The Legend of Napoleon 1862076677

Citation preview

The Legendof

INapoleon SudhirHazareesingh

Granta Books London

GrantaPublications, 2/3 HanoverYard,NoelRoad,LondonN18BE

Firstpublished inGreatBritain byGrantaBooks 2004 Copyright ©SudhirHazareesingh, 2004

SudhirHazareesingh hasasserted hismoralrightunder

theCopyright, DesignsandPatentsAct,1988,tobeidentified astheauthorof thiswork.

Allrightsreserved. Noreproduction, copyortransmissions ofthis publication maybemadewithout written permission. Noparagraph of thispublication maybereproduced, copied ortransmitted savewith written permission orinaccordance withtheprovisions oftheCopyright Act1956(asamended). Anypersonwhodoesanyunauthorized actin relation tothispublication maybeliabletocriminal prosecution andcivil claims fordamages. ACIPcatalogue recordforthisbookisavailable fromtheBritish Library. 13579108642 ISBN1862076677 Typeset byMRules Printed inGreatBritain by

WilliamClowesLtd,Beccles, Suffolk

TheLegendof

Napoleon

‘Tableof Contents

Maps LastofIllustrations

i

Preface

— KN

]C

BP

Introduction: Rethinking theLegend TheFlightoftheEagle Birthofa Legend| ACultofSeditious Objects AnOccultForce

Rebellions inAction ThePrinceofLiberalIdeas LouisNapoleon andtheImperial Legend wonTheMakingofanEmperor Warriors ofPeace Conclusion: TheLegendLivesOn wo

Dm

Oo

Notes Napoleonic sources, sites, andfurther reading Picture credits Index

15 40 12 99 122 151 184 209 234 260 269 315 319 321

NS

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dia e

Quimpe! — oe

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~*< “Orléans

Vanesaunt

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— s {Chiteayoux


” But the networksthat propagatedNapoleonicrumours

BirthofaLegend 53 extended wellbeyondtheofficers onhalfpayandtravelling sales-

men.Bonapartists allaroundthecountrydeployed a varietyof

agentsandinstruments tospreadtalesof theimpending collapse of the Bourbonregime,and the imminentreturn of their Emperor. In theYonne,themayorof a smalltownreportedthat theserumourshad‘poisoned thespiritsof thegreatmajorityof

inhabitants’; thoseresponsible were‘several well-off peasants’, a

priest,andthelocalschoolteacher Louis-Antoine Guillotandhis

wife.>3

Thiswasby no meansuncommon; amongthe fixedagents

responsible forconceiving andtransmitting thesestories, asignificant proportion wereschoolteachers. InDieppe aninstituteur wasoneof themainactivists inaninformal groupwhichcopiedanddistributed falseNapoleonicproclamations;°* at ChateauThierrythe school-

masterwasdescribedas ‘averydangerousmanwhofabricates

alltherumours concerning Napoleon andspreads theminthe locality’;>> andat Villeneuve-le-Guyard theteacherMonsieur Coutanwasknownto ‘indoctrinate allchildrenwithBonapartist

propaganda’.°®

ButBonapartist agentscamefromacrossthesocialandoccupationalspectrum:in Civraca barrel-maker wasarrestedfor spreading thestoryofNapoleon’s escapefromSaint-Helena;?’ in the Indre,thesetalesweredisseminated by ‘awell-spoken and well-dressed man,whowasclearlyfromthebourgeoisie’;?® andin theSomme, thesources ofNapoleonic rumours weretwoofficers of

thegendarmerie atAbbeville.°? During theearly1820s a whole

subsetofmenandwomenseemed toboardpubliccoaches travelling fromonelocalitytoanotheronlyinordertodisseminate rumours andfalseinformation. Women werealsoinvolved inasignificant numberofcases,sometimesasleaders,on otheroccasions as accomplices. Theywere chosenbecause oftheirphysical attactiveness, orbecause theywere thought toarouselesssuspicion, orevenbecause theyweresometimes morecredibleasa sourceof information. In Marseille a Corsican womanbythenameof Catherine Caseneuve wasreportedto the policeforspreading‘exclusive’ information abouttheEmperor’s return,whichsheclaimed tohavegarneredfromNapoleon’s native

island.®! InBourgthewidow of a Napoleonic officer, whohad

34 TheLegendofNapoleon accompanied herhusbandduringmanyof thecampaigns of the FirstEmpire,causeda sensation byrevealing the‘secret’ plansof JosephBonaparte fortheinvasion of Franceandtherestoration of

hisbrother onthethrone.®?

The prizeforingeniousness (anddeviousness) mustgo to a Bonapartist agentbythenameof Baudinot. Inhishometownof Chateausalins, heopened astall inwhichhiswifeperformed the functionof clairvoyant, usingcardsandcrystalballsto predict

thefuture. Ateachofher‘sessions’ Madame Baudinot would link

thefateofherindividual clientswithannoucements oftheimminentreturnofNapoleon, oftenwithveryspecific datesandprecise locations. Hercredibility wouldno doubthaveeventually been puttothetestbythepassageoftime;however, herreputation was savedbythepolice,whoarrestedher(andherhusband) a month

later.

ThiscaseofMonsieur andMadameBaudinot drawsattention to

thevarietyof motivations andpurposeswhichcouldliebehindthe

dissemination of Napoleonic rumours.SomeBonapartist agents

spread theirstories inthefullknowledge thattheywerefalse; their

deliberate aimwastofostera climateof fearanduncertainty. This wasthecasewithaformersoldier oftheGrandeArméewhoclaimed thathehadrecently seentheEmperor intheUnitedStates,andthat Napoleon hadinformedhimthathewouldsoonbereturningto France.™ InAvallon a rumourthattheEmperorwasbackinParis spreadthroughcafésandinnsbetween JanuaryandMarch1817; it originated fromMarieBlondeau, abutcher, whotrickedhisilliterate (and,no doubt,intoxicated)audienceone eveningby claimingto

havejustreadthenewsinthecopyoftheParisian newspaper hewas

holding.®

One of the menresponsible for the productionof a false Napoleonic proclamation justified thissortof deception bystating (notwithoutcynicism) that ‘allmeansare goodto stirup the

people’.®© Others, incontrast, caused thisveryagitation whilehar-

bouringexactlytheopposite intentions. Theprefectof theMeuse reported inearly1816thatthemostconsistent sourceoftherumours ofNapoleon’s returncamenotonlyfromthosewhohopedforit,but

fromthosewhofeared it.®’

|

Catholicpriestswereoftentheprincipalagentsof Napoleonic

BirthofaLegend

|

55

rumoursinrurallocalities, provoking alarmbyaskingtheircongregationtopraythat‘theogrefromSaint-Helena wouldremaininhis

cage’®’ —which ofcourse ledmanyofthefaithful tobelieve thathis

escapewasimminent. In theVendéeinFebruary1819manypanickedpriestsaskedtheirparishioners toprayfervently ‘soastoavert agreatdisaster whichisabouttobefallFrance.®? Withenemies such asthese,theBonapartists clearlyneededfewfriends. Therumourmillalsoenabledsomeentrepreneurial talentsto flourish. Manyindividuals soughttocashinontheappetiteof the Frenchpublicforthesestories, claiming topossess specific informationwhichtheywouldpassontolocalpopulations fora modestfee. Thiswasthecasewitha manwhooperatedintheearlymonthsof 1816on theroadbetweenCahorsandMontauban — a lucrative formof seasonalself-employment whichcameto an abruptend whenhe wasarrestedafterbeingdenouncedby a dissatisfied

customer. ’°

Short,plump,anddark-hairedmenexploitedtheirphysical characteristics (andthecredulityof localpeasants) to passthemselvesoff as Bonaparte.Claimingthat theyhad escapedfrom

Saint-Helena, theydemanded foodandmoney, andinsomecases

wereextraordinarily successful. A manbythe nameof Ravier impersonated the Emperorin theruralpartsof theAin,Loire, Isére,Sadne-et-Loire,and Rhéne throughoutthe summerand

autumnof 1815,generatingnumerousaccountsof Napoleonic sightings in thesedepartments.’! Hunteddownbythepolicehe disappeared fora fewmonths,beforere-emerging intheSeine-etMarne,wherehistalentsbroughthima freshwaveofacclamation. Hewaseventually arrestedin February1816nearFontainebleau bya ruralpoliceman.’? ‘Townsfolk werealsotakenin:afterbeingreleasedfromjail a formerconvictbythe nameofJeanPierreLeclercsuccessfully passedhimselfoffasNapoleonin variouslocalities in 1821.In ‘Troyes heevenmanagedtodeceivethedeceivers: hewasparaded aroundtownby severallocalBonapartists, whoshowedhim ‘important papers’anda womanhandedover‘allhermoneyand gold’.

56

TheLegendofNapoleon

SocialConsequences Rumours didnotmerelyliveintherealmoftheimagination. ‘These stories,aswehavejustseen,hadrealsocialconsequences. In the earlyyearsof theRestoration newsofNapoleon’s imminent return

altered notonlypublic attitudes butalsopublic behaviour alloverthe

country. Atthemostimmediate level,thesetalesbecamethesubject of obsessive conversations —inhomes,in innsandtaverns,inpublic

places. InJanuary1816itwasrumoured thattheEmperor hadlandedin Toulonandthathisreturntothethronewasnowsupported bythe GreatPowers;soonthistalehadreachedthedepartmentof the Deux-Sévres, wheretheprefectissueda proclamation forbidding the localpopulation todiscuss thematter.However, theofficial admitted withresignation thathisedicthadhadlittleeffect:“Thisstoryisthe onlytopicof conversation on theroadbetweenAngouléme and

Tours.’’*

Inthisinstance, therumournodoubtgenerated abroadandconfusedrangeof sentiments amongthelocals;butin othercasesits effects weremoreprecise. Inthecountryside, somepeasants reacted tothesamestorywithpractical prudence: inthedeepest partsofthe AubeandMarne,ruralinhabitants carefully hedgedtheirbetsby hidingtheirmoney(incaseNapoleon swooped pasttograbit)and slowingdownthepaymentof theirfiscalcontributions (incase

Bourbon rulewasnearing itsend).’°

Whilesomegreetedthenewsbywithholding everything theyhad, othersincontrastbecamehighlyexpansive: intheIndre,a waveof peasantmarriages wasrecorded intheweeks following thisrumour— apragmatic response totheconscription whichwasfearedinevitable intheeventoftheEmperor’s return.’°Inthisparticular case,a large numberofchildren subsequently cametoowetheirlife(literally) to thisNapoleonic rumour. Elsewhere thissortofnewsprovoked scenesofcollective enthusiasm,aswhen astrangertravelling throughtheCorréze inmid-March 1816enteredBrivetoannounce thatNapoleon hadlandedinFrance andwouldsoonbepassing through thetown.Thestoryrapidly spread toalltheinhabitants, whogathered spontaneously inthepublicsquare

Birthofa Legend

37

andraisedthetricolour flagonthemunicipal building. Alerted bythe sounds ofcheering andbeatingdrums,themayorarrivedtobreakup

theparty(andtoorderthearrestthebeareroffalsetidings).’’

Enthusiasm couldtaketheformof eageranticipation: in rural partsof theVar,following suggestions thatNapoleon washeading towards Franceaboard a shipflyingthetricolour, groupsofvillagers wereseenheadingtowardsthe coastto try and catchsightof the

vessel onthehorizon.’®

In somecases,thissortof fervourcouldalsoprovoke practical gestures ofNapoleonic patriotism. InCorsicainlate1816,afterpersistentrumoursthatEmpress Marie-Louise wasgathering troopsto invadeandliberateFrancefromBourbon rule,a groupoffiftymen plottedtoseizea vesselinordertotraveltoAustriatoenlistinthis force.’? Somethirtysoldiers stationed intheVendée responded tothe samerumour—‘thebirdhasflownoutofhiscage’—bydeserting and

beginning thejourney towards Austria.®°

Enthusiasm inpartsofthecountry, andamongsomesocialgroups, wasmirroredbyexamples of fearandevencollective panicelsewhere.InMarch1818a rumourbegantospreadinthesouth-west thatsomefortythousand Austrian troopswereabouttopassthrough Franceto linkup withan armyheadedbyNapoleon(whowas

believed tobeinSpain).®! Thestoryreached thesmall townofPont

duRoideduringitsmonthly fair,whereseveral falseimperial procla-

mationsweredistributed;the newscausedsomuchalarmthat ‘the

faircloseddownlessthantwohoursafteritsopening’.®” Inmanyinstances, andagainmostlyinthecountryside, sightings ofNapoleonic troopswerereported —andevenoftheEmperor himself.IntheruralareasaroundAvallon inearly1816,manypeasants sworethattheyhadseenNapoleon ridingtowards Parisatthehead ofasmalldetachment; thestoryseemed credible enoughtothelocal authorities towarrantthedispatch ofgendarmes inhotpursuit.®* By thetimethisrumourhadtravelled uptotheMeuse—withtheadded credibility provided byfranticgendarmes —itcauseda considerable numberofvillagers tofleefromtheirdwellings; theyagreedtoreturn onlyaftertheprefectissueda proclamation categorically denying

thatNapoleon washeading towards Paris.**

It shouldnot be thought,however,that thesesortsof extreme

reactions werethepreserve of simple-minded countrydwellers. In

58 TheLegendofNapoleon Lyonsthepolicereportedin March1817thatthewholecitywas obsessed withNapoleon’s return.Thebourgeoisie inparticular was

suffering fromparanoia: allthosewithserious expressions ontheir

faceswerethoughtto be ‘conspiring’, whilethosewithwrysmiles werebelieved to beharbouring ‘seditious hopes’.Unableto cope withthetension, manywell-heeled residents ofLyonshaddeparted

totheircountry houses; however, thoseofamoreobstinate dispositionhaddecided toremain onthespottodefend andsecure their

properties. Manyhadhiredmasonstofortifytheirwalls,andsome hadevenbuiltsecrethideoutsintheirownhomes,incasetheterrible

Corsican weretoreturn.®°

Threeyearslater,therewaslittlesignof improvement inpublic morale:a largenumberof citizenslentcredenceto a storythat Napoleon hadlandedinBayonne.®° AndinMarch1821,following an attempted coupdeforcebyNapoleonic activists in Grenoble, ‘the mostabsurdrumours’ againcirculated inLyons, forcing theprefectto issueanexasperated proclamation.®’ However, thismessage arrived toolatetostopalargenumberofinhabitants ofVaize(including the mayor, Monsieur Devarax) fromfleeing theirvillage.®®

DrivingForces Whydidtheserumours oftheEmperor’s returnproliferate tosuchan extentafter1815,causingsuchwidespread andvaryingreactions — ofenthusiasm, anticipation, andfear—amongtheFrench population? Historians havesuggested several typesofexplanation. Therecurrence ofthesestories inthemonthofMarchhasinvited quasi-anthropological accounts ofruralbeliefstructures, inwhichthenotionof‘cycle’ was thoughttoplaya fundamental role.?Napoleon’s return,fromthis perspective, wasthoughttoreflectwiderpatternsof secularunderstandings aboutlifewhichfundamentally structured theWeltanschauung

oftheFrench peasant.” Others stillhavepointed tothecontinuities

inFrenchmentahtés between thelateeighteenth andearlynineteenth centuries —a worldof millenarian beliefs, parochialism, andirra-

tionalism.?! Inhisclassic workonthe‘Great Fear’, Georges Lefebvre

highlighted thecentralroleof thesephobiasinthepropagation of ruralpanicintherun-uptotheRevolution of 1789.9

Birthofa Legend 59 Therewerenodoubtsomeelements of continuity betweenthe ‘Napoleonic’ rumoursof theearlyRestoration andtheseearlier manifestations ofpopularbelief.Buttheseconnections shouldnot be exaggerated. In orderto understandthe genesisof these Napoleonic rumours,a greatersensitivity tothespecific contexts of the periodis needed— especiallyas the yearsafter1815were markednotbycontinuities (whether withtheFirstEmpireorwith traditional patternsof belief)butratherbyseveresocialandeconomicdisruptions. Themostimportant elementherewastheinvasion andmilitary occupation ofFrancebyalliedforces.Ofcourse,theFrenchpeople hadbecome accustomed toconscription andtroopmovements under theFirstEmpire. Butformostofthepopulation thesewererelatively remoteoccurrences. Incontrast, therewasaparticular immediacy to theeventsof 1815,whichoftensawpitchedbattlesonFrenchsoil betweeninvading forcesof overa millionmenandnationaltroops (sometimes supported bylocalmilitia). Theseconflicts werenotonlydestructive —theywerealsodeeply humiliating, allthemoresosincea considerable numberof troops fromtheBritish, Russian, andAustrian armiesremained onFrench soiluntil1818,imposing considerable hardships onlocalpopulations.?° Thepresence oftheseforces,inshort,generated feelings of frustrated patriotism andlocalresentment, andplayed a particularly

important roleinchanging peasant perceptions ofNapoleon. Ashas

beenrightlyobserved: “TheimageofNapoleon asogredisappeared whenpeasants wereconfronted byAlliedoccupation.’%* Talesof theEmperorreturningto reclaimhisthronewiththe helpofvariousforeignforcesemerged againstthisbackdrop: these stories drewupontheexisting realityofoccupation toconstruct alternativevisions ofthepost-1815 European andworldorders,inwhich France’s international position wasreaffirmed throughtheEmperor. Thesemilitaryfantasiesalsobearwitnessto someof thecentral imagesthat accompanied the Napoleonic‘legend’after 1815: Bonaparte astheincomparable strategist, butalsoastheheroicand dauntless conqueror oftheworld. The rangeof armedgroupsand territoriallocationswhich providedthelaunchpadforNapoleon’s returnto Francein these militaryrumourswasdazzling. Ina singletwistoftheimagination,

60 TheLegendofNapoleon theEmperor madetheleapfromfeudalism tomodernity: hisescape

fromSaint-Helena inoneversion wasorganized withthesupport of

theEmperorofMorocco;”° inanother,withthespiritedassistance of LatinAmerican revolutionaries.9° Napoleonic internationalism alsoknewno bounds:on hisjourneybacktowardsFrancethe Emperorwasreportedtobedirecting armedforcesconsisting variouslyof Turks,°” Indians,** Algerians,2? American negroes,!°° and

Africans;!°! mention wasmade,too,ofPersian andevenChinese armies.!°* Therewerealso,of course,ingenious combinations of

the above;in the summerof 1816it wasrumouredin the Yonne

thatthereturningEmperor’s Armywasmadeup of “Turksand

negroes’!

European forceswerenotleftout:arumourinearly1817claimed thatNapoleonhadformeda newmilitarycoalitionconsisting of Austria,Saxony, Bavaria, andWurtemberg, andthatthisforcewas

moving towards France tooverthrow theBourbons.!% Fuelled no

doubtbyBonapartist groupswhohadsettledin theUnitedStates after1815(notably theoneheadedbyNapoleon’s brotherJoseph, whohadboughtalargeproperty nearPhiladelphia), avarietyofstoriesalsoplacedtheEmperor intheNewWorldafterhehadescaped fromSaint-Helena: onehadhimlandinginBostonandanotherissuinga proclamation fromPhiladelphia in 1818.'*Anotherfalse proclamation foundintheDeux-Sévres ayearlaterwassignedfrom hismilitaryheadquarters in thetownof Valparaiso by‘Napoleon Bonaparte,Generalissimo of the FederatedArmyof Western

America’.!°© Theseassorted troops werebelieved tobeabouttoenter Francefroma varietyof sites:rumoursin thesouth-west of the

country hadthemarriving fromSpain;!°’ while atprecisely the samemomentin thenorthernandcentralpartsof Franceit was

thoughtthat theseliberatingforceswoulddrivethroughthe Italian

peninsula. !

Several versions oftheplantorestoretheEmperortotheFrench throneinvolved tacticalmilitary supportfromothermembers ofthe imperialfamily. In 1816a storywentroundtheIndrethatPrince EugénedeBeauharnais, thesonofNapoleon’s firstwifeJosephine, hadralliedanarmyintheRhineland andwaspreparing toinvade Francefromthe east;the forceallegedlyincluded‘severalof Napoleon’s Marshals’.!°9 Ataroundthesametimetheinhabitants of

Birthofa Legend 61 territories bordering Switzerland, andparticularly theareasaround

Gex,hearditsaidthatJosephBonaparte wasnotinAmerica but hiding inthecantonofVaud,preparing anarmedforcetoinvade France.!!° TheVaudwasknown tobeaBonapartist stronghold, and

thisstorycausedsuchwidespread alarmbythetimeitreachedthe HautesPyrénées a weeklaterthatit hadtobeofficially deniedby

theprefect.!!!

Themostworrying rumourinvolving a memberof theimperial familyotherthanNapoleon appearedinMarch1817,whenitwas suggested thatLucienBonaparte, theEmperor’s ‘republican’ brother, waspreparing tolanda largearmedforceinthesouthof France. Therumouroriginated fromtheFrenchembassy inRome(where

Lucien lived,alongwithothermembers ofBonaparte clan); from thereitspreadtoCorsica,Marseilleand‘Toulon, andthentotherest

ofthesouthern Frenchcoastalareas.Shortlyafterwards, authorities

inAntibes,Cannes,Saint-Raphaél, Rocquebrune, Saint-Tropez, and

Saint-Maximin allbeganto reportthe appearanceof tricolour flagsin variouspublicplaces,andto heardarksuggestions that ‘extraordinary eventswereabouttotakeplace’.ByearlyApril1817 thestorywasbeingtakensoseriously thatphysical descriptions of Lucienweresentoutto gendarmes acrosstheentirearea,with instructions thatheshouldbearrested ifhewasseenentering French territory. However, in orderto avoidpanicamongthepopulation, andindeedamongtheforcesoflawandorder,Lucien’s namewas notexplicitly mentioned.!!? Napoleon was,intheserumours, irrepressible, literally thestuffof whichlegends weremade:slipping awayfromhisEnglish jailerswith

devastating ease,galloping across continents whilerecruiting mili-

tarysupportfromallnations,races,andtribes,andeffortlessly propelling himselfbacktopowerinFrance.Oneofthestriking featuresofthismilitary imageoftheEmperor asrevealed inthesetales wasthecomplete absence ofanysenseofweakness orvulnerability onhispart.It isoftenclaimedthatmartyrdom wasanimportant ingredient inthelegend: Napoleon’s defeatandexile,andthehumiliationsheenduredat Saint-Helena, werecertainly keyelements in theportraitoftheEmperor whichlateremerged intheMémonal de

Sainte-Héléne.''% Buttherewasnoneofthisfallibility inNapoleon’s imageinthe

62

TheLegendofNapoleon

popularimagination of theearlyRestoration. Indeed,therumours celebrated anEmperor withPromethean qualities: likethegreatconquerors,he wascapableof raisingcolossal armies(twohundred thousandTurks;fivehundredthousandAmericansand Austrians;

and‘twomillionIndiansmarching acrosstheGanges’!!*), Butin keeping withhisownlegendhewasequallycapableof successfully reclaiming histhronewitha fewthousandmen.!!°Onerumour whichemerged inearly1816evencredited Napoleon withescaping fromSaint-Helena, travelling to Viennato be reunitedwithhis secondwifeMarie-Louise andtheirson,andthencapturinghis father-in-law theEmperorof Austria—makinghiswife’s fathera

prisoner inhisowncountry.!!®

The existenceof an ‘Austrianconnection’wasoneof the most

intriguing strandsof theNapoleonic-return stories.Someof these

talesdatedbacktotheHundred Days,whenBonapartists them-

selves spreadrumoursofAustrian backing asawayofwinning over publicsupportfortheEmperor’s return.!!” Butthislegendendured after1815.Aswehavealreadynoted,manypeopleinFrancestill lentsufficient credenceto talesof Austrianmilitarysupportfor

Napoleon thattheywerewilling totraveltoVienna toenlistasvol-

unteers.Someof thestoriesaboutthesizeof thisliberating army wereindeedimpressive; according tooneaccount whichsurfaced in the Indreet Loirein lateMarch1817Napoleonwasalready encamped onFrenchborderswithan Austrianforceof 530,000

troops.!!®

Interestingly, thereis alsoevidence thatmanyof thesereturn storiesoriginated fromtheoccupying forcesthemselves —revealing a fascination fortheEmperoramongtheverysoldiers andofficers whohadbeenfightingagainsthimforyears.Alreadyinmid-July 1815,shortlyaftertheEmperor’s abdication, rumours hadbeganto circulatein LyonsthatAustrianforceswerecomingto Franceto imposeNapoleon’s sonastheruler.!!9 Whilethismayhavebeen wishfulthinkingonthepartof Napoleonic enthusiasts, thisview appearedto be sharedbymanyAustriansoldiers.Holedup in thetownof Saint-Chaumond onthenightof 25July,a groupof seventeen Austriandesertersassertedthattheirentireregiment hadbeentoldthattheywerein Franceto supporttheEmpress Marie-Louise, as wellas NapoleonII’sclaimsto the throne;they

Birthofa Legend

63

statedthattheyhadrebelledwhentheyhadfoundthisnotto be

thecase.!?°

Thisparticularinstancemaywellbedismissed asanattemptto curryfavourwiththelocalFrenchauthorities, or evento givea ‘political’ explanation fortheirdesertion.Yetit wasno isolated incident.Aslateas March1818it wasstillbeingreportedthat Austrian soldiers andofficers werespreading rumours ofNapoleon’s imminent returntoFrance.!*! Thesestoriescontinued evenafterthe Emperor’s death.In 1822,aroundthetimeof thecelebration of

Napoleon’s birthinAugust, Grenoble wassuddenly rifewithtalesof

an impending Austrianinvasion.'** ThroughouttheRestoration years,rumoursaboutthe‘Austrian connection’ alsoaccompanied storiesaboutNapoleonII: in 1828theprefectof Loirereported that:‘Forsometimenowit isbeingsaidamongthepeoplethat the sonof NapoleonwouldsoonenterFranceandthathe was supportedbyAustria,whichhadalreadydeployed troopsin the

Piedmont forthispurpose.’!29

Sympathy, admiration, andevenadulation forNapoleon werealso widespread in theranksof theRussianoccupation forces—especiallyamongthePolishcontingents. In December1815Russian troopspassing throughthegarrison townofChalonspreadthestory thattheEmperorwasaboutto enterFrancethroughitseastern borders‘attheheadofa Turkish army’;thesourceofthisstorywas believed tobea groupofPolishsoldiers andofficers whohadserved Napoleon, andwhoweredisseminating thesetalesin thehopeof destabilizing theBourbons.!** Anothergroupof Napoleonic Poles, basedintheYonne,alsospreadstoriesabouttheEmperor’s return, andapplauded ‘thetalentsandvirtuesof theuniversal scourgeof humanity’. !2° Mostremarkably, rumoursof Napoleon’s return,mingledwith expressions of supportfortheEmperor, werealsobroadlyreported fromtheranksof theBritishoccupying forces.‘Those stationed in northernterritories weredenounced astheprimeinstigators ofvariousNapoleonic-return storiesin 1815-16;the prefectof the Pas-de-Calais alsonotedthatBritish troopswereamongthemostavid purchasers ofNapoleonic memorabilia. !2° Evidence ofthedemandfortheseobjectsinBritainwasprovided bya merchantfromLyons,whowentto Parisin 1820andwas

64 TheLegendofNapoleon offereda rangeofNapoleonic objects(including tobaccoboxes); he wastoldthat‘theEnglish havebeenordering largequantities ofthis

material totakehome withthem.’!2’ IntheSeine-et-Marne British troopsspreadtherumourthattherehadbeenan uprisingagainst

Louis XVIIIandthatNapoleon wasonhiswaybacktoParis;!2° and intheNordtheircomrades ‘hadrepeatedly insultedtheKingand

spokenof theusurper[Napoleon] withenthusiasm.’!*? In the Calvados theprefect likewise reported thattheBritish forces were

‘directing themovement’ ofrumoursconcerning Napoleon’s immi| nentreturn.!¥0 In somepartsof thecountrythissupportfortheEmperorseemed

to be basedonreligious grounds.Thepersecution of Protestants whichaccompanied the ‘WhiteTerror’in manysoutherntowns in themonthsfollowing thereturnof theBourbonsin 1815led manyBritishsoldiers publicly todeclaretheirhostility totheregime, andto expresstheirbeliefthatNapoleonwouldreturnto rule

France ‘within thenextsixmonths’.!°! Thepolice commissioner of

Calaisdrewtheappropriate conclusion fromallthis:itwashardly surprising, henoted,thatsomanypeoplebelieved in Bonaparte’s comeback if evenhistraditional enemies seemedsoconvinced ofits

imminence.!*?

Protectorof the Nation,Bearerof theApocalypse Inaddition towitnessing aharshmilitary occupation, theearlyyears of theRestoration alsosawseriouseconomic hardships andsocial tensions arisinginmanypartsofFrance.Alongside thePromethean imageofNapoleon astheall-conquering political rulerandpatriotic antidotetotheBourbons, therumoursoftheEmperor’s returnalso gaverisetoanotherclusterof images: Napoleon thepowerful protectorof theFrenchnation—thechampion of theweakandthe oppressed. Asmentionedabove,Protestantcommunities werethevictims ofroyalist oppression intheearlymonthsoftheRestoration. Inthe department of theGard,whichwasparticularly affected, expressionsof hopefortheEmperor’s returnamongProtestants after 1815werefrequently accompanied bydepictions of Napoleonas

BirthofaLegend 65 thepromoterof theirfaith.A womanbythenameof ‘Teyssier

declared inthespring of1817thattheEmperor’s imminent arrival

wouldbea goodthingforProtestants as‘hewouldbuildasmany templesasweneed’.Thishopeforprotection wasalsomingled withthefantasyof revenge, oftenexpressed in extremely violent terms.A ProtestantcalledFrancoisRomanwassentencedto a year’simprisonment for statingin March1817thatNapoleon

wouldbeback‘within threemonths’, following which‘thearistocrats,the priests,and the Catholicswouldhavetheir heads

cutoff.’!%?

Thisdualitybetween protector andavenger appeared evenmore markedly inJacobinrepublican depictions of Napoleon’s return. Unlikethe Protestants,traditionalallieswho had embraced Bonapartism throughout hisruleundertheFirstEmpire, Jacobins hadlongbeenimplacably hostiletotheEmperor, whomtheyhad regarded asa traitortotherepublican cause.However, theeventsof 1815transformed theimageofNapoleon amongmanyrepublicans, turninghimintoan emblemof Frenchpatriotism, a defenderof

vulnerable sections ofsociety, andthespearhead oftheattack against theiroppressors. In March1817thenewmillenarian goalwhich underlay thisrepublican ideological transformation wasoutlined bya localofficial: ‘Bonaparte isnolongertheruthless despotwhoisreturning to claimhisleadensceptre, buttheherowhowillbringforththelib-

erationof the people.Uponhis return he willbe appointed ProtectoroftheRepublic, andbya remarkable effectonthefaith-

ful,thisPlatonic dreamwillreplace thecultofthetrueKing.At themoment ofthissinister metamorphosis, another greatsacrifice willbeneeded, andjustasin 1793itwillbenecessary tofound publicfelicityupontheextermination of priests,aristocrats, and royalistsof allshades.Afterthisdelugeof bloodandfire,a new

lightwillappearandthefirstdawnof thenewgoldenage willarise.”!4

DuringtheHundredDays,aswesawin Chapter1,republican expressions ofsupport forNapoleon werefrequently accompanied by

callsforthephysical elimination ofaristocrats andpriests. These

66

TheLegendofNapoleon

demands continued undertheRestoration. InDecember 1815aman in Vitry-le-Frangais declared‘gleefully’ thattheEmperor’s return wouldgettheguillotines working again‘astheyhaddonein1793’.!* InJanuary1816themayorofAurillac received ananonymous letter statingthatNapoleon wasalreadybackin Parisandthat‘lists’of

suspect nobles andpriests werebeing drawn up.!*° Thenobles and

priestsofTonnerre wereinformed, inananonymous andbarelyliterateplacard,that‘Napoleon wouldsoonreturnandleadyoutothe

Giliotine’ (sic).!97

Theseviolentvisions, however, werenotsharedbyallrepublican supporters of Napoleon. Somemerelyhopedhiscomeback would ‘emancipate thepeoplefromtheyokeof tyranny’, asforecastin a republicanplacardin early1816.!38 Likewise, a songwhich announced thereturnof Napoleon in 1818preferred tostressthe positive valuesuponwhichthenew-found unityofJacobinrepubli-

canswithBonapartists wasbased. Celebrating thealliance between

‘citizens’ (thetermwhichdesignated therepublican community) and ‘soldiers’ (oneofthekeyNapoleonic constituencies), itasserted that Napoleon hadalways represented thetruenationalidealsofvalour andheroism, bothasa republican andasa soldier. Thesongended bypromising thattheEmperor’s returnwouldgeneratecivicunity

andpolitical concord, aswellassocial peace.!*9

Protestant andJacobinrepublican conceptions of Napoleon as ‘protector’ wereessentially groundedin urbansettings. Butthere werealsostrongruraldimensions tothispaternalist theme.Indeed, manypeasantsexplicitly referredto theEmperorastheir‘good

father’, sometimes adding thathisreturnwould contribute toaplen-

tifulharvest.'*? Agoodfatheralways provided forhischildren, and Napoleon wasoccasionally portrayed asahealer,‘travelling fromvillageto village,curingsickpeasantswitharsenic’.!*! (Asomewhat double-edged metaphor...) Economic circumstances werealso

extremely hardin somedepartments in theearlyyearsof the

Restoration, withsteeprisesinthepriceofwheatandhighlevelsof poverty. Theprefect ofSaéne-et-Loire reported in1817thatrumours ofNapoleon’s returnwereallthemorecredible inhisdepartment

because ofthe‘profound economic misery’ ofthepopulation.!* In 1816awomannamedCombewasoverheard spreading thestory thatMarie-Louise andNapoleon wereontheirwaybacktoFrance

Birthof a Legend

67

to reclaimtheirthrone,and that ‘therewouldbe employment

forall’.!49

Thispromiseof an imperialcornucopia wasreflectedin the

imagery that often accompaniedthe announcementsof the

Emperor’s comeback. IntheIndreitwasrumouredthatNapoleon

wassoonreturning toFrance ‘with a greatdealofwheat’;!** ina

similar veinafalseimperial proclamation foundnearEvreux stated

thattheEmperorwas‘readytolandinFrancewithfiftyshipsladen

withwheat’.!* Falseproclamations intheCéted’Orandthe Sadne-et-Loire, signedbyNapoleon andBertrand, announced that

thefirstmeasure whichwouldbeimplemented bytheEmpire wouldbethelowering ofthepriceofbread;!*° thiswasechoed inmanyplacards intheRhéne.!*’ In theBouches-du-Rh6éne a placardwentupin 1820celebrating theEmperorNapoleon‘who

willbringbackabundance’.!*® Thisassociation of theimperial imagewiththisformofruralprovidentialism wasextremely widespreadacrossFranceinthe 1820sand 1830s.!#9 Ashewasbeing ledawayto prisonforspreadingstoriesof Napoleon’s return,a manof ruraloriginssaidsimply:‘WithhimI shallat leasthave

somebread.”!?°

Patriot,protector, avenger, provider: alltheseimageswerepredicatedon ‘positive’ assumptions thattherestoration of theEmpire wouldhavebeneficial effects forFrance. Butalongside thesevisions of blissandrestoredharmony, Napoleonic-return talesalsoconjured imagesof endemicuncertainty andchaos,andof a naturalorder whichwasfundamentally shattered.

Thecyclical character ofthepredictions oftheEmperor’s return

broughtforthseveral‘prophetic’ accounts. Intheautumnof 1815 a mannamedPerrin,whosoldpoultryonFridays attheMarchédela Fromagerie inLyons,reportedthat‘aprophethadannounced that Bonaparte wouldsoonbeback’,andthatthevisionary inquestion

hadneverfailed him.!*! Another self-styled prophet fromtheGard

wassentenced to threeyearsin prisonin 1817fordeclaring that

Francewouldwitness‘a terriblewar on the landand on the seas,

duringwhichNapoleon wouldreturnsixtimes’.!°? Inthesameyear a local‘prophet’ wasarrestedintheJuraforputtingupa seditious placardannouncing thereturnofNapoleon. Wheninterrogated by thepoliceheclaimedthatthismessage hadbeendictatedtohimby

68

TheLegend ofNapoleon

a sagewhohadlivedfivehundredyearsbeforeChrist,haddescribed tothelocalmanalltheeventsinNapoleon’s lifeandhadpredicted

that‘there would beaterrible warin1817.’!° Some oftheimages oftheEmperor’s returnweretrulyapocalyp-

tic:thecomplete breakdown of orderin allpartsof thecountry, according toonerumourinChateauChinon;!* theburningandpillagingof Paris‘wheretherewereonlytwohousesleftstanding’, as

asserted inonetalewhich wentroundtheMeuse;!*° andthedestruc-

tionofGibraltar andthelooting ofBerlin, according toanother. !°®

InsomecasesNapoleon’s returnwaspresented ascoinciding withthe endof theworld:inoneruralstory,thiswasexpected on8 March 1816,but it had been‘postponed’ (presumably byNapoleon)until

27May.!°”

The Miraculous Emperor ‘Allisquiet,allispeaceful; theonlysourceofagitation istheimagination.’!°Sospokethewearypolicecommissioner of Lyonsin

March1821, afteryetanother apocalyptic talehadrocked thecity. Butthis‘imagination’ couldhavedevastating socialandpolitical consequences, as we haveseenthrougoutthischapter,notablyby

radically transforming publicperceptions oftheEmperor. Indeed,byan inexorable logic,allthesepositiveandnegative

rumours culminated inthebeliefthatNapoleon possessed miracu-

louspowers. TheEmperor heldthefateoftheworldinhishands,but alsoitsorigins. AnArabpoeminhonourof Bonaparte, translated intoFrenchinthelateRestoration, hailedNapoleon ‘asa celestial

figure whobearstheimprint ofdivinity’.!°? Inmanyrecorded incidents in ruralFrance,hisreturnwasannounced bythenewly

born:thiswasthemessage conveyed byababyinNancy!andbya

rumourintheCreuse, whichalsoclaimed thata ‘vision ofBonaparte escortedbyangels’hadappearedto themotherandchildasthe

fable wasnarrated.!*! InAuxerre in1816 itwasclaimed thatanew-

born infanthad lefthis mother’swomband cried‘LongLive Emperor’ —notjustonce,butthreetimes.!® Napoleonwaseverywhere, in theskiesandbeneaththeearth: somepeasants intheArdéche claimed thattheyhadseenhisportrait

FIGURE7

Thetomb ofNapoleon atSaint-Helena Acharacteristically romantic representation ofNapoleon’s burialsiteontheisland. Imagesofthiskindwouldinspirewritersandpoets,andalsohelptopropagate the mythof the‘chained Prometheus’ whichwasoneof thecentralelements of the Napoleonic legend. Thestormywindsandburstoflightalsodrawupontraditional images oftheresurrection ofChrist,andthusstrongly hintattheEmperor’s immortality.InhispoemNapoléon (1836) EdgarQuinetproclaimed ‘Heisnotdead!Heis notdead!Fromhisslumber/Thegiantwillemergeevenstronger athisawakening’.

70 TheLegendofNapoleon inthemoon,fromwherehehadpromised todescend whileothers placedtheirearto thegroundto listenoutfor‘thesubterranean

armyofBonaparte, which would emerge toconquer thethrone’.!®

Amanwithsuchtranscendental qualities coulddefyallthelawsof nature,including death(seeFigure7).In 1815apeasantinthePuy-

de-Déme haddeclared hisbeliefthatNapoleon was‘immortal’;!®

andin the 1820smanyNapoleonic-return storiescrystallized in a rejection of theclaimthattheEmperorhaddied.Theyearof the

deathofNapoleon (1821) wasactually relatively quietintermsof

returnstories, butbyearly1822thesetaleshadbeguntoresurface. In early1823placardsappearedalloverLyons,denouncing theroyal familyandtheclergyandendingwiththestatement that‘theone

whoisdesired byusallisNapoleon’.!® Inthesameyear,theFrench

military intervention inSpain generated afresh wave ofrumours,!®© including claimsthatNapoleon wasstillalive;a formersoldier assertedthatFrenchforceswerebeingverypoorlyled,andthat

‘Napoleon wastheonlywarriorwhocoulddriveourforcestovictory;

hewasstillalive.’!®” Fromthenon,theimage ofNapoleonic immor-

tality, celebrated inBéranger’s song‘HeisnotDead’,!®* became

firmly anchored inthelegend.

In thelate1820s,therewasa spectacular revivalof Bonapartist

propagandain manypartsof France,and notablyin Alsace,where

customs officials seizedapamphlet entitled —adeepbreathisneeded here—Yussuf Pacha orhistory oftheEscape ofNapoleon fromSaint-Helena

onthedayofhasalleged death, ofthesecret admission oftheex-Emperor intothe Court ofConstantinople, ofhisconversion toIslam andofhisadventures onland

andsea,accompanied bycharacteristic anecdotes onthepresentwarbetween

Russia andTurkey andimportant prophecies ofNapoleon which willbeaccomplished.'®° Lessovertly orientalist accounts ofNapoleon’s continued existence concentratedon the traditionalBonapartistrejectionof the Bourbons,aswiththeworkerfromVersailles whostatedthat:“The

Kingwillnotremainlongonthethrone.Bonaparte willbeherein twomonths. I donotbelieve inhisdeath.’!”° ThisfaithinNapoleonic immortality wasalsogrounded ina recollection of thepastglories andbenefits oftheFirstEmpire: a mancalledRémy,a forestguard in theYonne,declaredthatNapoleon haddonea lotof goodfor

France: ‘Heisnotdead,Iwillseehimagain.’!”! Above all,itwasa

BirthofaLegend 71 message ofeternaladoration fortheEmperor: ‘HeisstillaliveandI lovehim,”!”? declared anagricultural workerin 1824.Appropriately enough,in viewof thisquasi-divine formof worship,thisman’s namewasBondieu.

Chapter3

ACultofSeditious Objects

ShortlyafterNapoleon’s exiletoSaint-Helena, a heninavillagein theAubelaida flattenedeggwhichwasshapedlikean effigyof Bonaparte. ‘Theentirepopulation crowded aroundtocheerthemiracleandweresoonfollowed bypolice,whoarrestedthefowl’s proud owner,a locallabourer.The hen wasalsoincarcerated.Stendhal

concluded thisaccountof thetaleinhisJournal: “Thehendiedin prison,butthememory ofitseggremained.”! Thestorysymbolized thecontinuing presence oftheEmperorin thecollective imagination oftheFrenchpeopleafter1815,andalso theacutedilemmas facedbytheBourbon authorities indealing with

hislegacy. Theproblem wasnotoneofabstract constitutional rules

andloftytheoretical principles: Napoleon wasa physical reality, his fatethesubjectof everyconversation, hisimagelurkingin every mind.Indeed,aswesawintheprevious chapter, nosoonerhadheset sailfromFrenchshoresthanrumoursofhisimminent returnbegan tospread. Catholic priestsandaristocrats trembled atthethoughtofanother ‘flightof theeagle’,andin somepartsof southernFrancethey unleashed a ‘White‘Terror’, murdering a considerable numberof menwhohadsupported Napoleon duringtheHundredDays.‘These actsof savagery, accompanied bywidespread pillaging andlooting,

ACultofSeditious Objects

73

createdlocalmartyrs,and fortifiedthe determinationof workers,

peasantsand demobilized soldiersto seethe returnof ‘their’

Emperor. AstheBourbons struggled tore-establish theirholdover thecountry, a tidalwaveofpopularBonapartist agitation swept

acrossFranceduringthesummerandearlyautumnof 1815. Inordertostemthisproliferation ofsupportforthe‘usurper’, as Napoleon wascommonly described inroyalist writings, theBourbon authorities tookradicalmeasures. AlloverFrance,stepsweretaken toremovefrombookshops alltheworks(books, pamphlets, poems)

writtenandpublished duringthe HundredDays.?In 1815

Parliament alsoadopteda lawcriminalizing anyverbalorwritten endorsement of Bonaparte. Anotherbillwidenedthedefinition of political crimestoincludenotonlyconspiracy andarmedrebellion butalsoanythreatagainsttheKingandhisfamily, aswellasany director indirectincitement to alterthelineof succession to the Frenchthrone.Strictcensorship lawsalsoforbadeanypictorial representation whichcouldbe deemedto libelor threatenthe existing government.’ ‘Sedition’ wasthusdefined inextremely broad terms,soastoincludeanythought,utterance, gesture, orsymbolic representation ofsupportforNapoleon. Thesejuridicalmeasures werefollowed in theearlymonthsof 1816bya widespread purgeofphysical objectsandsymbols ofthe Napoleonic era.In provincial townsandvillageselaborateceremonieswereheldinwhichcivicandmilitaryemblems of theFirst Empirewerepublicly burnt;inCarcassonne a liveyoungeaglewas alsothrownintotheflames.Theseritualsledtothedestruction of manyworksof art,notablyat Orléans,wherethepyreincluded a portraitofNapoleon byGérard,forwhichthetownhadpaid10,000

francs.*

However, someartefacts weresavedforposterity. IntheMaine-etLoire,theprefecture possessed amagnificent whitemarblebustofthe Emperor byAntonio Canova. In 1816,thelocalroyalists decreed its destruction, buttheofficial orderedtocarryoutthisactofvandalism hidthebustintheattic,whereitwasrediscovered twentyyearslater bythepoetMériméeduring a visitto Angersin hiscapacityas

Inspector ofHistorical Monuments.”

In manytowns,these‘purging’ ceremonies wereconducted by thehangman— an indication of whatsomeof themorefanatical

74 TheLegendofNapoleon royalists wouldhavedonewiththeEmperorif theyhadlaidhands onhimattheendoftheHundredDays.®° Although theycontained elements ofmenace, theprincipal aimoftheseritualswascathartic. Thepagewasnowbeingturned:Bonaparte wasgone,andhisformer subjectswerebeinginvitedto exciseallmemoriesof himfromtheir

minds.

Unfortunately fortheregime, theveryopposite occurred. France

wassoonengulfedin an imperialcult,perpetuatedthrougha plethoraofimages, symbols, andobjects. ‘Thisimperial legendkept Napoleon aliveinthemindsofhispeopleandsystematically underminedthe politicallegitimacy of the Bourbons.The different

manifestations oftheseseditious objects during theRestoration years

willbeexplored inthischapter.

ANapoleonicdeluge Themoststriking featureoftheNapoleon cultwasitssheerscale.In theyearsbetween1815and1830thousands of coinsandmedals, hundredsof thousandsof bustsand smallstatues,and millionsof

images representing Napoleon weresold,distributed, andexchanged acrossFrance.Bustsmadeofplasterweremanufactured ona small scalebyindividuals intheirhomesandbackgardens. ‘Theengraver andformermarineofficerLouisPillardwasarrestedin 1818after policefoundaplastermouldinhishouse.’ Alternatively, suchobjects, sometimes alsomadeofbronzeorcopper, wereproduced inlarger quantities inclandestine factories incitiesandlargertowns,notably inParis,Lyons, andGrenoble.® Despite itsbestefforts —someofthe manufacturers werearrested andprosecuted? —theStateproved incapableof haltingthisproduction line,especially asanyshortfall in domestic manufacture waseasilycompensated forbyimportsfrom neighbouring countries —notably fromtheGermanandItalianstates, aswellasfromBelgium andSwitzerland.!° Thevolume ofthisforeign tradewasimpressive: inearly1823the French policereceived reportsthataFrenchorderhadbeenplacedin afoundry inWurtemberg for12,000 smallbustsofNapoleon. ‘These objects weresmuggled intothecountry across France’s porouseastern

border, often withthecomplicity oflocal Customs officials.'! Objects

A Cultof SeditiousObjects

3

madeinFrancewerealsoexported toothercountries —andnotonly

within Europe: in 1826Customs officials inNantes seized thirteen crates containing Napoleonic medals, busts, andportraits which were boundfortheportofMahéinIndia.!?

Avast‘underground’ tradein coins,drawings,portraits,andcari-

caturesportrayingthe Emperoralso flourishedduringthe

Restoration period. Aswiththebustsandstatues, theproduction networks weresimultaneously local(theworks ofindividual artists), national (Paris wasanimportant centre), andinternational. Travellers oftenbroughttheseitemsinto Francefromother countriesand

handedthemovertoBonapartist agents;sometimes theydistributed

themdirectly. Inthesummer of1819alargenumber ofportraits of

Napoleonwerefoundin thenortherncoastaltownof Cambrai;

policesuspicions in thisinstanceweredirectedat a groupof English

travellers.! Another favoured method wasthedispatch ofthese imagesbyposttoinnocent-looking addresses. In 1819thepolicein

Rouen fortuitously stumbled upon a largecollection ofNapoleonic

portraitsconcealedin a parceladdressedto ‘MissHowerand Madame Mouton, BoardingSchool,Rue de l’EcureuilNo.7,

Rouen.”!* These ladies clearly hadaverybroad-minded approach to

education. Theimagesthemselves spanneda widerange,showing bothold andnewmotifsin Napoleonic propaganda. Thedominantgenre were‘dynastic’ representations oftheEmperor, eitheralone(inimperialdress)oralongside theEmpress Marie-Louise andtheirsonthe DucdeReichstadt. Therewerealsoportraits ofseveral ‘minor imperials’,including mostnotably Napoleon’s firstwifeJosephine andher sonPrinceEugénedeBeauharnais. Particularly worthyofnotehere wasthe‘prodigious debit’of allimagesandotherparaphernalia associated withNapoleon’s son,theheirtotheimperialthrone.In 1815localauthorities reportedthatcoinsbearingtheportraitof ‘Napoleon II’werein circulation in theRhéneandIsére,in the cantonofVaudandasfarafieldasGeneva.!° Engravings werealsoextremely popular:in 1818thepolicecomplainedthatadrawing entitledTheSonoftheRegiment (anevocation of Napoleon andhissonduringtheHundredDays)hadsoldoutwithin daysofitsbeingprinted,andevenbeforeitsexistence hadbeenoffi-

cially declared totheauthorities.

76

TheLegendofNapoleon

EveninthefinalyearsoftheRestoration thistradeinportraits and coinsrepresenting theimperial heirstillflourished: theywerefound

inlargenumbers inParis!’ andToulouse!® butalsoinruralpartsof theAin!9 andLoiret.2° Theseimages represented the‘monarchical’

aspectof theNapoleonic tradition, whichfocused aboveallonthe personoftheEmperor andhisroleasthefounderofa dynasty. Asecondtypeof imageconsisted of depictions of Napoleon on

Saint-Helena.Herethe tonewasromanticand oftenmelancholic,

andincluded depictions of theisland’s bleakandinhospitable ter-

rain.?! Even before Napoleon’s death, there were numerous popular allegories representing himatSaint-Helena incontemplative mood; oneimageconfiscated fromamerchant inToulonevendepicted him

withonearm cutoff,‘witha faceexpressingthe greatestsorrow’;7?

anothershoweda nymphcryingovera bustof Napoleon undera

weeping willow.’ After1821thismourning theme became very common. ButnotallSaint-Helenic images weredespondent. Thethemeof

Napoleon’s escapefromtheisland,whichexercised a powerfulappeal

intheFrenchpublicimagination after1815,wasalsostrongly repre-

sented. Adrawing entitled TheNewTitan, seized atthehomeofa painter, showed Napoleon breaking offhisSaint-Helena chains and

leaping towards Europe;** anotherimageshowed theEmperor heading awayfromhis prisonislandunder the protectionof Turkish

troops.”? Thiswasan illustration of oneof themostwidespread

rumours concerning Napoleon’s escape fromtheisland; itwasalso available intheformofamedallion, which represented Bonaparte withacrescent inthebackground.”® Even in defeat, Napoleon remained all-powerful;and_ this

Promethean strandof theimageryblendednaturallyintoa third

variant, whichwasmadeupofmartial scenes. Theserepresented Napoleon atsomeofhisfamous battles, mostnotably athiscampin Austerlitz?’ andpreparing fortheengagement at thebattleof Eylau.”® Therewerealsogenericimages glorifying thefeatsofarms oftheEmperor, asforexample inthecollection ofdrawings entitled

Long Live Napoleon, Conqueror andPacifier.2? Butthemostinteresting subsetof thesePromethean imagesconsisted of representations of theHundredDays,andnotablyof the‘flightof theeagle’: among thesewasadrawing ofthejourneyacrosstheseafromElba,entitled

FIGURE8

Theimperial leap Arepresentation ofNapoleon’s flightfromElba(ontheright), andhissuccessful march toParis(ontheleft). TheEmperor’s righthandholds aflagwiththenational colours, bearingtheinscription ‘HonourandFatherland’; hislefthandclutches a swordandhislaurels—a clearstatementof Napoleonic strength,althoughhis intentions in March1815werepeaceful. Thegroupof royalists belowarediscussing howtoreacttothenewsofNapoleon’s returntoParis:themanontheright

suggests thatwarshould bedeclared ontheEmperor, while theoneontheleftstates: ‘Letuspackourbags.’ Images ofthiskindwerewidely circulated intheearlyyears oftheRestoration, andcontributed totheglorification oftheHundredDays;they alsohelpedtospreadrumoursaboutNapoleon’s return.

78 TheLegendofNapoleon Theimperial leap(seeFigure8);a representation of thelandingin Cannes(alsoavailable intheformof a medal*°) andtheentryinto

Grenoble.*!

Alongside thesedepictions of keymoments inNapoleon’s 1815 odyssey thereweredrawings andcaricatures representing hisongoing political battleagainsttheBourbonroyalists. ‘These oftentookthe

symbolic formofdrawings ofimperial emblems ‘defeating’ their

royalist counterparts, mosttypically theeagledevouring thefleur-delys.Thisimagewasextremely commonin thefirstdecadeof the Restoration,and a prisonerin the Var evenhad hisjail sentence

extended foradorning thewallofhiscellwithalargeeaglecrushing theroyalemblem. Toavoidallambiguity hehadalsoscribbled an inscription: “Theeaglewillonedaycometo destroythefleur-delys.’32 Thisdrawing wasmadetomarktheanniversary ofNapoleon’s landinginMarch1815,celebrated byBonapartists alloverFrance duringthefirstdecadeoftheRestoration. Animportant political elementin thissubsetof imageswasthe preponderance of thethemeof anti-clericalism. A colourimage foundinLavalin 1819showed Napoleon grabbing hiscrownback fromLouisXVIII,withhissoldiersbehindhim;onthefarsideof the

pictureBourbon soldiers canbeseenfleeing, accompanied byaristocratsandpriests. Thecaptionoftheimage(‘Iamtakingbackmycap andleaving youwithyourcaloite’**) illustrated theassociation ofthe Catholicreligionandthearistocracy withtheroyalist causein the middleofBonapartist devotees (seeFigure9). Thesetypesofdrawings alsodemonstrated thecentralroleofthe HundredDaysintheemergence ofa newformofNapoleonic politicsafter1815,more‘popular’in characterand sharingmany ideological affinities withJacobinrepublicans, theEmperor’s newfoundalliesduringtheHundredDays.Incontrastwiththedynastic andeventhemartialimages,whichwerenotparticularlyaggressive

eithervisually orintheirtone,this‘Jacobin’ Napoleonic imagery was extremely threatening. Regicide wascommonly advocated andcelebrated;placardsoccasionally recalledtheexecution of KingLouis XVIin 1793,andimagesandcaricatures oftenshowedNapoleon throttling theBourbon monarchs. In thewinterof 1821—2 a seventy-year-old mancalledJulien Presté,accompanied, asnotedenviously inthepolicereportby‘his

‘Ttake mybonnet andleave you with yourskullcap’

Seditious Bonapartist placard FIGURE9

Afascinating example oftheuseofNapoleonic imagesbyBonapartist propagandistsafter1815.Theoriginal drawing, produced duringtheHundredDays,showed

Napoleon andLouis XVIII, withtheEmperor grabbing backhiscrown fromthe

King.Theseditious placardincorporates thisimageintoabroaderpicture(notethat Napoleon hasbecome muchthinner), whichisdominated byanimposing eagle,and alsoshowsNapoleonic soldiers ontheright,androyalist supporters fleeingonthe left.‘Theplacardwasclearly theworkofa ‘popular’ Napoleonic group;itcontains twospelling mistakes. Alsonoteworthy istheexplicit association of theBourbons

withthe Church;thisanti-clericalism wasa distinctfeatureof ‘popular’ Bonapartism after1815.

80 TheLegendofNapoleon 33-year-old wife’, touredtheruralareasoftheIle-et-Vilaine showing

peasants afolded drawing which beganbylooking like a fleur-de-lys. Whenopened,however, itshowed thisflowerbeingswallowed byan eagle,and Napoleonemergingto chaseawaythe Kingand the

clergy.** Andintheaftermath oftheassassination oftheDucde

BerrybytheBonapartist sympathizer Louvel in1820,alargenumber

of Napoleonic coinsweredistributed inthedepartment of the Calvados asagesture ofcelebration.*° A distinctsub-species of theseimagesrepresentedNapoleonwith

theemblems oftherevolutionary secretsociety theCarbonari, which

wasfounded inItalyanddeveloped inFrance intheearly1820s. ThepoliceinGrenoble arrested twoItalianbrothers whowerefound

in possessionof a collectionof imagesand medalsrepresenting

Napoleon withtheCarbonaro dagger.*© Thesesecretsocieties also usedsmall statues ofBonaparte assigns ofrecognition, andinsome casesaffixed theirseal(ahumanskull, bones, andadagger) attheir

base.>’

Symbolic attacks werealsoaimeddirectly attheFrenchmonarchy: in 1820five-franc coinswerecirculating inLyons,depicting Louis XVIIIwearinga religious cape,andwithhisheadcovered witha

cap.°® After1824 hissuccessor Charles Xwasalsolampooned bya

seriesofcoinsrepresenting himdressed inecclesiastical costume*? or

asaJesuit.*° Inthespring of1827theauthorities werefacedwitha

veritable epidemic ofthesecoins,withlargenumbers beingfoundin

Toulouse, Bordeaux, Carcassonne, Bourg, andMarseille.*! Manyof themalsodepicted anoose carved around theKing’s neck.** Sonsof Bonaparte Publicdemandfortheseobjects wasinsatiable. InNovember 1819a Parisianstreettraderadmittedtothepolicethathehadsold8,000

bustsofNapoleon duringtheprevious fourdays.** Norwasthisa

phenomenon limitedto theearlyyearsof theRestoration. In the summerof 1828the stallsof streethawkersandfurnitureand antiqueshopsinPariswerelitteredwithimagesof theEmperor, to thegreatdespairofthelocalauthorities.**

Thesituation intheprovinces wasnodifferent. Police officers kept

A Cultof SeditiousObjects

81

a closewatchonweeklyfairs,confiscating anyNapoleonic busts

which wereondisplay* andoftenarresting andprosecuting thevendors.*© Buttheywerepowerless tocontroltheprincipal agentsofthe

distributionof Napoleoniciconsin the countryside,the travelling

salesmen. Aswesawintheprevious chapter, thesecolporteurs werethe baneofRestoration officials, whooftensuspected themofspreading

Napoleonic rumours. In 1815theMinister of Police, Decazes,

warnedallhisprefects: ‘France iscovered withtravelling salesmen, whoareroamingacrosstheterritoryin alldirections. Throughtheir activeindustrytheyareableto reachthe smallestvillagesandeven

themostremotehabitations.’

Describing thesehawkers as‘agents ofdeception andintrigue’, Decazes notedinparticular thepolitical influence theywielded in ruralcommunities: “Thepeasantwhohasneverlefthisvillagegreets thesemenasoracles,andfindstheirstoriesallthemorecrediblethat

theirdressandformsof speecharefamiliar tohim.”*” Thisconclu-

sionwasfrequently corroborated inlocalreports frompoliceand

justiceofficials; onesalesman travelling inBrittany in 1824waseven arrestedbecauseofhisphysical resemblance totheEmperor, which had ledmanypeasantsto askhimwhether‘hewasthe sonof

Bonaparte’ .*®

Inprovincial towns asimilarly pivotal roleinthedissemination of

Napoleonic objects(andBonapartist propaganda) wasperformed by booksellers, whofoundallsortsofingenious waysofcircumventing thelegislation forbidding thesaleof seditious material.Themost common methodwastheremoval of allsuchitemsfrompublicdis-

play;potential customers werealerted totheirexistence byagesture

oranapparently innocent question (“Would youliketoseesomething interesting?’)*? Butinthevastmajorityof cases—townswereafterall

relatively smallplaces,wherethepolitical affiliations ofallfigures in thepubliceyewereknown — thesebooksellers werevisited because they wereknownsupporters ofNapoleon.

The exampleof FrédéricLemire,a booksellerbasedin Evreux,

offersa goodillustration ofthecharacteristics andoperating methods of suchindividuals. AformerofficerinNapoleon’s guard,Lemire soldimagesandbustsoftheEmperorinParisfromtheearly1820s butalsotravelled alloverthecountrytoplyhistrade.Healsomade frequent visitstoBelgium, hisprincipal sourceofsupplies.°° In 1823

82 TheLegendofNapoleon policereportsnotedthatLemire‘onlysoldbooks,imagesandbusts whichrelatetoBonaparte’ andthat‘hisrevolutionary opinions are mostardent.”°! Emboldened byhissuccess, Lemireevenappliedfor permission toopenanotherbookshop inhisnativetownofRouenin 1827,thoughhisapplication wasturneddown.°* TherewerehundredsofmenlikehimalloverFrancebetween1815and1830. Towhatuseswerethesehundredsof thousands of Napoleonic icons—busts,smallstatues,images—putbothbytheirdistributors andbythosewhoacquired them?TheearlyyearsoftheNapoleonic legendareoftenseenasessentially apolitical incharacter: astaticand almosttimeless celebration oftheimageoftheEmperor, withoutan accompanying formof politicalor ideological mobilization.*?

Thearchivalevidence, however, suggests otherwise. Portraitsof Napoleon weregenerally framedandhiddenfromview,andwere

brought outonlyonspecial occasions. (Police searches tendedto

uncoverthemin wardrobes, carefully wrappedin paperor clothing.)°*Bustsand smallstatues,however,weregenerallyplacedin openview,eitheroverthechimneyoroutdoorsinthegarden;onone

occasion at least,a manwasevenseenswallowing hisNapoleonic

statue asagesture ofcelebration afterthedeathofaleading member

oftheroyal family.

Butofficial attitudes towards thepublicdisplay ofsuchiconsvaried enormously fromonepartof Francetoanother,andalsofromone profession toanother. Asfromlate1815a privatecitizen—a doctor

oralawyer, orapeasant oraformer soldier inNapoleon’s Grande Armée—couldfeelrelatively safeinholding theseobjects inhis homes,astheywereeffectively regardedbytheStateauthorities as

itemsforprivateuse.°® Foranysoldierstillservingin the Bourbon

Army,however, the merepossession of a Napoleonic bustwas

grounds forinstant detention andcourtmartial; inDecember 1829 a

gunnerfromthe7thRegiment wasarrested inStrasbourg aftera bust

of theEmperorwasfoundamonghispersonaleffects.’Yet,despite

thethreatof suchdraconiansanctions, largenumbersof soldiers (including officers) keptimagesandbustsofNapoleon.

Alongside thesemanifestations of‘expressive’ politics, which were

individualistic andprivate, Napoleonic coins,busts,andimages were alsodeployedasinstruments of propagandaandevenconspiracy. An

official enquiryintotheconspiracy of August1820inParisfound

ACultofSeditious Objects 83 thattheArmyofficers whohadbeenimplicated intheplotusedto recognize eachotherbytwomeans:aspecial Napoleonic handshake

(‘representing a double N’)andthedisplay of‘small eagles’.*®

Likewise, allthemembersof a Bonapartistsecretsocietywhichwas.

activeintheTarnintheearlyRestoration yearsworea broochfea-

turing ablack eagle.°°

CoinswerealsousedbyBonapartists asameansofmutualrecognition,aswitha groupof imperial veteransinToulouse whowere foundinpossession ofa copperpiecebearingtheimageoftheDuc deReichstadt,® orasawayofengaging apolitical conversation. In Parisin1820apolicereportnotedthatgoldpiecesbearingtheeffigy ofMarie-Louise werebeinghandedouttomembers ofthepublicas apreludetoaffirming thesuperiority oftheNapoleonic dynasty over

theBourbon line.*! After thedeathofNapoleon coins ofhissonwith

thecaption“TheHopeofFrance’ wereusedbyBonapartist agentsto underwrite Napoleon II’sclaimstotheFrenchthrone;*? largequantitieswerealsodistributedon specialoccasions,suchas the

anniversary oftheSaint-Napoléon on15August.®*? Bonapartists

oftendistributed in cafésportraitsanddrawings of theEmperor, especially incitiessuchasPariswheretheycouldcarryouttheseacts anddisappear rapidlyintothecrowd.*4 Indeed,thiseffortto disseminate imperialpropaganda through imageswasnotlimitedtotownsandcities.Intheimmediate aftermathof Napoleon’s secondabdication, rumoursof hisimminent

returnwerespread inthecountryside bymencarrying medals ofthe

Emperor, whichtheyoftenclaimedto havereceived directlyfrom him. InSaint-Lo in 1819threeindividuals entereda caféanddistributedcopiesof a drawingrepresenting LouisXVIIIbeing strangled byNapoleon, witheaglesdevouring thefleur-de-lys inthe background; themendisappeared beforethearrivalof thegendarmerie.©© Most interestingly, there were also examplesof Napoleonic objectsbeingusedto assistthespreading of rumours: Tuscan-born Jean-Nicolas Dorvichi,a travellingsalesman,was arrestedin theYonneforsellingeaglesandtricolourribbonsand tellinghispotential customers that‘Napoleon hadre-entered France withanArmyof 1,800,000 Turks.’ Thissortofapproach wasnotalways successful, especially assubtletywasnotalways theirperpetrators’ strongest suit.Forexample, in

84 TheLegendofNapoleon October1815a formerNapoleonic soldierwasarrestedwhenhe triedto forcea youngmanto kissa portraitof Bonaparte.®® In February 1820amanwasprosecuted forslipping atinybronzestatue ofNapoleon intothewineofhisdrinking companion. Theunfortunatemanswallowed theEmperor, butnotalltheway—a dramatic

illustration ofNapoleon’s capacity tostickinsome people’s throats.”

ABourgeoisAesthetic Theproliferation after1815ofobjects andimages associated withthe

Emperor marked theemergence ofaveritable Napoleonic aesthetic,

whichmanifested itselfinavarietyofsocialsettings. ‘This association ofthenameofNapoleon witha cultureofdecorative andpractical objects wasapparentthroughout France, transcending age,class,and occupational divisions, andwithusesrangingfromhedonism, decoration,andentertainment to theovertdissemination of political propaganda. However, amongalltheseaspectsofthisaesthetic one wasmoststriking: theinvocation of Napoleon, asweshallobserve, wasalmostinvariably associated withthepromotion andcelebration of masculinesentiments, malepleasures,andmanlyvirtues.

Thiscultbeganalmostliterallyin the cradle.A considerable numberofparentsfromalloverFrance(especially formersoldiers of

theGrande Armée”) namedtheirchildren afterNapoleon — or at

leastattempted todoso.Theriskswerehigh,especially intheearly yearsof theRestoration. In 1816twoartisansfromBeauvais were arrestedafterannouncing theirintentionto nametheirsonsPaulJoseph-Bonaparte andLouis-Henri-Napoleon; theyspecified that

‘they hadwanted theirchildren tobearthenames ofawarrior’.’! In

Nantesin1819theprinterManginalsolandedhimselfintroublefor declaring thenamesof hisnewbornsonasVictor-Aimé-EugéneNapoléon; hesoughttoappeasetheauthorities byclaiming thathe wasfulfilling apromise tohisnow-deceased brother.” Othersweremorebrazenstill;thelabourer LeMarec,described as ‘barelyliterateand of ill repute’,announcedin a tavernin Guinguamp in 1824that‘hehadnamedhissonNapoleon because theEmperor hadruledandwouldruleagain.’(Hewasclearly a zeal-

ousdevotee, asBonaparte hadbeendeadforthreeyears).’? Even

ACultofSeditious Objects

85

moresingular,perhaps,wasthe caseof thedoctorin Albiwhohad

beenpraying forasonuponwhomthemagical imperial namecould

bebestowed. Undeterred bythearrival ofa daughter instead, he decided tochristen herMarie-Louise-Néapoldine; hetoowasimmediatelyarrested.’* TheEmperor wasclearly popularamongdoctors in the‘Tarn;anothermedicalofficerwasarrestedin Layracfor

naming hisnew-born ‘Marie-Louise-Napoléonide’.’°

ThecultofNapoleon wasalsointenseamongthebourgeoisie in

the1820s and1830s, notably inAlsace, withmanyinstances ofchil-

drennamedaftertheEmperor.’° Itwasnodoubtthistendency which Flaubert—nofriendof Bonapartism — satirizedinMadame Bovary throughthecharacterof theprovincial pedantMonsieur Homais, whonamedoneofhissonsNapoleon.’”

Napoleon wasalsoapowerful influence inthepursuits ofFrench

childrenand youngmen.Throughoutthe Restoration a large numberofschoolteachers secretly celebrated thecultoftheEmperor in theirclassrooms; in the communeof Louhansin 1820a head-

teachercausedan enormousscandalwhenhe paidhomageto

Napoleon andtheprinciples oftheFrench Revolution attheannual

prize-giving ceremony, heldin thepresenceof localreligious and

secular authorities. ’®

TheNapoleonic geniecouldspringupanywhere. IntheGers,a populargameamongchildren consisted ofholding a masquerade in whichsoldiersdressedin Romanoutfitscrowneda youngboyas

theirKing(anovertallusion toNapoleon’s son,theKingofRome).”?

Whilethiselaborate typeof ritualtendedtofindfavouramongthe childrenofthebourgeoisie, Napoleon wasalsoaninstantcelebrity amonga moreworking-class clientele; in1829anentertainer enjoyed hugesuccess ata carnival inPontoise withanactwhichincluded a mechanical eaglesurmounted bya statueof Bonaparte, onwhose headtwoangelsdeposited thecrownofFrance.®° A widerangeof ‘seditious toys’wasalsoavailable, including

crosses withNapoleonic emblems*! andstatues ofBonaparte spe-

cially madeforchildren.®* Themostcunning formofsubliminal advertising wastheimprinting of Napoleonic formsandimages on children’ssweets—evidence,to the Restorationauthorities,of

theultimatemoralcallousness of theBonapartists. Someof these confections weremadeforspecialoccasions, andwereaimedat a

86 TheLegendofNapoleon moreelevated groupof consumers —aswiththesmallstatuesof Bonapartemadein sugarand chocolateby the confectioner Daguillon inRouenaroundthetimeoftheChristmas andNewYear festivities in 1825.85 Butmillions ofsmaller andcheaperconfections

werealsoon offerthroughouttheyear,eitherwithwrappingsrepre-

senting Napoleonic images andsymbols** orintheformofsweets shaped intheeffigy oftheEmperor.® Insomeinstances thepropagandist aspectwasnotevenconcealed: in 1817theconfectioner Michaudwasarrestedin Parisforsellingsweetswhosewrappings explicitly calledforthereturnofNapoleon.®® Foradults,theparaphernalia wasconsiderably moreextensive, as

wellasornate.Bourgeois homeswerefilledwithvarious objects imprinted withNapoleonic images andsigns,rangingfromtheutili-

tarian(cupsand saucers)®’ to thepurelydecorative(crystalvases)**.

Realimperial fetishists couldalsoeatoutinrestaurants whichprided themselves ontheiruseofexclusively Napoleonic crockery —atrade

markwhich wasgoodforbusiness, lesssoforrelations withthelocal

police.®? Mostnotable, however, weretheobjects specifically designed tobewornor carried—againmostlybymen.

Thereweretwodistinctversions of thisNapoleonic aesthetic: a bourgeois variant,whichcentredaroundvisibleandluxuryobjects, anda more‘popular’ style,whichwasfocusedonsmallerobjects, oftenpractical itemsforeveryday consumption anduse.ThebourgeoisNapoleonic aesthetic knewnoshameinitsyearning tobeseen andadmired. Itrepresented notonlyaprojection oftheimageofthe

Emperor intothepublicspherebutalsoa celebration oftheeleganceandsocialrefinement ofthebourgeois male.Middle-class

Bonapartist devotees in citiesandtownsdeckedthemselves outin itemsof clothingliberally inscribed withtheimageof Napoleon: theymoppedtheirbrowsin affectation withNapoleonic handkerchiefs; madeagreatshowofpointing totheirbeautiful breeches and silkties,uponwhichhappened tobeimprinted thesilhouette ofthe Emperor;andtheykeptchillsofftheirdelicateneckswithfinely stitched scarves leftdangling acrosstheirshoulder justenoughfora largeimperial ‘N’tocomeintoview(or,forthosewithamodicum of

sobriety, aneagle).°

Napoleonic apparelforthebourgeoisie wasoftenextremely elaborate,andcouldevencomewitha hintof mystery —aswiththe

ACultofSeditious Objects 87 walkingstickwhosehandlecontaineda cavityin whicha bronze statuetteofBonaparte wasconcealed. Atthetouchof a buttonthe

Emperor dulypopped up,a delightful (ordreaded) reminder ofhis

consistent capacity toappearinunexpected places, and,forthemore hopeful, a symbol oftheimminence ofhisreturn.?! Whennewsof thedeathof theEmperorreachedFrance,hundredsof youngmenin Lyonswentintomourningbyfashioning expensive jacketsinblacksilk,withweeping willows imprinted upon

them;%? thecityremained oneofthecentres forthefabrication ofthis material intheearly1820s.%° Several incidents involving thepublic display ofthese‘jackets ofgrief’werereportedin 1822,notablyone casewherea retiredArmyofficerproudlyshowedoffhisattireto

serving military personnel,?* andmaterial fortheirmanufacture

continued tobefoundintailors’ shopsuntilatleastthesummer

of1823.

ThecultofNapoleon wasalsoa celebration ofmasculine beauty andgrooming. Everypartof thebourgeois malebodywasthroroughlypreparedforpublicdisplay, assisted (withremarkable market

sensitivity toprevailing cultural fashion) byarangeofessential prod-

ucts:fortheskin,thefragrance‘EauduDucdeReichstadt’, andfor

thehair,a lubricantwithmiraculously Napoleonic properties, the ‘huilelibérale’.Bothenjoyedextensive circulation in provincial

France during thefirstdecade oftheRestoration.”

Facial haircouldalsobeuseddirectly toexpress support forthe

Napoleonic cause;intheCétes-du-Nord in1817therewasaspateof moustache-growing amongdevotees oftheimperial cause;thesemen walkedthroughSaint-Brieuc ingroups,provocatively twirling their whiskers.?’ Acomplex association ofNapoleon witharangeofflowersalsoemerged, notably theviolet,thecarnation, andthecamomile; allofthesewereworninthebuttonhole asa symbol ofpublicidentification withtheEmperor. InParisalltheleadingBonapartist demi-soldes woreavioletorred

carnation ontheirpanama hats.%° InNiort in1816 alarge number of

mencelebrated thefirstanniversary ofNapoleon’s returnbywalking

thestreets oftheirtownwithviolets intheirmouths.%? Elsewhere in France,suchmenwerearrested,as at Verneuil,wherethe police

incarcerated a groupof carnation-bearers whoreflected thesocial diversityof Napoleonic support:a doctor,a weaver,a butcher’s

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assistant, anda beggar.'”° In thefollowing yeartherewasa widespreadtrendtowards wearingredcarnations inpublic,especially at thetimeof thefestivity of Saint-Louis; theprefectof theVosges notedthattheseflowers werewornbyNapoleonic supporters, ‘mostly

young middle-class men’.!2!

In 1821,policereportsfromParisandLyonsnotedthat‘considerablenumbers ofpeople’ werestillwearing thesesubversive symbols intheirbuttonholes;!°* oneaccountstatedthattheywereplacedin prominent view,ontheleftofthejacketorcoat.!°Thepharmacist Barre,althoughdescribed as ‘emphatically liberal’,madea hand-

someprofitdurmgthesummer of 1821byselling violets forfive

timestheirmarketvalue—evidence,tohimatleast,of thebeneficial

effects oftheinvisible hand.!*Flowers werealsousedbyBonapartist

politicalagentsduringtheir‘seditious’ activities;in the weekspre-

cedingthepreparation oftheMarch1821insurrection inGrenoble

‘alargenumber ofbourgeois menworecarnations ontheirbuttonholes’;!thepractice continued untilatleastthemid-1820s inthe Isére. Butbeingwellgroomed wasnotsufficient: it wasessential tobe noticed,especially bytheauthorities. Andwhenthepolicewerenot lookingcloselyenough,theseaesthetes weremorethanwillingto drawattention tothemselves, asn Montbéliard wherelargenumbers of townsmen suddenly tookto smoking in publicplacesporcelain

pipesbearing theeffigy ofBonaparte.!

Theultimateprizeforcombining publicsupportforNapoleon withself-infatuation mustgoto a youngmanfromLyonscalled Faure,astoreemployee whowasseenataproduction attheThéatre desCélestins sporting‘alargeshiningpinwitha blackholeinthe middle,andin hisbuttonhole twoyellowcarnations andan enormousviolet’;the ensemblewasworn‘withaffectation’.!°’ He also

provoked theunfortunate localpoliceofficial, AgentPointet, byusing theintervaltoaccostmembers oftheaudience, askingthemif they approved ofhisattire,andespecially hisfloraldecoration. However, mostofhistimewasspentadmiring himselfintheenormous mirror inthefoyer. !%

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89

PopularObjects Thepersonal effects which madeupthematerial culture of‘popular’ Bonapartismweremuchlesselaborate,and theirbearersshowed littleof theaestheticism of theyoungtheatreaficionado fromLyons.

Therewere,admittedly, asmallrangeofpersonal ornaments, suchas

black pinsandringsbearing Napoleon’s effigy; theprefect ofGironde noted(atouchdismissively) that‘these objects arewornonlybythe lower classes.’!°9 Vastquantities ofNapoleonic buttons, intended for useon shirts,jacketsand coats,werealsoproducedduringthe Restoration years;in Lyonsit wascommonpracticeto offerthese

itemsasgiftsontheanniversary ofthebirthofNapoleon.!!°

Butthe‘popular’ celebration ofNapoleon generally tooktheform

of graftingimperialemblemsontoobjectsand articlesmeantfor everyday(masculine) use.A rangeof kniveswithassortedimperial

emblems ontheirhandlesweredesigned. Soontheseitemswereso widespread thattheybecame knownas‘Napoleon knives’.!"! Apolice inquiryin 1830tracedonelineofproduction toa factoryinThiers, wheretheownerdeclared thathehadsold48,000suchobjectsover

thepastfouryears.'!* OneknifefoundinPariswasdescribed asfol-

lows:‘Onbothsidesofthehandlearefull-length representations of Napoleon, eachsurmounted byacrownofstars,inthemidstofwhich

isabee;thereisalsoaneagle lying atthefootoftheEmperor.”!!%

Tobacco andalcoholwerethetwofavourite sources of everyday pleasureforthecommonpeople,andit isnotsurprising thatthey occupied a centralplaceinthepopularrepertoire oftheNapoleonic cult.Oneof theitemswhicheffectively definedtheconceptof the ‘seditious object’ undertheRestoration wasthetobacco box(tabatiére). Thecheapest weremadeofcardboard andsoldintheirtensofthousandseveryyearalloverFrance; alsoavailable werewooden versions, someofthemquiteornate.Butallsharedthecommon characteristicof beingadornedwitha varietyof Napoleonic representations, mostcommonly portraits oftheEmperor andhisfamilyordepiction

ofbattlescenes.!'* Someofthemessages conveyed ontheseboxes

werequiteintricate. Amantravelling throughLaRochelle in 1820 wasarrestedafterhewasfoundwitha tobaccoboxonwhichwas a pictureshowinga groupof soldiersengagingin battle.The

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inscription belowtheimagereadasfollows: “TheFrenchatWaterloo,

18June1815; theFrenchman diesanddoesnotsurrender. ToFrench Honour’!!» (seeFigure 10). Waterloowasa powerfulimage,fullof complexand multiple

meanings. It wasusedinthisinstancetoinvokenationalprideand

celebrate military valour, butitwasalsoanexcellent inducement for thepatriotic French citizen todrownhissorrows. IntheVienne a

bottleofliquorbearing a tricolour labelandthecaption‘Bataille de

Waterloo’wasall the rage in localinns and tavernsin the early

1820s.'!© InLyons adrinksoldasthe‘Elixir deSainte-Héléne’ was banned bylocalpolice in1820: thismeant thatallbottles wereseized, theirlabels tornoffanddestroyed, andtheliquorthenreturned to themanufacturers. !!7 This‘Elrxir’ hadalreadybeendistributedina dozendepartments,

anditslabeloffered a fascinating earlyexample ofpolitical advertis-

ing.Ontheright,itportrayed Napoleon leaning proudly against a largerock,andonthelefta largeship,withasmall canoealongside it.Inthecentre,towering overthescene,wasalargeeagleholdinga

boltof lightning. ‘Thiswasnoplacidmanifestation of supportforthe

Emperor, butratheran explicitrepresentation of hisescapefrom

theisland, and(more widely) ofthebeliefthathewould oneday

reclaim histhrone inFrance.'!®

AfterNapoleon’s deaththebrandnamewaspassedontohisson; inthelate1820sa liquorknownasthe‘Elixir duDucdeReichstadt’ wasonsaleinmanypartsofFrancebutanybottlesfoundonpublic

display wereseized.'!9 Theauthorities’ political rationale fortheir

zealin trackingdownthese‘seditious’ beverages wasnotwithout credibility. Afterconfiscating a largeconsignment of forbidden Waterloo liquorinthepopularMouffetard districtinParis,a police reportexplained: ‘Inthisareathenameof theDucdeReichstadt is toodifficultto pronouncefortheworkersof thelowestclass; soinstead,whenorderingtheirdrinks,theyaskfora littledropof Napoleon II,ora smidgeon of theKingof Rome.Andthisispreciselywhatthe factionwhichseeksto perpetuateour political divisions isseeking.’!*° ThiswasindeedaclevermovebyBonapartist agents,transforming routinegestures performed inpublichousesby hundreds ofthousands ofdrinkers intoexpressions ofsupport forthe Napoleonic dynasty.

FIGURE10

Cover oftobacco box, representing General Cambronne attheBattle of

Waterloo. Thecaption reads: ‘TheGuard diesitdoes notsurrender’.

Thiswasanapocryphal saying, attributed toGeneralPierreCambronne ashewas summoned tosurrenderbytheBritishcavalryinthefinalstagesof theBattleof

Waterloo inJune1815.Heavily outnumbered andknowing thattheirdecision meant acertain deathformostofthem,Napoleon’s Guard refused tolaydown their

weapons. Cambronne survived, andhisphrasebecameoneofthemostfrequently citedNapoleonic expressions ofthe1815—1848 period.Thetobaccoboxwasalso oneofthemostwidespread sources of‘Napoleonic sedition’, oftencarrying pictures oftheEmperor(eitherontheoutsideorsometimes intheinsidecover).

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Overandabovetheircommontotemicfunctions,thereweresome

parallels inthebourgeois and‘popular’ usesoftheirrespective cult objects. Itemsof clothing withNapoleonic buttonsweregenerally worninprivate, butoccasionally somemencouldnotresistthetemptationof showing offtheiremblems inpublic:intheMorbihan in 1818a formermemberof theNationalGuardwasarrestedfor appearing ata balldressed inhisuniform, witha setofshining but-

tonsbearing theemblem oftheeagle.!?!

Anotherexample wasthemanifestation of grief.Bourgeois men mournedNapoleon bywearingsilkjackets,orbybearingflowers, whileforcommon folkthesamefunction wasperformed bytobacco boxesrepresenting thedeathof Napoleon. A commonimageon theseboxeswasa mausoleumwiththe letterN surroundedby an

inscription inhomage totheEmperor, accompanied byaneagle.!2? Theseobjects wereparticularly popular among ordinary soldiers and

armyofficers. !23Someofthesetobacco boxeswerealsodesigned, like functional equivalents oftheNapoleonic walking stick,topickupon thethemeof mystery. Insteadof beingplacedontheinsideoroutside

cover, portraits ofNapoleon weresometimes concealed under afalse

base— to facilitate theirusebythoseworking in‘sensitive’ professions (notablythe militaryor the police),or simplyto representthe

commonbeliefinpopularBonapartistfolklorethattheEmperorwas

atthebottom ofeverything. !*4

Ingeneral, however, ‘popular’ objects oftheNapoleonic cultwere

distinctive inbeingdirectly employed towagepolitical battleagainst

the Restoration government. In the earlyyearsof theBourbon regimetobaccoboxeswereusedthroughoutFranceto spread rumoursofNapoleon’s imminent return—andnotonlybyFrench menandwomen. In 1818anEnglishman namedFullerton, thecap-

tainofashipwhich docked atLeHavre, became a localcelebrity by

waving a goldtobaccoboxwhichheclaimed tohavereceived from thehandsof theEmperorhimselfin Saint-Helena.!2°

Themeresightofthistypeofobjectwasenoughtoprovoke fear in somequarters.InAmiensin 1822twowomenfounda tobacco

pouchonthestreetandstoodtransfixed, ‘notdaringtoopenit’.

Eventually oneoftheiracquaintances passedbyandliftedthecover, whichto thewomen’s horrorrevealed a portraitof theEmperor. Thepolicewerealertedbytheirscreams. !*6

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93

Buttonsimprinted withtheeaglewerecommonly usedto assist recruitment to theBonapartist cause:in 1818a Spanishsubject ofsuch namedCarvajol wasarrestedinNimesforusingacollection buttonstorallysupportfortheEmperor amongtheHispanic refugee

community inAllais.!2’

Napoleonic-cult objects werealsowidely usedbyJacobinrepublicans.A groupof retiredarmyofficers travelling onthecoachfrom ParistoRoueninMarch1821scandalized theotherpassengers by exhibiting theircollection oftobaccoboxes,whichallboreavariety of Napoleonic symbols andimages, andbyannouncing ‘theimminentrestoration ofrepublican government inFrance’.!*8 Oneofthereasons whyRestoration authorities weresohostileto ‘popular’ Napoleonic objectswasthattheirbearersoftenbecame embroiled inpublicconflicts. ‘This wastheessential contrast between thebourgeois aesthetic, whichwasdecorative andhedonistic, andits lower-class counterpart, wherephysical violence wasneverfarbelow the surface.Drunkenbrawlswerefrequentin innsandtaverns throughout France,eitherafterexcessive consumption ofoneofthe manyvarieties ofNapoleonic liquororwhen‘seditious objects’ were broughtoutondisplay inpublicplaces.InToulouse aworkernamed Tournelwasarrestedafterfighting withtwosoldiers ina tavern;the causeof thequarrelwashistobaccoboxbearingassorted imperial designs, whichhehadpulledoutinanattempttoenticehisdrinking

companions tosingNapoleonic songs.!29

Provocations of thistypewereaccompanied byexpressions of

devotion oftenbordering onthefoolhardy: aworker named Broux,

wearinga coatadornedwithimperialbuttons,entereda tavernin Lille.Aftercopiously insulting allthepatronswhoconfronted him,he wasbeatenupandthrownoutof thebuilding. However, ashewas draggedouthe stillhadthetime(orthetemerity) to pointto the

Napoleonic emblems onhiscoatanddeclare that‘there isnothing to

matchsuchgreatness inFrancetoday’.!*° Bearersoftheseobjects werenotalways thevictims ofviolence — onthecontrary. IntheCétes-du-Nord theauthorities spenta while chasing a manwhohadlacerated several portraitsoftheKingwith

hisNapoleonic dagger.'*! InBléré twomen,abaker andahorse-

seller, weredrinking ina tavernwhentheycaughtsightof a plaster representation ofKingLouisXVIIIwhichwashangingonthewall.

94 TheLegendofNapoleon Oneofthemensaid:“Thisrulerisnotforme.If I hadmyknifeon meI wouldslicehisneckopen.’Hiscompanion immediately producedhisNapoleon knifeandhandedit over,whereupon theroyal portraitmedallion waspulleddownfromthewallandbeheaded. Bothmenwerestilladmiring theiractofsymbolic regicide whenthe

gendarmerie cametoarrestthem.!*” The Colours of Patriotism

“These Bonapartist scoundrels willneverleaveusalone!’ screeched themother-in-law of aninhabitant of Lisieux(i Normandy). She hadjuststumbled uponagreypaperbagcontaining someninehundredtricolourrosettesof varioussizes,togetherwithemblems

representing theNapoleonic eagle.!¥* Ofalltheseditious objects of

‘popular’ Bonapartist culture,perhapsthemostthreatening to the Restoration authorities werethoseitemssuchasrosettes, capsand bannerswhichweredecoratedwiththe ‘national’ coloursof the FrenchRepublic andEmpire: blue,white,andred. Overandabovethesimplefactthattheywerebanned,therewere several reasons whypublicdisplays ofthesecolours wereparticularly exasperating totheBourbons andtheirsupporters. Suchmanifestationschallenged theregimeat itsmostcriticalsymbolic level,the representation of itssovereignty; theyhighlighted oneof themost vulnerable aspectsof royalist power,namelyitsrecentre-establishmentthroughthepatronage offoreignallies(whofurthermore had goneontoconducta harshoccupation of Franceuntil1818); they couldbeincorporated intoobjectsthatwerefamiliar andeasilydistributedamongtheFrenchpopulation andthesightofwhichcould rekindle supportforNapoleon orprovoke publicmovements offear andpanic;andabovealltheyevokedmemories notonlyof the Emperor(badenoughin itself)butalsoof thosefatefulmonthsin 1815whenBonapartists andJacobinshadjoinedforcesunderthe samebannertopreventthereturnoftheBourbons. Aboveall,these objectsreminded theroyalists of theterribledecadeof the 1790s, whentricolour objects ofallsorts,frombannerstoitemsofclothing,

hadsymbolized thefervour oftheRevolution.!*4

Bourbonsupporters didtheirlevelbesttodiscredit thetricolour

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95

flag.In the earlymonthsof 1816,duringthe officialceremonies

whichsawthedestruction of Bonapartist emblems, tricolourflags

werepublicly burnt,rippedintopieces, andonmanyoccasions dragged through themud.!*° Aspeech byalocallandowner atoneof thesegatherings, heldonthesummitof a mountain intheRhone, soughtexplicitly toassociate theimperial flagwithwar,conscription, humiliation, andnationalsuffering: ‘Inhabitants ofthecountryside, ofwhatdothesetricolour banners remindyou?Theywillremindyouofyoursons,tornfromyour armstobeledtobemassacred aftersuffering intolerable depriva-

tions;theywillremindyouofa monster whoonlyeverlooked to

himself, hisowninterest,hisownlife,andwhosacrificed millions

of mento hisvanity.ThisBonaparte, accursed byHell,what reward didhegiveFrance forallthatblooditsacrificed? Heraised theentireuniverse against us,heburiedourgloryinthenorthern

ices,!9® andheleftourborders, ourtowns andvillages completely

withoutdefence. Allyouhonestmenwhohearme,rallytothe

whitebanner,thisemblemof honour,of courage,of patriotism!

Askthelivingandthedead,andtheywilltellyouthatwemustbe

absolutely faithful toourKingandhisGod.’!%’

Thiswasa worthyeffort,bothto associatethe tricolourwith Napoleon’s failingsandto invitelocalpopulations to rallyto the Bourbons. Butitfailed.Frenchpeopleremained attachedtothetricolour, especially intheearlyyearsoftheRestoration —precisely the timewhenNapoleonic sentiment waslargely associated withnational feelings of humiliation, butalsowhenthehopesof hisimminent returnwereattheirhighest. In earlyMarch1817fourtricolour flagsappearedonthepublic squareofthecommune ofVidauban (Var); beneatheachflagwasa handwritten message: “You willtriumphshortly; so,bravesupporters oftheEmpire, letusalways remember andbereadytoactatthefirst

signal.’!¥8 There were alsonumerous instances ofthese banners being

placedonpublicfountains,'¥? andalsoontreesontheoutskirts of townsandvillages, oftenneara mainroadorpublicpath—aswith thetricolour flagwhichwasfoundproudly flyingonapoplarnearthe

village ofVic-en-Bigorre inlateFebruary 1818.'*°

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TheLegendofNapoleon

Anothercommonpointatwhichto affixthenationalcoloursof

theBonapartists andJacobins wasthechurch tower — oftenagesture

notonlyofcommemoration butalsoofdefiance against theCatholic clergy, whowereregarded inmanypartsofFranceasthemostfanat-

icalandcontemptible alliesof Bourbon despotism.!*! Oneof Béranger’s mostfamous songs intheearlyRestoration was“LeVieux Drapeau’ (“The OldFlag’), whichexpressed thehopethatFrance

wouldsoonbeallowed to ‘shakeoffthedustwhichcastsa shadow

overitsflag’s noblecolours’;!** anedition ofBéranger’s songs pub-

lishedin 1821sold11,000 copiesina singleweek. !*9 Smallerandeasierthanflagsto handoutforpropaganda purposes,tricolourrosetteswereessential instruments of Napoleonic agitation.PolicealloverFrance—notablyin Lyons— arrested any man or womanseenwearingtheseobjectsbetweenAugustand

December 1815'** butthisrepression didlittletostemthetricolour tide.InParistheseobjectsbecamesocommonintheearlyyearsof theRestoration thatthepolicegrewdemoralized.!* TotheauthoritiesalloverFrancewhowereseeking toeradicate‘seditious items’, rosettes didindeedseemdepressingly ubiquitous. Theywereaffixed

tohats,caps,andassorted headwear;'*® pinnedtosmallstatues of

Napoleon andtheDucdeReichstadt;!*’ attached toplacards, suchas theonefoundinCorbeilin 1819announcing that‘Napoleon your rulerisabouttoreturn,yes,peopleofFrance, youwillsoonwearthe nationalrosetteandreclaim yourbeloved banners’;!*® thrownatthe

doorofroyalist mayors asamenacing gesture;!*9 anddistributed in largequantities ininnsandtaverns,!°° inmilitary garrisons,!>! andin

working-class districts.!°* Theiressential roleinthearsenal of

Bonapartist conspirators washighlighted bythehousesearchofthe homeofanotaryclerkcalledPetit-Jean inearly1822.Hiddeninhis lavatorywere“617tricolourrosettes,of whichseventeen werein silveranddestined formilitary officers; twotricolour flags,sixtypack-

etsofammunition, and360bullets.’!>3

Rosetteswere not merelydistributedas one-offgestures. Bonapartist (andrepublican) activists oftengavethemoutinthesame locality atfixedintervals. Inthespring, summer, andautumnof 1826 thetownof Sisteron, oneof Napoleon’s stopsin theBasses-Alpes duringthe‘flight oftheeagle’, wasthesceneofaveritable epidemic of rosettesandassortedseditious objects.It beganin mid-March

ACultofSeditious Objects 97 withanti-royalist lettersdeposited inletterboxes,followed byawave ofplacards(uponwhichwerepinnedtricolour rosettes) whichcontinuedtoappearregularly untilmid-October. Thecontentofthemessages demonstrated that,inthislocality at least,republicans andBonapartists wereworking inclosealliance: the slogans included traditional carbonaro references tothedestruction of tyranny (‘People, takeuparms,youwillbesupported, ourdaggers are ready;longliveLiberty!’) butalsoawealthofNapoleonic utterances (‘Long LiveNapoleon, LongLivetheWarriors ofWaterloo andthe tricolour flag’). Theplacards alsorepeatedly calledfortheassassination of the King, and celebratedthe memoryof Louvel,the

Bonapartist assassin oftheDucdeBerry.!**

Thisomnipresence of tricolourthemes,andtheirincreasingly common manifestation assignsofa political alliance between local Bonapartists andrepublicans, explains whythemeresightof the threecoloursimmediately provoked publicattention—andpolice repression. InMarch1817inthesouthern village ofBernisa drawingof a revolutionary Phrygian capwasfound,withtwomessages inscribed: belowwerethewords‘French Republic, equality, indivisi-

bility,death’andabovewastheinscription “IheEmperor or Death’.!°° InNiortin1819 a gendarme wasdismissed fromtheforce forwearing a tricolour hatina tavern(andforshouting ‘LongLive

theEmperor!’).!°° Awoman wasarrested andprosecuted inMarseille

ayearlaterfordecorating hervasewithatricolour feather, andplacingthisornament inpublicview.!°’ Moreremarkable stillwastheassociation of thethree‘national’ colourswithindividual andcollective movements of delusion and paranoia—oftenaroundthatfatefultimeof theyear(February to March)whenNapoleon’s returnwasoneveryone’s mind.In some casesthisassociation wasgenuine; a mancaused astir ofpanicin March1823at a fairinAuxerre whenheambledamongthestalls wearing acapmadeoftricolour material, witharosette pinnedtothe

front.!°8

Butmoreoftenthannotthesightings ofthesecolours, andtheir

association withactsofpolitical sedition, weresimply delusions. In

Parisa policeman forceda peasantwhowaswalking ontheruede l’Echelle toremove hishat(which wasnoteventricolour butentirely red)andputitinhispocketbecause itwasattracting theattention of

98

TheLegendofNapoleon

passers-by.!°? In thePuy-de-Déme a youngmanwasarrestedfor

decorating hishatatalocalmasque withanassortment ofribbons

thatincludedthecoloursblue,white,andred;he wasreleasedonly

afteritwasestablished thathehadnopolitical opinions, andcame fromanimpeccably royalist family.'©° InApril1830,a fewmonths beforetheendoftheRestoration regime, a sighting ofwhatmerely

looked likea tricolour flagonthemastofasmall boatcruising onthe

riverSadnewassufficient to triggera franticexchange of letters

between public officials inParisandLyons.!®!

Collective delusions involving thetricolourwereencouraged in thecountryside byBonapartist agents.IntheDordogne in 1817agitatorswentaroundtellingpeasantsthatthethreenationalcolours couldbe seenonthefaceof themoonat nightfall, andthatthis visionwasadivinesignthatNapoleon shouldruleagain;manyrural dwellers didindeedgathertotryandcatchsightofthismiraculous

portent. !62

Butthistypeofcredulous mistaken beliefwasnotlimitedtorural dwellers —onthecontrary. InBesancon on21March1820,anofficerin thelocalLegionwasflyinga kitefroma highplaceonthe outskirts of thetown,fromwhereitcouldbeseenbyallitsinhabi-

tants.The kite’scoloursweregreen,pink,and white,but froma

distancetheyseemedmorelikeblue,red,andwhite.A persistent rumourbegantospreadacrosstownthatthiskitewasmarking the anniversary of21March1815,whenlocalBonapartists hadmarked thereturnofNapoleon bytakingtothestreets, tearingdownallroyalistemblems andhoisting a tricolour flagovertheBesancon town

hall.'®> Soonmanycitizens started tobelieve thatthetownhadfallen

intoenemyhands;someeventhoughtthatNapoleon himselfhad returnedto Franceagain.Thismovement of paniconlysubsided whentheofficerwastrackeddownandthekite’struecolours were

revealed. !®

Manyyearsafterhis sensational returnto Francein 1815, Napoleon wasstillverymuchofapresence intherecollections (and imaginings) ofhiscompatriots. ThewomaninLisieux wasright:he justwouldnotleavethemalone.

Chapter4

An OccultForce

On thenightof 14March1822,sevenmenassembled inahousein Lyons. It seemed likea normalsocialgathering, andaseachperson

arrived therewerefriendly greetings atthefrontofthebuilding. But

anyone watching moreclosely wouldalsohavenotedadiscreet passwordbeingexchanged. Indeed,oncethemenwereallinside, andhad movedintoa smalldarkroomat thebackof thehouse,theatmos-

pherechanged. Asmallcoffindrapedwiththetricolour flagandan imperial eaglewasbroughtinandplaceduponanimprovised platform,andascandleswerelit oneof themenbeganto perform funeralrites. Napoleon haddiedinMayof theprevious year,andthisgroup hadassembled topayhomagetohismemory. Thebriefceremony endedwiththeorganizer of themeetingreadingouta eulogyto ‘Bonaparte theGreat’.Whatwasnoteworthy aboutthisinvocation washowlittleit dwelleduponthetraditional gloriesof theFirst Empire. ‘This wasamourning ceremony whoserealpurpose wasnot toexpress nostalgia forwhathadbeen,buttoaffirmthemen’sfaith intheregeneration oftheFrenchnation.TheEmperor’s spiritlived on,inextricably associated withthecausesofnational liberation and political liberty. Indeed,thespeaker wastheheadofa Vente (branch) ofthepowerful secretsociety knownastheCarbonan, arevolutionary

100 TheLegendofNapoleon organization whoseaimwasto overthrow monarchical regimes all overEurope.Andit wasclearthatforthisFrenchrevolutionary activisttheEmperorhadnowbecomethesymbolof hisnation’s manifold aspirations forliberty —freedom fromwhatwasperceived as thedespotic andtyrannical ruleof theBourbons, andfreedomto establisha newsystemof government basedon ‘thesovereign

people’.

Secretive activities of thiskindwerewidespread duringthe

Restoration years,andthissolemn occasion inLyonsepitomized one oftheirkeycharacteristics: thesymbolic useofNapoleon’s imageto mobilizegroupstowardsvariousformsof (subversive) collective

action.Giventheauthoritarian natureoftheRestoration regime,

political association inearlynineteenth-century Francewasextremely fluid,withsmall-scale organizations (oftenextremely informal), loose afhliations, andoverlapping memberships. Most‘Napoleonic’ politicalactivity tookplaceintheseunderground settings, providing anew

wayoflifefortheindividuals andgroups whoopposed theBourbon

regime—an existence of mystery, adventure, andintrigue,which involved fomenting rebellions andconspiracies tooverthrow thegovernment,butalsoderiding theroyalist regimeanditslawsthrough publicgestures ofdissent, andbyorganizing counter-celebrations. Indeed,suchwasitsmultifarious activitythatthe“‘Bonapartist underground’ soonacquired a reputation of ubiquity andomnipotence.Royalistslivedin fear of conspiratorial organizations, highlighting theirregional, national, andinternational ramifications, andoftendwelling upontheirpowerandsocialauthorityamong

communities andpolitical institutions.* Thepolice, too,werecon-

stantlyon the defensive. Describing the influenceof organized Bonapartist supporters intheParisian area,aninternalpolicememorandumwrittenin 1825admitted withresignation (anda touchof awe)that‘anoccultandadmirably organized forceisabletomove

heaven andearthinthisdepartment.” These secretive gatherings, andthepolitical mobilizations towhich

theygaverise,alsoshowedhowmuchpublicperceptionsof Napoleon hadbeenalteredbytheeventsoftheHundredDays.‘The imperial legacy wasdramatically reinvented bymanywhoappropriatedNapoleonic imagesandsymbols todefinetheirpolitical goals

after1815.Therewerealready manyBonapartes intheFrench

An Occult Force

101

popularimagination: theEmperor, theintrepid warrior, aswellasthe

lawgiver (seeFigure11);andafterhisbanishment hebecame a romantic herotoo,thedefeated butunbroken victim ofEnglish perfidiousness atSainte-Héléne. Throughhispolitical resurrection after 1815an additional,intriguingimagewassuperimposed uponthis

complexcanvas:Napoleonthechampionof liberty.Howandby

whom thisimage ofthe‘liberating Emperor’ wasdeployed, andhow effective itproved inundermining thelegitimacy oftheBourbon order,willbethecentralquestions explored inthischapterandthe

next.

Whileit was in part a matterof ideological reinvention, Napoleonic political activity wasalsoindissociable fromcommemo-

ration. During theRestoration years, Bonapartist campaigning often defined itselfthroughthecultofmemories associated withtheimperialtradition—especially thecelebration of anniversaries of the HundredDays.Indeed,thedateof theLyonsmeeting,14March, hadbeencommemorated byNapoleonic supporters alloverFrance

since1816,notably amongmembers ofthemilitary andseveral

underground associations, aswellastheFreemasons. Among thelastmentioned, thisritualhadbecomesowidespread thatitformedthe basisofa stirringMasonic oath: ‘Iswearandsolemnly promise, onpainofa secretdeathandon themostsacred honour, tofightaloneandingroup, totravelacross

theseas,whatever journeyneedstobemade,forwhatever expeditionwhichNapoleon theGreatmayrequireofme,andtoobserve

thesolemnity of hislaws.I alsopromise tomeeteveryyearon March 14.”4

Inalltheserespects —ideological creativity, institutional force,commemorative endeavour —thesegatherings markedtheemergence of a newtypeof socialphenomenon in France:the‘anti-féte’,’ the mirrorimageofthepious,staid,andhierarchical existence promoted bytheRestoration authorities intheirofficial festivities. The‘anti-féte’ wasrumbustious, instinctive, andsubversive; itwasalsoremarkably plasticinitsformandvolatile initssentiments. Inthisrespectthese collective popularmobilizations displayed notableculturalaffinities

withtherepublican political celebrations ofthe1790s. Oneofthe

FIGURE11

Glorious reignof19years.Ashehasgoverned for15years. Animagedatingfromthe HundredDays,offeringa starkcontrastbetween

Napoleonic andBourbon rule;itwasalsousedduring theRestoration. Louis XVIII

isnotonlyshownasa gluttonanda bonviveur, butalsoasarulerwhohadbrokenhis promises toprovide constitutional government andfreedom ofthepressandnotto persecute thosewhohadsupported theRevolution andEmpire(thesepromises are shownbeingtrampled bytheKingunderthetable).TheEmperor, incontrast, is shownasa frugaleater(hemakesdowitha boiledegg),andasa rulerwhohad

brought theCodeNapoleon toFrance, andalsoestablished newliberties sincehis

returnin 1815,notablya newconstitution andfreedomofthepress.Theoverall thrustofthisimageistounderscore Napoleon’s achievements asalaw-giver.

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103

keycharacteristics ofthefestivals oftheRevolutionary erawastheir extremefluidity,andalsotheirprofoundambivalence: as Mona Ozoufputit,festiveactscontained elements of menace,andmen-

acinggestures weremadewithjoviality.®

Thiswasverymuchthespiritof theRestoration era’scollective Napoleonic mobilizations. The1822Lyonsmeeting wasinthissense exemplary: itbeganasa socialgathering, whichthenturnedintoa funeral, whichwasitselftransformed intoapolitical conspiracy. This wastheessenceof the‘anti-féte’: allat oncejoyfulandgrieving,

intensely optimistic andprofoundly despairing, offering inclusive visions ofaradiant futureandblood-curdling threats totheindividuals,groups,and socialclasseswhichstoodin the wayof its realization.

NapoleonicUndergroundMovements Despitewidespreadreferencesto ‘theBonapartistparty’and ‘Bonapartist agents’ inRestoration political discourse, thehistoryof

theseNapoleonic seditious activities hasyettobeproperly toldfrom

the‘inside’. Thereareseveral difficulties, allofwhichraisethewider issueoftheidentityof‘Bonapartism’ between1815and1848. Thedegreeoforganization ofNapoleonic supporters variedconsiderably withinFrance,rangingfrominformalmeetings of small localgroupstohighlystructured organizations. Therewasalsomuch activity abroadinEuropeandAmerica — typifiedbyformerGrande

Arméeofficerssuchas Fabvier,the colonelturnedBordeauxwine

merchantafter1818,whoplayedan importantrolein fomenting anti-monarchist revoltsin Spainand Greece’and by Charles Lallemand, whodeviseddaringplansto send a flotilla fromthe UnitedStatestoliberateNapoleon fromSaint-Helena.® Afurtherdifficulty inseparating outBonapartist elements liesin thewiderangeof underground politicalandassociational activity inFrancebetween1815and1830.Isolating itsdistinct‘Napoleonic’ elementisnotalwayseasy—especially aslocalized groupsof selfstyledliberals, republicans, andBonapartists oftencooperated across ‘ideological’ lines.Evenwhenpresenting thenarratives ofparticular Restoration conspiracies andrevolutionary groups,historians have

104 TheLegendofNapoleon tendedsomewhat toundervalue theroleplayedbytheir‘Napoleonic’ components. In hisclassicaccountof theFédérés,forexample,

Robert Alexander argued thatitwastheseneo-republican organiza-

tionsthatsurvived after1815to constitute the‘hardcore’of the political opposition duringtheRestoration years—anumbrella under whicha varietyofpolitical forcescouldcoalesce.Otherhistorians havegoneevenfurther, presenting Napoleonic activists asa ‘sinister’

group ofmen,!° acting primarily outofspite andpersonal self-interest,weddedto a ‘clusterof half-articulated attitudes’and notable

essentially fortheirbackward-looking nostalgia fortheEmpireandits

military glory.!!

Apartfromitscaricatural aspects, theproblemwiththissortof representation of the‘Bonapartist underground’ isitsone-dimensionality. Whatwasdistinctive aboutNapoleonic conspiratorial activity undertheRestoration wasprecisely theopposite: verymuch likethe‘anti-féte’ ofwhichitwasa defining expression, itwasabove allflexible, andthisplasticity manifested itselfinitsorganizational forms,inthegoalspursued,andaboveallintherichandcomplex livesitafforded theBonapartist political agitators whowereitsprincipalperpetrators. The groupsand institutions whosemembersembracedthe ‘Napoleonic’ causevariedgreatly. Atthemostinformal endof the

spectrum, Bonapartists metinsmallgroups after1815—oftento continue apolitical association initiated during theHundred Days, as

wasthecasewiththe‘ardent’ supporters oftheEmperor inthetown ofGap.!*Othertasksweretoprepareanddistribute ‘seditious’ literature,asat theTournayhomeof thepharmacist Nozérewhowas

ablyseconded by ‘theformerteacherDutilh,authorof bad

Napoleonic verses’;!? tocoordinate activities acrossa region,aswith a groupof well-dressed Bonapartists ‘speaking severallanguages’ whousedto assemblein an abandonedfarmhousein the French

Alps;!* orsimply toruminate, aswithacohortofimperial enthusiasts

whoregularly gottogether intheevenings inGrenoble after1815.

Unabletomarshalsufficient incriminating evidence againstthemto justifyan arrest,theprefectnonetheless kepta waryeyeon this coterie:“These sortsof dinnersarealways preceded bysmallmeetingswherehopesofgreatchangeareheldup,andsomeagitation or

otherisfomented.’!° Likewise, agroup ofaround eighty Bonapartists

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105

oftheYonne metregularly tocoordinate theirpropaganda activities;

theirgatherings couldnotbebanned astheywereheldinhonour of

‘Nicholas’ (oneofthemanypseudonyms ofNapoleon).!® Sometimes thesegatherings coalesced intomoreformalized local associations. Perhapsthemostwell-known wasL’Union, founded by thelawyer andFreemason JosephReyinGrenoble in1816;itsleader

andmembers weredirectly andindirectly involved inmuchofthe

political agitation whichshookthetown(andthedepartment ofthe Isére)duringthefirstdecadeofBourbon rule.Reywasnothimselfa Bonapartist, buthecouldnotbutrecognize that‘inthemountains of

theDauphinois thepeople nurtured enthusiastic memories forthe

onlymantheybelieved capable ofbringing backhappiness andglory toFrance.’!’ Hisfundamental political aimbetween1816and1820 wasprofoundly Napoleonic: to‘forge alinkbetween thecivilians and

themilitary’.!® Therewereindeed a largenumber oflocalmilitary associations, allofwhich weremadeupof‘Napoleonic’ elements of

various kinds.Insomepartsinsouthern France, thesewereoffshoots ofpartisan groupswhichhadsoughttocontinue theresistance tothe

Allied invasion of1815.!9

Elsewhere, thesemovements weredirected byhalf-pay officers (the famous dem1-soldes, ofwhomthereweremorethan15,000), theblight

oftheRestoration authorities inmanypartsofFrance. Manyof

thesesoldiersidolizedNapoleon, andbecamevirulentopponents of theRestoration regime.In PauandacrosstheBasses-Pyrénées, forexample, thedistribution of Napoleonic imagesafter1815was carriedoutbya secretsocietyledbythe localdemi-soldes; one particular localfavourite —nodoubtseeking to appealtopopular sensitivities inthisCatholic region—wasa drawing oftheEmperor dressedasa Christiansaint.?°

Secretmilitary associations ofthiskindwerefrequently mentioned in officialreports:in theDoubsit wasbelieved thataroundnine

hundredserving. andformerofficers wereinvolved inorganized subversive activities;in the Calvados,a similarorganizationexisted

butthefrustrated prefectwasunabletopenetrateit.*!In Lyons,a Napoleonic militarysocietymetregularly forthefirstfiveyearsof theRestoration inthehouseof a formermemberof theImperial

Guard,JeanBaptiste Georges; itwasdissolved bytheprefect only

inFebruary 1821.7?

106

TheLegendofNapoleon

In overallterms,however,half-payofficerswerebynomeanssys-

tematically hostileto theBourbongovernment; a largefolderon

thepolitical opinions ofthedemi-soldes oftheRhénein 1819-20 showed thatonlya minority wereinvolved inanti-government agi-

tation;?> likewise a reportontwenty-four demi-soldes inthe(very

Napoleonic) department of theIsérein 1828showedthatfifteen werecompletely loyaltotheregime,andtheremainder wereeither

‘reserved’ or‘hostile’.**

Therewasalsoconsiderable Napoleonic political activity among Freemasons —mostlyin theprincipalMasonicorganization, the GrandOrientde France,wherethecultof Napoleonflourished undertheRestoration.”° Thiswasinmanyrespects anextension of thepractices oftheFirstEmpireera,whenlargenumbers ofpublic officials andArmyofficers weredrawnintoFreemasonry. Ahostile

official disposition towards theorderhadbeenpresent fromtheearly

GrandOrientLodges wereclosed, yearsoftheRestoration. Several weredeemed forexample atVerdun, whereallthelocalFreemasons andat Rodez,wheremostof the ‘enemies of thegovernment’;?° in‘conspiring against theroyalgovhundredmembers wereinvolved

notablyby spreading falseinformation aboutthe ernment’,

imminence ofNapoleon’s return.?’ OtherLodges wouldbeclosed for the‘seditious’ activities of theirmembers in subsequent years,for

example atLesSables andFontenay-le-Comte.”°

NotallMasons wereBonapartists, however. In 1825theprefectof

police, ina detailed reportonconspiratorial activity among French Freemasons, evenasserted thatMasonic endeavour was‘republican in nature’. BythishedidnotmeanthattheLodges werefullofrepublicans(thetermdidnothavea specific meaning atthisjuncture), but ratherthattheywereplaceswheremencoulddiscuss ideasoffree-

dom,independence, constitutionalism, andabove allirreligion.”°

Inmanydepartments theauthorities wereunable—orunwilling — tochallenge localMasonic elites,evenwhentheysuspected thatthey hadbeenpenetrated byNapoleonic elements. “he Bonapartists of mydepartment areheavily involved insedition’ wrotetheprefectof Aintohis(equally embattled) colleague oftheRhénein 1816,‘and

theMasonic lodges arefullyimplicated intheseactivities’.°° Areport

totheMinister oftheInteriorin1822detailed moreevidence ofsuch penetration in manyLodgesin ‘Napoleonic’ departments suchas

AnOccultForce

107

theYonne,where‘Masonicorganizations consistof subversive men,

whomeetateverypolitical event’; andintheVendée, wheremostof

theLodges wereinthehandsof ‘revolutionary elements’.*! The Lodges oftheCalvados werealsohighlyactive: thebrothers of

FalaisewerepresidedoverbyLecouturier, an assistant prosecutor

whohadbeendismissed bytheBourbonsforhiszealoussupportof

Napoleon duringtheHundredDays;whilethoseofCaenmetregularlyandreceived ‘alargenumberof travellers fromParis’—who wereClearly notmenwhohadcomemerely tosavour theatmosphere

oftheprovinces.*?

InLyonsanditsneighbouring areas,theLodges weredominated byanti-Bourbon elements intheimmediate aftermath ofNapoleon’s fall.%° Infact,thissituation remained unchanged duringthe1820s: ‘liberals’, republicans andBonapartists mingledfreely,andaswe notedatthebeginning ofthischapter, thesegroupsoftencoordinated theiractivities andshareda common appreciation oftheNapoleonic heritage.The membersof the Philadelphes, for example,were describedas ‘revolutionary andrepublican’ in theirideological orientation.** | Although informed aboutthebroadpurposes ofsuchLodges, the policeseemedpowerless topreventtheiractivities. TheMasonsof Lyonsdidnothesitatetoprovidefinancial assistance toNapoleonic activists whowerebeingsoughtbythepolice.*Ata Masonic banquetheldin the townof TarareinJune 1821(a monthafter Napoleon’s death),several Masons proposed (toloudcheers) toaststo

the‘immortal violet’.°° Another well-known Napoleonic Lodge was

theParfait Silence, whichincluded several menwhohadbeenprominentintheirsupportfortheEmperor inLyonsduringtheHundred Days;anofficial reportnotedthat‘eagles areembroidered onthe

Masonic emblems anddecorations of thisLodge’.*’ Subsequent investigations ofthisLodgebytheprefectofRhénefoundthatonly twoofthetwenty-four activemembers oftheLodgewereroyalists; the otherswere‘moreor lessresoluteliberals,someof whomwere

ardentrevolutionaries’.*® Somemembers, itwasalsonoted,worea

varietyofnon-Masonic emblems representing theimperial eagle.*° TherewasalsomuchcovertNapoleonic movement amongthe Freemasons ofthedissident Misraim Obedience, abreakaway group ledbytheBédarridebrothers.Confronted bytheGrandOrient

108 TheLegendofNapoleon (which didnotliketoseeitshegemony challenged) andpersecuted by

theRestoration authorities, manyoftheseMasons wereforced to close down theiractivities in1822 whenthepolice raided theirprem-

isesandfoundtheLodgesto be ‘exclusively madeup of extreme enemiesof the Bourbons’;*? manyof thesewereBonapartisthalf-

payofficers, actingunderMasoniccoverto pursuetheirpolitical

objectives. *!

Oneofthemostfamousdissident Lodges oftheRestoration was

theParisianLesAmisdela Vérité, foundedaround1818andlinkedto severalprovincialrevolutionaryassociations.In conjunctionwith

Parisian Bonapartist elements, itorganized anabortive coupinParis

inAugust 1820, the‘conspiracy oftheFrench Bazaar’.** While many of itskeymembersbecameleadersin therepublican andSaintSimonistmovements(Bazard,Buchez,and CharlesBeslay,the

veteranof theParisCommune), philo-Napoleonic sentiments were alsoinevidence; a policereportona Lodgemeetingheldin 1823

notedthata pamphlet entitled Apothéose deBonaparte hadbeendis-

tributedtoallmembers.**

AlsoinPariswastheLodgeLesAmisBienfaisants, whoseVenerable

Jean-Baptiste BrunelwasanardentNapoleonist duringtheHundred DaysinCarpentras, wherehepractised law(andpresided overthe localLodge). UndertheRestoration BrunelmovedtoParis,wherehe waselectedto thepresidency of LesAmisBienfaisants inDecember 1819.** Apolicereportin 1823described Brunel’s political activities as‘suspect’ —hardlysurprising, givenhisapparent membership ofall

threeMasonic obediences.*

Freemasonry didnotoperateonlywithinFrance;indeed,importantpartsofitsactivities wereinternational. Intheearly1820s, much of Frenchrevolutionary agitation in Spain(inwhichmanyformer Napoleonic officers wereinvolved) wasorganized throughMasonic LodgesbasedontheSpanishsideof theFrenchborder;** someof theseLodgeshadbeenfoundedmorethana decadeearlierby

Grande Armée officers during theFrench occupation.*’ Thepapers

of theMisraimLodgesseizedin 1822revealed a widenetwork of

contacts outside France, notably withSwiss andAmerican Lodges.*®

Theeasternborderwasparticularly porous, astheexposed prefectof theJuracomplained in 1824;heparticularly notedthe‘seditious’

activities ofMasonic lodges inGeneva andFerney.*”

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109

Germanstates,too,wererichinMasonicNapoleonic conspirators;

apolicereportonthearrestofamannamedThannenberg in 1820 notedhisnumerous contacts withagentsof‘theBonapartist partyin

France’, notably former Army officers. Hispapers alsorevealed close

tieswithseveralhigh-ranking membersof the FrenchCustoms administration®® —whichwouldperhapsexplainhow a lot of Napoleonic propaganda managed tofinditswayintoFrancedespite theauthorities’ ‘surveillance’. In Parisa numberof clandestine organizations soughtto challengethe Restorationauthoritiesand perpetuateNapoleonic interests, withvaryingdegreesof success —largelydepending on theirresistance to penetration bythepolice.In somecases,these associations werewellknown:withsuchnamesas LeLionDormant,

L’Epingle Nowe andLesVautours deBonaparte theirideological allegiances

werefairlyobvious.°! Someof thesegroupshadpowerful networks extending acrossFranceandevenbeyond; themembers oftheEpingle Noire, forexample, printed‘seditious’ literature inBelgium anddis-

tributed itthroughout France.°?

Between theearlyandmid-1820s, oneofthemostactivetransnationalNapoleonic secretsocieties wastheAigle Noir, whichgrewoutof Swiss Masonic networks inGeneva andtheVaudregion.Itsaimwas unambiguous: ‘tooverthrow andexecute thePrinces oftheBourbon familyin orderto replacethemwith the son of Napoleon Bonaparte.’AmongitsleadersweretheBertexbrothers,oneof whomhadservedintheGrandeArméeforfourteen yearsandhad accompanied theEmperorto Elba;theassociation hadcorrespondentsinParis,Grenoble,andLyons,inseveralSwisstowns,aswellas

inTurin,Florence, andNaples.°* Elements ofthisorganization later continued theiractivities incollaboration withother(republican) revolutionarygroups.A seriesof meetingsinvolving Masonsin Germany, Switzerland, andFrance, andalsoincluding representatives of Carbonan andPhilhellenic movements, reportedly tookplacein Wolfberg Castle(Switzerland) between thesummer of 1826andthe springof 1827.Amongthepaperslateruncovered bythepolicewas animageshowing a mangivinga Masonic handshake toNapoleon, withacaption(inGerman) readingFreubisindenTod(‘Faithful tothe

Death’).

Themostfamousunderground movement inRestoration France

110 TheLegendofNapoleon wastheCarbonan, whichinmanywaysrepresented theculmination

of alltheorganized groupspreviously mentioned. Thiswasthe

mostsecretive, militarized, politically wide-ranging andpowerful revolutionary societyoftheperiod,andatitspeakitslevelofsupport probablyexceededthat of all the othersemi-secret and underground organizations puttogether.*® Itsstructureandeso-

tericritualsalsosharedmanyaffinities withFreemasonry; indeed, therewasconsiderable overlap in themembership of thetwo organizations intheearly1820s.°’ In 1825theLodgeLesAmis dela Vénité wasdescribedbytheprefectof policeasthe ‘antechamberof

theCarbonan’.>® How‘Napoleonic’ wasthissecretsociety? Itsoverall aim—the

overthrow oftheHolyAlliance monarchies —wasentirely consistent

withNapoleonicobjectives, especially duringand after1815.Aswe

sawatthebeginning ofthischapter, somelocalbranches weremade up almostto a manof strongsupporters of Bonaparte. Butthe

Carbonan alsoconsisted ofpowerful liberal andrepublican elements,

notably amongtheParisian leadership groups. (Partofthestrength of themovement layin itsmythicalpower;therewasa widespread beliefthattheentireorganization wasrunbyonesingleCentral Committee, whichalmostcertainly neverexisted.) Insomelocalities, suchasLyonsandGrenoble, therecanbelittle doubtthat localCarbonari groupswerelargelydominatedby Bonapartists. In Lyonsin 1822,Bonapartistelementsin the Carbonaripainteddaggersandimperialinscriptions onthefront doorsofroyalist officials.°? Inobstinately Napoleonic Grenoble, the

prefect notedin1820that‘theCarbonari havesucceeded imrecruitingwidely’.®° Apoliceinformant initiated ata meeting onthenight of 15August1822—theanniversary oftheEmperor’s birth—found theVente tobeheadedbyAymard, a well-known personality among localBonapartists anda formerofficer intheGrandeArmée:there werebelieved tobeover150members oftheCarbonan inGrenoble

alone.®! Ayearearlier, Aymard hadbeenoneoftheleading conspir-

atorsintherebellion of 20March,whichhadsoughttounseatthe prefectinGrenoble.®

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Portraits of Rebels: Louvel and Berton

Conspiracy wasthuscentraltoNapoleonic political activity underthe

Restoration.Bonapartistspraisedconspiratorsand honouredtheir

memory, buttheyalsopractised theartthemselves bystagingplots

andorganizing insurrections, aswellasbyothersubversive schemes.

Morethanamereinstrument, conspiracy wassomething ofawayof lifefortheNapoleonic ‘people’.

Thearchetypalfigureof the‘popular’ Napoleonic conspirator was

LouisPierreLouvel,whofatallystabbedthe Ducde Berryin February1820.Anardentsupporterof theEmperor,whomhe

joinedatElbaafterworking asa saddler intheGrandeArmée, Louveldevised theprojectofkilling threeleadingindividuals inthe

French royalfamily after1815.Atthetimeofhisarresthewas

widely condemned asa ‘fanatic’;®* andthisviewofhisgestureasan isolated, pathetic,andalmostirrational actisstillcommon.This effective denialofhis‘authorship’ ofhisactwasfurtheraccentuated bythebeliefthathehadbeentheinstrument of someconspiracy (whichLouvelalwaysstrenuously denied),orthathehadbeendriven

tobecome akiller bythe‘revolutionary doctrines’ ofhistime.® Inthe

wordsofacontemporary royalist observer: ‘Louvel’s onlyaccomplice

wasthegeneral exaltation ofminds, spurred bythepress;hehad

drawnhisboldness andhiscourage fromtheatmosphere ofdelete-

riousopinions.”©”

Although Louvel’s ownjustification ofhisact,whichhereadoutat

histrial,wascensured,hispoliticalattitudeandmotivations canbe

reconstructed through thenumerous police interrogations andjudi-

cialenquiries carriedoutafterhisarrest.®* His‘love’ oftheEmperor

wasa matterof commonknowledge, bothto hisfamilyandto his

workassociates; butwhatalsoemerged intheseinvestigations washis

consistent interest inpolitics after1815.°? Hisopposition tothe

Restoration wasfirmly grounded in‘revolutionary patriotism’, which hebelieved remained embodied inthepersonofBonaparte, theonly

political leader whohadstood upagainst France’s ‘foreign invasion’.’°

Louvel wasnotveryliteratebutheconstantly surprised hisinterrogators bytherangeofhishistorical andcultural references. Oneof Napoleon’s mostcontroversial actionsintheearlyyearsof hisrule

112 TheLegendofNapoleon hadbeenthekidnapping andexecution of theDucd’Enghien, a Bourbonprinceaccusedof conspiringagainstFrance.Louvel defended thisasalegitimate actofnationalself-defence inresponse

toanexternal plot;’! healsodescribed hisownactassimilar tothe

tyrannicides carriedoutin RomantimesbymensuchasBrutus,

expressing prideinhisgesture, thatofa ‘true patriot’.’”* Inanother

session, he comparedhisactionto thatof CharlotteCorday,the killerof theJacobinrevolutionary Marat,drawingtheconclusion that‘whatisa crimein oneepochisseenasa virtuousgesturein

another’.’? Louvel, insum, wasneither weak ofmindnormanipu-

lated; his action in 1820rested upon a coherentset of self-justifications whichwerecharacteristic oftheviewsofawidesectionof the‘Napoleonic people’.

Louvel’s gestureinspireda stringofprophecies, apparitions and

visions; onthedayoftheassassination awoman praying infrontof deBerry’s bustnoticed thathisfeatures ‘offered theimage ofthemost atrocious pain,andthereweretearsinhiseyes’.’* Bonapartist sup-

portersandsympathizers, incontrast,weretriumphant: JeanRiviere,

a butcher’s boyfromParis,wasarrestedforshouting thatthiswasa

‘festive day’forFrance because ‘thatfatpighadbledtodeath’; anda groupoffortyformer Grande Armée officers gathered ina castle on theoutskirts ofPariswhere theyheld‘anorgyofrejoicing’.’°

Many interpretedthe eventas a premonitionof Napoleon’s

return.Animperialist namedLegrand,a merchantfromParis,

greeted thenewsofdeBerry’s deathasa‘happy moment’, ‘thepreludetotheimminent returnofBonaparte’.’° Former soldier Louis Dumontwasevenmoreprecise,welcoming deBerry’s deathand remarking that‘Napoleon hadlandedatCadixandwasnowheading

towards Lyons’.’’ Evenwhentheydidnotechosuch‘return’ stories,

celebratory placards appeared alloverFranceintheirhundreds callingfortheextermination oftheBourbons.’® Somewereessentially republican in tone,aswiththeinscription whichappearedin Le

Vigan(Gard)inearlyMarch1820statingthat‘aheroguidedbythe

handof Libertyhasjuststrucka mortalblowto Tyranny’.’? But

manyotherplacards carried explicit references toNapoleon. AhandwrittennoteinBeauvais heapedpraiseupontheEmperor, and

warnedallroyalists tokeeptheirheadsdown,astheywere‘nextin line’;®° inTarascon a placardsimilarly leftlittleroomforambiguity:

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‘Berry isdead?O whatbliss! OnelesstyrantinFrance. LongLivethe

Emperor!”8!

WhentheylearntthenewsoftheDuc’s assassination, twelve sol-

diersinRouengaveaheartyrendering oftheNapoleonic Marseillaise,

followed byseveral imperial songs;®? inCaen,theeventwasgreeted witha distribution ofNapoleonic medallions;®* andatMeluntwo menwerearrested forcheering theannoucement, andbeginning a heateddiscussion abouttheextentto whichLouvel’s gesturehad beenan actof ‘popularsovereignty’. (Thediscussion probablycon-

tinuedbehindbars,as theywerebotharrested.)®* In another discussion, a Bonapartist memberof theNationalGuardbrought

Rousseau totherescue: ‘Natural lawbeingthebasisofallsocial

order,theprinceswhoviolatesuchlawsreturntheirsubjects into primitive law.’ IntheArdennes, a formerNapoleonic officer tookthetroubleto attendthemassof remembrance fordeBerry,whereheshouted ‘LongLivetheEmperor’ at theheightof the ceremony*® anda masonworkingin Fontenaywelcomedthe assassination and expressedthehopethatit wouldbefollowedbymanymore.Asthis

man’snamehappened tobe‘Empereur’, thepolicenodoubtalready

hadhimunder close observation.®’

Louvelactuallybecamesomething of a cultfigure.A groupof sixtyParisianstudentsdefiantly chantedhisnamein 1821onthe

firstanniversary oftheDuc’s death;*® irreligious Freemasons drankto hishealthandcitedhis(alleged) saying thatGod‘was butaword’;®9

anda Carbonaro commemorative meetingin Grenoble threeyears laterdescribed Louvel asthemanwhohadshownthegreatest moralityandmadethesinglelargestcontribution to theliberationof

France since theRestoration.”° Atwo-volume fictionalized account of

Louvel’s plotwhichappeared intheearlyyearsoftheJulyMonarchy presented theaimoftheassassination as‘bringing backtheEmperor

andtherepublic’.9!

Louvelrepresented, in an extremeform,oneversionof the Bonapartist cultureof‘conspiracy’: thiswassymbolized bytheloner whocarriedouthismission bothasanactofindividual defiance of theauthorities andinthehopeofinspiring otherstofollow hisexample.Another moreinstitutional (andcollective) sourceofNapoleonic ‘sedition’ duringtheRestoration wastheArmy.Aftertheirreturnto

114

TheLegendofNapoleon

power,theBourbons werehugelysuspicious of theFrenchofficer corps,whichhadbeentheprivileged instrument of Napoleonic powerandglorythroughout theFirstEmpire; manyroyalist zealots remained convinced thattheEmperor’s ‘flight oftheEagle’ hadbeen

possible only because ofavastmilitary conspiracy.’* While evidence forsucha scheme wasneverfound,therewereplentyofotherplots thatemerged fromtheranksofformerArmyofficers after1815. Perhapsthemostemblematic of theserebelswasGeneral JeanBaptisteBerton,a formerimperialofficerwholedthe ill-fated

rebellion inThouars andSaumur, thefailure ofwhich ledtohiscaptureandexecution inOctober 1822.%% Although hehadserved inthe Revolutionary andNapoleoniccampaignswithbraveryanddistinction,Bertonwasreleasedfromactiveservicein 1815;hissuperiors

probably didnotforgive hisreturntoactivedutyduringtheHundred

Days.Berton’s houseinParisbecame a rallying pointformany Napoleonic andJacobin conspirators. Hisdistinguished record, and his‘talentat peroration’’* earnedhimtherespectandsupportof manyanti-Bourbonactivists,but alsothe sustainedscrutinyof the

Bourbon police.Hewasimprisoned for‘sedition’ forfivemonthsin

1815-16, andagain inJune1820; onbothoccasions hewaseventu-

allyreleased. InSeptember 1820theStateevenrevoked hismilitary

pension,anarbitraryactthatledBertontowritea spiritedprotestto Frenchlegislators: “Theswordof persecutionissuspendedovermy

head.’ Berton’s world-view expressed thebitterness ofthoseelements of

theNapoleonic officer corpswhohadlostalltheirpositions underthe Restoration. Hiswritings offeredanapologia forthe‘glorious artof war’,andformanyof thecampaigns inwhichhehadpersonally

takenpart,notably thebattles of1815;%° healsotookuphispento defend Napoleon’s conduct during thebattleofWaterloo.*” Hecon-

stantly emphasized thevalueofapermanent Armybasedontalented andexperienced officers andbemoaned theRestoration’s removal

from the forcesof ‘good,vigorous,and valiantmen, and their

replacement byschoolboys andmenwhowerementally andphysicallychallenged’.%* Healsoeloquently articulated thehumiliation feltbymanyofthesemilitary menupontheirreturntotheirhomes after1815,wheretheyweresystematically spieduponbythepolice and subjectedto constantsurveillance by mayorsand (most

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115

ignominiously ofall)priests—hardlya waytotreatheroeswhohad

defeated theEnglish, Austrian, andRussian armies.?9

Likemanyofhismilitary colleagues involved inconspiring against theRestoration (andincontrastwithLouvel’s simplebutacuteperceptionsof politics)BertonfollowedNapoleon’scelebratedmotto

aboutinstinctandspontaneity: ‘Onecommits oneself, andthenone

sees.’!90 Hedidnothavemuch interest inthepolitical process orin

thedesignation of elites;at thetimeof theThouarsinsurrection,

whenaskedwhetherthecryshouldbe ‘LongLiveNapoleonII’,he

famously replied:‘Shoutwhatever youlike!’!0! Aboveall,Berton’s discourse playedonthethemeof‘honour’, the

cardinal virtueamong Napoleonic officers: citingMontesquieu, he

lambasted the‘false senseofhonour’!®* whichunderpinned theexerciseof monarchical ruleandthe‘dishonourable’ conductof those menwhohadcynically betrayed Napoleon after1815,despiteowing

himtheircareers andfortune.!°° AfterNapoleon’s death,heechoed callsfortheBourbons to‘honour theEmperor’s memory’ bybring-

ingbackhisremainsandburying thembelowtheVendéme Column

in Paris. !*

Thissenseofpridewasalsoverymuchingrained inBerton’s personalethos;his decisionto leadthe insurrection in 1822was

undoubtedly theultimate expression ofa philosophy thathehad

articulated onmanyoccasions, andwhichcouldhaveservedashis epitaph:‘Forusmilitary men,honourdemands thatweshouldnever aska subordinate todowhatwewouldnothavethecourageorthe

temerity toundertake ourselves.”! MultipleLives

Fortheauthorities, anotherleadingsourceof Napoleonic ‘conspiracy’wastheEmperor’s innercircle—especially hisfamily, andthe menwhofollowed himintoexilein1814and1815.Leaving nothing tochance, thepolicekepta closewatchonEmpress Marie-Louise, on keymembersof Napoleon’s clansuchashisbrotherLucien,and (upontheirreturntoFrance) ontheEmperor’s immediate entourage at Saint-Helena —notablyGeneralsGourgaud,Bertrand,and Montholon, andhislastdoctor,Francesco Antommarchi.!® Even

116 TheLegendofNapoleon thecookLepage, wholefttheislandin 1818,wassubjected toprolongedinterrogation by a Frenchdiplomatuponhisarrivalin Hamburg. Herevealed thattheatmosphere inNapoleon’s housein Saint-Helena hadbecomesomewhat rebellious: feudingamongthe

Emperor’s associates hadincreased,'°’ allthenative servants, dissat-

hadlefttheirposts,andmealswerebeing isfiedwiththeirtreatment, preparedbyChineseandIndianservants.Allof whichhadput insucha foulmoodthathehadtakentowalking around Napoleon the housewitha billiardstick,beatinganyonewhocrossedhis path,!08

OncebackonFrenchsoil,mostofthesewell-known Bonapartists triedtokeeplowprofiles. Butsuchwastheextentof Statesurveil-

lancethat theirlivesbecamealmosttransparent.Some,however,

defiedtheoddstopursuetheirNapoleonic commitments. ‘Thebest

example ofthiscombination offortitude andwiliness wasgiven by Jean-Noel Santini, afellow Corsican whohadserved asNapoleon’s usher,handyman, andhairdresser at Saint-Helena.'°? Sentto Londonin 1817ona missiontopublicizetheEmperor’s illtreatment

atthehandsofhisEnglish jailers(which hesucceeded indoing;the

letters hecarried werepublished, andprovoked adebate intheHouse of LordsaboutNapoleon’s captivity),!!® Santinithentravelled to

Romewherehewasarrestedandeventually detainedforfouryearsin the Moraviantownof Brunn at the behestof the Emperorof

Austria.

Released afterthedeathofNapoleon (who lefthim25,000 francs inhiswill),Santiniembarked upona newcareerasa full-time Bonapartist agent.Herepeatedly toldthepolicethathewasdisconnectedfrom‘publicaffairs’;!!! andthe authoritiesin hisnative Corsicaevenhadhimdownasa ‘peaceful andtranquilman,who

leadsa quietlifewithhiswife’.!'? During hisfrequent interrogations

bythepolicehealsosupplied awealthoffalseinformation (apractice cultivatedto a fineart by Napoleonicagents),and at one point seemedtohavegainedsufficient trusttobelabelleda ‘secretagentof

theroyal government’.'!% Thissubterfuge —forsuchitwas—wasindirectlyconfirmed bya reportinthelateRestoration years,which statedthat Santinihad remained‘a dangerouscourierof the

Bonapartistcause’.Histravelsappearedto havetakenhim,among

otherplaces,totheUnitedStates(where hehadworked withJoseph

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117

Bonaparte) andSpain(where hehadbeeninvolved inrevolutionary

agitation withMurat’s sonin1822-3). InFrance hewasclosely linked tokeyleaders intheNapoleonic andliberalopposition inParis, notablyGeneralFoy,theDucd’Orléans andLafayette.!!* This‘quiet

man’,in short,seemedto haveled a doublelifefor muchof the

1820s.!!9 Acapacity toleadmultiple existences wasanabsolute prerequisite forsurvival intheNapoleonic ‘underground’. Police filesprovide evi-

dence— albeit almostalwaysfragmentary —of extraordinary figures whoforyearsmaintaineda fagadeof ‘normality’ whileengagingin

covertBonapartist activity. Examples includemensuchasBroutat, a

senior official attheMinistry ofWar, whowasnotonlya Napoleonic

agentbutalsoa Carbonaro, theVenerable ofhisMasonic Lodge,and adistributor ofillicitBonapartist literature;!!®© thepriestJean-Baptiste Gautier, whopaidunctuous tributestotheBourbon monarchy inhis churchwhileholding regulargatherings ofNapoleonic supporters in

hishouse(where healsoconcealed imperial propaganda andpara-

phernalia,including tricolourbeltsandcopiesof theNapoleonic

catechism);!!” andLeBoucher, ajuniorpublicprosecutor atthe

Angerscourt,alsoanactiveMasonandsecretBonapartist, whoused hisposition tosecurelowsentences, acquittals andevendismissals of chargesagainstthosetriedforNapoleonic ‘sedition’ between1815 and1821,!!8 Because theirworkinvolved muchtravel(andtherefore exposure to surveillance) Bonapartist couriers wereespecially vulnerable topolice attention.Thesemen and womenwho carriedletters,packages,

maps,draftinsurrection plans,falseproclamations, andlargesumsof moneytovarious destinations weresometimes followed forperiodsof time,arrestedandsubjected tolengthy interrogations; yettheresults wereinvariably frustrating forthepolice.In 1816,overa periodof severalmonths,thepolicein Chalon-sur-Saéne followed a young - womannamedJeanneClerc,a twenty-five-year oldmusician who regularly travelled toParis;althoughshewassuspected of carrying Bonapartist correspondence, theauthorities neverfoundanyincriminatingmaterialonher—eventhoughtheyconceded thattheyhad notalways beenabletokeeptrackof hermovements, asshe‘often

disguised herself asaman’.!!9

In thesameyear,theauthorities in Abbeville detainedPascal

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TheLegend ofNapoleon

Sinoquet, a localbuilder,on‘suspicion of beingtheagentof some intrigue’. Hehadbeentravelling regularly toParistodeliver packages towell-known Napoleonic addresses, whileclaiming tobeinthecapital ‘onbusiness’; in his hometownhe had evendevelopeda

reputation as‘anardentroyalist’. Hedenied anyknowledge ofthe

contentsof theletters,or of theiraddressees. Beforereluctantly releasing him,thesub-prefect of Abbeville paidthis(unintended) homage tothequalityofhisstonewalling: ‘Hisambiguous replies; his misleading certificates ofgoodconduct; hisfalseandinternally incon-

sistentdeclarations; hisunsatisfactory accounts of hismeansof existence; andhiserraticlifestyle allseemtosuggest thatSinoquet is

theagentof a machination.’!?° Whatpreciselythiswas,we shallneverknow;and as Sinoquet

wovehiswaybetween ParisandAbbeville, hiringbuilders andcon-

niving withconspirators, socializing withroyalists andfraternizing withBonapartists, ducking awayfrompolice officials andhiding his lettersfromtheirspies,perhapsthisBonapartist agentwasnotalways quitesureeither.

ThefinaltypeofNapoleonic conspirator wastheextrovert, who

concealed hisBonapartist activities behind a flurry ofmovement and

a flamboyant lifestyle. ‘Toillustrate thisformofactivism, letusconsiderthe caseof Jean Drevon,a clerkin the localcourt in the Saint-Marcellin districtof theIsére.In 1819,hemysteriously gaveup

thispositionandwentto Paris.Hereturneda yearlatera wealthy

man,claiming to haveinherited a largefortunefromanuncle (although therewerealsorumours thathehadmarried a richold

widowforhermoney). Bythesummerof 1821localauthorities in Saint-Marcellin wereconvinced thatDrevonhadagainbecomea ‘nuisance’; hewasinregularcontactwithBonapartist elements inthe IséreandtheDréme,anduponhearingofthedeathofNapoleon he hadevenlaunched a newfashion: ‘[Drevon] wasthefirsttoweara violetribbonpinnedto a whitehatasa signof mourning forthe demiseofBonaparte; hisexample wasthenimitated bymanyinthe

locality,’!?!

Unimpressed withhissymbolic creativity, theauthorities constantly trailedDrevonbetween1821and 1823—thehighwatermarkof

Napoleonicfermentin the Isére,a time of plots,rebellions,and

assorted scuffles. (Asnotedearlier,a groupof Napoleonic agitators

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119

launched aninsurrection inMarch1821andcharged intothepre-

fecture building inGrenoble, wheretheydemanded thatthetricolour flagbe flown.!*?)) Thepolicefoundlittleto linkDrevonto these activities, butmuchtoprovoke envy:Drevonentertained ‘threeor four’peopletodinnerseveral nightsa week,withastringquartetperforming inthebackground; hetravelled regularly toParis,wherehe socialized withBonapartist andliberalnotables suchasthebanker Laffitte; healsovisited Lyons withlargesumsofmoney, whichhelavishedonbeautiful olyets d’art,extravagant tipstothepostilions, and

several (concurrent) mistresses.'° Very occasionally, theauthorities

caught glimpses ofhisparallel life:ononeoccasion inLyons hewas seenbygendarmes entering a caféfromwhichheemerged withacol-

lection ofBonapartist pamphlets.!*4

Butsuchmoments ofvisibility wererare.Indeed,Drevon’s skillat managing andcircumventing hissurveillants wasexemplary. Hisregulartripsto neighbouring departments, whosepurposehisown authorities knewtobeconspiratorial, completely fooledofficials in

theselocalities.The prefectof the Dréme wrotethat Drevon’s

numerous visitsto theareawereconnected onlywithhis‘loveof

music’: according tothisunsuspecting official, hecame‘toplaythe

violinina chamberensemble’.!?° (Thiswasa common frontamong Napoleonic activists in Grenoble, manyof whommetin ‘musical societies’!*°.) AnotherployusedbyDrevonwashisexpression of fondness forruralFrance:askedwhyhetravelled somuch,heinvari-

ablyreplied that‘heloved thecountryside’.!2” Hewasalsoadept at

vanishing intothinair:theParisian police could neverquitetrackhis

movements inthecapital, despite pleading entreaties fromtheprefect

inGrenoble;'?® theIséregendarmerie farednobetter,managing

eventolosesightofDrevonforthreewholedaysduringaweek-long provincial tripin 1823.!?9 Whenextravagance andcunningnolongersufficed, Drevonalso knewhowtoputhispursuers onthedefensive. Stopped andsearched bythepoliceononeoccasion, Drevontookoffallhisclothesand threwa tantruminthepolicestation;helateraccused theseofficers oftryingto‘garrotte’ him.(Itisnotunlikely thattheydidindeedtry to stranglehim;theymusthavebeenquitefrustrated withhimby now.)Hetookhiscomplaint directly totheprefect,alsothrowing in, forgoodmeasure, theaccusation thatofficials intheprefecture had

120 TheLegendofNapoleon ‘interfered withhismail’.Drevon’s histrionics weresoeffective onthis occasion thattheprefectpromised notonlytoinvestigate hisgrievances,butalsotoprosecute anyofficial foundto haveviolatedthe secrecy ofDrevon’s correspondence.!*° InSeptember 1823,thetrailfinally wentcold:Drevon disappeared fromtheIséreandthereweresomerumours totheeffectthathehad gonebankrupt. Itwasonlywhenthepolicefinally searched hishouse in Saint-Marcellin thattheydiscovered a crucialclue:amonghis paperswere‘allthe decorationsof a Rose-Croix’. Drevonhad also

been,allthewhile, ahigh-ranking Freemason.!9!

APermanentStruggle Loneworkers,militaryplotters,Freemasons,Carbonari, imperial celebrities, ordinarypublicemployees, builders,priests,‘musiclovers’:

Napoleonic conspirators camein almosteveryconceivable shape andsize.Throughthisvariety, theserebelssheda revealing lighton

thenatureofBonapartism after1815 —notably onitssocial heterogeneity, butalsoonthecomplex mixtureofsymbolic, affective, and

ideological elementsthatcametogethertoinspire‘Napoleonic’ polit-

icalactivity. Forsome,thismobilization wasan expression of loyaltyto the

person oftheEmperor. Forothers, itwasacommitment tospecific

values(patriotism, military glory,etc.).Andforothersstill,Napoleon was‘reinvented’ to symbolize newsocialandpoliticalideals.(More

evidence of thistransformation willbepresented in thefollowing

chapter.) Yetacross thisrangethereemerged acoherent andstable set ofprecepts which constituted the‘core’ ofBonapartism, identifiable evenwhenitsbearerswereoperating in organizations andgroups

whosepurposeswerebroader,morediffuse,ormorecomprehensive.

Howfardidthis‘Napoleonic’ identitycrystallize throughthevar-

ious‘conspiratorial’ movements towhichBonapartists belonged

duringtheRestoration? Therelationship betweenconspiracy and Napoleonic organization wasessentially contingent: some(indeed most)conspiracies ofthe1816—22 periodwereorganized bygroups thatwerenotBonapartist, andmanyBonapartist plotters(most notablyLouvel) didnotbelongto anyorganization. Atthesame

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time,theevidence presented heredemonstrates theprofound pene-

tration ofboththepublic andconspiratorial spheres byBonapartist images, aims,andvalues. Notonlythestrength butalsothefragility oftheNapoleonic underground after1815layinthisveryplasticity: itscapacity tooperatethroughexisting institutions, whether publicor private,‘legitimate’ orsecretive. Bonapartism didnotneedstructured organizations to existand flourish, butratherusedthemalmostindistinctly topursueitskey objectives: destabilizing andundermining theBourbon order,cherishingthememoryof theEmperor, andpromoting a Napoleonic political alternative, however vaguely defined. Thedegreetowhich theseactivities weresuccessful willbeexamined inthenextchapter.

Chapter5

Rebellionsin Action

N apoleon’s legendclearly inspired anextraordinary rangeofpoliticalactivity. Butwhatdidallthisagitationachieve? Historyhas generallyshownlittleindulgence towardsthe variousformsof Napoleonic political actionintheearlyRestoration —whetherplots withaspecific Bonapartist purpose(orledbyNapoleonic agents), or conspiracies withwiderobjectives butundertaken withthesupportof Napoleonic elements. Themostsuccessful singleact,Louvel’s assassinationof theDucdeBerry,istypically seento haveresultedin perverse political consequences, causing theBourbon regime tolurch sharply totherightandstrengthening thehandofthe‘ultra’ royalist elements. ! Asforthenumerous rebellions andinsurrections plannedbyor executedwiththe helpof Napoleonic agitators,theygenerally seemed tohaveendedinutterdisaster. Aconspiracy ledbyJean-Paul DidierinGrenoble inMay1816waseasily putdown;aplotinLyons inJune1817metwithasimilar fate;theAugust1820‘French Bazaar’ insurrection inParisfinished beforeit evenstarted.? Theclimaxof Carbonan activity inFrance,whichbeganwitha seriesof revoltsin SaumurandBelfort(led,aswesawin thepreviouschapter,by GeneralBerton), sawthemovement eventually spreadtolargeparts of easternandwesternFranceduringthespringandsummerof

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1822.Itsdefeatsealedthefateof theCarbonan asanunderground

political force.°

If these‘national’ conspiracies wereunsuccessful, thingswerevery

differentat a locallevel.In 1815—16, forexample,Napoleon’s native

Corsica witnessed averitable insurrection (known, aftertheregionin whichit wasfought,as the ‘Warof Fiumorbo’) betweenproRestoration forcesanda localNapoleonic leader,BernardPoli,who hadtravelled toElbain1814tomeettheEmperor. Polidefined himselfasa supporter ofNapoleon, ratherthanoftheEmpire,* andhis insurgency wasprovoked bytheattempts oflocalRestoration authoritiestoarresthim.Retreating totheFiumorbo region,heresisted for several months,inflicting several defeatsonhisadversaries. Inearly 1816official reportsweredescribing theregion’s Bonapartists asfully behindPoli,andmanifesting ‘muchaudacity andinsolence’; localsin Fiumorbo refusedanycooperation withStateauthorities.” InApril 1816Poli’sforces,madeup of 1,700combatants (including 500 women)routeda Franco-Corsican armyestimated at over8,000 men.°Undefeated, Polinegotiated anamnesty forhimselfandhis troops,afterwhichhelefttheislandwithallhispossessions (including somevaluable jewellery leftwithhimbytheformerKingofNaples, JoachimMurat). ReadingaboutPoli’sexploitsin Englishnewspapers in SaintHelena,Napoleon hadfollowed theactionsof hislieutenant with admiration.’Committedto Corsica’slinkswithFrance,Polidefined

therationale forhisstruggle asfollows: ‘Ipromoted thisinsurgency on thebasisofthatfeeling ofindependence, whichmakesallmenrush to armswhenever injusticeandoppression reartheirhead’.® He returnedtotheislandafewyearslater,andremained a thorninthe fleshoftheRestoration authorities.’ Indeed,despiteitsBonapartist inspirations, andNapoleon’s ownvirulenthostility to anyformof self-determination forhisnativeisland,the 1815-16warhasbeen celebrated bysomeCorsicannationalists asa keymomentin the

island’s struggle forliberty. !°

Thesesortsof ‘local’ actionshavereceived littleattentioninthe historiography of theRestoration. Themostcharitableviewof Bonapartist conspiratorial activityduringthedecadethatfollowed

1815wasthatit wascounter-productive (Robert Alexander thus speaks ofanopposition whichwas‘self-defeating’!'); othershave

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TheLegend ofNapoleon

beenevenharsher, describing therebellions ofthisperiodas‘rather

farcical’.'* However, whileitisundeniable thattheseplotsdidnot bringdowntheBourbon regime intheshortrun,itisamistake to regard theiroutcomes ascomprehensive failures. ‘These actions kept

theNapoleonic flameburning, andharassed thepublicauthorities; in thelongerrun,thereislittledoubtthatthissustained pressure weakenedtheregimeandcontributed toitsdownfall in 1830. Buttherealerrorhereisoneofperspective. ‘Theplotsandrebel-

lionsinvolving Napoleonic groupstakeonanentirely different complexion if theyareseennotasexercises in attempted regime transformation, butratheraswiderexpressions of the‘anti-féte’: a systematic confrontation oftheState,whosepurposewasconstantly to question,unsettle,and drivebackofficialauthority.Politicaland

military conspiracy wasoneofthepanoplyofinstruments ofsocial rebellion against theRestoration —arepertoire which,aswesawearlier,includedholdingforbiddenNapoleonic objects,spreading rumoursabouttheEmperor’s return,subverting royalistanniversaries, shouting Napoleon’s name,posting seditious placards inpublic

places, singing songsinBonaparte’s honour, andcelebrating the

moralandpolitical valuesofindividualism thathissupporters associatedwiththeEmperor. Napoleonic conspiracy wasnotsomuch goal-driven asexpressive: itgaveitsparticipants anescapefromthe drabworldofRestoration France,andopenedupnewprospects of adventure, heroism, mystery, and(above all)hope. Thesubstantive roleof thisNapoleonic cultureinthedemiseof theBourbons in 1830haslongbeenundervalued byFrenchhistorians,whohavetendedtoregardtheJulyRevolution astheworkof liberalsandrepublicans. Althoughthe potencyof Bonapartism duringtheRestoration isgenerally recognized, thisacknowledgementistypically qualified bytheclaimthatitwasa forcethatwas bothpolitically andideologically diffuse, notably lacking ‘structure or

definition’;!? historians alsotendtoregard thisperiod asoneinwhich Bonapartist doctrine wassomnolent.'* Yetourevidence willsuggest otherwise. In thepopularimagination, theEmperorwasidentified

witha clearandcoherentclusterofvalues,atthecentreofwhichwas

theidealof freedom, broughtto Francebythe 1789Revolution. Andthis‘liberating Emperor’ wasmorethananiconicfigureforthe Napoleonic tribe:between1815and1830Bonaparte’s imageasan

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emblemof libertyplayeda crucialfederating roleamongFrench opposition groups,providing theunderlying elementof cohesion whichunifiedthe‘anti-féte’ oftheRestoration years.

SubvertingRoyalistAnniversariesandSymbols Nothingbettercaptures thesheerexuberance ofthe‘anti-féte’ than theindividual andcollective gestures of subversion carriedoutby

Napoleonic activists andsympathizers duringtheofficial festivities

andsignificant eventsoftheRestoration regime. Thesegestures effectivelystoodsuchoccasions on theirheads,turninginstancesof solemn remembrance intomoments ofgleeful delight. ‘They changed anniversaries intended asreligious, socially exclusive, anddeferential royalist gatherings intoepisodes ofcreative spontaneity, popularparticipation, andunrestrained Napoleonic enthusiasm. Derision wasoneof thecentralattributesof traditional secular festivities suchasthecarnival andthechanvari. Itwasalsooneofthe principalinstruments inthe‘anti-féte’ repertoire, anditwasputto

telling usebylocalsupporters oftheEmperor. Thetradition had

alreadybegunduringtheHundredDays,whenmanyBonapartists hadexpressed theirjoyatNapoleon’s returnbypublicly desecrating royalistemblemsandbanners.Oneof the mostcolourfulincidentsof thistypewasstagedbyColonelVerdun,whoseregiment wasstationedin Toulousein March1815.Whenhe heardthat Napoleon wasbackintheTuileries inParis,thisferventimperialist displayed hisdelightbypinninghisSaint-Louis military crosstothe tailof hisdog,andparadingit withostentation aroundToulouse. Thisepisodewasstillpartof localfolklore inthelateyearsof the

Restoration. !°

After1815suchmocking gestures wereespecially targetedagainst official royalist celebrations, foiling theregime’s efforts topromote the imageof a dignified, benevolent, andpaternalistic King.Pierre Lauré,a stableboyin Béoncauseda scandalbynaminghisdog ‘Louis XVIIPandmarching himaroundthecommune on25August, thedayof SaintLouis(theKing’spatronsaint).!© Celebrations in honouroftheKingwerealways vulnerable tothesesortsofstunts: in 1824themunicipality of Cartas(Landes) organized a ballforthe

126 TheLegendofNapoleon localpopulation, andabustofthemonarch wasprominently placedin themiddleof thedancinghall.Nodoubtin scornfulhomageto

Louis XVIII’s legendary appetite, twelve young menemptied abarrel ofredwineoverthebust,andthenproceeded tocoveritwithcooked

vegetables;theywerevigorouslychantinganti-royalist Napoleonic

songs whenthegendarmes cametoarrestthem.!’ | Aswascharacteristic withanti-féte moments, thissortofplayfulnessfrequently tradedongrotesque imagery: afterdescribing the

kingasa ‘fatpigandeaterofpotatoes’ alabourer inthecommune of Soullans wentontoaddthathe‘regretted thatLouisXVIII’stongue and heartwerenot thereon the tablewherehe wasseated,as he

would have eaten themwithvinaigrette.’!®

Anothercommonwayof negatingthe festiveorderof the Bourbonswasto emptyit.of all warmthand publicfervour. ThroughoutFrance,and especiallyin areaswith significant Bonapartist support, localauthorities metwithwaves ofsullenness on thedayof SaintLouis.Onepoliceofficial inBordeaux summed up thegeneralsituation: “Theféteof25August wassadandsilenthere. Theonlyrejoicing to be seenwasthatwhichhadbeenofficially

ordained.’!9

Citizenscollectively resistedofficial injunctions to decorateand illuminate theirhomesonthedayoftheKing’s féte,turningdarkness intoanovertformofcivicprotest—a tradition whichwasappropriatedbyopposition groupsthroughoutthe nineteenthcentury.?° Duringthe1822SaintLouisanniversary inVilleneuve, therewere almostno illuminations of privatehomes,andonlythreepublic buildings were(thinly) decorated: themunicipality, thegendarmerie, andtheMasonicLodge.Thiswasclearlynotthefirstincidentof thissortin thelocality, andoneofficialsoundeda direwarning: “Thereislittledoubtthatunlesstheauthorities putsomeorderhere thefestivities ofourKingwilldegenerate intoinsignificance.’*! This wasprecisely whathappenedinmanyof thelargertowns,suchas

Grenoble; reports onthecelebrations inthecapital oftheIsérerou-

tinelybemoaned the‘complete darkness’ whichshrouded anti-royalist neighbourhoods ontheevenings ofthedayofSaintLouis.?? Sometimes unfavourable comparisons wereexplicitlydrawn between theelitismoftheBourbon festivities andthepopularcharacterof the FirstEmpire’s publicanniversaries. Afterthe third

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successive yearinwhichtheking’s fétehadbeengloomily celebrated

inMontbrison, withonlyaprivate partyorganized forthelocalelite andtheirfamilies, apolice official revealed thedepthoflocalresent-

ment(withwhichheclearly empathized):

“The“popular” classes aregrumbling. Theyremember thatduring

thefestivities oftheFirstEmpire public dances wereorganized and refreshments weredistributed, andthatthiswastruly a féteforall theFrench people, unlike thisfestivity oftheKing. Accordingly not a singleshoutwasheard,andwindows havenotbeendrapedwith

asingle banner.’2°

Derision andnegativity undermined thefestive order;subversion radically changed itsmeaning, Enthusiastic Bonapartists transformed

thecharacterof officialroyalistcelebrations bybringinganuninvited

guestofhonourintotheproceedings: Napoleon. Between 1816and 1824,hundredsof menandwomenwereprosecuted forshouting

‘Long LivetheEmperor’ or‘Long LiveNapoleon’ around thetimeof

25August.In casehistruefeelingswereleftunclear,Francois Lescalier accompanied hiscrywitha threatto removetheroyalist

banner fromtheChurch tower.*‘ Inasimilar spirit, afifteen-year-old

boycalledDeschamps causeda scandal inhisschoolbyannouncing

shortly before thedayofSaintLouis in1824 thattheroyal flagwould

betakendown,andthattheEmpirewouldsoonberestored.”° This youngNapoleonic enthusiast escaped prosecution —because, ironically,hisparents’ royalist credentials wereimpeccable. Butotherswithlessusefulfamilyconnections werenotsofortunate.ABonapartist doctornamedGuyomard wassentenced tothree months’ imprisonment forshouting ‘LongLivetheShits’ata Saint

Louis’s daybanquet inhishometownofCallac;?© andEdouard

Hardy,a workerinLille,wassenttojailfortwoyearsin 1824for combining hisexpression of supportforNapoleon witha sonorous

cryof‘Fuck theRoyal Family.’2’

TheféteoftheKingalsopresented anideal(ifriskyfortheperformers)stageforthesingingof Napoleonic songs.In 1824two workers fromCaennamedBétourmé andLecerfwereeachimprisonedforonemonthforcelebrating thedayofSaintLouiswith a ditty whichbegan:‘Wepainfullyregretthe passingof the greatest

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monarchoftheWorld’ (therewerenoprizesforguessing whothey meant);andPierreCourtial,a tailorfromNimes,wenttojailfortwo

yearsforhisrendering on25August oftheNapoleonic version ofthe Marseillaise.”® TheBonapartist ‘anti-féte’ wasthusinmanywaystheperversion of theofficial order.Insteadof tributestothemonarch’s life,there wereCalls forhisdeath;conversely, occasions atwhichtheKingand othermembersof theroyalfamilyweremeanttobe mournedwere

transformed intomoments of gleeful, uninhibited celebration. We

sawintheprevious chapter inwhatspiritBonapartists greeted the newsoftheassassination oftheDucdeBerry; thiswasnoisolated incident. Forexample, theRestoration instituted a nationaldayof

mourning in Januarytomarktheexecutionof theunfortunateLouis

XVIbytheRevolutionaries in 1793;thiswasintendedasa dayof

atonement forFrance’s pastsins.Intheearlyyearsoftheregime, therewerewidespread instances oflocalrebellion against thisofficial anniversary, withpostersannouncing theeventbeingdefaced, cho-

ristersrefusingtoperforminchurch,schoolteachers decliningtotake

theirpupilstoMass,andseditious — announcing thereturnof

Napoleon inserted through keyholes.”9 Buttherealspiritofthe‘anti-féte’ wasdisplayed bya group of

Bonapartists at Chateauroux in 1816.Their‘commemoration’ of themartyredBourbonmonarchtooktheformof marchingthrough

theirtownwithdrumsbeatingwildyastheychantedsongs‘tothe

glory ofNapoleon theGreat’.°° Thesamedelicate sense oftaste

wasshown bythevillager intheLot-et-Garonne whochose thisday toorganize aballtowhichheinvited theentirelocalpopulation.*! In

Joignythemayorcaused a localscandalbyappearingincasualdress

attheceremony, andencouraging theorganization ofamasquerade inwhichmen‘dressed inimperial uniforms’ paradedaroundtown.*?

Likewise, whenLouisXVIIIdiedin 1824,therewasrejoicing

throughout Napoleonic France.Somelocalsin the‘Tarnchosethe occasion of theféteof theirtown’s patronsainttosingcelebratory

songs; theyalsoassaulted thegendarmes whocametoarrestthem.°° Perhaps this‘anti-festive’ defiance wasbestexemplified bya woman calledPerrimond, whocheekily declared uponhearingofthedemise of herobesemonarch: “Therewillbepotatoes forusnowthatthe

Kingisdead,because whenhewasaliveheusedtoeatthemall.’**

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NapoleontheLiberator Napoleon’s imageandthememory ofhisachievements thusbecame thelinchpin ofthe‘anti-fétes’ thatundermined theBourbons’ commemorative tradition.Indeed,sowidespread werethesepublic gestures ofdefiance undertheRestoration thattheytransformed the Emperorintotheemblematic symbol ofFrenchliberation. Equated consistently with‘freedom’, hisnamewasinvoked between1815and 1830ina popularpolitical cultureof ‘seditious’ gestures, proclamations, songs,placards,and crieswhichchallengedthe national

legitimacy oftheBourbon regime, andhelpedtopreparetheground

foritssuccessful overthrow (seeFigure 12).

Thefreedom thatNapoleon cametosymbolize intheRestoration yearswasin parta heritage.The 1789Revolution hadabolished feudaltitles,securedcivilequality, anddistributed landtothepeasantry,creating anentirenewstratumofsmallholding peasants. ‘The FirstEmpire,whileasserting itsdesireto ‘end’theRevolution, had guaranteed andreinforced theseprinciples.** WhentheBourbons returnedto powerin 1814,andagainin 1815,therewerewidespreadpopularfearsthatthisheritagewouldbejeopardized: oneof thepersistent rumours thathauntedtheFrenchcountryside throughout muchof the nineteenthcenturywas ‘therestorationof feudalism’.*° Whileitpromised topreserve thisRevolutionary heritage,Napoleonic freedomwasalsoaspirational, representing the varieddesires ofarangeofsocialgroupsforgreaterlibertyunderthe Restoration: herewerecombined (ratheruneasily) thebourgeois wish forgreaterpolitical rights,thestudent’s desireformorepassionand

imagination (andlessreligion), theworker’s hopesfor‘popular sov-

ereignty’ (andcheaperbread),andthemilitary yearning for‘glory’. Butforalargenumberofindividuals thisfreedom wasperhapsmost centrally aboutpersonalself-realization: it expressed therefusalof Frenchmenandwomentolettheirhorizons belimitedby‘fate’,or toallowfearandtraditiontodictatetheirbehaviour. Itwashardlysurprising thatNapoleon shouldhaveappeared asan iconof individualism —and a somewhatsubversiveone,at that.

Throughouthis careerhe had systematically floutedall the rules,bothas a civilianleaderand as a militarystrategist,and his

FIGURE12

‘Ts ittrue,asthey say,thatthings aregoing sobadly?’ Theyear1824sawthedeathofLouisXVIII;thecrowning ofhissuccessor Charles X ayearlater,intheReimsCathedral, allowed Bourbon traditionalists torecreate theceremonial ofamedieval monarchy —aneventwhichwasverycoldlyreceived byliberalandpopularopinioninFrance. Nicolas Charlet,oneofthemostinfluentialpropagators of theNapoleonic legendundertheRestoration, playsonthis sentiment inthisrepresentation ofasimple, considerate, andcaringEmperor, attentivetothepeople’s needsandconcerns. Inthisdrawing, firstpublished a fewyears aftertheEmperor’s death,CharletalsohintsatthethemeofNapoleonic immortality,andalsousestheEmperortounderscore thewidespread perception of the Restoration regimeassocially exclusive andoppressive.

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extraordinary returninMarch1815haddefiedallthelawsofpolit-

icalgravity. Thiswasa manwhohadcheated deathonmanya

battlefield, andwhohadseemed toallownothing tointerfere withhis destiny: nottheRevolution, notthemonarchs of Europe,notthe Frencharistocracyand priesthood,not eventhe Pope.To a large

numberof hiscountrymen undertheRestoration, Napoleon per-

sonified thesuccessful escape fromconvention, andtheaspiration (as hehimself putit)to‘live lifetothefull’. Itisinthislightthatmanyofthe‘seditious’ incidents whichtook

placethroughoutthe Restorationshouldbe interpreted.Menwho

shouted “Long LivetheEmperor!’ afterSunday Mass,forexample, as

theydidinMontbrison inlate1815andinChalon inearly1816,

werenotsomuchissuing a political challenge totheregime(oreven totheclergy) astheywereaffirming theirindividuality inahighly for-

malized setting, inwhicheveryone wasexpected to ‘conform’.>’

Napoleonic freedom, inthissense,resteduponabeliefthatanything

couldbedoneandsaid:“TheEmperor willsoonreturn,andwewill

be ableto speakourminds.’*® It wasalsoaboutspontaneity, and doingsomething quiteoutof theordinary—simplegestures, like carving outthenameoftheEmperor onthebarkofthetreeslining

a localroad;*? ormoreambitious acts,suchastravelling upthe

mountains oftheJuratowritethenameofNapoleon inlargeletters in thesnowon alltheroadsleadingto the Cantonof Vaud;”or,as

in thecaseof thefarmerLouisDuchesne, goingto one’svillage churchattenintheevening andloudlysinging the‘Domine Salvum FacImperatorem NostrumNapoleonem’ beforefrantically ringing

thebells.*!

Alongside theseexpressions ofindividualistic freedom, Napoleon’s nameandimagealsoappearedinpopulararticulations of a quasi‘republican’ formofliberty. Atonelevelthiswasa continuation of FrenchRevolutionary discourse whichdefinedtheabsenceoffreedomasdependence onthearbitrary willofthesovereign —aformof ‘slavery’.** Thiswasverymuchthelanguage usedbytheCorsican rebelsledbyPoliin1815—16.* AftertheDidierrevoltinGrenoble in 1816,aproclamation wasnailedtofrontdoorofthemunicipality of LaMure,whereNapoleon hadpassed a yearearlierduringhis‘flight oftheeagle’. IturgedtheFrenchtobreakthe‘shameful yoke’under whichtheywereheldbyroyalist rule,andreferredtotheeventsof

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Grenoble asa ‘patriotic insurrection’ whichwouldleadtotheproclamationofNapoleon II.‘This regime wouldbringback‘liberty’ tothe peopleofFrance:‘LongLivethePatrie!LongLiveFreedom! Long

Live theEmperor!”*+

Evenwhenitwasnotfollowed bymilitary action,asinCorsica, the presence of thistypeof language borewitness totherobustness of thealliance forgedin1815between Jacobins andBonapartists, which continued throughout theRestoration (andevenbeyond). Therepublicanimperialist Muretwasarrestedin 1820forcelebrating this

alliance byshouting ‘LongLivetheRepublic! LongLivethe

Emperor! LongLiveNapoleon!’Achieving freedom, fromthisperspective, wasintricately boundupinthesuccessful removal of ‘the

yokeof tyranny’.** AyoungmanfromtheNimesareademonstrated

hisperfectunderstanding ofthisnewdimension ofBonapartist ide-

ology bydeclaring in1817 thatNapoleon would soonreturnwithhis son‘toliberate theFrench people fromslavery andtorestore order’.*’ Thislanguage of‘national liberation’ —a strongechobothofthe

(early)Revolutionary era and the HundredDays—wasespecially

powerful in theinitialyearsof theRestoration, whenFrancewas

governed byaBourbon regime thatoweditspower toforeign occupation. Allthemilitary conspiracies which shook theBoubon regime werecarriedoutin thenameof ‘independence’ and‘liberty’; at Thouarsin 1822,atthebeginning ofhisill-fated rebellion, General Bertonissueda proclamation inwhichheurgedFrenchsoldiers to

liberate themselves fromthe‘slavery’ towhich theyweresubjected by

themilitary hierarchy.*®

ManyfalseBonapartist proclamations, claiming tobeauthored by Napoleon orbymembers oftheimperial family, alsostrongly played onthistheme.Awidelycirculated ‘Declaration of Empress Marie-

Louise’ (aforgery, butanexcellent pieceofNapoleonic propaganda)

promised theFrenchpeoplewhowere‘groaning undertheterrible weightoftyranny’ that‘thedoorsof theirjailswouldsoonopenat theEmperor’s command’.*? Anotherproclamation described the Bourbons as‘adegenerate familybettersuitedtoservetheEnglish

thantoreignonthethrone ofFrance.”°

Manyimperial songsalsodrovehomethesamepoint;therefrain ofapopularchantoftheearlyRestoration was:‘Letuschase,chase awayslavery, longlive,longliveNapoleon.”! DuringtheSpanish

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anti-monarchical insurrection andsubsequent Frenchmilitary interventionin 1823,Napoleonic expressions of supportforSpanish groupsfightingto ‘liberatethemselves fromoppression’ usedthe

sameneo-republican language andimagery.°* TheSpanish republi-

canleaderMinawasfrequently celebrated inNapoleonic songsand placardsasthe‘beareroffreedom’, notonlyforhispeoplebutalso

fortheFrench.AndwhenLouis XVIIIdiedayearlater,theimpe-

rialenthusiast VincentFonseca salutedthe‘defeatof slavery’ and called on theFrenchpeopleto adopttheslogan‘Napoleon and

Liberty’.**

|

Thislanguage ofliberation encapsulated allthecentraltensions of Revolutionary ideology. Itblendedthe1789idealofindividual selfrealization withtheinclusive andrallyingnationalist languageof 1792,whentheRepublic defended Frenchsovereignty against foreign invasion. Moremenacingly, it alsodrewupontheimageryof the 1793‘Terror, whichfocusedontheelimination of the‘enemies of the

people’. Napoleon hadbeenseenduringhislifetime bymanyofhisenemiesas ‘Robespierre onhorseback’, andit seemsthatthisimage

retained someofitsappeal —especially forthose Jacobin elements

whohadralliedtotheimperialcauseduringtheHundredDays.A Napoleonic placardfoundin1827inBar-le-Duc listedtheenemies of Franceasthemonarchy, thearistocracy, andthepriests,collectively definedasthe‘League oftheExecrable’; inviting theFrenchpeople

to‘takeuparms’todefend theirfreedom, themessage endedwith

‘LongLiveNapoleon!”Thesamethemeappeared moresubtlyon theplacardfoundinAgenin 1823,whichexpressed itssupportfor Napoleonabovea drawingrepresenting twodaggers(almostcertainlya Carbonaro message).°° Threatswerealsoroutinely directed

atindividual elements among the‘enemies ofthepeople’. Ananony-

mouslettersentto a royalistofficialstatedthat‘theKingwillbe hanged,andhisfatmeltedtomakelanternstocelebrate thereturnof

Napoleon’.*’

Priests werespecifically targeted, too;popularexpressions ofanti-

clericalism frequently assumed aNapoleonic form.InLaGuillotiére afarmernamedLoupawasarrested inMarch1816forattempting to compelhispriesttoshout‘LongLivetheEmperor!’ attheendof a Sundayservice;°® likewise, a curéwalking pastaninninVoironin

134 TheLegendofNapoleon 1819wasgreetedwithshoutsof‘LongLivetheEmperor andDown

withtheCalotins!’°? Andnothing could giveaformer imperial soldier greaterpleasure thantowalkuptothegatesofalargecountryestate in theVendéeandannouncethat:‘Soonallthesecastleswillbe

burnt.”6°

Local‘collaborators’ withtheroyalists werealsocensured,at timeswithextraordinary savagery. Aplacardfoundin theVarin 1817calledfortheprefecttobeexecuted(for‘failing toservethe people’); forthetwolieutenants of thegendarmerie to ‘havetheir

earsand nosescut,to be skinnedalive,and thento be quartered’;

andfortheleadingroyalists‘tobe wellfed,buriedaliveup to

theirhead,andtheneatenbyworms.’ Thischeerful proclamation endedwiththetraditionalNapoleonic signature: ‘LongLivethe

Emperor!’°!

Napoleonic freedom wasbothindividualistic andcollective, liberatingandvengeful; itwasalsousedby‘weaker’ groupstocelebrate theirsocialidentities. Chasedandbanished bythemightyandpowerfulinFranceandEurope,theEmperor becametheemblem ofthe underdog, theproudsymbol ofthehumbleman’sstubborn resistance againstsocio-economic exploitation. Thereislittledoubtthatalarge numberofincidents involving ‘seditious’ expressions of supportfor Napoleon bypeasantsshouldbeinterpreted in thislight.In early 1816,forexample,somebourgeois studentsfromtheCollegede Maconwerechasedandstonedbyagroupofyoungpeasants shouting‘LongLivetheEmperor!’. Whilethismayhavebeen apolitical dispute, itwasalsoa classic manifestation of socialrivalryinwhich onegroupresented the‘privileges’ oftheother;Napoleon washere

taken asapotent symbol oftheprinciple of‘equality’.°* TwoshepherdsonthebankoftheYonneshouted“Long LiveNapoleon’ when theysaw a well-attired publicofficial passing by;oneofthemexplicitlystatedthatshehadutteredhercrybecausethemanwas‘a

bourgeois’.®° Likewise, agroupofthirty-eight labourers wereheard chanting “Long LiveNapoleon’ while working onafieldinthePuyde-Déme in 1817;amongthecausesoftheirdissatisfaction wasthe inadequate payment provided bythelandowner, aprosperous bour-

geois merchant.®*

Inscriptions of ‘LongLivetheEmperor’ on(orabove)thefront

doorsofwell-off citizens alsocameunderthisheading: reports often

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indicated thatthe‘victims’ ofthesegestures weremenwhosewealth

wasresented locally —eitherbecause theydisplayed itostentatiously, orbecause theysought toconceal it.’ Moregenerally, Restoration authoritiesreadilyacknowledged thatadverseeconomiccondi-

tionsin the countrysideplayeddirectlyintothe handsof imperial

propagandists. Whatever thereasons, Napoleon remained theindefatigable companionof thedowntrodden throughout theRestoration, here

consoling a groupofyoungpeasants singing imperial songsoutside

thevillageof Néron,°’therecheeringalonga corporationof coopers

inLyons,°* elsewhere reminding prostitute Marie-Francoise Corcelle

that‘under theEmperor’s reignwewerenotasunhappy asweare now’andinspiring stable boyPhilippe Blottier tocuthisarmand

defiantly declarethat‘hisbloodranfortheEmperorandhewould

gladly spillitforhimagain.’”°

Thismetamorphosis ofNapoleon intotheemblem ofFrench indi-

vidual andcollective liberties wasnothing shortofremarkable. The

Emperor hadmadenosecretofhispersonal aversion (nottosaycontempt)forideasoffreedom, andhadpromoted ‘order’ and‘glory’ as France’s supreme political valuesthroughout theyearsof theFirst Empire. How,then,isthistransformation ofhisimageafter1815to beexplained? Tosomeextent,it reflected theredesign of imperial ideology duringtheHundredDays,whenNapoleon hadintroduced the‘Additional Act’guaranteeing a widerangeofpolitical liberties. PopularNapoleonic advocacy duringtheRestoration yearsoccasionallyreferredpositively to ‘liberal’ principles andvalues.For example, the“Declaration of Empress Marie-Louise’ promised to bestowuponFrance‘strongandliberalpolitical institutions’, with theruleof law,theelection of a National Assembly, anda governmentwhichruledintheinterestofthenationasa whole— all very

muchinlinewiththedemands oftheliberal opposition atthetime.”!

Freedom, inotherwords,hadbeen‘grafted’ ontoimperial political culture. ButtherealsourceofthisNapoleonic transformation wentdeeper. TheEmperor couldplausibly appearasachampion ofFrenchlibertiesbecause, inthepopularmind,hehadbecome(andperhapshad remained allthetime)a powerful symbol oftheRevolutionary era. Oncetheparenthesis oftheFirstEmpirewasclosed, Napoleon was

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seenbytheFrenchpeopleforwhathereallywas:a legitimate heir tothecentralvaluesof 1789.Thisexplains whysomanyJacobin republicans ralliedtohimin 1815,andindeedremained loyaltohis memory throughout theRestoration.

Thisequation ofNapoleon withtheRevolution wasfortified by

muchof theanti-Bonapartist literatureof theRestoration, which frequently presented theEmperor asthe‘sonoftheRevolution’; it alsoappeared inthespontaneous popularresponses totheBourbons’ campaign after1815to removeallvestiges of theRevolutionary

epoch. Inearly1816, localofficials declared waronthe‘trees ofliberty’—whichhadbeenplantedbytherevolutionary authorities inthe

1790sto symbolize theemergenceof theirnewpoliticalorder—and orderedthemto be cut downalloverFrance.In somecases,these

gestures wereprompted bylocalroyalists; inSavigny-sur-Bois (Yonne)

theinhabitants petitioned theprefect asking forthelocal‘treeofliberty’tobecutdown‘because theBuonapartists areconstantly threatening thatwewillbehangedonit’.”°

Althoughsuchactsof symbolicvandalismweresuccessfully car-

riedout,theyencountered spirited localresistance thatofteninvoked

Napoleon’s nameandspirit.Thus,theprefectof theCreuse’s announcement thatallthe‘trees ofliberty’ inGuéret would bepulled downwasmetwitha Bonapartist placarddenouncing this‘tyrannical order’;it declaredthat any person who carried it out was

‘unworthy ofbeingFrench’.’* InCherbourg, theauthorities wereso apprehensive aboutthepublic’s response thattheyhadtheir‘trees of liberty’ removed inthedeadofnight.Inthefollowing fewdays,the townwascoveredwithplacardsallcarryingthereply,proudand

defiant: ‘Loyalty totheEmperor’.’°

Hadheknownaboutthisspontaneous gesturebyhisfollowers,

Napoleon wouldnodoubthavesavoured theirony. Whenhehad

beenappointed FirstConsulandhadmovedintohisofficial apartmentsin theTuileries Palace,hehadorderedthetreesof liberty whichhadbeenplantedinthecourtyard tobecutdown;theywere

creating ‘toomuchshade’.’”° Astheywerefelled in1816allover

France,thesesymbolsof republicanlibertyhad nowbecome emblems ofNapoleon’s political resurrection.

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ALocalRevolt:theGrandLempsAffair(1816) Napoleonic rebellion wasthusamuchwiderandmorecomplex phe-

nomenon than a straightforwardseries of purely military

conspiracies: it wasexpressed in a multitude of activities inwhich thousands ofmenandwomenchosetodefypublicauthority between

1815 and1830. Theoccasions forthese‘conspiratorial’ pratices could

be national,as withthe celebrationsof royalistanniversaries, but

theycouldalsocrystallize aroundlocalissuesandevents. Toappreciate thespiritin whichtheserebellious gestures were made,andtheircomplex repercussions onBourbon authority, letus

consider aspecific episode: the‘Grand Lemps affair’, arevolt which

tookplacein thedepartment of theIsérein early1816.Itsmain

protagonistwasJosephEmery,the chiefmilitarysurgeonof the

Imperial Guard—oneofNapoleon’s mosttrustedlieutenants atElba,

andoneoftheheroic figures oftheHundred Days.’” Emery had

beensentbytheEmperor toprepare hisarrival inFrance inearly

March1815.Despite beingtwicearrestedinDigneandGap,hehad fulfilled hismission,eventually reachingGrenoblewherehe had printedanddistributed Napoleon’s proclamations shortlybeforethe

Emperor’s arrival.’®

Emerypaida heavypriceforhisloyaltyto Napoleon. Hewas expelled fromtheArmyundertheRestoration, andtheStateeven soughttopreventhimfrompractising medicine. LivinginthecommuneofBeaurepaire inearly1816,hecontinued tobeseenasareal menacebytheprefectresponsible fortheareanotonlybecause ofhis

cultstatus among thelocalpopulation, butalsobecause ofhisinsis-

tenceonproviding freemedicalaidtotheindigent.” Emerywaseventually moved bytheauthorities tothemoreremote villageof GrandLemps,wherehe arrivedin lateMarch1816. Writing totheprefect, themayorwelcomed Emery’s presence, stressingthathe had causedno troubleandthatthepopulationwas extremely pleasedtohavesuchanexemplary citizenintheirmidst; theletterendedbyurgingtheprefecttoallowthesurgeon toremain

inthelocality.®° Aweek later,clearly fearing theworst, themayor sent

anothereffusive testimony, describing Emery’s remarkable medical

services tothecommunity. Healsoadded — thiswastheheight ofthe

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seasonforrumoursof Napoleon’s return—thatEmeryhadnot engaged inpolitical discussions withanyofhispatients.®! Unfortunately, theprefect’s pressure onPariseventually borefruit: inearlyAprila letterarrivedordering thatEmeryshouldbemoved forthwith tothedepartment of theNord.However, whenthegendarmesweresentto GrandLempsto seizethedoctor,thevillage rebelledagainstthis‘arbitrary’ decision. DespiteEmery’s repeated attemptstocalmdownthelocalpopulation, andhiswillingness to acceptthedeportation order,thecrowdrefused toallowthelawofficerstotakehimaway. Afterprolonged andheateddiscussions, several

timesbroken offandeventually resumed, thecitizens ofthevillage

forcedEmery’s releaseintothehandsof themayor.Therewere numerouschantsof ‘LongLivethe Emperor!’throughoutthe

episode, particularly orchestrated bya certainDrevon,oneof the

ringleaders oftherebellion.®”

Drevon inmanywaysstoletheshow: hewastheoneresponsible

formobilizing thevillagers toresistandattheheightofthedramahe

waschasedbyseveralgendarmesthroughthesmallroadsandalleys of thelocality.He managedto losehispursuers,onlyto reappeara

whilelaterwitharifle,whichhefiredseveral timesintheair‘asages-

tureofbravado’; hethendisappeared intothesurrounding woods.**

Drevonactually succeeded inevading captureuntilAugust, whenhe wasdenounced bya royalist informant; hehadallthewhilespenthis daysinthewoods,andhadcomebackintothevillageatnightfall,

‘still armedwithhisrifle’.°* Atonelevel,thisresistance proved bothfutileandcostly tothe

inhabitants of GrandLemps.Emeryeventually wentawayintohis internalexilein mid-April; withthe exception of theirrepressible Drevon, manyofthekeyparticipants inthisrevoltwereimmediately arrested andjailed,andthevillage wasdeclared bytheprefecttohave

‘rebelled against legitimate authority’. Inanextraordinary actof

retribution, theroyalist official orderedthedispatch ofaforceof 100 mento GrandLemps(eighty infantrymen andtwentygendarmes); theywereto remainin thelocalityuntilthemayorandtheentire municipal council agreedtotraveltoGrenoble topledgetheirloyalty

totheState. ‘Throughout theduration ofthisoccupation, theseforces

wereto be fedandlodgedbythevillage,whowereadditionally requiredtopaytheiroccupiers afixeddailyallowance.*°

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But,although themunicipal officers rapidly didwhatwasexpected

ofthemandfellintoline,the‘GrandLempsaffair’ wasanything but apolitical victory fortheRestoration authorities. Without inanyway askingfororencouraging it,Emeryhadcauseda remotevillageto rebelagainst theState.Thisrevolthaddemonstrated thatthegeneral

willofa smallcommunity, expressed through itsmunicipal elites, waspowerful enoughtoblocktheexecution ofanofficial order—at leastintheshortrun.

In thecourseof therebellion,furthermore,theState’sconception

of ‘justice’ hadbeenstoodonitshead:forthecitizensof Grand

Lemps, the‘outlaw’ Emery hadappeared astherealhero,andhis

Statetormentors asthetruecriminals. Indeed,therealoutcome of therebellion wasthattheBourbon regimelostwhatever littleauthorityitstillenjoyed inthelocality. Thiswasfurthercompounded bythe authorities’ crudeandbrutishdisplay offorceinoccupying thevillage,an especially clumsygestureat a timewhenBonapartist propaganda waslamenting the‘occupation’ of Frenchterritoryby foreign troops. Thiscollapse ofroyalist legitimacy wasreflected inthe stringof local‘Napoleonic’ collaborators andsympathizers who enabledthe spiritedDrevonto eludearrestformorethanfive

months, andabove allinthelocals’ abiding memories ofthehumble

surgeon whohadworked forBonaparte, andwhoseonlycrimeafter 1815hadbeenhisdesiretoservehisfellow citizens. TheGrandLempsrevoltwasof courseona muchsmallerscale thantheNapoleonic rebellions of the 1816-22period;andunlike manyofthemajorrevolts therewasnoorganized political ormilitary forcebehindit.Butitdrewtogether manyofthekeycharacteristics ofBonapartist agitation: a blendofnationalandregional considerations;a strongelement oflocalsupportfortheNapoleonic cause;a deepsenseofresentment againstBourbon injustice and‘slavery’; a complex intrigue; andacommitment toactionbasedlargely onspontaneityandimprovisation. Perhapsmostimportantly, theGrand Lempsrevoltunderscored oneof thekeyelements whichwelded togetherthe agentsof the Napoleonicmovementunderthe Restoration: thestrengthof characterof itsmembers. Bonapartist rebelsandconspirators werebrave,committed,andpassionatemen,

readytosacrifice theirlivesfortheimperial cause.

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The Spirit of Resistance

Farfrombeing allthings toallpeople, Napoleon’s image wasremarkablycoherent: whether inspiring acultofindividual spontaneity and adventure, a wealthofconspiratorial activity, anaspiration towards national liberation, orapopularaversion totheofficial valuesofroyalism,Bonaparte stoodforaninstinctively recognizable bedrockof

values, whichinmanysenses exemplified thecontinuing vitality of

theRevolutionary tradition of 1789.TheEmperor became, intruth, thesupreme embodiment of theFrenchpeople’s opposition tothe returnof theancien régime, andit wasverymuchin thisspiritthat Bonapartist groups(ofteninconnivance withrepublicans) celebrated

national andlocalpolitical anniversaries between 1815and1830.

Napoleonic commemoration, in a contextin whichtheBourbon Statesoughttoeradicate allmemory ofthepast,wasinitselfanact of civicdefiance; throughtheeffective mobilization of groupsall overFrance,it alsobecamea conspiratorial gestureof political resistance. TheSaint-Napoleon, theEmperor’s birthdayon 15August, was themostwidelyobserved ‘anti-féte’ anniversary of theRestoration years.Thisoccasion,asnotedearlier,hadbeencelebratedasFrance’s

nationaldayduringtheFirstEmpire, oftenwithconsiderable popular enthusiasm. After1815,men and womenall overFrance manifested theirovertopposition totheroyalist order(andtheircontinuing commitment totheEmperor) bymarking theSaint-Napoleon inavarietyofpublicandprivatesettings. Thefétewascelebrated by

individuals sporting brightredcarnations inchurch;®’ bygroups

singing imperial songs intaverns®® (theNapoleonic Marseillaise wasa

particular favourite®’); andbythedistribution inParisofthousands

ofmedals bearing theEmperor’s effigy.*° Insome localities, tradition haditthattheféteshould beobserved insmall private meetings;”! in

others,it wasan occasion foroutdoorgatherings, suchasfamily picnics ontheriverside.” InLyons, thedaywasespecially celebrated bythepoorerpeople,‘thesecondary classes’, asonereportputit disdainfully.” Buttheoverriding spiritonthisdaywasoneof determination, confrontation even.Forsupportersof Napoleon,thiswasan

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anniversaryto be commemmorated at all costs,evenif it meant

arrestandimprisonment — as inthecaseofthefourlabourers who

were jailedinAvallon forsinging ‘revolutionary’ songs tothegloryof

Napoleon.” Thetruly irrepressible onescontinued even while incarcerated;inLyonsa groupofpolitical prisoners markedthebirthof theirEmperorbyarrangingsmallpiecesof candleintheshapeof an

‘N’onthegatesof thecells,an actof creativeenthusiasm which

earnedthemseveral daysinsolitary confinement.” Another prisonernamed Camus marked thedeathofNapoleon inMay1821by

manufacturing astrawtobacco boxbearingtheeffigy oftheEmperor (‘andseveralseditious emblems’); hisingenuity lefteveryone wonderinghowallthismaterialhadbeensmuggled intotheStJoseph

prison inLyons.%

Suchcommemorative determination onthepartofNapoleon’s

partisans oftenledtoviolence, especially whenrepublicans joinedthe fray—astheyfrequently did.Bothgroupscommonly mounted joint operations duringthemonthofAugust —eithertosabotage thecommemoration ofroyalist anniversaries, especially inParis,?’ ortostage

attacks onroyalbustson15August.%® Inthevillage ofViviére in

August1815,therewereriotsbetween royalists ontheonehandand Bonapartists andJacobins ontheother;the‘revolutionaries’, asthey wereknowninthispartoftheArdéche, threatened to‘massacre’ the

mayor fortrying toprevent thecelebration oftheSaint-Napoleon.% Theanniversary alsoelicited theproduction of‘seditious’ placards alloverthecountry; heretoothethemeofcivicandpolitical ‘resistance’waspreponderant,as in the messagepostedin Versaillesin

1817,whichcalledon Franceto be ‘liberatedfromtheyokeof oppression’ byallthosemenwho‘wereworthyofcallingthemselves Frenchanddidnotwishcompletely to surrender thenationtofor-

eigners.”!°° It wascommon forthesesupporters ofNapoleon to

blamehisFrenchadversaries forsellingthecountryto foreigners: thusThomasBallac,a planterfromPerreux,declaredthatit was ‘thepriests, theroyalists, andthearistocrats’ whohadallowed enemy

forces toenterFrance in 1815;headdedthatwhentheEmperor returned thesegroups would havetobe‘destroyed’.!0!

Themostremarkable example ofthisJacobin-Bonapartist axison thedayoftheSaint-Napoleon wasa placardpostedonthemunicipalbuilding ina smalltownintheLot-et-Garonne in 1823.Itwasa

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Napoleonic poeminnineteenverses,specially writtenfortheoccasion.Itwasallatonceacelebration ofthethree‘national colours’, an appealto ‘ourfriendstheliberals’, anda tributeto ‘allthebrave patriotsfighting inSpain’. Thepoemendedbyurgingtheoverthrow oftheBourbon regimeof‘tyranny’ and‘slavery’ byappealing explicitlytotheRevolutionary traditions ofthe1790s: ‘Letusarise,allofus

French sansculottes, andmaythisdayremind usofthose joyful times whenwecelebrated theféteofourfriendNapoleon.’!” Again, this wasa compelling exampleof thefusionof Napoleonintothetradi-

tionof 1789. Therewasmuchevidenceof ‘commemorative cooperation’

between republicans andBonapartists during theRestoration. Many

republican artistslenttheirtalentstotheglorification ofNapoleon, alongsidethe celebrationof theirowndistinctpoliticallineage.In

1818thepolicein Bordeauxarresteda painternamedLarroque

forcreating (andhelping todisseminate) ‘subversive’ material. ‘Two

worksin progresswerefoundin hishouse:thefirstwasa representationof thefestivity of 14July1790,theFétedelaFédération (oneof themythicmomentsinrepublicanmemory);andthesecond

a portraitof BonaparteasFirstConsul(oftena preferredimage

among republicans, asitpredated Napoleon’s ‘imperial’ period).'°8 In ‘revolutionary’ strongholds (Paris, Lyons, Grenoble) thisalliance of

JacobinandBonapartist groupsextended bothways,witheachgroup helpingtomarktheother’sanniversaries. Arepublican fromLyons published apamphlet thatsoughttomakeofficial thereconciliation:

‘Bonaparte asGeneral andConsul didtoomuchforFrancefor

Francenottoforgive theEmperor.’!°* On 14July1815a groupof aroundthreehundredsoldiershadriotedin thecentreof Lyons; these men —Jacobinsas well as supportersof the Emperor—

demanded thatFranceshouldnotcapitulate totheAlliesandshould

continue allforms ofarmed resistance against theinvading armies.!™ Opposition toFrance’s military occupation remained astrong source of politicalunity;whenallforeigntroopsleftFrenchterritoryin 1818,theoccasion wasgreetedbyGrenoble studentswithcriesof

‘Long LivetheRepublic! LongLivetheEmperor!’!©° Thereafter, the

dateof 14Julybecamea landmark inthecommemorative calendar; intheIsére,theprefectnotedthat14Julywascelebrated notonlyby

supporters oftheRevolution butalsoby‘Napoleon’s men’.!°

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Theforceofthislinkbetween commemoration andpolitical resistance was especiallyhighlightedin the observationof local anniversaries. ‘Throughout France,andespecially ontheroutefollowedbyNapoleon duringhis‘flightof theeagle’,Bonapartist and republican groupscametogethertocommemorate thefirstanniversaryof Napoleon’s passagethroughtheirlocality. Although local authorities wereableto preventmanypublicdemonstrations, the scaleof theforcesdeployed oftendemonstrated howfearfulthey wereof theseBonapartist ‘anti-fétes’. InLyons,theprefectordered nofewerthan6,000troopsfromtheNationalGuardto bepositionedallovertownonthefirstanniversary oftheEmperor’s arrival inthecapitaloftheRhéne—a veritable military occupation, albeit

onecarried outbyFrench forces. !

Elsewhere, anddespite theintimidating tacticsusedbytheauthorities,localgroupssuccessfully mobilized tomarkkeyepisodes ofthe HundredDays.Theprizeforcommemorative determination went (again) toGrenoble (seeFigure13),wheregroupsofcitizens assembledeachyearfrom1816on6Julytocelebrate thetown’s spirited resistance totheAustrian invasion in 1815,a resistance whichunder theleadership ofGeneral RobertMottehadclaimed over500enemy

liveswithveryfewcasualties ontheFrench side.!°9 Thiscelebration

wassimultaneously oneofNapoleonic remembrance, localpatriotism,andpolitical cooperation amonganti-Bourbon groups. Untiltheearly1820s,theformatforthesegatherings remained

essentially unchanged. Arounda thousand men,mainlyfrom

GrenobleandLyons,dividedinto‘sections’ of twenty,marched throughthetownintheafternoon, andassembled inanopenfield. Whiletherewereclearly liberalsandrepublicans present,thedomi-

nantpolitical colouring wasBonapartist; thiscouldbeseeninthe

covertreferences totheEmperor(andtotheHundredDays)onthe bannersandplacards thatwerecarried,andalsointhelargenumber of Napoleonic symbols worn—notablyyellowandredcarnations. Onceassembled, this‘militia’ wasinspected bylocalopposition leaders,inthepresence ofacrowdofabouta thousand onlookers. Abrief political rallywouldthenfollow, duringwhichmemories ofthepast andhopesforthefuturewerediscussed. Thefétetypically endedwitha fireworks display, afterwhichcivic banquetswereorganized in arounda dozendifferent localities for

FIGURE13

EntryofNapoleon intoGrenoble DuringtheRestoration years,Grenoble remained a Napoleonic stronghold. ‘This imagefromtheEpinalcollection shows theEmperor arriving outside Grenoble soon aftertheLaffrey incidentin March1815,whichisbrieflydescribed inthecommentarybelowthedrawing. Thegatesto thetownwereclosed,andtheroyalist officers commanding thegarrisontriedtoblockNapoleon’s entrybutagain(asat Laffrey) thetroopsdisobeyed orders.PopularsupportforNapoleonhadbeen drummed upbytwoimperial emissaries, Dumoulin andEmery, sentfromElba,who hadarriveda fewdaysearlieranddistributed Napoleon’s proclamations. ‘Thegates

wereeventually smashed andthefragments brought totheEmperor asagesture of support; Napoleon thenenteredGrenoble attenintheevening.

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bothparticipants andspectators; asthewineflowed andthepartici-

pantsevoked theevents ofrecent years, many Napoleonic songs were performed.!!° 6July,inshort,wasa quintessential moment of‘antifestive’endeavour:carefullycraftedand planned,joyfuland

exuberant,nostalgicandmournful(especially afterBonaparte’s death

in1821), butalsomartial andthreatening!!! In 1823,thispatternwasinterrupted bytheprefect, theBaron d’Haussez, whodecided tobanallpublic gatherings on6Julyinthe Grenoblearea.It isnotclearwhy,havinghimselftoleratedthese

meetingsduringthe previousthreeyears(ashad his predecessor

between1816and1819), Haussez hadnowdecided thatsucha dra-

maticgesture wasnecessary. Perhaps theprefectwasputunder pressure fromhisMinister inParis; perhaps theauthorities werewor-

riedabouttherepercussions of theongoingwarin Spain,or the resurgence of Carbonaro activity aftertheeventsof 1821-2. Theprefect’s proclamation justified thebanbythe‘seditious’ characterofspeeches whichweretobegivenatthecommemoration, but alsobyclaiming thatthemeeting’s truepurposewasconspiratorial: “Therealaimof thisoccasionistocreatesomekindof federation,to

founda party,andtoregroupitsmembers intoanorganization.”!!* Theresponse to thebansuggested thatthisorganization notonly

existed, butwasquiteeffective; fivehundred peopleappeared in Grenoble ontheday,openly defying theprefect’s interdiction. When

askedtodisperse bythegendarmes, theydisappeared intothewoods, onlytoregrouplaterinanotherlocation, wheretheyheldtheircom-

memorative meeting.!!°

To the considerableembarrassment of the authorities,thiscat-

and-mouse gamecontinued throughout thedecade.In 1824,1825, and1826,proclamations wereagainissued(usingevermorethreateninglanguage) banninganypubliccelebrations in Grenoble on6

July;however,on eachoccasionthedeterminedorganizerssuccess-

fullycircumvented theedict(andtheconsiderable policeandtroop presence). Thedecreeannouncing thebanin 1825openlyacknowledgedthat‘inprevious yearsmeetings havebeenhelddespitethe

injunctions oftheauthorities’.!!* In1826thefrustrated prefect sent

a copyof hisproclamation to allthemayorsof theIsére,inviting themtoexercise ‘theutmostvigilance’ ontheday,tobanthesaleof foodordrinkto‘anygathering ofmorethantwentypeople’, andto

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reportany‘suspicious’ groupsdirectly tohim.Onemayordidindeed denounce a groupof 6Julycommemorators whoarrivedinhisvillage,butbythetimethegendarmes hadbeensenttothelocality the malefactors hadallvanished. Itlateremerged thatthesefestive conspirators hadassembled in a mountainous area‘anddrunkseveral

toasts toliberty’.!!9

These‘seditious’ Napoleonic gatherings continued untilthefallof theBourbon regime in July1830.Andon6July1831,thenow-liberatedtownofGrenoble organized anofficial ceremony tomarkthe anniversary ofitsresistance in 1815.Thefétetookplaceinthepres-

enceoftheentiremilitary garrison ‘infullattire’.!!© Itwasasmuch

a celebration ofthetown’s feistypatriotism in 1815asavindication of theresolveshownthroughoutthepreviousdecadebythesehardy

activists toremaintruetotheidealsoftheircountry, theirregion,and

(above all)theirEmperor.

BringingDownthe Bourbons

Taken together withitspredecessors, thischapter hasillustrated the ceaseless nature ofthebattle thatwentonthroughout theRestoration

betweentheBourbonregimeandthe‘Napoleonic’ individuals and groupswhoconfrontedit. Thisclashdid not takeplacemerelyon

major‘set-piece’ occasions, suchasmilitary rebellions andlarge-scale insurrections; itwasa relentless, almostdailyactivity, inwhichordi-

narymenandwomen expressed theirpolitical valuesthrough a

varietyof formsof the‘anti-féte’, involving somemixtureof rhetoric,

practical gesture, political mobilization, andcommemoration. Whathas emergedis a far cry fromthe standardviewof Napoleonic ‘conspiracy’ as a catalogue of blunders,failures,and

missed opportunities. Theconclusion isinfacttheveryopposite: ina

multitude of subtleways,these‘anti-fétes’ effectively andsystematicallyunderminedBourbonauthority.One of theirimportant purposes wastostandtheofficial orderonitshead,notably byemptyingtheroyalist ‘publicsphere’of allsignificance, anddemeaning

andridiculing Stateagents atevery opportunity. During thecelebra-

tionsofroyalist, Bonapartist, andlocalanniversaries, andina wide rangeofpolitical gestures, Napoleonic rebelsandconspirators turned

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thetablesontheirtormentors, subjecting publicofficials tosystematic harassment (andmanyan embarrassment) throughout theperiod between1815and1830.Ata deeperlevel,allthisBonapartist agitation servedto revealthe contradictionsof the Bourbonorder,

especially itsinability toadminister thecollective lifeof theFrench nationinanequitable andimpartial manner. Twoexamples canillustrate theinternaldestabilization oftheroyalistregimethroughits repeatedencounterswithNapoleonic rebellion. Thefirstisthepervasive shameexperienced bylocalofficialsfortheirfailuretoeradicate ‘sedition’. Successive prefects ofthe Isérewerefrequently rebuked byParisfortheirincapacity toidentify or arrestanyof thenumerousNapoleonic conspirators in their department.'!” In 1818,afterreceiving yetanotherneatlycopied textof a falseproclamation circulating in theGrenoble area,the

Minister oftheInterior tartlyreplied thatitwastimethattheprefect’s

lawofficers actually caughtsomeone!!® —andpreferably a realculprit,asthepoliceseemedto havea knackof arrestingthewrong

person.'!9 In1822, aftera localincident involving Bonapartists chanting‘LongLivetheEmperor!’ in thestreetsof Auch,theMinister

fulminated attheprefect oftheGers:‘Iaminformed thatinthe

capitalofyourdepartment thepoliceforceisentirely without authority,andthatitssurveillance iscompletely hopeless.’!7° Buttheefficiency ofthepolicewashardlyanybetterinthecapital:aswehavealreadyseen,theretheyconsistently losttrackofkey

suspects. Spreading chaos anddemoralization among Stateofficials,

the anti-fétewasremarkably successful, as acknowledged in the despairing comment ofaprefect:“Theclumsiness, theabsolute uselessness ofthelocalpoliceinvariably prevent mefromtakingdecisive

action against theagents ofsubversion.’!?! Thesecond example isarguably morefundamental, andtakesus

totheheartof thefailureof theRestoration order.Fromtheearly daysof theregime,theroyalists soughttousethelegalsystemnot onlytopunishallmanifestations ofNapoleonic dissent, butalsoto

‘spread terror’amongpotential rebels.!2? Extraordinarily harsh

sentences weremetedouttoordinary menandwomen,oftenguilty merelyof celebratingan imperialanniversary, possessing a Napoleonicobject,or shouting‘LongLivethe Emperor!’A Bonapartist sympathizer namedJean-Rémi Potillon wasgiventwo

148 TheLegend ofNapoleon yearsforuttering thiscrybythetribunal ofDéle,'*? anda man calledNoyer wassenttojailforfiveyearsforthesameoffence at

Clarensac.!** Aformersoldier employed asalabourer intheSadneet-Loire wenttoprisonfortwoyearsforlacking ‘sufficient respect for

theoccupying forces’: hiscrime wasnaming hishorse‘Cossack’.!2° A

worker namedTaillard wasjailedforfifteen monthsinLyons because

atobacco boxbearing Napoleon’s effigy wasfoundinhisbed.'?°

Evenworse,therewaslittleconsistency: insomepartsofFrance, verbalexpressions of supportfortheEmperorcouldresultin sen-

tencesof eightdays.'*” In December 1824,twomenwhohad

shouted‘LongLivetheEmperor!’ undersimilarcircumstances in Mulhouse andGuingamp weretriedbytheirrespective localcourts: thefirstreceived a six-day sentence, thesecondthreemonths.!*8 In thelongrun,thisrepression wastriplyineffective. It didlittle to stopthese‘seditious’ expressions andpracticesthroughout the Restoration (ifthelargenumberof recidivists isanything to goby, itoftenhadtheopposite effect). Furthermore, itsexercise wasaccompaniedbysuchwidespread disparities thatitgavecredence toNapoleonic andrepublican propaganda, whichpresented theRestoration asan

arbitrary and‘slavish’ regime. !29 Finally, itspractice wascontested from

withinthejudiciary itself, withseveral notable instances ofleniency in casestriedbya prosecutor (orajury)withNapoleonic sympathies. Thisclemency shownbysomecourtswhichunexpectedly acquitted Bonapartist sympathizers (orrefusedtoupholdtheirconvictions on

appeal) often infuriated prefects andevenMinisters oftheInterior!¥° —

ultimately thesegestures bythecourtsconcerned actually emphasized thedisparities injudicial outcomes —andaddedtothefeeling thatthis

wasa Statewhose identity wasradically fractured. Whatprecise roleallthispolitical agitation played inbringing downtheBourbonregimein 1830isof coursedifficult to specify precisely. OnSaint-Helena Napoleon hadpredicted thedownfall of theRestoration, asserting that‘soonerorlatera volcanic eruption

would engulf thethrone, itssurroundings anditsfollowers’.'°! Butby

thetimehisprediction cametrue,theEmperorhadbeendeadfor nineyears.Partlyforthisreason,andpartlyinlightof theensuing political conflicts ofthe1830sand1840s, moststandard accounts of theevents of 1830havetendedtohighlight theroleplayed byliberals

andrepublicans intheoverthrow ofCharles X.Thetrigger forthe

Rebellionsin Action

149

JulyRevolution wastheKing’sattempt in July1830tosuppresspolit-

icalopposition tohisrulebysuspending pressfreedom, dissolving the Chamber, andreducing thenumber ofelected representatives. After

threedaysof fighting inthestreetsof Paris—the‘ThreeGlorious

Days’—the Bourbonmonarchretreated,and in earlyAugustwas

forcedto abdicate.A fewdayslatertheDucd’Orléans wasproclaimed King:thusbeganthereignofLouisPhilippe, whichwould

lastuntilhisoverthrow bytherepublicans in1848.!%2

Howshouldthispolitical transformation beunderstood? Forthe

republicanhistorianMauriceAgulhon,1830wasa victoryof noble

political ideals—inparticular, liberty—whichwouldeventually triumphoutrightin 1848.NotonlydidAgulhongiveno creditto

‘Napoleonic’ forces fortheirroleinoverthrowing theRestoration, he

evenarguedthattheentireperiodbetween1800and1830shouldbe depicted as‘theeraofCounter-Revolution’.!* ForFrancois Furet,the liberalhistorian, theParisian insurrection thatbroughtdownCharles X ultimately demonstrated thevitalityof theFrenchrevolutionary tradition,andthetendencyof politicalgroupsto restageitskey moments throughout thenineteenth century. Healsosuggested that 1830wasnotsomuchanexpression of‘popular’, grass-roots politics (asintheParisian insurrection ofGerminal 1795) butrathera return to the ‘unanimous’ spiritthathadbeenmanifested in the 1789 Revolution itself,whentheFrenchnationhadasserteditsliberty

against anoppressive regime.!3* ThisviewoftheJulyinsurrection as

avictory of‘liberal’ values isalsoadvanced byRobertAlexander, who seesthe‘triumph ofparliamentary government’ astheconsequence

ofthe‘reformist’ pathtakenbytheliberal opposition after1823.!%

Suchinterpretations arecertainly valuable insettingtheeventsof 1830inwidercontexts. Buttheseapproaches arealsoproblematic insofarastheyunderplay thefundamental transformation of the ‘revolutionary’ traditionduringtheRestoration years,andmost notablyitsincorporation of thelegendof Bonaparte. Aswehave seen,Napoleonic images,symbols, andvaluespenetratedFrench political culturetosucha degreebetween1815and1830thatitwas oftendifficult toseparate Bonapartism fromJacobinism. Thisbeing thecase,to writeaboutthe 1830Revolution withouttakinginto accountthe‘Napoleonic’ contributions toitmakesasmuchsenseas writingabout1789withoutmentioning theinfluence ofRousseau.

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Ourevidence certainly suggests a strongNapoleonic contribution to all the long-termfactorswhichled to the collapseof the Restoration order:theregime’s inability toestablish genuine popular roots,especially inthecountryside; theineptitude ofitsadministrativeagentsinbeatingdownanderadicating localformsofpolitical

resistance; anditsfailuretomaketheFrenchpeopleforgetthe

Emperor, andthe‘glorious’ yearsoftheNapoleonic Empire. Indeed, sopassionate wastheirdislikeof theirexisting condition thatthey reinvented theirownpast,turningNapoleon intoanemblem ofthe veryRevolution thathehadsoughtto‘end’.

Aboveall,Bonapartist agitation ruthlessly andsystematically

exposed thefrailties andincoherences oftheBourbon regime, bring-

ingto theforeitsrepressive andunjustcharacter,andstrengthening itsreputationamongthemassesfor‘arbitrariness’ —a fatalattribute

for any Frenchregimeafter what had happenedin 1789.

‘Napoleonic’ political culture alsotradedonthepeople’s fearsand

anxieties, notablythroughthedissemination ofrumoursthatweakenedthe government’s authority.Oneof the strikingelementshere

wasthepersistence ofthebeliefthattheRestoration wasworking to restorefeudalism —a factorfrequently citedinlocalexplanations of

theregime’s failure todraw support from peasants.!*°

Inviewof alltheabove,it cameasnosurprise thatmanyof the

proletarianelementswhotookpartintheParisianinsurrection ofJuly

1830didsotoaccompanying chantsof “Long LiveNapoleon!’ and

‘Long LiveNapoleon II!’!’Onedetailed account evenargues that thecourse ofevents wasmoving inaninexorably Bonapartist direction untilthefourthdayoftheinsurrection, whenliberalelitessucceeded

inappropriating theuprising infavour oftheHouse ofOrléans.!%* A

largenumberofimperial veterans wereonthefrontlineofthebarricades,andonedoctorreportedthattwo-thirds of thewounded combatants hetreatedwereformersoldiers.'%? Several reports citeincidentsinwhichmenphysically resembling Bonaparte wereacclaimed by the Parisiancrowdin 1830;onewomanfellon her kneesand

thanked Godforallowing hertoseetheEmperor beforeherdeath.!*° TheJulyRevolution of 1830wasthusnotsomuch a returnto 1789,butratherthefinalactof thepersistent confrontation that hadpittedNapoleonic andBourbon factions inFranceagainsteach otherthroughout theRestoration years.

Chapter 6 The Prince of Liberal Ideas

In 1840 theJulyMonarchy, undertheprompting oftheliberalstatesmanAdolphe Thiers,organized therepatriation of theEmperor’s remains fromSaint-Helena. This‘returnoftheremains’ climaxed in

asolemn ceremony intheInvalides inParis, inthepresence ofamillionspectators, andan outpouring of patrioticandemotional

nationalhomages toNapoleon.! Forweeksandindeedmonthsafter the event,therewasa frenzyof publicinterestin all things Napoleonic; forinstance, aplayentitledTheLastWish oftheEmperor, setinParisandendingwitha grandiose representation oftheceremony,kept audiencescaptivated.* Elsewherein France,the enthusiasm fortheEmperordidnotdiedowneither,andmany municipalities seizedontheatmosphere of Napoleonic fervourto commission publicmonuments inhishonour(seeFigure14). LikemanytownsinFrancewithstrongimperial memories —itwas thesitefromwhichBonaparte hadplannedtolaunchhisinvasion of Britain—thetownofBoulogne soughttoadditsowntributetothe Emperor bycommissioning astatue.Inthespringof 1841,thetown’s National Guardinvited VictorHugo,oneofFrance’s mostesteemed poetsandtheacclaimed authorofLeRetour del’Empereur, tocompose anodefortheinauguration of themonument. Theceremony was scheduled for15August, thedayoftheSaint-Napoleon, andseveral

FIGURE14

Entryoftheprocession bearing Napoleon’s remains inPanis, under theArcdeTriomphe, 15December 1840 In1840, undertheprompting ofAdolphe Thiers, KingLouis-Philippe arranged for

theEmperor’s remains tobereturnedfromSaint-Helena. IntheFrenchdelegation whichwassenttobringbacktheremainsofNapoleon wereseveral formermembers of his entourage, notably Bertrand, Gourgaud, and Marchand. Also

accompanying the1840expedition wastheyoungEmmanuel LasCases,thesonof

theauthor oftheMémorial deSainte-Héléne; hehadbeenpresent ontheisland withhis

fatherin 1815-16. ThetwoshipsthatbroughtNapoleon’s remainsbacktoFrance reachedCherbourg inlateNovember 1840,andtheprocession thentravelled upthe Seine,reaching Parison15December. Despite thebittercold,morethanamillion peopleturnedouttopaytheirrespects totheEmperor.

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monthsaheadoftheeventtherewastalkoflittleelseinthisnorthern Frenchcoastaltown. Hugo,whohadwitnessed the 1840ceremonies in Paris,’duly obliged witha fieryandmartial‘Hymn’. Itbeganbywelcoming the ‘protection’ whichthestatuewouldprovidetoFrenchvessels sailing throughtheEnglish Channelandbycelebrating theideaof‘universalempire’whichNapoleon,in the mannerof the magnificent

Charlemagne, hadlongpursued sosuccessfully. Lyrical andepicup

tothispoint,thetoneofHugo’s poemthenbecamemenacing, warningthatthecurrentabsenceof warinEuropewasa meretruce,a ‘fragile peaceresonating withsilentstruggles’. ‘Theodeendedwith thehopethatFrancewouldsoonavenge Napoleon byrecapturing the

Rhine,andpledged an‘eternal hatred’forthecriminal English nation,whichhad‘mutilated’ France.*

Boulogne wasatownthathad(andstillhas)manycommercial and culturaldealings withEngland, andthemunicipal authorities —local notableswhodidnotlike‘trouble’ —weregreatlyalarmedat the thoughtofsuchbellicose andAnglophobic sentiments beingairedat theirofficialceremony. Furthermore, thesebourgeois leadersalso sharedtheJulyMonarchy’s dislikeforthemorewarlikeaspectsof theNapoleonic traditioncelebrated bytheBonapartists (andmany republicans). Aftersomeagonizing, thesemenregretfully decided that Hugo’s‘Hymn’ wasnotsuitablefortheirinauguration ceremony. Thisdecision provoked considerable discontent amongtheNational Guard,andmuchconsternation amongthelocalpopulation. Somovedwashe bythis‘stupidaffront’thata schoolteacher namedDireypenneda poemto expresshisindignation. Entitled ‘Apology toMonsieur VictorHugoontheoccasion of theapotheosisof Napoleon’, thiscomposition lamentedthefactthatsuch braveandsublime poetryshouldhavecausedtheFrenchauthorities to ‘runscared’.Direyalsoaddedhisvoiceto Hugo’sattackon England, cursing the‘twoodious namesofWaterloo andWellington’. Hispoemendedwithspecific wordsof consolation addressed to Hugo: ‘Religious hands haverestored toCaesar these glorious stanzas And yourverses arenowsealed intheplinthofthehero.’°

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Atthetime,thisapparentactofrestitution wasthoughttobepurely rhetorical.However, theselineswerealmostliterallytrue.A few nightsbeforetheofficial ceremony, Direyhadcreptuptotheofficial sitewithsomeaccomplices and boreda holein the statueof Napoleon, wherehehadinserted a copyofHugo’s poem.Theverses remainedin theEmperor’s forearm,encasedin a metaltube,for

morethanacentury; theywereonlyfound whenthemonument was

takendownforrestoration following thedamages itsuffered during

theGerman bombing ofBoulogne intheSecond World War.®

Thankstothisgesture, Hugo’s‘Hymn’ wasthusreunitedwithits

intended beneficiary, giving awhole newdimension toDirey’s final

verse:“he poetandthewarriortogethermuseatthesoundsmade bythewaves.’

TheEmperorof theNation? Aftertracking thepotency oftheimperial cultatthelevelofpopular, grass-roots politicsin theearlierpartsof thebook,thischapter(and

thenexttwo)willexploretherepresentations of Napoleon among

political andintellectual elites. Heretoo—asjustseenintheBoulogne

incident —weshalluncover agreatdealofcomplexity. TheOrleanists werethemajorpolitical beneficiaries of the 1830Revolution, and theirregimesoughttoembodya sensible compromise between the contradictory aspirations of theFrenchnation:orderandreform,

authority andliberty, hierarchy andequality. Thisbalancing actwas

typifiedin Louis-Philippe, thenewsovereign. UnlikehisBourbon predecessors, theKinghadsupported the1789Revolution, andhe believed thathispowerto rulecamenotfromGodbutfromthe express wishes oftheFrenchnation.Healsosoughttoprojecthimself asa benevolent andunpretentious monarch, andwashelpedinthis byhiseasymannerandportlyappearance. Butby1834LouisPhilippehadalreadydisappointed themore ardentsupporters ofthe1830Revolution, andhadlostmuchofhis popularity. Populargraffitialloverthewallsof Parisrepresented himas a pear.’Morefundamentally, eventhoughit constantly asserteditscommitment to ‘bourgeois’ values,hisregimehadno distinctive moralor politicallegitimacy: ‘Asa monarchy, it had

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betrayedthemonarchy; asa revolutionary regime,ithadbetrayed

therevolution’.®

Acutely awareof theirlackofhistorical rootsinFrenchpolitical culture,LouisPhilippe andhisOrleanist ministers quickly realized thecapitalonwhichtheycoulddrawbyexploiting theEmperor’s

extraordinary popularity inFrance. Ahighratioofthepublicser-

vantswhowererecruitedintothecivilandmilitaryservices after 1830weremenwithstrongimperial connections.’ Theregimealso soughttoappropriate thelegendfortheirown‘national’ purposes. It wasin thisspiritthata statueof Napoleonwasplacedon the

Vendéme Column, theArcdeTriomphe wascompleted, andthe returnofNapoleon’s remains totheInvalides wasarranged. Under theJulyMonarchy, inshort,Bonaparte becamepartofthe ‘official memory’of theFrenchState,a symbolof thenation’spast

grandeuranda reflectionof its apparentcommitment to the

Napoleonic heritage. AsMinister oftheInterior Rémusat statedin

hisparliamentary speech proposing therepatriation oftheEmperor’s

remains:‘HenceforthFrance,and Francealone,willpossessallthe remainsof Napoleon.Histomb,ashisfame,willbelongto no one

buttothenationasawhole. Themonarchy of 1830isindeedthesole andlegitimate heirofallthememories ofwhichFranceisproud.”!° Yetthisofficialmemorywashighlyambivalent. Evenas he claimed theNapoleonic heritage forthenation,Rémusat alsosought toappropriate itexclusively fortheOrleanist monarchy. Furthermore, intheparliamentary discussion whichfollowed theMinister’s pres-

entation, considerable unease wasexpressed atthemeaning ofthe

Bonapartist heritage—evenamongliberals. Onememberregretted thatthereturnof theEmperor’s remainswouldgive a filliptothe ‘Napoleonic cult’,addingthatthedelegation travelling to SaintHelenashouldbeaskedtoleavebehind‘allBonapartist ideas,which arehostileto theindependence of peoplesandtheemancipation

ofthehumanspirit,andrepresent oneofthemostburning soresof

thecontemporary socialorder.’Napoleon, insum,wasacceptable,

but withoutany of the ‘subversive’ politicsof his contemporary-

followers. !!

Forothers,it wastheEmperor’s historical recordthatwascontentious.Thesereservations werevehemently articulatedin the speech bytherepublican representative Lamartine, whoreminded his

156 TheLegendofNapoleon colleagues thattheEmpirehadconsistently sacrificed libertyatthe altarofmilitary glory:‘Idonotlikethesemenwhohaveastheirofhi-

cialdoctrine liberty, equality, andprogress, butwhoadoptastheir

symbols thesabre anddespotism.’!* Thisfundamental hostility was

essentially sharedbyAlexisdeTocqueville, whoa fewyearslater saluted theEmperor’s genius butalsoregretted his‘despotism’, which hadenabled thecreation ofa ‘rational andscientific’ system ofpolit-

icaldomination unparalleled inmodern history.!

Behindthepublicfagadeof a nationat onein itscommunion with its Emperor,therefore,lurkeda moretroubledreality: Napoleon’s ghostcontinued toprovoke controversy, causing passionatedebates withintheState,across political families andwithinthem. Thesequestions wereespecially intenseandagonized amongFrench liberals.Howcoulda nationaspiringto peacewithitsEuropean neighbours celebratethememoryof a conquering warrior?And throughwhatintellectual contortions coulda Frenchregimewhich prideditselfongoverning through theruleoflawtrumpetthevirtues ofa rulerwhooftenseemed tocarelittlefortherulesoflegality or

morality? Andaboveallhowcoulda political community which

defineditselfas‘liberal’ upholdasitsnationalsymbolanEmperor whohadgoverned Franceasanabsolute despot? Aswelookathowtheyconfronted theseissues duringthefirsthalf ofthenineteenth century, weshallexamine howleadingFrenchliberalscametotermswiththelegacyofNapoleon —astoryofconflict andseparation, butalsooneoffascination andreconcilation. Aparallel processof intellectualreappraisaloccurredwithinthe Napoleoniccamp.ForBonapartists, too,theimperialheritageraised

seriousideological problems. Theproducers anddisseminators of

theimperial cultafter1815wereconfronted withthesombre reality

of defeatuponwhichwasgrafteda powerful ‘blacklegend’, which portrayed Bonaparte asaviolentanddespotic ruler;indeed,through theirwritings manyliberals hadcontributed tofashioning thisnegativeimage.In response, Napoleonandhissupporters deviseda counter-myth, inwhichtheyasserted thattheEmperorhadbeena closetliberalallalong,a‘prince ofliberalideas’!* inthewordsofLas CasesintheMémonial deSainte-Héléne. How(andthrough whatliterary andideological devices) thisnarrativeof ‘liberal Bonapartism’ was constructed willalsobeoneofthecentralthemesofthischapter.

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Whatwasat stakein thisconfrontation betweenliberalism and France’s Napoleonic pastwentfarbeyondthequestion —important

though itwas—ofthe‘historical’ status oftheEmperor. Facing upto

theimperial legacy, liberals agonized overthecentraldilemma faced

by theirtraditionthroughoutthe nineteenthcentury:coulda just

andmoderate political orderbecreatedonlythroughthedestruction oftheinstitutions createdbytheFirstEmpire, orthroughtheiradaptationandliberalization?!» Itwasthesecondanswerthateventually emergedvictorious, cuttingacrossthedifferentstrandsof French liberalism. Oftentoldasseparate stories, thehistories ofBonapartism andliberalism wereinfactinexorably intertwined after1815.Liberalideas helpedto shapethe evolvingintellectual representation of the Napoleonic heritage; andthislegacy, inturn,decisively determined theideological structure andorientation ofFrenchliberalism. Inthe end,theEmperor enjoyed whatwasperhapshisgreatest posthumous triumph:Frenchliberaltraditions effectively incorporated keyelementsof theirnation’sNapoleonic pastintotheirownpolitical

mythology.

Napoleonand liberalism After1789Frenchliberals aspiredtoonebroadobjective: ‘finishing’ theRevolution bycreatinga stablepolitical systemembedded in a systemoflaws.‘Theirmotto,ineffect,waslibertywithoutanarchy,and

orderwithout despotism.!® Fromthisperspective, liberals hadbroadly (andoftenenthusiastically) welcomed Bonaparte’s emergence andrise

topower inthelate1790s, before rapidly becoming disillusioned with

hisdrifttowards political authoritarianism andhisrelentless pursuitof glorythroughwar.Opposition toNapoleonic rulewasnotablyarticulatedin theexchanges, discussions, andwritingsof the‘Coppet group’, consisting ofleading liberalintellectuals unitedintheirhostil-

itytoimperial despotism.'” ItwasonlyattheveryendoftheFirst

Empire, undertheextreme circumstances oftheHundredDays,that someliberals begantorallytotheEmperor. Thisseparation andreconciliation wasinmanywayssymbolized byNapoleon’s contrasting relationship withtwoof the keyfiguresin the ‘Coppetgroup’:

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TheLegendofNapoleon

Germaine deStaél, oneofthemostprominent thinkers ofhergeneration, andherfriend andprotégé, Benjamin Constant.

DeStaélwasthedaughterofNecker, thegreatreforming states-

manof theancien régime. ExiledfromFranceduringtheearlyyearsof the Revolution,shereturnedto Parisin 1795,whereshesetup a

prominent salon topromote hercherished principles oftoleration, conciliation, andjustice, anda reconciliation of Statepowerwith individual liberty. ShefirstmetBonaparte inDecember 1797,soon aftertheGeneral’striumphantreturnfromhisItaliancampaign.De

Staéladmiredhisbrilliance andenergy, andfora briefwhileeven

hopedthathecouldhelptosecure forFrance theliberty which the Revolution hadproclaimed butfailedtosustain.

By1800,however, shebegantobelievethatNapoleon’s ambitions wereleadinghimina differentdirection;inherownwords,hewas‘a

system asmuch ashewasanindividual’!® —andthissystem didnot

seemtohavemuchroomforliberty. Bonaparte, too,rapidly became defiant.Hehadbegunwithaninstinctive dislike fordeStaél,having

littletimeforanyonewithanindependentmind(letalonea woman);

andthisfeeling wasonlyaccentuated whendeStaél’s published works begantoadvocate widespread socialandpolitical reform. Napoleon — avoracious reader,whoinstantly formedstrong(andgenerally negative)viewsoftheprintedmaterialthatcamehisway—wasirritated byDelalittérature (1800), aboldandgushing manifesto infavourofthe doctrineof perfectibility, whichseemedto hima throwback to the Rousseauist sentimentalism whichhe believedhadpervertedthe courseoftheRevolution. HewasevenmoreriledbydeStaél’s subsequentworkDelphine (1802), whichhedeemedan‘anti-social work’ foritsattacksonCatholic morality. A collision wasultimately inevitable betweentheauthoritarian, populist, militarist, andnationalist politician andthetolerant,elitist, reformist andAnglophile womanof letters;in mostrespects, they belongedto separateuniverses. Tocompoundthesedifferences, Napoleon tookexception todeStaél’s increasing interference inthe political arena,notablythroughhersalon whichservedasahavenfor liberalopponents tohisrule.InJanuary1802Benjamin Constant was removed fromthedeliberative Assembly, theTribunate, forhisexcessivelyliberalviews,whichNapoleon believed (notinaccurately) to havebeennurturedindeStaél’s salon.

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AyearlaterNapoleon struckdirectly atdeStaélherself, banning

herfromParis,theseatofherpolitical andintellectual influence.

Yearsof intimidation, spying,and harassmentfollowed, with Napoleon alsosystematically denigrating deStaél,variously calling hera ‘rascal’,anda ‘nastyintriguer’,andevenaskinghisofficials to

spread thewordthatshewasmentally deranged. !9 In1810 thisclashculminated intheEmperor’s furious response to deStaél’s Del’Allemagne. Inthiswork,sheusedhercelebration of

Germanliterary andphilosophical achievements tomakethecasefor an ‘individualist’ liberalism, rejecting all‘utilitarian’ calculations in moralityandarguingforthesupremacy ofjusticeandindividual

conscience overcalculations ofStateinterest. Theentire bookwasin

facta thinlyveiledattackontheNapoleonic ‘system’ ofpolitics and morality, andde Staélfurtherdrovehomethepointbysavaging theEmperorforreducingtheconceptof ‘nation’to a coterieof his

supporters, friends, andfamily.?? Napoleon hada largenumber of copiesofDe[’Allemagne seized, anditsauthorwassentenced to

definitive exile;indeed,sheonlyavoided arrestbecause Napoleon’s officials convinced himthatitwouldprobably domoreharmthan good(anironicconfirmation ofdeStaél’s viewthattheEmperor was

autilitarian).*! Thesplitbetween Bonaparte anddeStaélnever healed. Thefault

wasentirely his;shewouldprobably haveresponded favourably toa serious overture onhispart,butitnevercame.Itwastherefore leftto BenjaminConstantto forgethe firstdecisivelinkbetweenthe Napoleonic systemandliberalism. Afterhisexclusion fromthe ‘Tribunate, Constant wrotea numberofworksinwhichhesoughtto

sketch outa liberal politics asanalternative toNapoleon’s authori-

tarianrule.InthePrincipes dePolitique (1806) heassailed theimperial system,a mixtureof elementsdrawnfromHobbesianand Rousseauian principles andabsolutist practice; andinDel’esprit deconquéte(1813)he roundedon Napoleon’s penchantfor war and hegemonic domination, thecornerstone ofimperial ideology.” DuringtheFirstRestoration in1814,Constant alsopublished severalbrochures onpolitical andinstitutional issues, seeking toadvance thecauseofaliberalmonarchy undertheBourbons. Whenthenews ofNapoleon’s landinginMarch1815reachedParis,Constant (who uptothispointhadnotattacked himpersonally) published avitriolic

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TheLegend ofNapoleon

denunciation oftheEmperor intheJournal desDébats, describing him as‘moreterribleandmoreodiousthanAttilaandGengisKhan’.”° Thereseemed tobenoscopeforcompromise between thetwomen. Yet,aswesawinChapter1,allofthischanged suddenly. On 14 April1815,afewweeksafterNapoleon’s triumphant returntoParis, Constant wassummoned totheTuleries bytheEmperor. Afterwards hewroteinhisdiary:‘Longconversation. Heisanastonishing man. To-morrow, I shalltaketo hima projectfora newconstitution.’** Dissatisfied withalltheconstitutional projects previously submitted to

him,Napoleon succeeded inrallying theliberal thinker byasking him topreparea newdraft.Withina fewdays,Constant wasappointed to

the Conseild’Etat,wherehe wrotewhat eventuallybecamethe | ‘Additional Act’—an amendmentto theimperialconstitution which

provided fortheintroduction ofkeyelements oftheliberalplatform,

notably a (qualified) recognition oftheprinciple thatsovereignty residedinthenation,ministerial responsibility, freedom ofthepress, anda greaterindependence of thejudiciary.Despitetheseproposed changes,aswesawearlier,the‘Additional Act’wasa politicalfailure.

BothNapoleon andConstant wereattacked forthispieceofconsti-

tutionalengineering, theEmperor becausemanydoubtedthe sincerity ofhisconversion toliberalism andConstant because ofhis

trulyremarkable volte-face, whichformanysmacked ofbothnaivety andopportunism. LiberalBonapartism seemedeitheranoptimistic illusion or(assomeofConstant’s enemies alleged) venality dressed up

inideological garb.

Napoleon, asweshallseein thenextsection,repliedto these attacksintheMémonal deSainte-Héléne. Constant’s response preceded theEmperor’s bya fewyears.HisMémoires surlesCent-Jours werefirst

published asa seriesof separate‘letters’ intheMinerve in 1819-20,

andthengathered together asatwo-volume bookafewyears later. In

thisworkhedidmuchmorethandefend hisownactions: theMémozres alsoprovided a spiriteddefenceof theHundredDays,andinthis senseprovided aphilosophical justification forthecontinuation ofthe alliance between liberalism andBonapartism after1815(seeFigure 15). Constantbeganbyjustifyinghis owndecisionto servethe Emperor. Oneof thekeyarguments oftheMémozes wasthatthose whohadwonderedwhetherNapoleoncouldbe‘trusted’wereinfact

FIGURE15

Napoleon andBenjamin Constant inthegardens ofthe Elysée Palace inFune1815

Constant hadbeena longandconsistent criticofNapoleonic despotism. However, whentheEmperor returnedin 1815heralliedtotheimperial causeafterNapoleon hadconvinced himthathewishedtofoundhisruleonliberalprinciples. Constant

thendrafted whatwastobecome theAdditional Acttotheconstitutions ofthe

Empire.Thisimage,whichshowsNapoleon leadinganddirecting thediscussion overthenewconstitutional amendment, accurately reflectstheEmperor’s mesmerizing effectonConstant, whowroteaftermeetinghimthatNapoleon was‘an extraordinary man’.

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posingthewrongquestion.Constant’s decisionwasbasednot onfaithorconsiderations of self-interest butonhisassessment of the specificcircumstances in March1815.At that moment Francewasconfronted withthreeterrifying perils:thethreatof a restored Napoleonic dictatorship, thepossibility ofroyalist counter-

revolution, andthenear-certainty of aninvasion of itsnational territorybyforeignarmies. Facedwiththisextreme situation, Constant arguedthatitwashis civicdutytodoallinhispowertopreserve hiscountry’s freedom — evenifthatmeantserving Napoleon. Infact,herepeatedly madethe

pointthatthereality offoreign invasion alone justified hisdecision: to abandon theEmperor atsucha moment would havebeensupremely unpatriotic.”” Thisproposition, byequating theNapoleonic cause in

1815withthatof nationalself-defence, implicitly drewananalogy withtherevolutionary spiritof ‘1792’, andlaidthefoundations for

oneofthekeyareasofconvergence between Bonapartism andlib-

eralism(aswellasrepublicanism) undertheRestoration: a common conception ofnational sovereignty. Thiswasageographical attribute, expressed ina commitment tothesanctity of France’s borders,but sovereignty wasabovealla philosophical principle aboutthefoun-

dations oflegitimate rule:eventhough heremained theEmperor,

Napoleon hadnow(according to Constant) recognized the‘sovereigntyofthepeople’.*® Whilerecognizing thatitwasdrivenatleastasmuchbyself-preservationas by a genuinechangeof heart,Constantalsonoted something ofanewpolitical spiritinNapoleon. Attheirfirstmeeting theEmperortoldtheauthorofDel’esprit deconquéte thathewas‘no longer’interested inexpansive wars(hehadclearlyreadConstant’s work); healsoemphasized hiscommitment toamoreactiveandparticipatory politicalcommunity: ‘Publicdiscussions, freeelections, responsible ministers, pressfreedom, I wantallofthis. . .Pressfree-

domespecially; tosuppress itisanabsurdity.’?”

Here,asinmanyotherpassages inhisMémovres, Constant wasalso usingNapoleon’s deedsandutterances to attacktheRestoration regime’s failings. Theliberalthinkerwasespecially criticalof these deficiencies withregardtofreedom ofexpression, notingthatdespite facingtheextremity of a foreigninvasion thegovernment of the HundredDayshadallowed complete political (andpress)freedom —

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instarkcontrast withtheregime thathadsucceeded it.?8 Thistoo,

wasanimportant marker forposterity: byhighlighting Napoleon’s effective promotion offreedom ofexpression, Constant tacitlywiped

outtheentirerepressive legacyof theFirstEmpire,andopenedup

the possibility forliberalsand Bonapartists to rallybehindthe common bannerof‘freedom’ inlateryears.

Soimpressed wasConstant bytheEmperor’s newly founddeter-

mination herethatheevencitedNapoleon’s claim—fanciful atbest— that if Madamede Staél(whowasat the timetravellingin Italy)

weretobearrestedbya foreigngovernment hewould‘sendtwenty

thousand mentodeliver her’.?9

Butperhaps thegreatest contribution madebyConstant tothe‘lib-

eral’rehabilitation ofNapoleon washisportrayal oftheEmperor in

1815asa tragicandvulnerablefigure,betrayedbyallthosearound

himandnoblysacrificing himselfafterWaterloo toprevent hiscountryfromdescending intotheabyssofa civilwar.DeStaél(and,come

tothat,Constant himself inhisearlier writings) haddwelled onthe

oppressive natureoftheNapoleonic ‘system’. IntheMémoires, incontrast,it wasthehumanfaceof theEmperorthatshonethrough. Recognizing thathewasnow‘getting older’, Napoleon declared that the‘respite provided bya constitutional monarchy’ wouldsuithim

well;*° Constant alsonotedthattheEmperor’s manner hadchanged, andthatbehindhistraditional appearance ofvigouranddeterminationhe had become‘flexible, and evenat timeslackingin

resolve’.?!

In oneof themostvividanddramaticpassagesin thebook, Constantdescribed hisinterview withNapoleon immediately after Waterloo. TheEmperor wasbeingpressed fromallsidestoabdicate, notably bythetwochambers, buthewasresisting onthegrounds that hiswithdrawal fromthescenewouldleavethecountryopentoforeignoccupation anddomination.** Therewas,however, a clear political alternative: Napoleon couldseizeabsolute power,dissolve therecalcitrant assemblies, andgovernasa military dictatorwith thesupportoftheArmyandpopulations ofthetownsandcountryside.Indeed,asNapoleon wasspeaking toConstanta smallcrowd fromtheParisian petit peuple beganchanting ‘Long LivetheEmperor!’ outsidehiswindow. ButfromtheveryoutsettheEmperorhadtold

Constant thathe‘didnotwanttobethekingofajacquene’;?3 andhe

164 TheLegendofNapoleon concluded thathe‘hadnotreturnedfromElbaonlyforParistobe

drenched inblood’.**

Theliberalthinkerunderscored hisadmiration forNapoleon’s

decision: ‘Hewho,stillincontrol oftheremains ofanarmywhich had

beeninvincible fortwenty years,buttressed byamultitude whichwas electrified bythemeremention ofhisname,whichwasterrified bythe returnof a government whichit considered counter-revolutionary, andwhichneededonlyasignaltoriseagainst allitsenemies, choseto

abandon power instead ofattempting toholdontoitbymassacres and civilstrifehas,onthisoccasion, earnedtherespect ofthehumanrace.” TheMémoires wereby no meansan unqualified apologiafor Bonaparte.ThroughouthisnarrativeConstantremainedtrueto his

liberalprinciples;he repeatedhis vehementcriticismsof the Napoleonic ‘system’, especially itsyearningforabsolute power,its

corruption, itscontempt forhuman beings, andthegreedandservility it engendered. YetNapoleonroseaboveit all;he wasthe archetype of thetragichero,‘betterthanhissystem, anddefeated

andfallen fornothaving beenthatwhich hecould havebecome.”** In thiscontrast between themanandthesystem Constant openedupa

crucial gap,which would enable theliberal tradition tobegintowor-

shipatthealtaroftheNapoleonic ‘genius’ whileglossing oversome of the seedieraspectsof the Emperor’s rule.Asa historianof Restoration liberalism putit, ‘thenewNapoleonic mythemerged in orderto facilitate, andin somewaysto excuse,thefusionof

Bonapartists andliberals’.°’

The Mémorial de Sainte-Héléne

Constant’s Mémoires tookthefirstcritical stepinthe‘Napoleonization’

ofFrenchliberalism. Aparallel process, thatofthe‘liberalization’ of Bonapartism, wasinitiatedbyNapoleonhimself,ina bookwhichwas

tobecomeoneofthelandmarks ofnineteenth-century Frenchliter-

ature.Published twoyearsafterNapoleon’s death,andbasedonthe Emperor’s conversations andreflections during hisexile, theMémonal deSainte-Héléne wasthefirstcomprehensive articulation oftheimperiallegend,anddespiteitslengthandcomplexity (andmorethan occasional repetitiveness) wasundoubtedly themostinfluential work

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ofitskind.TheMémonal, aswehavealreadyshown,didnotcreate thelegend; evenif weonlyconsider worksonNapoleon published in Franceintheearly1820s, allof itscentralthemeswerealready present in popularopinion:the glorification of the Empire,the celebration of Napoleon’s militaryvictories, andthelamentations

overhisexile.5® Whatthisapologia forNapoleon did,however, wasto

bringtogether alltheseelements intoonebook.It wasthemostsuccessful Napoleonic memoireverwritten,withitsnumerous editions enjoying evengreateracclaim thantheEmperor’s ownrecollections, nottomentiontheworksof hisothercompanions atSainte-Héléne

suchasBertrand, Montholon andGourgaud.*9

Littlehadpreparedtheauthorof theMémonal forsuchfame. Emmanuel deLasCases, amarquis andnavalofficer undertheancien régime, anda royalist émigré duringtheearlyyearsof theRevolution, wassomething ofalateconvertto theNapoleonic cause,rallying to theEmpireonlyin 1806.In 1809,he appliedforthepositionof chamberlain,andsixmonthslaterenteredthe Councilof State.But

heemerged asa memberof Napoleon’s innercircleonlyduringthe HundredDays.Accompanied byhisyoungson,LasCasesfollowed theEmperor intohisexileatSaint-Helena, wherehebecameoneof hismosttrustedcompanions untilhisdeportation fromtheislandin December 1816. WhiletheMémonal’s extraordinary andenduring appealstemmed

fromthebook’s multiple literaryandphilosophical qualities, its immediate success resteduponitsoneoverriding characteristic: its

restoration ofNapoleon’s voice.Afteryearsdominated byadearthof hardinformation abouttheimperial exiles, brokenonlybypoorliteraryfakes,a barrageof rumours, andanoutpouring ofpro-and anti-Bonapartist propaganda,*” hereat lastwerethe authentic

thoughts andfeelings oftheEmperor during thefinalyears ofhislife.

Anddespitethestrictures ofStendhal, whoderidedhis‘lackof wit’, LasCaseswasmorethana merescribe.Theuniquestrength ofhis worklayinitsglorification ofNapoleon bytheeffective combination

of severaltypesof narration: theMémorial seamlessly blended

together therespectofthefaithful courtier, theacuteperceptiveness ofthememorialist, theshrewdness oftheinvestigative journalist, the incisiveness andideological vigourofthepolemicist, andthebroad sweepofthepolitical historian.

166 TheLegendofNapoleon Writtenintheformofa diary,theMémonal provided afirst-hand accountofthefirsteighteen monthsofNapoleon’s captivity, meticulouslydetailingthejourneyfromFrance,firstto the coastof England andthenacross theAtlantic; thetopographical details ofthe barrenandinhospitable SouthAtlanticisland;theseveredomestic difficulties experienced bytheprisoners intheirrat-infested home;

andthepettydeprivations andhumiliations inflicted uponthe

Emperorandhisentourage byhisjailers,notablythegovernor of Saint-Helena, the‘hideous’ HudsonLowe.*! The documentationof thesetravails,however,wasessentiallya

devicethatenabledLasCasestoportraythefortitude ofNapoleon’s character; asheputit,itwas‘aspectacle worthyof thegodstosee mandoingbattlewithmisfortune’.*? Hisaccountof thisstruggle — andthiswasoneofthesupreme political strengths oftheMémonal — revealed a Napoleonic figureheroicin hisepicgrandeurbutalso compellingly andoftenpathetically human. Onmanyoccasions, LasCasesportrayed Napoleon asphysically suffering, morally‘beatendown’,*® andproneto boutsof ‘melancholy’.4* There were also frequentallusionsto the serious deterioration of theEmperor’s health,especially towardsthefinal stagesofhissojourn.*” ButhavingshownNapoleon’s vulnerability as a meremortal,LasCasesthentookhimbackintoElysium, constantlyunderlininghis suprememoralqualitiesof stoicism, detachment, andlackofinterestinallthingsmaterial. ‘TheMémonal uncritically reportedNapoleon’s assertion thathe neverhadlarge sumsofmoneyathisdisposal, evenafterhistriumphant returnfrom theItaliancampagin (notorious foritssavage French plundering). In a scenefromtheearlydaysof theConsulate, Bonaparte recalled finding800,000 francsina drawer, andhandingitovertohisfellow

consuls Sieyés andDucos, whothengreedily squabbled overit.*’

Returning fromElbatofindlettersofdenunciation writtenabout himby manyStateofficialswhomhe himselfhad appointed, Napoleon remained serene,withoutanythoughtofpunishment or vengeance.*® Facedwiththeunjustandarbitrary English decision to deporthim,Bonaparte likewise demonstrated anexemplary “dignity inadversity’:*9 throughout thejourneytakinghimawayintoexilehe appeared ‘calm, impassive’.°° WhentheEnglish authorities onSaintHelenatriedto demeanhimbyrefusingto addresshimbyhis

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imperial title,heresponded withequanimity: ‘Letthemcallmewhat-

evertheylike,theycannotstopmefrombeingwhoI am.”!

Accepting hisfate,Napoleonshowedno ‘rancour,irritation,or hatred’,andconstantly urgedhiscompanions to adoptthesame approach.°? Althoughunspoken,theanalogywiththemartyrdomof

ChristwouldnothavebeenlosttomostofLasCases’s readers, especiallyas he alsowentout of hiswayto underscore Napoleon’s

commitment totheCatholic faith.*9

TheMémonal wasalsoa secularmoralfable,celebrating the

‘Plutarchian’ dimensionof Napoleon’spersonality,character,and

achievements.°* Alongside its‘humanization’ oftheEmperor, the

workrepeatedly invokedhis‘Promethean’ qualities, bothphysical

andintellectual. LasCasesofferedpersonaltestimony of the

Emperor’s legendary powers ofconcentration andcapacity forwork; healsocitednumerous examples ofhisphysical resilience duringhis military campaigns —notably hiswildridesonhorseback, withhisretinuestruggling tokeepupwithhisfranticjourneysof uptotwelve hours.(Hedelicately omittedtomentionthatNapoleon oftenfell.)>° Theworkwaslitteredwithillustrations oftheforceoftheEmperor’s intellect, perhapsnowheremorebrilliantly highlighted thanin the tightandfocusedcomparisons offeredoneeveningbetweenthe

English andFrench Revolutions.*® ForLasCases, Napoleon wasa bornleader, immediately appear-

ingtothose around himas‘amanmade tocommand others’.*” He

wasa rulerwhocouldlegitimately becompared withthegreatest heroesof antiquitysuchasAlexander, CaesarandHannibal;>® a guardian whohadbeenhailedastheprotector ofbothChristianity and the Islamicfaith;°?and a visionarywhocouldforeseethe momentwhenEuropewouldbeunitedunderonepolitical association,witha common court,a singlecurrency, andasharedsystem of

weights andmeasures.°° SuchwasNapoleon’s capacity forobjectiv-

ity,notedLasCasesatonepoint,thatheseemed tospeakofhisown past‘asifitwasthreehundredyearsofage;hisnarratives andobservationsarecastina language whichliterally transcends time.”°! LasCasesfrequently reportedNapoleon’s alleged imperviousness totheaccusations ofhisdetractors, atonepointcitingtheEmperor

explicitly: ‘Itwouldbedegrading torespond toslander.®2 Nonetheless, a considerable numberofpassages intheMémorial were

168

TheLegendofNapoleon

devoted todefending Napoleon’s pastactions. Already wellfurnished witha rangeof royalistandliberalwritings duringtheEmperor’s reign,the‘black legend’ wasgivena newleaseoflifebyhisdefeatand exile,anditishardlysurprising thatNapoleon shouldhavesoughtto respond tosomeoftheseattacks. TheMémonal tooktotaskanumber

ofcelebrated anti-Napoleonic pamphlets, notably English publica-

tionssuchastheAnti-Gallican®? andGoldsmith’s Secret History®* and French‘classics’ suchasChateaubriand’s DeBuonaparte etdesBourbons, avicious tiradeperhapsmostfamous foritsallegation thatNapoleon hadforcedthePopeintosigning the1813Concordat by‘dragging

himacross Fontainebleau byhiswhitehair’.

Napoleon defended himselfconcerning bothspecific eventsand

incidentsandthewidersetof criticisms abouthismethodsandlegit-

imacyasaruler.Inthefirstcategory, hewasatpainstodenythathe

hadpoisoned anyFrench soldiers suffering fromtheplague atJaffa.°° Therewasalsoalongdefence ofhisabduction andexecution ofthe

Ducd’Enghien, anadmittedly illegal actexplained bythenatural-law principle of self-protection: ‘Ifit hadtoberepeated,’ reportedLas

Cases,‘[theEmperor] wouldhavedoneit again.”°’ Thematter

clearlycontinued tohauntNapoleon; herepeatedthesameformula

inhisTestament™.

Therewasalsoa greatdealaboutNapoleon’s morecontroversial

andunsuccessful militarycampaigns, notablytheinvasionof Russia

in 1812,whosedisastrous consequences LasCasessoughtto play down®? andofcoursehisdefeatatWaterloo, therealcauses ofwhich

Napoleon wasstillatalosstoidentify.’° Hiscoup d’état of18Brumaire

1799,whichhaddestroyed theRepublicandpavedthewayfor theestablishment oftheEmpire, wasjustified —a familiar argument usedbyalldictators fromRomantimesonward—bythe‘imperious necessity’ ofsavingthenation:allthearguments abouttheillegality andimmorality ofhisactionsherewerenothingbutmetaphysical verbiage.’! Evenmoreimportant thanthesespecific rebuttals wereNapoleon’s vigorous responses totheadverse characterizations ofhispersonality andsystemof rule.Hisdespotism? TheEmperoradmittedthathe

hadcommitted manyactswhich were‘tyrannical’, butallhadbeen

justifiedat thetime:theywere‘necessary evils’.’”* Hisnakedselfinterestandambition? Hisonlyconcernthroughout hiscareerhad

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beentopromote the‘empire ofreason’.’”? Hisaspiration toconquer theworld, torecreate a‘universal monarchy’ inmodern form? This

wasbeliedbytheeventsof 1815,whenhehadreturnedtofounda

liberalEmpire,and (asConstanthad alsoshown)had explicitly

refused tosavehisthroneafterWaterloo by‘becoming a tyrant’.’* TheAdditional Actof1815wasnot,Napoleon stated, aconcession tothetimes;heclaimed thatifhehadsucceeded indefeating Russia

in 1812,he wouldhave abandonedhis dictatorship,createda

Europeanconfederation andbecomea constitutional monarch.’° Hissacrifice oftheFrench peopletohisabsolute andunqualified love

ofwar?Napoleon asserted thathadnofondness forwar,andindeed alltheconflicts thathehadwagedhadbeenimposed uponhim, eitherbyhisenemies (especially theEnglish) orbytheforceof cir-

cumstances.’© Hisdestructionof liberty,that mostsacredheritageof

the 1789Revolution? Not onlydid he thinkthis accusation unfounded, butNapoleon alsowentsofarastoaffirmthatduringhis reignhiscountrymen enjoyed morelibertythanthecitizens of any otherEuropean state—including England.”’ On many a battlefield, Napoleonhadmasteredtheprinciplethat

attackwasthebestformof defence. Interspersed throughout these responses tohiscritics wasasophisticated (andoftencreative) ‘liberal’

reconstruction ofthepolitical legacy oftheEmpire. Thiswasper-

hapsthegreatestsingleachievement oftheMémonal, forwhichLas Casesshouldbegivenequalcredit:it hailedNapoleon astheforerunnerofliberalism, locating hisreignwithinthewiderframework of theFrenchRevolution, andaligning theEmperor withwhatwereto becomethetwodominant ‘progressive’ doctrines of thenineteenth century:liberalism andrepublicanism.’? Thekeyelementhere, repeatedon numerousoccasions throughoutthe Mémoral, was Napoleon’s association withthe ‘people’: the Emperorproudly

asserted thathewas‘apartofthepeople’.’? Herecalled travelling

incognito aroundLyons,whereanoldladyoncetoldhimthat‘the Bourbons werethekingsofthearistocracy, Napoleon wasthekingof thepeople, heisourking’. Evenhisreturnin1815wasjustified bythe

facthe‘hadbeenelected bythepeople’.° LasCases wenttogreat

lengthstounderline thispoint,notablybycitingConstant’s account of theHundredDays,inwhichtheliberalwriterhadalsoapprovinglyquotedNapoleon’s intellectual transformation: ‘Iama manof

170 TheLegendofNapoleon thepeople; ifthepeoplereallywantfreedom, I oweittothem;I have

recognized theirsovereignty, Imustnowlisten totheirwishes.”*! Initssomewhat tentative liberalism, thisstatement perhapsmore

accurately reflected thehesitations inNapoleon’s conception ofpol-

iticsduringandafter1815,therebyunderscoring theimportance of theideological ‘twist’ orchestrated byLasCases.Fora careful politicalreadingoftheMémonal revealed infactnotone,butthreedistinct Napoleonic voices.In thefirst,theEmperorspokethetraditional, unreconstructed language ofauthoritarian Bonapartism (borrowed in manyrespects fromtheRevolution). Hedescribed theFrenchasan ‘oldandcorrupt’ nationconcerned onlywith‘itsinterests, itspleasures,itsvanities’;°* deridedthe Bourbonsforintroducinga formof

representative government basedonanupperandlowerChamber: ‘neverhaveassemblies provided prudenceandenergy, wisdom and

vigour’;®* andevenimpugned theFrench Revolution, ‘oneofthe greatestevilswhichcouldbefallanycountry’.®* Thiswasthe Bonaparteof old,ruthlessandtriumphant,andentirelyobliviousto

theconcerns ofliberalism. Inasense, thiswastheNapoleon encoun-

teredbyMadame deStaél.

Thesecondvoice—destined tohavea muchlongercareerinthe historyofmodernBonapartism —wasthatofthe‘arbiter’, standing aboveallideologies. Always choosing hishistorical rolewithgreat care,Napoleon definedhimselfastheFrenchrulerwhohadeffec-

tively bridged thegapbetween theancien régime andmodernity, ‘the natural mediator between theoldandtheneworder’.®° The thirdvoice—arguablyas muchthatof LasCasesas of

Napoleonhimself—wasthat of the resurgentfreethinkingofficer,

imbuedwiththevaluesof theEnlightenment, resolutely hostileto

‘feudalism’ andmuchmoreattuned totheprogressive and‘demo-

cratic’ spiritofhisage.8© ThiswashowNapoleon hadpresented

himselfto Constantin 1815,andit wasalsoin thiscontextthatthe Mémonal, in one of its celebratedpassages,citedNapoleon’sself-

description as the‘Messiah of theRevolution’,®’ stressing the

Emperor’s passion forequality, the‘passion ofthecentury’,®® aswell ashisbeliefthat1789hadbeen‘thetruecauseoftheregeneration of Frenchmores’.®9 InordertobolsterthisvisionofNapoleonic ‘liberalism’,LasCasesevenquotedextensively froma keypassagein Constant’s lettersontheHundredDays,inwhichtheliberalthinker

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171

citedtheEmperor: ‘Inowunderstand liberty, andhavebeennour-

ishedbyitsthoughts.’

Itwasthisthirdvoicewhichwasmostfrequently citedandremem-

beredand thuscameacrossas dominantin theMémorial; it wasto

playa vitalrolein sustaining thelegendof Napoleonic liberalism throughout thenineteenth century(seeFigure16).It isalsoworth notingthatthis‘humanization’ oftheEmperor wasreinforced bythe mannerinwhichsuccessive editionsof theworkwereeditedand

illustrated. After1830thedrawings ofartists suchasVernet, Raffet andCharlet wereusedtoillustrate several important works onthe

Napoleonic era;the 1840editionof theMémorial, illustrated by Charlet,contained nofewerthan500drawings —mostof which dealtwiththeSaint-Helena period,anddepicted Napoleon in‘ordinary’poses(andoftenwithconsiderable humour).?! Thiers’sHistory of the NapoleonicEra

TheNapoleonic portraits drawnbyLasCasesandConstant provided theearlybuilding blocksfortheconstruction ofa ‘liberal legend’ of theEmperor. Intheirdifferent ways,bothworksdrewattention away fromtheNapoleonic ‘system’, concentrating insteadon‘humanizing’ theEmperor byfocusing onhismagnetic personality andcharacter. Theywerealsodistinctive fortheirfocusontheperiodsofimperial political weakness andvulnerability —theHundredDaysandthe earlyyearsofexileatSaint-Helena. Indeed,initsinfancy this‘liberal Bonapartism’ wasitselfessentially anideology ofopposition, almost ofvictimhood: forthesupporters ofNapoleon, itwasa lamentfor thedepartureof theEmperor,and(after1821)a homageto his memory, whilefortheliberals theimperial bannerwasa convenient devicetohighlight thefailings oftheroyalist political andcivicorder after1815. Theliberallegendofthe‘goodEmperor’ wouldalsobedisseminatedinpopularculture, notablythroughthesongsofBéranger; his Souvenirs dupeuple (1828) celebrated thememory ofakind,simple, and generous monarch,a friendof thepeopleanddefender of French national interests.?* Thenextstageinthisintellectual evolution would bemarkedbyLouisNapoleon’s attemptinthe1830sand1840sto

FIGURE16

Themanofthepeople AcentralfeatureoftheNapoleonic legendwastheassociation oftheEmperor with the‘people’. In theMémorial deSainte-Héléene Napoleon presentedhimselfasthe ‘messiah oftheRevolution’: a monarch whohadbeenchosenbythepeople,cared

forthem,andhadgoverned intheirbestinterests; thelegend alsounderscored his

simpleappearance andmanners, whichwereimplicitly contrasted withthepomposityofthekingswhohadfollowed him.Inthe1830sand1840sLouisNapoleon wouldstrongly underscore thisaspectoftheBonapartist heritageinhisownpropaganda,notablythroughhiscommitment tomaleuniversal suffrage.

The Prince of Liberal Ideas

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‘modernize’ hisuncle’s legacybyincorporating liberal,socialist, and

republican elements intoit.%°

Whatthisvisionlacked,however, wasanoverarching viewofthe entirehistoryoftheConsulate andFirstEmpire,andmorespecificallya criticalintellectual engagement withthe cornerstone of

Napoleon’s system ofrule,namely hisconception ofpower. Itfellto

theliberalstatesman, academician, andhistorian Adolphe Thiersto forgethisbroadersynthesis in hisHistoire duConsulat etdel’Empire (1845-1862). BegunundertheJulyMonarchy, continued underthe Republic, andconcluded undertheSecondEmpire,thistwenty-

volume worksoldmorethana millioncopies,andestablished Thiers’s reputation asFrance’s ‘national historian’ (aswellashisfor-

tune).°* Theauthorwassupremely wellplacedtoproduce sucha

work.Fromhisearlyyearsat schoolinMarseilles hehadbeenfasci-

natedby Napoleon,and likemanymenof hisgenerationhis

obsession withtheEmperor continued wellintohisadultlife. Bringing backNapoleon’s remains forburialinParishadbeenhis

idea,eventually adoptedandimplemented byKingLouisPhilippe in 1840. Thierswasalsoa craftypolitician, a keywitness ofthebattlesof

histimeandoneoftheprincipal conservative liberal leaders ofhis

generation (andofthenext:heplayeda decisive roleinthefound-

ingoftheThirdRepublic).%° Hisexperience of‘thestorms ofpublic

life’provided a criticalbackdrop tohisaccountofNapoleonic history.2’At the sametime,he wroteas a professional, drawing

systematically uponpublicsources (hetrawled through thethirty

thousandpieceswhichmadeup Napoleon’s archive),travelling acrossFranceandEuropetovisitthesitesof keyimperialbattles, andusinghiswidecontactsinFrenchelitecirclestoconsultmemoirs,manyof whichwereunpublished. In effecthiswasthefirst serioushistoryofNapoleonic rule.”° Thiers’s success wasalsoa reflection of thebroadandcomplementaryperspectives fromwhichhe approached hissubject.He wasa greatadmirerofthebourgeoisie, theclasswhichinhisview hadmadepossiblethegloriouseventsof 1789,andhisHistoire essentially narratedthestoryof theFirstEmpirethroughitseyes, placingNapoleon’s deedsin thebroadercontextof theFrench Revolution. Aboveall,whatmadepossiblethismorerounded

174 TheLegendofNapoleon accountof theNapoleonic legacywasthatThierswasa fundamentallydifferentkindof liberalfromMadamede Staéland

Constant. While theywereintellectuals whohadremained inoppo-

sitionformostoftheirlives,andforgedtheirliberalism intermsof theprotection andnurturing oftheindividual, Thierswasaliberal whopractised (andenjoyed) statecraft, andvaluedthepreservation of orderasitssupremegoal;hisliberalism wasmoreconservative thantheirs,andgroundedin actionandpragmatism ratherthan principle ordoctrine. Hewasabletooffera criticalperspective on Napoleonandhissystemof rule,butonewhichresteduponan understanding ofthenecessity ofpowerratherthananinstinctive defiance ofit. Centralto the Histoire duConsulat etdel’Empire wasThiers’s aspiration toportrayNapoleon with‘fairness’ and‘without embellish-

ment’;?? throughout theworkhecarefully sought todistinguish

betweenthe positiveand negativefeaturesof imperialpower between1799and1815—andalsobetween factandlegend.Yet(in bothrespects) theboundaries wereoftenblurred.In theveryfirst volume,forexample,ThiersrevealedthetruthbehindGeneral

Bonaparte’s crossing oftheAlps, oneofthedecisive moments inthe

Italiancampaign, whichhadbeenimmortalized inDavid’s painting representing himonamagnificent whitehorse.‘Thetruth,itturned out,wassomewhat lesslofty:Napoleonhadbeenledacrossthe

difficult mountainous pathsonasmall greymule, escorted byalocal

guide. But,havingdismantled thelegend,Thiersthenproceededto mythologizethe realityby tellingof his ownencounterwiththe

peasantwhohadactedasNapoleon’s guideonthatoccasion. ‘This

humble villager hadbeenassailed withquestions byBonaparte, andhadendeduptellinghimhisentirelifestory.Inthecourse

of thisnarrationhe haddiscussed allhistroubles,in particular hismoneyproblems,whichwereaffectinghismarriageprospects.Afterbeingled safelyacrossthe mountains,Napoleon hadorderedthathisguidebegivena house,a plotof land,and a grantto payforhiswedding.Thistouchinggestureby the man whowouldbecomethe ‘rulerof the world’wasevidence, accordingto Thiers,of thefundamentalgoodnessof Bonaparte’s

heart./9

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Perhapsthemostimportantlineof demarcation in theHistoire wasbetween therepublican andmonarchical phasesofNapoleonic

rule:theConsulate andtheEmpire. ThierssawBonaparte asa

liberatorduringtheconsularera,rescuing theFrenchnationfrom corruption,disorder,anddecadence, initiatingthereconciliation amongdifferent political factions, presiding overtherestoration of economic confidence, endingthereligious conflicts provoked bythe Revolution, and re-establishing ‘respect’for Francethroughout

Europe.!°! Thiersunderscored hisadmiration forthesegrandiose

achievements, whicheventually ledtoBonaparte’s (justified) proclamationasConsulforlife.Inhisdecision tore-establish amonarchy in 1804,however, Napoleon sowedtheseedsofallhislatermisfortunes: theEmpirewasinmanyrespects a personalactofvanity,a regime whichwouldbepropelled bytherelentless driveforconquest andterritorialexpansion. !° Bybecoming Emperor, Napoleon alsomadethefataltransition fromdictatorship to despotism, turninghimselfintoa rulerwho ‘tooknonoteeitherofmenorofnature’.!°3 Fromthismomenton, he becameoverwhelmed by ‘thediseaseof ruling’,that ‘moral plague’whichhe impartedto allhisfamilyandwhicheventually

caused hisdownfall.!°* (Thiers wasalsooffering hereaveiled criti-

cismof NapoleonIII’sSecondEmpire,a regimewhosepolitical despotism andsuppression of ‘necessary liberties’ he consistently opposed.) Thiscontrastopenedupanotherpowerful distinction whichran

through Thiers’s work,thatbetween Napoleon’s achievements and

failings asa civilian rulerandasa warrior.Therewerespectacular advancesin France’ssystemof government underBonaparte, notablyinthecreationoftheCouncilofStateandprefectorate, the

drafting andproclamation oftheCivilCode,thereorganization of

thejudiciaryandlocaladministration, andtheestablishment ofthe BankofFrance.EvenundertheFirstEmpire,overwhelmed though hewaswithwaging war,Napoleon established theUniversity, aimed at removing education fromthehandsof theclergy—oneof the

most remarkable andfar-sighted creations ofhisreign.!Yet, forall

of thesesuccesses, theEmperor’s greatestflawwashisobsessive devotionto war,whichconsumedmuchmore of his time than

domestic affairs.

176 TheLegendofNapoleon Thiersrecognized andsalutedNapoleon’s ‘extraordinary military

genius’,!°° anddevoted thebulkof themiddlevolumes of the

Histoire tothenarration,witha wealthof detail,of theEmperor’s celebratedsuccesses, notablyat thebattlesof Marengo,Austerlitz, Iena,Wagram,and Friedland.Whilehisbourgeoisliberalsensi-

tivitieswererevoltedby the carnageof thesewars,Thiers

nonetheless remained mesmerized bytheexploits oftheGrande

Armée.Afterdescribingthe thousandsof menkilledon the battlefield atIena,heexplained that‘thesesceneswouldbehorrible, and indeed intolerable,but for the genius and heroism

displayed, whichcompensated forthesehorrors,andfortheglory, thislightwhichembellishes everything, andsurroundsit withits dazzlingrays!?!°7 Andyet,despitehismilitarybrilliance,Napoleonproceededto

overreachhimself,firstin the ‘folly’of the dreamof universal empire,thenin thecostlywarin Spain,andfinallyin thecatastrophicconflictwithRussia,‘thesupremeaberrationof a genius blindedbydespotism.’!°8 Thisimageofarulerwarpedbyhis‘insatiablemilitary desires’ tookThierstotheheartofhisanalysis ofthe Napoleonic Wéeltanschauung, andatthesametimebroughttothefore hisambivalence aboutthemilitaryaspectsof theimperialepic. However hardhetried,Thierscouldnotfindsolidgroundhere.He repeatedlyassertedthat as a warriorNapoleonremaineda ‘genius’,!°9 andyethe alsoacknowledged thatBonaparte’s most egregious mistakes werecommitted onthebattlefield (notably during theRussiancampaign, whichwasnothingbuta sequence of blundersand tacticalaberrations!!°), and that duringhisreignthe Emperorwasresponsible forthedeathsofmorementhaneventhe

greatest Asiatic conquerors. !!!

Thierswasalsodeeplyambivalent abouttherelationship between war and glory.He constantlycelebratedthe ‘grandeur’that Napoleon broughttoFrance,eventhoughithadcomethroughwars whichhe condemnedas unnecessary, wasteful,and ultimately counter-productive. PerhapsThierswassimplyreflecting thecontradictions of hisage:at onepoint,describing theattitudeof the bourgeoisie towardstheEmperor’s returninMarch1815,hecould nothelpnotingthatthecitizens ofurbanFrancewerepleasedtosee their‘glorious’ leaderback,eventhoughtheywereconcerned that

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hisreturnwouldprecipitate war;!!?thisambivalence wasnodoubt sharedbyThiershimself. Tocompound theconfusion, theHistoire alsorefused toacceptany

moraldifference between the‘glory’ produced bydefensive and

offensive wars:“Thevolunteers of 1792wantedtodefendtheirpatrie againstanunjustinvasion; thewarlikesoldiers of 1805wishedto makeFrancetheworld’s leadingpower. Letusnotseektomakedistinctions between suchsentiments: it isvirtuous toruntothedefence of one’scountrywhenit isendangered, butit isjustasgoodto

devote oneself tomaking itgreatandglorious.”!!5 Inandofitself,

thiswasa perfectly tenableview;however, it didnotsitverycomfortablywithThiers’scensoriousness towardsNapoleon’s military expansionism (andindeedhislateropposition toNapoleon III’ssui-

cidalwarwithPrussia), andhisapparent imperviousness tothe

humancostsofwarfare. Allthesetensionswereultimatelyreconciled in the Histoire’s accountof Bonaparte’s politics.Heretoo,Thiersbeganwithan apparently simpledistinction: ‘Napoleon madewarwithhisgenius,

andpolitics withhispassions.”!'* Atonelevel, thiswasa straightfor-

wardreference to the Emperor’s consistent tendencyto allowhis political judgement to beswayed byhisemotions: theexecution of

theDucd’Enghien wasprovoked byhisrage;!!> therupture ofthe Amiens peacebyhispetulance;'!® theSpanish andRussian warsby

hisvanity,'!” andsoon.AndyetThiers’s narrative showed thatnothingwaseversimplewithNapoleon. Hisaccountof theHundred Days,forexample, highlighted theEmperor’s political shrewdness in readingthesituation inFranceaccurately in 1814—15, particularly notingthe‘simple, open,andskilful’ wayin whichhemanaged his

return topower.!!®

Thekeypointabouttheeventsof 1815,inThiers’s view, wasthat theyrepresented a continuation of theconflictbetweentheancien

régime andtheRevolution.'!° Seeninthislight,Napoleon wasthusan

agentof thehigherhistorical purposeof 1789,andindeedThiers oftenwroteasif theEmperor wasitsinstrument —bothforgoodand forill.Highlighting the ‘intemperance’ of theEmpire’s foreign policy,he notedthatit wasin manyrespectsa continuation of

Revolutionary ambitions, ofwhich Napoleon wasthenatural heir. !2° EvokingBonaparte’s ‘delirium’, whichwasdemonstrated bythe

178

TheLegendofNapoleon patience,andmodestyin his absenceof anysenseof continuity,

character apersonal Thiersaddedthatthiswasnotmerely politics, inhim,in whichwasdelirious defect:‘ItwastheFrenchRevolution hisvastgenius.”!?! ButtheRevolution didnotonlyexplainNapoleon’s political its spiritalsoshonethroughhis‘liberal’ambitions, weaknesses;

recoghadfinally In1815theEmperor andlegacy. achievements,

nizedtheprincipleofpoliticalfreedom: thishadcomenotmerely butthroughhisunderstanding orself-interest, outof calculation —in otherwords,that the that freedomwasnow‘necessary’ hadpromised, momenthadcometoprovidewhattheRevolution

!”* hisrulebydelivering, tocrown hoped hehadalways andwhich

Bythissubtlemove,Thiersaccomplished twothings:he reintregratedtheEmperor’s entirereignintothehistoricaldrama of 1789(justas LasCaseshaddonein theMémoral), andalso incorporated theendofNapoleon’s ruleintotheliberalteleology of nineteenth-century Frenchpolitics,characterizedby the .!29 liberties’ of ‘necessary emergence andinevitable progressive Bonapartewasalsoa sonof 1789in respectof its keycivic principles: the abolitionof feudalismandthe establishment of

civilequality. !**

InThiers’s estimation, thiswashisgreatest accomplishment

undertheConsulate: enablingallFrenchcitizensto enjoyequal rights,andtoliveunderthesamelaws,irrespective of theirreli-

of merit, conception Napoleon’s gion,region,orsocialclass.'*?

whichflowedfromthiswidernotionof equality,particularly appealedto Thiers’sconservative liberalism:“[Bonaparte] thus on thescalesof whichallmen in society, wishedfora hierarchy couldberankedfollowing theirabilities andtalents,independently of their birth.’!*© In this sense,and howeverparadoxicalit sounded, eventhecrowning of Napoleon asEmperorwasavindicationof therevolutionary principleof civilequality, whichhad madeit possiblefora mereofficerto risethroughtheranksto

become amonarch. !??

ForThiers—andherehespokesimultaneously asabourgeois, a conservative liberal,a statesman, andan historian—Napoleon’s supremeachievement andlegacyasa sonof the Revolution was hiscreationof a territorialadministration thatcould‘holdFrance

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togetherwhenever itsheadfaltered’!*® asit oftendidduringthe

nineteenth century. TheNapoleonic principle of‘centralization’!29

hadgivenrisetoan‘admirable hierarchy’ of localinstitutions, throughwhichprefects,representative assemblies and mayors

couldallworktogether inthepublic interest.!2° Napoleon’s admin-

istrativesystemwasnotonly‘intelligent andstrong’,itwasalsoa

continuation andapplication ofthetruespiritof Revolutionary equality, ensuring thatlocalcommunities couldmanagetheir

affairsaccording toprinciples whichwereconsistent, fair,just,and enlightened —everything, inshort,thatcouldnotbeachieved were theselocalcommunities to be abandonedto their‘capricious-

ness’,!9!

Asan individual, Napoleon maywellhavebeenperverted byhis passions, but hisultimateinheritance provedto be oneof public reason.It wasforthisreasonthatallthe regimeswhichhadfollowedthe FirstEmpirehad keptintactNapoleon’s centralized administrative system, andthisheritagewasforThiersan absolute blessing; hecontinued todefenditwithimplacable vigourthroughouthispolitical career.

TheEmergenceof NapoleonicLiberalism Liberalsbeganin the earlynineteenthcenturywitha wholesale rejection ofNapoleon, bothasa leaderandasa ‘system’. Theliberal legendbeganin the 1820swithConstant’s humanization of the Emperor, concentrating on themanat the expenseof hissystem whileThierseventually drewthecycletoaclosebyforging a positive liberalvisionofNapoleon, criticaloftheindividual rulerbutawed andinspired byhisinstitutional legacy. Indeed,it was no accidentthat the finalvolumeof Thiers’s

Fiistoire appearedin 1862,just astheFrenchpoliticalsystemwas embarking uponanevolution thatwouldculminate intheemergenceof a ‘liberalEmpire’,a regimewhichsoughtto reconcile imperialrulewithnotionsof democracy, politicalaccountability, andthepreservation of individual freedoms. Bythe early1860s, theparallelintellectual adaptations oftheNapoleonic legacywere

edging toaclose, bothamong Bonapartists andliberals. Theresult

180

TheLegendofNapoleon asa brilliant ofNapoleon interpretation wasa largelyconvergent and t endencies dictatorial his despite but flawedrulerwho, restored penchantformilitaryglory,successfully hisexcessive andthereby theRevolution, o f theravages after France orderin pavedthe wayfor the triumphof the ‘liberal’aspectsof the heritageof 1789:bourgeoisrule,civilequality,administrative sovereignty. andnational(asdistinctfrom‘popular’) centralization, forbythe‘glory’ wascompensated Thecarnageofthebattlefields failingsas a achievedbyFrencharms;in anyevent,Napoleon’s

In asa lawmaker. byhisachievements warriorweresuperseded centenary fortheEmperor’s songwritten thewordsofapopular in 1869:

Napoleon wasagreatcaptain

Butabove allagreat magistrate Andhecomposed without difficulty Great laws fortheFrench State.'*?

it shouldbenoted,wasnotendorsedin liberalsynthesis, Thiers’s The liberal its entiretyevenbyhis moderatecontemporaries.

Napoleon’s whileadmiring Guizot, Francois andstatesman thinker

asthebasisforpolitical of‘capacity’ oftheprinciple consolidation fortheimperial didnot shareThiers’senthusiasm participation,

Prévost-Paradol, didtheDoctrinaires.'** nor,ingeneral, — legend politicallythan Thiersand a liberaltoo(butmoreprogressive sense,reason,andevenphi‘good that wroteofNapoleon Guizot)

many Inaddition, beforehisreign’.!°* remainspeechless losophy flatnarrativestyle,whichadmitdeliberately objectedto Thiers’s tedlyin placesborderedontheturgid;theprizeforcrueltyhere Flaubert,whocalledhisbook‘a monuwentto the irrepressible anditsauthor‘a most mentof themosttriumphantimbecility’

abjectcrouton’.'°°

Whilethey were generallywelcomedby imperialveterans (Pelleport, in hismemoirs, expressed hisregretthathe mightdie the volumeontheRussiancampaign’”®), beforereadingThiers’s were et del’Empure duConsulat of theHistoire conclusions measured deemedunacceptableby the unconditionalsupportersof whocontinuedto celebrateimperialauthoritarianism Napoleon,

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andrejectedanycriticism ofhisrule(generally onthebasisofthe

arguments usedbytheEmperor andLasCases intheMémorial).!37

Theallegation of imperialdespotism wasalsosometimes coun-

teredby the claimthat therehad been no real libertyin France before1799;Napoleoncouldthereforenot havedestroyedwhat

didnotexist.!*° Thiers’s conclusions remained especially controversial among

Frenchrepublicans, whoidentified withthetraditionof 1789but categorically refusedto acceptNapoleon(andmoregenerally Bonapartism) asoneofitslegitimate components. Therepublican attitudetowardstheimperiallegendbecameincreasingly negative

fromthe1830s, moving fromgrudging enthusiasm undertheJuly

Monarchy, seriousreservations undertheSecondRepublic, tooutrightandvehement hostility undertheSecondEmpire. After1851,

bitternesstowardstheunclebecamea convenientmeanstolambast

thenephew forhiscoup d’état.'°° Evenifitwaslargely instrumen-

tal,andeffectively directedat ‘Napoléon lePetit’,asVictorHugo contemptuously calledFrance’s newEmperor, therepublican judgementof theNapoleonic legacyduringthisperiodwasextremely severe. Inhisassessment ofThiers’s Histoire, Proudhon recognized some positive qualities inNapoleon undertheConsulate, butthenthings turnedsombre:“Theeclipsebeginsat theruptureof theAmiens peace,darkness thickens inBayonne; inRussiaheismerelya false prophet,a hideously egotistical fanatic;at Fontainebleau, heisin desperatestraits;at Waterloo,he becomesimpotent;andat Sainte-

Héléne, a liar.Insum,aFALSE GREAT MAN.’!40

Fortherepublican philosopher JulesBarni,Thiers’s Histoire ‘sacrificedfartoomuchto Napoleonic idolatry’:'*! theEmperor,in reality,haddestroyed Frenchliberty,trampleduponmorality, and ruinedthecountrythroughhisaggressive andexpansionary wars. Indeed—supremeinsult—he wasnotevenFrench.Barni(half Italianhimself) offeredthisdamningconclusion notonlyonthe grounds oftheEmperor’s Corsican origins, butbyawonderful reductioadabsurdum: “Thiscontemptforhumanity, thisdisdainforthe opinion ofothers,thisCaesarian vanity, thisinsenstivity ofheartand profound ethicalindifference whichcharacterized Napoleon, allthis

could nothave come from aFrenchman.’!#2

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TheLegendofNapoleon

Forallitsintensity, thisvirulently anti-Napoleonic republican view provedrelatively short-lived; itrapidlyshiftedtowards greateremollienceafterthedisappearance oftheSecondEmpirein1870.Pierre Larousse’s Grand Dictionnaire Uniwersel duXIXesiécle (1866-1876) readmittedthe Emperorinto republicancollectivememoryby incorporating Thiers’sdistinction betweentheConsulate andthe Empire; theworkcontained twoseparate entries,thefirsta celebrationof ‘Bonaparte, thegreatest,mostglorious,mostradiantnamein

history’, whoselife‘ended’ onthedayofhiscoup d’état ofBrumaire 1799,andtheseconda condemnation of‘Napoleon I,political and

military dictator’ whose careerasanimitator oftheCaesars was launched fromthatmoment.!*° Thierswasthusprovedrightwhen he noted, at the end of his Histoire,that ‘forus Frenchpeople,

Napoleonhasclaimswhichwecannoteverforget,whateverour

party, birth,convictions, orinterests.”!*#

Ashisoverarching conclusions aboutNapoleonbecamepart of theintellectual andhistoricalmainstream, Thiershadsponsored,accompaniedand influenced a seriesof seismicshiftsin

nineteenth-century Frenchpoliticalculture:theincorporation of

theNapoleonic heritageintoFrenchnationalmythology, and

the ideologicalorientationof Frenchliberalismawayfrom ‘individualism’ (thelatter,it mightbe said,wasthepriceto be paidfortheachievement of theformer).Aboveall,thecrystallizationofthis‘Napoleonic liberalism’ reflected theemergence of

a newandpowerful constellation ofintellectual forces inFrance

duringthe 1860sand 1870s,a loosecoalitionthatwouldhold together—underthe politicalleadershipof Thiersand Léon Gambetta—tocreatetheThirdRepublic, a regimewhichwould unhesitatingly retainNapoleon’s administrative and territorial organization. Thiers’s viewsof theimperialheritagewereentirelyfittingfor thiscomingera,too.TheEmperor’s ‘remarkable accomplishments’ asa lawmaker andcreatorof administrative centralization would begratefully received bya nationseeking torecoverfromtheravagesof civilwarafter1871;hispursuitof ‘glory’ (towhichThiers addedthejudicious qualification ‘inmoderation’) wouldberememberedbythosein theThirdRepublic’s leadership whosoughtto expandFrance’s colonial empire;andeventhenegative lessonfrom

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his despoticrulewouldbe onewhichwouldfor everremain

entrenched inrepublican memory: ‘However greatthegeniusof

oneman,hemustneverbecompletely entrusted withthedestinies

ofanation.’!*#

Chapter7

LouisNapoleon andthe ImperialLegend

"TheSouvenirs of theBaronessduMontetevokethepresencein the

ofa youngand resorttownofBadenduringtheearlyto mid-1830s

andhewastheonlysurHisnamewasLouis, prince. little-known

vivingsonof Hortense deBeauharnais andNapoleon Bonaparte’s youngerbrotherLouis,the formerKingof Holland.PrinceLouis

wouldoftenbeseenwalking intownwithapensive expression onhis Napoleonic i nthecharacteristic hisback, b ehind his hands faceand

thelocal among muchhilarity thatprovoked pose—anaffectation aristocracy.

Theywereevenmoreamusedbyhisrepeatedinvocations of the

principle of ‘popular sovereignty’. Oneevening inAugust, to cele-

bratetheanniversary ofLouis’s patron saint,afewofhisfriends held abucolic partyintheruinsofamedieval castle neartheBlack Forest, withbrightilluminations andfieryspeeches; thereceptionended

withoneof theguestskneelingdowninfrontof theyoungBonaparte

andpledging allegiance tothe‘future rulerofFrance’. WhiletheyoungPrinceclearly thoughthimselfdestined tofellow

inthefootsteps ofhisglorious uncle, thisbelief wasnotwidely shared amonghispeers.TheBaroness duMontetthought thatLouis’s ambi-

tiontobecome‘theEmperorof theRepublic’wasat besteccentric,

andatworstdelusional; shedismissed itas‘afairytale’.*

LouisNapoleon andtheImperial Legend

185

Formostof the 1830sand 1840s,evenasLouisbecamebetter knowninFranceandbeganmethodically topreparethegroundfor hisrisetopower,mostobservers couldnotbringthemselves totake himseriously astheNapoleonic pretender. Hedidnotresemble the Emperorphysically, andentirelylackedhisdeclamatory gifts;what wasmore,hespokeFrenchwithanasalGermanaccent.Hischaracterwasevenmoredifficult tofathom.Valérie Masuyer, hismother’s lady-in-waiting, whosawhimalmosteverydayintheearlytomid1830s, spokeof‘something ineffable, whichperhapsexistsonlyinme, whichdetersmefromapproaching him,andmakeshiscompany awkward’.’ HortenseCornu,whoknewhimfromhischildhood, couldnotdecidewhetherhewasthemostresolute manshehadever met,or themostindecisive.*

.

|

Thisimpenetrable qualitywouldlaterbecomeoneof Louis Napoleon’s hallmarks, andarguablyoneof hisgreatestassets:it caused his adversariesconsistentlyto underestimatehim. Conservatives and liberalsalikeregardedhimas an ambitious upstart—a ‘puerile adventurer’ inthewordsofapublicprosecutor in 1840°—andevenhisfamilyfrequently thoughthimanembarrassment;hewasoftenridiculed asa manoflowmoralsand(inVictor Hugo’s amiableanalogy) a ‘monkey’, apaleandworthless imitation ofthegreatBonaparte. Manyevendoubted hissanity; deTocqueville wasquiterepresentative ofthepolitical andintellectual classes when hecommented thatallLouisNapoleon’s successes after1848were theproductofhis‘folly’ ratherthanhisreason.® Andyet,sometwentyyearsafterthepastoralceremony inBaden Louiswasproclaimed Emperor ofFrance, having firstbeenelected to thePresidency of theSecondRepublic in 1848.Thistriumphwas notfortuitous (although hedid,likeNapoleon, enjoyhisfairshareof luck);norwasit merelytheproductof naked,self-interested ambition.The keyto understanding the Prince’ssuccesslayin the dynamic interaction between theimperial legendandhisownpoliticaldestiny.Louiswasfashionedand nurturedby the cultof Napoleon, whichassumed extraordinary proportions undertheJuly Monarchy; andhisownelectoral successes inandafter1848were largelya function of thesheerresonance of theNapoleonic ‘name’ amongtheFrenchpublic. Butalthough herodeontheEmperor’s coat-tails, Louis’s political

186 TheLegendofNapoleon risealsodemonstrated aconsistent capacity toadapttheNapoleonic legendtohisownends.Fromtheearly1830suntilthelate1840s, he almostsingle-handedly turneda privatefamilytraditionandheritageinto a publicpower;transformedwhatseemedlikean impossible burden(theassumption oftheNapoleonic mantle) intoan inspiration anda sourceof creativeaction;redesigned a nostalgic, romantic cultintoaforward-looking political doctrine; andaboveall

moulded anexternal, objectified phenomenon intoaninternal, creativeforce,whichlivedinhimandshapedhiseverypolitical move.

The Emperor’s shadow Louiswasbornon20April1808;hewasthesecondchildofQueen Hortense, Napoleon’s stepdaughter. Shegavebirthin Parisat the Chateaude la Malmaison, the homeof her motherEmpress Josephine. According toHortense’s memoirs, thebabywasinitially dangerously weakandhadtobewrappedincottonandfortified by frequentwinebaths.’Josephine, forherpart,commented to the Emperorthatthebabywas‘beautiful andcharming’ whilepraying thathewouldnotgrowuptobe‘asulkerlikehisfatherLouis’.® Therewaslittlelovelostbetween Josephine andtheBonaparte clan,whosemembershadbeendismayed bytheEmperor’s mar-

riagetothewidow ofGeneral deBeauharnais. Theyhadtriedbyall

conceivable meanstopreventthemarriageof LouistoHortense — eventotheextentofspreading therumourthatthefuturebridehad beenimpregnated bytheEmperor himself. BythetimeyoungLouis wasborn,thecouple,whohadenjoyedonlyfleetingmomentsof maritalhappiness, werealreadyestranged. ‘Thisgaverisetofurther speculation aboutwhethertheKingof HollandwasindeedLouis’s father—an inconclusive debatewhichwouldpursuethe future

Napoleon IIIfortherestofhislife.?

Afterabdicating fromtheDutchthrone,a kingdom thathehad ruledwithsomeconsiderable eccentricity (Napoleon oncewroteto himthathe“didnotseemtounderstand anything aboutciviladmin-

istration’!°), Louisretreated toItaly,wellawayfromhiswife.He

wrotetoher:‘Iamconsoled bythethoughtthatI amfarawayfrom you;wewereabsolutely notmadeforeachother.’!!Hissonwas

LouisNapoleon andtheImperial Legend

187

therefore brought upbyHortense, whospokeofherformerhus-

bandasa ‘sicklunatic’,!* a conclusion sharedbutmorecharitably expressed byNapoleon himself, whotoldLasCasesatSainte-Héléne that‘themindofLouiswasnaturally inclined towards theperverse andthebizarre.Hewasfurtherspoiled byreadingtoomuchJeanJacques.’!? Alongwithafondness fortheworksofRousseau, theyoungLouis inherited somepaternalcharacter traits(mostnotably a penchant for melancholy) buthismotherHortense wastheprimary andmostdeci-

siveinfluence on hispersonality andtemperament. Shedid everything inherpower toensure thattheyoung prince would grow

uptobeadifferent manfromhisfather.

Thebondbetweenmotherandsonwaspassionateandexclusive; hisletterstoherasa child,asan adolescent, andevenasa youngman

revealthedepthofhisfilialattachment. ‘Iloveyouandkissyouwith

allmyheart’hewrotetoHortense in1822, adding thathewascall-

ingherbythefamiliar ‘tu’insteadofthemoreformal‘vous’ because ‘tosay“vous”to someonethat onelovesverytenderlyis not very

appropriate.’'* Hortense’sabsencesfrom their residencesin

Arenenberg andAugsburg werelamented byherson,whoonone occasion wrote‘itisalready twelve daysthatyouaregoneandit

seemslikeaneternity.’!° In 1833Louisstatedthathisfeelings forhis motherwerethoseof ‘complete andutterdevotion, nothingcould

everreplace orresemble them.”!® Herloveforhim,too,wasabsolute;

asentiment reinforced bythefactthatheroldersonNapoléon-Louis hadbeenclaimed byhisfather. Hortense, however, didnotmerelydoteonLouis.Shetaughther sonfroma veryearlyagetothinkofhimselfasa mandestined for greatthings;oneofLouis’s playmates laterremembered thathewas onlytwelve yearsoldwhenhefirstdeclared toherthathewouldone dayruleFrance—anideatheseedofwhichhadclearly beenplanted byHortense.!’” Manyofhismother’s maxims werescrupulously followedbyLouisthoughout hispolitical career.Thiswasnotablytrue of her inclusivebut somewhatMachiavellian conceptionof Napoleonic politics: “TheroleoftheBonapartes istoappearasthe

friends ofeveryone.’!® Inordertoachieve thisposition, itwasespe-

ciallyimportant to avoidbeingcompromised; henceheradviceto Louisabouthispublicprofile: ‘Show yourself alittleeverywhere, but

188 TheLegendofNapoleon always beprudentandespecially free,andshowyourhandopenly

onlyattheopportune moment’.!9

Hortense’s greatestcontribution toLouis’s intellectual formation

washerchoice ofPhilippe LeBasashisprivate tutorinthesummer of 1820,a few months after their installationat the castleof

Arenenberg, intheSwisscantonof Thurgovia.”° LeBas,whowas retainedforthenextsevenyears,wasa formerteacherattheLycée Sainte-Barbe in Paris,andan austererepublican, the sonof a

Robespierrist member oftheConvention whocommitted suicide afterthefallofthemcorruptible. Bypicking him,Hortense wentagainst

the expresswishesof her piousand conservativehusband,who

wanted hischildren brought upaccording to‘religious principles’.*! Following inthewakeoftheKingofHolland, conservative criticsof Hortense haveoftenattackedherdecision toemployLeBasasan unconscionable, irresponsible, almostirrational act.” YetLouis’s motherknewexactly whatshewasdoing:shewanted hersontoreceive notonlyabroadeducation inthesciences andthe humanities —LeBaswasoneof thoseself-taught republicans who

kneweverything —butalsoeagerly toembrace theculture ofthe

modernage.LeBas,‘coldandreserved inappearance andmanner’* according totheprefectofStrasbourg whofailedtogetmuchoutof himin 1825,wasa sterntutor,butheestablished a warmrapport withhis pupil,organizingpartiesfor him duringHortense’s

absences.** AletterfromLouis tohismother in1821statedthathe

was‘making everyefforttoworkhard;indeed,I havebehindmea

friendandmaster,whogivesmeadviceasa friend,andwhoknows

whennecessary tousetheseverity ofa master.’*° Thankshistutor,Louisacquired a broadeducation: hebeganto

learnthreelanguages (German, Italian, andEnglish) anddeveloped a greatfondness forclassical literature (fromHomerandPlutarch to

Shakespeareand Corneille)aswellas an enduringfascinationwith

mathematics, physics andchemistry. ButLeBasdidnotfeelthathis workwasanunqualified success; bythemid-1820s —asLouisreached

histeens—hewasexpressing frustration withhispupil’s lackofappli-

cation,at one pointevencomplaining abouthis ‘dissipated’

character.”©

ButinoveralltermsLeBas’sinfluence wasdecisive; henotonly taughtLouiswell,butalsoinculcated inhimasenseofcommitment

LouisNapoleon andtheImperial Legend 189 tomanyofhisownvalues,notablyfidelity tofamilytraditions, selfreliance, anda concernforthepoorandneedy.Louisreadilygave

away hisclothes topeasants’ children, andfrequently interceded with

hismotheronbehalfofservants experiencing material hardship. In 1822heaskedHortensetogiveoneNapoleonic warveteran,who

hadservedinArenenbergandwasnowonthepointof retiring,suf-

ficientfundstotravelbacktohisfamily inStrasbourg. A yearlaterhe

urgedhernottodismiss acook, whowasseasonally employed, asshe wastheonlysource ofincome notonlyforherfamily butalsoforher invalid father.?’

ItwasalsowithLeBasthatyoungLouisenteredhisfirstserious discussions aboutNapoleon, andmoregenerally theimperial legacy. Histutor,likemanyrepublicans of hisgeneration, profoundly

admired theEmperor though hecriticized hisdespotism.”® LeBas

wasbyhispupil’ssidewhennewsof theEmperor’s deathreached

AugsburginMay1821.Aswehavejustseen,Louiswasa highlysen-

sitiveteenager, andhecrieda greatdeal.LeBasexcused hispupil fromformallessonsforthreedays,buttookthe opportunity to

expound atsome length onthelessons —bothpersonal andpolitical —

tobelearntfromtheheritage ofthe‘GreatMan’*? (LeBaswasintimatelyfamiliarwiththeMémoral deSainte-Héléne, andthereisno doubtthathewasthefirsttointroduce Louistothiswork).*° Throughoutthe 1820sLouisremaineddeeplyimmersedin Napoleonic culture.Manyof hisdrawings represented Napoleonic subjects; one,entitledTheFaithful Eagle, showedthebirdwithoutstretched wingsflyingoverthetombof theEmperor.*! Hortense, too,wasa passionate devoteeof theimperial cult;shetoldValérie Masuyer thatsheowedeverything totheEmperor: ‘hehasmademy

life.’*? Thedrawing room inArenenberg wasdecorated soastorepli-

catetheMalmaison, andalloverthecastletherewereportraitsof Napoleon,as wellas othermembersof the Bonaparteand Beauharnais families.*? Theanniversary of Napoleon’s deathwas observedeveryyear;in May1829Hortenseandhersonvisited Madame Mere,Napoleon’s mother, inRome.Thedatewasmarked

onthisoccasion byafamily gathering.*4

Hortense alsoregularly received visitors: conspirators againstthe Restoration (theformerQueenwasdirectly linkedtoseveral ofthe Bonapartist plotsof theearly1820sinFrance); generalenthusiasts

190

TheLegendofNapoleon

anddevotees oftheNapoleonic cult(notably Alexandre Dumas); liberalfigures such asJulietteRécamier; ItalianandPolish patriots, who cameto discuss thefutureof theiroppressed nations;andformer closeassociates ofNapoleon suchasGourgaud.*® In 1825,General Bertrand,theEmperor’s loyalaide-de-camp, madethejourneyto Arenenberg, providing theyoungLouiswiththeopportunity ofmeetingtheman(already a legendinhisownright)whohad‘closed the eyesoftheEmperor atSainte-Héléne’.*° Louisalsoreadvoraciously aboutNapoleon’s life,and(likemost youngmenaroundhim)developed a fascination forBonaparte’s battles —spurred byformerNapoleonic officer DenisParquin, affectionately knownbecause ofhisbooming voiceasthe‘howling colonel’. Aftermarrying Hortense’s dectrice, Parquin settled inSwitzerland in1823 anddevotedlonghoursrecounting to theyoungprincetheepic engagements inwhichhehadparticipated (including theconspiracy

of1820); hewould latertakepartinLouis’s attempted coups in1836 and1840.%’ Alettertohisfatherin 1827indicated thatLouis

wasperusing several worksontheEmperor, notablyGeneralFoy’s

studyontheSpanish war.*® Afewyearslaterhewasimmersed in

Napoleon’s Memoirs (written atSaint-Helena), whichinspired inhim a senseofawetingedwithsorrow: “ThemoreI readhim,themore I admirehisuniversalgenius,andthemoreI feelsadnotonly forFrancebutalsoforthewholeof humanity whichhasfailedto appreciate him’.*? Louisalsomadepilgrimages toNapoleonic battle sites;duringa visittoWaterloo hewas‘moved beyondwordstosee theplacewheretheEmperor’s starwasforeverextinguished.’*” ButLouis’s real‘bible’ wasLasCases’s Mémonal deSainte-Heélene. He hadbeguntoreadthisworkwhileatArenenberg, andwouldmemorize celebratedpassagesby heart;duringhis time at the Thoune

militarycampin 1829-30heaskedoneof Hortense’s assistants to

send himextracts of‘allthepartsrelating totheartofwar’.*! Several

yearslaterLouiswouldstillreadoutextracts oftheMémonal at

Arenenberg; itappearsthathehadformedtheintention ofproducingapopulareditionoftheworkabridged foramassaudience.*? Andyettheconsequences of thisprivateNapoleonic cultwere somewhat double-edged forLouis.True,theEmperor wasaninspiration;butthestandards hehadsetasapolitical ruler,asalawgiver, andasa militarystrategist weresohighthatLouiscouldnothelp

LouisNapoleon andtheImperial Legend 19] feeling overwhelmed attimes.Already in 1821hehadspokenofthe

Emperor’s ‘shadow’, which constantly madehimstrive tobe‘worthy ofthegreatnameofNapoleon’.Butthisshadow couldbeoppres-

sive,especiallyfor a sensitiveyoungman whohad yet to makea namefor himself.Hortense,exhibitingthe prudenceof a mother

(andmorethan aslight touchofBonapartist cynicism) hadonone

occasion toldhersonthata greatadvantage ofbearing thename Napoleon wasthat‘others willbreaktheirnecksforyou’.Louis’s response revealed theextentofhisself-doubts, butalsoshowed that

LeBas’sinsistenceon thevaluesof self-reliance andautonomyhad

notbeenlostuponhispupil:

‘Youspeakof myname,unfortunately it isa burdenwhenone

cannotmerititthroughone’sownactions,anditisnoteasytobe worthyofwhatitdemands.It isnaturalthatoneshouldriskone’s

lifetoproveoneself buttohaveanillustrious namewithout being worthy ofitisanobligation, andnota merit,andwhenonehas failedtodeserve suchrecognition thenonehasallthedisagreementsof an elevatedpositionwithoutenjoyingany of its advantages.”“+

SuchwasLouisNapoleon asheenteredtheageofmanhood. Thanks to Hortense, andhistutorLeBas,hewasa cultivated youngman whowasdeeplyabsorbedin theNapoleon cult;hisconception of Bonapartism atthisstagewasdominated byromanticism.* Valérie Masuyer, whofirstmethimupontakingupherposition asLectrice in theautumnof 1830,whenLouiswastwenty-two, described him thus:‘Hehascurlyblondhair,regularfeatures, although somewhat strongforhisfigure,agood,sentimental, melancholic air,whichcapturesattention.’”*© Hisfavouritesport,as wasfittingfora good

gentilhomme, washunting.*’

Yettobeanobjectofpassing interestforhighsociety wasnotsufficientforLouis.Hefeltthatheneededtoprojecthimselfintothe world,andtogainrecognition throughhisdeedsratherthanmerely throughhisname.‘Notto leaveanytraceof one’sexistence,’ Napoleon hadoncesaid,‘isnottohaveexisted.’*8 EventsinFrance wouldsoonenableLouistomakehismark.

192

TheLegend ofNapoleon

The Makingof a Bonapartist Pretender ‘Thetricolour flagisnowflyinginFrance; blessed aretheywho haverestored ittoitsformer glory. Ah,whatajoyitistobeFrench! I hopethatafterthiseventwewillbeallowed toenjoyourrightsas Frenchcitizens. HowhappywouldI betoseeFrenchsoldiers with thetricolourcockade!”*?

Newsoftheoverthrow oftheBourbon regime inJuly1830filled Louiswithjoy,andonlyincreased hisyearning tosetfootagaininhis

nativeland,whichhehadnotvisitedfornearlyfifteenyears.Ending as it did the rule of Napoleon’sinveterateenemies,thispolitical

realignment raisedhopesthatthe1816lawthathadbannedallmem-

bersoftheBonaparte clanfromFrance wouldberepealed. Even morepromisingly, thecultofNapoleon begantodevelop openlyin

Franceafter1830,andtheenergyitunleashedopenedupnewhorizonsfor Napoleonicpolitics,mostnotablythe possibilitythat the

imperial pretender theDucdeReichstadt couldadvance hisclaims to

theFrench throne.” Louishopedthat,takentogether, allthesefactors would enable himto finda suitablepositionin hiscountry.Eventsin France andelsewhere wouldhave a significant anddecisiveimpacton thesehopes,alienatingLouisbothfromtheBonaparteclanand

theJulyMonarchy andsetting himonacollisioncourse withthe

newregime,whileat the sametimehelpingto shapehisdistinct By1835it wasclearthathe hadfound brandof ‘Bonapartism’. his vocation:for better or worse,he wouldbe a Napoleonic conspirator. FirstbloodwasdrawninItaly.Dividedintoa plethoraof states underPapal,Bourbon,andAustrianinfluence,thiswasa landrich

notonlyinNapoleonic memories andtraditions butalsoinaspirationsforthefuture:theEmperor hadbeenitsrulerinthedaysofthe FirstEmpire.DuringthereignofJoachimMuratinNaples,Italian revolutionary nationalists hadformedthecarbonan, whohadvowedto fightfortheliberation oftheircountryfromforeignrule,andforits unification; after1815,manymembers of theBonaparte clanwho hadfoundrefugeinTuscany strongly sympathized withtheseviews.

LouisNapoleon andtheImperial Legend

193

The formerKingof Holland,as wenotedearlier,wasnot oneof

them,indeed,hewasa PapistwhobroughtuphissonNapoléonLouis(Louis’solderbrother)understrictreligiousprinciples. Napoléon-Louis showed hisgratitude bybecoming acarbonaro (anda Freemason), andwhennationalist revolts brokeoutinseveral Italian townsinFebruary 1831hejoinedforceswiththerevolutionaries. Although hedidnothimself jointhesecretsociety,?! Louisalso threwhimselfenthusiastically intobattle;sincethelate1820s hehad considered Italyhis‘second homeland’, andwasdeeply committed to its‘national sentiment’.°? Bothbrothersfoughtbravely intheinsurrectionwhichbrokeoutin theprovince of Romagna, withLouis particularly distinguishing himselfatthebattleofCivitaCastellana. However, underbothfamilyandinternational political pressure, the twoBonaparte princeswereforcedtowithdraw fromthefray. Worse wastocome:inMarch1831,astheAustrian counter-attack sweptbackacrossthepeninsula, Napoléon-Louis contracted measles and died.‘Thesamefatewouldno doubthavebefallenLouis(also

struckdownbythesamedisease) haditnotbeenfortheprovidential intervention of Hortense, whoarrivedtowhiskhersonawayfrom

under theverynoses oftheAustrians.

Stillindisguise, motherandsonthenmadetheirwayintoFrance — fromwhichtheywerestillofficially banned—andreachedParisin April1831.Thejourneywaspoignant, notleastbecausealthough theyweredelighted tobebackinFrancetheywerestillgrieving for Napoléon-Louis. Duringonestoptheyweremovedto overheara groupof Frenchofficers lamenting hisdeathandexpressing concernaboutLouis’s health.Butalthoughit provedrelatively brief, theirstayin Francewasdecisive —notablyin crystallizing Louis’s viewthatnorealcompromise couldbereached withLouis-Philippe’s regime. Hortense arranged a secretmeeting withtheKing,whichwascordialbutinconclusive. Thecautious monarch didnotcommit himself toallowing theBonapartes backintoFrance(indeed, thelawbanishingthemwouldberepealed onlyin1848). Furthermore, whenfaced withan offerfromLouistojointheFrencharmyasan ordinary soldier, Louis-Philippe responded thatthiswouldonlybepossible if hewereto abandonthename‘Bonaparte’ andagreeto becalled the Ducde Saint-Leu(thetitleof hisfather).Informedof this

194 TheLegendofNapoleon humiliating counter-proposal byhismother,Louisresponded vehe-

mently: ‘Iwould ratherliedowninmybrother’s coffin!”**

DespitehisillnessLouistooktheopportunity of hispresence in Paristoestablish hisfirstlinkswithrepublican political leaders; these tieswouldbemaintained until1848,bothdirectly andthroughintermediaries.”° Fromtheveryoutset,Louisandtherepublicans shared

acommon critique oftheprincipal failing oftheJulyMonarchy: its absence oftrulyrepresentative institutions. ‘As longasuniversal suf-

frageisnotoneof thefundamental lawsof theState,’wroteLouis subsequently, ‘thisso-called “nationalrepresentation” willonlybe therepresentation ofparticular interests, thedeputies willbemandatedbyonlyoneclass,andtheChamberwillhaveneitherdignity norinfluence, itwillmerelyrubber-stamp thearbitraryactionsofa

passionate andblindpolitical authority.’”°°

Thisdemocratic, neo-republican inspiration, whichverymuch reflectedthe politicalphilosophy of Louis’stutorLe Bas,was expressed in a publication, Réveries politiques (1832), inwhichLouis arguedthatthebestsystem ofgovernment wasthatwhichcombined strongindividual leadership withrepresentative institutions, freely chosenbythepeople.°’Thiswasto remainLouis’s institutional philosophy; it overlapped withrepublicanism butwasnonetheless distinct fromit?® —eventhoughLouis’s position wassoclosetothatof theradicalleftthatmanyNapoleonic (andindeedrepublican) writers

before1848spoke ofa‘fusion’ ofthetwodoctrines.”°

Evenmoreimportantly, Hortense andLouiswereabletoobserve fromclosequarterstheremarkable vibrancy oftheNapoleonic cult inFrance. AstheywentthroughCannestheywereshownthehouse

inwhich theEmperor hadspentthenightafterhislanding fromthe

Iled’Elbe—proof,intheireyes,ofthecontinuing strengthoflocal imperial memories inthearea.®° IntheirhouseinParisontheRuede la Paix,HortenseandLouisreceived manyNapoleonic associates andagitators;theyalsowitnessed theextraordinary fervoursur-

rounding thecelebration oftheanniversary oftheEmperor’s death

on5May.*! InfrontoftheVendéme Column, cohorts ofrepublicans andBonapartists clashedwiththepoliceasthecommemoration turnedintoa demonstration of supportfortheEmperor’s sonthe DucdeReichstadt (referred to asNapoleon II byhisFrenchsup-

porters).°* Fearful thatthepresence ofLouisandHortense might

LouisNapoleon andtheImperial Legend

195

provokea waveof subversion againsthisgovernment, Louis-Philippe

orderedhis‘guests’ tobeescorted forthwith totheFrenchfrontiers.

Louisdrewthreefundamental conclusions fromtheseevents.

Firstly, forallhissuperficial commitment toFrance’s imperial past, Louis-Philippe wasfundamentally hostileto anygenuinerevivalof Napoleonic politics. Secondly, theKing’s regime washighlyvulnerable, especially to pressurefromthe streets.Finally,the name ‘Napoleon’ stillpossessed thepowertocapturethepopularimaginationinFrance. Afewmonthsaftertheirdeparture fromFranceLouis toldValérie Masuyer thatif hehadbeenwellenoughon5 May,he wouldhavejoinedthedemonstrators onPlaceVend6éme andshouted ‘LongLiveNapoleon II!’ ‘Whatdoyouthinkwouldhavehappened then?’sheaskedhim. Louisrepliedwithouthesitation: ‘Everyone wouldhavefollowed

me’.°? Thisbelief—lacedwithmanyillusions — in thetranscendent

powerof theNapoleonic namewouldguideLouis’s politics forthe restofthe1830s. Louis’sfirststepsas a Frenchconspirator weretakenalmost immediately afterhisvisitto Paris.Thanksto hiscontactswith republican leaders,maintained chieflythroughLeonardChodzko, Lafayette’s Polishsecretary, Louiswasinvolved in theplanning of a Bonapartist-republican insurrection ineasternFrance.It wastobe carriedoutin November 1831,withthe helpof sympathetic elementsfromwithintheArmy,anditsaimwastoproclaim Napoleon

IItherulerofFrance.®* Louis helped tofundthepreparations, and

kepthimselfreadytoentertheconflict fromStrasbourg if civilwar weretobreakout.DuringthesemonthsheoftencitedNapoleon’s maximthat‘anything canhappenandoneshouldbepreparedfor anything.” Unfortunately theFrenchauthorities foundoutabouttheconspiracy,whichhadtobeaborted.ButLouiswasalreadybeginning to establish a reputation forhimselfinliberalandrepublican circles. WhenPolish patriots launched aninsurrection against Russian rulein late1830,Louiswasaskedby leadersof the rebellion to leadan intervention forceintothebattlezone.ThePolishuprising generated a tidalwaveof supportinFrance,especially inrepublican circles, anditwashopedthatthenameofthe‘greatNapoleon’ wouldhelp togalvanize Polishtroopsintheirstruggle againsttheRussians°’ (see

196

TheLegendofNapoleon

Figure17).Louisdidnotfeelabletoaccept(largely because ofpressurefromHortense,stillreelingin the aftermathof the Italian insurrection whichhadseenthedeathof herolderson).Buthe demonstrated hispractical support forthePolesbyauctioning several Napoleonic objectsinhispossession, anddonating theproceeds for

thecause ofPolish independence. Like mostotherFrench people,

Louis remained deeply moved bytheplight ofthePoles —‘sosimilar’, asheputit‘toourown.”©9

In thecourseof thenextfewyears,Louis’s standingin French politicaland intellectualcirclescontinuedto growsteadily.

Chateaubriand, whoseattitude towards Bonapartism hadshifted

considerably sincehisscurrilous pamphlet in1814,’° wrotetohimin

1832stressingthat he waspoliticallycommittedto the Bourbon pretender,but that if the latterwereto falloff hishorsehe could

notthinkofamoreappropriate figurefor‘thegloryofFrance’ than

Louis Napoleon.”!

AyearlaterLouismetwiththecelebrated Lafayette, theheroof no fewer than three Revolutions(the AmericanWar of Independence, andtheFrenchRevolutions of 1789and1830). The venerable Marquisregrettedthesupporthehadgivento theJuly Monarchy initsearlyyears,andacknowledged thattheregimehad betrayed theliberalidealsofthe1830Revolution. Mostimportantly, he alsorecognized thattheNapoleonic namewastheonly‘truly popular’ oneinFrance,andpromised hishelptoLouisifhewereto needit.’*(Thisoffermusthavebeenwelcome, eventhoughLouis knewofLafayette’s reputation assomething ofapolitical dilettante, promisingassistanceto manycausesbut not alwaysfollowing through.) Louisalsosentanemissary tothecharismatic republican leader ArmandCarrel,whowasknownfor his greatadmirationof Napoleon — or, tobemoreprecise, forBonaparte. Asfromtheearly 1830s,andin markedcontrastwiththeattitudesof manyof his fellow republicans, Carrellenthissupporttopetitions calling forthe repatriationof Napoleon’s remains;hiswritingscelebratedthe memory notoftheEmperor butoftheFirstConsul: ‘thevaliantsoldierandfriendoftheRevolution, themanwithapassionate beliefin theprogress ofcivilization, inhardworkandorder,andaboveallin respectforthelaw.’’* Carrel’s response totheimperial pretender was

FIGURE17

Faithful asaPole AlongwithCharlet, DenisRaffetwasoneofthegreatdisseminators ofNapoleonic images. Thisdrawing celebrates themultiple linksbetween theNapoleonic tradition andPoland: in 1807Napoleon createdtheDuchyofWarsaw, theembryoofwhat Poleshopedwouldbecome arestoredsovereign state.ManyPoles(especially those in exile)regardedNapoleon as theirliberator, andfoughtin the GrandeArmée

duringtheimperial wars.Between 1815and1830, manyPoles living inFrance ardentlysupported theNapoleonic cause,andtookpartinconspiracies. In 1831,

whenthe Poleslaunchedan insurrectionto liberatetheirnationfromRussianrule,

therewaswidespread supportfortheirstruggle inFrance—notablyamongrepublicansandBonapartists. The‘fidelity’ whichRaffetcelebrates isthusmutual:ofthe PolesforFrance,andoftheFrenchforPoland.

198 TheLegendofNapoleon somewhat moreguarded,declaringhisappreciation forLouis’s ‘strong figure’ and‘noblecharacter’, butadding:‘ifthisyoungman knowshowto understandthe newinterestsof France;if he knows

howtoleaveasidehisrightsasamemberoftheimperial dynasty and onlyremembers thesovereignty ofthepeople,hemaywellbecalled upontoplaya greatrole.’” Ironically forLouis, justashisstarwasrising,itwastheBonaparte clanwhoremained thegreatest singleobstacle tothefulfilment ofhis

political ambitions. WhentheEmperor’s sontheDucdeReichstadt died in July1832,Louiscouldnothelpbutfeelthatfatehaddealthim afavourable hand;hehadnowbecome themostprominent member oftheyounger‘Napoleon’ generation, withfreedom toadvance the Napoleonic causeinFranceusingallavailable means(including the

recourse toinsurrection). Buttheeldersdidnotseethingsinthe samelight.Hisfatherperiodically warned Louisagainst any‘compromising’ gestures; hislettersalsocomplained thathissonseemed to

betaking littlenotice oftheadvice.”°

Hortense, partlyoutoffearforherbeloved son’swell-being, and

partlyasamatter ofpolitical temperament, didnotwelcome Louis’s

activeinvolvement inconspiracies either.Already in 1830,afterthe JulyRevolution, theyhadopenlydisagreed. Louishadarguedthat ‘ouraimshouldbeto associate ourselves, insomeway,withevery-

thingthatishappening inFrance.’”° Hortense famously replied that heshould keepoutof‘scuffles’, andthattheirsafest betwastokeep

theirheadsdown,andhopethatsuch‘responsible’ behaviour would berewarded bytheOrleanists. Thisconservative, attentiste policywasalsoembracedbyLouis’s uncles. WhileinLondonin 1831LouismetJoseph,theformerKing

ofNaples andSpain, andthemostsenior member oftheBonaparte

clan.AletterfromLouisa fewyearslatergaveaflavour ofhowwell themeeting hadgone:‘Youreceived melikea stranger, andnotlike yourownnephew; withscheming intent,andwithout anywarmth.’”’ LikeNapoleon’s otherbrothersLucienandJéréme,Josephwas keenaboveallnotto makewaves,hoping(likeHortense) thatan emollient approachontheirpartwouldbefavourably received by Louis-Philippe. Joseph,astheheadof theclan,alsodidnottake verykindlytoayoungupstartintervening inthepolitical arenawithouthisauthorization orapproval. Louis,however, didnotfeelinany

LouisNapoleon andtheImperial Legend

199

wayobligedto thenominalheadof thedynasty;hemadehisposition

clearina lettertohisformertutortheabbéBertrand: ‘Ihavenoties

tothisfamily, eventhough I ampartofit.’78

In Louis’s mind,hisrelatives’ consensual strategywasnotonly

supremelypusillanimous but also doomedto failure,and further-

morewasprogressively leadingtothedemiseof Napoleonism as a political force.“How couldtheFrenchpeopleremember us’hewrote bitterlytoHortense in 1834‘whenweourselves havedoneourvery bestforthepastfifteenyearstomakeourselves forgotten! Whenfor fifteen yearstheonlygoalof allthemembers ofourfamily hasbeen themselves!’’9 toavoidcompromising Suchcravenattitudes werenotforhim,andLouisthoughtthem unworthy oftheillustrious namehebore.Inaletter tohisfatherin 1833,itwasalsoclearthathispolitical strategy wasbeingdecisively shapedbyhisNapoleonic readings: ‘Iamtryingtostudytheactions

oftheEmperor andtoworkouthisnobleintentions.’®° Above allit

revoltedhimthatallthoseArmyofficers, politicians, andbureaucrats

whoowedtheircareerstoNapoleon werenowsittingbackcomfortably,doingnothingtopromotetheBonapartist cause.Thissituation couldnotbeallowed toendure:itwastimetoact.

TheNapoleonCultAfter1830 Aswenotedearlier,Louishad seenfirst-handevidenceof thesheer

forceof the Napoleon cultduringhisvisitto Parisin 1831.Also residing intheFrenchcapitalatthistime,theGermanpoetHeinrich Heine(aliberalmonarchist) lefta memorable description ofthepopularadoration oftheEmperor thathewitnessed: ‘ItishardforanyoneoutsideFrancetoimaginetheextenttowhich the FrenchpeoplestillidolizeNapoleon.“Napoleon”is for the

French a magical wordwhichelectrifies anddazzles them.Athousandcannons liedormant inthisnameasmuchasintheVend6me

Column,and the TuileriesPalacewilltrembleif thesethousand cannonsareonedayawakened. In thesamewayasthe Jewsdonot pronouncethenameof theirGodunlessnecessary, Napoleonis

hererarelydesignated byhisname;heisalways called‘theman’;

200

TheLegendofNapoleon inmetal,in in plaster, indrawings, buthisimageiseverywhere, andonthe Ontheboulevards andinallsituations. shapes wooden

crossroads standa largenumberof speakerswhocelebratethe memoryof ‘theman’,andpopularsingerswhorecallhisexploits. Lastnight,passingthroughanobscurelittlestreettoreturnhome,

I sawa child,barelythreeyearsof age,sittingonthegroundin a tallowcandle;hewasmumbling frontof a smallilluminated songtothegloryof thegreatEmperor.”*!

intensified; thispopularcultif anything Intheyearsthatfollowed,

hadbeenlifted, injunctions regime’s nowthatthe Restoration

everywhere. TothebustsandsmallstatNapoleon’s imageappeared

ues,drawings, plates,tobaccopouches,andsmalleritemsof clothing of the 1815-30period,whichweencounteredin Chapter3, were

lamps,pottery, watches, clocks, wallpaper, nowaddedNapoleonic calpaperandenvelopes, fans,writing ciderbottles,glasses, biscuits,

endars,inkwells,and muchelse.°*Memoirsof the First Empire, Souvenirs, worksof historicalfictionsuchasMarcode Saint-Hilaire’s

of DenisRaffetandNicolasCharlet,andtheimages thedrawings saga® oftheNapoleonic episodes decisive allpopularized d’Epinal (seeFigure18). _ theEmperorbecametheobjectofa quasi-reliInmanyrespects inBellangé’s famouslithograph that giouscult.Thiswasillustrated ataportraitofNapoleon abovehis shows apeasantgazingadoringly was‘theEternal andtellinghispriestthattheEmperor mantelpiece, withthePolish toosharedin thismessianism, Intellectuals Father’. officiating asitshighpriestfromtheCollége national poetMickiewicz

Intheartistic andliterary spheres, Napoleon wasnoless deFrance.*

performed theEmperor therewereninetyplaysglorifying ubiquitous: whilethe writingsof Balzac, in Parisbetween1830and 1840,®°

the allcelebrated StendhalandHugo,andthesongsof Béranger theGreat.®° Themaincharacter inStendhal’s memory ofNapoleon JulienSorel,typified theyoungmenofhisgeneration Lerouge etlenoir, of theNapoleonic cult;allhisthoughts, feelwhobecamedevotees andambitions developed undertheshadowof the ings,gestures, deSainte-Héléne was‘thebookheloved Emperor, andtheMémorial

ofall’.8’ most

It wasalsoduringtheearly1830sthatlocal‘sitesof memory’

FIGURE18

Reflection Napoleon isshownhereinpensive mood,ontheeveofabattle(assuggested bythe mapon the table).In thisdrawingbyRaffet,the candlelight symbolizes the Emperor’s militarygenius,anothercommonthemein thelegend.Napoleon’s extraordinary intellectual powerisconveyed here,butalsohissolitude.

202 TheLegendofNapoleon begantoemerge alloverFrance. Allalongtherouteofthe‘flight ofthe eagle’,locations wherethe Emperorhad stoppedweremarked, remembered, andvisited.In Grenoblethe gatesthroughwhich Napoleonhad enteredthe townbecame a siteof pilgrimage; in his

memotrs Persatrecalled spending hismeagresavings onorganizing

a triptothesacred location witha dozenelderly grognards (imperial

veterans), allofwhom‘weptastheytouchedwiththeirhandsthese augustrelics’.°° TheinnatGolfe-Juan whereNapoleon hadstopped afterhislandinginMarch1815,ownedbya mannamedJacomin,put

upaboldsign:‘AtmyinnNapoleon hadarest;comeheretodrinkand

celebrate hisname.’ In1838, Chateaubriand stopped by,soontobe

followed byVictorHugo.Pilgrimages ofthiskindbecame common.®9 Privateindividuals tooparticipated inthese‘monumental’ commemorations, whichoftentooktheformofNapoleonic inscriptions onthefrontsof theirhomes.?° A formerimperialsoldiernamed

LouisPetit,whohadjoinedtheGrande Arméein 1812andhad

beenwounded atthebattleofLigny inJune1815,wentonestepfurtherinhisvillage ofSaint-Riquier (Somme): hebuilthisentirehouse

intheshapeofNapoleon’s legendary hat.?! StrasbourgandBoulogne

AsLouisobserved andreadaboutallthispopular imperial fervour, and saw theJulyMonarchy’s shameless attempts torideonitscoat-tails, he couldnotfailto noticethatthecultlackedan organized political dimension. Balzac andStendhal’s novels andBéranger’s songs undeniablyhelpedto maintaintheNapoleonic cult,butafter1830these artistic creations didnotautomatically turnpeople intoadvocates ofan imperial regime. Indeed,themajorconspiracies of theearly1830s wereallcarriedoutbyrepublicans; in 1834Louisevenbeganthe

journey toLyons totake partintheinsurrection which broke outthere.°” Inmanyrespects, therepublicans hadassumed — or, tobemore precise, hadrecaptured —themantleof theRevolution whichhad beenbornebytheBonapartists formuchoftheperiodbetween 1815 and 1830.InJune1832,at thefuneralof theformerNapoleonic GeneralLamarquein Paris,republicans andBonapartists joined forces todemandgreaterpolitical andsocial justice; theensuing riots,

LouisNapoleonandtheImperialLegend

203

which lasted twodays, werebrutally suppressed bythepolice.%* Inthis general ‘efflorescence ofNapoleonism’, thenameoftheEmperor was constantly invoked byallshades ofrepublicanism.*4 Butthealliancewastactical,andnotgroundedinabsolutetruston

eitherside:manyrepublicans —it waspartof theirpoliticalher-

itage—wereinstinctively defiant of‘thecultofsuperior men’.” Asfor Louis, henotedthatforalltheirqualities ofidealism and‘virility’ the republicans werefatallydivided andoftenundisciplined. And,ashe

remarkedto ValérieMasuyer,theydidnothavetwokeyconstituen-

cieswiththem,theArmyandthepeople:‘bothwereBonapartist’.%°

Fromtheseperspectives, therationale behind theStrasbourg and Boulogne coups deforce wasclear: tofirethe‘thousand cannons’ towhich

Heinehadreferred,in orderto givea politicalexpression to the widespread popularidentification withtheimperialpastandto maketheFrenchpeoplerecognize Louisasthelegitimate heirto

theNapoleonic tradition.%” For,inLouis’s mind,thepersonal andthe

politicalwerecloselylinked.In itslawof April1832,theJuly Monarchyhad confirmedthe proscription whichbannedthe Bonaparte clanfromFrance,andLouisrealizedthathecouldnot promotetheimperial causeinhisnativelandwithoutsomeformof politicalorganization; andthis,in turn,requiredhispresenceon Frenchsoil.Louis’s attempts tooverthrow theOrleanist regimewere alsodirectchallenges tohisuncles,whohadsoughttoappeasethe French government andthwarthispolitical ambitions; hiscoups deforce werealmostasmuchdirected atthesupineandcravenly Napoleonic eldersasagainsttheOrleanist regimeof LouisPhilippe. Louisalso soughttoexploit thepolitical vacuumcreatedbythecrushing ofthe republican movement, especially afterthedefeatofthe1834insurrections andtheensuing‘monster trial’whicheffectively destroyed therepublican networks inFrance’s majorcitiesandtowns. Aboveall,Louis’s conspiracies wereactsoffaith;asheputitina letterwrittenin 1835,‘Itisprecisely because I appreciate fullwellall theobstacles myfirststepsinanycareerwouldencounter thatI have takenasmyprinciple onlytofollow theinspirations ofmyheart,of myreason,ofmyconscience.’””® These‘inspirations’ allpointedhim towards onegoal:theoverthrow oftheJulyMonarchy. Louismade twoattemptsat this,takingashisexplicitmodelthe‘flightof the eagle’.

204

TheLegend ofNapoleon

The conspiracies werebroadlysimilarin theirdesign:Louis assembled a groupoffollowers andattempted totakecontrolof a garrisontownwith strongimperialtraditionsand memories

(Strasbourg inOctober 1836,andBoulogne inAugust 1840). ‘The

planwassimple: toestablish localcontrolwiththehelpofthemilitary,togenerate awaveofBonapartist supportwithintheArmyand thewiderpublic,andtherebytoinstigate ageneralmovement which wouldrapidlyleadtothefallofthegovernment inParis.

However, neither attempt evengotofftheground. Onbothoccasions theconspirators werearrested within hours: inBoulogne Louis shota grenadier intheface,atwhichpointalltheconspirators pan-

ickedand fled,and wereeventuallyfishedout of the sea;99and at Strasbourgtheextentof thedebaclewassummedupinthefollowing

exchange between Louisanda sergeant.

‘Rally tome!I amthesonoftheEmperor!’ shouted theimperial

pretender excitedly asheaccosted thejuniorofficer.

“TheEmperor’ssonis dead,’repliedthe sergeantstiffly,‘andI

onlyknow theKing.”! Intheshortrun,theStrasbourg andBoulogne affairs brought nothing butdisaster forLouis. Initially treated withleniency byLouisPhilippe, whoputhimona shiptotheUnitedStates,Louiswasnot sofortunatethesecondtime:hewastriedbytheCourdesPairsand

sentenced tolifeimprisonment. ‘The1836events tookaserious tollon

Hortense’s health, andshediedthefollowimg year—an‘irreparable

loss’ forLouis.!°! And,farfromshowing sympathy forhisefforts to

raisethefamilybanner,theBonaparte clanreactedwithfury;the prizeforfamilial ragewent,notuntypically, toLouis’s father, whocut offhisson’sallowance andfora whilerefusedto openhisletters.

After1836theFrench government eventhreatened thepeaceful Swisswithwarif theyallowed Louisto remainontheirterritory, therebyforcing theprinceintoexileinLondon. Aboveall,theconspiracies strucka blowatLouis’s prestige within France; inthewordsofMaxime duCamp,asardonic observer ofthe political vicissitudes of theseyears,thetwoplotsweregreetedwith ‘considerable hilarity’.!° TheFrenchgovernment addedtoLouis’s humiliation byputtingoutthe(false) claimthathehadsobbed uncontrollably afterhisarrestin 1836;thegeneralimpression itsoughtto conveywasthattheseBonapartist plotshadbeenpoorlyplanned,

LouisNapoleon andtheImperial Legend 205 inadequately executed, andcompletely lacking inpopularsympathy.

Itwasofcourse beyond dispute thattheconspiracies werecarried

outwith(attimesstaggering) ineptitude.Butthe evidencewith respecttoorganization andlocalsupportisfarlessincontrovertible. TheJulyMonarchy hadeveryincentive toplaydowntheStrasbourg andBoulogne affairs,mostnotablyforfearthattherealextentof Frenchmilitary involvement inLouis’s plansmightbeuncovered. It is nowgenerallyagreedthatthe Strasbourg coupwasactually extremely wellplanned,enjoying deepandwide-ranging support amonglocalmilitary, civic,andpolitical groups(including therepub-

licans).'° Wealsonowknow, thanks tothememoirs ofthethen

Minister oftheInterior, Rémusat, thattheFrench government had

successfully penetrated Louis’s innercircleinLondon, andhadfound outabouthisplanstolauncha secondattemptin 1840.!% Thefulltruthbehindthesestorieswillprobably neverbeknown; Louishadalltheofficial filessenttohimin 1848,afterhebecame President oftheRepublic, andalmost certainly destroyed someofthe evidence.!® Butenoughmaterialhassurvived toindicatethatboth

theStrasbourgandBoulogneaffairswereseriousconspiracies —much

moresothanbelieved bycontemporaries.

Another keydimension oftheconspiracies of1836and1840 was

theirprofound entrenchment intheNapoleonic legend.Bothplots coincided withthezenithof thecultof Bonaparte inFrance,and

theirgenesisand executionhavemuchto revealaboutthecomplex

relationship whichwasbeingforgedinLouis’s mindbetween hisown

political destiny andthemythology oftheimperial past. Thepreparation andexecution ofbothconspiracies revealed the

extraordinary extentofLouis’s faith—almostmimetic initscharacter—intheimperial legend.True,hedidnotpresenthimselfasan unreconstructed zealotforallthingsimperial. Athistrialin 1840

Louis claimed thathisintention inattempting tooverthrow theJuly

Monarchy wasnottorestoretheEmpirebyauthoritarian meansbut toorganize ademocratic consultation sothattheFrench peoplecould ‘freely decide’ whethertheywished tobegoverned byamonarchy, a

republic, oranEmpire.!°° Indeed, hisconsistent emphasis onthe principle of‘popular sovereignty’ duringthe1830s highlighted his

rejection ofboththedespotic politics andthe‘conquests’ and‘universalwars’associated withtheFirstEmpire.

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Atthesametime,though,Napoleonic institutions clearlyremained

hispanacea: theyprovided theonlyformofgovernment thatcould

restore the‘majesty’ ofpower, andbringtothepeople the‘dignity,

orderandprosperity’ whichtheyyearnedfor.!°’ Louisalsoexpressed theessence ofthisbackward-looking visioninhisdeclaration tohis judgesin 1840:‘Irepresent beforeyoua principle, a cause,anda defeat: theprinciple isthesovereignty ofthepeople; thecauseisthat

oftheEmpire, thedefeat, Waterloo.’!

Itistherefore clearthat,despite Louis’s claimsaboutturningaway fromthewarlike traditions oftheNapoleonic era,avenging themilitaryhumiliationof 1815wasa centralunderpinning of the conspiracies of 1836and1840.Indeed,therewasamilitarist flavour to bothoperations, withtheArmybeingtheprivileged focusof Louis’s attentions andutterances. Hesoughtsupportandencouragementfrommilitaryofficers,not withoutsuccess;duringhis preparations forthe 1836coup,LouisvisitedBaden,andslipped acrosstheborderintoStrasbourg, wherehemeta groupofFrench officers. Hedeclared tothemthatthecausehewasfighting forwas theeagle,‘whichrepresents, asin 1815,therightsof thepeople whichhavebeenignoredandtheprinciple of nationalglory.’ The speech, itappears, wasenthusiastically received.! TheverychoiceofStrasbourg wasalsodetermined inpartbythe memories oftheNapoleonic era:the4thArtillery Regiment which

wasstationed therehadbeentheonethathadwelcomed the Emperor backintoGrenoble during the‘flight oftheeagle’.!!° Inthe

proclamations thatLouispreparedfordistribution in Strasbourg (another directimitation ofNapoleon’s approach in1815) heusedan explicitly martialtonetoappealtothegeneration whichhadbeen

shaped bytheHundred Days. Inhismessage totheFrench people, he

presented himselfasa bearerof the‘swordof Austerlitz’ in one handand ‘thetestamentof Napoleon’ in the other.TheJuly Monarchy’s betrayal oftheidealsofthe1830Revolution wereillustratedbyitsdiplomatic capitulation to the HolyAlliance, most

notably itsabandonment ofthecauses ofPolish andItalianinde-

pendence.!!! Inanothermessage, LouisurgedFrenchsoldiers tohelp deliverFrancefromthe‘traitors’ whoweregoverning it;he also promisedto reintegratetheArmyintothe nation,wipingawaythe

consequences oftheaffront of1815.!!”

LouisNapoleon andtheImperial Legend

207

Past and Future

Forthemoment, Louis’s grandiose messages failedtoreach,letalone

move,theirintendedaudiences.In 1836,andagainin 1840,hisconspiraciesfellmiserablyshortof theiraims,leavinghimisolatedand

embittered. TheParisian Prefect ofPolice Delessert, whohadalready

incarcerated theNapoleonic pretender afterStrasbourg, found him-

selffeeling sorryforthedishevelled Princewhowasbroughttohim againin 1840:“Thisunfortunate youngmanhardlylookslikea conqueror,indeedheseemscompletely deprived ofenergy, andrealizes

thathispresumption hasledhimintoanabsolute impasse.’!!9

‘WhathaveI done,’Louissomewhat disingenuously askedhis father,‘tobethepariahof Europeandof myownfamily?’!!* The

shortanswerwasthathehadfailed.In 1840,asthewholeof France

solemnly greetedthereturnof theEmperor’s remains,Louiswas ignominiously holedupinthefortress ofHam— an austerefifteenthcenturyfortification situated intheSomme. Mostofhiscountrymen seemedto haveforgottenhim;thosewhostillremembered were beginning tobesuspicious ofaprincewho,asonegroupofrepublicansnoted,seemedtobe‘nourished bythesamethirstforrulingas

ouroldtyrant’.'!° Heconsoled himself bycomposing somebad

versesinvoking thespiritof Napoleon, inwhichtheEmperorwas madetoreplysoothingly: “You sufferforme,myfriend,Iampleased withyou.”!!6 TheFrenchpeoplestillworshipped Napoleon, buttheydidnot wanttoreturntothepast;thismuchLouisunderstood. Whathehad underestimated, however, werethekeydifferences between1815and

thecircumstances morethantwenty yearslater.In 1840,therewasno threatofaforeign invasion; publicdissatisfaction withtheOrleanists wasnowhere nearasgreatasithadbeenwiththeBourbons; andthe French Armywasnolongerreadytorolloveratthemeremention of Napoleon’s name. Yetatanotherlevelthingswerenotcompletely bleakforLouis.His endeavours hadestablished hisnameinthepubliceye—a precious achievement, whichhewouldbuilduponandconsolidate duringthe 1840s.Policearchives alsosuggesttheexistence of sympathizers, notablyin Paris,wheretherewassomeconspiratorial activityof

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‘Buonapartist’ groups during thesummer months of1840.'!” In

September 1840,a mobwaving atricolourflagmarched fromthe

RueSaint-Denis to thePlacedu Chatelet,chanting‘LongLive

Reform! LongLivetheEmperor Napoleon!’!!®

Butincidents of thissortdidnotleadto verymuch,andthey

appear tohavedieddownbytheendof1840. Mostfundamentally, oneofthelessons ofLouis’s failed coups hadbeenthattheexistence ofthecultofNapoleon wasa necessary butnotsufficient condition

forthe restorationof Bonapartistrule;the Frenchpeoplewerenot

preparedtohandthemselves overtoa complete stranger. Thanksto

hischallenges totheOrleanist regime atStrasbourg andBoulogne, however, Louishadbeguntoestablish himselfastheprincipal living Napoleonicpersonage.Evenhis imprisonmentin the fortressof Ham — which wouldlastnearlysixyears—wasbeneficial;he too, like

theEmperor, wouldbea martyrforthesacredcause.

Chapter 8

TheMakingof anEmperor

Among theconspirators sentenced fortheirroleintheunsuccessful coupat Boulogne wasJeanGilbertVictorFialin.Outof affectation,

hehadaddedthetitle‘dePersigny’ tohisname,andwasthusknown

asFialindePersigny. Inthesummer of 1835hehadarrivedat Arenenberg toofferhisservices toLouis, declaring grandly thathe

was‘nota memberof theBonapartist partybutof thenapoleonic religion’.! Thesonofa Napoleonic officerkilledinactionin 1812, Fialinhadbecomeanapostle ofyoungLouis’s cause,aftera military careerduringwhichhehadembraced carbonaro revolutionism under theinfluence oftherepublican leaderKersausie. Afterhis‘Napoleonic’ conversion Fialinlaunched a newpublicationin 1834,L’Occident Frangais. It onlyhadoneissue.However, it compensated forthebrevity ofitsexistence bythesheerexaltation of thesentiments displayed byitseditor.Echoing thediscourse of the Saint-Simonians, thereligious andphilosophical cultwhichcelebratedtheadventof a newsociety basedonprogress andindustry, thereview’s tonewasmillenarian: ‘It seemsthat the greatvoicewhichcamefromthe Orientto

announce thearrival oftheMessiah nowproclaims totheWestern worldthevastpolitical synthesis towards whichweareeachday

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advancing, LetusthengrasptheNapoleonic Idea,puttotherack andexecutedontherocksof Saint-Helena! In thisimperialidea

resides thetradition whichhasbeensought afterbythenineteenth century, therealsocial lawofthemodern world.” Immediately admitted intoLouis’s innercircle,FialindePersigny wastoplaya decisive roleintheprince’s life.Morethananyother singleindividual —moreso,withoutdoubt,thanLouishimself— Persigny believed thatFrance’s redemption layintherestoration ofa Napoleonic regime,andhe workedfeverishly to achieveit; the restoration oftheSecondEmpireinDecember 1852waslargely his work.Hewas,beforethat,oneofthekeyorganizers oftheconspiraciesof 1836and 1840(andlater,asweshallsee,of the 1851coup

d’état). Hemanaged toescapeaftertheStrasbourg debacle; however,

hewascaptured atBoulogne, andhisroleintheconspiracy earned

himajailsentenceof twentyyears,fromwhichhewasdelivered

onlybythe1848Revolution.°

ButarguablyFialindePersigny’s mostimportantcontribution was

toimpress uponLouistheneedtodevelop andsystematize hispolit-

icalthinking —to make,in short,thecriticaltransition from

‘Napoleonism’ (thesentimental identification withtheEmperor) to ‘Bonapartism’ (the beliefin a politicalsystemgovernedby Napoleonic ideasandinstitutions). Thischapterwillexplore howthe princesuccessfully carriedoutthisshift,whichledtohiselection as

President andeventually tohisproclamation astheEmperor of France.

NapoleonicIdeasRevisited DePersigny’s conception oftheimperial tradition camestraightout of theMémonal deSainte-Héléne, whichhereadobsessively duringthe

1830s,aswellasduringhiseightyearsof imprisonment between

1840and1848.* Inthemanner ofLasCases, hesawtheEmperor as aloverofpeace, ademocrat, anemancipator ofpeoples, andabove allafaithful embodiment oftheprinciples of1789.° Asmentioned in

theprevious chapter,thiswasverymuchtheorientation of Louis’s ownthinking inthe1830s, andthisconvergent appreciation of the

TheMakingofanEmperor 211 Napoleonic legacynodoubthelpedtocementtherapportbetween the twomen.At the sametime,Fialinwas(andwouldremain throughout hislife)a strongdevotee oftheprinciple of ‘authority’, andheundoubtedly stiffened Louis’s resolve inthisrespect. Inadditionto hispassionfortheFirstEmpire,Fialinmodelled hisvision onthepolitical andculturalachievements oftheRomans; heoften presented theEmperor Napoleon asa rulerwhohadbeen‘entirely Romaninhisheartandinhismind’.Sharing withLouishispassion forthehistory ofJuliusCaesarandthereconstruction oftheimperial heritage,he alsoimpartedto theprincehisloathingof Orleanist rule,whichhadturnedFranceintoa ‘small, petitbourgeois society, lacking inambition andingrandeur’.® FialindePersigny’s intellectual influence shonethroughthemajor workpublished byLouisNapoleon, DesIdées Napoléoniennes, writtenin London andfirstpublished in1839.Thebookwasavigorous defence oftheNapoleonic heritage, verymuchinthespiritoftheMémonal: it praisedtheEmperoras ‘themessiahof newideas’’(anechoof Napoleon’s nowfamousself-description as the ‘Messiah of the

Revolution’’) andcelebrated theFirstEmpire astheregime thathad

preparedthegroundfortheenjoyment of libertyandequalityin

France.’ Napoleon’s powerhadresteduponthe‘unlimited confidence’heenjoyed fromhispeople;thisbondwiththemasses would

always remainattheheartof anyNapoleonic political system.!°

TherewasalongsectiononNapoleon’s political andadministrative organization (another of Persigny’s stronginterests), whosefounda-

tionwasdemocratic butwhose apexwastheprinciple ofauthority —

anexcellent synthesis whichhadstimulated ‘capacities’ andpromoted

meritonthebasisoftalent.!!

WhatofNapoleon’s wars?Louisrepeated theEmperor’s claimat

Sainte-Héléne thathehadneverbeenthe‘aggressor’;!? yethealso addedthatthewarsoftheEmpire hadbeenbeneficial inthelong—

run,provoking liberalandnationalist sentiments amongthepeoples of Europe— like theterriblefloodsoftheNile,whichwereinitially

devastating butleftstretches offertile landintheirwake.!% Butthe

keymessage wasthatmodernNapoleonic politics wasnotaboutwar.

Inapassage which would befrequently repeated inlaterdecades, Des

Idées Napoléoniennes stated(again,theinfluence ofdePersigny’s SaintSimonist readings wasapparent here)that‘theNapoleonic ideaisnot

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oneof war,but a social,industrial,commercial,andhumanitarian

idea’.'*However greatNapoleon’s successes onthebattlefield had

been,theywerenotforthepresent age:indeed, therealambition of

Bonapartism wastoachieve ‘civilglory’, whichwasboth‘morelast-

ingandmoredurable’.!°

The centralconclusionof the book,in sum,wasthat a future

Napoleonic Statewouldbedemocratic andprogressive butnot

republican. Thiswasarguablythestrongest elementof influence wielded byPersigny: unlikeLouis’s otherwritings ofthe1830s, which praisedtheconceptoflibertyandhada strong‘republican’ flavour, DesIdées Napoléoniennes hadrelatively littletosayaboutpolitical freedomandrepresentative institutions. Libertywasactuallydefined fromtheoutsetasapersonal disposition: Louisportrayed himselfas a ‘freeman’precisely because hewasnotdependent uponanypoliticalorganization orsect.!© Likewise theevidence thattheEmperor hadnotbeenan‘autocrat’ waspresented inindividual, notcollective terms:itwasfalsetoaccuseNapoleon ofdespotism because hehad neverremoved anyone fromhispostwithout firstordering aninquiry, andindeedhadlistened a greatdealtotheopinions ofothers.!7 Alongside hiscontributions toDesIdées Napoléoniennes, whichlaid downthe generalprinciplesof a democratic but authoritarian Bonapartism, Fialinalsoplayedanimportant roleinfashioning the publicimageofthenewNapoleonic pretender. InhisLettres deLondres, writtenin1839andpublished inFrancea yearlater,hedrewanidealizedportraitofthePrince, basedonconversations withhimandhis innercircleduringtheirLondonexile.‘TheLettres inmanywaysconstituteda seminal work,marking a decisive shifttowards anopenly ‘imperial’ presentation of theBonapartist project:thevoiceof the

authorwasthatofan‘oldsoldier oftheEmpire’,!® andthebook

launchedLouis’s veryown‘imperial legend’. Copiesof theLettres ~ weremailedtoFrenchofficers, anddistributed byBonapartist agents in townsandmilitarybarracks,andmanyof itsapocryphal tales wouldlaterbe repeatedandfurtherembellished byNapoleonic

propagandists.

France,FialindePersigny argued,waswearyof sterileconflicts andcontending political utopias: shewasinsearchof‘practical ideas andanewfaith,a newcreed’. LouisNapoleon wastheapostle ofthis

millennium.!9 Inthe1830s, Louis hadoften dwelled onhis‘popular’

TheMaking ofanEmperor 213 characteristics; whenhehadspokentoFrencharmyofficers during hisfurtivevisitto Strasbourg, forexample, hehadstatedthat‘he

hadanamewhich could beofservice, itwasaplebeian name, asple-

beianasFrance’s pastglory.’2° IntheLettres, incontrast, thelanguage

wasdiametrically different:everyeffortwasmadeto underscorethe

princely dimension ofLouis’s personality. Hisheartwas‘noble’,?!

andhisdemeanour ‘dignified andcomposed’;*” hecherished thepoliticsof honour,” andinhisprivate lifehewas‘gallant’ and ‘chivalrous’, throwing himselfintoa rivertoretrieve a flowerwhich

hadblownoutof thehairof a princess.** Aboveall,accordingtohis

physician DrConneau, Louiswas‘amanwhoappreciated onlythe

serious sideoflife’;* thiswasaprince who—again, anobvious allusiontothegreatBonaparte —hadnotimeforthe‘idlechatter’ of

politicians andparliamentarians.”°

If hisportraitof theindividualwasmorethanslightlytouchedup,

FialindePersigny’s accountofLouis’s placeintheNapoleonic traditionwascompletely mythologized. The Bonapartefamily,he asserted withoutblinking, ‘hasalways beenperfectly united’*’ (atthe timethiswaswritten,Louiswasbarelyonspeaking termswithhis father,andhadeffectively beenrepudiated byhisuncles). Although Louisfreelyadmitted inprivatetohavingnomemories ofNapoleon orhischildhood inParispriorto 1815,dePersigny constructed severalAesopian fablesabouttheencounters between theuncleandhis youngnephew. Theonewhichwouldbemostfrequently citedin lateryearswashisaccountof a discussion beforetheEmperor’s departure forWaterloo in 1815,whenLouis(thenaneight-year-old) apparently urgedNapoleon tobeallowed toaccompany himtothe battlefield.2® Louisevenclaimed to‘remember’ that,ashesatonthe Emperor’s kneeonthatoccasion, hehad‘feltoneofhistearslandon hisforehead’.9 Thepointhere,ofcourse,wastopresentandlegitimize Louisas theexclusive heirtotheNapoleonic throne.SuchwasdePersigny’s artisticcreativity thatheevenmanaged tofindphysical resemblances between thenephewandhisuncle:thesimilarity wasremarkable ‘to anysoldierof theOldGuard’,andindeedto anyobserver: ‘Itis impossible nottobestruck,asbeforethebustoftheemperor, bythe imposing dignityofthisRomanprofile, whoselinesaresopureand

solemn.’*? TheprincealsosharedmanyofNapoleon’s personal

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TheLegend ofNapoleon

qualities: ‘tireless physically aswellasmorally, austere, hard-working,

thenephew oftheEmperor isarealRoman oftheRepublic.’*! And

if Napoleon hadbeena modernJuliusCaesar,hisnephewwould fullyassume hisheritage andbecome an‘Augustus’, theunifierofhis nationandthescourgeof itscorruption anddecay.Morethana

decade beforeitsadvent, dePersigny predicted thatLouiswould restore theEmpire.* Thankstotheactivehelpofhisaccomplice, Louishadlargely initiatedtheintellectual transition fromNapoleonism toBonapartism by

thetimeheentered thefortress ofHamtoservehislifesentence in 1840.Heassumed muchofthelegacy oftheFirstEmpire, while reneging onthebellicosity andpolitical despotism (which hetended

to dismissanyway).ABonapartistStatewouldbe ‘democratic’ at its basein thatitsinstitutionswouldbe legitimized bymasssuffrage;at

itssummit, however, itwouldbegoverned bytheprinciple of‘author-

ity—aconcept whose salience wasifanything remforced through the

influence ofdePersigny.

This wasas far as Louis’spoliticalthinkingextended,and it is

interesting thatinallthetimehespentincarcerated (nearly sixyears) hedevoted nofurtherattention tomajorpolitical questions. Heprof-

feredblandgeneralities in occasional articles hewroteinlocal newspapers suchastheProgrés duPas-de-Calais; thetwomajorpublicationsduring his time at Ham were a three-volumestudy of

artillery*’ andtheshortpamphlet entitled L’extinction dupaupérisme (1844),in whichthe Princedeveloped a seriesof proposalsfor

advancing theeconomic conditions ofworkers, mostnotably through

theformation ofassociations andthecreation ofmilitary-style agriculturalcolonies.Althoughthe majorunderlyinginfluenceof the

pamphlet wasSaint-Simonian, thisworkearnedLouismuchatten-

tionamong socialists andrepublicans, manyofwhom believed that

theprincehadconverted totheircause;thepamphlet wastoprove especially helpfulin 1848inhelpingtoattractLouis’s working-class

support.**

Theonlyoccasion onwhichLouisreturnedtothepolitical fray wasin1843,whenhevigorously defended Napoleon’s legacyagainst afierceattackbyLamartine. ItwasalmostasifLouiswasrehearsing hiscentralarguments forhisownseizure ofpowerin 1851.Adictatorship,he repliedto therepublican leader(whohaddenounced

TheMakingofanEmperor 215 Napoleon’s seizureofpowerin 1799), wasa ‘necessity notanexam-

plewhich canbeconverted intoaprinciple’; sucha dictatorship was

justifiedwhentheregimeit replaced wascorruptanddecadent(as hadbeenthecasewiththerepublican Directory). Napoleon’s rule hadbroughtbackorderandeconomic prosperity to France,and

healed thewounds opened bythe1789 Revolution.*©

TheEmperorhadmademistakes, Louisconceded,but ‘what wouldalways distinguish himintheeyesof themasseswasthathe wasthekingof thepeople,whiletheothersweremonarchs of the

aristocracy andtheprivileged classes’.°’ Ashelanguished inhiscell

inHam,Louiscouldonlyhopethatonedayhetoowouldbecome

thekingofthepeople; hisonlyconsolation, ashewrote tohiscousin, wasthathecouldstillfeel‘theshadow oftheEmperor protecting me andgivingmehisblessing’.%8

FromRepresentativeof thePeopletoPresident OnMay26 1846theprefectsof allFrenchdepartmentsreceivedan

urgentmemorandum fromtheMinisteroftheInteriorconcerning the escapefromprisonof an importantdetainee;the ‘strictest

orders’ tofindandarrestthefugitive weretobegiven. Hisphysical

description wasasfollows: ‘37yearsold,height1m.66,lightbrown hairandeyebrows, smallgreyeyes,bignose,average mouth,brown beard,blondmoustache, pointedchin,ovalface,palecomplexion, headpressedintohisshoulders, wideshoulders, stoopedback,thick

lips.”°9

Bythetimelocalofficials received thismessage, Louis—foritwas

he —wasalreadywellon hiswayto London.Hiscolourfulescape

fromthefortress, carrying a plankonhisshoulder anddisguised asa worker(hehadalsoshavedoffhismoustache) setthestageforthe eventsof 1848,theannus mirabilis inthePrince’s life.*° Itwouldstart withhiselection asaFrenchdeputy, andthenasthefirstPresident of thenewlyfoundedSecondRepublic inDecember 1848. Neitheroutcomewasevenremotely predictable at thetime.A policereportfromParisinMay1846notedthatLouis’s escapefrom Ham‘hadprovoked noeffectwhatsoever onthepopulation’.*! And, in contrastwiththe 1830Revolution, therewasno significant

216 TheLegendofNapoleon ‘Napoleonic’ contribution totheoverthrow oftheOrleanist monar-

chyin1848.4? Louis wasstillinexileinLondon, andtherewasno

organized ‘Bonapartist’ political forceinFranceatthetime—even thoughpolicereportsindicated thatLouishadestablished closelinks

withrepublican exiles intheBritish capital.**

TheprincerushedtoParisattheendofFebruary 1848tovolunteerhisservices tothenewrepublican government, whichpolitely but firmlydeclined theoffer.*Butthemagicof hisnamestillworked wonders.In Mayhe announcedhis candidaturefor the new Legislative Assembly, which(underthenewsystemagreedbythe Republic) wastobeelectedbymaleuniversal suffrage. Although he campaigned verylittleinpersonhewastriumphantly electedinfour constituencies. Hispoliticalplatformbeganby referringto his attempts atStrasbourg andBoulogne, forwhichhetookfullrespon-

sibility. Hisideological pitchwasdecidedly inclusive: heexpressed

supportfortheRepublicanditsprincipleof popularsovereignty, andstressed hiscommitment tosocial justiceandeconomic prosperity:hissixspecific pledgesincluded the‘amelioration of thefateof working people’, the‘extinction ofpoverty through work’(areference

tohis1844pamphlet), andthe‘respect forpeople andproperty’; he alsopressedforgreaterFrenchsupportforthepeoplesof Italyand Poland.”

Aftertherepublican Assembly threatenedtoinvalidate hiselection,

Louiswasforcedtoresignhisseatalmostimmediately. However, he

stoodagaininSeptember andthistimewasreturned byfiveconstituencies (andhetopped thelistintheSeine). SoonafterLouis had

takenhisseat,theAssembly decided thatPresidential elections would beheldinDecember: aftera relatively briefcampaign, Louiswas elected,trouncing hismainopponent, theconservative republican

leader Cavaignac. Thenewly elected President couldnowsavour his

victoryoverthepolitical eliteswhohadearlierridiculed him:Louis hadbeenendorsed by5.4millionvoters,asagainstthe1.4million whohadsupportedCavaignac. Theleft-wing republican LedruRollin,whohad famouslycalledLouisan ‘imbecile’, had received

370,000 votes.*® Howhada manwhohadbeenbackin Franceforbarelythree months,andwhohadbeenpolitically unknown inFebruary1848, achieved suchastaggering victory overhisrivals? Louis’s trrumph was

TheMakingof an Emperor

217

typically explained in oneof twoways.Firstly,it wasseenasan

expression ofthe‘political irrationality’ ofthemasses: credulous and

uneducated, andfacedwith a listof candidates theyknewlittleor nothingabout,thepeasants —themajorityof theFrenchpopulation—votedmassively forLouisbecauseof hisname,andtheglorious

memories thatitevoked.*’ According toanother lineofinterpretation, theelectorate voted

fora conservative saviour, a manwhowouldprotecttheirproperty andpreventFrancefromfallingintoanarchyandchaos;thisfear washeightened bytheworkers’ insurrection ofJune1848,which

wassavagely repressed. *®

Thetwoexplanations weresomewhat inconsistent witheachother: thefirstimplied thatpeasants weredim-witted andgullible, whilethe secondsuggested thattheyweredrivenbyself-interest andfear.Karl Marx,whoclosely followed theeventsinFranceduringtheseyears, latersoughttosquarethecirclewhenherepresented theBonaparte dynastyastheembodiment of ‘thepeasant’s superstition, nothis enlightenment; hisprejudice, nothisjudgement; hispast,nothis future’.*9 Theseapproaches wereoversimplistic. ‘There were,itistrue,many instances ofruralFrenchmen voting forLouisbecause theythought he wastheEmperor resurrected. (“There isagoodreason’ apeasanttold

a dumbfounded Mérimée ‘why wecalledHIMMalmort.’°°). And

thereislittledoubtthattheworkers’revoltof the summerof 1848,

duringtheterrible‘JuneDays’, createdrealapprehension amongthe moreconservative andtraditional sections ofFrenchsociety. ButLouis’s appealto thepeasantry expressed something much morefundamental: likeNapoleon beforehim,he symbolized the Revolutionary principle of equality, andtheproletarian defiance of theoldaristocracy. Thereweremanyinstances ofthelocalaristocracybeingcaughtcompletely unawaresbythe strengthof this sentiment. In theautumnof 1848theDucdeLuynes,a wealthy landowner, calledanelectoral meeting inhislocality beforethepresidential contest topromote thecandidacy ofCavaignac. Thepeasant audience cheeredpolitely, andthelocalnotablebelieved theresult wasaforegone conclusion. Whenthevotesweredeclared, Cavaignac hadreceived onlyoneballot:theDuc’s. Everyone elsehadvotedfor

Louis.?!

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TheLegendofNapoleon

ThePrince’s success inDecember 1848 wasalsoafunction ofhis

superiority andstrategic advantage in threeoverlapping areas:the effectiveness ofhispropaganda, thebreadthofhisideological appeal, andaboveallhiscapacity totapintotheNapoleonic legendwhileat the sametime offeringa renewedand ‘modern’versionof

Bonapartism. Between MayandDecember 1848, drawing fromthe

traditions of the 1820sand 1830s,Napoleonic supporters allover

Franceinundatedthe countrywithpropagandaobjects.Boxesof

matches, portraits, medals bearingLouis’s image,figures ofimperial

eagles withredribbons, brochures, songs andalmanacs weredistributedinFrench towns andvillages, drawing voters’ attention toLouis’s nameandcelebrating hiscontribution tothedefence oftheRepublic.

ApopularNapoleonicsongstatedthat‘Iama firmrepublican,and

Igiveittoyouforsure:weneedaNapoleon tosupport thenation.” Thisoralpolitical culture wasespecially successful indisseminating theBonapartist message inthedeepcountryside —precisely those

partsof Francetowhichtherepublicans madelittleefforttoreach out.A popularlithographreleasedin November1848entitledThe

Unwersal Vote represented theFrenchpeoplegathered around a statue

ofBonaparte: a clever playonthemeaning of‘universal suffrage’, hererepresented asthegeneral willoftheFrench people forareturn totheNapoleonic tradition.**

ButLouisNapoleon’s namewasalsoverypopularinthetownsin 1848;contemporary observers stressed hissupportamongveterans andsoldiers, domestic servants, workers andartisans.** Anelectoral proclamation urgingtheParisianelectorate to supportLouiswas signedbya mandescribing himselfas‘anoldrepublican of 1792,a soldieratWaterloo anda workerwhofoughtonthebarricades in

February [1848]’.°° Intheseurbanareas,inaddition tothepropa-

gandaobjectsmentioned above,thePrincewasableto relyona rangeofnewspapers. Thesepublications wereaimedatamassaudience,andwereextremely cheap.(Infact,theywereoftendistributed free.)Buttheroleof thepresswasnotdecisive; in 1848Cavaignac hadnearlytwiceasmanynewspapers supporting himasdidLouis

Napoleon, andyethestilllostheavily.°° However, Bonapartist news-

papersoffersignificant evidence oftheideological rangeanddiversity of Louis’s political supportin 1848.Inhissummerlegislative campaignthePrincehadnewspapers whichwereconservative (notably La

TheMakingofanEmperor 219 Constitution, whosemottowas‘Liberty, Order,Union,Force), republi-

can(LeNapoléon Républicain, whose programme wasthe‘abolition of

poverty’) andsocialist (L’Organisation duTravail, whichsoughttorally

-Louis’s working-class support).°”

Perhaps themostimportant publication wasLePetitCaporal, which

remained inprintthroughout thesummer andautumn of1848, and supported Louisbothinhislegislative andpresidential campaigns.

Thispaperhadalargereadership (30,000) andwaseditedbyMarco deSainte-Hilaire, theauthorof severalclassicworksontheNapoleon

cult.Itspolitical message wassimple: ‘Napoleon withoutdespotism.’ Itsupported Louisbecause hewasthecandidate whosoughttotran-

scendpolitical andpartisandivisions andworkfor‘thegoodof

France’.*® Itrejected classandoccupational divisions between bour-

geoisandworker,soldierandcitizen,andtookasitsmodelBonaparte

theconsul, ratherthanNapoleon theEmperor.°9

WhileLePetitCaporal celebrated Frenchnationalglory,itstone consciously eschewed anyformof‘militarism’, whichitregarded as ridiculous andcounter-productive.©° Endorsing Louis’s candidature

forthe Presidency, Marcode Sainte-Hilaire redefinedthe ‘swordof

Austerlitz’, whichLouishadbrandished duringhisconspiracies, to

meansocial peace, civilequality, andorder.®! Arguably, itwasthis

revisedversionof ‘popular’ Bonapartism —democratic, middle-ofthe-road, progressive, andnon-partisan —whichplayedmoststrongly amongtheliterateclasses duringLouis’s campaigns of 1848. Throughoralandwrittenmaterial,andthroughpropaganda objects, theNapoleon culttooplayed a significant — in allprobability, decisive—role throughoutthe periodleadingup to Louis’s Presidential victoryin December. LePetitCaporal provided a good example ofthisprocess. Alongside itspolitical andinformative functions,it alsodevoted muchspacetothecelebration of theimperial legend,runningstoriesaboutkeyepisodes in Napoleon’s political andmilitary career,andcelebrating theanniversary of 15August. Its slogan(“heNewspaper oftheYoung andOldGuard’) alsoappealed directlyto theNapoleonic veterans—an enormous politicalconstituencyin 1848.ManyissuesalsoofferedfamousNapoleon quotations, suchas‘thefirstcasualty ofeveryrevolution isindividual happiness’ —anapposite mottoforthetroubled timesof 1848.% Buttheemphasis in mostof thispropagandistic literaturewas

220 TheLegendofNapoleon againon the ‘liberal’ legend:newspapers repeatedly referredto

Napoleonas‘theEmperorof Peace’,committedto socialorder,civil

harmony, andeconomic prosperity ratherthanwarandmilitary expansion. Thisre-creation oftheimperial imagewasstretched toits absolutelimitsbytheNapoléon Républicain, whichdeclaredthatthe Emperor’s onlydreamhadbeenthat‘theworker behappyandearn

sixfrancs aday’.

A bookletaimedat a popularaudience, published shortlyafter

Louisdeclared hiscandidature forthepresidency, dwelled onthe

heritageof theFirstEmpireat length.Writtenup in theformof citations fromtheMémorial, it celebrated Napoleon asa ‘popular’ Emperor, committed toFrance’s gloryandprosperity, buthostileto war;hisrealandlastingachievements werehisCivilCodeandespeciallythe‘vastadministrative andfinancial system’ hehadcreated,

which stillprovided thefoundations ofthemodern French State.™ Although Louiswasnotmentioned explicitly thebookwasclearly publishedunderhisauspices;indeedit wassuffusedwiththe mes-

sianism ofdePersigny, notablyinitsconclusion thattheEmpirewas notmerely something fromthepast,butalsoamodelforthefuture.

Butthe Napoleon cultwasnot the exclusive preserveof

Bonapartists, norofrepublicans, norindeedofanyparticular classor socialgroup;in 1848‘amajorityof theFrenchpopulationpartookin

it’. Between 1841and1848,alongside theflourishing secularcult,

therehadbeena marked revival intheassociation ofNapoleon’s

name andimage withChristianity.°’ Thepresidential outcome was, if anything, overdetermined; withhiscoldanalytical lucidity Guizot expressedthepointsuccinctly: ‘Itismuch’he saidof Louis’svictory

ofDecember 1848,‘tobeallatonceanational glory, arevolutionary

guarantee, andaprinciple ofauthority.’ Theissue waswhether, and

onwhatterms,the‘Prince-President’ wouldbeabletoreconcile these differentprinciples, andthevaryingpoliticalconstituencies they represented.

FromPrince-President to Emperor Eventohisalliesandsympathizers, Louisremained something ofa mysteryafterhiselectionto thePresidency. VictorHugo,stillan

TheMakingofanEmperor

221

energeticBonapartistin 1848,emergedin lateDecemberfroma

dinnerat theElyséePalacewondering aboutthesheerplasticity of France’s newruler: ‘AsI leftthePalaceI startedtoreflect.I thoughtaboutthesudden installation, the improvised protocol,the mixtureof bourgeois,

republican andimperial motifs, theappearance ofthisprofound thingwhichwenowcallthe Presidentof the Republic, his entourage, hispersonality, andthewholetrainofevents. Itisnot oneoftheleastcurious aspects ofthesituation thatwehavehere a manwhocanbevariously addressed, atthesametimeandfrom allsides,asprince,highness,monsieur,monsignor, and citizen.

Everyeventisleaving itsmark,inahiggledy-piggledy way,onthis

all-purpose personality.’®

Louis’s opaqueness (which wasdeliberate; hehadremembered his mother’s advice) wasvariously interpreted (seeFigure19).Hisopponentstendedto dismissit as an obvioussignof hisintellectual

mediocrity. Thierscalledhim a ‘cretin’,and the Comte

d’Haussonville a ‘Bonaparte ofthefunfairs’.”° Othersregarded him fromtheoutsetasa scheming conspirator, whowassimply bidinghis timetopreparefortheviolent overthrow oftheSecond Republic; this Machiavellianism wasseenasaninevitable consequence ofhisperverse‘Napoleonic’ heritage.On the day of his installationas President, National Assembly President ArmandMarrasttolda colleague: ‘Weareallscrewed! Heknows theextraordinary powerofhis name.He understands hispotential,andeverything thathe can achieve,hewill.’”!

Theprediction wouldberealized, butthingswerenotsosimple. Louis’s Presidency wouldbemarkedbygrowing socialtensions and political conflict, notably between thenewPresident andtheNational Assembly, bothelectedbymaleuniversal suffrage, andwouldend withhisinfamous anti-republican coup d’état of December 1851,the preludetotherestoration oftheEmpireayearlater.Buttherewasno linearrelationship between hisintentions in1848andtheoutcome of 1852.‘Thepoliticalcontextchangedrapidlyin Franceduringthis period,requiring Louistoadjusthisstrategy andtactics.Andaswe havealready noted,theprincewasmuchmorepolitically sophisticated

FIGURE19

Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte Inthisdrawing, probably madeshortly beforethePrince’s returntoFrancein1848, LouisNapoleon projects theimagethatmanypeoplewouldtakeawayaftermeetinghim:analertandintellectually ableman,yetalsoonewhodidnotfullyreveal himself.Hehadremembered hismotherHortense’s advice:‘Showyourhand openlyonlyattheopportune moment.’ Thisenigmatic sidetohisappearance and characterwouldbecomefurtheraccentuatedwithtime,andwouldsoonleadto his

nickname of‘theSphinx’.

TheMakingofanEmperor 22o thanhisopponents gavehimcreditfor,andhehadskilfully amended

hisimage (andtheNapoleonic heritage) incrucial areasinorderto develop andmaintain hispopularsupportacrossthecountry.

Butallof thisnotwithstanding, Bonapartism wasdeservedly pillo-

riedbyposterity fortheviolentandillegalmeansthatitdeployed to achieve Louis’s political goalsin1851-2.Inhisdefence, itcouldonly

besaidthathecarried outhiscoupwithsomereluctance; andthat

therecourse topolitical violence wasa widespread featureof midnineteenth-century Frenchpoliticalculture,andbynomeansthe exclusive preserve ofthe‘Napoleonic’ tradition.

Thebasicpolitical objectives of the‘Prince-President’ after December 1848wererelatively straightforward: ‘Security first,then

improvements. Bringtogetheralltheoldparties,reuniteandrecon-

cilethem,suchmustbethegoalof ourefforts.’”* In a messagetothe

NationalAssembly in 1849Louisdeclaredthat ‘thenameof Napoleonisitselfa programme: it signifies, domestically, order,

authority, religion, popular welfare; externally, national dignity.’”3

Thiswasa quintessentially Napoleonic approach, seeking to transcendpolitical differences throughthepersonal appealof theruler. Thekeyconstituency tobewonoverweretherepublicans, themost activeanddynamic political forceinFrance, whosenationalleaders

hadvehemently opposed Louis’s Presidential candidacy (even though

a significant proportion of republican votershadsupported him); indeed,Louisatthisstageconsidered himselfmuchcloserpolitically totherepublican forces of‘movement’ thantotheconservative forces

of‘order’. Heasked therepublican leader Lamartine toformagovernment,butthepoet—heavilydefeated in thepresidential elections —didnotrespondtotheoverture, a defiantpostureshared

byallhisrepublican colleagues.”

Rebuffed bytheleft,thePrince-President hadnooptionexceptto turntotheforcesof ‘order’; butwhiletheconservatives werehappy toworkwithhimitbecamerapidlyclearthattheyregarded himasa purelydecorative figure, tobeusedandeventually discarded whenhe hadservedhispurpose. Louis’s problems werecompounded bythe provisionsenactedby the Assemblywhenit establishedthe Presidency: theincumbent’s termofofficewaslimitedtofouryears, andhewasnotallowed tostandforre-election. (seeFigure20). Fromtheoutset,then,Louiswasconstrained bothbypolitical and

224

TheLegend ofNapoleon

constitutional factors, andtheissueofhisre-election weighed especiallyheavily onhisrelationship withthenational political elites. ‘The President’s assertion andprojection of hispowerwasa slowand unevenprocess, mediated bytheshifting balanceofforcesinFrance between1849and1851.InParis,hewasatfirstcompletely isolated: hehadnopolitical partyofhisown,andreliedheavily onhisinner circle(dominated bytheloyal,hyperactive, andever-scheming de Persigny). ThePresident initiallyexercised littlecontrolevenover

thegovernment, except inrespect oftheappointment ofthePrime Minister. However, byOctober1849Louiswasabletoforma ministrymadeuplargelyof hisownnominees; it included thelikesof Rouher, Fould,andMagne,allofwhomweretoplaya leadingrole undertheSecondEmpire. EquallydifficultwasLouis’srelationship withtheArmy.The

Republic hadreliedonthemilitary tosuppress theinsurrection of

June1848,andin thepresidential elections a majorityof officers had voted for Cavaignac.The Army elite was by no means

Napoleonic, anditspoliticalinfluence wasnotnegligible; bythe summerof 1850Louis’s relationship withChangarnier, theheadof

theNational Guardhadseriously deteriorated, andtherewaseven

talkof Changarnier leadinga militarycoupagainstthePresident. Louisresolved thecrisis inJanuary1851bydismissing theconspira-

tor.”Butthemajorconflict opposed thePresident totheNational

Assembly. Louistriedtonegotiate aconstitutional revision thatwould

allow himtostandforre-election in1852, buttheconservative major-

ityreturned intheMay1849elections wasnotwilling tocompromise. InJuly 1851a voteto amendthe Constitutionwascarriedbya sig-

nificant majority (446to278),butnotbythethree-quarters needed:

amoralvictory forLouis, butapolitical defeat.’ Acoup d’état nowseemed theonlywayoutoftheimpasse. Plotsand

threatsoftheuseofforcewerecommon amongallmainstream politicalforcesundertheSecondRepublic, especially intheincreasingly polarized atmosphere thatfollowed the1849elections: theOrleanists, theleadingconservative groupintheAssembly, fearfulofwhattheir leaderThiersdescribed asthe‘vilemultitude’ carriedouta ‘legal’ coupin 1850byvotingforanewelectoral lawwhichexcluded more thana thirdof thevoters(mostly workers) fromthefranchise, and

theirleaders frequently spoke ofoverthrowing thePresident.’’

FIGURE20

Manifesto ofLouis-Napoleon Bonaparte totheelectors Aproclamation ofLouis Napoleon before thePresidential elections ofDecember 1848, whichwould seehistriumphant election. Themessage hereplaysonthe

themesofcontinuity andchange. Ontheonehand,Louiscelebrates hisNapoleonic lineage:thepoemin thecentreof themanifesto isentitled“Theshadowof the Emperorpresents himtothepeopleof France’. Buthisproclamation alsomakes clearthat,ifelected, hispolicies wouldbeverydifferent fromthoseofNapoleon: he wouldrespectthewishes ofthepeople,anddefendtheinstitutions oftheRepublic;

healsocommitted himself toapeaceful foreign policy.

Onepromise madeherewouldcomebacktohauntLouisNapoleon. According

to the Constitution,the Presidentwasto be electedfora singlefour-yearterm,and

couldnotbereappointed. Louisgavea solemnundertaking: ‘Iherebypledgemy wordofhonourthatI will,afterfouryears,relinquish powertomysuccessor, and leaveinhishandsa stronger State,andallpublicliberties intact.’ Thiswasnotquite

howthings turnedoutin1851-2...

226

TheLegendofNapoleon

By1851, another critical factor waspushing thePrince-President

towards confrontation: theincreasing political strength oftheradical republicans, the‘démoc-soc’. Theirvoteincreased dramatically in 1849,andmanyof theserepublicans werealsomembers of secret societies whichopenlythreatened thecountry withcivilstrifein1852. Largelyto breakoutfromhispoliticalisolation in Paris,Louis developed thepracticeof touringtheprovinces, wherehecarefully pitchedhismessages tosuitlocaltemperaments. (On30July1849he denounced the‘cultofwar’inroyalist andCatholic Nantes;thevery nextdayat republicanand NapoleonicSaumurhe celebrated

France’s ‘military spirit’’*.) Duringtheseprovincial toursLouis soundedoutpublicopinion,andgenerally cultivated hisimageasa

nationalleadertranscendingpartisandivisions.He alsousedhis

speeches to appealdirectlyforpoliticalsupportagainsttheParis

elites —astrategy which proved extremely fruitful; bythesummer of 1851itwasclearthathispolitical support amongthetraditional Napoleonic constituency, thepeasantry, hadhardened.’? Indeed,

whenever hevisitedtheprovinces, thecrywasrarely‘LongLivethe

President!’ butrather‘Long LiveNapoleon!”® (seeFigure 21).

Louisseemstohavereached hisfinaldecision tocarryouthiscoup

inthesummer of1851. Among thekeyinstigators wasdePersigny, stillthearch-conspirator, whohadbeenpushinginthisdirection for sometime,aswellastheclever, hedonistic andamoralMorny, anoffspringofHortense’s relationship withFlahaut; Louisonlydiscovered thathehadthishalf-brother afterhismother’s death.8! Thedatewas carefully chosenbyLouishimself: 2 December, theanniversary of boththecrowning ofNapoleon in 1804andthebattleofAusterlitz a yearlater.On thatmorning,thepeoplein thecapitalawoketo discover newdecreesannouncing thedissolution of theAssembly, theinstitution ofastateofsiegeintheParisian military region, andthe restoration of universal suffrage. Thelastmeasuredemonstrated theextenttowhichthecoupwasinitially directed primarily against the conservative majority intheAssembly —afactwhichperhapsexplains therelatively limitedpopularresistance inParis. However, thecharacter of 2December wasfundamentally transformedby the vigorousfightput up by the republicans in the provinces. Seriousrevoltsbrokeoutintwenty-seven departments of thecentreandtheMidi,andtherepression wassavage:around

FIGURE21

Louis Napoleon recewing deputies fromtheprovinces Thisimage,representing the‘Prince-President’ inanimated discussion withelected representatives, drawsattention tooneofthemajorpowerbasesofLouisNapoleon duringtheSecondRepublic: provincial (andespecially rural)voters.ThePresident isportrayedinspiring respect(andevendeference) amongthedeputies, andthe imagesymbolizes hiscapacity forleadership andhissenseofpurpose.Louis’s left hand,pointingto theVendéme Column,themonument to thetriumphsof the imperial wars,represents thepolitical continuity withFrance’s Napoleonic past.

228

TheLegend ofNapoleon

27,000peoplewerearrestedandswiftly sentenced byCommissions Mixtes instituted bytheregime.®* Theatmosphere ofterrorunleashed bytheauthorities hadcertainly notbeenplannedbyLouis(although wedonotknowforsure;thereisalmostnorecordof whathesaidor

didat theElyséeduringthedaysimmediately following thecoup). Butitseffects weretoprovelasting —notleastintheenduring hatred thathisactions wouldnurtureinrepublican memory. Theprovincial

violence,andthemannerof itscontainment,alsohadan important

political consequence. Bythetimethesepopularrebellions wereput down,thenatureof Louis’s couphadbeenfundamentally transformed:it had nowbecomea conservative exercisein ‘order’ restoration.®9 Therestoration of theEmpirecamea yearlaterin November 1852,inaplebiscite whichwasenthusiastically supported by7.8mil-

lionvoters,withonly253,000 negative votes(andtwomillion abstentions).°* Buteventhiscrowning oftheNapoleonic legendwas notaforegone conclusion afterthecoup d’état; theearlysignswerethat Louiswantedto keeptherepublican formof government, which

was‘reassuring’ tothepublic.®° Several factors pushed himtotake thefinalplunge: thepressure ofdePersigny, nowhisMinister ofthe Interior, whocomplained ofthePresident’s ‘timidity’®° andusedhis

positionsystematically to mobilizenationaland localopinionin

favourof thereturnof a Napoleonic State;®’ thespontaneous and increasingly insistent callsfromtheBonapartist grassroots,which

urgedthePresident torevert totheEmpire andcelebrated itsreturn triumphantly;** andalsoLouis’s ownobservations duringhistripsto theprovincesinthesummerandautumnof 1852,wherehesawthat

therewasgenuine publicsupportforthischange.®® ButperhapsLouis’sdeepestreasonfortherestoration of the

Empire waspersonal. Hehadbeendismayed bytheviolence thathad

accompanied hiscoup,andheremained hauntedbyitfortherestof hislife.Inatellingproclamation aftertheDecember 1851plebiscite, whichoverwhelmingly endorsed hiscoup,hehaddeclared thatthis

popular votehad‘absolved’ himofhisearlier actions —aclearpublic acknowledgement ofhisinnertorment. TheEmpire, withitsglorious memories, ceremonial trappings, andfestive endeavours wasa way forthepeople,butaboveallfortheirruler,to exorcisethoseterrible

memories ofDecember 1851.

TheMakingofanEmperor

229

TheNephewandhisUncle Bytheendof 1852,Louishadachieved whathehadfirstsetoutto accomplish sixteenyearsearlierin the Strasbourg‘scuffle’: a

Napoleonicregimeproperlyandcomprehensively endorsedbyuni-

versalsuffrage. Asoneofhisadmirers laterrecognized, hisearlylife

hadbeen‘stranger thanfiction’;%° hisroutetopower hadbeenlong

andarduous, andaslateasthesummerof 1846,ashelanguished in hiscellinthefortress ofHam,itmustallhaveseemed hopeless. But he hadremainedunbendingin hiscommitment, andhisletters between1840and1846demonstrate thatheneverlosthisunderly-

ingbeliefinhisfortuna.

Fromanindividual perspective, itishardnotbeimpressed byhis resilience. Lessermenwouldhavebeenbroken,butLouiskeptthe

faith—thanksto hisextraordinarydetermination, largelyinherited

fromhismotherHortense andalsonurturedbyhistutorLeBas(who nonetheless stronglydisapproved of the 1851coup).?!He didso despiterepeated failure,despiteyearsofimprisonment andpolitical isolation,and despitehis almostcompleterepudiationby the Bonaparte clan.LikeNapoleon, though,Louiswasneveronetobear grudges,andwiththerestoration of theEmpirehe installedthe good-timer Jéréme,nowagedseventy-eight, asSenator, Marshalof France,andGovernor of theInvalides, withanofficial residence in thePalais-Royal anda largeannualpublicendowment. Thisdeluge ofluxuries gavesuch a filliptoNapoleon’s youngest brotherthathe livedonuntil1860.After1848Louismaintained hispopularity inthe countryandsurvived furtherobstacles andambushes: theinstitutionalhostility oftheAssembly; categorical political rejection bythe republicans; attemptsbytheforcesof ‘order’to sideline him;and evenanassortment ofcivilian andmilitary conspiracies. Louiswasofcoursefortunate inmanyrespects. Byestablishing an institution directlyelectedbyuniversal suffrage ina countrywhose political culturewasstillpredominantly oralanddeeplycommitted to thememoryof thegreatNapoleon, hisopponents handedhimthe Presidency onaplatter,enabling Louistore-emerge fromthepoliticalwilderness in 1848.In theelectionof December thatyearhis namewasuniversally known,unlikethoseof allof hisopponents;

230

TheLegendofNapoleon

manyvoters,forexample, thoughtthatthemoderate republican can-

didate Lamartine wasawoman (‘La Martine’).

PerhapsLouis’s greatestpieceof luckwasthatthroughout the yearsoftheSecondRepublic hisconservative andrepublican adversarieshatedeachothermorethan theydisliked,let alonefeared,

him.Butitisundeniable thatnoneofhissuccesses wouldhavebeen

possible iftheportrait painted byhisadversaries ofaweakandindecisivemediocrity hadbeenevenremotely accurate. Infact,withthe

benefitof hindsight,onemightarguethatheplayedan almostflaw-

lesshand:theStrasbourg andBoulogne conspiracies of 1836and

1840,whiletheyweresetbacks intheshortrun,enabled Louisto establish himself asthelegitimate imperial pretender; hispolitical

writings furtherdeveloped thisimagewhileatthesametimedistancingBonapartism fromthemorebellicoseaspectsof theNapoleonic

tradition; andevenhiscarefully cultivated ambivalences after1848

allowed Louistopresent himself totheelectorate asa leaderwho

stoodabovepartiesandworked for‘thegoodofFrance’. Howeveradmirablehis qualitiesand achievements, though,

Louis’spoliticalreputationremainedbedevilledby the December

1851coup,whichhungaroundhisnecklikeanalbatross. Hetriedto

explain itaway, blaming othersforusingexcessive force,invoking theNapoleonic principle of‘necessity’, andcoining artfulformulae suchas ‘Iabandonedlegalityonlyin orderto restorewhatwas right.’9° Healsodidhisbestto mitigatetheterribleeffectsof the repression, notably bysending officials toreview thesentences passed on the hoofbythe Commissions Mixtes, bygrantinghundredsof

amnesties andpardons, andevenbyentertaining individual requests

fromhisformerrepublican acquaintances; GeorgeSandmemorably described a visitto the Elyséein January1852whenthe President

tearfully heldherhandsandpromised tofreeanyone shewanted.** Louisremaineddefensive about2 Decemberthroughoutthe

Second Empire, anditissignificant thattheregime nevercelebrated

thisdateasitspolitical anniversary, preferring insteadtohonourthe birthof Napoleonon 15August,the‘Saint-Napoleon’; a saintis always useful whenamortalsinneedscovering up.Intruth,however, eventhoughit offended hissensitive natureasan individual, the coupwasentirelycongruentwithLouis’s politicaltrajectoryand indeedwiththeNapoleonic traditionasit developed after1815.

TheMaking ofanEmperor 231 Fighting alongside thecarbonan in Italy,andrepeatedly plottingto

overthrow Louis-Philippe, Louis wassimply following thepathtaken

byNapoleonic conspirators of theRestoration, whohadrelentlessly struggledagainsttheBourbonsandcontributedto theirdownfall.

Louiswasa ‘child ofpolitical romanticism’; hebelonged toa progressive political generation which hadbeenshaped andfortified bythepolitical struggles of the1820sand1830s, andwasimmersed inwhatmightbecalledits ‘cultureof the underground’. It wasa

brave, noble-spirited, and idealistic generation, but also one that

regarded ‘bourgeois’ ruleandthetrappings ofparliamentary democ-

racywithconsiderable contempt —asentiment which wasofteneven morepronounced ontherepublican leftandamongtheSaintSimonians.”©

It shouldnot be forgotten,in this context,that theserepublican

groupswerealsodeeplyinvolved inconspiratorial activity between

1830and1851.Perhaps theonlymajordifference between these radical conspirators andtheirBonapartist counterparts (andmore

thanoccasional comrades) wasthatthelatterweremoresuccessful in consolidating theirgains.If theDecember1851coup,carriedoutini-

tiallyagainsta conservative andreactionary Assembly andwiththe

promise ofrestoring universal suffrage, hadfailed inParis, andLouis

andhisaccomplices hadbeenmassacred in theElyséecourtyard, whocandoubtthatFrancewouldtodaybefullofmonuments honouringthe‘Prince-President’ asoneof thefallensoldiers inthebattle toestablish themoderndemocratic Republic?

What,finally, ofLouis’s relationship withthehistory ofhisuncle

theEmperor andwiththeNapoleonic legendina widercontext? A comparisonof the paths to power takenby Bonaparteand his

nephewbeforetheyacceded totheirimperial thronessuggests some similarities. “Thepeoplerecognized assovereign, hereisthekeytothe enigma, thesecretofimperial power’: sospoketherepublican Félix Pyat,a resolute enemyofBonapartism whononetheless recognized

itssuccess inhunting onrepublican lands.”LikeNapoleon, Louis

soughttocultivate theimageofa nationalleaderand‘popular sovereign’ whotranscended partisandifferences —thiswas,andindeed remainsto thisday,thedefining political principle of Bonapartism. Bothmenalsohada broadlysimilarphilosophical outlook:they believed in theRevolutionary principles of civilequality, progress,

232 TheLegendofNapoleon andsocialchange, intheinstrumental valueofreligion, inthenecessityof Statepowertotransform society, andaboveallinthevalue of the‘nation’, thatsupremepoliticalcommunity inwhosename everypolitical actionhadtobejustified andlegitimized. Bothmen alsoseized powerundersimilar circumstances, pushing asidea decayingRepublic inordertorallytheFrenchpeopletoa newvisionof ‘order’ thatwouldseektoreconcile antagonistic groups, classes, and factions. Andyetthisisperhapswhererealdifferences betweenthetwo menbeginto emerge.Napoleon,withoutdoubt,waswelcomedasa

genuinesaviour, asa solution toa problemthatwasnotofhisown making. Evenhisworstenemies couldnotholdGeneralBonaparte accountable forthecatastrophic stateof Francein thelate1790s, whereas Louis,asPresident oftheRepublic between 1848and1851,

wasfundamentally implicated in,andtherefore atleastpartly responsiblefor,the ‘anarchy’ hiscoupsoughtto redress.Thisperhaps explainstheverydifferenthistorical‘memories’ of 1799and 1851:

Napoleon’s legendneverreallysuffered muchdamagebecauseof hiscoup,whereas thereversewasthecaseforLouis.Hisimagein Franceremainsassociated, eventoday,withthe coupd’étatthat broughtdowntheSecondRepublic.

Overall,thedifferences betweenNapoleonandLouisoutweighed

thesimilarities. Whilehewasanintelligent man,andarguably more

politically astutethanhisimpetuous uncle,Louisobviously lacked Napoleon’s sheer, radiant, overpowering brilliance. (Infairness, the Princeonlyeverclaimed tobethefollower oftheEmperor, nothis successor.) Furthermore, theBonapartefamilyplayeda crucialrolein

Napoleon’s risetopower:withoutLucien’s steadying handonthe18

Brumaire, thecoupwould almost certainly havefailed; whereas the clandidnothing butimpede Louis’s ascentduringthe1830s and

1840s. Napoleon’s reputation, basedlargelyonhismilitary prowess,

wasalreadyestablished bythetimehetookpower,whereasLouishad

yettoachieve anything inthepolitical domainin1848— and thiswas

stillessentially truein1851.

Napoleon, it couldbe argued,achieved mostof histrulygreat politicaland institutionaltransformations beforehe became Emperor;Louis,in contrast,hadto waitto assumetheimperial mantlebeforetrulymaking hismarkasa political leader,notablyby

TheMakingofanEmperor 233 fundamentally changing hiscountry’s socialandeconomic landscape. The Empire,in short,wasNapoleon’s rewardforwhathe had alreadydone;forLouis,it wasan incentiveto act.

Mostcrucially, Napoleon hadalreadybegunto createhisown legendin 1799—notablybycreatively rewriting keyepisodes ofhis lifeandmilitary career;Louis,incontrast, waslargely thebeneficiary ofhisuncle’s reputation. AsFuretputit,Louiswasthe‘childofthe

Napoleonic legend’.*° Hedid,ofcourse, amend thisheritage insig-

nificant ways,particularly byinsisting thathisversion ofBonapartism wasnotdespotic andwarlike. ‘Theendswerethesame,butthemeans weretobedifferent. TheEmperor hadflattened anyopposition that layin hispath,bothonthebattle-field andin thepolitical arena; Louishadwantedtodothingsdifferently, totakethepeoplealong withhim,allthepeople,andtounitethemdespitetheirpartisandifferences. Heespecially hopedtotaketherepublicans alongwithhim, ashadNapoleon; afterall(incontrastwiththeEmperor) didLouis notsharemuchoftheirpolitical philosophy? Andyetthiswaswherecircumstances, andtheironyoflife,dealt Louisthemostcruelblow.Hedideventually achieve supreme and absolute powerin 1852,butonlyatthecostofalienating therepublicans,and by usingthoseveryNapoleonic methods—deceit, violence, therecourse toillegality —thathehadhopedtoleavebehind forever.Hisuncle’s legendcarriedhimtopower,butwitha vicious stinginitstail.

Chapter 9 Warriors of Peace

In September 1852Prince-President LouisNapoleon paidanofficial visittothedepartment oftheIsére.Hardened Napoleonic enthusiasts sincethebeginning oftheHundredDays,thepeopleinthisregion hadoverwhelmingly supported hiscoup d’état inDecember 1851,and theywereabouttovotefortherestoration oftheEmpirewithsimilar gusto.Ashe arrivedin the Saint-Marcellin area,throngsof well-wishers turnedouttogreetthenephew ofNapoleon. Streets and homesweredecoratedwithflags,banners,and arcs-de-triomphe,

andsomecitizens evenerectedsmallchapels inhishonour,asif for a religious celebration. Evidently, thecultof theimperial tradition

wasflourishing here.!

Tomarktheoccasion, apopularrallywasorganized inGrenoble, wheremunicipal delegations fromeachcommune wereinvitedto meetthePresident. In hisdesiretopreparepublicopinionforthe restoration of theEmpire,theheadof Statehadspecifically asked thatallsurvivors oftheGrandeArmée(Napoleon’s legendary fightingforce)shouldbeinvitedtojointheprocessions; andtosymbolize the‘Napoleonic’ characterof theevent,thebannerof eachcommuneshouldbeborne(wherever possible) bythemostrobustveteran

ofhislocality.’

|

On thedayof the rallytherewasindeeda largeturnoutof

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235

Napoleonicveterans,whocamefromall overthe department.In

manysenses theseoldwarriors effectively stoletheshow. Thecrowds

couldeasily pickthemout,sincetheyworethedistinctive insignia of theSociety oftheOldArmyofwhichtheywereallmembers —a

smallmedaloftheEmperor Napoleon hanging onatricolourribbon. Somewerecarryingimperialmemorabilia, suchassmallplasterstat-

uesof Bonaparteandwoodenreplicasof theVendéme column.

Many hadalsobrought outtheirolduniforms, somewhat tattered but allthemoreevocative oftheepicbattles thattheyhadwaged. Especially striking weretheenthusiastic reactions ofthepublicto

the presenceof theseveterans.There was a powerfulsenseof

nationalpatriotism generated bytheselivingsymbols of thegreat

imperial wars,whichhadbrought somuch‘glory’ totheFrench nation. Butthesightofthesemenandtheiruniforms alsoproduced strongsentiments ofmorelocalpride.Themilitary regiments based

in Grenoblehadfoughtbravelyin 1814,andagainin 1815,to resist

theAlliedinvasion ofFrance; theseepisodes, whosecommemoration

hadbeena central feature ofpopular opposition totheBourbons

undertheRestoration, werestillvividinthecollective memory ofthe localpopulations.? Mostremarkable of allwastheextenttowhich individual veterans wereknowntotheirpeers:ashestoodwatching the procession, the sub-prefect of Saint-Marcellin wasshowna formercaptainofartillery, ‘morethanseventy yearsold,butmarchingwithan almostjuvenilegait,whohadbeenwiththeEmperor Napoleon duringtheEgyptian campaign’ .*Thisofficer wasCaptain Faure,oneof theeminentcitizensof Vienneandsomething of a

localcelebrity.°

On the eveof the establishment of the SecondEmpire,this momentcapturedthedepthandpotencyof Napoleonic political culturein mid-nineteenth-century France,withitspopularcultof theEmperor andhisnephew, itsrichmemories oftheimperial wars, andtheircomplex historical connotations atlocallevels. Thisthreecornered relationship between Stateauthorities, Napoleonic veterans, andtheFrenchpeoplewillbethesubjectofthischapter. Itscentral argumentis that(contraryto receivedwisdom)® theNapoleonic legendremaineda potentforcein Franceafter1851,principally throughthevigorous publicrolesplayedbytheveterans oftheimperialwars.

236

TheLegendofNapoleon

Theseoldcombatants performed important political functions.

AsLouisNapoleonsoughtto consolidate hispowerafterhiscoup d’état, he consciously drewuponelements of theimperialmythto legitimize hisrule.Already strongin 1852,hisrelationship withthe surviving warriors oftheGrandeArméewouldbefurtherdeveloped

insubsequent years, culminating intheestablishment ofanewState decoration, theMédaille deSainte-Héléne. Thisawardhelped the

regimetomobilize publicsupport, especially inruralpartsofFrance. Lastly,thenarrativesof theimperialveteranswillsheda revealing

lightupontheirretrospective characterization oftheNapoleonic era,

andinparticular theircultoftheEmperor. Whydidthesesoldiers, ‘theobscure,the smallmen,the rank-and-file’ in thewordsof EdmondRostand, theverymenwhoexperienced nothingbuthardship duringthe Napoleoniccampaigns,nonethelesscontinueto

celebrate theEmperor’s memory? Andtowhatextentdidtheirrep-

resentations oftheircommander change overtime? Here,among the verysoldiers whohadaccompanied himacrossEurope, willbe

underscored oneof thekeytransformations of Napoleon’s ‘legendary’imageinthecourseof thenineteenthcentury:fromwarrior

andconqueror tolawmaker andbearerofpeace. Creators of the Legend

AttheendoftheNapoleonic warsitisestimated thataround1.1mil-

lionsoldiers returned totheirhomes inFrance.’ Discharged inlarge numbers in1815, andoftenpersecuted whentheysought tore-enter

civilianlife,the formersoldiersand officersof the GrandeArmée weregenerallytreatedas pariahsby the Restorationauthorities.

Duringthe‘WhiteTerror’of thesummerandautumnof 1815, Napoleonic veteranswerepersecuted,humiliated, and in some instances murdered.® Andastheroyalist regimesoughttoconsolidate itsauthority, itshostility totheseformerimperial elements hardened. Thereasonwassimple: asa localofficial putitin 1821,thestrongest supportfortheNapoleonic causecamefrom‘ruralinhabitants and _formersoldiers’? —twogroupswhichofcourseoftenoverlapped. After1815,Napoleonic veteransweretheprimarycontributors totheimperial‘legend’; andtheywerealsoatthevanguard of the

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237

political battleagainsttheRestoration. Theywereinvariably thefirst inlineonallthemajor‘fronts’ mentioned in earlierchapters: the production anddissemination of‘seditious’ objects, thepropagation ofrumours, andtheorganization ofnationalconspiracies andlocal rebellions. Ritually denounced inofficial reportsoftheRestoration era,theirparticipation indissident activities wasextensive, including

mostnotably spreading falseinformation; engaging inintimidating

behaviour;distributing Napoleonicsongs;celebratingimperial anniversaries; andexpressing publicsupportfortheEmperor(or,in thelateryearsof theRestoration, hissontheDucdeReichstadt). Formersoldiers (andtheirwives) alsoparticipated actively inthese anti-royalist manifestations; theyweredisproportionately represented amongthosefinedandimprisoned bytheRestoration forshouting ‘LongLivetheEmperor!’!° Takenasa group,theimperialveteransof theRestoration era

stood outinfourparticular respects: intheirabsolute andunqualified

loyalty tothecauseandmemory ofNapoleon, whomtheyvenerated asa god(somuchsothattheyoftenrecitedprayersinhishonour,

drawnfromtheimperial catechism);!! intheirrepeated andvehe-

mentproclamations ofnationalism, expressed intheirsupport forthe

‘three national colours’ which hadbeenspurned bytheBourbons; in

theprecariousness of theirmaterialconditions (reportsoftenhighlighted theextreme poverty inwhichtheylived,acondition sharedby formerofficersandsoldiersalike!*); andinthecultureof violencein

whichtheyrevelled —symbolic andverbalviolence againstthesup-

portersoftheroyalist order,particularly thearistocracy andthe

clergy, andcommemorative prideinthemostbellicose aspects ofthe Napoleonic era.Forthesemen,theNapoleonic legendwasalmost exclusively concerned withmilitary glory:theEmperor, asapopular imperial songputit,wasa ‘messiah’ whohadsuccessfully ‘setfireto

theDanube andignited theRhine’.!%

After1830,thepublicimageoftheimperial veterans underwent something of a transformation. Although theirmaterialconditions didnotchangesubstantially, theiractiveroleinthepropagation of theNapoleonic ‘legend’ earnedthem aprivilegedposition inartistic andliterary representations oftheNapoleonic cult.Notable examples includethepaintingsof HoraceVernetandthe lithography of Fesneau,Souvenirs etreconnaissance, whichshowedan oldsoldierseated

238 TheLegendofNapoleon athistablegazingata smallstatueoftheEmperor byhiswindow.!* Thedrawings ofRaffetidealized theNapoleonic fighter, endowing himwiththequalities ofstoicism andbravery thatweresocentralto the legend;theseimagesalsocelebratedNapoleon’s popularity amongordinary soldiers (seeFigure22). Theotherkeysentiment attributed totheveterans intheseartistic representations wassorrow —bitterness, even—attheircallous treatmentbytheirfellow citizens. ‘Theimperial warveteranGoguelat, one

oftheleading characters inBalzac’s Médecin deCampagne (which saw seveneditions between1833and1846), commented wistfully onthe

fateof allhiscomradesafter1815:‘Franceiscrushed,thesoldieris

nothing, heisrobbedofhisjustdeserts, andpackedoffhometobe

replaced byaristocrats whocannot evenwalk.’!°

Withthis‘cultural’ rehabilitation oftheformersoldiers camethe firststageof theirreturnintothepublicspherethroughtheestablishment ofNapoleonic veterans’ societies, whichbegantoflourish in Parisandinmanypartsofprovincial France—notably, aswehave

seen,intheIsére—during the1840s.!© Thevoices ofthesesoldiers

werealsorelayed intheRevue del’Empure (1842-8), whichwasedited inParisbyCharlesTemblaire andoftencarriedshortpiecesbyeyewitnesses andparticipants in variousNapoleonic campaigns. The firstissuealsonotedmoresoberly thattimewasalready beginning to runoutformanyveterans: ‘theoldsoldiers oftheformerarmyare

disappearing every daybefore us.’!’

Forallthesemen,theclimax ofthisperiodwasmarked bythecer-

emoniesof December1840,whichsawthe returnof theirbeloved Emperor’sremainsto France.Veteranswerethe largestsinglecon-

tributorsto a subscription to raisefundsfor a monumentto

Bonaparte, launched bythenewspaper LeStécle.!> When Napoleon’s

remains werebroughtback,veterans appeared ateverystageofthe journeyfromNormandy toParis,oftenwearing theirolduniforms. Thiswasa particularlypoignantmomentforthem,kindlingsenti-

mentsofpatriotism andprideandalsointense emotion atthesightof

theprocession which brought backthe‘ruler oftheuniverse’.!? And

althoughtheimperialveteranswerepresentat theInvalides, they wererefused therighttoberepresented intheofficial procession —an

exclusionwhichtypifiedtheJulyMonarchy’s ambivalences towards

theNapoleonic cult.”°

FIGURE22

‘Szre, youcanrelyonusasmuch asontheOldGuard.’ Acharacteristic representation byRaffet ofNapoleon onhiswaytothebattlefield. HeretheEmperor isridingalongside theYoung Guard,madeuplargely ofyounger conscripts whoexpress theirloyaltyanddevotion totheimperial cause.Imagesof thiskindcelebrated Napoleon’s closeness tohissoldiers, aswellasthepatriotism and braveryoftheGrandeArmée;theyalsoappealed tothenationalistic sentiments of manyFrenchmenandwomenwholongedfor‘revenge’ afterNapoleon’s defeatin

1815. Especially during theperiod between 1815and1848, thissentiment wasan important component ofthemindset oftheveterans.

240 TheLegendofNapoleon Intheyearsthatfollowed the1840ceremonies, relations between

theOrleanist authorities andtheimperial warriors deteriorated still

further;manylocalveterans’ associations were(rightly) suspected of providing a coverforanti-government activity. A Saint-Napoléon

society, basedinLille, wasdissolved in1841for‘subversion’.?! After several clashes withthegovernment (partly provoked bytheirsupport

fortheplight ofLouis Napoleon), themembers ofthemainveterans’

association in Paris,theSociété Philanthropique desDébris deArmée Impénale, wereevenbannedin 1845bythePrefectof Policefrom wearingtheirmilitaryuniforms in public.Thisdecision provoked

strong criticism intheliberal andrepublican press” (see Figure 23).

At the timeof the 1848Revolution, thisvenerationof the Napoleonic soldierhadbecomedeeplyentrenched inthecollective Frenchconsciousness, strengthened bythecontributions of writers andartistsbutaboveallbythe‘oraltraditions’ ofthenumerous familieswhonumberedin theirmidstoneor moremembersof the GrandeArmée.Therewerenumerous examples of thesocialand political importance of whatmightbecalledthis‘veteran culture’ withinFrench families: thecelebration ofspecific imperial battles, the namingof children(notonlymen;a generation of womenwere called‘Napoléonie’), andthesingingof songsaboutimperialsoldiers.Norwasthismerelya ‘private’ culture:inthe1848elections, manycandidates drewattention, intheirmanifestos, tothemilitary service oftheirfathersintheNapoleonic wars,andthepersecutions

suffered bytheirfamilies in1815.?°

In thelate1840sandearly1850s,veteransremainedthemost

active disseminators oftheNapoleonic legend.** Perhaps themost celebrated memoir produced byanimperial veteran, Captain JeanRochCoignet’s Cahiers, wasfirstpublishedin Auxerrein 1851. Coignet, whojoinedtheFrenchArmyin1779,hadbornearmswith Napoleon in Italy,beenincorporated in theGuard,andhadthen accompanied theEmperor atAusterlitz, Iena,Friedland, Eylau,and

Wagram. Laterhehadcampaigned inRussia andSaxony, andfinally hadfoughtatWaterloo. Thisremarkable survivor playedamajorrole

in propagatingthe Napoleonicmythin his nativeYonnebetween

1815and1848.

LikeCoignet, asignificant number offormer imperial soldiers all overFrance kepttheNapoleonic flameburning intheirlocalities,

FIGURE23

Theveterans oftheFirstEmpire gathered before theVendéme Column, ontheoccasion oftheanniversary ofthedeath ofNapoleon. AftertheRevolution ofJuly1830,veterans ofNapoleon’s GrandeArméedeveloped thehabitofgathering everyyearatthefootoftheVend6me ColumninParison5 May-especiallyafter1832,whena statueof Napoleonwasplacedabovethe column.After1840,thesegatherings gaveriseto increasing tensionswiththe Orleanist government, whicheventually bannedtheveterans fromwearing theirold uniforms inpublic—a decision thatcausedgreatresentment amongNapoleon’s old soldiers.

242 TheLegendofNapoleon notablythroughformalandinformal societies.*? Manycampaigned actively forLouisNapoleon’s electionto thePresidency, andcelebratedhim as the worthyinheritorof the imperialpolitical

tradition.”© Yetthepolitical values ofthese former participants inthe

imperialepicwereessentially rootedin thepast.Aproclamation froma groupofveteransexpressly calledonallformersoldiers to voteforLouisNapoleon ‘asagesture ofprotestagainst thetreaties of 1815,againstWaterloo, againsttheprisonof Sainte-Héléne, and againstalltheinjustices andpersecutions whichhavebefallenthe

brave soldiers oftheGrande Armée.’?”

It couldbearguedthatLouisNapoleon’s victory, inthiscontext,

waslittlemorethana specificinstanceof a widerculturaltrait,which

gavecivicrecognition andpoliticalaffirmation to anyindividual whosecloserelative hadservedtheimperial causeonthebattlefields

between 1799and1815. Inthissense, eventhough theywerenot

directlyhonoured byFrenchgovernments after1830,theveterans had becomeobjectsof quasi-universal communaladmirationand socialrespect;the stagewassetfor theirpublicrecognitionby the

SecondEmpire. ANewImperial Decoration Bythelate1840sandearly1850s, therewerestilloverfourhundred

thousand survivors oftheimperial warsinFrance. Theywerescattered

alloverthenational territory, andtheirsocial andeconomic conditions variedenormously, withsomeliving inabsolute poverty. Buta considerablenumberhadsuccessfully returnedintocivilian life,becoming —

forexample — schoolteachers, artisans, innkeepers, andsmallholders.”° Invariably, thesemenwereknownandrespected figures intheirlocal communities, andthesepositions wouldbefurtherenhanced bythe Second Empire’s decision toawardthemanofficial decoration. EmperorLouisNapoleon (or,ashebecameknownafter1852,

Napoleon III)createdthedistinction of theMédaille deSainteHéléneinAugust1857.79 Itwastobeawarded toallthose,ofboth Frenchandforeignnationality, whohadfoughtundertheFrench nationalflagduringthe Revolutionary andimperialwars.The commemorative medalwasmadeof bronze,andwasto bewornat

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243

thebuttonhole, suspended bya greenandredribbon.Oneside

depicted thelikeness oftheEmperor, andtheothercarriedthe

inscription ‘Campaigns from1792to 1815—ToHisCompanions of

Glory, HisFinalThought, 9May1821.”°° Thiswasa reference to

Napoleon’s testament, inwhichhehadbequeathed halfhisprivate estatetothesurviving soldiers whohadservedundertheRevolution andEmpire; thisclausehadneverbeenexecuted.*! Ithasbeenesti-

matedthat 390,000veteranswerestillalivein 1857to receivetheir

medals*? —aremarkably highfigure, which ispartly explained bythe

relative youthoftherecruits oftheGrandeArméeinthefinalcam-

paigns oftheFirstEmpire.**

WhydidNapoleon IIIestablish theaward? Itsostensible purpose

wastohonourthemanysurviving veterans oftheFrenchArmiesof theNapoleonic era,tohelpidentify thoseamongthemwhowerein needofmaterial assistance andsupport, and(inthewordsofapoem writtento celebrate thenewmedal)to ‘console thesewarriorsfor

decades ofsuffering’.*4

Buttherewerealsodeepersymbolic andpolitical dimensions at work.LouisNapoleon wasobsessed withthelegitimation ofhislineage: withtheMédaillede Sainte-Héléne the SecondEmpiresought, bycelebrating itslinkswiththefounderof theimperial dynasty, to exorcize theregime’s ‘illegitimate’ originsin the 1851coupd’état. Napoleon III alsohopedto usetheseawardsto createa ‘popular aristocracy’, anddemonstrate thathisregimeremainedtrueto theBonapartist idealofa society inwhichtalentandmeritcouldbe recognized irrespective of wealthor socialorigin.The Second Empirehadalreadyinitiated thepracticeofawarding theLegionof Honourtomayors ofsmallruralcommunes; theMédaille deSainteHélénewasfromthispointof viewanextension of theprocessof

‘democratizing’ thehonours system.*°

Theprocessing of individual claims,theverification of entitlements,andtheissuing ofthemedals beganinearnestintheautumn of 1857.%° Itwasa hugeoperation, involving theentireFrenchstate

bureaucracyat the national,departmental,and communallevels.

Onthewhole,theoperation proceeded verysatisfactorily, withofficialsmakingeveryeffortto trackdownthoseformercombatants whowerelivingintheirlocalities.7” Thelongevity ofsomeofthese survivors wasliterallymiraculous: fewwouldhaveheldup much

244 TheLegendofNapoleon hopeforthesoldierwhowasdischarged in 1802afterbeingdiagnosedwith‘general weakness andchronicchestpains,withmanifest

symptoms ofpulmonary phtisis.”*® Yetthisgallant veteran wasstill therein1857toreceive hismedal; thereweremanyothers likehim

alloverFrance. Butitshouldnotbeimagined thatalltheformerservicemen were ina stateofphysical decrepitude. Therecordsheldindepartmental archives acrossFranceattesttotheremarkable experiences andcontinuingvitalityof manyrecipients of theMédailles. Consider the example ofPierreNollet,whocamefromthevillage ofSaudrupt in theMeuse.InApril1813hejoinedtheArmyandwasimmediately assigned toserveascourierforNapoleon. Heperformed thistaskfor overa year,duringwhichhewasonthefrontlineofseveral keybat-

tlesintheFrench campaign.*? Although inhisearlyseventies by

1858, Nollet wasstillingoodhealthandreceived hismedal enthusi-

astically. Andwhatof formercorporalAugustin Aubertin, bornin 1778,whosawactiveservice between1798and1812,duringwhich hefoughtforovertwelve years? Aubertin didbattleintheItalianand

Spanish campaigns, andsustained twoinjuries, oneataskirmish in

theTyrolinApril1798andtheotheratthebattleofAlbuéra inMay 1811.Inhiseightieth yearin1858,hewasstillinexcellent healthand

greatlylookedforwardto receivinghis medal.*°Theseindividual

storiesreflected theremarkable oddswhichtheseformermilitary servicemen hadovercome inordertoreceivetheseawards, fouror

fivedecades aftertheconclusion oftheNapoleonic wars*! (see

Figures 24,25,and26). Thebureaucratic procedures involved didnotgosmoothly everywhere.Theprocess ofvettingcandidates anddelivering themedals

alsogiverisetoproblems, especially among thoseimperial veterans

whohadnodocuments toconfirmtheiryearsof service. Takethe caseofAndréPoupon, a textileworkerfromLyons. Poupon’s wasa taleoffortitude andmiseryinequalmeasure. Havingenlisted asa volunteer in June1807,hehadfoughtinthecampaigns ofWagram (1809), Holland (1810), Russia(1812), andBelfort (1815). Duringthe Russian campaign hewascaptured andsenttoSiberia, wherehewas internedforeighteenmonths;hedeveloped rheumatic painsthat plaguedhimfortherestofhislife.SentbacktoFrancethroughan exchange ofprisoners in 1814,Pouponwasdischarged, but—being

Lastsurvwors oftheGrande Armée

Blind survivor oftheGrande Armée 1858 FIGURES24,25AND26

Thesethreedrawings vividly capturethephysical appearance ofNapoleonic veteransundertheSecondEmpire, at thetimeof theestablishment of theMédaille de Sainte-Héléne (eachveteranishereshownwearinghismedal).It isestimated that around390,000 survivors oftheGrandeArméereceived theirdecorations fromthe imperial Statein 1858,duringthecelebrations of thenational festivity of 15August, theSaint-Napoleon. Throughtheircentralroleintheseceremonies, theveterans helpednotonlytobroadenthepopularappealof theSecondEmpirebutalsoto perpetuate theNapoleonic legend.

246

TheLegend ofNapoleon

—he enlistedagainduringtheHundred Bonapartist a passionate duringhiseightyearsofactive battering a severe took Hisbody Days. his lanceatSmolensk, bya Cossack hisrightarmwaspierced service: anda Prussiansabre feetfrozeduringthe retreatfromMoscow,

cracked openhisheadatBelfort.

Destitute troubles. AndyetthiswasnottheendofAndréPoupon’s periodin abject he spentthe entireRestoration andmiserable, toofferthevetnothing had earlier, as noted Bourbons, The poverty. theyhadsobitterly eransof an armywhosecommander-in-chief todrawattention inthe1820s o fficials bylocal Allattempts opposed. forcesfellondeafears ofNapoleon’s totheplightofformersoldiers

in1830, Poupon sentapetition inParis.*? After thechange ofregime totheDucd’Orléansaskinghimfora statepension,attachingallhis

Hisrequestfoundno favour,andhis documents. military-service

folofdeprivation decades Twofurther wereneverreturned. papers

regimewaseagerto exploittheBonapartist lowed.LouisPhilippe’s legendto itsownadvantage, as wehaveseen,butit showedlittle loyalfootsoldiers. interestinthefateoftheEmperor’s the Pouponagainpetitioned In 1850,undertheSecondRepublic,

destituhisoldage,material oftheRhéneforhelp,stressing prefect Threeyearslater—by noreply. tionandpoorhealth.Stillhereceived andPoupon’s hopes nowtheSecondEmpirehadbeenproclaimed, a werehigh—hetriedtheMinistry of War.Thistimehereceived foranystatesuphimthathewasnoteligible letterback,informing

Thisbureaucratic asadeserter. classified portashehadbeenofficially name)caused common (foritwasone—hiswasanextremely mistake stilllackinganydocuments to Pouponto fallseriously ill.Finally, provehismembership of theGrandeArmée,heappealedin 1857 seemsto III.Movedbyhisplight,theEmperor toNapoleon directly haveruledinhisfavour.*° Similardramasunfolded allacrossFrance,not alwayswiththe repeatedandimpassioned eventually positive resultthatPoupon’s pleasreceived.ThomasAubert,a prisonwarden,foundhisapplica-

tion turneddownbecausehis dischargepaperswereissued

endof atthechaotic thirtysoldiers toagroupofaround collectively

Despitetheawardofthemedaltomanyofhis the1815campaign. ofwhomvouched forhim, companions inthesameregiment, several hispleasremainedunanswered.** Others,suchas Marie-Antoine

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247

Lardet,a textileworker, couldnotproducetheirdischarge papers because theyweredestroyed inthe‘wretched invasion of 1815’—a reminder thatmanyservicemen returnedto theirvillages attheend oftheNapoleonic warsonlytofacemorehardship andmisery. Localofficials sometimes weighed in on behalfof disappointed applicants. ThemayorofSt Lagerwas‘painfully affected’ tolearn thatnoneofthetenapplicants fromhiscommune hadbeengranted theirmedals.Heappealed tothesub-prefect tohavetheircasesreexamined, stressing thatit wasof ‘public notoriety’ inhiscommune thatallthesemenhadservedintheGrandeArmée.*® The Award Ceremonies

Thecontinuing vitality oftheNapoleonic legend cameintoclear

focusin the 1850sand 1860sduringthe officialfestivities of the Bonapartist regime.Theimperialveteranswereofficially incorporatedintotheceremonial orderoftheSecondEmpirefromthevery outset.The oldsoldiersnotablyperformeda centralrolein the nationalfestivity oftheSaint-Napoléon, celebrated on 15August.*” Thiswasalreadythecasewellbeforetheinstitution oftheMédaille deSainte-Héléne —forexample, inParis,wheretheformersoldiers wereassembled outside theMadeleine Churchin1852andprovided a guardofhonourfortheheadofState;*andalsoat Sainte-Claude

in1852,*9 LaChatre in1853,°° andCarcassonne in1854.5!

Whatwerethepolitical allegiances oftheveterans? Weretheyall enthusiastic devotees oftheBonapartist regime after1851,astheofficialpropaganda of theSecondEmpireimplied? In a verysmall numberof cases,thereis evidence of imperial veterans refusing to takepartinthefestivities because oftheir‘opposition to thegovern-

ment”?—a reminder thatmanyof thosewhohadfoughtfor

Napoleon (especially duringtheHundredDays)werenotnecessarily Bonapartists. Furthermore, manyformersoldiers didnotnecessarily remaincommitted totheNapoleonic causeinsubsequent decades.°° Localmonographs occasionally provideglimpses of individual

rebels. IntheCher,afterthe1851coup d’état, former imperial soldier

ClaudeVilainreaffirmed hisfaithin the principles of republican socialism, andhisadmirationforthephilosopher Pierre-Joseph

248 TheLegendofNapoleon thathe‘wasveryfondoftheuncle, declared hepublicly Proudhon; butafterwhathehasdone,notof thenephew.’In a similarvein,

atthetime Louis Guardwarned oftheNapoleonic veteran another

of the Presidentialelectionthat ‘1848is not 1804’;in otherwords, Louiswasto be electedas theguardianof theRepublic,andnot as

thatthisveteranwould thefounderof a newEmpire.It isunlikely oftheSecond t headvent (nottomention d’état havegreetedthecoup

Empire) withanyenthusiasm.”

limofdissentwererelatively Atthesametime,theseexpressions

ited;thereislittlesignthatoppositionto theEmpirewaswidespread

Andevenif they formersoldiersand officers. amongNapoleon’s outby werepresent,thesecriticalvoiceswouldhavebeendrowned majority,and the the enthusiasmshownby the overwhelming popularacclaimwhichgreetedthe veteransduring extraordinary wereespecially Thesefestivities ceremonies. theSaint-Napoléon joyfulin theyear1858,whentheveteranswereissuedwiththeir wereeven thecelebrations Insomelocalities medalsandcertificates. afitting tributeto the byseveraldaysinordertoprovide extended noted a localofficial forexample, In thetownof Pertuis, Médaillés. hadnot which c onditions ‘under place taken had thefestivities that uptillthatpoint’.Therewerethreedaysofrejoicing: beenwitnessed religious withallthetraditional IIIwasfetedon15August, Napoleon on fairwasheld thefolalargeagricultural andcivicmanifestations; of prizesto anddistributions lowingday,withpublicamusements farmers;andthefestivities culminated on 17Augustwitha ceredeSainte-Héléne. Médaillés monyinhonourofthecommune’s ofmostof inthepresence Thiseventtookplaceintheafternoon, andinthe Alargebanquetthenfollowed, ofPertuis. the inhabitants Therewaslittle of fireworks. display therewasa spectacular evening the represented dayhad thethird p opulation, f orthelocal doubtthat,

climax ofthefestivities.°° Formsof Honour

Fromtheveryoutset—andlongbeforetheadventof theSecond inthemindsof the wasforemost Empire—thenotionof ‘honour’ despitetheir difficult veterans.Alreadyunderthe Restoration,

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249

materialconditions, theformersoldiers ofNapoleon hadstoodout

fromthisperspective; asonehistorian putit,‘[theveteran] would always remain oneofakind,obeying a spiritual discipline ignored by

thosearoundhim:a certainrigidity,an acute,demandingsenseof honourwhichstruckmanyas old-fashioned, if not a relicof the

middleages.”°’ Itwasclearthat,forthesemen,thecelebration ofthe

imperial cultwasinextricably boundwitha commitment to‘honourable’ behaviour. In thelateryearsof theirlives,astheywererewarded withthe

MédailledeSainte-Héléne, theveterans’attachmenttothisnotionof

‘honour’ becameevenmoremarked.Theconceptappeared repeat-

edlyintheinternal discourse andpractices oftheassociations of

imperial veterans thatmushroomed alloverFranceafter1858.One suchorganization, at LaChapelleSaint-Denis, broughttogethera

hundredveteranslivinginthisParisianneighbourhood. Atitsfound-

ingmeetinginMay1858theassociation approved a constitution of thirtyarticles,andelectedan executive bureauof sixmembers, presided overbyHébert,themayorofLaChapelle.°® Theassociation’sdefinition ofthedecoration wasstriking: “ThemedalofSainte-Héléne isaneminently honourable distinctionforallthosewhohavetherighttowearit,asforthosewhodo nothavethehonourofbeingdecorated byit,butwhoknowhow

tounderstand andappreciate itsmeaning.”°?

TheaimoftheCorporation wastofostersolidarity amongitsmem-

bersandtoengender ‘respect andhonour’ ofthemedal,® toensure

thatit wasalwaysworn‘decently’ andnever‘dishonoured’ byany actionorinsult.°! Individual members whowereinmaterial needand _ whowishedtopleadwithNapoleon IIIforassistance wererequired tohavetheirappeals vettedbytheCorporation first;again,thepoint wasclearlyto preservethe reputationof the membership as a whole. Transgressions of thiscodeof honourwereseverely punished. AnymemberwhobroughttheCorporation’s goodnameintodisreputebyhis‘scandalous conduct anddepraved morals’ wasliabletobe permanently expelled.®* Allmembers werealsounderanobligation, whenoneoftheircolleagues died,toattendhisfuneral; failuretopay

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theirrespects tothelastremains ofaveteranwasalsogrounds fordis-

missal fromtheCorporation. Thebehaviour ofallMédaillés towards

eachotherhadat alltimesto be markedbythe ‘decency which alwayshas to be shownby menwhorespectone another.’”® Elsewhere in Francesomeassociations, suchastheMédaillés de Sainte-Héléne of Maine-et-Loire, adoptedevenmorestringent criteria,reservingthe rightto denymembership to anyimperial veterans whodidnotenjoya ‘social position, whichalonecanguar-

anteethemtherespect which theyenjoy asindividuals.’ Asagroup, theimperial veterans werealsoextremely sensitive to theirstatus, andreacted withappropriate emotion toanyimpropriety displayed bypublicinstitutions towards them.‘Themainculprits here tendedto be themunicipalities. At‘Toursin 1859theveteranswere

placedat thebackof thecivicprocession; itsleadersmarchedso

rapidly thattheMédaillés wereleftbehind andeventually cutoffby thecrowd; themayorackowledged thattheoldsoldiers hadbeen ‘offended’.®” AtAixin 1859themunicipality hadalsotriedtoget awaywiththestrictminimumintermsof theorganization of public

festivities. Therewasnocivicprocession fromthemaine tothechurch,

andonlythemayor andhisdeputyattended thereligious service. Evenworse, themunicipal posters whichtraditionally announced

thenationalfestivity to thepopulation werenotprintedthatyear.

Apartfromprovidingdetailsof the day’sevents,thesepostersalso servedastheofficialsummons,notablyto allveterans,to attendthe

TeDeum inthecathedral. Thesub-prefect notedthattheMédaillés were‘deeply offended bythisoversight’.°® Oftenthissortofbehaviour ralliedtheentirelocalpopulation in

gesturesof solidaritywiththeveterans,andagainstthemunicipality;

in November1852manyinhabitantsof the easternvillageof

Landersheim signeda petitition totheMinister of theInterior demanding thedismissal oftheirmayor onthegrounds thathewas

‘persecuting theoldveterans oftheEmpire.’®? Inthesameyear,the behaviour ofthecuréoftheparishofVritz,whorefused toallowthe delegation ofMédaillés deSainte-Héléne toenterhisChurchbearingthetricolour flagtheyhadflownduringtheprocession, proved evenmoreoffensive.’? Similarly a priestcauseda scandalwhenhe described theMédaillés, whowereslowlyshuffling intotheChurch alongwiththerestofthemunicipal procession, as‘oldgoats’.’!

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Butthesewererelatively isolatedincidents. Theoverwhelming majorityof administrative reportsof thenationalfestivities spoke notonlyof thewarmthandrespectshownbylocalpopulations towards theveterans, butalsooftheextraordinary effects theirpresenceat timesinspired.In thevillageof Sacyin 1859theofficial procession wasmadeupofastrongcontingent ofimperial veterans; themayornotedthat‘everywhere onitspassage theprocession was greetedwithgreatfervour’. Indeed,thatyear’scelebrations in the commune ~the firstinwhichtheMédaillés hadtakenafullpart—had

proved themostmemorable andfestive todate.’* AtCousancelles the firemen elected tohonour theimperial veterans inaspecial way. The enthusiastic scenesthatfollowed weredescribed bythemayor:

“Thefiremen inanimpeccable outfitwished notonlytoescortthe localauthorities [tochurch], butinsisted onthehonouroffetching theMédaillés deSainte-Héléne fromtheirhomesandaccompanyingthemtogetherwiththemunicipal counciltotheceremonies of theday,afterwhichtheyagainescortedtheveteransbackto theirhomes,wheretheypresentedtheirarmsandgavearoll of

honour.Theseoldandbraverelicsof ourgloriousarmies responded tothesemilitary honours withenergetic criesof‘Long LivetheEmperor!’, repeateda thousandtimesbytheinhabitants whohadspontaneously accompanied theescort.’”?

TheNapoleonic legend wasstillaliveandwellinthislocality, asin

somanyotherpartsofFrancewheretheoldwarriors weregreeted withenthusiasm. It isnotsurprising, then,thatofficial reportstypicallydwelled onthecontentment oftheimperial veterans. ThePolice Commissioner ofAvignon notedin 1861:‘Everyone yesterday saw

withpleasure theoldMédaillés deSainte-Héléne inthecivic procession.Thefaces ofthesebraveoldfolkwereradiant withhappiness.’

Thisspecial placeoftheveterans intheheartsandmindsofthe French publicwasnotedbyStateofficials across France. Theprocureurgénéral ofColmarwrotein1858that‘theinstitution oftheMédaille is verypopular, especially inthecountryside wheretherearestilla sub-

stantially largenumber ofrelics ofouroldtroops.’’? Thiswasechoed

bythesub-prefect ofBéziers: “Thepresence andtheenthusiasm ofthe Médaillés of Sainte-Héléne haveproduced a happyeffectonpublic

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ered the them,the Empirehasconqu Byhonouring consciousness.

hearts.’”° sympathies ofeven themost indifferent andrallied many

Entertainingthe Veterans

Thepivotal position oftheimperial veterans inthepropagation of

theNapoleonic legendundertheSecond Empirereceived joyfulconfirmation duringthevarious formsofentertainment laidonintheir honourbylocalofficials. Thestrengthof communal sociability, the vigorous dissemination of Bonapartist ideology, andthephysical resilience of theMédaillés themselves shinethroughthesurviving accounts ofthesefestivities. Inthemajority oflocalities thefestivities inhonouroftheveterans tooktheclassic formofnineteenth-century Frenchcelebrations: the banquet.Inthelargertownstheseoccasions werepatronized bythe entireadministrative elite:atToulouse in1858sixtyimperial veterans

wereguests ofhonour atabanquet attheprefecture’’ andatRouen in 1859thebanquetinhonouroftheMédaillés wasorganized bythe mayor, withtheprefectoftheSeine-Inférieure andthetopmilitary

brassinattendance.’* Nobanquet would havebeencomplete without aproliferation oftoasts. Inthesecasestheyweretypically madetothe healthandgoodfortuneof theEmperorNapoleon, hisnephew

Napoleon III(andtheimperial family), andtheformer soldiers ofthe

GrandeArmée.AtMarsillargues in 1858a banquetforthirty-six guestswaslaidoutbythecommunal authorities inhonourof the imperial veterans. Afterthedinnerthemayorinvited allthosepresent todrinktoNapoleon IIIandhisfamily. ‘ThePoliceCommissioner thenstoodup: ‘Gentlemen, allowmeinturntooffera toasttothememoryofthe greatmanwhosegloriousmemoriesstillresonatepowerfully in

ourhearts; tothegloryandprosperity ofhisillustrious descendant, thefounder ofthenoblelegion ofSainte-Héléne; andtotheseveteranswhobyadorning theirscarred breasts revive intheheartsof ourlittlechildrenfeelings of enthusiasm andpatriotism, andmake heroesof allthosehumbleconscripts whofoughtmemorable bat-

tlesinordertomake France thequeen ofcivilized nations.’”?

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Thedistinctive appealof theBonapartist legendshonethrough

here.Thiswasnotmerely aninvocation ofpatriotism andnationalismthrough thegreatfigures oftheNapoleonic dynasty. Itwasalso a reminderof thepowerful roleof the‘people’ in sustaining the Bonapartist myth—a collectivity symbolized herebytheMédaillés de

Sainte-Héléne, andinvested withthequalities ofsimplicity andmar-

tyrdom, andatthesametimefortitude andpride.Thenotionof ‘nobility’ wasalsoessential, conveying bothanelevation basedon

honourandvirtueanda sublimation of socialdifferences through effortandachievement. In theBonapartist schemeof things,nobility

wasnotmerelya matterof birth:it couldbeacquired, andindeed

acquired bythemosthumble grognard fighting forhiscountry —as reflected inthesaying thatevery soldier inNapoleon’s armycarried afieldmarshal’s batoninhisknapsack.

Thefestiveatmospherealsogavenewleaseof lifetotheveterans.

Mostremarkable, inthisrespect, wasthevitality shownbytheforty Meédaillés ofthecommune ofChateaudouble in1861.Thedaybefore thefestivities theyfelleda pinetreeandcarriedittothemainsquare ofthetown,wheretheychopped itintosmalllogstobeusedforthe bonfire. On15August theytookafullpartintwoprocessions, onein themorningandtheotherin theearlyevening, afterwhichthey gathered againatabanquetgivenintheirhonourbythemunicipality.Afterthedinnertheimperial veterans ledtheguests outagaininto thetownina torchlight procession, whichrapidlyattracteda large following. Atmidnight thismerrybandcouldstillbeheardsinging therefrainof Béranger’s Napoleonic ditty:‘Parlez-nous delui,grand-

mere, grand-meére, parlez-nous delui.®° Thefestivities carried onuntilthe

earlyhoursofthefollowing morning, whentheMédaillés ‘somewhat inebriated, iftruthbetold,concluded thisgreatnational festivity by abreakfast paidforfromtheirownfunds.’!

Bearersof theLegend Imperial veterans, aswehavenotedthroughout thisbook,playeda criticalroleintheestablishment andpropagation oftheNapoleonic legendafter1815—oftenataveryhighpersonal costtothemselves. Whathas alsoemergedin thischapter,however, is that those

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distinguished warriorswhowerestillaliveduringthe 1850sand 1860scontinued tohavea significant impactonFrenchpublicconsciousness. ‘heirprominence duringtheSecondEmpire’s festivities borewitness totherespect andadmiration theyenjoyed amonglarge sections ofsociety, and(moregenerally) tothedeepentrenchment of theNapoleonic legendin localcommunities throughout thenineteenthcentury. Aboveall,theseveterans demonstrated thepowerful connection between theNapoleonic legendandBonapartist politics undertheSecondEmpire; contrarytothereceived wisdom thatthe coup d’état dealtitasevere blow,thelegendwasforcefully revived after

1852, helping (through theMédaillés) tocement thepolitical founda-

tionsoftheimperial regime.

Oneof themoststrikingfeaturesto emergeisthesheerresilience

of theveterans, especially theordinarysoldiers. It istruethatthe

institution ofthedecoration oftheMédaille deSainte-Héléne bythe Second Empire cametoolateformanyofthem;already in1857— theyeartheMédaille wasestablished —manycommunes hadonly oneor twosurvivingveteransfromtheNapoleonicera.®* Buteven

thoughtheprocessof naturalattritionledto a gradualdeclinein

theirnumbers during the1860s therewerestillenough ofthemfor theveterans’ presence tobenoticeable atpublic events. Indeed, the

lastNapoleonic soldier toreceive hisdecoration inthedepartment of theVosgesdidsoin February1870—onlya fewmonthsbeforethe

downfall oftheSecond Empire.®* Thedeaths ofimperial combatants

continued toberecorded inBonapartist publications throughout the

1860s,°* andfunerals ofMédaillés continued tobeheldwellinto thefollowing decade.® In1887a Saint-Napoléon banquet washeld

in Parisat the SalondesFamilles; amongthe 750guestswasa non-

agenarian Médaillé.®° Andaccording to thenewspaper LeGaulois,

therewerestillfoursurviving French Médaillés in1894, allagedover a hundred;theeldestwasJean-Jacques Sabattier, bornon 15April 1792inVernoux-l’Ardéche.®’

Resilience, therefore;and alsorobustness.Thesemen,generally

agedbetweenthelatesixtiesandthemid-eighties, tooka fulland activepartinthecivicceremonies oftheSecondEmpire, mostparticularly theSaint-Napoléon. Inprovincial andruralcommunes the veterans typically participated intwoprocessions, oneinthemorning andtheotherintheafternoon. Intownswithstatues ofNapoleon, as

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inBordeaux, theMédaillés alsooftenhelda special procession tolay awreathatthefeetoftheirEmperor.*° Inmanyinstances theyalso, aswehaveseen,continued thecelebrations wellintothenight.Their staminanotonlyputtoshameguestsofsignificantly lowerage,but alsoinspired a localpoetfromRouenin 1865: Malgré tantdesouffrance Malgré tantderevers Laurvers denotre France

Vous étestoujours verts!®°

Thethemeofhonourhasappeared asa Jeitmotif throughout this account.TheMédaillés oftenspokeof themselves as ‘veterans of

honour” andadministrative reportsfromalloverFrancestressedthe

‘pride’ withwhichtheimperial veterans woretheirmedals.9! This dignity manifested itselfintheconduct which theveterans displayed intheirsocial interactions witheachotherandinthemodels ofcivic

behaviourandheroicemulation whichtheysoughtto personify withintheirowncommunities. Theevidence uncovered in thischaptersuggests thattheywere

morethansuccessful inthisrespect: duringthecelebrations ofthe

Saint-Napoléon thedepthofthepublicfeelings ofesteem andadmirationforthewarveterans wasconstantly inevidence. Theinstitution of theMédaille deSainte-Héléne waswelcomed, andpoemsand pamphlets werewritteninitshonour;?? inhabitants oftownsandvil-

lagesturnedoutinlargenumbers towitness theawardof the

decorations tothemeritorious citizens oftheircommune; thepresenceof theimperial veteransintheprocessions of 15Augustwas

greetedwithacclaim;and individuals,groups,and institutionsall

overFrancegavegenerously tohelpthoseMédaillés whowereexperiencingmaterial hardship. Andwhatismore,theveterans seemed toappealtoallsections of society —youngandold,richandpoor,bourgeois, worker, andpeasant,agnostic andbeliever. Particularly noteworthy wastheappealof theveterans inruralFrance, ashighlighted bynumerous administrativereportsthroughoutthe period.In 1869the sub-prefect of Vitry-le-Frangois (Marne) pointedoutthattheawards totheimperial veterans hadgivenrisetosentiments of enthusiasm ‘everywhere in

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ourcountryside’.9° IntheAveyron, reports from1857onwards stress

the‘touching’ and‘effusive’ character oftheawardsceremonies, and

thelarge public turnout.** Likewise inthePuy-de-Déme, where there

werearound4,000Médaillés in 1857:theimperial veterans playeda centralroleinthefestivities oftheSaint-Napoléon, andlargely con-

tributed totheirpopular success between 1858and1869.

So,whythisuniversalrespect?Not,itisclear,becausetheveterans

hadbeendecorated bytheregime;asnotedearlier,theformersoldierswerealreadyobjectsof widespread publicadmiration and esteem inthe1840s, afulldecadebeforetheirofficial ‘recognition’ by the FrenchState.Indeed,the remarkable statusenjoyedbythe Médaillés wasa tributeto something morecomplex: theglorious ‘memory’ of France’s Napoleonic past,whichtheypersonified; the physical qualities ofbravery, endurance, andresilience, whichthey haddemonstrated throughout theirlives;theirsenseof ‘discipline’, andthe‘honourable’ socialbehaviour whichtheyinsisted uponin their interactionswitheachotherand withtheirfellowcitizens.”

Perhapsmostimportant of allwasthereconciliation, inthefestive landscape of theSaint-Napoleon, of thedichotomy betweenthe

notables andthepeople —atranscendence thatwasoftenstressed in

poemswritteninhonourofthedecoration,?’ instatements byleadersof veterans’associations,?® andwhichremainedthroughoutthe

nineteenth centuryoneofthekeyfacetsoftheBonapartist concep-

tionofmilitary honour. Theveterans weretheordinary heroes ofthe Napoleonic tradition, models ofcivic virtueandsocial emulation.” What,then,of theveterans’politicalvalues?‘Theirdominantsentiment, of course,was their passionate,overriding,unqualified

adoration oftheirEmperor. Raffet’s celebrated printofNapoleonic

soldiers, withthecaption “They complained buttheyalways followed

him’,!°° continued toholdtrueevenmoreintensely after1815.For theextraordinary adventures hehadbroughtthem,fromtheburning sandsof Gazatothefrozeniceof theBerezina, forthesocialpromotionthroughmerit,for the gloriesof victoryand (perhaps

especially) forthosepoignant moments ofdefeatanddesolation,

Napoleon continued tobelovedbythemall—despitethesufferings hehadmadethemendure,despite thebrokenlivesthattheyhadled forthirty,fortyyearsaftertheendof theimperialwars,despiteevery-

thing.Asa formerofficer explained:

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“Wehatedhisdespotism butwecouldnotbutrecognize inNapoleon

anextraordinary genius, which ultimately gavehimtherighttocommandandtobeobeyed. Inoureyeshewasoneofthosegiants who emerged onceineverythousand yearstoaccomplish a mission or executea sentence, to regenerate or to punish.Thismanhadin himsomething whicheventhemostintelligent, themostgiftedofhis

contemporaries lacked, something which madehim aleaderbefore whomonewouldtremble, a seducerwhocharmedandwasadored.

Withonelookhewould makeyouwanttocrawlbeneath theearth, andwithanother hewould conquer you.”!®! TheMédaillés’ repeated references tothethemeof‘conquest’, and

theirinvocations ofBonaparte’s exploits across Europe mightinvite

therathersimplistic conclusion thattheveterans weremereinstrumentsofFrench ‘chauvinism’, thelowest andmostdebased expression

ofFrench national sentiment inthenineteenth century.!? Thereisno

domination andcondoubtthatthemartialthemeof Napoleonic powerfully throughthesongs, questwaspresent,andreverberated Aveteranof theRussian campoemsanddramasoftheperiod.!°9 thatFrenchmen would‘sooncome paignof 1812warned‘foreigners’

toavenge whatwasdonetothemin1815’.!Butheretoothings were

muchmorecomplex. ManyoftheMédaillés ofthe1850sand1860s werestrongsupporters ofItalianandPolishnationalindependence, andoftenexpressed publicly theiridentification withthesecauses. !° Furthermore, despite theimperial veterans’ fondness forcelebrating

‘some oftheirmilitary feats’,!°° theirbellicosity wasoftentempered,

notably byanemphasis ontherestraint (realandalleged) shown bythe Emperorduringhiscampaigns. OneMédaillé evendescribed the Emperor asasupreme advocate ofthetemperamenta bell:‘Ifonlyitwas knownhowmanyactsofdevotion tohumanity [Napoleon] showed in themidstof thehorrorsof war,howmanyvictims hepulledaway fromthefuryofhisownsoldiers, toooftencarriedawaybytheperfidiousness of theenemyorthenecessity of self-preservation; andif onlyitwasunderstood thatthemottoof thisexcellent man,before andafterbattle,was“respectforwomen,children,andoldpeople”,he

wouldbeuniversally appreciated andrespected.’!°” So:intheeyesofmanyveterans, Napoleon hasbeenagenerous and humaneruler,evenonthebattlefield. Mostinterestingly, a noticeable

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ideological shiftdeveloped intheperspectives oftheformer soldiers. In

theearlyyearsoftheRestoration, aswenotedatthebeginning ofthis chapter, Napoleonic military exploits wereseenastheexclusive componentof theimperiallegend.Evenin 1848,‘veteran’ culturewas essentially abackward-looking nostalgia forwar,interlaced withcriesfor revenge. Duringthe1850sand1860s, however, thefeatsoftheNapoleonic armiesweretypically celebrated alongside thecivicandpolitical aspectsoftheBonapartist epic.Indeed,intheNapoleonic tradition of theSecondEmpirereference wasmoreoftenmadetothepre-

eminence ofcivic virtues overmartial ones:‘Military qualities, asthe Emperorusedtosay,arenecessary onlyinsomecircumstances and some moments. Civic virtues, which are characteristic of the real

lawmaker, canatalltimesinfluence publichappiness.’!°? Thiswas thekindoflanguage typically usedbyBonapartist elitesduringthe

Saint-Napoléon festivities ofthe1850s and1860s —evenbyold

soldiers. Speaking at theceremony in 1858at whichtheimperial veteransofAlbireceived theirmedals,thelocaldeputy(aGeneral anda Médaillé deSainte-Héléne, aswellasthemayorofAlbiand President of theConseil Général of theTarn)spokeof ‘theimmortal gloryofourgreatEmperor, who,allatonce, wasa manofgenius,a warrior, alawgiver, anda profound political strategist.’!°° Infact,themilitaristthemewasovershadowed bytwoothermotifs. Thefirstwastheage-oldnotionof ‘Franceasthebearerof civilized

values’ —aprogressive civilization whichhaddisseminated thevalues

of1789toEurope underNapoleon Bonaparte, andwascontinuing

tospreadthemessage of Christianity toFrance’s colonies (atheme whichwouldbeseamlessly pickedupbytheThirdRepublic). ApopularNapoleonic songcomposed bya veterancelebrated theSecond Empire’s warsas‘struggles forjustice,forpeace,andfortherestora-

tionofsecurity among oppressed peoples.’!!°

The secondtheme,of course,waspeace.“TheEmpirebrings peace’ wasoneofLouisNapoleon’s slogans fromtheearliest daysofthe regime, anditbuiltuponthelegendcreated bytheMémonal, according towhichNapoleon hadnotsought orprovoked conflicts; thesehadbeen imposed uponhimbyhisadversaries. ‘This‘pacific’ themeassumed a strong placeintheimagery andrhetoric oftheveterans. Aformer soldier of theFirstEmpirestressed theireniccharacter of theNapoleonic

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tradition inasongthathecomposed in1852, urging theforeign powers

to‘dealwithLouisandhavetrustinhim;hedoesnotwantwars.’!!! In 1859a poementitled “TheFrenchEcho’, writtenbya Napoleonic

veteran,wassentto theprefectof Gironde;it endedwitha tributeto

theBonapartist diplomacy, ‘forwhich peace wasanother name.”!!2 Bythe 1850sand 1860s,theimageof Napoleon andthe Napoleonic tradition among former imperial soldiers wassofter and

lesswarlike. Itwasevenbynomeansuncommon toseetheEmperor presentedasa championofliberalism. Duringtheinauguration of the

statueofBonaparte inGrenoble in1868,themainspeech wasdeliv-

eredbyMonsieur Point, themayor ofVourey; hetoowasaformer officer oftheGrandeArméewhohadbeendecorated withboththe

Légiond’Honneurand the Médaillede Sainte-Héléne.Point’s remarksaboutNapoleoncamestraightoutof the‘liberallegend’:the Emperor,in hisestimation,had notbeena loverof wars;it washis

perfidious enemies whohadconsistently drawn himintocombat. His

truelegacy wastheCodeCivil,‘amonument whichisashonourable asallhisvictories onthebattlefield’ (Thiers’s influence wasmanifest here).Andwhatof theEmperor’s political views,andhisexcessive penchant fordespotism? Monsieur Pointfirmlyrebutted thisaccusation,notingthatNapoleon had‘protected equality, whichisnothing butlibertyinaction’;heconcluded, inanemphaticechoof thewords

oftheMémonal, that‘athearttheEmperor was a liberal.’!!3

Throughthisblending of pastandpresent,authoritarianism and progress, memory andideology, theimperial veterans thushelpednot onlytokeepalivebutalsotoreinvent France’s Napoleonic past.Inso doing, theyprepared theground forthereappropriation oftheimperial epicbyrepublican pedagogues suchasErnestLavisse, agreatadmirer of Napoleon. Aswasthecaseforhundreds ofthousands ofFrenchmen andwomenduringthefirsthalfofthenineteenth century, theyoung Lavisse firstlearned aboutthehistory ofFrance through members ofhis family, andfromtheimperial veterans ofhislocality. Likesomanyofhis countrymen, Lavisse hada relative whohadfollowed theEmperor to someremotepartofEurope, withburning feetandachinglimbs, but alsowithajoyfulspirit.Suchmenwouldrecall,withintensepride mingled withsorrow, thetriumphs anddisasters oftheNapoleonic era, andthatfleeting butsublime moment seared foreverintheirmemories:

‘All ofasudden, ’twas theemperor whopassed by’.!!4

Conclusion

TheLegend LivesOn

In 1901,a Frenchjournalisttravelled to Warsaw to meetthelast

known soldier ofNapoleon. Lieutenant Vincent Markiewicz had served intheEmperor’s Polish regiment, andtheninhisGuard, and at theripeoldageof 106hehadsurvived everysingleoneof his Frenchcomrades. !

Markiewicz hadjoinedNapoleon’s Armywhenit hadbeensta-

tioned inWarsaw in1811, andhadfollowed theEmperor toRussia,

wherehetookpartinthebattleofBorodino andtheoccupation of Moscow,andsurvivedtheterrible,savageretreatwhichfollowed, in whichmostof Napoleon’s forcesweredestroyed.He thenfoughtin

theSpanish campaign andagainatLeipzig, wherehehadfourhorses

killed underhim.Hewasawarded theLegion ofHonour in1813, andpromotedintoNapoleon’s Guard;he thenremainedat the Emperor’s side,fighting atWaterloo andaccompanying Napoleon to Saint-Helena. Afterreturningto Europe,heservedintheRussian ArmyinPoland inthe1820s, thenwenttoliveinFrance foradecade,

where hedabbled inBonapartist conspiratorial activities. ‘Thereafter hefoughtinHungaryandintheOttomanEmpireinthe1840sand 1850s,andendedhismilitarycareerin the 1860sin Garibaldi’s

Army, battling forItalian independence.”

Itwasfittingthatthelastsurvivor oftheNapoleonic military epic

TheLegendLivesOn 261 wasa Pole,a memberof a nationthat had loyallysupported

Napoleon, andwasstillawaiting torecover itsownfreedom andsov-

ereignty —apredicament whichcontinued togivetheimperial myth a powerful political edgeamongPoles.’ InFrance,thestatusofthe legendwasundergoing something ofachangeattheturnofthecen-

tury.Aftera briefhiatusintheearlyyearsoftheThirdRepublic,

publicinterestin all thingsNapoleonic had revived:Edmond Rostand’s playL’Aiglon, a sweeping evocation of theimperialsaga, had openedto enormouscriticalacclaim.*The taleof Lieutenant

Markiewicz provoked agreatdealofcuriosity, andmuchindignation,

too,astheofficer seemed tobeliving inparticularly impoverished circumstances. ButFrench interest inthestorywasessentially folkloric. Itstemmed froma conception ofthelegendasromantic nostalgia, a

longingforaneraof adventurewhichwasunderstoodtohaveended,

atleastinits‘classical’ sense; forsome,itwasalsobecoming thepriv-

ilegedexpression of an individualistic, nationalist cult of

transcendental heroism. ItwasinthisspiritthatthewriterMaurice Barréscelebrated Napoleon asa ‘professor ofenergy’ inhisnovelLes

Deéracinés.°

YettheNapoleonic mythwasnolonger, asithadbeenforsolong

inthenineteenth century, partofanoverarching political project. Bonapartism neverrecovered fromthecollapse of theSecond

Empire:after1871its electoralandpoliticalchallenges to the Republic(notablyduringthe campaignmountedby General Boulanger) consistently foundered.® Fragmented intodifferent fac-

tions, andbitterly divided among themselves, Bonapartists inthelate

nineteenth centurywerereducedto commemorating theanniver-

saryoftheSaint-Napoléon insmall groups.’

Thingshadbeenverydifferent before1870.Thelegend,asithas beenportrayed inthisbook,wasabroadandcomplex phenomenon,

butourcentral argument isthatformuchofthenineteenth century

it represented muchmorethanromantic nostalgia fortheimperial past.Throughitsidealized viewof thelegacyof the 1799-1815 period,anditsheroicimagesof theEmperorhimself, thelegend supported a powerful clusterof political ideasandvalues.It celebratedFrenchmilitary gloryandnationalpride—anaspectof the Napoleonic heritage whichwasespecially highlighted inthewritings of Frenchnovelists andpoets,andin theyearnings of thosewho

262 TheLegendofNapoleon soughttoavenge thehumiliation of 1815.Butthelegendalsocaptivatedandmobilized millions ofmenandwomeninwiderandmore creativeways,andit isin theserespectsthatit decisively shaped modernFrenchpolitical culture. Inthecourseofthenmeteenth century,theNapoleonic mythbothexpressed andhelpedto mould popularattitudestowardsthelegitimacy of massintervention in publiclife;it celebratedthe‘liberalEmperor’of 1815,thechampion

of Frenchsovereignty andpromoterof progressive reforms; andit helpedtocrystallize a distinctstyleofpopulist political action—the ‘anti-féte’ —whichchallenged the‘national’ legitimacy ofmonarchicalrule,andeventually helpedtobringdownaregimethatoffended theprinciples ofFrench‘patriotism’ in 1830. Seenin thislight,anddespiteitsfixationontheimageof the Emperor, thelegendrepresented something thatwaslargerthan

Napoleon and,indeed, thattranscended him.Itusedtheimageof

theEmperor —the1815Napoleon ofthepeople, asstatedpreviously, notthedespotic rulerorconquering warrior—toupholdthecentral mythsofthe1789Revolution: civilequality, democracy, modernization,andpopularsovereignty. Theseweretheverysamevaluesthat werelateradoptedbythetriumphantRepublic. In thewordsof Francois Furet,Bonapartism andtheNapoleonic legendwere‘the simplest andthemostwidespread formsthroughwhichthespiritof theRevolution continued tohauntthenation.”® Apopularbrochure

published inthefirsthalfofthenineteenth century (byanauthor describing himselfas a ‘proletarian’) underscored the point: ‘Napoleon hasdescended intohistombbutBonapartism isnotdead;

ithasbecome republican’ .9

WesawinChapter6 howthisintellectual transformation was1ni-

tiatedbyNapoleon himself, andthenlaterhowLouis Napoleon both developed andexploited thisideological mélange —fullofambiguities,of course,butallthemorepotentforthat—inordertopropel

himselfintoofficein 1848.Finally,it wasthe imperialveterans,by

effectively rallying behindtherestoredimperialregimeafter1852,

whoenabled popular imperial traditions andmemories tobeperpetuated fortwofurther decades. Inotherwords, whatdistinguished theNapoleonic legendinnineteenth-century Francefromitssubsequentformulations wasthat it wasa predominantly ‘popular’ phenomenon.

TheLegendLivesOn 263 It waspopularfirstin a literalsense:fromtheveryoutsetthe legenddefinedNapoleonasa rulerchosenbythepeople.In the wordsof a stageactorin LyonsinAugust1815:‘Thethronewas muchbettersuitedto Napoleonthanto LouisXVIII,because Napoleon hadbeenelected bythepeople, andtheFrench peoplewell appreciate thatan elective government isbetterthana hereditary one.”!° ThattheFrenchpeopleneverenjoyed an ‘elective government’underNapoleonis of coursea mootpoint;thissortof statement reflected thedepth(andtherapidity) ofthetransformation

of theEmperor’s political imageaftertheHundred Days.From despotic monarchandloverof warNapoleon instantly became,in

JulienSorel’s words, ‘theonlykingremembered bythepeople’.!!

Thelegendwasalsopopularinthatitreachedanextraordinarily broadaudience: thereweremorebiographies ofNapoleon written

between 1815 and1914 thanofanyotherfigure.'* Itwaspopular,

aboveall,inthatthelegenddeveloped inamannerwhichwaslargely spontaneous andunregulated, withouttheactiveintercession ofthe State—andoften,especially intheperiod1815-48, against itsexpress wishes. EvenundertheSecond Empire, themassappealoftheimperialveterans wasgrounded infactorsthatoperated independently of theregime. This‘popular’ legenddiedoutbytheendofthenineteenth centurywiththedemise ofthelastimperial veterans —notcoincidentally. Fromthismoment, Napoleon wasessentially co-opted intotheofficial cultureof theFrenchState.Aftersecuring theirholdovernational powerafter1880,eventherepublicans jumpedonthebandwagon. Atregularintervals theRepublic organized official ceremonies to commemorate theimperial era,always adapting themessage tothe particularneedsof the moment.In 1921,the centenaryof

Napoleon’s deathprovided anopportunity tocelebrate thetriumph

of FrencharmsintheGreatWar;in 1969,thebicentenary of his birthallowed President Pompidou todwellonNapoleon’s restoration ofthedignity oftheStateandtheconstruction ofEuropean unity— bothofwhichmirrored therecentachievements ofhisownGaullist

party. !3

InmodernFrance,Napoleon continues toenjoya uniquestatus. TheEmperorremainsa popular‘historical’ figure,regularly portrayedinfilmsanddocumentaries; andtheproduction of literary

264 TheLegendofNapoleon material abouttheEmpirecontinues toburgeon, withdozens ofnew titleseachyear.Itisworthmentioning thathagiographic worksonthe

lifeoftheEmperor stillenjoy noteworthy successes —MaxGallo’s effu-

siveandmelodramatic studybeing a caseinpoint.'* Moreremarkably, mennothithertoknownfortheirNapoleonic interests suddenly discovertheneedtogoinsearchofhislife,toexplore itsmysteries and contradictions, andtocrosstheirowndestinies withhis.!° Thecultisalsomaintained byspecialized organizations, oneof whichworkstopreserve Napoleonic monuments inFrance,andby institutions suchas the FondationNapoleon,whichpromotes research intothehistory ofthetwoEmpires andcelebrates keyevents intheimperial commemorative calendar.'® Itistrue,though,thatthe morecynical Zeitgeist ofthepresent timeshasaffected evenNapoleon. Oneof the greatliterarysuccesses of recentyearswasPatrick Rambaud’s novelLaBataille, whichwasawarded boththeGoncourt andtheAcadémie Francaise prizes;it depictedtheEmperorasa coarsetyrant,indifferent tothefateof hissoldiers, barelycapable

evenofspeaking French, andfatally self-obsessed.!’

Thistypeofdepiction oftheEmperor seemstomarka returnto the‘black legend’. Indeed,theoldFrenchdividebetween a ‘republican’memoryanda ‘Napoleonic’ traditionremainsreal.In 1850, Michelet expressed thetraditional, nuanced viewofearly-nineteenthcenturyrepublicans: ‘Letusnotrelyona legendwhichhasbeenso baneful fortheworld,thatofNapoleon; foralongtimehewasnothingbuta deceitful ruler.Heonlybecamethe‘great’Napoleon at Saint-Helena [.. .]LetusinsistinsteadonthepureandsaintlylegendsoftheRevolution. TheGrande Armée alsoaccomplished miracles,

itssoldiers were examples ofheroic patience’.!®

AfterLouisNapoleon’s 1851coup,however, evensuchqualified endorsements disappeared fromrepublican discourse; allformsof Bonapartism weredecriedasantithetical toFrenchpolitical culture, andruinousto thenation’s prosperity andterritorialintegrity. In 1871oneofthefirstactions carriedoutbylocalrepublicans inGolfeJuanwastobringdownthecolumnthathadbeenerectedtomark thelandingofNapoleon inthiscoastalvillage inMarch1815—the preludeto theEmperor’s spectacular ‘flightof theeagle’andthe

Hundred Days.'9 Apamphlet writtena fewyearslatersought to

remindtheFrenchpeoplethatbothNapoleonic Emperors hadbeen

TheLegendLivesOn

265

responsiblefor the dismemberment of the nation—Bonapartein

1815, andNapoleon IIIin1871.*° Republicans hadtheirown‘great men’(inthenineteenth century, Voltaire, Hoche, Lamartine, and Gambetta)?! through whomwerecelebrated theprinciples ofreason,

secularism, anduniversalism; whileNapoleonwasseenastheembodimentof somethingverydifferent—‘glory’,individualism, and the

cultof force.?* Thisdividebetweenthetwocampsalsobecamea

physical one:sinceitsremauguration in1885, therepublicans have buriedtheirheroesinthePanthéon —the‘Ecole Normale ofthe Dead’, inMonaOzouf’s wonderful expression** —whileNapoleon hasremained inthesplendour andrelative isolation oftheInvalides. Andyetthegapbetweenthesetwo‘cults’,andbetweentheir

respective formsofinstitutionalized ‘memory’, isratherlesssignifi-

cantthanitwouldappearatfirstglance.** Asnotedattheendofthe previous chapter, thepedagogues oftheThirdRepublic didnothesitatetodrawupontheimperial heritage: Napoleon, likeJoanofArc andCharlemagne, wasa usefuliconfora regimethatsoughtto

reconstruct thenation’s collective identityontheruinsof the 1870-1871 defeat.*° Adults toowerefed a literature thatglorified the

achievements of Napoleon: a collection of shortworksdevotedto ‘GreatMen’published byPierreLafitteincluded onecontribution on Bonaparte.”°

Buttheassociation between republicanism andBonapartism ran

muchdeeper.Aswehaveseenthroughout thebook,thepolitical valuesassociated withthe‘imagined’ Napoleon —theEmperor ofthe legend—wereintertwined withrepublican principles fromthevery outset.Throughtheircoreprinciples oforder,nationalism, centralization,unityarounda charismatic leader,and a plebiscitary conception of democracy, Bonapartists represented (alongwith republicans) oneofthedominant formsofFrenchdemocratic politicsinthenineteenth century. Since1945thesameneo-Napoleonic principles haveinspiredGaullism, theleadingpolitical forceonthe Frenchright.Indeed,thenation’s mostpopular‘historical’ figure1s nowGeneralCharlesdeGaulle,theleaderoftheFrenchResistance duringtheSecondWorldWarandlaterthefounderof theFifth

Republic.”’ Hisiconic statusincontemporary France illustrates the

extenttowhichthe‘republican’ traditionhasinternalized andeven absorbed keyelements oftheNapoleonic heritage.

266

TheLegendofNapoleon

TheGaullist sagahasmanysimilarities totheNapoleonic legend. Fora longtime,verymuchliketheliterature onNapoleon, French writings ondeGaullehavebeendominated bymemoirs andhagiography.In a wonderfully subtlebook,MauriceAgulhon hasargued thatthestructure oftheNapoleonic andGaullist legends areinfact identical. Inbothcases,theybeginwithan‘admirable’ act,inwhich anindividual charismatic leadersaves theFrench nation(1799,1940). Bothmenthendissipate theirheritages (Napoleon byhissenseless

wars,deGaullebyhispetulantwithdrawalfrompoliticsin 1946and

his‘authoritarian’ returntopowerin 1958). ‘Then, finally, aftertheir

deaths, theybothbaskinretrospective glory, idolized evenbythose

whooncedetested them.”® RégisDebray, theformerMarxist revolutionary turned Gaullophile,??is in this sense a successorto nineteenth-century NapoleonicturncoatssuchasEdgarQuinetand

Chateaubriand (butwithout, alas,theliterarytalentofeither).

Mostfundamentally, deGaulle represents a modern version of

the‘liberal legend’ of 1815.Inhim,asintheEmperor beforehim,

Francecelebratesa saviourwhounitedits peopleagainstforeign invasionandoccupation;a patriotwhoremainedinflexibly attached

tothenation’s sovereignty, andsoughttoupholditsuniversal mission;

andalawgiver whosaved France from‘anarchy’ andcreated astable system ofrule.French political elitescontinue tosubscribe tothe

idealized Gaullist visionof a Francewhichisbothrepublican and ‘monarchical’, authoritarian andprestigious, sovereign andinfluential,determined andprophetic, imperious andirascible, realistic and

visionary, demanding andrespected, boldandambitious.*° How else isthismythtobedescribed, except asanupdated formulation ofthe

Napoleonic legend?

Thisremarkablecontinuityof valuesandideals—fromthe 1789

Revolution throughNapoleon to de Gaulle—tellsusa greatdeal

abouttheelements thatmetaphorically ‘holdFrance together’. In

thefirstinstance, itreveals theenduring appealofa certaintypeof mythinthenation’s collective consciousness. Napoleon, deGaulle: it

isdifficultnotto observethat,foralltheirdifferences asindividuals,

thesetwogiantsofthemodernFrenchhistorical experience shared several common features. Theywerebothprophets, accurately predictingtheshapeof thingsto comefortheirpeople.Theywere alsooutsiders whotranscended thelimitations of theirrespective

TheLegendLivesOn

267

situations —fortheone,hisCorsican origins; fortheother,hisabsence

ofpolitical connections —toachieve ‘greatness’. Bothexperienced

theirfinesthoursincircumstances ofextreme conflict —a reflection of theabsolutecentrality of warfarein shapingFrenchcollective memory, eventhoughNapoleonic military greatness wasdistinctive

foritssheerprowess intheartofwar,andfortheEmperor’s consistentachievement of‘glory’. Bothmen,finally, wereable(atparticular

historical junctures)tosymbolize a distinctidealof theFrenchpatrie:

Napoleonin 1815andde GaulleduringtheSecondWorldWar defiedforeigndomination andoccupation torepresent thepolitical

sovereignty oftheirpeople; ‘thepaireconceived asaquasi-religious

ideal’.3! Napoleon anddeGaullearenottheonlyFrenchhistorical figures whosememory andideological lineages havebeenmythologized. If weconsiderthatothergreatfavouriteof the nation’shistorical

memory, JoanofArc,wefindasimilar process atwork. (Thedifferencein the caseof LaPucelle is perhapsthather memoryhas remained vigorously ‘disputed’ amongCatholics, republicans, and

nationalists.)*2 Therepublican tradition, too,isfullofmyths —myths

basedonmemoryandhistorical experience, butalsooninvention

and‘forgetting’. It wasthrough thiscapacity forcreative redesign

thattherepublicans managed, inthesecondhalfofthenineteenth century, totransform a seriesoffailedpolitical experiments andmurderousepisodes(theTerror,the killingsof June 1848and the massacres oftheParisCommune) intoa newdawnforhumankind

(or,more modestly, fortheFrench people).*°

Criticsof Frenchpoliticalculturehaveoccasionally wondered whethersuch a reliance on‘mythology’ isahealthy phenomenon for a modernsociety, especially onethatpridesitselfin itsCartesian rationalism. Theseattemptsto appropriate thepastforideological purposes canundoubtedly leadtothemisrepresentation ofhistory — suchwasthecase,indeed, withtheNapoleonic legendformostofthe nineteenth century. Nearerourtime,theGaullist ‘myth’ ofaFrench nationunitedin resisting Germanoccupation arguably perverted latergenerations’ understanding ofwhathappened intheircountry between1940and1944;itisonlyoverthepastdecadethatFrance hastrulybeguntofaceuptothelegacies ofthissombreperiod. Mythscanalsodistortthepresent: byproviding theconcepts and

268 TheLegendofNapoleon images throughwhicheventsareperceived, ‘mythical’ discourse can misrepresent realityandtherebypreventnecessary change.‘Thisis oftenheldto bethecasewiththeprinciple of ‘unity’, oneof the sacrosanct valuescelebrated bytheNapoleonic tradition(andthe Jacobins): sopowerfully hasthisidealbeenentrenched in French elitethinking thatithasblocked badlyneededreformstothecoun-

try’s system ofterritorial administration.** Thecombined force ofthe

JacobinandNapoleonic mythshasalsobeenheldresponsible for someparticularly aberrantcharacteristics of theFrenchpolity— notably itsconsistent yearning forStateintervention, itsincapacity to develop agenuine liberaltradition, andthecontinuing weaknesses in itspracticeofpolitical representation anddemocracy.” Yetitissomewhat excessive tolayallofthisattheEmperor’s door.

Napoleonic myths thatdeveloped inFrance after1815 werealsopos-

itiveforces,whichat variousmomentsperformedconstructive, creative,andhealingfunctions.‘Towhatremains,inculturaltermsat

least,a Catholic nation,Napoleon’s exileanddeathatSaint-Helena continues to representa moderntaleof martyrdom. Toallthose

individuals whofelttrapped bytheaccidents ofbirth,theweight of

socialconvention, ortheconstraints ofeconomic circumstances, the Emperorprovided a galvanizing idealof ambition, emancipation, andachievement throughpersonaleffort.Toschoolteachers trying to construct anideaof ‘France’ asa collectivity createdthrougha

harmonious blendof different ethnicandterritorial groups, the Corsican petitcaporal represented thequintessence oftheprovincial

boymadegood.Toacountry constantly disturbed bypolitical volatility, economicmodernization,and socialtransformation,Napoleon

remained ashining starinthenation’s firmament, afixedpointwhich

couldberecognized bytheFrench people, andwhich would remind themwhotheywere.Andtoanationtraumatized bymilitary decline, thefearof ‘decadence’, andthethreatofphysical annihilation, the Emperor’s legendresponded withtheenduringhopeof thatmost sacredofideals:theachievement ofimmortality.

Notes

Introduction: Rethinkingthe Legend

] “Cetespécede bonnaparte’.Letterdated19September1815.Archives Nationales, Paris,BB3—151. CitedinDaniel Fabre,‘L’atelier deshéros’,in P.Centlivres, D.Fabreand 2

F.Zonabend (eds.), Lafabrique deshéros (Paris: Editions delaMaisondes Sciences dePHomme, 1998), 299. ‘blacklegend’of Napoleon, seeJeanTulard,L’Anti3 Ontheso-called

Napoléon: lalégende nowre de|’Empereur (Paris:Julliard,1965). 4 Forabibliography ofrecentworks ontheNapoleonic legend, seeGérard

Gengembre, Napoléon: lavie,lalégende (Paris: Larousse, 2001),121-125. See alsothevarious contributions intheconference proceedings, Napoléon de U"histowe alalégende (Paris :InForma, 2000).

on

‘scélérat illustre’. Pierre-Maxime Schuhl,Lecultedesgrands hommes (Paris: InstitutdeFrance,

1974), 3-4. Steven Englund, Napoleon: apolitical life(NewYorkandLondon: Scribner, 2004), 459. Theclassic statement of thisviewisPhilippe Gonnard, Lesongines dela légende napoléonienne: l’euvre historique deNapoléon aSainte-Héléne, firstpublished

in1906; itwasre-edited inGeneva bySlatkine in1976.

NataliePetiteau,Napoléon delamythologie a l'histoire (Paris:Seuil,1999),37.

SeetheentrybyFrancois Monnier, ‘Propagande’, inJeanTulard(ed.),

Dictionnaire Napoléon (Paris:Fayard,1999ed.),586-592;alsoAlanForrest,

Napoleon’s men: thesoldiers oftheRevolution andEmpire (London: Hambledon, 2002), 75-76. ThisisthethesisinJeanTulard’sclassicwork,Lemythe deNapoléon (Paris:

ArmandColin,1971);morerecently, Tulardhasevenarguedthat Napoleon was‘theinventorof thepropaganda usedbytotalitarian regimes’. SeeJeanTulard, Letemps despassions (Paris, Bartillat, 1996), 175.

270

Notes

12Jacques-Olivier Boudon, Histoire duConsulat etdel’Empure (Paris:Perrin, 2000), 442-443. 13 SeeJacques-Olivier Boudon, ‘Grandhommeoudemi-dieu? Lamiseen placed’unereligion napoléonienne’, inRomantisme 100(1998), 131-141. 14 ‘Mentir comme unbulletin’. 15 Sylvain Venayre, Lagloire del’aventure. Genése d’une mystique moderne (Paris: Aubier, 2002),196.

16 Forthisdistinctionbetweenmythand legend,seeFrédéricBluche,Le Bonapartisme: auxorigines deladrotte autoritaire (1800-1850) (Paris:Nouvelles

Editions Latines, 1980), 168-169. 17 Georges Lefebvre, Napoléon (Paris: Presses Universitaires deFrance, 1953), 574. 18 Bluche, LeBonapartisme (op.cit.), 169. a 19 In May1816,a groupof schoolboys fromthevillages of Thuryand

Lainsecqwerepubliclydenouncedbytheprefectof Yonnefororganizing a fightbetweentheirschools,inwhichonesidewaslabelled‘royalist’ and

theother‘Bonapartist’. ADYonne IIIM!70.

20 Forexample, Bluche, LzBonaparitsme (op.cit.), 172. 21 Seeforexample thepamphlet byGanneau, a cultleaderwhowasalso knownas‘LeMapah’; histitlewasinitselfa philosophical statement:

Waterloo. A vousbeaux filsdeFrance morts pourV’honneur, SalutetGlorification! Qu’est-ce queVhonneur? L’honneur c’estPunité (Paris:BureaudesPublications

Evadiennes, 1843). 22 SeeHenryHoussaye, LaGarde meurt etneserend pas.Histoire d’un mothistorique (Paris: Perrin,1907). Houssaye demonstrates conclusively thatCambronne didnotuttertheselegendary wordswhenaskedbytheEnglish tosurren-

deratWaterloo; heprobablydid,however, say‘Merde.’ 23 SeeEdgarQuinet,1815et1840(Paris,1840). (Paris:Gaume,1861);onthe 24 ThiswasthethemeinLouisVeuillot,Waterloo

representations ofWaterloo innineteenth-century FranceseeJean-Marc Largeaud, ‘Mémoire etidentité: Waterloo etlagenésedeladéfaiteglo-

rieuse’,inNataliePetiteau(ed.),Votes nouvelles pourl’histoire duPremter Empire (Paris:LaBoutiquedeI’Histoire, 2003),283-302. 25 SeemostnotablyA.Dayot,Napoléon raconté parl’image, d’apreés lessculpteurs, les

graveurs, etlespentres (Paris: Hachette, 1895); Maurice Descotes, Lalégende de Napoléon etlesécrivains frangais duXIXesiécle (Paris: Minard,1967), which looksatagroupofwriters, bothsympathetic andhostile; formorespecific

studiesseeD.Page,Edmond Rostand etla légende napoléonienne dansYAiglon (Paris:Champion,1928); DelLittoVittorio,‘Stendhal etNapoléon’, Cahiers a’Fitstowre XVI(1971);Saint-Paulien, Napoléon, Balzac etl’Empure delaComédie

Humaine (Paris: AlbinMichel, 1979). “LecultedeNapoléonenAllemagne de 18154 1848’, 26 SeeSaint-Mathurin, Revue desEtudes Napoléoniennes, January—June 1917,48-87;andL. de Guillebon,“Lesvétéransnapoléoniens danslespaysrhénans’,Revue des Etudes Napoléoniennes, Jaly-December1931,309-315.

Notes

271

27JulesDeschamps, ‘Lalégende deNapoléon 4travers lemonde’, Revue des Etudes Napoléonennes July-August 1926,33-36. 28 Quoted fromaSpanish religious textof 1808; PilarMartinez-Vasseur, ‘Le

catéchismepatriotiquede 1808’,in L’enfance et lesouvrages d’éducation (University of NantesPress,1985),Vol.II,76. “Lesdéfenseurs deNapoléon enGrande-Bretagne de aa SeeJulesDeschamps,

1815a 1830’, Revue desEtudes Napoléonennes, October 1958,129-140; Stuart Semmel, Napoleon intheBritish Imagination (NewHaven:YaleUniversity

Press,2004). 30 LeeKennett,“LecultedeNapoléonauxEtats-Unis jusqu’ala guerrede sécéssion’, Revue del'Institut Napoléon, October-December 1972,152. 31 G.F.PardodeLeygonier, ‘Napoléon et leslibérateurs del’Amérique

Latine’, Revue del’Insttut Napoléon, January1962,29-33. ‘LaviedeNapoléon d’aprés unelégende Arménienne’, 32 Minas‘Tchéraz,

Revue desEtudes Napoléoniennes, January—June 1935,181—182. 33 P.Chalmin,“Lesvariations delalégendenapoléonienne’, Revue Historique de

l’Armée (1961), 40. 34Jean-Pierre Royer, RenéeMartinage, andPierreLecocq, Juges etnotables au AIXesvécle (Paris:PressesUniversitaires deFrance,1982),50-52.

35 Foralocalstudy, seeDaniel Bernard, ‘Surveillance desitinérants etambulantsdansledépartement del’IndreauXIXesiécle’,inPhilippeVigiere¢ al.(eds),Maintien deVordre etpolices enFrance etenEurope auXIXestécle (Paris:

Créaphis, 1987), 235-250. 36 Reportofsub-prefect ofSenstoprefect ofYonne, 18March1816.AD

Yonne IIIM!78.

37 Astheprefect ofVendée putitin1821:“Thegendarmes andthechiefof

policeareallknowntothelocals,andassoonastheyappeartheirpresence causesthetopicofconversation tochange’; quotedinPierreCarila-Cohen,

‘Une“bonne” surveillance? Lagendarmerie etlacollecte durenseignementpolitique enprovince souslamonarchie censitaire’, inJean-Noél Luc (ed.),Gendarmene, étatetsociété auXIXesiécle (Paris:Publications dela

Sorbonne,2002),230. (Paris:Seuil,1989),21—22. 38 ArletteFarge,Legotitdel’archwe 39 Policereport,Lyons,24April1821.ADRhéne4 M 241.

Foranother illustration ofthevibrancy ofFrench popular culture during thefirsthalfofthenineteenth century, seeSheryl Kroen, Politics andtheater: thecrisis oflegitimacy inRestoration France 1815-1830 (Berkeley: University of California Press,2000).

41 Thisthemeof the‘anti-féte’ isfurtherexploredin SudhirHazareesingh, TheSaint-Napoleon: celebrations of sovereignty in nineteenth-century France

(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,2004). withVincent Wright, Francs-magons sousle 42 Seeourearlierwork,co-written Second Empire (Rennes: Presses Universitaires deRennes, 2001).

272

Notes

1:TheFlightof theEagle l Meémotres deMarchand (Paris: Tallandier, 2003),169. GuyGodlewski, Napoléon a l’Iled’Elbe (Paris: Nouveau MondeEditions, 2003), 182.

NO

OO —

OO

FrancoisFuret,LaRévolution Frangaise (Paris:Hachette,1988),Vol.II,31. Mémoires deMarchand (op.cit.). APArmée’. Proclamation of Napoleon,Golfe-Juan, March1,1815.

Theexpression caughtonafterbeingfirstusedbyChabrol, theprefect of theSeinedepartment, ashewelcomed theKingbacktoParisinearly July 1815. 7 Citedin S.andA.Troussier, Napoléon, lachevauchée héroique deI’Iled’Elbe (Lausanne, 1965), 27.

Dm

8 Notablytheregimentbasedin Marseille, whichwasfiercelyroyalist.See

JeanThiry,LevoldeVaigle (Paris: Berger-Levrault, 1942), 20.

2 Ch.Florange, LevoldeV’aigle (Paris: Margraff, 1932), 50. 10 Thiry, LevoldePaigle (op.cit.),33. 1] Florange, Levoldel’aigle, 51. Napoléon (op.cit.),67-68. 12 ‘Troussier, 13 Ibid.,110-11. 14 Ibid.,74.

1SIbid.,118. 16Foranaccountof theseincidents byNapoleon’s secretary duringthe

HundredDays—he joined the Emperorat Lyons—see Fleuryde Chaboulon, Mémovres pourservir a histoiredelavieprivée, duretour, etdurégne de Napoléon en1815(London:JohnMurray,1819),Vol.I,177-178;198-226;

242-244. 17 [Alexandre deLaborde], Quarante-huit heures degarde auChateau desTuileries pendant lesjournées des19et20mars1815,parungrenadter delagardenationale

(Paris, 1815).

18 Thiébault,quotedin HenryHoussaye, /8/5 (Paris:Perrin,1909),Vol.I, 368,fn.1.

19 Seeforexample Histoire ducabinet desTuilenes depuis le20mars 1815etdelaconspiration quia ramené Buonaparte enFrance (Paris:Delaunay, 1815);M. Lamarteliére, Conspiration deBuonaparte contre Louis XVIII(Paris:Dentu,

1815);andHelenaWilliams, Relation desévénements quisesontpassés enFrance

depurs ledébarquement deNapoléon Buonaparte aulermars 1815 jusqu’au traité du20 novembre (Paris: Dentu,1816). 20 [Fenouillot], Lecridevérité surlescauses delaRévolution de1815(Besancon, 1515),.3. 21 Ch.Tremblaire, ‘LepartiBonapartiste 1815-1840’, Revue del’Empure Vol.I (1844), 201. intérieure delaFrance 22 SeeEmileLeGallo,LesCentFours.EssaisurV’histoire

Notes

273

deputs leretour del’Iled’Elbe jusqu’a lanouvelle deWaterloo (Paris: FélixAlcan, 1924), 29-38. 23 SeeAlbertEspitalier, Deux artisans duretour deI’Ile d’Elbe: lechirurgien Emery et

legantier Dumouln (Paris,1934). 24 Francoise-René deChateaubriand, DeBuonaparte, desBourbons, etdelanécéssité

deserallier anosprinces légitimes (Paris, 1814), 35;emphasis intext. 25 Castellane, Mémoires, citedin PhilipMansel,Parisbetween theEmpires 1814-1852 (London: Phoenix, 2003), 71. 26 CitedinLeGallo,LesCentours(op.cit.),17. 27 SeeGodlweski, Napoléon a l’Iled’Elbe (op.cit.). 28 ‘Aupeuplefrangais’.Proclamationof Napoleon,Golfe-Juan,1 March 1815. “a Ibid. 30 ‘Lesgénéraux,officiers,et soldatsde la Gardeimpériale,auxgénéraux, officiers, etsoldatsdel’armée.’ Proclamation, Golfe-Juan, 1March1815.

31 ‘APArmée’(op.cit.). 32 ‘Aupeuplefrangais’(op.cit.). 33 CitedinLeGallo,LesCent Fours (op.cit.),57. 34 Mémoires delaReine Hortense (Paris:Plon,1927),Vol.III,2. ps Houssaye, 1815(op.cit.),Vol.I,248. 36 Oneoftheroyalistofficers, CaptainRandon(wholaterbecamea Marshal underNapoleonIII)lefta detailedaccountof theepisode;see‘Retourde

lle d’Elbe’, Revue del’Empire Vol.V (1847), 329-341. 37 Thiry,LevoldeV’aigle (op.cit.),89. 38 Policereport,Paris,19March1815,citedinHoussaye, 1815(op.cit.), Vol.I,327.

39 Napoleoncitedthisfigurein a conversation withRaudot,themayorof Avallon, inMarch1815.SeeClaude-Marie Raudot,Mesozsivetés (Avallon,

1862). Foraselection ofNapoleonic songs, seePierreBarbier andFrance Vernillat, Histoire delaFrance parleschansons: Napoléon etsalégende (Paris: Gallimard, 1958). 40 Declaration ofVienna Congress, 13March1815. ADIsére52M6. 4} LeMontteur, 27March1815. 42 Benjamin Constant, Mémovres surlesCent-Fours (Tiibingen, 1993), 198-201.

43 LeGallo,LesCentours(op.cit.),211. 44 Chateaubriandcalledit ‘anamelioratedversionof the royalCharter.’

Houssaye, 18/5(op.cit.),Vol.I,546. 45 Stéphane Rials,‘Acte Additionel’, JeanTulard(ed.),Dictionnaire Napoléon (Paris: Fayard, 1999ed.),Vol.I,34—36. |

46 Constant,Mémoires surlesCent-Jours (op.cit.),216. 47 Lafayette, Mémoires Vol.V, 417-418.

48JosephRey,Desbases d’une constitution ouDelabalance despouvoirs dansunEtat (Grenoble, 1815). Reyarguedthatworkers andlabourers shouldnotbe giventhevote,astheylackededucation.

274

Notes

deRémusat, Mémoires demavie(Paris: Plon,1958), Vol.1, 209. 49 Charles reports forlateAprilandMay1815inArchives Nationales F7 50 Seepolice

3734(rapports depolice,1815). Fours (op.cit.),229. 51 LeGallo,LesCent toMalcolm Crookfordrawing thispointtomyattention. 52 I amgrateful Bluche, Leplébiscite desCent-Fours (Geneva: 53 ForfurtherdetailsseeFrédéric Droz,1974). 54 Fora republicancritiqueof the AdditionalAct,seethe pamphletLe Printemps sacréde1815.Auxhommes libres (Paris,1815).

Mémoves (op.cit.),Vol.II,107—108. 55 FleurydeChaboulon, Perrier, Adresse deMarie-Victorine auxfrangais (Paris,1815), 56 Marie-Victorine 1-7. report,19May1815. ANF73734. o7 Police (op.cit.),379-426. 58 LeGallo,LesCentFours 59 Prefectof Girondereport,22April1815.ANF73734. Rouen,21April1815.ANF73734. 60 Prefectof Seine-Inférieure, a policesearchfoundnothing. ‘Rapport surl’esprit des 61 Inthisinstance,

écclésiastiques’, Grenoble, 29May1815. ADIsére52M6.

62 Policereport,Chartres,8 April1815.ANF73734. 63 Policereport,Toulon,26May1815.ANF73734. LesCent Fours (op.cit.),182. 64 LeGallo, ofCorsica report,Ajaccio, 23April1815. ANBB3—152. 65 Prefect Macédoine: Souvenirs duQuartier Latin(Paris: Marpon, 66 EmileLabretonniére,

1863), 165.

report,Paris,7April1815.ANF73734. 67 Police 68 Jean-ClaudeCaron,Générations romantiques: lesétudiants dePansetleQuartier

Latin(1814-1851) (Paris: Armand Colin,1991), 227. Fours (op.cit.),102. 69 CitedinLeGallo,LesCent Perdiguier, Mémoires d’uncompagnon (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 70 Agricol 1992ed.),73. 24April1815.ANF73734. 71 Policereport,Avignon, /815(op.cit.),Vol.I,488. 72 Houssaye, report,Paris,31March1815, quoting acoachdriverreturning from 73 Police

ajourney between Clermont-Ferrand andBrioudé. ANF73734. study, seeRobert Alexander, Bonapartism andrevolutionary tra74 Foranexcellent dition inFrance: theFédérés of1815(Gambridge: Cambridge University Press,

1991). ofMontBlancreport,5June1815. ANF73734. 75 Prefect report,Toulouse, 30May1815. ANF73734. 76 Police LesCentours(op.cit.),307. 77 LeGallo, delaReine Hortense (op.cit.),Vol.IIT, 4. 78 Mémoires 79 Houssayesumsup thedismalsituation:“Theprefectswerepoor,andthe

mayorswereevenworse.”1815(op.cit.),Vol.I,506. 8April1815.ANF73734. 80 Policereport,Compiégne,

Notes

275

81 RobertMargerit, Waterloo (Paris: Gallimard, 1964), 208. 82AnnieJourdan, L’Empire deNapoléon (Paris: Flammarion, 2000), 301-302. —83 Houssaye, 1815(op.cit.),Vol.II,518-520. 84 Louis Madelin, Histoire duConsulat etdel’Empire (Paris: Tallandier, 1976), Vol. XVI,190. 85 Margerit, Waterloo (op.cit.),290. 86 Ibid.,337. 87 Ibid.,379. 88 Onthistheme,seetheconference proceedings editedbyMarcel Watelet andPierreCouvreur,Waterloo lieudemémoire européenne (1815-2000) (Louvain, 2000). 89 SeeChapter 6. 90 See,forexample, theaccount ofGeneral Gaspard Gourgaud, Campagne de

dix-huit centquinze, ourelation desopérations militaires quionteulieuenFrance eten Belgique pendant lesCentFours (Paris:Plancher,1818). 91 Seenotably Z.-J.Piérart, Ledrame deWaterloo: Grande reconstitution historique

(Paris: RevueSpiritualiste, 1868). 92 Colonel Charras, Histoire delacampagne de1815:Waterloo (Brussels: Meline, 1858), 417.

93 AdolpheThiers,Histoire duConsulat etdeV’Empire (Paris:Paulin,1860), Vol.XX.

94 Englund, Napoleon (op.cit.),444. 95 LouiseCochelet, Napoléon etlaReine Hortense (Paris: Tallandier, 1910), 190-191.

96 JeanTulard,Joseph Fouché (Paris:Fayard,1998),332-340. 97 JeanLucas-Dubreton, Leculte deNapoléon (Paris:AlbinMichel,1960),9-26. 98 LeGallo,LesCent Fours(op.cit.),481. 99 Frédéric Bluche, ‘Lespamphlets royalistes desCent-Jours’, Revue del’Institut

Napoléon (131), 1975.

100 Hippolyte Carnot,Mémoires surLazare Carnot (Paris:Hachette,1907),

Vol.II, 459.

101 LucienBonaparte,La véritésurlesCent-Fours (Paris:Ladvocat,1835),

102-103.

102 GeneralBertrand,Cahiers deSainte-Héléne 1818-1819(Paris:AlbinMichel,

1959), 96.

103 LeGallo, LesCent Fours (op.cit.),485. 104 MarquisdeCoriolisd’Espinouse, Lztyran, lesalliés etlerot(Paris,1814),5-6.

2:Birthof a Legend 1 Hehadbeenappointed inFebruary 1820.SeeMémoires duBaron d’Haussez (Paris:Calmann-Lévy, 1896),Vol.I,312.

= Prefectof Isérereport,Grenoble,23May1820.ANF76650. 3 Furet,LaRévolution Frangaise (op.cit.),Vol.II,42.

276 op on

Notes

Ibid.,46-47. Figure fortheyear1820, citedinRogerMagraw, France 1800-1914: asocial history (London: Pearson, 2002), 205. SeeChapter 6. Reportsof prefectof Bouches-du-Rhéne, Marseille, andprocureur, Aix,9

February 1815. ANBB3—152. Onthisepisode seeJeanTulard, Murat (Paris: Fayard, 1999), 374-383. Prefect ofHautes Pyrénées report, Tarbes, 20February 1816. ANF73736. Police reports onincidents intheHaute-Saone andYonne, 4March1817. ANF73788.

11 Policereport,Lyons,23March1820.ANF76910. Ausaldi,overheard 12 Prefectof Nordreport,Lille,1820,onthesongwriter

performing hisodetoNapoleon. Thebardwasarrested. ANF76909. offormersoldiers’ meeting heldinMarseilles, policereport,10 13Account March1819. ANF73791. 14 Prefect ofRhénereport,11March1816. ANF73736. 15 Police report,Grenoble, 15February 1817. ANF73788. returnhadsubsided, Marchcontinued 16 EvenafterthebeliefinNapoleon’s tobeassociated withextraordinary events. InMarch1829therewere reports fromLyons thattheKinghaddied,which caused somecommotion intheDrémeandneighbouring departments. Seeprefect report,Valence, 3March1829. ANF76769. 17 Police report,Paris,1March1817. ANF73788.

18 Policereport,Lyons,3 March1817.ANF73788. 19 Police report,Metz,7March1817. ANF73788. Ploux, Debouche aoreille: natssance etpropagation desrumeurs dans 20 SeeFrancois laFrance duXIXestécle (Paris:Aubier,2003),75.

Chateausalins, 8March1818. ANF76866. 21 Reportofsubprefect, ofDrémereport,17March1817.ANF73788. 22 Prefect report,Lyons, 20July1821. ADRhoéne 4M229. 23 Police 24 ForexampletheprefectoftheGard(report,Nimes,3January1822):“The situation inthedepartment continues tobeascalmascouldpossibly be _desired.’ ANF76769.

Toulouse, Bourbon-Vendée, Clermont25 ReportsfromNimes,Strasbourg, Ferrand,Nevers,Etampes,andLyons,March1822.ANF73795.

report,17November1815.ADRhone4 M 237. 26 Mayorof Belleville 15January1816. ANF73736. report,Lyons, 27 Police thepolicereport,Rodez,1April1819,ontherumours 28 Seeforexample whichhadspreadatafairinthetown.ANF73791. ANF73788. report,Pau,4January1817. 29 Police

30December1816.ANF73788. 30 Policereport,Toulouse, 31 Police report,Corsica, undated[1817]. ANF73788. ofCorsica reports, 23October 1820;1January1821;15February 32 Prefect

1821. ANF76906.

Notes

247

33 Gendarmerie report,Nancy, 23February 1818. ANF76866. 34 ‘Chanson Nouvelle’, circulating intheRhéneintheearlyRestoration years. ADRhone4 M238. 35 Folder on‘Ulysses etTélémaque’, ANF76839(Libelles, chansons, placards

séditieux). 36 Oneof themanystoriescirculating inSens(Yonne) intheearlymonthsof

1818.Police report,Paris,24February 1818. ANF76866.

37 Police report,Grenoble, 13—14 January1817. ANF73788. 38 Prefect ofRhénereport,Lyons, 15March1816. ANF73736. 39 Prefectof Meurthereport,Nancy,24February1818.F76866. 40 Prefectof LoireAtlantiquereport,Nantes,29December1815.ANF7

3736. 4] Police report,Lyons, 20September 1816. ADRhéne4 M227. 42 Procureur report,Fontainebleau, 7January1816. ANF73736. 43 Sub-prefect ofSensreport,18March1816. ADYonne IIIM!78. 44 Policereport,Bourg,29February1816.ANF73736. 45 Prefectof Doubsreport,Besancon,30March1816.ANF73736. 46 Prefectof Basses-Pyrénées report,Pau,4January1817.ANF73788. 47 Prefect ofDordogne report,Périgueux, 18January1817. ANF73788. 48 Police report,Paris,18April1816. ANF76729(colporteurs). 49 Prefect ofIséretoprefect ofRhéne,3December 1817.ADRhéne4M 239. 50 ReporttoMinisterofJustice,14February1827.ANF76729. 51 Circulartoallprefects,Paris,20March1823.ANF76729.

52 ReporttoMinister ofWar,Bourges, 3June1822. ANF76729.

53 Report ofmayorofChamoux, 16September 1815. ADYonne IIIM!87. 54 Prefectof Seine-Inférieure report,Rouen,3 May1818.ANF76866. 55 Confidential report,ChateauThierry(Aisne), September 1820.ANF7

6866.

56 Undated report. ADYonne IIIM!67. 5/7 Prefect ofGironde report,Bordeaux, 24February 1818. ANF76866. 58 Prefectof Indrereport,Chateauroux, 4 February1816.ANF73736. 59 Prefect ofSomme report,Amiens, 4March1818. ANF76866. 60 Ministerof Interior,Paris,reportof 3March1823.ANF76729. 61 Anonymous denunciation toMinisterof Interior,dated18June1820.AN

F76906. 62 Reportof prefectoral councillor, Bourg(Ain),15March1820.ANF7 6906. 63 Reportof sub-prefect, Chateausalins (Meurthe), 8 March1818.ANF7 6866. 64 Gendarmerie report,Metz,21September 1820. ANF76909. 65 Mayor ofAvallon report, 20March 1817. ADYonne IIIM!89. 66 Prefectof theSommereport,Amiens,4 March1818.ANF76866. 67 Prefect ofMeuse report,Bar-le-Duc, 28February 1816. ANF73736.

278

Notes

ofHautes-Pyrénées report,Tarbes, 28January1816. ANF73736. 68 Prefect Police report, N antes, 5 March1819. A NF73791. 69 70 Policereport,Toulouse,19January1816.ANF73736. thecircular lettertotheprefects ofthesedepartments from 71 Seeforexample

theprefect ofRhéne,Lyons, 3October1815. ADRhone4 M227. ofSeine-et-Marne report,Melun,12February 1816. ANF73736. 72 Prefect ofAubereport,Troyes, 16April1821. ANF76913. 73 Prefect report,Niort,23January1816.ANF73736. 74 Prefectof Deux-Sévres 75 Policereport,Troyes,10January1816.ANF73736. report,Nevers, 29January1816.ANF73736. 76 Police report,Tulle,13March1816. ANF73736. 77 Police report,Draguignan, 13March1817. ANF73788. 78 Police report,Bastia,11November 1816.ANF73788.‘Themen 13 Gendarmerie werearrestedbut—a signof theprecariouspoliticalconditionson the island—nonewereprosecuted.

report,Angers, 11January1817.ANF73788.Thesource ofthis 80 Police

information was a letterwritten byoneofthedeserters tohismother, who

lived intheMaine etLoire.

ofsub-prefect ofMontbéliard, 2March1818. ANF76869. 81 Report 19March1818.ANF76869. 82 Prefectof Doubsreport,Besangon, 83 Policereport,Avallon,31January1816.ANF73736. ofMeuse report,Bar-le-Duc, 26January1816. ANF73736. 84 Prefect report,Lyons, 3March1817. ANF73788. 85 Police report,Lyons, 15March1820. ADRhone4 M281. 86 Procureur habitants deLyons’, 19March1821. ADRhone4 M229. 87 ‘Aux 88 Prefectof Rhéne,Lyons,22March1821.ADRhone4 M 229. a oreille (op.cit.),154-155. 89 Ploux,Debouche notably, byBernard Ménager; seeLesNapoléon dupeuple (op. 90 Thisisargued, cit.),21. Brelot, “Terreur etcontre-terreur dansledépartement duJurade 91 Claude 1816a 1818’, Travaux delaSociété d’Emulation duFura(1977), 225.

LaGrande Peurde1789(Paris:ArmandColin,1932). 92 GeorgesLefebvre, 1814-1914(London:Longman,1999),337. 93 RobertTombs,France Alexander, Rewriting theFrench revolutionary tradition: liberal opposition 94 Robert

andthe falloftheBourbon monarchy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 230.

report,Niort,26February1818.ANF76866. 95 Prefectof Deux-Sévres duPeuple (op.cit.),24. 96 Ménager,LesNapoléon 10January1816. ANF73736. ofAinreport,Bourg, 97 Prefect Maine e tLoire r eport, Angers, 3January 1816. ANF73736. of Prefect 98 Agen,26March1817. ANF73788. ofLot-et-Garonne, 99 Prefect ANF73736. ofRhénereport,15March1816. 100 Prefect 101 Prefectof Gersreport,Auch,8January1816.ANF73736. aoreille (op.cit),141. 102 Ploux,Debouche

Notes

279

103Gendarmerie report,Auxerre, 9July1816.ADYonne 3U11776. 104Prefect ofMorbihan report,Vannes, 14January1817. ANF73788. 105Reports ofprefectofBasses-Pyrénées, Pau,23February 1818,ANF7

6866;and prefectof Meuse,Bar-le-Duc,17June 1818;ANF7 6869. Thisparticularstoryresurfacedperiodicallyin the following years;it appearedagainin Lyonsin 1820.Seepolicereport,15February1820;

ADRhone4 M229. 106‘AupeupleduNouveau Monde’, citedbyprefect ofDeux-Sévres, Niort, 31July1819. ANF76866.

107 Policereport,Perpignan,9January1816.ANF73736. 108 Policereport,Lille,19January1816.ANF73736. 109 Policereport,Chateauroux, 23January1816.ANF73736. 110 Special report,policecommissioner, Bourg, 3January1816. ANF73736. 111 Prefect ofHautes-Pyrénées report,Tarbes, 28January1816. ANF73736. 112 Procureur report,Aix,20March1817;ANBB18—1017; reportsfrom Prefectsof Bouches-du-Rhéne, Marseille,18 March 1817;Var, Draguignan,20March1817;and Gard,Nimes,6 April1817.ANF7

6668. 113SeeChapter6. 114Prefect ofMeusereport,Bar-le-Duc, 13March1816. ANF73736. 115Police report,Lyons, 15January1816. ANF73736. 116Prefectof Céted’Orreport,Dijon,18January1816.ANF73736. 117Forexamplesof these‘Austrian illusions’, seeLeGallo,LesCentFours (op. cit.),136-138. 118Police report,Richelieu, 1April1817. ANF73788. 119Police report,Lyons, 14July1815. ANF73734. 120ReportofmayorofSaint-Chaumond, 26July1815. ANF73734. 121]Seeforexamplethereportof prefectof theMeurthe,Nancy,13March 1818. ANF76866. 122Policereport,Grenoble,22August1822.ADRhone4 M 229. 123Reportofprefect ofLoire,Montbrison, 27June1828. ANF76993. 124Reportofprefect ofMarne,Chalon, 30December 1815. ANF73736. 125MinisterofInteriorreport,Paris,6 November1815.ADYonneIIIM!87. 126Report,Arras,6January1816.ANF73736. 127Police report,Lyons, 20March1819. ADRhéne4 M245. 128Prefect ofSeine-et-Marne report,Melun,1January1816. ANF73736. 129Prefect ofNordreport,Lille,11January1816. 130Prefect ofCalvados report,Caen,14January1816. ANF73736. 131Prefect ofVaucluse report,Avignon, 1January1816. ANF73736. 132Report, Calais,12February 1816. ANF73736. 133Bothcasesquotedin“Tableau dedélits, decris,discours etactesséditieux oudenouvelles alarmantes commis dansledépartement duGarddepuis le15février jusqu’au 15maidel’année 1817’; Nimes, 26May1817. AN BB18—1017.

280

Notes

of Melle,30March1817.ANBB30—190. 134 Reportof sub-prefect ofsub-prefect, Vitry-le-Frangais, 27December 1815. ANF73736. 135 Report 136 Prefectof Cantalreport,Aurillac,12January1816.ANF73736. ofTonnerre, n.d.[1816]. ADYonne IIIM!89. 137 Reportofsub-prefect ofMayenne report,Laval,5January1816.ANF73736. 138 Prefect ofgendarmerie ofAriége, Foix,7August 1818.ANF76839. 139 Report 30March1816,onstatements made 140 Prefectof Doubsreport,Besancon,

byruralinhabitants inthearea.ANF73736.

13March1816.ANF73736. 141 Prefectof Meusereport,Bar-le-Duc, report,Macon,21March1817.ANF73788. 142 Prefectof Saéne-et-Loire report,Lyons,6 October1816.ADRhone4M 238. 143 Gendarmerie ofIndrereport,Chateauroux, 10January1817. ANF73788. 144 Prefect 145 Prefectof Eurereport,Evreux,15February1816.ANF73788. reports,10February1817.ANF73788. 146 Prefectoral 147 ‘Takecourage,Napoleonisreturning,andwewillhavebreadat 4 sols.’ Policereport,Lyons,24December1816.ADRhone4 M 238. report,Marseille, 7March1820.ANF76906. 148Gendarmerie

ofAlsace, seeChalmin, “Les variations delalégende’ (op. 149Fortheexample 51, 150 Policereport,Cambrai,18March1816.ANF73736. 151 Policereport,Lyons,15October1815.ADRhéne4 M 237. dedélits,decris,discoursetactesséditieux oudenouvelles alar152 ‘Tableau

mantes commis dansledépartement duGarddepuis le15février jusqu’au

15maide l’année1817’;Nimes,26May1817.ANBB18—1017. 20January1817.ANF73788. 153 PrefectofJurareport,Lons-le-Saunier, ChateauChinon,8January1816.ANF73736. 154 Reportof sub-prefect, 13March1816.ANF73736. 155 Prefectof Meusereport,Bar-le-Duc, ofsubprefect, Pithiviers, 9February 1816.ANF73736. 156 Report ofMeuse report,Bar-le-Duc, 13March1816. ANF73736. 157 Prefect Lyons, 20March1821. ADRhone4 M241. 158 Report, deNapoléon, poéme traduit deVarabe parVictor Lavagne (Paris: Roy159 Apothéose

Terry,1829), 24.

160 Prefectof Meusereport, Bar-le-Duc,13March 1816.AN F7 3736. ofCreuse report,Guéret,3January1816. ANF73736. 161 Prefect

Auxerre, 1816. ADYonne IIIM!74. 162Report,

163 Prefectof Ardéchereport,Privas,1March1816.ANF73736. duPeuple (op.cit.),32-33. 164 Quotedin Ménager,LesNapoléon 165 Reportof mayorof Lyons,23February1823.ADRhone4 M 242. fatemetbyFrenchsol166 Notablya rangeof storiesabouttheunfavourable

diers;arumour intheHaute-Loire thusspread considerable alarmamong thelocalpopulation byclaiming thatthetownof Bayonne hadfallen intoSpanish handsandthatFrenchtroopsin Spainwere‘cornered’.

Prefectof Haute-Loire report,LePuy,29April1823.ANF76729. report,Agen,1May1823.ANBB30—193. 167 Procureur-général

Notes

281

168JulesGarsou, Lescréateurs delalégende napoléomenne (Brussels, 1899), 18. 169CitedinPaulLeuilliot, L’Alsace audébut duXIXe siécle (Paris: SEVPEN, 1959),Vol.I,494495. 170 Procureur report,Versailles, 12November1824.ANBB18—1117.

171Police reports, Paris,11Marchand26April1825. ANBB18—1121. 172 Procureurreport,Aix,7September1824.ANBB18—1114.

3:ACult of SeditiousObjects | Journal(Paris:LeDivan,1937),Vol.V,171. 1 Stendhal, theoperation wascompleted byAugust 1815.Police report,12 2 InLyons, August 1815. ADRhone4 M237. OO Ménager, LesNapoléon dupeuple (op.cit.),16. JeanLucas-Dubreton, LecultedeNapoléon 1815-48(Paris,1960),51.

ProsperMérimée, Notes devoyage (Paris:Biro,2003),166. OHS

OOnND

Policereport,Lille,18January1816.ANF73736. Prefectof Isérereport,Grenoble,15April1818.ANF76704.

Prefect ofIsérereport,Grenoble, 25August 1819. ANF76704. See,forexample, thepolicereport,Lyons, 7May1818,onthearrestof fourmeninvolved inthemanufacture anddistribution ofcopperstatues of

Napoleon; threewereformersoldiersof theGrandeArmée,andhadalso beenardentBonapartists duringtheHundredDays.ADRhéne4 M 245.

10 Police report,Lyons, 28December 1815. ANF73736. 1] Policereport,Paris,1823.ANF76706. report,Nantes, 6September 1826. ANF76706. 12 Customs 13 Gendarmerie report,Lille,31July1819. ANF76705. report,Rouen,9 December1818.ANF76866. 14 Prefectof Seine-Inférieure ofRhénereport,Lyons, 30December 1815. ADRhone4 M227. 15 Prefect 16 Policereport,Paris,28March1818.ANF7 6869.Oneof thewaysin whichtheauthorities soughttocontrol andregulate thedissemination of images wasbyrequiring hawkers todeposit acopyofalltheirimages with thelocaladministration —aninjunction whichwasfrequently ignored. 17 Policereports18May,12June,and15October1828.ANF76706. 27March1827.ANF76705. 18 Seethereportof themayorof Toulouse, 19 Police report,Bourg, 18April1827.F76704. report,Blois,9February1830.ANF76704. 20 Gendarmerie Rouen,reportof 22October1823ona col21 Prefectof Seine-Inférieure, lectionof imagesconfiscated at a localfair.ANF76704.

of ‘Toulon, report,24November1818.ANF76706. 22 Sub-prefect 23 Prefectof Mosellereport,Metz,7June1819.ANF76705. 24 Prefectof Tarnreport,Albi,31August1820.ANF76910. atabookseller’s inLons-le-Saunier; prefect ofJurareport,23 25 Imageseized January1821. ANF76705. report,Marseille, 26January1816.F73736. 26 PrefectofBouches-du-Rh6ne

282

Notes

report,Chateaudun(EureetLoir),12August1827.ANF7 27 Gendarmerie 6704. gendarmerie report,23 28 Imagefoundon saleat Saint-Lo(Manche); October1822. ANF76705. 29 Images confiscated atDraguignan (Var); prefect report,1February 1819. ANF76706. 30 Prefectof Bouches-du-Rh6ne report,Marseille, 26January1816.ANF7

3736. 31 Forcomments onimages depicting thereturnjourney, seereports ofgendarmerie, Chateaudun, 12August1827,ANF76704;onthelanding in Cannes, prefect ofGironde report,Bordeaux, 29July1819, ANF76704; andonGrenoble,prefectof Seine-Inférieure report,Rouen,27October

1829, ANF76706. ofVarreport,Draguignan, 19March1820. ANF76910. 32 Prefect 33 PrefectofMayennereports,Laval,30Augustand5October1819.ANF7 6705. 34 Gendarmerie report,Angers, 12January1822. ANF76704.

a Prefectof Calvados report,Caen,23February1820.ANF73792. 36 Prefectof Isérereport,18March1823.ANF76704. 37 Police report,Paris,3March1823. ANF76706. 38 Police report,Lyons, 13September 1820. ADRhéne4 M245. 39 Prefectof Bouches-du-Rh6ne report,Marseille,16January1826.ANF7

6704.

40 Prefect ofVienne report,Poitiers, 23April1827. ANF76706. 41 Variouspoliceandprefectoral reports,ANF76706. 42 Prefect ofSomme report,Amiens, 5January1830. ANF76706. 43 Policereport,Paris,13November1819.ANF76706.

Police report,Paris,12July1828. ANF76706.For alist ofParisian shops whereNapoleonic memorabilia couldbepurchased (discreetly) between

1815and 1830,seeHenrid’Alméras, LawieParisienne souslaRestauration

(Paris: AlbinMichel, 1909), 369-370. 45 Prefect ofArdennes report,Méziéres, 31August 1827. ANF76704. 46 Policereport,Paris,19November1827.ANF76706. 47 Letterof Ministerof Police,Paris,19December1815.ADTarnIV M IV/3. 48 Report ofprocureur, Ploermel, 13May1824.BB18—1113.

49 Prefectof Oisereport,Beauvais, 15July1819.ANF76705. 50 Reports ofprefect ofEure(Evreux), 10July1822,andprefect ofSeine-

Inférieure (Rouen), 19October1822. ANF76704(dossier Lemire). 51 Prefect ofpolicereports, Paris,21Apriland20May1823.ANF76704 (dossier Lemire). ofSeine-Inférieure report, July1827. ANF76704(dossier Lemire). 52 Prefect

53 Bluche,LeBonapartisme (op.cit.). 54 See,forexample,thereportof theprefectof theArdennes, Méziéres, 22

Notes

283

September1822,onthediscovery ofa collection ofNapoleonic objectsin

ahouseinCharleville. ANF76704. 99 IncidentcitedinJeanLucas-Dubreton, Louvel lerégicide (Monaco: Lep, 1965), 22.56 ‘Bustes etportraits deBonaparte’. Prefect ofYonne circular, Auxerre, |

December1815.ADYonneIIIM!82. 57 PrefectofBas-Rhinreport,Strasbourg, 3December1829.ANF76705. 58 Report byMarquis dePastoret, inCour desPairs. Réquisitotre surlaconspwration

du19Aoiit 1820(Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1821), 35-37. 59 Lucienne Curie-Seimbres, ‘Joseph-Léonard Decazes etlesderniers bonapartistes Tarnais (1815-1819), Revue duTarn, Spring1976,77.

60 Reportofmayorof ‘Toulouse, 27March1827.ANF76705. 61 Policereport,Paris,26January1820.ANF76705. 62 PrefectofArdennesreport,Méziéres,15February1823.ANF76704. 63 Police report,Paris,29April1821. ANF76706. 64 Policereport,Paris,12December1818.ANF76706. 65 Reportofpolice,‘Toulouse, 19January1816.ANF73736. 66 Gendarmerie report,Saint-Lo(Manche), 29July1819.ANF76705. 67 Undated report[1815]. ADYonne IIIM!68. 68 Report, Ministry ofJustice, Paris,26October1815. ANBB3—152. 69 Policereport,Paris,19February1820.Archives delaPréfecture dePolice,

Aa343.

70 Seetheexamples citedinNataliePetiteau,Lendemains d’Empuwe: lessoldats de Napoléon danslaFrance duXIXesiécle (Paris:LaBoutiquedel’Histoire, 2003),

132, report,Beauvais, 28December 1816. ANF73788. 71 Police report,Nantes, 20February 1819. ANF73791. 72 Police report,Guingamp, 1December 1824. ANBB18—1118. 73 Procureur 74 Police report,Albi,21February 1816. ANF73736. ‘Joseph-Léonard Decazeset lesderniersbonapartistes’ 75 Curie-Seimbres, (op.cit.),77. 76 Chalmin, ‘Lesvariations delalégende’ (op.cit.),49. 77 Gustave Flaubert, Madame Bovary (1856). report,Macon,2 September1820.ANF76910. 78 Prefectof Sa6éne-et-Loire report,Auch,3 March1820.ANF73792. 79 Gendarmerie 80 Prefect ofSeineetOisereport,Pontoise, 14October1829. ANF76706. 81 Police report,Paris,13—14 July1817. ANF73788. 82 Customs report,Paris,12September 1828. ANF76706. Rouen,7January1826.ANF76706. 83 Prefectof Seine-Inférieure, 84 Police report,Paris,3October1825. ANF76705. 85 Prefect ofVarreport,7January1828. ANF76706. 86 Policereport,Paris,3-4January1817.ANF73788. 87 Prefect ofArdennes report,Méziéres, 30April1822. ANF76704. 88 Police report,Paris,5May1823.ANF76706.

284

Notes

89 Prefectof Seine-Inférieure reporton confiscation of twenty-four Napoleonic platesfromalocalrestaurant, Rouen, 9November 1822.AN F76706. 90 ‘Thereare numerousaccountsreferringto theproduction,distribution, andconsumption ofalltheseitemsthroughout theRestoration yearsn AN

F76704,6705and6706. 91 Prefect ofpolicereports, Paris,23Julyand9August 1819. ANF76704. 92 Prefect ofRhénereport,Lyons, 10August 1821. ANF76916. 93 Seepolicereports,Lyons,16November 1821and29May1822.AD

Rhone4 M 245. 94 Forreportsontheaffair,seeprefectof Lot-et-Garonne, Agen,4 March 1822,ANF76705;andpolicereport,Paris,30April1822,BB30—193.

95 Seereportofprefect ofMeurthe, Nancy, 25July1823. ANF76705.

96 On perfume,seeprefectof police,Paris,19November1819,ANF7 6706;onhuiledesibéraux, reportsofprefectsofArdennesandVienne,11 June1820and28February1821,ANF76705.

97 Prefect ofCétes-du-Nord report,Saint-Brieuc, 29August1817.ANF7 6848. | 98 Edouard Guillon, Lescomplots militaires sous laRestauraton (Paris: Plon,1895), 47.

99 Prefectof Deux-Sévres report,Niort,16March1816.ANF73736. 100 Incidentcitedin JeanVidalenc, Ledépartement del’Eure souslaMonarchie constituttonnelle (Paris:MarcelRiviére,1952),155.

101Prefect ofVosges report,Epinal, 8September 1817. ANF76848. 102Police reports, 3July1821(Lyons) and31July1821(Paris). ADRhéne4 M245. 103 Policereport,Lyons,14July1821.ADRhéne4 M 229. 104 Policereport,Lyons,25July1821.ADRhéne4 M 229.

105Prefect ofIsérereport,14January1822. ANF76650. 106Prefect ofDoubsreport,Besangon, 27May1826. ANF76704. 107Police report,Lyons, 30July1821. ADRhone4 M229. 108Prefect ofRhénereport,Lyons, 30July1821.ANF76848. 109 Prefectof Girondereport,4January1827.ANF76704. 110 Prefectof Rhonereport,Lyons,18August1820.ANF76705.

111‘Couteau Napoléon.’ 112Prefect ofVienne report,Montmorillon, 21March1830. ANF76706.

113 Prefectof Cherreport,Bourges, 2November1829.ANF76704. 114 PrefectofAllierreport,Moulins,12December1819.ANF76704. 115 Prefectof Charente-Inférieure, La Rochelle,12October1820.ANF7

6906. 116Prefect ofVienne report,Poitiers, 28February 1821. ANF76705.

117 Policereport,Paris,20April1820.ADRhéne4 M 245.

118Thedescription ofthelabelisinareportfromtheprefect oftheDoubs, Besancon, 15March1820.ADRhéne4M 245.

Notes

285

119Policereport,Paris,11September1829.ANF76706. policememorandum, Paris,27August 1829. ANF76706. 120Internal 121Gendarmerie report,Malestroit, 18February 1818. ANF76866. ofHautes-Alpes report,Gap,17September 1822. ANF76704. 122Prefect ofIsérereport,Grenoble, 14January1822. ANF76650. 123Prefect 124PrefectofArdennesreport,Méziéres,11May1822.ANF76704. 125Policereport,Paris,December1818.ANF76889. ofSomme report,Amiens, 5April1822. ANF76706. 126Prefect report,Nimes, 31March1818. ANF76869. 127Police 128‘Tax-collector letter,Dieppe, 16March1821. ANF76913. ofHaute-Garonne report,Toulouse, 9 December 1822.ANF7 129Prefect 6705.

130 Policereport,Lille,2 October1820.ANF76909. 131 Police report,Paris,31July1824.BB18—1111. report,Tours,4 March1818.ANF76866. 132 Prefectof Indre-et-Loire 133 Procureur report,Lisieux, 1June1817. ANF76704. 134 SeeNicole Pellegrin, Lesvétements delaliberté: abécédatre despratiques vestimentatres enFrance de1780a 1800(Paris:Alinea,1989). 135 Reportof mayorof StLager,24March1816.ADRhine4 M 227.

136Areference toNapoleon’s disastrous Russian campaign of 1812. 137Speech ofMonsieur Brai,24March1816, reported bymayor ofStLager; ADRhine4M227. 138Procureur report,Draguignan, 12March1817. ANBB18—1017. 139Forexample inCaumont (Vaucluse) onthenightof24September 1818; prefectofVaucluse report,Avignon,1October1818.ANF76706. 140 Prefect ofHautes-Pyrénées report,‘Tarbes, 23February 1818. 141 Forexamples of tricolour bannersfoundonchurchtowers, seepolice report,Vesoul,5January1816,ANF7 3736;andLaon,26December

1817, ANF73788.

142 CitedinGuillon,Lescomplots militaires souslaRestauration (op.cit.),58. 143 DavidPinkney,TheFrench Revolution of 1830(Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press,1972),49-50.

144Fora listofpeoplearrested andprosecuted inLyonsbetween August andDecember 1815, seeADRhone4M245(embléemes etensergnes sédttveux). 145 Various reports, Seinefolder, ANF76910. 146 PrefectofAubereport,‘Troyes, 15May1823,onavarietyofsucharticles confiscated at a fair.ANF76704.

147Police report,Paris,6August 1827. ANF76705. 27November1819.ANF7 148Prefectof Seineet Oisereport,Versailles, 6706. 149 Reportof procureur-général, Nimes,11March1817,on incidentat

Beauvoisin (Gard).ANBB30—1017. 150 Prefectof Héraultreport,3June1818.ANF76704. 151 Gendarmerie ofHautes-Alpes report, Gap,21February 1818. ANF76866.

286

Notes

152Sub-prefect ofCorbeil report,23March1827. ANF76706. 153Gendarmerie report,1]January1822. ANF73795.

154 Prefectoral andpolicereports,Sisteron,March—October 1826.ANF7

6704.

155 “Tableaude délits,de crisdiscourset actesséditieuxou de nouvelles

alarmantes commis dansledépartement duGarddepuisle 15février jusqu’au 15maidel’année 1817’ Nimes, 26May1817. ANBB18—1017. 156Gendarmerie report,Niort,27April1819. ANF73791. 157Prefect ofBouches-du-Rh6ne report,Marseille, 6July1820. F76906. 158 PrefectofYonnereport,24March1823.ANF76704. 159 Policereport,Paris,3 March1820.ANF76706.

160Prefect ofPuy-de-Déme report,Clermont-Ferrand, 10February 1821. ANF76916. 161See,mostnotably, theletterofthemayorofLyons,1April1830.AD Rhone4 M 242. 162 Prefectof Dordognereport,Périgueux, 3January1817.ANF73788.

163LeGallo, LesCent Fours (op.cit.),130.

164 Prefectof Doubsreport,Besancon, 22March1820.ANF73792.

4: An Occult Force 1 Policereports,Lyons,8 and17August1822.ANF73795.

2 Seeforexample theanonymous pamphlet, Desconspirateurs etdesconspirations (Paris, 1822). Police memorandum, undated[1825]. ANF76772. 4 Document foundontravelling salesman inEvreux. Reportofprefectof

Go

Eure,Evreux,17February1816.ANF73736.

5 SeeSudhir Hazareesingh, ‘L’opposition républicaine auxfétesciviques du

SecondEmpire:Féte,anti-féte, etsouveraineté’, Revue d’Histowe du1¥ siécle,

No.26-27(2003), 149-171. 6 MonaOzouf, Lafeterévolutionnaie (Paris: Gallimard, 1988ed.).

7 On thecolourfullifeandcareerof thisofficer, wholiveduntil1855,see

Antonin Debidour, LeGénéral Fabvier, saviemilitaire etpolitique (Paris: Plon, 1904).

8 Ontheactivities of Lallemand intheUnitedStates,Spain,Belgium, and

France, seeFrédéric Bluche, Lebonapartisme: auxorigines deladroite autoritatre (1800-1850) (Paris: Nouvelles Editions Latines, 1980), 138-139.

9 Alexander, Bonapartism andrevolutionary tradition (op.cit.),257—274; 285. 10 AlanSpitzer,Oldhatreds andnewhopes: theFrench Carbonan against theBourbon Restoration (Cambridge, Massachusetts: HarvardUniversity Press,1971),

19. 11Ibid.,278-279. 12Police report,Gap(Hautes-Alpes), 4February 1817. ANF73788. 13Procureur report,Tarbes, 16May1817. ANBB30—190.

Notes

287

14Prefect ofHautes-Alpes report,Gap,12March1821. ANF76913. 15 Procureur-général report, Grenoble, 8July1818. ANBB30—190. — 16Reportofsub-prefect ofSens,18March1816. ADYonne IIIM!78.

17JosephRey,Histoire delaconspiration deGrenoble en1816(Grenoble: Barnel,

1847), 221.

18 CitedinPierre-Arnaud Lambert, LaCharbonnerie Frangaise 1821-1823 (Lyons:

Presses Universitaire deLyons,1995), 78.ReywasinexileinEngland between 1820and1826; hereturned toFrance afterbeingamnestied. 19Therewerereports ofsuchactivities intheDréme, Basses-Alpes, andIsére

inlate1815;seethecorrespondence amonglocalprefectsinADIsére,52 M8. 20 Policereport,Pau,4January1817.ANF73788.

21 Reports ofprefectof Doubs,Besancon, 1March1816;andprefectof Calvados, Caen,28February 1816. ANF73736. Lendemains d’Empire (op.cit.),273. 22 Petiteau,

23 ‘Demi-soldes, 1819-1820’. ADRhéne4 M281. 24 Policereport,Grenoble,15February1828.ADIsére52M 6. Fora reassessment ofthe‘myth’ ofthedem1-soldes, seeJeanVidalenc, Lesdemt-soldes,

étude d’une catégone sociale (Paris: Marcel Riviére, 1955). 25 SeeJosephKiener, Berceau historique desmystéres delaFranc-Magonnene (Paris, 1860); Kiener wasaMason andabookseller whoserved asoneofthedignitaries intheBonaparte LodgeinParisduringthe1850s; hebelieved (as didmanyofhiscomrades) thatNapoleonhadbeena Freemason.

26 Prefect ofMeuse report,Bar-le-Duc, 28February 1816. ANF73736. report,Rodez,5 February1816.ANF73736. 27 PrefectofAveyron 28 AndréCombes, Histoire delaFranc-Magonnerie auXIXe siécle (Paris: Editions duRocher,1998),Vol.I, 137.

29 Reportofprefect ofpolice toMinister ofInterior, Paris, June1825. ANF7 6689. 30 Bourg, letterdated23January1816. ADRhéne4 M227. 31 Various reports, datedJanuary1822; ANF76684(sociétés secrétes). 32 Prefectof Calvadosreport,Caen,23February1820.ANF73792. 33 SeethereportofmayorofVaise, 23August 1816. ADRhéne4 M227. 34 Police report,Lyons, 18September 1822. ADRhine4M263(loges magonniques).

publique etlaviepolitique aLyonlorsdespremiéres années 35 GeorgesRibe,L’opinion delaSeconde Restauration (Paris: Sirey, 1957), 156-157. 36 Policereport,Lyons,21June1821.ADRhone4 M 263. 37 Information contained inletterof prefectofIséretoprefectofRhéne,

Grenoble,21August1822.ADRhone4M 263. 38 Undatedpolicereport[1822]onactivities ofsixMasonicLodgesofLyons.

ADRhine4M263. 39 Prefectof RhénereporttoMinister of Interior, Lyons,11September 1822. ADRhone4 M263.

288

Notes

reportonAmboise Lodge, 27August 1822.ANF76684. 40 Police Histozre delaFranc-Magonnene (op.cit.),75. 4] Combes, (op.cit.),144. 42 Bluche,LeBonapartisme report,Paris,26June1823. ANF73795. 43 Police Combes, Histowe delaFranc-Magonnere (op.cit.),113. 45 Police report,Paris,13May1823. ANF76685. 46 Police report,Bayonne, 15March1822. ANF73795.

Lescomplots mihtaires sous laRestauration (Paris: Plon,1895), 256. 47 EdouardGuillon, 48 Reportofprefect,Metz,18September1822.ANF76685. 1June 1824.ANF76684. 49 PrefectofJurareport,Lons-le-Saunier, 50 Reports ofprefect ofMoselle, 13and22September 1820; ANF76909. SL d’Alméras, LaweParisienne sous laRestauration (op.cit.),367-368. 1817(Paris:Champion,1895),123. 52 EdmondBiré,L’Année 53 ReportofpoliceinformerAchard,20July1824.ANF76685. 54 PolicenotetoMinisterof Interior,29August1824.ANF76685. 55 Policereport,Paris,31July1826.ANF76668. 56 AnotefromtheWarMinistry dated8April1822estimated thatthemem-

bership oftheCarbonan inFrance exceeded 800,000. ANF76684. 57 Dossier‘Carbonarien Italie,en Suisse;CharbonniersBonsCousinsen Franche-Comté’ [1821—22]. ANF76684.

:

58 Reportofprefectofpolice,Paris,June1825.ANF76689. report,Lyons, 19February 1822. ADRhone4 M245. 59 Police ofIsérereport,6August 1820. ANF76650. 60 Prefect 61 Prefect ofIsérereport, 17August 1822. ANF76650. ofIsérereport,3July1823. ANF76650. 62 Prefect theDuc 63 In additionto theDucde Berry,Louvelplannedto assassinate d’Angouléme andtheComted’Artois.

64 SeeGuillaume deBertier deSauvigny, LaRestauration (Paris: Flammarion, 1974), 163. forexample, refersto‘poormadLouvel’ ; Oldhatreds andnewhopes 65 Spitzer, (op.cit.),36. permanente contre laMaison deBourbon etlesrows de 66 See,forexample,Conjuration

l’Europe (Paris: leNormand, 1820). 67 Mémoires duBaron d’Haussez (op.cit.),Vol.1, 317. workformsthebasisof GillesMalandain’s article,‘La 68 Thispainstaking conspiration solitaire d’unouvrier théophilanthrope: Louvel etl’assassinat duDucdeBerryen 1820’,Revue Historique Vol.CCQCII/2 (2000).

) 69 Ibid.,380. 70 Ibid.,390. 71 Ibid.,391. 72 Ibid.,386. 73 Ibid.,388. réves, visions, appantions etsingulanités quiont 74 MarquisedeW***,Pressentimens, précédé lamortdeSA.R.M®". leDucdeBerry(Paris:Moreau,1820),13-14.

Notes

289

75 ReportsinArchives dela Préfecture depolice,Paris,Aa343(Affaire Louvel, 1820). 76 Reportofprocureur, Nogent-sur-Marne, 23February 1820(Legrand was passingthroughNogentwhenhemadethesecomments). ANF76745. 77 ReportofprefectofAllier,Moulins,19February1820.ANF76745.

78 Therearetwoweighty folders onpublicreactions totheassassination in theArchives Nationales (F76745and6746); forParis,seetheseries held inthePrefecture dePolicearchives intheAacollection (folders 343to 352). |

79 ‘Mortauxtyransdumonde’.Placard,LeVigan,earlyMarch1820.AN

F76745.

80 Gendarmerie report,Beauvais, 26February1820.ANF76909. 81 Gendarmerie report,Tarascon,5 March1820.ANF76906.

82 Prefect ofSeine-Inférieure report,18February 1820.ANF73792.The original version of theMarseillaise wascomposed byRougetdel’Isle,a youngcaptainof theFrenchRevolutionary Army;in 1792itbecamethe officialanthemof theFrenchRepublic.

83 Prefect ofCalvados report,23February 1820. ANF73792.

84 Gendarmerie report,Melun,23February1820.ANF73792.

85 CitedinLucas-Dubreton, Louvel lerégicide (op.cit.),22. 86 Prefect ofArdennes report,Méziéres, 1April1820. ANF73792.

87 Prefectof Seime-et-Oise report,12March1820.ANF7 3792;seealso gendarmerie report,11March1820;ANF76910.

88 Prefect ofpolicereport,Paris,19February 1821. ANF76916. 89 Reportofprefect ofpolice, Paris,June1825. ANF76689. 90 Anonymous lettertoprefect ofIsére,15February 1824. ANF76650. 91 Etienne Lamothe-Langon, Louvel etl’inconnu (Paris: Dentu,1834), Vol.I, 316.

92 Guillon,Lescomplots militatres souslaRestauration (op.cit.),10. 93 Fora detailedaccount,seeHonoréPontois,Laconspiration duGénéral Berton

(Paris: Dentu,1877). 94 From a policereport,1822,citedinGuillon, Lescomplots militaires sousla Restauration (op.cit.),179,fn.1.

95Jean-Baptiste Berton, AMM. Les Membres delaChambre des Pairs, etaMM.

LesDéputés desDépartemens, auCorps Législatif (Paris,1821), 5. 96Jean-Baptiste Berton, Précis historique, malttaire etcritique desbatailles deFleurus etdeWaterloo (Paris: Delaunay, 1818), v. 97 Foranaccount ofthiscontroversy, seeEphraim Harpaz, L’école hbérale sous laRestauration (Geneva: Droz,1968),225fn.12. 98 “Deshommescaducsde corps et d’esprit’.Jean-BaptisteBerton,

Commentaire surl’ouvrage endix-huit chapitres deM.leLieutenant-Général 7.JFTarayre, intitulé Delaforce desgouvernements (Paris: Delaunay, 1819), 14;see also178and179.

99 Jean-Baptiste Berton,Considérations surlapolice (Paris,1820),27and41.

Notes

290

etpuisonvoit.’ 100 ‘Ons’engage Etudes historiques saumuroises (Saumur: Roland, 101 CitedinEugéneBonnemére,

1868), 20. 102Berton, Considérations surlapolice (op.cit.),15. 103Jean-Baptiste Berton, Lettre aM.leBaron Mounier, Directeur-Général delaPolice duRoyaume, surlamortdeNapoléon (Paris,1821),6.

104Ibid.,10.

105 Berton,Considérations surlapolice (op.cit.),9.

106Thevarious reportsareinF76668and6669(famille Bonaparte). 107Therewereanumber ofpettyjealousies amongtheimperial entourage; themainconflict wasbetween Bertrand, Montholon, andGourgaud and LasCases,whowasresentedbecausehewasthemostrecentconvertto theNapoleonic cause,andalsotheonewhosecompanyNapoleonseemed toappreciatemost. 108 Reportof Frenchconsulon hisinterrogation of Lepage,Hamburg,26

August 1818. ANF76668. 109Thebestaccount ofhislifeisinAlberic Cahuet’s chapter, ‘NoelSantini, “Jabétenoire”delaSainte-Alliance’, inAprés lamort del’Empereur (Paris: Emile-Paul, 1913), 127-198.

110 Thepamphlet,published inLondonbyRidgways in 1817,wasentitledAn

appeal totheBritish Nation onthetreatment experienced byNapoleon Buonaparte inthe island ofStHelena byM.Santine (sic), huisster ducabinet deI’Empereur. 111Police report,Lyons, 13February 1824. ANF76926(dossier Santini). 112Sub-prefect ofBastia letter,29March1824. ANF76929.

113 Prefectof Rhénereport,Lyons,26March1825.ANF76926. 114 Prefectof Bouches-du-RhGne report,Marseille, January1828.ANF7

6926. 115Santini livedtoseetherestoration oftheEmpire underNapoleon III,who appointed himtothepostof keeperof theInvalides; hediedinJuly 1862.Hepublished hismemoirs, whichunfortunately offerfewinsights intohisunderground activities. SeeDeSainte-Héléne auxInvalides. Souvenirs de

Santini, gardien duTombeau del’Empereur (Paris: Lacombe, 1854). 116NotefromWarMinistry ontheactivities ofMonsieur Broutat, Paris,3 October1822. ANF76685. 117Gautier waseventually arrested inthespringof1818.Prefect ofManche report,Saint-Lo, 5April1818. ANF76869.

118 ReportonLeBoucher, procureur-général, Angers,31October1821.ANF7 6684.Hisactivitieswereuncoveredby a somewhatcircuitousroute:a

youngmanwhoattendedoneof theMasonic meetings at whichLe Boucher waspresenttoldhismotheraboutthepolitical activities which wentonthere;themotherunburdenedherselfof thisinformation toher

priest,whopassed itontothepoliceoncondition thattheanonymity of thefamilywaspreserved.

119Mayor ofChalon report, 21October 1816. ADYonne IIIM!87.

Notes

291

120Prefect ofpolicereport,Paris,16February 1816. ANF76869. 121Prefect ofIsérereport,Grenoble, 1September 1821. ANF76650. 122Fora fullaccount ofthisinsurrection asseenbytheroyalist officer who hadto dealwithit, seeMémoires duBaron d’Haussez (op.cit.),Vol.I, 354-366. 123Reportofsub-prefect ofMarcellin, 16September 1821. ANF76650. 124Ibid. 125Prefectof Drémereport,Valence,11March1823.ANF76650. 126Policereport,Grenoble,1January 1822.ANF73795. 127Prefectof Isérereport,Grenoble,1September1821.ANF76650. 128Ibid. 129Prefect ofIsérereport,Grenoble, 16April1823. ANF76650. 130Prefect ofIsérereport,Grenoble, 17April1823. ANF76650. 131Prefect ofIsérereport,Grenoble, 9September 1823. ANF76650.

5: Rebellionsin Action l G.deBertierde Sauvigny, LaRestauration (Paris:Flammarion, 1955), 164—168. = SeeBiré,L’Année 1817(op.cit.),110-118. 3 Foranaccount ofalltheseconspiracies, seeSpitzer, Oldhatreds andnewhopes (op.cit.),77-141. 4 ‘Mémoires duCommandant BernardPoli’.Theoriginal manuscript of Poli’s memoirs isheldintheCorsican departmental archives. Thefulltext waspublished in Etudes Corses in 1954—55; thisdistinction between Napoleonism andimperialism appears inno.3(July1954), 13. Prefect reports, Ajaccio, 11and19February 1816. ANF73736. ‘Mémoires duCommandant Bernard Poli’. Etudes Corses, nos.7—8 (1955), 44-51. PierreAntonetti, Histoire delaCorse (Paris: RobertLaffont, 1973), 443-44. ‘Mémoires duCommandant Bernard Poli’.Etudes Corses nos.7-8(1955), 64. Seeforexamplethereportof thePrefectof Police,Paris,24June1822on

avisitbyPolitothecapital, duringwhichhehadlosttheagents whowere responsible fortrailinghim—muchtothisofficial’s frustration. ANF7 6916. 10 See,forexample, thepoembyGhiacumu Simonpoli, Fiumorbu inguerra

1815-1816. Poema inottucanti(Bastia: EdizioniDi‘UMontese’), 1963. 11 Alexander, Rewnting theFrench revolutionary tradition (op.cit.),135-186. 12 SharifGemie,French revolutions 1815-1914 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh

University Press,1999), 30. 13 Pamela Pilbeam, ‘Upheaval andcontinuity, 1814-1880’, inMalcolm Crook (ed.), Revolutionary France (Oxford: Oxford University Press,2002), 38.

14 Bluche,LeBonapartisme (op.cit.),158.

292

Notes

15 Prefectof HauteGaronnereport,Toulouse,14December1827.ANF7

6913. | 16 Undated report. ADYonne IIIM!71. 17 Minister ofInterior report, Paris, 7September 1824. ANBB18—1114. report,LesSables,10September1824.ANBB18—1114. 18 Procureur 19 Policereport,Bordeaux,27August1819.ANF73744. TheSaint-Napoleon (op.cit.). 20 Hazareesingh, report,Villeneuve (Lot-et-Garonne), 26August1822.AN 21 Gendarmerie BB30—193. ofIsérereport,Grenoble, 26August 1822. ANF76650. 22 Prefect (Loire), 26August1819.ANF73744. 23 Policereport,Montbrison Riom,17October1815.ANBB3—151. 24 Reportofprocureur-général, Nancy,19August1824.ANBB18—1113. 25 Reportofprocureur, Rennes, 14September 1824. ANBB18—1114. 26 Reportofprocureur, Lille,1September 1824. ANBB18—1114. 27 Reportofprocureur, Caen,12September 1824;andprocureur-général, Nimes, 28 Reportsofprocureur, 4September 1824. ANBB18—1114. and Niévre, 29 Reportsof prefectsof Manche,Meuse,Lot-et-Garonne, January1816; ANF73736. report,Chateauroux (Indre), 22January1816. ANF73736. 30 Police 31 Theeventwasclosed downbythepolice, andtheorganizer prosecuted. Seepolice report,10February 1816. ANF73736. ofJoigny, 30May1816. ADYonne IIIM!88. 32 Reportofsub-prefect report,Toulouse, 18November 1824.ANBB18—1116. 33 Procureur-général 4 October1824.ANBB18—1116. 34 Procureurreport,Draguignan, Boudon, LeConsulat et’Empure (op.cit.). 35 SeeJacques-Olivier Ploux, De bouche aoreille (op. c it.). 36 37 Ontheseincidents, seereports byprefects ofLoire(December 1815) and Marne(February 1816), ANF73736. dedéhts,Nimes,26 May 38 Declarationof EtienneGrenier,1817.Tableau

1817. ANBB18—1017.

39 Thetreeswereontheroadbetween thevillages ofRomilly andMarailly.

Gendarmerie reporttoprefect ofAube,31July1826.ANF76704.

3March1816.ANF73736. 40 Policereport,Besancon, 41 Gendarmerie report,Beauvais, 8November1820.ANF76909. of thisneo-Roman conception of republican freedom, 42 Foranelaboration

seeQuentinSkinner, Liberty before liberalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1998). 43 Seethebeginning ofthischapter. habitants deLaMure’. Undated proclamation, ADRhéne4 M227. 44 ‘Aux ofCherreport,Bourges, 10October1820. ANF76906. 45 Prefect placard, Laval,1816. Report ofprefect ofMayenne, 5January 46 Napoleonic 1816. ANF73736. 47 Tableau dedéhts, Nimes,26May1817.ANBB18—1017.

Notes

293

48 Guillon, Lescomplots mihtaires sous laRestauration (op.cit.),185. 49 Proclamation ofMarie-Louise, dated15February 1817. ANF76706. 50 Proclamation of EugénedeBeauharnais, datedOctober1817.ANF7

6705. 51 PrefectofNiévrereport,Nevers,27October1819.ANF76909. Je ‘Placards séditieux affichés 4Lyons, 1819-1823’. ANF76910. 93 SeethemanyreportsontheSpanish warinANBB30—193 (procureurs, Agendivision). 54 Procureur report,Aix,4 October1824.ANBB18—1116. 55 Prefectof Meusereport,3January1827.ANF76705. 56 Procureur report,Agen,August 1823. ANBB30—193. 37 Placard [undated], ANF76839. 58 Mayor ofLaGuillotiére report,23March1816. ADRhéne4 M227. 59 Police report,Grenoble, 21August 1819. ADIsére52M23.‘Calotin’ was apopularnineteenth-century termofabuseforpriests.Forexamples ofthe useof theterm(anditsderivatives), seeJacquelineLalouette, ‘Expressions

del’anti-cléricalisme’, in LaRépublique anticléricale (Paris:Seuil,2002), 311-3135. 60 Reportofprefect ofBourbon-Vendée, 15May1829. ANF76772. 61 Placard[undated].ANBB18—1017. 62 Policereport,Macon,15January1816.ANF73736. 63 Report ofsub-prefect ofJoigny, 8March 1816. ADYonne IIIM!87. 64 Reportofprocureur-général, Riom,13March1817. ANBB18—1017. 65 See,forexample, thereportofthesub-prefect ofJoigny, 30May1816. AD YonneIIIM!88. 66 See,forexample,thereportof theprefectof theAllier,Moulins,22May

1820.ANF76909. 67 Gendarmerie report,Méribel (Ain), 29April1820. ANF76906. 68 Police report,Lyons, 28July1820. ANF76910. 69 Police report,Paris,21April1819. ANF76910. 70 Ibid. 71 Proclamation of Marie-Louise, dated15February1817.ANF76706. example, seeApothéose deNapoleone Buonaparte ousignalement de 72 Fora colourful lantechnist, manifesté atoutl’Univers parlesprit devérité (Paris, 1821), 13. #3 Petition toprefect ofYonne, dated30November 1815. ADYonne IIIM! 84. 74 Prefect ofCreuse report,Guéret, 26March1816. ANF73736. 75 Prefectof Manchereport,Saint-Lo,5January1816.ANF73736. 76 JoséCabanis,Lesacre deNapoléon (Paris:Gallimard,1970),44.

77 SeeChapter1. 78 SeeGodlewski, Napoléon al’Iled’Elbe (op.cit.),42. 79 Prefect ofIsérereport,3January1816. ANF73736. 80 LetterofmayorofGrandLemps toprefect ofIsére,30March1816. AD Isére54M14(dossier Emery).

294

Notes

toprefect ofIsére,11April1816.AD 81 LetterofmayorofGrandLemps Isére54M14. inthe 82 ThismanbearsnoapparentrelationtotheDrevonmentioned previous chapter.

83 Reportofjusticeofthepeace,GrandLemps,n.d.ADIsére52M 14. 84 Policereport,Grenoble,14October1816.ADIsére52M 14. 85 Proclamation ofprefect ofIsére,n.d.ADIsére52M14. 86 Ibid. 87 ArmyreportonChurch ceremony inEpinal (Vosges), 15August 1817. AN

F76848. 88 IncidentinMorbihanin 1818,citedinletterof prefectof police,Paris,3 September 1818. ANF76869. reportonincident incabaret, Lyons, 16August 1819. ADIsére52 89 Police M23. of soldier, Paris,29April1821.ANF7 90 Armyreportoninterrogation 6706. report,Saint-Brieuc, 31August1819.ANF73744. 91 PrefectofCdtes-du-Nord Gendarmerie report, T ulle (Corréze), 18August 1820.ANF76906. 92 report,Lyon,11August 1820. ADRhone4 M229. 93 Police 94 Report ofsub-prefect ofAvallon, 14August 1815. ADYonne IIIM!66. penitentiary, Lyons,17August1822.ANF7 95 ReportfromSaint-Joseph 6705. ofInteriorlettertoprefect ofRhéne,Paris,18June1821.AD 96 Ministry Rhone4 M245.

97 Policereport,Paris,August23, 1822.“Thereis amongthe liberals,

Buonapartists andoldJacobins oftheFaubourg St-Antoine aconsiderable agitation, aimedatcreating troubleontheoccasion oftheKing’s Féte’ [theSaint-Louis}. report(Lot),18August 1820. ANF76909. 98 Gendarmerie report,Privas,19August1815.ANBB3—151. 99 Procureur report,26August1817.ANF76706. 100Prefectof Seine-et-Oise 101Report dated2September 1815. ADYonne IIIM!65. ofNéracreport,16August 1823. ANBB30-193. 102Procureur 103Prefectof Girondereport,Bordeaux,4 December1818.ANF76889. ‘Légende ettransfiguration’, inSainte-Héléne 104CitedinAdrienDansette,

terred’exil (Paris:Hachette,1971),312. 105 Policereport,Lyons,14July1815.ANF73734. 106 Police report,Grenoble, 2December 1818. ADIsére52M22. 107 Prefectof Isérereport,Grenoble,16July1820.ANF76669. 108 Prefect ofRh6éne report,11March1816. ANF73736. en1814et1815(Grenoble: Maisonville, 1854),60. 109 AlbinGras,Grenoble 110 Prefectof Isérereport,Grenoble,3July1823.ANF76650. 111 Foraccountsof thesegatheringsin 1818and 1820,seeAlexander,

Rewnting theFrench revolutionary tradition (op.cit.),123.

Notes

295

112 Proclamation of prefectof Isére,Grenoble, 4July1823.ADIsére52M

26.-

113 Prefect ofIsérereport,n.d.[1823]. ANF76650. 114 Proclamation ofprefectJulesdeCalviére, 2July1825. ADIsére52M26. 115 Draftprefectoral report,n.d.[1826].ADIsére52M 26. 116 Proclamation, Grenoble, 9July1831.ADIsére54M6. 117 Seeforexample theletterfromtheMinister oftheInterior totheprefect,

29November 1815. ADIsére52M14. 118Minister ofInterior lettertoprefect, 24February 1818. ADIsére52M22. 119See,forexample, thereportontheescapeof theBonapartist suspect Galant,afterthepoliceraidedhishomeandarrestedhisbrother.Police report,Grenoble,30April1816.ADIsére52M9.

120Minister ofInterior lettertoprefect, 23October1822. ANF76769. 121Prefect ofIsérereport,Grenoble, 16July1820. ANF76669. 122Expression usedbyprefect ofMarne, Rheims, 31August 1817; hisreport applauded thesevereverdictof thelocalcourtagainstAnne-Marie Simonard, whohadbeensentenced todeportation for‘threatening violenceagainsttheroyalfamily’.

123Reportofprocureur, Dole,11August 1824. ANBB18—1113. 124Reportofprocureur-général, Nimes, 11March1817. ANBB18—1017. 125CitedinLucas-Dubreton, Leculte deNapoléon (op.cit.),80. 126Police report,Lyons, 6November 1817. ADRhéne4 M245. 127Verdicton caseof PierreRenéTalec,arrestedforshouting‘Vive l’Empereur!’ in 1825;procureur report,Vannes,7April1825.ANBB18—

1120. 128Reportsof procureur, Altkirch,11December1824;andprocureur, Guingamp,| December1824;ANBB18—1118.

129Thisconclusion isshared byJeanVidalenc, ‘LaCourprévotale deSeineInférieure, 1816-1818", Revue d’Htstoire Moderne etContemporaine Vol.XTX

October—December 1972,533-556.SeealsoBrelot,“Terreur et contreterreurdansledépartement du Jura’,(op.cit.),206. 130See,forexample,thescandalized letterof theMinisterof theInterior, Paris,21March1824ontheverdictof thetribunalinArboisinthecase

against LouisMouret, whohadsung a‘seditioussong’; hehadbeensentencedtoa fineoffivefrancs,andthisverdict hadbeenupheldbythe

appealcourt.ANBB18—1113. 131 LasCases,Mémonal (op.cit.),Vol.I,393. 132 ForanaccountoftheeventsofJuly1830,seeMansel,Pansbetween Empires

(op.cit.),226-267. 133Maurice Agulhon, ‘1830 dansPhistoire duXTXe siécle francais’, inHistoire

vagabonde (Paris:Gallimard,1988)Vol.II,32. 134 Furet,LaRévolution (op.cit.)Vol.II,107-112. 135 Alexander, Rewriting theFrench revolutionary tradition (op.cit.),333. 136 See,forexample, thereportofthemayorofCharny, 24February 1820,

296

Notes

whichaddresses thefailureof theRestoration tomakemuchpolitical headway inhislocality since1815; hecitesrumours abouttherestoration ofthedime asoneofthemainreasons. ADYonne IIIM!86. IIIavantl’Empire (Paris:Plon,1895),Vol.I, 17. 137H.Thirria,Napoléon 138Pinkney, TheFrench Revolution of1830(op.cit.),293. 139Petiteau, Lendemains d’Empure (op.cit.),285. LesNapoléon dupeuple (op.cit.),71. 140Ménager, 6: The Prince of Liberal Ideas in PierreNora(ed.),Lesleuxde l SeeJeanTulard,‘Leretourdescendres’,

mémowe (Paris: Gallimard, 1986), Vol. II (2),81-110. Martineau, Leretour descendres (Paris: ‘Tallandier, 1990), 137. 2 Gilbert description oftheday’seventsinhisentry‘Funérailles de 3 Seehiswonderful

l’Empereur’,dated 15 December1840,in VictorHugo,ChosesVues

1830-1848 (Paris: Gallimard, 1972), 148-165. VictorHugo,Hymne (Boulogne, 1841). Thispoemdoesnotappearinhis collected works —perhaps unsurprisingly inthelightofHugo’s subsequent lossofenthusiasm forBonapartism after1851, nottomention thewelcome hereceivedfromthe‘hateful’ Englishduringhisyearsin exileunderthe SecondEmpire. LouisDirey,A l’occaston deV’apothéose deNapoléon. AMonsteur Victor Hugo:

Apologe (Boulogne, 1841). LetterofDirector ofArchives duNordtoDirector-General ofArchives de

France,Lille,5 October1959.I amgratefultoMrsEstelleDietrichofthe Muséede l’Histoirede Francein Parisforshowingme thisdocument, whichalsocontainsa fullaccountof the 1841incident.

Guillaume deBertier deSauvigny, ‘Louis-Philippe etGuizot vuspardes voyageurs américains’, inLaFrance auXIXe siécle. Etudes hastorques (Paris: Publications delaSorbonne, 1973), 202. Furet,LaRévolution (op.cit.),Vol.II,161. Pinkney, TheFrench Revolution of1830(op.cit.),290-291.

SpeechofMay12,1840,inProcés-verbaux desséances delaChambre desdéputés

(Paris: Henri,1840), Vol.V, 338. duprojetdeloiconcernant la translation descendresde 1] ‘Discussion

lEmpereur’,May26 1840;in Procés-verbaux desséances dela Chambre des

députés (Paris: Henri,1840), Vol.VII,11-12. descendres deNapoléon’, inLapoltique deLamartine. Choix de 12 “Translation discours etécrits politiques (Paris:Hachette,1878),Vol.I,294. 13 Alexis deTocqueville, speech attheAcadémie Frangaise, 21April1842, in Oeuvres complétes (ed.F. Mélonio)(Paris:Gallimard,1989),Vol.XVI,

264-265. deLasCases,Mémorial deSainte-Héléne (ed.MarcelDunan) 14Emmanuel (Paris:Flammarion, 1951),Vol.I, 311.

Notes

297

15 LucienJaume,L’individu éffacé (Paris:Fayard,1997),11. 16 SeeSudhirHazareesingh, From sulyect tocitizen (Princeton, NJ:Princeton

University Press,1998). 17 Onthepolitical thought ofthisgroup, seetheproceedings ofthe1998conferenceeditedbyLucienJaume,Coppet, creuset del’esprit libéral (Paris: Economica, 2000). 18 MadamedeStaél,Dixannées d’exil (Paris:Fayard,1996),49. 19 Lettres inédites deNapoléon Ier(Paris:Plon,1897),Vol.I, 84,88,and210.

20Jaume,L’indwidu éffacé (op.cit.),46-47. 21 ForNapoleon’s viewsofthebook,seehislettertohisMinister ofPolice Savary inSeptember 1810. Lettres inédites (op.cit.)Vol.II, 74. 22 ThePnncipes of 1806remained unpublished duringConstant’s lifetime (andindeedthroughout thenineteenthcentury).

23Journal desDébats, 19March1815. 24 Benjamin Constant, Journaux intmes (Paris: Gallimard, 1952), 438. 20 Benjamin Constant, Mémoires surlesCent-Jours (Tiibingen: Niemayer, 1993), 63and200. 26 Ibid.,211. 27 Ibid.,211. 28 Ibid.,259-260. 29 Ibid.,298. 30 Ibid.,212. 31 Ibid.,213. 32 Ibid.,284. 33 AoldFrenchterm,datingfromtheMiddleAges,denotinga peasantrevolt. Ibid.,211. 34 Ibid.,285. 35 Ibid.,285-286. 36 Ibid.,291. LepartilbéralsouslaRestauration (Paris:Plon,1888), 37 PaulThureau-Dangin, 154. 38 Seetheanalysisof popularpamphlets published immediately after Napoleon’s deathbyGeorges Lote,‘LamortdeNapoléon etl’opinion bonapartiste en 1821’,Revue desEtudes Napoléoniennes, July-December 1830. 39 Therewerefoursubsequent editions:in 1824,1830,1835,and 1840.At least40,000copieshadbeensoldby1850;seeMartinLyons,Letriomphe du

lire.Unehistorre socrologique delalecture danslaFrance duXIXesiécle (Paris:

Promodis,1987),93.

40 Forananalysis ofsomeofthisliterature, aspublished inthecollections ofthe‘Bibliothéque Historique’ intheearlyyearsoftheRestoration, see PhilippeGonnard,‘Lalégendenapoléonienneet la presselibérale

(1817-1820), RevuedesEtudesNapoléoniennes (January—June 1912), 235-258.

298

Notes

41 LasCases, Mémonal deSainte-Heéléne (op.cit.),Vol.I, 515. 42 Ibid.,Vol.I,51. 43 Ibid.,Vol.I,262. 44 Ibid.,Vol.IT,16. 45 See,forexample, Vol.II, 359,428,478.

46 Ibid.,Vol.I,128-129. 47 Ibid.,Vol.II,9-11.Sieyés endedupwiththelion’s share(600,000 francs), tothegreatdissatisfaction ofDucos. 48 Ibid.,Vol.I, 195-196. 49 Ibid.,Vol.I,66. 50 Ibid.,Vol.I, 15,21. 51 Ibid.,Vol.I,62. 52.Ibid.,Vol.I,465.

53 ‘Idéesreligieuses deNapoléon’, ibid.,Vol.II, 194-208. 54 ThetextcitesPascalPaoli’s characterization ofNapoleonas‘ayoungman cutfromtheclothof antiquity, a manfromPlutarch.’ LasCases,Mémonal deSainte-Heéléne (op.cit.),Vol.I, 98;seealsoVol.II,648.

55 Ibid.,Vol.I,263-64.Ontheequestrian representations ofNapoleon, see

L. Guillot,‘Napoléon a cheval’,Revue de[Institut Napoléon (Vol.3, 1939),

133-147. 56 Ibid.,Vol.I,559-563. 57 Ibid.,Vol.I, 127. 58 Ibid.,Vol.I, 575-76. 59 Ibid.,Vol.1,160,179. 60 Ibid.,Vol.II,233and583. 61 Ibid.,Vol.I,245. 62 Ibid.,Vol.I, 117-118. 63.Ibid.,Vol.I, 146-47. 64 Ibid.,Vol.I,349.

65 Ibid.,Vol.I, 205,fn.1;seealsoChapter1.

66 Ibid.,Vol.1,150—152. 67 Ibid.,Vol.II,628.

deNapoléon’, ibid.,Vol.II,881. 68 “Testament

69 Ibid.,Vol.II,458-468. Vol.II,244-258. 70 Ibid.,Vol.I,761—762; 71 Ibid.,Vol.II,8. 72 Ibid.,Vol.I,534. 73 Ibid.,Vol.I,554-555. 74 Ibid.,Vol.I,492-93. 75 Ibid.,Vol.II,233and583. 76 Ibid.,Vol.II,543. 77 Ibid.,Vol.II,60. 78 Ibid.,Vol.I,311. 79 Ibid.,Vol.I,252.

Notes

299

80 Ibid.,Vol.I,384;alsoVol.II,132:‘amonarch elected bythepeople’. 81 Tbid., Vol.I,446. 82 Ibid.,Vol.II,44. 83 Ibid.,Vol.II, 348;seealso393. 84 Ibid.,Vol.II,300. 85 Ibid.,Vol.II,233. 86 Antoine Casanova, Napoléon etlapensée desontemps (Paris: LaBoutique de l’Histoire, 2000), 301. 87 LasCases, Mémorial deSainte-Heéleéne (op.cit.),Vol.I,496. 88 Ibid.,Vol.IT,609. 89 Ibid.,Vol.I, 469. 90 Ibid.,Vol.I,446. 91 JuliaSchnitker, “LaRévolution Frangaise etlePremier Empiredansles livres illustrés enFrance de18154 1870’. Ph.D.thesis, University ofParisIV,1999, Vol.I, 117-119.

SZ On the politicalevolutionof Béranger’sNapoleonicsongsduringthe 1820s,seeJeanTouchard,Laglowre deBéranger (Paris:ArmandColin,1968),

Vol.I,258-265. 93 SeeChapter8. 94 PierreGuiral, Adolphe Thiers (Paris: Fayard, 1986), 287. 95 Ibid.,163. 96 SeeSudhirHazareesingh, Intellectual founders oftheRepublic (Oxford: Oxford University Press,2001).

97 Adolphe Thiers,Histoire duConsulat etdel’Empire (Leipzig: Meline,1845), Vol.I, 4.

98 JeanTulard, Lemythe deNapoléon (Paris: Fayard, 1977), 20. (op.cit.),VolXII,xi. 99 Thiers,Histoire 100Ibid.,Vol.I,291. 101Ibid.,Vol.II, 429-433. 102Ibid.,Vol.V,45-46. 103Ibid,Vol.XX,606. 104Ibid.,Vol.XTX,42. 105Ibid.,Vol.VI,401. 106Ibid.,Vol.XVII,742-743. 107Ibid.,Vol.VII,101. 108Ibid.,Vol.XIV,547. 109Onthecharacterization ofNapoleon’s military genius, seeforexample Vol.X, 374;andVol.XX,614-615.

110Ibid.,Vol.XIV,542-546. 111Ibid.,Vol.XX,610-611. 112Ibid.,Vol.XTX,193. 113Ibid.,Vol.VI,17-18. 114Ibid.,Vol.VII,538. 115Ibid.,Vol.IV,444and464.

300

Notes

116 Ibid.,Vol.XVII,716. 117 Ibid.,Vol.XVII,736,740,and744. 118 Ibid.,Vol.XTX, 92-93. 119 Ibid.,Vol.XTX,191. 120 Ibid.,Vol.XVII,758. 121 Ibid.,Vol.XX,613. 122 Ibid.,Vol.I,43-44. 123 Ibid.,Vol.XTX, 344-345; 377. 124 Ibid.,Vol.II,133. 125 Ibid.,Vol.Tif,355. 126 Tbid., Vol.Ill,356. 127 Ibid.,Vol.V,204—205. 128 Ibid.,Vol.XX,621. 129 Ibid.,Vol.XX,620. 130 Ibid.,Vol.I, 119-120. 131 Ibid.,Vol.I, 116. 132 Lecentenaire deNapoléon Ier.Chanson patriotique (1869). 133 PierreRosanvallon, ‘Guizotet la questiondu suffrage’, in Marina

Valensise (ed.),Frangots Guizot etlaculture politique desontemps (Paris: Seuil,

1991), 131.

LaFrance Nouvelle (Paris:MichelLévy,1868),309. 134 LucienPrévost-Paradol, 135 Quoted in JeanLucas-Dubreton, Aspects deMonsieur Thiers (Paris: Editions

Rencontre, 1966), 238.

136Jean Lucas-Dubreton, Soldats deNapoléon (Paris:Tallandier,1977ed.),

14.

pamphletLe 137 Foran exampleof thislineof thinking,seetheanonymous centenaire deNapoléon Ier.Notice historique surlaviedel’Empereur parunamidela

vérité (Metz,1869), 48. | 138ApointmadebyThéodore Fadeville, Histoire populaire deNapoléon Ier(Paris: Giraud,1853), 52-53. 139 Petiteau, Napoléon delamythologie al’histotre (op.cit.),115-120, 230-231. Proudhon,Napoleon Ier,manuscnit inédits (Paris:Montgredien, 140 Pierre-Joseph

1898), 251;emphasis intext. 141JulesBarni,Napoléon etsonhistonen M.Thiers (Geneva, 1865), 386.The sameconclusion isoffered inhisshorterbookNapoléon Jer(Paris: Germer

Bailliére,1870),185-186:theEmperorwasa ‘nefarious man’. etsonhistorien M.Thiers (op.cit.),365.FromChateaubriand 142 Barni,Napoléon to Taine,thisemphasisonNapoleon’s ‘foreign’ bloodwasan important

element inthe‘black legend’; Madame deStaélalsospokeofBonaparte asa‘fatalforeigner’. Uniwersel duXIXeme siécle (Paris,1874ed.),Vol.II,920; 143GrandDictionnatre Vol.XI,804. (op.cit.),Vol.XX,674-675. 144 Thiers,Histoire 145 Ibid.,Vol.XX,675.

Notes

301

7:LouisNapoleonandtheImperialLegend 1 Souvenirs delaBaronne duMontet, 485;quotedinAndréLebey,Lestroiscoups d'étatdeLouis-Napoléon Bonaparie. Strasbourg etBoulogne (Paris:Didier,1906),

136. Ibid.,202. Entryfor15November 1830, inValérie Masuyer, Mémoires deValérie Masuyer,

damed’honneur delaReine Hortense (Paris:Plon,1937),58. MarcelEmerit,Madame CornuetNapoléon IIT(Paris:EditionsdesPresses Modernes,1937),150.

mn

Cour desPatrs. Attentat du6Aotit1840.Réquisitoires etrépliques deM.Franck Carré, procureur général duRoi(Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1840), 21. Alexis deTocqueville, Souvenirs (Paris: Gallimard, 1964). Meémovres delaReine Hortense (Paris: Plon,1927), Vol.II, 3.

oon

Lebey,Lestrotscoups d’état (op.cit.),2. The generalviewamongdispassionate observersis that the Kingof

Hollandprobably was,afterall,Louis’s father;seeLebey, Lestroiscoups détat(op.cit.),11;seealsoAdrienDansette, Louis-Napoléon a laconquéte du pouvoir (Paris: Hachette, 1961), 35.

10 LetterofNapoleontoLouisBonaparte, Berlin,6November1806,inLetires inédites deNapoléon Ier(Paris:Plon,1897),Vol.I,79. 1] JoséCabanis, Lesacre deNapoléon (Paris: Gallimard, 1970), 184. 12 Mémonres deValérie Masuyer (op.cit.),62. 13 LasCases, Mémonal deSainte-Héléne (op.cit.),I, 375. 14 LetterofLouistoHortense, Augsburg, 26September and2 November 1822.Archives Nationales (Paris)400AP39;emphasisintext. 15 Letterof LouistoHortense,Augsburg, 1June 1823.AN400AP39. 16 LetterofLouistoHortense, 4January1833.AN400AP39. 17 Mme.Cornu,citedinLebey, Lestrots coups d’état (op.cit.),18. 18 Tbid., 21. 19 CitedinDansette,Louis-Napoléon a laconquéte dupouvoir (op.cit.),48. 20 The castleis stillstandingtoday,and hostsan excellentNapoleonic

museum. 21 Ibid.,38. 22 See,forexample,AndréDamien,‘Lajeunessesuissede NapoléonIIT’, Souvenir Napoléonien (September 1976), 18:‘Onecannotreasonably explain howHortense, whohadareligious upbringing, whowasbrought upinthe puresttraditions of theoldmonarchy, andin absolute respectof the ChurchandRoyalty, couldhaveaccepted inherintimacy sucharesolute enemy ofthesetraditions, anopponent ofanyformofspiritual education, andanotorious atheist.’ 23 Prefect report,25August 1825. ANF76669. 24 LetterofLouistoHortense, 27August 1823, AN400AP39.

302

Notes

25 Letterof LouistoHortense,15June1821.AN400AP39. 26 Letterof LeBastohisfamily,Rome,9 March1826,citedinStéfane-Pol, Lajeunesse deNapoléon III.Correspondence inédite desonprécepteur Philippe LeBas (Paris:Juven,1901), 323. of 19June1822and23June1823; AN400AP39. 27 Letters Arenenberg, 5August1821,citedinStéfane28 LetterofLeBastohisfamily, Pol,Lajeunesse deNapoléon III(op.cit.),94.

Augsburg, 24July1821; AN400AP39. 29 LetterofLouistoHortense, theMémonal inaletter tohisfamily, Augsburg, 24March 30 LeBasdiscusses 1823,citedinStéfane-Pol, Lajeunesse deNapoléon III(op.cit.),167.

in Stéphane-Pol, Lajeunesse deNapoléon III(op.cit.),241. 31 Reproduced deValérie Masuyer (op.cit.),212.Napoleon, a Entryfor13May1831,Mémoires

withperhaps a slighttouchofexaggeration, hadoncedescribed Hortense as‘themostvirtuous ofwomen’. Lettres inédites deNapoléon Ier(op.cit.),Vol.I, aoa. 33 Entryfor4October1830,ibid.,14. 34 Letterof Louistohisfather,Rome,5 May1829.AN400AP40. 35JacobHugentobler, ‘Lafamille Bonaparte 4Arenenberg’, Revue desEtudes Napoléoniennes, September 1932,113. 36 Reportofprefectof Haut-Rhin,Colmar,1 October1825.ANF76668. Jourquin, Souvenirs etbiographie duCommandant Parquin (Paris: 37 SeeJacques

Tallandier, 2003),403-404. 38 Letterof Louistohisfather,Rome,17November1827.AN400AP40. Rome,13April1830. AN400AP40. 39 LetterofLouistohisfather, 14November1832.AN400AP39. 40 Letterof LouistoHortense,Brussels, 41 LetterofLouistoHortense,Florence,21December1830.AN400AP39. 42 EntryforJune1836; Mémoires deValérie Masuyer (op.cit.),330. 43 LetterofLouistoHortense, Augsburg, 24July1821; AN400AP39. 44 Letterof LouistoHortense,London,7 December1832.AN400AP39. a laconquéte dupouvoir (op.cit.),45. 45 Dansette,Louts-Napoléon deValérie Masuyer (op.cit.),9. 46 EntryforSeptember1830;Mémoires ‘LafamilleBonaparte4 Arenenberg’ (op.cit.),118. 47 Hugentobler, 48 Letterof theEmperor tohisbrotherJéréme,Paris,6 August1802,in

Lettres nédites deNapoléon Ier(op.cit.),Vol.I,389.

49 LetterofLouistoHortense, 12August 1830.AN400AP39. LecultedeNapoléon (op.cit.),298-328. 50 SeeLucas-Dubreton, III carbonaro (Paris:De Soye,1899),7. The author 51 H. Thirria,Napoléon

argues thatLouissympathized withcarbonan goalsbutwasnotinitiated into theorganization, contrary tothesubsequent legend. Mémoires deValérie Masuyer (op.cit.),40. 52 Entryfor26October1830; She was d isguised asanEnglish lady, andLouis asherlackey. Lebey, Lestrozs 53 coups d’état (op.cit.),49. 54 Mémoires deValérie Masuyer (op.cit.),197. 55 Maxime duCamp,Souvenirs d’un demi-siécle (Paris: Hachette, 1949), 26.

Notes

303

56 LetterofLouistoHortense,Baden,4July1834;AN400AP39. 37 Lebey, Lestrots coups d’état (op.cit.),77. 98 SeeJulienBoudon,‘Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte: du“jacobinisme” au “socialisme”?’, inFrédéricBluche(ed.),LePrince, lepeuple, etledroit. Autour des plébiscites de1851et1852(Paris:PressesUniversitaires de France,2000), 191-198. 59 Forexample, see‘Notice surlesécritsduPrinceNapoléon-Louis Bonaparte’,

Revue de?Empire Vol.Il (1845), 2-3. 60 Mémoires deValérie Masuyer (op.cit.),176. 61 Mémoires delaReine Hortense (Paris: Plon,1927), Vol.III,305. d’état (op.cit.),66. 62 Lebey,Lestrotscoups 63 Mémoires deValérie Masuyer (op.cit.),253. 64 Lebey,Lestrotscoups d’état (op.cit.),61. 65 Entry forJuly1831; Mémoires deValérie Masuyer (op.cit.),251. 66 SeePhilippeDarriulat,Lespatriotes. Lagauche républicaine etla nation 1830-1870 (Paris: Seuil,2001), 38-44. 67 Thirria, Napoléon II avant l’Empire (op.cit.),Vol.I,8-9. 68 Theauction raised20,000 francs. Dansette, Louis-Napoléon a laconquéte du pouvorr (op.cit.),73—74.

69 LetterofLouistohisfather,10May1833; AN400AP40. 70 SeeChapters | and6. 71 CitedinArmand Laity, LePrince Napoléon aStrasbourg, ourelation historique des évenements du30octobre 1836(Paris, 1838), 17. 72 Ibid.,18. | 73 ArmandCarrel,‘SurleRetourdesCendres’, LeNational, 4 October1830;

citedinEdouard Driault, ‘Unrépublicain napoléonien: Armand Carrel’, Revue desEtudes Napoléoniennes, July-December 1936,38-39. 74 Laity, LePrince Napoléon aStrasbourg (op.cit.),20. 75 Dansette, Louss-Napoléon alaconquéte dupouvoir (op.cit.),99. 76 Letterof LouistoHortense,15August1830.AN400AP39. 77 CitedinDansette,Louis-Napoléon a laconquéte dupouvotr (op.cit.),101. 78 Ibid.,99. 79 Letterof LouistoHortense,Baden,10July1834.AN400AP39. 80 LetterofLouistohisfather, Arenenberg, 9July1833. AN400AP39. 81 Articledated19January1832,inHeinrich Heine,DelaFrance (Paris: Gallimard, 1994ed.),54. 82JohnGrand-Carteret, ‘Lalégende napoléonienne parl’image vuesousun journouveau’, Revue desEtudes Napoléoniennes (January—June 1923), 30. 83 Lucas-Dubreton, Leculte deNapoléon (op.cit.),403-405. 84 Ibid.,415. 85 Sylvie Vieilledent, “Leretourdu‘petit chapeau’ en1830’, inNapoléon del’historre alalégende. Actes ducolloque, 30novembre—1 décembre 1999(Paris:InForma,

2000), 367. 86 Dansette,Louzs-Napoléon a laconquéte dupouvoir (op.cit.),84—86.

304

Notes

87 Stendhal, Lerouge etlenoir(Paris: Gallimard, 1972ed.),33.Stendhal himself ownedthreeeditionsof theMémonal, whichhe readseveraltimes.See LouisRozelaar,‘LeMémorial deSainte-Héléne et le romantisme’, Revue des Etudes Napoléoniennes (July-December 1929),204. 88 Persat,Mémoires; citedinLucas-Dubreton, Leculte deNapoléon (op.cit.),327.

89 Florange, Levoldel’aigle (op.cit.),17. 90 SeeJ. Sattler, ‘Unecurieuse inscription Napoléonienne’, LeVieux Paprer (January 1964). 91 FEBeaucour, ‘Lamaisondel’Empereur a Saint-Riquier’, LeVieux Pafner (July

1962). 92 Bythetimehereached Geneva theuprising hadbeendefeated. 93 Martineau, Leretour descendres (op.cit.),66. 94 PaulThureau-Dangin, Histoire delaMonarchie deFutllet (Paris: Plon,1888) Vol.I,595. 95 LouisBlanc,HistoiredeDixAns1830-1840(Paris:Germer Bailliére,1877),

Vol.II, 330-331.

96 Entry forJuly1831; Mémorres deValérie Masuyer (op.cit.),252.‘This wasperhapsmoreanexpression ofbravado thananappreciation basedonhard evidence; apolice reportin1836claimed that‘thereisabsolutely noinfluenceoftheBonapartists intheArmy’ —butthenthistoomayhavebeen wishfulthinking,thistimeonthepartof theOrleanistauthorities. Report of 1November1836,Paris.ANF73888.

97 Lebey, Lestrots coups d’état (op.cit.),92. 98 Onthe1834events andtheensuing ‘monster trial,’seeJeanneGilmore, La République Clandestine 1818-1848 (Paris: Aubier, 1997), 189-246. Letterof 30January1835,Arenenberg, citedinThirria,Napoléon IITavant l’Empire (op.cit.),10. 99 GabrielPerreux,Lesconspirations deLouis-Napoléon Bonaparte. Strasbourg,

Boulogne (Paris: Hachette, 1936), 77. 100Lebey, Lestrots coups d’état (op.cit.),155-156. 101LetterofLouis tohisfather, Arenenberg, 5October 1837. AN400AP40. 102DuCamp,Souvenirs d’un demi-stécle (op.cit.),48.

103 Seethechapteronthe1836conspiracy inFélixPonteil,L’opposition pohtique

aStrasbourg sous laMonarchie deJuillet (1830-1848) (Paris: Hartmann, 1932),

whichislargelybasedonArchives Nationales papers,notablyCC767and

768.

104 CharlesdeRémusat,Mémoires demavie(Paris:Plon,1960),Vol.IIT, 404;

Rémusat received a letterfromLondon threedaysbeforetheBoulogne

landingwarninghimthattheattemptwasimminent. 105 Dansette[Louis-Napoléon a laconquéte dupouvotr (op.cit.),190]believes that

thetraitorwasGeneral Montholon, Napoleon’s formercompanion-inexileatSaint-Helena, butthishasnotbeenproved beyond doubt. 106Discours duPrince Napoléon-Louts devant laCour desPatrs, prononcé danslaséance du28septembre 1840(Paris, 1840), 2.

Notes

305

107 Laity, LePrince Napoléon aStrasbourg (op.cit.),25. 108 Discours duPrince Napoléon-Louis (op.cit.),3. 109 Quoted inLebey, Lestrois coups d’état (op.cit.),122. 110 Laity,LePrince Napoléon a Strasbourg (op.cit.),41. 111 Ibid.,62. 112 Ibid.,65. 113 Prefect ofPolice report,Paris,11August 1840. ANF73890. 114 Letterof Louistohisfather,London,12July1837.AN400AP40. 115 CitedinIoudaTchernoff, Lepartirépublicain souslaMonarchie deFuillet (Paris: Pedone,1901),385.

116Lucas-Dubreton, Leculte deNapoléon (op.cit.),386. 117Seenotably thepolice reportof30July1840, Paris, onthearrestofaman named Jean-Louis Hartfor‘uttering seditious criesandcarrying munitions’.Hartclaimed thathehadbeenhiredbyNapoleonic activists in

Pariswhowereplanninga coupwhichwastoleadtotheproclamation of ‘theConstitution of 1793’. Arch.Pref.Police,Paris,Aa426(événements divers

1840-1847). 118Report, Paris,2September 1840. Arch.Pref.Police, Paris,Aa426.

8: The Makingof an Emperor ] CitedinMarcel deBaillehache, Grands bonapartistes (Paris: Tallandier, 1899), 92. 2 CitedinHonoréFarat,Persigny, unministre deNapoléon III(Paris: Hachette, 1957), 21. Ibid.,76. GeorgesGoyau,Unroman d’amitié entredeuxadversaires politiques: Falloux et

Persigny (Paris: Flammarion, 1928), 95. Farat,Persigny (op.cit.),22. LetterfromDoullens detention centre,November 281841,quotedin AndréLebey(ed.)Dexlettres inédites dePersigny (Paris: Cornély, 1909).

LouisNapoléon,Desidées napoléoniennes (Bruxelles: SociétéTypographique

Belge, 1839), 17. 8 SeeChapter 6,page170. 9 Ibid.,28. 10 Ibid.,125-126. 1] Ibid.,86. 12 Ibid.,100. 13 Ibid.,116-117. 14 Ibid.,136. 15 Ibid. 16 Ibid.,Preface,vi. 17 Ibid.,87—88.

18Jean-Gilbert-Victor Fialin,Duc de Persigny,LettresdeLondres (Paris: Levavasseur, 1840),53.

306

Notes

19 Ibid.,37-38. 20 Laity, LePrince Napoléon aStrasbourg (op.cit.),29. 21 Persigny, Lettres deLondres (op.cit.),107. 22 Ibid.,3. 23 Ibid.,60. 24 Ibid.,17. 25 Ibid.,73. 26 Ibid.,60. 27 Ibid.,30. 28 Ibid.,41-46. 29 Ibid.,57. 30 Ibid.,55. 31 Ibid.,75. 32 Ibid.,111. 33 Lepassé et l'avenir de Vartillene (Paris, 1846). 34 Lucas-Dubreton, Leculte deNapoléon (op.cit.),390-391. 35 Réponse deLouis-Napoléon Bonaparte a M. Lamartine (Paris:Librairie Napoléonienne, 1848), 4. 36 Ibid.,5. 37 Ibid.,8. 38 LetterofLouistoPrince Napoleon, Ham, January221842; inNapoléon III etlePrince Napoléon. Correspondance inédite (Paris: Galmann-Lévy, 1925) (ed. Ernestd’Hauterive), 9. 39 Ministerof theInterior:circulartoallprefects,Paris.ADIsére52M 27. 40 OnLouis’s escape,seePierreHachet-Souplet, Louis-Napoléon prisonmer aufort

deHam. Lavénité surV’évasion de1846(Paris: Dentu,1894). 41 Prefecture dePolice, Paris;reportdated27May1846. ANF73839. 42 Ontheeventsleading totheoverthrow of LouisPhilippe, seeMansel, Parisbetween Empues (op.cit.),398-404. 43 Prefecture dePolice,Paris;reportofJune1846.ANF73839. 44 Lucas-Dubreton, Leculte deNapoléon (op.cit.),424.

45 ‘Citoyens électeurs delaSeine’ (London, 30May1848). Electoral proclamation ofLouis-Napoléon Bonaparte. Bib.Nat.LB54-283. 46 LouisGirard, Napoléon III(Paris: Fayard, 1986), 95. 47 Maurice Agulhon, Lesquarante-huttards (Paris: Gallimard, 1992), 200-201. 48 Furet,LaRévolution (op.cit.),I, 401.

49 ‘TheEighteenth Brumaire of LouisBonaparte’, inKarlMarx,Political writings (London :Penguin, 1973), Vol.II,240. 50 Lucas-Dubreton, Lzculte deNapoléon (op.cit.),428;emphasis intext. 51 Ibid.,463. 52 CitedinRobertPimienta,Lapropagande bonapartiste en1848(Paris:Cornély,

1911), 43.

53 Imagereproduced inGrand-Carteret, “Lalégendenapoléonienne parI’im-

age’(op.cit.),34.

Notes

307

54 Dansette,Louis-Napoléon a laconquéte dupouvoir (op.cit.),279. 95 QuotedinPetiteau, Lendemains d’Empire (op.cit.),291-292. 56 Dansette, Louis-Napoléon alaconquéte dupouvoir (op.cit.),277. 57 Pimienta, Lapropagande bonapartiste (op.cit.),44-45,49. 58 LePetitCaporal No.1(June15-18,1848). Bib.Nat.LC2-1887. 59 LePetitCaporal No.2(June18-20,1848). 60 LePetitCaporal No.11(August 27-31,1848). 61 LePetitCaporal No.18(October 9-13,1848). 62 LePentCaporal No.10(August 24-27,1848). 63 CitedinPimienta, Lapropagande bonapartiste (op.cit.),52. 64 Paroles impéniales prononcées a4Sainte-Héléne etréunies paruncroyant (Paris: Bonaventure, 1848).

65 Ibid.,11. 66 A.J. Tudesq,‘Lalégendenapoléonienne en Franceen 1848’,Revue Ehstorique July-September 1957,84. 67 ThekeyworkherewasBeauterne’s Lessentiments deNapoléon surlechristianisme (Paris: Waille, 1841); ithadhadnineeditions by1848.

68 Dansette,Louis-Napoléon a laconquéte dupouvoir (op.cit.),280. 69 Entryfor24December1848,inVictorHugo,Choses vues (Paris:Gallimard,

1972), 761-762. 70 CitedinDansette, Louis-Napoléon a laconquéte dupouvoir (op.cit.),261and 263. 71 CitedinLucas-Dubreton, Leculte deNapoléon (op.cit.),466. 72 LettertoPrinceNapoleon,10April1849;inNapoléon IIIetlePrince Napoléon. Correspondance inédite (op.cit.).

73 Messageof thePresidentof theRepublic,31October1849,inDiscours et messages deLouis-Napoléon Bonaparte (Paris: Plon,1853), 65. 74 Girard, Napoléon III(op.cit.),101-102. 75 Ibid.,130. 76 Dansette,Louis-Napoléon a laconquéte dupouvotr (op.cit.),360. 77 Ibid.,341. 78 Discours etmessages (op.cit.),51-53. 79 Girard, Napoléon III(op.cit.),126. 80 Thirria,Napoléon IITavantl’Empire (Paris:Plon,1896),Vol.II, 268-269. 81 Farat,Persigny (op.cit.),114-120. 82 Ontheruralresistance tothecoup,seeTedMargadant, French peasants in revolt. Theinsurrection of 1851(Princeton, NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,

1979). 83 Ménager, LesNapoléon duPeuple (op.cit.),110. 84 Girard, Napoléon IIT(op.cit.),183. 85 Ibid.,180. 86 QuotedinAlfreddeFalloux, Mémoires d’unroyaliste (Paris:Perrin,1888),Vol. II,223.

87 Farat,Persigny (op.cit.),133-136.

308

Notes

88 Ménager, LesNapoléon duPeuple (op.cit.),116-117. 89 Seenotably hisspeech atBordeaux on9October1851:‘France seems to wishtoreturntotheEmpire’; Discours etmessages (op.cit.),240-241.

90 TheearlylifeofLouis Napoleon, byanEnglishwoman (London: Bosworth, 1860), l

91 Stéfane-Pol, Lajeunesse deNapoléon III(op.cit.),368. 92 EugenWeber, Peasants intoFrenchmen (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976), 248. 93 ‘Jesuissortidelalégalité pourrentrerdansledroit’. 94 Girard,Napoléon ITI(op.cit.),157-158. 95 AndréLebey,Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte etlaRévolution de1848(Paris: Juven,

1907), Vol.I, 130. 96 Thureau-Dangin, Histoire delaMonarch deJuillet (op.cit.),Vol.1,269. 97 CitedinLucas-Dubreton, Leculte deNapoléon (op.cit.),462. 98 Furet,LaRévolution (op.cit.),Il, 266.

9: Warriors of Peace

1 Reportof sub-prefect of Vienne,18October1852.ADIsére54M 7 (“Voyage duPrinceLouisNapoléon’, 1852).

2 Prefectof Iséreto allmayors,10September1852.ADIsére54M 7. 3 Reportof sub-prefect of Saint-Marcellin, 21September1852.ADIsére54

M7. 4 Ibid. 5 Reportofsub-prefect ofVienne, 18October1852. ADIsére54M7. 6 Seenotably Bluche, LeBonapartisme (op.cit.),172.

7 NataliePetiteau,‘Lesvétéransdu PremierEmpire: un groupesocioprofessionnel oublié’,Cahiers d’Histoire Vol.43,No.1,1988,27-28.

SeePetiteau, Lendemains d’Empure (op.cit.),254-255 ; 270-271. 9 Reportofprefect oftheRhone,Lyons, 21July1821.ANF76916.

co

10 SeevariousreportsinANBB18—1118; 1119;1120;1123;andBB30—

190and193.

11 Formoreon the veterans’devotionto the memoryof Napoleon,see Petiteau,Lendemains d’Empire (op.cit.),134. 12 Forexamplesof the grindingpovertyof formerofficers,see Lucas-

Dubreton, Leculte deNapoléon (op.cit.),80-90. 13 ‘Aux m4nes d’ungrandhomme’; citedinpolicereport,Epinal,14January 1822. ANF73795. 14Formoreexamples ofthisimagery seeDay-Hickman, Napoleonic art(op.cit.). 15 Honoréde Balzac,Lemédecin decampagne (Paris:Gallimard,1974ed.),

239-240. Thepassage inwhichGoguelat narrated hisrecollections ofhis imperial campaigns became sofamous thatitwaspublished asa separate pamphlet entitled Histoire del’Empereur racontée dans une grange parunvieux soldat etrecueillie parM.deBalzac (Paris: Dubochet, 1842).

Notes

309

16 Lucas-Dubreton, Leculte deNapoléon (op.cit),401. 17 ‘Lesoldat delavieille garde’, Revue del’Empire I (1842), 78. 18 Petiteau, Lendemains d’Empire (op.cit.),133. 19JeanVidalenc, ‘L’opinion publiqueenNormandieetleretourdesrestesde

Napoléon enDécembre 1840’, inLaFrance auXIXe siécle (op.cit.),212-224. 20 E.M.Laumann, L’épopée Napoléonienne. Leretour descendres (Paris: Daragon, 1904), 153-154. 21 Marie-Christine deBouétduPortal,‘AproposdelaSaint-Napoléon: la

solennité du 15aoa souslePremieretleSecondEmpire’,Revue del’Institut

Napoléon (158-159) , 1992,162. 22 Maurice Bottet,Vétérans fréres d’Armes del’Empire Frangais, débris etMédaillés de Sante-Héléne 1792-1815 (Paris: Leroy, 1906), 36-37. 23 A.J. Tudesq,‘Lalégendenapoléonienne en 1848’,Revue Historique

CCXVIII,July-September 1957,69andfn.3;75—76. 24 Seechapter3inGarnier-Pagés, ‘LeGouvernement Provisoire’, inHistoire

delaRévolution de1848(Paris: Degorce-Cadot, 1848), esp.118-119. 25 Anumberof casesarecitedin Petiteau, Lendemains d’Empire (op.cit.), 306-308. 26 Seeforexample thepamphlet byformer Napoleonic officer Commandant Leblanc,Histowre politique, militaire, etprivée duPrince Napoléon-Louis Bonaparte

(Paris: Giroux etVialat,1848). 27 Anosanciens camarades del’Armée, électeurs dudépartement delaSeine (1848). Bib. Nat.LB54— 1873. 28 SeePetiteau, Lendemains d’Empire (op.cit.),189-248. 29 Theideawasfloating aroundinBonapartist circles fromtheearly1850s.

See,forexample,Relation historique del’institution delaMédaille deSainte-Héléne parunvieux soldat duPremier Empire (Marseille, 1861);itsauthor,Jean-Baptiste Schweitzer, claimedthatin 1852hehadsenttheMinisterof Wara draw-

ingofwhatwouldlaterbecome theMédaille deSainte-Héléne. 30 L.Tripier, Code desmembres delaLégion d’Honneur (Paris: Mayer-Odin, 1859), LU-LI1. 3

31 “Testament de NapoléonIer’,in LasCases,Mémorial deSainte-Héléne (op. cit.). 32 Louis-HenriFleurence,“LessurvivantsdescampagnesdelaRépublique

etdeEmpireetl’attribution delamédaille deSainte-Héléne dansle département desVosges en 1857’,Revue del'Institut Napoléon, No.151

(Vol.II, 1988),62;thisfigurecomesfromthe HételdesMonnaieset Médaillesin Paris,whichwasresponsible forstrikingthecommemorativemedals.

33 “TheArmyof 1813wasinitsimmense majority anarmyof “minors””’, Lucas-Dubreton, Leculte deNapoléon (op.cit.),25. 34 Frangois-Frédéric Lemetheyer, LaMédaille deSainte-Héléene (PontAudemer, 1857), 5.

35 SeeHazareesingh and Wright,‘LeSecondEmpire’,in LouisFougére,

310

Notes

Jean-Pierre MachelonandFrancois Monnier(eds.),Lescommunes etlepouvoir

enFrance (op.cit.). 36 SeeFrancoise Job,‘Lesanciens militaires delaRépublique etdeEmpire dansledépartement delaMeurthe en1857’, Annales Historques delaRévolution Francaise No.245,Juillet-Septembre 1981,419-436;Louis-Henri Fleurence, (op.cit.) andPetiteau,‘LesvétéransduPremierEmpire’,(op.cit.). 37 Forfurtherdiscussionof theseaspects,seeSudhirHazareesingh,‘La

légende napoléonienne sousleSecondEmpire: lesMédaillés deSainteHéléne etlafétedu15aoat’,Revue Historique CCCV, Vol.3 (2003). 38Francoise Job,‘Lesanciens militaires’ (op.cit.),427. 39 Certificate issuedbymunicipality of Saudrupt,17April1856,inAD

Marne,16M 1(Médaille deSainte-Héléne). 40 ADMarne,16M 1(Médaille deSainte-Héléne).

41 MorecasesarecitedinPetiteau, Lendemains d’Empire (op.cit.),340-343. 42 Forexample, theprefect ofCorsica wrote totheMinister oftheInterior on22 March1827aboutninety-six retired officers whowereall‘without resources andinthegreatest need’ andurged Paristointervene. Thereply wasscribbled ontheletter:‘Nothing todo’(nenafaire). ANF76702(Militaires). 43 HislettertotheEmperormadeitswaytoLyons,wherethePrefectassigned hima medal.ADRhéne,1M 263(Médaille deSainte-Héléne).

44 AcopyofhislettertothePrefect oftheRhéne,dated19August 1858,is inADRhine,1M263(Médaille deSainte-Héléne).

45 Ibid.,letterdated30March1858. 46 Mayorof St Lager,letterdated10April1858,in ADRhone,1M 263 (Médaille deSainte-Héléne).

47 Formoreon thecivicandpoliticaldimensions of thisfestivity, see Hazareesingh, TheSaint Napoleon (op.cit.). 48 Philippe Busoni, ‘Courrier deParis’, L’Illustration, 21August 1852. 49 ReportofProcureur-Général, Besancon, 14September 1852. ANBB30-373. 50 ReportofPrefect, 20August 1853. ANF1C"/Indre(6).

51Report ofPrefect ofAude, 20August 1854. ANF1C!110.

52 See,forexample, thereportofMayor ofMormoiron, 17August 1861. AD Vaucluse, 1M 880.

53 Formoreontheideological diversity oftheveterans, andtheirshifting atti-

tudesovertime,seePetiteau,Lendemains d’Empure (op.cit.),267-297. 54 Thiscaseis citedin MichelPigenet,Lesouvriers duCher(finXVIHe stécle-

1914).Travail, espace, etconscience sociale (Paris:InstitutCGTd’Histoire

Sociale,1990),176.

55 Lettre d’unvieux grognard del’Ancienne Garde Impénale aucitoyen Louts-Napoléon Bonaparte (signed A.B.L)(Paris, 1848), 3.

56 Reportof sub-prefect of Apt,20August1858.ADVaucluse1M880. 57 JeanLucas-Dubreton, Soldats deNapoléon (Paris:Tallandier, 1977ed.),437.

58 Corporation desMembres Décorés delaMédaille deSainte-Héléne enrésidence a la Chapelle Saint-Denis. Réglement (Paris, 1858). Bib.Nat.LL24-11.

Notes

311

59 Ibid.,7. 60 Ibid.,1. 61 Ibid.,8. 62 Ibid.,2-3. 63 Ibid.,4. 64 Ibid.,5—6. 65 Ibid.,7. 66 Préambule etStatuts desMembres Décorés delaMédaille deSainte-Héléne, Maineet Loire(1859). Bib.Nat.LL24-10. 67 ReportofmayorofTours,15August 1859.ADIndre-et-Loire 1M255.

68 Reportof sub-prefect,16August1859.AD Bouches-du-Rhéne 1M

642. 69 ANFICIV8Ministére deI’Intérieur, élections auxconseils généraux (1852). 70 Letterdated27August 1859.ADLoireAtlantique, 1M675. 71 ‘Vieilles peaux’; quoted inPierrePierrard, Histoire descurés decampagne (Paris: Bartillat, 1990), 206. 72 Reportof Mayorof Sacy,23August1859.ADMarne32M 10. 73 Reportof 16August1858.ADMeuse,73M 6. 74 Report ofPolice Commissioner, Avignon, 16August 1861. ADVaucluse |

M880.

75 ReportofProcureur-Général, Colmar, 4October1858. ANBB30-376. 76 ReporttothePrefect, Béziers, 17August 1858. ADHérault,1M505. 77 Reportof Procureur-Général, Toulouse,16August1858.ANBB30-421. 78 Draftreportof PrefecttoMinisterof Interior,1859.ADSeine-Maritime,

1M351.

79 ReportofPolice Commissioner, 16August 1858. ADHérault,1M505. 80 “Tellusabouthim,grandmother, grandmother, tellusabouthim.’ 81 ReportofMayor ofChateaudouble, 18August 1861. ADVar,6M18(5). 82 See,forexample,thereportof theMayorofVilleneuve-les-Béziers onthe

celebration of 15August1857;theofficial procession contained ‘one formersoldier oftheEmpire.’ ADHérault,1M505. 83 Louis-Henri Fleurance, ‘Lessurvivants descampagnes’, (op.cit.)64. 84 Forexample, seeAlmanach Historique, Anecdotique, etPopulaire del’Empire Frangats pour1867(Paris, 1866), 127.

85 SeeDiscours prononcé parM.Pellecat surlatombe deM.Facques-Louis Philippe,

Médaillé deSainte-Héléne (Rouen, 1874). Bib.Nat.LN27-27729. 86 LePettCaporal, 17-18August1887,citedinJeanEl Gammal,Politique et powds dupassé danslaFrance ‘findesiécle’ (Limoges: Presses Universitaires de Limoges, 1999), 142. 87 CitedinGustave Schlumberger, Derniers soldats deNapoléon (Paris,1905), 32.

88 LetterofBureauofAssociation desMédaillés deSainte-Héléne (Gironde)

toprefect, Bordeaux, 8August 1859. ADGironde 1M707. 89 Auxdécorés delaMédatlle deSainte-Héléne. Apropos del’inauguration delastatue de

312

Notes

Napoléon Ier4Rouen, le15aotit1865.Bib.Nat.YE-37738. “Despite somuch suffering/Despite somanysetbacks/Laurels ofourFrance/You remain for evergreen!’

90 LaMédaille deSainte-Héléne. Couplets chantés élaréunion desMédaillés deMuthouse, le15aotit1858(Mulhouse, 1858). | 91 Anexample: thereportoftheMayor ofBéhonne (Meuse), 17August 1858. ADMeuse73M6. 92 Thereisa modestcollection of thisgenreintheBibliothéque Nationale. See,forexample,HenryCourant,SurlaMédaille deSainte-Héléne (Paris,

1858). LL24-2. 93 Reportof thesub-prefect of Vitry-le-Frangois, 18August1869.AD Marne30M31(reports totheprefect1869—70). 94 See,forexample, thereportof thesub-prefect of Villefranche, 27

February1857;andprefectlettertotheMinisteroftheInterior,17August 1858.ADAveyron1M (FétesduSecondEmpire)(unclassified). 95 FrédéricChalaron,‘LeBonapartisme dansla viepolitiquedu Puy-de-

Déme(1848-79), Revue d’Auvergne 94-3(1980), 329. 96 Thesequalities areallstressed bytheMayorofMaillys (Coted’Or),inhis reportof 16August 1859.ADCéted’Or| M467. 97 ‘[themedal]appealsto the rich man, as to the proletarian’; Justin Cabassol, LaMédaille deSainte-Héléne (Paris,1858).

98 See,forexample, ‘Quelques motsadressés auxmédaillés deSainte-Héléne parleurPrésident, le15Aoat1861.’ ADGironde | M707. 99 Meénager alsohighlights theimportance of theMédaillés asfunctional intermediaries; seeLesNapoléon dupeuple (op.cit.),155.

100 ‘Ilsgrognaient maislesuivaient toujours’. 101 Napoleonic officerPhilippeBenoit,quotedin AlainPigeard,L’Armée de

Napoléon. Organisation etviequotidienne (Paris: Tallandier, 2000), 320-321. 102Forastudyoftheresonance ofthisthemeinFrench nineteenth-century writings, seeGérarddePuymége, Chauvin, lesoldat-laboureur: contribution a l'étude desnationalismes (Paris: Gallimard, 1993).

103 Fora sampleof thisgenre,seeNapoléon oulagloire francaise (n.d.)Bib.Nat.

Ye28422; andLaMédaille deSainte-Héléne. Chant triomphal (1857) Bib.Nat. Ye55471. 104JeanClaude Vittoz, Legrand homme oulalégende napoléonienne (Paris, 1866). 105‘Andyou,whoin our bitterwars/neverbetrayedus/Italiansand Poles/Rejoice withustoo,mybrothers !’.G.A.Montmain, LaMédaulle de Sainte-Héléne. Couplets (Paris, 1857). 106ReportofMayorofTourtour, 18August 1859. ADVar6M18(5).

107 A.B.L.Adam,LaMédaille Ste.Héléne etles4 rubans rouges. Anecdote militaire

(Paris, 1857), 11;theauthorserved intheGrandeArméebetween 1809 and1815,andbecame aprimary schoolteacher in1833. 108Hilaire LeGai,Almanach dessouvenirs del’Empire. Bonapartiana (Paris: Passard, 1853), 5.

Notes

313

prononcé a ladistribution delaMédaille deSainte-Héléne auxanciens soldats 109 Discours delaRépublique etde’Empure delacommune d’Albi, le24janvier 1858,parM.le

Général Baron Gorsse (Albi,1858), 4;emphasis added.Bib.Nat.LL24-4. Napoléonienne parGirod-Genet, Hussard del’Armée delaLowe (Paris, 110Chanson n.d.)[1866]. Bib.Nat.Ye55471.

111 Chanson a double circonstance, improvisée dansuneréunion d’amis surlesévénements du2,3,et4décembre 1851(Oise,n.d.).Bib.Nat.Ye55471(351bis).

Frangais’, poemsubmitted to theprefectof Girondebythe 112‘L’Echo Association ofMédaillés deSainte-Héléne (Gironde), 13August 1859. AD Gironde | M707. | 113 Quoted inprefect ofIsérereport,Grenoble, 19August 1868. ADIsére54 M15. 114 ErnestLavisse, Souvenirs (Paris:Calmann-Lévy, 1988),281.

Conclusion:TheLegendLivesOn l ThelastMédaillé deSainte-Héléne known totheFrench authorities died

in1898. LeJournal, 3August1901,cited 2 M.deLys,‘LederniersoldatdeNapoléon’, inSchlumberger, Derniers soldats (op.cit.),57—59. SeeElzbieta Stoinska, Lalégende napoléonienne danslapoésve frangaise etpolonarse auXIXe stécle 1798-1871 (Lille, ANRT, 1986). Edmond Rostand, L’Azglon (Paris: Gallimard, 1986). MauriceBarrés,Leroman del’énergie nationale. LesDéracinés (Paris:Fasquelle,

1897), 232. OnthefateofBonapartism undertheThirdRepublic, seeMénager, Les Napoléon dupeuple (op.cit.);andJohnRothney, Bonapartism after Sedan (Ithaca: Cornell University Press,1969). SeeJeanElGammal, Politique etpoids dupassédanslaFrance ‘findesiécle’ (Limoges: PressesUniversitaires deLimoges,1999),141-149.

Furet,LaRévolution (op.cit.),I, 225. CitedinDansette, ‘Légende ettransfiguration’ (op.cit.),312. report,Lyons, 12August 1815. ADRhone4 M237. 10Police 1] Stendhal, LeRouge etleNowr (op.cit.),205. Amalvi, ‘L’exemple desgrands hommes del’his12 SeethetableinChristian toiredeFrance’,Romantisme 100(1998),101.The‘runner-up’ wasJoanof Arc.

13Petiteau, Napoléon delamythologie aV’histowe (op.cit.),179. (Paris:RobertLaffont,1997),4vols. 14 MaxGallo,Napoléon of thisgenre,seethebookbythejournalist Jean-Paul 15Forexamples Kauffmann, Lachambre notre deLongwood. Levoyage a4Sainte-Héléene (Paris: La TableRonde,1997); andtheworkbyFrance’s formerForeignMinister, Dominiquede Villepin,LesCent-Jours ouVesprit desacrifice (Paris:Perrin,

2001).

314

Notes

16Itswebsite iswww.napoleon.org 17Patrick Rambaud, LaBataille (Paris: Grasset, 1997). Thiswasthefirstofa trilogy; itwasfollowed byJIneigeait (2000) andL’Absent (2003), whichends withNapoleon’s returntoFrance inMarch1815.

18 LettertoEugéneNoél,19July1850; inJulesMichelet, Correspondance générale (Paris:Champion,1996,ed.LouisLeGuillou), 473-474.

19 Antoine Chollier, Lavrate route Napoléon (Paris :Editions Alpina, 1946), 25. 20 Besnard, Lenapoléonisme (Paris, 1876), 3-4. 21 Amalvi, ‘L’exemple desgrandshommes deVhistoire deFrance’ (op.cit.), 92. 22 Jean-Francois Chanet,Lesgrandshommes duPanthéon (Paris:Editionsdu

Patrimoine, 1996), 13. 23 MonaOzouf,‘LePanthéon.L’EcoleNormaledesMorts’,inPierreNora (ed.), Leseuxdemémovwe (Paris: Gallimard, 1984), Vol.I,139-166. of thecontrasting conception of the‘greatman’in 24 Forfurtherdiscussion

nineteenth-century Frenchpoliticalculture,seeAvnerBen-Amos, Funerals, politics, andmemory inmodern France (Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press,2000),

143-148. 25 Petiteau, Napoléon delamythologie al’histoie (op.cit.),140—142. (Paris: Lafitte, 1913). 26 Bonaparte toCSApolls,citedinJean-Noél Jeanneney andPhilippeJoutard 27 According (eds.),Dubonusage desgrands hommes enEurope (Paris:Perrin,2003),66.

histoire, symbole, mythe (Paris:Hachette,2000), 28 MauriceAgulhon,DeGaulle: 53. 29 Seenotably hisAdemain deGaulle (Paris: Gallimard, 1996). 30 AlainDuhamel, Lapoktique tmaginaie (Paris: Gallimard, 1995), 247. 31 DenisTillinac,‘Legaullisme:un état d’esprit’,LeFigaro-Magazine, 15 November 2003.

32 SeeMichelWinock,‘Jeanned’Arc’,in PierreNora,Leslieuxdemémoire (Paris: Gallimard, 1992), Vol.III-3,675-733. 33 SeeHazareesingh, Intellectual Founders oftheRepublic (op.cit.),294-297. 34 Yves Mény, “TheRepublic anditsterritory: thepersistence andadaptation of foundingmyths’,in S.Hazareesingh (ed.),TheFacobin legacy inmodern France (Oxford:OxfordUniversity Press,2002),183-195.

35 OnthisthemeseePierre Rosanvallon, Lepeuple introuvable (Paris: Gallimard,

1998); andLemodeéle polttique frangais (Paris: Seuil,2004).

Napoleonic sources, sites,

andfurtherreading Much of thesourcematerialI usedtowritethisbookcamefrom Frenchpublicarchives. ‘TheArchives dela Préfecture dePolicein Parishavesomeveryinteresting holdings onthepre-1870 period— mostlyfragments, butveryusefulwhensetalongside material found elsewhere. Thebulkof myresearch wasdrawnfromtheArchives Nationales (CARAN), alsoinParis,whereI explored therichcollectionsintheBB(justice) andF7(police) seriesrelating tothe1815-48 period,aswellasthereportsonthecelebrations ofnational festivities underthe SecondEmpire.I alsolookedthroughthe Napoleon archives (400AP),whereamongotherthingsI foundmanyofLouis Napoleon’s letters. Thisworkwassupplemented byresearch indepartmental archives. I wentto three‘Napoleonic’ localities (Isére,Rhéne,andYonne), wheretheMseriesyielded muchfascinating material onthe1815-48

period; theresearch forChapter 9alsotookmetotenotherdepart-

ments,whereI lookedat holdingson imperialveteransandthe celebrations of nationalfestivities from1815to 1870.Thesetrips, whichwereveryenjoyable, tookmetothechef-lieux oftheAveyron, Gironde,Hérault,Indre-et-Loire, Loire-Atlantique, Marne,Meuse,

Seine-Maritime, Var,and Vaucluse. Theselocalarchiveswere extremely welcoming anduser-friendly; theyalsocontam muchmaterialonthehistoryofnineteeth-century Bonapartism whichremains unexplored. I alsousedsomeexcellent librariesin Paris:theBibliothéque Nationale inTolbiac, ofcourse, butalsotheBibliothéque Napoléon,

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TheLegendofNapoleon

whichispartoftheFondation Napoléon onBoulevard Haussmann; thisisa particularly goodplacetoreadjournals,whicharedirectly accessible. Alsoremarkable foritsNapoleonic collections (ofbooks, objects, andimages) istheFondation Thiers.I foundsomeequally captivatingmaterialat the Bibliothéque Paul Marmottanin Boulogne, whichholdsoneofthelargestcollections ofNapoleonic images inFrance. Franceisfullof monuments andmuseums commemorating the Emperor. Thereisa beautifully illustrated evocation of Napoleon’s ParisbyDianaReidHaig,Walks through Napoleon andFosephine’s Paris (London, 2004).Relicsof imperialandNapoleonic Francecanbe

foundin Paris,of course,startingwith the Invalides,wherethe Emperorisburied,andthemuseumsof theLouvre,Versailles, and

Carnavalet; therearealsosuperbcollections at theChateaudela

Malmaison andatFontainebleau. Thepassionate seeker ofimperial remains canalsovisitthePéreLachaise cemetery inParis,where

Marshals Davout,Masséna, Ney,andMuratareburied;thetruly adventurouscanalsotravelalongthe RouteNationale85,inaugu-

ratedin 1932,andknownas the RouteNapoléon.It connects Golfe-Juan toGrenoble, andmanyofthespotswhichtheEmperor

passed duringhis‘flight oftheeagle’ aremarked andcommemo-

rated.AtLaffrey, thereis a magnificent statueof Napoleonon horseback ataplacecalledLaPrairiedelaRencontre. Furtherafield,therearealsoverygoodNapoleonic museums in Corsica (Ajaccio), Boulogne-sur-mer (Pas-de-Calais) andCompiégne (Oise). Thereisanexcellent worldguidetothegeographical ‘sitesof memory’dedicatedto Napoleon,Répertoire mondial dessouvenirs napoléoniens (Paris,1993) editedbyAlainChappet, MartinRoger, and AlainPigeard. Itincludes thepresent-day locations offamous battle sites,andtheaddresses ofsomesuperbNapoleonic museums outside France—notablyinItaly(Rome); Switzerland (Arenenberg, where LouisNapoleon spentmuchofhisyouth); theUSA(NewOrleans); andCuba(Havana). Nowforsomesuggestions forthoseinterested inwiderreading aboutNapoleon, thelegend,andnineteenth-century politicsmore generally. Thereareplentyof biographies of Napoleon to choose from,butmyfavourites areGeorges Lefebvre, Napoléon (Paris,1941); VincentCronin,Napoleon Bonaparte (London,1974); JeanTulard,

Napoleonic sources, sitesandfurtherreading

317

Napoléon oulemythe dusauveur (Paris,1977);RobertAlexander, Napoleon

(London, 2001),andStevenEnglund, Napoleon, apolitcallife(New

York, 2004). Napoleon isstillasubject ofcontroversy andpassion; for a contemporary example ofthe‘black legend’, seePaulJohnson,

Napoleon (London, 2002);conversely, fora wildlyenthusiastic advocacy,seeMaxGallo’sfour-volume Napoléon (Paris,1997).

Onthehistoryof theConsulate andtheFirstEmpire,excellent

works include MartinLyons, Napoleon Bonaparte andthelegacy ofthe

French Revolution (London, 1974); Jacques-Olivier Boudon, LeConsulat et’Empire (Paris,1988);AnnieJourdan,Napoléon: héros, imperator, mécéne (Paris,1998),withoutof courseforgettingolderclassicssuchas

Adolphe Thiers’s monumental work,Histoire duConsulat etde’Empire

(Paris, 1845-1860) andHenryHoussaye’s 18/5(Paris, 1905). Jean

Tulard’s Dictionnaire Napoléon (Paris, newed.1999) isalsoaverygood source, withconcise entriesontheprincipal eventsandpersonalities oftheNapoleonic era(aswellasthemajorbattles). Onthewiderhistory ofBonapartism inthenineteenth century, see Frédéric Bluche, LeBonapartisme (Paris,1980); BernardMénager, Les Napoléon dupeuple (Paris,1988);Francois Furet,LaRévolution (Paris, 1988,2 vols.);thisworkwastranslatedas Revolutionary France1770-

1880(London, 1995); NataliePetiteau, Lendemains d’Empuwe. Lessoldats deNapoléon danslaFrance duXIXesiécle (Paris,2003);andSudhir

Hazareesingh, TheSait-Napoleon: celebrations ofsovereignty in19thCentury

France (Gambridge, Massachusetts, 2004). Napoleon IIIhasbeenthe subject ofsomegoodpolitical biographies, notably AdrienDansette’s Louis Napoléon alaconquéte dupouvoir (Paris,1961) andDu2Décembre au 4Septembre (Paris,1972). William H.C.Smith’s Napoleon IIT(London, 1982) andLouisGirard’s Napoléon IIT(Paris,1986) arealsoauthoritative.I referthoseinterested in thewiderhistoryof Bonapartism undertheSecondEmpireto thebibliography of myotherwork, From sulyect tocitazen: theSecond Empire andtheemergence ofmodern French democracy (Princeton, NJ,1998). Lastly, somerecommendations onthelegendanditsmodernmanifestations. Therearesomeexcellent workson thetreatmentof Napoleon in Frenchliterature. SeeMauriceDescotes, Lalégende de Napoléon etlesécrivains frangais auXIXesiécle (Paris,1967);andSaintPaulien, Napoléon, Balzac etl’Empure delaComédie Humaine (Paris,1979). Despiteitscontestable conclusions, thereismuchtobetakenfrom

318

TheLegendofNapoleon

Philippe Gonnard’s classic work,Lesorigines delalégende napoléonienne. L’euvre historique deNapoléon a Sainte-Heéléne (Paris,1906;reprintedin 1979). Myfavourite workonthelegend is JeanLucas-Dubreton, Le culte deNapoléon (1815—1848) (Paris,1960), whichissuperbly written anddrawswidely frommemoir literature; morerecentstudies include

JeanTulard,Lemythe deNapoléon (Paris,1971); NataliePetiteau, Napoléon delamythologie al’hastowe (Paris, 1999); Maurice Agulhon, De

Gaulle: histovre, symbole, mythe (Paris,2000);andGérardGengembre, Napoléon: lavie,lalégende (Paris,2001).Foranexcellent studyof the impactof Napoleon in Britain,seeStuartSemmel, Napoleon inthe

Bntish Imagination (New Haven, 2004).

Picturecredits

Coverimages:LesHuitEpoques deNapoléon. PaintingbyCharles AugusteGuillaume Steuben.SonOmbre LesEpouvante. Anonymous

drawing. Reprinted withkindpermission ofRéunion desMusées

Nationaux,Paris.

Thefollowing photographs arereproduced withkindpermission: Thelanding ofNapoleon. Imprimerie Pellerin,Epinal.Bibliothéque Marmottan, Paris. Theevening of 20March1815:thereturnofNapoleon totheTuileries. Drawing byCharles Motte.MuséeCarnavalet, Paris. Return fromElba,7March 1815.Froma paintingbyCharlesAugust Guillaume Steuben. Bibliothéque Marmottan, Paris.

Each tohisprofession. PrintbyFrancois Georgin, Imprimerie Pellerin,

Epinal.Bibliothéque Marmottan, Paris. Allegorical representation ofthereturn oftheultras. Anonymous drawing, 1816.MuséeCarnavalet,Paris.

Death ofNapoleon, 5May1821.Drawing used toillustrate Marchand’s account oftheEmperor's death(first published in1836).MuséeCarnavalet, Paris. | Thetomb ofNapoleon atSaint-Helena. Anonymous drawing, Chateaux de Malmaisonet Bois-Préau.RéuniondesMuséesNationaux,

Paris.

Theimpenal leap. Anonymous drawing, 1815. Musée Carnavalet, Paris.

‘Ttakemybonnet andleave youwith yourskullcap.’ Anonymous drawing, 1815.Bibliothéque Marmottan, Paris.

320

Picturecredits

Seditious Bonapartist placard. Archives Nationales, F76705,Paris. Cover oftobacco box,representing General Cambronne attheBattle ofWaterloo. MuséeCarnavalet, Paris. Glorious reignof 19years.Ashehasgoverned for15years.Anonymous drawing,1815.MuséeCarnavalet,Paris.

‘Tsattrue,astheysay,thatthings aregoing sobadly?’ Drawing byCharlet (1824). Bibliothéque Marmottan, Paris.

Entryof Napoleon intoGrenoble. Imprimerie Pellerin,Epinal.

Bibliothéque Marmottan, Paris. Entryoftheprocession bearing Napoleon’s remains inPans,under theArcde Inomphe, 15December 1840.Drawing byVictorAdam,1840. Napoleon andBenjamin Constant inthegardens oftheElysée Palace inFune 1815. Drawingby Feélix-Henri-Emmanuel Philippoteaux. Chateauxde Malmaison et Bois-Préau. RéuniondesMusées Nationaux,Paris.

Themanof thepeople. Drawingby Raffet(1836).Bibliothéque Marmottan,Paris.

Faithful asaPole. Drawing byRaffet(1833). Bibliothéque Marmottan, Paris. Reflection. Drawing byRaffet(1834). Bibliothéque Marmottan, Paris: Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. Drawing by'T:H.Ryall.Bibliothéque Nationale,Paris.

Manifesto ofLouis-Napoleon Bonaparte totheelectors. Poster,November 1848.MuséeCarnavalet, Paris. LousNapoleon recewing deputies fromtheprovinces. Drawing byPhilippoteaux. Privatecollection. ‘Sere youcanrelyonusasmuch asontheOldGuard.’ Drawing byRaffet (1831). Bibliothéque Marmottan, Paris. Theveterans oftheFirstEmpire gathered before theVendéme Column, onthe occasion of theanniversary of thedeathof Napoleon. Drawingby Godefroy-Durand, inL’°Uniers Illustré. MuséeCarnavalet, Paris. Blindsurvwor oftheGrande Armée 1858andLastsurvivors oftheGrande Armée 1861.Anonymous drawings, ChateauxdeMalmaison et Bois-Préau. Reunion desMusées Nationaux, Paris.

Index Note: Napoleon IBonaparte isreferred toasNinsub-entries Abbeville 53,117,118 abdication:CharlesX 149;LouisBonaparte, KingofHolland186;N 1,15-16,30,33, 36,83 Académie Frangaise 264 Additional Act(1815) 27,30,135,160,169 aestheticism 89;bourgeois 84-8,93 Africans 60 Agen133 agitation 10,30,118-19,122,147,194;antigovernment 106;Bonapartist, key characteristics of 139;instruments of96; political 20-2,105,148;popular, tidal waveof73;revolutionary 108,117 Agulhon, Maurice149,266 Aigle Noir(secret society) 109 Ain46,55,76,106 Aix250 Ajaccio 31 Albi85,258 Albuéra, battleof(1811) 244 Alet1

Alexander, Robert104,123,149 Algerians 60 Allais 93 alliances 41,97,132,142,160;citizens’ 66; international 45;political 97;tactical 203 Alliedcoalition (against N)16,26,36,37,

ancien régime 32,41,165;continuation of conflictbetweenRevolutionand 177;fears thatclockwasbeingturnedbackto45; opposition toreturnof 140;rightsand privileges 22 Angers73,117

Angouléme, Marie-Thérése ofFrance, Duchess of51 Angouléme (town) 56 Antibes 61

anti-Bourbon/anti-royalist elements97, 107,

114,126,143,237 anti-clericalism 78;popularexpressions of 133;widespread 4 anti-fétes 101,103,104,145,262;linchpin of 129;localauthorities fearful of 143;most widely observed anniversary of Restoration years140;playfulness 126;real spiritof 128;remarkably successful at spreading chaosanddemoralization 147; underlying element ofcohesion which unified125;varietyof formsof 146;wider

expressions of 124 Anti-Gallican 168 Antommarchi, Francesco 115 Ardéche 68,141 Ardennes 113 Arenenberg 187,188,189,190,209 142;resistanceto invasionof France105, aristocracy 141;agitation forauthorities to 235 takestrongmeasures against32;armed Alps22,104,174 resistance 142;Bourbons thekingsof 169; Alsace70,85 callsforphysical elimination of65; ambition 36,37,158,168,177;eccentric Catholic association with78; 184;‘liberal’ 178;petitbourgeois 211; extermination of65;Napoleonic affectation thatprovoked hilarity among political 203;self-interested 185 America 7,62;Masonic Lodges108;negroes 184;old,proletarian defiance of217; 60;revolution27;seealsoUnitedStates opposition toN30;political system dominated by41;‘popular’ 243;powerful — WarofIndependence (1775-83) l antagonism towards 45;trembling atthe Amiens 92,177,181 thought ofanother‘flight oftheeagle’72; Amis Buenfaisants, Les(Masonic Lodge) 108 violence against32,237 Armenia 7 Amis delaVénté, Les(Masonic Lodge) 108, 110 arrests51,52,55,57,72,80—7 passim, 112, amnesty 123,230 116,126,137,138,141,204,228;(for) appearing atballdressed inuniform anarchy 217,232;N savedFrancefrom266

322

Index

bearingeagle

arrests—cont

emblem 92;attempting tocompel priestto shout“Long LivetheEmperor!’ 133; celebrating alliance 132;cheering the announcement ofDuBerry’s death113; destruction ofportrait94;eluding139; insufficient incriminating evidence to justify104;manufacturers 74;prefects’ incapacity to147;usingacollection of buttons torallysupport forN93;woman, fordecorating hervasewithtricolour feather97 Artois, Comted’23;seealsoCharles X assassinations 80,97,112,113,122,128 Aube56,72

France60,75,186 Beaurepaire 137 Beauvais 84,112 Bédarride brothers107 Belfort 122,244,246

Belgium74,81, 109;seealsoWaterloo

beliefs 6;common 92;highly structured sets

of 43;immortalityof N 70;irrational43; millenarian58;mistaken98;political7—8;

popular7-8,44,59;powerful, damaging to order39;rural58;supernatural43; widespread41,45, 110

Bellangé, Hippolyte 200 Béon125 _Béranger, Pierre J. de70,96,171,200,202, 253 Aubert,Thomas246 Berezina, River256 Aubertin, Augustin 244 Berlin68 Auch147 Bernis97 Berry,CharlesFerdinand,Ducde 80,97, Aude1 Augsburg 187,189 111,112-13,122,128 Aurillac 66 Bertex brothers109 Austerlitz, battleof(1805) 76,176,206,226, Berton, Gen.Jean-Baptiste 114-15,122,132 240 Bertrand, Gen.Henri47,67,115,165,190 Austria/ Austrian armies16,37,46,57,59, Bertrand, Abbé(tutorofLouisNapoleon) 60,62,63,115;counter-attack193; 199 Besancon20,98 spirited resistance toinvasion by143; soldiers andofficers spreading rumours 63 Beslay, Charles108 Auxerre19,68,97,240 Bétourmé (Caenworker) 127 Avallon 26,54,57,141 Béziers 251-2 Bléré93 Aveyron 256 Avignon 32,251 Blondeau, Marie54 Aymard (Vente head)110 Blottier, Philippe 135 Bluche, Frédéric 5 Baden184,185,206 Bliicher,G.L.von,Princeof Wahlstadt35 Badin(Bourbon supporter) 30 Bonaparte, Jéréme,kingofWestphalia, and Ballac,Thomas141 Marshal 35,198 Balzac, Honoréde5,200,202,238 Bonaparte, Joseph,kingofNaples andSicily, banishment 37,39,49,100 andkingofSpain54,60,61,116-17,198 BankofFrance175 Bonaparte, Louis, kingofHolland, Ducde banners94,96,127,143,234;imperial 171; Saint-Leu 184,186,187,188,193,204 tricolour 31,95;white22,95 Bonaparte, Lucien, princeofCanino38,61, banquets31, 127,248;civic143;imperial 115,198,232 veterans252,253,254;Masonic107 Bonaparte, MarieLetizia eMére)189 Bar-le-Duc133 Bonaparte, Napoléon-Louis Charles187, Barni,Jules181 193,196 Barre(pharmacist) 88 Bonapartism/Bonapartists 5,8,78,107,143, Barrés, Maurice 261 262;agents43,50,53,54,75,88,98,116, Bas-Rhin 49 118;agitators/agitation 10,22,73,104; Basses-Alpes 96 alliances with41,142;American enthusiasts7;antitheticalto French Basses-Pyrénées 51,105 politicalculture264;ardent44; Bastia31 authoritarian170,212;Bourbonsand 1, Baudinot, Madame (clairvoyant) 54 Baudinot, Monsieur (Bonapartist agent)54 31,70;Carbonan groupslargely dominated Bavaria 60 by110;commemorative gatherings 45, Bayonne 58,181 101;‘core’ of 120;covertactivity 117; Bazard, Armand108 deservedly pilloried byposterity 223; Beauharnais, Gen.Alexandre, Vicomte de distribution ofportraits anddrawings 83; 186 half-pay officers, actingunderMasonic Beauharnais,Eugénede,Prince60,75 cover108;heavily involved insedition 106; Beauharnais, Hortense, queenofHolland history of 13;identity of 103;illicit literature117;intellectualtransitionfrom 33-4,184,186-8,189,191,193-5,196, 198,226,228;deathof 204

Beauharnais, Josephine de,empress of

Napoleonism to 214;Jacobinsand 37,66,

94,141,142,149;liberal156,157,171;

Index

323

roleofNapoleonic cultureindemise of liberalization of 164;LouisNapoleon’s distinct brandof 192;middle-class 124;rulenearing itsend56;rumourthat devotees 86;‘Napoleonic legend’ and12; theirdayswerenumbered 41;savaged by notables 119;political successes 6;‘popular’ N23;serious actsoforganized rebellion 11,89,94,219;potency duringthe against50;struggle toestablish/reRestoration 124;promotion ofgreater establish theirhold44,73;support for26, political freedom 3;raisedexpectations 30,32;talesofimpending collapse 53; amongsupporters 41;recruitment tothe unctuous tributes to117 cause93;regularmeetings 104-5;renewed Bourg53-4,80 38,53,84-8,93,134,178,231; and‘modern’ version of218;republicans bourgeoisie and41,97,103,265;resolute enemyof attempttowinover27;attitude towards 231;rumours55,60,62;secret117;selfN’sreturn 176-7;leaders153;local styled12;socialheterogeneity 120; notables discouraged fromrallying toN strength of 13;stronghold 61;traditional 33;manifestation ofgrief92;petite33, allieswhoembraced65;ultimatemoral 211;suffering fromparanoia 58;Thiersa callousness 85;‘underground’ 100,117, greatadmirer of 173;wishforgreater 121;unexpectedly acquitted sympathizers political rights129 148;venality dressed upinideological garb Bourges, Louis1 160;well-known, lowprofiles116 Bourmont, LouisAuguste Victor, 35 Britain16,26,34,35;demandfor Bondieu (agricultural worker) 71 booksellers/bookshops 81,82 Napoleonic memorabilia 63;planned Bordeaux 30,80,103,142;Médaillés’ special invasion of 151;troops/occupying forces 59,63,64seealsoEngland procession 255;police126 Borodino, battleof(1812) 260 Brittany 43,81;insurrection/rebellion 30,34 Brive56-7 Boston 60 Botany Bay47 Broutat (Ministry ofWarofficial) 117 Bouches-du-Rhéne 67 Broux(Lille worker) 93 Boulanger, Gen.Georges 261 Brumaire (1799) 168,182,232 Boulogne151-3,154;coupdeforce203-5, Brunel, Jean-Baptiste 108 208-10,216,230 Brunn116 Bourbonnais 51 Buchez, Philippe 108 Bourbons 22,37,38,124,246;acute Burgun 51 dilemmas faced byauthorities indealing busts2,11,32,73,74,75,76,80;confiscated 81;possessed byBourbon soldiers 82;royal withN’slegacy 72;assistant prosecutor dismissed by107;Bonapartists and1,31, 126,141 70;bringing down146-50; British soldiers’ buttonholes87,88,243 hostility to64;brought backtothethrone buttons89,92,93 16;challenge tonational legitimacy ofthe regime129;claimtorulefounded on Cadix112 ‘divine right’23;described asa degenerate Caen107,113;imprisoned workers 127 family 132; destabilizing andunderminingCahors55 Calais64 121;falloftheregime146;fatesealed 19-20;feelings ofdissatisfaction with45; Callac127 freedom fromdespotic andtyrannical rule Calvados 64,80,105;Masonic Lodges107 of 100;hopeofdestabilizing 63;hostility Cambrai 75 towards 40;hugely suspicious ofFrench Cambronne,Gen.Pierre6 officer corps114;injustice andslavery 139; Camus(prisoner) 141 inviting localpopulations torallyto95; Cannes61,78,194 liberalmonarchy under159;Masonic Canova, Antonio 73 Lodges exclusively madeupofextreme Carbonan 80,97,99-100,109,110,113,117, 133,192,193,209,231;climax ofactivity enemies of 108;mostfanatical and ofactivity 145 contemptible allies of96;national colours inFrance122-3;resurgence spurned by237;negating thefestive order Carcassonne73,80,247 of 126;ongoing political battleagainst78; caricatures75,78 overthrow of24,60,109,129,142,192; carnations87-8, 140,143 placards calling forextermination of 112; Carnot,Lazare33,37 Carpentras 108 political agitation duringfirstdecadeof rule105;political legitimacy systematicallyCarrel,Armand196-8 Cartas125-6 undermined 74;popularopposition to (Spanish subject) 93 235;princeaccused ofconspiring against Carvajol France112;publicdisplays ofcolours Caseneuve, Catherine 53 65;defiance against theclergy96; exasperating to94;reactions ofofficials to Catholics rumoured predicament 43;relentless identity 6;N’scommitment tothefaith 167;religion association witharistocracy struggle against231;returnof29,129;

324

Index

78;seealsopriests; religion Cavaignac, Godefroy 31 Cavaignac, LouisEugéne 216,217,218,224

Compiégne 34

Conneau (physician ofLouis Napoleon) 213 Conseil d’Etat27,160,165,175

12,20,58,73,82-3,104,115, celebrations 80;continued wellintothenight conspiracy

255;Napoleonic remembrance, local patriotism, andpolitical cooperation 143; ‘popular’ 89;public32;royalist 125;static andalmost timeless 82 censorship 3,27,73 centralization13,179,180,182,265

ceremonies 153,238,240;award247-8,256; elaborate 73;mourning 99;official 11, 263;‘purging’, conducted bythehangman 734

Chalon63, 131

Chalon-sur-Saéne 117 Chamber ofRepresentatives 30 Changarnier, Nicolas 224 charwari 125 Charles X,kingofFrance80,148-9 Charlet, Nicolas 171,200 Charter, royal(1814) 41 Chartres 31 ChateauChinon68 Chateau Thierry53 Chateaubriand, Francois René,Vicomte de 22,168,196,202,266 Chateaudouble 253 Chateauroux 128 Chateausalins 46,54 Chavigny 49 Cher247 Cherbourg 136 Chinese armies60 Chinese monks7 Chodzko,Leonard195 Christianity 167,220,258 churchbells131 CivilCode175,220,259 CivitaCastellana, battleof(1798) 193 Civrac53 Clarensac 148 Clerc,Jeanne117 clergy22-3;defiance against 96;placards denouncing 70;powerful antagonism towards 45;relentless propaganda 23; removing education fromthehandsof

122,190,198,204,210,219;actsoffaith

203;Bonapartist113,260;central

underpinning of(1836and1840) 206; civilian andmilitary 229;counterproductive 123;expressive 124;extrovert 118;festive 146;‘French Bazaar’ 108,122; inept205;military 114,124,132,137;

Napoleonic organization and120; national

123,237;political 103,111,124;variety of 120seealsoplots Constant, Benjamin 27,29,36,158,159-64, 169-70,171,174,179 Constantinople 70 Constitution, La(newspaper) 218—19 constitutions 26,29,30,106,160,224,249 Consulate 166,173,175,178,181;Thiers’ distinction between Empireand182 Convention 188 ‘Coppet group’157-8 Corbeil 96 Corcelle, Marie-Francoise 135 Corday, Charlotte 113 Cornu,Hortense185

Corréze 56 corruption 30,51,164,170,175,215 Corsica 31,49,53,57,61,116,132,181; veritable insurrection 123 Céted’Or29,67 Cétes-du-Nord 52,87,93 counter-revolution 39,149,162 coups d’état 168,181,182,210,221,224,228, 231,243,247,248,254;LouisNapoleon’s consolidation ofpowerafter236; overwhelmingly supported 234 CourdesPairs204 Courtial, Pierre128 Cousancelles 251 Coutan(teacher) 53 Creuse68, 136 cultof Napoleon2, 3, 5, 72-98,199-202; ambivalences towards238;artisticand

literary representations 237;breadthof experience of6-7;classic works on219; 175; report ontheattitude of30;violence developed 8;devotees of 189-90; against237;seealsopriestsclothing 86,87, flourished underRestoration 106;high 92,94 priestsof37;imperial veterans 236;Louis cockades31, 192 Napoleon fashioned andnurtured by185; nottheexclusive preserve ofanyclassor Coignet, Capt.Jean-Roch 240 coins74,80,83;tradein75,76 group220;Platonic dreamtoreplace65; collectiveconsciousness/imagination 72,235, political aspects 7;popularmanifestations 240,266 of 12;regretthatreturnofremains would givefillipto155;remarkable vibrancy of Collége deFrance 200 College deMacon134 194;zenith13,205 Customs 109;complicity of74;seizures by Combe(rumour-spreading woman) 66—7 commemorations 12,45—6,101,145,194, 70,75 235;landmarkdatein thecalendar142; linkbetween political resistance and143; Daguillon (Rouen confectioner) 86 ‘monumental’ 202;Napoleonic 140; Dauphiné 17 David, J. L.174 royalist anniversaries 141 Commissions Mixtes 228,230 Davout, LouisNicolas, Marshal 34

Index Debray, Régis266 Decazes, Elie(Minister ofPolice) 81

325

imprinted with93;embroidered on Masonic emblems 107;imperial 99; ‘Declaration ofEmpress Marie-Louise’ 132, mechanical 85;small83 135 economic circumstances 66;adverse 135; decorations (awards) Imperial seeMédaille de prosperity 215,216,220;see also hardship Sainte-Héléne; Masonic 107,120 education 188;removing fromtheclergy175; decorations (display) 84,93,94,97,98,126, verybroad-minded approach to75 234;floral88 Egyptian campaign (ofNapoleon) 235 Delessert, Benjamin (Parisian Prefect of Elba16,22,23,24,76-8, 109,111,123,166; Police) 207 escape/returnfrom26,31,38,44;oneof demi-soldes 51,87,105;political opinions of N’smosttrustedlieutenants 137 106 elites8,127,268;administrative 252;Army democracy 6,179,268;plebiscitary 224;cultural 3-4,5;intellectual 3-4,154; conception of265 judicial9;liberal150;Masonic 106; ‘démoc-soc’ 226 political 11,154,216,224,266 Deschamps (Montbrison schoolboy) 127 Elysée Palace221,228,230,231 deserters62-3,246 emblems: civicandmilitary, publicly burnt DesIdées Napoléoniennes (Louis Napoleon) 73;coat93;destructionof 95;imperial78, 211-12 89;Masonic 107;Napoleonic 85;national despotism 3,22,156,168,183;allegation of 22;representing eagle94;revolutionary 181;Bourbon 96;criticized 189;excessive secretsociety 80;royal(ist) 78,98,125; penchant for259;false toaccuse Nof212; ‘seditious’ 141;showing offinpublic92 fataltransition fromdictatorship to175; Emery,Joseph22,137-9 fearofreturnof26;genius blinded by Encyclopaedia (1777) 3 176;hated257;imperial,formercriticsof ‘enemies ofthepeople’ 32,133 30;onlyeffective bulwark against 27;order Enghien, LouisAntoine HenrideBourbon, without157;political 214 Ducd’ 112,168,177 Deux-Sévres 56,60 England 47,169;armies115;‘eternal hatred’ Devarax (mayor ofVaize) 58 forthecriminal nation153;perfidiousness dictatorship 169,214—15; fataltransition to 101;revolution46, 167 despotism 175;restored, threatof 162; Enlightenment 170 revolutionary 33 enthusiasm 57,58,64;collective 56; Didier,Jean-Paul 122 Napoleonic 7;opposition, passivity and Didierrevolt(1816) 131—2 26-34;popular, forNapoleonic veterans Dieppe53 10 Digne137 Epingle Noire, L’(clandestine organization) Direy, Louis153-4 109 dissent100,248;political andintellectual 27; equality 3,17,154,156;civil129,178,180, proscribed 27;punishment of 147 219,231;enjoyment of211;N’spassion dissident activities 237;Masonic Lodges107, for170;protected 259;Revolutionary 179; 108 symbol of 134,217 doctors11,85,115;seealsoAntommarchi; Esquirol, Jean-Etienne 2 Emery;Guyomard Doctrinaires 180 Evreux 67,81 Déle148 executions 20,45,47,112,114,128,168, ‘Domine Salvum FacImperatorem Nostrum 177 Napoleonem’ 131 exile43,45,164,268;Germaine deStaél Dordogne 98 159;LouisNapoleon 204,212,216;seealso Dorvichi, Jean-Nicolas 83 Elba;Saint-Helena Doubs105 Eylau,battleof(1807) 76,240 drawings 76-8,80,105,171,189,200,238; Bonapartist distribution of83; Fabvier (Bordeaux winemerchant) 103 ‘underground’ tradein75seealsoimages Falaise 107 Drevon,Jean 118—20, 138,139 falseinformation50,53, 106,116,237 Dréme118,119 Farge,Arlette10 DuCamp,Maxime 204 Faubourgs 33,50 Duchesne, Louis131 Faure(former officer, GrandArmée) 235 Ducos, PierreR.166 Faure(Lyons theatreaesthete) 88,89 Dumas, Alexandre 190 fear(s) 10,33,41,45,54,57,58,94; Dumont, Louis112 heightened byworkers’ insurrection 217; Dumoulin, Jean-Baptiste 22 localcommunities 43 Dutchtroops34,35 ‘Federated ArmyofWestern America’ 60 Dutilh(former teacher) 104 Federations 33 Fédérés (1815) 104 eagles31,78,86,89,92,94;buttons Ferney108

326

Index

Fesneau 237-8 FétedelaFédération 142 fétes/festivities 31,140,146,250;inhonour ofveterans 252;national 253;official 101; Revolutionary, keycharacteristics 103; SecondEmpire254;seealsoSaint-Louis; Saint-Napoléon feudalism 60,129,170;abolition of 178 FialindePersigny, JeanGilbertVictor209, 210-11,214,220,224,226,228;Lettres de Londres 212-13 FifthRepublic 265 fireworks displays 143,248 . FirstEmpire54,65,99, 129,135,173,179, 192,205,220,258;authoritarianand

Napoleon’s relationship with224;no longer ready torolloveratthemere mention ofN’sname207;prestige ofN

intactin24;promise toreintegrate intothe nation206;‘sedition’113 French Resistance 265 Friedland, battleof(1807) 176,240 Fullerton (English ship’s captain) 92

funerals 99,103,202,249-50, 254 Furet,Francois 149,262 Gallo,Max264

Gambetta,Léon182,265 Ganges62 Gap 104,137

Gard64,67,112 intellectually repressive eraof26-7; celebrated 211;civicandmilitary emblems Garibaldi, Giuseppe 260 publicly burnt73;conscription andtroop Gaulle,Gen.Charlesde265-6,267 263,265-6,267 movements 59;destruction ofinstitutions Gaullism Gaulois, Le(newspaper) 254 createdby157;extension ofpractices of 106;festivities127;legacyof 214;memoirs Gautier,Jean-Baptiste 117 of 200;nationaldayduring140;Persigny’s Gaza256 gendarmerie/gendarmes 53,57,61,83,94, passion for211;popularcharacter of 119,126,138,146;assaulted 128;callfor publicanniversaries 126;privileged tohaveearsandnosescut134; instrument ofpower andglory throughout lieutenants

114; relative youth ofGrande Armée recruits infinalcampaigns 243;religious

propaganda 4;repressive legacy of 163; University established 175

Fiumorboconflict(1815—16) 123 flags19,234,242;royal127;seealsotricolour Flahautdela Billardie,AugusteC.,Comtede

226 Flaubert, Gustave 85,180 fleur-de-lys 22,78,80,83,78,80,83 ‘flight oftheeagle’(1815) 15-39,72,76,96,

dismissed forwearing atricolour hatina

tavern97;meeting askedtodisperse by 145 Geneva 49,75,108,109 genius156,164,177,178,183,258;blmded bydespotism 176;extraordinary 257;

military2, 176;political38,38;practical3;

universal 190 Georges, JeanBaptiste 105

Gérard, Baron Frangois 73

GermanStates7,74;Masonic Napoleonic conspirators 109 Gers85, 147 hadstopped 202;prelude to264 Gex61 Florence 109 flowersseecarnations;violets Gibraltar 68 Gironde 89,259 Fondation Napoleon 264 Glatigny (arrested Chartres resident) 31 Fonseca, Vincent133 glory105,252,256,265;civil212;immortal Fontainebleau 55,181;procureur of51 258;military 104,129,156,176,180,237, Fontenay 113 | 261;national 206,220;past213; Fontenay-le-Comte 106 privileged instrument of 114;produced by foreigners 9,22,141,257;princes imposed defensiveandoffensive wars177; uponArmyby23 promoted 135;pursuitof 182;relentless Fouché, Joseph20,37 pursuitof 157;retrospective 266 Fould, Achille 224 Golfe-Juan 15—17, 23,202,264 Foy,Gen.Maximilien Sebastien 117,190 prize264 freedom 100,106,124,129,162,170,261; Goncourt Gen.115,165,190 achieving 132;‘bearer of’133;collective Gourgaud, Universel duXIXesiécle 134;common bannerof 163;expression, GrandDictionnaire (Larousse) 182 162-163; individual(istic) 27,131,134, Affair(1816) 137-46 179;liberating 134;N’spersonal aversion GrandLemps 114,131,143,203,206;locationswhereN

forideasof 135;political3, 162,178;press

GrandOrientdeFrance106,107-8seealso

Freemasons GrandeArmée15,19,54,82,84,109,111; formerofficers 103,110,112,202; closedownactivities 108;high-ranking Masonic Lodges inSpainfounded by 120;irreligious 113;Napoleonic political officers 108;miracles accomplished by activity among106-7;sharedaffinities 264;Thiersmesmerized byexploits of with110;Venerables ofLodges108,117 176;seealsoimperial warveterans French Army4,31,52;insurrection withhelp 13,176;Army’s senseof23;epic ofsympathetic elements from195;Louis grandeur 27,37,149,162;vengeful 134

Freemasons11,12,101,105,193;forcedto

Index 166;past155;petitbourgeoissociety,

327

Hugo,Victor5, 151—3, 154,181,185,200,

lacking in211 202,220-1 Graveson 44 humiliation 6,95,114,166,204,236; ‘GreatFear’(1789) 58 military 206;yearnings ofthosewho Greece103 sought toavenge 261-2 Grenoble 19,24,29,32,40,78,126,138, Hundred Days(1815) 3,16,20,26,29,30, 206;Aigle Nowy correspondents 109; 34,38,74,114,132,157,162,165,171, alliances ofJacobinandBonapartist 246,247;anti-féte tradition already begun groups142;attempted coup deforce by during125;appealtogeneration shaped Napoleonic activists 58;banonpublic by206;ardentNapoleonistduring108; gatherings 145;Carbonari 110,113; celebrationof anniversaries of 101;central clandestine factories 74;clergy, hidden roleinemergence ofnewformof weapons inseminaries 30;common front Napoleonic politics 78;central rolein amongNapoleonic activists in119; emergence ofthelegend 44;Constant’s conspiracy 122;gatesthrough whichN account of 169-70; groupswhichshowed hadentered202;imperial enthusiasts 104; greatest fervour forN31;hot-headed inauguration ofstatueofN259; supporters ofmonarchy outraged by41; insurrections 88, 119,131—2; military Jacobinelements whoralliedtothe regiments basedin235;official ceremony imperial cause133;marking keyepisodes tomarkanniversary ofresistance 146; of 143;mostsuccessful aspectof 17; organizing andmobilizing Napoleonic murderofmenwhohadsupported N opinion in22;police 80;political agitation during72;N’skeypolitical dilemma 105;popularrally234;prizefor during33;oneoftheheroicfigures of commemorative determination143; 137;political association initiated during proclamations137,147;rebellion46, 110; 104;preludeto264;publicperceptions of rumours47,49,50—1, 52,63seealseIsére Nalteredbyevents of 100;redesign of grief6,92;‘jackets of’87 imperial ideology 135;removal from grognards seeimperial warveterans bookshops ofbooks, pamphlets andpoems Grouchy, Emmanuel, Marquis de35,36 73;representations of76;republicans in Guillot, Louis-Antoine 53 stateofagitation inearly weeks 32;spirited Guin p84,148 defence of 160;strange, paradoxical Guizot, Francois 180,220 period37;talesdatingbackto62;Thiers’ Guyomard (Bonapartist doctor)127 account of 177;transformation ofN’s political imageafter263;zealous support Hamfortress208,214,215,229 ofNduring107 Hamburg 116 Hungary 260 handshakes 86;Masonic 109 hardship 59,64,236,247;material 189,255; ideas106;liberal151-83; Napoleonic serious 64 210-15; political 8,261;practical 212; Hardy, Edouard127 social, industrial, commercial, and Hartwell House22 humanitarian 212 Haussez,Charles,Barond’40,41, 145 ideology107,171;Bonapartist132,252; Haussonville, Jean-Othenin Bernard de imperial, cornerstone of 159;memory and Cléron,Comted’221 259;potentcombination ofmythand13; HauteMarne29 redesign of 135;Revolutionary 133; HautesPyrénées 61 serious problems 156 Hébert(mayor ofLaChapelle) 249 Iena,battleof(1806) 176,240 Heine,Heinrich 199,203 Iled’Elbe194 henandeggmiracle 72 Ille-et-Vilaine 80 heritage186,214,261;political 203; images/imagery14,16,67,74,80,82,93, revolutionary 8, 39, 129,169,179,180;see 109,262;appropriated todefinepolitical alsoimperial heritage goals100;coherent 44;common 92; heroes66, 115,252;greatest,of antiquity despondent 76;dispatch bypostto 167;romantic 101;transcendental 261 innocent-looking addresses 75;distribution Hispanic refugees 93 of 105;Epinal200;extremely common Hobbes, Thomas159 78;grotesque 126;heroic261;imperial 67, Hoche,Lazare265 220;‘legendary’ 236;lurking ineverymind HolyAlliance 206 72;martial78;military 61;‘monarchical’ homage99, 100,101,103,171;patrioticand aspectoftheNapoleonic tradition 76;N emotional151;scornful126 asogre59;Napoleonic immortality 70; honour248-52;elevation basedon253;false negative 156;neo-republican 133; senseof 115;military256;patrieand45; Promethean 64,76;reinvented 17;Terror politics of213;veterans’ senseof255 133;transformed 65;various objects Hower, Miss(teacher) 75 imprinted with86

328

Index

9,11,111,148;independence of imperial heritage 107,189,220;commitmentjudiciary to155;ideological problems 156; 160; reorganization of175 JulyMonarchy (1830) 113,124,148-9,150, intellectual representation of157; 151,153,154-5,173,198;betrayal ofthe reconstruction of211;Thiers’ viewsof idealsof the 1830Revolution206; 182;vigorous defence of211 imperialwarveterans8, 11,189,202, extraordinary proportions ofcultof Napoleon under185;imperial veterans’ 234—59; entertaining 252—3; massappeal exclusion fromofficial procession 238; of263;popularenthusiasm for10; incentive toplaydownStrasbourg and possession ofimages 83 imprisonment 52,65,114,128,147-8,208, Boulogne affairs 205;Lafayette’s regret for 210,229,237;forshouting ‘LongLivethe support given to196; Louis Napoleon alienated fromBonaparte clanand192; Shits’127;hen72;life204;singing overthrow of203;principal failing of 194; revolutionary songs141;solitary proscription whichbannedtheBonaparte confinement 141 clanfromFrance203;republicansunder India75 181;shameless attempts torideonN’s Indians60,62 individualism 124,129,182,265 coat-tails 202 Indre53,56,60,67 ‘June Days’ (1848) 217 Jura67,108,131 Indre-et-Loire 62 informants 9;police110;royalist 138 Kersausie, Théophile-Joachim-René Inspector ofHistorical Monuments 73 insurrections 30,50,88, 115,119,122,149, (republican leader) 209 193,196,202,203;anti-monarchical 132-3;Bonapartist-republican 195;draft LaChapelle Saint-Denis 249 plans117;large-scale 146;organizing 111; LaChatre247 GilbertDuMotier, Marquis de27, patriotic 132;recourse to198;reliance on Lafayette, 30,117,195,196 military tosuppress 224;veritable 123; Laffitte (Paris banker)119 workers’ 217 episode (1815) 24,39,40 intellectuals 11,174,182;liberal157;royalist Laffrey Lafitte,Pierre265 22;sharedmessianism 200 LaGuillotiére10,133 Invalides151,155,238,265 Lallemand,Charles103 Irishrepublicans 7 Isére8,46,50,55, 120,142;carnation Lamarque, General 202 Alphonse de155-6,214,223, wearing 88;coinsincirculation 75;demi- Lamartine, 230,265 soldes 106; gendarmerie 119; highwater markofNapoleonic ferment in118;Louis LaMure131 250 Napoleon’s official visitto234;Napoleonic Landersheim veterans’ societies 238;political agitation Landes125-6 Lardet,Marie-Antoine 246—7 105;prefects 30,40,41,52,147; 89 proclamations tomayors inviting utmost LaRochelle Larousse,Pierre182 ce145;reportsoncelebrations in Larroque (Bordeaux painter)142 thecapitalof 126;revolt137 LasCases,Emmanuel de156,178,181,187, Islam70,167 210;Mémonal deSainte-Héléne 4,43,61, Italy44,49,80,166,163,186,231,240,244; 160,164—71, 178,181,190,200,210,220 greaterFrench support for216; revolutionaries 7,60 independence 206,257,260;msurrection LatinAmerican Lauré,Pierre125 196;N ascommander ofFrench Armyin Laval78 4;nationalistrevolts193;oneof the Lavisse,Ernest259 decisive moments ofcampaign 174; ‘League oftheExecrable’ 133 patriots190states74,192 LeBas,Philippe 188,189,191,194,228 ‘Jacobin clubs’ 20 LeBoucher (junior public prosecutor) 117 Lecerf(Caenworker) 127 Jacobinrepublicans 17,32,38,133,268; JeanPierre55 alignment withN31;Bonapartists and37, Leclerc, Lecouturier (assistant prosecutor) 107 66,94, 141,142,147;depictionsof N’s Ledru-Rollin, Alexandre Auguste 216 return65;ideological affinitieswith78; Georges 5,58 loyaltomemory ofN 136;Napoleonic- Lefebvre, Légiond’Honneur22,259,260;awardedto cultobjects widely usedby93;rallying of mayors ofruralcommunes 243 45 Legrand (Paris imperialist merchant) 112 Jacomin(Golfe-Juan innkeeper) 202 LeHavre92 Jaffa168 Leipzig 260 JoanofArc267 LeMarec(labourer) 84 Joigny128 Lemire,Frédéric81—2 Journal desDébats 160

Index Lepage (StHelenacook)116 Lescalier, Francois 127 LesSables106 LeVigan112

329

Bonapartist legendtoitsownadvantage 246 Loupa(LaGuillotiére farmer)133 Louvel,Louis-Pierre 80,97, 111—14, 115,

120,122 republicans,Bonapartistsand41; Luynes, Ducde217 conservative 174,178;ideological structure LycéeSainte-Barbe (Paris) 31 andorientation 157;‘individualist’ 159; Lyons32,63,112,119,244,263;Azgle Now leading156;Nand157-64,169,259; correspondents 109;alliances ofJacobin Napoleonic 179-83; notable119; andBonapartist groups 142; arrival and ‘reformist’ path149;roleplayedin sojourn ofNat 19;assembly topa homageto N’smemory99, 100,101,103; overthrow ofCharles X 148;self-styled 103 Carbonari groupslargely dominated by liberation65,99;N asemblematicsymbolof Bonapartists110;clandestinefactories74; 129;fightfor192;language of 133; coinscirculating in80;corporation of national132;single largestcontribution to coopers135;franticexchange ofletters 113 between publicofficials inParisand98; liberty3,132,154,171,181,212;asserted handedovertoenemyforces23; 149;collective 135;consistently sacrificed insurrection 202;jailedworker148; atthealtarofmilitary glory156; MarchédelaFromagerie 67;Masonic destructionof 169,181;enjoymentof 211; Lodges 107;N recalls travelling incognito greater,desiresfor 129;in action259; around169;Napoleonic military society individual135,158;keymomentin 105;Napoleonic support in10;national Corsica’s struggle for123;manifold guardsmen deployed 45-6,143;offering of aspirations for100;necessary 178;N’s giftsonanniversary ofN’sbirth89; imageasanemblem of 124-5;political organizing andmobilizing Napoleonic 99,135;potentsymbol of 17;quasiopinion 22;placards denouncing royal republican’ formof 131;religious 27; family andclergy70;plot,easily putdown 122;police68,88,90,96;political suppression of 175;toaststo146;without prisoners141;rumours45,46,47,49,50, anarchy157 51,52,58,62;Saint-Joseph prison141; Ligny, battleof(1815) 35,202 Lille127,240 Saint-Napoléon day140;Théatredes Lisieux 94 Célestins 88 lithographs 200,237-8 localauthorities 57,80,118,126;fearful of Madagascan rulers7 Bonapartist anti-fétes 143 Magne, Pierre224 Loire55,63 Mahé75 Loiret76 Maine-et-Loire 73,250 London198,204,205,211,215,216;exile Maison duRoi24 212;HouseofLords116 Malta16 Lot-et-Garonne 128,141 Mangin(Nantes printer) 84 Louhans 85 Marat,JeanPaul112 LouisXVI,kingofFrance44,78,128 Marengo, battleof(1800) 176 LouisXVIII,kingofFrance1,20,44,52,78, Marie-Louise, empress oftheFrench57,62, 80;allegiance to41—3; deathof 128,133; 66-7,75;goldpiecesbearing theeffigy of dognamedafter125;exile22,45;plaster 83;policekeepclosewatchon115 representation of 93—4; returnto Paris37; Markiewicz, Lt.Vincent260-1 rumourthattherehadbeenanuprising Marne56,255 against 64;scornful homage tohis Marrast, Armand221 legendary appetite126;strangled byN, Marseillaise 113;Napoleonic version128,140 copiesofdrawing representing 83 Marseille 53,61,80,97,173 LouisNapoleon, Prince8,12-13,171-3, Marshals 23,60;seealsoBonaparte (Jéréme); 184-233, 262,264;consolidation ofpower Davout; Ney;Soult aftercoup d’état 236;official visitto Marsillargues 252 martyrdom39,61,73,253;moderntaleof department ofIsére234;oneofhis slogans 258;veterans campaigning actively 268 forhiselection toPresidency 242;veterans’ Marx,Karl217 support forplightof240;seealsoNapoleon masculinity 87 Il masses 215;backward mentality 43;bond Louis-Philippe, kingofFrance149,154—5, with211;deceived byfalserumours 47; 173,193,195,198,203,204;Louis ‘political irrationality’ of217;sentiment Napoleon repeatedly plotting tooverthrow among34 231;regimeeagertoexploit the Masuyer, Valérie 185,189,191,195,203 liberalism/liberals 3,6, 12,27,29,39, 107,

142,143,155,170,171,185;alliance of

Lowe,SirHudson166

330

Index

mayors 9,53,57,58,66,128,137,138,249,

Montbrison127,131

Montesquieu, Charles LouisdeSecondat, BarondelaBréde115 250;banquetinhonourofMédaillés 252; demandfordismissal forpersecuting Montet,Alexandrine delaBoutetiére de veterans 250;denunciation of Saint-Mars, Baroness du184 commemorators 146;military men Montholon, Gen.Charles Tristan115,165 subjected toconstant surveillance by114; morality113,156;Catholic,attackson 158; oftenworked explicitly against N34; thinlyveiledattackonNapoleonic ‘system’ of 159;trampledupon 181 prefects, representative assemblies and Moravia116 179;proclamations inviting themto exercise utmostvigilance 145;royalist 96; Morbihan 92 smallruralcommunes, Légion d’Honneur Morny, Charles, Ducde226 awarded to243;threatto‘massacre’ 141 Morocco, Emperor of60 Meédaille deSainte-Héléne 236,242-59 Moscow 246,260 medals74,75,78,80,83;distribution of 140; Motte,Gen.Robert143 seealsoLégion d’Honneur; Médaille de moustache-growing 87 Sainte-Héléne Melun113 Mouton, Madame (teacher) 75 Mémowes surlesCent-Jours (Constant) 160,162, Mulhouse 148 Murat, Joachim,kingof Naples34,44,45, 163,164 Mémorial deSainte-Héléne (LasCases) 4,43,61, 123,192 160,164-71,178,181,189,190,200,210, Muret,Théodore132 musical societies 119 220.-° 258,259;attendanceat religiousservice

memories13,31, 101,194,206,259;

enthusiastic 105;glorious 217,228,252, Nancy46,68 256;landrich192;local,enduring impact Nantes75,84,226 of 12;monarchy thesoleandlegitimate Naples109;seealsoBonaparte (Joseph); heirof 155popular41,262;strong151 Murat(Joachim) Mercurin family (Napoleon supporters) 44 Napoleon I Bonaparte, emperor ofFrance: abdication1,15—16, 30,33,36,83; Mérimeée, Prosper 73,217 merit13,178;promoted onthebasisof authority 26;bitterenemyof27;bourgeois talent211;socialpromotion through256 defiance of33;characterized 181; Metz46 Constant’s vitriolic denunciation of Meurthe29,46 159-60; continuing influence 2;deathof Meuse54,57,68,244 47,87,92,99,116,141,189,263,268; Michaud (Paris confectioner) 86 denounced astyrant,enemyanddisturber Michelet, Jules264 ofthepeace22,26;depicted aspromoter Mickiewicz, Adam200 ofProtestants 64—5; destruction ofportrait of 73;‘dynastic’ representations of 75; Midi22,30,226 military 115;aimtoforgea linkbetween extraordinary powers attributed to2;fear civilians and105;coalition 60;establishing andhatredof 10;finesthours267;image localcontrol withthehelpof204;garrison asanemblem ofliberty124—5; immortality 146;involvement inLouisNapoleon’s 268;mannerinwhichhisruleended17; namingof childrenafter84—5, 240; plans205;localassociations 105;officials 9;recruitment,oppositionto 30;retired opposition toreturnof31;portrayed asa officers 20;topbrassinattendance at violent anddespotic ruler156;posthumous utterances12;Prometheanimage64,76, veterans’ banquet252 millenarianism 58,65,209 167;pseudonyms of 105;qualities 16,24, Mina,Francisco Xavier133 238;rumours concerning hisreturn8, Minerve 160 41-68,72,98;seealsoElba;Saint-Helena Ministers oftheInterior33,49,52,106,147; Napoléon Républicain, Le(newspaper) 219,220 infuriated 148;signed petition to250;see Napoleon II(Francois Charles Joseph onaparte),DucdeReichstadt62,63,75, alsoFialindePersigny; Rémusat Ministry ofWar246 83,90,192,195;deathof 198;supportfor Misraim Obedience (dissident Masonic 194,237 Lodge) 107,108 Napoleon III(Charles LouisNapoléon monarchy: constitutional 27,163,169; Bonaparte), emperor ofFrance175,265; decision tore-establish 175;hot-headed creation ofMédaille deSainte-Héléne supporters of41;liberal, underBourbons 242;fetedwithtraditional religious and 159;overthrow of 100,110;support civicmanifestations 248;suicidal warwith Prussia177;toaststo 252;veterans’ reaffirmed for26;symbolic attacks aimed directly at80;unctuous tributes to117 appeals/pleas forassistance 246,249 MontBlanc(department) 33 Napoleonic catechism 117 Napoleonic o bjects 63—4, 96,93,96, 147; Montauban 55 Montbéliard 88 auctioning 196;objects forbidden 124

Index NationalAssembly135,221,223;

conservative andreactionary coupagainst 231;dissolutionof 226;institutional

hostility of229 National Guard46,92,113,143,151,224; discontent among153 nationalism/nationalists 253,265;Corsican 123;Italianrevolutionary 192;repeated andvehement proclamations of237 NativeAmerican tribes7 Necker, J. 158 Nemours 51 Néron135 newspapers 43,214,218,238,254; conservative 218-19;critical opinions expressed in29;English, inSaint-Helena 123;liberal29;republican219,220; socialist 219 Ney,Michel, Marshal19-20,35-6 Niévre52 Nimes128,132 Niort87,97 nobility 253;emigré22-3;suspect, listsof66 Nollet,Pierre244 Nord64,138 Normandy 4,238 Noyer(jailed Bonapartist sympathizer) 148 Nozére(Tournay pharmacist) 104 Occident Frangars, L’(publication) 209 occupation 59,63,108,132,138-9,266; defied 267;harsh64,94;opposition to142 Organisation duTravail, L’(newspaper) 219 Orientalism 70 Orleanists 154,155,198,208,224;Louis Napoleon’s attempts tooverthrow the regime203;nosignificant ‘Napoleonic’ contribution tooverthrow of215-16; Persigny’s loathing of211;public dissatisfaction with207;relations between imperial warriors andauthorities 240 Orléans, LouisPhilippe, Ducd’117,149, 246;seealsoLouis-Philippe Orléans(city)73 OttomanEmpire260 Ozouf,Mona103,265

331

109;confiscation offorbidden liquorin Mouffetard district 90;conspiratorial activity ofLouisNapoleon 207-8; delivery ofpackages towell-known Napoleonic addresses 118;demandfor information from9,10;distribution of medalsbearingN’seffigy140;elites226; eyewitness toN’sreturn31;Faculty of Medicine 31;franticexchange ofletters between publicofficials inLyonsand98; furniture andantiqueshops80;general movement leading tofallofgovernment 204;Germaine deStaélbannedfrom159; handedovertoenemyforces23; insurrections 108,122,149,150;leading Bonapartist demi-soldes 87;Legislative Assembly 216;LycéeSainte-Barbe 188; MadeleineChurch247;mainveterans’ association 240;Napoleonic andliberal opposition 117;Napoleonic objects 63-4, 96;Napoleonic veterans’ societies 238;N’s triumphant returnto160;orgyof rejoicing 112;Panthéon 265;Placedu Chatelet 208;PlaceVendéme 195;police 83,88,97—8, 119,207,215,240;popular graffiti alloverthewalls154;prefect’s pressure on138;rallying pointformany Napoleonic andJacobinconspirators 114; reaction inimmediate aftermath of

Waterloo 36;republicans andBonapartists

joinforcestodemandgreaterpolitical and social justice202;Royalist pamphleteers 20;RuedelaPaix194;RueSaint-Denis 208;SalondesFamilles 254;stories ofN’s return46;“ThreeGloriousDays’149; tradeinportraits andcoins76;travellers from107;seealsoElysée; GrandOrient; Tuileries; Vend6me Column ParisCommune (1871)108,267 Parquin, Denis190 Pas-de-Calais 63 patne177,267;andhonour45 patriotism 6,32,33,90,142,238,252,253, 266;bringing downaregime thatoffended theprinciples of262;colours of94-8; defensive 39;feisty146;frustrated59;

offended 22;practical gestures of57; pamphlets 22,29,108,119,214,264—5; revolutionary 111;symbol/emblem of23, anti-Napoleonic 168;critical opinions 65 expressed in29;helpful inattracting Pau105 working-class support214;removal from peasants 17,40,55,68-70,80,98;changing bookshops 73;royalist 37;seizedby perceptions ofN59;confronted byAllied customsofficials70;writtenin honourof occupation 59;encouraged todesert30; Médaille deSainte-Héléne 255 forced bypoliceman toremove hat97-8; ‘Panaporte’ 7 fortified determination of73;hawkers panic41,61,94,55,97,98;collective 57; greeted asoracles 81;implications about rural58 217;landdistributed to129;Louis Parfait Silence (Masonic Lodge)107 Napoleon giving clothes tochildren of 189; Paris16,17,26,27,50,54,57,81,89,93, popular/political support among37,226; reactiontorumour56;referencetoN as 119,141,153,158,193,224;abortive coup108;alliances ofJacobinand their‘good father’ 66;‘seditious’ Bonapartist groups142;ArcdeTriomphe expressions ofsupport forNby134; 155;Chateaudela Malmaison186,189; smallholding 129;waveofmarriages 56; clandestine factories/ organizations 74, well-off 53;Weltanschauung of58;young135

332 Pelleport, Pierre,Vicomte de180

Perdiguier, Agricol 32 Pére LaViolette 24 Perreux141

Perrier,Marie-Victorine 30

Perrimond (Tarnwoman) 128 Perrin(poultryseller)67 Persat,Maurice202

Persian armies60 Persigny seeFialindePersigny

Pertuis 248

Index papersuncovered by109;military men

systematically spied uponby114; prefects

of 106,110,240;raidonMasonic premises 108;repression by97; republicans andBonapartists clashwith 194;resistance topenetration by109;riots brutally suppressed by203;‘rumourmongers’ notcaughtby51;rural55; searches by82,119,120;suspicions directed atEnglish travellers 75;seealso

Decazes; Delessert; Fouché politics 12,

115,177,195;Bonapartist, underSecond Empire254;consistent interest in111;de Gaulle’s petulantwithdrawal from266; democratic, oneofthedominant formsof 265;despotic205;‘expressive’ 82;honour 213;indissociable withmythology 6;mass democratic 13;modern Napoleonic 211; ‘Napoleonic’ 9, 78,159;poisoned 41; Piedmont 63 popular, grass-roots 154;subversive 155 Pillard, Louis74 Pompidou, Georges 263 placards 11,24-6,45,96,133,134,143; PontduRoide57 anonymous andbarelyliterate 66; 85 celebratory 112;denouncing royalfamily Pontoise portraits73,82,84,89,92,142,200; andclergy 70;denouncing ‘tyrannical Bonapartist distribution of83;concealed order’136;execution ofLouis XVI78; 75;lacerated 93;tradein75,76 ‘seditious’ il, 67,124,129,141;waveof97 Potillon, Jean-Rémi 147-8 plebiscites 26,29,31,298 Poupon, André244-6 plots111,112,113,114,118,124,224; poverty 66;abject246;abolition of219; armyofficers implicated in82-3; absolute242;extinctionof 216;extreme Bonapartist 189;easilyputdown122; greetedwith‘considerable hilarity’ 204; 237 poorlyplanned, inadequately executed power15,38,50;absolute163,164,233; Bonaparte family’s crucialroleinN’srise 204-5 poems.11,73,141—2, 153-4,257,259; to232;Bourbon accession to23; consolidation of236;imperial 231; writteninhonourofMédaille deSainte‘majesty’ of206;mythical 110;N’s Héléne255,256 conception of 173;onlylegitimate source Point(mayor ofVourey) 259 of26;privileged instrument of 114; Pointet(Lyons policeofficial) 88 Poland44,63,257,260—1; patriots7, 190, returnto 1,3,4,16,19,24,38,177,266; royalist94;seizureof 214-15;supreme 195;supportfor196,216 233;transcendent 195;understanding of Poli,Bernard123,131 thenecessity of 174 police9,10,11,32,33,86,106,113,116, 8,9,33,137,142,175,188,259; 119;absolute uselessness of 147;afraidto prefects takedownroyalist anti-Napoleonic banquet inhonour ofMédaillés 252; complaint against policetakento 119-20; proclamations 30;alertedbywomen’s 108;frequently rebuked byParis screams 92;archives suggest theexistence exposed 147;frustrated 105,145-6;generally ofsympathizers 207;Bonapartist couriers ineffective34;infuriated148; especially vulnerable toattention 117; Bourbon, sustained scrutiny of 114; investigations ofMasonic Lodge107; notingflowers wornbyNapoleonic clandestine organizations’ resistance to supporters 88;official uniform mocked by penetration by109;closewatchon villagers 40;opendefiance ofinterdiction EmpressMarie-Louise 115;closewatch 145;orderforNational Guardtobe onweekly fairs80—1; commissioners of positioned alloverLyons143;petitioned 64,68,251,252;complaint against119; forlocal‘treeofliberty’ tobecutdown constantly onthedefensive 100; demoralized96;dreadof themonthof 136;placardcalling forexecution of 134; reports30, 106,110;representative March46;drinkbannedby90;ducking assemblies, mayorsand 179;rumoursand awayfrom118;empathy withlocal 41,47,50,51,52,54,58,63,66;veteran’s resentment 127;filesonextraordinary petition forpension 246;village rebelled eswhomaintained afacadeof againstlegitimate authority 138;warned ‘normality’ 117;financial assistance to byPolice Minister 81;waryeyeoncoterie Napoleonic activists soughtby107; ofimperial enthusiasts 104;wearing of forcing a peasanttoremove hishat97-8; objects bythelowerclasses 89 interrogations 31,111,116;Masonic Petit,Louis202 Petit-Jean (notary clerk) 96 PetitCaporal, Le(publication) 219 Petiteau,Natalie3—4 Philadelphes 107 Philadelphia 52,60 Philhellenic movement 109

Index

333

republicanism/republicans 12,107,141, andrepublican, strongcriticism in240 143,162,169,194,214,264,265; Presté,Julien78 alliances 41,97,103;attitudetowards the Prévost-Paradol, Lucien-Anatole 180 imperial legend181;austere188; pride115,238,253,255;commemorative 237; Bonapartism and265;expressions of local235;national 90,261;wounded 23 supportforN65;fatallydivided andoften priests23,53,54-5,117,141;agitation for undisciplined 203;historyof 13;leaders authorities totakestrongmeasures against 108,195,196;left-wing 216,231; 32;Bourbon soldiers fleeing, accompanied legendary 33;nameofNconstantly by78;callsforphysical elimination of65; invoked byallshadesof203;radical, extermination of65;military men increasing political strength of226; subjected toconstant surveillance by114; reappropriation ofimperial epicby opposition toN30;rumours inrural pedagogues 259;recapture ofmantleof localities 54—5; scandalcausedby250; Revolution 202;roleplayedinoverthrow specifically targeted133;suspect, listsof ofCharles X 148;seealsoJacobin 66;threatsofviolence against32; republicans trembling atthethoughtofanother‘flight resistance,actsof 105,109,134,136;futile oftheeagle’72 andcostly138;political 140,141,142, processions238,250,254;special255; 150;spiritof 140-6 torchlight 253 respect22,114,164,165;law196; proclamations 16,23,131,137,145,206; occupying forces, lacking148;peopleand anti-Napoleonic 30;cheerful 134; property 216;re-establishing, forFrance, electoral 218;false45,49,51,60,67,117, throughout Europe175;warveterans 242, 132,147;imperial19;veterans 242 249,250,251,255,256 Progrés duPas-de-Calais (newspaper) 214 restaurants 86 propaganda 6,53,70,81,83,96,105,109; Restoration 10,11,20,39,43,44,52,62,68; anti-Bonapartist 165;Bonapartist 139; anti-Bonapartist literature 136; excellent pieceof 132;imperial 117; conspirators against189;demands for instruments of82;military 4;Napoleonic physical elimination ofaristocrats and 148;notconcealed 86;objects 218;objects priests66;desires forgreaterlibertyunder 219;oldandnewmotifs75;political 84; 129;First(1814)159;fundamental religious 4,23;republican 148;Second problem togovernment 41;injunctions on Empire, official 247;systematic useof43 N’simagelifted200;N theindefatigable prophets 67-8,112;false181 companion ofthedowntrodden prosecutions74,81,84,97, 127 throughout 135;national dayof Protestants 64-5 mourning 128;newsofN’simminent return56;officials’ dreadof veterans51; Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph 181,247-8 Provence17,44 overthrowing 149;political battleagainst Prussia16,26,34,35,36,177,246 237;political difficulties encountered by Puy-de-Déme 32,70,98,134 authorities 40;presented asanarbitrary Pyat,Félix231 and‘slavish’ regime148;regimeforever tarredwithhumiliation 38;risksinthe Quinet,Edgar266 earlyyearsof 84;rumours45,49,50,59, 63,66;schoolteachers’ secretcelebration Raffet,Denis171,200,238,256 ofcultofN85;seditious objects during Rambaud, Patrick264 72-98;serious economic hardships and Ravier(Napoleonic impersonator) 55 socialtensions 64;socialrebellion against rebellions 20,45,34,118,122-50,147,195, 124;thorninthefleshoftheauthorities 237;armed73;ill-fated 114;military146; 123;tradeinportraits andcoins76 organized, serious actsof50;popular228; Revolution (1789) 8,20,32,124,154,196; participants in111—15, 116,139; centralmythsof262;continuing vitality provincial 46 ofthetradition140;equation ofNwith Récamier, Juliette190 136;feudaltitlesabolished 129;militant reconciliation142,156,158,256;national supporters of 17;mostsacredheritage of 41;separation and157 169;N’srulehealedwounds openedby reforms154;constitutional 27,38;liberal37; 215;‘popular sovereignty’ derived from progressive 262;socialandpolitical 158 13;principles of3,17,24,38,41,44; regicide 78;symbolic 94 rightsandprivileges abolished by22;rural religion beliefin9;desireforless129; panicinrun-upto58;‘unanimous’ spirit instrumental valueof232 149 Rémusat,Charlesde 29, 155,205 Revolution (1830) 124,149,150,198,196, Rémy(forest guard)70 215;majorpolitical beneficiaries 154 repression 96,217,230;police97;savage Revolution (1848) 210,240 226;triplyineffective 148 Revue de’Empire 238 press:freedomof 27,37, 149,162;liberal

334

Index

177,180,244,257;occupation forces63; Rey,Joseph29,105 Rhine153 Polish patriots’ insurrection against195; Rhineland 60 warbetween Turkey and70 Rhone8,49,55,67,75,95,106,246;first Sabattier, Jean-Jacques 254 anniversary ofN’sarrivalinthecapital Sacy251 143;prefectof50,107seealsoLyons Sainte-Hilaire, Marcode 219 rights:enemies of23;equal178;people’s, Saint-Antoine33,50 champion of24;political 129 87 riots46,202-3;Bonapartists andJacobins Saint-Brieuc 141;royalist 141 Saint-Chaumond 62 Saint-Helena 3,16,37,39,44,70,101,181, Riviére, Jean112 264;atmosphere inN’shouse116;claim Robespierre, Maximilien de133 thatNhadneverbeenthe‘aggressor’ 211; Rocquebrune 61 depictions ofNon76;English Rodez106 newspapers in123;escapefrom46,49, Romagna 193 53,55,60,62;flotilla toliberate N from Roman,Francois 65 103;goldtobacco boxclaimed tohave Romans 211 Rome61,116,189 beenreceived fromNin92;humiliations enduredat61;illtreatment byEnglish Rostand, Edmond 236,261 jailers116;mealsprepared byChinese Rouen75,82,93,113,255;banquetin andIndianservants 116;N’spredicted honourofMédaillés 252;confectionery 86 downfall ofRestoration 148;occasionally Rouher, Eugéne224 Rousseau,Jean-Jacques113,149,158,159, incorporated intomythology 47;police closewatchonimmediate entourage 115; 187 Polishsoldier whoaccompanied Nto260; royalists 2,17,38,78,138,141;antirepatriation ofN’sremains from151,155; Napoleonic proclamations 30;ardent, andhairdresser ofN reputation as118;authority 236;bastions usher,handyman, Gourgaud; Mémonal inNorth,West,andMidi30;collaborators 116;seealsoBertrand; deSainte-Héléne, Montholon 134;collapse oflegitimacy 139; Saint-Hilaire, Marcode200 commemoration of anniversaries141; constitutional Charter26;decreed Saint-Lager 247 destructionof Canovabustof N 73; Saint-Lo 83 Saint-Louis day88,125,126,127-8 detachment atLaffrey 24;dictumthat Saint-Lucia 16 wouldhaunt23;dissolution ofall Saint-Marcel 33 assemblies 19;emblems andinsignia Saint-Marcellin 118,120,234,235 abolished 19;extermination of65; Saint-Maximin 61 fanatical 73—4; fearofconspiratorial Saint-Napoléon celebrations (15August) 83, organizations 100;hostile areasinMidi 140-1,142,230;commemoratedin small 22;impeccable 98,127;killing of 111; Masonicmembers107;oneof themost groups261;imperial veterans and240, 247,248,254,255,256,258 vulnerable aspects ofpower94;ongoing 61 political battleagainst78;overtopposition Saint-Raphaél 202 to140;pamphleteers inParis20;placards Saint-Riquier Saint-Simonians 108,209,211,214,231 denouncing 70;possibility ofcounter61 revolution 162;resurgent andvindictive Saint-Tropez Sainte-Claude 247 41;returned26;riotsbetween141; rumours againstN31;rumours spreadin Sand,George230 sansculottes 142 ordertoperturborganization ofpublic Santini, Jean-Noel 116 events51;subverting anniversaries 124; Sadne,River98 subverting anniversaries andsymbols 46,55,66,67,148 125-8;‘ultra’41,122;unpopularity ofthe Sadne-et-Loire 244 | government 22;victims ofoppression 64; Saudrupt Saumur114,122,226 warnedtokeeptheirheadsdown112; Savenay 23 weapons frequently discovered during Savigny-sur-Bois 136 searches ofhomes30;zealous 114 60,240 rumours 8,16,31,41-68,72,118,120,124, Saxony 186;colporteurs suspected ofspreading 81; schoolteachers11,53,85, 153-4,268; declining totakepupilstoMass128 freshwaveof70;N’sreturn,heightofthe Empire11,173,175,246;awarding seasonfor137-8;objects usedtoassistthe Second Légiond’Honneur tomayors ofrural spreading of83;oneofthemost communes 243;Bonapartism never widespread 76;persistent 98,129; propagation 237 recovered fromcollapse of261; celebrating itslinkswithfounder of Russia7,181,240,260;Alliedcoalition 16, dynasty 243;disappearance of 26,59,115;invasion (1812) 168,169,176, imperial

Index

335

182;eveofestablishment of235; Soullans 126 festivities 10,254;leading rolesunder224; Soult,Nicolas JeandeDieu,Marshal34 official propaganda 247;opposition to sovereignty 32,170,180,198,261,266; 248;pivotal position ofimperial celebration of 13;champion of262; republicans’ outright andvehement common conception of 162;defended hostilityunder 181;restorationof 210, againstforeign invasion 133;political 267; popular13,26, 113,129,184,216; 228;veterans 242,247,252,263;wars celebrated 258 representation of94 Spain7,52,57,60,117,132-3,177,190, Second Republic 215;conservative and 244,260;anti-monarchist revolt103; republican adversaries 230;coup d’état that broughtdown232;plotsandthreatsof costlywar176;Frenchmilitary useofforce224;Presidency of 185; intervention/revolutionary agitation in70, republicans’ serious reservations under 108;repercussions ofongoing war145; 181;veteran’s petition forpension 246 revolution 46;tributetopatriotsfighting SecondWorldWar265,267 in 142 Secret History (Goldsmith) 168 Staél,Germaine de158-9,163,170,174 secretsocieties 80,83,110,226;military105; statues31,75, 151-3,154,155;inauguration of259;small74,80,82,86,96,235,238; powerful 99-100; transnational 109 sedition, ‘seditious’ activities 10,103,106, specially madeforchildren 85;tiny, 113,114,117,128,131;cries129; slipped intowine84;wreathlaidatthe emblems141;expressions134,148; feetof254—5 expressions ofsupportforNbypeasants Stendhal 5,72,165,200,202 134;gestures129;hopes58;literature Strasbourg49,82, 188,189,195,213;coupde 104,109;Masoniclodges108;Napoleonic force 203-8,210,216,229,230

gatherings 146;objects72-98,237; subversion/subversive elements 9,46,88, opinions andintentions 9;placards11,67, 100,101,129,155;dissemination of 124,129,141;poems/shouts 11; material 142;fearof194-5; organized proclamations 129;songs52,129; 105,107;prefectprevented fromtaking speeches 145;stories41 decisive actionagainstagents147;royalist Ségur(officer) 52 anniversariesandsymbols124,125-8; Seine216 Saint-Napoléon society dissolved for240; Seine-et-Marne 55,64 schemes 111 surveillance109,116;circumvented119; Seine-Inférieure 252 sentences 52,65,67,127,210,228;extended completely hopeless 147;exposure to 117 78;extraordinarily harsh147-8;low117; Switzerland 49,61,74,190;Frenchthreatof review of230 waragainst204;Masonic Lodges108, sentiment(s) 5,22,29,177;amongthe 109;seealsoGeneva;Thurgovia;Vaud masses 34;Anglophobic 153;bellicose 153;broadandconfused rangeof56;key Taillard (jailed worker) 148 238;liberalandnationalist 211; Tarare107 masculine, promotion andcelebration of Tarascon 112 84;Napoleonic 95;national193,257; Tarbes45 patriotic 33;philo-Napoleonic 108;shared Tarn83,128;popularity ofNamong 41;strong235 doctors85;President ofConseil Général Siberia244 258 Stécle, Le(newspaper) 238 taverns56,84,90,93-4,96;gendarme Sieyés, Emmanuel J. C. 166 dismissed forwearing tricolour hatin97; Sinoquet, Pascal117-18 singing imperial songsin140 Sisteron46,96 TeDeum 250 slavery 131,132,139,142;defeatof 133 Temblaire,Charles238 Smolensk 246 Terror(1793) 32,37,133,267;seealsoWhite socialism/socialists 214,247 Terror Société Philanthropique desDébris del’Armée Teyssier (Protestant woman) 65 Impériale 240 Thannenberg (German Masonic conspirator) Somme53,202,207 109 songs11,26,45,66,70,124,171,200,202, Thiers,Adolphe36, 151,171-9,221,259 257;anti-royalist 126;celebratory 128; Thiers(town) 89 famous96;imperial113,132,135,140, ThirdRepublic 173,182,258;pedagogues of 237;ireniccharacter ofNapoleonic 265;publicinterest inallthings tradition in258-9;Napoleonic 49,93, Napoleonic 261 126,127,133,145,218,237,258; Thouars114,115,132 popular180,218,258;‘revolutionary’ Thounemilitary camp190 141;seditious 52 Thurgovia 188 Sorel,Julien200,263 tobacco boxes64,89-91,92,93,141,148

336

Index

Tocqueville, Alexisde 156,185 Tonnerre45,66

Toulon31,49,56,61,76 Toulouse 32,49;arrestforfighting with

Vernoux-l’Ardéche 254 Versailles70, 141

Vesoul 45 Vic-en-Bigorre 95

soldiers inatavern 93;imperial veterans Vidauban 95 foundinpossession ofimages 83;local

folklore125;police33;tradein portraits and coins76,80

Tournay104 Tournel(Toulouse worker) 93 Tours56,250 travelling salesmen (colporteurs) 52,53,81,83 ‘treesofliberty’ 136 Tribunate 158,159 tricolour 31,32,57,90,192;appearance in various publicplaces61;belts117; collective delusions involving 98;curé’s refusal toallowdelegation ofMédaillés to enterChurchbearing250;demandthatit beflown119;King’s refusal torecognize 22;mobwaving 208;objects 94;publicly burnt95;restored19;ribbons 83,98,235; rosettes 94,96,97;smallcoffindraped with99 Troyes 55

Vienna26,62,62

Vienne90,235 Vilain,Claude247

Villeneuve 51,126 Villeneuve-le-Guyard 53 Vinay(Avignon notary)32 violets19,24,87,118;‘banishment’ of49; handsome profit by selling 88;‘immortal’, toaststo107 Vitry-le-Frangois 66,255 Viviére141 Voiron133-4 Voltaire 265 Vosges 88,254 Vourey 259 Vritz250

Wagram, battleof(1809)176,240,244 war:absolute andunqualified loveof 169; aggressive andexpansionary 181; TuileriesPalace20,26,37, 125,136,160, backward-looking nostalgia for258; ceaseless22;‘cultof’,denounced226; 199 glorythrough157,177;imminence of34; Turin109 modernNapoleonic politics notabout Turkey/Turks 50,60,62,63,70,76,83 211;obsessive devotion to175;senseless Tuscany 192-3 tyranny 66,142,168;references todestruction 266;suicidal 177 Warsaw 260 of97;removal oftheyokeof 132 Waterloo, battleof(1815) 3,6,16,30,45, Tyrol 244 153,168,181,240,260;defenceof N’s conduct114;important roleinthedefeat ultra-royalism 41,122 35;outcome andsignificance 36;powerful Ulysses andTelemachus, legendof49-50 imageof90;tacticalmistakes committed Union, L’(localassociation) 105 UnitedStates54, 103,116-17,204;rumours during38 ArthurWellesley, 1stDukeof35, fuelled byBonapartist groupssettledin60 Wellington, 36,153 universal suffrage 13,194,216,218,221, WhiteTerror(1815) 64,72,236 229;promise ofrestoring 231 Wolfberg Castle109 workers2,6, 11,33,85,96, 127,219; Vaize58 fortified determination of 73;hopesfor Valence47 ‘popular sovereignty’ 129;jailed148; Valparaiso 60 popularsupportamong37;proposals for Var57,78,95,134 advancing economic conditions of214 Vaud61,75,109,131 Wiirttemberg 60,74 Vendée 55,57,107,134; insurrection/rebellion 30 Yonne8,29,51,53,60,83,134;Masonic Vendéme Column 24,115,155,194,199; Lodges106-7;Napoleonic Polesbasedin wooden replicas 235 63;prefect petitionedforlocal‘treeof Vente (Carbonari branch)99,110 liberty’tobecutdown136;recollection of Verdun,Colonel125 N’spastglories fromforestguard70; Verdun(town) 106 regularmeetings ofBonapartists 104-5; Vernet, Horace237 survivor’s majorroleinpropagating Vernet, H. 171 Napoleonic myth240 Verneuil 87