The lexical modernization of Southern Quechua : methodology and efficiency

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The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Faculty of Humanities

THE LEXICAL MODERNIZATION OF SOUTHERN QUECHUA Methodology and Efficiency M.A. Thesis

Gregory Khaimovich

Thesis Advisers: Dr. Aldina Quintana-Rodríguez and Prof. Jan Szemiński

08.11.2015

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Subgroups of Quechua Language Family (Southern Quechua framed). (from http://lingweb.eva.mpg.de/quechua/Eng/Cpv/Locations.htm).

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I want to deeply thank here: First of all, my tutors, Aldina Quintana-Rodríguez and Jan Szemiński (Yohanan Bar-Yafe), who guided and supported me all the time during my work, providing me with plenty of materials and sharing their precious advice, being always ready to listen to me and answer my questions, if I felt stuck somewhere; Mariusz Ziółkowski, who helped me to travel to the Andes for the first time in my life and supervised my stay in Cuzco; Ricardo Valderrama Fernández and Carmen Escalante Gutiérrez, at whose hospitable villa in San-Jerónimo I was a frequent guest and who helped me greatly to make myself familiar with the amazing world of Peruvian Andes, its history, its culture, and the most important, its people. Vera Tyuleneva, ethnohistorian, who helped me with her advice in conducting my fieldwork in Cuzco. Claudia Cuba Huamani from the Centre "Bartolomé de Las Casas", the organizer of Quechua charlas de martes ("Tuesday conversations"). Armando Becerra Cevallos, professor of the University of San Antonio de Abad, Cuzco, and emeritus member of the Academia Mayor de la Lengua Quechua. The Bureau for Academic Recognition and International Exchange of the Ministry of Education of Poland, who provided me with the scholarship allowing me to spend year studying in the University of Warsaw in 2013-14 academic year.. Justyna Olko, vice-dean of the Faculty of "Artes Liberales" of the University of Warsaw and the head of the project "Europe and America in Contact", who supervised my work and studies in Warsaw and helped me to proceed in the full sense of the word. The other members of the project "Europe and America in Contact", my teachers, friends and colleagues, who were always ready to share with me their experience: John Sullivan, Julia Madajczak, Victoriano de la Cruz, Bartłomiej Chromik, Alexandra Bergier, Marcin Kilarski and Agnieszka Bryliak. My parents and my wife.

iii THE LEXICAL MODERNIZATION OF SOUTHERN QUECHUA: METHODOLOGY AND EFFECTIVENESS Southern Quechua, or Quechua II-C, is the most widely spoken indigenous language of both Americas, comprising up to six million speakers in Peru and Bolivia. It was long considered as the main language of the Inca Empire, and played an exceptional role in the evangelization of the Andean native population under the colonial rule. However, nowadays Southern Quechua faces the same problems as any other native American language, these being marginalized social status, aging of population of speakers, inaccessibility of education in first language – all what provides a permanent shift of speakers towards the language of majority, which is Spanish. In the past few decades there have been various attempts to promote the status of Quechua both in Peru and Bolivia, and at the same time a number of institutions in the Andes and abroad have been occupied in the corpus planning of Southern Quechua, proposing renewed solutions for Quechua orthography, discussing possible models for the standardization of the language and innovating the Quechua lexicon in order to widen the functionality of the language. At the same time, these efforts have not yet achieved their goal, as the corpus planning of Southern Quechua as an organized process suffers from disregard from without (that is, on behalf of both Spanish and Quechua speakers) and from conflicts from within (among the planners themselves). This work is aimed to examine the modern attempts of lexical elaboration of Southern Quechua, undertaken in different places by different institutions. The purpose of my research is not only to analyze the methods, which the agents of lexical modernization employ to produce new Quechua terms, but also to evaluate the existing strategies of putting these new lexemes in use. My work takes into account studies on the modern planning of Quechua, dictionaries and textbooks of Southern Quechua, as well as non-educational books, periodicals and other printed materials in the language, published in recent years. It also relies on the findings obtained during my stay in the region of Cusco in August-September 2013.

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‫המודרניזציה הלקסיקלית של הקצ'ואה הדרומית‪:‬‬ ‫מתודולוגיה ויעילות‬ ‫הקצ'ואה הדרומית או קצ'ואה ‪ ,C-II‬היא שפה הרווחת בקרב הילידים של שתי האמריקות עם כמות‬ ‫הדוברים בפרו ובבוליביה המגיעה לשישה מיליון‪ .‬משך תקופה ארוכה השפה נחשבה כשפה העיקרית של‬ ‫אימפריית האינקה והיה לה תפקיד מרכזי בהתנצרות האוכלוסייה הילידית של האנדים תחת שלטון‬ ‫הקולוניאלי‪ .‬למרות זאת כיום הקצ'ואה הדרומית מתמודדת עם אותן בעיות שפוגשת כל שפה ילידית של‬ ‫אמריקה‪ ,‬ביניהן מעמד חברתי שולי‪ ,‬הזדקנות אוכלוסיית הדוברים וחוסר נגישות ההשכלה בשפת האם‪ .‬כל‬ ‫זה מוביל את הדוברים למעבר תמידי לשפת הרוב שהיא ספרדית‪.‬‬ ‫בעשורים האחרונים היו כמה ניסיונות לקדם מעמד של קצ'ואה בפרו ובבוליביה‪ .‬בנוסף מספר המוסדות‬ ‫באנדים ובחו''ל עסקו בתכנון גוף השפה של קצ'ואה הדרומית והציעו פתרונות חדישים בתחום של‬ ‫אורתוגרפיה של קצ'ואה‪ .‬הם דנו במודלים האפשריים של תיקנון קצ'ואה וחידוש הלקסיקון שלה במטרה‬ ‫להרחיב שימושיות של השפה‪ .‬ניסיונות אלה עוד לא השיגו את תכליתם כי תכנון קורפוס של הקצ'ואה‬ ‫הדרומית כתהליך מסודר נתקל בהתעלמות הן מבחוץ‪ ,‬מצד דוברי ספרדית וקצ'ואה‪ ,‬והן מבפנים בגין‬ ‫הסכסוכים בקרב המתכנני השפה עצמם‪.‬‬ ‫העבודה באה לבחון נסיונות מודרניים של שיכלול לקסיקלי של הקצ'ואה הדרומית שנערכו במקומות‬ ‫שונים על ידי מוסדות שונים‪ .‬מטרת המחקר לא רק לנתח מתודות בהן משתמשים שחקנים של המודרניזציה‬ ‫הלשונית על מנת לקבוע מונחים חדשים בשפת הקצ'ואה‪ ,‬אלה גם לערוך אסטרטגיות הקיימות של השמת‬ ‫הלקסמות החדשות לשימוש‪ .‬העבודה בוחנת מחקרים בנושא של תכנון המודרני של הקצ'ואה‪ ,‬מילונות וספרי‬ ‫לימוד של הקצ'ואה הדרומית‪ ,‬כמו כן ספרים לא חינוכיים‪ ,‬תקופונים וחומרים מודפסים אחרים בקצ'ואה‬ ‫שיצאו לאור בשנים האחרונות‪ .‬בנוסף למקורות אלו המחקר מתבסס על ממצאים שהשגתי משך השהייה‬ ‫באזור של קוסקו‪ ,‬פרו באוגוסט‪-‬ספטמבר ??‪.?M‬‬

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CONTENTS Acknowledgements.........................................................................................................................ii Abstract...........................................................................................................................................iii Abstract (Hebrew)...........................................................................................................................iv Contents...........................................................................................................................................v Abbreviations.................................................................................................................................vii I. INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................1 II. THEORY AND PRACTICE OF LEXICAL MODERNIZATION IN THE CONTEMPORARY ERA..........................................................4 Formation of language planning as a field of studies. ‒ Elaboration or modernization in early theory of language planning. ‒ Strategies of lexical modernization by Cooper. ‒ Lexical modernization and the notion of "good" corpus. ‒ Terminology planning and neology: criteria of successful neologisms by Cabré. ‒ Towards a definition of neologism. ‒ Examples of lexical modernization of national languages. ‒ Theory of language planning and implementation of neologisms. ‒ Improper implementation and its consequences. ‒ Minority languages in modern theory of language planning. ‒ Lexical modernization and the problem of power. ‒ Purism in lexical modernization of indigenous minority languages. ‒ Examples of lexical modernization of minority languages. ‒ Conclusions.

III. HISTORICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL DIMENSIONS OF THE MODERNIZATION OF QUECHUA........................................................................15 Quechua as the "General Language of the Andes". ‒ Adaptation of Quechua to writing. ‒ Pastoral Quechua and the problem of translation: the early stage of Quechua neology. ‒ Development of Quechua secular literature in colonial epoch. ‒ Quechua as a tool for political propaganda. ‒ Experiments in Quechua corpus planning in Peru at the end of nineteenth century. ‒ The discourse around the "indigenous" problem in Peru: "educators" vs "indigenists". ‒ The rise of Qhapaq Simi in Cuzco. ‒ Revival of Quechua theatre in Peru. ‒ Faustino Espinoza Navarro and the foundation of the Academy of Quechua Language. ‒ Goals and achievements of the Academy in early years. ‒ Introduction of Quechua into Peruvian schools. ‒ Social status of Quechua in Bolivia till the middle twentieth century. ‒ The first appearance of Quechua in cinematography. ‒ Quechua in Bolivian radio broadcasting. ‒ The law of 27th of May: officialization of Quechua in Peru. ‒ Immediate and far-going consequences of the law of 27th of May. ‒ The First Workshop on Writing in Quechua and Aymara. ‒ The "vowel conflict" in Quechua corpus planning. ‒ The development of intercultural bilingual education in Bolivia. ‒ Main agents of lexical modernization of Southern Quechua in Peru. ‒ Academia Mayor de la Lengua Quechua. ‒ The "Linguistic" party. ‒ Summer Institute of Linguistics. ‒ Main agents of lexical modernization of Southern Quechua in Bolivia. ‒ The role of governmental agencies in Quechua corpus planning in Peru and Bolivia. ‒ Conclusions.

vi IV. CREATING A TERM IN SOUTHERN QUECHUA: SAMPLING ANALYSIS OF NEOLOGISMS.........................................................................32 Classification of analyzed neologisms. ‒ Overview of the main sources. ‒ Non-assimilated loan words and phrases. ‒ Assimilated loan words and phrases. ‒ Loanblends. ‒ Loan translations and renditions. ‒ Semantic neologisms. ‒ Coined terms based on existing roots: derivations. ‒ Coined terms based on existing roots: compounds. ‒ Coined terms based on invented roots. ‒ Common features of the main corpus and conclusions.

V. IMPLEMENTING A TERM IN SOUTHERN QUECHUA: FINDING A WAY TO THE SPEAKERS................................................................................54 Terminological diversity between the sources: reasons and consequences. ‒ The case of "medical Quechua" as an illustration of the terminological disorder. ‒ Available and probable channels of implementation. ‒ Education and educational materials. ‒ Dictionaries. ‒ Books, periodicals and other printed materials. ‒ Radio. ‒ Information and communications technology (ICT). ‒ Other probable media: television in Quechua? ‒ In attempt to evaluate the acceptance: the Musuq Tapuna experiment. ‒ Development and application of the Musuq Tapuna. ‒ Characteristics of respondents. ‒ First and second section: sociolinguistic properties. ‒ Third section: recognition of neologisms. ‒ Fourth section: choosing a Quechua equivalent. ‒ Fifth section: applying memory and creativeness. ‒ Conclusions.

VI. CONCLUSIONS.....................................................................................................................72 BIBLIOGRAPHY..........................................................................................................................77 APPENDIX 1: Musuq Tapuna form.............................................................................................86 APPENDIX II: Musuq Tapuna results (screenshots)....................................................................92

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ABBREVIATIONS ABOLENA

–

Academia Boliviana de Lenguas Nativas

ALQ

‒

Academia de la Lengua Quechua

AMLQ

‒

Academia Mayor de La Lengua Quechua

CENDA

–

Centro de Comunicación y Desarrollo Andino

CTE

‒

Coined terms based on existing roots

CTE-C

‒

Coined terms based on existing roots, compounds

CTE-D

‒

Coined terms based on existing roots, derivations

DMP

‒

"Diálogo Médico-Paciente"

GBE

‒

Gómez Bacarreza, "Diccionario especializado"

IBE

‒

Intercultural Bilingual Education

ICT

‒

Information and Communications Technologies

LM

‒

Lexical Modernization

LMSQ

‒

Lexical Modernization of Southern Quechua

LTR

‒

Loan translations and renditions

MAJ

‒

Manya Ambur, "Diccionario Jurídico Castellano – Quechua"

NGO

–

Non-Governmental Organizations

SENALEP

–

Servicio Nacional de Alfabetización y Educación Popular

SIL

‒

Summer Institute of Linguistics

UNFPA

–

United Nations Population Fund

WIN-QLP

‒

Quechua Language Pack, Windows 8.1

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I. INTRODUCTION The social inequality between human languages, the same as that between people, is an integral feature of the modern world. And like the unequal distribution of wealth cannot be explained by merely biological factors, the reasons for the disproportion of force between different languages must be sought not in their syntax and lexicon, but in complex social, political and economic processes that the societies of their speakers underwent. However, even nowadays, when social Darwinism long became a marginalized ideology, we can still encounter a point of view, which may be characterized as “sociolinguistic Darwinism”. Distinguishing between ‘significant’ and ‘insignificant’ languages (as if their social status comes out of their linguistic properties), this outlook serves for justifying not only the uneven status of languages, but also the extinction of many of them. Indeed, such extinction, at least in our epoch, in most of the cases results from the shift of speakers towards a more prestigious and widely spoken language. In this case the language, in favor of which the shift occurs, is frequently regarded as more "developed", as it serves as a medium of education, commerce and mass media, while a language, which is being abandoned, is considered too "backward" and confined mainly to the communal environment. Such a view, often shared even by the speakers of the ‘backward’ language, does not take into account that socalled "backwardness" usually results from prolonged marginalization of a minority language, during which it becomes driven away from the public sphere and thus loses a virtual opportunity to conform itself to various domains of use, unlike an official language of state. This is the situation, in which almost all native languages of the New World reside until now. The oppression, to which they have been exposed for the hundreds of years, combined with deep cultural differences between European and Native American societies, brought great numbers of the indigenous languages to extinction or close to it. Except the languages spoken by a few of isolated ethnic groups, there is practically no native language of Americas, which would not suffer from a shift, of different degree of intensity, towards English, Spanish or Portuguese. Southern Quechua, or Quechua II-C, is considered the most widely spoken native language of both Americas, comprising more than five millions of speakers1 in Peru and Bolivia. Quechua 1

This figure is based primarily on the comparison between the numbers of speakers of main Southern Quechua dialects, provided by Ethnologue (http://www.ethnologue.com/language/que), and even with all its approximateness cannot be considered fully reliable.

2 is now one of the official languages of Bolivia and held this status for a period of time in Peru. However, these developments did not or have not yet reversed the common tendency of language shift from Quechua to Spanish, a language whose hegemony in the Andean region is still unshakeable. For hundreds of years, Quechua remained a language of the indigenous, lowest social stratum of Andean society, and thus came to be firmly associated with poverty, lack of education and lack of rights of its native speakers (Mannheim 1991:80-81). The recent urbanization of indigenous masses in Peru and Bolivia did not raise the social status of the language, but rather encouraged Quechua speakers to sever ties with their ancestral culture and language, and to bring up their children in Spanish-environment, in order to give them a chance to succeed. These circumstances eventually lead some scholars to regard Southern Quechua, despite its great number of speakers, as endangered language (Adelaar 2014). Since the early colonial era, Quechua obtained written form on the basis of Latin alphabet; it was converted to the primary language of evangelization across the Andes and came to be used in creation of poetry, short stories and theatrical plays. Nonetheless, the use of Quechua in translation of foreign literature, in official documentation, in educative curriculum, in mass media or business sphere is still scarce or virtually absent. The problem is that these forms of use can only become accessible through the functional expansion of language, which necessarily implies the introduction of new lexical terms for designation of multiple objects and activities, which have been previously unattested in language's word-stock. This work is aimed to examine the modern attempts of lexical modernization of Southern Quechua (LMSQ), undertaken in different places by different institutions. The purpose of my research is not only to analyze the methods, which the agents of lexical modernization employ to produce new Quechua terms, but also to evaluate the existing strategies of putting these neologisms in use. My work takes into account studies on the modern planning of Quechua, dictionaries and textbooks of Southern Quechua, as well as non-educational books, periodicals and other printed materials in the language, published in recent years. It also relies on the findings obtained during my stay in the region of Cusco in August-September 2013. The following, second chapter provides an inquiry into the field of lexical modernization or neology, introducing a reader to theoretical discourse around the subject and to different examples of how lexical modernization is implemented worldwide. The historical overview of the modernization of Southern Quechua and formation of the linguistic ideologies that continue

3 to influence its corpus planning will be presented in the third chapter of my work; in the same chapter, I will provide a list of principal agents of the modernization of Quechua in Peru and Bolivia. The fourth chapter analyzes the methods of elaboration of neologisms of Southern Quechua on the basis of four selected sources, published during last twenty-five years (two specialized dictionaries, one medical guide and one language pack of electronic software). The fifth chapter will examine the current situation with implementation of neologisms into Southern Quechua; it will include an overview of media that serve or may serve for the introduction of lexical innovations into the language and also will analyze the results of an experimental survey, which I carried out in the region of Cusco in order to find out how new Quechua terms are accepted by ordinary speakers. The conclusions, that will summarize the current state of LMSQ, highlighting the main challenges of the process and throwing light upon its perspectives, will constitute the final part of the work.

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II. THEORY AND PRACTICE OF LEXICAL MODERNIZATION IN THE CONTEMPORARY ERA Language planning, a wide field of activity, to which lexical elaboration or modernization (LM) is related, has been practiced throughout the human history, but only in the midst of 20th century it came into the focus of scientific research. This development was largely a consequence of the end of colonial era. Many of newly formed countries found themselves faceto-face with language problems, which required fast and effective solutions, and the experience of European nation-states regarding this issue could hardly be put in use in the extremely mixed and contentious environment of post-colonial Asia and Africa. In the absence of prescriptive methodology for language planning, in every state the authorities eventually chose their own way to deal with sociolinguistic challenges, providing unique material and also training fields for language scientists. Eventually, the practice that used to leave the theory behind, remained the main problem of the research on language planning, and therefore the discipline as a whole has maintained a descriptive rather than prescriptive character (Cooper 1989:41). However, since this new field of studies emerged, there have been numerous attempts to develop if not predictive, but evaluative models for different processed associated with language planning, in order to assess costs and benefits of planning activities and on the other hand, to evaluate results of such activities with respect to its initial objects. The notion of LM as a separate activity within language planning took shape gradually and on behalf of several scholars. First, Ferguson (1962), referring more precisely not to "language planning" but to "language development" (a concurring term at that period), proposed two-scale gradation for languages, where one of the scales measured a level of language standardization and the second one a variability of language in written form. The latter scale mainly referred to a number of settings, where language was used on regular basis; at the lower point there were placed not only unwritten languages, but also the languages with written form, which were not used in correspondence or mass media, and at the higher point the languages, in which any scientific research could be published (Ferguson 1962:9). Haugen (1966a) saw in this scale not only a mere classification, but also a path that theoretically could be passed by any vernacular, if it was to become a language of modern nation. He then introduced a term "elaboration" for the process of maximizing language functionality, the same as "codification" for minimizing its form, according to Ferguson's standardization scale (Haugen 1966a:931). According to Haugen,

5 elaboration corresponded mainly to expansion of vocabulary, so that it could be adequate for the wider use of language, and might be realized by two basic methods: borrowing and "making new words from its own resources" (ibid:931). Later, Jernudd & Das Gupta (1971:205) specified that such creation based on the "own resources" of a language may be accomplished through: a) "derivations from existing… lexical entries", b) "new but possible lexical entries", and c) "derivations after changes in the code"2. Ferguson (1968), relying on the works of Haugen (1966a), Hymes (1961, in Ferguson 1968) and his own (1962), created a tripartite scheme of language development, which included a) graphization, b) standardization and c) modernization. In his view, modernization largely corresponded to Haugen's elaboration (Ferguson 1968:29)3. Ferguson emphasized that modernization provides a language with a vital property of intertranslatability - the ability to render any form of modern discourse (ibid: 32). He then distinguished between modernization of lexicon and modernization of style; hence, it will be necessary to add the term "lexical" to either modernization or elaboration, while referring to the subject of this work, in order to distinguish it from any other aspect of language planning. Cooper (1989), combining theoretical propositions of Ferguson with Kloss's differentiation between status planning and corpus planning, ascribed Ferguson's triad to corpus planning and also marked the language codification as a part of its standardization. Concerning the possible strategies of modernization, Cooper classifies them in the following manner: When language planners choose to coin a new term… they face two alternatives: (1) build the term from indigenous sources, either by (a) giving a new meaning to an existing word, (b) creating a term based on an indigenous root, or (c) translating a foreign term (creating a loan translation) or (2) borrow a word from a foreign language. If the latter is done, a further decision must be made as to how far to indigenize the loan, by modifying its pronunciation, its spelling, or its affixes to suit the structure of the borrowing language (Cooper 1989:151).

Are there any common criteria for defining the quality of a newly created lexicon? Haugen (1966b) in one of the first attempts of evaluation research in language planning assumed three 2

The authors do not explain plainly, what "changes in the code" mean in that case, but they mention that it can refer to "changes in semantic specifications of the lexicon" apart from everything else (Jernudd & Das Gupta 1971:213). 3 However, it would be somewhat inappropriate to use both terms as synonyms, particularly in this work, as modernization refers not only to activity, but also to its purpose. In essence, lexical elaboration may serve other purposes than modernization, as the examples brought by Tauli (1974:52) demonstrate.

6 criteria for evaluation of language decisions (apparently implying decisions on language corpus), namely efficiency (innovations must be "easy to learn and easy to use"), adequacy (i.e. "the capacity to meet the needs of the users") and acceptability (innovations "must be adopted or adoptable" by speakers). Jernudd and Das Gupta (1971:199), however, argued that these principles in certain contexts might contradict to each other, and that efficiency depended on the values of two other criteria. In Prague school's recommendations for corpus planners of the Czech language it was insisted that "terminology of practical and technological fields", being created, must maintain structural difference from the words of everyday use, in order to avoid undesirable "multiplicity of meaning" and "emotional coloring" (Prague school 1974:425). Garvin (1974:72) called this principle "intellectualization", and considered it one of the features, which distinguish standard language from folk speech. Fishman (1983) in his turn warns from the dry, mechanical approach to corpus planning and to lexical modernization in particular. He emphasizes the importance of local socio-cultural context, in which modernization takes place, in both elaboration and subsequent implementation of corpus. If this context, usually referred by society as tradition, is ignored, the new corpus can hardly be legitimized in the eyes of speakers, no matter how rational the innovations may seem for the planners themselves (Fishman 1983:111-113). This formula can be verified on the example of the lexical modernization of Estonian in the beginning of 20th century. At that period two different techniques of lexical elaboration were put in use by two prominent scholars, Johannes Aavik and Johannes Veski. While Aavik invented words with completely new roots with random consequence of syllables, Veski and his school preferred more historical approach, deriving neologisms from already attested Estonian roots and occasionally resorting to borrowing from Finnish and Russian. Eventually, it was Veski's approach, which succeeded the most and the bulk of innovations created by him and his followers became the integral part of Estonian lexicon, although some innovations (but minor part of them) made by Aavik also gained such acceptance (Fishman 2006:48-50). In the last decades, lexical modernization came to be associated with another new field of studies, namely terminology planning. While there is a number of recent noteworthy works in terminology studies, I would like to concentrate on the work of Maria Teresa Cabré (1999), as there she examines in detail such aspect of terminology planning as neology, i.e. creation of neologisms. Analyzing this issue from linguistic, sociolinguistic and pragmatic points of view,

7 basing on the studies of other specialists and her own experience as the head of Catalan Centre of Terminology, the author also assumes to what criteria a neologism, especially a coined term, must correspond in order to be more likely accepted by the speaking population: • It has to designate an explicitly delimited, stable concept that already exists so that the new term is unambiguous. • It has to be as brief and concise as possible, even if phrasal forms are more prevalent in some fields. • It has to conform to rules of grammar. • It has to be as transparent as possible. • It has to be able to be the basis for possible derived forms. • It has to conform to the phonological and graphic systems of the language. (Cabré 1999:208)

In addition, Cabré expresses more linguistic view of possible patterns of the formation of neologisms, distinguishing one more category of "functional neologisms" that can be manifested in "lexicalization of an inflected form" or "syntactic conversion" (1999:207). It should be noted that contemporary definitions of what neologism is are not deprived of certain degree of ambiguity. However, the basic and common criterion, which distinguishes a neologism from any other term, is that a neologism must not be referred in so-defined "reference corpus" of a language, i.e. the documented lexical stock, compiled before the emergence of neologism, where such a term is not attested (Petrovčič 2013:298). Cabré (1999:206) particularly differentiates between lexical neologisms, which emerge occasionally in "general language" and neonyms, or terminological neologisms, created for specific purposes. Returning to language planning as a part of the nation-building in postcolonial world, it is worth-mentioning how the problem of LM has been solved in different countries. In India, for instance, the planners of Hindi, the new national language, mostly drew lexical material from the rich ancient source of Sanskrit. However, in comparison to the revival of Hebrew, this decision was conditioned not merely by the wish to embody the historical bound between tradition and modernity, but to a great extent by necessity to demarcate it from Urdu, the counterpart of Hindi in Pakistan, considering that both languages had been closely related to each other in linguistic terms (Fishman 2006:65-69). In Indonesia, the Language Office during the Japanese occupation established the order of preference for the sources of modern terminology for Indonesian: firstly, Malay or Javanese, then Arabic or Sanskrit, and finally, borrowing of international terms (Alisjahbana 1971:183); nonetheless, the borrowing, especially from English, eventually turned

8 to be the most productive strategy (Kaplan & Baldauf Jr. 2003:98). In Turkey under Ataturk, the modernization of Turkish was aimed to clean it out of Arabic and Persian elements, which were characteristic for the official language of the Ottoman Empire, and at the same time to westernize its lexicon. However, this replacement of eastern influence by western one was surprisingly presented as a purification of Turkish, as the Great Sun Theory propagated by the planners described Turkish as ancestor of all modern European languages (Fishman 1971:11-12). The examples brought above show us, how diverse the methods of lexical modernization may be, and how complex may be the approaches directing its course. Fishman (2006) in one of his latest works built a structuralist diagram, by which he tried to systemize all possible directions of corpus planning, drawing oppositions, for example, between westernization and uniqueness (may be also characterized as indigenization) or between classicization (as in the case of Hindi) and "panification" (unification of planning policy on several languages belonging to "common ancestor"). However, Fishman himself admits that in reality none of the trends can actually exclude another, and in the course of planning activities opposite directions might even be tightly combined (2006:114). Implementation of deliberate changes in language corpus has been one of the major foci in language planning research, although this subject obviously has more to do with social and political science than with linguistics. Haugen (1966a), in his four-stage matrix of language development (Fig. 1), firstly distinguished between elaboration, which he featured as a function of language, and "acceptance" as a function of society. Jernudd and Das Gupta (1971), using more instrumental approach, strengthened connections between what Haugen had called language and society domains, proposing the terms initiation and implementation respectively. Then they proposed a pyramidal model of language planning instead of Haugen's square, where implementation was situated at the bottom of the pyramid as a lower-level administrative activity (1971:200-203). Fishman (1983) regards creation and implementation as two indispensable and interdependent parts of the corpus planning, united by one purpose, and particularly noted that "acceptance and implementation of corpus planning are not to be heavy-handed ex post facto impositions upon corpus planning but part and parcel of its ongoing activity from the very outset" (1983:109). In various works mass media and education are mentioned as two primary domains of the implementation of corpus planning and neologisms in particular (Haugen 1966b, Ferguson 1968,

9 Jernudd and Das Gupta 1971, Spiess 1999:150). The importance of translation of literary works in this respect (including both fiction and scientific literature) has also been emphasized (Fishman 1974a:25, Antia 2000:29-30). Ferguson (1968:33) specifies that effective implementation of innovations is likely to be better achieved by publication of "secondary school textbooks" and "professional papers", rather than that of "carefully prepared glossaries of the planners", as the new terminology turns to be put in action by those for whom it was invented and who probably took part in its creation. Aloni-Fainberg (1974) did the first of its kind and possibly the most thorough study of acceptance of neologisms, based on multidimensional comparative analysis. Her research, concentrated on Hebrew neologisms in one specific technological domain (parts of the car), examined, which of new terms are better accepted by speakers, depending on their linguistic structure, through what channels they reach the speakers most and what groups of speakers accept neologisms more readily. It is also important to take into account potential consequences of improper implementation of lexical modernization. Gumperz (1962) describes the case of a village in post-colonial India, where the administration distributed pamphlets in modernized Hindi. Gumperz notes that even fully literate villagers could not understand the main points of the pamphlets, as they were not acquainted with the new terms elaborated for Hindi. He saw the solution of this problem primarily in facilitation of the style, by which the authorities addressed villagers, and on the other hand, in improvement of the situation with literacy in the periphery, through production of lightened writing materials among its population (Gumperz 1962:88-89). Fellman (1974:434438) notes the difficulties experienced by new speakers of revived Hebrew, who read the first newspaper in Hebrew language, "Ha-Tzvi", published by Ben Yehuda. They were frequently unable to discern meanings of the new terms coined by the author and publisher, since Ben Yehuda did not supply regularly his newspaper by a glossary, where these terms would have been properly explained. The matter is that Ben Yehuda wanted his neologisms to be adopted "unconsciously, almost naturally" (ibid: 436), yet in fact this approach met disapproval on behalf of the readers and probably was one of the reasons why the newspaper eventually failed. Massamba (1989:68-71) describes a situation with implementation of new terminology in standard Kiswahili in Tanzania. BAKITA, the central organ, authorized to approve and publish new terms, in effect failed to handle its tasks due to the bad organization and lack of professionalism of its staff. As a result, there emerged a "terminology chaos", when every

10 institution or mass medium developed their own terminology or incorrectly applied the already existing one. Dua (1991:119) recounts about the similar turmoil in India, which was an outcome of the lack of concordance in the work of different official agencies. It caused the implementation of many duplicated or useless terms, while other needed items of modern terminology emerged in spontaneous manner or were not introduced at all. Although initially a great share of theoretical work on language planning concerned the development of national languages, the alongside process of acknowledgement of the rights of ethnic minorities, including their language rights, raised the question, what sociolinguistic strategies could and should be applied at the scale of such minorities. Concurrently, since the beginning of 1990s there grew an awareness of the problem of endangered languages, which also required a renewed approach in language planning (Sallabank 2011). Tauli (1974:61) noted authority as a "most favorable factor" of the success of any language planning project. However, ethnolinguistic minorities mostly lack such authority. Only in a few countries they enjoy a kind of political autonomy, but even such autonomy does not always imply that speakers of a minority language can themselves define its fortune and develop independent language policy. Interestingly, modern studies of language policy also focus on the role of power and particularly that of state in context of the problems of ethno-linguistic minorities. The widespread point of view, especially within the critical, neo-Marxist approach to language policy and planning, is that in the pursuit of favorable language policy, that can assure the maintenance and functional expansion of their languages, ethnic minorities, and even sociolinguists, inevitably become involved in political struggle (Tollefson 2006:47-48, 51). However, in the case of LM the factor of political power may be not so crucial in achieving successful outcome of the language planning. Antia (2000:29-33) brings an example of Cheikh Anta Diop, a Senegalese educator, who stood against the public opinion that Wolof, one of indigenous languages in Senegal, was initially unsuitable to express educational and scientific concepts. In order to disprove this point of view, Diop himself translated a bulk of literature in French, including fiction books and works in natural sciences, actively coining neologisms in the course of his work. The ideas and work of Diop then gained recognition among the Westerneducated Senegalese, and as a result, Wolof became introduced into the formal education in Senegal. The analysis of LM of Kaqchikel, provided by Fischer (2010:120-123) in his work on

11 modern Maya identity, shows that it is possible to organize LM for an indigenous minority language and assure that neologisms are adopted by ordinary speakers of this language, even if it is has loose presence in educational system. As regards a minority language, the demand for uniqueness or indigenization of the corpus visibly grows. It happens mainly because such languages are more exposed to the direct influence from one certain language, a language of majority. In many cases this influence turns into oppression, explicit or covert, of minority languages by official language of state.4 So in the circumstances of sociolinguistic inequality a dominated language on the one hand systematically loses its speakers in favor of a dominant one, and on the other hand, absorbs great bulk of the lexicon from the latter; both processes eventually lead the dominated language to extinction. Cerrón-Palomino (1990) in his reasoning about lexical elaboration called such order of things "linguistic subjugation", and argued that a subjugated language, especially an endangered one, must defend itself in this situation and not to solve the problem of modernization by the means of borrowing, which already has devastating effect on a language. However, in the same work Cerrón-Palomino still warns against thoughtless purification, even in the case of a long marginalized vernacular like Quechua, considering that certain words borrowed long time ago and well ingrained in the language better must not be uprooted (1990:381). Zimmermann (2006), referring to the role of language modernization in raising its social status, refers to the problem of purism in LM of minority indigenous languages in more detailed manner. He mentions such dangers of purism as possible alienation of ordinary speakers from purified and modernized version of their native language, and states that purification of an oppressed language cannot guarantee its vitality and sometimes may even undermine it. Yet, in the author's view, purification as LM strategy may prove successful if it departs from the identity of speakers, when the latter in general oppose the merging with a dominant group and the shift to a dominant language (Zimmermann 2006:520-521). I have already referred of how the problem of LM was solved on a state level, so here it will be important to concern how LM was practices within the framework of different minority languages. The Academy of Basque Language declared in 1959 that those words, which had 4

It must be noticed that an official national language does not always represent a language of majority, but still appears as socially dominant: moreover, that was a situation in Peru and Bolivia no more than several decades ago. That is why the term "minority language" here is in fact conditional, and should be regarded in qualitative rather than in quantitative sense.

12 originated from other languages, but became deeply rooted into Basque lexicon, must be considered perfectly "Basque" (Euskaltzaindia 1959). At the same time, the phonological accommodation of such words, most of which naturally came from Spanish, as well as their adaptation to modern Basque orthography (for example, liburu instead of Spanish libro, teknika instead of técnica), was maintained. At the same time, in 1970s and 1980s, after the modernization of Basque was resumed, a number of neologisms, which represented technical innovations and were based on "internal sources", were introduced by Basque lexicographers (Azkarate 1988:469-470) and some of them later were successfully implemented (like igogailu for elevator, hozkailu for refrigerator or zulagailu for electric drill). It is though doubtful, whether the corpus planning of Basque could succeed, if the Basquespeaking region had not gained a certain level of political and cultural autonomy in modern Spain. However, we also know situations in modern history, when the planning of minority languages was directed by central authorities of state, moreover, under a totalitarian regime as that represented by the former USSR. The Soviet government itself decided which of ethnic minorities deserved autonomy, an autonomy that carried rather formal character and was manifested mainly in preservation of cultural legacy of ethnic group, including the language. The level of functional spreading of a minority language depended on the level of autonomy a minority received. So in certain cases professional linguists were called on to produce extensive corpus planning. Initially, with respect to LM, those responsible for the process emphasized the priority of "native sources" in the elaboration of new terminology, but in the long run it resulted that in most of the cases 70-80 % of neologisms were borrowed from Russian (Lewis 1983:319320). Furthermore, the languages of Central Asia and Caucasus were intentionally "purified" of the archaisms of Persian and Arabic origin, which symbolized the ties of vernacular languages with Islamic and pre-Soviet culture (ibid: 318). Thus, while the influence of foreign languages on Soviet minority languages was not welcomed, the contact with the Russian language, which maintained its dominant social status, continued to affect the vernaculars of USSR, bringing many of them close to extinction. One more example concerns Navajo, the most widely spoken indigenous language of United States. Navajo has always been remarkable for being reluctant to borrowing from English and for linguistic consciousness of its speakers. Many native-root terms, denoting various technical and cultural innovations, has been coined by the speakers of Navajo, either in

13 spontaneous manner or as a part of a planning process. The latter took beginning in 1930s and was initially supervised by the Bureau of Indian Affairs, but at the same time gained active support on behalf of the local Tribal Council, who carried out the modernization of their language on the field, by the efforts of young interpreters of Navajo descent. An intriguing feature, demonstrated in the course of Navajo LM, was that some of the terms introduced at that period, which were mostly loan translations from English, passed a kind of natural modification after years of their usage, and rooted themselves in altered form in the modern spoken Navajo. Noticing this tendency, in 1970s other planners already introduced neologisms, which also represented loan translations, but at the same time included morphological reduction, imitating the historical process (Spolsky & Boomer 1983:242, 246). A replacement of earlier borrowed and phonologically accommodated terms by native-based ones also took place (ibid: 243). The implementation of Navajo neologisms, however, involved certain problems. The authority of the Tribal Council, which promoted the ideas of modernization among native speakers, was rather considerable, but its material resources were limited. The only newspaper in Navajo language, Ádahooníłígíí, whose role in the dissemination of new terms in comprehensive form could be crucial, had been published only till 1957. Another problem, at least a few decades ago, was the lack of commitment on behalf of local school teachers to participate in the programs of bilingual education, thus taking important part in the implementation of new terminology (Spolsky & Boomer 1983:246-247). Troy & Walsh (2008) present one more specific context of LM of minority languages, namely of heavily endangered aboriginal languages of Australia. The work shows different examples of how the speakers of aboriginal languages are engaged in lexical elaboration, sometimes by themselves, but generally (and more effectively) when provided the help of professionals, like in the cases of Wembawemba or Murrinhpatha. In many of the described situations native speakers are those who initiate LM and define for themselves, in what semantic domain they mostly need new terms based on the indigenous lexicon. The theory and international experience of language planning actually demonstrate that LM can be exercised on any language in the world, and every language can use its own native resources to produce neologisms (although even in such a case the influence of a dominant language on new terminology may be visible enough). It is also remarkable that in known cases of LM of minority indigenous languages the preference of modernizers was given to coining

14 from native sources as a principal strategy. Eventually, the implementation of neologisms thus represents the main problem of the process in the case of minority languages, whose planners are frequently deprived of the resources, which state apparatus usually has at its disposal.

15

III. HISTORICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL DIMENSIONS OF THE MODERNIZATION OF QUECHUA This chapter serves as a necessary overview, without which the actual practices of LMSQ cannot be apprehended. Here I refer to the term "modernization" in a wider sense, implying not only the lexical elaboration in particular, but the functional expansion of Quechua as a whole, which included its adaptation to writing and new domains of use, like education, literary genres or mass media. It is also especially important to consider the formation of the linguistic ideologies in the Andean countries, which have been influencing the corpus planning of Quechua and keep affecting its social status. The first Europeans, who mastered Quechua, called it La Lengua General, "The Common Language", since they recognized it as the most widespread and thus the most prestigious language among multitude of others spoken in Central Andes. Southern Quechua, particularly the variety spoken in Cuzco, obtained then an image of the official language of the Inca Empire. In fact, Quechua represented a multi-branch language family long before the Spanish conquest, and the credit for its spreading across Central Andes by no means could be given solely to the Incas (Heggarty & Beresford-Jones 2010). Furthermore, Quechua apparently played a role of lingua franca in the Inca Empire and served as a working language of the Inca administration, but it hardly was an official language in European sense of this term, as it was highly unstandardized and was not used to oppress other vernaculars of the state (Mannheim 1991: 3334). Besides, there is still a discussion, which variety of Quechua functioned as lingua franca of the Inca Empire (Durston 2007:188). It is generally accepted that before the Spanish conquest Quechua was unwritten, as the rest of the indigenous languages of South America. The world-known khipu well served for records management, and their handling required certain mastery, but it was not possible to record a speech or poetry in khipu. There are, however, assumptions that t'uqapu, the colored piece of ornament on Inca textiles, or qillqa, the legendary signs used by Andean priests, may be compared by form and function to Chinese hieroglyphs (Salcedo-Salcedo 2007, Szemiński 2010), but there is still not enough evidence to prove these hypotheses. In any case, none of these sign systems were perceived as writing by the conquerors. Thereupon, they chose to record Quechua and neighboring languages by the means of familiar Latin alphabet, more precisely, of its Castilian variety. However, it was clear even to the authors

16 of first colonial Quechua texts that their manner of writing is not able to render the Quechua phonology properly. Neither Spanish nor Latin did have ejective and aspirated consonants, the same as Romance languages did not make the difference between velar and uvular voiceless stops, characteristic for the most of Quechua varieties. Thus, Spanish c/qu in Quechua texts of the early colonial period could correspond to six different phonemes and constitute a part of a number of lexemes. For example, Guaman Poma could write one word in three different ways on one and the same page (1615:192[194])5. Initially, the graphization of Quechua was aimed to serve the interests of colonial powers and particularly of Catholic Church, who strived to effectively propagate the new faith in the Andes, and for that purpose the Church was in need of translations of doctrinal texts to the most widely spoken vernaculars. So it is not surprising that the first Quechua dictionaries were the work of clerics and the first known Quechua written texts were of ecclesiastical nature. Undoubtedly, the graphization of the language of the Incas solved only a part of the bigger problem, which was an inconsistence of the Quechua lexicon with respect to the Christian worldview. In his Lexicon o Vocabulario de la lengua general del Peru (1560) fray Domingo de Santo-Tomás lamented that despite all the richness and exquisiteness of Quechua language, it did not contain any equivalents for known Christian concepts (Estenssoro-Fuchs 1998:84). However, at the same time Santo-Tomás in practice demonstrated the way out of this problem, providing a number of Spanish religious terms with Quechua translations, which were most likely the inventions of his own or other missioners. For example, "church" was translated as Diospa wasin, literally "the house of God", "saint" as Diospa yanan, "God's servant", and "angel" as alli çupay, "the good spirit". Later, when the Third Council of Lima (1582-83) authorized the publication of the unified trilingual (Spanish-Quechua-Aymara) Doctrina Christiana y Catecismo para instruccion de los Indios (1584), these innovations were replaced by Spanish loanwords. Çupay, which, according to the works of Santo-Tomás, could correspond either to angel or demon, depending on an epithet adjusted to this word, lost its neutral value and started to denote "devil". On the whole, the Third Council largely discarded the lexical elaboration of Quechua ecclesiastical terms in favor of borrowings (Durston 2007:92), but at the same time, its work also introduced one more 5

"Yten: Mandamos que los barberos y seruxanos, hambi camayoc, circac, quichicauan y curan con yeruas. A estos dichos les llamauan hanbi camayoc y a las dichas parteras beatas comadres llamauan uaua uachachic, uicza allichac hanpi camayoc."

17 neologism, not mentioned by Santo-Tomás, for designation of the verb "believe" (Spanish creer) in religious sense: the verb iñiy, commonly used to denote the concepts of faith and religion in modern Quechua. As regards to the modernization of Quechua in the colonial period out of the need of evangelization, it is also worth mentioning the voluminous Ritual formulario of Juan Pérez Bocanegra (1631), known for its lexical and stylistic richness, and also containing a number of Quechua ecclesiastic terms, elaborated by the author, such as, for example, chuyanchana for "purgatory" and armakuy or mayllakuy for "baptism" (Durston 2007: 208, 219). The dissemination and implementation of Quechua pastoral texts, especially the Doctrina Christiana y Catecismo, from the end of the sixteenth century, also carried much significance for standardization of Quechua. The preference for the Cuzco-Collao dialect as true "language of the Incas" on behalf of the colonial authorities resulted in the suppression of other, less widely spoken languages of the region, and other varieties of Quechua in particular. For instance, the authors of the Doctrina Christiana y Catecismo in their annotations about the Quechua language in the end of the book characterized the manner, by which Quechua was spoken in Central Peru and modern Bolivia as "barbaric" and "corrupt", opposing those varieties to the "pure" Quechua of Cuzco (DCC: 73). Next, economical migrations of the indigenous population, most of all forceful migration to the silver mines of Potosí, also contributed to the expansion of Southern Quechua much beyond its pre-conquest area of distribution, and to its absorption of other languages, both kindred and non-kindred ones. The implementation of the written form of Quechua also stimulated the development of a secular Quechua literature in the seventeenth‒sixteenth centuries. The Manuscript of Huarochiri (c. 1600) was probably the first literary work of an indigenous author and contained a large collection of pre-colonial legends, originated in Central Peruvian Andes eastwards of Lima. The works of Cristobal de Molina (1575/76), Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui (c. 1615) and Guaman Poma (1615) also included considerable pieces of Quechua folklore. The late seventeenth century gave birth to such a phenomenon as Quechua drama. There are only three theatrical plays in Quechua of the late colonial period that reached our days: Usca Paucar, Ollanta (both anonymous) and El pobre más rico (by Gabriel Centeno), all written in accordance with the canons of the Spanish drama of the Golden Age and notable by their romanticization of the Inca past (Mannheim 1991:72). As regards the Quechua theatre, it is also necessary to mention a cycle of plays, similar in plot, known under the common name of Tragedia del fin de Atahuallpa

18 ("Tragedy of Atahuallpa´s death"). Distinct versions of the Tragedia were staged on high days throughout the colonial and republican period in Peru and Bolivia, while the evidence of the play goes back to the early colonial period (Arzáns 1965[XVIII c.]: 98). In the nineteenth century, after the short period when the use of Quechua was officially banned (as a result of the failed rebellion of Tupaq Amaru II), "the language of the Incas" was adopted by a new field of political propaganda. During the wars of independence, which embraced the Andean region in the beginning of the century, both rival parties used to address the indigenous masses in their native languages, trying to employ all the richness of the contemporary literary Quechua. In addition, the wartime agitators actively revoked old forgotten terms and expressions, providing them with new meanings, and even produced some neologisms of their own, such as mamaquchapi pawaq wasikuna (literally "houses flying in the sea") for "ships" (Durston 2011:169). In this manner the authors of the propaganda tried to appeal to indigenous sentiments, associated with Inca past, yet the fanciful and purist language of many of their proclamations could hardly be adequately understood by ordinary native speakers of Quechua, whose speech was already heavily affected by the influence of Spanish (ibid). Generally, during the period lasting from the foundation of republic till the middle twentieth century, the Peruvian authorities did not come to decelop some specific policies towards Quechua and other indigenous languages. A probable exception was a short period under the presidency of Manuel Pardo (1872-1876), the ruler of a liberal party Partido Civil, whose members intended to confront the political and socioeconomic marginalization of the native population of Peru and considered Quechua as a useful tool in realization of their intentions. A new Quechua grammar was written for the purpose to motivate the Spanishspeaking elites to learn "the language of the Incas"; the national anthem and Constitution were translated to Quechua and several booklets, initiating Quechua speakers into the republican legislation, were also published. However, both quechuists, who took these tasks upon themselves, José Fernández Nodal and José Dionisio Anchorena, fell into the same trap that the authors of republican wartime propaganda: their Quechua was bookish up to artificial, what also raised legitimate doubts in their proficiency in the language (Durston 2011: 177-178). The works of Anchorena, particularly his translations of the municipal legislation, are remarkable not only

19 by extensive use of archaisms and neologisms, but also by introduction of the terms, which Anchorena apparently "invented from scratch" including the root6 (ibid: 178). Although the policies undertaken by the government of Pardo did not reach their goal, they embodied the first attempts to overcome the deep social and racial dichotomy, prevailing in the Andean countries in that epoch, and foreran the sharp dispute over the "indigenous problem", which broke out a few decades later.7 In the beginning of the twentieth century there were several leading points of view in Peru of what the state should have done to de-marginalize that thick social stratum of poor and illiterate indigenous people of the highlands. A position of many Limean intellectuals was that the Indians must have been "civilized" by the means of education (implying, of course, an education conformable to European standards), so that in future they could merge with Creole elites into one nation (De la Cadena 2000: 16-18). Thus, the abandonment of native traditions and languages by the Indians in this respect was seen as clearly positive. The opposing point of view, associated with the intellectual circles of Cuzco, praised the maintenance of "Inca" tradition and Quechua language and abhorred a mestizaje, the process of urbanization of the indigenous people and their assimilation into Creole culture. The adepts of this view, characterized as liberal indigenism, asserted that the well-being of highland Indians was historically based on the rural lifestyle, and could be guaranteed only on conditions that their basic rights and needs would be satisfied, with no need to change drastically the existing social order (De la Cadena 2000: 66-67). In essence, both ideologies were not compatible with modernization of Quechua. From the educationalist point of view, such process was of no use, since only Spanish, in this view, could represent a language of "high culture", while Quechua was seen as inevitably backward (Itier 1995:29). The liberal indigenists, on their part, believed that Quechua initially had all the richness, adequate within the scope of traditional Andean culture, and what was necessary, was to reconstruct and preserve this richness, purifying Quechua from deleterious hispanisms.8 6

Durston (2011:185) gives a few examples of such roots in endnotes, using Anchorena's spelling: hiyuta("approve"), mayru- ("administer"), racpa- ("resolve"), pircu ("complaint") and pake ("ordinary, common"). Even considering a possible phonetic range of these words, there could not be found any evidence of them in earlier sources. For example, there are roots p'aki and phaqi, attested by Santo-Tomás (1560: 147, 158), but they in fact correspond to "break sth" and "wave [of water]" respectively. 7 For the substantial information about the ideological dispute on culture and race in Peru in that period see De la Cadena (2000), particularly Introduction (1-43) and Chapter 2 (86-130). 8 1920s marked the boost of one more socio-political tendency, defined as "radical indigenism", whose followers advocated the education of indigenous masses, especially in a form of campaigns of literacy, but without propagation of the "white" way of life among the native people. Not much is known about the views of the radical

20 At that time, the city of Cuzco was still a stronghold of the Quechua language in Peru. In the beginning of the twentieth century, few Spanish monolinguals could be found among the residents of the city (Itier 1995: 28-29). The symbolic status of ex-capital of the Inca Empire and prolonged ennobling of the Cuzco dialect above the rest of Quechua varieties also played their role. Therefore, it was not surprising that in the beginning of twentieth century Cuzco turned into the center of Quechua language planning. The liberal indigenists, who represented the city elite and were at least culturally Creole, were eager to declare themselves "guardians of the language of the Incas" and promote their purist views on Quechua among the local population. To this purpose, they decided to elaborate a variety of Cuzco Quechua, which would be cleansed from all possible hispanisms and instead enriched by the words and expressions drawn from the sources of colonial epoch, primarily the missionary literature (Itier 1992:26-29). The indigenists gave to this semi-artificial variety a name of Qhapaq Simi ("great language"), emphasizing that it was a direct descendant of "the Imperial Quechua of Cuzco", the language of the Inca nobility, praised by Inca Garcilaso de la Vega (1609). As opposed to Qhapaq Simi, the liberal indigenists identified degraded and vulgar Runa Simi ("people language"), the ordinary multi-dialectal Quechua, heavily affected by the enduring influence of Spanish (De la Cadena 2000: 76). Qhapaq Simi came to be exercised in Cuzco primarily as a language of art. It included refined poetry, composed by the members of the indigenist circle of Cuzco, and dramatic plays, written by them or taken from the earlier sources (like the plays of the late colonial period, which served as a model of Qhapaq Simi) and staged with the help of the same representatives of Cuzco elite. The performances of the indigenist company, known under the name of Compañía Peruana de Arte Incáico (Peruvian Company of Inca Art) not only gathered large audiences in Cuzco and other provincial towns (including the speakers of Runa Simi, whom the indigenists strived to educate by the means of art), but also were held with great success in other countries of South America (De la Cadena 2000:73-74, Itier 1995:35-36). However, the popularity of the Compañía Peruana among the indigenous public was inferior to that of Nemesio Zúñiga Cazorla (1895-1964) and his troupe. Nemesio Zúñiga Cazorla was a priest of indigenous origin from the province of Urubamba, who wrote religiously biased dramas in Quechua, but the language and staging style of his plays radically differed from those of the "Inca theatre" of the cuzqueño elite

indigenists as regards to the planning of Quechua, but generally they had positive attitudes towards its use in different spheres, and spoke Quechua proudly on their congregations (De la Cadena 2000: 89-92).

21 (De la Cadena 2000:77). Unlike the latter, Zúñiga Cazorla preferred to communicate with the common public in its own language, not refined one, but then more vivid and intelligible. Moreover, he was more inventive with respect to the enrichment of literary Quechua; Zúniga Cazorla did not only exploit old colonial sources, but also introduced in his texts many uncommon words and expressions, collected by him in rural highland areas of Peru, sometimes changing their meaning or creating on their basis his own new terms (Itier 1995:65). The revival of the "Inca" culture and language, initiated in Cuzco, also led to a reconstruction of such major pre-conquest feasts as Inti Raymi ("Festival of the Sun"). Faustino Espinoza Navarro (1905-2000), who came to act as the Great Inca in this festival since 1944 and wrote his own speech and the speech of his co-players in Quechua, was not affiliated either with the indigenist circle or with the group of Zúñiga Cazorla, 9 yet he was undoubtedly influenced by their ideologies and activities concerning language matters. Espinoza Navarro added to his armory the rhetoric of his contemporaries and declared himself a speaker of Qhapaq Simi, although the cuzqueño intellectuals certainly did not provide him with such a mandate (De la Cadena 2000:163). On the other hand, Espinoza Navarro is known to employ the same methods as Zúñiga Cazorla, as he had an extensive knowledge of peripheral Quechua and actively collected rare vocables, not familiar to the decent cuzqueño public (Hornberger & King 2001: 172-173). Although his theatrical career ended in undesirable fashion after his Inti Raymi performance was excoriated on its tour in Lima, in 1953 Espinoza Navarro used his reputation of "quechuologist" to found in Cuzco the Academy of the Quechua Language (ALQ), on the basis of the Department of Language of the Inti Raymi Cultural Center. The Academy announced as its principal aims the struggle for purity of Quechua and the promotion of teaching and research of the language (Niño-Murcia 1995:272). The first aim, therefore, fully corresponded to the views propagated earlier by liberal indigenists, since the only model for "pure" Quechua was identified in Qhapaq Simi of Cuzco. The practical aims of ALQ, namely the compilation and publication of Quechua grammar and dictionary, as well as translation of the Peruvian constitution to Quechua, however, were not fulfilled until the beginning of 1990s because of "the lack of funds" (ibid). In general, during the first decades of its existence the results of the work of the Academy were hardly visible to the general public, 9

Although De la Cadena (2000:163) notices that Espinoza Navarro belonged to a theatrical company, "repeatedly scorned in public" by the liberal indigenists, she does not make a connection between that company and the company of Zúñiga Cazorla, which enjoyed the same reception.

22 except perhaps the publication in 1963 of a single volume of Inka Rimay, the official organ of ALQ. Other activities primarily included the travels of Faustino Espinoza Navarro and his colleagues into remote Andean villages in search for and collection of rare Quechua vocables. Meanwhile, in the middle twentieth century the authorities of Peru launched first programs of bilingual education, both in highland and jungle regions east of the Andes. In many respects, these programs were brought to life due to the efforts of Luis Valcárcel, one of the most prominent figures of cuzqueño indigenism in the past, who held the position of Minister of Education in 1945-1947 (De la Cadena 2000:324). However, only in 1964 the first QuechuaSpanish bilingual program was implemented in a number of schools in the regions of Ayacucho, Apurimac and Huancavelica. Being planned for the monolingual Quechua-speaking students of elementary school, this program was still more aimed to ensure a mild transition to Spanishlanguage curriculum rather than to create a full-weight form of education in Quechua (Jung 1992:284). The evidence provided by Donald H. Burns, who was appointed to supervise this educational project by the Summer Institute of Linguistics (at that period closely cooperating with the Ministry of Education of Peru), makes assume that the problem of the lack of Quechua terminology in basic disciplines was resolved mostly by the means of Spanish loans, and the topics chosen for reading in Quechua were intentionally "autochthonous to the monolingual Quechua-speaking communities of the zone" (Burns 1968:404-405). There is a scarcity of materials concerning the planning of indigenous languages in Bolivia during the period from its independence till the middle twentieth century. Unlike in Peru, where the concern of authorities has always been directed at Quechua in the first place, as the most widely spoken vernacular, in Bolivia Quechua had to compete with Aymara in terms of social importance. Although Aymara in Bolivia hardly ever outnumbered Quechua by a number of speakers10, it was more visible to authorities due to the area of its distribution, as it has been spoken in and around the capital La Paz and throughout altiplano, a vast territory between two main Andean ridges, where the eastern part of Bolivia is situated. The presence of Quechua has been featuring the provinces of Cochabamba, Chuquisaca and Potosí, to the south and south-east of La Paz (Southern Bolivian variety of Southern Quechua) and to the north of the Lake Titicaca, close to the border with Peru (North Bolivian variety). Furthermore, Aymara culture and 10

The census of 1950 gave 36.5% for Quechua as a "main language" and 24.6% for Aymara. There is no earlier statistical data on linguistic situation in Bolivia, but in any case it would be odd to assume any overturn in numbers between the two groups of speakers (Albó 1995:23).

23 language has been used to construct a special Bolivian identity and legendary past, distinguishable of those of Peru.11 After the long period of political turmoil, culminated in the rebellion of Pablo Zarate Willka, in 1899 the power in Bolivia was assumed by the Liberal Party, whose members, as Peruvian authorities of the same period, strived to resolve "the indigenous problem". Withal, in Bolivia the educationalist view turned to be predominant, finding support not only among the Creole elite, but among the indigenous masses as well (Mendieta 2010: 280-289). Even the newly founded Academy of Aymara, which united Bolivian intellectuals of indigenist trend, wholeheartedly endorsed the idea of "civilizing" the Aymara people, and making them "blend with the white population and become indistinguishable"12. Although the revolution of 1952 and the reforms followed thereafter played crucial role in the improvement of social status and well-being of the indigenous population of Bolivia, the new authorities still displayed indifference towards the promotion of indigenous languages in public spheres, preferring to adhere to the assimilationist policies carried out by their predecessors. However, the social changes prepared a good ground for private initiatives in the language planning of Aymara and Quechua. These initiatives could be hardly labeled as "bottom-up", since they were mainly launched by foreign organizations or by representatives of higher, Spanish-speaking social strata. First, they included the organization of bilingual programs in Bolivian schools, similar to those operating in the same period and with the same scarcity in Peru (Albó 1974:91). Next, for the first time Aymara and Quechua found their way to the big screen, when Jorge Sanjinés and his Grupo Ukamau staged two full-length movies, Ukamau (1966), or "And So It Is", and Yawar Mallku (1968), literally "Bloody Condor", what in figurative sense corresponded to "Desperate Leader"; the first movie was dubbed entirely in Aymara, and the second one, almost entirely, in North Bolivian Quechua. Both movies showed a real life of the indigenous people with all its harshness (the Marxist agenda of the director had certain influence on the development of movie's plot, especially in the case of Yawar Mallku) and the characters there spoke generally natural Quechua and Aymara, which could be heard in highland Bolivia in

11

See Kuenzli (2013: 57-85) on this subject. Nicanor Aranzaes, “Sesión ordinaria 27 de Julio de 1902,” Academia Aymara 1, no. 2 (July 20, 1902): 39–40, ANB, in Kuenzli 2013:75.

12

24 that time.13 Yet it took a long time before the mentioned Yawar Mallku could reach the indigenous audience, even including the community where it was filmed, since at that time most of rural Bolivia lacked electricity (Albó 1974:106). Even the more considerable development in comparison to the situation in Peru in 1960s was the widening presence of Quechua and Aymara on radio waves. Although a full-time broadcast in Quechua was not an issue in those years, peasants of the highland provinces could enjoy up to four hours of programs in their native tongue. Most of the time of Quechua broadcasting was occupied by Andean folk music and, when a radio was managed by some protestant organization, of religious programs. However, news round-ups, field reportages and even sport reviews in Quechua also occasionally appeared out of the broadcast grid (Albó 1974:120). Moreover, some Bolivian radio stations began to contribute to the planning of Quechua lexicon, modernizing the meaning of old words and creating neologisms of their own (ibid: 121). The province of Cochabamba in central Bolivia, particularly the city of Cochabamba, remarkable for its well-established Quechua-Spanish bilingualism, became then a center of Quechua planning activities in the country, both in the spheres of education and mass media. In 1975 Quechua experienced a crucial event in its modern history. In 27th of May by a decree №21156 the government of Juan Velasco Alvarado announced Quechua the official language of Peru, equal to Spanish. It was the first occasion, when an indigenous language of America received a status of national language. But revolutionary and unprecedented as it was, to the same extent the officialization of Quechua was poorly formulated and alienated from reality.14 First of all, there was no clarity, which variety of Quechua acquired the official status: the law did not make difference between Quechua of Cuzco (II-C), Quechua of Ancash (I) or Quechua of Cajamarca (II-A). Next, the authorities did not prepare a ground for such a radical step. Quechua became a national language, while still being associated with the inferior social status of its speakers and only sporadically represented in the educational system. However, this drastic officialization provoked a real alarm among Creole elites, who started to tell grim fortunes about the future eradication of Spanish in Peru (Marr 2011:218). 13

Albó (1974: 106-107) points out some inconsistencies in the Quechua spoken by the characters of Yawar Mallku, but these are related more to phonological aspects than to lexical ones. 14 The law №21156 was actually the last major reform of those undertaken by the left-wing dictatorship of Velasco Alvarado, among which the cardinal one was the Agrarian reform (1969), which ended the hegemony of landlords over indigenous peasants. However, the populist policy of Velasco Alvarado eventually led Peru to the brink of economic collapse.

25 One of the first steps for implementation of the law of 27th of May was the compilation of six grammars and dictionaries of the principal Quechua varieties spoken in Peru. The translation of official paperwork to Quechua ‒ a process that naturally asked to be organized in such a case ‒ was hardly even planned. The law also obliged all the courts to carry proceedings in Quechua, in the event if native speakers were involved, but this demand was left unfulfilled (Hornberger & King 2001:183). It seems that the functional development of Quechua as a task was overshadowed at that point, as if it was assumed that it could happen by itself. Escobar, Matos Mar & Alberti (1975), for instance, expressed confidence that, when the written use of Quechua would spread, permitting it to enter new domains of communication, and when, "as a consequence", the discrimination of Quechua would end, the speakers "themselves will enrich the lexical stock" of their native tongue in accordance with undefined "universal rules" (1975:73)15. In other words, the authors saw the modernization of Quechua lexicon and a growth of the language's prestige as natural results of Quechua functional development and not as conditions for it. Such a view actually rejected the multidimensional character of language planning, considering it a process, whose success could be ensured due to a chain reaction. Although Quechua did not start to "be taught at all levels of education", as it was initially demanded (Hornberger & King 2001:183), the law №21156 in combination with the large-scale educational reform, started several years earlier, gave boost to a further development of the bilingual education, which then obtained a title "intercultural", in order to emphasize that the hispanization of indigenous students was no more seen as a goal. The first experimental program designated as EIB (Educación Intercultural Bilingüe) was launched in Peru in the region of Puno in 1977 and operated for several years. It urged the creation of Quechua terminology for educational needs and, as a pioneering project, provided all subsequent IBE programs with valuable experience. The Constitution of 1979 already reversed in fact the position of Quechua as a national language, but stated that Quechua and Aymara would be used officially in certain zones. Nonetheless, this change did not lead to an automatic reduction of the ongoing activities in Quechua language planning (Hornberger 1993:240). In October 1983, one more key event, the 15

"En la medida que se difunda y acepte su uso escrito, que se incorpore al circuito de comunicación extensa y que, por lo mismo, desaparezca la minusvalía y discrimen que proscribía o cuando menos relegaba su uso, de acuerdo a las reglas que han operado en todos los puntos del universo y en todas las épocas, los propios hablantes del quechua enriquecerán el campo léxico de este idioma".

26 First Workshop on Quechua and Aymara writing, took place in the University of San Marcos in Lima. It was the first gathering that managed to unite all the agents of Quechua language planning, visible in that period in Peru. At the same time, it highlighted serious controversies between the most influential of them. Although the discussions during the workshop concerned such topics as standardization and lexical elaboration of Quechua, most of its time was spent on the bitter debates around the alphabetization of Quechua and Aymara.16 The main division in these debates lied between those who insisted that unified Quechua alphabet must include only three vowels, a, i and u, and those who argued that Quechua must be written with five vowels, namely a, e, i, o and u, as it was in the last officially approved Quechua alphabet of 1975. The trivocalista camp consisted primarily of the linguists from the Lima universities, such as San Marcos or Pontífica Católica (PUCP), who at that time took active part in the development of IBE in Puno. The members of the Academy of the Quechua Language in Cuzco (ALQ) led the camp of pentavocalistas, as they had long practiced the writing of five vowels in their works. The representatives of the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) chose an intermediate position, admitting that Quechua varieties generally and historically had no more than three vowels, but also asserting that there were some inclusions, when o and e represent separate phonemes, and not simple allophones, conditioned by their proximity to the uvular q (Cerrón-Palomino 1992:143). The ALQ members, who were not professional linguists, refused to admit the difference between allophones and phonemes at all, rather insisting that Quechua should have been written the same way as it was spoken by native speakers, i.e. with five vowels. Interestingly, every of the agents mentioned above stated that their position was based on the field experience, including firm trivocalistas, who argued that "children reading Quechua have no trouble reading the three vowels and pronouncing e and o near q, whether they are just learning to read for the first time or already know how to read in Spanish" (Hornberger & King 1998:396). The "vowel conflict", as it can be seen, had in fact more ideological than linguistic background. Although the new, three-vowel version of Quechua alphabet was approved by majority of votes in the end of the First Workshop, this decision only worsened the relations 16

Until 1975, no institution had managed to implement any strict norms of how Quechua should have been written, although different versions of a unified Quechua alphabet had been proposed since 1930s. Throughout the twentieth century, there maintained a high diversity in the ways of writing Quechua, including such extreme solutions as an alphabet Mayo Ñan, invented in San Jerónimo, Cuzco (Howard 2007:337-339).

27 between the main agents of Quechua language planning in Peru, and made a collaboration between them even less possible than earlier. It is remarkable that every institution continued to use its own version of Quechua alphabet, while managing educational projects and publishing textbooks, dictionaries or fine literature in Quechua (Cerrón-Palomino 1992). In Bolivia, Quechua language planning was stimulated by the rise of IBE in this country since the beginning of 1980s. In 1984, the Bolivian authorities officialized the unified Quechua and Aymara alphabet of the First Workshop, a year before the Peruvian government made so (Hornberger 1993:252), although slight variations between the versions practiced in Bolivia and in Peru still maintain. In October 1989, in Santa Cruz, UNESCO and the Ministry of Education of Bolivia organized a seminar dedicated to the "normalization of pedagogical language for Andean languages", which then gathered many personalities engaged in IBE from Ecuador, Bolivia and Peru, and resulted in coining and approval of many Quechua and Aymara terms for educational domain. In total, the scope and achievements of IBE in Bolivia in 1990s surpassed those of Peruvian IBE, due to the presence of "bottom-up" activism and the more tangible support on the part of authorities (Godenzzi 2008:318). At the end of this chapter, I would like to provide a short overview of the main institutions in Peru and Bolivia, occupied in LMSQ. Referring to the "main institutions", it must not be forgotten that there are also many other agents of Quechua modernization in both countries, including individuals, whose industry may be not widely known or recognized, but nonetheless must deserve attention, as it will be shown in next chapters. The ALQ, whose origins were related above, was titled in 1990 by federal law as Academia Mayor de la Lengua Quechua (AMLQ): the title Mayor was apparently long sought by the Academy members, as it symbolized the dominance of AMLQ above all other organizations dealing with Quechua. Furthermore, it embodied the views of the members of AMLQ, who consider the Cuzco variety of Quechua as the most correct one (just the way the liberal indigenists before them did) and insist that Quechua originated in Cuzco and all non-Cuzco varieties are actually descendants of the "Imperial Quechua", an idea, which comes into a sharp conflict with recent studies in Andean historical linguistics (Heggarty & Beresford-Jones 2010). Coronel-Molina (2009:325-327) points out that the views of AMLQ members go beyond simple linguistic nationalism and approximate to political nationalism, considering their desire "to see (re)created" version of the Inca Empire with capital in Cuzco; in this view, the allusions made by

28 AMLQ members between their Academy and the Royal Academy of Spanish language in Madrid (ibid) obtain a special sense. Such an ideology causes a quite egocentric behavior of AMLQ within the field of Quechua language planning. The Academy regards with animosity any language activists, either foreign or Peruvian, if they do not coordinate their plans and actions with AMLQ (and in most of the cases they do not). The members of AMLQ are used to perceive them as invaders or traitors, who try to spoil their beloved Qhapaq Simi, while considering themselves as its only legitimate keepers (Coronel-Molina 2009:331-333). At the same time, the members of AMLQ usually complain about the lack of consideration and funding from the Peruvian government. In certain periods AMLQ enjoyed support from the Ministry of Culture of Peru or the municipal authorities of the Cuzco region, but changing political reality prevented these partnerships to become stable. As regards LMSQ, AMLQ maintains uncompromising purist approach, considering widely used hispanisms as "barbarisms", which must be eradicated from the language. Instead, AMLQ is actively engaged in the coining of Quechua neologisms, which then find their place in the dictionaries published by the Academy. Another large and somewhat diverse group involved in the modernization of Quechua in Peru consists of professional linguists, both foreign and Peruvian, who have been engaged in IBE projects in the country, and thus their activity in the field of lexical elaboration concern educational needs in the first place. They also contribute to the promotion of the language in digital sphere, for example, by elaboration of educational and entertaining software in Quechua (Coronel-Molina 2005:40-44). The majority of these linguists recognize that Quechua, including Southern Quechua, is oppressed and endangered to a considerable degree, and therefore the planning of its corpus must conform to the maintenance of Quechua, preventing a further shift of its speakers to Spanish (Hornberger & Coronel-Molina 2004). Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino (b. 1937), one of the leading personalities of the "linguistic" party, argues that coining neologisms using the native sources must be the more preferred strategy of modernization in the case of Quechua than employing loanwords; when, however, certain terms are borrowed from Spanish or other languages, they should be at least accommodated to the Quechua phonotactics, as for example, hacienda > asinta (Cerrón-Palomino 1990:388-389). The Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL), already referred above, became active in Peru and Bolivia in the middle of the twentieth century. The main field of inquiry of SIL in both

29 countries was bilingual education, which the institute helped to develop from the very beginning. For a long time SIL worked in close collaboration with governmental agencies in Peru, but recently it started to lose support of the authorities (Cleary & Steigenga 2004:36); in Bolivia, SIL was expelled as far back as in 1980. This happened mostly due to the fact that SIL originally was not an educational or scientific organization, but a missionary one, affiliated with certain protestant circles in United States. Although its aims include the development of writing systems for the indigenous languages of Latin America and forms of bilingual education for their speakers, the prime goal of the institute has always been the translation of the Bible to indigenous languages, for the purpose of more effective preaching. The majority of population in the Andes define themselves as catholic, so it is not surprising that SIL is perceived by many as an agent of foreign influence, both in ideological and political terms. Withal, the workers of SIL are known to receive substantial linguistic training; the debate, to what extent SIL is indeed religiously biased, concerning precisely its activities in educational sphere, is still an opened one. Unlike AMLQ and the majority of Quechua linguists, SIL has a rather tolerant attitude towards the use of loanwords in the Quechua materials, produced by this organization. Moreover, the policy of SIL does not view the orthographical adaptation of loanwords to the phonetic norms of indigenous languages, particularly in the case of Quechua, as something necessary (Coronel-Molina 1996:18). Interestingly, the similar anti-purist viewpoint was attested by Howard (2007:347) from one of the teachers of the Asociación Pukllasunchis, an educational organization formed in the end of 1990s. The teacher justified the active use of loanwords by pursuing full mutual understanding in communication with native Quechua speakers, without reference to any planning goals. It brings forth an assumption that SIL's approach to the corpus planning may be conditioned more by immediate practical needs than by far-reaching goals of language maintenance, which may be of less concern. The Bolivian agents of the lexical modernization of Quechua are mostly associated with IBE initiatives. Among them it is necessary to mention the National Service of Alphabetization and Popular Education (SENALEP), founded in 1983, thus being one of the first organizations in the country engaged in the planning of indigenous languages for the educational purposes. The University of San Simón in Cochabamba, the leading Bolivian university till nowadays, also took considerable part in the development of curriculum for Quechua IBE. It is on its grounds that a multinational project PROEIB-Andes was established in 1997. PROEIB-Andes was aimed

30 to provide professional training in IBE, with the development of corresponding MA program, which in its turn produced young specialists, mainly native speakers of indigenous languages, who could take LMSQ onto entirely new domains (Howard 2007:358). It is also worthmentioning the Centre of Andean Communication and Development (CENDA), also based in Cochabamba, which since 1986 has been publishing a bilingual Quechua-Spanish periodical CONOSUR Ñawpaqman17. Although the members of CENDA are not known as adepts of Quechua purification, they tried to avoid the extensive use of hispanisms in the Quechua version of CONOSUR Ñawpaqman, instead recovering and supplying with new meanings the Quechua words that were not already widely used, but nonetheless could be properly understood by an indigenous reader (Garcés V. 2005: 21, 91-93). In 1986, there was founded the Academy of Quechua Language of Cochabamba, which recognized the supremacy of the Academy in Cuzco and shared its ideology. The works of Angel Herbas Sandoval, a senior member of the Academy of Cochabamba, an author of a number of books and dictionaries in Quechua, can be regarded as the most notable achievements of the institution. ALQ of Cochabamba also participates in the "World Congresses" of Quechua organized by AMLQ. Generally speaking, in Bolivia there were not observed any hostilities of principle between different organizations engaged in Quechua language planning, by way of those still existing in Peru, what eases the way to a joint productive work in this field. In this description of the agents of LMSQ I have not referred to such governmental agencies as ministries of education, culture or social development, either of Peru or Bolivia, although they undoubtedly made and keep making their contribution to the process. In the majority of cases, however, ministries are not involved to LMSQ directly: they may prompt the elaboration of lexicon in that domain or another, or support the projects that are already carried on, by financing them or publishing relevant materials, but the governmental agencies rarely, if ever, tend to produce new terminology in indigenous languages without an outside help, mainly due to the lack of linguists and/or native speakers among their own staff. Furthermore, as governmental units, ministries can hardly been considered as independent agents of language planning, since their actions are determined by general policy of state, which constantly changes.

17

Ñawpaqman in Quechua generally means "ahead", but also "to the past", as within the Andean spatial-temporal categories the past is perceived as if it stands before people and not behind them, a feature that marks a phenomenal difference between the Andean culture and the cultures of the Old World.

31 In this chapter I also deliberately do not include the developments in Quechua language planning of the last twenty-five years, as they mostly will present material for the next two chapters. Summing up, it is important to emphasize the role, which the twisted history of Southern Quechua and linguistic ideologies emerged in the Andean countries played in the formation of different approaches towards its lexical modernization. The diversity of agents of LMSQ and competition between them, which in certain cases leads to enduring hostilities, should therefore be seen as a social phenomenon, whose origins can be traced back to the beginning of twentieth century, if not earlier.

32

IV. CREATING A TERM IN SOUTHERN QUECHUA: SAMPLING ANALYSIS OF NEOLOGISMS In this chapter I will provide the analysis of modern terminology in Southern Quechua from the linguistic point of view. Certainly, it is not possible to embrace all recently produced Quechua neologisms within the scope of this work. Therefore, I decided to choose four principal sources as the main corpus, from which the sampling of terms will be done. These sources contain neologisms pertaining to different semantic domains, such as law, medicine, basic mathematics and others (more detailed description of the sources see below). The terms will be divided into a number of categories, based on the classifications of neologisms proposed by Cooper (1989:151), Cabré (1999:207) and Becker Batto et al. (2009:33). The Southern Quechua neologisms are classified here in the following manner: 1. Non-assimilated loanwords and loan phrases. 2. Assimilated loanwords and loan phrases. 3. Loanblends or hybrid compounds. 4. Loan translations and loan renditions. 5. Semantic borrowings (traditional lexical units with new meaning). 6. Coined terms based on known Quechua roots. 7. Coined terms based on invented roots. Although Cabré (1999:207) distinguishes a group of functional neologisms, "cases of lexicalization of an inflected form and those formed by syntactic conversion", it was decided to divide this category between semantic neologisms and coined neologisms in the case of Southern Quechua. First of all, in such a perfectly agglutinative language as Quechua, it is quite problematic to differentiate coined compound and phrasal forms (characterized by Cabré as "neologisms by form") and forms resulted from syntactic conversion. There are still no strict and conventional rules of word separation in Quechua, and even when we meet a compound term written as one word, if we separate the elements of such a compound, its meaning would almost never change. On the other hand, there can be no clear boundary between lexicalized forms and semantic neologisms or coined derivations, as lexicalization of certain forms, especially substantivized verbal forms, is an uniform pattern of word formation in Quechua, so even when meet a lexicalization as a new term, it is impossible to ascertain that such a lexicalization was affected by the author, but it frequently can be ascertained that it existed in the language before.

33 The category 7 is mentioned as a conventional method of lexical modernization only by Becker Batto (2009:33), with an important note that such a term still has to obey the traditional phonotactics of an indigenous language. Since the method of the invention of terms from scratch was applied a number of times in the history of LM, and in the history of Southern Quechua in particular, it would be necessary at least to examine, if such "invented" terms can be determined within the main corpus.

OVERVIEW OF THE PRINCIPAL SOURCES 1. Gómez Bacarreza, Donato. 1992. Diccionario Quechua especializado. 222 pp. La Paz, Bolivia: Teddy Libros. [GBE] This "specialized" dictionary of Southern Quechua was compiled by Donato Gómez Bacarreza, one of the most prominent Bolivian linguists, during his work in the Autonomous University Tomas Frias (UATF) in Potosí. Gómez Bacarreza later headed the SENALEP and the Bolivian Academy of Native Languages (ABOLENA) in La Paz, also one of the institutions actively engaged in the development of IBE in Bolivia. GBE, according to the introduction of Alfredo Lenis Pórcel, also is primarily aimed to serve the needs of bilingual education. The small folio is divided into four sections, each one corresponding to a certain semantic domain: linguistics, mathematics, social sciences and natural sciences. However, no section has clear semantic boundaries, so that here and there a reader can meet the words that cannot be considered a part of math or linguistic terminology and do not actually represent neologisms; such words are naturally omitted from this study. The dictionary is written in the version of three-vowel alphabet, approved in Bolivia in 1984. Every Quechua translation of Spanish term is supplied by a short explanation, also in Southern Quechua. 2. Manya Ambur, Juan Antonio. 1993. Paqtay Rimayqelqawa: Diccionario Jurídico Castellano ‒ Quechua. 256 pp. Cuzco, Peru: Cultura Inca de América. [MAJ] This dictionary, which includes not only an exhaustive translation of Spanish juridical terms, but also many modern concepts from other semantic domains, is a work of the president of AMLQ of that period, Juan Antonio Manya Ambur (1926-1996), who was also known as a poet and the head of secular clergy in Cuzco. He was an author of many works on Quechua linguistics, as well as a collector of Andean folk poetry and a translator of the Peruvian Constitution of 1992 to Quechua. The juridical dictionary of Manya Ambur conforms perfectly

34 to the views of AMLQ on Quechua: it is written in five-vowel alphabet and steadily avoids the use of loanwords. As far as I can judge, it is one of the finest works carrying a brand of AMLQ, whose many other dictionaries are not remarkable for their quality (see more on this subject in next chapter). Besides a rich compilation of coined terminology, the book also provides a reader with the translation of the fundamentals of Roman law to Southern Quechua. The prologue to the dictionary is written by the president of Superior Court of Cuzco, as if giving a hope that Manya Ambur's solid work would not be in vain; however, the reality dictated the opposite. 3. Pan-American Health Organization, World Health Organization. 2013. Diálogo Médico Paciente en Quechua, review of translation by Diether Flores Chumacero. 96 pp. La Paz, Bolivia: PAHO/WHO. [DMP] This guide was prepared and published by Bolivian branches of two international health organizations. It is available in open access on the website of Pan-American Health Organization, Bolivian section, alongside the similar guides in Aymara and Guaraní, and a number of health-related materials in Spanish. As the majority of medical literature in Quechua, DMP is addressed to professional medics, who are not native speakers of Quechua, but endeavor to work for the benefit of Quechua-speaking communities, where health and sanitation problems have always been a burning issue. The modernization of Quechua in this case is not a direct goal of the guide, but nonetheless appears to be a productive side effect, since the communication between doctor and patient also enriches latter's knowledge by new concepts and terms. It is worth-mentioning that the guide obliges a medic to explain every new term to a Quechua speaker and make certain that it is perfectly understood. The topics of DMP are not limited by issues of medical aid, but also concern such vital problems as hygiene, domestic violence and contraceptive methods. 4. Microsoft, Inc. 2013. Windows 8.1 Quechua Language Pack. [WIN-QLP] The first Quechua language pack (QLP) for Microsoft Windows platform was presented in 2006 as a supplement to Windows Vista operating system. Since then, QLP has been included in all subsequent versions of Windows. In the development of WIN-QLP, Microsoft Local Language Program (MLLP) used the assistance of experts from three leading Peruvian universities. Unfortunately, I could not obtain more precise information about the participants of MLLP in Peru, but it is most likely that they were Quechua scholars from three Limean universities (San Marcos, San Martin and PUCP), thus representing one of the parties of

35 Quechua language planners, referred in the previous chapter. Although the language preferences of Windows 8.1 distinguish between Quechua of Peru and Quechua of Bolivia, the terminology and orthography of the two language packs are virtually performed in the same standardized Southern Quechua, what is also conformed by other sources.18 WIN-QLP is made in three-vowel alphabet, while the Ayacucho-Chanka dialect was assumed as a basis for the WIN-QLP orthography, so that all plosive and aspirated consonants existing in other dialects of Southern Quechua are omitted. However, sometimes a user can notice interference of the five-vowel orthography and plosive consonants; for example, in desktop mode there are saywasiq'ikuna, "maps", and willakuykuna qelqana, "notepad".

CATEGORIZED ANALYSIS OF NEOLOGISMS 1. Non-assimilated loan words and phrases This category is referred to the lexical borrowings not accommodated to the Quechua phonology and/or conventional orthography. These lexical borrowings mostly come from Spanish or represent internationalisms; there are, however, many English terms encountered in WIN-QLP, but it is more likely that they appear there due to an impossibility or reluctance to provide more or less complete translation of the terminology to Quechua, than being introduced as deliberate English loans. This incompleteness often leads to a certain clumsiness, which can be illustrated by such phrases as Maskay My Computerpi, "Seek in My Computer". A special kind of loanwords, which can be attested in GBE and MAJ, are loanwords from Aymara. It is not certain, however, whether Aymara lexemes, which enter the new Quechua terminology, should be regarded in the same manner as borrowings from Spanish and English. Quechua and Aymara historically have an abundant common vocabulary. Both language families were spoken in the same Andean regions for hundreds of years, and influenced each other's lexicon and phonology long before the arrival of first Europeans (what caused an assumption that Quechua and Aymara may be genetically related). Therefore, the division of Aymara elements to "assimilated" and "non-assimilated" will hardly make any sense, and I would prefer to mention certain examples in next subsections, when assimilation or blending look more evident

18

Emol, August 25, 2006. http://www.emol.com/noticias/internacional/2006/08/25/229238/evo-morales-ymicrosoft-lanzan-en-bolivia-version-quechua-de-windows.html: "La traducción fue lograda por el trabajo conjunto de expertos peruanos en lengua quechua y ejecutivos de Microsoft." Accessed 05.10.2015.

36 The greatest concentration of non-assimilated loanwords is observed in DMP. They include not only specific medical terms, like illnesses (diabetes, neumonia), health-related tools (pildora, "pill", sonda, "probe", condón, "condom") or technical procedures (tomografía, vasectomía), but also the words of wider use (resultado, "result", hora, "hour", piso, "floor"), for which it is possible to find analogs in the core Quechua lexicon (which does not originate from either Spanish influence or planners' efforts), or use neologisms already coined by other corpus planners. WIN-QLP also contains a number of non-assimilated Spanish loans, alongside the assimilated ones, such as computadora, "computer", dispositivo, "device", impresora, "printer", mosaico, "mosaic" or icono, "icon". A rare example of non-assimilated loanword in MAJ is aduana, "customs". Another is the internationalism boikot; a replacement of Spanish c by k hrdly makes it an assimilated loan. GBE apparently lacks this type of loans completely; I could not find any neither among proposed neologisms, nor in the Quechua explanations to them. The use of non-assimilated loanwords does not mean, however, that they are not inclined in DMP and WIN-QLP as regular Quechua verbs and nouns, acquiring authentic morphological markers; this happens in the majority of cases. The usage of Spanish endings is quite rare: for example, in WIN-QLP in "File Explorer" panel the term Contactos can be noticed side by side with Videokuna, "videos".

2. Assimilated loan words and phrases Cerrón-Palomino (1990: 388-389) once argued that all lexical borrowings to Quechua must be adjusted to Quechua phonology and consequently to the representation of Quechua pronunciation in writing; for example, the voiced consonants b, d, g, or the middle vowels e and o should not be represented in writing. Spanish diphthongs also should be converted to regular Quechua light syllables and represented as simple vowels. Interestingly, recent sociolinguistic inquiries showed that this method of loanwords conceals in itself another problem: many Quechua speakers, who became literate through learning Spanish, perceive such adaptations as errors and do not appreciate them positively (Becker Batto et al, 2009:34). In any case, the assimilation of lexical borrowings is still considered as a legitimate methodology by many Quechua corpus planners, including those more inclined to purism than active borrowing. GBE contains a small amount of assimilated loans that were absorbed by Quechua upon the early stage of contact between Europeans and native Andeans, and assimilated apparently in the

37 same period: for example, uwija, from Spanish oveja, "sheep", and arus, from arróz, "rice". DMP is also not rich in assimilated loanwords, preferring the use of non-assimilated ones. The exceptions are the words ratu and its affectionate-diminutive ratitu, from Spanish rato, "moment", "while"; these words are frequently used in the modern daily Quechua speech. In MAJ loans of this kind are practically absent. WIN-QLP does not visibly contain any assimilated borrowings, only non-assimilated ones. It is somehow unexpected, since Quechua planners from the Peruvian universities, who were associated with the development of IBE, mostly defended the idea of "rephonologization" of loanwords (Cerrón Palomino 1990, Howard 2007: 340-341, 345). However, it is also possible that the views within this camp of planners have changed since 1990s, probably owing to the reactions on the part of native speakers, described by Becker Batto et al. (2009:34).19

3. Loanblends or hybrid compounds Loanblends or hybrid compounds correspond to forms of lexical borrowing, which contain both borrowed and indigenous part. Each part, according to Weinreich (1953:52), may be a root or an affix. Within the main corpus, hybrid compounds, consisting of Spanish root and Quechua suffixes, find their presence mostly in DMP. A Spanish root in this case, what is significant, remains non-assimilated. For example, this is the verb opera-chi-ku-, literally "to make oneself operated", consists of the Spanish verbal stem opera- and Quechua suffixes chi (causative) and ku (reflexive/mediopassive). It is used in recommendations to patient, such as operachikunayki tiyan, verbatim "you should make yourself operated". From the functional point of view, the verb is perfectly constructed, as it indicates that a patient must prompt other people to carry out the operation for her/his own sake. The same refers to the verb inyecta-chi-ku-, "to make [a doctor] inoculate you". Since the noun phrases waka puñuna and uwija puñuna, encountered in GBE, translate single entries in the dictionary ("cattle corral" and "sheep corral" respectively), they also may be considered loanblends.20 The term aduanapaq willay (MAJ: 61), "custom entry", corresponds to the same criteria. There is one more curious loanblend, included in GBE, namely ni ima, of 19

Actually, the changes in WIN-QLP terminology since its first launch in 2006, which are well documented on the site http://www.microsoft.com/Language/en-US/Search.aspx, show that assimilated loans have been applied many times as a part of the Microsoft software terminology, and only recently their use has become marginal. 20 In addition, it is somewhat strange that the author uses the term puñuna ("bed", "place for sleeping"= instead of traditional term kancha, which generally means the same as the Spanish corral.

38 Spanish ni, "neither", and Quechua indefinite pronoun ima, "what", which serves as an equivalent for Spanish nada, "nothing". The matter is that ni ima is hardly a neologism, but rather a contact-induced term, which largely replaced the authentic mana imapas of the same meaning in everyday Quechua lexicon. While GBE clearly adheres to the purist tendency, it is uncertain why the author decided to include the common phrase into his "specialized" dictionary. It is, however, a question, when in the case of a verb we deal with a loanblend, and when with a simple loanword. I prefer to rely on the grammar of Ayacucho-Chanka dialect of Southern Quechua written by Parker (1969), who made clear distinction between inflective and derivative verbal suffixes, the latter being included in verbal stem, like in operachiku- and inyectachiku-. From this point of view, such words as imprimiy, imperative from "print" (WIN-QLP) and internasqa, from internado, "admitted [patient]" (DMP: 22), are not loanblends but loanwords.

4. Loan translations and loan renditions (LTR) Loan translations, which serve primarily for literal translation of compound terms, are a worldwide phenomenon of language contact. Weinreich (1953:51) distinguished between loan translations and loan renditions, which translate a foreign compound term only approximately. Nonetheless, since Cooper (1989), Cabré (1999) and Becker Batto (2009) do not refer to loan renditions as a separate method of lexical modernization, I decided to unite these two phenomena into one category (LTR). Furthermore, it is more difficult to draw a clear boundary between loan translations and loan renditions, when they connect the lexicons of languages that were formed in so different environment. The "reproduction in terms of equivalent native words" (Weinreich 1953:50) from English to German will be inevitably more accurate than the same reproduction from Spanish to Quechua, since the degree of lexico-semantic equivalence in the first case is considerably higher. For example, in GBE there is an equivalent Quechua term for "bilabial". In Southern Quechua there are two different lexemes for upper lip and lower lip, so it is practically impossible to translate "bilabial" verbatim, so the author chose to render the term as sirp'i wirpha, that is, "[of] upper lip [and] lower lip". On the contrary, bicicleta is translated more

39 literally, as iskay muyuyux", "of two wheels".21 Two terms from the "social studies" domain, alcalde municipal, "mayor" and autoridad comunal, "communal authority", are both translated as llaxta kamachix, literally "community governor". While the Quechua term matches the Spanish ones rather accurately, it nonetheless raises a question, why the author decided to treat two different administrative positions as one in Quechua: if the equivalent of "city" is jatun llaxta (GBE: 172), would not it be more logical to translate alcalde municipal as jatun llaxta kamachix? In general, there are multiple cases, when two or more terms within one source receive the same equivalent in Quechua, and, on the other hand, one and the same term is interpreted in Quechua in two different ways (mainly in WIN-QLP). Bienestar, "well-being", is interpreted as sumax kawsana, literally "good life". According to Gómez Bacarreza himself, kawsana should mean "life" (GBE: 220), however, the majority of other dictionaries, including pre-modern ones, translate "life" to Quechua as kawsay, which is also an infinitive of the verb "live"; such nominalization of verbs is common in Quechua. Therefore, it is likely that kawsana as equivalent to "life" could also be the author's invention, and in this respect acquires signs of a calque from Spanish, where there is a distinction between the noun vida and the verb vivir.22 GBE contains one more curious example, more exactly, a series of examples of elaborate LTR, these being names of the days of week (cited in the "math" section). In this particular case LTR closely remind the ancient interpretatio germanica (Lindow 2002:202). This is the list of the Quechua days of week, according to GBE, with their analogs in Latin, Spanish and English: Table 1. Days of week in Southern Quechua (GBE: 81-107). QUECHUA

VERBATIM TRANSLATION

ROMAN

SPANISH

ENGLISH

Intichaw

day of the Sun

dies Solis

Domingo

Sunday

Killachaw

day of the Moon

dies Lunae

Lunes

Monday

Antichaw

day of the Andes

dies Martis

Martes

Tuesday

Quyllurchaw

day of the Star(s)

dies Mercurii

Miércoles

Wednesday

21

Muyu is mentioned as equivalent for rueda, "wheel", even by Gonçalez-Holguín (1952[1607]:663), but not vice versa, as the pre-colonial meaning of this word more corresponded to simply "circle" or "round object" (as it is known, the Incas were not acquainted with wheel technology before the Spanish invasion). 22 From now on, I prefer to omit from this category those of LTR, which contain newly coined Quechua terms or words with already altered meaning, intending to examine them within the next categories.

40 Illapachaw

day of the Thunder

dies Iovis

Jueves

Thursday

Ch'askachaw

day of the Morning Star (Venus?)

dies Veneris

Viernes

Friday

K'uyuchichaw

day of the Rainbow

dies Saturni

Sábado

Saturday

Here we see that the author re-interpreted the Roman/Spanish names for days of week in the similar manner it was done by ancient Germans: by replacing most of the planet names by the objects (mostly celestial) worshipped in pre-conquest Andean culture. Thursday is associated here with thunder, an attribute of both Jupiter and Thor, with whom this day was associated in Roman and Germanic tradition respectively. -Chaw is most likely an artificial abbreviation of p'unchaw, "day" in Quechua.23 In MAJ, Precio nominal (MAJ: 159), "nominal price", is interpreted as qelqasqa chani, "written/recorded price/value". While this term more corresponds to a loan rendition, it nevertheless communicates the sense of the original term quite exactly. Trabajador a domicilio, "domestic worker", in its turn has a Quechua equivalent wasinpi llank'aq, literally "one who works at home". There are also some "covert" LTR, which deserve particular attention, as in the case of fiscal, "prosecutor". The Quechua equivalent of this key juridical position in MAJ is llaqta amachaqe, what is actually a loan translation from abogado del Estado, another official denomination of prosecutor. Although MAJ uses llaqta for "state" or "country", the traditional meaning of this word is "settlement" or "community"; amachaq(e) in its turn generally means "defender" ("lawyer" in MAJ). Thus, the use of this term may cause a serious misinterpretation, since a person not acquainted with official terminology may confuse a prosecutor with a lawyer, especially when a person is a defendant, who may think that a prosecutor is a sort of public defender, employed by his/her native community. A more peculiar example of loan translation is t'aqa, used in certain contexts for corte, "court". The matter that the Spanish corte has other meanings that are "cut" or "section", and this is what the Quechua t'aqa also originally corresponded to; thus, a new meaning is obtained due to the semantic calque from Spanish.24 The same phenomenon can be observed on the example of the word allauka, denoting one of the key legal concepts ‒ the concept of "right". Allauka is a 23

These terms were found to significantly predate the work of Gómez Bacarreza, as they were attested as far back as in the grammar of José David Berrios (1919:21). 24 Weinreich did not include semantic calques, which take place within single words, in his analysis of LTR, but more modern sources, such as Campbell (2013:71), do characterize examples identical to t'aqa as loan translations.

41 rare lexeme, attested in the corpus of Northern Peruvian Quechua varieties, but not anywhere in Southern Quechua, and originally it meant "the right side", with no moral, but strictly physical connotation. Thus, a calque from Spanish derecho in effect made from allauka a juridical term. I have not found any LTR in DMP. WIN-QLP, on the contrary, includes a considerable number of LTR, but due to the innovativeness of its terminology as a whole, it turns to be more problematic to distinguish between LTR and other types of neologisms, such as semantic and coined neologisms. Among compound LTR next examples are worth-mentioning: ruwasqakuna rikuq, "event viewer", literally "who sees what was done"; llika tinkichiykuna for "network connections (tinkichiy, substantivized infinitive of the verb "connect", -kuna is plural, llika means the same what the English "web" or "net" meant before the age of internet"); ruwana chawpi, "action center", literally "the center of what shall/must be done", can be characterized as LTR in a strained interpretation, as chawpi originally corresponded to "middle", mostly of linear entities, but not to "center".

5. Semantic neologisms This section refers to a very long list of terms, which can be examined here only partially, in attempt to mark out the most interesting and distinctive examples. The semantic neologisms may be expressed in the broadening of an original meaning, more rarely in its narrowing, and also in its complete replacement by a new one (Cabré 1999:207). There are many lexical items within the main corpus, which experienced a shift of meaning as far back as in the times of the first evangelization, as it was in the case of hucha (Taylor 1987:29-30) or p'inqay (DMP:13). The latter word, for example, initially signified "shame", but then, being affected by a calque from ecclesiastical language, eventually came to mean "genitals", and in this sense it entered the modern vocabulary of medical Quechua. It was decided to consider in this section only those semantic borrowings, which most likely took place during the modern era. There are two criteria that can help us to determine, whether a semantic borrowing has modern origins or not: a) it has to convey a modern concept, associated primarily with scientific and technological progress of the last two-three centuries, and b) a meaning attested in the main corpus is not attested in the reference corpus, i.e. in the dictionaries and other sources that preceded the main corpus of the analysis (beginning with the dictionaries of the early colonial period and ending with the modern ones, where the discussed meaning is not mentioned as neologism).

42 GBE contains a significant number of semantic neologisms within each of its domains, but most of them are characterized by being based on too widespread elements of the core lexicon. Actually, it is the first entry in the dictionary which deserves attention: Quechua sasa for Spanish abstracto, "abstract" (adjective). The problem that sasa traditionally means "difficult", "complex", and there is a question, whether it was farsighted on the part of the author to merge two obviously different concepts into one. One may even detect here a sign of cultural racism, for such a merge may indicate that any abstract thought or concept would entail difficulties for a native Quechua speaker. Next, we can notice a word qhaparichix, the agentive participle of the verb q(h)aparichiy, "to provoke screaming".25 In "language" domain it serves for interpretation of two terms, aparato fonador, "the speech apparatus" and acento prosódico, "prosodic accent". Although both of the new meanings concern human speech, there is a deep semantic difference between them, what seriously complicates the intelligibility of the neologism(s). The similar case is sananpa, a word with an original meaning of "sign", used in the dictionary as equivalent for both "letter/grapheme" and "phoneme". The crucial difference between these two concepts within the field of linguistics apparently was not taken into account by the author. There are many other examples, and not only in GBE, when a core Quechua term, after changing its meaning, comes to interpret two or even more new concepts simultaneously. In the "math" section of GBE we can encounter two more character examples of semantic neologisms: qhawasqa for "[geometrical] form" and kikin for "homogeneous". Actually, both words accentuate the problem exemplified above by sasa. The first one is an attempt to lexicalize the past participle of the verb qhaway, "watch/look", i.e. "something watched", while kikin originally means "same" or "itself". Both forms are used so widely in their original sense that it is difficult to imagine how they would start to be associated with the stable and complete concepts, which only slightly reflect the core meanings of the introduced lexemes (qhawasqa in this case may be regarded as a narrowing of meaning, whereas kikin may be considered a broadening of one). There are also such cases from the "social" section, as mikhuchix, an equivalent for mantención, "provision" and tukuy uyarix for "democracy". The final x (generally written as q) makes an agentive participle from a verb, as in qhaparichix; so it results that "provision" is literally interpreted as "what makes [us] eat", and "democracy" as "what

25

In Gonçalez-Holguín (1952[1608]:128) it is translated as "ayudar a bien morir" ("to help to die piously"), indicating about a ritual when someone should have helped a dying person to make her/his last cry to God.

43 listens/hears everything". In the latter case the lack of correlation between the root concept in Quechua and the modern political term adds to the ill-founded choice of substantivizing morpheme. MAJ can be distinguished by more responsible and diverse choice of roots and inflective forms for semantic neologisms in comparison to GBE. A widespread method is a narrowing of traditional meanings of words, for the purpose of their adjustment to specific legal concepts. For example, tatiy, originally "break"/"be interrupted", is chosen as an equivalent for huelga, "strike"; rescisión, "cancellation" is interpreted as qolluchiy (originally "exterminate") or chinkachiy (originally "loose" or "make something lost"); reprimenda, "reproof/reprimand" is translated as anyay, originally "curse" or "scold" (not to be confused with añay, which means "admiration" or gratitude"). At the same time, there are also examples of a broadening of the traditional meaning, like qechuy for usurpar, which originally means "rob", "deprive". There are also remarkable cases, when a Quechua word maintains (or almost maintains) its original sense, which may be also applied as a juridical term, but, on the other hand, obtains another, new meaning, just in order to interpret an additional concept. This creates the ambiguity of a term, similar to the described examples from GBE. Chanin, for example, is used an equivalent for valor, "value", what more or less conforms to its original meaning ("valuable"), but at the same time interprets the term "legal", and mana chanin ("not valuable") is accordingly reinterpreted as "illegal" (MAJ: 101, 115, 215). In the same manner, chirmay, "harm/damage", is used as an equivalent for both daño, "damage" and perjuicio, which can mean both "damage" and "prejudice", so a calque from Spanish took place here as well. The semantic neologisms of MAJ are also not deprived of the ambiguity that arises between the widely used traditional meaning and the new one, related to a specific semantic domain. Such is, for example, the word rimanakuy, "talk", "negotiate", which in MAJ is applied in the sense of "contract" or "pact". For a native speaker it may create a false impression, that contract is something that is usually concluded orally, not on paper. A curious example of unexpected shift of meaning is also represented by a word combination sumaq wañuy, which was picked by the author to interpret the term "euthanasia" (MAJ: 85). Sumaq wañuy literally means "beautiful death" or "pleasant death", so it seems that the author wanted to impart a positive image to the procedure of euthanasia. However, such an image strongly opposes to the attitude towards euthanasia on the part of the Catholic Church, whose role in the modern Andean

44 culture must not be underestimated. Bien morir, a literal translation of sumaq wañuy, in the Catholic sense of this term is an honest death of a Christian, who humbly endures suffering, receives the extreme unction, and by no means accelerates his/her death or asks to do it from his/her neighbor. This ideological conflict between the new interpretation of sumaq wañuy and the traditional, ecclesiastical one, looks even odder if we recall that Juan Manya Ambur himself was a high-ranking member of the secular clergy. Semantic borrowings are very scarce in DMP and mostly reflect the natural effect of language contact between Quechua and Spanish, like the above-mentioned word p'inqay. Before the arrival of Europeans, the Incas had substantial knowledge of human anatomy and carried out complex surgical operations, so they were not inferior to Spaniards in the field of medicine at that period. But of course, the progress in medicine during the last centuries enriched Spanish by many terms that remained absent in Quechua, especially since medical services in the Central Andes were always poorly developed. There are some examples from other sources, when an old Quechua term received a new meaning related to the modern medicine, as hank'u or anku started to mean "nerve(s)" (AMLQ 2005:134), but in this case the shift of meaning was conditioned by the same shift in the Spanish nervio (as well as in the English "nerve"), which previously meant "sinew", just like hank'u/anku did in the pre-conquest period.26 WIN-QLP contains many interesting examples of semantic neologisms that do not raise doubts about their recent emergence. Some of them may be considered quite successful, as they are compact and recognizable, and at the same time can give a new life to words that went out or start to go out of use; there are other terms, however, that arouse questions concerning their functionality. Among the successful cases (although I assume that my evaluation may be subjective), these are worth-mentioning: kipu, an "information knot" in Inca culture, for "file"; hanpara, Quechua word for "table", which is not widely used already (Howard 2007:347), for "desktop"; qata, a kind of traditional wool blanket, for "panel" (in different contexts); laqay, "to cover with mud", in WIN-QLP means "paste", thus revealing a calque from English rather than from Spanish, which uses the verb pegar, "insert", for this purpose. A less appropriate example of semantic neologism, in my opinion, is the use of the verb wañuchiy for "shut down". 26

In the Quechua Wikipedia, Wikipidiya, there is an attempt to distinguish between anku, which is "sinew", and a coined neologism ankucha, which corresponds to "nerve" in its modern sense: https://qu.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Ankucha?veaction=edit., accessed 18.10.2015. About the role of medical Quechua and Wikipidiya in the modernization of Southern Quechua see more in the next chapter.

45 Wañuchiy in Quechua has always meant "to kill". In this view, such a command may cause a misunderstanding that a user is prompted to do something irreparable with his/her computer. Thus, even in the case of the most advanced source, developed by collective professional efforts, we can see that undesirable semantic ambiguity sometimes still may show itself.

6. Coined terms based on existing Quechua roots (CTE) Considering a diversity of neologisms observed within this category and Cabré's division of "neologisms in form" into a number of subgroups (1999:207), it was decided to divide CTE into two subclasses: derivations (6.1) and word compounds (6.2). These two subclasses, however, may coincide, and in such a case the relevant coined terms will be ascribed to word compounds, not to a separate group. "Coined term" commonly means that it is new both in form and meaning (Sayadi 2011), so in order to find out, whether such a term was created recently or not, we must rely on the same criteria, mentioned in the previous section: the novelty of a concept a term entails and its absence in the reference corpus. However, in the case of semantic neologisms the novelty of a concept has a primary significance, whereas in the case of CTE the absence or presence of a term in the reference corpus is the more important criterion, since CTE first and foremost must not be attested in the reference corpus by form. 6.1. CTE: Derivations The Quechua language family unites agglutinative languages with strongly suffixing morphotactics. With a considerable number of functionally diverse derivative suffixes, which in their turn are able to combine with each other, a Quechua root can constitute a basis for a multitude of words ‒ verbs, nouns and participles, whose total semantic range may be inexhaustible. At first sight this property of the language creates a perfect strategy for coining new words (see, for example, Carreño 2006:5-7). But for investigator the easiness, by which new lexemes can be created in Quechua, conceals another problem: in the case of derivations it is almost impossible to identify words that never came into existence before, as they might be occasionally created and used by native speakers, and thus the boundary between coined derivations and semantic neologisms turns to be extremely vague. The comprehensive reference corpus obviously can help us to grope for this boundary, but it may also submerge certain pitfalls, especially if it has relatively modern origin. A coined term from the main corpus may appear in different meaning in the modern reference corpus, but it does not refute the very fact of

46 coinage: the author of such a term might "create" it without being aware that the lexeme was already in use, either it had "folk" origin or was coined by another expert. If CTE-D is not attested in pre-modern reference corpus and there is no direct semantic correlation between two meanings of CTE-D, attested by different modern sources (that is, it is unclear how one meaning could emerge from another), this will likely be the case of "double coinage", and thus a term cannot be defined as semantic neologism. This is probably a case of the verb uma-cha-ku-y (uma ‒ "head", cha ‒ verbalizer, ku ‒ reflexive) (GBE: 27). It is not encountered in colonial dictionaries, but in modern ones it corresponds either to "press for" (AMLQ 2005:682) or "be guided" (Laime Ajacopa 2007:123) or "learn" (Calvo Pérez 2009:2357). However, GBE provides the fourth meaning of the verb, namely "create". Which of all four meanings appeared earlier, and in which case a term had "expert" or "folk" origin, remains a mystery. Unlike umachakuy, qilqa-rqu-y, "edit" (literally "write rapidly and/or courteously") is not attested elsewhere as stable lexeme, so it was more likely coined personally by the author. In general, in GBE there are much more compound CTE than derivations based on one root. Derivations, which interpret modern concepts and are more likely to be the author's innovations, do not demonstrate much of morphological inventiveness; they are mostly formed from well-known Quechua verbs by the means of substantivizing suffix -na (in modern Southern Quechua corresponds to instrument or place of an action). For example, rikhuri-chi-na, "foundation", comes from rik(h)urichiy, "discover" or "make appear", and qulqi-cha-na, "economy", from qullqichay, "accumulate", "save up". It is remarkable that the infinitives of both verbs (ending to -y) may correspond to "foundation" and "economy" in the sense of process or quality (English terms here semantically correlate with their Spanish analogs), but -na was required to derive the terms, which would interpret "foundation" as institution and "economy" as life support system. Examples of a little more elaborate, but nonetheless compact and potentially efficient coined derivations can be also found in GBE sometimes, as, for instance, yacha-ri-na for "test" (yacha ‒ "know", ri ‒ inchoative, literally "what serves to get to know"). MAJ does not include as many coined derivations as it might be expected, giving total preference to word and root compounds as regards the introduction of CTE. As in the case of GBE, the detected coined derivations are not notable by diversity of the suffixes involved. Atipa-na-chi-kuq, "contentious", is apparently formed from the old verb ati-pa-na-ku-y, "contend

47 someone persistently" (Santo-Tomás 1560:32), by addition of the causative marker chi. There are also verbs or substantivized verbal forms, formed from nouns or adjectives by the means of verbalizer cha, like in the case of umachakuy. There is a verb hanan-cha-mu-y for avocar ("call on [a case to a superior court]"), where hanan is "above" and mu is a ventive suffix, which generally denotes a motion realized towards a speaker; another example is a substantivized infinitive hilli‒cha-y, "substance", from hilli, "broth" or "juice". WIN-QLP is also not so abundant in coined derivations, preferring compound Quechua neologisms as equivalents for compound Windows terms. Aklla-na (from akllay, "choose"), which means "settings" or "options", is probably the most noticeable example. However, there are other, more sophisticated derivations, like llinpi-ri-chi-q for "contrast" (from llinp(')iy, "paint") or kallpa-n-cha-chi-y for "optimize" (from kallpa, "force"; n is nominally a marker of 3sg., but is frequently combined with cha to mark a specific type of verbalization). No coined derivations were found in DMP; none of morphologically complex Quechua words used there is absent from the core vocabulary. 6.2. CTE: Compounds This subcategory unites all the neologisms constructed on the basis of two or more Quechua roots, except those related to LTR. These neologisms represent mainly noun phrases or compound words. Although the traditional Quechua word formation favors derivations more than compounds, in the main corpus we can witness the opposite situation ‒ there are much more coined compounds than coined terms based on only one root. As in the case of derivations, the reference corpus cannot give an exact answer, whether a certain form already existed earlier or not, but it can indicate about the stability of a form. At the same time, compound forms may reveal their modern, "expert" origin through the very combination of certain lexical elements, a combination, which could hardly emerge naturally in pre-modern, all the more in pre-contact period, as in those times it would have been devoid of sense.27 In other words, in a compound CTE form and meaning are bound very tightly. An author of neologism, willing to create a term with a certain meaning, in the case of compound is able to resort to much more lexical elements in order to make the meaning as accurate as possible ‒ after all, a number of available roots is always greater than a number of productive bound morphemes (at least in the case of modern 27

This is what distinguishes between compound CTE and such expressions as sumaq wañuy and tukuy uyariq, ascribed to the category 5. Both are attested in the reference corpus in their traditional, literal sense (du Authier 2008:124, Rasnake 1988:9).

48 Quechua). This probably explains that the number of compound CTE exceeds considerably that of derived CTE: because coining a compound of new meaning is easier than coining a derivation, especially when the general task is to provide the language with a whole bulk of new terminology. In GBE compound CTE consist no more than of two lexemes and are used rather widely. In "language" section, for example, there is sutichasqata junt'achix, "predicate"; junt'achix literally means "one who fills" and sutichasqata "something named" (where ta is a marker of accusative case), while sutichasqa denotes "subject" (as a part of a sentence). "Adverb" is interpreted as waxjina ruwachix, literally "what makes [sth/sb] do as another [does]" (compare to waxjinayachix for "adjective", literally "what makes [sth/sb] become another"). Ñawpa k'askax, "what sticks from the front", denotes "prefix" (while k'askax, "what sticks"/"sticking" is an equivalent for "suffix"). The names of science disciplines are also denoted by compound CTE, but here we can notice a certain inconsistency: while "linguistics" is translated as simi yachana, literally "what should/may be known about language", "anatomy" is interpreted as ukhu yachax ("what knows [about] body"), using the agentive x/q. In "math" section, both "vertical" and "horizontal" are interpreted by the means of compounds, chiqan sayax ("truly straightened") and chiqan winkusqa ("truly lying") respectively. It is possible to encounter a compound Quechua term put in plural form, whereas the term it designates has a singular form, as in the case of juch'uy riqhisqakuna, "small thickenings (?)" for "intersection"; the opposite situation, when an original pluralized term is translated in singular, for example, "signs of punctuation" are interpreted as rimaykunata sut'inchax, literally "what marks sentences". CTE-C is a primary strategy of creating neologisms in MAJ, so their number in this source is really immense. Unlike in GBE, where the intention for compactness of the compounds is quite visible, MAJ freely uses compounds formed from three or even four lexemes or roots, which in many cases oppose their much more solid Spanish analogs. For example, "legitimation" is translated as paqtaypi wawa reqsipay, which means verbatim "recognize child in justice", what sounds unnatural as applied to the original term and in regular Quechua as well, so it is likely that a calque or a citation taken out of context took place here. A term ley orgánica, "organic law" has more comprehensible, but at the same time more cumbersome equivalent of a compound consisting of five lexemes, suyu paqtay qelqamanta kamasqa apusimi, which means literally "a law created from the writing [about] country's justice"; "the writing about country's

49 justice" is actually a Constitution. Clearly, such translations look more as explanations of Spanish terms to the uneducated. There is, however, a number of relatively compact and potentially convenient Quechua terms among CTE-C of MAJ, which serve to interpret many key concepts related to modern bureaucracy and legal proceedings. For example, such is an equivalent of "law", apusimi, written as one word, which may be translated as "order from on high" or "the most important order" (one of the meanings of simi is "order/command", and apu is traditionally associated with high authorities);28 the term "judge" receives a somewhat longer, but meaningful equivalent of paqtay kamayuq, literally "master of justice". Impuesto, "income", is interpreted as qolqe churay, literally "put money"; "cheque" is rendered simply as qolqe qelqa, "money writing"; formulario, "[printed] form" is translated as hunt'ana rap'a, "paper for filling". Only one compound CTE was detected in DMP, this being an analogous term for "tuberculosis", ch'aki ch'ujuwan unqu[y]. Literally it can be translated as "dry cough disease"; as this is the only item of its class in DMP, it may be assumed that it was not coined by the authors of the medical guide, but rather taken by them from another source. Interestingly, the same illness in GBE has a Quechua equivalent surka unquy, "lung disease". As it was said earlier, most of the WIN-QLP compound terms, even those close to LTR by their properties, consist of lexemes, which already passed shift of meaning, being applied to the semantic domain of computer technology. At the same time, WIN-QLP compounds are intended to render the meaning of original Windows terms as accurately as possible. Many CTE-C seem to cope with this task quite successfully without getting too ponderous, but in certain cases the pursuit of maximum comprehensiveness turns to harm the solidity of Quechua terminology. Among the most adequate compounds (what does not mean that they render the meaning of an original term literally), it is possible to mention llamkanakuna sananpa, "command prompt", which is in effect a translation of the Spanish Windows term símbolo del sistema, but can hardly be considered a LTR, since llamkanakuna (plural of llamkana, "task" or "working tool") started to mean "system" only in WIN-QLP. Another example, kamarinakuna patachaq, "device manager", might as well include a coined derivation, namely kamarina for "device", formed from the verb kamariy, "prepare" or "equip"; patachaq, "manager" is an agentive from the verb

28

Before the conquest of the Inca Empire, a similar term by meaning probably was kamachikusqan simin, applied later in the pastoral Quechua as an equivalent for "commandment" (Doctrina Christiana y Catecismo… 1584).

50 patachay, "organize" or "select". The more cumbersome compound terms, in comparison with their English and Spanish analogs are, for example, saywasiq'ikuna for "maps", which literally means "borders and lines"; willakuykuna qelqana for "notepad", literally "place/tool for writing news", although here willakuykuna apparently is reinterpreted from "news" to "notes"; a back-tofront term, qillqa willakuqkuna (hardly coherently translatable) serves as an equivalent for "documents". Interestingly, the majority of WIN-QLP compound terms contain words in plural form, even if (and often so) identical terms in Spanish or English version lack plural forms. In Quechua grammar the plural marker kuna has no ubiquitous use, and usually is not attached to an object, whose plural number is known by default. This actually raises doubts about the proficiency in Quechua of the authors of WIN-QLP neologisms.

7. Coined terms based on invented roots (CTI) Although few of terminology planners would regard this method as legitimate, it cannot be rejected that modernizers of certain languages sometimes applied such a strategy (Fishman 2006:48); moreover, experiments of this sort were also performed on Quechua in the past (Durston 2011:178). Yet in order to detect an item, which could be characterized as CTI, one must be even more attentive than in the case of ordinarily coined terms. Even the absence of a root in all known Quechua and Spanish dictionaries, including the most comprehensive and recent work of Calvo Pérez (2009), does not constitute an absolute proof that a term was created from scratch. Till nowadays, Southern Quechua remains a highly unstandardized language, and until recently had almost no manifestation in writing on regular basis, being a predominantly oral means of communication. In such conditions, lexical variability of a language turns to be a matter, which is extremely hard to embrace, so there is always an option that a seemingly invented root in fact represents a localism, a remnant from a substratum of an extinct language once spoken in certain area, or simply a highly modified dialectal form of a known root. For example, in GBE there is a term t'iriqispa purix, an equivalent for "motorcycle". Purix means "what goes/moves" and is not of interest here, but t'iriqi-spa, a part of speech, which may be characterized as adverbial participle, deserves attention, as it must have been formed from a verb t'iriqiy, but this verb (or any verb similar to it phonetically) is absent from the most comprehensive Quechua dictionaries. One may suspect that the author invented an onomatopoeic verbal root in attempt to reproduce a roar made by motorcycle. Yet another possibility is that the

51 unusual verb comes from the Aymara word t'iri-t'iri (De Lucca 1983:424), "cricket" (insect). GBE contains a number of lexemes that pertain to Aymara lexicon more than to that of Southern Quechua, for example, in the term chillpa rimana, "preposition", chillpa is an Aymara word meaning "branch", so the whole term can be characterized as loanblend.29 In MAJ, we can meet a bizarre term kusmanqo, equivalent for "commune". In the core lexicon there are words kusma, a kind of women's shirt, and kusmayllu, a plant species, but both can hardly be correlated with kusmanqu, which also does not reveal a presence of any known bound morpheme. There is one more example, qaqe, a word corresponding in MAJ to renta ("income", "rent"). Qaqi o q'aq'i is also a Quechua name for ibis, but other meanings were not found in the reference corpus preceding MAJ. In AMLQ (2005) qaqe is connected to kaqnin, of the similar sense, so it might be assumed that a new word was caused by a simple error in writing, but it is easy to see that Manya Ambur distinguishes qaqe and kaqnin (or kaqi) both orthographically and semantically. If it was a deliberate disunity on the part of the author, then it can be stated that CTI does show itself here; otherwise, Manya Ambur could apply one of vernacular pronunciations of kaqnin and transform it to a separate lexeme. The examination of DMP and WIN-QLP has not detected any terms, whose origins could not be found in the reference corpus. Considering how DMP favors the use of loanwords, it would be absolutely unexpected to encounter any CTI on its pages; in the case of Windows, the regulated collective process of lexical elaboration might put a constraint on the creativeness of participants. After all, the more lexical modernization moves away from simple copying of foreignisms, and the deeper it goes for resources that coining can provide, the more creativity it eventually requires from a planner. In this chapter, I have analyzed four sources with different approaches to lexical modernization, from that favoring the use of loanwords at all opportunity (DMP) to that pretending to incarnate the ideology of purism (MAJ). However, summarizing the evidence drawn in the course of the analysis, I would like to identify some tendencies in the lexical elaboration of Southern Quechua that appear to be common for all the sources constituting the main corpus. 29

However, it is necessary to take into consideration that the author of the dictionary, who was most likely from Southern Bolivia, from the zone where Quechua and Aymara have equally wide distribution, might treat certain Aymara words as Quechua ones; in addition, his own mother tongue might be Aymara as well.

52 a. Lack of system. The disorder in the elaborated terminology does not concern here the differences between its sources (this subject will be discussed in the beginning of the next chapter), but the numerous inconsistencies that exist within every source. The unsystematic and sometimes illogical application of Quechua substantivizing suffixes in GBE was already referred above, as well as the use of one word or compound for designation of two different concepts. The latter is also typical for MAJ, but in MAJ the problem turns to be double, as frequently one (and not so complicated Spanish term) has a whole set of Quechua equivalents. For example, a word plazo, "date/term", in different contexts is translated as hunt'ana p'unchay, hunt'akuy, hunt'akuq, mink'ay and unay. DMP may be less liable to similar disarray in comparison to other sources, but is also remarkable for the large number of misprints and generally imperfect Quechua; for instance, the use of Quechua evidential markers in DMP is omitted completely. WIN-QLP has lack of system primarily in orthography, which suddenly turns to be five-vowel and Cuzco-Collao (instead of general three-vowel Ayacucho-Chanka) in desktop regime and while clicking right button of mouse on the taskbar. The unexpected code-switching between Quechua and secondary language (Spanish or English) during a regular PC usage also does not add to the orderliness of the software terminology.30 b. Simplistic approach. Even the more purist sources, namely GBE and MAJ, with their rich variation of coined terms, do not avoid this tendency. The attempts to describe two or more different concepts by the means of one Quechua word or compound illustrate this phenomenon quite well. The mentioned preference towards CTE-C instead of CTE-D, whereas the latter strategy corresponds more to the Quechua word formation in historical terms, also oversimplifies the elaboration of new Quechua terminology. DMP with its massive use of Spanish borrowings cannot serve as an example of intricate modernization (although it must be remembered that modernization of Southern Quechua is not a primary goal of this guide). WIN-QLP might be considered as the most elaborate and balanced compilation of Quechua neologisms, if it would not be so incomplete, leaving many important fields empty. There is one more feature that is more characteristic for the "purist" dictionaries of GBE and MAJ, and this is a noticeable use of calques from Spanish in coining neologisms. It looks as 30

In addition, the development of many WIN-QLP terms as demonstrated on http://www.microsoft.com/ Language/en-US/Search.aspx (accessed 31.10.2015), shows a great divergence throughout different versions of Windows and other Microsoft programs, what might seriously undermine the ability of Quechua-speaking users to absorb the new computer terminology in their native language.

53 if the authors were more proficient in Spanish than in Quechua, and while combining new terms, departed more from Spanish semantics than from Quechua lexico-morphological inventory. In general, the main corpus is notably rich by its diversity of the methods of lexical elaboration, what indicates that from a technical point of view, LMSQ may be extremely productive. However, if we turn to a pragmatic side of the process, we can find that much of the new terminology fails to correspond to a number the principles of effective neology related by Cabré (1999:208), as cited in the chapter 2 (p. 7). The neologisms frequently are not "as brief and concise as possible", especially in MAJ; the principles of grammar sometimes are also neglected, as in GBE; the capacity of many neologisms to constitute a basis for derived forms ia also questionable, the more complex a term appears to be. Yet the most significant problem in this respect by far is the lack of transparency of a great number of new terms, and this problem is visible in any source of the main corpus. Obviously, the creativeness of the authors cannot hide this disadvantage, which must have manifested (or has already manifested) itself when it comes to be implemented and accepted by the target population.

54

V. IMPLEMENTING A TERM IN SOUTHERN QUECHUA: FINDING A WAY TO THE SPEAKERS In the end of the previous chapter I referred to such a problem as intersample diversity of the new terminology, but abstained from discussing it there, since this problem has more to do with implementation than elaboration of neologisms, and should be examined within a social rather than a linguistic dimension. What is true, that there are many identical concepts that can be encountered in two or three sources of the main corpus, but in each source they receive a different interpretation in Southern Quechua. For example, in GBE "table" (in the sense of database) is translated as tapana, in WIN-QLP as wachuchasqa (tawla in earlier versions), and MAJ provides total three equivalents, namely maru, qelqa maru and willaq maru. The authors of GBE and MAJ apparently were compiling their dictionaries in the same period, and at the same time lived in different countries and likely drew their inspiration from different sources, so it is not surprising that a little, if any correlaltion, can be found between the contents in this case. However, the same lack of correlation between WIN-QLP and MAJ or GBE already illustrates a more disturbing phenomenon: that the authors of neologisms rarely take into consideration or possibly do not want to take into consideration the experience of their colleagues in the field.31 This phenomenon includes not only a diachronic, but also a synchronic dimension of the modernization of Southern Quechua; the ideological conflicts between different agents of Quechua corpus planning certainly reinforce the terminological disorder. The neologisms proposed in GBE can still be found in the second edition of Diccionario Bilingüe of Laime Ajacopa (2007), and a number of terms (not so extensive) introduced by Manya Ambur, sometimes modified, appear in the second edition of Diccionario Quechua-Español-Quechua of AMLQ (2005). However, for example, a highly purist work of another Bolivian Quechua expert, Ángel Herbas Sandoval, called Tukuy Imamanta Juj Chhikata Rimaspa ("A Few Words About Everything") and published in 1996, contains very few of the terms encountered in GBE, although both works were aimed to contribute to the development of IBE and included many new coinages related to the field of mathematics and natural sciences. There are situations, when the divergence of new terminology may be not only inconvenient, but even harmful, as in the case of the use of Quechua in health services. While the 31

An unawareness of such an experience is also possible here; however, a minimal inquisitiveness on the part of an author can prevent this problem.

55 recent implementation of Quechua in the sphere of modern medicine is undoubtedly a positive development, a quality of materials, which teach doctors how to communicate with Quechua speakers and teach Quechua speakers the basics of physiology, still leaves much to be desired. DMP with all its imperfectness was by far the most scrupulous example of medical literature in Quechua that I could find in open access. For example, Palabras Clave para la Atención en Salud (UNFPA 2011), a guide published under the supervision of the Ministry of Health of Peru, contains so many errors (from misprints to completely ungrammatical Quechua phrases) that it turns to be practically unreadable. Another manual, Quechua Médico (Cadillo Agüero 2012), prepared by the University of San Martin in Lima, being intended for Quechua-speaking areas in general, is written in one of the little spoken varieties of Quechua I subgroup, without any reference to this fact. The University of San Antonio Abad in Cuzco is also known for organizing independent courses of medical Quechua, which are prepared and taught by the members of AMLQ. Not surprising, the terminological disarray in this situation acquires a really frightening scale. In the previous chapter I already referred to the two names of tuberculosis in GBE and DMP respectively, but Quechua Médico (2012) in this respect encompasses all expectations, citing three (!) names for this illness in Quechua text: tuberculosis, tuwirkuluusis and tiisiku.32 Generally speaking, the majority of the names of human diseases vary from source to source, and so do the names of treatments. It is anybody's guess, what consequences this diversification may have in real life. In view of these developments such government bodies as Ministries of Health theoretically could take care of the problem and become a "standardization body" (Cabré 1999:209) at least within the field of activity they are officially responsible for. But it seems that either they do not have a necessary will or resources to handle the problem or they simply do not recognize it at all. As in the past, the concern of civil servants in this sphere lies first of all with the Spanish-speaking population, since it constitutes majority both in Peru and Bolivia. As a result, the modernization of Southern Quechua remains in the state of heavy disorder even in that of modern domains, where it is demanded the most and can be most successfully implemented. Medical Quechua illustrates here the fundamental problem of the lexical modernization of Southern Quechua ‒ the anarchical character of both elaboration and implementation process. In

32

Interestingly, all three are loanwords from Spanish, the first of which is non-assimilated, and two others are assimilated ones.

56 the case of elaboration of neologisms, however, the lack of regulation may not yet reveal any crucial disadvantages; as regards to an oppressed language like Southern Quechua, the manifestation of initiative in lexical elaboration is valuable by itself. But since we also concern a language still spoken by millions of people and across the vast region, which includes territories of few countries and a number of political, economic and cultural centers, each of the initiatives, being promoted to the stage of implementation, manages to affect only a limited area and a number of speakers. Even if we omit such circumstances as ideological conflicts between different institutions engaged in the Quechua corpus planning (considering that in Bolivia these conflicts are less evident), the implementation of new Southern Quechua vocables still faces significant technical problems. Certainly, the age of advanced forms of communication may facilitate the implementation of corpus planning, but this raises a new question: through what media can Quechua neologisms be introduced and popularized among native speakers of the language, and how effective can these media be in realization of this task? Thereupon, I would like to provide here an overview of the media, which are used or may be used by those who seek to modernize Southern Quechua. Trying to evaluate the modern state of these media, I have to reckon that their quantity and quality have been changing constantly, so it will not be surprising if I do not mention here some recent enterprises, obviously worthmentioning; however, I will also concern possible perspectives for LMSQ in this dimension. 1. Education and educational materials It is the role of Southern Quechua as a language of instruction, which primarily deserves our attention here, not its role as a taught language, as in the latter case the introduction of neologisms is mostly out of the concern of educators. The development of IBE in Peru and Bolivia was already discussed in chapter 2. It is worth-mentioning that in Bolivia IBE has eventually been adopted much wider than in Peru. Firstly, the considerable bottom-up activity in this field since the end of 1980s and the launching of such ambitious projects as PROEIB-Andes, obviously played its role. Another key factor is a pro-indigenous language policy of the government of Evo Morales (in office since 2006). In January 2009 the new Constitution of Bolivia declared 36 indigenous languages of the country, among them Quechua, as official languages of the state, which must have been implemented in education at all levels. However, assuming that IBE itself is promoted in Bolivia more or less successfully, its quality requires a closer examination. The improper preparation of teachers and teaching

57 materials has been typical for the Bolivian system of education in general, and it was not unexpected that these disadvantages passed onto IBE (Godenzzi 2008:325). Furthermore, it is a question how Quechua functions within the daily practices of IBE, is it represented in curriculum to the extent as planned. For example, the observations made in IBE schools in the region of Puno about fifteen years ago showed that even during the classes, which must have been taught in Quechua, a teacher, communicating with his/her students, could use a language overloaded with Spanish words and phrases (Tapia-Fernandez 2002). In these conditions Quechua-speaking students are more likely to forget or remain unaware of the words that already exist in the traditional lexicon, than to learn any recently introduced terms. As regards the new Quechua terminology, produced by the planners of IBE in Bolivia or elsewhere, it largely reflects the same simplistic approach discussed in the previous chapter. It can be exemplified by the terms approved during the seminar Normalización del lenguaje pedagógico in 1989 (Coronel-Molina 1996:27) and by the new terminology for social studies coined within the framework of PROEIB (Howard 2007:358). The implementation of unsophisticated neologisms appears to be problematic, since new coinages are formed on the basis of so common words and expressions, that they may be simply not regarded as legitimate new terms by the target population, as they lack minimal "intellectualization" (Garvin 1974:72). In Peru, despite the modest success of the Puno project and occasionally arising local initiatives, IBE experiences hard times. In my conversation with the director of the school Pukllasunchis in San Sebastian, Cuzco (September 2013), I was told that there were no schools with IBE in the city of Cuzco or its surroundings, and in the whole region there were only few of them, maintained by TAREA,33 which is a private organization (the same as Pukllasunchis Association, which works to promote more intercultural than bilingual form of education). According to his words, the regional authorities do not support the development of IBE at all, openly regarding it as "a failure" (although it is not well understood, how such a categorical judgment could emerge, since IBE has always been poorly represented in the Cuzco region). Another problem of IBE, specific for Peru, is that the educational materials in Southern Quechua approved by the Ministry of Education are all prepared in the dialect of Ayacucho-Chanka (favored by the linguists from Lima universities), which may not differ so radically from the

33

http://tarea.org.pe/, accessed 20.10.2015

58 dialect of Cuzco-Collao, but being applied in the curriculum, makes the students cope with unnecessary difficulties. In general, textbooks in Southern Quechua, in whatever dialect written, are primarily destined for elementary school and tend to concentrate on traditional subjects, as local nature, agriculture, family and school life, where a minimum of new terminology is required and therefore used. The same generally occurs in the case of textbooks for learning Quechua. A remarkable exception is the magazine Wiñay Pacha, published by the Ministry of Education of Bolivia and available on-line in PDF format,34 which promotes a purified version of Quechua, but does it in a smooth and intelligent manner, with Quechua-Spanish glossary and thorough explanations of any newly introduced term. Popular science books, which can also be considered educational materials, as the above-mentioned work of Herbas Sandoval (1996), are published in Quechua very rarely. 2. Dictionaries Although dictionaries are generally used to serve as tools for lexicography (i.e. for the documentation of neologisms and not their implementation), the majority of Quechua language planners apparently keep attaching great importance to the use of this kind of media. AMLQ is particularly well-known for publishing dictionaries and textbooks, where the neologisms coined by its members are introduced alongside the core Quechua lexicon. However, the first edition of big Quechua-Spanish-Quechua dictionary of AMLQ (1995) of 928 pages was heavily criticized by prominent Quechua linguists (Cerrón-Palomino 1997:151-152). Not only its numerous errors and inadequate formatting were the reason; Cerrón-Palomino (1997: 157, 163-164) also noted that while the dictionary included many specific Quechua agricultural terms and extensive descriptions of Andean historical personalities and archaeological sites (more suitable for an encyclopedia), the Spanish-Quechua section of the dictionary was unforgivably short in comparison to Quechua-Spanish one (the ratio of 1 to 5) and lacked translations of plenty of key concepts, especially abstract ones. While the second edition of the same dictionary (2005) was published with somewhat improved technical characteristics, it still maintains the defects mentioned by Cerrón-Palomino, what indicates that the activity of AMLQ in the field of lexical elaboration remained rather limited.

34

http://www.minedu.gob.bo/index.php/prensa/publi/ category/23-impresiones-quechua, last accessed 23.10.2015.

59 The bidirectional dictionaries published in Bolivia are largely compiled with more responsible attitude, but their Spanish-Quechua part is still considerably shorter than QuechuaSpanish (Laime Ajacopa 2007). Among the attempts to compile an adequate contemporary Spanish-Quechua dictionary, the most substantial work undoubtedly appears to be the Nuevo Diccionario of Julio Calvo Pérez (2009), of five volumes, three of which pertain to SpanishQuechua section. The author himself acknowledges that the adaptation of Quechua lexicon to the demands of modernity was his primary goal and with that end in view the dictionary includes a vast number of neologisms, collected by Calvo Pérez from multiple sources (Calvo Pérez 2009: xv-xvii, xxxiii). Unfortunately, the Nuevo Diccionario does not evade a disadvantage, which is common for the majority of works on or in Quechua, published in the Andes: it has a very small number of copies, totally 400. If there is no intention to put the dictionary into open web access, it is hard to imagine how the work of Calvo Pérez can be disseminated across the Quechuaspeaking region, implemented in schools and cultural centers, in order to serve the cause of maintenance and revitalization of Southern Quechua. 3. Books, periodicals and other printed materials Apart from textbooks, grammars and dictionaries, the literary production in Southern Quechua is represented very scarcely. The majority of it consists of compilations of Andean folktales, at least in Peru (Hayes 2010:14-15). Very few pieces of the world literature are translated to Quechua, although the plans to realize such translations on massive scale are announced from time to time.35 Till now, the most remarkable achievement in this sphere has been the translation of Don Quijote to Quechua by Demetrio Tupac Yupanqui (the first part was published in 2005, and the second one ten years later).36 While staying in the city of Cuzco in August 2013, I dedicated about two days to look for books or periodicals in Quechua that could be accessible for a common customer. After long searches I found one Quechua manual published by AMLQ (not of a great quality) in one of the outdoors stores selling books and office supplies opposite the university campus, and two colorful editions of fairy tales in Quechua found in an expensive bookstore on Tullumayu street, in the historical centre of the city. On one unusual occasion I received as a gift a luxurious 35

Perú21, 28 August 2015. http://peru21.pe/cultura/obras-mario-vargas-llosa-y-gabriel-garcia-marquez-serantraducidas-al-quechua-2226275, accessed 23.10.2015 36 Living in Peru, 29 June 2015. http://www.peruthisweek.com/news-91-year-old-peruvian-finishes-translating-donquijote-to-quechua-106854, accessed 23.10.2015

60 edition called Antología Quechua del Cuzco, published by the municipal government. It was said to have 5,000 copies, but I could not find it on sale in any place in Cuzco. In addition, Dr. Ricardo Valderrama once provided me with a copy of Atuqpa Chupan ("Fox's Tail"), a unique Peruvian Quechua magazine. The magazine is published by the Institute Raul Porras Barrenechea in Lima, it is performed in Ayacucho-Chanka dialect and contains numerous texts in Southern Quechua on very different subjects (including articles on ethnohistory and linguistics), so that many neologisms find their place on its pages. However, the magazine, published in 500 copies, seems to be circulated exclusively among the linguist circles of Lima, without a possibility (or even intention) to reach the native speakers in Peruvian highlands. In any case, this is possibly the first attempt to publish Quechua periodical since Cronicawan, a supplement to the governmental diary Crónica, published during a short period after the officialization of Quechua in 1975. Unfortunately, even during its short existence Cronicawan experienced problems with readership, probably because it was not properly disseminated (Hornberger & King 2001:183). Bolivia, notwithstanding the recent changes in language policy, still cannot boast an abundance of printed media in Quechua. The bilingual newspaper CONOSUR-Ñawpaqman is still being published, once in two months, it acquired more colorful front page, and its Quechua texts are still remarkable for the high percent of hispanisms.37 Concurrently, since 1995 CENDA publishes a supplement to CONOSURÑawpaqman for children, called Añaskitu ("Skunky"), which has more educational and entertaining orientation. I would like to add here a description of two more sources that I have at my disposal,38 in order to demonstrate, how diverse the printed media in Quechua may be. The first is a paperback bilingual publication, which analyzes the results of twenty years (1980-2000) of the internal warfare in Peru, a painful subject for many native Quechua speakers, who suffered most casualties during the long and bloody conflict between Sendero Luminoso and governmental forces. The document was prepared in 2003 by the Commission of Truth and Reconciliation, who launched an independent investigation of the atrocities committed by all sides of the conflict, so the publication seems to be deprived of any ideological bias. Its Quechua part contains many hispanisms, which sometimes seem to be unnecessary, as the text is parallel 37

The volume 155 (March-April 2015) is available through the link https://www.scribd.com/doc/267300255/ Revista-rural-bilingue-Conosur-Nawpaqman-155, accessed 24.10.2015 38 I would like to thank Prof. Szemiński for providing me with these materials.

61 bilingual after all. Yet the most remarkable and praiseworthy feature of the publication is its number of copies, namely 595,000. Almost certainly, no other Quechua printed material has ever been produced in such quantity. The second source is a bilingual booklet destined for the passengers of the Peruvian domestic airline LC Busre. It is performed in Cuzco-Collao dialect and five-vowel orthography, what suggests the hand of AMLQ. At the same time, the booklet is quite elaborate, tends not to leave any fragments untranslated and combines neologisms and Spanish loanwords (nonassimilated) in rather balanced manner. If a native speaker of Southern Quechua, who has some difficulties with Spanish, may afford himself to buy an air ticket, then this booklet will obviously be of good use. 4. Radio The distribution of Southern Quechua on radio waves is much more visible than in printed media, both in Bolivia and Peru. In Bolivia, the tradition of communal radio stations, trying to speak to the indigenous listeners in their native language, has only strengthened over the years. Now there are stations that provide fulltime broadcast in Quechua, but only one of them is known to do it on short waves, that is, with opportunity to cover the territory of the whole country. This is an evangelical radio Mosoj Chaski ("New Message"), based in Cochabamba. Actually, the overwhelming majority of Bolivian radio stations broadcasting in Quechua, partially or full-time, are based in the city or in the region of Cochabamba. As forty-fifty years ago, the Quechua broadcast in Bolivia is primarily dedicated either to folk music or religious inculcation. None of the radio stations, which provide Quechua broadcast in Bolivia, manages to play such a role in language planning as Radio San Gabriel plays in the case of Aymara (Swinehart 2009). However, some examples show that even a small communal radio may serve as an agent of lexical modernization for local Quechua speakers, as in the case of Radio Ecológica from the town of Cliza, Cochabamba region. The indigenous women leaders, who operate this station, elaborated a number of Quechua terms corresponding to the basic modern concepts in the sphere of human rights, in order to propagate democratic values, gender equality in particular, among their compatriots (Cartagena-Torrico 2012). Thus Radio Ecológica represents a perfect example of language modernization on a micro level: lexical elaboration motivated by actual demand and subsequent implementation of elaborated forms by the means of available medium of communication.

62 In Peru, there is also a number of stations providing partial broadcast in Quechua, including news round-ups, programs for children and chatting with listeners who are able to get through. The majority of time on Peruvian radio stations, however, is inevitably allocated to Spanishlanguage content. In Cuzco, there are two main stations, which broadcast in Quechua, namely Radio Santa Mónica and Radio Tawantinsuyu; the latter is largely affiliated with AMLQ and thus also transmits lessons in Southern Quechua (in its "academic" variety, of course). Among the stations of Cuzco region, there are also Radio Quechua from Sicuani, Radio Pachamama from Puno and Radio Soberana from Calca, where I for the first time heard a genuine Quechua commercial, ordered by a local cargo firm. As in Bolivia, folk songs usually occupy most of the Quechua broadcast on any of these stations.39 As the example of Radio San Gabriel and perhaps Radio Ecológica can demonstrate, radio broadcasting in the Andes has immense opportunities as regards the modernization of indigenous languages, and it seems that the majority of agents of language planning regrettably neglect this channel, through which they could effectively transmit their works and ideas, since radio plays a much more significant role in the daily life of Quechua-speaking population than any of printed materials. As mentioned above, the only radio affiliated with an institution engaged in Quechua language planning, is Radio Tawantinsuyu, but even there AMLQ does not bring out its presence beyond simple language lessons. Obviously, the diversification of Quechua radio programming would not only be a suitable field for implementation of coined terminology, but would also boost the prestige of the language. 5. Information and communications technology (ICT) The computerization in the Andes became apparent much later then in Western developed countries, but recently its tempo has accelerated. A number of remote villages in Peru and Bolivia possibly still remain unelectrified, but in general, the growing pace of urbanization of the indigenous population implies that more and more Quechua speakers get acquainted with innovations in digital sphere and can afford themselves to buy a smartphone or even PC.40 On the one hand, the exposure to ICT, especially in the case of younger generation, causes them to 39

As a late remark, I have to mention here the Radio Andahuaylas from the Apurimac region, which sometimes broadcasts whole reportages and interviews in Quechua, thus siding with the most advanced Bolivian counterparts. 40 If in 2007 the percentage of households with computer in Peru was about 26 % in Lima, 16 % in the rest of urban zones and only 1,5 % in rural zones, seven years later these figures reached 59,8 %, 37,6 % and 5,5 % respectively (http://laeducacionhitos.over-blog.com/pages/Hito_El_proyecto_educativo_Huascaran-2949077.html, accessed 25.10.2015, http://rpp.pe/economia/economia/inei-el-598-de-hogares-de-lima-tiene-una-computadora-noticia728921, accessed 25.10.2015).

63 lose contact with their ancestral culture and language in the face of so diverse media content in Spanish and English; but on the other hand, ICT provided with appropriate content in Quechua or whichever indigenous language may promote it among youths and prompt them to take part in revalorization and planning of their ancestral language (Coronel-Molina 2005:63-64). 5.1. Electronic software The adaptation of Quechua as a language of Microsoft Windows platform was widely discussed above. In addition, a Quechua language pack was elaborated for Microsoft Office (2003, 2007 and 2010 versions). In 2006, the government of Evo Morales purchased 5,000 computers, already provided with WIN-QLP,41 but it is not known, how many of these computers then reached Quechua-speaking communities and users. In 2012, according to the report of the National Census of Population and Housing of Bolivia, there were 23,36 % of households with at least one computer and only 9,45% with access to internet;42 in rural zones these figures must have been considerably lower. Therefore, the main problem seems to be not the absence of demand for software in Southern Quechua, provided the supply does exist, but the poor distribution of ICT in the Quechua-speaking areas. Quechua is not yet known to become a language widely applied in software for cell phones and smartphones, but certain advances in this respect were made a few years ago. Movistar was the first Peruvian mobile operator, which designed a service center and then an interface in Quechua and Aymara in 2008;43 Howard (2007:305) attests that telephone service in both languages existed in Bolivia even earlier, before the introduction of cell phones. Unfortunately, there are no indications that Apple, Google or any other significant developer of software for smartphones are going to present Quechua interface in the visible future. Recently there appeared some applications for learning Quechua, for example, Habla Quechua for Android systems, developed by PromPeru with the help of AMLQ.44 Obviously, such an effective channel of LMSQ as ICT software, which prompts the elaboration of neologisms and at the same time constitutes a perfect field for their implementation, could be introduced nowadays much wider, thus keeping pace with the 41

http://www.emol.com/noticias/internacional/2006/08/25/229238/evo-morales-y-microsoft-lanzan-en-boliviaversion-quechua-de-windows.html, accessed 25.10.2015 42 http://www.tynmagazine.com/en-bolivia-el-23-de-los-hogares-cuentan-con-una-pc/, accessed 25.10.2015 43 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UtCie4VHNdY, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BFVnyHiljYg, accessed 25.10.2015 44 https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=info.peru.habla.quechua, accessed 25.10.2015

64 urbanization and computerization of the indigenous people of the Andes. The developers of ICT software might be encouraged that by adding Southern Quechua to their linguistic armory, they can potentially obtain hundreds of thousands of loyal customers. 5.2. Internet There are many web sites that offer content in Southern Quechua, but most of this content consists either of materials for learning the language (grammars, dictionaries, lessons, etc.) or of Quechua texts written in the "pre-information" epoch. Although such manifestation of Southern Quechua in internet provokes interest to it and contributes to its prestige and maintenance, it can hardly be associated with the modernization of the language. Again, an exception from this rule can be the above-mentioned Bolivian periodical Wiñay Pacha, which tries to teach and modernize the language simultaneously. There is a number of groups in Facebook dedicated to learning and promotion of Quechua; the largest of them, Admiradores del Idioma Quechua (Runasimi), counts more than 22,000 members.45 However, most of the content posted on these groups' pages is performed in Spanish, including the users' comments. There are noticeable activities that take place on Facebook, like "Quechua word of the day" or a signature-gathering campaign for the obligatory teaching of Quechua in all the schools of Peru, but I could not identify any initiative relating to lexical elaboration. There are a few blogs in (not about) Southern Quechua that I have found till now, but none of them seems currently active or at least regularly renewed. For example, once there was a blog of Miguel Angel Pinto, dedicated to children's literature, which contains, besides common folk tales, a translation of "Red Riding Hood" to Quechua and of UN Declaration of Rights, the latter with a short list of Quechua neologisms.46 The Quechua blog renewed most lately, in August 2015, belongs to a Bolivian woman by the nickname Chhullunka Sunqitu Warmi ("A Girl with the Icicle Heart"),47 who moved to New York and reported from there in her native language, which does not seem to be affected by any planning ideology, but then looks deprived of any artificialness. Still, there is only one post, what can only leave a hope that the online diary of the Girl with the Icicle Heart will not share the fate of the rest of blogs in Southern Quechua.

45

https://www.facebook.com/groups/admiradores.quechua/, accessed 25.10.2015. http://miguelangelpinto.blogspot.co.il/, last updated 27.07.2006, accessed 25.10.2015. 47 https://chhullunkasunqituwarmi.wordpress.com/, last updated 17.08.2015, accessed 25.10.2015. 46

65 Probably the most significant sanctuary of Quechua in internet, at least by its capacity, is Wikipidiya ‒ the Quechua segment of the popular free web encyclopedia. Currently it includes about 20,000 articles on very different subjects, but of course, Andean history and geography are predominant ones. Most of the articles on Wikipidiya, however, are quite short, even symbolic (about two or three lines). Hayes (2010:13) mentions young Peruvian activists, who "claim to write an article on the Quechua Wikipedia each day", but according to my own observations, the most active contributor to Wikipidiya is a language activist from Germany, who writes under the nickname AlimanRuna. The language of his articles somehow conforms to the views of the Limean linguists' party, that is, it is rather purist and loanwords are almost always assimilated. On the whole, the Quechua language of Wikipidiya undoubtedly offers a subject for a separate research. It should only be added that the Quechua interface of Wikipidiya seems to be elaborated in more detailed and complete manner than WIN-QLP. 6. Other probable media: television in Quechua? Speculating about perspectives of Southern Quechua in mass media, it is important to note that it has not properly manifested itself on a broadcast medium with the most mass coverage ‒ television. Several Bolivian TV channels provide news blocks in Quechua and Aymara in early morning (Coronel-Molina 2013:286); ATB, for example, recently declared plans to transmit news programs in these languages twice a day,48 but the realization of these plans needs yet to be verified. About a year ago, Evo Morales also called for the wider use of Quechua and Aymara on South American TV, but since then, only few Quechua political commercials appeared on Venezuela-based TeleSUR, where an anchorwoman praised the president Morales for his achievements in defending the rights of indigenous people.49 In Peru, Quechua TV broadcasting is totally absent and there are no preconditions for its development. However, there were attempts to create Quechua online television on YouTube. A group of youth activists from the association Tarpurisunchis ("Let's Sow")50, based in Apurimac region, launched in 2010 a 10-minute program Saqrakuna, performed completely in Southern Quechua, whose recordings were uploaded to the most popular video-sharing website. The 48

http://www.fmbolivia.tv/atb-estrenara-noticieros-en-aymara-y-quechua/, March 16, 2012; accessed 26.10.2015. http://www.pulzo.com/mundo/maduro-anuncia-telesur-en-ingles-mientras-morales-pide-mas-quechua-y-aymaraen/157211, June 15, 2014, accessed 26.10.2015. http://www.telesurtv.net/telesuragenda/Noticiero-en-Quechua20141012-0057.html, accessed 26.10.2015. 50 Tarpurisunchis shows a noticeable analogy by name and ideology with another, longer active educational association Pukllasunchis ("Let's Play"), which might indicate about affiliation between the two. 49

66 anchorpersons of Saqrakuna, boy and girl of university age, speak very dynamic Quechua, which at the same time contains a minimum of hispanisms.51 Unfortunately, only three releases of Saqrakuna were published in 2010, but in 2014 the YouTube channel of Tarpurisunchis published a series of even more refined 15-minute programs in Southern Quechua, under the common name of Chaynam Karqa ("So It Was"), dedicated to the history and culture of Apurimac. The only pitiful fact is that each of the Chaynam Karqa videos has collected only a few hundred views (the first release of Saqrakuna has about 3,000 views, which is also not a high figure). Obviously, if Quechua television in Peru is ever to be developed, the programs created by the association Tarpurisunchis can make a perfect content for it. Notably, all Quechua programs of Tarpurisunchis have Spanish subtitles, preventing the problem of misunderstanding both on the part of Spanish speakers and Quechua speakers, who could have had difficulties with too purified speech. Moreover, the implementation of new coinings, that characterize the "pure" Quechua, may be realized more effectively in this case, as neologisms are introduced through familiar topics, in gradual and transparent manner. In addition to television, a new medium of LM can be a news website in Quechua, although the development of such enterprise may require more efforts and resources than production of half-amateur video programs. Eventually, the vitality of any medium of communication in Quechua heavily depends on financial support, since it is not yet in sight how such media can become break-even: the principal income item of mass media of today is advertising, whereas the low purchase power of Quechua-speaking population apparently does not make potential investors hope that their costs will be repaid. At the same time, neither governments nor foreign NGO demonstrate a will to assist in the development of mass media in Amerindian languages. Having discussed, through what means the implementation of LMSQ is being or may be realized, it is also necessary to address an issue directly related to the evaluation of corpus planning, but frequently less concerned in researches on this subject: the acceptance of neologisms by population of speakers. There have been no Quechua language planners, who displayed such a responsible attitude to LM as did Comunidad Lingüística Kaqchikel (Fischer 2010:120-123), and I have not found information that someone ever undertook a study about the 51

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w5wD3QN5rps, accessed 26.10.2015. Interestingly, the word saqra in Quechua has a primarily negative sense, meaning "devil", but in this context Saqrakuna should apparently be translated as "The Restless Ones".

67 acceptance of neologisms in Southern Quechua. However, when I was in Cuzco two years ago, I tried to launch a kind of survey in order to learn, to what extent native Quechua speakers are aware of neologisms elaborated by different agents of Quechua language planning.52 At that time I could imagine only approximately the structure of this work, and I did not even define the research questions exactly. With the help of my tutors, I designed a bilingual Quechua-Spanish questionnaire called Musuq Tapuna ("The New Questionnaire"). Since I sought to collect by the means of this questionnaire as much data as possible (I stayed in Cuzco for about a month and a half and wanted to take maximum advantage of the time I had), the final version of the Musuq Tapuna came out to be rather cumbersome: it was divided into five sections and stretched for seven pages. As a result, I spent much time to find those of Quechua speakers, who would agree to sit with me and fill the questionnaire; as many of respondents were at work when I approached them, the whole process could take about an hour. Since the majority of native Quechua speakers work hard and all day long to support themselves and their families, it was not easy to find someone who would agree to spend her/his time for answering questions of a foreigner. However, I was also glad to notice that many persons, whom I asked to participate and answer the questions from the Musuq Tapuna, were fascinated by the fact that somebody wanted to interview them about the issues concerning their mother tongue; most of them have never had such an experience, and, as one old woman, an owner of a confectionary, told me, she had not thought that Quechua could have been of interest for a gringo. 53 Ultimately, I managed to obtain only 19 valid and completed forms of the Musuq Tapuna; certainly, it was much less that I initially had hoped to collect. The respondents were men and women of different age groups and, as far as possible, from different socioeconomic background. The majority of them lived in the district of Cuzco (which includes the city with suburbs), but there were also a few respondents from different corners of the region and two from other regions (namely from Apurimac and Arequipa). The respondents could choose, whether they wanted to be asked and to answer the questions orally, or read the questions and write or mark answers themselves under my assistance.

52

See Appendix I for the questionnaire form and Appendix II for the results of the survey. I have to note that almost everyone who answered the questions of Musuq Tapuna, made it for free; I largely relied on my own limited resources while being in Peru, and could not provide my respondents with a payment for filling the questionnaire.

53

68 The first section of the Musuq Taouna inquired about basic personal data of an informant: name, age, residence and level of education. The second part included questions of sociolinguistic character; it found out informant's proficiency in Spanish, where, with whom and how often he/she spoke Quechua, if an informant knew to read and write in Quechua and how often he/she had an occasion to do so. Due to the small total number of respondents, it is almost impossible to establish any reliable connection between the answers received within the second section or between the results collected from this section and from other parts of the questionnaire. However, there was one striking feature, resulted from the answers of respondents to the last question of this section, as 18 to 19 answered it positively, and only one respondent left this field empty. The question was, if there were more Quechua on radio, internet and TV, would the respondents comprise audience of these new media. The general approval in this case demonstrates that the demand for mass media in Quechua does exist; it is then a question, when and from where will come the supply. It is also worth-mentioning that all the respondents were in one way or another regularly exposed to the media content in Spanish, either through TV/radio (older people or rural inhabitants) or internet (younger people from the urban zone). The three last sections were particularly aimed to analyze the effects of LM on common speakers. The first one of them contained the list of ten terms, randomly taken from AMLQ (2005) and Calvo Pérez (2009), which corresponded to modern, post-contact concepts, and were either newly coined or semantic neologisms.54 However, the results provided by this section, could already show certain regularities. There were terms not recognized by anyone of the respondents or recognized only by one of them, and on the other hand, there were some terms identified by the majority of respondents or at least by almost a half of them. The terms, which turned to be completely unrecognized, were taripay wasi (literally "home of judgment")55 for "court [of justice]", lirp'u (or rirpu)56 for "mirror" and aranwaq for "actor". All three terms are attested in AMLQ (2005), while taripay wasi also appears in MAJ (and possibly does so there 54

I had to exclude one of these words later, during the processing, as I understood that I made a mistake in its spelling, what made the perception of this word by respondents not valid, and finally I decided to omit it from both appendices. 55 The verb taripay also has an interesting history. In pre-contact times it supposedly meant "interrogate, find out" (Santo-Tomás 1560:174), but in the early colonial missionary texts turned to be associated with Last Judgment, and then it could pass into MAJ in this altered meaning. 56 This term was the only one that I found later in the dictionary of Gonçalez-Holguín (1952[1608]:318) with the same meaning, but originally it hardly signified mirror as an artificial object, as the Incas did not know glass before the contact with Europeans. AMLQ (2005:256) gives the meaning of "reflection of water", which looks more genuine, but the respondents did not mention it either, so it is likely that the word itself is now largely forgotten.

69 for the first time). The terms identified only once were llinp'ina for "painting" and yarqhana for "sewage". Both words were formed from well-known roots, llinp(')i ("paint") and yarqha (irrigation canal), although many respondents associated yarqhana with yarq'a, "hunger", though I was trying to pronounce the aspirate consonant as clearly as possible. The most recognizable term turned to be hank'ukuna, "nerves" in the modern sense. This might happen due to the spread of "medical Quechua", but not necessarily: after all, nervio in Andean Spanish seemingly maintains both meanings, so the choice of word in this case could be simply wrong. The words identified by 9 of 19 speakers were sayana for "bus stop" and qillqana for "pen". What is remarkable in both words, that they represent plain and easily understood morphological constructions, even if they had "expert" origin. As the root saya corresponds to "stop", a native speaker might easily guess what is meant even if he/she had not heard the term before; as for qillqana, this word could be discerned both as "pen"/"pencil" with no relation to the role of implementation activities. However, the fact that these neologisms were identified more readily than others implies that they can be considered successful examples. At the same time, it is impossible to regard them as implemented; for that, they must have been recognized by the overwhelming majority of respondents. Unfortunately, I did not record the respondents' wrong surmises about most of neologisms, although now I understand that this data would have been definitely valuable. The next section included ten terms in Spanish (not all of them reflected modern concepts). A respondent had to decide how each one of them should be translated to Quechua, choosing from 3-4 options given under a Spanish word. The options were Quechua terms selected from AMLQ (2005), Calvo Pérez (2009), GBE and early colonial sources (Santo-Tomás 1560, Gonçález-Holguín 1608 and Guaman Poma 1615). If a respondent did not find any of the options suitable, he/she could propose his/her own translation of the term (although it was rarely done). Here it was planned to find out, to which option in each case respondents will give preference, and which will be rejected by (almost) everybody. The majority of terms demonstrated a surprising unanimity of respondents in their choice of a Quechua equivalent. For letra, "letter", most of them chose qillqa, for libro, "book", ‒ qillqa mayt'u ("bundle of writing"), for carcel, "prison", ‒ watay wasi ("house of capture", GonçálezHolguín 1952[1608]:186), for tijeras, "scissors" ‒ k'utuchina ("what serves for cutting"), for "functionary" ‒ istadu llank'aq ("state worker", loanblend), for "science" ‒ hatun yachay ("big

70 knowledge"), while yachana of GBE was mostly ignored. Serio, "serious" was translated equally either as mana asikuq ("not cheery") or phiña uya ("sad face"); the choice for reloj, "clock" was also equally distributed between ura qhawana ("X for looking [at] hours") and pacha yupaq ("one that counts time"). The term, which provoked the most variety of opinions, was avión, "plane". Besides the offered options, like lata pisqu ("tin bird") or lata urpi ("tin pigeon"), a number of respondents also proposed lata pichinchu (pichinchu is Quechua name for rufouscollared sparrow), and certain individuals proposed lata kuntur ("tin condor") and even lata pichinchu altunta phawan (¨tin sparrow flying above"). In the end, I noticed that assimilated loanwords were largely rejected, although I included them as options of translation under 8 of 10 terms and did not make any hint that "the most Quechua" variant was preferable. The options, which I had taken from GBE, also were chosen very rarely; only sut'inchakuy for "signify", semantically bound with GBE's sut'inchana, "meaning", was approved by the majority of respondents. The last section also consisted of ten Spanish terms, but no options for translation were given. This was probably the most experimental part of the Musuq Tapuna, as here I asked the respondents to apply not only their memory and sense of language, but also their creativity. If a respondent could not recall any translation of a Spanish term to Quechua, he/she was encouraged to coin a necessary equivalent by him-/herself. In such a manner I tried to ascertain, if an ordinary native speaker of Southern Quechua could create a neat neologism in his/her own language, and if there would be a qualitative difference between neologisms invented by planners and those spontaneously invented by ordinary speakers. I recorded various Quechua interpretations of Spanish terms, some of which had truly unexpected etymology. Although Spanish terms consisted only of a single lexeme each one, the Quechua equivalents sometimes stretched up to three or even four words (for example, the word "art" in one of the cases had an analogue chay runa sumaq simiyuq, "that man who has beautiful speech"). Many cells, however, were left blank, as respondents could not think of any appropriate translation. A few terms were, in my opinion, excellent coined derivations, such as apu-lla-cha-chi-y for "religion", but as it was proposed by a young man, who was more regularly exposed to the communication in Spanish than in Quechua, I now doubt that it was his own invention and that he understood, what the chain of suffixes attached to apu ("lord") expressed precisely. It is also probably, that the equivalents, proposed by respondents but not found in any

71 dictionary, nonetheless had been heard by them somewhere before or that they misrepresented the words or expressions that they had heard before, so it was even hardly possible to find out, to what extent an equivalent was really "coined". Obviously, experiments of this sort do not conform well to languages with such a long and rich history of LM as Southern Quechua. These rather superficial observations on the acceptance of neologisms nevertheless can demonstrate that the lexical modernization of Southern Quechua does not reach its primary goal: it is barely noticed by ordinary native speakers. As the general quantity of neologisms, produced by language planners, is immense and even too diverse, it is obvious that the main problem lies within the implementation of these neologisms. On the one hand, the media, through which the agents of lexical modernization could disseminate the fruits of their work, are absent or poorly developed; on the other hand, it seems that many of these agents do not realize enough, how the new terminology should be effectively implemented. Neither publication of dictionaries (AMLQ) nor publication of refined expensive magazines (Limean linguists) can get the native speakers acquainted with the innovations, as all this production has limited number of copies and is not distributed in the areas where they live and work. Even the introduction of neologisms through the system of education will not be effective until Southern Quechua is so poorly represented in education, as in the case of Peru. This situation is especially regrettable, since according to my observations, ordinary speakers can readily adopt the new terms and probably use them in their daily speech.

72

VI. CONCLUSIONS I remember, when I made a presentation in the Casa Campesina of the Centre of Bartolomé de Las Casas in Cusco, in front of Quechua-speaking visitors, about the goals of my research and lexical modernization in general57, one of the indigenous peasants, an old but energetic person, shared his vision of the efforts for alphabetization of Quechua. He told (as I can roughly reproduce), that at first, one group of wiraquchas58 came to them and told them to write Quechua with five vowels; then another group of wiraquchas came and told them to write with three vowels; and then the first group comes again, and so on. As a native speaker, he did not want to sort out, which group of wiraquchas was more right and why. All that he wanted (and other peasants, who were sitting near, agreed with him), was a certainty; without such certainty, i.e. without basic reconciliation between the planners, the alphabetization of Quechua in his eyes did not have sense. This case, although it actually describes the current situation with the graphization of Quechua, well illustrates two main problems of the Quechua corpus planning as a whole, and of LMSQ in particular: firstly, this is a decentralization, or more exactly, fragmentation of activities, and secondly, this is a remaining gap between language planners and ordinary native speakers. In Peru, none of the agents of LMSQ currently enjoy sensible governmental support, including AMLQ and the linguists from Lima universities. Only single initiatives of Quechua language planning from time to time may receive recognition and some modest funding on the part of the state, but such cases cannot turn the situation to one's advantage. In Bolivia, the government of Evo Morales provides more tangible support to the planning of indigenous languages, but Bolivia is still the poorest country of South America59 and likely has limited funds for this field of activities. Furthermore, the problem of unification of corpus planning on Quechua and Aymara seemingly has not noticed attention of Bolivian authorities yet. The problem of fragmentation manifests itself at both principal stages of the lexical modernization: elaboration and implementation. The authors of neologisms in most cases either are in conflict with each other or do not wish to consider the work of their predecessors and 57

I want to particularly thank Claudia Cuba-Huamani for making such a presentation possible and for translating my words to accessible Quechua from my outlandish and imperfect Spanish. 58 Wiraqucha is a common Quechua term for denomination of Creole population. 59 http://www.richestlifestyle.com/poorest-countries-in-south-america/2/, accessed 07.11.2015

73 contemporaries, or may even do not know about existence of each other's work. Afterwards, as there are no common channels for implementation of neologisms, every author or institution chooses to use its own available media (IBE in cooperating schools, dictionaries and other printed materials, radio broadcasting, etc.) that mostly have rather limited area of influence. The fragmentation also puts an obstacle to financial support, about the lack of which Quechua language activists usually complain: when there are so many agents engaged in the same field and conflicting with each other, any investor would hesitate to whom to give preference. Fushman (1974b:94) once noted about "unexpected consequence" of counter-planning and a serious obstacle, which it constitutes to the success of language policy; Dua (1991) shows how even in the case of official language the lack of coordination between agencies can brings to a heavy disorder and thus inability to accomplish tasks of language planning, and in particular elaboration and implementation of new terminology (1991:119). As regards Southern Quechua, here the absence of a central authority, which would take responsibility and control over the corpus planning of the language, makes decentralization come to its extreme. In this situation there is always a probability that certain agents of corpus planning would leave the field (as it largely happened to SIL) and new activists with new ideology would enter it and fill the empty space (as it may happen to the Association Tarpurisunchis). Therefore, it is only possible to anticipate that the existing disorder in Quechua language planning, preventing from the lexical modernization to become truly efficient, will remain, unless there emerges an authoritative organ, whose supremacy would be recognized by the majority of those involved in the planning efforts; or at least unless the governments of Peru and Bolivia start to care for the unification of Quechua language planning, assuming control over the process. Theoretically, the fragmentation could be overcome, if the major institutions involved in the Quechua language planning displayed enough will and reason to establish contacts between themselves and, possibly, organized a kind of supreme committee, which would include representatives of different organizations, so that it could guide the activities of all the rest. However, there are no indications that such collaboration may suddenly emerge in the nearest future, especially in Peru, where the divisions between the parties result from profound ideological disagreements. The above-mentioned gap between the language innovators and ordinary speakers is by no means unique for Southern Quechua. However, in conditions, when both these groups comprise

74 a linguistic majority, the innovators are officially empowered to make changes in language's lexicon and the implementation is carried out under the control of central authorities, that is, in the conditions of vertical language policy, this gap does not form a significant obstacle to policy's realization. Yet in the conditions of fragmented and thus mostly horizontal language policies such a gap turns into a serious problem, and corpus planners are required to make a proper effort to overcome it. In reality, in the case of Southern Quechua the agents of language modernization do not seem to try hard enough to advance in this direction. Spanish may be not the first language of an innovator, i.e. not a first language learnt in childhood, but in the majority of cases it is undoubtedly his/her principal language. This becomes apparent when Quechua neologisms turn to abound in calques from Spanish, as in the examples of t'aqa, allauka, chawpi and other abovementioned lexemes. Furthermore, a loss of the contact with live language undermines the lexical and morphological inventiveness of an author, what can be demonstrated by long ponderous compounds and over-exploitation of widely used roots in order to cover a maximum of concepts. In addition, the lack of basic training in terminology planning causes situations, when one term comes to denote two different concepts, and one concept is interpreted in two different ways within the same source, without a consideration, how an ordinary speaker would react to such inconsistencies. This is how the gap between innovators and their target population shows itself in the dimension of elaboration. When it comes to implementation, the problem becomes even more obvious. Corpus planners in their majority either do not have at their disposal appropriate media to disseminate their work among the native speakers, or cannot recognize what media would be most efficient for this purpose, continuing to adhere to the tools they are accustomed to, although these tools could long prove their inefficiency. In extreme cases, as in the case of AMLQ, instead of directing their energy to share their achievements with broad population of speakers, the corpus planners form an inner circle, where they use their own manner of writing and speak their own artificial sociolect, hardly comprehensible for an ordinary speaker. It should be noted, however, that purification of Quechua, which is a cornerstone of the ideology of AMLQ, is not necessarily a policy ultimately doomed to failure, how it may seem considering the sociolinguistic profile of Southern Quechua. Yet creating opposition between the "pure" language (even if it is truly pure and not abundant with misspelled old and poorly formed

75 new vocables) and "deranged" language of daily use will only deepen the existing gap, as the speakers will most likely accept the opposition without submitting to the purist cause, especially if there is no vertical authoritative connection between purifiers and ordinary speakers. If we return to Zimmermann's statements (2006:520-521) about the crucial role of speakers' identity in the success of purist policy, it would be appropriate to add, that the identity of purists themselves probably carry here even more significance, more precisely, how the propagators of purism are identified by the general population of speakers. The Quechua speaker, cited in the beginning of this chapter, not occasionally characterized the members of AMLQ as wiraquchas, although the latter could consider themselves descendants of the Inca nobility (if not by blood, then by spirit), who have a mandate to enlighten their less educated congeners. Hayes (2010) particularly specifies this difference between modernizers' vision of self and their real status (as opposed to that of the ordinary speakers) as a strong restricting factor of Quechua revitalization. Howard (2007), on the example of Quechua educators in Ecuador shows, however, how this dangerous gap between the planners and rest of the speakers can be overcome in practice. When elaborate media are not available for modernizers, they try to achieve an understanding of their purist ideology by physically coming to ordinary speakers and explaining them the meaning and structure of a coined term, which the latter at first could find incomprehensible or too complex. The planners thus hope that such personal contact will provide a chain effect and a term will be eventually implemented (Howard 2007:355-356). Such an attentive approach would undoubtedly prove more efficient, if modernizers of Quechua could be able to explain neologisms by the means of mass media, an opportunity which they are largely deprived of. The two main factors, which hamper the modernization of Southern Quechua, conceal one more, deeper problem that nourishes and replenishes them ‒ that Southern Quechua is a language of millions of people, but almost all of these people share low socioeconomic status and have little ability to influence the policies of the countries they live in. This may give us a better understanding, why governments of either Peru or Bolivia have still not contributed to a formation of agency that would centralize and support the efforts of Quechua corpus planning in their countries, despite the attempts to boost the status of Southern Quechua. This can explain, why there are so few educated Quechua speakers, who could effectively modernize their language without losing ties with their land and culture, who would be more inventive both in

76 coining neologisms, would know how to get the broad population acquainted with them and who would have proper means to organize such a process. But can the improvement of the socioeconomic status of Quechua speakers solve the problems of modernization of Quechua? Or such an improvement will still mean the automatic creolization of indigenous people? I suppose that the answer lies somewhere in the middle. Therefore, in order to turn the scales in favor of the maintenance and development of Quechua, the modernization process must be carried simultaneously with the economic growth among the native speakers and struggle for the improvement of the real status of the language ‒ its wider use in education, mass media, commerce and other spheres. Probably, what is required to overcome the problems of horizontal fragmentation and vertical disunity is an initiative and direct action, similar to those demonstrated by Cheikh Anta Diop in the case of Wolof. Yet such an action, if it is to yield fruits, must be based on the profound knowledge of the language, culture and social reality, on the modern comprehension of language planning and terminology planning in particular. An ideal initiative devoted to the lexical modernization of a language like Southern Quechua should combine elaboration and implementation of neologisms within one institution, and thus it would have a good opportunity to stand out against a background of other agents, attract public attention and, likely, also funds. Such an institution could be an educational organization or a mass medium, or even include these two highly important domains into a one scope of activity. What is the most important is that such an institution, in order to advance the lexical modernization, must be itself modernized, both in technological and ideological terms. Therefore, hopefully, technological progress and economic growth of the Andes will not cut the ground under Southern Quechua, but instead will give this language a new life.

77

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81 Godenzzi, Juan Carlos. 2008. Language Policy and Education in the Andes. In Nancy H. Hornberger and Stephen May (eds.), Encyclopedia of Language and Education (2nd edition, vol. 1), 315-330. New York: Springer. Gómez Bacarreza, Donato. 1992. Diccionario Quechua especializado. La Paz: Teddy Libros. Gonçález Holguín, Diego. 1952 [1608]. Vocabulario de la Lengua General de todo el Peru llamada Lengua Qquichua o del Inca. Lima: Imprenta Santa Maria. Green, Carie and Burnett Whiteplume. 2012. Evolving Policies and Practices of Indigenous Education in Bolivia. Journal of Multiculturalism in Education, 8: 1-26. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe. 2004 [1615]. El Primer Nueva Corónica y Buen Gobierno, John V. Murra and Rolena Adorno (eds.), with translations by Jorge L. Urioste [1980]. Online edition by Rolena Adorno and Ivan Boserup. http://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/info/en/frontpage.htm Gumperz, John J. 1962. Language Problems in the Rural Development of North India. In Frank A. Rice (ed.), Study of the Role of Second Language in Asia, Africa and Latin America, 79-90. Washington, D.C.: Center for Applied Linguistics. Haugen, Einar. 1966a. Dialect, Language, Nation. American Anthropologist, 68: 922-935. ‒‒‒‒‒‒. 1966b. Linguistics and Language Planning. In William Bright (ed.), Sociolinguistics, 50-71. The Hague: Mouton. Hayes, Dean O. 2010. The Fossilization of Quechua: Peruvian Quechua Revitalization Activists as Impeding Quechua Revitalization. Lima, Peru. https://dspace.sewanee.edu/bitstream/ handle/11005/1841/HayesThe2010CSI.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Heggarty, Paul and Beresford-Jones, David. 2010. Archaeology, Language, and the Andean Past: Principles, Methods, and the New ‘State of the Art’. Boletín de Arqueología, 14: 29-60. Herbas Sandoval, Angel. 1996. Tukuy imamanta juj chhikata rimaspa / Habalando de todo un poco. Cochabamba: Editoreal Serrano. Hornberger, Nancy H. 1993. The First Workshop on Quechua and Aymara Writing. In Joshua A. Fishman (ed.), The Earliest Stage of Language Planning, the “First Congress” Phenomenon, 233-256. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Hornberger, Nancy H. and Serafin M. Coronel-Molina. 2004. Quechua Language Shift, Maintenance and Revitalization in the Andes: the Case for Language Planning. International Journal of Sociology of Language, 167: 9-67.

82 Hornberger, Nancy H. and Kendall A. King. 1998. Authenticity and Unification in Quechua Language Planning. Language, Culture and Curriculum, 11(3): 390-410. ‒‒‒‒‒‒. 2001. Reversing Quechua Language Shift in South America. In Joshua A. Fishman (ed.), Can Threatened Languages Be Saved? Reversing Language Shift, Revisited: A 21st Century Perspective, 166-194. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters. Howard, Rosaleen. 2007. Por los linderos de la lengua: las ideologías lingüísticas en los Andes. Lima: Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos, Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. Itier, César. 1992. Lenguas, ideología y poder en el Cuzco: 1885-1930. In Juan Carlos Godenzzi (ed.), El Quechua en debate: ideología, normalización y enseñanza, 23-48. Cusco: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolomé de Las Casas". ‒‒‒‒‒‒. 1995. El teatro Quechua en el Cuzco. Lima: Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos; Cusco: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolome de Las Casas". Jernudd, Björn H. and Das Gupta, Jyotirindra. 1971. Towards a Theory of Language Planning. In Joan Rubin and Björn H. Jernudd (eds.), Can Language Be Planned?: Sociolinguistic theory and practice for developing nations, 195-215. An East-West Center Book, University of Hawaii Press. Jung, Ingrid. El quechua en la escuela: la experiencia del programa de educación bilingüe-Puno. In Juan Carlos Godenzzi (ed.), El Quechua en debate: ideología, normalización y enseñanza, 275-294. Cusco: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolomé de Las Casas". Kaplan, Robert B. and Richard B. Baldauf Jr. 2003. Language and Language-in-Education Planning in the Pacific Basin. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Kuenzli, Gabrielle E. 2013. Acting Inca: identity and national belonging in early twentiethcentury Bolivia. Pittsburg: University of Pittsburg Press. Laime Ajacopa, Teofilo. 2007. Diccionario Bilingüe / Iskay simipi yuyayk'ancha: Quechua ‒ Castellano, Castellano ‒ Quechua. Segunda edición mejorada. La Paz: Enero. LC Busre, La linea aérea regional del Perú. N. d. Cartilla de seguridad / Imatan yachanayki allinta phawanaykipaq. Lewis, Glyn. 1983. Implementation of Language Planning in the Soviet Union. In Juan Cobarrubias and Joshua A. Fishman (eds.), Progress in Language Planning, 309-326. Berlin: Mouton, de Gruyter.

83 Lindow, John. 2002. Norse Mythology: A Guide to Gods, Heroes, Rituals and Beliefs. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Mannheim, Bruce. 1991. The Language of the Inka since the European Invasion. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. Manya Ambur, Juan Antonio. 1993. Paqtay Rimayqelqawa: Diccionario Jurídico Castellano ‒ Quechua. Cusco, Peru: Cultura Inca de América. Marr, Tim. 2011. “Ya No Podemos Regresar al Quechua”: Modernity, Identity and Language Choice among Migrants in Urban Peru. In Paul Heggarty and Adrian J. Pearce (eds.), History and Language in the Andes, 215-238. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Massamba, David P.B. 1989. An assessment of the development and modernization of the Kiswahili language in Tanzania. In Florian Coulmas (ed.), Language Adaptation, 60-78. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Mendieta, Pilar. 2010. Entre la alianza y la confrontación: Pablo Zárate Willka y la rebelión indígena de 1899 en Bolivia. Lima: Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos. Microsoft, Inc. 2013. Windows 8.1 Quechua Language Pack. Niño-Murcia, Mercedes. 1995. Política del purismo lingüístico en el Cuzco. Lexis, 19(2): 251288. Pan-American Health Organization, World Health Organization. 2013. Diálogo Médico Paciente en Quechua, review of translation by Diether Flores Chumacero. La Paz: PAHO / WHO. Parker, Gary J. 1969. Ayacucho Quechua, grammar and dictionary. The Hague, Paris: Mouton. Petrovčič, Mateja. 2013. Chinese-English Translations of Neologisms in Online Dictionaries. In Jana S. Rošker and Nataša Vampelj Suhadolnik (eds.), Modernisation of Chinese Culture: Continuity and Change, 297-343. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Prague School. 1974. General Principles of the Cultivation of Good Language (translation from Czech by Paul L. Garvin). In Joshua A. Fishman (ed.), Advances in Language Planning, 417-426. The Hague: Mouton. Rasnake, Roger N. 1988. Domination and Cultural Resistance: Authority and Power among an Andean People. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Salcedo-Salcedo, Jaime. 2007. Los Jeroglíficos Incas: introducción a un método para descifrar tocapus-quillca. Bogotá: Universidad Nacional de Colombia.

84 Sallabank, Julia. 2011. Language Policy for Endangered Languages. In Peter K. Austin and Julia Sallabank (eds.), The Cambridge Handbook of Endangered Languages, 277-290. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Santo-Tomás, fray Domingo de. 1560. Lexicón o Vocabulario de la lengua general del Perú llamada quichua. Córdoba: Impresos de la M.R.Acabose. Sayadi, Forough. 2011. The Translation of Neologisms. Translation Journal. http://translationjournal.net/journal/56neologisms.htm Spiess, Gunter. 1999. Modernisierung des Wortschatzes Europäischer Regional- und Minderheitensprachen. Tübingen: Narr. Spolsky, Bernard and Lorraine Boomer. 1983. The Modernization of Navajo. In Juan Cobarrubias and Joshua A. Fishman (eds.), Progress in Language Planning, 235-252. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Swinehart, Karl E. 2009. Redemption Radio: Aymara Language Planning at Radio San Gabriel. Working Papers in Educational Linguistics 24(2): 79-98. Szemiński, Jan. 2010. ¿Qué sabemos de qillqa en Qulla Suyu? Estudios Latinoamericanos, 30:129-186. Tapia Fernández, Yanet. 2002. Estrategias metodológicas de enseñanza y uso de lenguas originarias en docentes de escuelas EBI en el distrito de Mañazo-Puno. M.A. Thesis, PROEB-Andes, Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de Educación, Universidad Mayor de San Simón, Cochabamba, Bolivia. Tauli, Valter. 1974. The Theory of Language Planning. In Joshua A. Fishman (ed.), Advances in Language Planning, 49-67. The Hague: Mouton. Tollefson, James W. 2006. Critical Theory in Language Policy. In Thomas Ricento (ed.), An Introduction to Language Policy: Theory and Method. Malden, MA / Oxford / Victoria, Australia: Blackwell Publishing. Troy, Jakelin and Michael Walsh. 2008. Terminology planning in Aboriginal Australia. In Anthony J. Liddicoat and Richard B. Baldauf Jr. (eds.), Language Planning and Policy: Language Planning in Local Contexts, 156-170. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters. UNFPA. 2011. Palabras Clave para Atención en Salud ‒ Quechua de Cusco. UNFPA: Salud sin Limites. http://www.unfpa.org.pe/publicaciones/publicacionesperu/SSL-Palabras-ClaveQuechua-Cusco.pdf

85 Weinreich, Uriel. 1974 [1953]. Languages in contact: findings and problems. New York: Linguistic Circle of New York. Zimmermann, Klaus. 2006. El problema del purismo en la modernización de las lenguas amerindias. In Roland Terborg and Laura García Landa (eds.), Los retos de la planificación del lenguaje en el siglo XXI, vol. II. México: UNAM.

86

APPENDIX I MUSUQ TAPUNA / EL NUEVO CUESTIONARIO I Nombre Residencia Edad Educación

II 1. Imaynatan qan kastillanu simiq yachayniykita chaninchanki? / ¿Cómo Ud valora su dominio del español? a) manan yachanichu / no lo sé, b) pisillatan yachani / lo sé poco c) chikallatan yachani / lo sé más o menos d) allintan yachani / lo sé bién e) ancha allintan yachani / lo sé perfectamente 2. Hayk’a kuti runasimita rimanki? / ¿Con qué frecuencia Ud habla Quechua (promedio)? a) tukuy p’unchay / todo el día, b) p’unchaypi maynillanpin / cuantas veces al día, c) simanapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces por la semana, d) killapi maynillanpin/ cuantas veces al mes, e) mayni maynillanpin / más raramente 3. Maypin, piwanmi runasimita rimanki? / ¿Dónde y con quién Ud habla Quechua? a) wasiypin aylluywan / en mi casa con mi familia b) runa masiywan / con amigos

87 c) llank’aspa istudiaspa / en el trabajo o el lugar de estudios d) waqpin (ñiy maypin) / en otros lugares (hay que indicarlos) 4. Yachankichu runasimi ñawinchayta? /¿Sabe Ud leer en Quechua? a) manan yachanichu / no sé, b) pisillatan yachani / sé poco, c) chikallatan yachani / sé más o menos, d) allintan yachani / sé bién, e) kusa allintan yachani / sé perfectamente 5. Hayk’a kutin runasimita ñawinchanki? /¿Con qué frecuencia Ud lee en Quechua? a) sapa p’unchay / cada día, b) simanapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces por la semana, c) killapi maynillanpin/ cuantas veces al mes, d) watapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces al año e) mayni maynillanpin / más raramente 6. Yachankichu runasimi qillqayta? /¿Sabe Ud escribir en Quechua? a) manan yachanichu / no sé, b) pisillatan yachani / sé poco, c) chikallatan yachani / sé más o menos, d) allintan yachani / sé bién, e) kusa allintan yachani / sé perfectamente 6. Hayk’a kutin runasimita qillqanki? / ¿Con qué frecuencia Ud escribe en Quechua? a) sapa p’unchay / cada día, b) simanapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces por la semana, c) killapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces al mes, d) watapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces al año e) mayni maynillanpin / más raramente

88

7. Kastillanu simipi tiliwisiyunta qhawankichu radiuta uyarinkichu? / ¿Ve Ud TV o escucha radio en español? a) sapa p’unchay / cada día, b) simanapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces por la semana, c) killapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces al mes, d) watapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces al año e) mayni maynillanpin / más raramente 8. Kastillanu simipi intirniqta qhawankichu? /¿Usa Ud. internet en español? a) sapa p’unchay / cada día, b) simanapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces por la semana, c) killapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces al mes, d) watapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces al año e) mayni maynillanpin / más raramente 9. Sichus ancha tiliwisiyun, radiu, periodico, intirnit runasimipi kanman, qan qhawawaqchu/ uyariwaqchu/ñawinchawaqchu? / ¿Si hubiera MÁS medios de comunicación en quechua (TV, periodicos, radios, internet), Ud los vería/escucharía/leería?

89

III Yachankichu qan, ima ninmi kay rimay kastillanu simipi? / ¿Sabe Ud qué significa esta palabra en castellano? Taripay wasi _________________________________________ Llinp’ina _________________________________________ Yarqhana _________________________________________ Kamachiqkuna _________________________________________ Aranwaq _________________________________________ Hank’ukuna _________________________________________ Sayana _________________________________________ Qillqana _________________________________________ Lirp’u _________________________________________

Mayqin rimay kaykunamanta runasimipi ancha allinta nin? / ¿Cual de las palabras quechuas de la lista traduce mejor esta palabra castellana?

90 M ─ wakin rimaykunaqa manan allinchu / ninguna palabra conviene Sichus hinantin rimaykunaqa mana allin, hukniykita niyyá. / Si Ud cree que ninguna de estas traducciones conviene, proponga su propia traducción. Letra a) qillqa

b) siq’i

c) sananpa

d) litra

M

____________________________________________ Libro a) qillqa

b) qillqa mayt’u

c) qarachu d) patara

e) liwru

M

____________________________________________ Significar a) unanchay

b) niy

c) sut’inchakuy

M

____________________________________________ Carcel a) watay wasi

b) ukhu

c) karsil

M

____________________________________________ Funcionario a) llank’aq

b) istadu llank’aq

c) apu suyu

d) surqukuq

M

_____________________________________________ Reloj a) watana

b) ura qhawana

c) pacha yupaq

d) riluq

M

_______________________________________________

Tijeras a) rutuna

b) k’utuchina

c) lapiyaku

d) tihiras

M

91

________________________________________________ Ciencia a) yachay

b) hatun yachay

c) yachana

d) siyinsiya

M

_________________________________________________ Avión a) lata pisqu

b) lata urpi

c) awiyun

d) maraq

M

_________________________________________________ Serio (humor) a) mana asikuq

b) phiña uya

c) k’akcha

d) chiqaq

M

__________________________________________________

Imaynatan kay rimayta runasimiman tikrawaq? / ¿Cómo Ud traduciría esta palabra al quechua? Arte ______________________________________________ Versión (variante) ______________________________________________ Multiplicar _______________________________________________

92 Dividir __________________________________________________ Rueda __________________________________________________ Juez __________________________________________________ Tienda __________________________________________________ Proponer __________________________________________________ Religión __________________________________________________ Calidad __________________________________________________

93

APPENDIX II RESULTS OF THE MUSUQ TAPUNA SURVEY (tables copied from MS Excel file)

Ricardo Valderrama Fernandez

San Jeronimo, Cuzco

68

4

5

1

Juana Molina Rojas Ruben Quispe Hida Bautista Paravecino Delia Caballero

Pisaq, Cuzco Cusco, Cuzco Cusco, Cuzco San Sebastian, Cuzco

32 25 31 30

2 3 3 3

3 4 3 5

3 5 4 1

Ruben Paucar Miluska Huaman Tumile

San Sebastian, Cuzco Ccatca, Cuzco

53 18

2

3 5

2 1

Flora Huillca Torres

Anta, Cuzco

56

1

2

1

Catalina Quispe Tupi

Cusco, Cuzco

60

1

2

2

Crisologo Huallpa Huaman

San Jeronimo, Cuzco

50

2

2

1

Gennaro Manotapa Zarate Dominga Ata Yupanqui

Ampay, Apurimac San Jeronimo, Cuzco Ayahuirinca(?), Arequipa Colquepata, Cuzco Checacupe, Cuzco

65 72

1 3

2 4

1 1

56 27 17

1 1 2

5 4 3

2 1 4

San Jeronimo, Cuzco

73

3

4

1

Claudia Cuba Huamani

Cusco, Cuzco

48

3

5

1

Edgar Usca Diaz

San Jeronimo, Cuzco

38

2

4

2

Yeni Ccoyori Yauri

Acco(?), Cuzco

19

2

4

1

Leonardo Jananpa Torres Froilan Yapo Jura Julia Villafuerte Cahuascanco Ladislao Valderrama Fernandes

Table 1. Questions I, II: 1-3.

home, friends, work home, friends, work home home friends, work home, friends, work home home, friends, work home, friends, work home, friends, work home, friends, work home, friends home, friends, work home home home, friends home, friends, work home, friends, work home, friends, work

94 5 2 3 3 5 2 4 2 4 3 4 4 4 4 3 3 5 3 4

1 3 5 3 1 2 5 1 2 1 3 3 1 3 3 5 1 2 5

5 2 2 3 5 2 2 1 1 1 4 4 2 3 2 4 5 2 4

1 5 5 3 1 4 2 5 5 5 2 3 4 2 5 5 2 4 5

1 1 1 5 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 5 1 5 1 1

1 5 2 2 2 3 2 5 5 5 5 5 5 2 1 5 1 2 5

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

Table 2. Questions II: 4-9.

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 1 1

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Table 3. Questions III: 1-9.

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 1

1 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 1

1 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

95 qillqa sananpa litra litra siq'i qillqa qillqa qillqa qillqa qillqa qillqa qillqa qillqa qillqa qillqa qillqa, siq'i qillqa qillqa qillqa

qillqa patara qillqa qillqa liwru qillqa mayt'u qillqa mayt'u patara liwru qillqa mayt'u qillqa mayt'u qarachu qillqa mayt'u qillqa mayt'u qillqa mayt'u

ñiy unanchay sut'inchakuy unanchay sut'inchakuy sut'inchakuy unanchay ñiy sut'inchakuy ñiy sut'inchakuy sut'inchakuy sut'inchakuy unanchay unanchay

karsil karsil ukhu watay wasi karsil watay wasi karsil karsil watay wasi watay wasi watay wasi ukhu watay wasi watay wasi

istadupi llank'aq istadu llank'aq parayuq istadu llank'aq istadu llank'aq istadu llank'aq istadu llank'aq istadu llank'aq istadu llank'aq apu suyu apu suyu istadu llank'aq llank'aq llank'aq apu suyu

patara qillqa mayt'u qillqa mayt'u qillqa mayt'u

sut'inchakuy sut'inchakuy sut'inchakuy sut'inchakuy

karsil watay wasi watay wasi watay wasi

istadu llank'aq istadu llank'aq istadu llank'aq istadu llank'aq

Table 4. Questions IV: 1-5.

riluq riluq watana watana ura qhawana watana ura qhawana

k'utuchina tihiras rutuna rutuna k'utuchina k'utuchina rutuna

hatun yachay yachana hatun yachay hatun yachay hatun yachay hatun yachay yachay

ura qhawana pacha yupaq watana

k'utuchina rutuna k'utuchina

ura qhawana pacha yupaq pacha yupaq ura qhawana pacha yupaq ura qhawana pacha yupaq ura qhawana ura qhawana

k'utuchina k'utuchina k'utuchina k'utuchina k'utuchina rutuna k'utuchina k'utuchina rutuna

yuyay hatun yachay hatun yachay umapi llank'anki hatun yachay yachay hatun yachay hatun yachay hatun yachay hatun yachay yachay

Table 5. Questions IV: 6-10.

lata pichinku awiyun lata pisqu awiyun lata pisqu awiyun lata pichinchu altunta phawan awiyun lata kuntur lata pichinchu lata pichinchu lata urpi lata pisqu lata pisqu lata pisqu lata urpi awiyun

mana asikuq chiqaq phiña uya mana asikuq phiña uya phiña uya

mana asikuq mana asikuq phiña uya mana asikuq phiña uya mana asikuq phiña uya phiña uya phiña uya phiña uya mana asikuq mana asikuq

96

sumaq llank'asqa munay ruwasqa allin ruwaq munay qillqay limpisqa makiwan llank'ana

ñiy

mirachiy llapay

allin qillqay imaymanakuna ñisqanchis pantay

wachanay

muyu

askha qallarinta(?) unanchay

muyucha muyu

yachani brillata(?)

yupay

llapanta yachashani

anchay yupay mirachiy

ashka rimay

paq'arichiy

huq yachaykuna

kuenta hurquna asqhaman tukuchiy asqhaman wachachiy

chay runa sumaq simiyuq yachay allin yuyayniyuq imaymanapaq allin yachay munay hatun ruwaykuna paqarichiy sumaq ruwana

rimay

maña munay ruwasqa

rimay

Table 6. Questions V: 1-5.

tawanpay

p'akiy

t'aqay

muyu

karruq llanta chaninchay ch'aqichiy p'akiy rakinakuy t'aqay pisillamanta asqaman tukuchiy

muyucha muyu muyun

chuwiykuq muyu

t'aqay t'aqay rakiy igualta t'aqay t'aqay

muyuna llanta llanta

97 huis

tinda rantina wasi

ñimuy

rilihiyun risakuna apullachachiy

rantiq wasi

churay

hatun runa huis chaninchaq

rantina wasi

chaninchakuy ñiy

hustisiya ruwaq

qhatuna wasi

Diospi kriyiy

allin pacha yachayniyuq llaqta kamachiq hustisiya ruwaq

huq wasi rantikuna hunt'asqa qhatuna wasi rantikuna wasi imaymana chalana

Diosninchismanta rimanchis kriyiy katuliku

allchaq

qhatuna

qisa hallcha(?)

qhatuna wasi rantina wasi imaymana negocio

ñuqapis ñisaq

imaymana vendeq qhatuna wasi

rimariy ñuqa ñiyman

umallichiy huq rimayta rimay yuyaychay [yachasqaykita] churay

churay

chaninchaq hatun kamachiq

Table 7. Questions V: 6-10.

[allin] ruwasqa allin / mana allin

[allin] kayninta allin / mana allin

allin / mana allin [allin] ruway [allin] ruwanqayku

iñiy waq ibangiliukuna

allin / mana allin

taytachapi yuyay iñiy

[allin] ruwasqa allin / chanin allin / mana allin allin / mana allin

iñiy

akllakuy