202:28) and “secret Doubts” (202:31) appear reasonable enough. In the years before the coming of Friday, he might have rushed immediately to the beach but surely not at this point. Nevertheless Crusoe (and Defoe) expected his readers to respond to this moment of psychic awareness as wonderful if not miraculous. ‡  Discoveries] Manifestations, revelations. See OED. §  invisible World . . . ​Converse of Spirits] Defoe developed this notion of a “World” or dimension in which spirits exist who are invisible to our perception more fully in the third volume, The Serious Reflections of Robinson Crusoe (1720), where Crusoe tells of some other incidents in his life involving a similar sense by which he was receiving super­natural communication. Some of ­t hese events are clearly related to Defoe’s personal experiences. He also took up this subject in An Essay on the History and Real­ity of Apparitions (1727), the title of which was changed to The Secrets of the Invisible World Disclos’d: or, An Universal History of Appari­ tions Sacred and Prophane, ­Under All Denominations.

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The pre­sent Question abundantly confirms me in the Justice of this Reasoning; for had I not been made cautious by this secret Admonition, come it from whence it w ­ ill, I had been undone inevitably, and in a far worse Condition than before, as you w ­ ill see presently. I had not kept my self long in this Posture, but* I saw the Boat draw near the Shore, as if they look’d for a Creek to thrust in at for the Con­ve­nience of Landing; however, as they did not come quite far enough, they did not see the ­little Inlet where I formerly landed my Rafts; but run their Boat on Shore upon the Beach, at about half a Mile from me, which was very happy for me; for other­wise they would have landed just as I may say at my door, and would soon have beaten me out of my ­Castle, and perhaps have plunder’d me of all I had. When they ­were on Shore, I was fully satisfy’d that they ­were En­glish Men; at least, most of them; one or two I thought w ­ ere Dutch; but it did not prove so: Th ­ ere ­were in all eleven Men, whereof three of them I  found w ­ ere unarm’d, and as I thought, bound; and when the first four or five of them w ­ ere jump’d on Shore, they took ­t hose three out of the Boat as Prisoners: One of the three I could perceive using the most passionate Gestures of Entreaty, Affliction and Despair, even to a kind of Extravagance; the other two I could perceive lifted up their Hands sometimes, and appear’d concern’d indeed, but not to such a Degree as the first. I was perfectly confounded at the Sight, and knew not what the Meaning of it should be. Friday call’d out to me in En­glish, as well as he could, O Master! You see En­glish Mans eat Prisoner as well as Savage Mans. Why, says I, Friday, Do you think they are a ­going to eat them then? Yes, says Friday, They w ­ ill eat them: No, no, says I, Friday, I am afraid they ­will murther them indeed, but you may be sure they ­will not eat them.† All this while I had no thought of what the ­Matter ­really was; but stood trembling with the Horror of the Sight, expecting ­every Moment when the three Prisoners should be kill’d; nay, once I saw one of the Villains lift up his Arm, with a ­great Cutlash, as the Seamen call it, or Sword, to strike one of the poor Men; and I expected to see him fall ­every Moment, at which all the Blood in my Body seem’d to run chill in my Veins. I wish’d heartily now for my Spaniard, and the Savage that was gone with him; or that I had any way to have come undiscover’d within shot of them, that I might have rescu’d the three Men; for I saw no Fire Arms they had among them; but it fell out to my Mind another way. ­After I had observ’d the outragious Usage of the three Men, by the insolent Seamen, I observ’d the Fellows run scattering about the Land, as if they wanted to see the Country: I observ’d that the three other Men had Liberty to go also where they * but] The OED (15b) describes an obsolete usage that in modern En­glish would require “when” or “before” and quotes a similar passage from Defoe’s A New Voyage Round the World. †  murther . . . ​not eat them] Friday’s incorrect expectations based on his society’s cannibalism and the irony of Western cruelties plays into the theme Defoe borrowed from Montaigne. See p. 179, n. 407.

Figure 15. ​An En­glish Ship Comes to Robinson Crusoe’s Island (1726 [original 1722]). [202]

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pleas’d; but they sat down all three upon the Ground, very pensive, and look’d like Men in Despair. This put me in Mind of the first Time when I came on Shore, and began to look about me; How1982 I gave my self over for lost: How wildly I look’d round me: What dreadful Apprehensions I had: And how I lodg’d in the Tree all Night for fear of being devour’d by wild Beasts. As I knew nothing that Night of the Supply I was to receive by the providential Driving of the Ship nearer the Land, by the Storms and Tide, by which I have since been so long nourish’d and supported; so ­these three poor desolate Men knew nothing how certain of Deliverance and Supply they w ­ ere, how near it was to them, and how effectually and ­really they ­were in a Condition of Safety, at the same Time that they thought themselves lost, and their Case desperate. So l­ ittle do we see before us in the World, and so much reason have we to depend chearfully upon the ­great Maker of the World, that he does not leave his Creatures* so absolutely destitute, but that in the worst Circumstances they have always something to be thankful for, and sometimes are nearer their Deliverance than they imagine; nay, are even brought to their Deliverance by the Means by which they seem to be brought to their Destruction. It was just at the Top of High–­Water when t­hese ­People came on Shore, and while partly they stood parlying with the Prisoners they brought, and partly while they rambled about to see what kind of a Place they ­were in; they had carelesly staid till the Tide was spent, and the W ­ ater was ebb’d considerably away, leaving their Boat a–­ground. They had left two Men in the Boat, who as I found afterwards, having drank a ­little too much Brandy, fell a–­sleep; however, one of them waking sooner than the other, and finding the Boat too fast a–­ground for him to stir it, hollow’d for the rest who ­were straggling about, upon which they all soon came to the Boat; but it was past all their Strength to launch her, the Boat being very heavy, and the Shore on that Side being a soft ousy Sand, almost like a Quick–­Sand. In this Condition, like true Seamen who are perhaps the least of all Mankind given to fore–­t hought, they gave it over, and away they stroll’d about the Country again; and I heard one of them say aloud to another, calling them off from the Boat, Why let her alone, Jack, ­can’t ye, she w ­ ill float next Tide; by which I was fully confirm’d in the main Enquiry, of what Countrymen they w ­ ere. All this while I kept my self very close, not once daring to stir out of my ­Castle, any farther than to my Place of Observation, near the Top of the Hill; and very glad I was, to think how well it was fortify’d: I knew it was no less than ten Hours before the Boat could be on float again, and by that Time it would be dark, and I might be at more Liberty to see their Motions,1983 and to hear their Discourse, if they had any.

* does not leave his Creatures] See 1 Corinthians 10–13.

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In the mean Time,1984 I fitted my self up for a B ­ attle, as before; though with more Caution, knowing I  had to do with another kind of E ­ nemy than I  had at first: I order’d Friday also, who I had made an excellent Marks–­Man with his Gun, to load himself with Arms: I took my self two Fowling–­Pieces, and I gave him three Muskets; my Figure indeed was very fierce; I had my formidable Goat–­Skin Coat on, with the ­great Cap I have mention’d, a naked Sword by my Side, two Pistols in my ­Belt, and a Gun upon each Shoulder. It was my Design, as I said above, not to have made any Attempt till it was Dark:1985 But about Two a Clock, being the Heat of the Day, I found that in short they ­were all gone straggling into the Woods, and as I thought w ­ ere laid down to Sleep. The three poor distressed Men, too Anxious1986 for their Condition to get any Sleep, ­were however set down ­under the Shelter of a ­great Tree, at about a quarter of a Mile from me, and as I thought out of sight of any of the rest. Upon this I resolv’d to discover my self to them, and learn something of their Condition: Immediately I march’d in the Figure as above, my Man Friday at a good Distance ­behind me, as formidable for his Arms as I, but not making quite so staring* a Spectre–­like Figure† as I did. I came as near them undiscover’d as I could, and then before any of them saw me, I call’d aloud to them in Spanish, What are ye Gentlemen? They started up at the Noise, but w ­ ere ten times more confounded when they saw me, and the uncouth Figure that I made. They made no Answer at all, but I  thought I  perceiv’d them just ­going to fly from me, when I  spoke to them in En­glish, Gentlemen, said I, do not be surpriz’d at me; perhaps you may have a Friend near you when you did not expect it. He must be sent directly from Heaven then, said one of them very gravely to me, and pulling off his Hat at the same time to me, for our Condition is past the Help of Man. All Help is from Heaven,‡ Sir, said I.1987 But can you put a Stranger in the way how to help you, for you seem to me to be in some g­ reat Distress? I saw you when you landed, and when you seem’d to make Applications to the Brutes that came with you, I saw one of them lift up his Sword to kill you. The poor Man with Tears r­ unning down his Face, and trembling, looking like one astonish’d, return’d, Am I talking to God, or Man! § Is it a real Man, or an Angel! Be in no fear about that, Sir, said I, if God1988 had sent an Angel to relieve you, he would have come better Cloath’d, and Arm’d ­after another manner than you see me in; pray lay aside your Fears, I am a Man, an English–­man, and dispos’d to assist you, you see; I have one Servant only; we have Arms and Ammunition; tell us freely, Can we serve you?—­—­W hat is your Case? * staring] Frightening, horrifying. See OED. †  Spectre-­like Figure] Not in the sense of an insubstantial ghost but, with his beard and fierce mustachios, an “object or source of dread or terror.” See OED. ‡  All Help is from Heaven] This is a constant theme of the Psalms. See, for example, 33.20, 46.1, 115.11, 121.2, 124.8. §  to God, or Man] Perhaps an echo of the notion of Aristotle’s famous statement that the only being who could live alone was ­either a god or a beast. See Politics i.14,1253a.

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Our Case, said he, Sir, is too long to tell you, while our Murtherers are so near; but in short, Sir, I was Commander of that Ship, my Men have mutinied1989 against me; they have been hardly prevail’d on not to Murther me,1990 and at last have set me on Shore in this desolate Place, with t­ hese two Men with me; one my Mate, the other a Passenger, where we expected to perish,1991 believing the Place to be uninhabited, and know not yet what to think of it. Where are t­ hose Brutes, your Enemies, said I, do you know where they are gone? ­There they lye, Sir, said he, pointing to a Thicket of Trees; my Heart t­ rembles, for fear they have seen us, and heard you speak, if they have, they ­will certainly Mur­ ther 1992 us all. Have they any Fire–­Arms, said I, He1993 answered they had only two Pieces, and one which they left in the Boat. Well then, said I, leave the rest to me; I see they are all asleep, it is an easie1994 ­thing to kill them all; but s­ hall we rather take them Prisoners? He told me ­there ­were two desperate Villains among them, that it was scarce safe to shew any Mercy to; but if they w ­ ere secur’d, he believ’d all the rest would return to their Duty. I ask’d him, which they ­were? He told me he could not at that distance describe them; but he would obey my O ­ rders in any t­ hing I would direct. Well, says I, let us retreat out of their View or Hearing, least they awake, and we ­will resolve further; so they willingly went back with me, till the Woods cover’d us from them. Look you, Sir, said I, if I venture upon your Deliverance, are you willing to make two Conditions with me? he anticipated my Proposals, by telling me, that both he and the Ship, if recover’d, should be wholly Directed and Commanded by me* in ­every t­ hing; and if the Ship was not recover’d, he would live and dye with me in what Part of the World soever I would send him; and the two other Men said the same. Well, says I, my Conditions are but two. 1. That while you stay on this Island with me, you ­will not pretend to any Authority ­here; and if I put Arms into your Hands, you w ­ ill upon all Occasions give them up to me, and do no Prejudice to me or mine, upon this Island, and in the mean time be govern’d by my O ­ rders. 2. That if the Ship is, or may be recover’d, you w ­ ill carry me and my Man to ­England Passage ­free. He gave me all the Assurances that the Invention and Faith of Man could devise, that he would comply with ­t hese most reasonable Demands, and besides would owe his Life to me, and acknowledge it upon all Occasions as long as he liv’d. Well then, said I, h ­ ere are three Muskets for you, with Powder and Ball; tell me next what you think is proper to be done. He shew’d1995 all the Testimony of his Gratitude1996 that he was able; but offer’d to be wholly guided by me. I told him I thought it was hard venturing any t­ hing; but the best Method I could think of was to fire upon them at once, as they lay; and if any was not kill’d at the first Volley, * wholly Directed and Commanded by me] This is the third time that Crusoe elicits a kind of contract from ­t hose arriving on the island. In this case, Crusoe asks for control only while he is on the island, though the En­glish Captain and the ­others offer obedience to him in the ­f uture.

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and offered to submit, we might save them, and so put it wholly upon God’s Providence to direct the Shot. He said very modestly, that he was loath to kill them, if he could help it, but that ­t hose two ­were incorrigible Villains, and had been the Authors of all the Mutiny in the Ship, and if they escaped, we should be undone still; for they would go on Board, and bring the w ­ hole Ship’s Com­pany, and destroy us all. Well then, says I, Necessity* legitimates my Advice; for it is the only Way to save our Lives. However, seeing him still cautious of shedding Blood, I told him they should go themselves, and manage as they found con­ve­nient. In the ­Middle of this Discourse, we heard some of them awake, and soon ­after,1997 we saw two of them on their Feet, I ask’d him, if ­either of them ­were of the Men who he had said ­were the Heads of the Mutiny? He said, No: Well then, said I, you may let them escape, and Providence seems to have wakned1998 them on Purpose to save themselves. Now, says I, if the rest escape you, it is your Fault. Animated with this, he took the Musket, I had given him, in his Hand, and a Pistol in his ­Belt, and his two Comrades1999 with him, with each Man a Piece in his Hand. The two Men who ­were with him,2000 ­going first, made some Noise, at which one of the Seamen who2001 was awake, turn’d about, and seeing them coming, cry’d out to the rest; but it was too late then; for the Moment he cry’d out, they fir’d; I mean the two Men, the Captain wisely reserving his own Piece: They had so well aim’d their Shot at the Men they knew, that one of them was kill’d on the Spot, and the other very much wounded; but not being dead, he started up upon his Feet, and call’d eagerly for help to the other; but the Captain stepping to him, told him, ‘twas too late to cry for help, he should call upon God to forgive his Villany, and with that Word knock’d him down with the Stock of his Musket, so that he never spoke more: ­There ­were three more in the Com­pany, and one of them was also slightly wounded: By this Time I was come, and when they saw their Danger, and that it was in vain to resist, they begg’d for Mercy: The Captain told them, he would spare their Lives, if they would give him any Assurance of their Abhorrence of the Treachery † they had been guilty of, and would swear to be faithful to him in recovering the Ship, and afterwards in carry­ing her back to Jamaica,‡ from whence they came: They gave him all the Protestations of their Sincerity that could be desir’d,2002 and he was willing to believe them, and spare their Lives, which I was not against, only that I2003 oblig’d him to keep them bound Hand and Foot while they w ­ ere upon the Island. While this was ­doing, I sent Friday with the Captain’s Mate to the Boat, with ­Orders to secure her, and bring away the Oars, and Sail, which they did; and by * Necessity] In natu­ral law thought, necessity was usually invoked in ­matters having to do with ­matters of the right of self-­preservation. See Novak, Defoe and the Nature of Man, 65–88. †  Treachery] For an example of a similar revolt against a ship’s Captain, see Daniel Beeckman, A Voyage to and from the Island of Borneo, in the East Indies (London, 1718; repr., Folkestone: Dawsos of Pall Mall, 1973), 197. ‡  Jamaica] Just south of Cuba, Jamaica was the largest British colony in the Ca­rib­be­a n.

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and by, three straggling Men that w ­ ere (happily for them) parted from the rest, came back upon hearing the Guns fir’d, and seeing their Captain, who before was their Prisoner, now their Conqueror, they submitted to be bound also; and so our Victory was compleat. It now remain’d, that the Captain and I should enquire into one another’s Circumstances: I began first, and told him my ­whole History, which he heard with an Attention even to Amazement; and particularly, at the wonderful Manner of my being furnish’d with Provisions2004 and Ammunition; and indeed, as my Story is a ­whole Collection of Won­ders,* it affected him deeply; but when he reflected from thence upon himself, and how I  seem’d to have been preserv’d t­here, on purpose to save his Life, the Tears ran down his Face, and he could not speak a Word more. ­After this Communication was at an End,2005 I carry’d him and his two Men into my Apartment, leading them in, just where I came out, viz. At the Top of the House, where I refresh’d them with such Provisions as I had, and shew’d them all the Contrivances I had made, during my long, long, inhabiting that Place.2006 All I shew’d them, all I said to them, was perfectly amazing; but above all, the Captain admir’d my Fortification, and how perfectly I had conceal’d my Retreat with a Grove of Trees, which having been now planted near twenty Years, and the Trees growing much faster than in ­England, was become a ­little Wood, and so thick, that it was unpassable in any Part of it, but at that one Side, where I had reserv’d my ­little winding Passage into it: I told him, this was my ­Castle, and my Residence; but that I had a Seat in the Country, as most Princes have, whither I could retreat upon Occasion, and I would shew him that too another Time; but at pre­sent, our Business was to consider how to recover the Ship: He agreed with me as to that; but told me, he was perfectly at a Loss what Mea­sures to take; for that t­ here ­were still six and twenty Hands on board, who having entred into a cursed Conspiracy, by which they had all forfeited their Lives to the Law, would be harden’d in it now by Desperation; and would carry it on, knowing that if they ­were reduc’d, they should be brought to the Gallows, as soon as they came to ­England, or to any of the En­glish Colonies; and that therefore ­t here would be no attacking them, with so small a Number as we ­were. I mus’d for some Time upon what he had said; and found it was a very rational Conclusion; and that therefore something was to be resolv’d on very speedily, as well to draw the Men on board into some Snare for their Surprize, as to prevent their Landing upon us, and destroying us; upon this it presently occurr’d to me, that in a ­little while the Ship’s Crew wondring what was become of their Comrades, and of the Boat, would certainly come on Shore in their other Boat, to see * Collection of Won­ders] Printed collections of ­t hese types of events, for example, John Gad­ ittle World bury, Natura Prodigorum (London, 1660), Nathaniel Wanley, The Won­ders of the L ­ ere (1678), and Nathaniel Crouch, Surprising Miracles of Nature and Art (London, 1708), w common during the seventeenth ­century and at the time that The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe was published. For a discussion of the influence of this literary tradition on Defoe’s work, see Hunter, Before Novels, 208–217.

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for them, and that then perhaps they might come arm’d, and be too strong for us; this he allow’d was rational. Upon this, I told him the first ­Thing we had to do, was to stave the Boat, which lay upon the Beach, so that they might not carry her off; and taking e­ very Th ­ ing out of her, leave her so far useless as not to be fit to swim; accordingly we went on board, took the Arms which w ­ ere left on board, out of her, and what­ever e­ lse we found t­ here, which was a B ­ ottle of Brandy, and another of Rum, a few Bisket Cakes, a Horn of Powder, and a g­ reat Lump of Sugar, in a Piece of Canvas; the Sugar was five or six Pounds;2007 all which was very welcome to me, especially the Brandy and2008 Sugar, of which I had had none left for many Years. When we had carry’d all ­t hese ­Things on Shore (the Oars, Mast, Sail, and Rudder of the Boat, ­were carry’d away before, as above) we knock’d a ­great Hole in her Bottom, that if they had come strong enough to master us, yet they could not carry off the Boat. Indeed, it was not much in my Thoughts, that we could be able to recover the Ship; but my View was that if they went away without the Boat, I did not much question to make her fit again, to carry us away to the Leeward Islands,* and call upon our Friends, the Spaniards, in my Way,2009 for I had them still in my Thoughts. While we ­were thus preparing our Designs, and had first, by main Strength,2010 heav’d the Boat up upon the Beach, so high that the Tide would not fleet her off at High–­Water–­Mark; and besides, had broke a Hole in her Bottom, too big to be quickly stopp’d, and w ­ ere sat down musing what we should do; we heard the Ship fire a Gun, and saw her make a Waft with her Antient,† as a Signal for the Boat to come on board;2011 but no Boat stirr’d; and they fir’d several Times, 2012 making other Signals for the Boat. At last, when all their Signals and Firings prov’d fruitless, and they found the Boat did not stir, we saw them by the Help of my Glasses,2013 hoist another Boat out, and row ­towards the Shore; and we found as they approach’d, that ­t here was no less than ten Men in her, and that they had Fire–­Arms with them. As the Ship lay almost two Leagues from the Shore, we had a full View of them as they came, and a plain Sight 2014 of the Men even of their ­Faces, ­because the Tide having set them a ­little to the East of the other Boat, they row’d up ­under Shore, to come to the same Place, where the other had landed, and where the Boat lay. By this Means, I say, we had a full View2015 of them, and the Captain knew the Persons and Characters of all the Men in the Boat, of whom he said, that ­t here ­were three very honest Fellows, who he was sure w ­ ere led into this Conspiracy by the rest, being over–­power’d and frighted.

* Leeward Islands] Crusoe may be speaking of the entire island chain in the Ca­rib­bean known as the Lesser Antilles, but certainly of ­t hose islands known as the Windward Islands with such British colonies as Barbados. They would have been much closer than the Leeward Islands that ­were farther to the north. †  Antient] “A Flag or Streamer, set up in the Stern of a Ship.” See Phillips, New World of Words, sig. D3v.

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But that as for the Boatswain, who it seems was the chief Officer among them, and all the rest, they ­were as outragious as any of the Ship’s Crew, and ­were no doubt made desperate in their new Enterprize, and terribly apprehensive he was, that they would be too power­f ul for us. I smil’d at him, and told him, that Men in our Circumstances ­were past the Operation of Fear: That seeing almost e­ very Condition that could be was2016 better than that which we ­were suppos’d to be in, we ­ought to expect that the Consequence, w ­ hether Death or Life, would be sure to be a Deliverance: I ask’d2017 him, What he thought of the Circumstances of my Life? And, ­whether2018 a Deliverance ­were not worth venturing for? And where, Sir, said I, is your Belief of my being preserv’d h ­ ere on purpose to save your Life, which elevated you a ­little while ago? For my Part, said I, ­t here seems to be but one ­Thing amiss in all the Prospect of it; What’s that? Says he; why, said I, ’tis, that as you say, ­t here are three or four honest Fellows among them, which should be spar’d; had they been all of the wicked Part of the Crew, I should have thought God’s Providence had singled them out to deliver them into your Hands; for depend upon it, e­ very Man of them that comes a–­shore are our own, and s­ hall die, or live, as they behave to us. As I spoke this with a rais’d Voice and chearful Countenance, I found it greatly encourag’d him; so we set vigorously to our Business: We had upon the first Appearance of the Boat’s coming from the Ship, consider’d of separating our Prisoners, and had indeed secur’d them effectually. Two of them, of whom the Captain was less assur’d than ordinary, I sent with Friday, and one of the three (deliver’d Men) to my Cave, where they w ­ ere remote enough, and out of Danger of being heard or discover’d, or of finding their way out of the Woods, if they could have deliver’d themselves: ­Here they left them bound, but gave them Provisions, and promis’d them if they continu’d2019 ­t here quietly, to give them their Liberty in a Day or two; but that if they attempted their Escape, they should be put to Death without Mercy: They promis’d faithfully to bear their Confinement with Patience, and w ­ ere very thankful that they had such good Usage, as to have Provisions, and a Light left them; for Friday gave them Candles (such as we made our selves) for their Comfort; and they did not know but that he stood Sentinel over them at the Entrance. The other Prisoners had better Usage; two of them ­were kept pinion’d indeed, ­because the Captain was not f­ ree to trust them; but the other two w ­ ere taken into my Ser­vice upon their Captain’s Recommendation, and upon their solemnly engaging to live and die with us; so with them and the three honest Men, we w ­ ere seven Men, well arm’d; and I made no doubt we shou’d be able to deal well enough with the Ten that w ­ ere a coming, considering that the Captain had said, ­there ­were three or four honest Men among them also. As soon as they got to the Place where their other Boat lay, they run their Boat in to the Beach, and came all on Shore, haling2020 the Boat up ­after them, which I was glad to see; for I was afraid they would rather have left the Boat at an Anchor, some Distance from the Shore, with some Hands in her, to guard her; and so we should not be able to seize the Boat.

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Being on Shore, the first Th ­ ing they did, they ran all to their other Boat, and it was easy to see that they ­were ­under a ­great Surprize, to find her stripp’d as above, of all that was in her, and a g­ reat hole in her Bottom. ­After they had mus’d a while upon this, they set up two or three ­great Shouts, hollowing with all their might, to try if they could make their Companions hear; but all was to no purpose:2021 Then they came all close in a Ring, and fir’d a Volley of their small Arms, which indeed we heard, and the Ecchos2022 made the Woods ring; but it was all one, ­t hose in the Cave we ­were sure could not hear, and ­t hose in our keeping, though they heard it well enough, yet durst give no Answer to them. They ­were so astonish’d at the Surprize of this, that as they told us afterwards, they resolv’d to go all on board again to their Ship, and let them know t­ here, that2023 the Men w ­ ere all murther’d, and the Long–­Boat stav’d; accordingly they immediately launch’d their Boat again, and gat all of them on board.2024 The Captain was terribly amaz’d,* and even confounded at this, believing they would go on board the Ship again, and set Sail, giving their Comrades for lost, and so he should still lose the Ship, which he was in Hopes we should have recover’d; but he was quickly as much frighted the other way. They had not been long put off with the Boat, but we perceiv’d them all coming on Shore2025 again; but with this new Mea­sure in their Conduct, which it seems they consulted together upon, viz. To leave three Men in the Boat, and the rest to go on Shore, and go up into the Country to look for their Fellows. This was a ­great Disappointment to us; for now we ­were at a Loss what to do; for our seizing ­t hose seven Men on Shore would be no Advantage to us, if we let the Boat escape; b ­ ecause they would then row away to the Ship, and then the rest of them would be sure to weigh and set Sail, and so our recovering the Ship would be lost. However, we had no Remedy, but to wait and see what the Issue of Th ­ ings might pre­sent; the seven Men came on Shore, and the three who remain’d in the Boat, put her off to a good Distance from the Shore, and came to an Anchor to wait for them; so that it was impossible for us to come at them in the Boat. ­Those that came on Shore, kept close together, marching ­towards the Top of the l­ittle Hill, ­u nder which my Habitation lay; and we could see them plainly, though they could not perceive us: We could have been very glad they would have come nearer to us, so that we might have fir’d at them, or that they would have gone farther off, that we might have come abroad. But when they w ­ ere come to the Brow of the Hill, where they could see a g­ reat way into the Valleys and Woods, which lay t­ owards the North–­East Part,2026 and where the Island lay lowest, they shouted, and hollow’d, till they w ­ ere weary; and not caring it seems to venture far from the Shore, nor far from one another, they sat down together u ­ nder a Tree, to consider of it: Had they thought fit to have gone to sleep ­t here, as the other Party of them had done, they had done the Jobb for us; * amaz’d] In the now obsolete sense of “alarmed” or “thrown into confusion.” See OED.

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but they w ­ ere too full of Apprehensions of Danger, to venture to go to sleep, though they could not tell what the Danger was they had to fear neither. The Captain made a very just Proposal to me, upon this Consultation of theirs, viz. That perhaps they would all fire a Volley again, to endeavour to make their Fellows hear, and that we should all sally2027 upon them, just at the Juncture when their Pieces ­were all discharg’d, and they would certainly yield, and we should have them without Bloodshed: I lik’d the Proposal, provided it was done while we ­were near enough to come up to them, before they could load their Pieces again. But this Event did not happen, and we lay still a long Time, very irresolute what Course to take; at length I told them, ­t here would be nothing to be done in my Opinion till Night, and then if they did not return to the Boat, perhaps we might find a way to get between them, and the Shore, and so might use some Stratagem with them in the Boat, to get 2028 them on Shore. We waited a g­ reat while, though very impatient for their removing; and w ­ ere very uneasy, when a­ fter long Consultations, we saw them start all up, and march down ­toward the Sea: It seems they had such dreadful Apprehensions upon them, of the Danger of the Place, that they resolv’d to go on board the Ship again, give their Companions over for lost, and so go on with their intended Voyage with the Ship. As soon as I perceiv’d them go ­towards the Shore, I imagin’d it to be as it ­really was, That they had given over their Search, and ­were for g­ oing back again; and the Captain, as soon as I told him my Thoughts, was ready to sink at the Apprehensions of it; but I presently thought of a Stratagem to fetch them back again, and which answer’d my End to a Tittle.* I order’d Friday, and the Captain’s Mate, to go over the ­little Creek Westward, ­towards the Place where the Savages came to Shore, when Friday was rescu’d; and as soon as they came to a l­ittle rising Ground, at about half a Mile Distance, I bad them hollow, as loud as they could,† and wait till they found the Seamen heard them; that as soon as ever they heard the Seamen answer them, they should return it again, and then keeping out of Sight, take a round, always answering when the other hollow’d, to draw them as far into the Island, and among the Woods, as pos­ si­ble, and then wheel about again to me, by such ways as I directed them. They ­were just ­going into the Boat, when Friday and the Mate hollow’d, and they presently heard them, and answering, run along the Shore Westward, ­towards the Voice they heard, when they ­were presently stopp’d by the Creek, where the ­Water being up, they could not get over, and call’d for the Boat to come up, and set them over, as indeed I expected. When they had set themselves over, I observ’d, that the Boat being gone up a good way into the Creek, and as it w ­ ere, in a Harbour within the Land, they took * to a Tittle] Exactly. †  hollow as loud as they could] This stratagem may owe something to The Tempest, in which Ariel lures the rebels with vari­ous voices. ­There is somewhat more of this in Shakespeare’s original than in the Dryden-­Davenant version. See Michael Seidel, Robinson Crusoe: Island Myths and the Novel (Boston: Twayne, 1991), 64, 117.

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one of the three Men out of her to go along with them, and left only two in the Boat, having fastned her to the Stump of a l­ ittle Tree on the Shore. This was what I wish’d for, and immediately leaving Friday and the Captain’s Mate to their Business, I took the rest with me, and crossing the Creek out of their Sight, we surpriz’d the two Men before they w ­ ere aware; one of them lying on Shore, and the other being in the Boat; the Fellow on Shore, was between sleeping and waking, and g­ oing to start up, the Captain who was foremost, ran in upon him, and knock’d him down, and then call’d out to him in the Boat, to yield, or he was a dead Man. ­There needed very few Arguments to perswade2029 a single Man to yield, when he saw five Men upon him, and his Comrade knock’d down; besides, this was it seems one of the three who w ­ ere not so hearty in the Mutiny as the rest of the Crew, and therefore was easily perswaded,2030 not only to yield, but afterwards to joyn very sincerely2031 with us. In the mean time, Friday and the Captain’s Mate so well manag’d their Business with the rest, that they drew them by hollowing and answering, from one Hill to another,2032 and from one Wood to another, till they not only heartily tyr’d them, but left them, where they ­were very sure they could not reach back to the Boat, before it was dark; and indeed they ­were heartily tyr’d themselves also by the Time they came back to us. We had nothing now to do, but to watch for them, in the Dark,2033 and to fall upon them, so as to make sure work with them. It was several Hours ­after Friday came back to me, before they came back to their Boat; and we could hear the foremost of them long before they came quite up, calling to ­t hose ­behind to come along, and could also hear them answer and complain, how2034 lame and tyr’d they w ­ ere, and not able to come any faster, which was very welcome News to us. At length they came up to the Boat; but ’tis impossible to express their Confusion, when they found the Boat fast a–­Ground2035 in the Creek, the Tide ebb’d out, and their two Men gone: We could hear them call to one another2036 in a most la­men­ta­ble Manner, telling one another, they ­were gotten into an inchanted Island;* that ­either ­t here ­were Inhabitants in it, and they should all be murther’d,2037 or ­else ­t here ­were Dev­ils and Spirits in it, and they should be all carry’d away, and devour’d. They hallow’d again, and call’d their two Comrades by their Names,2038 a g­ reat many times, but no Answer. ­After some time, we could see them, by the ­little Light ­t here was, run about wringing their Hands like Men in Despair; and that sometimes they would go and sit down in the Boat to rest themselves, then come ashore again, and walk about again, and so over the same t­ hing again.2039 * inchanted Island] Another use of this phrase that had pos­si­ble allusion to The Tempest and ­ ere to the shipwreck of the Sea Adventure in the Bermudas on 29 July 1609. The Bermudas w famous for being haunted by dev­i ls and spirits. See p. 523, n. 588.

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My Men would fain have me give2040 them Leave to fall upon them at once in the Dark; but I was willing to take them at some Advantage, so to spare them, and kill as few of them as I could; and especially I was unwilling to h ­ azard the killing any of our own Men, knowing the other w ­ ere very well armed. I resolved to wait to see if they did not separate; and therefore to make sure of them, I drew my Ambuscade* nearer, and order’d Friday and the Captain,2041 to creep upon their Hands and Feet as close to the Ground as they could, that they might not be discover’d, and get as near them as they could possibly, before they offered to fire. They had not been long in that Posture, but that the Boatswain, who was the principal Ringleader of the Mutiny, and had now shewn himself the most dejected and dispirited of all the rest, came walking t­ owards them with two more of their Crew; the Captain was so ­eager, as having this principal Rogue so much in his Power, that he could hardly have Patience to let him come so near, as to be sure of him; for they only heard his Tongue before: But when they came nearer, the Captain and Friday starting up on their Feet, let fly at them. The Boatswain was kill’d upon the Spot, the next Man was shot into the Body, and fell just by him, tho’ he did not die ’till an Hour2042 or two a­ fter; and the third run for it. At the Noise of the Fire, I immediately advanc’d with my ­whole Army, which was now 8 Men, viz. my self Generalissimo,† Friday my Lieutenant–­General, the Captain and his two Men, and the three Prisoners of War, who we had trusted with Arms. We came upon them indeed in the Dark, so that they could not see our Number; and I made the Man they had left 2043 in the Boat, who was now one of us, call to them by Name, to try if I could bring them to a Parley, and so might perhaps reduce them to Terms, which fell out just as we desir’d: for indeed2044 it was easy to think, as their Condition then was, they would be very willing to capitulate; so he calls out as loud as he could,2045 to one of them, Tom Smith, Tom Smith; Tom Smith answered immediately,2046 Who’s that, Robinson? for it seems he knew his Voice: T’other answered,2047 Ay, ay; for God’s Sake, Tom Smith, throw down your Arms, and yield, or, you are all dead Men this Moment. Who must we yield to? Where are they? (says Smith again;) ­Here they are, says he, ­here’s our Captain, and fifty Men with him, have been hunting you this two Hours; the Boatswain is kill’d, ­Will Frye is wounded, and I am a Prisoner; and if you do not yield, you are all lost. ­Will they give us Quarter‡ then, (says Tom Smith) and§ we ­w ill yield? I’ll go and ask, if you promise to yield, says Robinson; so he ask’d2048 the Captain, and the * Ambuscade] Identical with the more modern “ambush.” †  Generalissimo] Supreme military leader. This is another example of Crusoe’s imaginative transformations, this time along the lines of the vocabulary of warfare with which he has played from the time of the appearance of the cannibals. ‡  Quarter] “In Military Affairs Quarter signifies the sparing of Men’s Lives, and giving good Treatment to conquer’d Enemies.” Phillips, New World of Words, sig. Kkkk3v. §  and] “And” h ­ ere functions as “if.”

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Captain then calls himself out, You Smith, you know my Voice, if you lay down your Arms immediately, and submit, you ­shall have your Lives all but ­Will. Atkins.* Upon this, ­Will. Atkins cry’d out, For God’s Sake,2049 Captain, give me Quarter, what have I done? They have been all as bad as I, which by the Way2050 was not true neither; for it seems this ­Will. Atkins was the first Man that laid hold of the Captain, when they first mutiny’d, and used him barbarously, in tying his Hands, and giving him injurious Language. However, the Captain told him he must lay down his Arms at Discretion, and trust to the Governour’s Mercy, by which he meant me; for they all call’d me Governour. In a Word,2051 they all laid down their Arms, and begg’d their Lives; and I sent the Man that had parley’d 2052 with them, and two more, who bound them all; and then my ­great Army of 50 Men, which particularly † with ­t hose three, ­were all but eight, came up and seiz’d upon them all, and upon their Boat, only that I kept my self and one more out of Sight, for Reasons of State. Our next Work was to repair the Boat, and think of seizing the Ship; and as for the Captain, now he had Leisure to parley2053 with them: He expostulated with them upon the Villany of their Practices with him, and at length upon the farther Wickedness of their Design, and how certainly it must bring them to Misery and Distress in the End, and perhaps to the Gallows. They all appear’d very penitent, and begg’d hard for their Lives; as for that, he told them, they ­were none of his Prisoners, but the Commander of the Island; that2054 they thought they had set him on Shore in a barren uninhabited Island,2055 but it had pleased God so to direct them, that the Island was inhabited, and that the Governour was an En­glish Man; that he might hang them all t­ here, if he pleased; but as he had given them all Quarter, he supposed he would send them to ­England to be dealt with ­t here, as Justice requir’d, except Atkins, who he was commanded by the Governour to advise to prepare for Death; for that he would be hang’d in the Morning. Though this was all a Fiction of his own, yet it had its desired Effect; Atkins fell upon his Knees to beg the Captain to intercede2056 with the Governour for his Life; and all the rest begg’d2057 of him for God’s Sake, that they might not be sent to ­England. It now occurr’d to me, that the time of our Deliverance was come, and that it would be a most easy ­t hing to bring ­t hese Fellows in, to be hearty in getting Possession of the Ship; so I retir’d in the Dark from them, that they might not see what Kind of a Governour they had, and call’d the Captain to me; when I call’d, as at a good Distance, one of the Men was order’d to speak again, and say to the Captain, Captain, the Commander calls for you; and presently the Captain reply’d, Tell his Excellency, I am just a coming:2058 This more perfectly amused‡ them; and they all believed that the Commander was just by with his fifty Men. *­  ­Will Atkins] Defoe may have taken this name from Jeremiah Atkins, a figure in Pitman’s Relation of the G ­ reat Sufferings (448) who escapes from Barbados with the narrator. †  particularly] Even. ‡  amused] Deceived, misled. See OED.

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Upon the Captain’s coming to me, I told him my Proj­ect for seizing the Ship, which he lik’d of wonderfully well, and resolv’d to put it in Execution the next Morning. But in Order to execute it with more Art, and secure of Success, I told him, we must divide the Prisoners, and that he should go and take Atkins and two more of the worst of them, and send them pinion’d to the Cave where the o ­ thers lay: This was committed to Friday and the two Men who came on Shore with the Captain. They convey’d them to the Cave, as to a Prison; and it was indeed a dismal Place, especially to Men in their Condition. The other I order’d to my Bower, as I call’d it, of which I have given a full Description; and as it was fenc’d in, and they pinion’d, the Place was secure enough, considering they w ­ ere upon their Behaviour. To ­t hese in the Morning I sent the Captain, who was to enter into a Parley with them, in a Word to try them, and tell me, w ­ hether he thought they might be trusted or no, to go on Board and surprize the Ship. He talk’d to them of the Injury done him, of the Condition they ­were brought to; and that though the Governour had given them Quarter for their Lives, as to the pre­sent Action, yet that if they ­were sent to ­England, they would all be hang’d in Chains,* to be sure; but that if they would join in so just an Attempt, as to recover the Ship, he would have the Governour’s Engagement for their P ­ ardon. Any one may guess how readily such a Proposal would be accepted by Men in their Condition; they fell down on their Knees to the Captain, and promised with the deepest Imprecations, that they would be faithful to him to the last Drop, and that they should owe their Lives to him, and would go with him all over the World, that they would own him for a ­Father to them as long as they liv’d.† Well, says the Captain, I must go and tell the Governour what you say, and see what I can do to bring him to consent to it: So he brought me an Account 2059 of the Temper he found them in; and that he verily believ’d they would be faithful. However, that we might be very secure, I told him he should go back again, and choose out ­t hose five,2060 and tell them, they might see that he did not want Men, that he would take out t­ hose five2061 to be his Assistants, and that the Governour would keep the other two, and the three that ­were sent Prisoners to the ­Castle,2062 (my Cave) as Hostages, for the Fidelity of ­those five; and that if they prov’d unfaithful in the Execution, the five Hostages should be hang’d in Chains alive upon the Shore. This look’d severe, and convinc’d them that the Governour was in Earnest; however they had no2063 Way left them, but to accept it; and it was now the Business of the Prisoners, as much as of the Captain, to perswade the other five to do their Duty2064 * hang’d in Chains] This was the usual punishment for piracy. The victim was placed in such a position as to be drowned by the incoming tide. †  faithful . . . ​liv’d] This oath of allegiance has the same formula as that produced for the En­glish Captain and his two companions. See below, p. 271, n. 616, lines 17–31.

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Our Strength was now thus ordered for the Expedition: 1. The Captain, his Mate, and Passenger. 2. Then the two Prisoners of the first Gang, to whom having their Characters from the Captain, I had given their Liberty, and trusted them with Arms. 3. The other two who I had kept till now, in my Bower,2065 pinion’d; but upon the Captain’s Motion, had now releas’d. 4. The single Man taken in the Boat. 5. ­These five releas’d at last:2066 So that they ­were twelve2067 in all,* besides five we kept Prisoners in the Cave, for Hostages.2068 I ask’d the Captain, if he was willing to venture with ­t hese Hands on Board the Ship; for as for me and my Man Friday, I did not think it was proper for us to stir, having seven Men left b ­ ehind; and it was Employment enough for us to keep them asunder,2069 and supply them with Victuals. As to the five in the Cave, I resolv’d to keep them fast, but Friday went in twice a Day to them, to supply them with Necessaries; and I made the other two carry Provisions to a certain Distance, where Friday was to take it. When I shew’d my self to the two Hostages, it was with the Captain, who told them, I was the Person the Governour had order’d to look ­after them, and that it was the Governour’s Plea­sure they should not stir any where, but by my Direction; that if they did, they should be fetch’d into the ­Castle, and be lay’d in Irons; so that as we never suffered them to see me as Governour, so I now appear’d as another Person, and spoke of the Governour, the Garrison, the C ­ astle, and the like, upon all Occasions. The Captain now had no Difficulty before him, but to furnish his two Boats, stop the Breach of one, and man them.2070 He made his Passenger Captain of one, with four other Men; and himself, and his Mate, and five more,2071 went in the other: And they contriv’d their Business very well; for they came up to the Ship about Midnight: As soon as they came within Call of the Ship, he made Robinson hale them, and tell them they had brought off the Men and the Boat, but that it was a long time before they had found them, and the like; holding them in a Chat ’till they came to the Ship’s Side; when the Captain and the Mate entring2072 first with their Arms, immediately knock’d down the second Mate and Carpenter, with the But–­end of their Muskets, being very faithfully seconded by their Men, they secur’d all the rest that w ­ ere upon the Main and Quarter Decks,† and began to fasten the Hatches to keep them down who w ­ ere below, when the other Boat and their Men 2073 entring at the fore Chains, secur’d the Fore–­Castle of the Ship, and the Scuttle‡ which went down into the Cook–­Room, making three Men they found ­t here,2074 Prisoners.

* twelve in all] Defoe had difficulty with keeping track of the numbers of ­t hose on the island. He originally had “thirteen” as the number, but one critic has pointed out that this correction of the numbers that was made in the errata did not help very much. See Hastings, “Errors and Inconsistencies,” 166. †  Main and Quarter Decks] The entire upper decks of the ship. ‡  Scuttle] “A small hatchway.” See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 258.

Figure 16. ​Crusoe Recovers the Ship for the Captain and Conquers the Pyrates (1726 [original 1722]). [220]

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When this was done, and all safe upon Deck, the Captain order’d the Mate with three Men to break into the Round–­House2075* where the new Rebel Captain lay, and having taken the Alarm, was gotten up, and with two Men and a Boy had gotten Fire Arms in their Hands, and when the Mate with a Crow† split open the Door, the new Captain and his Men fir’d boldly among them, and wounded the Mate with a Musket Ball, which broke his Arm, and wounded two more of the Men but2076 kill’d no Body.

The Mate calling for Help, rush’d however into the Round–­House, wounded as he was, and with his Pistol shot the new Captain thro’ the Head, the Bullet entring at his Mouth, and came out again b ­ ehind one of his Ears; so that he never spoke a Word; upon which the rest yielded, and the Ship was taken effectually, without any more Lives lost. As soon as the Ship was thus secur’d, the Captain order’d seven Guns to be fir’d, which was the Signal agreed upon with me, to give me Notice of his Success, which you may be sure I was very glad to hear, having sat watching upon the Shore for it till near two of the Clock in the Morning. Having thus heard the Signal plainly, I laid me down; and it having been a Day of ­g reat Fatigue to me, I slept very sound, ’till 2077 I was something surpriz’d with the Noise of a Gun; and presently starting up, I heard a Man call me by the Name of Governour, Governour, and presently I knew the Captain’s Voice, when climbing up to the Top of the Hill, ­t here he stood, and pointing to the Ship, he embrac’d me in his Arms, My dear Friend and Deliverer, says he, ­there’s your Ship, for she is all yours, and so are we and all that belong to her. I cast my Eyes to the Ship, and ­t here she rode within l­ittle more than half a Mile of the Shore; for they had weighed her Anchor as soon as they ­were Masters of her; and the Weather being fair, had brought her to an Anchor just against the Mouth of the ­l ittle Creek; and the Tide being up, the Captain had brought the Pinnace in near the Place where I at first landed my Rafts, and so landed just at my Door. I was at first ready to sink down with the Surprize. For I saw my Deliverance indeed visibly put into my Hands, all t­ hings easy, and a large Ship just ready to carry me away whither I pleased to go. At first, for some time, I was not able to answer him one Word; but as he had taken me in his Arms, I held fast by him, or I should have fallen to the Ground. He perceived the Surprize, and immediately pulls a ­Bottle out of his Pocket, and gave me a Dram of Cordial, which he had brought on Purpose2078 for me; ­after * Round-­House] The name for the cabin in “­a fter part of the quarter-­deck, and having the poop for its roof.” The “poop” was the “highest aft most deck of a ship.” Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 218, 248. †  Crow] Crow bar. See above, 62:30.

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I had drank it, I sat down upon the Ground; and though it brought me to my self, yet it was a good while before I could speak a Word to him.

All this while the poor Man was in as ­great an Extasy as I, only not ­under any Surprize, as I was; and he said a thousand kind tender t­ hings to me, to compose me and bring me to my self; but such was the Flood of Joy in my Breast, that it put all my Spirits into Confusion,2079 at last it broke out into Tears, and in a l­ittle while ­after, I recovered my Speech. Then I  took my Turn, and embrac’d him as my Deliverer; and we rejoyc’d together. I told him, I look2080 upon him as a Man sent from Heaven to deliver me, and that the w ­ hole Transaction seemed to be a Chain of Won­ders; that such t­ hings as ­these ­were the Testimonies we had of a secret Hand of Providence governing the World, and an Evidence, that the Eyes of an infinite Power could search into the remotest Corner of the World, and send Help to the Miserable whenever he pleased. I forgot not to lift up my Heart in Thankfulness to Heaven,* and what Heart could forbear to bless him, who had not only in a miraculous Manner provided for one2081 in such a Wilderness, and in such a desolate Condition, but from whom ­every Deliverance must always be acknowledged to proceed. When we had talk’d a while, the Captain told me, he had brought me some ­little Refreshment,2082 such as the Ship afforded, and such as the Wretches that had been so long his Masters2083 had not plunder’d him of: Upon this he call’d aloud to the Boat, and bid his Men bring the ­t hings ashore that ­were for the Governour; and indeed it was a Pre­sent, as if I had been one not that was to be carry’d away along with them, but as if I had been to dwell upon the Island still, and they ­were to go without me. First he had brought me a Case of B ­ ottles full of excellent Cordial W ­ aters, six large ­Bottles of Madera Wine; the ­Bottles held two Quarts a–­piece; two Pound of excellent good Tobacco, twelve good Pieces of the Ship’s2084 Beef, and six Pieces of Pork, with a Bag of Pease, and about a hundred Weight of Bisket. He brought me also a Box of Sugar, a Box of Flower, a Bag full of Lemons, and two B ­ ottles of Lime–­Juice,2085 and Abundance of other t­ hings: But besides t­ hese, and what was a thousand times more useful to me, he brought me six clean new Shirts, six very good Neckcloaths, two Pair of Gloves, one Pair of Shoes, a Hat, and one Pair of Stockings, and a very good Suit of Cloaths of his own, which had been worn but very ­little: In a Word, he cloathed me from Head to Foot. It was a very kind and agreeable Pre­sent, as any one may imagine,2086 to one in my Circumstances: But never was any ­thing in the World of that Kind so unpleasant, awkard, and uneasy, as it was to me to wear such Cloaths at their first putting on. ­After ­t hese Ceremonies past, and ­after all his good ­t hings ­were brought into my ­little Apartment, we began to consult what was to be done with the Prisoners * lift up my heart . . . ​Heaven] See Psalms 25.1.

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we had; for it was worth considering, w ­ hether we might venture to take them away with us or no, especially two of them, who we knew to be incorrigible and refractory to the last Degree; and the Captain said, he knew they w ­ ere such Rogues, that ­t here was no obliging them, and if he did carry them away, it must be in Irons, as Malefactors to be delivered over to Justice at the first En­glish Colony he could come at; and I found that the Captain himself was very anxious about it. Upon this, I told him, that if he desir’d it, I durst undertake to bring the two Men he spoke of, to make it their own Request that he should leave them upon the Island: I should be very glad of that, says the Captain, with all my Heart. Well, says I, I ­w ill send for them up, and talk with them for you; so I caused Friday and the two Hostages, for they ­were now discharg’d, their Comrades having perform’d their Promise; I say, I caused them to go to the Cave, and bring up the five Men pinion’d, as they ­were, to the Bower, and keep them ­t here ’till I came. ­After some time, I came thither dress’d in my new Habit,* and now I was call’d Governour again; being all met, and the Captain with me, I caused the Men to be brought before me, and I  told them, I  had had a full Account of their villanous Behaviour to the Captain, and how they had run away with the Ship, and ­were preparing to commit farther Robberies, but that Providence had ensnar’d them in their own Ways, and that they w ­ ere fallen into the Pit which they had digged for ­others.† I let them know, that by my Direction the Ship had been seiz’d, that she lay now in the Road;‡ and they might see by and by, that their new Captain had receiv’d the Reward of his Villany; for that they might see him hanging at the Yard–­Arm.§ That as to them, I wanted to know what they had to say, why I should not execute them as Pirates taken in the Fact, as by my Commission they could not doubt I had Authority to do. One of them answer’d in the Name of the rest, That they had nothing to say but this, That when they ­were taken, the Captain promis’d them their Lives, and they humbly implor’d my Mercy; But I told them, I knew not what Mercy to shew them; for as for my self, I had resolv’d to quit the Island with all my Men, and had taken Passage with the Captain to go for ­England: And as for the Captain, he could not carry them to ­England, other than as Prisoners in Irons to be try’d for Mutiny, and ­running away with the Ship; the Consequence of which, they must needs know, would be the Gallows; so that I could not tell which was best for them, ­unless they had a Mind to take their Fate in the Island; if they desir’d that2087 I did not care, as I had Liberty to leave it, I had some Inclination to give them their Lives, if they thought they could shift on Shore. They seem’d very thankful for it, said they would much rather venture to stay ­t here, than to be carry’d to ­England to be hang’d; so I left it on that Issue. * Habit] Attire. †  fallen into the pit . . . ​­others] See Psalms 7.15, 57.6; Ecclesiastes 10.8; Proverbs 28.10. ‡  in the Road] “Any Place near the Land, where Ships may Ride at Anchor.” “The Art of Navigation,” in The Gentleman’s Dictionary (London, 1705), pt. 3, sig. Ggg2v. §  Yard-­Arm] The end of the yard, or piece of timber that holds the sails and is connected to the mast. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 327.

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However, the Captain seem’d to make some Difficulty of it, as if he durst not leave them ­t here: Upon this I seem’d a ­little angry with the Captain, and told him, That they ­were my Prisoners, not his; and that seeing I had offered them so much Favour, I would be as good as my Word; and that if he did not think fit to consent to it, I would set them at Liberty, as I found them; and if he did not like it, he might take them again if he could catch them. Upon this they appear’d2088 very thankful, and I accordingly set them at Liberty, and bad them retire into the Woods to the Place whence they came, and I  would leave them some Fire Arms, some Ammunition, and some Directions how they should live very well, if they thought fit. Upon this I prepar’d to go on Board the Ship, but told the Captain, that I would stay that Night to prepare my ­t hings, and desir’d him to go on Board in the mean time, and keep all right in the Ship, and send the Boat on Shore the next Day for me; ordering him in the mean time to cause the new Captain who was kill’d, to be hang’d2089 at the Yard–­Arm that ­t hese Men might see him. When the Captain was gone, I sent for the Men up to me to my Apartment, and entred seriously into Discourse with them of their Circumstances, I told them, I thought they had made a right Choice; that if the Captain carry’d them away, they would certainly be hang’d. I shewed them the new Captain, hanging at the Yard–­Arm of the Ship, and told them they had nothing less to expect. When they had all declar’d their Willingness to stay, I then told them, I would let them into the Story of my living t­ here, and put them into the Way of making it easy to them: Accordingly2090 I gave them the ­whole History of the Place, and of my coming to it; shew’d them my Fortifications, the Way I made my Bread, planted my Corn, cured my Grapes; and in a Word, all that was necessary to make them easy: I told them the Story also of the sixteen Spaniards that ­were to be expected; for whom I left a Letter, and made them promise to treat them in common with themselves. I left them my Fire Arms, viz. Five Muskets, three Fowling Pieces, and three Swords. I had above a Barrel and half of Powder left; for ­after the first Year or two, I used but ­little, and wasted none. I gave them a Description of the Way I manag’d the Goats, and Directions to milk and fatten them, and to make both Butter and Cheese. In a Word, I gave them e­ very Part of my own Story; and I told them, I would prevail with the Captain to leave them two Barrels of Gun–­Powder more, and some Garden–­Seeds, which I told them I would have been very glad of;2091 also I gave them the Bag of Pease which the Captain had brought me to eat, and bade them2092 be sure to sow and encrease them. Having done all this, I left them the next Day, and went on Board the Ship: We prepared immediately to sail, but did not weigh that Night: The next Morning early, two of the five Men came swimming to the Ship’s Side, and making a most la­men­ ta­ble Complaint of the other three, begged to be taken into the Ship, for God’s Sake,2093 for they should be murthered, and begg’d the Captain to take them on Board, tho’2094 he hang’d them immediately.

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Upon this the Captain pretended to have no Power without me; But ­after2095 some Difficulty, and a­ fter their solemn Promises of Amendment, they w ­ ere taken on Board, and2096 w ­ ere some time ­after soundly whipp’d and pickl’d;* a­ fter which, they prov’d very honest and quiet Fellows. Some time ­after this, the Boat was order’d on Shore, the Tide being up, with the ­t hings promised to the Men, to which the Captain at my Intercession caused their Chests and Cloaths to be added,2097 which they took, and w ­ ere very thankful for; I also encourag’d them, by telling them, that if it lay in my Way2098 to send any Vessel to take them in, I would not forget them. When I took leave of this Island, I carry’d on Board for Reliques,2099 the g­ reat Goat’s–­Skin–­Cap I had made, my Umbrella, and my Parrot;2100 also I forgot not to take the Money I formerly mention’d, which had lain by me so long useless, that it was grown rusty, or tarnish’d, and could hardly pass for Silver, till it had been a l­ ittle rubb’d, and handled; as also the Money I found in the Wreck of the Spanish Ship. And thus I left the Island, the Nineteenth of December, as I found by the Ship’s Account, in the Year 1686 a­ fter I had been upon it eight and twenty Years,† two Months, and 19 Days; being deliver’d from this second Captivity, the same Day of the Month, that I first made my Escape in the Barco–­Longo,‡ from among the Moors of Sallee. In this Vessel, ­after a long Voyage, I arriv’d in ­England, the Eleventh of June, in the Year 1687,§ having been thirty and five Years absent. * pickl’d] According to the OED, it meant the punishment of rubbing salt or vinegar into wounds ­a fter whipping. Although Crusoe appears to approve of such a punishment, it was already condemned in 1706 as a barbarous practice that discouraged enlistment in the navy. In this case, however, it appears as a relatively mild punishment for mutiny, a capital offense. †  eight and twenty years] Crusoe is shipwrecked on 30 September  1659 and departs on 19 December 1686. This amounts to twenty-­seven years, two months, and nineteen days, not twenty-­eight years. Although the concept of “climacteric” or decisive years—­years divisible by seven—­was usually applied to the life of an individual, it could also be applied to critical years; Defoe may have found significance in such a number. Crusoe also notes, a few lines ­later, that he had been absent from ­England for thirty-­five years, another number divisible by seven. An enlightening discussion of this concept appeared on the eighteenth-­century email list on 1 February 2011, with contributions by Manuel Schonhorn, Jenny Moody, Jack Lynch, Robert Folkenflik, and o ­ thers. For the possibility that Defoe wanted to impose a twenty-­ eight year scheme on the work to give more time to his life with Friday, see Dewey Ganzel, “Chronology in Robinson Crusoe,” Philological Quarterly 40 (1961): 495–512. See also William Hastings, “Errors and Inconsistencies,” 161–166. ‡  Barco-­Longo] Long boat, usually used by Defoe in relation to the Spanish boats that w ­ ere used to intercept illegal trading between the En­glish colonies and the Spanish colonies in the West Indies. The use of a Spanish term for this boat seems odd. For Defoe’s use of this term, see Col­o­nel Jack, ed. Samuel Monk (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), 296; and Maximillian Novak, “Col­o­nel Jack’s ‘Thieving Roguing’ Trade to Mexico,” Huntington Library Quarterly 24 (1961): 349–353. §  Eleventh of June, in the Year 1687] This date for Crusoe’s return to ­England would provide ­little for t­ hose seeking very specific po­liti­cal parallels between Crusoe’s narrative and con­ temporary politics, yet it was certainly a climactic time in En­glish history. The London Gazette for 9 June to 13 June was filled with the addresses to James II, thanking him for his “Declaration for Liberty of Conscience.” The Mayor and other officials of the Borough of Richmond thanked him for his “clemency,” while the Congregationalists from G ­ reat Yar-

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When I came to ­England, I was as perfect a Stranger to all the World, as if I had never been known ­there. My Benefactor and faithful Steward,* who I had left in Trust with my Money, was alive; but had had ­great Misfortunes in the World; was become a ­Widow the second Time, and very low in the World: I made her easy as to what she ow’d me, assuring her, I would give her no Trou­ble; but on the contrary,2101 in Gratitude to her former Care and Faithfulness to me, I reliev’d her, as2102 my ­little Stock would afford, which at that Time would indeed allow me to do but ­little for her; but I assur’d her, I would never forget her former Kindness to me; nor did I forget her, when I had sufficient to help her, as s­ hall be observ’d in its Place.2103 I went down afterwards into Yorkshire; but my F ­ ather was dead, and my M ­ other, and all the ­Family extinct, except that I found two ­Sisters, and two of the ­Children of one of my ­Brothers;2104 and as I had been long ago given over for dead, ­there had been no Provision made for me; so that in a Word, I found nothing to relieve, or assist me; and that l­ittle Money I had, would not do much for me, as to settling in the World. I met with one Piece of Gratitude indeed, which I did not expect; and this was, That the Master of the Ship, who I had so happily deliver’d, and by the same Means sav’d the Ship and Cargo, having given2105 a very handsome Account to the ­Owners, of the Manner how I had sav’d the Lives of the Men, and the Ship, they invited me to meet them, and some other Merchants concern’d, and altogether2106 made me a very handsome Compliment upon the Subject, and a Pre­sent of almost two hundred Pounds Sterling. But ­after making several Reflections upon the Circumstances of my Life, and how ­little way this would go ­towards settling me in the World, I resolv’d to go to Lisbon, and see if I might not come by some Information of the State of my Plantation in the Brasils, and of what was become of my Partner, who I had reason to suppose had some Years now given me over for dead. With this View I took Shipping for Lisbon, where I arriv’d in April following; my Man Friday accompanying me very honestly in all ­these Ramblings, and proving a most faithful Servant upon all Occasions. When I came to Lisbon, I found out by Enquiry, and to my par­tic­u ­lar Satisfaction, my old Friend the Captain of the Ship,† who first took me up at Sea, off of the Shore of Africk: He was now grown old, and had left off the Sea, having put his Son, who was far from a young Man, into his Ship; and who still used the Brasil Trade. The old Man did not know me, and indeed,2107 I hardly knew him; but I soon mouth pronounced that his “Fame, which was always ­Great” would be “so much greater in Story.” To many, it must have seemed as if he ­were at the height of his power. Yet the birth of his son on 10 June along with James’s attempt to foist “Liberty of Conscience” upon his ­people with a Declaration on 4 April 1687 and again in the following year may have been the beginning of the end for him, since the one meant the continuation of a Catholic line and the second seemed to indicate the continued attempt to give Catholics new powers. See David Ogg, ­England in the Reigns of James II and William III (Oxford: Clarendon, 1955), 198–203. * Benefactor and faithful Steward] The ­w idow of his friend, the Captain, who had sent him supplies when he arrived in Brazil. See above, 41:17–30. †  Captain of the Ship] See text and notes beginning at 30ff.

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brought him to my Remembrance, and as soon brought my self to his Remembrance, when I told him who I was. ­After some passionate Expressions of the old Acquaintance, I enquir’d, you may be sure, ­after my Plantation and my Partner: The old Man told me he had not been in the Brasils for about nine Years; but that he could assure me, that when he came away, my Partner was living, but the Trustees, who I had join’d with him to take Cognizance of my Part, ­were both dead; that however, he believ’d that I would have a very good Account of the Improvement of the Plantation; for that upon the general Belief of my being cast away, and drown’d, my Trustees had given in the Account of the Produce of my Part of the Plantation, to the Procurator Fiscal,* who had appropriated it, in Case2108 I never came to claim it; one Third to the King, and two Thirds to the Monastery of St. Augustine,† to be expended for the Benefit of the Poor, and for the Conversion of the Indians to the Catholick Faith; but that if I appear’d, or any one for me, to claim the Inheritance, it should be restor’d; only that the Improvement, or Annual Production, being distributed to charitable Uses, could not be restor’d; but he assur’d me, that the Steward of the King’s Revenue (from Lands)‡ and the Provedidore,2109 or Steward of the Monastery, had taken ­great Care all along, that the Incumbent, that is to say2110 my Partner, gave ­every Year a faithful Account of2111 the Produce, of which they receiv’d duly my2112 Moiety. I ask’d him if he knew to what height of Improvement he had brought the Plantation? And, ­W hether he thought it might be worth looking ­after? Or, ­W hether on my g­ oing thither, I should meet with no Obstruction to my possessing2113 my just Right in the Moiety? He told me, he could not tell exactly to what2114 Degree the Plantation was improv’d; but this he knew, that my Partner was grown exceeding Rich upon the enjoying but one half of it; and that to the best of his Remembrance, he had heard, that the King’s Third of my Part, which was it seems granted away to some other Monastery, or Religious House, amounted to above two hundred Moidores§ a Year; * Procurator Fiscal] An agent of the courts of law having to do with financial m ­ atters. It was a term used in the American colonies and by t­ hose systems operating u ­ nder Roman Civil Law. In En­glish law a procurator was “a person who gathers the fruits of a benefice for another” (Chambers, Cyclopedia, 2:sig. 29R), which is the same as a procuredor in Portuguese. In fact the official (Fiscal) involved would have had direct connections to the Portuguese court. See also A. J., A Complete Account of the Portuguese Language (London, 1701), ­under ­t hese terms. †  Monastery of St. Augustine] Vari­ous religious o ­ rders, particularly the Jesuits, w ­ ere active in the area of Bahia, but we have been unable to ascertain w ­ hether ­t here was indeed an Augustinian monastery t­here at this time. The Jesuits w ­ ere active in converting the Indians to Catholicism, but the Augustinian order was essentially contemplative. What is certainly true is that the King of Portugal set aside a certain percentage of the profits from sugar for the benefit of the Church. ‡  Steward of the King’s Revenue (from Lands)] He would be the “provedor” of the area. In Brazil, each province had a provedor or tax collector serving ­under the provedor-­mor, the chief financial officer. The Portuguese court saw to it that taxes from the sugar plantations ­were collected efficiently. See Abreu and Largo, Transferring Wealth and Power, 327–349. §  Moidores] The moidore or moeda, a gold coin of Portugal, was equal to approximately twenty-­ seven En­glish shillings during the first half of the eigh­teenth ­century. See p. 417, n. 460.

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that as to my being restor’d to a quiet Possession of it, t­ here was no question to be made of that, my Partner being alive to witness my Title, and my Name being also enrolled in the Register of the Country; also he told me, That the Survivors of my two Trustees, w ­ ere very fair honest P ­ eople, and very Wealthy;2115 and he believ’d I would not only have their Assistance for putting me in Possession,2116 but would find a very considerable Sum of Money in their Hands, for my Account;2117 being the Produce of the Farm while their ­Fathers held the Trust, and before it was given up as above, which, as he2118 remember’d, was for about twelve Years. I shew’d my self a ­little concern’d, and uneasy at this Account, and enquir’d of the old Captain, How it came to pass, that the Trustees should thus dispose my Effects, when he knew that I had made my W ­ ill, and had made him, the Portu­ guese Captain, my universal Heir,* &c. He told me, that was true; but that as t­ here was no Proof of my being dead, he could not act as Executor, ­until some certain Account should come of my Death, and that besides, he was not willing to intermeddle with a ­t hing so remote; that it was true he had registred2119 my ­Will, and put in his Claim; and could he have given any Account of my being dead or alive, he would have acted by Procuration,† and taken Possession of the Ingenio,‡ so they call’d the Sugar–­House, and had given his Son, who was now at the Brasils, Order to do it. But, says the old Man, I have one Piece of News to tell you, which perhaps may not be so acceptable to you as the rest, and that is, That believing you w ­ ere lost, and all the World believing so also, your Partner and Trustees did offer to accompt to me in your Name, for six or eight of the first Years of Profits, which I receiv’d; but ­there being at that time, says he, ­great Disbursements2120 for encreasing the Works, building an Ingenio, and buying Slaves, it did not amount to near so much as afterwards it produc’d:§ However, says the old Man, I ­shall give you a true Account of what I have received in all, and how I have disposed of it. ­A fter a few Days farther Conference with this ancient Friend, he brought me an Account of the six first Years Income of my Plantation, sign’d by my Partner and the Merchant Trustees, being always delived in Goods, viz. Tobacco in roll, and sugar in Chests, besides Rum, Molossus,¶ &c. which is the Consequence** of a Sugar Work; and I  found by this Account, that e­ very Year the Income considerably encreased; but as above, the Disbursement being large, the Sum at first was small: However, the old Man let me see, that he was Debtor to me 470 Moidores of Gold, *­  ­Will . . . ​universal Heir] See above, p. 48, lines 10–11. †  Procuration] “A Power by which one is instructed to act for another.” Phillips, New World of Words, sig. Iiii. ‡  Ingenio] Properly in Portuguese an “ ”Engénho de açúcar,” defined in a con­temporary Portuguese-­English dictionary as a “sugar-­mill or engine.” The entire sugar factory was a “casa de purgar.” See A. J., Complete Account of the Portuguese Language, sig. Uu1; and Abreu and Largo, Transferring Wealth and Power, 331. §  afterwards it produc’d] Brazil became the world’s greatest producer of sugar. See Abreu and Largo, Transferring Wealth and Power, 331. ¶  Molossus] Molasses. ** Consequence] By-­product.

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besides 60 Chests of Sugar, and 15 double Rolls of Tobacco which ­were lost in his Ship; he having been Ship-­w reck’d coming Home to Lisbon about 11 Years a­ fter my leaving the Place. The good Man then began to complain of his Misfortunes, and how he had been obliged 2121 to make Use of my Money to recover his Losses, and buy him a Share in a new Ship: However, my old Friend, says he, you s­ hall not want a Supply in your Necessity; and as soon as my Son returns, you ­shall be fully satisfy’d. Upon this, he pulls out an old Pouch, and gives me 160 Portugal Moidores* in Gold; and giving me the Writing† of his Title to the Ship, which his Son was gone to the Brasils in, of which he was a Quarter Part Owner, and his Son another, he puts them both into my Hands for Security of the rest. I was too much mov’d with the Honesty and Kindness of the poor Man, to be able to bear this; and remembring what he had done for me, how he had taken me up at Sea, and how generously he had used me on all Occasions, and particularly, how sincere a Friend he was now to me, I could hardly refrain weeping at what he said to me: Therefore,2122 first I asked him, if his Circumstances admitted him to spare so much Money at that time, and if it would not straiten‡ him? He told me, he could not say but it might straiten him a l­ittle; but however it was my Money, and I might want it more than he. ­Every ­t hing the good Man said was full of Affection, and I could hardly refrain from Tears while he spoke: In short, I took 100 of the Moidores, and called for a Pen and Ink to give him a Receipt for them;2123 then I returned him the rest, and told him, If ever I had Possession of the Plantation, I would return the other to him also, as indeed I afterwards did; and that as to the Bill of Sale of his Part in his Son’s Ship, I would not take it by any Means; but that if I wanted the Money, I found he was honest enough to pay me; and if I did not, but came to receive what he gave me reason to expect, I would never have a Penny more from him. When this was pass’d, the old Man began to ask me, If he should put me into a Method to make my Claim to my Plantation? I told him, I thought to go over to it my self: He said, I might do so if I pleas’d; but that if I did not, ­t here ­were Ways2124 enough to secure my Right, and immediately to appropriate the Profits to my Use; and as ­t here ­were Ships in the River of Lisbon,§ just ready to go away to Brasil, he made me enter my Name in a Publick 2125 Register, with his Affidavit, affirming upon Oath that I was alive, and that I was the same Person who took up the Land for the Planting the said Plantation at first. This being regularly attested by2126 a Notary, and a Procuration affix’d, he directed me to send it with a Letter of his Writing, to a Merchant of his Acquaintance at the Place, and then propos’d my staying with him till an Account came of the Return.2127 * Portugual Moidores] For information about this gold coin, see n. 230:2. This would have been equal to approximately £216 in eighteenth-­century British currency. †  Writing] A deed or any “written paper or instrument having force in law.” See OED. ‡  straiten] Place in hardship or distress. See OED. §  River of Lisbon] The Tagus.

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Never any ­Thing was more honourable, than the Proceedings upon this Procuration; for in less than seven Months,2128 I receiv’d a large Packet from the Survivors of my Trustees the Merchants, for whose Account I went to Sea, in which ­were the following par­tic­u­lar Letters and Papers enclos’d.2129 First, Th ­ ere was the Account Current2130 of the Produce of my Farm, or Plantation, from the Year when their ­Fathers had ballanc’d with my old Portugal Captain, being for six Years; the Ballance appear’d to be 1174 Moidores* in my Favour. Secondly, ­There was the Account of four Years more while they kept the Effects in their Hands, before the Government claim’d the Administration, as being the Effects of a Person not to be found, which they call2131 Civil Death; and the Ballance of this, the Value of the Plantation encreasing, amounted to [ ] Cruisadoes,2132† which made 3241 Moidores.‡ Thirdly, ­There was the Prior of the Augustine’s2133 Account, who had receiv’d the Profits for above fourteen Years; but not being to account for what was dispos’d to the Hospital, very honestly declar’d he had 872 Moidores§ not distributed, which he acknowledged to my Account;¶ as2134 to the King’s Part,** that refunded nothing. ­There was a Letter of my Partner’s, congratulating me very affectionately upon my being alive, giving me an Account how the Estate was improv’d, and what it produced a Year, with a Par­tic­u­lar of the Number of Squares or Acres that it contained; how planted, how many Slaves t­ here ­were upon it, and making two and * 1174 Moidores] At 27 shillings to each moidore, this would come to approximately £1,585. †  to . . . ​Cruisadoes] Crusadoes, a Portuguese silver coin marked with a cross on one side and the arms of Portugal on the other. It was usually considered equal to approximately two shillings and ten pence. But money was subject to manipulation. For example, the London Gazette of 6–10 June 1695 has a report from Dublin ordering the crusado to be rated at three shillings six pence. Ten ­were sometimes supposed to be equal to one moidore, but this formula is hardly accurate. At this rate the figure should have been approximately 32,410. However, the figure of 38,892 has long been accepted as a proper estimate, suggesting that the crusado was somewhat more valuable than the formula would suggest. Manuals for tradesmen giving the equivalents of foreign coins to En­glish coins w ­ ere common, but Defoe obviously did not have one by his side while writing and left it blank to fill in at a l­ater time. For evaluations of the crusado, see Edward Hatton, The Merchant’s Magazine: or, Tradesman’s Trea­sury (London, 1726), 238; and Giles Jacobs, Lex Mercatoria: or, The Merchant’s Compan­ ion, 2nd ed. (London, 1729), 389. For a picture of the crusado, see Gilherme de Alencastro Salazar, As Oficinas Monetárias e as Primeiras Casas de Moeda No Brasil (Pernambuco: Consultor Cientifico Laboratórió de Argeologia de Universidade Federal, 1991), 35. ‡  3241 Moidores] At 27 shillings a moidore, this would come to approximately £4,375. §  872 Moidores] At 27 shillings a moidore, this would come to approximately £1,177. ¶  my Account] Excluding the money that is returned to the Portuguese Captain, the addition comes to 5,287 moidors or approximately £7,137. This is based on the formula of the moidor as worth 27 shillings. Since Crusoe estimates his wealth at “above 5000 l. Sterling in Money” (230:9), this formula might seem to be somewhat high, but the Defoe who was writing too quickly to look up the value of the crusado may have been using a very general figure. As Samuel Macey has suggested, Defoe prob­ably expected his audience to do the addition for themselves, and to do it with a certain plea­sure. For a discussion of this, see Macey, Money and the Novel (Victoria: Sono Nis Press, 1983), 47. ** the King’s Part] Abreu and Largo describe a Brazilian accounting system that had considerable rigor. Since the King of Portugal desired to extract as much money as pos­si­ble from the plantation ­owners in the form of taxes, the rec­ords at both ends ­were fairly precise. See Transferring Wealth and Power, 329, 332.

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twenty Crosses for Blessings, told me he had said so many Ave Marias2135* to thank the Blessed Virgin that I was alive; inviting me very passionately to come over and take Possession of my own; and in the mean time to give him ­Orders to whom he should deliver my Effects, if I did not come my self; concluding with a hearty Tender of his Friendship, and that of his ­Family, and sent me, as a Pre­sent, seven fine Leopard’s Skins, which he had it seems received from Africa, by some other Ship which he had sent thither,2136 and who it seems had made a better Voyage than I: He sent me also five Chests of excellent Sweet–­meats, and an hundred Pieces of Gold uncoin’d, not quite so large as Moidores. By the same Fleet, my two Merchant Trustees shipp’d me 1200 Chests of Sugar, 800 Rolls of Tobacco, and the rest of the w ­ hole Accompt in Gold. I might well say, now indeed, That the latter End of Job† was better than the Beginning. It is impossible to express h ­ ere the2137 Flutterings of my very Heart, when I look’d over t­ hese Letters, and especially when I found all my Wealth about me; for as the Brasil Ships come all in Fleets, the same Ships which brought my Letters, brought my Goods; and the Effects ­were safe in the River before the Letters came to my Hand. In a Word, I turned pale, and grew sick; and had not the old Man run and fetch’d me a Cordial, I believe the sudden Surprize of Joy had overset Nature, and I had dy’d upon the Spot. Nay a­ fter that, I continu’d very ill, and was so some Hours, ’till a Physician being sent for, and something of the real Cause of my Illness being known, he order’d me to be let Blood; ­after which, I had Relief, and grew well: But I verily believe, if it had not been eas’d by a Vent given in that Manner,2138 to the Spirits, I should have dy’d. I was now Master, all on a Sudden,2139 of above 5000 l. Sterling in Money, and had an Estate, as I might well call it, in the Brasils, of above a thousand Pounds a Year, as sure as an Estate of Lands in ­England: And in a Word, I was in a Condition which I scarce knew how to understand, or how to compose my self, for the Enjoyment of it. The first ­t hing I did, was to recompense my original Benefactor, my good old Captain, who had been first charitable to me in my Distress, kind to me in my Beginning, and honest to me at the End: I shew’d him all that was sent me, I told him, that next to the Providence of Heaven, which disposes all t­ hings, it was owing to him; and that it now lay on me to reward him, which I would do a hundred fold: So I first return’d to him the hundred Moidores I had receiv’d of him, then I sent for a Notary, and caused him to draw up a general Release or Discharge for the 470 Moidores, which he had acknowledg’d he ow’d me in the fullest and firmest Manner pos­si­ble; ­after which, I caused a Procuration to be drawn, impowering him to be my Receiver of the annual Profits of my Plantation, and appointing my Partner to accompt to him, and make the Returns by the usual Fleets to him in my * Ave Marias] The traditional rosary prayer introduced into the Catholic liturgy between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. †  End of Job] See Job 42.12.

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Name; and a Clause in the End, being a Grant of 100 Moidores a Year to him, during his Life, out of the Effects, and 50 Moidores a Year to his Son ­after him, for his Life: And thus I requited my old Man. I was now to consider which Way2140 to steer my Course next, and what to do with the Estate that Providence had thus put into my Hands; and indeed I had more Care upon my Head now, than I had in my s­ ilent State of Life in the Island, where I wanted nothing but what I had, and had nothing but what I wanted: Whereas I had now a ­great Charge upon me, and my Business was how to secure it. I had ne’er a Cave now to hide my Money in, or a Place where it might lye without Lock or Key, ’till it grew mouldy and tarnish’d before any Body would meddle with it: On the contrary, I knew not where to put it,* or who to trust with it. My old Patron, the Captain, indeed was honest, and that was the only Refuge I had. In the next Place, my Interest in the Brasils seem’d to summon me thither, but now I  could not tell, how to think of ­going thither, ’till I  had settled my Affairs, and left my Effects in some safe Hands b ­ ehind me. At first I thought of my old Friend the ­Widow, who I knew was honest, and would be just to me; but then she was in Years, and but poor, and for o ­ ught I knew, might be in Debt; so that in a Word, I had no Way but to go back to ­England my self, and take my Effects with me. It was some Months however before I resolved upon this; and therefore, as I had rewarded the old Captain fully, and to his Satisfaction, who had been my former Benefactor, so I began to think of my poor ­Widow, whose Husband had been my first Benefactor, and she, while it was in her Power, my faithful Steward and Instructor. So the first t­ hing I did, I got a Merchant in Lisbon to write to his Correspondent in London, not only to pay a Bill, but to go find her out, and carry her in Money, an hundred Pounds from me, and to talk with her, and comfort her in her Poverty, by telling her she should, if I liv’d, have a further2141 Supply: At the same time I sent my two S­ isters† in the Country, each of them an Hundred2142 Pounds, they being, though not in Want, yet not in very good Circumstances; one having been marry’d, and left a ­Widow; and the other having a Husband not so kind to her as he should be. But among all my Relations, or Acquaintances, I could not yet pitch upon one, to whom I durst commit the Gross of my Stock, that I might go away to the Brasils, and leave t­ hings safe ­behind me; and this greatly perplex’d me. I had once a Mind to have gone to the Brasils, and have settled my self ­t here; for I was, as it w ­ ere, naturaliz’d to the Place; but I had some ­little Scruple in my Mind about Religion, which insensibly drew me back, of which I ­shall say more presently. However, it was not Religion that kept me from ­going ­t here for the pre­ sent; and as I had made no Scruple of being openly of the Religion of the Country, * I knew not where to put it] Defoe was to treat the education of a young boy regarding the use of money three years l­ ater in his Col­o­nel Jack and of a courtesan’s understanding of how to accumulate wealth in his Roxana in 1724. †  two ­Sisters] Crusoe mentions his two ­sisters in Yorkshire ­earlier, but ­here, with a few details, he begins to give them a ­little more shading.

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all the while I was among them, so neither did I yet; only that now and then having of late thought more of it, (than formerly) when I began to think of living and ­dying among them, I began to regret my having profess’d my self a Papist, and thought it might not be the best Religion to die with. But, as I have said, this was not the main ­t hing that kept me from ­going to the Brasils, but that r­ eally I did not know with whom to leave my Effects b ­ ehind me; so I resolv’d at last to go to ­England with it, where, if I arrived, I concluded I should make some Acquaintance, or find some Relations that would be faithful to me; and according2143 I prepar’d to go for ­England with all my Wealth. In order to prepare ­t hings for my ­going Home, I first, the Brasil Fleet being just ­going away, resolved to give Answers suitable to the just and faithful Account of ­t hings I had from thence; and first to the Prior of St. Augustine I2144 wrote a Letter full of Thanks for their just Dealings, and the Offer of the 872 Moidores, which was indisposed of, which I desir’d might be given 500 to the Monastery, and 372 to the Poor, as the Prior should direct, desiring the good Padres Prayers for me, and the like. I wrote next a Letter of Thanks to my two Trustees, with all the Acknowl­edgment that so much Justice and Honesty call’d for; as for sending them any Pre­sent, they ­were far above having any Occasion of it. Lastly, I wrote to my Partner, acknowledging his Industry in the Improving the Plantation, and his Integrity in encreasing the Stock of the Works, giving him Instructions for his ­f uture Government of my Part, according to the Powers I had left with my old Patron, to whom I desir’d him to send what­ever became due to me, ’till he should hear from me more particularly; assuring him that it was my Intention, not only to come to him, but to s­ ettle my self t­ here for the Remainder of my Life: To this I added a very handsom Pre­sent of some Italian Silks for his Wife, and two D ­ aughters, for such the Captain’s Son inform’d me he had; with two Pieces of fine En­glish Broad– ­Cloath,2145* the best I could get in Lisbon, five Pieces of black Bays, and some Flanders Lace of a good Value. Having thus settled my Affairs, sold my Cargoe, and turn’d all my Effects into good Bills of Exchange,2146 my next Difficulty was, which Way to go to ­England:2147 I had been accustom’d enough to the Sea, and yet I had a strange Aversion to g­ oing to ­England by Sea at that time; and though I could give no Reason for it, yet the Difficulty encreas’d upon me so much, that though I had once shipp’d my Baggage, in order to go, yet I alter’d my Mind, and that not once, but two or three times. It is true, I had been very unfortunate by Sea, and this might be some of the Reasons: But2148 let no Man slight the strong Impulses of his own Thoughts in Cases of such Moment: Two of the Ships which I had singl’d2149 out to go in, I mean, more particularly singl’d out than any other, that is to say, so as in one of them to put * Broad–­Cloath] “Fine, plain-­wove, dressed, double width black cloth, used chiefly in men’s garments.” See OED.

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my ­t hings on Board, and in the other to have agreed with the Captain; I say, two of ­t hese Ships miscarry’d, viz. One was taken by the Algerine,2150* and the other was cast away on the Start near Torbay,† and all the P ­ eople drown’d except three; so that in ­either of ­t hose Vessels I had been made miserable; and in which most, it was hard to say. Having been thus harass’d in my Thoughts, my old Pilate,2151 to whom I communicated ­every ­t hing, press’d me earnestly not to go by Sea, but ­either to go by Land to the Groyne,‡ and cross over the Bay of Biscay§ to Rochell,¶ from whence it was but an easy and safe Journey by Land to Paris, and so to Calais and Dover; or to go up to Madrid, and so all the Way by Land thro’ France. In a Word, I was so prepossess’d against my goingt by Sea at all, except from Calais to Dover, that I resolv’d to travel all the Way by Land; which as I was not in Haste, and did not value th Charge, was by much the pleasanter Way; and to make it more so, my old Captain brought an En­glish Gentleman, the Son of a Merchant in Lisbon, who was willing to travel with me: A ­ fter which, we pick’d up two more En­glish Merchants also, and two young Portuguese Gentlemen, the last g­ oing to Paris only; so that we w ­ ere in all six of us, and five Servants; the two Merchants and the two Portuguese, contenting2152 themselves with one Servant, between two, to save the Charge; and as for me, I got an En­glish Sailor to travel with me as a Servant, besides my Man Friday, who was too much a Stranger to be capable of supplying the Place of a Servant on the Road. In this Manner I set out from Lisbon; and our Com­pany being all very well mounted and armed, we made a l­ittle Troop, whereof they did me the Honour to call me Captain, as well ­because I was the oldest Man, as ­because I had two Servants, and indeed was the Original** of the w ­ hole Journey. As I have troubled you with none of my Sea–­Journals, so I ­shall trou­ble you now with none of my Land–­Journal: But some Adventures that happen’d to us in this tedious and difficult Journey, I must not omit. ­ ere willing to When we came to Madrid, we being all of us Strangers to Spain, w stay some time to see the Court of Spain, and to see what was worth observing; but it being the latter Part of the Summer, we hasten’d away, and set out from Madrid about the M ­ iddle of October: But when we came to the Edge of Navarre, we w ­ ere alarm’d at several Towns on the Way, with an Account, that so much Snow was fallen on the French Side of the Mountains, that several Travellers ­were obliged to come back to Pampeluna, a­ fter having attempted, at an extream H ­ azard, to pass on. * Algerine] A general term for pirates operating out of North Africa. †  Start near Torbay] Start Point is south of Torbay, a city located in Devonshire on the southeast coast of ­England. ‡  the Groyne] A slang term for A Coruña, sometimes La Coruña or Corronna, a port on the northwest coast of Spain. §  cross over the Bay of Biscay] The Bay of Biscay was well known for its violent storms; so it is no surprise that Crusoe, ner­vous about traveling by sea, abandons this scheme. ¶  Rochell] La Rochelle, a town on the west coast of France just above 46º latitude. ** Original] Originator.

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When we came to Pampeluna* it self, we found it so indeed; and to me that had been always used to a hot Climate, and indeed to Countries where we could scarce bear any Cloaths on, the Cold was insufferable; nor indeed was it more painful than it was surprising,2153 to come but ten Days before out of the old Castile† where the Weather was not only warm but very hot, and immediately to feel a Wind from the Pyrenean Mountains, so very keen, so severely cold, as to be intollerable, and to endanger benumbing2154 and perishing of our Fin­gers and Toes. Poor Friday was r­ eally frighted when he saw the Mountains all cover’d with Snow, and felt cold Weather, which he had never seen or felt before in his Life. To mend the ­Matter, when we came to Pampeluna, it continued snowing with so much Vio­lence, and so long, that the P ­ eople said, Winter was come before its time, and the Roads which ­were difficult before, ­were now quite impassable: For in a Word, the Snow lay in some Places too thick for us to travel; and being not hard frozen, as is the Case in Northern Countries: ­There was no ­going without being in Danger of being bury’d alive e­ very Step. We stay’d2155 no less than twenty Days at Pampeluna; when seeing the Winter coming on, and no Likelihood of its being better; for it was the severest Winter all over Eu­rope‡ that had been known in the Memory of Man. I propos’d that we should all go away to Fonterabia,§ and ­t here take Shipping for Bourdeaux, which was a very ­little Voyage. But while we ­were considering this, ­there came in four French Gentlemen, who having been stopp’d on the French Side of the Passes, as we ­were on the Spanish, had found out a Guide, who traversing the Country near the Head of Languedoc,¶ had brought them over the Mountains by such Ways, that they w ­ ere not much incommoded with the Snow; and where they met with Snow in any Quantity, they said it was frozen hard enough to bear them and their Horses. We sent for this Guide, who told us, he would undertake to carry us the same Way with no ­Hazard from the Snow, provided we ­were armed sufficiently to pro* Pampeluna] Pamplona, in the province of Navarra, is near the Pyrenees mountains. †  the old Castile] This is the proper name for Castilla La Vieja, the province to the northwest of Madrid, the centrally located capital. It extends northward to Cantabrica on the Bay of Biscay. Castilla La Nueva is southwest of Madrid. ‡  the severest Winter all over Eu­rope] This would be the winter of 1688–1689, which had significant storms. Thomas Short, whose work recorded extraordinary weather throughout Eu­rope as well as Britain, lists the winter of 1688 as “a cold, snowy Winter.” However, almanacs for 1689 continue to rec­ord the winter of 1683–1684 as the most memorable, involving thirteen weeks of cold, and Short lists that winter as “the coldest Winter and longest hoar Frost ever remembered.” On the other hand, during ­t hese years Defoe was almost certainly engaged in commercial ventures with Spain and France and may have had firsthand knowledge about conditions in the Pyrenees. See Short, “A Short Syllabus of the Air, Weather, Seasons, Diseases, and Food in Some Years,” in A Comparative History of the Increase and Decrease of Mankind in ­England (London, 1767), 73–118, esp. 86. See also The City and Coun­ try Chapman’s Almanack for the Year 1689 (London, 1689), sig. A1v. §  Fonterabia] Modern Hondarribia, a Spanish port on the Bay of Biscay at the border with France. Some of the spellings for this town are almost unrecognizable, but Edmond Bohun gives Fontaribie, close enough to Crusoe’s version. See A Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sig. P8. ¶  Languedoc] Name of a province in the south of France whose main city was Toulouse.

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tect our selves from wild Beasts; for he said, upon ­t hese ­great Snows, it was frequent for some Wolves to show themselves at the Foot of the Mountains, being made ravenous for Want of Food, the Ground being covered with Snow: We told him, we ­were well enough prepar’d for such Creatures as they ­were, if he would ensure us from a Kind of two–­legged Wolves,* which we w ­ ere told, we ­were in most Danger from, especially on the French Side of the Mountains. He satisfy’d us ­t here was no Danger of that kind in the Way that we ­were to go; so we readily agreed to follow him, as did also twelve other Gentlemen, with their Servants, some French, some Spanish; who, as I said, had attempted to go, and ­were oblig’d to come back again. Accordingly, we all set2156 out from Pampeluna, with our Guide, on the fifteenth of November; and indeed, I was surpriz’d, when instead of g­ oing forward, he came directly back with us, on the same Road that we came from Madrid, above twenty Miles; when being pass’d two Rivers, and come into the plain Country, we found our selves in a warm Climate again, where the Country was pleasant, and no Snow to be seen; but on a sudden, turning to his left, he approach’d the Mountains another Way; and though it is true, the Hills and Precipices look’d dreadful, yet he made so many Tours, such Meanders, and led us by such winding Ways, that we w ­ ere insensibly pass’d the Height of the Mountains, without being much imcumbred with the Snow; and all on a sudden, he shew’d us the pleasant fruitful Provinces of Languedoc and Gascoyn,† all green and flourishing; tho’ indeed it was at a g­ reat Distance, and we had some rough Way to pass yet. We ­were a l­ ittle uneasy however, when we found it snow’d one ­whole Day, and a Night, so fast, that we could not travel; but he bid us be easy, we should soon be past it all: We found indeed, that we began to descend ­every Day, and to come more North than before; and so depending upon our Guide, we went on. It was about two Hours before Night, when our Guide being something before us, and not just in Sight, out rushed three monstrous Wolves, and a­ fter them a Bear, out of a hollow Way, adjoyning to a thick Wood; two of the Wolves flew upon the Guide, and had he been half a Mile before us, he had been devour’d indeed, before we could have help’d him: One of them fastned upon his Horse, and the other attack’d the Man with that Vio­lence, that he had not Time, or not Presence of Mind enough to draw his Pistol, but hollow’d and cry’d out to us most lustily; my Man Friday being next me, I bid him r­ ide up, and see what was the ­Matter; as soon as Friday came in Sight of the Man, he hollow’d as loud as t’other, O Master! O Mas­ ter! But like a bold Fellow, rode directly up to the poor Man, and with his Pistol shot the Wolf that attack’d him into the Head. It was happy for the poor Man, that it was my Man Friday; for he having been us’d to that kind of Creature in his Country, had no Fear upon him; but went close * two-­legged Wolves] ­Human thieves who preyed on travelers. †  Gascoyn] Gascogne in modern French. It is more likely that Crusoe enters France in this part than at the Langue d’oc farther to the east. See Bohun, Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sig. Rsv.

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up to him, and shot him as above; whereas any of us, would have fir’d at a farther Distance,2157 and have perhaps ­either miss’d the Wolf, or endanger’d shooting the Man. But it was enough to have terrify’d a bolder Man than I, and indeed it alarm’d all our Com­pany, when with the Noise of Friday’s Pistol, we heard on both Sides the dismallest Howling of Wolves,* and the Noise redoubled by the Eccho of the Mountains, that it was to us as if ­t here had been a prodigious Multitude of them; and perhaps indeed ­there was not such a Few, as that we had no cause of 2158 Apprehensions. However, as Friday had kill’d this Wolf, the other that had fastned upon the Horse, left him immediately, and fled; having happily fastned upon his Head, where the Bosses of the Bridle had stuck in his Teeth; so that he had not done him much Hurt: The Man indeed was most Hurt; for the raging Creature had bit him twice, once on the Arm, and the other Time2159 a ­little above his Knee; and he was just as it ­were tumbling down by the Disorder of his Horse, when Friday came up and shot the Wolf. It is easy to suppose, that at the Noise of Friday’s Pistol, we all mended our Pace, and rid up as fast as the Way (which was very difficult) would give us leave, to see what was the ­Matter; as soon as we came clear of the Trees, which blinded us before, we saw clearly what had been the Case, and how Friday had disengag’d the poor Guide; though we did not presently discern what kind of Creature it was he had kill’d. But never was a Fight manag’d so hardily, and in such a surprizing Manner, as that which follow’d between Friday and the Bear, which gave us all (though at first we w ­ ere surpriz’d and afraid for him) the greatest Diversion imaginable: As the Bear is a heavy, clumsey Creature, and does not gallop as the Wolf does, who is swift, and light; so he has two par­tic­u­lar Qualities, which generally are the Rule of his Actions; First, As to Men, who are not his proper Prey; I say, not his proper Prey; ­because tho’ I cannot say what excessive Hunger might do, which was now their Case, the Ground being all cover’d with Snow; but as to Men, he does not usually attempt them, u ­ nless they first attack him: On the contrary, if you meet him in the Woods, if you ­don’t meddle with him, he ­won’t meddle with you; but then you must take Care to be very Civil2160 to him, and give him the Road; for he is a very nice Gentleman,† he ­won’t go a Step out of his Way for a Prince; nay, if * Howling of Wolves] This account of the wolves was prob­ably inspired by accounts that appeared in Mist’s Weekly Journal for 8 March 1718 about similar attacks in the Pyrenees. For a discussion of the impact of this news report on Robinson Crusoe, see Novak, Realism, Myth and History, 35–36. †  nice Gentleman] In humanizing the bear, Crusoe makes him into a stickler for protocol who insists upon certain rules being followed exactly or he ­w ill take offence. Defoe may be lightly satirizing the tradition of ­t hose works that draw analogies between ­humans and animals. For example, Wolfgangus Franzius has several pages devoted to a comparison between bears and scholars. Both, the reader is told, prefer “retiredness and secrecy.” See The History of Brutes; or A Description of Living Creatures, trans. N. W. (London, 1670), 60–61. This use of “nice” is listed as archaic by the OED.

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you are r­ eally afraid, your best way is to look another Way, and keep g­ oing on; for sometimes if you stop, and stand still, and look steadily at him, he takes it for an Affront;* but if you throw or toss any ­Thing at him, and it hits him, though it ­were but a bit of a Stick, as big as your Fin­ger, he takes it for an Affront, and sets all his other Business aside to pursue his Revenge;† for he w ­ ill have Satisfaction in Point of Honour; that is his first Quality: The next is, That if he be once affronted, he ­will never leave you, Night or Day, till he has his Revenge; but follows at a good round rate, till he overtakes you. My Man Friday had deliver’d our Guide, and when we came up to him, he was helping him off from his Horse; for the Man was both hurt and frighted, and indeed,2161 the last more than the first; when on the sudden, we spy’d the Bear come out of the Wood, and a vast monstrous one2162 it was, the biggest by far that ever I saw: We ­were all a ­little surpriz’d,2163 when we saw him; but when Friday saw him, it was easy to see Joy and Courage in the Fellow’s Countenance; O! O! O! Says Friday, three Times, pointing to him; O Master! You give me te Leave!2164 Me sha­ kee2165 te Hand with him: Me make you good laugh. I was surpriz’d to see the Fellow so pleas’d; You Fool you,2166 says I, he ­will eat you up? Eatee me up! Eatee me up! Says Friday,2167 twice over again; Me eatee him up: Me make you good laugh: You all stay h ­ ere, me show you good laugh; so down he sits, and gets his Boots off in a Moment, and put on a Pair of Pumps (as2168 we call the flat Shoes they wear) and which he had in his Pocket, gives my other Servant his Horse, and with his Gun away he flew swift like the Wind. The Bear was walking softly on, and offer’d to meddle with no Body, till Friday coming pretty near, calls to him, as if the Bear could understand him; Hark ye, hark ye, says Friday, me speakee rit you: We follow’d at a Distance; for now being come down on the Gasoign side‡ of the Mountains, we w ­ ere entred a vast ­great Forest, where the Country was plain, and pretty open, though many Trees in it scatter’d ­here and ­t here. Friday, who had as we say, the Heels§ of the Bear, came up with him quickly, and takes up a g­ reat Stone, and throws at him, and hit him just on the Head; but did him no more harm, than if he had thrown it against a Wall; but it answer’d Friday’s End; for the Rogue was so void of Fear, that he did it purely to make the Bear follow him, and show us some Laugh as he call’d it. As soon as2169 the Bear felt the Stone, and saw him, he turns about, and comes ­after him, taking Dev­ilish long Strides, and shuffling along at a strange Rate, so as would have put a Horse to a midling Gallop; away runs Friday, and takes his Course, * Affront] “A Bear ­w ill not willingly fight with a man, but being hurt by a man, he gnasheth his teeth.” See Edward Topsel, The History of Four-­Footed Beasts and Serpents (London, 1658), 31. †  Revenge] For the bear’s vengeful nature, see Franzius, History of Brutes, 56. ‡  Gascoine side] On p. 308, Crusoe states that one could see Gascony and the Langue d’oc from the mountains. He seems to have crossed the Pyrenees in the vicinity of the Valle de Aran. §  had . . . ​t he Heels] Was able to outrun. The OED quotes this passage.

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as if he run ­towards us for Help; so we all resolv’d to fire at once upon the Bear, and deliver my Man; though I was angry at him heartily, for bringing the Bear back upon us, when he was g­ oing about his own Business another Way; and especially I was angry that he had turn’d the Bear upon us, and then run away; and I call’d out, You Dog, said I, is this your making us laugh? Come away, and take your Horse, that we may shoot the Creature; he hears me, and crys out, No shoot, no shoot, stand still, you get much Laugh. And as the nimble Creature run two Foot for the Beast’s one, he turn’d on a sudden,2170 on one side of us, and seeing a ­great Oak–­Tree, fit for his Purpose, he beckon’d to us to follow, and doubling his Pace, he gets nimbly up the Tree, laying his Gun down upon the Ground, at about five or six Yards from the Bottom of the Tree. The Bear soon came to the Tree, and we follow’d at a Distance; the first ­Thing he did, he stopp’d at the Gun, smelt to it, but let it lye, and up he scrambles into the Tree, climbing like a Cat, though so monstrously heavy: I was amaz’d at the Folly, as I thought it, of my Man, and could not for my Life see any ­Thing to laugh at yet, till seeing the Bear get up the Tree, we all rod* nearer to him. When we came to the Tree, ­t here was Friday got out to the small End of a large Limb of the Tree, and the Bear got about half way to him; as soon as the Bear got out to that part where the Limb of the Tree was weaker, Ha, says he to us, now you see me teachee the Bear dance; so he falls a jumping and shaking the Bough, at which the Bear began to totter, but stood still, and began2171 to look ­behind him, to see how he should get back; then indeed we did laugh heartily: But Friday had not done with him by a g­ reat deal; when he sees him stand still, he calls out to him again, as if he had suppos’d the Bear could speak En­glish; What,2172 you no come farther? Pray 2173 you come farther; so he left jumping and shaking the Trees; and the Bear, just as if he had understood what he said, did come a ­little further,2174 then he fell a jumping again, and the Bear stopp’d again. We thought now was a good time to knock him on the Head, and I call’d to Friday to stand still, and we would shoot the Bear; but he cry’d out earnestly, O pray! O pray! No shoot, me shoot, by and then; he would have said, By and by:2175 However, to shorten the Story, Friday danc’d so much, and the Bear stood so ticklish,† that we had laughing enough indeed, but still could not imagine what the Fellow would do; for first we thought he depended upon shaking the Bear off; and we found the Bear was too cunning for that too; for he would not go out far enough to be thrown down, but clings fast with his g­ reat broad Claws and Feet, so that we could not imagine what would be the End of it, and where the Jest would be at last. But Friday put us out of doubt quickly; for seeing the Bear cling fast to the Bough, and that he would not be perswaded to come any farther; Well, well, says Friday, you no come farther, me go, me go; you no come to me, me go come to you; and upon this, he goes out to the smallest End of the Bough, where it would bend with his * rod] Rode. †  ticklish] In the sense of precariously balanced.

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Weight, and ­gently lets himself down by it, sliding down the Bough, till he came near enough to jump down on his Feet, and away he run to his Gun, takes it up, and stands still.2176 Well, said I to him, Friday,2177 What ­will you do now? Why ­don’t you shoot him? No shoot, says Friday, no yet, me shoot now, me no kill; me stay, give you one more laugh; and indeed so he did, as you w ­ ill see presently; for when the Bear see his ­Enemy gone, he comes back from the Bough where he stood; but did it mighty leisurely, looking b ­ ehind him ­every Step, and coming backward till he got into the Body of the Tree; then with the same hinder End foremost, he came down the Tree, grasping it with his Claws, and moving one Foot at a Time, very leisurely; at this Juncture, and just before he could set his hind Feet upon the Ground, Friday stept up close to him, clapt the Muzzle2178 of his Piece into his Ear, and shot him dead as a Stone. Then the Rogue turn’d about, to see if we did not laugh, and when he saw we ­were pleas’d by our Looks, he falls a laughing himself very loud; so we kill Bear in my Country, says Friday; so you kill them, says I, Why you2179 have no Guns: No, says he, no Gun, but shoot, ­great much long Arrow. This was indeed a good Diversion to us; but we w ­ ere still in a wild Place, and our Guide very much hurt, and what to do we hardly knew; the Howling of Wolves run much in my Head; and indeed, except the Noise I once heard on the Shore of Africa, of which I have said something already, I2180 never heard any ­thing that filled me with so much Horrour. ­These t­ hings, and the Approach of Night, called us off, or ­else, as Friday would have had us, we should certainly have taken the Skin of this monstrous Creature off, which was worth saving; but we had three Leagues to go, and our Guide hasten’d us, so we left him, and went forward on our Journey. The Ground was still cover’d with Snow, tho’ not so deep and dangerous as on the Mountains, and the ravenous Creatures, as we heard afterwards, ­were come down into the Forest and plain Country, press’d by Hunger to seek for Food; and had done a g­ reat deal of Mischief in the Villages, where they surpriz’d the Country ­People, kill’d a ­great many of their Sheep and Horses, and some ­People too. We had one dangerous Place to pass, which our Guide told us, if t­ here ­were any more Wolves in the Country, we should find them t­ here; and this was in a small Plain, surrounded with Woods on e­ very Side, and a long narrow Defile* or Lane, which we ­were to pass to get through the Wood, and then we should come to the Village where we w ­ ere to lodge. It was within half an Hour of Sun–­set when we entred the first Wood; and a ­little ­after Sun–­set, when we came into the Plain. We met with nothing in the first Wood, except, that in a l­ittle Plain within the Wood, which was not above two * Defile] A term with military implications in a section of the work filled with images of ­battle. Phillips defines it as “a straight, narrow Lane, or Passage through which a Com­pany of Horse or Foot can pass only in File, but making a small Front.” See New World of Words, sig. Bb4.

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Furlongs* over, we saw five ­great Wolves cross the Road, full Speed one ­after another, as if they had been in Chase of some Prey, and had it in View, they took no Notice of us, and ­were gone, and out of our Sight in a few Moments. Upon this our Guide, who by the Way was a wretched faint–­hearted Fellow, bid us keep in a ready Posture; for he believed ­t here ­were more Wolves a coming We kept our Arms ready, and our Eyes about us, but we saw no more Wolves, ’till we came thro’ that Wood, which was near half a League,† and entred the Plain; as soon as we came into the Plain, we had Occasion enough to look about us: The first Object we met with, was a dead Horse; that is to say, a poor Horse which the Wolves had kill’d, and at least a Dozen of them at Work; we could not say eating of him, but picking of his Bones rather; for they had eaten up all the Flesh before. We did not think fit to disturb them at their Feast, neither did they take much Notice of us: Friday would have let fly at them, but I would not suffer him by any Means; for I found we w ­ ere like to have more Business upon our Hands than we ­were aware of. We w ­ ere not gone half over the Plain, but we began to hear the Wolves howl in the Wood on our Left, in a frightful Manner, and presently a­ fter we saw about a hundred coming on directly ­towards us, all in a Body, and most of them in a Line, as regularly as an Army drawn up by experienc’d Officers. I scarce knew in what Manner to receive them; but found to draw our selves in a close Line was the only Way: so we form’d in a Moment: But that we might not have too much Interval, I order’d, that only e­ very other Man should fire, and that the o ­ thers who 2181 had not fir’d should stand ready to give them a second Volley immediately, if they continued to advance upon us, and that then t­ hose who had fir’d at first, should not pretend‡ to load their Fusees again, but stand ready with e­ very one a Pistol; for we w ­ ere all arm’d with a Fusee,§ and a Pair of Pistols each Man; so we ­were by this Method able to fire six Volleys, half of us at a Time; however, at pre­sent we had no Necessity; for upon firing the first Volley, the ­Enemy made a full Stop, being terrify’d as well with the Noise, as with the Fire; four of them being shot into the Head, dropp’d, several ­others ­were wounded, and went bleeding off, as we could see by the Snow: I found they stopp’d, but did not immediately retreat; whereupon remembring that I had been told, that the fiercest Creatures ­were terrify’d at the Voice of a Man, I caus’d all our Com­pany to hollow as loud as we could; and I found the Notion not altogether mistaken; for upon our Shout, they began to retire, and turn about; then I order’d a second Volley to be fir’d, in their Rear, which put them to the Gallop, and away they went to the Woods. This gave us leisure to charge our Pieces again, and that we might loose¶ no Time, we kept ­going; but we had but ­little more than loaded our Fusees, and put our selves into a Readiness, when we heard a terrible Noise in the same Wood, on our Left, only that it was farther onward the same Way we w ­ ere to go. * two Furlongs] Approximately a quarter of a mile. †  half a League] Approximately a mile and a half. ‡  pretend] Attempt. §  Fusee] A short musket or light gun. See above, 200:8. ¶  loose] Lose. The OED classifies this as an obsolete form.

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The Night was coming on, and the Light began to be dusky,* which made it worse on our Side; but the Noise encreasing, we could easily perceive that it was the Howling and Yelling2182 of ­t hose hellish Creatures; and on a sudden, we perceiv’d 2 or 3 Troops of Wolves, one on our Left, one ­behind us, and one on our Front; so that we seem’d to be surrounded with ’em; however, as they did not fall upon us, we kept our Way forward, as fast as we could make our Horses go, which the Way being very rough, was only a good large Trot; and in this Manner we came in View of the Entrance of a Wood, through which we ­were to pass, at the farther Side of the Plain; but we ­were greatly surpriz’d, when coming nearer the Lane, or Pass, we saw a confus’d† Number of Wolves standing just at the Entrance. On a sudden, at another opening of the Wood, we heard the Noise of a Gun; and looking that Way, out rush’d a Horse, with a ­Saddle, and a Bridle on him, flying like the Wind, and sixteen or seventeen Wolves ­after him, full Speed; indeed, the Horse had the Heels of them; but as we suppos’d that he could not hold it at that rate, we doubted not but they would get up with him at last, and no question but they did. But ­here we had a most horrible Sight; for riding up to the Entrance where the Horse came out, we found the Carcass of another Horse, and of two Men, devour’d by the ravenous Creatures, and one of the Men was no doubt the same who we heard fir’d the Gun; for ­t here lay a Gun just by him, fir’d off; but as to the Man, his Head, and the upper Part of his Body was eaten up. This fill’d us with Horror, and we knew not what Course to take, but the Creatures resolv’d us soon; for they gather’d about us presently, in hopes of Prey; and I verily believe t­ here ­were three hundred of them: It happen’d very much to our Advantage, that at the Entrance into the Wood, but a ­little Way from it, ­t here lay some large Timber Trees, which had been cut down the Summer before, and I suppose lay t­here for Carriage;‡ I  drew my l­ittle Troop in among t­hose Trees, and placing our selves in a Line, ­behind one long Tree, I advis’d them all to light,§ and keeping that Tree before us, for a Breast–­Work,2183¶ to stand in a Triangle, or three Fronts, enclosing our Horses in the Center. We did so, and it was well we did; for never was a more furious Charge than the Creatures made upon us in the Place; they came on us with a growling kind of a Noise (and mounted 2184 the Piece of Timber, which as I said, was our Breast Work)2185 as if they ­were only rushing upon their Prey; and this Fury of theirs, it seems, was principally occasion’d by their seeing our Horses ­behind us, which was the Prey they aim’d at: I order’d our Men to fire as before, e­ very other Man; and * dusky] Somewhat dark. †  confus’d] Jumbled together and, therefore, of an indeterminate number. See Phillips, New World of Words, sig. U2v. ‡  for carriage] For the purpose of being carted away at some ­f uture time. §  light] Alight, descend from their ­horses. ¶  Breast Work] A protective wall approximately breast high, but, in general, any kind of protection from ­enemy attack. Sometimes hyphenated as breast-­work. See Phillips, New World of Words, Llll2.

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they took their Aim so sure, that indeed they kill’d several of the Wolves at the first Volley; but t­ here was a Necessity to keep a continual Firing; for they came on like Dev­ils, ­t hose ­behind pushing on ­t hose before. When we had fir’d our second Volley of our Fusees, we thought they stopp’d a ­little, and I hop’d they would have gone off; but it was but a Moment; for ­others came forward again; so we fir’d two Volleys of our Pistols, and I believe in t­ hese four Firings, we had kill’d seventeen or eigh­teen of them, and lam’d twice as many; yet they came on again. I was loath to spend our last Shot too hastily; so I call’d my Servant, not my Man Friday, for he was better employ’d; for with the greatest Dexterity imaginable, he had charg’d my Fusee, and his own, while we ­were engag’d; but as I said, I call’d my other Man, and giving him a Horn of Powder, I bad him lay a Train,* all along the Piece of Timber, and let it be a large Train; he did so, and had but just Time to get away, when the Wolves came up to it, and some w ­ ere got up upon it; when I snapping an uncharg’d Pistol, close to the Powder, set it on fire; ­t hose that ­were upon the Timber w ­ ere scorcht with it, and six or seven of them fell, or rather jump’d in among us, with the Force and Fright of the Fire, we dispatch’d t­ hese in an Instant, and the rest ­were so frighted with the Light, which the Night, for it was now very near Dark, made more terrible, that they drew back a ­little. Upon which I order’d our last Pistol to be fir’d off in one Volley, and a­ fter that we gave a Shout; upon this, the Wolves turn’d Tail, and we sally’d immediately upon near twenty lame Ones, who we found struggling on the Ground, and fell a cutting them with our Swords, which answer’d our Expectation; for the Crying and Howling they made, was better understood by their Fellows, so that they all fled and left us. We had, first and last, kill’d about three Score of them; and had it been Day–­ Light, we had kill’d many more: The Field of ­Battle being thus clear’d, we made forward again; for we had still near a League to go. We heard the ravenous Creatures houl and yell in the Woods as we went, several Times; and sometimes we fancy’d we saw some of them, but the Snow dazling our Eyes, we w ­ ere not certain; so in about an Hour more, we came to the Town, where we ­were to lodge, which we found in a terrible Fright, and all in Arms; for it seems, that the Night before, the Wolves and some Bears had broke into the Village in the Night, and put them in a terrible Fright, and they ­were oblig’d to keep Guard Night and Day, but especially in the Night, to preserve their C ­ attle, and indeed their ­People. The next Morning our Guide was so ill, and his Limbs swell’d with the rankling of his two Wounds, that he could go no farther; so we w ­ ere oblig’d to take a new Guide t­ here, and go to Tholouse, where we found a warm Climate, a fruitful pleasant Country, and no Snow, no Wolves, or any Th ­ ing like them; but when we told our Story at Tholouse, they told us it was nothing but what was ordinary in the g­ reat Forest at the Foot of the Mountains, especially when the Snow lay on the * Train] “Line of [Gun] Powder so laid as to convey the fire to a greater Quantity, without hurting him that sets it on Fire.” Phillips, New World of Words, sig. Llll2.

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Ground: But they enquir’d much what kind of a Guide we had gotten, that would venture to bring us that Way in such a severe Season; and told us, it was very much* we w ­ ere not all devour’d. When we told them how we plac’d our selves, and the Horses in the M ­ iddle, they blam’d us exceedingly, and told us it was fifty to one but we had been all destroy’d; for it was the Sight of the Horses which made the Wolves so furious, seeing their Prey; and that at other Times they are ­really afraid of a Gun; but the being excessive Hungry, and raging on that Account, the Eagerness to come at the Horses had made them sensless of Danger; and that if we had not by the continu’d Fire, and at last by the Stratagem of the Train of Powder, master’d them, it had been g­ reat Odds but that we had been torn to Pieces; whereas had we been content to have sat still on Horse­back, and fir’d as Horse­men, they would not have taken the Horses for so much their own, when Men w ­ ere on their Backs, as other­wise; and withal they told us, that at last, if we had stood altogether, and left our Horses, they would have been so ­eager to have devour’d them, that we might have come off safe, especially having our Fire Arms in our Hands, and being so many in Number. For my Part, I was never so sensible of Danger in my Life; for seeing above three hundred Dev­ils come roaring and open mouth’d† to devour us, and having nothing to shelter us, or retreat to, I gave my self over for lost; and as it was, I believe, I ­shall never care to cross t­ hose Mountains again; I think I would much rather go a thousand Leagues by Sea, though I ­were sure to meet with a Storm once a Week. I have nothing uncommon to take Notice of, in my Passage through France; nothing but what other Travellers have given an Account of, with much more Advantage than I can. I travell’d from Thoulouse2186‡ to Paris, and without any considerable Stay, came to Callais, and landed safe at Dover, the f­ourteenth of January,§ a­ fter having had a severely cold Season to travel in. I was now come to the Center of my Travels,¶ and had in a ­little Time all my new discover’d Estate safe about me, the Bills of Exchange which I brought with me having been very currently paid. * very much] A strange ­t hing, a won­der. See The En­glish Dialect Dictionary, 6 vols., ed. Joseph Wright (London: Henry Frowde, 1898–1905), 4:185. †  open mouth’d to devour us] For a recent discussion of Crusoe’s fear of being devoured, see Martin Gliserman, Psychoanalysis, Language and the Body of the Text (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1996), 58–83. In e­ arlier psychoanalytic lit­er­a­ture, Crusoe’s phobia would have been associated with fears of castration. ‡  Thoulouse] Modern Toulouse, about sixty miles from the Spanish border and located approximately halfway between the Mediterranean Sea and the Bay of Biscay. Defoe originally had erroneously put down “Bourdeaux,” correcting it in the errata. §­  ­fourteenth of January] That is, in 1689. Crusoe returned to an ­England from which James II had fi­nally boarded a yacht for Calais on 23 December 1688, ­a fter a number of weeks during which his presence had been more or less irrelevant. The nation had given authority over to the Prince of Orange, ­later William III, and was awaiting the meeting of a Convention on 22 January that would decide the form that the new government would take. See Stephen Baxter, William III and the Defense of Eu­ro­pean Liberty 1650–1702 (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1966), 243–247. ¶  Center of my Travels] Most prob­ably the place of repose ­a fter his travels. But Crusoe may be foreshadowing ­future travels that he promises in only six paragraphs a­ fter this statement.

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My principal Guide, and Privy Councellor, was my good antient W ­ idow, who in Gratitude for the Money I had sent her, thought no Pains too much, or Care too ­great, to employ for me; and I trusted her so entirely with e­ very Th ­ ing, that I was perfectly easy as to the Security of my Effects; and indeed, I was very happy from my Beginning, and now to the End, in the unspotted Integrity of this good Gentlewoman. And now I began to think of leaving my Effects with this ­Woman, and setting out for Lisbon, and so to the Brasils; but now another Scruple came in my Way, and that was Religion; for as I had entertain’d some Doubts about the Roman Religion, even while I was abroad, especially in my State of Solitude; so I knew ­t here was no ­going to the Brasils for me, much less ­going to ­settle ­there, ­unless I resolv’d to embrace the Roman Catholick* Religion, without any Reserve; ­u nless on the other hand, I resolv’d to be a Sacrifice to my Princi­ples, be a Martyr for Religion, and die in the Inquisition; so I resolv’d to stay at Home, and if I could find Means for it, to dispose of my Plantation. To this Purpose I wrote to my old Friend at Lisbon, who in Return gave me Notice, that he could easily dispose of it t­ here: But that if I thought fit to give him Leave to offer it in my Name to the two Merchants, the Survivors of my Trustees, who liv’d in the Brasils, who must fully understand the Value of it, who liv’d just upon the Spot, and who I knew w ­ ere very rich; so that he believ’d they would be fond of buying it; he did not doubt, but I should make 4 or 5000 Pieces of Eight, the more of it. Accordingly I agreed, gave him Order to offer it to them, and he did so; and in about 8 Months more, the Ship being then return’d, he sent me Account, that they had accepted the Offer, and had remitted 33000 Pieces of Eight, to a Correspondent of theirs at Lisbon, to pay for it. In Return, I sign’d the Instrument of Sale in the Form which they sent from Lisbon, and sent it to my old Man, who sent me Bills of Exchange for 328000 Pieces of Eight† to me, for the Estate; reserving the Payment of 100 Moidores a Year to him, the old Man, during his Life, and 50 Moidores afterwards to his Son for his Life, which I had promised them, which the Plantation was to make good as a Rent–­ Charge. And thus I have given the first Part of a Life of Fortune and Adventure, a Life of Providence’s Checquer–­Work, and of a Variety which the World ­w ill seldom be able to show the like of: Beginning foolishly, but closing much more happily than any Part of it ever gave me Leave so much as to hope for. Any one would think, that in this State of complicated good Fortune, I was past ­running any more H ­ azards; and so indeed I had been, if other Circumstances had This would make this first volume only the first half or center of his voyages. * Religion . . . ​Roman Catholick] Perhaps a reflection of the manner in which the En­glish nation, at this time, turned against the policies of James II, which, while seemingly favoring toleration in its religious policies, was interpreted by the majority of the nation as intending to turn the nation ­toward Catholicism. †  328000 Pieces of Eight] This would come to £73,800 in the eigh­teenth ­century but somewhat less if one takes the date as 1689. See Phillips, New World of Words, sig. Eeee4v.

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concurr’d, but I was inur’d to a wandring Life, had no F ­ amily, not many Relations, nor however rich had I contracted much Acquaintance; and though I had sold my Estate in the Brasils, yet I could not keep the Country out of my Head, and had a ­great Mind to be upon the Wing again, especially I could not resist the strong Inclination I had to see my Island, and to know if the poor Spaniards w ­ ere in Being* ­t here, and how the Rogues I left t­ here had used them. My true Friend, the W ­ idow, earnestly diswaded me from it, and so far prevail’d with me, that for almost seven Years she prevented my r­ unning Abroad; during which time, I took my two Nephews, the ­Children of one of my ­Brothers2187 into my Care: The eldest having something of his own, I bred up as a Gentleman, and gave him a Settlement of some Addition to his Estate, ­after my Decease; the other I put out to a Captain of a Ship; and ­after five Years, finding him a sensible bold enterprising2188 young Fellow, I put him into a good Ship, and sent him to Sea: And this young Fellow afterwards drew me in, as old as I was, to farther Adventures my self. In the mean time, I in Part 2189 settled my self ­here; for first of all I marry’d, and that not ­either to my Disadvantage or Dissatisfaction, and had three ­Children, two Sons and one ­Daughter: But my Wife ­dying, and my Nephew coming Home with good Success from a Voyage to Spain, my Inclination to go Abroad, and his Importunity prevailed and engag’d me to go in his Ship, as a private Trader to the East Indies:† This was in the Year 1694. In this Voyage I visited my new Collony in the Island, saw my Successors the Spaniards, had the ­whole Story of their Lives, and of the Villains I left ­t here; how at first they insulted the poor Spaniards, how they afterwards agreed, disagreed, united, separated, and how at last the Spaniards w ­ ere oblig’d to use Vio­lence with them, how they w ­ ere subjected to the Spaniards, how honestly the Spaniards used them; a History, if it ­were entred into, as full of Variety and wonderful Accidents, as my own Part, particularly also as to their ­Battles with the Carribeans,‡ who landed several times upon the Island, and as to the Improvement they made upon the Island it self, and how five of them made an Attempt upon the main Land, and brought away eleven Men and five ­Women Prisoners, by which, at my coming, I found about twenty young C ­ hildren§ on the Island. ­Here I stay’d about 20 Days, left them Supplies of all necessary t­ hings, and particularly of Arms, Powder, Shot, Cloaths, Tools, and two Workmen, which I brought from ­England with me, viz. a Carpenter and a Smith. * Being] Existence. †  private Trader . . . ​East Indies] A foreshadowing of The Farther Adventures of Robinson Cru­ soe, published on 20 August 1719. Defoe changed the date of the departure from 1694 to the more exact date of 8 January 1695, still within the year 1694 as mea­sured by a calendar that registered the new year in March, not January. ‡  Ca­rib­be­ans] Derived from the Caribs, the natives of the area. ­Here it is the equivalent of cannibals which, like the Ca­rib­bean Sea, was derived from that word. §  twenty young C ­ hildren] This promise of fecundity on the island may echo Henry Neville’s Isle of Pines (London, 1668) and A New and Further Discovery of the Isle of Pines (London, 1668).

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Besides this, I shar’d the Island into Parts with ’em, reserv’d to my self the Property of the ­whole, but gave them such Parts respectively as they agreed on; and having settled all t­ hings with them, and engaged them not to leave the Place, I left them ­t here. From thence I touch’d at the Brasils, from whence I sent a Bark, which I bought ­there, with more P ­ eople to the Island, and in it, besides other Supplies, I sent seven ­Women, being such as I found proper for Ser­v ice, or for Wives to such as would take them: As to the En­glish Men, I promis’d them to send them some ­Women from ­England, with a good Cargoe of Necessaries, if they would apply themselves to Planting, which I afterwards perform’d. And the Fellows prov’d very honest and diligent a­ fter they ­were master’d, and had their Properties set apart for them. I sent them also from the Brasils five Cows, three of them being big with Calf, some Sheep, and some Hogs, which, when I came again, w ­ ere considerably encreas’d. 2190 But all ­t hese ­t hings, with an Account how 300 Caribbees came and invaded them, and ruin’d their Plantations, and how they fought with that w ­ hole Number twice, and w ­ ere at first defeated, and three of them kill’d; but at last a Storm destroying their Enemies Cannoes,2191 they famish’d or destroy’d almost all the rest, and renew’d and recover’d the Possession of their Plantation, and still liv’d upon the Island. All ­t hese ­t hings, with some very surprizing Incidents in some new Adventures of my own, for ten Years more, I  may perhaps give a farther Account 2192* of hereafter. FINIS.

ERRATA. Page 9. Line 7. for 1601, read 1651. Ibid. l. 18. f. which r. to which. the last l. but one, [l. 35] f. Wretch, r. hardued Wretch, ib. f. the hardned Danger r. the Danger. p. 187. l. 8. dele ­else. p. 181. l. 9. f. bad r. bid. p. 195. lL. 37–38 r dele which is near that Num­ ber. p. 20. l. 9. f. to my r. by my. p. 217. l. 31. f. five of them r. ­those five. ib. l. 32. f. five of them r. ­those five. p. 218, l. 5. f. Apartment r. Bower. P. 218, l. 6. dele the single Man taken in the Boat 5. ib. 218, l. 7, f. thirteen r. twelve. ib. l. f. and the two r. for. p. 218, l. 28. f. six r. five. p. 224. l. 21. f. taken r. taken on Board. p. 225. l. 23. f. giving r. given. p. 227 ll. 19–20. the time r. that time. p. 243, l. 35. f. Bourdeaux r. Thoulouse. p. 245. l. 11. f. ­Sisters r. ­Brothers.

* may perhaps . . . ​Account] Defoe may have been hedging about a pos­si­ble sequel, but having prepared a detailed summary such as appears in the last two pages, it would seem that he had already done some writing on the second volume of Crusoe’s adventures, which appeared in print only four months ­later.

Notifications of Books Printed and Sold

BOOKS Printed for, and Sold, by William Taylor, at the Sign of the Ship in Pater–­Noster–­Row.2193 1. A Neat Beautiful and Correct Edit. of Plutarch’s Morals, in 5 Vol. 12mo. Translated from the Greek2194 by Several Hands. 2. Ovid’s2195 Metamorphosis in a Vol. in 12mo. Adorned with Cuts. 3. —­Epistle in 12mo. with Cuts. 4. Poems by the Author of the Choice. 12mo. 5. Poems by the Lady Winchelsea.2196 8o. 6. Poems by Mr. Dryden.2197 6 Vol. 12mo. 7. Mr. Congreve’s2198 Plays and Poems, 3 Vol. 8o. 8. The New Atlantis in 2 Vol. 12mo. 9. Dr. Garth’s2199 Dispensary. With Cuts, and a Compleat Key. 12mo. 10. Mr. Manwaring’s2200 Works in Prose and Verse, 8o. 11. Adventures of Telemachus,2201 in a 2 Vol. 12mo. with Cuts. 12. Boetius,2202 of the Consolation of Philosophy. 12mo. 13. Bysshe’s Art of En­glish Poetry in 4 Vol. being a Compleat Common–­Place–­ Book, to the Works of our most Eminent2203 En­glish Poets. Continued to the Year 1718. 14. Memoirs of the Count of ­England, by Count De Grammont. The second Edition,2204 with a Compleat Key, 8o. 15. Mr. Lawrence Echard’s Translation of Plautus’s2205 Comedies, with Critical Remarks. 12mo. 16. Lord Clarendon’s2206 History in 6 vol. in Large and Small Paper. 17. The Adventures of Theagines and Chariclia à Romana. Done from the Greek of Heliadorus2207 in 2 Pocket Volumes. 18. The Religious Phi­los­o­pher in 2 Vol. The third and last Vol. is in the Press and ­will shortly be Published. 19. The Annals of King George2208 in 4 Vol. 8o. 253

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2 0. Mr. Desagulier’s2209 Hydrostaticks, 8o. 21. Bishop Beveridge’s2210 Thoughts in 2 Vol. 8o. with Cuts. 22. —­The same in 12mo. 23. —­His Sermons in 12 Vol. 8o. 24. —­His Thesaurus in 4 Vol. 8o. 25. —­His Necessity of Publick Prayer and Frequent Communion. 26. —­His Exposition of the 39 Articles of the Church of ­England. 27. Mr. Spinckes’s2211 Sick Man Visited. Third Edition, 8o. 28. Dr. Woodward’s2212 Fair Warnings to a Careless World. Adorned with Cuts. 29. Dr. Barrow,2213 of Contentment, Patience, and Resignation to the Divine ­Will, 12mo. 30. Advice to a Son, Directing how to Demean himself in the most Impor­tant Affairs of Life, 12mo. 31. Mr. Kettlewell’s2214 Works in 2 Vol. in Folio 32. Bishop Taylor’s2215 Holy Living and ­Dying, 8o. 33. —­His Golden Grove, 12mo. 34. —­His Life of Christ2216 ­w ill shortly be put to the Press with New Cuts, Designed by the best Masters, Folio. 35. Bishop Patrrick’s2217 Devotions, 12mo. 36. —­His Christian Sacrifice. 12mo. 37. Arch-­Bishop of Cambray,2218 of the Existence of God, &c. 8o. 38. Mr. Whiston’s,2219 Theological and Mathematical Works. 39. Dr. Quincy’s2220 Compleat En­glish Dispensatory. 8o. 40. Cato, a Tragedy. The ninth Edition. By Mr. Addison,2221 12mo. 41. The Distressed ­Mother, a Tragedy. By Mr. Phillips,2222 12mo. 42. The Careless Husband, a Comedy. By Mr. Cibber,2223 12mo. 43. The Justice of Peace’s Vade Mecum.2224 12mo. 44. Militia–­Law. Being an Abstract of all the Acts of Parliament relating to the Militia, &c. 12mo. 45. The Compleat Sportsman with all the Laws relating to the Game. 46. The Country Gentleman’s Vade Mecum,2225 12mo. 47. The Turkish Spy Continued, Vol. I. 12mo. 48. Compleat History of Witchcraft, Magick and Sorcery, 12mo 49. Logick, or the Art of Thinking, 12mo. 50. Lawrence’s2226 Clergy–­Men and Gentlemen’s Recreation, 8o. 51. The Lady’s Recreation in Gardening. By C. Evelin2227 Esq; 8o. 52. Dugdale’s Monasticon Anglicanum. Translated into En­glish2228 with above 100 Cuts of Cathedrals, Abbies, Monasteries, and other Religious Houses. Folio. 53. Theatrum Scotiæ. Containing Prospects of the most Considerable Places in Scotland,2229 with above 60 Copper Plates. Folio. 54. Pomponii Melæ, de situ Orbis Libri tres Belgium Britannicum. Auctore. Guil. Musgrave,2230 F.R.S.

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55. Medulla Hist. Anglicanæ. Begun by Dr. Howel,2231 and continu’d to this Time by an able Hand. Adorn’d with Cuts of the most remarkable Incidents. 56. The genuine Works of St. Cyprian, with his Life. Translated into En­glish by Dr. Marshal.2232 Folio. 57. Memoirs of the Affairs of Ireland2233 from the Restoration. 58. Memoirs of the Affairs of Scotland.2234 59. Revolutions in Sweden. By the Abbot Vertot.2235 60. Kersey’s2236 Dictionarium Anglo Britannicum. 61. Wingate’s Arithmetick, with a Supplement. By G. Shelley.2237 6 2. Love’s2238 ­whole Art of Surveying and Mea­sur­ing of Land. 63. Swift’s2239 Miscellanies, in Prose and Verse. 64. A Treatise of both Gobes. To which is added, A Geo­graph­i­cal Description of our Earth, 12mo. 65. Lex Mercatoria, or, The Laws relating to Commerce. 6 6. Martin’s Description of the Western2240 Islands of Scotland. 67. Wits Common Wealth, for the Use of Schools. 6 8. Ashmole’s Order of the Garter abridg’d,2241 with Cuts. 69. The Pre­sent State of France,2242 in a 2 Vol. in 12mo. 70. Epistoalæ Abelardi & Heloissæ,2243 8o. 71. Georgii Buchanani Epistolæ, 8o. 72. Gulielmi Nicholsii Historiæ Sacræ, 12mo. 73. Analy­sis Æquationum Auctore J. Raptison,2244 M.A. F.R.S. 74. —­Demonstratio de Deo, ab eodem Auctore. 75. De Christo Imitendo, Auctore Thoma Kemprisio, cum Figuris Æneis.2245 76. Philips’s World of Words, or Universal En­glish Dictionary. 77. —­The same in Octavo, Abridged and Improved. By J. Kersey. 78. Dr. Salmon’s En­glish Herbal, or History of Plants, adorned with Figures of the most considerable Species, representing to the Life the true Forms of ­t hose several Plants, in an2246 Alphabetical Order. 79. Mr. Bayle’s large Historical and Critical Dictionary, in 4 Vol. 8 0. Bishop Hopkins’s Works, collected into one Volume. 81. The Works of the Reverend and Learned Dr. Isaac Barrow, Published by Archbishop Tillotson. 82. A Report from the Committee of Secrecy, appointed by Order of the House of Commons, to examine several Books and Papers laid before the House, relating to the late Negotiations of Peace and Commerce, &c. Reported on the 9th of June, 1715. By the Right Honourable Robert Walpole,2247 Esq; Chairman of the said Committee. Published by Order of the House of Commons. With an Appendix of Original Papers. 83. Sacred Geography, contained in 6 Maps. 1. Shewing the Situation of Paradise, and the Country inhabited by the Patriarchs. 2. The peopling of the World by the Sons of Noah, and the Israelites journeying2248 in the Wilderness. 3. A Plan of the City of Jerusalem, with a View of Solomon’s ­Temple, and all the sacred Utensils therein. 4. The Holy Land divided into the twelve

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Tribes of Israel, in which is exactly traced our Saviour’s Travels. 5. The Land of Canaan. 6. The Travels of St. Paul, and the rest of the Apostles. The ­whole very useful for the better understanding the Holy Bible. 8 4. Vitruvius Britannicus, or the British Architect, containing the Plans, Elevations and Sections of the Regular Buildings, both publick and private, in ­Great Britain, with Variety of New Designs, in two Hundred large Folio Plates, engraven by the best Hands. In two Volumes. All delineated from the Buildings, or from the original2249 Drawing of the Architects, who have most generously promoted this useful Work. By Mr. Campbel. 85. Pietas2250 Londinensis: Or, The Pre­sent Ecclesiastical State of London. By James Paterson, A.M. 86. The Peerage of ­England: Or, an Historical and Genealogical Account of the pre­sent Nobility. 87. An Enquiry into the Nature and Place of Hell. By Tobias Swinden.

Emendations 13. Bysshe’s] Bysse’s 13. Eminent] Eniment 14. Edition] Edtion 15. Remarks.] Remarks^ 6 8. Ashmole’s] Ashmote’s 70. Abelardi & Heloissæ] Abetardi & Hetoissæ 74. ab eodem] ab eadem 78. in an] inan 83. journeying] journying 85. Londinensis] Loudinensis

Sixth Edition Advertisement—­D6—­O3v THE Life and strange surprising Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, printed in a large Character, in 2 Vol. 8vo, adorned with Cuts.—­His serious Reflections on his Life and Adventures, with his Vision of the Angelick World; written during his Solitude in the Island, in 8vo. Printed for W. Taylor, at the Ship and Black–­Swan in Pater–­Noster–­Row. Sixth Edition Advertisements—­D6—­O4, O4v BOOKS Printed for W. Taylor at the Ship and Black Swan in Pater–­ Noster–­Row. BISHOP Beveridge’s Sermons, 2 Vol. Fol. —. His Theasaurus Theologious, 4 Vol. 8vo. —. His Private Thoughts, in 2 Vol. with Cuts.

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—. The same in one Vol. 12mo. without Cuts. —. His ­great Necessity of Publick Prayer, and frequent Communion, in 8vo and 12mo. Whiston’s Euclid, 8vo. —. Astronomical Lectures, 8vo. —. Astronomical Princi­ples, 8vo. —. Sir Isaac Newton’s Philosophy demonstrated, 8vo. ­ hole Art of Surveying, 8vo. Love’s w Hawksbee’s Physico–­Mechanical Experiments with Cuts. Religious Phi­los­o­pher, 3 Vol. with Cuts, 8 vo. Gravesend’s Mathematical Ele­ments, in 2 Vol. with Cuts. Dr. Desagulier’s Translation of Marriot’s Hydrostaticks, 8vo. with Cuts. Gibson’s Farrier’s New Guide, 8vo. with Cuts. —. His Farrier’s Dispensatory, &c. 8vo. —. His new Method of Dieting Horses, 8vo. General Atlas in Folio. Sacred Geography in Six Maps. Marshall’s Chronological ­Tables, Revised by the late Bishop of Worcester. Whiston’s Chronological ­Tables, being a Supplement to Mr. Marshall. —. His Two Letters to the Bishop of London. —. His Letter to the Earl of Nottingham. —. His Origin of the Sabellian and Athanasian Doctrine, 8vo. Dugdale’s Monasticon in En­glish, with above 100 Copper Plates, Fol. —. Supplement to the same, with Copper–­Plates, Fol. Quincy’s Dispensatory, 8vo. —. His Physical Dictionary, 8vo. —. His Translation of Sanctorius’s Aphorisms, 8vo. Plutarch’s Morals in 5 Vol. 12mo. Adventures of Telemachus, in 2 Vol. 12mo. The Arabian Nights Entertaiments compleat, in 6 Vol. 12mo. Wilson’s London’s Accomptant, 12mo. —. His Trigonometry made easy, 12mo. Collection of Divine Poems. By Mrs. Singer. 12mo. Art of Thinking, 12mo. New General Atlas, printed on a fine Elephant Paper, adorn’d with Cuts, Fol. Ogleby’s Survey of the Roads, improved by Mr. Sinex. Cambray of the Existence of God, 12mo. —. His Dialogues of the Dead, 12mo. Boulton’s Sermon of Obedience to the Higher Powers, 8vo.

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Emendations Euclid, 8vo.] ~ 8vi. Plutarch’s] Plutrach’s London’s] London.’s Evelyn, Esq. [Evelin, Esq.]

Seventh Edition Advertisements—­D7 [O4r, O4v] BOOKS Printed for W. Mears, at the Lamb without ­Temple–­Bar NEW Improvements of Planting and Gardening, both philosophical and practical, explaining the Motion of the Sap, the Generation of Plants, with other Discoveries never before made publick, for the Improvement of Forest–­Trees, Flower–­Gardens, or Parterres; with a new Invention whereby more Designs of Garden–­Plats may be made in an Hour, than can be found in all the Books now extant; likewise several rare Secrets for the Improvement of Fruit–­ Trees, Kitchen–­Gardens, and Green-House Plants, In 3 Parts. The 3d Edition, corrected by Richard Bradley, F.R.S. To which is added, the Gentleman and Gardener’s Calendar, directing what is necessary to be done e­ very Month in the Kitchen–­ Garden, Fruit–­ Garden, Nursery, Management of Forest–­ Trees, Green-House and Flower–­Garden; with Directions for making and ordering Hop–­Grounds. Also the Design of a Green-House (finely engraved) ­a fter a new manner, contrived purposely for the good keeping of exotick Plants, by Seignior Galilei, of Florence. To which is added, an Abstract of the several Acts of  Parliament, to encourage the Planting of TimberTrees, Fruit–­Trees, and other Trees for Ornament, Shelter, Profit, &c. N. B. The Calendar may be had single, Pr. 2s. The History of succulent Plants, containing the Aloes, Ficoids (or Fig–­Marigolds) Torch–­Thistles, Melon–­Thistles, and such ­others as are not capable of an Hortus siccus, engraved from the Originals, on Copper–­Plates, with their Descriptions and Manner of Culture. In two Parts. By R. Bradley, F.R.S. The compleat Parish–­Officer: Containing, 1. The Authority and Proceedings of High–­Constables, Petty–­Constables, Headboroughs and Tything–­men, in e­ very Branch of their Duties, pursuant to Acts of Parliament, with the High–­Constables, Precepts, Presentments, Warrants, &c. 2. Of Church–­Wardens; how chosen, their par­tic­u­lar Business in repairing of Churches, Bills, &c. and assigning of Seats; the manner of passing their Accompts, and the Laws and Statutes concerning the Church in all Cases; and also an Abstract of the Act for building fifty new Churches in London and Westminster. 3. Of Overseers of the Poor, and their Office, their Power in Relieving, Employing, and Settling of Poor Persons, &c. 4. Of Surveyors of the Highways, and Scavengers, how elected, their Business in amending the Ways, &c. With e­ very ­t hing requisite for Parish Officers to know.

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BOOKS printed for T. Woodward, at the Half-Moon, over–­against St. Dunstan’s Church in Fleet–­Street. I. THE Humorist, in a Vol. being Essays upon several Subjects. Viz. News–­ Writers, Enthusiasm, The Spleen, Country Entertainment, Love, The History of Miss Manage, Ambition and Pride, Idleness, Fickleness of ­Human Nature, Prejudice, Witchcraft, Ghosts, and Apparitions. The Weather, Female Disguises, The Art of Modern Conversation, The Use of Speech, The Punishment of staying at Home on Sunday, Criticism, Art of Begging, Anger, Avarice, Death, Grief, Keeping the Ten Commandments, Travel misapply’d, Flattery, The Abuse of Words, Credulity, Eating the Love of Power, the Expedients to get rid of Time, Retirement, The Story of ­Will. Hacket, the Enthusiast, with a Dedication to the Man in the Moon, by the Author of the Apology for Parson Alberoni, The Dedication to a Gentleman concerning Dedications, &c. II. Cato’s Letters, in four neat Pocket Volumes, with the Character of the Late John Trenchard, Esq. III. Three Tragedies by Ambrose Philips Esq; viz. The Distress’d M ­ other, The Briton, Humphrey Duke of Gloucester. IV. The Works of Sir Charles Sedley, Bar. In 2 Vols. Containing the Translation of Virgil’s Pastorals, The ­Battle and Government of Bees, &c. With his Speeches, Po­liti­cal Pieces, Poems, Songs and Plays; The greatest Part never before Printed, viz. The Happy Pair, Antony and Cleopatra, a Tragedy; the Mulberry Garden, a Comedy; Venus and Adonis; Bellamira, or the Mistress, a Comedy; The Grumbler, a Comedy; The Tyrant King of Crete, a Tragedy: With Memoirs of the Author’s Life, writ by an eminent Hand. V. A new Treatise of the Art of Thinking; or, a compleat System of Reflection, concerning the Improvement of the Mind, illustrated with variety of Characters drawn from the Ordinary Occurrences of Life, written in French by Mr. Crousaz, Professor of Philosophy and Mathematicks, in the Acad­emy of Lausane, done into En­glish, in 2 Vols. V I. A new French Method for the easy and speedy Learning of the French Tongue, by Mr. Malard.

Emendation V. Philosophy] Philosopy Compleat Sportsman, with all the Laws relating to the Game, 12mo. Lawrence’s Clergymen’s Recreation, 8mo. —. Gentleman’s Recreatoin, 8mo. Ladies Recreation: Being a farther Improvement of the Art of Gardening; containing the best Way of propagating all Sorts of Flowers, Flower-Tree and Shrubs; the most commodious Methods for erecting Green Houses, &c. Of Plantations in

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Ave­nues, Walks, Wildernesses, &c. with the Gardiner’s Compleat Kalender; or the Art of Manging both the Fruit Garden and Kitchen Garden, e­ very Month in the Year. By Charles Evelyn, Esq.; To which is added a Letter, to the Author, containing some curious Observations concerning Variegated Greens. By J. Lawrence, M. A. Rector of Yelverost in Northamptonshire. Bishop Taylor’s Holy Living and D ­ ying, 8mo. —. His Golden Grove, 12mo. —. His Liberty of Prophecying, 8vo. —. His Treatise of Repentance, 8vo. Dr. Boulton’s Sermon of Obedience to the Higher Powers 8vo.

Bibliographic Descriptions

Title page: [within a double frame rule, 8.5 cm × 16.0 cm within 9.4 cm × 16.9 cm] THE | LIFE | AND | Strange Surprizing | ADVENTURES | OF | ROBINSON CRUSOE, | Of YORK, Mariner: | Who lived Eight and Twenty Years, | all alone in an un-­inhabited Island on the | Coast of America, near the Mouth of | the G ­ reat River of Oroonoque; Having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, where-­| in all the Men perished but himself. | WITH | An Account how he was at last as strangely deli-­| ver’d by PYRATES. | [rule 8.2 cm] | Written by Himself. | [rule 8.3 cm] | LON­ DON: | Printed for W. Taylor at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­ | Row. MDCCXIX. [Harvard H.E.W. 2.3.6, (Widener ‘538.H3., the first issue of the first edition,’ penciled in inside cover)]. Collation: [frontispiece] 8˚ A-­I8, K-­U8, X-­Aa8; [i-ii], [1]-364, [publisher’s advertising 365–68] Sign: $4 Contents: A2 ‘THE PREFACE.’ [period centered], B1 ‘THE LIFE AND ADVEN­ TURES OF Robinson Crusoe, &c.’, G1 [81] ‘The JOURNAL., 364 ‘ERRATA.’ ­Running heads: [A2v] ‘The Preface.’, 2–364 [page numbers in brackets] Typography: 8.2 cm × 15.1 cm, with catchwords, 8.2 cm × 15.4 cm Ornaments: A2 86mm × 12 mm. [centered portrait with mirrored floral design right and left], B1 87 mm × 37 mm [centered book with mirrored floral design and ea­gles faced inwards], B1 21 mm × 21 mm [design initial ‘I’] Catchword hyphenations: 3 Soci-­/Society, 10 Hur-­/Hurries, 12 dread-­/dreadful, 31 I be-­/I bethought, 38 Plan-­/Plantation, 51 Mo-­/Moments, 84 Conve-­/Conveniency, 105 Convi-­/Convictions, 138 Pro-­/Providing, 142 Co-­/Colour, 151 Com-­/ Command, 152 Tobacco-­/Tobacco-­Pipes, 155 Repen-­/Repentance, 169 I  im-­/I improv’d, 171 How-­/However, 286 Spa-­/Spaniard, 287 Spi-­/Spirits, 321 Gover-­/Governour, 334 Ship-­/Ship-­w reck’d, 342 Ha-­/Having, 360 I  re-­/I resolv’d, 361 Cir-­/ Circumstances, 363 al-­/also, A7 v 48. Com/48. Compleat,, A8 76. Philip’s/76. Philips’s 261

262

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

Catchword anomalies: 8 Wind;/Wind? 65 Forks;/Forks,, 85 f/for, 91 [no cw]/common, 112 pture/ture, 127 Besides/Besides,, 145 Time [‘e’ below baseline]/Time, 269 her,/her^, 277 lets/lets,, 301 Man/Man,, 304 help,/help^, 328 I left/I left, 349 Friday/ Friday;, 357 der/der,, Plates: Frontispiece: [engr. illus.] 135 mm × 85 mm; plate 155 mm × 102 mm. [INR note: perfect photo and plate mark Page: 12 cm × 19.0 cm, 37 lines per page; Y7 v 36 line; G6 38 lines Paper: Provincial Press figures: None Cover: 12.5 cm × 19.7 cm, plain endsheets Cover design: Calf, single golden rule frame, 11.9 cm × 19.4 cm Spine: 3  cm × 19.8  cm, 6 panels, with 6 circles about a mid-­circle, framed within flowers, with multiple rules separating bands (all in golden tooling); second panel in gold lettering, ‘CRUSOE’S | ADVENTURE’ with a leaf design below lettering.

ERRATA. Page 9. Line 7. for 1601, read 1651. Ibid. l. 26. f. which r. to which. P. 18 the last l. but one, f. Wretch, r. hardned Wretch. Ib. f. the hardned Danger r. the Danger. P. 274. l. 13. dele ­else. P. 277. l. 9. f. bad r. bid. p. 288. l. 3q1 dele which is near that Number. p. 290 l. 30. f. to my r. by my. p. 320. l. 27. f. five of them. r. ­those five. ib. l. 29. f. five of them r. ­those five. p. 321. l. 11 f. Apartment r. Bower. l. 12. dele the single Man taken in the Boat 5. ib . l. 14. f. thirteen r. twelve. Ib. l. f. and the two r. for. p. 322. l. 7. f. six r. five. p. 329. l. 29. f. taken r. taken on Board. p. 331. l. 14. f. giving r. given.p. 334. l. 17. f. the time r. that time. p. 360. f. Bourdeaux r. Thoulouse. p. 362. l. 15. f. ­Sisters r. ­Brothers.

Title page: [within a double frame rule 8.5 cm × 16.05 cm inside 9.3 cm × 16.9 cm, top frame broken] THE | LIFE | AND | Strange Surprizing | ADVENTURES | OF | ROBINSON CRUSOE, | Of YORK, Mariner: | Who lived Eight and Twenty Years, | all alone in an un-­inhabited Island on the | Coast of America, near the Mouth of | the ­Great River of Oroonoque; | Having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, where-­| in all the men perished but himself. | WITH | An Account how he was at last as strangely deli-­| ver’d by PYRATES. | [rule 8.0 cm] | Written by Him­ self. | [rule 8.2 cm] | LONDON; | Printed for W. Taylor at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­ | Row. MDCCXIX. [BPL *Defoe 27.16] Collation: [engr. illus.] [A]2, B8–­I8, K8–­U8, X8–­Aa8 Aa8 [wanting]; [engr. illus. [i-iv], [1]-364, [2 unnumbered leaves]. C3 wanting, supplied from a “shorter” copy, rebound in the book, and trimmed [cf., BPL cata­logue note]. Plates: frontispiece, Clark & Pine Sc.: [Crusoe barefoot and in animal-­skin clothing with two r­ifles, one on each shoulder, and a foun­dering ship in the background] 136 mm × 86 mm; plate, 140 mm × 96 mm; [A2] headpiece, fruit baskets

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

263

with ­middle portrait, 7  mm × 83  mm; B headpiece [tablets framed by ea­g les], 26  mm × 84  mm; Aa7 doubled segments, floral design [utilized in The ­Family Instructor] 20 mm × 85 mm. Sign: $4 Contents: A2 ‘THE PREFACE. [period centered]; B ‘THE LIFE AND ADVEN­ TURES OF Robinson Crusoe, &c.’; G1 ‘The JOURNAL.’; Aa7 ‘BOOKS Printed for, and Sold, by William Taylor, at the Sign of the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Notes: The word ‘Pilate’, p. 343 is a misprint for ‘Pi­lot’. [Noted in the cata­logue of the Boston Public Library.] ­Running heads: A2v ‘The Preface.’, A7 v ‘ Books Printed for W. Taylor,’ A8 missing. Typography: Page 12.2 cm × 19.9 cm; type: 8.4 cm × 15.3 cm, with catchwords 8.4 cm × 15.7 cm. Catchword hyphenations: 3 Soci-­/Society, 10 Hur-­/Hurries, 12 dread-­/dreadful, 31 I be-­/I bethought, 39 Plan-­/Plantation, 51 Mo-­/Moments, 84 Conve-­/Conveniency, 105 Convi-­/Convictions, 138 Pro-­/Providing, 142 Co-­/Colour, 151 Com-­/ Command, 152 Tobacco-­/Tobacco Pipes, 155 Repen-­/Repentance, 169 I  im-­/I improv’d, 171 How-­/However, 286 Spa-­/Spaniard, 287 Spi-­/Spirits, 321 Gover-­/Governour, 334 Ship-­/Ship-­w reck’d, 342 Ha-­/Having, 360 I re-­/I resolv’d, 361 Cir-­/Circumstances, 363 al-­/also Catchword anomalies: 8 Wind;/~?, 65 Forks;/~,, 72 Evils/Evills, 112 [Scri-] pture/ ture, 128 and/that, 136 Could/Cloud, 269 her,/~^, 304 help,/ ~^, 328 I left/ I left, Paper: Provincial; chain lines 1.8 cm. Press figures: None Cover: 12.5 cm × 20.0 cm; single gold frame, 11.5 cm × 19.4 on calfskin Spine: 2.6 cm × 19.9 cm; 6 panels separated by a single golden rule on each band; panels1, 4, 5, and 6 are tooled intricately in gold within double-­gold frames; the second panel on red leather panel titled ‘DANIEL | DE FOE’ and third panel with gold lettering on as panel plate titled “ROBINSON | CRUSOE | [rule 2 cm] | FIRST EDITION | [rule 2 cm] | 1719; bottom panel, gold lettering above multiple bands, reads ‘I6’. The spine is a l­ ater vintage than the book.

Title page: [within a double-­frame rule, 8.5 cm × 16 cm within 9.4 cm × 16.9 cm] THE | LIFE | And Strange Surprizing | ADVENTURES | OF | ROBINSON CRUSOE, | Of YORK, Mariner: | Who lived eight and twenty Years all alone in | an un-­ inhabited Island on the Coast of America, | near the Mouth of the ­Great River of Oroonoque; | Having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, where-­| in all the Men perished but himself. | With an ACCOUNT how he was at last as | strangely deliver’d by Pyrates. | [rule 8.1 cm] Written by Himself. | [rule 8.3 cm] | The Second Edition. | [rule 8.0 cm] | [printer’s device, 35 mm × 47 mm, three-­masted ship, with winds] | LONDON: Printed for W. Taylor at the | Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Mdccxix. [Boston Public Library Defoe 13.1719.1C].

264

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

Collation: [frontispiece], [A]2, B8–­I8, K8–­U8, X8–­Aa8; [frontispiece] [i-iv], [1]236, 337 [237], 238–364, [advertisements, 2 leaves.] Signature: $4 ­Running heads: A2v ‘The Preface.’, 1–34, page numbers centered in square brackets, Aa7 v ‘Books Printed for W. Taylor,’, Aa8 ‘at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­ Row.’, Aa8v ‘Books Printed, &c.’ Contents: A2 ‘THE | PREFACE.’, B1 ‘THE | LIFE | AND| ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe, &c.’, 81 ‘The JOURNAL.’, Aa7 ‘BOOKS Printed for, and Sold by | William Taylor, at the Sign of | the Ship in Pater-­Noster Row.’ Typography: 8.3 cm × 15.4; with catchwords 8.3 cm wide × 15.7 cm; 37 lines per page; D5 36 lines. Typographic design; A1 [tp] printer’s device, 35 mm × 47 mm, three-­masted ship flying a British flag with winds, B1, 20 mm × 20 mm, design ‘I’, headband: A1, 12  mm × 83  mm, portrait in oval frame surrounded by baskets of flowers; B1, 26 mm × 83 mm, book with pages spread in an oval frame surrounded by ea­gles with outstretched wings in lattice work; A6, 20 mm × 83 mm, l4 floral horizontal blocks linked into seven segments; endpiece: 58 mm × 73 mm, phoenix rising from ashes on a pedestal within latticework Catchword hyphenations: 3 Soci-­/Society, 10 Hur-­/Hurries, 12 dread-­/dreadful, 31 I  be-­/I bethought, 38 Plan-­/Plantation, 51 Mo-­/Moments, 84 Conve-­/Conveniency, 105 Convic-­/Convictions, 138 Pro-­/Providing, 142 Co-­/Colour, 151 Com-­/Command, 152 Tobacco-­/Tobacco-­Pipes, 155 Repen-­/Repentance, 169 I im-­/I improv’d, 171 How-­/ However, 286 Spa-­/Spaniard, 321 Gover-­/Governour, 334 Ship-­/Ship-­wreck’d, 360 I re-­/I resolv’d, 361 Cir-­/Circumstances, 363 al-­/also, A7v 48. Com-­/48. Compleat Catchword anomalies: 62 mock,/mock^, 128 and/that, 260 befor^;/.before,, 244 that [final ‘t’ obscure]/that, 289 fice./fice,, 304 help,/~^, 313 Woods./~,, Plates: [frontispiece], 135 mm × 85 mm; platemark, 155 mm × +90+ (right edge in binding) Page: 192 mm × 117 mm Paper: Chain lines 2.8 cm Press figures: 2: 276 [T2v], 287 [T8], 290 [U1v], 292 [U2v], Inverted cross: 78 [F7 v], 80 [F8v], 126 [I7 v], 128 [I8v], 5: 331 [Y6] Cover: 12.5 × 20 cm Design: Panel 5.8 cm × 13.7 framed in double rules, with broad thistles emanating at a 45o ­angle from each corner within a double frame rule 11.3 cm × 19.2 cm Spine: 3.1 cm × 19.5 Spine design: 6 panels in a gilded thistle design, each within a double-­rule frame; second panel, ‘CRUSOE | LIFE | VOL: I’

Title page: [within a double-­frame rule, 8.5 cm × 16 cm within 9.4 cm × 16.9 cm] THE | LIFE | And Strange Surprizing | ADVENTURES | OF | ROBINSON CRUSOE,

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

265

| Of YORK, Mariner: | Who lived eight and twenty Years all alone in | an un-­ inhabited Island on the Coast of America, | near the Mouth of the ­Great River of Oroonoque; | Having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, where-­| in all the Men perished but himself. | With an ACCOUNT how he was at last as | strangely deliver’d by Pyrates. | [rule 8.1 cm] Written by Himself. | [rule 8.3 cm] | The Second Edition. | [rule 8.0 cm] | [printer’s device, 35 mm × 47 mm, three-­masted ship, with winds] | LONDON: Printed for W. Taylor at the | Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Mdccxix. [Harvard *EC7.D3623R.1719b v.1] Collation: [frontispiece], [A]2, B8–­I8, K8–­U8, X8–­Aa8; [frontispiece] [i-iv], [1]236, 337 [237], 238–364, [advertisements, 2 leaves.] Signature: $4 ­Running heads: A2v ‘The Preface.’, 1–34, page numbers centered in square brackets, Aa7 v ‘Books Printed for W. Taylor,’, Aa8 ‘at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­ Row.’, Aa8v ‘Books Printed, &c.’ Contents: A2 ‘THE | PREFACE.’, B1 ‘THE | LIFE | AND| ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe, &c.’, 81 ‘The JOURNAL.’, Aa7 ‘BOOKS Printed for, and Sold by | William Taylor, at the Sign of | the Ship in Pater-­Noster Row.’ Typography: 8.3 cm × 15.4; with catchwords 8.3 cm wide × 15.7 cm; 37 lines per page; D5 36 lines. Typographic design; A1 [tp] printer’s device, 35 mm × 47 mm, three-­masted ship flying a British flag with winds, B1, 20 mm × 20 mm, design ‘I’, headband: A1, 12  mm × 83  mm, portrait in oval frame surrounded by baskets of flowers; B1, 26 mm × 83 mm, book with pages spread in an oval frame surrounded by ea­gles with outstretched wings in lattice work; A6, 20 mm × 83 mm, l4 floral horizontal blocks linked into seven segments; endpiece: 58 mm × 73 mm, phoenix rising from ashes on a pedestal within latticework Catchword hyphenations: 3 Soci-­/Society, 10 Hur-­/Hurries, 12 dread-­/dreadful, 31 I be-­/I bethought, 38 Plan-­/Plantation, 51 Mo-­/Moment, 84 Conve-­/Conveniency, 105 Convic-­/Convictions, 138 Pro-­/Providing, 143 Co-­/Colour, 151 Com-­/Command, 152 Tobacco-­/Tobacco-­Pipes, 155 Repen-­/Repentance, 169 I im-­/I improv’d, 171 How-­/However, 286 Spa-­/Spaniard, 321 Gover-­/Governour, 334 Ship-­/Ship-­wreck’d, 360 I re-­/I resolv’d, 361 Cir-­/Circumstances, 363 al-­/also, A7 v 48. Com-­/48. Compleat Catchword anomalies: 23 o/or, 62 mock,/mock^, 101 cry’d/cry’d [‘c’ above baseline], 128 and/that, 161 tion’/tion,, 260 befor^;/.before,, 244 that [final ‘t’ obscure]/ that, 267 [omit]/Upon, 289 fice./fice,, 304 help,/~^, 313 Woods./~,, Plates: [frontispiece], 135 mm × 85 mm; platemark, 155 mm × +90+ (right edge in binding) Page: 192 mm × 117 mm Paper: Chain lines 2.8 cm Press figures: 2: 276 [T2v], 287 [T8], 290 [U1v], 292 [U2v], Inverted cross: 78 [F7 v], 80 [F8v], 126 [I7 v], 128 [I8v], 5: 331 [Y6]

266

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

Cover: 12.5 × 20 cm Design: Panel 5.8 cm × 13.7 framed in double rules, with broad thistles emanating at a 45o ­angle from each corner within a double frame rule 11.3 cm × 19.2 cm Spine: 3.1 cm × 19.5 Spine design: 6 panels in a gilded thistle design, each within a double-­rule frame; second panel, ‘CRUSOE | LIFE | VOL: I’

Title page: [a frame of double rules: 8.4 cm × 15.9 cm within 9.2 cm × 16.7 cm] THE | LIFE | And Strange Surprizing | ADVENTURES | OF | ROBINSON CRUSOE, | Of YORK, Mariner: | Who lived eight and twenty Years all alone in | an un-­ inhabited Island on the Coast of America, | near the Mouth of the ­Great River of Oroonoque; | Having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, where-­| in all the Men perished but himself. | With an ACCOUNT how he was at last as | strangely deliver’d by Pyrates. | [rule 8.0 cm] Written by Himself. | [rule 8.2 cm] | The Third Edition. | [rule 8.0 cm] | [printer’s device, three-­masted ship, 35 mm × 47 mm] | LONDON: Printed for W. Taylor at the | Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Mdccxix. [BPL Defoe 13.1719.1D] Collation: 8°[engr. illus.], [A]2, B8–­I8, K8–­U8, X8–­Aa8; [engr. illus.], [i-iv], [1]-364, [4 pp unnumbered] Signature: $4 ­Running heads: A2v ‘The Preface^’ Page numbers, passim, within brackets ‘[1]’, Aa7 v ‘Books Printed for W. Taylor.’, Aa8 ‘at the Ship in Pater-­noster Row.’, Aa8v ‘Books Printed, &c.’. Contents: A2 ‘THE | PREFACE.’, 1 [B1] ‘THE | LIFE | AND | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe, &c.’, 81 ‘The JOURNAL.’, Aa7 ‘BOOKS Printed for, and Sold by | William Taylor, at the Sign of | the Ship in Pater Noster-­Row.’ Typography: 8.3 cm wide × 15.3 deep; with ­running heads and catchwords 8.3 cm wide × 15.7 cm; 37 lines per page; G1 35 lines; Z7 38 lines; page numbers 241–304 [R8–­U8] are undersized. Ornaments: t.p:, printer’s device: 35 mm × 47 mm, three-­masted ship flying the British flag; [A1]: headpiece, 12 mm × 82 mm, portrait with phoenixes on ­either side within to sets of flower bowls; B1, headpiece, 26 mm × 83 mm, an open book within an oval frame, surrounded by ea­gles with outspread wings; B1, design ‘I’; 20 mm × 20 mm; Aa6v: tailpiece, 45 mm × 65 mm, a lion with paw uplifted standing above an oval portrait of a lion in a latticework, Aa7, headpiece, 27 mm × 83 mm, shell in an oval frame flanked on e­ ither side by flower bowls Catchword hyphenations: 12 dread-­/dreadful, 31 I be-­/I bethought, 38 Plan-­/Plantation, 51 Mo-­/Moments, 84 Conve-­/Conveniency, 105 Convic-[final ‘c’ indiscernible]/Convictions, 138 Pro-­/Providing, 142 Co-­/Colour, 151 Com-­/Command, 152 Tobacco-­/Tobacco-­Pipes, 155 Repen-­/Repentance, 169 I im-­/I improv’d, 171 How-­/ However, 177 Sea-­/Sea-­Shore, 286 Spa-­/Spaniard, 321 Gover-­/Governour, 334 Ship-­/ Ship-­wreck’d, 360 I re-­/I resolv’d, 361 Cir-­/Circumstances, Aa7 v 48. Com-­/48. Compleat

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

267

Catchword anomalies: 4 shouid/should, 9 [omit]/The, 36 should/should [‘shou’ above baseline], 62 mock,/~^, 209 thing/thing [‘t’ above baseline], 248 not [‘t’ below baseline]/not, 259 the/the [‘t’ above baseline], 260 before;/~,, 268 [omit]/Upon, 297 Entreaty,/Intreaty,,304 help,/~^, Press figures: 2: 335 [Y8] 3: Aa8 [below cw] 5: 356 [Aa2v] Inverted cross: 190 [N7 v], 192 [N8v], Plates: [initial leaf facing title page]: 136  mm  × 86  mm, platemark 158 mm × 100 mm, engraved by Clark & Pine, Sc., Robinson Crusoe, in animal skins, with two rifles on his shoulders, a sword at his waist, and depictions of the shipwreck (l.) and his fortress (r.). Page: 12.2 cm × 19.2 cm Paper: Chain lines 2.8 cm Cover: 12.0 cm × 20.0 cm Cover design: Calfskin, plain endsheets. Rebound, front and back covers are at variance. Front cover: tooled panel with three frames (staccato hyphens, double rules, and flowers) 7.4 cm × 15.0 cm, with a floral design overlapping the four corners, within three frames 11.2 cm × 19.3 cm; leather tooled but no golden effects; back cover, lighter tan, the frames less elaborate than on the front cover 7.7 cm × 15.0 cm within a frame 11.6 cm × 20 cm.x 20 cm. Spine: 3 cm × 20.0 cm; simulated goatskin, 6 panels with black rules framing bands; second panel, in gold lettering, ‘DEFOE | [rule 1 cm] | ROBINSON | CRUSOE], fourth panel, ‘LONDON, 1719’.

Title page: [a frame of double rules: 8.4 cm × 15.9 cm within 9.2 cm × 16.7 cm] THE | LIFE | And Strange Surprizing | ADVENTURES | OF | ROBINSON CRUSOE, | Of YORK, Mariner: | Who lived eight and twenty Years all alone in | an un-­ inhabited Island on the Coast of America, | near the Mouth of the ­Great River of Oroonoque; | Having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, where-­| in all the Men perished but himself. | With an ACCOUNT how he was at last as | strangely deliver’d by Pyrates. | [rule 8.0 cm] Written by Himself. | [rule 8.2 cm] | The Third Edition. | [rule 8.0 cm] | [printer’s device, three-­masted ship, 35 mm × 47 mm] | LONDON: Printed for W. Taylor at the | Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Mdccxix. [BPL Defoe 13.1719.1E] Collation: 8°[engr. illus.], [A]2, B8–­I8, K8–­U8, X8–­Aa8; [engr. illus.], [i-iv], [1]-61, 63 [62], 62 [63], 64–364, [4 pp unnumbered] Signature: $4 ­Running heads: A2v ‘The Preface.’ Page numbers, passim, within brackets ‘[1]’, Aa7 v ‘Books Printed for W. Taylor,’, Aa8 ‘at the Ship in Pater-­noster Row.’, Aa8v ‘Books Printed, &c.’, Aa7 ‘BOOKS Printed for, and Sold by | William Taylor, at the Sign of | the Ship in Pater Noster-­Row.’

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Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

Contents: A2 ‘THE | PREFACE,’, 1 [B1] ‘THE | LIFE | AND | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe, &c.’, 81 ‘The JOURNAL.’. Typography: 8.2 cm wide × 15.3 deep; with ­running heads and catchwords 8.2 cm wide × 15.6 cm; 37 lines per page; G1 35 lines; Z7 38 lines Ornaments: t.p:, printer’s device, 35 mm × 45 mm, three-­masted ship flying the British flag; [A1]: headpiece. 12 mm × 82 mm, portrait with phoenixes on e­ ither side within to sets of flower bowls; B1: headpiece 26 mm × 83 mm, an open book within an oval frame, surrounded by ea­gles with outspread wings; B: design ‘I’; Aa6v: tailpiece, 45 mm × 52 mm, a phoenix rising from flames in a bowl on a pedestal ­under a cover of floral stems woven into a lattice frame; Aa7, 20 mm × 84 mm, 14 horizontal segments in flowers joined in seven symmetrical blocks Catchword hyphenations: 3 Soci-­/Society, 10 Hur-­/Hurries, 12 dread-­/dreadful, 31 I be-­/I bethought, 38 Plan-­/Plantation, 51 Mo-­/Moments, 62 mock,/mock^, 69 happned/happen’d, 84 Conve-­/Conveniency, 105 Con-­/Convictions, 138 Pro-­/Providing, 152 Tobacco-­/Tobacco-­Pipes, 155 Repen-­/Repentance, 169 I im-­/I improv’d, 171 How-­/However, 262 Know-­/Knowledge, 286 Spa-­/Spaniard, 321 Gover-­/Governour, 334 ship-­/ship-­w reck’d, 360 I re-­/I resolv’d, 361 Cir-­/Circumstances Catchword anomalies: 26 Fear,/~^, 69 happned,/happen’d^, 93 Shock/Shocks, 127 Besides/Besides,, 135 Morning/~,, 150 who/how, Ground/~,, 177 Sea/Sea-­Shore, 221 imagin’d/I[raised]magin’d, 278 stand,/!^, 297 Entreaty,/Intreaty, 299 a-­ground/a. ground, 301 Man/~,, 304 Help,/help^, 325 sidering/~,, 354 t­ hose [‘e’ off baseline]/ those, 362 niards,/~; Aa8 76.Philips’s/76. Ihilips’s Press figures: 2: 98 [H1v], 109 [H7], 146 [L1v], 173 [M7] 3: 143 [I8] beneath cw, 157 [L7], 191 [N8] beneath cw, 5: 118 [I3v], 125 [I7], 132 [K2v], Inverted cross: 196 [O2v], 206 [O7 v], 210 [P1v], Plates: [initial leaf facing title page]: 136  mm × 86  mm, pasted in from an unknown source and trimmed; platemarks eliminated. Engraving by Clark & Pine, Sc., Robinson Crusoe, in animal skins, with two rifles on his shoulders, a sword at his waist, and depictions of the shipwreck (l.) and his fortress (r.). Page: 11.7 cm × 18.5 cm Paper: Chain lines 2.8 cm Cover: 11.5 cm × 19.0 cm Cover design: Calfskin, a tooled golden frame of leaves and flowers, 10.5 cm × 18.4 cm surrounding a panel, 6.8 cm × 14.5 cm with a double-­rule frame within a tooled frame of leaves and flowers replicating the golden outside frame, with a flower, 1.5 cm, extending from each corner at a 45 degree ­angle; and an inside panel, 3.8 cm × 11.6 cm with a double-­rule frame within a tooled frame of leaves and flowers replicating the golden outside frame; panels alternate light and dark browns. Spine: 3 cm × 19.2 cm; 6 panels tooled in gold, each comprising a floral cross within a floral frame, each panel separated by a single lineal band; title in gold on the second band on a red label ‘ROBINSON | CRUSOE’.

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269

Title page: [within a double-­rule frame 8.5 cm × 16.0 cm within 9.3 cm × 16.7 cm] THE | LIFE^ | And Strange Surprizing | ADVENTURES | OF | ROBINSON CRUSOE, | Of YORK, Mariner: | Who lived eight and twenty Years all alone in | an un-­inhabited Island on the Coast of America, | near the Mouth of the ­Great River of Oroonoque: | Having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, where-­| in all the Men perished but himself. | With an ACCOUNT how he was at last as | strangely deliver’d by Pyrates. [rule 8.1 cm] | Written by Himself. | The Fourth Edition. | [rule 8.0 cm] | To which is added a Map of the World in which is | Delineated the Voyages of ROBINSON CRUSOE. | [broken rule 8.1  cm] | [printer’s device, 35 mm × 47 mm, three-­masted ship flying the British flag] | LONDON: Printed for W. Taylor at the | Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Mdccxix. [BPL Defoe 13.1719.1F] Collation: [engr. illus.] [A]2, B-­C [C2 cancel]–­I8, K-­U, X-­Aa8; [engr. illus.] [i-iv.], [1]-316, [4 pp. advertisements] Note: Catchword on page 25 in ‘F’ on differs from catchword on page 25 in ‘G’ ‘fail’d’; C2 and C4 of ‘F’ are variant from C2 and C4 of Defoe 13.1719 1G. Signature: $4 ­Running heads: A2v: The Preface., A7 v: Books Printed for W. Taylor; A8: at the Ship in Pater-­Noster Row.; A8v: Books Printed for W. Taylor. . Contents: A2 ‘THE | PREFACE,’; ‘THE | LIFE | AND | ADVENTURES | OF | ‘Robinson Crusoe, &c.’; | 81 ‘The JOURNAL.’; Aa7 ‘BOOKS Printed for, and Sold by Wil-­ | liam Taylor, at the Sign of the Ship| in Pater-­Noster-­Row.’ Typography: 8.0 cm wide × 15.1 deep; with r­ unning heads and catchwords 8.0 cm wide × 15.7 cm; 37 lines per page; 88, 35 lines. Ornaments: t.p, printer’s device, 35 mm × 46 mm, three-­masted ship flying the British flag; [A1]: headpiece. 12 mm × 82 mm, portrait with phoenixes on e­ ither side within to sets of flower bowls; B: headpiece 26 mm × 83 mm, an open book within an oval frame, surrounded by ea­gles with outspread wings; B: design ‘I’; Aa6v:: tailpiece, 35 mm × 5 mm, a bowl of cones on a vase with a portrait in the base; Aa7: variant printer’s device 35 mm × 46 mm, without the winds but with flags instead of pennants. Catchword hyphenations: 12 dread-­/dreadful, 31 I be-­/I bethought, 38 Plan-­/Plantation, 84 Conve-­/Conveniency, 105 Con-­/Convictions, 138 Pro-­/Providing, 151 Com-­/Command, 152 Tobacco-­/Tobacco-­Pipes, 155 Repen-­/Repentance, 286 Spa-­/ Spaniard, 321 Gover-­/Governour, 334 Ship-­/Ship-­w reck’d, 360 I re-­/I resolv’d, 361 Cir-­/Circumstances, Aa7 v 49. Com-­/48. Compleat Catchword anomalies: 23 clean,/cean, 35 ling/ling [‘l’ above baseline], 62 mock,/~^, 87 that/that [‘t’ is above baseline], 93 Shock/Shocks, 112 pture/ture, 128 and/that, 169 171 How^/However, 177 Sea^/Sea^Shore, 297 Entreaty,/Intreaty, 304 Help/help, 340 presently,/~., [p. 340 reset, the cw is ‘more’, whereas BPL Defoe 13.1719.1G has ‘presently,’. Plates: 131 mm × 86 mm; platemark, 152 mm × [left margin +.8 mm; right margin embedded in binding]; engraving by Clark & Pine, Sc., Robinson Crusoe, in

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animal skins, with two rifles on his shoulders, a sword at his waist, and depictions of the shipwreck (l.) and his fortress (r.). Map held separate from the book in the BPL, 172 mm × 301 mm, ‘A MAP of the WORLD, on wch is Delineated the Voyages | of ROBINSON CRUSO’ Page: 11.9 cm × 19.0 cm Paper: Provincial; chain lines 2.8 cm Press figures: None Cover: 12.0 cm × 19.7 cm Design: Calf; plain, with a tooled ruled frame 10.8 cm × 19.1 cm Spine: 3.0 cm × 19.6 cm, 6 panels; bands plain; second panel in gold lettering, ‘DEFOE | [rule 1.1 cm’ | ROBINSON | CRUSOE’; fourth panel in gold lettering, ‘LONDON, 1719’. ‘. Note in the BPL cata­logue: ‘One of two editions both designated “fourth”. The pre­sent has no comma ­after “life” in the title, nor does the first page of each gathering bear the legend “Part I” ‘.

Title page: [within a double-­rule frame 8.5 cm × 15. 9 cm within 9.4 cm × 16.6 cm] THE | LIFE, | And Strange Surprizing | ADVENTURES | OF | ROBINSON CRUSOE, | Of YORK, Mariner: | Who lived eight and twenty Years all alone in | an un-­inhabited Island on the Coast of America, | near the Mouth of the ­Great River of Oroonoque: | Having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, where-­| in all the Men perished but himself. | With an ACCOUNT how he was at last as | strangely deliver’d by Pyrates. [rule 8.1 cm] | Written by Himself. | The Fourth Edition. | [rule 8.0 cm] | To which is added a Map of the World in which is | Delineated the Voyages of ROBINSON CRUSOE. | [broken rule 8.1  cm] | [printer’s device, 35 mm × 47 mm, three-­masted ship flying the British flag] | LONDON: Printed for W. Taylor at the | Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Mdccxix. [BPL Defoe 13.1719.1G] Collation: [engr. illus.] [A]2, B–­I8, K-­U, X-­Aa8; [engr. illus.] [i-iv.], [1]-316, 217 [317], 318–364, [4 pp. advertisements] Signature: $4 ­Running heads: A2v: The Preface., A7 v: Books Printed for W. Taylor; A8: at the Ship in Pater-­Noster Row.; A8v: Books Printed for W. Taylor. Contents: A2 ‘THE | PREFACE,’; ‘THE | LIFE | AND | ADVENTURES | OF | ‘Robinson Crusoe, &c.’; | 81 ‘The JOURNAL.’; Aa7 ‘BOOKS Printed for, and Sold by Wil-­ | liam Taylor, at the Sign of the Ship| in Pater-­Noster-­Row.’ Typography: 8.0 cm wide × 13.5 deep; with ­running heads and catchwords 8.0 cm wide × 15.0 cm; 23 lines per page; Y8 29 pages. Typographic characteristics. Note: The ‘o’ has been lifted from ‘of’ at page 49:3. Note: In the title page, the ‘a’ in Taylor is off the baseline. Ornaments: t.p., printer’s device, 35 mm × 46 mm, three-­masted ship flying the British flag; [A1]: headpiece. 12  mm × 82  mm, portrait with phoenixes on ­either side within to sets of flower bowls; B: headpiece 26 mm × 83 mm, an open book within an oval frame, surrounded by ea­gles with outspread wings; B: design ‘I’;

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271

Aa6v:: tailpiece, 35 mm × 5 mm, a bowl of cones on a vase with a portrait in the base; Aa7: variant printer’s device 35 mm × 46 mm, without the winds but with flags instead of pennants. Catchword hyphenations: 12 dread-­/dreadful, 31 I be-­/I bethought, 38 Plan-­/Plantation, 84 Conve-­/Conveniency, 105 Con-­/Convictions, 138 Pro-­/Providing, 151 Com-­/Command, 152 Tobacco-­/Tobacco-­Pipes, 155 Repen-­/Repentance, 171 How-­/ However, 177 Sea-­/Sea-­Shore, 256 Atten-­/Attention, 261 I al-­/I always, 262 Know-­/ Knowledge, 286 Spa-­/Spaniard, 321 Gover-­/Governour, 334 ship-­/ship-­wreck’d, 360 I re-­/I resolv’d, 361 Cir-­/Circumstances, Aa7 v 49. Com-­/48. Compleat Catchword anomalies: 6 one/one [‘o’ above baseline], 14 ledge/ledge [‘l’ above baseline], 23 clean,/clean, [‘c’ above baseline], 29 frighted/frighted [‘f’ above baseline], 35 ling/ling [‘l’ above baseline], 38 any/ny, 48 hope/oope [initial ‘o’ above baseline], 52 the/the [the ‘t’ is above the baseline], 57 ever,/~^, 62 mock,/~^, 87 that/that [‘t’ is above baseline],100 but/but [‘b ‘ above baseline], 93 Shock/Shocks, 112 pture/ture, 121 venturing/venturing [‘v’ above baseline], 128 and/that, 149 stance/stance [ligature ‘st’ above baseline], 168 could/could [‘co’ above baseline], 169 I im-­/I improv’d, 177 Sea-­/Sea-­ Shore, 198 But [‘B’ obscure]/But, 237 [no cw, lower r. edge re-­paired but cw unrestored], 297 Entreaty,/Intreaty,, 299 a-­ground/a.ground, 304 Help/help, 340 presently,/~., Plates: Plate source and trimmed; platemarks eliminated. Engraving by Clark & Pine, Sc., Robinson Crusoe, in animal skins, with two rifles on his shoulders, a sword at his waist, and depictions of the shipwreck (l.) and his fortress (r.). Page: 11.9 cm × 19.5 cm Paper: Provincial; chain lines 2.8 cm Press figures: None Cover: 12.0 cm × 22 cm Design: Oxhide; three panels: a tooled panel 2.6 cm × 10.2 cm surrounded by a frame of flowers, with stems at each corner at a 45–­degree ­angle, each projecting a thistle beyond a 6.9 × 14.6 cm double-­ruled, tooled frame, all detail within a double-­ ruled, tooled, frame 11.2 cm × 19.5 cm Spine: 3.4 cm × 20.2 cm, 6 panels; bands designated with golden rules above and below; second panel, rubric label, titled “ROBINSON | CRUSOE’.

Title page: [within a double-­rule frame: 8.5 cm × 16.1 cm within 9.5 cm × 16.8 cm] THE | LIFE, | and Strange Surprizing | ADVENTURES | OF | ROBINSON CRU­ SOE, Of YORK, Mariner: | Who lived eight and twenty Years all alone in | an un-­inhabited Island on the Coast of America, | near the Mouth of the ­Great River Oroonoque; | having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, where-­| in all the Men perished but himself. | With an ACCOUNT how he was at last as | strangely deliver’d by Pyrates. | [rule 8.4 cm] | Written by Himself. | [broken rule 8.3 cm] | The Fifth Edition. | [rule 8.0 cm] | To which is added a Map of the World, in which is | Delineated the Voyages of ROBINSON CRUSOE. | [broken rule 8.2 cm] [printer’s device, 35 mm × 47 mm] | [rule 8.2 mm] | LONDON: Printed for W. Taylor at the | Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Mdccxx. [BPL Defoe 13.1720 v.l]

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Collation: [engr. illus.], A2 [+1 engr.], B8–­I8, K8–­U8, X8–­Aa8; [engr. illus.], i-iv, [engr.], [1]-364, [advertisements, i-iv]. Signature: $4 ­Running heads: A2v ‘The Preface.’ Aa7v, Aa8 v ‘Books Printed for W. Taylor’, A8 ‘at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row.’ Contents: A2 ‘THE | PREFACE.’, B1 ‘THE | LIFE | AND | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe, &c.’, 81 ‘The Journal.’, Aa7 ‘BOOKS Printed for, and Sold by Wil-­ | liam Taylor, at the Sign of the Ship | in Pater-­Noster-­Row.’ Typography: 8.3 cm × 15.4 cm; with catchword, 8.3 cm × 15.7 cm; with page number 8.3 cm × 16.7; 37 lines per page; G1 35 lines. Ornaments: A2v tailpiece, 13  mm × 10  mm, ornament; B1, factotum ‘I’, 28 mm × 28 mm; 364 tailpiece, 30 mm × 51 mm, bust on pedestal surrounded by flowers; Aa7 [printer’s device, 35 mm × 47 mm, [three-­masted ship flying the British flag, with winds] Catchword hyphenations: 12 dread-­/dreadful, 31 I be-­/I bethought, 38 Plan-­/Plantation, 84 Conve-­/Conveniency, 105 Con-­/Convictions, 138 Pro-­/Providing, 151 Com-­/Command, 152 Tobacco-­/Tobacco-­Pipes, 155 Repen-­/Repentance, 169 I im-­/I improv’d, 171 How-­/However, 177 Sea-­/Sea-­Shore, 261 I al/I always, 262 Know-­/ Knowledge, 286 Spa-­/Spaniard, 321 Govern-­/Governour, 334 ship-­/ship-­wrecked, 360 I re-­/I resolv’d, 361 Cir-­/Circumstances, Aa7 v 48. Com-­/48. Compleat Catchword anomalies: 27 raised/raised [‘r’ misprinted], 29 not [misprinted]/not, 37 any/ny, 62 mock,/mock^, 91 ing/ring, 93 Shock/Shocks, 128 and/that, 304 Help,/ help^, 313 Woods,/Woods^, Plates: [frontispiece], 134 mm × 86 mm; platemark, 154 mm × 115 mm, Clark & Pine Sc. [Crusoe on his island dressed in animal skin]; A2 headpiece, 12 mm × 84 mm, portrait in oval frame surrounded by birds with outstretched wings and floral baskets; [A2 + 1] [engr. 300 mm × 175 mm, positioned recto, ‘A MAP of the WORLD, on wch is Delineated the Voyages | of ROBINSON CRUSO’. Page: 11.6 cm × 19.0 cm Paper: Chain lines 2.8 cm Press figures: 2: 2 [B1v], 8 [B4v], 18 [C1v], 28 [C6v], 43 [D6], 67 [F2], 86 [G3v], 110 [H7 v], 3: 68 [F2v], 84 [G2v] Inverted cross: 234 [Q5v], 237 [Q7], 253 [R7], 258 [S1v], 269 [S7] Cover: 11.8 cm × 19.3 cm Design: Golden rule on calf, 11.3 cm × 18.9 cm: Spine: 6 panels; panels 1, 4, 5, and 6 tooled in gold in a radiant-­leaf design; panel two with a red label and the title ‘ROBINSON | CRUSOE’; panel three, a red label bearing the number ‘2.’ In gold within a wreath on a black label encircled by a gold ovoid frame’.

Title page: [within a double-­frame rule, with rubric lettering; rule 7.8 × 14. 8 within a rule 8.4 cm × 15.3 cm] THE | LIFE, | And Strange Surprizing | ADVENTURES

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273

| OF | ROBINSON CRUSOE, | Of YORK, Mariner: | Who lived eight and twenty Years all alone in | an un-­i nhabited Island on the Coast of America,| near the Mouth of the ­Great River Oroonoque; | having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, wherein | all the Men perished but himself. | With an ACCOUNT how he was at last as | strangely deliver’d by Pyrates. | [rule 7.5 cm] | Written by Himself. | [rule 7.4 cm | The Sixth Edition, Adorned with Cuts. | [rule 7.5 cm] | In Two VOL. | [rule 7.6 cm] | [printer’s device, three-­masted ship with winds 35 mm × 47 mm | [rule] 7.4 cm | LONDON: Printed for W. Taylor, at the | Ship and Black-­Swan in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Mdccxxii. [Yale: Defoe 50 722d] Collation: [engr. illus.] 8. [A]2, B8–­D8 [+D1], E 8 [+E4],-­U8 [+U4]-­Y8 [+Y1]-­Aa8; [engr. illus.] [1]-364 [4 pp.advertisements] Signature: $4 ­Running heads: A2v ‘The Preface.’, [1]-364 page numbers centered in square brackets, A7 v ‘Books Printed for W. Taylor,’, A8 ‘at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row.’, A8v ‘Books Printed for W. Taylor.’ Contents: A2 ‘THE | PREFACE.’ [Note italic ‘R’.], B1 ‘THE | LIFE | AND | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe, &c.’, 81 ‘The Journal.’, Aa7 ‘BOOKS Printed for, and Sold by Wil-­| liam Taylor, at the Sign of the Ship | in Pater-­Noster-­Row.’ Typography: 7.6 cm x13.8 cm; with catchwords 7.6 cm wide × 14.0 cm, lines per page; 37 lines per page, 180 36 lines. Ornaments: Headpiece B1 29 mm × 72 mm [portrait of ship in harbor, with winged angels on e­ ither side, and martial symbols on the right and agrarian symbols on the left]; B1 18 mm × 17 mm, factotum ‘I’; Aa6, tailpiece, 16 mm × 39 mm [bust on a pedestal]; headpiece, Aa7 printer’s device, 35 mm ×  47 mm [three-­masted ship flying the British flag, with winds]. Catchword hyphenations: 12 dread-­/dreadful, 31 I be-­/I bethought, 38 Plan-­/Plantation, 84 Conve-­/Conveniency, 105 Con-­/Convictions, 138 Pro-­/Providing, 151 Com-­/Command, 152 Tobacco-­/Tobacco [faint period] Pipes, 155 Repen-­/Repentance, 169 I im-­/I improv’d, 171 How-­/However, 177 Sea-­/Sea-­Shore, 256 Atten-­/ Attention, 261 I al-­/I always, 262 Know-­/Knowledge, 286 Spa-­/Spaniard, 321 Govern-­/Governour, 334 ship-­ship-­w reck’d, 360 I re-­/I resolv’d, 361 Cir-­/Circumstances, Aa7 v 48. Com-­/48. Compleat Catchword anomalies: 29 no/not, 37 any/ny, 57 ever,/ever^, 62 mock,/mock^, 91 ing/ring, 93 Shock/Shocks, 128 and/that, 177 Sea-­[obscured]/Sea-­Shore, 272 Time,/~, [in Yale, both with a comma,no anomaly], 304 Help,/help^, 313 Woods,/Woods^, Plates: [Frontispiece], 136.0 mm × 85.0 mm on a plate 138.0 mm × 87.0 mm, ‘Put this before ye Title.’; [+D1] 142.0 mm × 87.0 mm on a plate 143.0 mm × 88.0 mm, ‘R.Crusoe and his boy Xury on the Coast of Guinny shooting a Lyon. Vol.I.p.28’; [+E4] 140.0 mm × 88.0 mm on a plate 142.0 mm × 89.0 mm, ‘R. Crusoe saving his Goods out of the Wreck of the Ship.Vol.I.p.48.’; [+U4] 143.0 mm × 88.0 mm on a plate 145.0 mm × 90.0 mm, ‘An En­glish Ship comes to R. Crusoes Island. V.I.p.241’; [+Y1] 143.0 mm × 88.0 mm on a plate 146.0 mm × 90.0 mm, ‘R. Crusoe recovers the Ship for the Captn. And Conquers

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the Pyrates. V.I.p.260’ Page: 9.9 cm × 16.5 cm Paper: Chain lines 2.7 cm Press figures: 2: 2 [B1v], 8 [B4v], 18 [C1v], 28 [C6v], 43 [D6], 67 [F2], 86 [G3v], 110 [H7 v], 3: 68, [F2v], 84 [G2v] † [inverted]: 234 [Q5v], 237 [Q7], 253 [R7], 258 [S1v], 269 [S7] Cover: 10.4 cm × 17.1 cm Cover design: Double-­r uled gold frame, 9.5 cm × 16.4 within a rule 9.7 × 16.6; plain leather. Spine: 2.5 cm × 17.1 cm; six panels, 2.5 cm × 2.3 cm. Spine design: Six panels, separated by double rules; second panel with gilded lettering, ‘LIFE OF | CRUSOE | VOL. I’. [Dimensions confirmed by Daniel Katz, Yale University, April 6, 2005.]

Title page: [within a double-­rule frame, with rubric lettering; rule 9.1 cm × 16.2 cm within a rule 9.9 cm × 17.0 cm; in black and red] THE | LIFE, | And Strange Surprizing | ADVENTURES | OF | ROBINSON CRUSOE, | Of YORK, Mariner: | Who lived eight and twenty Years all alone in | an un-­inhabited Island on the Coast of America,| near the Mouth of the ­Great River Oroonoque; | having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, wherein | all the Men perished but himself. | With an ACCOUNT how he was at last as | strangely deliver’d by Pyrates. | [rule 8.6 cm] | Written by Himself. | [rule 8.7 cm] | The Sixth Edition Adorned with Cuts. | [rule 8.8 cm] | [printer’s device, three-­masted ship with winds 35 mm × 48 mm | [rule 8.7 cm] | LONDON: Printed for W. Taylor, at the | Ship and Black-­Swan in Pater-­ Noster-­Row. Mdccxxii. [Michigan PR3403.A1 1722 pt.1]

Collation: [engr. illus.] 8o A [B6 +  1]-­D [+D1], E [+E4]-­U [+U4]-­Y [+Y1]-­Aa8; [engr. illus.] [1]-364 [4 pp. advertisements] Signature: $4 ­Running heads: A2v ‘The Preface.’, [1]-364 page numbers centered in square brackets, A7 v ‘Books Printed for W. Taylor.’, A8 ‘at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row.’, A8v ‘Books Printed for W. Taylor. Contents: A2 ‘THE | PREFACE.’ [Note italic ‘R’.], B1 ‘THE | LIFE | AND | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe, &c.’, 81 ‘The Journal.’, ‘BOOKS Printed for, and Sold by William Taylor, at the Sign of the Ship | in Pater-­Noster-­Row.’ Typography: 8.0 cm × 15.4; with catchwords 8.0 cm wide × 15.7 cm, lines per page; 37 lines per page, N2v (180) 36 lines. Ornaments: B1 Headpiece. 27 mm X 92 mm [portrait of ship in harbor, with winged angels on e­ ither side, and martial symbols on the right and agrarian symbols on the left]; B1 factotum ‘I’, 28 mm × 27mm; Aa6, tailpiece, 33 mm × 51 mm

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

275

[bust on a pedestal]; headpiece, Aa7 printer’s device, 35 mm ×  47 mm, [three-­masted ship flying the British flag, with winds]. Catchword hyphenations: 12 dread-­/dreadful, 31 I be-­/I bethought, 38 Plan-­/Plantation, 84 Conve-­/Conveniency, 105 Con-­/Convictions, 138 Pro-­/Providing, 151 Com-­/Command, 152 Tobacco-­/Tobacco [faint period] Pipes, 155 Repen-­/Repentance, 169 I im-­/I improv’d, 171 How-­/However, 177 Sea-­/Sea-­Shore, 256 Atten-­/ Attention, 261 I al-­/I always, 262 Know-­/Knowledge, 286 Spa-­/Spaniard, 331 Govern-­/Governour, 334 ship-­ship-­w reck’d, 360 I re-­/I resolv’d, 361 Cir-­/Circumstances, As7 v 48. Com-­/48. Compleat Catchword anomalies: 29 no/not, 37 any/ny, 57 ever,/ever^, 62 mock,/mock^, 91 ing/ring, 93 Shock/Shocks, 128 and/that, 177 Sea-­[obscured]/Sea-­Shore, 272 Time,/~;, 304 Help,/help^, 313 Woods,/Woods^, Plates: [Frontispiece], 137 mm × 87 mm on a plate 142 mm × 9.0 mm, ‘Robinson Crusoe as describ’d Page 176 Vol. I. Put this before ye Title.’; [+B6] 138 mm × 90 mm on a plate 142  mm × 95  mm, ‘R. Crusoe Shipwreckt at Yarmouth, Vol.I.Page  13. Clark &c Sc.’; [+D1] 143 mm × 89 mm on a plate 142 mm × 91 mm, ‘R.Crusoe & his boy Xury on the Coast of Guinny shooting a Lyon. Vol.I.p.34’; [+E4] 141 mm × 90 mm on a plate 147 mm × 96 mm, ‘R. Crusoe saving his Goods out of the Wreck of the Ship. Vol.I.p.56.’; [+U4] 145 mm × 90.1 mm on a plate 152 mm × 96 mm, ‘An En­glish Ship comes to R. Crusoes Island. V.I.p.296.’; [+Y1] 145 mm × 90 mm on a plate 150 mm × 97 mm, ‘R. Crusoe recovers the Ship for the Capt.n and Conquers the Pyrates. V.I.p.322’ Page: 11.7 × 19.0 cm Paper: Chain lines 2.9 cm Press figures: 2: 2 [B1v], 8 [B4v], 18 [C1v], 28 [C6v], 43 [D6], 67 [F2], 86 [G3v], 110 [H7 v], 3: 68, [F2v], 84 [G2v] Inverted cross: 234 [Q5v], 237 [Q7], 253 [R7], 258 [S1v], 269 [S7], 297 [U5] Cover: Calf, 12.0 cm × 19.8 cm. Cover design: with double gold rules 10.9 cm × 18.9 cm within a rule 11.1 cm × 19.1 Spine: 2.7 cm × 19.7, with six panels divided with golden double rules 3 cm Examined Michigan 7/20/05

[Within a double frame, 7.8 cm × 14.2 cm within 8.2 cm × 14.4 cm] THE | LIFE , | And Strange Surprizing | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe, | of York, Mariner: | Who lived eight and twenty Years all alone | in an un–­inhabited Island on the Coast of Amer­i­ca, | near the Mouth of the G ­ reat River Oroonoque; ha—­| ving been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, wherein all | the Men perished but himself. | With an ACCOUNT how he was at last st strang—­| ly delivered by PYRATES. | [rule 7.4 cm] | Written by Himself. | [rule 7.3 cm] | The SIXTH EDITION Adorned with Cuts. | [rule 7.4 cm] | In two VOL. | [rule 7.5 cm] | [printer’s device, three-­ masted ship with flags framed by floral leafs, 49.0 mm × 35.0 mm] | [rule 00 cm] |

276

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LONDON: Printed for W. Taylor, at the Ship and | Black–­Swan, in Pater–­Noster–­ Row. MDCCXII. [Michigan PR3403.A1 1722a v.1.] Collation: 12, [frontispiece], [A]2, B12—[wanting M5–­M9]–­N12–­O44. [Unmarked ‘C5’, ‘H3’ set ‘H5’ followed by ‘H4’ and ‘H5’. 8. [i–iv], [1]–144, 106 [145], 146–159, 168, 169 [160, 161], 162–163, 172, 173 [164, 165], 166–194, 147 [195], 196–248, [249–256 wanting], 257–294, [295–96]. Sign: $5 ­Running heads: [A2] The Preface.; 1–294 [(page no.]; [O4v] ‘Books Printed for W. Taylor.’ Contents: [A1]: ‘THE | PREFACE.’; B: ‘THE | LIFE | AND | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe, &c.’; 62: ‘EVIL. GOOD.’; 65: The Journal.’; [295]: BOOKS Printed for W. Taylor | at the Ship and Black Swan in Pater–­Noster–­Row.’ Typography: Type: 7.1 cm × 13.8 cm; with catchword 7.1. cm × 14.1 cm. Catchword hyphenations: 3 preci–­/precipitate, 16 over–­/overtaken, 32 com–­/compared, 35 Pub[]/Publick, 36 Cove–­/Covenants, 56 pro–­/providing, 58 Con–­/Condition, 86 to–­/together, 112 How–­/However, 141 Com–­/Command, 150 encourag–­/ encouraged, 179 some–­/something, 186 Pro–­/Providence, 191 How–­/However, 192 Num–­/Number, 205 Fri–­/Friday, 206 Carib–­/Caribbees, 207 Bena–­/Benamuckee, 210 Con–­/Conscience, 213 pre­sent–­/presently, 214 I ob–­/I observ’d, 245 Grati–­/Gratitude, 247 tifica–­/tification, 273 Pro–­/Providence, 277 Jour–­/Journal. Catchword anomalies: 9 can [‘n’ below baseline], 25 Hatchet:/~., 281 lity:/[omit], 35 Pub[]/Publick, 72 member/member’d, 75 again./~:, 85 hensions, [comma placed line above, displacing hyphen]/hensions;, 115 And/After, 118 Africa,/~., 153 ligh^/ light, 182 Shore/^hore, 219 Boat [‘t’ below baseline]/Boat, 210 ver/vor, 246 more/~:, 281 ity:/[omit] The, Plates: 13, 143  mm  ×  90  mm: ‘Crusoe Shipwreckt at Yarmouth’; 34, 147 mm​  × 90 mm: ‘Crusoe & his boy Xury on the Coast of Guinny shooting a Lyon’; 48, 146 mm × 90 mm: ‘Crusoe saving his Goods out of the Wreck of the Ship’; 238, 146 mm deep × 90 mm: ‘Crusoe rescues his Man Friday and Kills his Pursuers’; 296, 149  mm × 89  mm wide, platemark 151  mm × 92  mm: ‘An En­glish Ship comes to R. Crusoes Island’; 322, 149 mm × 90 mm, platemark 151 mm × 95 mm: ‘Crusoe recovers the Ship for the Captn. and Conquers the Pyrates’. Ornaments: [A1] headpiece, 74 mm × 16 mm; [dogs looking inward, fruit basket centered]; [A2] tailpiece 15 mm × 15 mm; B1 headpiece, 74 mm × 31 mm [ships in harbor, mountains on land]; B1 [1] factotum ‘I’, 18 mm × 18 mm; 65, D9, design ‘S’, 15 mm × 15mm; 294 rule of crowns, 75 mm × 4 mm, and tailpiece, 38 mm × 16 mm [head on base framed in flowers]; [O4] headpiece, 75 mm × 11 mm [floral rules]. Page: 8.6 cm × 16.1 cm Paper: Chain lines 2.5 cm Press figures: None Cover: 9.8 cm × 16.9 cm Cover design: Single gold rules, 9.0 cm × 16.1 cm Spine: 2.5 cm wide × 17.0 deep Spine design: Gold-­stamped, 6 mm ‘I’ between bands; four bands

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

277

Physical dimensions provided by Kate Hutchins, University of Michigan, Hubbard Imaginary Voyages Collection.

Title page: [within a double-­rule frame, 7.5 cm × 13.6 cm within 8.2 cm × 14.3 cm] THE | LIFE, | And Strange Surprizing | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe, | Of York, Mariner: | Who lived eight and twenty Years all alone | in an un-­inhabited Island on the Coast of Ame-­ | rica, near the Mouth of the ­Great River | Oroonoque; having been cast on Shore by | Shipwreck, wherein all the Men perished but | himself. | With an ACCOUNT how he was at last as strangely | deliver’d by PYRATES. | [rule 7.4 cm] | Written by Himself. | [heavy rule 7.3 cm] | The SEVENTH EDITION, Adorned with Cuts. | [rule 7.3 cm] | In Two VOLUMES. | [rule 7.3 cm] | LONDON: | Printed for W. Mears, at the Lamb without ­Temple-­ | Bar, and T. Woodward, at the Half Moon over-­| against St.  Dunstan’s Church in Fleet-­Street, 1726. (BPL Defoe 13.1726 V.1) Collation: 12o. [engr. illus.], [A]2, B12 (B5 +  1)-­C12 (C2 + 1), (C12 +  1)-­D12 (D12 + 1)-­ K 12 (K1 +  1)-­ I12, K 12–­L12 (L12 +  1)-­M12 (M10 +  1)-­N12, O4; [engr. illus.] i-iv, [1]-10 (10 + 1)-28 (28 + 1)-48 (48 + 1)-194 (194 + 1)-240 (240 + 1), 260 (260 + 1),-294, [2pp. advertisements] Signature: $4 ­Running heads: A2v ‘The PREFACE.”, page numbers in brackets. Contents: B1 ‘THE | LIFE | AND | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe, &c.’, O4 ‘BOOKS Printed for W. Mears, at the | Lamb without Temple-­Bar.’ O4v BOOKS printed for T. Woodward, at | the Half-­Moon, over-­against St. Dunstan’s | Church in Fleet-­Street.’ Typography: 7.2  cm × 13.3  cm; with ­running heads and catchwords 7.2  cm wide × 13.6 cm deep; 42 lines per page; 65 [D9] 37 lines with catchword Catchword hyphenations: 3 preci-­/precipitate, 16 over-­/overtaken, 36 Cove-­/ Covenants, 56 pro-­/providing, 58 Con-­/Condition, 86 to-­/together, 101 a Basket/­ a Basket-­maker’s, 112 How-­ /However, 141 Com-­ /Command, 150 encourag-­ / encouraged, 179 some-­/something, 186 Pro-­/Providence, 192 Num-­/Number, 205 Fri-­/Friday, 206 Carib-­/Caribbees, 207 Bena-­/Benamuckee, 213 present-­/presently, 214 I ob-­/I observ’d, 245 Grati-­/Gratitude, 273 Pro-­/Providence, 277 Jour-­/ Journal: Catchword anomalies: 4 ted/ed, 25 Hatchet:/~., 39 Ship^s [‘s’ below baseline]/Ship’s, 49 How/However, 57 too[?]/took, 59 [omit]/as; 72 eight/light [‘e’ obscured]; 72 member/member’d, 76 again./~:, 77 [incomplete impression]/I, 109 Sides^, ~.; 115 And/After, 118 Africa,/~.; 158 woo^y/woody, 169 which [terminal ‘d’ below baseline]/which, 191 How/However, 246 more:/~:, 281 [Qua-]lity:/ [omit cw] Press figures: i: 39 [C8], 93 [E11], 144 [G12v], 146 [H1v], 170 [I1v] 3: 130 [G5v], 4: 49 [D1, left margin], 63 [D8], 87 [E8], 98 (F1v],

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Plates: [B5 + 1] 137 mm × 81 mm, platemark 143 mm × 9.5 mm, ‘R. Crusoe Shipwreckt at Yarmouth. Vol. I. Page 11. Clarke &c. Sc.’; [C2 + 1] 142 mm × 90 mm, platemark 146 mm × 9[5]mm; ‘R. Crusoe & his boy Xury on the Coast of Guinny shooting a Lyon. Vol. I. P. 28.’; [K1 + 1 (verso)], 141 mm × 91 mm, platemark 145 mm × 9[3]mm; ‘R. Crusoe rescues his Man Friday and Kills his Pursuers. Vol. I. Page 195.’; [L12 + 1] 144 mm × 92 mm, platemark 151 × 9[3+]; ‘An En­glish Ship comes to R. Crusoes Island. V.I. p. 241.’; [M9 + 1] 144 mm × 91 mm, platemark 148 mm × 9[5] mm, ‘R. Crusoe recovers the Ship for the Captn. And Conquers the Pyrates. V.I. p. 260.’ Page: 165 mm × 96 mm Paper: Chain lines 1.8 cm Cover: 9.7 cm × 17.1 cm Design: Sheepskin, with a double-­ r ule frame, 8.7  cm × 16.1  cm within 8.8 cm × 16.3 cm Spine: Goatskin; 6 panels, 5 plain bands; second panel, ‘DEFOE | [rule 1.1 cm] | ROBINSON | CRUSOE’ Binding repaired 7/22/1936

Title page: [within a double frame rule, 7.5 cm × 13.3 cm within 8.4 cm × 14.0 cm] THE | LIFE | AND | Strange Surprizing | ADVENTURES | OF | ROBINSON CRUSOE, |Of YORK, Mariner: | Who lived Eight and Twenty Years, all | alone in an un-­inhabited Island on the | Coast of America, near the Mouth of | the ­Great River of Oroonoque;| Having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, wherein | all the Men perished but himself. | WITH | An Account how he was at last as strangely deli-­/ver’d by PYRATES. | [rule 7.4 cm] | Written by Himself. | [rule 7.3 mm] | DUB­ LIN: | Printed for J. Gill in High-­street, J. Hyde in Dame-­| street, G. Grierson and R. Gunne in Essex-­street, R. | Owen in Skinner-­Row, E. Dobson Ju­nior in Ca-­ | stle-­street, and G. Risk, in Dame-­street, Booksellers.| MDCCXIX. [BPL XDefoe.13.1719A] Published with [within a double-­rule frame] THE FARTHER | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe; | Being the Second and Last Part | OF HIS | LIFE, |and of the Strange Surprising | Accounts of his Travels | Round three Parts of the Globe. | [rule 6.8 cm] | Written by Himself. | [rule 6.8 cm] | To which is added a Map of the World, in which | is Delineated the Voyages of ROBINSON | CRUSOE. | rule 6.9 cm]. | DUBLIN: | Printed for J. Gill in High-­street, J. Hyde in Dame-­| street, G. Grierson and R. Gunne in Essex-­street, R. | Owen in Skinner-­Row, E. Dobson Ju­nior in Castle | street, and G. Risk, in Dame-­street, Booksellers. | MDCCXIX. [BPL XDefoe.13.1719A] Collation: [frontispiece] 8o. [A]8–­I8, K8–­S4; [A8]-­I8, K8–­R8; frontispiece, [t.p. as 1]148, 497 [149], 150–280; [t.p. a 1]-162, 162 [163[, 164–172. Note: The Farther Adventures lacks signature ‘B3’, signing ‘B4’ with the wrong designation as ‘B3’. Signature: $4 ­Running heads: RC: A2v ‘The PREFACE.’, passim, page numbers centered in brackets; FA: A2v ‘The PREFACE’, passim, page numbers centered in parentheses

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

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Contents: RC: A2 ‘THE | PREFACE.’, A3 ‘THE | LIFE | AND | ADVENTURES | OF | ROBINSON CRUSOE, &c.’, FA: A2 ‘THE | PREFACE.’, A3 ‘The Farther | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe, &c.’ Typography: RC: 7.8 cm wide × 13.5 deep; with ­running heads and catchwords 8.0 cm wide × 13.6 cm; 40 lines per page; 65 [E1] 41 lines; 66 [E1v] 39 lines; FA, D4 41 lines Ornaments: RC: A2, A3 headband of ovoid rules capped with a crown, 1 cm × 8.6 cm, A3, design ‘I’, 14 mm × 15 mm; FA: A3 factotum ‘T’, 36 mm × 32 mm; tailpiece, 35 mm × 55 mm, ­piper on a pedestal framed by flowers Catchword hyphenations: RC: 27 Seve-­/Several, 28 Howe-­/However, 31 for-­/forward, 33 How-­/However, Ame-­/Amer­i­ca, 160 Re-­/Religion, 164 How-­/However, 165 Ac-­/Accordingly, 177 sup-­/support, 184 preserva-­/preservation, 185 in-­/into, 197 Sa-­/ Satisfaction, Observa-­/Observations, 240 Con-­/Consequence, thou-­/thousand, 260 Re-­/Return, 273 up-­/upon; FA: 54 Crea-­/Creatures, 56 gene-­/generally, 57 Obser­/Observation, 106 extra-­/extraordinary, 115 Mur-­/Mutherers, 117 Doubt-­/Doubtless, Seig-­/Seignior, 208 thou-­/thousand, 209 Ex-­/Extremity, Catchword anomalies: RC: 53 dy,/ly,, 72 [omit]/in, 101 had/had [‘h’ off baseline], 129 Desart!/~!, 497 [149] [plan] ted/been planted, 155 ing,/How, 161 call’d/call’d [‘c’ above baseline, 216^oor/poor, 219 2 Kill’d [‘d’ above baseline]/2 Kill’d, 257 dead,/~;, 268 [omit]/It, 270 bly/bly [‘b’ above baseline], 274 rate,/^ate; FA: A2v THE/The, 14 I [obscured]/I, 17 being/being [‘b’ above baseline], 21 [omit]/I, 38 they/they [‘t’ above baseline], 94 Passag^/Passage, 113 no^/not, 135 VV.A/W. A., 145 I/I, 161 CaPe/ Cape, 169 they/they [‘t’ above baseline], 173 and/Men, 176 [omit]/I, 199 pitiful/Pitiful, 203 teer,/vateer,, 230 Then/Their, 241 Maker,/~;, 252 or [‘r’ below baseline]/or, 259 good,/~: Plates: [frontispiece] 133 mm × 81 mm, platemark, 140 mm × 81 mm + 5 mm (left margin) Page: [heavi­ly trimmed] 9.7 cm × 14.7 cm Paper: Chain line 2.5 cm Press Figures: None Cover: 9.7 cm × 15.2 cm Design: Rebound, calf, dark brown; tooled double-­rule frame 9.2 cm × 14.3 Spine: 2.7 cm × 15.1, 5 plain panels; second panel on a red label in a double-­rule frame, ‘ROBINSON | CRUSOE’

Title Page: [with rubric lettering] LA VIE | ET LES | AVANTURES | SUPRENANTES | DE | ROBINSON CRUSOE. | Contenant entre autres évenements, le sé-­| jour qu’il a fait pendant vingt & huit ans | dans une Isle déserte, située sur la Cô-­| te de l’Amerique, près de l’embouchure | de la grande Riviere Oroonoque. | Le tout écrit par lui-­même.} TRADUIT DE L’ANGLOIS. [Device 36 mm × 45 mm, ‘UBERTAS EX FŒDERE ET PACE.’ With two naked youth holding fruited horns at fasces pedestal with double-­heart on top (B. Picart. del. 1918.)] | A

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Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

AMSTERDAM, | Chez l’Honoré et Chatelain. | [rule 6.3  cm] | MDCCXX. [Michigan PR 3403.F5 v.1]. Collation: fp, [1*]-­*2–­*5[*6, *78] [+*7)], A12–­E12 [+E2]-­I12 [+12], K12–­ T [+1]-­T12, V12, 12 X [X5 + 1], Aa12 [aa8 +  1]-­Dd4; [tp I]-­II-­X I [should be IX],-­X-­X II; [1]-102, 203 [1–3], 104–335, 338 [336], 337–629. Signature: $7 ­Running heads: *2v-­*7v PREFACE.; A12–­DD34, [1]-629: verso, ‘Les Avantures’; recto, ‘de Robinson Crusoe.’ Contents: *2 ‘PREFACE.’; A1 ‘LA VIE ET LES AVANTURES DE ROBINSON CRUSOE.’ Typography: 6.3 cm × 12 cm; with catchwords 6.3 cm × 12.5 cm, lines per page: 29 Ornaments: *2 Headpiece, design blocks inverted 17  mm  × 32  mm [17 mm × 65 mm]; A1 21 mm × 77 mm [reversed floral design centered on an inkwell on a base carved with smiling or sinister face]; Dd3 27 mm × 35 mm [floral finial] Catchword hyphenations: *5 d’in-­/d’inferer, [*6v] Puis-­/Puissance, 2 bli-­/bliques, 4 sou-­/souhaité, 5 mo-­/moderation, 10 plai-­/plaignois, 13 m’ac-­/m’accoûtumer, 14 Com-­/Comment, 17 au-­/augmenta, 18 Gou-­/Gouvernail, 23 con-­/convinrent, 24 for-­/ force, ge-­/gement, 26 con-­/conviction, 27 diffé/différent, 37 lors/-­/lorsqu’il, 40 Capi-­/Capitaine, 45 vou-­/vouloir, 47 chan-­/ changeai, 49 pou-­/pouvantable, 51 n’é/n’etoit, 55  l’ordi-­ /l’ordinaire, 56 Te-­ /Teneriffe, 57 mons-­ /monstre, 64  L’é-­ / L’étonnement, 65 d’a/d’abord, 82 ve-­/venoient, 85 pou-­/pouvoit, 86 j’a/j’avois, 88 fan-­/fantaisie, 89 ten-­/tentrionale, 100 tour-/.tourner, 203 [103] chas-­/chaser, 104 ve-­/ verois 108 cou-­/courager, 112 Ba-­/Barils, 120 gran-­grande, 122 Com-­/Comme, 123 n’a-­/n’avoir, 129 so-­solantes, 130 l’Edi-­/l’Edifice, 131 Com-­/Comme, 133 cou-­/couper, 134 dres-­/dressai, 137 enco-­/encore, 138 sé-­/sément, 140 Pro-­/Providence, 148 ve-­/ venoient, 149 ma-­/maniere, 152 nan-­/nantes [chagrinantes], 153 ar-­/arrangez, 155 sam-­/samment [suffisamment], 157 tan-­/tantôt, 159 fero-­/feroces, 161 compa-­/compagnée, 165 der-­/derniere, 169 ou-­/outils, 172 en-­/enclose, 179 Cet-­/Cette, 184 tre-­/ trevoir, 188 gré-­/gréablement, 193 n’a-­/mavois, 201 hor-­/horreurs, 207 sou-­/soupie [assoupie], 210 chisse-­/chissements [rafraichissements], 214 men-­/mençoit [commençoit], 218 quel-­/quelque, 222 di-­/dire, 223 néan-­/néanmoins, 228 com-­/comme, 232 bran-­/branches, 235 te-­/nant [maintenant], 242 ris-­/risquér, 250 situa-­/situation, 252 ani-­/animaux, 253 suf-­/suffisamment, 258 En-­/Ensuite, 264 néan-­/néanmoins, 269 les-­/lesquels, 271 exé-­/execution, 276 pro-­/propres, 277 plu-­/pluvieuse, 278 seule­/seulement, 279 pro-­/propre, 289 ble-­/blement [veritablement], 290 consi-­/considerant, 294  d’a-­ /d’avoir, 298 der-­ /dernier, 301  Pa-­ /Parabole, 302 en-­ /entiere, 318 l’a-­/l’achevai, 320 Royau-­/Royaume, 323 très-­/très-­profonde, 330 Com-­/Comme, 333 fu-­/fumée, 334 nou-­/nouveau, 353 m’ima-­/m’imaginois, 354 suffi-­/suffisantes, 359 histoi-­/histoires, 361 hom-­/hommes, 364 dis-­/distance, 373 s’at-­/s’attendant, 376 m’a-­/m’avoit, 377 di-­/divertissements, 379 que-­/queroient, 388 con-­/contemplé, 395 pen-­/pendant, 405 cha-­/chaloupe, 411 com-­/comme, 413 ton-­/tonneaux, 416 sou-­/ souliers, 420 soli-­/solitaire, 4309 sui-­/suivoient, 433 cieu-­/cieusement [gracieusement], 434 ten-­/tendre, 436 don-­/donnai, 441 ce-­/cement, 442 inca-­/incapable, 447

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quel-­/ques 449 d’au-­/d’autant, 451 Ven-­/Vendredi, 455 ca-­/capable, 460 cul-­/culte, 462 salu-­/salutaires, 465 com-­/commença, 470 de-­/demandois, 473 tre-­/treprendre, 476 Angle-­/Angleterre, 478 cele-­/celebrer, 480 mo-­/moment, 481 dis-­/dis-je, 593 J’ob-­/J’observai, 484 lui-­/lui-­même, 488 tre-­/trepidité, 491 L’Es-­/L’Espagnol, 497 don-­/ donnoit, 498 Quoi-­/Quoique, 507 diffi-­/difficulté, 513 en-­/enclos, 515 cal-­/calcul, 519 eu-­/eurent, 524 ar-­/arbre, l’au-­/l’autre, 528 moin-­/moindre, 531 re-­/repentir, 533 d’au-­/d’autres, 535 fis-­/fissent, 537 vi-­/vidence, 539 per-­/persuadé, 543 pour-­/pourrions547 Es-­/Esprits, 552 Com-­/Comme, 555 man-­/manquer, 558 me-­/menoit, 565 quel-­/quelles, 584 con-­/conduire, 587 Li-­/Livres, 588 Ce-­/Cependant, 590 moin-­/ moindre, 593 Fran-­ /France, 599 Aussi-­ /Aussi-­ tot, 605 che-­ /chemin, 612 rê-­ / rêterent, 613 pa-­/paroître, 616 J’au/J’aurois, 621 avois-­/avois-je, 622 pon-­/pondit, 628 abî-­/abîmé Catchword anomalies: *7v LES/[omit 8], 193 n’a/m’avois, 235 te-­/nant, 237 nu [‘u’ subscript], 324 rant/rant [‘r’ raised], 447 quel-­/ques, 540 uons/nous, 595 heu [‘r’ missing’]/heur, Plates: [Frontispiece] 130 mm × 81 mm on a plate 140 mm × 88 mm, titled on the bottom plate mark ‘ROBINSON CRUSOE.’ [barefoot Crusoe dressed in animal skins at ocean­side with a turtle at his right foot, Crusoe in possession of an umbrella, a ­rifle, and a saw.]; map 305 mm × 173 mm on a plate 315 mm × 175 mm, heading: ‘MAPPE-­MONDE ou CARTE GENERALE DE LA TERRE, | Sur la quélle est trace le Voyage de | Robinson Crusoe.; E2 + 1 132  mm × 75  mm on a plate 140 mm × 80 mm, ‘Page 102’ on the upper plate mark; lower plate mark, ‘Naufrage de Robinson. il êst jetté dans une Ille déserte.’ [a ship flooded, an overturned small boat, and a figure clinging to a rock amidst the storm]; I12 + 1 132 mm × 75 mm on a plate 142 mm × 85 mm, ‘Page 226’ on the upper plate mark; on the bottom plate mark, ‘Reve et Conversion de Robinson.’ [Crusoe in his shelter at his desk with an ornamented dream sequence above of an angel bringing about his conversion]; T1 + 1 133 mm × 74 mm on a plate 140 × 80 mm, with ‘Page 434’ on the upper platemark; lower plate mark, ‘Le Sauvage apres sa delivrance se prosterne aux pieds de Robinson.’ [Friday prostrate before Crusoe with two dead natives nearby and ­others fleeing across the river]; X5 + 1 Cover: 10 cm × 16.7 cm, pigskin [mottled black spots, deep brown] Cover design: plain Spine: 3.5 cm × 16.7 cm; 6 panels each separated by a floral ridge; top panel, a flower; second panel, red leather and the letters ‘AVANTVRES | DE | ROBINSON’; third, fourth, and fifth panels configured with a floral design and a centered diamond.

Title ­page, Vol. 1: [in black and red] Das Leben | und die gantz ungemeine | Begebenheiten | Des | ROBINSON | CRUSOE, | Welcher unter andern auf der Americani-­| schen Küste durch Sturm Schiffbruch erlitten, | und bey dem Ausfluss des grossen Strohms Oroonoko an | eine unbewohnte Insul verschlagen worden, auf

282

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welcher | er über acht und zwantzig Jahr, biss zu seiner wunder-­| baren Befreyung, gelebet hat, | Von ihm selbst beschrieben, und um seiner | Fürtrefflichkeit willen aus dem Englischen | ins Teutsche übersetzt. | Die Sechste Auflage | Mit zwölff Kupffern nebst einer accuraten Land-­Charte, | worauf alle des Autoris Reisen gezeichnet sind, gezieret. | Der erste Theil. [rule 8.00 cm] | Leipzig, bey Moritz Georg Weidmann, | Sr. Kön. Maj. in Pol.u. Churfl. Durchl.zu Sachs. | Buchhändler, 1721. Collation: 8o. [Vol. 1]:)(6, A8–­H8, J8–­U8, X8–­Cc8, Dd2 [leaf wanting]; [i (t.p.)-­xii], 1–418; [Vol. 2]: [i (t.p.)-­xii],)(8, A8–­H8, J8–­U8, W8–­Z8, Aa4; [i (t.p.)-­xiv], 1–364, 367– 376, 379–396 [365–390] Sign: $5 Contents: [Vol. 1]:)(2 ‘Vorrede. | Geneigter Leser.’; [)(5] Erklärung | ettlicher See-­ und anderer Wörter.’; A1 ‘Das | Leben | und | die gantz ungemeine | Begebenheiten | des | Welt-­berühmten Engellanders/ | Mr. Robinson Crusoe.’; G2 ‘JOURNAL.’ [Vol. 2]:)(2 ‘Vorrede. | Hochgeneigter Leser.’, A1 Des | Lebens/ | und | der gantz-­ ungemeinen | Begebenheiten/ | des | berühmten Engelländers/ | Mr. Robinson Crusoe, | Zweyter und letzter Theil.’, Aa2v Erklährung | etlicher See-­und andrer Wörter.’ ­Running heads:)(2–6v variant ‘)o(‘ and ‘(o)’, 2v-4v ‘Vorrede.’, A1v-­Dd1 v.’Leben des Engelländers’, r. ‘Robinson Crusoe.’, Dd1v ‘Leben des Engelländers. Rob. Cr.’ [Vol. 2]:) (2v-7 v ‘Vorrede.’, A1v-­Aa2, v: ‘Leben des Engelländers/’, r: ‘Mr. Robinson Crusoe.’, Aa2v (o), Aa3–­A A4v, r: ‘Erklährung’, v: ‘der frembden Wörter.’ Ornaments: A1 Headpiece 27  mm × 78  mm [floral pod]; A1 design initial 22 mm × 20 mm [‘I’ in ‘Ich’]. Plates: Vol. 1: [gatefold disjunctive] [global map] ‘Allgemeine Land—­Charte der gantzen | Erd-­und Wasser-­Kugel, worauf des | Robinson Crusoe Reisen ge-­| zeichnet sind.’ 163 mm × 299 mm; [frontispiece] [Crusoe at his shelter, in animal skins, carry­ing an umbrella, a r­ ifle, with a saw at his side] ‘ROBINSON CRUSOE.’ 132 mm × 80 mm; +A1, ‘Pag. 3.’ [Crusoe before his ­father who admonishes him against g­ oing to sea] ‘Robinson stehet vor seinem Vater der ihm alle sein. Unglück voerher, saget.’ 137 mm × 75 mm; +B8, ‘Pag. 32.’ [Xury in the boat and Crusoe pushing the Moor overboard] ‘Robinson Wirsst den Mooren insWasser uud entfliehet.’ 140 mm × 74 mm; +D8, ‘Pag. 65.’ [Defoe shipwreck at Juan Fernandez] ‘Robinson seidet Schiffbruch und wird an eine wuste Insul geworssen.’ 143 mm × 74 mm; +F1, ‘Pag. 83.’ [Crusoe building defenses at his hut] ‘Robinson w ­ ill sich eine Wohnung machen.’ 140 mm × 74 mm; +L5, ‘Pag. 170.’ [Defoe making pottery] ‘Robinson macht grosse Toepffe zu seinem Proviant.’ 140 mm × 75 mm; +M1, ‘Pag. 178.’ [Crusoe hollowing out a canoe] ‘Robinson macht ein Canoe od er Boot^’ 140 mm × 75 mm; +M7, ‘Pag. 190.’ [Crusoe sewing clothing from animal skin] ‘Robinson macht sich Kleider.’ 140 mm × 75 mm; +P2, ‘Pag. 229.’ [Crusoe sees h ­ uman skulls in a forested area] ‘Rob­ inson entdeckt den Ort der Canniba-­|lischen Mahlzeiten.’ 140 mm × 75 mm;+G3, ‘Pag. 279.’ [Crusoe rescues Friday, with dead natives on the beach] ‘Der Wilde fäellt nach seiner Erlösung dem Robinson zun Füssen.’ 145 mm × 75 mm; +X1, ‘Pag. 322.’ [Crusoe rescues Spaniards from the natives] ‘Streit mit den Wilden Errettung eines

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

283

Spaniers.’ 143 mm × 75 mm; +Aa5, ‘Pag. 379.’ [Crusoe in a long boat, shaded by a ­woman with an umbrella, departing the island] ‘Robinson gehet zu Schiffe, und ver­ läest die Insul auf welcher er über 28 Yahr gewesen.’ 143 mm × 75 mm. Catchword hyphenations:)(3 schein-­/scheinlich,)(5v Rap-­/Rappen, 8 immer-­/ immerchin, 11 Begier-­/Begierden, 13 o Ser-­/O S’Erre, 22 wel-­/welches, 30 müch-­/ müchten, 35 nie-­/niemals, 36 wür-­/würde, 37 eini-­/einige, 41 brach-­/brachten, 41 kom-­/kommen, 44 wor-­/woraus, 45 viel-­/vielleicht, 46 an-­/andern, 50 Gluct-­/ Glucktseligkeit, 61 trei-­/treiben, 68 klei-­/kleider, 69 Noth-­/Nothwendigkeit, 73 Sei-­/Seiten, 74 Who-­/Wohnung, 77 eini-­/einiger, 79 Pro-­/Proviant, 90 0 gros-­/grossen, 95 rech-­/rechten, 96 Sei-­/Seiten, 97 Se-­“, “September, 98 JOUR-­/JOURNAL, 100 mei-­/meinem, 105 wich-­/wichtiger, 106 begehr-­/begehrte, 107 gear-­/gearbeitet, 110 Schi-­/Schictung, 112 Reisz-­/Reisz-­Stengel, 113 keller-­Bühne, 116 wür-­/würde, 123 gan-­/gantzen, 130 Eigen-­/Eigenschafft, 132 “Afri-­/Africanischen, 135 Erma-­/Ermachen, 138 Bersi-­/Bersicherung, 139 Re^/Regen, 141 Sela-­/Selaven, 149 Æqui-­/Æquinoctio, 151 Hal-­/Halber, 165 wie-­/wieder, 168 sau-­/saubern, 177 ver-­/verfertiget, 180 An-­/Anivendung, 181 kon-­/konte, 188 unmäs-­/unmätsig, 205 taug-­/tauglich, 207 An-­/Anfangs, 216 kon-­/konnen, 224 spatzier-­/spazierte, 228 her-­/herüber, 232 gedach-­/gedachter, 235 Wil-­/Wilden, 238 fehl-­/fehlbaren, 239 Schul-­/Schuldé, 241 Die-­/Dieses, 244 Men-­/Menschen, 264 1 Stun-­/1 Stunde, 269 da-­/dahin, 275 Stran­/Strande, 281 Hol-­/Holtze, 281 son-­/sondern, 283 ver-­/verstehen, 285 näher-­/nähete, 287 rich-­/richtigkeit, 298 wendig-­/wendigkeit, läng-­/länglich [‘l’ above baseline], 302 mei-­/meine, 313 Nach-­/Nachdem, 314 Trau-­/Trauben, 315 äusser-­/äusserste, 318 gan-­/gangene, 325 So-­/Sofort, 327 hin-­/hingegeben, 330 erst-­/erstlich, 331 Geweh-­/ Gewehre, 332 nem-­/nemlich, 333 inson-­/insonderheit, 339 wol-­/wolte, 343 Mitt-­/ Mittl, 349 Scha-­/Schaden, 350 An-­/Anschlag, 352 Thrä-­/Thränen, 359 hät-­/hättens, 365 Capi-­/Capitain, 375 Ge-­/Gewolbe, 377 Hier-­/Hierauf, 378 hat-­/hatte, 388 gesand­/gesandten, 398 Ber-­/Berge, 400 holf-­/holffen, 406 herab-­/herabgekommen, 408 schie-­/schiedene Catchword anomalies: 15 Mann/mann, 39 sen/senn, 82 fie/fiel, 89 andre/andere, 114 eine/ne, 129 handen./handen., 227 höltz/höltze, 285 näher-­/nähete, 300 läng-­/ länglich [‘l’ above baseline], 310 bethen,/bethen^/, 356 ihuen/ibnen, 366 Inful;/~:; Vol. 2: 8 liche/liche [‘l’ above baseline, 335 cken 2c./cken, 186 eigner,,/eigner^^, Title ­page, Vol. 2: [in black and red] Des | Lebens | und der | gantzungemeinen Begebenheiten | des berühmten Engelländers / | Mr. Robinson | CRUSOE, | Zwenter und Letzter Theil. | Worinn dessen fernere Reisen | Um Drey | Theile der Welt herum/ | mit Verwunderungs-­würdigen | Umständen beschrieben werden. | Abermals | Göttlicher Providentz zum Preise / und | curiöser Gemüther besonderm Vergnügen/ | gleich dem Ersten Theile/ | nach dem Englischen Original | mit aller Treue ins Teutsche übergesetzet. | [rule 8.3 cm] | HAMBURG, gedruckt bey seel. Thomas von Wierings Erben | bey der Börse/ im güldenen A, B, C, 1720. | Ist auch in Leipzig bey Philip Hertein zu bekommen. [UMich PR3403.G5 1721]

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Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

Collation: 8˚ frontispiece in sign.)(, t.p. as [)(1]—[)(7]8–­Z8, Aa4; [i-­x vi], 1–261 (261 obscured), 262–364, 367–376, 379–396. Contents:)(2 ‘Vorrede. | Hochgeneigter Leser’, 1 ‘Des Lebens/ | und | der gantz-­ ungemeinen | Begebenheiten/ | des | berühmten Engelländers/ | Mr. Robinson Crusoe, | Zwenter und letzter Theil.’, 392 ‘Erklährung | etlicher See-­und andrer Wörter’. ­Running heads:)(2v-)(7 v ‘Vorrede.’ [verso and recto]; A1, 392 [floral (o)], 2–391 ‘Leben des Engelländers/’ [verso], ‘Mr. Robinson Crusoe.’ [recto]; 393–396 ‘Erklährung’ [recto], ‘der frembden Wörter.’ [verso]. Ornaments: Vol. 2:)(2 Headpiece 22 mm × 84 mm [floral borders];)(2 design initial 32 mm × 32 mm [‘D’ in ‘Der’]; A1 Headpiece 33 mm × 83 mm [tropical floral design]; A1 design initials, ‘L’ [12 mm × 10 mm] in ‘Lebens’; ‘B’ 8 mm × 8 mm in ‘Begebenheiten,’ ‘E’ 6 mm × 5 mm, in Engellanders,’ and ‘D’, 20 mm × 20 mm in ‘Das’; Aa2 tailpiece 22 × 74 mm; Aa2v Headpiece 30 mm × 84 mm [floral borders]; Aa4v tailpiece 27 mm × 47 mm Plates: frontispiece [Crusoe returning to the island in a longboat, his three-­ master offshore] ‘R. Crusoe’s Zurück Kunsst an seine Insul. | Fritzsch, Sc.’, 134 mm × 74 mm, plate 142 mm × 85 mm. Catchword hyphenations:)(2 tägli-­/täglichen,)(2v berma-­/ bermaligem,)(5 fata-­/ fatalen,)(5v CRU-­/CRUSOE, 1 Jah-­/Jahre, 2 kley-­/kleydern, 13 oban-­/obangeregte, 14 unmun-­/unmündige, 17 Bege-­/Begebenheiten, 23 duffer-­/dufferster, 27 Ver-­/Vernunsst, 28 fremb-­/frembdes, 29  mög-­/möglich/, 35 Sleich-­/Sleichwie, 36 Auf-­/ Aufrucht, 37 end-­/endlicht, 41 ständ-­/ständlichet, 43 lauf-­/lauffen, 50 ständli-­/ständliche, 54 Ertz-­/Ertz-­Bosewichter, 57 letzte-­/letztere, 60 über-­/überfallen, 69 nie-­/ niemahls, 70 fol-­/folten, 73 aus-­/ausgestellte, 75 Sie^/Siehatten, 80 rosti-­/rostigen, 89 Stun-­/Stunden, 99 ver-­/verwehren, 101 Gehöl-­/Gehöltze, 103 er-­/erschracten, 105 Schmer-­/Schmertzen, 113 kom-­/kommen, 127 gelsmän-­/gelsmanner/, 128 Mahl-­/ Mahlzeiten, 129  Häu-­ /Häuser, 130 Scharff-­ /Scharffsinnigkeit, 131 Hautz-­ / Hautzhaltung, 134 Sa-­/Sachen, 138 Unfrucht-­/Unfruchtbarkeit, 140 Vater-­/Vaterland, 148 Men-­/Menschen, 150 mei-­/meine, 155 Gleich-­/Gleichnisses, 159 Pfar-­/Pfarrer, 161 dar-­/darzu, 164 Schiff^/Schiffhier, 168 Wei-­/Weiber, 169 Vor-­/Vortrag, 177 Wei-­/ Weiber, 178  Hän-­/Hände, 180 Bey-­/Beyspiel, 181 “Hoff-­/“Hofflichkeit, 182 Erkannt”-­/Erkanntnis, 189 “merct-­/ “merctsam-­andächtig, 197 mer-­/mercken, 199 thä-­/thäte, 204 derge-­/dergestalt, 211 dar-­darüber, 212 Was-­/Wasser, 229 rech-­/rechnen, 234 abhan-­/abhandelten, 237 Wur-­/Wurtzeln, 238 Rechts-­/Rechtswegen, 240 wor-­/wortete, 243 zuge-­/zugegen, 249 Selff-­/Selffte, 250 Mör-­/Mörder, 258 neh-­/ nehmen, 272 wol-­/wolte, 280 Fein-­/Feinden, 281 han-­/hangen, 283 brau-­/brauchen, 284 Eintzi-­/Eintzigen, 286 kei-­/keinem, 290 mor-­/mordet/, 300 hier-­/hierinn, 302 einge-­/eingehandelt, 303 Him-­/Himmel, 317 schlu-­/schlugen, 320 Sum-­/Summa, 321 sön-­/sönne, 330 Flin-­/Flinte, 338 Mei-­/Meilen, 341 ver-­/verschiedene, 342 Einwoh-­/Einwohner, 349 erken-­/erkennen, 350 wie-­/wider, 351 schmier-­/schmierten, 355 ler-­/ lervortheilhassteste, 356 hiel-­/ hielten, 358 Cara-­/Caravanen, 376 möch-­/ möchte, 379 auff-­/auffrichtiges, 383 Tar-­/Tartarn, 391 Ertläh-­/Ertlährung

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

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Catchword anomalies: 9 liche/ liche [‘l’ askew above baseline], 261 ten/ ‘t’ above baseline, Stylistic characteristics: Volumes 1 (1721) and 2 (1720): Typography: Page 10.4 cm × 16.7 cm; type: 8.2 cm × 13.9 cm, with catchwords 8.2 cm × 14.3 cm.; p. 132, 32 lines per page; 391, 21 lines. Paper: Provincial; chain lines 3.0 cm. Press figures: None Cover: 10.0 cm × 17.1 cm; vellum. Spine: 4.5 cm × 17.0 cm; title panel, between rules, [rule 4.5 cm] | ENGLISSCHE | ROBINSON | [rule 4.0 cm] | I. II. TH. [rule 4.0 cm].

Title page: LA VITA | E | LE AVVENTURE | DI | ROBINSON CRUSOE’ | STORIA GALANTE | Che contiene, tragli altri avvenimenti, il sog-­ | giorno ch’ Egli fece per ventott’ anni in un | Isola deserta situata sopra la Costa dell’ Ame-­| rica vicino all’ imboccatura della gran Ri-­ | viera Oroonoca. | Il tutto scritto da Lui medesimo: | TOMO PRIMO, | Traduzione dal Francese | [ornament 32 mm × 37 mm] | IN VENEZIA, MDCCXXXI. | Presso Domenico Occhi. | In Merceria all’Unione. | CON LICENZA DE’ SUPERIORI. [Michigan PR3403.I5] Collation: 8˚. X4, A8–­R8; [i-­v iii], 1–271, [272]. Signature: $4 ­Running heads: recto: ‘Di Robinsone Crusoe.’; verso: ‘La Vita, e le Avventure’; Contents: X1v frontispiece; X3 ‘A chi legge.’, X4v ‘NOI REFORMATORI’, A1 ‘LA VITA | ELE AVVENTURE D^I | ROBINSONE CRUSOE.’, R8v ‘Libri Moderni stampati da Domenico Occhi | Libraro in Venezia in Merceria sotto l’oro-­| logio di S. Marco all’ Insegna dell’Unione,’. Typography: 38 lines per page; p. 65, 38 lines; p. 271, 23 lines. Ornaments: X3 headpiece 10  mm × 75  mm [floral], X3 design initial ‘I’ 22 mm × 22 mm, A1 headpiece 17 mm × 77 mm [winged head and florals], A1 design initial ‘I’ 22 mm × 22 mm Catchword hyphenations: [X3v] estre-­/estrema, A1 Es-­/Essendo, 5 Comin-­/ Cominciai, 12 mol-­/molto, 16 a Sa-­/a Salè, 20 e mi-­/e mirandolo, 24 do-­/do nè, 30 Portu-­/Portughese, 33 col-­/coltà, 35 cadan-­/cadanti, 40 mo gra-­/mo grado, 48 arri-­/ arrivato, 51 vita-­/vitabile, 54 piccio-­/picciola, 56 monto-­/montonai, 59 Pri-­/Prima, 64 chio-­/chiostro, 65 ven-­/ventare, 68 plica-­/plicazione, 69 lez-­/lezza, 73 col-­/collocai, 74 mol-­/molti, 77 met-­/meterci, 81 furio-­/furiosissima, 84 que-­/questo, 93 naria-­/nariamente, 98 anda-­/andavano, 103 dipen-­/dipendente, 104 femi-­/feminarle, 108 pro-­/providenza, 117 inghiot-­/inghiottivano, 120 qua-­/quali avevo, 122 Ognu-­/ Ognuno, 123 a for-­/a forza, 127 Sti-­/Stimolato, 128 ficol-­/ficoltà, 129 get-­/gettarlo, 131 si po-­/si potuto, 132 ave-­/avevo, 135 gran-­/grande, 136 tenta-­/tentato, 137 illi-­/illibato, 140 cor-­/corrente, 142 lora-­/lorachè, 147 re-­/recinto, 149 ave-­/aveva, 150 mi ri-­/mi risolsi, 152 dice-­/dicevo, 153 è pos-­/è pos­si­ble, 156 pro-­/proprio, 157 attac-­/attacato, 160 chiu-­/chiuderei, 163 go-­/go non, 164 Ben-­Benchè, 165 luo-­/luogo, 167

286

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

solda-­/soldato, 168 guar-­/guardo, 170 assi-­/assicurare, 174 stan-­/stante, 178 lische-­/ lischemo, 181 In-­/Incoraggito, 182 ca-­/camente, 185 gira-­/giravano, 186 seg-­/seggiando, 187 pre-­/presente, 191 la mon-­/la montagna, 192 fini-­/finito, 195 vag-­/vaggi, 198 qua-­/quale, 200 ca do-­/ca dove, 201 tan-­/tanti, 204 seguen-­/seguenza, 206 man-­/ mandai, 211 so-­/solito, 213 Cam-­/Camminando, 215 ner-­/nerdì, 216 gina-­/ginabili, 217 dos-­/dosso, 218 Ta-­/Tagliai, 223 Spa-­/Spag-­/Spagnuoli, 226 fatica-­/faticabile, 231 sel-­/ selvaggi, 233 Ascol-­/Ascoltate, 236 e te-­/e temevo, 237 ribel-­/ribellione, 240 stan-­/ stanza, 241 ordi-­/ordini, 244 lissi-­/lissime, 248 casca-­/cascato, 249 per-­/per vestirmi, 251 Par-­/Parito, 254 Do-­/Dopo, 256 brica-­/bricare, 257 der-­/dermi, 259 salva-­/salvamento, 260 quel-­/quello, 263 caval-­/cavalleria, 264 era-­/eravamo, Catchword anomalies: 3 netrato/trato, 145 sempre/sempre [‘s’ above baseline], 226 consiglio/siglio, 262 gior^/giormento, Plates: [X1v] frontispiece, 148  mm × 88  mm ‘ROBINSON CRUSOE.’ [subscript] AG.

Title page: LA VITA | E | LE AVVENTURE | DI | ROBINSON CRUSOE’ | STORIA GALANTE | Che contiene il di Lui ritorno ne lla sua Isola; | e gli altri suoi nuovi Viaggi. | Il tutto scritto da Lui medesimo: | TOMO SECONDO, | Traduzi­ one dal Francese | [ornament 32 mm × 37 mm] | IN VENEZIA, MDCCXXXI. | Presso Domenico Occhi. | In Merceria all’ Unione. | CON LICENZA DE’ SUPERIORI, E PRIVILEGIO. [Michigan PR3403.I5] Collation: 8˚. A8–­V4; [1–14], 15–311. Signature: $4; V, $2 ­Running heads: recto and verso, A1–­A7 ‘PREFAZIONE.’ A8 passim, recto ‘Di Robinsone Crusoe.’, verso ‘Continuazione delle Avventure’. Contents: A3 ‘PREFAZIONE.’, A7 v ‘NOI REFORMATORI’, A8 ‘CONTINUAZIONE | DELLE AVVENTURE | DI | ROBINSONE CRUSOE.’, Typography: 38 lines per page; p. 65, 38 lines; note: 65:21–22 ‘pro-­|prj’ Ornaments: A3 headpience 10  mm × 75  mm [floral], A3 factotum ‘L’ 20 mm × 22 mm, A7 tailpiece 24 mm × 43 mm, [A8] 15 headpiece 18 mm × 77 mm [winged head and florals], [A8] 15 design initial ‘N’ 22 mm × 22 mm. Catchword hyphenations: A6 sicu-­/sicuri, A7 v CON-­/CONTINUAZIONE, 16 cer-­/cerebro, 19 no-­/novare, 20 pe-­/perabile, 23 Par-­/Parve, 24 vec-­/vecchia, 26 an-­/ ancora, 27 Ma-­/Marinajo, 29 mo-­/moniere, 30 se-­/sequivano, 32 goc-­/goccia, 33 rin-­/ingraziò, 34 scel-­/scello, 38 ac-­/acqua, 39 Ma-­/Mattro, 40 chia-­/chiamavamo, 44 l’avreb-­/l’avrebbe, 48 cre-­/credeva, 54 fato-­/fatori, 55 timen-­/timento, 60 sen-­/ sentandosene, 61 dus-­/dussero, 62 gra-­/grave, 63 pre-­/preso, 65 era-­/erano, 67 Quar-­/ Quartiere, 69 Nel-­/Nello, 72 In-­/Inglesi, 78 In-­/Inculcò, 79 man-’m’ above baseline/mannaie, 83  L’In-­/L^Ingle, 84 Re-­/Restarono, 86 aven-­/avendo, 87 Que-­/ Questo, 89 Mo-­/Moglie, 91 tan-­/tanti, 94 ser-­/servati, 97 al-­/albero, 102 Es-­/ Essendo, 105 com-­/commetter, 112 il me-­/Il meglio, 113 fuo-­/fuoco, 114 fa-­/farebbono [?sa-­/sarebonno (discrete propofizioni, farebbono tutti distrutti)], 116 com-­/ compartimenti, 117 Di-­/Divise, 118 Nel-­/Nella, 123 ma-­/maraviglia, 125 ami-­/ami-

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

287

cizia, 126 l’Equi-­/l’Equipaggio, 127 a cuc-­/a cucire, 130 li-­/licenza, 131 Av-­/Avventure, 136 inten-­/intenzione, 138 “cen-­/“ nvenienti, 142 sa-­/sacrificava, 143 legit-­/ legittimo, 146 Sel-­/Selvagge, 147 “Si-­/Sino, 148  mol-­/molto, 149 ra-­/ramente, 151 Tut-­/Tuttavia, 152 Con-­/Congetturammo, 156 guar-­/guardo, 164 ver-­/versione, 166 gior-­/giorno, pran-­/pransato, 173 rac-­/raccomandai, 174 allo-­/allora, 177 gna-­/gna va, 180 In-­/Inglese, 182 tro-­/la trovasse, 183 siste-­/sisteva, 184 ghil-­/ghilterra, 185 aves-­/ avessero, 193 pra-­/pra Carico, 195 l’al-­/’altro, 201 an-­/andare, 203 gra-­/grazia, 204 sul-­/sultarli [o ragione alcuna d’insultarli di continuo, comme facevo], 206 te-­/tenersi, 207 de-­/destinato, 212 riem-­/riempirsi, 215 de-­/dese, 216 ri-­/ritornò, 217 Sic-­/ Siccome, 219 ag-­/aggiustarono, 220 Do-­/Dopo, 221 la sem-­/e semplici, 222 la Co-­/ la Cocincina, 223 conda-­/condati, 224 Essen-­/Essendosi, 227 qual-­/qualsisia, 229 pene-­/penetrare, 231 de-­/deliberazione, 233 Per-­/Perchè, 236 bat-­/batte, 236 gnan-­/ gnando, 239 Era-­/Erano, 241 bi-­/bile, 242 alcu-­/alcuno, 246 zio-­/zionato, 250 pas-­/ passione, 251 me-­/mestici, 252 “Ma-­/”Macao, 255 “on-­/”onde, 256 mar-­/marmi, 257 mol-­/molto, 257 I no-­/I nostri, 263 va-­/valorolo, 264 quan-­/quando, 265 av-­/avveretire, 266 “Per-­/”Per me, 272 pu-­/puro, 274 solle-­/sollevazlon, 278 oc-­/occupati, 280 Par-­/Parve, 286 que-­/questo, 288 im-­/imbottonate, 289 ter-­/terruppi, 291 con-­/ convinto, 294 mol-­/molto, 295 zio-­/zione, 298 pen-­/pensione, 301 Aven-­/Avendo, 302 Pas-­/Passando, 303 ven-­/vendoci, 304 dem-­/demmo, 309 Do-­/Dopo Catchword anomalies: 22 rete/tere, 33 rin-­/ingraziò, 73 re,/re., 79 man-’m’ above baseline, 83  L’In-­ /L^Ingle, 95 nu/un, 137 le ‘e’ below the baseline, 138 “cen-­ /“ nvenienti, 155 [no cw], 160 stesso [3rd ‘s’ regular] /stesso [all long s’s], 211stessa [3rd  ‘s’ regular] /stessa [all long s’s], 171 blia-­[‘l’ below baseline]/blia [‘b’ above baseline], 172 pran-­[‘p’ descender wanting], 182 tro-­/la trovasse, 195 l’al-­/’altro, 199 ro,/ ro^,, 221 le sem-­/e semplici, 224 Essen-[‘both ‘s’s’ long ‘s’/Essendosi [2nd  ‘s’ regular], 281 to,/to^,, Plates: [A1v] frontispiece, 147 mm × 89 mm ‘ROBINSON si dispone a un secondo Viaggio’ [subscript] AG. [Tomo Primo and Tomo Secondo] Page: 10.7 cm × 16.8 cm Paper: Wove laid; chain lines 3.0 cm Press figures: None Cover: 11.0 cm × 17.4 cm Design: Vellum plain Spine: 3.3 cm × 17 cm Spine design: 5 bands; in calligraphy and ink, second panel, ‘La Vita | di | Robison | Crusoe’ Note: X4v, vol. 1: Havendo veduto per la Fede di Revisione, de App ovazione del P. f. tomaso Maria Gennari Inquisitore nel Libro Intitolato: La Vitæ le Avventure di Robinson Crusoe Traduzione dall’ Francese, non v’esser cos’alcuna contro la Santa Fede Cattolica; e parimente per Attestato del Segretario Nostro, niente contro Prencipi, e buoni Costumi, concedemo Licenza a Domenico Occhi Stampatore, che possi effer stampato osservando gli Ordini in materia di stampe, e presentando la solite Copie alle Publiche Librarie di Venezia, et di Padova.

288

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

Dat. 30. Lugilio 1730. (Carlo Ruzini Kav. Proc. Ref. (Andrea Soranzo Proc. Ref. (Z. Piero Pasqualigo Ref.

Title ­page: [in black and red; in gothic] Das Leben | und die gantz ungemeinen | Begebenheiten | des Weltherühmten Engelländers, | ROBINSON | CRUSOE, | welcher durch Sturm und Schiffbruch, woritt | alle feine Reise Gefährten elendiglich ertrunden, auf der | Americanischen Rüste, ben dem Ausflusse des grossen | Strohms Oroonoko, auf eine unbervohnte Infull ge-­| rathen, acht und zwantzig Jahr lang darauf gelebet, | und zulentzt durch Gee-­Räuber wunderbahrer | Weise davon befreyet worden. | Bon ihm selbst beschrieben, und, nach der | dritten Engelländischen Edition, auf vor-­| nehmes Begehren, ins Deutsche überfest. | Die dritte Samburgische Auflage. | Mit beygefügtem acuraten Ubriss obgedach-­| ter Infull. | [rule 8.2 cm] | Hamburg, | Gedructt und verlegt durch feel. Thomas von Wierings Erben, | im güldnen A, B, C. 1731. | Ist auch in Leipsiz bey Philip Hertel zu besommen. [UH PR3403.G5 U4 1909. v. 1] Collation: 8˚ Χ, 1–442 Sign: None ­Running heads: Mr. Robinson Crusoe. (recto); Leben des Engelländers/ (verso), Contents: (1) ‘Das | Leben | und | die ganz-­ungemeine | Begebenheiten | des | berühmten Engelländers, | Mr. Robinson Crusoe.’, 96 ‘Das Böse.’ ‘Das Gute.’, 101 ‘JOURNAL.’, 436 ‘Erflährung etlicher See-­und andrer Wörter.’ Notes: In text, the umlaut is characterized by an italic “e” above the typographic x-­line. Typography: 8.5 cm × 13.5 cm; with cw, 8.5 cm × 13.9 cm; 31 lines blackletter; 101, 28 lines blackletter, with “JOURNAL” standard. Ornaments: (1), headpiece, 22  mm × 83  mm, floral design; design initial, 7  mm × 7  mm, ‘L’; design initial, 29  mm × 25  mm, ‘I’; 436, design initial ‘E’, 7 mm × 7 mm; design initial ‘A’, 7 mm × 7mm. Catchword hyphenations: 5 ver-­/vermacht, 8 immer-­/immerhin, 11 Begier/Begierden, 13 o her-­/o HErre, 35 schwim-­/schwimmen, 45 Je-­/Jedoch, 48 Ach-­/Achten, 59 Or-­/Orcan, 62 klei-­/kleiner, 81 wun-­/wundernswürdig, 83 über-­/überlieff, 91 Unter-­/Unterhaltversorget, 93 Mathe-­/Mathematische, 94 Sein-­/Seinwand, 130 Danct-­/Danctbarteit, 135 Vernunsst-­/Vernunsst, 145 herr-­/herrliches, 147 zer-­/zerstoffen, 148 See-­/See-­Seite, 154 ge-­/geschlagen, 155 hal-­/halber, 156 Zweyge-­Gerten, 157 Nach-­/Nachdem, 169 als-­/alsdann, 192 Nun-­/Nunmehrwarich, 203 wieder-­/wiederum, 211 Unter-­/Unternehmen, 260 Manns-­/Manns-­oder, 279 des-­/dessen, 300 Nach-­/Nachdem, 304 gien-­/giengen, 312 Schict-­/ Schict-­und, 327 zwan-­/zwansig, 329 an-­/angreiffen, 330 ge-­/gebunden, 337 Un-­/Unmöglich, 343 an-­/anfangs, 345 un-­/unsägliche, 351 je-­/jemand, 356 Gleich-­/Gleichwie, 365 Resi-­/Residentz, 368 die-­/ dieses, 374 Mat-­/Matrosen, 376 sonder-­/sonderheit, 378 ge-­/gebunden, 380 schlim­/schlimsten, 386 Er-­/Erretter:, 401 vermeynt-­/vermeyntlich, 408 ver-­/verachten, 409

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

289

Portu-­/Portugiesen, 410 schied-­/schiedliche, 413 Weg-­/Wegweiser, 433 Uber-­/ Uberdies Catchword anomalies: None Plates: frontispiece 137 mm × 86 mm, no platemark, Crusoe on beach with r­ ifles on shoulders and a ship floundering offshore; 69 + 1 gatefold, 175 mm × 295 mm, map of the island, with Crusoe and Friday addressing white sailors and intact ship offshore. Page: 11.5 cm × 18 cm Paper: Laid wove; chain line 2.8 cm Press figures: None Cover: 11.5 cm × 18.5 cm Cover design: Rebound, alternating leaves in green and brown Spine: 3 cm vellum, single panel, “Das Leben | des | Weltherühmten Engelländers | ROBINSON | CRUSOE, | von ihm selfse | beschrieben. | [rule 2.3 cm] | 1. Bd. | [rule 2.3 cm] Con­sul­tant: Devorah Arbisser 5/5/06

Variants

Introduction The following editions have been consulted in this study: all are octavo (O) editions, with the exception of a duodecimo (D) sixth edition and duodecimo seventh: 1st: (O1), Harvard Widener H.E.W. 2.3.6 2nd: (O2), Boston Public Library [BPL] Defoe 13.1719.1C 3rd: (O3L), BPL 13.1719.1D 3rd: (O3P), BPL Defoe 13.1719.1E 4th: (O4F), BPL Defoe 13.1719.1F 4th: (O4G), University of Houston PR3403.A1 1719da; BPL Defoe 13.1719.1G 5th: (O5), BPL Defoe 13.120 v.1 6th: (O6), Yale Beinecke Library Defoe 50 722d 6th: (D6), University of Michigan PR3403.A1 1722; Yale Beinecke Library Defoe 50 722d 7th: (D7), BPL Defoe 13.1726 v. 1 (of 2) The first edition, Harvard H.E.W. 2.3.6, is invariant of the British Library C.30.f.6. The two third editions are designated by their tailpieces, one a Lion (O3L) and the other a Phoenix (O3P); the two fourth editions are designated by BPL call numbers ending in F and G: (O4F) and (O4G). Archives indicate that the first edition was published on April 25, 1719; the second edition, May 9, 1719; the third edition, June 4, 1719; and the fourth edition, August 7, 1719, the last with a map, a map of the world, and a rec­ord of Crusoe’s travels. The fifth edition was published in 1720, the sixth in 1722, and the seventh in 1726 as the first of two volumes, with The Far­ ther Adventures. The first five editions ­were published by W. Taylor of Pater-­ Noster-­Row at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row. The initial sixth edition, by W. Taylor, was issued from both the Ship and Black Swan in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Taylor published a second sixth edition, the duodecimo, as a two-­volume set with The Far­ ther Adventures. The seventh edition was issued by a dif­fer­ent set of publishers, 291

292 Va r i a n t s

W. Mears at the Lamb without Temple-­Bar and T. Woodward at the Half-­Moon over against St. Dunstan’s Church in Fleet Street. Full information is provided in the bibliographic descriptions. The duodecimo sixth edition, published in two volumes, with variants dif­fer­ ent from the octavo edition, advertised in the Post Boy of 5–7 June 1722, was issued by W. Taylor, printing forty-­t wo lines per page, whereas all issues, with the exception of the seventh, have thirty-­seven lines per page. Lovett (7) claims that this edition is “smaller,” but the statement is misleading, for the text is the same length as the o ­ thers, the additional lines per page resulting in a thinner volume. Differences in text are not many, but distinctive. The octavo sixth (O6), for example, prints “Adise” for a tool (79:10, 17), whereas the duodecimo sixth (D6) has the word set as “Adz.” A complete printing of the novel appeared in serial form in the Original Lon­ don Post, or Heathcot’s Intelligence from 7 October 1719 through 30 March 1720. The serial text has not been included in the Stoke Newington collational study. The Dublin edition of 1719, classified a piracy by Hutchins (188), is also excluded from the list of variants. The Dublin edition was published by J. Gill in High Streeet, J. Hyde in Dame Street, G. Grierson and R. Gunne in Essex Streeet, R. Owen in Skinner-­Row, and E. Dobson Junor in ­Castle Street. Detailed information may be found in Lovett, but the Stoke Newington Edition shows distinct differences between the two issues of the fourth edition and between the fourth and fifth editions, which Lovett does not acknowledge. This list of variants notes e­ very instance in which the second edition (O2) differs from the first edition (O1). In most instances, where both O1 and O2 are the same, Stoke Newington bibliographers have chosen to eliminate the display of variants b ­ ecause no emendation is warranted. However, in a number of instances, where O1 and O2 are the same, variants in ­later editions are shown ­because the change shows a typesetting distinction of interest or, in a few se­lections, a preferred variant. W ­ ere the Stoke Newington Edition to have displayed ­every variant in ­every one of the ten editions examined, the result would have been a book-­length text in itself. One unique example of variants available in multiple editions, though the same in the first and third editions, is a three-­time repetition of a phrase, anomalous in the third edition where all editions ­after the second capitalize the word “Heat”: 110:22 heat of the Sun] O1, O2; Heat of the Sun O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 110:26 heat of Sun] O1, O2; Heat of the Sun O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 110:26 heat of the Sun] O1, O2, Heat of the Sun O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. While the phrasing of the first “heat of Sun” on page 108 at line 24 appears in both the first and authoritative second editions, it is clearly an error by omitting the word “the” ­because ­t here is no reason it should not resemble the phrasing that

Va r i a n t s

293

both precedes it and follows it in the same paragraph—­“ heat of the Sun.” Therefore, the editorial decision has been made to emend by inserting the word “the” at 108:24 so that it is in conformance with the dominant phrasing. All three are included in the list of variants to illustrate the inconsistent nature of the aberration. One may understand the breadth of comprehensive documentation of all editions with a glance at the lines of variants shown below. None of t­ hese lines is inserted in the pre­sent collation. Below is an example of a single variant in the nine editions: 18:7–8 from a Merchant] O1, O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; ~ Merchaut D7. While it is clear that no distinctive variant may be found at 18:24, other than a typesetter’s error with “Merchant,” the variant “Merchaut” is germane to identifying the seventh edition for bibliographic purposes. Similarly, one finds “imagink” for imagine (O4F, 191:10–11) and “oould” for “could (O4F, 191:18). One might be indifferent to the adverb “Abroad” spelled with a capital “A” in eight instances, while modified in the fourth edition as “abroad” in the sentence “I changed my Hours of Hunting and Working, and went to Work in the Morning, and Abroad with my Gun in the After­noon.” 94:33 Abroad] O1, O2, O3L; O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; abroad O3P, O4F. Readers would expect the word “abroad,” if viewed as an adverb, to be lowercase, but the parallelism of the phrasing and the rhythm of the prose identify “Work” as a nominative, one place of endeavor, and the word “Abroad” as another place. Since the first two editions are consistent and the logic is understood, emendation was not mandated. Defoe’s intonation patterns determine the punctuation for the following sentences, where he questions the practice of cannibalism: “I debated this very often with my self thus; How do I know what God himself judges in this par­tic­u­lar it is certain ­t hese ­People ­either do not commit this as a Crime; it is not against their own Consciences reproving, or their Light reproaching them” (140:23–27). The word “Case” in the first and second editions is followed by a semicolon, whereas in all other instances it is treated as the conclusion of a question and followed by a question mark: 139:38 Case; it] O1, O2; Case? it O3L, O3P; Case? It O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. ­Were this viewed as a question, the intonation pattern would be 3 + 2+3. However, this is an interior monologue, and Crusoe is contemplating the question, not asking it; therefore, the inontation pattern is 2 + 3+2, with the end word stylized as an inquiry, not as an interrogative. Defoe’s extensive phrasing, his capability of demonstrating Crusoe’s mulling over a moral issue, and his articulation of Crusoe’s rationalization allow modulation in inflections. One reads the text as Defoe designed it, in contemplation not as a formal question. Typesetters for O3L and

294 Va r i a n t s

O3P sought a compromise, providing a question mark where they thought it obvious, but following it with a lowercase “it” in recognition of the sustained monologue and unbroken thought pattern characteristic of Defoe’s style. Th ­ ose who reviewed the phrasing for subsequent editions sought to formalize the punctuation at the conclusion of one sentence by employing the characteristic capitalized word “It” to begin the next. Defoe’s style mandates, however, no emendation in this instance. Variants at lines 199:6 and 199:7 are curious. The mea­sure “35 Foot long” is consistent in all editions with the exception of O4F, where the typesetter uniquely spelled out the number “35.” Typesetters for O5, O6, and D7 ignored O4F in this instance but followed O4F in spelling out the next set of numbers. If following O4F in the mea­sure­ment “two . . . ​four,” one won­ders why they did not also adopt the ­whole spelling at 199:6 other than commonplace reasoning that numbers through nine, alone, need to be spelled out and numbers a­ fter nine should be in ordinals. The Stoke Newington Edition simply accepts O1 where it is consistent with O2. 200:20 35 Foot long] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; thirty five Foot ~ O4F. 200:21 from 2 Inches to 4 Inches] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G; ~ two Inches to four Inches O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. Archaic spelling occurs throughout and for the most part is retained. The preterite “fisht” appears in the first edition; all subsequent editions have the word set as “fish’d.” The first-­edition orthography has been retained: “­A fter we had fisht some time and catcht nothing” (21:12) could have been justifiably emended on the basis of all subsequent editions to read “­After we had fish’d some time and catch’d nothing.” First-­edition orthography of the word “drowned” urges emendation: “. . . ​I never knew w ­ hether any ­were saved out of that Ship or no; and had only the Affliction some Days ­after, to see the Corps of a drownded Boy come on Shore, . . .” (153:41). Whereas the first edition prints “drownded,” all subsequent editions studied herein have the word typeset “drown’d”: 154:4 drownded] O1; drown’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. An emendation would seem in order, except that the OED (D, 684) lists “drownded” as “(now vulg.),” with but one example from Jonathan Swift’s Polite Conversation (1738) and one example from Shaftesbury’s Characteristics (1737), though spelled “drounded” in Shaftesbury. Retaining “drownded” is justified if for no other reason than illustrating an archaism in style. For the same reason, the orthography of “Cannoe” is retained b ­ ecause it is listed as a variant in the OED (C, 77), although recognized as being obsolete: 248:11 Cannoes] O1, O2, O3L; Canoes O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. Edition O3L retains the obsolete spelling, although O3L often can be utilized to correct errors or resolve ambiguities in necessary emendations.

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The root-­word “cannibal” appears in the text eleven times, five times spelled “canibal” and six times as “cannibal.” ­Because the OED considers “canibal” to be obsolete (C, 68), for consistency one could choose to change all root-­word spellings to the preferred “cannibal.” However, ­because ­t hese differences may be of interest in identifying typesetters or signature differentiae, both spellings in the first edition are retained throughout. 90:18 Cannibals] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. [Conext: they are] 102:37 Canibals] O1, O2; Cannibals O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. [Context: Carribean Coast ­were] 133:36 Canibals] O1, O2, O3P; Cannibals O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. [Context: suppose they w ­ ere not] 134:35 Canibals] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. [Context: lay o upon my Spirits] 135:35 Canibals] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; Can^bals D7. [Context: beng all . . . ​t hey would kill] 135:38 Canibals] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. [Context: Creatures than] 160:17 Cannibals] O1, Canibals O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. [Context: falling into Hands of] 169:6 Cannibal] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, D6, D7; Canibal O4F, O4G, O5, O6. [still a . . . ​in his Nature] 171:18 Cannibal’s] O1, D6, D7, Canibal’s O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. [Context: Relish of a . . . ​Stomach] 195:42 Cannibal,] O1, O2, O3P, O4G, D6, D7; Cannibal O3L, O4F; Canibal O5, O6. [Context: ­Father was a Pagan and a] 197:34 Cannibal] O1; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6, D7; Canibal O5, O6. [Context: starv’d on the . . . ​Coast] At 177:37, all five initial editions used small capital letters “at last,” whereas O5 and O6 incorporate capitals and small caps and D7 entirely ignores the convention in all previous editions with its typography rendered in italics. [Context: AT Last, me no understand] ­Because the word “outragious” occurs in the first four editions, it is retained in the text, although “outrageous” appears to be the more acceptable orthography. The word “outragious” appears in the OED (O, 266) in the years 1502, 1560, 1585, 1642; in 1713, Richard Steele utilized the term “outragiously” in The En­glishman, no. 1, 3: 204:12 outragious] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; outrageous O5, O6, D7. ­There is no justification in emending this text, though the spelling has an archaic incident, while in the following example, the text make sense without the comma, although e­ very edition a­ fter the first inserts the comma for the implicit breath pause in the sentence “where I was I yet knew not, ­whether on a Continent or on an Island”:

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44: 33 I was I yet] O1; I was, I ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. The second and subsequent editions read, “where I was, I yet knew not, . . .” In a contrastive example, the first edition retains commas where ­every subsequent text excises the comma where ­Giants “are said to live in Caves, and Holes, in the Rocks, . . .” (212:24). It would be logical and not untoward to accept the second edition punctuation, favored by all subsequent editions, as a studied correction. However, if we consider the breath pauses impor­tant in Defoe’s phrasing, we can consider the words “and Holes” to be an afterthought, an additional thought, and an unexpected alteration of an idea whereby ­Giants, normally thought of being in caves as the Cyclops, might unexpectedly be found other unexpected places: 146:32 Caves, and Holes, in] O1; Caves and Holes in] O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. With this consideration of Defoe’s patterns of thought, the Stoke Newington Edition has chosen to retain first-­edition phrasing in spite of evidence urging emendation. The following example has the first and second editions inexplicably in agreement b ­ ecause the first, utilizing a capitalized “Not,” seems clearly erroneous. One might rationalize that Defoe wanted to emphasize the rule he was establishing almost with the assertion of a biblical command, but even the Ten Commandments employ the lowercase “not” in the King James Bible: 201:10–11 I gave him a strict Charge in Writing, Not to bring any Man with him, who would not first swear in the Presence of himself and of the old Savage, That he would no way injure, fight with, or attack the Person he should find in the Island, who was so kind to send for them in order to their Deliverence; . . . ] O1, O2; ~ Writing, not O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. In this instance, the text of the first and second editions is emended in preference for the lowercase “not.” The following stylization has been retained: “How do I know what God himself judges in this particlar Case; it is certain that ­t hese ­People do not commit this as a Crime; . . .” (140:24–35). Both the first and second editions employ the variant “Case; it,” while an alternative in six editions offers “Case? It.” Contextual analy­ sis would allow the variant (Case? It), which would be logical. 139:38 Case; it O1, O2; Case? it O3L, O3P; Case? It O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. A question is being posed. The issue is ­whether the question is being asked as an interrogatory or stated as a philosophical premise: In the first instance, a question, the intonation pattern would be 2 + 1+3. Conceptualized as a philosophical supposition, or musing over the thought, the intonation pattern would be 2 + 3+2, more level and less inquisitory. Defoe’s long sentences and his propensity t­ oward plau-

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sible thought would allow the syntax without a quotation mark. Thus, no emendation is warranted. Curiosities arise when an alternative spelling seems to have no rationale and no historical pre­ce­dent, as in the following example. While “howl” is clearly the word intended, a number of editions employ the inexplicable variant “houl.” 241:36 howl] O1, O2, O3P, D7; houl O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. Even had the typesetter of O3L mistakenly spelled the word “houl,” ­t here is no explanation why four subsequent typesetters should have accepted an incorrect orthography. On the other hand, the following variants of the word “awkward” ­were used interchangeably (OED A, 596). Five editions offer “aukward,” which is found both in literary works (Shakespeare 1593, Swift 1726, Fielding 1743) and in scientific treatises (Woodward 1695, 1723 and Heister 1743) (OED, A 596). ­Because any single spelling may be acceptable, ­there is no need to emend the text; the modern spelling of “awkward” at 246:34 is uncontested and retained. 222:22 very awkard] O1, O2, O3L; ~ awkward O3P, O4F, D7; ~ aukward O4G, O5, D6. In another example, variant 310:24 is retained in the collation b ­ ecause one is tempted to emend the text, changing the first and second edition diction “haling the Boat” to “hauling the Boat,” as shown in the fifth, sixth, and seventh editions; “haling,” however, is clearly an accepted diction, according to the OED (H, 40), defined as an “action word” with the synonyms “dragging, hauling.” 212:10 haling] O1, O2, O3P; hailing O3L, O4G; halling O4F; hauling O5, O6, D6, D7. Arbitrary emendations are not warranted, but on pages 302 and 303 of the first edition, we have a situation where the parenthetical phrase “said I” is in both italics and roman type. Throughout the text, we find ­t hese words in roman; where we find them in early editions italicized, in ­later editions they are set in roman and the emendation for consistency can be justified. However, at 302:2—­“said I, if God”—­a ll editions italicize “said I”; yet, for consistency, this edition emends to roman. A number of editions offer the following variant: ‘Have they any Fire-­Arms, said I? He answered. . . .” The prob­lem is that the question mark should have been place ­after “Fire-­Arms” instead of a­ fter “said I.” This is changed nowhere in any of the editions; consequently, the decision has been made to retain the text, emended only for the difference between roman and italic typeface. 206:37 Fire-­Arms, said I O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ said I, He] O1, O2, O3L, O4;~ I? He] O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7l I, He O1, O2, O4F; I? He O3L. A dilemma poses itself in the following sentence at 175:37–38 where Crusoe interrogates Friday about his belief in the afterlife, inquiring ­whether victims of cannibalism can find themselves with their god Benamuckee in their death: “I ask’d

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him w ­ hether ­t hese they eat up went thither too, he said yes.” This phrasing in the first edition is characteristic of Defoe’s rushed style where, almost without a breath, he poses a question and then provides the response. We lose this spontaneity of question and response in all subsequent editions with the reading “I ask’d him ­whether ­t hese they eat up went thither too? He said yes.” Two f­ actors urge retaining the original text and ignoring subsequent editions. First, the run-on style is classically Defoean. Second, Crusoe’s statement is a declarative repetition of what he has asked and not the question itself. This phrasing parallels several other ­earlier passages on the page that report the question without asking it directly, such as we find at 175:35–37: “I ask’d him if the ­People who die in his Country went away anywhere; he said, yes, they all went to Benamuckee.” ­Because the retention of the original phrasing appears to capture Defoe’s syntax better than ­later editions, ­there is no need for emendation. The same logic allows the retention of a first-­edition phrasing where all l­ater editions call for a change in the following sentence: “I knew not what Course I had to take, but to seek out for the Islands, or perish t­ here among the Negroes” (26:10): 26:9 seek out for] O1; seek for O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. Subsequent editions offer parallel phrasing in “seek . . . ​or perish,” but the phrasing “seek out,” in addition to the effort it conjures, has a unique rhythm and phrasing that is classical Defoe. Stylometric analy­sis would include the verb + adverb pattern in its paradigmatic database. A puzzling statement is found when Crusoe and Friday hoped to suppress and capture savages who had landed their boat on shore. Crusoe and Friday apprehend two of the savages who had been left in the boat and they are seeking to capture their companions who had gone ashore. Defoe has Crusoe explain his strategy: “I made the Man they had left in the Boat, who was now one of us, call to them by Name, to try if I could bring them to a Parley, . . .” (215:19–21). At no time, however, do we see Crusoe having chosen to have left anyone in a boat. The only man left in the boat is a savage whom the o ­ thers had left with another; when Crusoe approached the boat, but one man sat inside while his companion had subsequently chosen to lie on the beach. When the man in the boat saw his companion on the beach attacked and “knock’d down” by Crusoe, Friday, and three ­others, he capitulated knowing that he could not have escaped. He thus becomes the acquiescent figure “now one of us” described ­earlier. 215:19 they had left O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; we ~ O1, O2, O3L, O4F. The variants in question have the first four editions with the phrase “the Man we had left in the Boat.” All subsequent editions offer “the Man they had left in the Boat.” It is clear in context that the ­later editions offer the correct reading, urging emendation, to read “I made the Man they had left in the Boat . . . ,” with the requisite notation indicating an alteration in the text. Strangely, in no way do any of the editions solve the prob­lem for the missing computation in currency at 229:11, where a blank space in the first six editions, sized

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at seven letter spaces, is not at all solved and is even obscured in the seventh-­edition variant: “. . . ​and the Balance of this, the Value of the Plantation encreasing, amount to Cruisadoes, which made 3241 Moidores.” 229:11 to [blank] Cruisadoes,] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; ~ to-­Cruisadoes D7. The Stoke Newington Edition has chosen to fill in the gap by utilizing Henry Kingsley’s edition of 1866, where the missing number has been calculated, “38,892” Cruisadoes. This citation is the only instance in which an edition a­ fter 1731 has been utilized in the list of variants. James Sutherland inserts the number “38,892” in brackets in his 1968 Riverside edition, commenting in footnote 2, “Portuguese silver coins, marked with a cross” (Sutherland 227), information repeated in the Oxford University Press edition of 1972 and Oxford’s World Classics (1983), edited by J. Donald Crowley. Michael Shinagel also brackets the number in his 1975 Norton Critical Edition with footnote 2, utilizing data gathered from the Boston Public Library: “Defoe apparently failed to calculate the precise amount, for the 1719 editions all leave a blank space. The amount has been estimated as above (W.P. Trent). Cruisadoes are Portuguese silver coins bearing a cross” (Shinagel 220). The Pickering and Chatto edition, edited by W. R. Owens, chooses to honor the integrity of the first edition by retaining the space within the text and citing the calculation “38,892” in textual note 633 (322). An edition issued by the publishing firm of Casell, Peter, and Galpin (1863–1864), offers a dif­fer­ent equation: “the balance of this, the value of the plantation increasing, amounted to nineteen thousand four hundred and forty-­six cruasadoes, being about three thousand two hundred and forty moidores.” (190). This edition combines The Life and Strange Surprising Adventures, with page one titled “Casell’s Robinson Crusoe,” and The Farther Adventures, titled only “Part II” (206). No explanation is offered to determine how the variant statistic was calculated. One of the characteristics of the Stoke Newington Edition is to stylize verbs in lowercase letters, when one can find authority to do so. In the following examples, which are included in the collation, both first and second editions are in agreement, placing verbs with capitalized initial letters, but ­because at least one late edition offers the desired text, variants rationalize authorization of the lowercase verb. 98:2 to Scratch it] O1, O2, O3L, O3P; to scratch ~ O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 98:3 than Rake or Harrow it] O1, O2, O3L, O4G, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7 ~ rake or harrow ~ O4F. 97:25–26 Providing, Producing, Curing, Dressing, Making and Finishing] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; providing, producing, curing, dressing, making and finishing O4F. Following the policy of verbs beginning with lowercase letters, O4F would provide one example of this typesetting in 1719 and could justify the emendation at 139:1. On the other hand, one could be satisfied that retaining the capital letters would identify the terms as gerunds of industrial pro­cesses.

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One exception to verbs in lowercase is the retention of a statement of dutiful activity that demonstrates the ambition and activity of the survivor where the typography seems to strengthen the claim. This seems an arbitrary judgment, but the paragraph deserves preservation: When it was growing and grown, I have observ’d already, how many t­hings I  wanted, to Fence it, Secure it, Mow or Reap it, Cure and Carry it Home, Thrash, Part it from the Chaff, and Save it. Then I wanted a Mill to Grind it, Sieves to Dress it, Yeast and Salt to make it into Bread, and an Oven to bake it, and yet all ­t hese ­t hings I did without, as ­shall be observ’d; and yet the Corn was an in estimable Comfort and Advantage to me too. (96:26–32)

This passage appears at signature K6r where t­ here is inconsistency in the typesetting of verbs. We find in lowercase the verbs “to dig it” (96:15–16), “to make it” (96:18), “made it” (96:19), “I have observ’d” (96:26), and “I wanted” (96:27), among ­others, whereas “to Scratch it, . . . ​rather than Rake or Harrow it” (96:25) are capitalized. Variants in all utilized editions have been fully documented with the generous support of the AMS Press, Inc. and its director Gabe Hornstein. Funding has also been provided by the University of Houston Martha Gano Houstoun fund of the En­glish Department, the L ­ imited Grant-­in-­Aid Program, the Small Grant Programs, and the Provost’s Undergraduate Research fellowships. Collations of editions cited in this volume, as well as the Dublin edition, are available in the archives of the Stoke Newington Daniel Defoe Edition at the University of Houston. Examples below designate variants where the first edition citation is to be sustained b ­ ecause of its confirmation in the second edition. In most instances, t­ here is no need in this edition to show further variants b ­ ecause they are inconsequential in determining the integrity of the text. In some instances where the second edition replicates an unsatisfactory typesetting and where ­later editions offer the better solution, the Stoke Newington has chosen to show the l­ater consequential variants. The following list shows selected lines of variants excised from the general collation b ­ ecause of the agreement of first-­and second-­edition texts where t­ here would be ­little or no reason for emendation. Some of the alternative variants offer options for emendation and, indeed, may be justified; ­others are clearly in error. Where ­t here are anomalies, the third edition Lion (O3L) often offers a logical emendation. This list, along with the “List of Variants” below, affords data for an analy­sis of the transmission of texts. 10:6 inur’d] O1, O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; innur’d O3P, O4F. 10:7 Sea sick still; but] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Sea-­sick ~ O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 10:23 Squal] O1, O2, O3L, O4F; Squall; O3P; Squaul O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 13:15 us ventured] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ventur’d OF.

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21:32 swimming] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; swiming O5, O6, D6, D7. 23:9 But it is impossible to describe the horrible Noises] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; But it was ~ O4G, O5, O6; But it was not pos­si­ble to describe ~ D6, D7. 24:22 abandon’d it and gone] O1, O2, O3P; ~ it, ~ O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 36:23 Indraft] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, Indraught O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 44:24 flat Piece] O1, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Piece O3P. 57:21 Adze and] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, Adise ~ O5, O6; Adz ~ D6, D7. 59:6 Adze. It] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, Adise. ~ O5, O6; Adz: D6; Adz, ~ D7. 59:17 on board; this Day] O1, O2; on Board; ~ O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; on board: This Day O5, O6, D7; ~ board: ~ D6. 64:31 remembred] O1, O2, O3L; remember O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; remember’d D6, D7. 66:14 could allow] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; should ~ D7. 68:10–11 Cave some time,] O1, O2, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Time O3L, O3P, O4G. 70:1 without swimming] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6; within ~ D7. 70:25 May 5.] O1, O2, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~5, O3L. 71:29 ebb’d out,] O1, O2, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; ~^ ~ O3L; ~; O3P; ebbed out, D7. 72:3 had no Flesh] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; ~no Elash D7. 89:23 K ­ ettle] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; Cettle D7. 100:10 red Colour] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; Coular D7. 110:35–36 indeed a Botching,] O1, O2; O3P, O4F, ~; O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6 indeed a a Boatching; D7. 111:13 Wastcoat and Cap] O1, O2, O3P, O4F; Waistcoat ~ O3L; Wastecoat O4G, O5, O6, D6; Westecoat ~ D7. 111:13 outermost,] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; outmost D7. 111:38 World.] O1. O2, ~? O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6, D7; ~? O5, O6. 115:30 Current which carried] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Current lay, which carry’d D6, D7. 116:24 Frigate] O1, O2, O3l, O3P, O4F; Fregate O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 121:19 How mercifully] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; ~ merciful D7. 130:16 on Shore ­t here;] O1, O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; on the Shore; O3P, O4F, O5. 130:19 Resolution] O1, O2; Resolutions O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 130:21 first ­Thing] O1, O2, O3L, O4G; ­t hing O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 130:25 ­Thing Digging] O1, O2, O3L, O4G; t­ hing of digging O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 130:27 Bower,] O1, O2; ~^ O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 130:32 Fear of Danger] O1, O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ~ danger O3P; fear of Danger O4F.

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131:32 ten thousand Times] O1, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; times O2, O3L; it self] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, D6; itself O4F, O5, O6. 130:36 that I hop’d] O1, O2, O3L, O4G, O6, D7; which ~ O3P; O4F that I hoped D6, D7. 150:23 Anxiety] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; Anxity D7. 139:31 Judge and Executioner] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6; ~Executioners O5, O6; ~ Excutioner D7. 140:9 B ­ attle; or] O1, O2, O3P, O5, O4G; Battel; or O3L, O4F; ­Battle, ~ D6, D7. 140:13 inhuman;] O1, O2, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; inhuman, O4F; inhumane, O3L; inhumane; O3P. 143:26–27 peeping and peering O4F; peeping, and peeping about the Island] O1, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; peeping^ and ~ O3L; peeping, and peiring D6, D7. 148:20 stepp’d] O1, O2, O4G; step’d O3L, O3P; stepted O4F; stept O5, O6, stopt D6, D7. 149:34 Savages on] O1, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ in O3L, O4F. 153:31 involuntarily;] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, involuntary D6, D7. 169:19 went awkardly] O1, O2, O3L; ~ awkwardly O3P, O4F; ~ aukwardly O4G, O5, O6, D6; ~ aukardly D7. 169:20 very awkward] O1, O2, O3L, O4F; ~ aukward O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 175:23 understand what he meant, or make him describe to me] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; [omit] what he meant, or make him describe to me] D6, D7. 175:25 he meant it must] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; he meant, that it must D6, D7. 177:37 at last,] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, At Last O5, O6, at Last, D6; at last, D7. 179:21 though I] O1, O2, O3L, O3P; tho’ I O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 179:23 farther] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; further O5, O6, D6, D7. 181:4 but I was so dull,] O4F; but was so dull, O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O6, D6, D7. 182:7 they ­were taken] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; they are taken O4F. 182:24 do not you] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ do you not O4F. 183:9 in a Word, I] O1, O2, O3L, O4F; ~ word, ~ O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 185:19 awkward tedious] O1, O2, O3L, O4F; aukward ~ O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 190:23–24 fast, being loaden] O1, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; fast, being loaden O3L, O4F; fast, being loaded D7. 190:24 with Arms as I was,] O1, O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; with Arms as I was O3L, O4F. 204:25–26 and ­really they ­were] O1, O2, O3P; O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; and ready ~ O3L, O4F.

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205:25 Murtherers] O1, O2, D6, D7; Murderers O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Murders O5, O6. 212:10 haling the Boat] O1, L2, O3P; hailing ~ O3L; hauling the Boat O5, O6, D7. 215:29 inchanted Island] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; enchanted ~ D7. 216:17 die] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; dye D7. 219:16 the other two who] O1, O2, O3L, O4F; ~ two, who O3P, O4G; ~ two, whom O5, O6, D6, D7. 222:22 unpleasant, awkard] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6; unpleasant, aukward O4F; ~ awkard D6; ~ aukard D7. 225:11 pickl’d] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; pickled O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 237:9 Eccho] O1, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Echo O3L. 237:12 kill’d this Wolf,] O1, O2, O3L, O3P; killed ~ O5, O6, D6, D7. 238:19 shakee te Hand] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, D6; ~ to ~ O4G, O5, O6. 242:6 Fusees] O1, O2, O3L, O3P; Fuzees O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 245:22 Callais] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6; Calais O4G; Callis D6, D7. 246:2 Martyr] O1, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Maryr O3L. 247:17 they insulted] O1, O2, O3, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; the insulted ~ O3L. 248:18 Caribbees] O1, O2, O3L, O3P; Carribbes O4F; Caribbes O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

Notes to Variants 1. ​[A2 ]:1 apply] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; apyly O1. 2. ​ Hull:] O1, O2, O5, O6, D6; ~: O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D7. 3. ​Lieutenant Collonel] O1, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G; Lieutenant–­Collonel O3P; Lieutenant Col­ o­nel O5, O6, D6, D7. 4. ​against] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; inagast O2. 5. ​second ­Brother] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Second ~ O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 6. ​never knew any more^] O1; ~ knew, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 7. ​to the Life of Misery] O1, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, D6; ~. O2, O5, O6, D7; ­towards the ~ O3P. 8. ​my ­Father] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; ~ ­father D7. 9. ​call’d] O1; called O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 10. ​raising my Fortunes by] O1; ~ Fortune ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 11. ​envied,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 12. ​­great ­t hings,] O1; ~ ­Things O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; and wish’d] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ wish O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 13. ​Extremes,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O3P, O6, D6, D7; Exremes, O1. 14. ​­t hose ­were, who by] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ ­were^ who, O1. 15. ​Want of] O1; want ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 16. ​Vertues] O1; Virtues O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Virtues, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 17. ​kinds] O1; kind O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Kind O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 18. ​harrast] O1; harrass’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; harass’d O4F. 19. ​so full he] O1; ~full, ~O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 20. ​other­w ise;] O1; ~? O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 21. ​other­w ise abroad] O1; Abroad O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 22. ​home] O1; Home O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 23. ​alas!] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7, O3L; alass! O2, O3P. v

304 Va r i a n t s 24. ​time,] O1; Time O2, O3L, O3P, O5; Time, O4F, O4G, O6, D6, D7. 25. ​go but one] O1; go^ one O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 26. ​Diligence] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Dilligence O2, O3L, O4F. 27. ​a ny ­thing so much] O1, D6, D7; any such ­thing so ~ O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~ Th ­ ing ~ O3P. 28. ​think of any such ­t hing] O1, O2. 29. ​ruin] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ruine O1. 30. ​abroad] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Abroad,O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; miserablest] O1, most miserablest O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; most miserable D7. 31. ​k nows.] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; On] O1; on O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 32. ​1651] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; 1661 (errata, reads “1601” for “1661”) O1; board] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Board] O1, D6, D7. 33. ​Hardness to which O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Hardness which (errata) O1. 34. ​Sailor] Sailor, O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Saylor O2. 35. ​­matter] O1, D6; M ­ atter O2, O3L, O5, O6, D7; ~: O3P, O4F, O4G. 36. ​clear^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 37. ​Wind^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, D6, D7; ~: O6. 38. ​Sea sick, but O2, O3L, O4F, O4G; Sea–­sick, but O3P, O5, O6, D6; Sea sick^ ~ O; Sea–­ sick, but D6, D7. 39. ​calm] O1, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7, O4F, O4G; clam O2. 40. ​ you,] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; you^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 41. ​ you,] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; you^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 42. ​ Storm, why O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6, D7; ~; ~ O5, O6.; Storm^ why O1. 43. ​ Sea–­room] O2, O3L, O5, O6, D7; Sea–­room, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6; Sea^ Room O1. 44. ​did, as it ­were,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O6, D6, D7; ~ ­were^ O1. 45. ​Drinking] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; drinking O4G; to Drink O1. 46. ​young,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 47. ​another] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; anothet O1. 48. ​most harden’d Wretch] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; most Wretch (errata) O1; harden’d Danger] O1;^ Danger O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. Note: The errata citation results in “harden’d” being excised from “Danger” and inserted to create the epithet “harden’d Wretch.” It suffers a typographic error with “hardued” and recommends the ortho­ graphy “hardned” which is not a­ dopted. 49. ​a–­Head] O1, O3; a–­head O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 50. ​vigilant to] O1; ~ in O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 51. ​us, we found, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; us^ we found^ O1. 52. ​Sea^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 53. ​Boatswain] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Boat–­Swain O1. 54. ​Fore–­mast] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; Foremast O1; Fore–­Mast D6. 55. ​Main–­mast] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Main–­Mast O1. 56. ​Words] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; words O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 57. ​Advantage] O1, O4G, D6, D7; advantage O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6. 58. ​Storm] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; sorm O2. 59. ​Distress.] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2. 60. ​surprised] O1; surprized O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 61. ​dead] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Dead O2, O3L, O3P. 62. ​us ventured] O1; us, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; us, ventur’d O4F. 63. ​­Hazard] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­hazard O2, O3L, O3P. 64. ​hold of and] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; hall’d] O1; hawl’d O2, O3P; haul’d O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 65. ​drive^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 66. ​driving, our Boat] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; driving^ ~ O1. 67. ​Norward^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G; Northward, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7.

Va r i a n t s

305

68. ​Winterton–­Ness] O2, O3L, D7; Winterton–­Ness O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; D6; Winterton^ Ness O1. 69. ​Shore^] O1; Shor O2; Shore, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 70. ​Humanity^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 71. ​Blessed] O1; blessed O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 72. ​away in^] O1, O4L; ~, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 73. ​push] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; rush O1. 74. ​Trial^] O1; ~, O2, O3P; Tryal, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 75. ​ Man, why] O1; Man. Why O2, O3L, O3P; O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 76. ​ Trial] O1; Tryal O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 77. ​ you persist O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ou persist] O1. 78. ​Ship?] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5; Ship! O6, D6, D7. 79. ​Ruin; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Ruine; O1. 80. ​ Disappointments^] O1; Disappointments, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 81. ​lay’d] O1; laid O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 82. ​lookt] O1; look’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 83. ​carryed] O1; carried O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 84. ​Enterprises] O1; Enterprizes O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 85. ​or,] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 86. ​ Guinea] O1; Guiney O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 87. ​workt] O1; work’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 88. ​qualified] O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; quallified O1; qualify’d O3P, O4F. 89. ​Master:] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 90. ​of Guinea;] O1; ~ Guiney; O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; Guiney, O4F, D6, D7. 91. ​­t hing] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­Thing O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 92. ​word] O1, O3P; Word O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 93. ​Merchant:] O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~: O1. For I brought O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D7; for ~ O1. 94. ​sick] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Sick O2, O3L. 95. ​surprised] O1; surprized O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; surpriz’d D6, D7. 96. ​too by O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; to ~ O1, O4G; ~, O5, O6, D6, D7. 97. ​immediately fell O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; immediatel fell O1. 98. ​clear’d] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; clea’rd O1; melancholly] O1; melancholy O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 99. ​surprising] O1; surprizing O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 100. ​But alas!] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7;~ alass! O2, O3P, O4F; ~ alas? O3L, O4G. 101. ​Sequel] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; sequel O2; Sequal D6. 102. ​left me on Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 103. ​Shoar we lost] O1; Shore we ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Shore, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 104. ​for the Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 105. ​from the Shoar: However] O1; Shore: ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Land: However D6; Land: ~ D7. 106. ​from the Shoar: However] O1; Shore: ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Land: However D6; Land: ~ D7. 107. ​Sails; she] O1; ~? She O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Sails. She O5, O6, D6, D7. 108. ​Sails; she] O1; ~? She O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Sails. She O5, O6, D6, D7. 109. ​drink in;] O1; drink; O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 110. ​board the Boat] O1; Board~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 111. ​board his Ship] O1; Board ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 112. ​accommodate] O2, O3, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O6, D6, D7; accomodate O1. 113. ​my Patroon] O1; Patron O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6.D7. 114. ​Business but] O1; Business, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6, D7; business O5, O6. 115. ​our Patroon’s O1; ~ Patron’s O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; ~ patron’s D7; Bread;] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O1; said,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7;~^ O1.

306 Va r i a n t s 116. ​my Patroon’s Case] O1; Patron’s O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 117. ​Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 118. ​Saw^,] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G O5, O6, D6, D7. 119. ​ Muly^] O1; Muly, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; Mily, O4G. 120. ​Patroon’s] O1; Patron’s O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; board] O1; Board O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 121. ​ Curlieus] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; Culieus O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 122. ​Stores in O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Storesin] O1. 123. ​and a half] O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6; an half D7; and^ half O1, O3P, O4F. 124. ​Masters] O1; Master’s O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 125. ​reacht] O1; reach’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; reached O4G. 126. ​therethe^rest] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O6, D6 D7; therest O1. 127. ​fisht] O1; fish’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; catcht] O1, catch’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 128. ​head] O1; Head O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 129. ​would fish;] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2; ~, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 130. ​­behind O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; hehind O1; Surprize] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; surprize O2, O3P, O4F; suprize O3L. 131. ​reacht] O1; reach’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; bieng] O1; being O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 132. ​none;] O1; ~: O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~: O3L. 133. ​to the Shoar,] O1; ~ Shore, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7;~ Shore^ O3P. 134. ​Way to Shoar^] O1; ~ Shore^ O2, O4F; ~ Shore, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 135. ​Shoar,] O1; Shore, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 136. ​reacht] O1; reach’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 137. ​ha’ been] O1; have ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 138. ​sail’d] O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; saild] O1, O2. 139. ​southward] O1; Southward O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 140. ​shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Shore, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 141. ​­human kind] O2, O3L, O3P; ~ Kind O4F, D6, D7; ­Human Kind O4G, O5, O6; humane kind O1. 142. ​Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 143. ​Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 144. ​southward,] O1; Southward; O2, O3P, O4F; Southward, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 145. ​Nations] O1; Nation O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 146. ​shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7. 147. ​Wild] O1, O4G; wild O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; Creatures,] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P; creatures^ O4F. 148. ​begg’d] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; beg’d O1; shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; O1; Xury, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 149. ​ Gun, says Xury, laughing] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7, Gun says Xury laughing, O1. 150. ​Slaves, however] O1, O2, O3P, O4F; Slaves. However O3L; ~ However, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 151. ​Patroon’s] O1; Patron’s O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 152. ​dropt] O1; dropp’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; drop’d D6, D7. 153. ​Sea–­shoar] O1; Sea–­shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Sea–­shore, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 154. ​cryed to me] O1; cried~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; cried out to me D6, D7; no, says I] O2, O3L, O4G; no^ says ~] O1, O5, D6, O6, D7; no, said ~ O3P, O4F. 155. ​two Oars length] O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D7; two Oarslength O4F; Two Oars Length O1. 156. ​Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 157. ​Cryes] O1; Cries O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 158. ​Shoar,] O1; Shore, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

Va r i a n t s

307

159. ​convinc’d] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Convinc’d O1; convinced O5, O6, D6, D7; Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 160. ​Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 161. ​Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 162. ​Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 163. ​answer’d] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G; answer^d O2, O3L; answered O5, O6, D6, D7. 164. ​Man’s come] O1; Mans O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; come^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 165. ​­shall eat O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Eat O1. 166. ​to eat, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; tO Eat O1; Patroons] O1; Patron’s O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 167. ​Shoar as] O1; Shore^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Shore, D6, D7. 168. ​and so waded on Shoar,] O1, O3L; and waded on Shore; O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 169. ​Arms^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 170. ​River; but] O1; ~: But O2, O3L, O5, O6, D6; River; But O3P, O4F, O4G. 171. ​humane] O1; ­human O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 172. ​and did not exactly] O1, O3L, D6, D7; and not O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; least remember] O1; least to remember O2, O3P, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; at least not remember D6, D7. 173. ​Traded] O1, O4F; traded O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; traced O3L. 174. ​Leopards^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 175. ​Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 176. ​Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 177. ​side] O1, O4F; Side O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 178. ​Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 179. ​Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; Shore, D7. 180. ​Musquet–­bore] O1; Musket–­bore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 181. ​aim] O1; Aim O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 182. ​three Legs and] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 183. ​surpriz’d] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; surprized O5, O6, D6, D7; suppriz’d O1. 184. ​Shoar: Well] O1; Shore: ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; Shore. ~ O4F, D6, D7; Shoar: ~ O1; I,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; ~: O4G; ~. O5, O6, D6, D7. 185. ​Gun in one Hand, swam] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Hand^ swam O1; to Shore with] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; to Shoar ~ O1. 186. ​again^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 187. ​got off] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ of O1. 188. ​Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 189. ​seek out for] O1; seek^ for O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 190. ​ Cape^] O1; Cape, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 191. ​Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 192. ​ha’] O1; have O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Shoar] O1, O3L; Shore O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 193. ​ha’] O1; have O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Shoar] O1, O3L; Shore O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 194. ​Councellor] O1; Counsellor O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; hal’d] O1; hawl’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; haul’d O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Shoar] O1, O3L; Shore O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 195. ​Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 196. ​aim;] O1; Aim; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 197. ​something O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; some t­ hing O1; ~ to eat, they] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; ~eat; they O4G, O5, O6; eat. They D6, D7; to Eat, they O1. 198. ​came back^] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 199. ​Country, but] O1, O4F; Countrey, but O2, O3L; Country; but O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

308 Va r i a n t s 200. ​Creatures, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O1. 201. ​Piece] O1, O4G; piece O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 202. ​they came,] O1, O3P, D6, D7; ~ come, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 203. ​all three:] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Naked] O1; naked O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 204. ​more^] O1, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6.; Shoar,] O1; Shore, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 205. ​calm, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^] O1; large offing O2, O3L, O3P, O4; ~ Offing O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; large, ~ O1. 206. ​Dilemma] O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Dilemna O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Cabbin] O1; ~, O2, O3L; Cabin, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 207. ​suddain] O1; sudden O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; out,] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 208. ​ Portuguese] O1, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Portugu^se O3P. 209. ​Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 210. ​Patron’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Patroon’s O1. 211. ​ Seignor] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O4F; Seignior, O3P; Seignior^ O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 212. ​Reason, he] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Reason. he O1. 213. ​means] O1; Means O2, O3L, O3), O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 214. ​Food than] O1, O3P; Food, ~ O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, O7. 215. ​Help,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 216. ​­wholesome] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­wholesom O1. 217. ​Fortunes made] O1; Fortune made O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 218. ​surprised] O1; surprised O2, O3L, O3P; surpriz’d O4F, O4G, O5 O6, D6, D7. 219. ​describ’d] O1; described O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 220. ​Shoar] O1; Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 221. ​Considerable,] O1; considerable, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 222. ​preposterous] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; prepostorous O1. 223. ​Interest] O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Intrest O1, O4F. 224. ​hurried on] O1, D6, D7; hurry’d ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 225. ​my Reason; and] O1, O3P; ~: ~ O2, O3L, O4F, O5; ~: And O4G., O6, D6, D7. 226. ​the [blank]th of [blank], being] O2, O3L; the first of September, 1659, being O3P; the 1st of Sept. 1659. O4F; the 1st. of Sept. 1659, being O4G; 1st of Sept659, O5, O6, D6; the 1st of Sept, 1659, ~ D7. 227. ​on board] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Board O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 228. ​ Negroes] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Negroes O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 229. ​ Noronha holding] O1; Noronha, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Noronba, ~, D7. 230. ​twelve] O1; 12 O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 231. ​Course^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 232. ​Savages] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Salvages O1. 233. ​whereabouts] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G O5, O6, D6, D7; where abouts O1. 234. ​in a moment] O1; Moment O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Moment, O5, O6, D6, D7. 235. ​looking upon one another] O1; ~ one upon another O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 236. ​Stern^] O1, O4F; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 237. ​board] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Board O2, O3L, O3P. 238. ​however^] O1, O4F; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 239. ​Distress^] O1, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G. 240. ​ha’] O1; have O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 241. ​Thousand] O1; thousand O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 242. ​ Coup de Grace] O1 O5, O6, D6, D7; Coup–­de–­Grace O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Coup–­de^Grace O4G. 243. ​till that Wave] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; till the ~ O2; ’till the ~ O3P, O4F. 244. ​half–­dead] O1; ~^~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; took in] O1, O3P; ~^ O2; ~. O3L, O4F, O4G; ~: O5, O6, D6, D7.

Va r i a n t s

309

245. ​raise my self] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; rise O2 O3L, O3P; could;] O1, O3P; ~: O2, O3L, O4G; ~, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 246. ​felt] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; fe’t O2, O4G. 247. ​nearer Land] O1; near Land O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 248. ​down] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; dowu O1. 249. ​Malefactor, who] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; Malefactor^ ~ O1. 250. ​Surprise] O1; Surprize O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 251. ​thousand Gestures] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Thousand O1. 252. ​Shore?] O1; ~! O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~! O3L. 253. ​in a word] O1, O3P, O4F; ~ Word O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 254. ​Clothes] O1; Cloaths O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, O6, D6, D7; Clothes O4G. 255. ​Box,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~: D6, D7. 256. ​set] O1; sit O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6m D7. 257. ​Death O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Dearh O1. 258. ​drank^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 259. ​surpris’d] O1; surpriz’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 260. ​Subsistence.] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L. 261. ​Tyde] O1; Tide O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 262. ​Board] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; board O1, D6, D7. 263. ​forc’d] O1; forced O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 264. ​Clothes] O1, O4G; Cloaths O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D7. 265. ​­Water,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 266. ​Board O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; board] O1, O5, O6, D7; a^ground] O1; ~–­~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; aground O3L. 267. ​that her Stern] O1, O3P, O5, O6, D7; and her O2, O3L, O4F, O4G. 268. ​manage for] O1, O3P, O4F, D6, D7; ~ of O2, O3L, O4G; O5, O6. 269. ​Carpenter’s O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6; Carpenters O1, O5, O6, D7. 270. ​But] O1; but O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 271. ​Plank] O1; Planks O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 272. ​Provision,] O1; Provisions; O2; Provisions, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 273. ​ Dutch] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Dutch O1. 274. ​kill’d,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 275. ​several] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; seveveral O2. 276. ​Tyde] O1; Tide O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 277. ​Wast–­coat^] O1; ~–­~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Wastecoat, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 278. ​open^knee’d] O1, O3P, O4G; open–­k nee’d O2, O3L. O4F; open–­k need O5, O6, D6, D7. 279. ​Clothes] O1, O4G; Cloaths O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 280. ​upon, as first] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; ~^ O2; ~; ~ O5, O6, D6, D7. 281. ​losing] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; loosing O2, O3L. 282. ​contain’d.] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; ~: O5, O6, D6, D7; contain’d^ O1. 283. ​Swords;] O1, O4F; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 284. ​full] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; fu^l O2. 285. ​Oars belonging to] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Belong to O1. 286. ​thereabouts, my] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ~^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 287. ​End of it] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; end ~ O2. 288. ​slip’d] O1; slipp’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 289. ​at the highest,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4P, O5, O6, D7; at^ highest, O1. 290. ​Foot of ­Water O2, O3L, O4F, O3P; (. . . ​Foot of ­Water) O4G, O5, O6; (..foot of ­Water.) D7; Foot W ­ ater O1. 291. ​’till the ­Water] O1;^till ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 292. ​Cargo] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Cargoe O1. 293. ​I was I yet] O1; I was, I ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 294. ​northward] O1; Northward O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Northward: O5, O6, D6, D7. 295. ​fowling Pieces,] O1; Fowling Pieces, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G; Fowling–­Pieces O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7.

310 Va r i a n t s 296. ​Abundance] O1, O4G; abundance O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 297. ​Cargoe] O1; Cargo O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6 D6, D7. 298. ​Kind of a Hut] O1, O4G; kind ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; kind of a Hutt O4G, O5, O6, D6; ~ an Hutt D7. 299. ​resolv’d] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G O5, O6, D7; resolved O2, O3L. 300. ​Hut] O1, O4F; Hutt O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Chequere’d Shirt] O1; chequer’d O2, O3L, O4F, O3P; checquer’d ~ O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 301. ​Grindstone] O1, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; Grind–­stone O2, O3L, O3P; Grind Stone O4G. 302. ​Musquet Bullets] O1; Musquet–­Bullets O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Musket Bullets O4F. 303. ​fowling Piece] O1; Fowling–­Piece O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Fowling Piece O4F. 304. ​Cloths] O1; Cloaths O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; Clothes O4G. 305. ​Hammock,] O1, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 306. ​her a Bit of] O1, O4G; bit O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 307. ​Bit, I say,] O1, O4G; bit, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6; bit^ I say D6, D7. 308. ​Cargo] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Cargoe O1. 309. ​heavy] O1, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; hetvy O3L. 310. ​Magazine] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Maggazin O1. 311. ​Man,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; satisfy’d] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; sarisfy’d O2; satisfied O5, O6, D6, D7. 312. ​the Barrel] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~ Barrels D7; theBarrel O2. 313. ​still^] O1, O4F; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 314. ​Bread^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 315. ​up^] O1, O4F; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; by Parcel in] O1; ~ Parcel,~ O2, O3L; Parcel^, O4F; Parcel, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 316. ​Iron^ Work] O1; ~–­work O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 317. ​Cove] O1, O3P, O4F, O6, D6, D7; Cave O2, O3L, O4G, O5. 318. ​Cargo] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Cargoe O1. 319. ​Cargo] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6, D7; Cargoe] O1, O5, O6. 320. ​much: ­A fter this I] O1, O3P, O4F; much; ­A fter O2; much; ­a fter this, I O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 321. ​I had been now thirteen Days] O1, O2, O3P, O4F; ~ now 13 ~ O3L, O4G, O5, O6; I had been^ 13 Days D7. 322. ​eleven Times on Board] O1, O2, O3P, O4F; 11 times O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 323. ​Scissars,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Sizzers, O1; Dozen] O1, O4G; dozen O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; Forks,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 324. ​this Money,] O1, O4F; ~. O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 325. ​for,] O1; ~? O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 326. ​However, upon] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 327. ​Diligence] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Dilligence O1. 328. ​away^] O1, O3L; ~, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; D6, D7. 329. ​my self] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D7; myself O2, O5, O6, D6. 330. ​and I had] O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; and O2, O3P, O4F, O4G; aud ~ O1. 331. ​Discription] O1; Description O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; which,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7, O4F, O4G. 332. ​soon] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; sooon O1. 333. ​mention’d, 2dly.] O1; mentioned. ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G; (omit) O4F; ~; secondly O5, O6, D6, D7. 334. ​Sun, 3dly.] O1; ~. ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; ~; thirdly, O5, O6, D6, D7. 335. ​Beasts, 4thly.] O1; ~, O2, O3P, O4F; Beast. 4thly O3L; Beast; fourthly, O5, O6, D6, D7; Beast. 4thly O4G. 336. ​Side] O1; side O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Plain,] O1, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6.

Va r i a n t s

311

337. ​Side] O1, O3L, O4G; side O2, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 338. ​resolv’d] O1, O3P, O4F, O5, O6; resolved O2, O3L, O4G, D6, D7. 339. ​Hundred] O1; hundred O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 340. ​­every Way] O1, O3P, O4F; way O2, O3L, O4G, O4, O6, D6, D7; Low–­grounds] O1; low^ Grounds O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 341. ​shelter’d] O1, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; sheltered O2, O3L, O4G. 342. ​Five Foot] O1; five ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Half] O1; half O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 343. ​Top:] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; The] O1, O3L; the O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Six] O1; six O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 344. ​Circle,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 345. ​In–­side] O1; Inside O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; inside D6, D7. 346. ​Spurr] O1; Spur O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 347. ​Ladder^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 348. ​fenc’d] O1; fenced O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 349. ​Tho’] O1; ~^ O2, O3L; ~’^ O3P, O4F, D6, D7; ’tho, as O4G, O5, O6. 350. ​which,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; also, D7. 351. ​Rains^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 352. ​One] O1; one O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 353. ​re–­pass’d] O1; repass’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 354. ​Way] O1, O3P, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7, O3L; way O2. 355. ​Nature] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; nature O2. 356. ​Half] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; half O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 357. ​­Things] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­t hings O2, O3P, O4F. 358. ​Tent^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 359. ​surpris’d] O1; surpriz’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 360. ​it self] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; itself O2, O4G. 361. ​destroy’d, on] O1; ~; ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 362. ​apart^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 363. ​another:] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O6; Fort night] O1; Fortnight O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 364. ​­doing^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 365. ​my self] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6 D6; myself O2; any self D7. 366. ​climbed] O3L, O3P, O4F; climb’d O4G; climb’d O5, O6, D7; clim’d O1; climed O2. 367. ​Suck] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; suck O2, O3L, O3P. 368. ​carry’d the] O1, O4F; carried~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 369. ​carry’d] O1, O4F; carried O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 370. ​could.] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O1, O3L. 371. ​suppos’d] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; supposed O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 372. ​ruine] O1; ruin O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; rnin O3L. 373. ​­t here,] O1; ~? O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Sea?] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 374. ​Evils] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Evills O1. 375. ​occurr’d] O1, O4F; occur’d O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D7; ocurr’d O4G; occurred D6. 376. ​without Clothes] O1, O4G; ~ Cloaths O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 377. ​Sufficient] O1; sufficient O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 378. ​tolerable] O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; tolerable O1, O4F. 379. ​surprising] O1, O3L, O4F; surprizing O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 380. ​30th.] O1; 30th^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; above said] O1; abovesaid O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 381. ​my self] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2. 382. ​this I] O1; this, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 383. ​Capital] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; Captital O1; Capitals O4G; Cross^] O1; ~, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; (bad copy—­unable to discern pg #74) O4F.

312 Va r i a n t s 384. ​viz.] O1; viz. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 385. ​Post^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; (bad copy—­unable to discern pg #74) O4F. 386. ​Kalander,] O1; Kalendar, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; Kalender, O3P, D7. 387. ​abovementioned] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; above mention’d, O1. 388. ​huddled] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; huddel’d O1. 389. ​in its place;] O1; ~ Place; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 390. ​me, and] O1, O3L; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 391. ​himself^] O1, O4F; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 392. ​utmost,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 393. ​exact,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; gone I] O1; gone, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Ink^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 394. ​together,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 395. ​Pick–­A xe, and Shovel^] O1; ~–­A x^ ~ ~, O2, O3P, O4F; ~–­A xe^ ~, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 396. ​Linnen] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Linen O2. 397. ​finish’d] O1, O3P, O4F, D7; finished O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6. 398. ​home,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; some times] O1; sometimes O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 399. ​my self] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 400. ​however^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 401. ​concern’d] O1, O3P, O4F, D7; concerned O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6. 402. ​my self] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2, O3P, O4F; good] O1; Good O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 403. ​worse,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 404. ​Thus,] O1; thus: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Thus: O4F, O4G. 405. ​ drown’d^] O1, O3L; ~, (retain ital) O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 406. ​ singl’d] O1; singled O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; singl’d] O1, O3L; sin­ gled O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 407. ​ spar’d] O1; spared O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 408. ​ sav’d] O1; saved O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 409. ​ Clothes] O1, O4G; Cloaths O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; Clothes^] O1, O4G; Cloaths^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Cloaths, O5, O6, D6, D7. 410. ​ Negativ] O1; negative O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; negative, O3P; Positiv] O1; positive O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; positive, O3P; possitive, O4F. 411. ​our selves] O1, O3P, O4F; ourselves O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 412. ​Accompt] O1; Account O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 413. ​out to Sea^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Ship,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 414. ​my self] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, D7; myself O3P, O2, O5, O6. 415. ​describ’d] O1; described O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 416. ​Out–­side] O1; Outside O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Outside; O5, O6, D6, D7. 417. ​Half] O1; half O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; . . . ​half) O5, O6, D6, D7. 418. ​observ’d] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; observed O2, O3P, O4F; brought O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; O5, O6, D6, D7; broughr] O1. 419. ​too,] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P. 420. ​Place,] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; my self] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, D7; myself O2, O3P, O6, D6; so] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; So O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; my self] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, D7; myself O2, O3P, O5, O6, D6; Earth,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 421. ​bestow’d] O1; bestowed O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 422. ​it; and] O1; ~: And O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 423. ​side–­ways] O1; sideways O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Rock,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

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424. ​quite out] O1; ~ out, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 425. ​Out–­side] O1; Outside O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 426. ​back^ Way] O1; Back–­way O2, O3L, O3P, O4G; Back way O4F; Back Way O5, O6; Back–­ Way D6, D7. 427. ​World] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; write,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 428. ​­Table,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 429. ​Application,] O1, O5, O6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6. 430. ​however,^] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O1. 431. ​Axe] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Ax O2, O3P, O4F. 432. ​and Half] O1; and a Half O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; and a half, O5, O6, D6, D7. 433. ​Necessary] O1; necessary O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 434. ​­great] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; grear O1. 435. ​Days] O1; Day’s O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 436. ​too much Hurry] O1, O2, O3P, O4F, D6, D7; too much a Hurry O3L, O4G, O5, O6. 437. ​­t hings: For] O1; thins. For O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ­t hings. Fcr O4F; said thus.] O1; ~ thus: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 438. ​the 30th. ­A fter] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ 30th, ~O2, O3P, O4F; ~30th, ­A fter O3L, O4G. 439. ​till tyr’d] O1; ~ tir’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 440. ​ Crusoe,] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Cursoe, O2. 441. ​offing] O1, O2; Offing O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Offing O5, O6, D6, D7. 442. ​Clothes] O1, O4G; Cloaths O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 443. ​for Want of] O1; want O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 444. ​for fear] O1, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Fear O3L. 445. ​Surprise] O1, O2, O3P, O4F; Surprize O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 446. ​broken to Pieces, O1; O3L, O4F, O4G; ~ to pieces^ O2, O3P; ~ to pieces, O5, O6, D6; ~ in Pieces, D7. 447. ​staid on board] O1, O2, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Board O3L, O4F, O4G. 448. ​ October,] O1; October^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 449. ​broke in Pieces] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ pieces O2, O3L, O3P; Pieces, O4F, O4G. 450. ​any Attack] O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; an Attack O1, O2. 451. ​From the 26th to the 30th, I] O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ 26th. to the 30th. I] O1; ~ 26th to the 30th I O3L, O3P, O4F, (“I” above baseline) O4G; 26th to the 30th. I O2. 452. ​Part] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; part O2, O3L, O3P. 453. ​hard^]; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 454. ​31st.] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 455. ​Country,] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 456. ​also^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 457. ​Gun^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 458. ​my self] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P; Eleven a–­Clock] O1; ~ a–­clock O2, O3L, O3P; ~ a^ Clock O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 459. ​employ’d] O1, O4G, O5, O6; employed O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, D6, D7. 460. ​Mechanick] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Mechanic O2. 461. ​kill’d^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 462. ​them:] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 463. ​Sea^ Shore] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~–­~ O2, O3L; Sea–­shore O3P, O4F; Sea^ Fowls^] O1; ~–­~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; understand,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 464. ​surpris’d^] O1; surpriz’d^ O2; surpriz’d, O3L, O3P; surprized, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 465. ​into the Sea^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 466. ​learn’d] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6 D7; learnt O2. 467. ​Part] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; part O2; 12th.] O1; 12 th, O3L; ~, O2, O3P, O4F; ~^ O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; 11th.] O1, O5; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O6, D6, D7.

314 Va r i a n t s 468. ​please me,] O1; ~ me; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; in Pieces] O1, O3L; in pieces O2; to pieces O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; to Pieces O4F. 469. ​dreadfully^] O1, O3L; ~, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 470. ​Powder; as] O1; ~: As O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 471. ​Danger] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; danger O2. 472. ​a Pound of] O1; ~ Pound, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 473. ​Powder, and] O1; ~; ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; stow’d] O1; stowed O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 474. ​Rock^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 475. ​Conveniency:] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; ~, D7; Two Th ­ ings] O1; Three ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 476. ​A Pick–­a xe,] O; a Pick–­a xe, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; a Pick–ax O4F, O3P; aPick– ax, O2. 477. ​that Want] O1, O3L; ~ Want, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Tools; as] O1; ~; As O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; ~. As O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; As for a Pick–­a xe] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6; ~ Pick–ax O2, O3P, O4F; As for the Pick-­a xe D7. 478. ​Spade, this] O1; ~; ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 479. ​without it,] O1; ~; O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 480. ​it, which, in] O1, D6; ~which^ O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 481. ​Hardness,] O1; ~; O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 482. ​my Axe] O1, O3L; ~ Ax O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Ax D6, D7. 483. ​other Way] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ way O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 484. ​Machine,] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; for I work’d] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; for^ work’d O2. 485. ​me so long,] O1; ~; O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 486. ​Wheel–­barrow,] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G. 487. ​Means, having] O1; means, O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 488. ​Notion] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; notion O2. 489. ​pos­si­ble Way] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ way O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 490. ​it over,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 491. ​Hodd] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F; Hod O2; Hoad O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Morter] O1; Mortar O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 492. ​Wheel–­Barrow] O1; Wheel–­barrow O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 493. ​deepening] O1, O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7; deepning O2, O3P, O4F, O4G. 494. ​Magazin] O1; Magazine O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 495. ​that some Times] O1; ~ sometimes O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 496. ​so hard, that] O1; ~ hard^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, OFG, O5, O6, D6, D7. 497. ​my self dry] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself ~ O2; caused] O1; caus’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 498. ​Raf­ters leaning] O1; Raf­ters, ~ O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 499. ​Flags] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Flaggs O1. 500. ​Sudden] O1; sudden O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; suddain D6. 501. ​Grave–­Digger] O1; Grave–­digger O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Grave digger O3P, O4F. 502. ​Seiling] O1; Cieling O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4P, O5, O6, D6, D7; Ceiling O4G. 503. ​broke. N. B.] O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; broke, N^ B. O1. 504. ​grew well,] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 505. ​Stirring] O1; stirring O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 506. ​­Middle] O1; ­middle O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 507. ​nay sometimes] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G; nay, ~ O2, O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7. 508. ​nay sometimes] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G; nay, ~ O2, O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7. 509. ​to breed them] O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ bread ~ O1. 510. ​houshold Affairs] O1; Houshold ~ O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 511. ​to be hooped] O1; ~ hoop’d O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 512. ​by them,] O1, O3L, O3P, O5, D7; ~^ O2; of them O4F, O4, O6, D6.

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513. ​to Bed: I] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; ~Bed: ~ O2; ~Bed. ~ O5, O6, D6, D7. 514. ​I had was,] O1, O5, O6; ~ had, was, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6, D7. 515. ​for Fear] O1; ~ fear O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 516. ​when . . . ​­a fter,] O1; when^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 517. ​green, shooting] O1; green^ ~ O2, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Green shooting O3L, O3P, O4F. 518. ​all, indeed] O1; all; ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 519. ​straggling Stalks] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; stragglingStalks O2. 520. ​Stalks of Ryce] O1 ~ Rice O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 521. ​that Part] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ part O2, O3P; before, peering] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; before^ ~ O2, O3L; ~^ ~, O3P. 522. ​unforeseen] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; unforseen O1. 523. ​destroy’d O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; destroyed O2. 524. ​anywhere] O1; any where O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Time] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; time O2; destroy’d] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; destroyed O2. 525. ​Corn you] O1; Corn, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; sure in] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; sure, in O2. 526. ​in Time] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ time O2. 527. ​my self] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself D7. 528. ​Ryce] O1; Rice O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 529. ​­a fter some Time.] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ time O2. 530. ​Out–­side] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F; Outside O2, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 531. ​In–­side] O1; Inside O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 532. ​finish’d] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; finished O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 533. ​my self] O1, O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2, O3P, O4F, O4G; kill’d,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; thus,] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ~: D6. 534. ​surprising] O1; surprizing O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 535. ​Manner;] O1; manner: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; scar’d] O1; scared O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 536. ​Top of my Cave] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; top O2, O3L, O3P. 537. ​Fear] O1; fear O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; forward] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; forwards D7; foreward O1. 538. ​my self] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2. 539. ​stepp’d] O1; stept O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 540. ​Times] O1; times O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; times, O4G, O5, O6; Times, D6, D7; Distance] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; distance O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 541. ​overturn’d] O1, O4F; overturned O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 542. ​Earth,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 543. ​Life,] O1, D7; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; ~. O4G, O5, O6. 544. ​it self] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; itself O2. 545. ​discours’d] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; discoursed O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 546. ​sick like] O1; sick, like O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 547. ​me, as] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; me^ ~ O1. 548. ​rousing] O1; rouzing O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; stupify’d] O1; stupified O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; houshold] O1; Houshold O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 549. ​second Time] O1, O4G; time O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 550. ​some Time] O1, O4G, O5, O6; time O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, D7. 551. ​Fear] O1; fear O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 552. ​ Lord^] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Lord, O2. 553. ​would rain;] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Rain; O1; so that, in less] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; and in less D6, D7. 554. ​Hour, it] O1; ~^~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 555. ​Sudden cover’d] O1; sudden covered ~ O2, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; sudden cover’d O3P, D6, D7, sudeen cover’d O3L.

316 Va r i a n t s 556. ​was stark calm] O1, O3L; was^ calm O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 557. ​Thoughts] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; thoughts O1. 558. ​it self] O1, O4G, D6, D7; itself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6. 559. ​afraid] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; affraid O1. 560. ​to cut] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; To ~ O1. 561. ​one time or other] O1, O2, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; one Time ~ O3L, O3P, O4G. 562. ​Apprehensions] O1, D7; Apprehension O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6; Apprehension, O3P, O4F. 563. ​loath] O1, O4G; loth O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 564. ​secur’d] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G; secured O2, O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7. 565. ​Speed] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G; speed O2, O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7. 566. ​too,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; ~: O5, O6, D6, D7. 567. ​­t here; besides] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~: ~ O2; ~: Besides O3P; Grindstone] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Grind–­stone O2, O3L, O3P. 568. ​Weeks Work] O1, O4F; Week’s ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 569. ​Grindstone] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Grind–­stone O2, O3L, O3P. 570. ​my self] O1, O4F, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6. 571. ​something lye] O1, O4F, O4G; ~ lie O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; ordinary, and] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; ~ O2, O3L, O3P. 572. ​like a Cask;] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O1. 573. ​Hurricane,] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2, O3L, O3P. 574. ​to lye higher] O1, O4F, O4G; ~ lie ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­Water than] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, ~ O2; ~, that O3P. 575. ​Gunpowder;] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Gun–­p owder, O2, O3L, D6, D7; Gun–­ powder; O3P. 576. ​Stone, however] O1, O4F; ~; ~ O2, O3L, O3P; Stone: However O4G, O5, O6, D6; Stone: ~ D7. 577. ​to the Ship, I] O2, O3L, O3P, D6, D7; to the Ship I] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; remov’d,] O1, O4F; ~; O2, O3L, O3P; ~: O4G; removed: O5, O6, D6, D7; The Fore–­castle which] O1, O4F; the Fore–­castle, which O2, O3L, O3P; The Forecastle, which O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 578. ​six Foot;] O2, O3L, O3P; ~, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Six Foot, O1; Stern which] O1, O4F; Stern, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O6; Stern, that O5, D7; broke to Pieces and] O1, O4F; ~ pieces, and O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Pieces, O4G. 579. ​on that Side] O1, O4G, O5, D7; ~ side O2, O3L; one Side, O4F, O3P, O6. 580. ​surpriz’d] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; surprized O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 581. ​Earthquake, and] O1, O4F; ~: And O2, O3L, O3P; ~; and O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 582. ​into the Ship,] O1, O4F, O4G, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O5. 583. ​In–­side] O1; Inside O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; inside O5, O6, D6, D7. 584. ​choak’d] O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; choacked O1; choack’d O1, O4F; had learn’d] O1, O4F, O4G; ~ learnt O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 585. ​of any Th ­ ing] O1, O4F, O4G; ~ t­ hing O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; e­ very ­Thing to] O1, O4F, O4G; ~ ­t hing ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 586. ​­every ­Thing I] O1, O4F; ~ ­t hing O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; to Pieces] O1, O4F, O4G; ~ pieces O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; from her would] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ her, ~ O2, O3L, O3P. 587. ​was oblig’d] O1, O4F; ~ obliged O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 588. ​that Time] O1, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G; ~ time O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7. 589. ​Sport,] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2, O3L, O3P. 590. ​on Shore when] O1, O4F, O4G, D6, D7; ~ Shore, ~ O2, O3L, O3P; on shore when O5, O6. 591. ​Iron Work] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Iron–­work O2, O3L, O3P. 592. ​tyr’d] O1, O4F; tir’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 593. ​stay’d] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; staid O2, O3L, O3P. 594. ​ May 24.] O1;, O224, O3L. 595. ​­Things so] O1, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G; ­t hings ~ O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7.

Va r i a n t s

317

596. ​Iron–­Work] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Iron–­work O2, O3L, O3P; enough,] O1, O2, O4F, O4G; ~^ O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7; enongh O3P. 597. ​feaverish] O1, O4F; feverish O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 598. ​Fit and hot] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Fit, ~ O2. 599. ​my self] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P. 600. ​Broth,] O2, O3L, O3P; Broath, O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 601. ​a–­Bed] O1, O4F, O4G; a–­bed O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 602. ​my self] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P. 603. ​my self] O1, O4F, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6. 604. ​stepp’d upon the Ground] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; step’d O2, O3L, O3P. 605. ​look’d,] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P. 606. ​moved] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; mov’d O2, O3L, O3P. 607. ​say, I understood,] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ ~ ~^ O2, O3L, O3P. 608. ​Hand,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 609. ​Mind] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3P; awak’d and] O1, O4F, O4G, D7; awaked, ~ O2, O3L, O3P; awaked^ O5, O6. 610. ​received] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; receiv’d O2, O3L, O3P. 611. ​Seafaring] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; seafaring O2, O3L, O3P. 612. ​my self] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 613. ​that Time] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7;~ time O2, O3L, O3P. 614. ​Sailors can] O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; Sailors^ ~ O1, O4F, O4G; supposed] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; suppos’d O2, O3L, O3P. 615. ​believ’d] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; believed O2, O3L, O3P, D6, D7. 616. ​Sin;] O1, O4F, O4G; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 617. ​­whether] O1, O4F, O4G; whither O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 618. ​Danger] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; danger O2, O3L, O3P. 619. ​my self] O1, O4F, O4G, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6. 620. ​Kind] O1, O5; kind O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Extasie] O1; Extasy O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 621. ​Joy, or, as] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Joy, or as O1. 622. ​Sort] O1, O4F, O4G; sort O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 623. ​Even] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O3P. 624. ​Redemption] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Red^mption O2. 625. ​my self] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, D6, D7; myself O2, O3P, O5, O6. 626. ​th e] (unwanted spacing) O1; the O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 627. ​Part] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; part O2, O3P. 628. ​Power] O1, O4F, O4G; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 629. ​such ­Things,] O1, O4F, O4G; ~ ­t hings; O2, O3L, O3P;~ ­t hings, O5, O6, D6, D7. 630. ​Burthen] O1, O4F; Burden O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 631. ​Feaver] O1, O4F; Fever O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 632. ​to reproach my self] O1, D6, D7; ~ myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 633. ​Manner] O1, O4F, O4G; manner O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 634. ​Feaver] O1, O4F; Fever O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 635. ​express:] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2, O3L. 636. ​ Want of Help,] O1; want of Help, O2, O3L, O3P; want of Help, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 637. ​ Lord! . . . ​me!] O2, O3L, O3P; (roman type) O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; (ital.) O2, O3L, O3P. 638. ​Prediction^] O1, O4F, O4G; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; mention’d] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; mentioned O2, O3L, O3P. 639. ​ viz^] O1, O3L; viz. O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; me,] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2, O3L O3P; Leisure] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; leisure O2, O3L, O3P. 640. ​v iz. That . . . ​Recovery.] O1; viz. That . . . ​Recovery. O2, O3L, O4F, O4G O5, O6, D6, D7; Recovery. O3P. 641. ​my self] O1, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6.

318 Va r i a n t s 642. ​Parents;] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~: O2, O3L, O3P. 643. ​it:] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. O2, O3L, O3P; Assistance who wou’d] O1, O4F, O4G; ~ would O2, O3L, O3P;~ who, would O5, O6, D6, D7. 644. ​­every ­Thing] O1; ­t hing O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 645. ​Advice; then] O1, O4F, O4G; ~: Then O2, O3L; ~. Then O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 646. ​Years: But] O1, O4F, O4G, O3P; Years.~ O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 647. ​my self] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 648. ​Bed;] O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O4F; ~? O1. 649. ​remember,] O1;? O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P. 650. ​my self] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P; weak, that] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P. 651. ​occurred] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; occur’d O2, O3L, O3P, D7. 652. ​the Air O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; rhe ~] O1. 653. ​occurr’d] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G; occur’d O2, O3P, O5, O6, D7. 654. ​Sallee] O1, O4F; Salle O2, O3L, O3P; Salee O4G; Sallee O5, O6, D6, D7. 655. ​Africa?] O1; ~? O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Or, Drown’d] O1, O4F; Or^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P; drown’d O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 656. ​ thy self? O1; ~? O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; thyself? O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 657. ​my self] O1, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4G; but rise] O1, O4F; ~ ­rose O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 658. ​to sleep] O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; to Sleep O1, O4F. 659. ​it occurr’d] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~ occur’d O2, O3P, D6, D7. 660. ​Tobacco, for] O1, O4F, O4G, O6, D6, D7; ~^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O5. 661. ​found a Cure,] O1, O4F, O4G; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 662. ​Note D7 [p. 89] has letters raised above the baseline ata, which, tobacco, much, and or. 663. ​steeped] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; steep’d O2, O3L, O3P. 664. ​ Wilderness?] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Wilderness; O1. 665. ​no more ’till] O1, O4F; ~^till O2, O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7; no more, till O3P;~ ~ (broken stem)|till O4G. 666. ​Three a–­Clock] O1, O4F; three ~ O2, O3L, O3P; Three a Clock O4G; Three o’ Clock O5, O6, D6, D7. 667. ​Hour, I’m] O1, O4F, O4G; Hour^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P; Hour I am O5, O6, D6, D7. 668. ​’till almost] O1, O4F;^till ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Three that Day] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; three ~ O2, O3L, O3P; three the Day D6, D7. 669. ​had done:] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; for if] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; For ~ O2, O3P. 670. ​re–­crossing] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; recrossing O2, O3L, O3P. 671. ​Accompt] O1, O4F; Account O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 672. ​one Way] O1, O4F, O4G; ~ way O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; or th’other] O1, O4F; t’other O2, O3L, O3P; or other O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 673. ​my self] O1, O4F, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6. 674. ​cheerful O2, O3P, D7; chearful O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 675. ​well Day] O1, O4F; Well–­day O2, O3L, O3P; Well–­Day O4G; Well Day O5, O6, D6, D7. 676. ​Sea Fowl] O1, O4F, O4G; Sea–­Fowl O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 677. ​brand Goose] O1, O4F; Brand–­Goose O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.; Home] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.; home O2, O3L, O3P. 678. ​so I ate] O1; ~ eat O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 679. ​the Day before] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ day ~ O2, O3L, O3P. 680. ​before,nor] O1; before, nor O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 681. ​shou’d] O1; should O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 682. ​my self] O1, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 683. ​of it; It] O1; of it; it O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 684. ​Horrour] O1, O2; Horror, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 685. ​this: And] O1; ~;~ O2; O3P, O4F, O4G; ~; and O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7. 686. ​than Deliverance] O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; that ~ O1, O4F.

Va r i a n t s

319

687. ​Nature:] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 688. ​bestirr’d my self to furnish my self] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; bestir’d myself ~ ~ myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 689. ​­little, at] O1; ~^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 690. ​Sickness:] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 691. ​learn’d] O1; learnt O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 692. ​Island above 10] O1, O2, OL3, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ about O4, O5, O6, D6, D7. 693. ​Condition,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 694. ​Place:] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; ~. O5, O6, D6, D7; ~: O1. 695. ​Parts] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Parrs O1. 696. ​Meadows;] O1; ~^ O2, D7; ~, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 697. ​Vertues] O1, O5, O6; Virtues O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6, D7. 698. ​Aloes] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Alloes O1. 699. ​know the Vertue] O1, O5, O6; ~ Virtue O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D7. 700. ​Melons] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Mellons O1. 701. ​Feavers] O1; Fevers O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 702. ​­wholesome as] O2, O3P; ­wholesome, ~ O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; w ­ holesome, and as D6, D7; ­wholesom ~ O1; might be to be had] O1, O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6; might be had D6, D7; could be had O3P, O4F. 703. ​by the Way] O1, O5, O6; ~ way O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D7. 704. ​North–­side] O1; ~^~ O2, O3L; East^ side O4F, O3P; North^ Side O4G; North–­Side O5, O6, D6, D7. 705. ​­little O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; litrle O1. 706. ​dragg’d] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; drag’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 707. ​no laying (“o” above baseline)] O1; no ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 708. ​the other Way] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ ~ way O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 709. ​Weight. I] O1; ~; I O2, O3L; ~, I O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 710. ​Journey,] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2, O3P, O4F. 711. ​Situation] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Scituation O1. 712. ​Upon the Whole] O1; ~ ­whole O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 713. ​was situate] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ scituate O1. 714. ​my self] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 715. ​to render] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ rend O1; improbable] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Improbable O1. 716. ​impossible] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Impossible O1. 717. ​enamour’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Enamour’d O1. 718. ​Time ­t here, for] O1; ~ ­t here^ for O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 719. ​Country–­House] O1, O2, O3L, O4G; Country House +O3P, O4F, O5, D6; Country. House O6, D7. 720. ​my self] O1, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 721. ​and indeed,] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; and, ~ O2, O3P, O4F. 722. ​­Middle] O1; ­middle O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 723. ​three Kittens; this] O1; ~ Kittens. This O2, O3L, O3P. O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 724. ​Vermine] O1; Vermin O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 725. ​Cover,] O1; Cover^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 726. ​Out–­Side] O1; Outside O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 727. ​manag’d my self] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, D7. 728. ​prostrating my self O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 729. ​Bisket Cake] O1, O3P; Bisket–­Cake O3L, O4F, O4G, D6, D7; Bisket.Cake O5, O6. 730. ​contented my self] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 731. ​learn’d] O1; learnt O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 732. ​Handful] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; handful O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 733. ​Piece of Ground] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Piece ~ O1. 734. ​afterwards: As] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; ~ O2, O3P; aftewards; ~ O4F. 735. ​generally thus:] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~thus, O1.

320 Va r i a n t s 736. ​found, by Experience,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; found by Experience O1. 737. ​Rain.] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 738. ​In this Time O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; This Time] O1. 739. ​ Basket–­maker’s^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Basket–­makers, O1. 740. ​and being as] O1; ~being, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 741. ​Day,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 742. ​carry’d] O1, O5, O6; carried O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6, D7. 743. ​Season,] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3P, O4F. 744. ​bestirr’d] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; bestir’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 745. ​Glass–­Bottles] O1; Glass ­Bottles O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; G^ass ~ D7. 746. ​Case–­Bottles–­Square] O1; Case–­Bottles^ square O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 747. ​To make] O1; to ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 748. ​however,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 749. ​89:28 my self] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 89:28 my self] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P,. 750. ​Cross] O1; cross O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 751. ​Leagues off] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ of O1. 752. ​Part of Amer­i­ca] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; part O2. 753. ​inhabited] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Inhabited O1. 754. ​inhabited] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Inhabited O1. 755. ​forward,] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 756. ​now was,] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2. 757. ​ Savanna] O1, D6, D7; Savana O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 758. ​my self] O1, D6; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 759. ​Need] O1; need O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ventrous] O1; venturous O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 760. ​ Leaden–­hall Market] O1; ~ Market O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 761. ​resolv’d] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; resolved O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; my self] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 762. ​surpriz’d] O1, O4F, O4G; surprized O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 763. ​901:12 worst Side] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~ side O2, O3L, O3P, D7. 91:12 Side] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ side O2, O3L, O3P. 764. ​Number] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; number O2, O3L, O3P. 765. ​she Goat] O1; She–­Goat O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 766. ​cover’d] O1; covered O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 767. ​happen’d^] O1, O4F; happened^ O2, O3P; happen’d, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 768. ​oblig’d] O1; obliged O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 769. ​Journies] O1, O4F; Journeys O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 770. ​Mind] O1, O4F, O4G, D7; mind O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6. 771. ​rendred] O1; renderd O2; render’d O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 772. ​but almost] O1, O2, O3L; but was almost O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 773. ​that it became] O1, O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; that it was O3P, O4F; Time] O1, O2, O3P, O4F; time O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 774. ​ Sept.] O1; September O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Manner] O1, O4F; manner O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 775. ​deliver’d,] O1; delivered^ O2, O3P, O4F; deliver’d^ O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 776. ​pleas’d] O1; pleased O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 777. ​That He] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O, D7; ~ he O1; me] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 778. ​Society^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 779. ​now I chang’d] O1; ~ changed O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~ having changed D6, D7. 780. ​chang’d] O1; changed O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

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321

781. ​Country;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 782. ​Redemption:] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; ~. O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 783. ​it self] O1; it self, O2, O3P, O4F; itself, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 784. ​wou’d] O1; would O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Loss.] O1, O2, O3L; ~? O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 785. ​Solitary Condition] O1, O2, O3P; solitary ~ O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 786. ​Par­tic­u ­lar State] O1; par­tic­u ­lar~ O2; O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; particularState D6. 787. ​within me,] O1; O2 ~ me^ O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2. 788. ​General] O1, O2; general O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 789. ​Abroad] O1, O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; abroad O3P, O4F. 790. ​did not rain] O3P, O4F, O4G; ~ Rain.] O1, O2, O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7. 791. ​Day; also] O1; ~: also O2, O3L; Day: Also O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, D7; ~: ~ O6; Day: ~ D6. 792. ​work in; with] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Work in; with O2; work in, with O3P, O4F. 793. ​Work in the] O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; to work in the O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 794. ​was this,] O1, O2; ~; O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ this: O3P, O4F, O4G. 795. ​Log, or Piece] O1, O2, OL3, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Log^ ~ O3P, O4F. 796. ​one Side] O1, O3P, O4F; D6, D7; side O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6; smooth, and flat,] O1, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; smooth^ and flat^ O3P. 797. ​turning that Side] O1, O4F; ~ side O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 798. ​other Side] O1, O3P, O4F; ~ side O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 799. ​both Sides] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ sides O2, O3L. 800. ​Piece of Work] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; piece ~ O2, O3L, O3P. 801. ​Danger] O1, O2, O3L; danger O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 802. ​First] O1, O2; first O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; The Goats] O1, O2; the ~ O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 803. ​for,] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 804. ​fenc’d,] O1, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G; ~, O2; fenced O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7. 805. ​Day Time] O1; Day–­time O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Day time O3L. 806. ​ruin] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ruine O2, O3L. 807. ​many sorts] O2, O3L, O3P; ~ Sorts O2, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 808. ​up a ­little O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; up a a ­little O1. 809. ​However, I] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; However^ I O1. 810. ​lose] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; loose O1. 811. ​Green] O1; green O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 812. ​their sight] O1; ~ Sight O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 813. ​hang’d] O3P, O4F, O4G; Hang’d O1; O2, O3L, O4G, O5; Hanged O6, D6, D7. 814. ​to ­others; it] O1; ~ ­others. It O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 815. ​Sickle] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Sicle O1. 816. ​Quantity for Store] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ of ~ O2, O3P, O4F. 817. ​Hours of Working] O1, O2; ~ working O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Working O2. 818. ​Bread; ’tis] O1;~: ~ O2, O3P; Bread. ’Tis O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D7; D6 (nonlegible). 819. ​ viz.^] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D7; (viz.) O2; viz^ O5, O6; multitude] O1, O2, O3P; ^ Multitude O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 820. ​Providing, Producing, Curing, Dressing, Making and Finishing] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; providing, producing, curing, dressing, making and finishing O4F. 821. ​harder,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ harder, O1. 822. ​However this] O1; However, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 823. ​than Rake or Harrow it] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7 ~ rake or harrow ~ O4F. 824. ​many ­t hings] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6; ~ Thigs O2, O3P, O4F, D7. 825. ​and Save it.] O1, O2, O3P, O4F; ~ save ~ O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; t o Grind it,] O1, O2, O3P, O4F; ~ grind ~ O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 826. ​to Dress it,] O1, O2, O3P, O4F; ~ dress ~ O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

322 Va r i a n t s 827. ​to bake it,] O1; ~ it; O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; to Bake it; ~ O4F. 828. ​help for;] O1, O3L, O4F, D7; ~ for, O2, O3P; Help for; O4G, O5, O6; my time] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Time O2, O3P, O4F. 829. ​least,] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O6, D6. 830. ​speak;] O3P, O4F; Speak; O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7; Speak, O1, O2, O4G. 831. ​study’d^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.;] O1, O3P, O4F; resolved O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 832. ​ways] O1; Ways O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 833. ​­labour’d] O1; laboured O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 834. ​could] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; cou’d O2. 835. ​success,] O1; ~; O3L, O4F, O4G; Success; O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 836. ​Two,] O1, O3P; two^ O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 837. ​Wicker–­Baskets^] O1, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6. 838. ​break,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 839. ​earthen] O1; Earthen O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 840. ​surpriz’d] O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; surprized O3P; surppis’d O1. 841. ​­whole^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 842. ​Pots. (period appears higher than baseline)] O1; Pots. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Notion] O1, O4F, D6, D7; notion O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6. 843. ​them,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 844. ​found] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; found (“n” and “d” are obscured) O2. 845. ​on,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; one; O4F; ~; O4G; gradually^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 846. ​handsome^] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2. 847. ​Dirt–­Pies,] O1, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6, D7; ~ Pyes O3L, O4G, O5, O6. 848. ​would make Pies O1, O2, O4F, D6, D7; ~ Pyes O3L, O4G, O5, O6; makes Pies O3P. 849. ​Kid,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 850. ​Ingredients] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 851. ​Mortar,] O1, O4F, O4G; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 852. ​unqualify’d] O1; unqualified O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Stone–­cutter] O1; ~–­Cutter O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 853. ​Out–­side] O1; Outside O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 854. ​Iron–­Wood] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O6, D6, D7; Iron.Wood O5; on–­wood O1; prepar’d] O1, O4F, O4G; prepared O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 855. ​self,] O1; ~^ O2, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself^ O3L, O4F, O4G; pound^] O1, O3P, O4F, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6. 856. ​­Thing] O1, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­t hing O2, O3L, O3P, O4G. 857. ​Stuff,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 858. ​Callicoe,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; Callico^ D7; t­ hese,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 859. ​lye] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; lie O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; hot,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 860. ​wondered O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; won­der’d O3P, O4F; wondred O1. 861. ​carry’d] O1, O2, O4G, O5, O6; carried O3L, O3P, O4F, D6, D7. 862. ​bigger.] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 863. ​Rice,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 864. ​Year,] O1; ~^ O2; O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O3L; I sow’d] O1, O2, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; sowed O3L, O3P, O4F. 865. ​would] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; wou’d O2; Hopes] O1; hopes O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 866. ​Country,] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. O2, O3P, O4F. 867. ​thousand to one] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; Thousand ~ One O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Thousand ~ ~ O4G. 868. ​Latitude^] O1; Latitude, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 869. ​Defence:] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

Va r i a n t s

323

870. ​long^ Boat] O1; Long–­Boat O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 871. ​Shore,] O1;~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 872. ​Winds^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 873. ​foreseen, That I] O1, O2;~ that ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 874. ​do,] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; my self, That I if could but turn] O1; my self, that if I could O2, O3L; O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 875. ​receiv’d] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; receiv^ d O2; received O5, O6, D6, D7. 876. ​Sand,] O1, O2, O4F, O4G; ~^ O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 877. ​forward,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; forwards^ O5, O6, D6, D7. 878. ​­Water,] O1, D7; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 879. ​Want] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; want O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 880. ​them; for] O1, O4F; ~: For O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~: For (: are in italics). 881. ​In–­side] O1; Inside O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D7; inside, O5, O6. 882. ​it:] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. O4G. 883. ​Boat,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Fool,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 884. ​In–­side] O1; In^side O2; Inside O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 885. ​Malett] O1, Mallet O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 886. ​carry’d] O1; carried O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 887. ​carry’d] O1; carried O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 888. ​remain’d] O1, O3P, O4F; remained O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 889. ​question^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 890. ​me;] O1;~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; tho;’] O1; though O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 891. ​Declivity:] O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~: O1, O2. 892. ​grutches] O1;grudges O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; grudge O3P, O4F. 893. ​View? But O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; View: But O1, O2. 894. ​Number] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; number O2, O3L, O3P. 895. ​End,] O1;~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Deep] O1; deep O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 896. ​Cost;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 897. ​liv’d] O1; lived O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 898. ​fix’d] O1; fixed O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 899. ​remov’d] O1; removed O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 900. ​­here.] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 901. ​Manor] O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; Manor, O4F; Manor; O4G; Mannor O1. 902. ​Rivals.] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 903. ​one,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 904. ​Fleet,] O1;~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 905. ​Ground.] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~, D6, D7. 906. ​Fewel;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 907. ​That] O1; that O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 908. ​cur’d] O1; cured O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 909. ​possess’d] O1; possessed O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 910. ​Use] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; use O2, O3L, O3P. 911. ​­There] O1; ­t here O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 912. ​my self,] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. O2, O4G; myself, O3L, O3P, O4F; That I] O1; that ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 913. ​admir’d] O1, O4F, O4G; admired O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 914. ​learn’d] O1; learned O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 915. ​appear’d] O1, O4F, O4G; appeared O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 916. ​To compare] O1; to ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 917. ​order’d] O1, D6, D7; ordered O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 918. ​Ship. How] O1; ~; how O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

324 Va r i a n t s 919. ​first. That] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 920. ​perish’d] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; perished O2, O3P; Savage.] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 921. ​Skin,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 922. ​Misery^] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3P, O4F. 923. ​Being,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 924. ​Seafaring] O1, D7; Sea–­faring O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6. 925. ​Seafaring Life] O1; Sea–­farin ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Sea–­faring] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Seafaring O1; entertain’d] O1, O3L, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; entertained O2, O3P, O4G. 926. ​Dangers;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 927. ​me;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O5. 928. ​Manner] O1; manner O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 929. ​­t hing] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­Thing O2, O3P, O4F. 930. ​­t hing] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­Thing O2, O3P, O4F. 931. ​ Sallé] O2, O3P; Salle’, O5, O6, D7; Salle O3L; Sallee O1, O4F, O4G, D6. 932. ​look’d about me^] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; look’d ~ me, O3L; looked ~ ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 933. ​hopes] O1; Hopes O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 934. ​Condition,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 935. ​Condition^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 936. ​Croud] O1, O2, O4G, O5, O6; croud O3L, O3P; Crowd O4F; Cloud D6, D7. 937. ​murther] O1; murder O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 938. ​word] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G; Word O2, O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7. 939. ​­Things] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­t hings O2, O3L, O3P. 940. ​Days,] O1, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 941. ​ Sallé Man of War O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; Sallee ~ O4F, D7;Salleé D6; Sallee; Sally ~ O1, O2. 942. ​ Yarmouth Roads] O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~ Roads D6; ~ Rodes O1, O2; Y^rmouth Roads D7. 943. ​ Sallé in the Boat] O3L, O3P, O5, O6; Sallee ~ O1, O2, O4F, D7; Salé ~ O4G; Salleé D6. 944. ​ September, that same Day,] O1; ~ the same Day^ O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 945. ​Year ­a fter] O1, O5, O6; Years O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6, D7. 946. ​wicked Life,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 947. ​Ink’s,] O1, O3L;~^ O2, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O4G. 948. ​Ship,] O1; ~; O2; ~: O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 949. ​degree] O1, O3L; Degree O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 950. ​chequer’d] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G; chequered O2, O3P; checquer’d O5, O6, D6, D7. 951. ​preserved,] O1; preserv’d, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 952. ​Watch Coats] O1, O2, O5, O6, D7; ~–­~ O3P, O4F, O4G, O6D; ~–­coats O3L. 953. ​inclin’d] O1, O2; inclined O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; thoughts] O1, O2; Thoughts O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 954. ​heat of the Sun] O1, O2; Heat of the Sun O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 955. ​blistered] O, O2; blister’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 956. ​Motion^] O1, O2;~, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Shirt^] O1, O2; O3P, O4F; ~, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 957. ​it: No more] O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; it: No O5, O6, D6, D7; it, no ~ O1, O2; bring my self] O1, O2, O3P; myself O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 958. ​[heat of the Sun] heat of Sun O1, O2; Heat of the Sun O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; heat of the Sun beating] O1, O2; Heat ~ O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 959. ​without a Cap or Hat on,so] (tight spacing) O1, O2; ~ on; so O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7. 960. ​it,] O1;~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 961. ​call’d] O1, O2; O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; called O3L, O3P; Order;] O1, O2; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

Va r i a n t s

325

962. ​had,] O1, O2;~; O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; work a Tayloring] O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Work a Taylering] O1, O2. 963. ​wou’d] O1, O2; would O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 964. ​kill’d] O1, O2; O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 965. ​out Side] O1, O2; Outside O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 966. ​a worse Taylor.] O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~ Taylor: D6; ~ Taylor: D7; ~ Tayler O1, O2. 967. ​Mind] O1, O2; O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; mind O3L, O3P. 968. ​­t here.] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 969. ​oblig’d] O1, O2; obliged O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 970. ​answer’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; aswer’d] O1. 971. ​wou’d] O1; would O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; However;] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L. 972. ​covered] O1, O4G, O5, O6; cover’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, D6, D7; off] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; of O2. 973. ​cou’d] O1; could O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 974. ​liv’d] O1, O4F; lived O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 975. ​sociable,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 976. ​humane] O1, O3L; ­human O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 977. ​­t hing] O1, O3L; ­Thing O2, O3P, O4F, O4, O5, O6, D6, D7. 978. ​just as before; the] O1, O2; as just before. The O3L, O4G, O5, O6; just as before: the O4F; just as before: The O3P, D6, D7.; the chief ­t hings] O1, O3L, O4G; ~: The ~ ­Things O2, O3P, O4F; The ~ ­Thing O5, O6, D6, The ~ ­t hing, D7. 979. ​beforehand I say] O1; beforehand. I ~ O2; beforehand; I ~ O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 980. ​finished.] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6; finish’d O4F; finish’d: O4G, D7. 981. ​Distance,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 982. ​ Periagau] O1, O4F, O4G; Periagua O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; finish’d;] O1, O4F, O4G; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 983. ​In–­side] O1; Inside O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 984. ​Anchor;] O1, O2, O3P, O4F; ~^ O3L, O4G; ~, O5, O6, D6, D7. 985. ​overlook O3L, O4G, O5, O6; over–­look O1, O2, O3P, O4F; overlo^k D7. 986. ​perceiv’d] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; percieved O2, O3P, O4F. 987. ​Danger;] O1, O4F, O4G; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 988. ​Piece again;] O1, O3L; ~^ O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 989. ​That all] O1; that ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 990. ​left Hand] O; Left ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 991. ​nothing,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 992. ​in worse] O1, D7; in, worse O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 993. ​more. O] O1; ~! O O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6; ~! O4F; ~; D6, D7; ­whether] O1, D6, D7; whither O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 994. ​­going: Then] O1; ~! O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. ~ (Obscure period) O3L. 995. ​appear’d] O1, O4F, O4G; appeared O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 996. ​steer’d] O1, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; steered O2, O3L, O4F, O4G. 997. ​ North,] O1; North^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 998. ​Stress] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Srress O1. 999. ​North–­West, with] O1; North^ West^ O2, O4G; North–­West^ with O3L, O4F, D6, D7; North.West O3P, O5, O6. 1000. ​murther] O1; murder O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; or,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1001. ​Surprise] O1; Surprize O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1002. ​Foot] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Eoot O1. 1003. ​Eddy carry’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~ carried D6, D7; carryed O1. 1004. ​Current which carried] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Current lay, which carry’d D6, D7.

326 Va r i a n t s 1005. ​help] O1; Help O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; found O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; fouud O1. 1006. ​ North^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Side. I say^] O1; ~: ~ ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~; ~ ~, D7. 1007. ​wake] O1; Wake O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1008. ​no Way,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1009. ​a–­Clock] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ ~ O2, O3P, O4F. 1010. ​out, as] O2, O3L. O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; out^ as O1; describ’d before to] O1; ~ before, ~ O2, O3L; described before, ~ O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1011. ​of Course] O1, O4F, D6; ~ course O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1012. ​lay^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1013. ​However^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1014. ​my Boat,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1015. ​which Way] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ way O2, O3P, O4F; I went out,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1016. ​Shore] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1017. ​wanted her; in about] O1; ~ her. In ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ her^ In ~ O4F; Mile or thereabout] O1; Mile, ~ O2, O3P, O4F; Miles ~ O3L, O4G; Miles, ~ O5, O6, D6, D7. 1018. ​Boat^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1019. ​Purpose] O1, O4F; purpose O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1020. ​about me^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1021. ​past] O1; pass’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1022. ​March:] O1, D6, D7; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1023. ​Country^ House] O1; ~–­~ O2, O3P, O4F; Country–­house O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1024. ​Limbs;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1025. ​poor Robin–­Crusoe,] O1; ~ Crusoe! O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1026. ​and with walking] O1, O4F; ~ Walking O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; and^ walking D6, D7. 1027. ​thoroughly,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1028. ​some Body] O1, D6, D7; ~ body O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1029. ​repeat, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; repeat^] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1030. ​Top] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; top O2, O3P; Hedge;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1031. ​And such] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G; and ~ O2, O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1032. ​Body] O1, O4F; body O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1033. ​then,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1034. ​no Body] O1, O4F, D6, D7; body O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6. 1035. ​continu’d] O1; continued O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1036. ​in: I] O1, O4F, O4G, D7; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6; in: ~ D6. 1037. ​on my Side] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ side O2, O3P. 1038. ​East Side] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ side O2, O3P; round;] O1, O4F, O4G; ~: O2, O3L; ~, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1039. ​heart] O1, O4F, O4G; Heart O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1040. ​East^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1041. ​my] [“s” of “ms” raised from “sedate” on the following line, and “y” eliminated) O1; my O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Temper, I] O1; ~^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; liv’d] O1, O3P, D6, D7; lived O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; sedate retir’d] sedate retired O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; (“s” raised to line above)^edate retir’d O1. 1042. ​cou’d,] O1; could, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; make] O1, O3P; made O2, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; have made O3L, O4G. 1043. ​arriv’d] O1, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; arrived O2, O3L, O3P, O4G. 1044. ​contriv’d] O1, O4F; contrived O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1045. ​easier] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; easyer O1; ­t hings] O1; ­Things O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

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327

1046. ​­t hings indeed] O1; ­Things ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1047. ​any ­t hing] O1; ~ ­Thing O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ think O3P. 1048. ​clumsy ­t hing] O1, O3P, D7; ~ ­Thing O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1049. ​it, for] O1; ~; ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1050. ​tho’ not very handsome] O1; though ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; thoughout ~ D6; throughout ~ D7. 1051. ​­t hings up] O1; Th ­ ings ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; t­ hings home] O1; ­Things ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1052. ​Basket,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1053. ​Means] O1; means O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1054. ​young] O1; Young O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1055. ​resolv’d] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; resolved O2, O3P. 1056. ​observ’d] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; observed O2, O3P. 1057. ​plac’d] O1, O4F, O4G, D7; placed O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6. 1058. ​Barley,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1059. ​eaten and gone. This O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~: O1, D6, D7; discouraging. However] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; dscouraging, ~ D6, D7. 1060. ​other,] O1, O4F, O4G; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; Male^] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O3P. 1061. ​then what I learn’d] O1, O2, O4F; then ~ learned O3L; ~ I recollected O3P; then what I had learned O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1062. ​wou’d] O1; would O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 1063. ​tempted them and] O1, O4, OG; ~ them, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1064. ​tame;] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; only way] O1; ~ Way O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1065. ​tame from the wild] O1; Tame ~ ~ Wild O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1066. ​grew up,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1067. ​Hands,] O1, O3P; ~; O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1068. ​Piece of Meadow–­Land, or] O1, O4; piece ~ ~–­~^ O2, O3L, O3P; Piece of Meadow-­ Land or O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1069. ​Colonies] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Collonies O1. 1070. ​woody.] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1071. ​so much Compass^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1072. ​stopt short] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; stop’d short O2. 1073. ​the first] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; thee O2. 1074. ​Goats^ Flesh] O1; ~–­~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1075. ​in a Day,] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1076. ​Cow,] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. O2. 1077. ​seem’d to be] O1, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; seem ~ O3P; Destruction.] O1; ~! O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; ~ destruction! D7. 1078. ​Prisons.] O1; Prisons! O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1079. ​Person] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; person O2, O3P. 1080. ​Right Hand,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1081. ​troublesome] O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; troublesom O1, O2, O3P. 1082. ​something] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1083. ​Sketch . . . ​follows.] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Scetch . . . ​follows,] O1. 1084. ​ He—­goat] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G; He–­goat O2, O3L, O5, O6, D6; Hea–­goat D7. 1085. ​some–­t hings] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G; something O2, O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1086. ​dry’d] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; dryed O2, O3P, O4F. 1087. ​carry’d] O1; carried O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1088. ​within nineteen Degrees] O1, O2, O3L; ~ nine or ten O3P, O4F; 9 or 10 Degrees O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1089. ​Quarter] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; quarter O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1090. ​ Sallee;] O1, O4F; Sallé O2, O3P; Sallé, O3L, O3P; Sallee O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

328 Va r i a n t s 1091. ​Mustachioes, or O5, O6, D6, D7; Muschatoes^ or] O1, O2, O3L; Mustachioes^ or O4G, O3P, O4F. 1092. ​monstrous] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; monstruous O2. 1093. ​Sea^ Shore] O1, O4F, O4G; Sea–­Shore O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1094. ​nearer Way^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1095. ​before,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1096. ​above, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; above: O1. 1097. ​convinc’d] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; convinced O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1098. ​Occasion] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; occasion O2, O3P. 1099. ​nearer] O1; near O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1100. ​hurry’d] O1; hurried O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1101. ​Resolution^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1102. ​Pariagua^] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Periagua, O5, O6, D6, D7; Periagau^O1. 1103. ​tollerable] O1; tolerable O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1104. ​Out–­side] O1; Outside O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1105. ​Years;] O1, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1106. ​refreshing^] O1, O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1107. ​Habitation,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Place where I] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ ­were ~ O2, O3P, O4F. 1108. ​hurry’d] O1; hurried O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1109. ​any ­Thing,] O1, O4F, O4G; ~; O2, O3L; anything; O4F; any ­Thing; O4G; ­t hing; O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1110. ​farther,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; ~: O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1111. ​in,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1112. ​into] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7; inno O2. 1113. ​Morning,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; D6; (omit: no, nor could I rmember the next Morning,) D6, D7. 1114. ​farther] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Farther O2. 1115. ​Apprehensions ­were,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1116. ​off of it] O1; off it O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1117. ​brought] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; broughr O2. 1118. ​Way; I consider’d] O1; ~: ~ considered O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Way: I consider’d O5, O6, D6, D7. 1119. ​’twas] O1; it was O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ten Thousand] O3L, O4F, O4G, O5;O6, D6, D7; Ten ~ O1, O2, O3P. 1120. ​entirely:] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1121. ​­Thing it self] O1, O2, O3P, O4F; ~ itself O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1122. ​wander’d] O1; wandered O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Canoes;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1123. ​Winds^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1124. ​Numbers,] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1125. ​religious] O1, O4F; Religious O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1126. ​God, which] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; God^ ~ O1. 1127. ​vanished] O1; vanish’d O2, O3L, O3P; vanish’d, O4F; vanish’d; O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1128. ​by his Goodness:] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; O4F; ~. O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1129. ​beforehand] O1; before hand O2, O3L, O3P; before–­hand O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; before–­hand D6. 1130. ​Chequer^ Work] O1; ~–­~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1131. ​about^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1132. ​Circumstance] O1; Circumstances O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1133. ​nay^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; of;] O1; ~: O2, O3P, O4F; ~, O3L; ~. O4G, O5, O6; ~^ D7. 1134. ​this was exemplify’d] O1; This ~ exemplified O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Time] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; time O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G.

Va r i a n t s

329

1135. ​imaginable;] O1, O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~: O2, O3P, O4F; ~; O4G. 1136. ​who] O1; whom O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1137. ​Species,] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3P. 1138. ​ I say] O1, O4F, O4G; I say O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1139. ​Shadow^] O1, O4F, O4G; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1140. ​recover’d] O1; recovered O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1141. ​me,] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G; ~; O2, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1142. ​Part] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; part O2, O3L, O3P. 1143. ​Hand] O1; hand O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1144. ​Days;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1145. ​much,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1146. ​encourag’d] O1, O4F; encouraged O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1147. ​ the Lord: It] O1, D7; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1148. ​own Foot,] O1, O4F, O4G; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; Way from the Boat, as ~ O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; way ~ O1, O2, O3P, O4F. 1149. ​Way to the Boat? Again, O3L, O4G, O5, O6. D7; way to the Boat; again, O1, O2; way to the Boat: again; way to the Boat: Again, O3P, O4F. 1150. ​Means] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; means O2, O3P, O4F. 1151. ​Part] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; part O2, O3P, O4F. 1152. ​stories of Spectres,] O1; Stories ~ ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Apparitions;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1153. ​stirr’d] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; stirr^d O2; stir’d O3L. 1154. ​Doors,] O1, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O3P. 1155. ​milk’d] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; mi^ k’d O2. 1156. ​Feet,] 2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Feeet O1. 1157. ​Country House, to milk] O1, O2, O3L, O4G; ~^~ O3P, O4F; Country–­House^ ~ O5, O6, D6, D7. 1158. ​cou’d not] O1, O2, O3P; could ~ O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; perswade] O1, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; persuade O3P, O4F. 1159. ​appear’d] O1, O4F, O5, O6, D7; appeared O2, O3L, O3P, O4G. 1160. ​Cold] O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; cold O2; cold O1, O2, O3P. 1161. ​Cold] O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; cold O2; cold O1, O2, O3P. 1162. ​Confusion] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; confusion O2, O3P. 1163. ​­were, tyr’d] O1; ~^ tired O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; exhausted;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1164. ​before;] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1165. ​Case] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; case O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1166. ​Rock;] O1, D7; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1167. ​of,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1168. ​In–­side] O1; Inside O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1169. ​planted like my Cannon] O1, O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; 2. 1170. ​Time:] O1; time: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1171. ​ Osier^ like] O1; Osier–­like O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1172. ​Time] O1; time O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Grove] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~; D7. 1173. ​Time] O1; time O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; monstrous] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; monstruous O2. 1174. ​Habitation:] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; propos’d] O1; proposed O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1175. ​out, for I left no Ave­nue; it] O1; ~ Ave­nue, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; out, (for I left not Ave­nue) it D6, D7. 1176. ​Ladders,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1177. ​mischieving] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; mischiefing O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1178. ​­human] O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; humane O1, O3L. 1179. ​Careless] O1, O4F, O4G; careless O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7.

330 Va r i a n t s 1180. ​Ones,] O1; ~; O2, O3P, O4F; ones, O3L; ones; O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1181. ​­Under–­ground] O1; ­under^ Ground O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1182. ​another^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1183. ​­M iddle of the hollow] O1; m ­ iddle ~ ~ Hollow O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1184. ​to Work] O1, O3L; work O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1185. ​So,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1186. ​continued] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; continu’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1187. ​sick Bed:For] O1; sick–­Bed: O2, O3L, O4F; Sick–­bed: ~O3P, O4G; O5, O6; Sick-­Bed: D6; Sick-­Bed;`~ D7. 1188. ​Island,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1189. ​Prospective–­Glass] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Perspective–­Glass; D6, D7; Prospective Glass O1. 1190. ​Ship] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Ships O2, O3L, O3P. 1191. ​longer;] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~: O2, O3L, O4F. 1192. ​resolv’d] O1, O3P, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; reso^v’d O2; Prospective–­Glass] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Perspective–­Glass D6, D7; Prosepctive Glass O1. 1193. ​suppos’d] O1; supposed O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1194. ​entertain’d] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; entertained O2. 1195. ​All] O1; all O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; bury’d] O1; buried O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1196. ​turn’d] O1, O3L, O4F; turned O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1197. ​cou’d] O1; could O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1198. ​cou’d] O1; could O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1199. ​suffer.] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2. 1200. ​observ’d,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1201. ​woody] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Woody O2. 1202. ​conceal’d] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; concealed O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1203. ​Time;] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; time; O2, O3P; time, O3L, O4F. 1204. ​cou’d] O1; could O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1205. ​discover’d] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; discovered O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1206. ​them^] O1, O3P, O4G; ~, O2, O3L, O4F; ’em O5, O6, D6, D7. 1207. ​Gun once off,] O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~ off; D6, D7 ~ of, O1, O2. 1208. ​carry’d] O1; carried O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1209. ​Goat–­skin] O1; ~–­Skin O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1210. ​sedate Way] O1; ~ way O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1211. ​compar’d] O1; compared O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1212. ​How] O1, how O2, O3P, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1213. ​want] O1; Want O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1214. ​to supply; as First] O1; ~ supply: As First O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; ~supply; As first D7. 1215. ​cou’d] O1; could O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1216. ​nay,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; purpose] O1, O3P, O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7; Purpose O2, O4F, O4G. 1217. ​contriv’d] O1, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; contrived O3L, O4F. 1218. ​Gun–­powder, which, when O3L, O4F; ~ which when O1, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1219. ​­going off,] O1; ~, O2, O3P; ~^ O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2; Time;] O1; time, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1220. ​my self in Ambush] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself ~ O4F. 1221. ​­middle] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­Middle O4F. 1222. ​­every Shoot] O3L, O4F; ~ shoot O1, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1223. ​twenty,] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2. 1224. ​sometimes^] O1, O3L, O4F; ~, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

Va r i a n t s

331

1225. ​employ’d my self] O1, O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G, D7; ~ myself O5, O6. 1226. ​put my self] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1227. ​ till I] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ’till O2. ^ 1228. ​my self] O1, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G; myself O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1229. ​aim] O1, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G; Aim O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1230. ​Swan shot] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G; Swan–­Shot O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~–­shot O2. 1231. ​cou’d] O1; could O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1232. ​hellish] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Hellish O2, O3L. 1233. ​Case; it] O1, O2; Case? it O3L, O3P; Case? It O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1234. ​Thoughts,] O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ~; O1, O2. 1235. ​Murtherers] O1, O2; Murderers O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1236. ​inhuman,] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ~; O2; inhumane, O3L, O3P. 1237. ​Injury.] O1, O2, O3P, O3L, O4F, O4G; ~: O5, O6, D7. 1238. ​Knowledge of me] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Knowledg^ of ~ D7; Knowledge me O1. 1239. ​at this Time,] O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7;~ time, O3L, O4F; at this Time; O1. 1240. ​Pause,] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ~^ O2, O3P. 1241. ​Princi­ples] O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D7; Princi­ples, nor O3L, O4F; Pirnciple O1. 1242. ​deliver’d] O1, O5, O6, D7; delivered O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1243. ​Barbarians;] O1; Barbarians; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1244. ​continu’d,] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; continued^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1245. ​provok’d] O1; provoked O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1246. ​remov’d] O1; removed O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; carry’d] O1; carried O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; East^ End] O1, O3L, O5, O, D7; ~–­~ (“East” retains ital) O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; East End O5, O6, D6, D6, D7. 1247. ​carry’d]; carried O2, O3P, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1248. ​remov’d] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; removed O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1249. ​retir’d] O1, O4F, O4G; retired O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1250. ​She–­goats] O1; She–­Goats O2, O3P, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; She–­Goast, O4F. 1251. ​­People, who] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­People^ ~ O1. 1252. ​discover’d] O1, O3L, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; discovered O2, O3P, O4G. 1253. ​Melancholy] O2, O3P, O4G; melancholy O3L, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; Melancholly O1. 1254. ​deliver’d] O1, O3L, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; delivered O2, O3P, O4G. 1255. ​pressings] O1; Pressings O2, O3P, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1256. ​Occasion] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; occasion O2, O3P. 1257. ​intolerably] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; intollerably O1. 1258. ​Hollow, was] O1; ~^~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1259. ​accident,] O1; Accident^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1260. ​ till] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ O2. ^ 1261. ​Home;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; home, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1262. ​Ser­v ices^] O1, O3P; ~, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Home^] O1, O4G; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; home, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1263. ​by the by:] O1, O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ ~ By. O2; ~ ~. O4F, O4G, O3P. 1264. ​Brushwood, or Underwood, O2, O3L, O4F; Brush–­wood, or U ­ nder–­wood, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Brushwood, or ­under Wood, O1. 1265. ​large;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7. 1266. ​hast] O1; Haste O2, O3P; haste O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7. 1267. ​Man^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7. 1268. ​twinkl’d] O1; twinkled O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7. 1269. ​Mouth^] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; ~, O2. 1270. ​my self] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, D7; myself O2, O4G, O5, O6. 1271. ​my self] O1, O3L, O3P, D7; myself O2, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; my self] O1, O3L, O3P, D7; myself O2, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1272. ​ a s if ] O1; as if O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

332 Va r i a n t s 1273. ​was, indeed, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; was ~, O4G;^ indeed^] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1274. ​­Will] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; will (small caps on “w”) O2. 1275. ​my self] O1, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2, O4F, O4G. 1276. ​­little^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1277. ​­little^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1278. ​Savages,] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. O2. 1279. ​it,] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. O2. 1280. ​wild–­fire] O1; Wild–­fire O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1281. ​Accordingly^ the next Day,] O1; ~, ~ ~ ~^ O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Accordingly; Day^ O3L. 1282. ​ a s I have said] O1; as I have said (roman) O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; which^ by the way] O1; ~, ~ ~ Way O2, O3P, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, D7; which, by the way, O6. 1283. ​ ­rose] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ’­rose O2. ^ 1284. ​Vault,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; reflected 100 thousand] O1; reflected a hundred thousand O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; reflected an hundred ~ D7. 1285. ​kind] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Kind O2, O3L, O4F. 1286. ​sort] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Sort O2; loose] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; lose O1. 1287. ​venemous] O1; venomous O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; venomons D6; damp,] O1; Damp^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1288. ​wet,] O1; Wet^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1289. ​which, however,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; which^ however^] O1. 1290. ​resolv’d, without] O2, O3L; resolv’d^ ~] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G; resolved, ~ O5, O6, D6, D7. 1291. ​about, to this] O1, O6, D6, D7; about^ to ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4 F, O4G, O5. 1292. ​rejoyc’d] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F; rejoic’d O2; rejoiced O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1293. ​mounted^] O1, O4F, O4G; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; outmost O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; out–­most O1. 1294. ​occasion] O1, O4G; Occasion O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1295. ​Powder,] O1, O3P; ~^ O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1296. ​inside] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; Inside O2, O3L, O4F, D6, D7. 1297. ​kind] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Kind O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1298. ​fancy’d] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, fancied O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; my self O1, O3P, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1299. ​Caves, and Holes, in] O1; Caves and Holes in] O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1300. ​perswaded my self] O1; myself O2; myself, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; my self, O3P, D6, D7; hundred Savages] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; hnndred ~ O1. 1301. ​Goat^] O1, O4G; ~, O2, O3L, O4F, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1302. ​out; so] O1; ~: So O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1303. ​prevent the Offence] O1, O3L; prevent^ Offence O2, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ offence O4G. 1304. ​ till] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ’till O2; we] O1, O3P, O3L, O4F, O4G, ^ O5, O6, D6, D7; me O2. 1305. ​arriv’d] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; arriv^d O4F. 1306. ​First,] O1; first, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1307. ​liv’d] O1, O2, O3P; lived O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1308. ​ En­glish Man] O1, O4F; En­glishman O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ill] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Ill O2. 1309. ​Companion to me,] O1, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G; ~^ O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1310. ​old Ones I] O1; old ones, I O2, O3L, O3P; ~ ones’ I O4F; old ones I O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1311. ​­t hese, I] O1, O3P; ­t hese^ ~ O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2.

Va r i a n t s

333

1312. ​houshold] O1, O3P, O3L, O4F, O4G; Houshold O2, O5, O6, D6, D7; me,] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. O2. 1313. ​I know] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Know O2. 1314. ​­Castle Wall] O1; ­Castle–­Wall O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1315. ​meet with] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ wirh O1. 1316. ​our] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ovr O2. 1317. ​remarkable,] O1, O3L, O4F; ~. O2; ~^ O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1318. ​Mile] O1, O2; Miles, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1319. ​before;] O1, D6, D7; before, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1320. ​was^ indeed^] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, ~, O2, O3P. 1321. ​till they] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ’till ~ O2, O3L; out: In] O1, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D7 ~: ~ D6; out. ~ O3L, O4F. 1322. ​all ­Th ings] O1, O3P, O4F; ~ t­ hings O3L; O6, D6 without^] O1, O3L, O4G, O5, D7; ~, O2. 1323. ​my self] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O4F. 1324. ​Divine] O1, O2, O3L; divine O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1325. ​two Hours;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1326. ​send out.] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1327. ​Hill,] O1, D6; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; Perspective Glass] O1; Perspective–­Glass O2, D6, D7; Prospective–­Glass O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Purpose] O1, O2, O3P, O4G; purpose O3L, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1328. ​Belly,] O1, O2; ~^ O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Place;] O1; ~, O2; ~. O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~: D6, D7. 1329. ​Fire they] O3L, O4F; Fire, ~ O1, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; warm them;] O1; them, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1330. ​extreme] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, D7; extream O2, O3P, O5, O6, D6; but^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1331. ​Harvest Work] O1, O3P; Harvest–­Work O2, O4G, O5, O6, D6; Harvest–­work O3L, O4F, D7. 1332. ​perceive^] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G; ~, O2, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1333. ​upon] (inverted “u”) npon O1; upon O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1334. ​shipp’d,] O1, O2; ship’d^ O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1335. ​for . . was. I] O1; (for . . . ​was) I O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; 217:4 perceiv’d] O1, O2, O3P, D6; perceived O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 1336. ​(viz.) the Blood] O3L, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ The ~ O1, O2, O3P, O4G. 1337. ​(viz.) especially^] O1, O3L, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3P, O4G. 1338. ​ till] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ O2. ^ 1339. ​time] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Time O2. 1340. ​twice,] O1, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7;~, O3L, O4F; least^] O1, O3L; ~, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1341. ​it; but] O1; it: But O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 1342. ​the very Moment that a Flash] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, ~Moment, that ~] O1; that very Moment a Flash D6, D7. 1343. ​ till] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ O2. ^ 1344. ​hazy] O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; hazey O4F; haizy O1. 1345. ​ South Side] O1, O2, O3L, O4F; South–­East Side O3P, O4G, O6, D7; South.East Side O5; South–­East Side D6. 1346. ​formerly] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; formery O2. 1347. ​ E .N.E:] O1; E.N.E. O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; E.N,E. O3P. 1348. ​Thoughts:] O1, O4F, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7;~^ O2; ~. O3L. 1349. ​First,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; imagin’d^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1350. ​particularly] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1351. ​over–­board] O1;over Board O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

334 Va r i a n t s 1352. ​Ship, or Ships] O1; ~^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1353. ​starving] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; Starving O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1354. ​best;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1355. ​God^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1356. ​part] O1; Part O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1357. ​Men;] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L; cou’d] O1; could O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; room] O1; Room O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1358. ​wish,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1359. ​­t here;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1360. ​Com­pany,] O1, O4F, O4G; ~; O2, O3L, O3P; ~: O5, O6, D6, D7. 1361. ​explain^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1362. ​longing] O1; Longing O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; hankering] O1; Hankering O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1363. ​want] O1; Want O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1364. ​view] O1; View O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1365. ​view] O1; View O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; rendred] O1; render’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1366. ​embracings] O1; Embracings O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1367. ​ One! A thousand Times] O1; One^ a ~ O2;One! a ~ O3P; One, a thousand Times O3L, O4F; One! a thousad times O4G; One! a. 1368. ​wou’d have] O1; would ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; crusht] O1; crush’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1369. ​wou’d strike] O1, O3L; would~ O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1370. ​time] O1, O3L, O5, O6, D7; Time O2, O3P, O4F, O4G; cou’d] O1; could O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 1371. ​proceed;] O1, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; effect] O1; Effect O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1372. ​Comfort,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1373. ​Fate^] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G; ~, O2, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1374. ​ till] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ O2. ^ 1375. ​­were saved] O1; wer esav’d O2; ­were sav’d O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1376. ​drown’d] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; drownded O1. 1377. ​pair] O1; Pair O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1378. ​Pocket,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Eight,] O1; ~K O2; Eight^ O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1379. ​times] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Times O2; value] O1; Value O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1380. ​mind] O1; Mind O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1381. ​something on board, that] O1; ~ Board, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~Board^ ~ O3L, O4F. 1382. ​Creature on board, whose] O1, O2, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Board, ~ O3L, O4F. 1383. ​might by] O1; might, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1384. ​Thought] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; thought O2. 1385. ​Boat on board] O1, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; Boat on Board O3L, O4F, D6, D7. 1386. ​my self if] O1; my self, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1387. ​Rum;] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; ~: O2; ~, O3L, O4F, D6, D7. 1388. ​Shade;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1389. ​Goat’s–­Milk,] O1; Goat’s^ Milk, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Goat’s–­Milk^ O3L, O4F. 1390. ​into] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; in to O2. 1391. ​sat] O1, D6, D7; sate O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1392. ​come on] O1; came ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1393. ​impracticable, upon] O1; ~. Upon O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; ~: Upon O3L, O4F, D6, D7. 1394. ​one way] O1, O3L, O4G; ~ Way O2, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1395. ​another way] O1, O4G; ~ Way O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7.

Va r i a n t s

335

1396. ​over–­look’d] O1, O3L, O3P, O5, O6; overlook’d O2, O4F, O4G, D6, D7; both ways,] O1, O4G, D6; ~ Ways, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D7; view] O1; View O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1397. ​which way] O1, O4G; ~ Way O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; my self] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O5, O6. 1398. ​Island;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1399. ​my self] O1, O3P, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1400. ​Watch–­coat,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6; Watch–­Coat^ D7, O4G launched] O1; launch’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1401. ​­great Rate,] O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­great rate O1. 1402. ​Rate, directly] O2, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; Rate^ directly O3L; O4F; rate, directly O1. 1403. ​building] O1; Building O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1404. ​pieces,] O1; Pieces^ O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; pieces^ O3L, O4F. 1405. ​cry’d;] O1, O3L, O4F; ~, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1406. ​into the Boat;] O1; ~, O2, O4F, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1407. ​Snow:] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Suow: O2; Snow. O3L, O4F. 1408. ​board;] O1; Board O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1409. ​drown’d,] O1, O4G; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1410. ​Life;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1411. ​Seamen;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1412. ​perswaded] O1, D6, D7; persuaded O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; perswaded D7. 1413. ​room] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Room O2, O3P; suppose,] O1, O4G; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1414. ​board] O1, O4G, O5, O6; Board O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, D6, D7; She had^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; doubt^] O1; Doubt, O2, O3P; doubt, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1415. ​her;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; use] O1, O4G; Use O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; time] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Time O2, O3P; body] O1, O4G; Body O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1416. ​found^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1417. ​occasion] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Occasion O2, O3P; them; so I left them,] O1, D7; ~, ~, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; them, so I left them; O3L, O4F. 1418. ​Fire^ Shovel] O1; Fire–­shovel O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1419. ​home again] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Home ~ O2, O3P. 1420. ​resolved] O1; resolv’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1421. ​home] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Home O2, O3P. 1422. ​my self,] O1, D6, D7; myself, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1423. ​kind] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Kind O2. 1424. ​good;] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2, O3L. 1425. ​­Things,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; t­ hings^ O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1426. ​use] O1, O4G; Use O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; one,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1427. ​kind] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Kind O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1428. ​fastned] O1; fasten’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; top] O1, O4G; Top O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1429. ​me;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; dozen] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Dozen O2, O3L, O4F; Linnen] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Linen O2. 1430. ​Chests] O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; Chests, O4F, O4G; Chest O1. 1431. ​held about] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; held out about O2, O3L, O4F. 1432. ​Mate;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; it;] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1433. ​Fowling–­Pieces] O1; Fowling^ pieces O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Fowling^Pieces O3L; occasion] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Occasion O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; ­whole] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Whole O2, O3L, O4F.

336 Va r i a n t s 1434. ​use] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Use O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; manner] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Manner O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1435. ​occasion] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Occasion O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; for it:] O1; for it; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7;’Twas] O1; ’twas O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1436. ​pair] O1; Pair O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1437. ​had indeed] O1; had, indeed O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; indeed^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; pair] O1; Pair O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1438. ​pair] O1, O4G; Pair O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1439. ​Ease,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Ser­v ice;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1440. ​Pumps,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1441. ​Seaman’s Chest,] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1442. ​Royals] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Ryals O1. 1443. ​Pity^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1444. ​Share;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1445. ​which^] O1;~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1446. ​row’d,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Shore,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1447. ​my way] O1, O3L, O4F; ~ Way O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1448. ​­t hing] O1, O4F; ­Thing O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1449. ​my self] O1, O3L, O4F; myself O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; fashion] O1; Fashion O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6. 1450. ​D7; care] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; Care O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1451. ​us’d] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; used O2, O3L. 1452. ​time] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Time O2, O3P; East] O1; East O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1453. ​with me,] O1, O3L, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3P, O4G; way] O1, O4G; Way O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1454. ​but my] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; but I my O2. 1455. ​this two] O1; the ~O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ­t hose ~ D6, D7. 1456. ​­there,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1457. ​one way] O1, D6, D7; Way O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1458. ​been^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Circumstances^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1459. ​one half] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7;~ Half O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1460. ​has plac’d] O1; hath O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1461. ​ Original Sin;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Original Sin, D6, D7. 1462. ​kind] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Kind O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1463. ​ Brasils,] O1; ~; (retain ital) O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1464. ​Time; I] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1465. ​made, in] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1466. ​ Moydors] O1; Moydores O2, D6, D7; Moidores O4F. 1467. ​well stock’d] O1; well–­stock’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1468. ​ Supra–­Cargo] O1, O4F; Supra Cargo O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1469. ​Negroes;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Negros, D7. 1470. ​though] O1, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; tho O2; tho’ O3L, O4F, O4G. 1471. ​saving,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1472. ​of it is as] O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; ~ it, is as O1, O3L, O4F, D6. D7. 1473. ​dear^ bought] O1; dear–­bought O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Time;] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~: O2. 1474. ​root] O1, O3L, O4F; Root O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1475. ​my self] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Means,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

Va r i a n t s

337

1476. ​improper to] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; improper, ~ O1. 1477. ​Scheme, for] O1; ~^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1478. ​Wealth] O1, O3L, O4F; ~, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; indeed^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1479. ​had, no] O1; ~^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1480. ​use] O1; Use O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1481. ​Nights^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1482. ​Solitariness;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1483. ​of Body;] O1; ~. O2; ~, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1484. ​means] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Means O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1485. ​impossible,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1486. ​thorow–­fare] O1; Thorowfair O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Thorofair O4F. 1487. ​Night’s] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Night^s O2. 1488. ​ a s I may call it] O1; as I may call it O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1489. ​Life,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1490. ​Fear^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1491. ​all the while,] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2. 1492. ​though] O1, D7; tho’ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1493. ​expos’d to it:] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~; D6, D7. 1494. ​Mankind,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1495. ​bounds] O1; Bounds O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­Things,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1496. ​though] O1; tho’ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; midst] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Midst O2, O3L, O4F. 1497. ​Spirits;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; serene,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1498. ​nothing the Dangers] O1; nothing of the ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1499. ​in, for] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Years, in] O1; ~^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1500. ​Tranquillity] O1; O5, O6, D6, D7; Tranquility O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1501. ​kind] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; Kind O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1502. ​Cannibals,] O1; Canibals^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1503. ​View, as] O1; ~^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Goat,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1504. ​Pidgeon,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1505. ​which,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; inevitably have fallen] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; inevitably fallen O2, O3P. 1506. ​Creatures;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1507. ​below,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; it self] O1, D6, D7; itself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1508. ​kind] O1; Kind O2, O3P; Kind; but O3L, O4F; Kind: But O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1509. ​from home] O1; ~ Home O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; kind] O1, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; Kind O2, O3L, O3P, O4G. 1510. ​troubl’d] O1; troubled O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; my self,] O1, D6; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 1511. ​way] O1, O4G, O5, O6; Way O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, D7. 1512. ​Boat,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1513. ​Main Land:] O1; main O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1514. ​be,] O1, O3L, O4F; ~; O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1515. ​Death,] O1, O3L, O4F; ~^ O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; reached] O1; reach’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1516. ​till] O1, O3L, O4F;’till O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1517. ​Country] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; County O2; a­ fter all] O1; ~ all, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; perhaps,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

338 Va r i a n t s 1518. ​Ship,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1519. ​if the worse came to the worst] O1, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; if the worst ~ O3L, O4F, D6. 1520. ​end] O1, O3L; End O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1521. ​note, all] O1, O3L, O4F, D6; note, All O2, O3P, O4G; Note, All O5, O6; Note, All D6, D7; fruit] O1; Fruit O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1522. ​Wreck,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; board of;] O1; ~, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Board of, O3L, O4F. 1523. ​long’d] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; long O2; some–­Body O2; some Body] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Some–­body] O1. 1524. ​I had,] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2; ­t hing] O1; ­Thing O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Feaver,] O1; Fever, O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; Fever^ O4F; Fever, O4G, O3P; meerly] O1, O4F; merely O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5; ~. O4F. 1525. ​about it;] O1, O4G, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. O4F; ~; O4G. 1526. ​Sleep;] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; one] O1; One O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; of it:] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; But] O1; but O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1527. ​Morning,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^; usual^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Shore,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, D6, D7; shore^ O4G, O5, O6. 1528. ​when on] O1, O3L, O4F; when, ~ O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; the Savage that] O1, O3L, O4F; ~, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; jumpt] O1; jump’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; away,] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2; ~^ O3L, O4F. 1529. ​and smiling] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1530. ​carry’d] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; carried D6, D7. 1531. ​main Land] O1, O4F; Main ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1532. ​do, and] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; do. ~ O2; w ­ hether] O1; whither O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1533. ​fear] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Fear O2; devoured,] O1, D6; devour’d^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1534. ​] Note: O3L, with letters not impressed: 34 [I]mpressions, 35  m[y], 36 [c]oming, 37 [th]an. 1535. ​this^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; that] O1; That O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; this D7. 1536. ​who they had condemned] O1, O2, O3L; who they had condemn’d O4F; whom they had condemn’d O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1537. ​but^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Hand] O1, O4F; hand O2; O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1538. ​me, and] O2; O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; me; and] O1; thoughts] O1; Thoughts O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1539. ​mention’d] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; mentioned O2; before;] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; but tho’] O1; But~ O2; O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; offer now^] O1; ~, O2; O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1540. ​deliver my self] O1, O2, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ myself O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1541. ​like.] O1, O4F; O3L; ~: O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1542. ​­human] O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; humane O2; O3L, O3P, O4G; Humane O1. 1543. ​Terrible] O1; terrible O2; O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1544. ​reconcile my self to,] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, D6, D7; ~ myself ~ O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1545. ​However^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; my self, and ­a fter] O1, O2, D7; myself, ~ O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6. 1546. ​Arguments^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; another^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1547. ​struggl’d] O1; strug­gled O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; my Head] O1, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; O3L, O4F, O4G; may ~ O2; a long Time, O1, O2; ~; O3L, O4F; a long time,) O4G; ~ time) O5, O6, D6, D7. 1548. ​rest;] O1; O3L, O4F; ~, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

Va r i a n t s

339

1549. ​often till] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; often, ~ O2, O3L, O4F; tired of it,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1550. ​an Half] O1; half O2; O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1551. ​much,] O1; ~; O2; O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1552. ​done some time] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Time O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1553. ​sight] O1, O4G; Sight O2; O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1554. ​fancied] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; fancy’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1555. ​one, nay, two or three Savages] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; One, nay, Two or Three ~ O1. 1556. ​time] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Time O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1557. ​and, by] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; and^ by O1. 1558. ​resolved] O1; resolv’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1559. ​side] O1, O4G; O3L; Side O2, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1560. ​sight:] O1; Sight: O2, O3L, O3P. O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; sight: O4G; Mea­sures,] O1; ~; O2; O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; mea­sures; O4G; more^] O1; more, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1561. ​twenty] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Twenty O1; thirty] O2; O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D; Thirty O1. 1562. ​Attack] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1563. ​presented; having] O1; presented. Having O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; presented: Having D6, D7. 1564. ​length] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1565. ​Stages as] O1, O3L, O4F; Stages,~ O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; so,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; so^ O1, D6, D7; however, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7~^] O1. 1566. ​Means;] O1; ~: O2, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; means: O3L, O4F, O4G; ­here] O1; ­Here O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; observ’d] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; help] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Help O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1567. ​Thirty] O1; thirty O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1568. ​dress’d.] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; How they] O1; how ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1569. ​perceiv’d, by] O3L, O4F; perceived by] O1, O3P, O4G, O5; perceiv’d ~ O2, O6, D6, D7. 1570. ​my Perspective, O1, O2, O3L, O4F; ~^ O3P, O4G, D6, D7; my Prospective^ O5, O6. 1571. ​I perceived one] O1, O4G, D7; perceiv’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6. 1572. ​at work] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Work O2, O3L, O4F; Work, O3P. 1573. ​mean] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Coast, where] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1574. ​perceived] O1, O4G; perceiv’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1575. ​Body,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; part] O1, O4G; Part O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1576. ​shelter] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Shelter O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1577. ​follow’d him,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1578. ​outstrip’d] O1; outstript O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1579. ​­running] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­Running O2, O3L. 1580. ​­Castle,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1581. ​part] O1, O4G; Part O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1582. ​this I] O1, O5, O6; this, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D7. 1583. ​Thirty Strokes] O1; thirty ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; landed^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1584. ​two of them] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Two ~ O1; third] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Thirds O1; cou’d] O1; could O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1585. ​further] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; farther O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1586. ​which, as] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; which^ as O1.

340 Va r i a n t s 1587. ​was, that] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1588. ​haste, to the] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Haste, to ~ O2, O3P; Haste^ to ~ O3L, O4F, O4G. 1589. ​Pursuers and] O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; Pursuers, ~ O1, O2, O3P; Pursued,] O4G; Pursu’d; O1; pursu’d; O2, O3P; Pursued; O3L, O4F; persued, O5, O6, D6, D7; hallowing] O1, O5, O6; hollowing O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D7. 1590. ​at me,] O1, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1591. ​back;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7;mean time] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; Time O2, O3P, O4F; time^ O3L; time, O4G. 1592. ​distance,] O1, O4G; Distance^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1593. ​Smoke] O1, O4F, D7; Smoak O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6. 1594. ​pursu’d with him] O1; pursu’d him O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6; pursued^ ~ O4G; pursued with him D7; stopp’d] O1, O2, O4F, D7; stop’d O3L; stopt O3P; O4G, O5, O6. 1595. ​did,] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2. 1596. ​had stopp’d] O1, O2, O4F; ~ stop’d O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1597. ​Piece;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Stock still] O1; stock still O2; stock–­still O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1598. ​way] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Way O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; then stopp’d] O1, O2, O3L, O4F; ~ stop’d O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; again, O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1599. ​further] O1; farther O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; stopp’d] O1, O2, O3L, O4F, D7; stop’d O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6; again,] O1; ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6; cou’d] O1; could O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1600. ​ten] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Ten O1; twelve] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; twelve; steps] O1; Steps O2, O3L, O4F; Steps, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; steps, O4G; token] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Token O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1601. ​acknowl­edgment] O1; Acknowl­edgment O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1602. ​this it seems] O1; this, it O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; This, O5, O6, D6, D7; token] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Token O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1603. ​for ever;] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1604. ​could.] O1, D7; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; work] O1; Work O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; perceived] O1; perceiv’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1605. ​who I knock’d down] O1; whom ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; blow] O1; Blow O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1606. ​to me, and] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. O2; though] O1; tho’ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; though D7. 1607. ​Voice,] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1608. ​twenty five Years] O2, O3L, O4F; twenty–­five ~ O3P, O5, O6; Twenty Five ~ O1; five and twenty D6, D7; twenty.five ~ O4G; no time] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Time O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1609. ​now,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; down] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1610. ​perceived] O1; perceiv’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1611. ​shoot him,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1612. ​side] O1, O4G; Side O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; did,] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; he] O1; He O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1613. ​blow] O1; Blow O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; cleaverly] O1; cleverly O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1614. ​ Germany,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1615. ​one who] O1; one, who O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; believe] O1, O3L, O4F; ~, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1616. ​own wooden] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Wooden O1; however^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; wooden Swords] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Wooden O1.

Va r i a n t s

341

1617. ​ay] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; aye O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1618. ​blow] O1; Blow O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; too;] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, D6, D7; ~. O4F, O4G, O5, O6; when] O1; When O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1619. ​Gestures^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1620. ​far off,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; so pointing] O1; so,~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; him,] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; ~. O2; ~; O3L, O3P; him: So D7. 1621. ​let him go to him,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; ~: O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; I could,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1622. ​side,] O1, O4G; Side, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6; side; D6, D7. 1623. ​dead;] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Bow, and] O1; Bow and ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1624. ​to work] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Work O1; instant] O1, O3L, O4G; Instant O2, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1625. ​Sand, with] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1626. ​shelter] O1; Shelter O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1627. ​sleep, pointing O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; sleep; ~ O1. 1628. ​made, with] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; made; ~ O1. 1629. ​large;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; and as I] O1; and, as ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1630. ​Aspect;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1631. ​manly] O1, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; Manly O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1632. ​black,] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. O2. 1633. ​very tawny,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O1. 1634. ​nauseous tawny] O1; Tawny O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1635. ​are; but] O1, O4F; ~, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; kind] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Kind O2, O3L, O4F; olive] O1. 1636. ​Olive O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; agreeable,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O4F; agreeable; O1. 1637. ​round and plump] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; round, and O1. 1638. ​to me;] O1, O3L, O4F; ~, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Goats,] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; ~^ O2, O3L, O4F, D7. 1639. ​know, how] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1640. ​liv’d;] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~: D6, D7. 1641. ​let him know, I] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1642. ​and first,] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. O2. 1643. ​call’d] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; called D7. 1644. ​know, that] O1; ~^~O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1645. ​to say,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Yes, and No,] O1; Yes^ and No, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1646. ​Drink] O1; drink O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1647. ​Night;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1648. ​know,] O1;~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1649. ​stark naked] O1;stark–­naked O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1650. ​to me,] O1; me^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1651. ​appearance] O1; Appearance O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1652. ​gone,] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2. 1653. ​search] O1; Search O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1654. ​Discovery;] O1;~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1655. ​dextrously,] O1, O2, O3L, O4F, D6, D7; dexterously O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 1656. ​Veins,] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. O2; within me,] O1, O3P; ~ me^ O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1657. ​though] O1; tho’ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1658. ​­human] O2, O3L, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; humane O1, O3P, O4G.

342 Va r i a n t s 1659. ​mangl’d] O1; mangled O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; and in short] O1; and, in short, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1660. ​Enemies:] O1, O3L, D6, D7; Enemie, O2; ~. O3P, O4G, O5, O6; Enemies: O4F. 1661. ​that he durst] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; that ’e ~ O2; had] O1; ~. O2; ~, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1662. ​Means^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; means, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1663. ​first of all, I] O1; ~^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; pair] O1; Pair O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1664. ​Linnen] O1, O4F, D7; Linen O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; Drawers, which] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ ~O2, O3L, O4F. 1665. ​Wreck;] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O4F; with, which O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; with^ ~ O1. 1666. ​Alteration, fitted] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Alteration^ ~ O1. 1667. ​tolerable good O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; tollerable ~ O1. 1668. ​tolerably O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; tollerably O1; well;] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, D6, D7. 1669. ​wearing] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Wearing O2, O3L, O4F. 1670. ​easing them] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1671. ​came home] O1, D7; Home O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6. 1672. ​him, and that] O1; him; ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1673. ​inside] O1; Inside O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1674. ​outside] O1; Outside O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; first; and as] O1; first: And O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Door,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1675. ​Door Case] O1; Door–­case O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Door–­Case D7. 1676. ​Passage,] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. O2. 1677. ​inside] O1; Inside O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1678. ​no way] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Way O2, O3L, O4F; inside] O1; Inside O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1679. ​side of the Hill] O1; Side~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1680. ​Thickness, with] O1; Thickness^~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1681. ​outside] O1; Outside O2, O3L, O4F; Out–­side O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1682. ​Servant, than] O1; Servant^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1683. ​Sullenness,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~^ O1; Sulleness, D6, D7. 1684. ​occasion] O1; Occasion O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1685. ​doubt] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Doubt O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Precautions,] O1;~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1686. ​won­der] O1, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Won­der O2, O3P; God, in] O1; ~^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1687. ​uses] O1; Uses O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Faculties, and] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1688. ​Powers,] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2. 1689. ​Wrongs;] O1;~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1690. ​are; and] O1; are. And O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; are; And D6; are: And D7. 1691. ​melancholy] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; melancholly O1; reflecting^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1692. ​enlighten’d] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; enlightened O2. 1693. ​who if] O1; who (if O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; poor Savage,] O1; ~ Savage) O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; better use] O1, D7; better Use O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1694. ​hence,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1695. ​Sovereignty] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Soveraignty O1; Providence,] O1; Providence,O2, O3L, O4F; Providence; O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; and as] O1, O4G; and, as O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

Va r i a n t s

343

1696. ​1st, O2, O3L, O4F; First, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; (Ist.)^ O1. 1697. ​Condemn’d] O1; condemn’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1698. ​that as God] O1, O3L, O4F; that, as ~ O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1699. ​necessarily, and] O1, O3P, O4F; necessarily, and, O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Holy] O1; holy O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1700. ​Just] O1; just O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O6, D6, D7; j^st O5 could not be;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1701. ​account] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Account O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Light^] O1; ~; O2; ~, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1702. ​2dly, O2, O3L, O4F; Secondly, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; (2d.) O1; that] O1; That O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1703. ​New] O1; new O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Companion;] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1704. ​­every ­Thing, that] O1; ~­Thing^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; t­ hing^ O5, O6, D6, D7. 1705. ​when I spake,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6; speak; O5, O6, D6, D7. 1706. ​Schollar] O1; Scholar O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1707. ​pleased] O1; pleas’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; pleas’d, O4F; cou’d] O1; could O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1708. ​my self] O1, D6, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1709. ​not, if] O1; not^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1710. ​place] O1; Place O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; lived] O1; liv’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1711. ​way of feeding] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Way ~ O2, O3P; Way of Feeding O3L, O4F. 1712. ​Cannibal’s] O1, D7; Canibal’s O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1713. ​Woods:] O1, D6; ~. O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; ~^ D7; ~; O3L, O4F; went indeed] O1, O3P; went, ~ O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1714. ​dress it.] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1715. ​hold, says I] hold^ ~ O1; O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Hold, ~ O2, O3P; hold^ ~ O1. 1716. ​Kids.] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2; Creature^] O1; creature, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1717. ​Distance, indeed,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Savage] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, D6, D7. 1718. ​imagine^] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1719. ​amaz’d] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; amaz^ d O2, O3L. 1720. ​Wastecoat] O2, O3L, O3P, O4G; Wastcoat] O1, O4F; Waistcoat O5, O6, D6, D7; wounded, and as I] O1; wounded, and, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G; wounded; and, O3P; woundd; and as O5, O6, D6, D7. 1721. ​embracing] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; embraceing O; Knees] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; knees O2, O3L. 1722. ​occasion] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; Occasion O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 1723. ​way] O1; Way O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1724. ​beckoned] O1; beckon’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1725. ​by and by] O1, O4F; by–­a nd–by O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1726. ​so, to let O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; so^ to ~] O1. 1727. ​pointed] O1; pointing O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Fowl^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1728. ​Hawk] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; I say] O1; ~ say, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1729. ​harm] O1; Harm O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Hand^] O1, O4G; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; pointed] O1; pointing O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1730. ​according] O1; accordingly O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; fir’d^] O1, O4F, O4G; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7.

344 Va r i a n t s 1731. ​Parrot fall,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~: D6, D7. 1732. ​any Th ­ ing] O1, O4F; anything O2, O3L; ­t hing O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1733. ​any ­Thing] O1; anything, O2, O3L; ­t hing O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; any ­Thing, O4F; near,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1734. ​it self] O1, O5, O6; itself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D7. 1735. ​Well, ­a fter] O1, O4F; Well: ­A fter O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1736. ​flutter’d a good Way off] O2, O3L, O4F; flutter’d a good way ~ O3P; O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; flutter’d away a good way off O1. 1737. ​me; and, as] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; me; and as O1. 1738. ​for that purpose] O1;~ Purpose O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; boil’d, or stew’d] O1; boil’d^ or ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1739. ​him,] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O4F; was,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1740. ​hand] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Hand O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1741. ​Meat] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Met O2. 1742. ​least^] O1, O3L; ~, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1743. ​Fire, in] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1744. ​Cross–­stick] O1; cross^ Stick O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; cross^ stick O4G. 1745. ​ways] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Ways O2, O3L, O4F. 1746. ​manner] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Manner O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; before,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1747. ​my self.] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; myself^ O2, O3L; myself, O4F; myself. O4G, O3P. 1748. ​feed,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1749. ​Corn,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; us’d] O1; used O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1750. ​willingly,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; hard;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1751. ​chearfully,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; for;] O1; ~^ O2; ~, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1752. ​him, and] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1753. ​this Place;] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1754. ​talk] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1755. ​understand;] O1\; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O4G; meaning] O1; Meaning O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1756. ​talk’d a g­ reat deal O1;so that in] O1; ~, O2, O3P, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; short,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; short^ O1. 1757. ​occasion] O1, O5, O6; Occasion O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6, D7. 1758. ​ Speech;] O1; Speech: O2; O4F; Speecb: O3L; Speech: O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7: besides] O1; Besides O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1759. ​Honesty,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1760. ​again,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; well^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1761. ​­Battle, at] O1; ­Battle? At O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; at which] O1, O3P; At ~ O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; smil’d; and] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; ~^ O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; said;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; yes, yes] O1; Yes, yes O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1762. ​meant] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; mean’d O2, O3L, O4F. 1763. ​better,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; better^ O1. 1764. ​time] O1; Time O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1765. ​and What does] O1; ~ what ~ O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1766. ​­here; [points to the N.W. Side of the Island, which it seems was their Side.] O3L, O4F, ­here; [points to the N.W. Side of the Island, which, it seems, was their Side.] O3P; h ­ ere; [Points to the N.W. side of the Island, which, it seems, was their side.] O4G; ­here: [Points to the N.W.

Va r i a n t s

345

Side of the Island, which, it seems, was their Side.] O5, O6, D6, D7; ­here; [points to the N.W. Side of the Island] which it seems was their Side] O1, O2. 1767. ​us’d] O1; used O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1768. ​same Man eating] O1; said Man–­eating O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1769. ​sometime] O1; some Time O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; some time O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1770. ​Child;] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; he] O1; He O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Twenty] O1; twenty O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1771. ​way] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Way O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; and a Wind, O2, O3L O4F, D7; ~Wind^ O3P, O4G, O5, O6; and Wind, O1; way] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Way O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1772. ​Mouth,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; or the Gulph] O1, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6; Gulf O3L, O4F; [omit] or the Gulpth D6, D7; as I found] O1, O2, O3L, O4F; as I thought O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1773. ​River: I ask’d] O1, O3L, D6, D7; River. ~ O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1774. ​imaginable;] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~: D6, D7. 1775. ​­People;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1776. ​ St. Martha: [O1, D7; St. Martha: O2, O4F; St. Martha: O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6. 1777. ​way] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Way O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1778. ​Word;] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; by] O1; By O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1779. ​meant] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; mean’d~ O2, O3L, O4F. 1780. ​me, yes, yes, I might] O1, O3L, O4F, D7; me, Yes, yes, ~ O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6. 1781. ​particularly^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1782. ​Time^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; time,O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; who] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Who O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1783. ​­Father;] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1784. ​­handle] O1; ­Handle O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1785. ​Hills,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1786. ​Sea,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Land;] O1; ~, O2, O3L. O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1787. ​Moon,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; then, if] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; then, If O2, O3L, O4F. 1788. ​worship him;] O1; ~? O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; he look’d] O1; He O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1789. ​ do say O] O1; said O O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­People^] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1790. ​Country^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; where;] O1; ~? O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; he said] O1; He ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1791. ​said, yes] O1; Yes O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Benamuckee;] O1, O3P; ~: O2, D6; ~: O3L, O3P, O4F; ~. O4G, O5, O6; ~; D7; then] O1; Then O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ask’d him^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; w ­ hether] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­W hether O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1792. ​thither too,] O1; ~? O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; he] O1; He O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; said^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; yes] O1; Yes O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1793. ​­Things,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1794. ​God:] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; that] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; That O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1795. ​omnipotent] O1; Omnipotent O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1796. ​a nd thus by] O1; thus, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Degrees^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O4F, D6, D7; degrees, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; listned] O1; listen’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1797. ​ Christ being] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Christ, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; redeem] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; redem O2.

346 Va r i a n t s 1798. ​Heaven;] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~: D6; ~: D7; he] O1; He O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1799. ​way] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Way O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1800. ​till they] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7;’till O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1801. ​speak to him;] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, D7; ~. O4G, O5, O6. 1802. ​him; he said no, they] O1; him? He said, No, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; him: He said, No, D6, D7. 1803. ​ Oowocakee,] O1; Oowokakee, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1804. ​called] O1; call’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1805. ​ Benamuckee said: By] O1, D6, D7; said. ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1806. ​order] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Order O2, O3L. 1807. ​Fraud,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1808. ​him, that] O1, D6, D7; him, That O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1809. ​entred] O1; enter’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1810. ​worship’d] O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Worship’d O1; worshipp’d O4F. 1811. ​use] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G; Use O2, O3L, O5, O6, D6, D7; his] O1; their O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1812. ​Ruin; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7;Ruine O1; access] O1; Access O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1813. ​easie] O1; easy O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1814. ​Evidence] O1; evidence O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; to him,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1815. ​Power;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1816. ​Equity,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Justice,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1817. ​appeared] O1; appear’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1818. ​Spirit;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; above all, Of O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ all^ of] O1. 1819. ​so too;] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~: D6, D7; and] O1; And O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1820. ​manner] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Manner O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1821. ​Nature to Sin] O1; Aversion to Sin O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1822. ​ruin O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ruine O1. 1823. ​World;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1824. ​might] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Might O2, O3L, O4F. 1825. ​Temptations and] O1;Temptations, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1826. ​ might] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Might O2, O3L, O4F. 1827. ​ wicked?] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. (retain ital) O2, O3L, O4F. 1828. ​qualify’d] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; qualified O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; quallified] O1. 1829. ​time] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Time O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1830. ​my self] O1; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1831. ​he is] O1; he is O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1832. ​ Bottomless–­Pit] O1; ~^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G;l bottomless Pit O5, O6, D6, D7; satisfie] O1; satisfy O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1833. ​ R eserve,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Reserve^ D6, D7. 1834. ​ understand;] O1, O4G, O5, O6; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; understand: D7. 1835. ​ well, well] O1; Well, well O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1836. ​Being, of] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; God^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1837. ​can form O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ from] O1. 1838. ​Foot–­Stool] O4F; Foot Stool O2, O3L, O3P; Foot–­stool O4G; Footstool O5, O6, D6, D7; Foo^t–­stool O1. 1839. ​Soul,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1840. ​ Christ;] O1; ~, (retain ital) O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

Va r i a n t s

347

1841. ​way off] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Way ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; to God that] O1; God, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1842. ​Blessed Lord] O1; blessed ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1843. ​my self] O1, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1844. ​and for ­ought I knew,] O1; and, for ­ought I know, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6~ knew D6, D7. 1845. ​when I] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; When ~ O2, O3L, O3P. 1846. ​for I had three in all; and] O1; (for ~~~~~) and O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Muskets (for of them I had eight in all;) O3L, O4F, OFG, O5, O6; Muskets (for . . . ​a ll;^ O2, O3P; Muskets, (for . . . ​a ll^) D6, D7; Muskets, for of them I had eight in all; O1. 1847. ​ form’d] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; form^ d O2. 1848. ​reason] O1; Reason O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1849. ​Penitents; we] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; ~: We O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1850. ​bare reading] O1, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Reading O2, O3L, O3P. 1851. ​Teacher or] O1, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2; Teacher, or O4F; Instructor (I mean, ­human) O4F, D6; Instructer (I mean, humane)^ O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6; Instructor, ~ D6, D7; Instructer; I mean, humane O1. 1852. ​enlightning] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Enlightning O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1853. ​Contention,] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. O2, O3L. 1854. ​of the World] O, O4F; in~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1855. ​Gunpowder] O1, O3P, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Gun^powder O2; Gun–­powder O4F. 1856. ​on board of] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G. O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Board O4F. 1857. ​drive ashore,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5;~ a-­shore, O6, D6, D7; ~ a Shore O1. 1858. ​is, as] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; is, O2. 1859. ​Surprise, falls a jumping and dancing,] O1; Surprize, ~ O2, O3L; Surprize^ ~ O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Surprize, falls jumping and dancing O4F. 1860. ​ O joy!] O1; O, Joy! O2 O3L; O Joy! O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; O, Joy! O4F; Says he,] O1; says ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; say ~ O4F; O glad!] O1; O Glad! O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; O Glad! O4F. 1861. ​Countrymen] O1, O3L, O4G, O4F, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; C trymen O2. 1862. ​perhaps] O1, O3L, O3P; per ps O2; perhaps, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1863. ​increas’d] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; increased D7; encreased O1. 1864. ​no thought] O1; ~ Thought O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1865. ​appeared] O1; appear’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1866. ​haizy] O1, O2, O3L; hazy O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; hazey O4F. 1867. ​before.] O1, O2; before? O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; lookt] O1; look’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1868. ​Why then, said] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; Why then^ ~ O1; kill you.] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O6; ~? O4F, O5; ~: D6; ~: D7. 1869. ​I ask’d him] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ as’d ~ O1. 1870. ​­w ill eat] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­w ill Eat O1; If I come ­t here?] O1, O2, O3L, O4F; ~: O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1871. ​No, no, says he] O1; No, no, says he O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; no eat] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. O5, O6, D6, D7; no Eat O1. 1872. ​white Men, or bearded Men,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; White–­men, or Bearded–­men. 1873. ​together; better than] O1; ~, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1874. ​his own Nation;] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L. 1875. ​shewed it him,] O1; shew’d ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1876. ​seems^] O1, O4F; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1877. ​him? He] O1; him; he O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1878. ​ Alas! Friday,] O1; Alas, Friday O2, O3L, O3P, O4F O4G, O5, O6, D7. 1879. ​ knowest] O1; knowest O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; know’st O4F; thou sayest, I] O1, D7; ~ say’st O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; sayest, I D7.

348 Va r i a n t s 1880. ​ No, no, Friday, (says I) you] O1; No, no, Friday, says I, you O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1881. ​and ­running to] O1, O2, O3L, O3, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ runing ~ O4F. 1882. ​me, What must I do with this?] O; me, What must I do with this? O2; O3L, O4F; me; what ~ O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6; me. What ~ D7. 1883. ​Friday, says he:] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6~, he. D7; Friday; (says he.) O2; What must I kill you for? O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7.for? said I again.] O1; for? ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D7; for? Said I again.; O4f; for? said ~; D6. 1884. ​ take, kill Friday, no send] O1; take^ kill ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6; Take kill ~ O4F, D7. 1885. ​Eyes:] O1, D6, ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6; for? Take kill ~ O4F, D7. 1886. ​­whole] O1, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D7; Whole O2, O4F. 1887. ​my self] O1, O3P, O4G, D7; myself O2, O3L, O4F, O5, O6. 1888. ​work] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; Work O1. 1889. ​not of Periaguas] O2, O3L; Periagua’s O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Periagues O4F. 1890. ​k ind of Wood] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; Kind ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; for it,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; tell^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Day^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1891. ​Boat.] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1892. ​Tools,] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2, O3L, O4F. 1893. ​finished] O1; finish’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1894. ​out–­side] O1; Out–­side O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Ou^–­side O4F. 1895. ​along^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ­were^] O1, O4F; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1896. ​big^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; amazed] O1; amaz’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1897. ​ he venture] O1, O4F, D7; ~ venter O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6. 1898. ​Sail and] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1899. ​Island,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; to Work] O1, O3P, O4G; work O2, O3L, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1900. ​six and twenty Years] O1; 26 Years O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1901. ​went to work] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Work O1. 1902. ​three Corner’d] O1; Three.corner’d O2, O3L; three–­corner’d O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1903. ​Ship’s] O1; Ships O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; knew] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; kenw O2. 1904. ​Boat,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1905. ​though] O1, O3P, O4G; tho’ O2, O3L, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1906. ​my self] O1, D7; myself O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1907. ​pass;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; though] O1; tho’ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1908. ​a Canoe] O1; Canoe O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; the Canoe, O4G, O5, O6, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Sail,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1909. ​Rudder;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; amaz’d,] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; ama’zd^ O2, O3L; amaz’d^ O3P, O4F, O4G. 1910. ​this way, or that way,] O1; ~ Way or that Way, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~ that way D7. 1911. ​one,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; astonish’d,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 1912. ​Compas, I could] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Icould O2. 1913. ​other hand] O1, O4F, O4G; ~ Hand O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1914. ​occasion] O1; Occasion O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1915. ​no body] O1; ~ Body O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; car’d] O1; cared O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

Va r i a n t s

349

1916. ​entred] O1; enter’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1917. ​though] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; tho’ O2, O3L, O4F. 1918. ​kind] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Kind O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 1919. ​Landing] O1; landing O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1920. ​effectually,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1921. ​­Thing^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1922. ​secure] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; sicure O2. 1923. ​high ­Water mark] O1, O6; High ­Water Mark O2, O3L, O4F; high ­Water Mark O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1924. ​fleet in] O1; float ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; then when] O1, D7; then, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Tide^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1925. ​the thought] O1; Thought O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1926. ​intended^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1927. ​ but, says I] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; but ~ O2; but, ~ O3L; but, O4F. 1928. ​three ­human Bodies O3P, O4F, D6, D7, ~ humane ~ O1, O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6. 1929. ​nothing more] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; nothing ­else more (errata) O1. 1930. ​done,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Escape;] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1931. ​ Friday,] O1, O3L, O4F; ~^ O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1932. ​him,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; If] O1; if O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1933. ​was now gotten over] O1, D7; has ~ O2, O3L, O5, O6; had ~ O3P, O4F, O4G. 1934. ​us;] O1; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1935. ​close] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Close O2. 1936. ​­Thing] O1, O3L, O4F; ­t hing O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1937. ​Time] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F; time O2, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1938. ​Ri,] O1, O3P; Right Hand O2, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; right Hand O4F. 1939. ​them, before] O1; ~^ O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1940. ​Glass,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1941. ​national Vengeance] O1; National ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1942. ​as a ­People, for] O1, O3L; ~ ­People^~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; [omit] as a ­People D6, D7; national Crimes] O1; National~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; that in the meantime] O1; that, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1943. ​to me:] O1; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1944. ​to lose;] O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ loose O1, O2. 1945. ​as I bid O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ bad (errata) O1. 1946. ​nothing;] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6; ~, O2; ~: O3L, O4F; ~. D7. 1947. ​run] O1; ran O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1948. ​which, by the Way, O3L, O4F; which by the way,] O1; ~ way^ O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; very fast,] O3L, O4F; not very fast, O1, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1949. ​Arms as I was O3L, O4F; Arms as I was, O1, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1950. ​sat,] O1; ~^ O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; sate^ O3L, O4F. 1951. ​Surprize] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Suprize O1. 1952. ​Fright,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Sea^ Side,] O1; Sea–­side, O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; sea^ side, O3L; Sea–­Side, D7. 1953. ​Yards,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1954. ​Hands and Feet, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Hands, and Feets, O1; Hands, and Feet,] O2. 1955. ​weak,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1956. ​Pieces, in an] O1; Pieces ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1957. ​undermost wisely] O1; undermost, ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1958. ​Spot;] O1; ~, O2; O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1959. ​lye] O1; lie O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

350 Va r i a n t s 1960. ​half an Hour] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; half a Hour O2. 1961. ​who was indeed very weak O1, O2; O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; who was, indeed, very O3L, O4F. 1962. ​Place ­under] O1; Place, ~O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1963. ​saw that upon Friday’s] O1, O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.; ~ that, upon ~ O3L, O4F. 1964. ​whither he went,] O1, O2, O3P, O4G; ~ went; O5, O6; w ­ hether he went, O3L, O4F; wither he went? D6; ­whether he went? D7. 1965. ​went like the Wind;] O1, O3L, O4F; went, ~ O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1966. ​meer] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; mere O2, O3L, O4F. 1967. ​ Portuguese, who] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D7; Portugese, who O5, O6, D6; Portu­ guese, which is near that Number, who (errata) O1. 1968. ​making any Escape: He] O5, O6, D6, D7; making any Escape? O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Escape; He O4G. 1969. ​Councils] O1; Counsels O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1970. ​Escape: And O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; Escape. O3P; Escape? ~ O1; escape:~ O2. 1971. ​by my ­Orders] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; to my ~ (errata) O1. 1972. ​in such Country, as] O1, O2; Country^ ~O 3L, O4F, O4G, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1973. ​Comrades] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Comerades O1. 1974. ​their Number] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~. O2. 1975. ​to whom I imparted my Thought on that Affair, to] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Thoughts ~ O4F. 1976. ​Work] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; work O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Wicker Work, (viz.) ­great] O2; Wicker Work, viz. g­ reat O3L, O3P; Wicker Work, viz. g­ reat O4F, Wicker Work, viz. ­Great O4G, O5, O6; Wicker–­Work, viz. ­Great D7; WickerWork, (viz.) ~ O1;Wicker–­Work, vz. D6. 1977. ​in Writing, not to] O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, Not ~ O1, O2. 1978. ​interven’d,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; interveened O1. 1979. ​Island:] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~: O1. 1980. ​mann’d] O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D7; Mann’d O1, O2, O5 O6. 1981. ​­things,] O1; ­t hings^ O2; Th ­ ings O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1982. ​me; How] O1; ~ how O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1983. ​their Motions] O1; their ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1984. ​mean Time, I] O1, O3P;~ time, I O2, O3L, O4F; ~ Time^ I O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1985. ​Dark:] O1; dark: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1986. ​Anxious] O1; anxious O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1987. ​Sir, said I O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6; Sir, said I] O1, O2, O3L; O4F, D7. 1988. ​said I] said I, if God] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1989. ​mutinied] O2; mutiny’d O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Mutinied O1. 1990. ​Murther me] O1; murther~ O2, D6, D7; murder ~ O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 1991. ​to perish] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Perish] O1. 1992. ​certainly Murther] O1; murther O2; murder O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1993. ​Fire–­Arms, said I O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ said I,] O1, O2, O3L, O4;said I? He] O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. said I, He O1, O2, O4F; said I? He O3L. 1994. ​easie] O1; easy O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1995. ​shew’d] O1, O4F, D7; shewed O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6. 1996. ​Gratitude^] O1, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2; Gartitude O4F. 1997. ​soon ­a fter,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1998. ​wakned] O1; waken’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 1999. ​Comrades] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Comerades O1. 2000. ​Hand. O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; ~,] O1, O4F; ~: D6, D7; him,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2001. ​Seamen who] O1, O3P; Seamen,~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2002. ​desir’d;] O1, O3L, O3P, D7; ~, O2, O4F, O4G. O5, O6, D6. 2003. ​against,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; only that I] O1; only O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

Va r i a n t s

351

2004. ​Provisions] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Provisitions O1. 2005. ​at an End] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; at^ End O2. 2006. ​Place.] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2. 2007. ​Pounds,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2008. ​Brandy and] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Brandy, ~ O1. 2009. ​Way] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; way O2, O3L, O4F. 2010. ​Strength, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Strength^ O1. 2011. ​on board;] O1; ~ Board; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2012. ​Times,] O1, D7; times, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 2013. ​them] O1, O2, O3L, O4F; ~, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; D6, D7; by the Help of my Glasses,] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; ~ help ~ O2, O3L, O4F; (by the Help of my Glasses) D6, D7. 2014. ​View] O1, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; view O2, O4F; Sight] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; sight O2, O3L, O4F. 2015. ​Means,] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; means O2, O3L O4F; View] O1, O3P; view O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2016. ​be was O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; be, ~ O1, D6, D7. 2017. ​Deliverance: I ask’d] O1, O2, O3L, O4F, D7; ~. I ask’d O3P; ~. I asked O4G, O5, O6; ~: I asked D6. 2018. ​A nd w ­ hether O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5; And, ­whether, O5, O6, D6, D7;~ ­W hether O1. 2019. ​continu’d] O1; continued O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2020. ​haling] O1, O2, O3P; hailing O3L, O4G; halling O4F; hauling O5, O6, D6, D7. 2021. ​purpose] O2, O3L; Purpose O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; purpese O1. 2022. ​Ecchos] (archaic) O1; Echoes O2, O3P, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2023. ​know ­t here, that] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; know, that O1. 2024. ​board.] O1, O3L, O4F; ~^ O2; Board^ O4G; Board. O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2025. ​Shore] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; shore O2, O3L. 2026. ​Part] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; part O2, O3L. 2027. ​all sally O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Sally O1, O3P. 2028. ​Boat, to get] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Boat^ ~ O3L, O4F. 2029. ​to perswade] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6; ~ persuade O2, O3L, O4F, D7. 2030. ​perswaded] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6; persuaded O2, O3L, O4F, D7. 2031. ​joyn O1, O2; join O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; sincerely] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; sincere O1. 2032. ​to another,] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2, O3L, O4F. 2033. ​them, in] O1; ~^~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Dark] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6; dark O2, O3L, O4F, D7. 2034. ​complain, how] O1; ~^ ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2035. ​a–­Ground] O1; a–­ground O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2036. ​to one another, in] O1; ~^~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2037. ​murther’d] O1, O2, O3L, O3P; murder’d, O4F; murder’d; O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2038. ​Comrades] O3L, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; Comerades O1, O2, O3P, O4G; Names,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2039. ​so over the same ­t hing again] O1; so the same ­t hing over again. O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5; so the same ­Thing ~ O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2040. ​have me give O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6;~ given O1, D7. 2041. ​Captain,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 2042. ​’till an Hour] O1, D6;^till ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2043. ​they had left O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; we ~ O1, O2, O3L, O4F. 2044. ​for indeed] O1; For ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2045. ​could, [‘l’ inverted] O1; could, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2046. ​answered immediately] O1; answer’d ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2047. ​T’other answered] O1; ~ answer’d O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7.

352 Va r i a n t s 2048. ​ask’d] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F; as’d O2; asked O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2049. ​Upon this, ­Will. Atkins O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ ­Will^ ~ O1, O4F; Sake] O1, O3P, D7; sake O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6. 2050. ​Way] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; way O2, O3L; way, O4F. 2051. ​Word] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; word O2, O3L, O4F. 2052. ​parley’d] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; parly’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 2053. ​parley] O1, O5, O6, D6, D7; parly O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 2054. ​the Island, that] O1; ~ island: ~ O2; ~ island; ~ O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6 D7. 2055. ​uninhabited Island] O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6 D6, D7; uninhabitated O1, O2, O3L. 2056. ​intercede] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; intercede O1. 2057. ​begg’d] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; beg’d O1. 2058. ​ a coming:] O1, O5, O6, D6; ~: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, D6, D7. 2059. ​Account] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; Acconnt O1. 2060. ​choose out] O1; chuse ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; t­ hose five] O2, O3L;O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; five of them (errata) O1, D6, D7. 2061. ​take out ­those five O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; take out five of them (errata) O1. 2062. ​­Castle,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7. 2063. ​Governour was in Earnest; however they had no] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F; Governour . . . ​ ~ O2; ~ however, they had no O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2064. ​perswade] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; persuade O2, O3L, O4F, D7; Duty^] O1; ~. O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; ~: O3L. 2065. ​Bower] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; Apartment (errata) O1. 2066. ​had now released. 4. The single Man taken in the Boat. 5. ­These five released at last:] O1; had now released [omit The single Man taken in the Boat.] 4. ­These five released at last: O2, O3L, O4F, O4G; . . . ​had now releas’d. [omit The single Man taken in the Boat.] 4. ­These five releas’d at last; O3P, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; the single Man taken in the Boat. 5. (errata) O1. 2067. ​twelve ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; thirteen (errata) in all] O1. 2068. ​in the Cave, for Hostages] O2, O3L, O4F; in the Cave for Hostages O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; ~ Cave, and the two Hostages (errata) O1. 2069. ​asunder,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; assunder, O1. 2070. ​man them. He] O3P; and Man them. He O1, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~ them; ~ D6; ~ them: ~ D7. 2071. ​five more O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; six (errata) O1; more,] O1, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. 2072. ​Ship’s Side] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7;~ side O2, O3L, O4F; Mate^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; entring] O1, O2, O3L, O4F; entering O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2073. ​entring] O1, O2, O3L, O4F; entering O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2074. ​Cook–­Room O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7; Cook Room] O1, O4G; t­ here,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2075. ​Round–­House^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Round House O3P. 2076. ​Men but] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2077. ​’till] O1;^till O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2078. ​Purpose] O1, D7; purpose O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 2079. ​Confusion,] O1; ~; O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2080. ​look] O1; look’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2081. ​one] O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; once O1, O3P. 2082. ​Refreshment,] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Refreshments, D6, D7. 2083. ​Masters] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Master O1. 2084. ​Ship’s] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Ships O2, O3L. 2085. ​Lime–­Juice] O1; Lime–­juice O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2086. ​imagine] O1; imagine,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D; ~^ O1.

Va r i a n t s

353

2087. ​desir’d that, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; desir’d, ~ O1. 2088. ​appear’d] O1, O3P, O4G; appeared O2, O3L, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2089. ​hang’d] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; hanged O2, O3L, O4F. 2090. ​easy to them: Accordingly] O1, O3P, O5, D6, D7; easie to them. ~ O2, O3L; easy to them. ~ O4F, O4G, O6. 2091. ​glad of] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; glade ~ O1. 2092. ​bade them O2, O3L, O3P; bid O4F; bad ~ O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2093. ​Sake] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; sake O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 2094. ​tho’] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; though O2, O3L. 2095. ​But ­a fter] O1; but ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2096. ​taken on Board, and] O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; taken on board O4F; taken, and (errata) O1. 2097. ​Intercession^] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; to be added] O2, O3L O3P, O4F, O5, O6, D6, D6, D7; ~ added (second “d,” ­a fter hyphen, below baseline) O4G; ~ aded O1. 2098. ​Way] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; way O2, O3L, O4F, D7. 2099. ​Board] O2, O3L, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; board O1, O4F, O4G; Reliques,] O1, O4F; ~^ O2, O3P, O3L, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2100. ​a nd my Parrot] O1, O2, O3L, O4F; and one of my Parrots O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2101. ​on the contrary] onthe contrary (tight typesetting) O1; on the ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2102. ​reliev’d her, as O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O5; relieved her, ~ O4G, O6; reliev’d her^ as O1, D6, D7. 2103. ​Place] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; place O2, O3L, O4F. 2104. ​­Brothers;] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O4F. 2105. ​given O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; having giving (errata) O1. 2106. ​altogether] O1; all together O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2107. ​indeed,] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~^ O2, O3L, O4F. 2108. ​Case] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; case O2, O3L, O4F. 2109. ​Provedidore] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Provedore O5, O6, D6, D7; Proviedore O1. 2110. ​Care] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; care O2, O3L; say^] O1, O3P, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G. 2111. ​Account of] (“f” dropped to line below) Account o’ O1; Account of O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2112. ​myf] 9 “f” dropped from line above) O1; my O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2113. ​my possessing] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ Possesing O1. 2114. ​Rich] O1; rich O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2115. ​Wealthy] O1, O4G, O5, O6; wealthy O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, D7. 2116. ​Possession] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; possession O2, O3L. 2117. ​Account] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; account O2, O3L. 2118. ​which, as he] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; which^ as ~ O1. 2119. ​registred] O1; register’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Register’d O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2120. ​that time,] O2, O3L, O4F; that Time, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; the time, (errata) O1; Disbursements] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G. O5, O6, D6, D7; Disbursments O1. 2121. ​obliged] O1; oblig’d O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2122. ​weeping] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Weeping O1; Therefore,] O1, O3P, O4G, O6, D6; ~^ O2, O3L, O4F, O5, D7. 2123. ​them;] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O2, O3L, O4F. 2124. ​Ways] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ways O2, O3L. 2125. ​Ways] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ways O2, O3L. 2126. ​Publick] O1; publick O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2127. ​Return] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; return O2, O3L, O4F.

354 Va r i a n t s 2128. ​Months,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2129. ​Papers enclos’d] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; ~, O2, O3L, O4F; ~ enclosed D6, D7. 2130. ​Current] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; current O2, O3L, O4F. 2131. ​call] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; call’d O1. 2132. ​Cruisadoes] Note above; to [blank] Cruisadoes] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; to–­Cruisadoes D7. 2133. ​ Augustine’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F; Augustin’s O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2134. ​Account; as] O2, O3P, O4F, O4G; ~: as O5, O6; ~: As; Account, as] O1, O3L. 2135. ​ Marias] O1; Maria’s O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2136. ​thither] (with an unintentional space “thi^ther”) O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2137. ​express ­here the] O1, O5; express the O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O6, D6, D7. 2138. ​Manner] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; manner O2, O3L, O4F, O4G. 2139. ​Sudden] O1; sudden O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2140. ​Way] O1, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; way O2, O3L. 2141. ​further] O1, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; farther O2, O3L, O3P, O4F. 2142. ​Hundred] O1; hundred O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2143. ​according] O1; accordingly O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2144. ​Augustine I] O1, O3L, O4F, D6, D7; Augustin ~ O2, O3P, D7; Augustin. I O4G; Augus­ tine. I O5, O6. 2145. ​Broad–­Cloath O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; broad Cloath O1. 2146. ​Exchange,] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~; O2, O3L, O4F. 2147. ​ ­England:] O1, O2; ~: O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, O4F. 2148. ​some of the Reasons: But] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6.D6, D7; ~ Reason: ~ O1. 2149. ​singl’d] O, O2, O3P; singled O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2150. ​ Algerine,] O1; Algerin’s O2; Algerines O2; O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2151. ​old Pilate] O1; ~ Pi­lot O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2152. ​two Portuguese, contenting] O2, O3L, O4F, D6; ~ Portuguese^ ~ O3P, O4G; O5, O6, D7; ~ Portugnese, ~ O1. 2153. ​surprising,] O1; surprizing, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2154. ​benumbing] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; benumming O5, O6, D6, D7. 2155. ​stay’d] O1; staid O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; stayed O4F. 2156. ​set^out] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; setout O1. 2157. ​farther Distance] O1, O2, O4G, O3P; O5, O6, D6, D7; distance O3L, O4F. 2158. ​Few] O1, O3; few O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; cause of] O1; Cause of O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2159. ​Time] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; time O2, O3L, O4F. 2160. ​Civil] O1; civil O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2161. ​indeed,] O1; ~^ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2162. ​monstrous one] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ One O1. 2163. ​ever I saw:] O1, D6, D7; ~. O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; surpriz’d,] O1, O5; ~^ O2, O3P, O3L; surpriz’d, O4F; surprized O4G, O6, D6, D7. 2164. ​Says Friday] O1; says ~ O2, O3P, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Times] O1, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; times O2, O3L, O4F. 2165. ​O Master!] O1; O Master! O2, O3P, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; O Master; O3L, O4F; Leave!] O1; ~, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2166. ​O Me shakee] O1; me ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2167. ​ you up?] O1; ~ up: O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~: D6; Says Friday] O1; says ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2168. ​Pumps (as] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~, (as O1. 2169. ​As soon as] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ~ scon ~ 2170. ​sudden,] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ~, O2. 2171. ​and began] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ~ begun O1.

Va r i a n t s

355

2172. ​ W hat,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ~^ O1. 2173. ​farther? O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ~, O1; Pray] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; pray O1. 2174. ​­little further] O1; ~ farther O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 2175. ​ By and by:] O1; by and by. O2, O3L, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; by, and by. O4F; by–­ and–­b y. D7. 2176. ​still.] O1, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ~, O2. 2177. ​him, Friday] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; him^~ O1. 2178. ​Muzzle] O1; Muzzel O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 2179. ​Why you] O1; why ~ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 2180. ​already, I] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ~. I O1, O3L. 2181. ​fir’d should] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; ~ shonld O1; fir’d, should D7; fir’d would O5, O6; fir’d, would D6. 2182. ​Howling] O1; howling O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, `D7; Yelling] O1; yelling O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2183. ​Breast–­Work,] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Breast^Work, O1. 2184. ​Noise] O1, O2, O3L, O3P, D6, D7; noise O4F, O4G, O5, O6; (and mounted] O1, O2, O3P;^and mounted O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, OL6, D6, D7. 2185. ​Timber, which] O1, O2, O3P; Timber, (which O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6,.D7; Breast–­ Work)] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Breast–­Work, O5, O6; Break-­Work D6, D7; Breast^ Work O1. 2186. ​ Thoulouse O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; Bourdeaux (errata) O1. 2187. ​one of my B ­ rothers] O2, O3P; ­Brothers, O3L. O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7; ~ my ­Sisters (errata) O1. 2188. ​enterprising] O1, O3P; enterprizing O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2189. ​Part] O1; part O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7. 2190. ​with an Account O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ~ Acconnt O1. 2191. ​Cannoes] O1, O2, O3L; Canoes O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D6, D7. 2192. ​farther Account O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6, D7; ~ Acconnt O1. 2193. ​Advertisements: O1, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. Note: Distinctively dif­fer­ent set of advertisements and layout in D7. 2194. ​Edition] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Edit. O1; Plutarch’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Plutarch’s O1; Greek] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Greek O1. 2195. ​ Ovid’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Ovid’s O1. 2196. ​ Winchelsea] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Winchelsea O1. 2197. ​ Dryden.] O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O3P, O5, O6; Dryden. 2198. ​ Congreve’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Congreve’s O1. 2199. ​ Garth’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Garth’s O1; Dispensary O1, O2, O3L, O3P; Dispensatory O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 2200. ​ Manwaring’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Manwaring’s] O1. 2201. ​The Adventures of] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6;^ Adventures ~ O1; Telemachus] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Telemacus O5, O6; Telemachus O1. 2202. ​ Boetius] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Boetius O1. 2203. ​Bysshe’s] O3P; Bysse’s O1; Bysse’s O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; En­glish] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; En­glish O1; Eminent] O2, O3L; eminent O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Eniment O1. 2204. ​ De Grammont] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; De Grammont O1; Edition] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Edtion O1. 2205. ​ Lawrence Echard’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Lawrence Echard’s O1; Plau­ tus’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Plautus’s O1. 2206. ​ Clarendon’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Clarendon’s O1. 2207. ​ Theagines and Chariclia à Romana] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Theagines and Chari­ cli O5, O6; Theagines and Chariclia à Romana O1; Greek of Heliadorus] O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Greek of Heliodorus] O1.

356 Va r i a n t s 2208. ​King George] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~ George] O1. 2209. ​ Desagulier’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Desagulier’s] O1. 2210. ​ Beveridge’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Beveridge’s O1. 2211. ​ Spinckes’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Spinckes’s O1. 2212. ​ Woodward’s O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Woodward’s O1. 2213. ​ Barrow O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Barrow O1. 2214. ​ Kettlewell’s O2, O3L, O3P; Kettelwell’s O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Kettlewell’s O1. 2215. ​Bishop Taylor’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~ Taylor’s O1. 2216. ​Life of Christ O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Life of Christ] O1; (numbered as 35.) ~ Christ O5, O6 . 2217. ​Bishop Patrick’s O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~ Patrick’s O1. 2218. ​Arch–­Bishop of Cambray O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~ Cambray O1. 2219. ​ W histon’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Whiston’s O1. 2220. ​Quincy’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5; Quincy’s O1; Quiney’s O6; En­glish] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; En­glish O1. 2221. ​Addison] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Addison O1. 2222. ​Phillips O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Phillips O1; Philips O5, O6. 2223. ​Cibber] O2, O3L, O4F, O3P, O4G, O5, O6; Cibber O1. 2224. ​Vade Mecum] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Vade Mecum O1. 2225. ​Vade Mecum O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Vade Mecum O1. 2226. ​Lawrence’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Lawrence’s O1. 2227. ​C. Evelin, O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; C. Evelin O1; C. Evlin O5, O6. 2228. ​Dugdale’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Dugdale’s O1; En­glish O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; En­glish O1. 2229. ​Theatrum Scotiæ O2, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~ Scotia O3L; Theatrum Scotiæ O1; Scotland] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Scotland O1. 2230. ​ Guild. Musgrave] O2, O3L; Guil.Musgrave O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Guild. Musgrave O1. 2231. ​Medulla Hist. Anglicanæ O1, O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Medulla Hist. Anglicanæ O3P; Howel] O1; Howel O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Howell O3P. 2232. ​St. Cyprian] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~. Cyprian O1; Marshal.] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Marshal O1. 2233. ​ Ireland O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Ireland O1. 2234. ​ Scotland] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Scotland O1. 2235. ​ Sweden O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Sweden O1; Abbot Vertot O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~ Vertot O1. 2236. ​ Kersey’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Kersey’s O1. 2237. ​ Wingate’s O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Wingate’s O1; Shelley] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Shelley O1. 2238. ​ Love’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Love’s O1. 2239. ​ Swift’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Swift’s O1. 2240. ​ Martin’s] O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Martin’s O1; Western] O1, O3P; Western] O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Western O1; Scotland] O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Scotland O1. 2241. ​A shmole’s] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Ashmote’s O1; abridg’d] O1, O3P; Abridg’d O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 2242. ​ France] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; France O1. 2243. ​ Abelardi & Heloissæ] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G; Abelardi & Heloisse O5, O6; Abetardi & Hetoissæ O1. 2244. ​ J. Raphson] O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; J. Raptison O1. 2245. ​Imitando O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Imitendo O1; cum (“c” below baseline)] O1; cum O2, O3L, O5, O6; cum (“cu” above baseline) O4F, O4G; Thoma Kempisio] O3L, O4F, O4G, O5 Thoma Kemprisio] O1, O2; Thoma Kemprisio O3P; Thoma Kemplsio O6; Æneis. O1, O2, O3L; Æneis, O5, O6; Æneis. O3P [?O4F, O4G Kemprisio and AEnis]

Va r i a n t s

357

2246. ​ Salmon’s En­glish] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Salmon’s En­glish] O1; Plants] O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Plants O1, O3P; inan] O1; in an O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 2247. ​ Robert Walpole O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6.; Robert Walpole O1. 2248. ​journeying] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; journying O1. 2249. ​ Vitruvius Britannicus: Or, The British Architect] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; ~Britannicus, or the ~ O1; original] O1, O3P; Original O2, O3L, O4F, O4G, O5, O6. 2250. ​ Pietas] O2, O3L, O3P, O4F, O4G, O5, O6; Piet as] O1.

Works Consulted

Blewett, David. The Illustration of Robinson Crusoe 1719–1920. Gerrards Cross: Colin Smythe, 1995. Defoe, Daniel. The Life and Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. Edited by James Sutherland with an introduction and notes. Boston: Riverside Editions, 1968. —­—­—. The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventure of Robinson Crusoe (1719). Edited by W. R. Owens. The Novels of Daniel Defoe. General editors W. R. Owens and P. N. Furbank. 10 vols. London: Pickering & Chatto, 2008. —­—­—. The Life and Strange Surprising Adventures of Robinson Crusoe of York, Mari­ner. As Related by Himself. With upwards of One Hundred Illustrations. London: Cassell, Peter, and Galpin, La Belle Sauvage Yard, Ludgate Hill, E.C., [1863–1864]. [Provided by Jay Lesselbaum, Wellfleet, MA, 2004.] —­—­—. The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, Of York, Mari­ner. Edited by J. Donald Crowley with an introduction and notes. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983. [Notes first provided, 1972.] —­—­—. Robinson Crusoe. Edited by Henry Kingsley ­a fter the original editions, with a Biographical Introduction. The Globe Edition. Reissue of the edition of 1866. London: Macmillan, 1868. —­—­—. Robinson Crusoe: An Authoritative Text, Backgrounds and Sources, Criticism. Edited by Michael Shinagel. A Norton Critical Edition. New York: Norton, 1975. Hubbard, Lucius L. “Text Changes in the Taylor Editions of Robinson Crusoe with Remarks on the Cox Edition.” PBSA 20 (1963): 1–76. Hutchins, Henry Clifton. Robinson Crusoe and Its Printing, 1719–1731: A Bibliographical Study. New York: Columbia University Press, 1925. —­—­—. “Two Hitherto Unrecorded Editions of Robinson Crusoe.” Library s4–8, no .1 (1927): 58–72. Lovett, Robert W, assisted by Charles C. Lovett. Robinson Crusoe: A Bibliographical Check­ list of En­glish Language Editions (1719–1979). Biblio­graphies and Indexes in World Lit­er­ a­ture. No. 30. New York: Greenwood, 1991. Moore, John Robert. A Checklist of the Writings of Daniel Defoe. 2nd ed. 1960. Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1971. Rothman, Irving N. “Coleridge on the Semi-­Colon in Robinson Crusoe: Prob­lems in Editing Defoe.” Studies in the Novel 27, no. 3 (Fall 1995): 320–340.

359

360

W o r k s C o n s u lt e d

Secord, Arthur W. Studies in the Narrative Method of Daniel Defoe, University of Illinois Studies in Language and Lit­er­a­ture. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1924; repr., New York: Russell & Russell, 1963. Stoler, John A. Daniel Defoe: An Annotated Bibliography of Modern Criticism, 1900–1980. New York: Garland, 1984. Wilson, Katharine M. Sound and Meaning in En­glish Poetry. 1930. Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press, 1970.

Selected Bibliography

Works Consulted Dated before 1731 Cooke, Edward, Captain. A Voyage to the South Sea, and Round the World: Perform’d in the Years 1708, 1709, 1710, and 1711; Containing a Journal of All Memorable Transactions during the Said Voyage . . . ​Wherein an Account Is Given of Mr. Alexander Selkirk . . . ​dur­ ing the Four Years and Four Months He Liv’d upon the Uninhabited Island of Juan Fer­ nandes. 2 vols. London, 1712. A Critical Edition of John Beadle’s A Journall of a Thankfull Christian. 1656. Edited by Germaine Fry Murray. New York: Garland, 1996. Dampier. William. A New Voyage Round the World, Describing Particularly, the Isthmus of Amer­i­ca, Several Coasts and Islands in the West Indies, . . . ​Their Soil, Rivers, Harbours, Plants, Fruits, Animals, and Inhabitants. Their Customs, Religion, Government, Trade &c. London: James Knapton, 1697. New York: Dover, 1968. Defoe, Daniel. The Commentator. 1720. —­—­—­. A Continuation of Letters of a Turkish Spy. London, 1718. —­—­—. Essay upon Proj­ects. Edited by Joan Kennedy, Michael Seidel, and Maximillian Novak. New York: AMS Press, 1999. —­—­—. The ­Family Instructor. Vol. 1, 1715; Vol. 2, 1718. Edited by Irving N. Rothman. The Stoke Newington Daniel Defoe Edition. Brooklyn: AMS Press, 2015. —­—­—. The Farther Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. 1719. —­—­—. Das Leben und Gantz Ungemeine Begebenheiten des Robinson Crusoe. Leipzig, 1720. —­—­—. The Letters of Daniel Defoe. Edited by George Healey. Oxford: Clarendon, 1955. —­—­—. The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. 3rd ed. Printed for W. Taylor at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row, 1719. —­—­—. The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. . . . ​ 7th  ed., Adorned with Cuts. London: W. Mears and T. Woodward, 1726. —­—­—. A Review of the Affairs of France. Edited by Arthur Secord. 9 vols. Reproduced in 22 vols. 1704–. New York: Columbia University Press, 1938. —­—­—. Robinson Crusoe. Edited by Michael Shinagel. Indianapolis: Bobbs-­Merrill, 1916. —­—­—. The Schism Act Explain’d. 1714. —­—­—. The Serious Reflections of Robinson Crusoe and the Vision of the Angelick World. 1720.

361

362

Selected Bibliogr aph y

—­—­—. A True Collection of the Writings of the Author of the True Born English-­man. 2 vols. London, 1703–1705. —­—­—. Written by Himself. The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Cru­ soe. Of York Mari­ner: Who lived Eight and Twenty Years, all alone in an uninhabited Island on the Coast of Amer­i­ca, near the Mouth of the G ­ reat River of Oroonoque; Having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, wherein all the Men perished but himself. WITH An Account how he was at last as strangely delivered by PYRATES. Printed for W. Taylor at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row, 1719. Evans, Ambrose. “Adventures of Alexander Venderchurch, The Adventures and Surprizing Deliverance of James Dobourdieu. London, and His Wife: Who ­Were Taken by Pyrates . . . . ​ Also the Adventures of Alexander Vendchurch . . . ​Written by Himself. London: Printed by J. Bettenham for A. Bettesworth and T. Warner; C. Rivington; J. Brotherton and W. Meadows; A. Dodd and W. Chetwood, 1719. Reprint, Farmington Hills, MI: Thomson Gale, 2005. Grotius, Hugo. The Truth of the Christian Religion. In Six Books by Hugo Grotius. Corrected and Illustrated with Notes, by Mr. Le Clerc. To Which Is Added a Seventh Book Concern­ ing This Question: What Christian Church We ­Ought to Join Our Selves to. . . . ​London: J. Knapton, 1711. Le Clerc, J. Bibliothèque Ancienne et Moderne. Vol. 15 of 21 vols. 1714–1721. Amsterdam, 1721. Locke, John. Two Treatises of Government. Edited by Peter Laslett. 1698. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967. Norwood, Richard. The Journal of Richard Norwood: Surveyor of Bermuda. Edited by Wesley Frank Craven and Walter  B. Hayward. 1637. New York: Scholars Facsimilies and Reprints, 1945. —­—­—. The Sea-­ Mans Practice: Containing a Fundamentall Probleme in Navigation, Experimentally Verified: Namely Touching the Compasse of the Earth and Sea, and the Quantity of a Degree in Our En­glish Mea­sures. London: Printed by B. Alsop and T. Fawcett for George Hurlock, 1637. The Original London Post. or Heathcote’s Intelligence: Being a Collection of the Freshest Advices Foreign and Domestick. London: K. Heathcote, 1723–1724. Pufendorf, Freiherr Samuel von, Basil Kennett, Jean Barbeyrac, and George Carew. Of the Law of Nature and Nations. Translated by Basil Kennett. Oxford, 1703. London: J. Walthoe, R. Wikin, J. and J. Bonwicke, S. Birt, T. Ward, and T. Osborne, 1729. Rogers, Woodes. A Cruising Voyage Round the World: First to the South Seas, Thence to the East Indies, and Homewards by the Cape of Good Hope; Begun in 1708, and Finish’d in 1711. London: A. Bell and B. Lintot, 1712. Edited by Percy Adams and G. E. Manwaring. New York: Dover, 1970. Tryon, Thomas. [Philotheos Physiologus]. The Negro’s Complaint of Their Hard Servitude and the Cruelties Practised upon Them. London: Andrew Sowle, 1684. Tuffal, Abu Jafar Abu Bakr ibn al-­Tufail. The Improvement of ­Human Reason: Exhibited in the Life of Hai Ebn Yokdan; Written in Arabic above 500 Years Ago, by Abu Jaafer Ebn Tophail. Translated by Edward Pocock and Simon Ockley. Dublin and London: Sam Fuller, 1731. Wettenhall, Edward. Enter into Thy Closet: or, A Method and Order for Private Devotion. 5th ed. London, 1684.

Works Consulted Dated a ­ fter 1731 Auerbach, Erich. Mimesis: The Repre­sen­ta­tion of Real­ity in Western Lit­e r­a­ture. Bern: Francke, 1946.

Selected Bibliogr aph y

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Ayers, Robert. “Robinson Crusoe: ‘Allusive Allegorick History.’ ” PMLA 82 (1967): 399–407. Backscheider, Paula. Daniel Defoe: His Life. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989. Barthes, Roland. “The Real­ity Effect.” In French Literary Theory ­Today, edited by Tzvetan Todorov, translated by R. Car­ter. Paris: Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, 1982. Böhm-­Bawerk, Eugen von. The Positive Theory of Capital. Translated by William Smart. New York: S. Stechert, 1923. Chal­mers, George. The Life of Daniel Defoe. London: John Stockdale, 1785. Cibber, Theo­philus, Robert Shiells, and Thomas Coxefel. Lives of the Poets of ­Great Britain. London: R. Griffiths, 1753. Damrosch, Leo. God’s Plot & Man’s Stories: Studies in the Fictional Imagination from Mil­ ton to Fielding. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985. de Certeau, Michel. The Practice of Everyday Life. Translated by Steven Rendall. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984. Doll, Dan, and Jessica Munns, eds. Recording and Reordering: Essays on the Seventeenth-­ and Eighteenth-­Century Diary and Journal. Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2006. Dottin, Paul, ed. Robinson Crusoe Examin’d and Criticis’d. London: Dent, 1923. Edgeworth, Maria, and Felix Octavius Carr Daily. Moral Tales. Philadelphia: C. G. Henderson, 1856. The Exploits of Robinson Crusoe. London: Printed for the Booksellers, [1790?]. Fausett, David. The Strange Surprizing Sources of Robinson Crusoe. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1994. Furbank, P. N., and R. W. Owens. The Canonisation of Daniel Defoe. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1988. —­—­—. Critical Bibliography of Daniel Defoe. London: Pickering, 1998. Gildon, Charles. The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Mr. D . . . . . De F. . . . ​In Rob­ inson Crusoe Examin’d and Criticis’d, edited by Paul Dottin, 63–180. London: Dent, 1923. Grotius, Hugo. De Jure Belli ac Pacis. Translated by Francis Kelsey. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1927. Guilhamet, Leon. The Sincere Ideal. Montreal: McGill-­Queens University Press, 1974. Hopes, Jeffrey. “Daniel Defoe and the Affairs of France.” Études Épistèmè, 9 December 2014. Hubbard, Lucius. A Dutch Source for Robinson Crusoe. Ann Arbor, MI: George Wahr, 1921. Hunter, J. Paul. The Reluctant Pilgrim. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966. Hutchins, Henry Clinton. Robinson Crusoe and Its Printing 1719–1731. New York: Columbia University Press, 1925. Iványi, R.  G. “Defoe’s Prelude to The ­Family Instructor.” Times Literary Supplement, 7 April 1966, 312. Jakobson, Roman. “On Realism in Art.” In Language in Lit­er­a­ture, edited by Roman Jakobson, Krystyna Pornorska, and Stephen Rudy, 19–27. Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 1987. —­—­—. “Two Aspects of Language and Types of Aphasic Disturbances.” In On Language, edited and translated by Linca Waugh and Monique Monville-­Burston, 115–131. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990. Keane, Patrick. Coleridge’s Submerged Politics: The Ancient Mari­ner and Robinson Crusoe. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1994. Leguat, François. The Voyage of François Leguat of Bresse to Rodriquez, Mauritus, Java and the Cape of Good Hope. Edited by Pasfield Oliver. 2 vols. London: Hakluyt Society, 1891.

364

Selected Bibliogr aph y

Llewelyn, John. “What Is Orientation in Thinking? Facing the Facts in Robinson Crusoe.” In Proximity: Emmanuel Levinas and the Eigh­teenth ­Century, edited by Melvyn New, Robert Bernasconi, and Richard Cohen, 69–90. Lubbock: Texas Tech University Press, 2001. Macherey, Pierre. A Theory of Literary Production. Translated by Geoffrey Wall. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978. Marx, Karl. Capital. Translated by Samuel Moore and Edward Aveling. London: Allen & Unwin, 1949. Maslen, Keith. “Edition Quantities for Robinson Crusoe, 1719.” Library, 5th Series, 24 (1969): 145–150. —­—­—. “The Printers of Robinson Crusoe.” Library, 5th Series, 7 (1952): 124–131. McKeon, Michael. Origins of the En­glish Novel, 1600–1740. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978. Mintz, Sidney. Sweetness and Power. Harmonds­worth: Penguin, 1986. Montag, Warren. Louis Althusser. Houndmills: Palgrave, 2003. Moore, John Robert. A Checklist of the Writings of Daniel Defoe. Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1971. Nichols, John. Literary Anecdotes of the Eigh­teenth ­Century: Comprising Biographical Mem­ oirs of William Bowyer, Printer, F. S. A. and Many of His Learned Friends; an Incidental View of the Pro­gress and Advancement of Lit­er­a­ture in This Kingdom during the Last ­Century; and Biographical Anecdotes of a Considerable Number of Eminent Writers and Ingenious Artists: with a Very Copious Index. 5 vols. London: Nichols, Son and Bentley, 1812–1816. Nochlin, Linda. Realism. Harmonds­worth: Penguin, 1971. Novak, Maximillian. Daniel Defoe, Master of Fictions: His Life and Ideas. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. —­—­—. Defoe and the Nature of Man. London: Oxford University Press, 1963. —­—­—.“Describing the ­Thing Itself, or Not: Defoe and the Art of Describing.” Eighteenth-­ Century Fiction 9 (1996): 1–20. —­—­—. Economics and the Fiction of Daniel Defoe. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962. —­—­—. Realism, Myth, and History in Defoe’s Fiction. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983. —­—­—. “Sincerity, Delusion and Character in the Fiction of Defoe.” In Augustan Studies, edited by Douglas Patey and Timothy Keegan, 109–126. Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1985. Ogg, David. Eu­rope in the Seventeenth ­Century. London: Adam and Charles Black, 1946. Peterson, Spiro. Daniel Defoe: A Reference Guide 1732–1924. Boston: G. K. Hall, 1987. Raleigh, John Henry. “Style and Structure and Their Import in Defoe’s Roxana.” University of Kansas City Review 20 (1953):128–135. Rawson, Claude. God, Gulliver, and Genocide. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. Richetti, John, The Life of Daniel Defoe. Oxford: Blackwell, 2005. Rogers, Pat. Defoe: The Critical Heritage. Critical Heritage Series. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972. Rousseau, Jean-­Jacques. Emile, or On Education. Translated by Barbara Foxley. London: Dent, 1955. Schonhorn, Manuel. Defoe’s Politics: Parliament, Power, Kingship, and Robinson Crusoe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. —­—­—. “Defoe’s Sourcess and Narrative Method in ‘Mrs.  Veal,’ ‘Journal of the Plague Year,’ ‘Robinson Crusoe,’ and ‘Captain Singleton.’ ” Doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1963.

Selected Bibliogr aph y

365

Schwartz, Stuart B. Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550–1835. Cambridge Latin American Studies 52. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. Secord, Arthur. Studies in the Narrative Method of Defoe. 1934. Reprint, New York: Russell & Russell, 1963. Seidel, Michael. “Crusoe in Exile.” PMLA 96 (1981): 363–374. —­—­—. “The Man Who Came to Dinner: Ian Watt and the Theory of Formal Realism.” Eighteenth-­Century Fiction 12 (2000): 193–212. Severin, Tim. In Search of Robinson Crusoe. New York: Basic Books, 2002. Sherman, Stuart. Telling Time: Clocks, Diaries, and En­glish Diurnal Form, 1660–1785. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996. Smeeks, Henry. The Mighty Kingdom of Krinke Kesmes. Translated by Robert Leek. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1995. Smollett, Tobias. Roderick Random. In Works, 12 vols., edited by G. H. Maynardier. New York: Jensen Society, 1907. Spence, Joseph, and John Underhill. Observations, Anecdotes, and Characters of Books and Men. 2 vols. London: W. Scott, 1890. [with James Osborn] Oxford: Clarendon, 1966. Starr, G. A. Defoe and Spiritual Autobiography. Prince­ton, NJ: Prince­ton University Press, 1965. —­—­—. “Defoe’s Prose Style.” Modern Philology 71 (1974): 227–294. —­—­—. “Escape from Barbary: A Seventeenth-­Century Genre.” Huntington Library Quar­ terly 29 (1965): 35–52. Stephen, Leslie. Hours in a Library. London: Smith, Elder, 1874. Sterne, Laurence. The Life and of Tristram Shandy (1760–1767). 6 vols. Edited by Melvyn New and Joan New. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1978–1984. Stoler, John. Daniel Defoe: An Annotated Bibliography of Modern Criticism, 1900–1980. New York: Garland, 1984. Todorov, Svetan. Imperfect Garden. Translated by Carol Cosman. Prince­ton, NJ: Prince­ ton University Press, 2002. Vega, Garcilaso de la. Royal Commentaries of the Yncas. Translated by Sir Clements R. Markham. Hakluyt Society numbers 41 and 45. London: Hakluyt Society, 1869–1871. Walzer, Michael. The Revolution of the Saints: A Study in the Origins of Radical Politics. New York: Atheneum, 1969.

About the Editors

Maximillian E. Novak is Distinguished Research Professor of En­glish at the University of California, Los Angeles. He has published widely on seventeenth-­and eighteenth-­century lit­er­a­ture, has edited a number of volumes in the “California Dryden,” has written five books on Daniel Defoe, and is a general editor of the Stoke Newington Edition of the Writings of Daniel Defoe. Irving N. Rothman, who passed away in April 2019, was a professor of En­glish at the University of Houston, where he had taught since 1967. He was one of the general editors of the Stoke Newington Edition of the Writings of Daniel Defoe and edited or co­edited three volumes, including The Po­liti­cal History of the Dev­il and two volumes of The ­Family Instructor. Manuel Schonhorn is a professor of En­glish emeritus at Southern Illinois University. His books include Defoe’s General History of the Pirates and Defoe’s Politics: Parliament, Power, Kingship and “Robinson Crusoe.” He has published articles on Defoe, Pope, Fielding, Sterne, Austen, Twain, and Hemingway, has been the recipient of several fellowships and awards, including the Clark Library–­UCLA Fellow, Huntington Library Fellow, and Newberry Library–­British Acad­emy Exchange Fellow, and was a member of the Columbia University Seminar in Eighteenth-­Century Eu­ro­pean Culture.

367

Index

Abreu, Marcelo de Parva, 39 Abmenzai, Hassan El, xxii Account of Some Remarkable Passages in the Life of a Private Gentleman, xxxvi Adams, Percy, xlv Addison, Joseph, xli, 147 Adolphus, Gustavus, xxxi–xxxii Adventures and Surprising Deliverances of James Dubourdieu and His Wife, xliii Adventures of Alexander Venderchurch, xlviii. See also Aubin, Penelope Advice, xxxvi, 9, 12, 13, 20, 27, 36, 37, 80, 81, 162, 204, 205, 215 African Slave Trade, 39 Ague, xxv, xxvi, 77, 78, 81, 85, 135 Aitken, George, 71 Alemán, Matteo, 9 Alkon, Paul, xx Allegorical biography, 1 Althusser, Louis, xxxix, xlvi, xlvii al-­Tufail, Abu Jafar Abu Bakr ibn, xlvi Ambition, 9, 10 Anchorites, xxvi Angels, xlii, 118, 184, 185, 212 Animal spirits, 45 Anson, George, 30 Anticlerical, xxxi, 182 Antinomianism, 186 Anxiety, 154, 163 Aphasia, xli, xlviii Apprehension(s), 14, 26, 53, 74, 77, 78, 80, 82, 83, 105, 128, 130, 133, 134, 135, 138, 139, 146, 153, 154, 163, 202, 211, 219, 242 Arabic Sources, xlvi Arber, Edward, 77 Arbours & Grottos, 150 Ariel, 123, 219 Aristotle, 212

Aubin, Penelope, xliii, xlviii Auerbach, Erich, xlviii Auto de fé, 204 Aveling, Edward, xlvi, 109 Ave Maria, 236 Ayers, Robert, xlvi Backscheider, Paula, xxi Bailey, Nathan, 47, 157 Baker, Henry, xv Balance sheet of sins, xxxv Ballantyne, John, xvii Bangorian Controversy, xxix, xlvi, 182 Barbauld, Anna Lettitia, xvii Barthes, Roland, xli, xlviii, 197 Bastian, Frank, 111 ­Battle, xxxi, 8, 10, 12, 144, 173, 179, 187, 197, 201, 202, 212, 245, 248 Baxter, Richard, 61 Baxter, Stephen, 249 Bays, 37, 238 Beadle, John, xxxv, xlvii Beattie, James, xvi Beeckman, Daniel, 214 Benamuckee (Friday’s God), 181, 182, 276 Bernasconi, Robert, xlvii Betteredge, Gabriel. See Collins, Wilkie Bevis of Southampton, xiv Bible. See line notes for specific references to biblical passages Biblical allusions: Abraham, 108, 184; Adam, 162; David, 9, 85; Deliverance, 14, 24, 33, 44, 45, 56, 64, 78, 84, 85, 86, 107, 110, 117, 134, 135, 152, 164, 165, 166, 192, 196, 198, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 211, 213, 217, 222, 226, 227; divine Revelation, 184; Doctrine, xxx, xxxi, 141, 184, 185, 186, 201; Duty, 10, 12, 18, 20, 38, 98, 110, 133, 134, 138,

369

370 I n d e x Biblical allusions (cont.) 143, 145, 176, 186, 213, 223; Egypt, xxvi, 205; Elijah, 111; Eve, xxv; Extasy of Joy, 85; fatted Calf, 17; Garden of Eden, 87, 162; Gospel, 184, 204; Grace, 79, 85, 96, 108; Guilt, 85; Jerusalem, 107, 155; Jesus Christ, xxx, 85, 90, 97, 181, 184, 185; Jude, 185; Lamp, 70, 82, 83, 176; Lust, 10, 108; Moses, 205; Obedience, xxxix, 186, 201, 213; Original Sin, 162; Pride, 9, 108, 191; Prodigal, 13; promised land, 97; punish, xxxiii, 79, 83, 110, 111, 133, 143, 145, 170, 184, 194, 223, 230; Repentance, xx, 14, 78, 84, 85, 110, 138, 184, 186; Saul, 135; Saviour, 17, 85, 184, 186; Scripture, 84, 85, 98, 134, 176, 185, 186; Solomon, 9, 106, 107; St. Paul, 129, 145; Tarshish, 18; T ­ emple, 106, 107; Temptation, 129, 183, 205; Virgin, 236; Wilderness, 36, 83, 97, 109, 123, 205, 227 Bibliotheque Ancienne et Moderne, xv, xlivn11 Bieber, Judy, 38, 39 Black Legend, 144, 181 Blair, Hugh, xvi Blessing, 10, 12, 80, 81, 85, 97, 133, 139, 185, 236 Blewett, David, xx, 6, 359 Blood, 31, 45, 119, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 151, 154, 165, 166, 171, 173, 194, 195, 204, 208, 209, 214, 219, 236 Böhm-­Bawerk, Eugen von, xlv Bohun, Edmund, 7, 26, 240, 241 Bookkeeping, xv, 59, 61 Bordo, Michael D., 39 Bowden, John, 183 Brown, Homer, xxi Bry, Theodore de, 42, 94 Bunyan, John, xiv Business, xix, xxviii, 7, 11, 12, 15, 20, 22, 24, 37, 38, 44, 55, 88, 91, 93, 109, 112, 120, 140, 144, 145, 147, 148, 162, 164, 175, 176, 179, 193, 194, 208, 215, 217, 220, 223, 224, 237, 243, 244, 246 Calendar/Kalendar, 155, 172, 251; 1632, Crusoe’s birthday, xxxi, xxxii, 7; 1651, Boarded ship for London, 12; c. 1654, arrival in Bahia de todos os Santos, xxxii; 1658, death of Crusoe’s oldest ­brother, 10; 1659 September (began mercantile voyage), 60; 1659 September 30 (came on Shore of the Island, same day as his birth), 60; 1659 September 30 (Crusoe begins writing his journal), 65; 30th, nine months ­a fter arrival on the island, 84; 1659 October 1, 65; October 1–24, 65; Oct. 20, 25, 26, 31: 66; Nov. 1–7, 66, 67; Nov. 13–18, 67; December 10, 11, 68;

Dec. 17, 69; Dec. 20, 69; Dec. 24–30, 69; 1660 January 1–3, 69; April 14, 69, 72; April 16, 72; April 21, 22, 74; April 28–30, 75; May 3–17, 75, 76; May 24, 76; June 16–28, 77, 81; July 2, 84; July 4–14, 84, 85; July 15, 86; August 3, 14–26, 89; September 30, 65, 90, 111, 230; 27 June 1660, rec­ord of Crusoe’s conversion, in his diary, xxxvi; 1660 autumn, date of Defoe’s birth, 60; 1661 September, on Shore three hundred and sixty five Days, 90; 1665, sixth Year of my Reign, or my Captivity, 114; November 6 (Canoe Voyage around the Island), 114; 1675, liv’d ­here fifteen years now, 136; 1677, ­here now almost eigh­teen Years, 140; 1679, kept close . . . ​for two Years ­a fter this, 140; 1679, twenty Years on an island, 148; 1682, now in my twenty-­t hird Year, 151; 1682, December, My Twenty-­Third Year, 151, 152; 1683, my four and twentieth Year, 155; 1683, May on the sixteenth day, 155; 1684, first sound of a Man’s Voice, 170; 1686, November and December, the seventh and twentieth Year of my Captivity . . . ​ this creature with me, 192; 1686 December 19, departs the Island, 230; (eight and twenty Years) seven and twenty Years, two Months and 19 Days (30 Sept. 1659–19 Dec. 1686), 230; 1687, absent from ­England, thirty and five Years, 230; January 14, 1694, Trader to the East Indies, 249; 1695, January 8, departure, 251 Calenture, 21, 41 Cambridge Platonists, xlvi Campe, Joachim Heinrich, xvi Cannibals, xxi, xxviii, xxxiii, xxxiv, xxxvii, xxxviii, xlii, xliii, 28, 94, 105, 141, 142, 144, 164, 180, 187, 194, 202, 223, 221, 251, 295; Canibals, 105, 138, 139, 140; Canibal’s Stomach, 176; Kannibalismus als Thema und Meta­phor, 138 Capital, xlv, xlvi, 22, 60, 109, 170, 230, 240, 293 Carey, Daniel, 189 Casas, Bartolomeao de Las, 144, 235 ­Castle, 25, 128, 134, 139, 140, 143, 146, 150, 151, 152, 153, 158, 160, 163, 165, 167, 171, 173, 176, 209, 211, 215, 223, 224, 278, 292 Casuist, 183 Catholicism, 186, 232, 250; Catholic Church, xxx; Catholic, xxx, xxxi, xxxv, 183, 186, 231, 232, 236, 250 Cause, 72, 94, 123, 156, 182, 192, 194, 236, 242 Cave, xxiv, xxviii, xxxiii, xxxiv, xlii, 56, 57, 58, 60, 62, 63, 64, 68, 69, 72, 73, 74, 83, 88, 89, 90, 93, 98, 109, 126, 136, 137, 148, 149,

Index 150, 151, 160, 161, 165, 171, 172, 175, 217, 218, 223, 224, 228, 237 Certeau, Michel de, xxiii, xliv, xlv, xlviii Chadwick, William, xvii Chal­mers, George, xvii, xliv Chambers, Ephraim, 70, 73, 77, 82, 86, 87, 116, 120, 125, 126, 135, 148, 232 Character, xvii, xviii, xxxiii, xxxviii, xl, xliv, xlvi, 7, 20, 50, 133, 162, 179, 204, 216, 224 Charles II, xxxii, 8, 12, 41 Chequer Work of Providence, 133 Chronological/chronology, 66, 185, 230 Church of E ­ ngland, xxix, xxx, 8, 186 Cibber, Theo­philus, xvi, xliv City and Country Chapman’s Almanack for the Year 1689, The, 240 Clark, John, xxxiii, 4, 5 Coetzee, Michael, xx, xxxvii Cohen, Richard, xlvii Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, xvii, xxviii, xlvii Coll. Lockhart/Sir William Lockhart, 8 Collins, Anthony, xxxi Collins, Wilkie, xvii, xxi Colonies, xxvii, 37, 39, 93, 121, 162, 203, 205, 215, 216, 230, 232 Compass, 24, 41, 60, 116, 121, 141, 144, 158, 192, 194 Compassion, 144 Complete Account of the Portuguese Language, 232, 233 Conscience, 12, 14, 45, 78, 80, 82, 134, 143, 176, 184, 201, 230, 231 Conversation, xxiv, 21, 78, 113, 158, 185, 202 Cooke, Edward, xxvi, xlv Cooking, xxv, 77, 98, 102, 148 Cooper, Anthony (Third Earl of Shaftesbury), xxxiii Cortés Conde, Roberto, 39 Countryman, 196 Country Seat, 126, 140 Courage, 44, 73, 121, 134, 148, 173, 180, 194, 196, 243 Cox, T., xiii, xiv Craven, Wesley, xlv Creation, xvii, xviii, xxxvii, xxxviii, 52, 133, 186 Croft, Sir Herbert, xvi ­Cromwell, Oliver, xxxii, 8, 10, 12 Crouch, Nathaniel, 215 Crowley, J. Donald, 24, 83, 104 Cruso, Timothy, 8 Cyclops, 151, 296 Dairy, xxv, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxvii, xlii, xliii, xlvi, 54, 150 Dampier, William, xxiii, xxv, xlii, xlv, 50, 74, 80, 94, 170

371 Danger, 14, 17, 23, 27, 42, 45, 52, 57, 58, 67, 69, 74, 78, 79, 86, 99, 105, 110, 115, 118, 126, 130, 134, 135, 136, 138, 139, 140, 146, 147, 148, 163, 164, 180, 193, 203, 207, 208, 214, 217, 219, 240, 241, 242, 245, 249 Darling, Edward, 181 Davenant, Sir William, 202, 219 Davies, John, 45, 67 Davis, Robert (Defoe’s brother-­in-­law), 191 Death, xv, xvi, xxiv, xxxi, xxxii, xlvii, 1, 8, 10, 15, 16, 40, 42, 47, 61, 65, 74, 77, 78, 80, 110, 123, 133, 144, 145, 146, 164, 166, 177, 198, 217, 222, 233, 235 Debtor, 61, 233 Defoe, Benjamin, 171 Defoe, Daniel: Appeal to Honour and Justice, An, xxi; Atlas Maritimus, 202, 206; brick and pantile works, 102; Captain Singleton, 27, 39; Col­o­nel Jack, xxxviii, 230, 237; Compleat En­glish Tradesman, xxxiv, 38, 162; Conjugal Lewdness, xli; Continuation of Letters Written to a Turkish Spy at Paris, A, xxii, xl, xlv; “Crusoe in Exile,” xlvi, 12, 41; Daniel Defoe and How to Know Him, xviii, xlv; Daniel Defoe: A Reference Guide, 1731–1924, xliv; Daniel Defoe: His Life, 102; Daniel Defoe: His Life and Recently Discovered Writings, 3 vols., 102; Daniel Defoe Master of Fictions: His Life and Ideas, 182; Essay on the History and Real­ity of Apparitions, An, 134, 208; Essay upon Proj­ects, An, xlvii; Every-­body’s Business, Is No-­body’s Business, 175; ­Family Instructor, The, Vol. 1, xxi, xxx, xlvi, 263; ­Family Instructor, The, Vol. 2, xxi, xlvi, 263; General History of Trade, 123; History of the Union, xxi; Journal of the Plague Year, 13; Jure Divino, ii, ix, 123, 145; Leben und Gantz Ungemeine Begebenheiten des Robinson Crusoe, Das, xliv; Letters of Daniel Defoe, The, xlv; Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, The, Amsterdam edition, French language edition, xiii, xv, xvi, xvii, xviii, xxii, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xxix, xxxi, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxvii, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, xli, xlii, xliii, xliv, xlv, xlvii, xlviii, 1, 35, 159, 171, 186; Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, The, Leipzig, German Translation, xv, xxxiii; Meditations of Daniel Defoe, The, 176, 183; Mere Nature Delineated, 79; Memoirs of a Cavalier, xxxii; Moll Flanders, xix, xl, 7, 20, 37; More Reformation, xiv; New Voyage Round the World, A, xlv, 50, 80, 94, 170, 209; Novels of Daniel Defoe, The, xvii; Original Power of the Collective

372 I n d e x Defoe, Daniel (cont.) Body of the ­People of E ­ ngland, Examined and Asserted, The, 204; Po­liti­cal History of the Devil, The, 129, 182; Pre­sent State of Parties, The, xxx; Review, The, xxi, xl, 64; Review of the Affairs of France, A, xlvi, 202; Robinson Crusoe, xiv, xv, xvi, xvii, xviii, xix, xx, xxi, xxiii, xxx, xxxiii, xliii, xliv, xlv, xlvi, 7, 9, 12, 13, 14, 24, 65, 66, 70, 83, 104, 118, 119, 123, 136, 138, 191, 242; Roxana, xxxvii, xlvii, 237; Schism Act Explain’d, The, xlvi; Secret History of the White Staff, xl; Serious Reflections during the Life and Surprising Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, xiii, xv, xxxiv, xlvi, 1, 8, 144, 147, 159, 208; Tour thro’ the Whole Island of ­Great Britain, xlvi, 7; True Collection of the Writings of the Author of the True Born English-­man, A, 3 vols., xliii Deliverance, 14, 24, 33, 44, 45, 56, 64, 78, 84, 85, 86, 107, 110, 117, 134, 135, 152, 164, 165, 166, 192, 196 198, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 211, 213, 217, 222, 226, 227 Delusion, xlvi, 134 Dennis, John, 13 Design, xxvii, 9, 29, 30, 33, 40, 42, 75, 102, 114, 144, 182, 189, 191, 192, 203 Desire, xix, xxviii, 1, 38, 47, 78, 86, 98, 100, 106, 133, 157, 166, 172, 177, 190 Desolation, 36 Destruction, xxxviii, 11, 18, 43, 66, 123, 144, 145, 154, 156, 164, 177, 182, 191, 195, 211 Diary, xxv, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxvii, xlii, xliii, xlvi, 64, 150 Dickinson, H. T., 206 Dictionary of the Bible, A, 85 Discourse, xl, 11, 22, 39, 179, 180, 181, 182, 184, 189, 190, 203, 204, 211, 214, 229 Dissenter(s), xxix, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, 118, 182, 186, 201 Distemper, 10, 14, 80, 81, 82, 163 Distress, xlii, 15, 20, 81, 109, 156, 171, 204, 222 Diversion, 3, 10, 31, 66, 134, 151, 242, 245 Dodds, E. R., 139 Doll, Dan, and Jessica Munns, xlvi Dottin, Paul, xiv, xliv, 9 Dryden, John, xxx, 202, 219 Dudley, Edward, 123 Dunlop, John, xvii Dunton, John, xxiv Dutch Republic, 201 Duty, 10, 12, 18, 20, 38, 98, 110, 133, 134, 138, 143, 145, 176, 186, 213, 223 Earle, Peter, 11 Economic allegory, 100

Economic Development, 39 Edgeworth, Maria, xvii, xliv El-ho, 123, 128, 142, 143 Elizium, 118 Employment, 36, 61, 64, 76, 92, 98, 101, 146, 224 Enchanted Island, 202 En­glish Garner, An, 77 En­glish Rogue, The, xxiv “Escape from Barbary,” xlviii, 191 Espinel, Vincent, xxiv Esquemeling, John Alexander, 103 Estree, Count Jean de, 50 Euhemerist method, 151 Evans, Ambrose, xliii, 48, 462 Evans, Richard J., 170 Evelyn, John, 150, 151 Evil, 40, 61, 134, 135, 152, 154, 181, 182, 183 Evil spirit, Miboya, 181 Exchange, xxix, 36, 162, 238, 249, 250 Experience, xvii, xxi, xxii, xxviii, xxxvii, 9, 10, 13, 18, 22, 53, 62, 87, 90, 108, 118, 131, 163, 186 Exploits of Robinson Crusoe, xliv Falconer, Richard, 15, 22, 23, 41, 42, 43, 44, 48, 52, 53, 55, 76, 114, 115, 159, 162, 189, 191, 224, 226, 228 ­Family, xiv, xxi, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, xxxv, xlvi, 7, 8, 11, 89, 122, 123, 152, 161, 205, 231, 236, 251, 263, 261; birth of son, June 10, 231; Captain, xxv, xxvi, 8, 21, 22, 23, 27, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 158, 160, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 237, 239, 251; Child, xxxiv, 175; ­Children, xvi, xxxi, 83, 103, 151, 205, 231, 251; D ­ aughter, xxxvii, 151, 238, 251; elder ­Brothers, 8, 10; ­Father, xiv, xxv, xxxi, xxxii, xxxviii, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 18, 20, 36, 28, 40, 70, 78, 80, 92, 108, 110, 111, 181, 199, 201, 205, 207, 223, 231; Friday, xxxiii, xxxiv, xxxv, xxxvii, xxxviii, xxxix, xlvii, 28, 90, 166, 168, 169, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 183, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 206, 209, 212, 217, 219, 220, 221, 223, 224, 228, 231, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246; Friday’s F ­ ather, xxxv, xxxviii, 200, 201, 202, 203, 205; Friday’s speech, xv; Friday (Vendredi), xxxvii; Heir, xx, 40, 61, 233; Master’s Son, 18; ­Mother, xxxvi, 8, 9, 11, 12, 20, 40, 150; Nephew(s), 251; without Passions, 175; Son(s), xxxii, 7, 8, 9, 18, 59, 85, 147, 151, 171, 181, 231, 233, 234, 235, 237, 238, 239, 250, 251; Sullenness or Designs, 175; third Son, 8; two S­ isters, 231, 237; W ­ idow, 21, 37, 231, 250, 251

Index Fancy, 21, 40, 43, 58, 64, 68, 71, 89, 105, 106, 128, 142, 142, 151, 156, 248 Fausett, David, xxix, xlv, 43, 48, 126 Fear, xv, xxiv, xxxiv, xxxviii, 14, 27, 28, 31, 53, 64, 65, 67, 71, 72, 73, 74, 78, 87, 90, 94, 110, 128, 131, 133, 134, 135, 137, 138, 140, 148, 151, 159, 163, 186, 194, 196, 198, 203, 205, 211, 213, 217, 219, 241, 243, 249 Female, xlvi Female American, xlvi Ferdinand, 204 Fiction, xiii, xiv, xv, xvi, xvii, xviii, xix, xx, xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxiv, xxviii, xxxi, xxxii, xxxv, xxxvii, xxxviii, xxxix, xliii, xlv, xlvi, 1, 3, 7, 13, 18, 35, 64, 100, 124, 142, 182, 192, 206, 222 Fielding, Henry, xix Flaubert, Gustave, xliv Floating island, xxii Foigny, Gabriel de, xxiv Folkenflik, Robert, 230 Follies & Grottoes, 151 Foot, xiv, xxxv, xxxix, 8, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 29, 44, 52, 53, 57, 60, 62, 63, 76, 86, 104, 107, 114, 117, 128, 133, 134, 135, 136, 138, 149, 163, 167, 169, 170, 172, 199, 205, 208, 214, 241, 244, 245, 248, 262 Footprint, xliii, 28, 127, 128, 130, 131, 132 Formal realism, xliii, xlv, 197 Fortune, xix, 9, 20, 22, 30, 37, 162, 250 Foxley, Barbara, xliv Franzius, Wolfgangus, 242, 243 Fraser, Alexander, 157 Frobisher, Martin, 110 Fuller, John, xxxv Furbank, P. N., xxi, xl Gadbury, John, 215 Ganzel, Dewey, 230 Garden architecture, 150 Garrick, David, 149 Generalissimo, 221 Genius, xvii, xviii, xxxv, 36 Geography: Africa, xxiii, xxv, xxxiii, xlii, xlvii, 20, 26, 28, 30, 32, 38, 39, 62, 71, 74, 79, 82, 105, 236, 239, 245; Algiers, 22; Alicant, 206; All-­Saints Bay, 34; Amazonia, 39; Amer­i­ca, xviii, xix, xxiii, xxvii, 1, 42, 47, 93, 103, 121, 144, 160, 169, 172, 180, 181, 188, 190, 203, 204, 205, 206, 208; Argentina, xxvii, 203; Australia, xxiv, 143; Bahia, xxxii, xxxvii, xlvi, 34, 35, 39, 232; Bahia de Todos os Santos, 32, 34, 39; Barbadoes/Barbados, 42, 94, 216, 222; Barbary, 22, 41, 87, 191; Barbary Coast, 26; Bay of Biscay, 239, 240, 249; Benin, 20; Bermudas, xlvii, 202, 220; Biscay, 239,

373 240, 249; Bohemia, xxxi; Borough of Richmond, 30; Brabant, xlvi; Brasil/ Brazil/Brasilio, xxxii, xxxiv, 35, 39, 41, 42, 76 103, 190, 231, 233, 235, 236, 238; Bremen, xxxi, 7; Britain, xiv, xv, xvi, xviii, xix, xxi, xxvii, xxviii, xxxii, xliv, xlv, 7, 36, 39, 63, 70, 73, 90, 121, 148, 150, 240; Buenos Ayres, 160; Cachoeira, 35; Calais, 239, 249; Cameroon, 20; Canaries/Canary Islands, 22, 28, 29; Cape de Verd/Cape Verde/ Cape de Verde Islands, 20, 21, 28, 30, 33; Cape Lopez, 20, 21; Ca­rib­be­a n/Carribbe Islands, xxii, xxv, xxxii, 23, 35, 42, 67, 72, 86, 94, 106, 169, 172, 179, 180, 208, 214, 216, 251; Cartagena, 204, 206; Castilla la Nueva, 240; Castilla la Vieja, 240; Ceylon, xxiii, xxv; Chile, xxvii; Colchester, 37; Corronna/A Coruña/La Coruña, Groyne, 239; Cromer, 17; Dover, 50, 147, 157, 239, 249; Dunkirk, 8, 10; Egypt, xxvi, 205; E ­ ngland, xv, xxiv, xxviii, xxxii, xxxvii, xxxix, xl, 7, 8, 12, 14, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 42, 60, 68, 74, 87, 92, 97, 99, 109, 110, 113, 123, 124, 125, 127, 148, 161, 162, 178, 185, 186, 187, 191, 204, 213, 215, 222, 223, 228, 230, 231, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 249, 251, 252; En­glish Colonies, 215, 230; Equator, 21, 28, 83, 113; Eu­rope, xv, xviii, xxxii, xl, xlvi, 172, 240; Fernando de Noronha/Isle Fernand de Noronha, 41, 170; Florence, 151; Fonterabia/Fontaribie, 240; France, xviii, xxi, xxvii, xxviii, xlvi, 8, 10, 163, 202, 239, 240, 241, 249; Gabon, 20; Gambia, 30; Gascoigne, 241, 243; Germany, xxxii, 7, 170; Ghana, 20; ­Great Wall of China, 27; Groyne, 239; Guiana, xxvii, 93; Guinea, 20, 21, 33, 39, 40, 41, 162; Gulph of Mexico, 42, 160; Hanover, 7, 79; Havana, 160, 203; Holland, 8, 50; Hondarribia, 240; Hull, xxxii, xlvi, 7, 12, 17, 40, 111, 155; Humber, 12; island of Ascension, 50; island of Juan Fernandez, xxv, 170; island of Maurice, 24; Island of Rodriguez, xxv; Isle Fernand de Noronha, 41; Italy, xviii, 34, 73, 113; Ivory Coast, 20; Jamaica, 42, 214; Kingston-­ upon-­Hull, 7; Languedoc/Langue d’oc, 240, 241, 243; Leaden-­Hall Market, 94; Leeward Islands, 216; Leipzig, xv, xxi, xliv; Lesser Antilles, 42, 50, 216; Liberia, 20, 181; Lisbon, 35, 37, 38, 71, 231, 234, 237, 238, 239, 250; Low-­Country, 10; Lützen, xxxi; Madrid, 239, 240, 241; Messina, xxii; Mexico, 42, 106, 160, 204, 230; Morocco, 22, 26, 28; Navarre/Navarra, 239, 240; New Spain, 203; Newcastle, 14, 16; Nigeria, 20; North Africa, xxv, xlii, 239;

374 I n d e x Geography (cont.) North Amer­i­ca, 121; Old Castile, 240; Pampeluna, 239, 240, 241; Pernambuco, 41, 235; Peru, 163, 204; Philippines, 74; Pico de Tenerife, 29; Port Royal, xxii, 73; Portugal, 23, 37, 39, 79, 232, 234, 235; Pyrenees/Pyrenean Mountains, 22, 32, 36, 240, 242, 243; Reconcavo, 39; Recife, 41; Rio de la Plata, 160, 203; Rochell, 239; Salle/Sallé/Salé, 22, 26, 33, 82, 110, 111, 125, 162, 230; Salt Tortuga, 208; Santa Marta, 180, 203; Senegal, 20, 30; Sicily, 73; Sierra Leone, 20, 41; South-­West Barbary, 26; Spain, xlv, 25, 39, 144, 160, 203, 206, 239, 240, 251; St. Augustine Monastery, 232, 238; St. Helena, xxiv; St. Martha, 180; St. Salvadore, 39; Sweden, 7; Tarshish, 18; Tholouse, 248; Tilbury Fort, 102; Tobago, 60, 72; Togo, 20; Torbay, 239; Toulouse/Thoulouse, 240, 249; Trinidad, 60, 180; Valencia, 206; Valle de Aran, 243; West Africa, 26, 74; West Indies, 121, 190, 230; Winterton Ness, 17; Worcester, 12; Yarmouth, xxiii, xlii, 14, 17, 17, 19, 82, 111; York, xiii, xxxi, xxxii, 1, 7; Yorkshire, 8, 124, 231, 237 George I, xiv, xxx, xxxi, 163 Gestures, xxxviii, xxxix, 45, 153, 167, 170, 171, 172, 177, 209 Gildon, Charles, xiv, xv, xliv, 7, 9, 179 Gliserman, Martin, 249 Gould, J. P, 150 Government, xiii, xiv, xxvii, xxviii, xxxi, xxxiv, xl, xliii, xlvi, 39, 87, 90, 108, 119, 123, 159, 164, 175, 186, 194, 204, 235, 238, 249 Graham, Maria (Lady Callcott), 35 Grimmelshausen, Hans Jacob Christoffel von, xxiv Grotesque, xxxviii, 124, 171, 172, 173 Grotius, Hugo, xlvii, 200 Grotte de Thetys, 151 Grottes Manieristes, 151, 150, 151 Guide, xliii, xliv, 20, 55, 81, 105, 106, 143, 159, 184, 186, 241, 245, 248, 249 Guilhamet, Leon, xlvi Günther, Max, xviii Hackman, James, 16 Haddad, G. F., 26 Hakluyt, Richard, 110 Hakluyt Society, xlv, 23 Halley, Edmond, 41 Happiness, xxiv, xxxviii, 9, 97, 116, 185 Hardy, Thomas, xviii Harley, Robert, xiii, xl Hastings, James, 85 Hastings, William, 66, 224, 230 Hatton, Edward, 235

Hatton, Ragnhild Marie, 163 Haus, Eileen, 150 Haywood, Eliza, xlii Hayward, Walter, xlv Head, Richard, xxiv Healey, George, xlv, 176 Health, xxvi, 38, 59, 85, 86 Heaven, 12, 18, 22, 36, 82, 133, 143, 145, 151, 212, 227 Heavenly Spirits, 202 Heckscher, Eli F., 108 Hentzi, Gary, 13 Herberman, Charles, 183 Hermit(s), xxiv, 60, 146 Hoadly, Benjamin, xxix, xxx Hobbes, Thomas, xxxvi, 108, 141, 145, 194, 201, 202, 203 Hunger, xxxiv, 45, 47, 79, 115, 120, 123, 159, 242, 245 Hunter, J. Paul, xx, 35, xxxvii, xlvii, 128, 183; Reluctant Pilgrim, The, xlvii, 8; Before Novels, 128, 215 Hunting, 28, 96, 98, 137, 142, 174, 230 Husbandry, 104, 192, 205; digging, xxxiii, 105, 114, 135, 192, 205; fencing, 192; planting, 35, 36, 72, 93, 113, 192, 234 Hutchens, Henry Clinton, xviii, xliii Hutchens, Kate, xii Hyde, Edward (First Earl of Clarendon), 8, 12 Hyde, H. Montgomery, 163 Icheirikou (god), 181 Imagination, xvi, xviii, xxiii, xxxiii, xxxiv, 23, 41, 78, 94, 128, 131, 135, 142, 143, 147, 151, 157, 180; Affrighted Imagination, 128 Indian l­ abor, 38 Indian(s), xxv, xlv, 37, 38, 74, 86, 94, 103, 106, 125, 163, 169, 170, 171, 172, 179, 183, 197, 232 Industrial Revolution, xxxiii Ingeino, xxxiii, 35 Ingram, John E., 150 Inhumane, 139, 193, 194 Inquisition, 204, 250 Instructor, xxi, xxx, xlvi, 184, 186 Instrument(s), 18, 28, 60 Invention, xxvi, xxxiv, 101, 108, 119, 121, 141, 148, 214 Irony, 123, 173, 200, 209 Isabella, 204 Island of Despair; Meer Desolation, 36, 65 Ismael (Muly/Moely), 25 Ivanyi, R. G., xlvi Jacobite, xiv, xxii, 186 Jacobs, Giles, 235 Jager, Eric, 118 James, Henry, xviii

Index James II, xxii, 230, 231, 249, 250 Jealousy, 188 Johnson, Samuel, xli, 147 Jones, Barbara, 151 Journal, xv, xviii, xxii, xxvii, xxxv, xxxvi, xliv, xlv, xlvi, xlvii, 13, 35, 64, 65, 66, 242 Joy, xxxviii, 28, 33, 37, 79, 103, 116, 185, 208, 226, 236, 243 Keane, Patrick, xlvii Keegan, Timothy, xlvi Kelsey, Francis, xlvii, 87 Kennedy, Joan, xlvii Kennett, Basil, xlvi Kindness, xxxiii, 175, 204, 231, 234 King, xxvi, xxxi, xxxii, 9, 12, 26, 87, 163, 186, 200, 232, 235 King, William, xxi, 186, 231, 249 King of Portugal, 232, 235 Kingsley, Henry, xviii Kirkman, Francis, xxiv Knight of the Burnt Island, 118 Knox, Robert, xxv Knowledge, xxix, xxx, xli, xlii, xliii, 17, 21, 35, 36, 43, 81, 92, 108, 110, 113, 127, 139, 144, 145, 164, 165, 176, 181, 182, 184, 185, 186, 202, 213, 240 Kreutznaer, Robinson, 8 Kumar, Shiv, 39 ­Labour, 9, 17, 36, 50, 52, 62, 63, 67, 70, 72, 76, 92, 98, 101, 107, 113, 114, 117, 119, 127, 137, 138, 158, 178, 191, 205 Lannert, Gustaf, xxxix, xl, xlii Laslett, Peter, xlvi, 87 Latitude, 21, 26, 28, 30, 33, 41, 42, 60, 77, 105, 180, 239 Laugh, 20, 27, 101, 124, 171, 177, 198, 199, 243, 244, 245 Law, xv, xxvii, xxviii, xxxix, xlvi, 145, 156, 163, 176, 182, 201, 214, 232 Law, Edmund, 182 Law, John, xxvii, xxviii, 163 Lazarillo de Tormes, xxiv Leavis, F. R., xviii, xliv Le Clerc, Jean, xv Lee, William, xvii, 102 Leguat, Francois, xxv, xlv Léry, Jean de, xxxviii, xlvii, 27, 172 Lestringant, Frank, 187 Levinas, Emmanuel, xlvii Lex Mercatoria; or, The Merchant’s Companion, 235 Liberty, xvi, xxxix, 23, 26, 34, 45, 74, 96, 123, 167, 197, 201, 206, 209, 211, 217, 224, 228, 229, 230, 231, 249 Lisbon trade, 38

375 Llewelyn, John, xlvii Locke, John, xxviii, xxx, xxxiv, xxxv, xl, xlvi, 59, 87, 108, 157, 165, 200, 201, 206; Essay Concerning H ­ uman Understanding, An, 157, 165; Letter Concerning Toleration, 201; Second Letter Concerning Toleration, A, 201; Two Treatises of Civil Government, xxviii, xl, xlvi, 87, 108, 200 Longitude, 34, 41, 180 Macey, Samuel, L., 235 Macherey, Pierre, xlviii Mack, Maynard, 150 MacLachlan, Colin, 39 Macray, W. Dunn, 8 Male, 31, 120 Mandelslo, John Albert de, xxiv, xlv Mandev­i lle, Bernard, xxxiii, xxxiv Man-­eaters, 105 Manwaring, G. E., xlv Marana, Giovanni Paolo, xxii Markham, Clements, xlv Marx, Karl, xxix, xxxv, xlvi, 98, 109 Maser, Edward, 147 McKeon, Michael, xx, xli, xlviii McKillop, Alan Dugald, xix Melancholy, xxv, 18, 22, 60, 147, 176 Mercy, xlvii, 14, 22, 43, 73, 77, 90, 110, 111, 204, 213, 214, 217, 222, 228 ­Middle Station, xiv, 9, 10, 13, 36, 38 Miller, Frank, 150 Milton, John, 78, 123; Paradise Lost, 78; Paradise Regain ‘d, 123 Minto, William, xviii Mintz, Sidney, xlvi, 36, 87 Mississippi Com­pany, xxvii, 163 Molesworth, Sir William, 194 Money, xxvii, xxviii, xxix, xli, 17, 18, 20, 23, 34, 35, 37, 55, 108, 109, 161, 163, 230, 231, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 250; cost, xxvii, 11, 12, 39, 57, 74, 75, 100, 107, 162, 166, 190, 191; Cruisadoes, 235; Crusoe’s worth, £135,000, 162; Diamonds, xxviii, xxix, xxxii, 108, 109, 150; Doubloons Ducats, 161; En­glish shillings, 232; Gold, xv, xxviii, xxxii, xlii, 21, 34, 39, 51, 108, 109, 161, 162, 163, 232, 234, 236; Gold Dust, 21, 39; Moidores, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238; O Drug!, 55; paper money, xxvii, xxviii, 163; paper stock, 163; 328000 Pieces of Eight (£73,800), 250; Pounds Sterling/Stirling, xxviii, 40, 109, 231; Revenue, xxvii, 232; royals, 161; Silver, xxviii, xxix, 34, 55, 109, 160, 161, 203, 230, 235; Six pennyworth, xxviii Montag, Warren, xxxix, xlvi, xlvii Montagu, Ashley, 181

376 I n d e x Montaigne, Michel de, 97, 144, 209 Monville-­Burston, Monique, xlviii Moody, Jenny, 230 Moore, John Robert, xix, xliii, xlvi; Checklist of the writings of Daniel Defoe, xliii; “The Tempest and Robinson Crusoe,” 202 Moore, Samuel, 109 Morel, Philippe, 149, 150, 151 Morgan, Henry, 208 Morgan, Thomas, 8 Morris, Rosemary, 187 Moskito Indians, xxv, 94, 170 Munns, Jessica, xlvi Murray, Germaine, xlvii Mustachioes, 121, 171, 212 Myth, xx, xxiii, 13, 78, 97, 151, 242 Naming, 7, 41, 90, 144, 172, 195 Nash, Richard, 118, 171, 243 Nature, xvii, xix, xxvi, xxviii, xxxiii, xxxiv, xlvi, xlvii, 9, 10, 12, 13, 38, 71, 79, 80, 81, 100, 103, 106, 110, 128, 138, 139, 140, 143, 149, 155, 156, 162, 164, 167, 175, 176, 182, 184, 194, 201, 203, 214, 215; Naturalist, 157; natu­ral law, xx, xxxiv, xxxv, 156, 206, 214; Natu­ral Philosophy, 157; Natura Prodigo­ rum, 215; Storm, xxiii, xxx, xlii, 13, 13, 15, 16, 17, 42, 43, 47, 53, 57, 58, 59, 66, 73, 77, 78, 155, 202, 249, 252; Stream, 116; Southern Solstice, 152; State of Nature, xxviii, xxxiv, 100, 194; Sun, 13, 21, 30, 60, 83, 90, 92, 95, 98, 102, 112, 113, 114, 116, 124, 189, 206; Tempests, xxii, 13; thick, 23, 47, 57, 126, 127, 136, 137, 142, 148, 152, 165, 175, 192, 193, 207, 240, 241; thick bushy Tree, 47; Thicket, 142, 195, 213; Thunder, 57, 60, 67, 127, 155, 202; Tide, xxxi, 28, 29, 51, 52, 53, 55, 66, 75, 76, 86, 117, 125, 126, 153, 159, 160, 169, 192, 211, 216, 220, 226, 230; Tornado, 41; Twigs, 68, 92; Underwood, 148; Vernal Equinox, 91; Vines, 87; vineyard, 89; Vio­lence, 17, 62, 75, 80, 98, 102, 112, 115, 139, 146, 156, 159, 165, 240, 241, 251; W ­ ater, passim; Wave(s), xlii, 13, 17, 42, 43, 44, 45, 105, 155; Weather, xxxiv, 13, 14, 23, 41, 47, 48, 55, 66, 67, 77, 91, 95, 112, 113, 116, 153, 155, 156, 187, 188, 192, 226, 240; whirl­pool, 115; the wild Sea/Den wild Zee, 43; Willow-­Tree, 91; Wind(s), 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 23, 25, 26, 29, 33, 41, 42, 43, 47, 51, 55, 56, 65, 66, 73, 75, 76, 86, 92, 86, 105, 115, 116, 117, 125, 127, 129, 130, 136, 155, 156, 180, 191, 192, 200, 207, 216, 240, 241, 243, 247; Zenith, 98 Naval Chronicle, The, 12, 14, 70 Necessity, xxvi, xxix, xlii, xlvii, 10, 36, 121, 156, 182, 191, 194, 202, 214, 248

Necherakou. See Icheirikou (god) Negroes, 26, 28, 30, 31, 33, 39, 40, 106, 162, 172 Neighbour, 20, 35, 36, 38 Neville, Henry, xxiv, 251; Isle of Pines, The, xxiv, 251; New and Further Discovery of the Isle of Pines, A, 251 New, Joan, xlvi New, Melvyn, xlvii New Criticism, xix, xx New Dictionary of Christian Theology, A, 183 Newington Green Acad­emy, 8 Newton, Isaac, xxx New World Plantations, 38 Nichols, John, xiii, xliii Norwood, Richard, xxxvi, xlv, xlvii Notions, xxx, 24, 71, 108, 129, 139, 155, 167, 178, 182, 184 Novak, Maximillian, x, xii, xix, xxi, xlv, xlvi, xlvii, 18, 78, 100, 123, 124, 136, 138, 142, 144, 156, 172, 178, 182, 191, 203, 207, 214, 230, 242; “Describing the ­Thing Itself, or Not,” xlvii; Economics and the Fiction of Daniel Defoe, xix, xlv, 18, 100; Realism, Myth and History in Defoe’s Fiction, xlv, 13, 78, 242 Oath, xxx, 204, 206, 223, 234 Occult, 147 Ockley, Simon, xlvi, 26 Ogg, David, xlvi, 231; ­England in the Reigns of James II and William III, 231; Eu­rope in the Seventeenth ­Century, xlvi Okeley, William, 22 Olearius, Adam M., and Johann Albert von Mandelslo, xxiv, xlv O’Malley, Therese, 150 Oowocakee (Clergy), 182 Order, xxxvi, xl, xlii, xlvi, xlvii, 15, 16, 18, 22, 23, 24, 34, 35, 37, 39, 40, 42, 60, 62, 64, 66, 69, 71, 72, 74, 88, 91, 93, 97, 98, 102, 109, 111, 112, 118, 123, 127, 135, 141, 159, 164, 165, 173, 176, 182, 186, 191, 194, 198, 201, 204, 206, 212, 214, 219, 221, 222, 223, 224, 226, 229, 230, 232, 233, 235, 236, 238, 240, 246, 248, 250 Original sin, 162 Ovid, 149 Owens, W. R., xxi, xl, xlvi, xlvii, xlviii Pagan(s), xxxi, xxxv, xxxviii, xxxix, 182, 201 Painting, 13, 123, 124 Pares, Richard, 37 Parsons, Talcott, 59 Partner(s), 40, 231, 232, 233, 235, 236 Passion(s), xv, xxi, 10, 11, 18, 78, 82, 96, 119, 131, 133, 143, 157, 175, 182, 195 Patey, Douglas, xlvi, 183

Index Patron, 23, 33, 237, 238 Paterson, William, xxvii Paulin, Tom, xlvi, 12, 57 Peace, xliii, 10, 138, 153, 181, 203 Penitent(s), 185, 222 Perrault, Charles, 151 Perspective-­Glasses/Prospective-­Glass, 153, 167, 207 Peterson, Spiro, xliv Phillips, Edward, 34, 54, 188, 216, 221, 233, 245, 247, 248, 250 Philotheos Physiologus, xlvii Physical Dictionary, 257 Pine, John, xxxiii, 4, 5 Pitman, Henry, xxiii, xxvi, 77, 94, 208, 222 Pity, 77, 101, 144, 156, 161 Plagiarism, xiii Plantation, xxxiii, xlvi, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 72, 126, 140, 162, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 238, 250, 252 Pocock, Edward, xlvi Pole, Michael de la, xlvi Politics, xxi, xxii, xxx, xxxv, xlvi, xlvii, 123, 136, 200, 212, 230, 267 Polyphemus, 151 Pomorska, Krystyna, xlviii Pope, Alexander, xiv, xv, 150, 175 Porter, Roy, 9, 186 Post-­Colonialism, 189 Power, xxi, xxiii, xxx, xxxiv, xlvi, xlvii, 18, 35, 36, 37, 39, 64, 80, 81, 82, 83, 87, 105, 133, 141, 144, 147, 149, 157, 158, 165, 166, 172, 175, 176, 181, 182, 183, 196, 201, 202, 204, 216, 217, 221, 227, 230, 231, 232, 233, 235, 237 Poyntz, John, 72 Prayer(s), 16, 80, 81, 83, 110, 138, 181, 182, 236, 238 Prey, 47, 63, 241, 242, 246, 247, 249 Print, 127, 128, 134, 135, 138, 146, 163 Print of a Man’s Naked Foot, 127, 138, 146 Prisoner(s), 22, 96, 139, 144, 166, 170, 173, 179, 193, 195, 201, 203, 207, 209, 211, 213, 215, 217, 221, 222, 223, 224, 227, 228, 229, 251 Prison(s), 85, 97 Property, xxxiv, xxxv, xliii, 39, 82, 193, 200, 206, 252 Property rights, 39 Psychological realism, xliii Pufendorf, Freiherr Samuel von, xxxiv, xlvi, 201 Punishment, xxxiii, 79, 111, 133, 145, 170, 223, 230 Pyrates, 1, 225 Rage, 31, 42, 47, 194 Raleigh, John Henry, xl, xlvii Raleigh, Sir Walter, xxviii, 151

377 Real­ity effect, xlviii, 197 Reason(s), xvi, xxxi, xxxiv, xxxvii, xxxix, 9, 18, 20, 27, 28, 34, 40, 52, 59, 61, 63, 68, 98, 105, 110, 111, 112, 121, 128, 135, 137, 145, 146, 147, 148, 154, 155, 157, 162, 166, 170, 172, 175, 182, 185, 208, 211, 222, 234, 238 Reign, xxi, xxxi, 12, 114, 204, 231 Reilly, Matthew, xlvi Religion, xiv, xv, xxx, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxviii, 71, 90, 110, 145, 182, 185, 186, 188, 201, 237, 238, 250; Devil, 128, 129, 130, 140, 148, 183, 184; God, xvii, xxx, xxxv, xxxvi, xlvii, 10, 12, 13, 37, 43, 45, 56, 62, 64, 71, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 96, 97, 100, 109, 110, 113, 116, 117, 123, 133, 134, 135, 138, 139, 141, 143, 144, 149, 151, 153, 156, 158, 162, 176, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 192, 194, 205, 212, 214, 222; God, Gulliver, and Genocide, xlvii; Horror of/Hellish Degeneracy, 139; invisible World, 208; Jesus Christ, xxx, 90, 181, 184; Jews, 201; Letter Concerning Toleration, 201; Mahomet, xxii, 26; Mahometan Whis­kers, 125; Monastery, 232, 238; Monastery of St. Augustine, 232; Muslims, xxii; Omnipotence, 183; Omnipotent, 133, 181; Papist, 201, 238; Paradise Lost, 78; Paradise Regained, 123; Pilgrim’s Pro­gress, xiv; Priestcraft, 182; Protestant, xx, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, 59, 61, 186; Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, 59, 61; Providence, xx, xlvii, 3, 14, 18, 38, 59, 71, 79, 80, 93, 96, 97, 109, 110, 111, 113, 116, 119, 123, 133, 134, 135, 139, 140, 143, 145, 147, 148, 156, 158, 162, 164, 165, 169, 175, 176, 181, 183, 185, 192, 205, 214, 217, 227, 228, 236, 237, 250; Puritan(s), xix, xx, xxxii, xxxvi; Quaker, xl, xlvi; Quaker Subjectivity, xlvi; Redemption, 23, 79, 97, 184, 185; Religion, xiv, xv, xxx, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxviii, 71, 90, 110, 145, 182, 185, 186, 188, 201, 237, 238, 250; Religious, xiv, xx, xxii, xxvi, xxix, xxxi, xxxii, xxxv, xxxvi, xlii, xliv, 3, 71, 73, 90, 110, 131, 138, 146, 181, 182, 183, 186, 188, 201, 232, 250; Reliques, 230; Reluctant Pilgrim, The, xx, xlvii, 8; Sanctifier, 184; Satan, 128; Turkish, xxii, xl, xlv, 22, 171; Turks, xl, xlii, 125 Remembrance, 20, 126, 158, 232 Resolution(s), 11, 13, 14, 16, 25, 30, 74, 126, 135, 144, 166, 190, 194 Retirement, xxvi, 7 Revenge, xiv, 142, 145, 172, 243 Richardson, Alan, 183 Richardson, Samuel, xix, xliii Richetti, John, xx, xlvii Ringrose, Basil, 208 Ripa, Cesare, 146

378 I n d e x Rivero, Albert, 144 Robin, 118, 152 Robinson, Matthew, 8 Robinson, Sir William, 8 Rochefort, Charles César de, 67, 82, 86, 87, 144, 146, 181, 182 Rochester, Earl of (John Wilmot), 138, 159 Rogers, Pat, xx, xliv, 64 Rogers, Captain Woodes, xxiii, xxv, xxvi, xlii, xlv Rothman, Elliot Paul, xii Rothman, Irving N., xii Rousseau, George, 9 Rousseau, Jean-­Jacques, xvi, xxix, xxxiii, xliv, 178 Royal Society, xliii, 73 Rudy, Stephen, xlviii Sacheverell, Henry, 206 Sacraments, 204 Salazar, Gilherme de Alencastro, 235 Salter’s Hall, xxx Savage, xxxiv, 9, 26, 36, 72, 93, 110, 139, 140, 141, 146, 165, 166, 169, 170, 181, 185, 186, 197, 202, 204, 207, 209 Savages/salvages, 26, 28, 111, 130, 136, 138, 139, 146, 151, 153, 154, 162, 163, 165, 166, 167, 187, 201, 202, 208, 219 Schism Bill, xxx, xxxi, xlvi, 201 Schonhorn, Manuel, xxi, xxxv, xlv, xlvi, 123, 136, 200, 230 Schwartz, Stuart, xxxiii, xlvi, 35, 36, 38 Scientific, xxvi, xli Scott, Sir Walter, xvii, xxi, xl, 7 Secord, Arthur Wellesley, xviii, xxii, xxiv, xxv, xlv, 202 Secret(s), xiv, xiv, xl, 10, 18, 39, 81, 87, 105, 109, 133, 147, 157, 166, 182, 183, 185, 208, 209, 227 Seidel, Michael, xix, xxxii; Exile and the Narrative Imagination, 41; Robinson Crusoe: Island Myths and the Novel, 219 Self-­preservation, xix, 145, 214 Selkirk, Alexander, xvi, xxiii, xxv, xxvi, xxix, xxxv, xlv, 152, 178 Seneca, 123, 201 Serialization, xiii, xlii, 292 Serrano, Pedro (Peter), xxiii, xxiv Servant, xxxiii, xxxviii, 37, 38, 39, 61, 123, 165, 169, 173, 175, 188, 191, 212, 231, 239, 241, 243, 248 Severin, Tim, xxv, xlv, 77 Shadwell, Thomas, 202 Shaftesbury, Third Earl of. See Cooper, Anthony (Third Earl of Shaftesbury) Shakespeare, William, xxiv, 27; Hamlet, 149; The Tempest, xxiv; Twelfth Night, xxiv

Sharpe, Adrienne, xii, 31, 57, 183 Sherman, Stuart, xxvii, xxxvi, xxxvii, xlvii Shiels, Robert, xvi Shinagel, Michael, xx Sickness, xxxvii, 77, 84, 85 Signs, 30, 31, 169, 170, 171, 172, 176, 196 Sill, Geoffrey, xxi Simplicity, xvii, 123, 141 Slavery, xxiii, xxxiii, xxxviii, xxxix, 10, 33, 37, 172, 189 Slave(s), xxiii, xxv, xxvii, xxxiii, xxxiv, xxxviii, xxxix, xlii, 22, 23, 24, 27, 36, 38, 39, 42, 87, 111, 166, 169, 170, 188, 189, 233, 235 Smeeks, Hendrik, xxiv, xlv, 48, 153, 170 Smith-­Bannister, Scott, 7 Smollett, Tobias, xvi, xliv Solitude, xvi, xxv, xxvi, xliii Soul, xxii, 10, 45, 62, 73, 78, 82, 85, 96, 97, 138, 146, 157, 184, 185, 195 South-­Sea Com­pany, xxvii Spence, Joseph, xv Spinoza, Baruch, xlvi Spirits (the ­human condition), 61 Spiritual autobiography, xxxv, xxxvi Stade, Hans, 23, 42, 105, 130, 172 Starr, G. A., xx, xxxv, xxxvi, xl, xlvii, xlviii, 78, 80 Starving, 115, 156, 159 Station(s) of Life, 9, 10, 13, 38, 80, 133 Steele, Sir Richard, xxiii, xxvi, xli Stephen, Leslie, xviii, xlviii Sterne, Laurence, xxxi, xl, xlvi, 138 Stoicism, 123 Stoke Newington, xi, 150 Stoler, John, xliv Story, xviii, xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, xxxi, xxxvii, xliii, 3, 37, 215, 229, 248, 251 Strength, xxvi, 44, 59, 68, 84, 85, 103, 107, 115, 116, 169, 187, 196, 211, 224 Sublime, xlii, 13 Survival, 205 Sutherland, James, xviii, xlv, 63 Swift, Jonathan, 116, 157 Taylor, Jeremy (Bishop), xli Taylor, John (poet), 170 Taylor, William, xiii, xxii, xxv, xliii, 1 Temper, 20, 102, 138, 144, 223 ­Temple, Sir William, 150 Terror, xxii, xlii, 15, 16, 31, 41, 78, 81, 99, 110, 126, 128, 138, 141, 212 Thankfulness, 71, 78, 79, 94, 109, 111, 138, 138, 147, 192, 199, 227 Thebaida, xxvi Theodicy, 183 Thirty Years War, xxxii

Index Thomson, James, xliii Todorov, Svetan, xliv, xlviii, 144, 197; Conquest of Amer­i­ca, The, 144; Imperfect Garden, xliv; French Literary Criticism ­Today, 197 Toland, John, xxxi Topsel, Edward, 243 Torquemada, Tomas de, 204 Tournier, Michel, xx, xxxvii Trade, xlii, xxvii, xxxiii, xxxiv, xlii, 7, 20, 21, 38, 39, 40, 59, 206, 230 Treaty of Utrecht, xxvii, 39 Treaty of Westphalia, xxxii Trent, William Petersfield, xviii Trevelyan, George, 39 Trinity, xxx, 182 Tryon, Thomas, xlvii Tufayl. See al-­Tufail, Abu Jafar Abu Bakr ibn Utopia, xxiv, xxix, xliii, 98 Vairasse, Denis d’Allais, xxiv Vega, Garcilaso de la, xxiv, xlv Vio­lence, 17, 62, 75, 80, 98, 102, 112, 115, 139, 146, 156, 159, 165, 240, 241, 251 Wackwitz, Friedrich, xviii Wafer, Lionel, 47 Walcott, Derek, xxxvii Wall, Geoffrey, xlviii Waller, A. R., 141 Walpole, Robert, xiv Walzer, Michael, xlvi Wanley, Nathaniel, 215 War, xxxi, xxxii, xlvii, 142, 187 Watt, Ian, xix, xx, xxix, xxxiii, xl, xli, xliii, 7, 8 Waugh, Linca, xlviii Weber, Max, 59, 61

379 Welsh, Alexander, 127 Wettenhall, Edward, xxxvi, xlvii Whig, xiv, xxx, xxxi, xxxv, 206 Whis­kers, 125, 180 Whiston, William, xxx, xxxi Whitelocke, Bulstrode, 12 ­Widow, 21, 37, 231, 237, 250, 251 Wild, xxii, xxxvi, 20, 23, 28, 29, 43, 51, 52, 53, 56, 62, 66, 67, 70, 71, 74, 79, 81, 82, 84, 88, 89, 94, 99, 105, 118, 120, 121, 123, 124, 128, 135, 137, 152, 153, 171, 178, 185, 187, 188, 190, 211, 241, 245 Wild, Robert, 45 Wilson, Walter, xvii Winkfield, Unca Eliza, xlvi Winstanley, William, 118 Wolschke-­Bulmaln, Joachim, 150 Won­ders, 3, 111, 215, 227 Woolf, ­Virginia, xviii, xxi World, xiii, xiv, xvi, xvii, xviii, xxiii, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xxix, xxxii, xxxv, xxxvi, xli, xliii, xlv, xlvii, xlviii, 1, 3, 8, 9, 10, 11, 21, 25, 26, 27, 30, 34, 36, 38, 39, 42, 43, 50, 52, 54, 57, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 71, 81, 82, 85, 93, 96, 97, 103, 104, 108, 111, 113, 116, 123, 139, 143, 144, 151, 156, 162, 164, 175, 181, 182, 183, 184, 186, 187, 188, 194, 204, 206, 208, 211, 213, 215, 216, 221, 223, 227, 231, 233, 245, 247, 248, 249, 250 Wright, Joseph, 249 Wright, Thomas, 150 Xury, xxxix, xl, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 34, 36, 105 Young, Peter, 12 Zeno, 123 Zimmerman, Everett, xx Zola, Émile, xliv