The Language of Asian Gestures: Embodied Words Through the Lens of Film 1032331623, 9781032331621

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The Language of Asian Gestures

The Language of Asian Gestures explores Asian gestures as a non‑verbal language within the context of films and dramas. This book provides a cross‑cultural Asian perspective on a range of important common gestures and their meanings, covering a range of Asian regions including Korea, China, Hong Kong, Japan, Taiwan, Vietnam, Singapore, Thailand, Indone‑ sia, the Philippines, India, and Pakistan. While most studies focus on text‑based communication, gestures find themselves overshadowed by text and speech. Asian gestures, too, often reside in the shadow of Eurocentric viewpoints. This book will shift this dynamic and amplify the voices that have typically been marginalised within 20th‑century Eurocentric discussions. This book will be informative for students and researchers interested in Asian languages, cultures, film studies, and pragmatics. It bridges the gap between words and gestures, unveiling a world of concealed meanings and enriching our under‑ standing of diverse forms of expression. Jieun Kiaer holds the YBMK KF Professorship in Korean Linguistics at the Uni‑ versity of Oxford. As a linguist, pragmatist, and specialist in Asian studies, she has published extensively in the fields of theoretical and applied linguistics as well as translation studies. Her research goes beyond the traditionally Western and text‑­ focused approaches to language, embracing non‑European and multi‑modal per‑ spectives to offer a more nuanced understanding of human communication. Loli Kim is a postdoctoral researcher on the Leverhulme project “Sea, Song and Survival: The Language and Folklore of the Haenyeo Women” at the Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Oxford. As a multimodalist, se‑ miotician, and specialist in Asian studies, semantics, and film, she publishes across fields of multimodality, semiotics, translation, semantics, pragmatics, and film and media studies—all drawn together by cross‑cultural perspectives that seek to con‑ textualise Asian discourses in their own cultures and to develop the methodological tools needed for doing so.

Routledge Studies in East Asian Translation Series Editors: Jieun Kiaer, University of Oxford, UK Amy Xiaofan Li, University College London, UK

Routledge Studies in East Asian Translation aims to discuss issues and challenges involved in translation between Chinese, Japanese and Korean as well as from these languages into European languages with an eye to comparing the cultures of translation within East Asia and tracking some of their complex interrelationships. Most translation theories are built on translation between European languages, with only few exceptions. However, this Eurocentric view on language and transla‑ tion can be seriously limited in explaining the translation of non‑European litera‑ ture and scholarship, especially when it comes to translating languages outside the Indo‑European family that have radically different script forms and grammatical categories, and may also be embedded in very different writing traditions and cul‑ tures. This series considers possible paradigm shifts in translation theory, arguing that translation theory and practice need to go beyond European languages and encompass a wider range of literature and scholarship. The Language of Hallyu More than Polite Jieun Kiaer The K‑Wave On‑Screen In Words and Objects Jieun Kiaer, Emily Lord, and Loli Kim Emergence of Korean English How Korea’s Dynamic English is Born Jieun Kiaer and Hyejeong Ahn The Language of Asian Gestures Embodied Words Through the Lens of Film Jieun Kiaer and Loli Kim Missionary Grammars and the Language of Translation in Korea (1876–1910) Pawel Kida For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com/languages/book‑series/RSEAT

The Language of Asian Gestures Embodied Words Through the Lens of Film

Jieun Kiaer and Loli Kim

First published 2024 by Routledge 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2024 Jieun Kiaer and Loli Kim The right of Jieun Kiaer and Loli Kim to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing‑in‑Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging‑in‑Publication Data Names: Kiaer, Jieun, author. | Kim, Loli, author. Title: The language of Asian gestures: embodied words through the lens of film/Jieun Kiaer and Loli Kim. Description: New York: Routledge, 2024. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2023044389 (print) | LCCN 2023044390 (ebook) | ISBN 9781032331621 (hardback) | ISBN 9781032331645 (paperback) | ISBN 9781003318507 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Gesture—Asia. | Gesture in motion pictures. | Gesture in literature. Classification: LCC P117.5.A78 K53 2024 (print) | LCC P117.5.A78 (ebook) | DDC 302.2/22095—dc23/eng/20231206 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023044389 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023044390 ISBN: 978‑1‑032‑33162‑1 (hbk) ISBN: 978‑1‑032‑33164‑5 (pbk) ISBN: 978‑1‑003‑31850‑7 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003318507 Typeset in Times New Roman by codeMantra

Contents

List of figures viii Acknowledgementsxvi Prefacexvii PART I

Gestures—Moving Words or Words in Action?

1

Gestures—A Bird’s Eye View  2 Prosody as Gesture  5 Understanding Facial Expressions  6 Cultural Gestures  6 Diversity in Asian Language and Culture  7 Asian Gestures  8 Multimodal Modulation Hypothesis (MMH)  9 Hierarchy Through Gesture  9 Diversity in Asian Gestures  10 Bowing  11 Gesturing Properly  11 Verbal—Gestural Languages: Division of Labour  12 Border‑Crossing Gestures  12 PART II

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film Head 20 Smile 21 Kiss 26 Open Mouth, Sticking Out Tongue, and Lip Pointing  30 Nodding 30 Head to Hand  36 Scratching the Head  37 Ear Pulling and Ear Holding  37

15

vi  Contents Rolling Both Hands Behind Ears  37 Eye Gaze  38 Lowering the Head  45 Closing Eyes and Blinking  45 Winking 46 Raised Eyebrows  46 Voice 46 Whistling 47 Slurping 48 Laughter 50 Hissing 51 Silence 53 Soft Speaking  53 Upper Body  54 Shoulders 56 Arms 60 Crossed Arms  63 Bowing 63 Handshake 75 Hand Over Mouth  79 Beckoning 82 Fist 84 Waving 86 Pointing 87 Touching the Heart  89 Hands Held Together in Lap  89 Wrist Twisting  94 Cutting Through  94 Pouring a Drink for Someone  95 One or Two Hands  95 Drinking Gestures  96 Food Gestures  100 Giving and Receiving Items and Gifts  100 Left or Right Hand  104 Touch 105 No Touching of the Head  119 Patting and Hitting  119 Chin Grabbing/Shaking  124 Brushing and Washing  124 Lower Body  124 Crossing Legs and Kneeling  125

Contents vii Covering Bare Legs When Sitting  127 Feet 128 Exposing the Feet  128 Touching Someone Else’s Feet  130 Touching Things or Gesturing Using Feet  132 PART III

Future Gestures in an Asian Context

137

The Evolution of Gestures  137 Smartphone Gestures  139 Gestures in a Digital Age  139 Emoji and Acronym Ambiguity: Interpreting Generational Disparities in Digital Communication  140 Decoding Gestures: The Complexities in an Increasingly Mobile World 141 ‘Translingual, Transcultural, and Transmedial’: Individual Differences 142 Transnational Gestures  143 Fandom Gestures: Transcending Borders and Cultures  144 Sharing Memes and Emojis: An Act of Solidarity  146 Gesture Diversity  147 Gesture Conflicts  148 Future Gestures: Less Hierarchical?  150 Online Gestures Matter  151 AI Gestures in Films  152 Future of Human Language  154 Filmography157 Interviewees159 Bibliography160 Index167

Figures

1.1

A hand in motion can be interpreted in a multitude of ways. How do you interpret this gesture? 1.2 The division of labour between verbal and non‑verbal communication 1.3 The Korean Wave’s ‘finger heart’ gesture 2.1 A map of Asia, and a basic demonstration of the diversity and complexity of Asian gesture, considering gestures whose form and meaning exists within the sphere of ‘OK’ 2.2 How we map the multimodality of this chapter: gesture images, contextualised examples of gesture in film, interviews with locals, and access to further multimodal materials are given in our online metaverse 2.3 Gassho rei performed by monks in Japan, in Boku Wa Bousan (ボクは坊さん。 ) ‘I Am Monk’ (2015, Japan) 2.4 Namaste performed with hands held at the chest and a light bow, in Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham ‘Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness’ (2001, India) 2.5 Some of the head gestures to be featured in this section 2.6 Woo‑jin smiles while holding his hands together and speaking politely, in Oldeuboi (올드보이) ‘Old Boy’ (2003, South Korea) 2.7 Yun Yun smiles profusely at Hsiao‑Yan, in Yi Yi (一一) ‘A One and a Two’ (2000, Taiwan) 2.8 Yun Yun on her knees before A‑Di’s grandmother, in Yi Yi (一一) ‘A One and a Two’ (2000, Taiwan) 2.9 Nodding goodbye to neighbours in North Korea, in Sarang‑ui Bulsichak (사랑의 불시착) ‘Crash Landing on You’ (2019–2020, North Korea depiction by South Korea) 2.10 South Korean gesture for money 2.11 Teacher lightly nods to Old Chu when he delivers Shan Shan’s lunch to school, Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan) 2.12 Wei Wei nominates herself to carry several heavy bags as a deferential gesture to her in‑laws to‑be, in Xǐyàn (喜宴) ‘The Wedding Banquet’ (1993, Taiwan and US)

1 12 12 16

16 19 19 20 24 25 26 32 33 34 35

Figures ix 2.13 2.14 2.15 2.16 2.17 2.18 2.19 2.20

2.21

2.22 2.23 2.24 2.25

2.26 2.27 2.28 2.29 2.30 2.31 2.32

Ashirwad greeting, in Umrao Jaan (2006, India) Ashirwad greeting returned, in Umrao Jaan (2006, India) Rani rolls her hands back behind the ears, in Dostana (2008, India) Eye contact and power struggle, in Isanghan Byeonhosa U Yeong‑u (이상한 변호사 우영우) ‘Extraordinary Attorney Woo’ (2022, South Korea) Eye contact in conflicting hierarchy, in Gisaengchung (기생충) ‘Parasite’ (2019, South Korea) Eye contact maintained and also emphasised with wide eyes to antagonise and express the desire to antagonise, in Deo Geullori (더 글로리) ‘The Glory’ (2022–2023, South Korea) Threatening eye contact between gangsters, in Nagwonui Bam (낙원의 밤) ‘Night in Paradise’ (2020, South Korea) Both women avoid eye contact for different reasons—one is ashamed, one is trying to be feminine and feign surprise, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan) The girls avert their eyes during inspection, nervously, after dirtying their faces to avoid being chosen, in Sān Shēng Sān Shì Zhěn Shàng Shū (三生三世枕上书) ‘Three Lives Three Worlds, The Pillow Book’ (2020, mainland China) Bai Feng Jiu covers her face with a scroll when disciplined, in Sān Shēng Sān Shì Zhěn Shàng Shū (三生三世枕上书) ‘Three Lives Three Worlds, The Pillow Book’ (2020, mainland China) Lowering of the head between shy young people on a date, in Yi Yi (一一) ‘A One and a Two’ (2000, Taiwan) One of umpteen examples of noodle‑slurping, in Tampopo (タンポポ) ‘Dandelion’ (1985, Japan) Woman tries to teach a group of Japanese women how to eat spaghetti like Europeans, without slurping as is the standard politeness for Japanese ramen‑eating, in Tampopo (タンポポ) ‘Dandelion’ (1985, Japan) ‘The Girl’ makes an outbreath hiss inbetween shots of soju, in Yeopgijeogin Geunyeo (엽기적인 그녀) ‘My Sassy Girl’ (2001, South Korea) Some of the upper body gestures to be featured in this section Some of the hand and finger gestures to be featured in this section Mrs Park has compact posture, Mr Park has broad posture, in Gisaengchung (기생충) ‘Parasite’ (2019, South Korea) Daughter‑in‑law and father‑in‑law sit together, with contrasting posture, in Tōkyō Monogatari (東京物語) ‘Tokyo Story’ (1953, Japan) Compact posture of the wife, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan) The evolution of nǚ to represent women in modern China

36 36 38 39 40 41 41

42

43 44 45 49

49 52 54 55 56 57 59 59

x  Figures 2.33 Despite being surrounded by elders, this young woman uses vigorous hand gestures compared to others present, in Devdas (2002, India) 2.34 Vigorous physical movement, in Gisaengchung (기생충) ‘Parasite’ (2019, South Korea) 2.35 Loud and large clapping, in Deo Geullori (더 글로리) ‘The Glory’ (2022–2023, South Korea) 2.36 Centre, one of Dong‑eun’s bullies, who is a drug addict and entirely dislocated from normal society, invades the view of others when she claps, Deo Geullori (더 글로리) ‘The Glory’ (2022–2023, South Korea) 2.37 Dong‑eun crosses arms, in Deo Geullori (더 글로리) ‘The Glory’ (2022–2023, South Korea) 2.38 Hands held together at the end of the embalmment of the body before sealing the coffin, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan) 2.39 Pressing palms in gratitude for the audience’s reception, in Gangubai Kathiawadi (2022, India) 2.40 Parents‑in‑law and daughter‑in‑law bow showing mutual respect upon the in‑laws’ arrival, in Tōkyō Monogatari (東京物語) ‘Tokyo Story’ (1953, Japan) 2.41 Daughter‑in‑law bows to welcome father‑in‑law upon arrival at the entrance of the home, Tōkyō Monogatari (東京物語) ‘Tokyo Story’ (1953, Japan) 2.42 The eldest son removes his hat and bows to his grandfather after not meeting for a long time, in Tōkyō Monogatari (東京物語) ‘Tokyo Story’ (1953, Japan) 2.43 Bowing upon a sale, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan) 2.44 Nanny bows upon leaving, even with nobody paying attention to her, in Deo Geullori (더 글로리) ‘The Glory’ (2022–2023, South Korea) 2.45 Ting bows on the ground before the monk, in Ong Bak (องค์บาก) (2003, Thailand) 2.46 A man makes a respectful gesture to the Buddhist artefact held in his hands before returning it to his pocket, in Ong Bak (องค์ บาก) (2003, Thailand) 2.47 Everyone in the room rises and comes over to grandma as she enters the room to partake in the family tradition of dumpling‑making together, in Crazy Rich Asians (2018, Singapore-China-US) 2.48 Shaking on the deal to be friends, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan) 2.49 A woman greets a man flirtatiously by giving him her hand in Devdas (2002, India)

60 61 62

62 63 65 66 69 69 70 70 72 72 73 74 76 77

Figures xi 2.50 Yu Shu Lien’s fist in palm salute to Master Li, in Wòhǔ Cánglóng (臥虎藏龍) ‘Crouching Tiger Hidden Dragon’ (2000, Taiwan) 2.51 Master Li’s fist in palm salute in return to Yu Shu Lien, in Wòhǔ Cánglóng (臥虎藏龍) ‘Crouching Tiger Hidden Dragon’ (2000, Taiwan) 2.52 Left hand supporting right when a younger man shakes hands with an older man on meeting for the first time, in Yeopgijeogin Geunyeo (엽기적인 그녀) ‘My Sassy Girl’ (2001, South Korea) 2.53 Paro covers her mouth when laughing, behaving femininely in front of Devdas, who she is in love with, in Devdas (2002, India) 2.54 Daijaan slaps her head, expressing mortification, as Anjali and her daughter draw negative attention to themselves at the party, Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham ‘Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness’ (2001, India) 2.55 Mrs Park covers her mouth when speaking to her husband about a sensitive subject, in Gisaengchung (기생충) ‘Parasite’ (2019, South Korea) 2.56 The hand over the mouth gesture is also performed with two hands. Typically, when it is performed with two hands this is to express shock or surprise rather than cuteness. Mrs Park uses this gesture when speaking to others too, such as her children’s tutor, when she is shocked by what the tutor is telling her, in Gisaengchung (기생충) ‘Parasite’ (2019, South Korea) 2.57 The grandmother beckons to her grandson, with her hand outstretched, and her fingers waving downwards, in Tōkyō Monogatari (東京物語) ‘Tokyo Story’ (1953, Japan) 2.58 Japanese maneki‑neko (招き猫) ‘beckoning cat’ at a temple in Japan 2.59 Raising a hand to indicate one’s location in a restaurant, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan) 2.60 Mika raises her hand to say “I’m in! Let’s do this Daigo!”, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan) 2.61 Ming‑Hsang thrusts his fist into the air, in Liànxí Qǔ (練習曲) ‘Island Etude’ (2006, Taiwan) 2.62 Daigo waving at the grandchild of the owner of the bathhouse, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan) 2.63 Daigo keeps his hands on his knees or in his lap at all times when speaking to his employer, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan) 2.64 During a marital dispute, both husband and wife keep their hands together in their laps while kneeling, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan) 2.65 When having a discussion, husband and wife hold hands together, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan)

78 78 79 80

80 81

81 83 83 84 85 86 87 90 90 91

xii  Figures 2.66 When speaking to the owner of the bathhouse, Mika keeps her hands held together in her lap throughout, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan) 2.67 Sung Hoon politely holds his hands in front of him when meeting his daughter’s teacher, in Big Poreseuteu (빅 포레스트) ‘Big Forest’ (2018, South Korea) 2.68 Hands held together when in the presence of the Heavenly Emperor’s sister to show respect, in Sān Shēng Sān Shì Zhěn Shàng Shū (三生三世枕上书) ‘Three Lives Three Worlds, The Pillow Book’ (2020, mainland China) 2.69 Astrid Leong‑Teo is greeted by her household staff upon her arrival home, in Crazy Rich Asians (2018, Singapore-China‑US) 2.70 Eun‑yi, the housemaid/nanny of the wealthy Goh family, greets their young daughter Nami after school, keeping her hands held in front of her even as she approaches the little girl, in Hanyeo (하녀) ‘The Housemaid’ (2010, South Korea) 2.71 Pouring a drink for the person for whom you have affection (whether it has been reciprocated or not!), in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲 食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan) 2.72 Right hand holding shot glass, left hand lightly touching underneath, while listening to Mr Chu’s toast, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan) 2.73 Right hand holding shot glass and left hand lightly touching underneath, versus right and left in similar positions on either side of the glass for the two elder people at the table, in  Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan) 2.74 Kyun‑woo reaches out and grasps the bottle alongside ‘The Girl’s’ hands as she pours herself a drink, as to do otherwise he believes would be unthinkable behaviour since they barely know each other, in Yeopgijeogin Geunyeo (엽기적인 그녀) ‘My Sassy Girl’ (2001) 2.75 Everyone toasting amidst the games and teasing of the married couple, in Xǐyàn (喜宴) ‘The Wedding Banquet’ (1993, Taiwan and US) 2.76 The newlyweds must visit each table at the banquet and drink toasts made by various members of each table, in Xǐyàn (喜宴) ‘The Wedding Banquet’ (1993, Taiwan and US) 2.77 At a Taiwanese dinner table, holding your bowl while eating is acceptable, and does not express disrespect, in Xǐyàn (喜宴) ‘The Wedding Banquet’ (1993, Taiwan and US) 2.78 Two handed receiving of the groceries for the evening meal— a dish Mika had mentioned she wanted—emphasising gratitude to her husband Daigo, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan)

91 92

93 93

94 95 96

97

98 99 99 100

101

Figures xiii 2.79 Daigo receives his day’s wages with one hand, not even turning around to greet his employer, because of his delicate mental state following his first day of embalming bodies, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan) 2.80 Young man places his father’s rent money down with one hand on the table in front of his landlord, in Bố Già ‘Dad, I’m Sorry’ (2021, Vietnam) 2.81 On the wedding night, a young male toddler is placed on the bed where the couple will sleep, and the wedding party cheer as he walks and crawls about on it, in Xǐyàn (喜宴) ‘The Wedding Banquet’ (1993, Taiwan and US) 2.82 Touch between female tenant (Mrs Chan) and older female landlady (Mrs Seun), when Mrs Chan offers to ask her husband to bring Mrs Seun a designer handbag back from his business trip, in Huāyàng Niánhuá (花樣年華) ‘In the Mood for Love’ (2000, Hong Kong) 2.83 A wife attentively puts her arm around her husband and leans in as the tenants of the lodging house gather, in Huāyàng Niánhuá (花樣年華) ‘In the Mood for Love’ (2000, Hong Kong) 2.84 Chinese friends demand that the newlyweds show affection, in Big Poreseuteu (빅 포레스트) ‘Big Forest’ (2018, mainland Chinese depiction in South Korea) 2.85 Dong‑Yup uncomfortably pinches Chung‑ah’s cheek in response, in Big Poreseuteu (빅 포레스트) ‘Big Forest’ (2018, mainland Chinese depiction in South Korea) 2.86 Mr Chu’s best friend hugs his daughter, Jia‑Chien, when they visit him in hospital, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan) 2.87 Jia‑Chien leans her shoulder onto Mr Wen’s shoulder, affectionately, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan) 2.88 Mr Chu touches Shan Shan on the shoulder, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan) 2.89 Mr Chu delivers the first lunch box, stimulating Shan Shan’s classmates to descend upon him, envious of the delicacies he has brought her, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan) 2.90 Mr Chu holds his daughter’s hands when wishing to reconcile their differences, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan) 2.91 A mother‑in‑law implores her daughter‑in‑law to go through with her pregnancy, in Xǐyàn (喜宴) ‘The Wedding Banquet’ (1993, Taiwan and US) 2.92 Ting Ting sits with her head in her grandmother’s lap, while her grandmother strokes her hair, in Yi Yi (一一) ‘A One and a Two’ (2000, Taiwan)

102 102

104

105 106 106 107 107 108 109

109 110 111 111

xiv  Figures 2.93 A grandmother is sentimental about her grandsons and always appears keen to interact with them, calling them over and touching them when urging them to spend time with her. She does so even when they behave naughtily, and even when that behaviour might be hurtful, in Tōkyō Monogatari (東京物語) ‘Tokyo Story’ (1953, Japan) 2.94 A grandmother uses touch when speaking to her granddaughter warmly, and does so in the company of non‑family members, though many she knows as they often frequent her bathhouse, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan) 2.95 A young girl comforts her grandmother with touch, in Ong Bak (องค์บาก) (2003, Thailand) 2.96 The chairman’s driver leaning into the chairman slightly is used to imply an intimate relationship, in Deo Geullori (더 글로리) ‘The Glory’ (2022–2023, South Korea) 2.97 Grandma touches Rachel lightly as she inspects her ‘auspicious shaped nose’, in Crazy Rich Asians (2018, Singapore-China-US) 2.98 Nick greets his mother by kissing her on the cheek, in Crazy Rich Asians (2018, Singapore-China‑US) 2.99 Nick’s grandmother touches his face when first greeting him, in Crazy Rich Asians (2018, Singapore-China‑US) 2.100 Rachel Chu hugs Mrs Young as a greeting on their first meeting, in Crazy Rich Asians (2018, Singapore-China‑US) 2.101 A daughter links arms with her father and leans on him while at a restaurant together, in Xīnbīng Zhèngzhuàn III: Wārénzhuàn (新兵正傳III：蛙人傳) ‘Ah Boys to Men 3: Frogmen’ (2015, Singapore) 2.102 Sarah Gonzales hugs the Filipino schoolboy she has bonded with while working in the UK, in The Caregiver (2008, Philippines) 2.103 Tae‑sik hugs Su‑mi, in Ajeossi (아저씨) ‘The Man from Nowhere’ (2010, South Korea) 2.104 Mr Yi uncomfortably receives a hug from a man he barely knows, in Minari (미나리) ‘Water Celery’ (2020, South Korea-US) 2.105 Mrs Park and Mr Kim shake hands on the deal, in Gisaengchung (기생충) ‘Parasite’ (2019, South Korea) 2.106 In Thailand, we also see patting and touching between intimates, in Ong Bak (องค์บาก) (2003, Thailand) 2.107 Warm embrace between male friends, in East is East (1999, UK-Pakistan) 2.108 Adab used for a first meeting instead of hugging, in East is East (1999, UK-Pakistan) 2.109 Devdas lies down with his mother and grandmother, his head on his grandmother’s lap, and his mother resting her hand on him, in Devdas (2002, India) 2.110 Devdas freely enters his mother’s space, in Devdas (2002, India)

112

112 113 114 115 115 116 116

116 117 118 118 119 120 121 121 122 122

Figures xv 2.111 Rahul (as an adult) and his father use skinship to apologise, express sorrow, and to show disappointment, as well as love and affection, in Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham ‘Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness’ (2001, India) 2.112 Some of the lower body gestures to be featured in this section 2.113 Daigo has his hands on his knees (male form of kneeling), while Mika keeps her hands together in her lap (female form of kneeling), in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan) 2.114 Great precision in the form of kneeling and hand placement is taken by Daigo and his employer when in the formal situation of performing burial rites before the eyes of the departed person’s family, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan) 2.115 Prince Hongli on his knees as he speaks to his father, the Yongzheng Emperor, in Rúyì Zhuàn (如懿傳) ‘Ruyi’s Royal Love in the Palace’, episode 1 (2018, mainland China) 2.116 Mrs Park shows her true attitude towards Mr Kim and his class when she places her bare feet up, in close proximity to his head, while he drives her home, in Gisaengchung (기생충) ‘Parasite’ (2019, South Korea) 2.117 Rahul touches his mother’s feet after returning from school abroad, in Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham ‘Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness’ (2001, India) 2.118 Anjali touches her father‑in‑law’s foot without him knowing, desperately wishing to be able to have performed such a gesture to him, as in this context, the gesture is symbolic of the marriage between her and his son being accepted, in Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham ‘Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness’ (2001, India) 2.119 Anjali touches her heart after touching her father‑in‑law’s foot, emphasising how much their missing relationship is desired by her, in Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham ‘Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness’ (2001, India) 3.1 Some of the smartphone gestures to be featured in this section 3.2 The hand heart gesture: two hands held together with the fingers and thumbs placed together to form a heart shape; made with one or two people’s hands 3.3 David accidentally breaks the ‘stick’ and is sent outside to choose another by his father, in Minari (미나리) ‘Water Celery’ (2020, South Korea-US) 3.4 Phone used as a gesture in Heeojil Gyeolsim (헤어질 결심) ‘Decision to Leave’ (2022, South Korea)

123 125 126

126 127

130 130

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132 137 145 149 153

Acknowledgements

Understanding gestures is pivotal in human communication. Even in our hyper‑­ digital age, marked by the ChatGPT era, our human embodiment continues to infuse feelings, attitudes, emotions, and a sense of solidarity and empathy into our com‑ munication. Surprisingly, these embodied expressions are often underrepresented in academic research. Particularly in the realm of pure or theoretical linguistics, gestures have been less explored compared to verbal or written languages. Through this book, we strive to illuminate the meanings and diverse range of gestures, using films as our lens to make the topic more accessible and engaging. While our focus rests on Asian gestures, our intention is not to overgeneralise. Instead, we highlight those from under‑researched languages and cultures, providing a counter‑narrative to the predominantly Western European perspective prevalent in existing studies. Our sincere gratitude goes to the Leverhulme Foundation (RPG‑2022‑043) for their support of the project “Sea, Song and Survival: The Language and Folklore of the Haenyeo Women”. Additionally, we are indebted to the Core University Program for Korean Studies of the Ministry of Education of the Republic of ­Korea and the Korean Studies Promotion Service at the Academy of Korean Studies (AKS‑2021‑OLU‑2250004) for their invaluable support. Our heartfelt appreciation extends to our families and friends, and especially to our interviewees, who shared their lived experiences and insights. We’d like to thank our colleagues and students, in particular, Louise Hossien, Abby Fletcher, Amena Dancel Nebres, and Fudie Zhao, for their constructive feedback. We’d also like to thank Professor Taehoon Kim and Jihyun Park, for sharing their thoughts on South Korean and North Korean gestures, respectively. Professor Taehoon Kim’s gesture images and videos gave much food for thought, and Jihyun Park gave us a rare and enlightening glimpse into North Korean communication. We’d also like to thank Yaeseul Kim, for her insights on the cross‑cultural differences in the gestures of South Korean and Indian films. Finally, a special word of gratitude to our ­editors from Routledge, Iola Ashby and Andrea Hartill, for their unwavering patience, ­support, and kindness throughout this journey.

Preface

Gestures can be defined as moving words or words in action. Dwight Bolinger famously said that language is embedded in gesture.1 The leading authority in ges‑ ture study, Adam Kendon, defines gesture as an “utterance dedicated to visible bodily action”.2 Such visible actions include points, shrugs, and nods; illustrations of the size, shape, and location of objects; demonstrations of how to perform ac‑ tions; depictions of abstract ideas and relationships; and many other everyday com‑ municative actions of the body.3 Talking with a lack of gesture—be that physical or digital—can make our communication unnatural, dry, apathetic, and even un‑ friendly. More than that, without gesture, the meaning of verbal utterances can be undermined, misunderstood, or fail to produce the desired meaning (e.g., sincerity and sarcasm) or communicate meaning in a ‘polite’ way (e.g., indirectly expressing the wish not to do something). Gesture‑less languages are languages in a vacuum: while the propositional meanings might be clear, the mood and emotions remain elusive. This is one of the main reasons why we feel it necessary to escape the Zoom screen from time to time to meet people in real life; online spaces are impoverished in terms of gestured communication. Engaging with gestures of other cultures is similar. In fact, diverse un/familiar forms, meanings, and contexts can be rifer with misunderstanding and have greater stakes than gesture‑less language since the pragmatic implications can cause insult as well as deliver incorrect information; analysis of multimodal communication have demonstrated just how significant these losses are.4 In hu‑ man communication, gestures matter. However, in contemporary linguistics (un‑ like other fields such as sociology, anthropology, or history of art or film studies), gestures have often existed in the shadow of verbal language, with only a few exceptions. This is particularly the case for studies that extend beyond the scope of European cultures. There’s a significant emphasis on European cultures, often leaving other global perspectives less explored. This oversight becomes especially evident when one considers the rich tapestry of Asian languages and cultures. As we delve into this book, understanding and appreciating the nuances of Asian con‑ texts are paramount for a comprehensive global perspective. In this book, we use gesture as an umbrella term that includes all ‘embodied’ words. It is hard to imagine our everyday talk without accompanying gestures from head to toe. Some gestures are culture‑specific, whereas others are more natural

xviii  Preface and spontaneous. Hand gestures are the most studied, but there are a variety of other gestures. Gesture study scholars question the process through which gestures are made: are they made before verbal words or after? The relationship between what is said and what is acted upon is unclear too: should gestures always support what has been said? Can gestures convey meanings of their own, unbound by spo‑ ken words? How do gestures interact with verbal language? These are important, fundamental questions that will be revisited later. Rather than focusing solely on the theoretical or philosophical sides of language as many other works have, this book showcases the diversity of gestures employed in Asian contexts and how they are used in tangent with verbal words. Through the delicate use of gestures and verbal expressions, a nuanced tapestry of emotions and attitudes is created, thereby offering insights into the resulting intricate social and interpersonal dynamics. Although generalising the meaning of gestures can be challenging, they, like verbal languages, convey a great deal about relationships, particularly whether the individuals stand in an equal or hierarchical relation. To help readers better understand Asian gestures, we present gestures contextualised in films. We hope this book will engage those who have interest in language, lin‑ guistics, multimodal communication, films, and gesture studies and whose interest goes beyond the European scope. This book comprises three parts. Part I. Gestures—Moving Words or Words in Action? Part II. Gesture Map in Asia: Through the Lens of Films Part III. Future Gestures in Asian Contexts Part I discusses the study of gestures in the context of human communication and presents the rationale, structure of the book, and notational conventions. Rather than being solely described as written or spoken words, gestures are better under‑ stood as dynamic visual representations. Attempting to explain the meanings of gestures solely through text in a black‑and‑white paper book can indeed be chal‑ lenging. With this in mind, we have created an online metaverse to showcase ges‑ tures through still and moving images, both individually and within the context of films. You can access the metaverse via the QR code:

Part II provides an in‑depth look at the gestures found across East Asia, South‑ east Asia, and South Asia. We show the gestures in context using selected films.

Preface xix Our selections are far from exhaustive, but they highlight the diverse, context‑­ sensitive nature of gestures in regions across Asia. Interspersed with examples from films, we also include some ethnographic interviews. Part III reflects on the future of gestures in Asian contexts. In our ever‑evolving multicultural societies, gestures also cross the borders of languages and cultures. We discuss the meanings and pragmatics of some intercultural gestures; gestures in digital and virtual worlds, often coined as emoji or memes; and fandom gestures. Notes 1 Bolinger, Dwight. 1975. Aspects of Language (2nd ed.). New York: Harcourt Brace & Jovanovich, 18. 2 Kendon, Adam. 2004. Gesture: Visible Action as Utterance. New York: Cambridge Uni‑ versity Press, 44. 3 Abner, Natasha, Kensy Cooperrider, and Susan Goldin‑Meadow. 2015. “Gesture for Linguists: A Handy Primer.” Language and Linguistics Compass, 9 (11): 437–451. 4 Kim, Loli. 2022. “A Theory of Multimodal Translation for Cross-Cultural Viewers of South Korean Film.” University of Oxford. and Kim, Loli. 2024. Interpreting Korean Film Discourse. London: Routledge.

Part I

Gestures—Moving Words or Words in Action? Adam Kendon defines gesture as “utterances committed to visible bodily actions”.1 These ‘actions’ apply not only to bodily movements but also to facial expressions. Furthermore, gestures are not solely visible but also have auditory properties. Tone of voice often reveals more about the relationship between two parties than the spoken words themselves. In this book, the term ‘gesture’ has been broadened to include both audio and visual el‑ ements that convey meanings consistently un‑ derstood within the users’ community. These elements can manifest in both the physical and digital, as well as virtual, worlds. Ges‑ tures, or embodied words, much like verbal words, transcend the borders of languages and cultures. ‘Embodiment’ in cognition re‑ fers to the concept that our physical bodies play an active role in cognitive processes. This means that our thoughts, feelings, and perceptions are all influenced by our physi‑ cal interactions with the world around us. For instance, our physical state can have a direct impact on our cognitive processes. If we’re feeling tired, we might be more susceptible to negative thoughts. In this book, we use the term ‘embodied words’ to broadly encompass gestural words and verbal words that gain a sense of embodiment through the presence of gestures. Non‑verbal elements, such as ges‑ tures, body movements, facial expressions, and tone of voice, all contribute to this sense of embodiment. Verbal elements, such as Figure 1.1  A hand in motion can be written or spoken words, only gain full em‑ interpreted in a multitude of ways. bodiment through their association with these How do you interpret this gesture? DOI: 10.4324/9781003318507-1

2  Gestures—Moving Words or Words in Action? non‑verbal gestures. Without the presence of gestures, words can feel empty, dry, and lifeless. It is through the enhancement provided by our physicality that words truly come to life. While intercultural gestures are quite common, their interpretations can vary, at times leading to potential misunderstandings. When feasible, we will favour the use of the term ‘gesture’ or ‘embodied words’ over ‘non‑verbal’ words, behaviour, or language, as ‘non‑verbal’ suggests a secondary relationship to verbal expres‑ sions. In the following sections, we will present a bird’s‑eye view of gestures and the attributes of Asian gestures that are the focal point of this book. Additionally, we will provide a brief overview of the book’s content. Gestures—A Bird’s Eye View There are several distinct types of gesture.2 Some of these, such as hand and arm movements, occur spontaneously during conversation. Others are less spontaneous and more deliberate. • Iconic gestures serve as visual or mimetic representations of the concepts or actions being discussed. They are intrinsically linked to their meanings and are easily recognisable, even outside the specific context of a conversation. For ex‑ ample, the gesture that mimics the action of strumming a guitar immediately conjures the idea of playing the guitar, even if the word ‘guitar’ isn’t explicitly mentioned. This type of gesture adds a vivid, illustrative layer to communica‑ tion, allowing the speaker to visually depict certain aspects of their message. It bridges the gap between verbal language and physical action, often making the content more engaging and memorable for the listener. Such gestures can be particularly useful in settings where verbal explanations might fall short or when trying to explain concepts across language barriers. • Deictic gestures, commonly referred to as ‘pointing gestures’, play a funda‑ mental role in the way humans communicate spatial and locative information. These gestures are highly context‑dependent and gain meaning based on what the speaker is referring to. For example, a simple upward‑pointing motion be‑ comes meaningful when paired with the context of discussing the sky. Similarly, pointing towards a particular spot immediately directs the listener’s attention to that location, providing clarity without the need for verbose explanations. These gestures are not just limited to pointing with fingers; they can involve the whole hand, head direction, or even gaze. Deictic gestures are especially valuable in interactive settings where spatial orientation or directing attention to specific objects or areas is essential. They act as an extension of our verbal language, helping to enhance clarity, especially in situations where words alone might not suffice or when engaging with individuals from diverse linguistic backgrounds. • Beat gestures are rhythmic and often subtle hand or arm movements that ac‑ company our speech, serving as a form of non‑verbal punctuation. Unlike gestures that have a clear semantic meaning or depict specific content, beat gestures are more about emphasising and adding rhythm to what’s being said.

Gestures—Moving Words or Words in Action?  3 For instance, imagine someone tapping their hand on a table each time they highlight a crucial point during a conversation. This action doesn’t necessar‑ ily convey a specific message in the way that a pointing gesture might, but it does draw the listener’s attention and underscores the significance of that part of the speech. These gestures often mirror the natural cadence of our spoken language, aligning with stresses, pauses, or intonations. They are especially prevalent during animated conversations or when speakers are passionately trying to drive a point home. By syncing with the rhythm of speech, beat ges‑ tures help enhance the overall expressiveness of the speaker, providing listen‑ ers with cues about which parts of the conversation hold particular importance or emphasis. • Emblems are unique gestures that hold specific, culturally ingrained meanings, often acting as word substitutes in non‑verbal communication. Unlike other gestures that might need accompanying speech to be understood, emblems can stand alone and convey a clear message. For example, the ‘thumbs‑up’ gesture is widely recognised in many parts of the world as a sign of approval, agree‑ ment, or acknowledgement. However, the cultural context is paramount when interpreting emblems, as their meanings can vary considerably cross-culturally. Take the ‘thumbs‑up’ gesture; while it’s a positive affirmation in countries like the United States, the UK, and France, it can be perceived as offensive or even vulgar in regions such as West Africa and the Middle East. Again, variations in form and meaning can be diverse. In South Korea, for instance, the thumbs‑up gesture, involving holding up a single thumb to agree with someone, is consid‑ ered rude, while two thumbs held up to show approval or to give a big yes to something somebody did right is acceptable.3 Meanwhile, in Mongolia, there is a nuance to the thumbs‑up gesture, as the thumbs‑up gesture is one of numer‑ ous in a finger‑rating system: thumbs‑up means ‘the best’, turning your hand outward with only the forefinger extended showing the nail side while the other fingers are folded down in a fist means ‘second‑best’, sticking up the middle finger means ‘so‑so’, the fourth finger extended alone means ‘bad’, and the little finger extended alone means ‘worst’. The contrast in meaning and the diversity in form and subtle nuances highlight the importance of cultural awareness. The potential for misunderstandings or unintended offenses is significant if one is not acquainted with the emblematic nuances of a particular culture. Emblems, thus, serve as a testament to the rich tapestry of human communication, remind‑ ing us of the diverse ways societies have evolved to express common human experiences and emotions. Gesture is an interdisciplinary field, explored not only from linguistic perspec‑ tives but also in a broader sense. Despite the significant role gesture plays in human language, it often finds itself marginalised in mainstream linguistics. This could be attributed not only to a hierarchical emphasis on verbal words but also to the inher‑ ent difficulties associated with studying gestures. As the following quote illustrates, understanding the true importance and complexity of gesture requires a shift from conventional linguistic paradigms:

4  Gestures—Moving Words or Words in Action? If language is a cognitive activity, and if, as is clear, gestural expression is intimately involved in acts of spoken linguistic expression, then it seems reasonable to look closely at gesture for the light it may throw on this cogni‑ tive activity.4 At the same time, while communication through gesture can be intentional, it does not necessarily have to be.5 This, of course, means that not all gesture communica‑ tion is linguistic and may even be subconscious. This approach to non‑verbal com‑ munication often examines kinesics, or the study of body language, and therefore includes the minute details of human movement, which send messages, intended or unintended, about emotion and relationships. In an earlier study, Birdwhistell6 defines six general principles of kinesics as follows: 1 Human sensual perception combines with verbal expression to form com­­munication. 2 Kinesics change from culture to culture. 3 There are no universal kinesics symbols. 4 Kinesics, though they express the same ideas as verbal language, are not redun‑ dant but are complementary to it. 5 Kinesics are more primitive and less manipulable than verbal communication. 6 Interpreting kinesics requires continual comparing and contrasting.7 Kendon8 explains how words must follow a standard set of rules according to syntactic norms, whereas gesture can be used in a much more general and less regulated sense. In his later work, he discusses how  gestures can even become linguistic. McNeill9 agrees that gestures are fundamentally different from language and for similar reasons presented by Kendon.10 He also examines in detail another concept introduced by Kendon,11 called the ‘continuum of gesture’,12 which shows how gesture differs from gesticulation: ‘the spontaneous hand motions that often accompany spoken language’. Gesticulations are then categorised by Knapp and Hall as ‘illustrators’: language‑like gestures, which are integrated into sentences with specific meaning; pantomimes, which replace speech to describe ideas; em‑ blems, which have set and standardised forms and always mean the same things;13 and sign languages, which follow all the rules of verbal language.14 He shows how the types of gestures in this continuum include non‑linguistic aspects as well as aspects that are identical to spoken language. One of McNeill’s main concerns about gesticulation as language is that it is spontaneous and doesn’t follow set rules.15 He notes that gestures are “non‑combinatoric”,16 meaning they cannot be strung together to create meaning in the same way that words can. At the same time, Kendon17 makes the point that to even become a gesture, a movement must have ‘manifested deliberate expressiveness’18—in other words, it must be more than a simple accompaniment to speech. ‘Pragmatic synchrony’ is also a concern19 because the gestures that accompany speech always share the same pragmatic function as the speech. Kiaer20 argues the same, though specifically on the Korean language, stressing the coordination of the verbal and non‑verbal and the shift in

Gestures—Moving Words or Words in Action? 5 meaning that occurs otherwise. This is similarly argued by Kim21,22 and Kiaer and Kim.23 In his book Pragmatics and Non‑verbal Communication, Wharton provides a comprehensive overview of gestures and their pragmatics. While Chomskyan standards focus primarily on the internal and abstract properties of human lan‑ guages, Wharton suggests that gestures are not purely communicative. He argues that all types of gesture, including gesticulation, “may be exploited in ostensive‑­ inferential communication as long as the fact that the speaker is making a special effort is salient enough, and relevant enough, to attract attention and be picked up by the relevance‑theoretic comprehension heuristic”.24 This viewpoint acknowl‑ edges that not all intricate movements necessarily carry meaning ‘at all times’. Kang and Tversky argue that gestures promote “understanding of the dynamics of a complex system as revealed in invented language, gestures and visual explana‑ tions”, claiming “Gestures can map many meanings more directly than language, representing many concepts congruently”.25 While scholars have not reached a unanimous agreement on the linguistic nature of gesture, they tend to share similar views at least regarding the motivations behind its usage. Prosody as Gesture Prosody plays a crucial role in expressing emotions and attitudes. Prosody refers to the musical and rhythmic aspects of speech, such as pitch, tone, rhythm, and stress. It’s the way we use variations in our voice to convey meaning and emotions in our sentences. Prosody helps us understand whether someone is asking a ques‑ tion, making a statement, showing excitement, or expressing sadness, even without the need for words. It adds a natural and expressive touch to our communication, making our speech more engaging and meaningful to others. By synchronising our bodily and facial expressions with prosodic elements, we give full meaning and impact to our verbal language. Intonation can shape dialogue, making it sound soft and endearing, apathetic, or harsh and insulting. It can also establish a formal or informal atmosphere. Our voices adapt, colour, and enhance relatively dry verbal expressions, imbuing them with empathy. The attitudes conveyed through prosody vary based on numerous contextual factors, individual differences, and cultural variations. For instance, Jang found that Korean speakers perceive a sequence of an affricate following palatal glides and child‑like or baby talk as cute.26 However, this observation, while intuitive, is hard to generalise without studying a larger sample size. Sometimes, prosody also reflects power dynamics. Wichmann compares the in‑ tonation contours of ‘please’ requests in private and public situations.27 In private situations, ‘please’ requests tend to be realised with a rising tone on the final word. However, in conversations involving individuals with differing levels of power, the more powerful participant is more likely to express the request with a final falling contour. This intonation shift effectively transforms ‘please’ into the low nuclear ‘tail’ of the request, subtly aligning the polite request more with a command. The rising tone used in private requests mirrors the intonation of a question, thereby reflecting equal rights and the potential for refusal among participants. In contrast,

6  Gestures—Moving Words or Words in Action? the falling contour, associated with the more powerful party, holds authority, hence allowing little room for refusal from the subordinate. In terms of symbolic inter‑ pretation, the high endpoint of the rising contour signifies ‘openness’, ‘submis‑ siveness’, and ‘smallness’. Conversely, the low endpoint of the falling contour symbolises ‘closure’ or ‘authority’. These prosodic patterns provide an audible re‑ flection of the relative rights and obligations of the participants in the conversation. Understanding Facial Expressions Our faces serve as a canvas for our emotions. In her book, Emotions Across Lan‑ guages and Cultures, Anna Wierzbicka delves into the differences between Asian and Western European cultures regarding emotional expressions.28 Although emo‑ tions themselves are universal, the way in which they are expressed and experi‑ enced varies from culture to culture. Wierzbicka suggests that Asian cultures tend to emphasise social harmony and group membership, leading to a more subtle pres‑ entation of emotions, where it is often considered courteous to mask one’s feelings. Conversely, Western cultures, valuing individual autonomy and self‑expression, encourage a more open display of emotions. Take the act of smiling, for example. According to Wierzbicka, in Asian societies, it is common to smile as a sign of respect and deference, even when one is not truly content. In contrast, Western cultures view a smile not only as an indicator of happiness but also as an expres‑ sion of various other emotions, such as nervousness or politeness. Despite these generalisations, one should note that it is difficult to generalise facial expressions based on ethnicity in today’s world, especially considering the evolution of these expressions over time.29 Today’s Generation Z and Millennial demographic, often referred to as ‘Gen MZ’, spends a significant amount of time in online or virtual spaces. As a result, their understanding of facial expressions and gestures may differ from previous generations. They have become highly adept at expressing their emotions not only through traditional means like face‑to‑face communication but also through virtual channels using emojis, GIFs, stickers, and other multimedia elements to convey feelings. In these online spaces, they seamlessly integrate popular internet memes or references into their conversations offline, marking an essential aspect of their communication style. Their interpretations of emojis, avatars, memes, and associated gestures may also vary from what previous generations are familiar with. Cultural Gestures In Mehrabian’s foundational research,30,31 he discusses three areas of non‑verbal behaviour, namely, liking, power and status, and responsiveness.32 These ar‑ eas of non‑verbal communication may vary across different cultures, according to the levels of individualism or collectivism, and high power distance or low power distance.33 Examinations of cultural differences in non‑verbal communica‑ tion look at social conventions or subconscious body language. Knapp and Hall

Gestures—Moving Words or Words in Action?  7 describe non‑verbal communication in terms of communicating intimacy and dominance, if showing dominance rather than subordinance in social situations is always desirable.34 While this may be true in a Western context, East Asian culture often requires interlocutors to take a position of deference, which is different from both domi‑ nance and subordination. For interlocutors in an East Asian context, non‑verbally communicating deference is often an important ‘face‑saving act’.35 Linguistically, such deference is expressed in East Asian languages, particularly in Japanese and Korean, through humble and honorific language. This kind of language includes not only the strategic politeness associated with Levinson and Brown’s discussions of politeness but also normative politeness, which takes the form of specific verb endings and conjugations present in virtually every utterance.36 These normative honorifics are certainly linguistic, as they follow a standardised set of rules and form an essential part of their respective languages, but they don’t conform to some of the standards that have been applied to non‑verbal communication. For example, honorifics in Japanese and Korean are non‑combinatorics, just like ges‑ tures; they cannot be strung together to form meaning, and they (arguably) have no semantic value. Just as such pragmatic aspects of language related to deference are often glossed over from a more Eurocentric linguistic perspective, pragmatically deferential gestures also do not seem to fit in the categories defined by previous discussions. Wharton concludes, “[…] the pragmatics of gestural communication takes very much a second place to the description of the gestures themselves […]” in much of the existing research.37 One of the challenges in understanding gestures lies in their complexity and diversity. While there are gestures that are culturally encoded, their range varies significantly, and their interpretation can heavily depend on one’s own semiotic repertoire, spontaneous use, and individual intention. As a result, we might only approximate their meanings, not fully grasp them as we can with verbal languages. This intricacy is why gestural meanings often lean more towards being a conjecture rather than a fully asserted proposition. Diversity in Asian Language and Culture Asia is a vast continent, comprising diverse regions with unique cultural and geo‑ graphical characteristics. Northeast Asia encompasses countries such as China, Japan, Mongolia, North Korea, and South Korea. Despite the crossover, East Asia consists of China, Japan, Mongolia, North Korea, South Korea, and Taiwan. Southeast Asia is home to countries like Thailand, Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar (Burma), and the Philippines. South Asia includes India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, and the Maldives. Central Asia encompasses countries such as Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. West Asia, also known as the Middle East, includes Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Israel, Palestine, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, United Arab Emirates, Oman, and Yemen. Southwest Asia, also known as Western Asia, includes Turkey, Cyprus, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. These

8  Gestures—Moving Words or Words in Action? regions showcase the diversity and rich cultural heritage found across Asia. Al‑ though classifying Asia in this way may not be agreed upon by all, it is generally accepted. Each region exhibits its own distinct traditions, languages, and customs. The linguistic and cultural diversity in Asia is unparalleled. According to the Ethnologue database,38 a comprehensive reference work for the world’s known liv‑ ing languages, there are currently over 2,300 languages spoken in Asia. Not only is the number of languages significant but also the number of speakers of Asian languages is substantial. According to the Ethnologue’s ranking of the top ten most spoken languages in 2023, Mandarin Chinese is the second most spoken language globally, second only to English. Hindi and Spanish follow, but Mandarin Chi‑ nese and English have broader usage and prevalence. In 2016, Chinese, Arabic, Japanese, and Malay ranked among the top ten languages on the internet in terms of user numbers, indicating the extensive influence of Asian languages in popular culture and internet‑driven communication. Southeast Asia alone is home to over a thousand languages spanning five language families. With a population of 2.4 billion, it has a much larger number of speakers of Asian languages than speakers of European languages in Europe (including L2 speakers, but excluding Turkish, which we classify as Asian). Given the vast linguistic diversity and widespread na‑ ture of Asia’s languages, it feels inappropriate to label them as minority languages. Instead, it may be more accurate to describe them as undervalued by the West. Asia is also renowned for its remarkable cultural and religious diversity, offer‑ ing a tapestry of traditions, beliefs, and practices that have shaped the continent for centuries. From the ancient civilizations of India, China, and Mesopotamia to the indigenous tribes of Southeast Asia and the nomadic communities of Central Asia, Asia hosts an astounding array of cultural expressions. With over 4.5 billion people, Asia is home to major world religions such as Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, Christianity, and Sikhism, as well as numerous indigenous and folk religions. Each with its own rituals, philosophies, and sacred texts. Asian Gestures Gestures in academic settings within Asia, to our knowledge, are quite rare and require further investigation. The most comprehensive book on this topic also notes that, “To date, very few studies have examined the gestures produced by speakers in Asian cultures (e.g., Chinese) and compared these gestures to those produced by speakers in Western cultures.”39 This observation still appears true in 2023. Asia’s diversity is reflected in the gestures used by the cultures to which it is home. While it is challenging to generalise Asian gestures, in comparison to West‑ ern European gestures, they often bring a richer dimension to the interpersonal relationships between interlocutors at every level and stage of linguistic perfor‑ mance, especially in hierarchical structures. Hierarchy sensitivity is at the back‑ bone of Asian, and especially East Asian, gestures. This is much like the verbal language. Some contemporary culture‑coded gestures—such as asking for a bill or

Gestures—Moving Words or Words in Action?  9 seeking attention by raising a hand at a restaurant—may look neutral in a Western context, but in certain Asian contexts, particularly if you are a young person, they may be perceived inappropriate. This alignment of gestures with verbal language is observed across most Asian languages, which have complex ways of expressing the relationship dynamics between speakers. For example, in many Asian languages, terms of address and sentence endings are much more intricate than in English and Western European languages. Mistakes in navigating these complexities can have serious repercus‑ sions on the relationship between two or more people. The intricate nature of Asian languages is one of the primary reasons why translation between English or West‑ ern European languages and Asian languages is exceptionally challenging. The main challenge for Asian languages lies in socially tuning speech behav‑ iours. In the book Pragmatic Particles,43 Kiaer proposes the multimodal modula‑ tion hypothesis (MMH), which suggests that successful communication requires a harmonious integration of language stylistics at both the verbal and gesture levels. Failure to achieve this harmony can result in humorous situations, but in the con‑ text of Asian society, it can also lead to ridicule and diminish the sincerity of the conversation. Multimodal Modulation Hypothesis (MMH) The core linguistic ability found in human communication is to be able to modu‑ late, attune, or orchestrate different levels or modes of information in a harmoni‑ ous way, sensitive to the socio‑pragmatic needs of each situation. If conflicting or inconsistent meanings are communicated, the communication will become ­socio‑pragmatically inappropriate, insincere, or unreliable.40 Hierarchy holds significant importance in Asian gestures. Even the use of emo‑ jis and memes is influenced by relational dynamics, particularly seniority. How individuals interact verbally and gesturally with others is carefully attuned to their seniority or juniority. However, these nuances become invisible when translated into English and other Western European languages. Similarly, they often remain unconsidered in film subtitles. Despite the linguistic erasure, the visual language employed in Asian films portrays relational dynamics in a way that viewers of all cultures will recognise on some level. Part II of this book will provide more exam‑ ples illustrating this gestural language. Hierarchy Through Gesture The study of the nature of gesture and non‑verbal communication with a focus on Asia has received relatively less attention in academic fields. This lack of emphasis is not surprising, as similar patterns can be observed in the study and representation of Asian languages and cultures within 20th‑century academic discourse. Based on in‑ terviews and other ethnographic works, it is our understanding that East Asia is more

10  Gestures—Moving Words or Words in Action? sensitive to hierarchical dynamics, as compared to other Asian cultures. We speculate that this may be attributed to the long‑standing influence of Confucian traditions. In Confucian culture, modesty, restraint, and control over one’s emotions are highly valued. Excessive body movements, particularly in formal or public set‑ tings, can be seen as a failure to maintain self‑control or an attempt to draw un‑ due attention to oneself, which could disrupt the harmony of the group. Moreover, Confucian teachings underline the importance of respecting elders and those in positions of authority. In this context, too much body movement, especially when conversing with a person of higher status or age, could be perceived as a sign of disrespect. Central to this cultural philosophy is the virtue of moderation, best exemplified by the ‘Doctrine of the Mean’ or Zhongyong.44 This doctrine is one of the four books of classical Chinese philosophy and is foundational to Confucian thought. The ‘Doctrine of the Mean’ was written by Zisi, the only grandson of Confucius, and was originally a chapter in the classic Book of Rites.45 This text teaches that harmony and balance in life come from understanding and practising moderation. Similarly, gestures, when overly exaggerated or frequent, can be seen as going beyond moderation. In the eyes of many within Confucian cultures, such over‑ use of gesture might be perceived negatively, signalling a lack of refinement or self‑restraint. On the contrary, maintaining a calm and composed demeanour shows respect and acknowledgement of the social hierarchy. However, it’s important to note that gestures can vary significantly within the context. For instance, a study demon‑ strated that Chinese mothers were three times more likely than their American counterparts to use gestures while speaking to their children.41 Diversity in Asian Gestures Gestures vary. In his perhaps lesser known but important work The Expression of the Emotion in Man and Animals, Darwin stated: Fifthly, it seemed to me highly important to ascertain whether the same expressions and gestures prevail, as has often been asserted without much evidence, with all the races of mankind, especially with those who have as‑ sociated but little with Europeans. Whenever the same movements of the fea‑ tures or body express the same emotions in several distinct races of man, we may infer with much probability, that such expressions are true ones—that is, are innate or instinctive. Conventional expressions or gestures, acquired by the individual during early life, would probably have differed in the different races, in the same manner as do their languages.42 Asian gestures exhibit variations from region to region. In comparison to South Korea, Japan, and China, our findings suggest that Koreans are particularly sen‑ sitive to age and hierarchy. For instance, in our recent study involving Korean school children (9th graders), we observed that they nod more frequently when

Gestures—Moving Words or Words in Action?  11 interacting with 10th graders compared to 8th graders. Additionally, certain re‑ lational dynamics, such as in‑law relations in Korea, display a higher degree of hierarchy. In Korean culture, the relationship between mother‑in‑law and daughter‑ in‑law is predominantly hierarchical, whereas it may not be as pronounced in Ja‑ pan. In Ozu’s classic film Tōkyō Monogatari (東京物語) ‘Tokyo Story’ (1953). We witness displays of respect between both the mother and father‑in‑law and the daughter‑in‑law. Respect is observed from both ends rather than solely from the mother‑in‑law to the daughter‑in‑law. Further observations and analyses using films will be presented in Part II. Bowing

In Asian cultures, particularly in Japan and Korea, bowing carries significant mean‑ ing and is deeply embedded in social interactions. Bowing serves as a gesture to demonstrate respect, express gratitude, apologise, or greet someone. The depth and duration of a bow can convey varying levels of formality and respect. A slight in‑ cline of the head may suffice in casual situations, while a deeper bow with hands at one’s sides or in front of the body is required in more formal circumstances. In some instances, individuals may perform multiple bows or maintain the bow until the other person has reciprocated the gesture. In European cultures, bowing is historically associated with courtly etiquette and formal settings; in the con‑ temporary era, bowing has become less prevalent in everyday interactions, giving way to alternative forms of greeting, such as handshakes or hugs. Nonetheless, in specific formal occasions or cultural contexts, such as encounters with royalty or participation in traditional ceremonies, a bow or inclining of the head may still be considered as a sign of respect. Gesturing Properly Asian gestures and their hierarchical associations can pose challenges for non‑Asian individuals seeking to learn and fully immerse themselves in Asian societies. Many gestures used across Asia can be categorised according to whether they are ap‑ propriate for interacting with seniors, juniors, or equals. For instance, nodding and bowing are considered appropriate gestures when showing respect to seniors, while waving and using one hand to receive an object are more commonly used with juniors and equals. Touching and patting are intimate gestures that are typically exchanged between equals and juniors; using such gestures with seniors would be culturally inappropriate and rude. The complexity of choosing the right gesture can also be a challenge for Asian heritage children. For instance, Korean‑English children need to understand that they can wave to greet elders when in English mode, but it is not acceptable in Korean mode, at which time, they need to bow instead of waving. Making deci‑ sions like these can be complex and difficult, requiring an understanding of cul‑ tural norms and the appropriate gestures for each context. In Asian conversations, gestures are not only used as one‑off indicators of attitude but are often repeated

12  Gestures—Moving Words or Words in Action? throughout to convey or enhance a relationship. Failing to portray the proper ges‑ tures can easily lead to communication breakdowns. Verbal—Gestural Languages: Division of Labour

Figure 1.2  The division of labour between verbal and non‑verbal communication.

Instead of debating whether gestures belong to the realm of language or paralanguage, we propose a division of labour between verbal and gestural expressions, as illus‑ trated in Figure 1.2. Verbal languages possess the power to convey in‑ formation and propositions through their combinatory nature; meanwhile, attitudes and emotions find their ex‑ pression through gestures, such as vocal tones, facial ex‑ pressions, and other embodied forms of communication. Thus, when it comes to establishing proper interpersonal relationships, gestures play a crucial role, oftentimes sur‑ passing the impact of spoken words. A simple touch, de‑ void of verbal words, can convey a powerful message of solidarity that surpasses the impact of 100 words without appropriate gestural accompaniment. This is particularly true in Asian communication, where concepts of order, re‑ spect, and politeness hold the utmost importance in build‑ ing and nurturing relational bonds between individuals. Border‑Crossing Gestures Just like words, gestures—embodied words—transcend the borders of languages and cultures. Intercultural

Figure 1.3 The Korean Wave’s ‘finger heart’ gesture.

Gestures—Moving Words or Words in Action?  13 gestures are common and can be used to foster a sense of solidarity between two parties. For instance, one popular gesture among K‑pop fans is the ‘finger heart’ (Figure 1.3), which is now used as a word in both gestural and verbal contexts. In its gestural form, it can be used both online and offline, transcending language barriers and extending beyond the realm of K‑pop. However, interpretation of the gesture can vary, sometimes leading to misunderstandings. Notes 1 Kendon, Gesture, 44. 2 For further discussion on gesture types see: McNeill, David.  1992.  Hand and Mind: What Gestures Reveal About Thought. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 19. 3 Kim, Loli, and Jieun Kiaer. Forthcoming 2024. “Intercultural Encounters Beyond the Subtitle: Understanding Intercultural Multilingualism and Translingualism in Éric Lar‑ tigau’s #JeSuisLa.” In Multiculturalism, Literature and Translation in East Asia, edited by Tzu‑yu Lin. London: Routledge. 4 McNeill, David. 2005. Gesture and Thought. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 49. https://doi.org/10.7208/chicago/9780226514642.001.0001. 5 Moore, Nina‑Jo, Mark Hickson, III, and Don W. Stacks. 2009. Nonverbal Communica‑ tion: Studies and Applications. 5th ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 5. 6 Birdwhistell, Ray L. 1970. Kinesics and Context. Philadelphia: University of Pennsyl‑ vania Press. 7 Moore, Hickson and Stacks, Nonverbal Communication, 186–188. 8 Kendon, Adam. 1988. “How Gestures Can Become Like Words.” In Cross‑cultural Per‑ spectives in Nonverbal Communication, edited by Fernando Poyatos, 131–141. Hogrefe & Huber Publishers, 132. 9 McNeill, David, Justine Cassell, and Karl‑Erik McCullough. 1994. “Communicative Effects of Speech‑Mismatched Gestures.” Research on Language and Social Interac‑ tion 27 (3): 223–237. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327973rlsi2703_4 10 McNeill, Hand and Mind, 19. 11 Kendon, “How Gestures Can Become Like Words.” 12 McNeill, Hand and Mind, 37. 13 Knapp, Mark L., and Judith A. Hall. 2006. Nonverbal Communication in Human Inter‑ action. Boston, MA: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning, 263, 253. 14 McNeill, Hand and Mind, 37–38. 15 McNeill, 40. 16 McNeill, 21. 17 Kendon, Gesture. 18 Kendon, 15. 19 McNeill, 29. 20 Kiaer, Jieun. 2023. The Language of Hallyu: More Than Polite. London: Routledge. 21 Kim, Loli. 2022. “A Theory of Multimodal Translation for Cross‑Cultural Viewers of South Korean Film.” University of Oxford. 22 Kim, Loli. 2024. Interpreting Korean Film Discourse. London: Routledge. 23 Kiaer, Jieun, and Loli Kim. 2021. Understanding Korean Film: A Cross‑Cultural Per‑ spective. 1st ed. London: Routledge. 24 Wharton, Tim. 2009. Pragmatics and Non‑Verbal Communication. Cambridge: Cam‑ bridge University Press, 153. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511635649. 25 Kang, Seokmin, and Barbara Tversky. 2016. “From Hands to Minds: Gestures Promote Understanding.” Cognitive Research: Principles and Implications   1 (4). https://doi. org/10.1186/s41235‑016‑0004‑9

14  Gestures—Moving Words or Words in Action? 26 Jang, Hayeun. 2021. “How Cute Do I Sound to You?: Gender and Age Effects in the Use and Evaluation of Korean Baby‑Talk Register, Aegyo.” Language Sciences (Oxford) 83: 101289. 27 Wichmann, Anne. 2012. “7. Prosody and Pragmatic Effects.”  In Pragmatics of Society, edited by Gisle Andersen and Karin Aijmer, 181–214. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter Mouton. 28 Wierzbicka, Anna. 1999. Emotions Across Languages and Cultures: Diversity and Uni‑ versals  (Studies in emotion and social interaction. Second series). Cambridge: Cam‑ bridge University Press. 29 Schmidt, Karen L., and Jeffrey F. Cohn. 2001. “Human Facial Expressions as Adap‑ tations: Evolutionary Questions in Facial Expression Research.” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 116 (S33): 3–24. 30 Mehrabian, Albert. 1971. Silent Messages. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company. 31 Mehrabian, Albert. 1981. Silent Messages: Implicit Communication of Emotions and Attitudes. 2nd ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company. 32 Moore, Hickson and Stacks, Nonverbal Communication, 193. 33 Moore, Hickson and Stacks, 22–23. 34 Knapp and Hall, Nonverbal Communication in Human Interaction, 448–456. 35 Brown, Penelope, and Stephen C. Levinson. 1987. Politeness: Some Universals in Lan‑ guage Usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 36 Koh, Soong‑Hee, 2002. “The Speech Act of Request: A Comparative Study Between Korean ESL Speakers and Americans.”  Theses Digitization Project 2272: 26–29. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd‑project/2272 37 Wharton, Pragmatics and Non‑verbal Communication, 151. 38 Ethnologue: A comprehensive reference work cataloguing all of the world’s known ­living languages. 39 Bressem, Jana, Alan Cienki, Ellen Fricke, Silva Ladewig, David McNeill, and ­Cornelia Müller. (2014). Body ‑ Language ‑ Communication: An International Handbook on Multimodality in Human Interaction. Vol. 2. (Handbücher zur Sprach‑ und Kommu‑ nikationswissenschaft/Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science (HSK); 38/2). Berlin; Boston. 40 Kiaer, Jieun. 2020. Pragmatic Particles. London: Bloomsbury, 93. 41 Goldin‑Meadow, Susan, and Jody Saltzman. 2000. “The Cultural Bounds of Maternal Accommodation: How Chinese and American Mothers Communicate with Deaf and Hearing Children.” Psychological Science 11 (4), 307–314. 42 Darwin, Charles. 1872. The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals. London: John Marry. 43 Kiaer, Jieun. 2020. Pragmatic Particles. London: Bloomsbury. 44 Zisi (子思). c. 5th Century BCE. Zhongyong (中庸) “Doctrine of the Mean.” 45 Kong Qiu. 5th century.-221 BCE and 206 BCE-8 CE. Liji (禮記) “Book of Rites.”

Part II

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film In this part, we present a map of Asian gestures, with considerable focus given to East Asian gestures. It is a body map, exploring gestures from head to foot. The intention here is not to generalise the meanings of gestures or assign one fixed meaning to each gesture. Just like verbal words, most gestures are sensitive to con‑ text and register, so each gesture has an innumerable number of meanings. Let’s consider the ‘OK’ gesture for a moment, as this well‑known gesture serves to dem‑ onstrate our point well. By ‘OK’ gesture, we refer to gestures that take the form of the ‘OK’ gesture common to the West—the thumb and index finger meeting to make a circle, palm outwards, with the remaining fingers spread loosely—and ges‑ tures that do not take a similar form but do mean ‘OK’, as well as gestures that take a similar form that can be confused for the Western ‘OK’ and yet have entirely dif‑ ferent meaning potentials in Asia. The map of Asia in Figure 2.1 shows just some of the diversity and complexity of gestures within the contextual sphere of ‘OK’ across Asia, using a key to highlight these properties in the gestures positioned on the map; consider this as a mere glimpse into the diversity and complexity among Asian gestures, as well as the cross‑cultural losses encountered in translation from region to region and in English‑speaking (Western) research contexts. As we have reiterated throughout, our aim is not to provide an exhaustive list of gestures in Asian contexts; variation is extensive, so this would be a fruitless endeav‑ our. Instead, our intention in this part of the book is to offer a meaningful sketch of gestures in Asia through the lens of Asian films and ethnographic interviews with individuals from the region. Since gestures are meant to be seen and not read about, please see our online metaverse for moving images to enhance your experience of this part of the book. In understanding the nuances of Asian gestures, particularly in East Asia, one cannot overlook the profound influence of Confucianism. Originating from the teachings of Confucius in ancient China, Confucianism has been a cornerstone of East Asian thought and practice for over two millennia. This philosophical and ethical system is more than just a set of beliefs; it’s a rich tapestry of political ideologies, scholarly traditions, and daily life practices, all underpinned by a deep respect for human relationships and ancestors. The teachings of Confucius, which emphasise the revitalisation of ancient wisdom for a morally upstanding future, have played a pivotal role in shaping the societal norms, educational philosophies, DOI: 10.4324/9781003318507-2

16  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film

Figure 2.1 A map of Asia, and a basic demonstration of the diversity and complexity of Asian gesture, considering gestures whose form and meaning exists within the sphere of ‘OK’.

Figure 2.2 How we map the multimodality of this chapter: gesture images, contextual‑ ised examples of gesture in film, interviews with locals, and access to further ­multimodal materials are given in our online metaverse.

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  17 and governance models in countries like Korea, Japan, and Vietnam. One notable concept, the ‘mandate of heaven’ from the Zhou era, underscores the importance of benevolent leadership and societal harmony. Such foundational beliefs also manifest in gestures and interpersonal behaviours in East Asia. In these societies, hierarchy, significantly influenced by Confucian principles, plays a paramount role in dictating social interactions. For example, in Japan and Korea, bowing with dif‑ ferent depths reflects one’s social position relative to the other person, embodying Confucian ideas of respect and hierarchy. Similarly, using both hands to give or receive items in Korea is a gesture of respect, especially towards elders. However, nuances exist even within this Confucian backdrop. While Japan and Korea have shared behaviours, China, despite its Confucian heritage, often dis‑ plays variations in politeness and hierarchical interactions. Political dynamics also introduce additional layers of complexity to gestures, as seen in the contrasting be‑ haviours between regions like mainland China and Taiwan or North and South Ko‑ rea. Such variations might stem from the interplay between traditional Confucian values and contemporary political ideologies, such as socialism or communism. Liu, Meng, and Wang compared how Confucianism affects individual ­decision‑ making in Taiwan and China and found that Chinese subjects and Taiwanese sub‑ jects react differently to Confucianism.1 They state that: […] Chinese subjects became less accepting of Confucian values, such that they became significantly more risk loving, less loss averse, and more im‑ patient after being primed with Confucianism, whereas Taiwanese subjects became significantly less present‑based and were inclined to be more trust‑ worthy after being primed by Confucianism. Hence, there is great variation in societal values across East Asia. Within societal groups, there are then further divisions to be made, such as by generation, social class, gender, language, and region. People who identify cultur‑ ally as Chinese do not only live in China but also live in places like Singapore, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. These groups share cultural and linguistic components but bear differences too. It is complex and not simple to define. In Hong Kong, for instance, Chu argues that Hong Kong has lost its identity since joining mainland China and losing its international angle.2 Speaking on the intercultural engagement of China and the West, Dervin and Machart argue that the Chinese have “multifac‑ eted identities (gender, social class, generation, language, etc.)” that are not being taken into consideration by the West by emphasising the concept of culture and reducing the Chinese to a single system of culture.3 We see the identification of problems amounting to this often in works on East Asian culture.4,5 For reasons such as this, Mills and Kadar argue that politeness must be analysed “at the level of culture” and that culture has finer and courser grains, each one be‑ ing relevant. Translation researchers like House emphasise this too, arguing the need for context to avoid generalisations and universalism.6 The levels of culture that researchers like these speak about include personal culture too, which is much more difficult to pin down. Mills and Kadar, for instance, state that:

18  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film […] no culture will unequivocally hold to a set of norms for what counts as polite or impolite behaviour. There may be trends within groups, but even within particular groups there will be conflict over what constitutes polite‑ ness and impoliteness. House divides culture into several levels with personal culture being the finest‑grain of cultural depth at which one can examine culture. This book offers insights into the personal level of cultural gesture in the evidence collected from native interviewees. However, the level of culture pulled into primary focus in this book is the regional level of culture, in the pursuit of laying groundwork in a field of study that is still threadbare. Given that the regions we explore are adjacent, it is also usual to come across segments of similarity or commonality, some with facets of subtle variation in‑ tegrated within larger ideologies. Let’s consider Buddhism for a moment. Bud‑ dhism has had a vast reach across Asia. There are two major divisions that we will focus on in this example: Hinayana, which emphasises personal liberation, and Mahayana, which emphasises pursuing enlightenment as a means to help others. Both have many subdivisions, and currently, only three major forms survive: one Hinayana subdivision in Southeast Asia, known as Theravada, and two Mahayana divisions, namely, the Chinese and Tibetan traditions. Theravada spread from India to Sri Lanka and Burma (Myanmar) in the 3rd century BCE and then went on into the rest of Southeast Asia (Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos). Other Hinayana schools spread to modern‑day Pakistan, Afghanistan, eastern and coastal Iran, and Central Asia. They then spread into China in the 2nd century CE. Later, these forms of Hinayana were combined with Mahayana aspects that came through this same route from India, with the Mahayana eventually becoming domi‑ nant among the forms of Buddhism in China and most of Central Asia. The Chinese form of Mahayana later spread to Korea, Japan, and Vietnam. The Tibetan Mahayana tradition started in the 7th century CE, inheriting the full historical development of In‑ dian Buddhism. From Tibet, it spread throughout the Himalayan regions and to Mon‑ golia, Central Asia, and several regions of Russia (Buryatia, Kalmykia, and Tuva).7 Within Buddhist ideology, there exist regulations for behaviour within the mo‑ nastic institution, which are included within a genre of Buddhist texts known as vinaya (विनय, Sanskrit) ‘monastic law’. These texts within the Buddhist canon, known as the Tripitaka, contain the three parallel vinaya traditions (that remain in use by modern Buddhists) that reflect these Buddhist migrations and developments across Asia: The Theravāda (Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia), Mūlasarvāstivāda (Tibetan Buddhism and the Himalayan region), and Dharmaguptaka (East Asian Buddhism). Several vinaya texts from the several schools of Indian Buddhism are now extinct, which are preserved in Tibetan and East Asian canons, such as the Kāśyapīya, Mahāsāṃghika, Mahīśāsaka, and the Sarvāstivāda. These regulations for behaviour can be seen in early Indian politeness,8 as can be seen in the politeness of other Asian regions, such as China, Tibet, Japan, ­Korea, ­Indonesia, and Thailand. However, despite the common origin of Buddhist ­politeness and its gestures, there are regional differences. Take, for example, the gassho (合掌) ‘palms of the hands placed together’ gesture, which is used in Japan.

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  19 Gassho is subtly different from namaste (नमस्त)े , also known as namaskar and nam‑ askaram in the Hindu cultural context in which it is used for greeting, in gratitude, or in a spiritual setting. Gassho is also used to make a request and as a mudra—a symbolic hand gesture made while in meditation in Zen Buddhism. However, in gassho, the hands are pressed together palm to palm in front of the face, the ­fingers straight and about a fist’s distance between the nose and hands, the fingertips paral‑ lel to the nose, and the elbows held slightly away from the body. This hand gesture is often accompanied by a bow, in which case the gesture is sometimes known as gassho rei (合掌礼). Figure 2.3 depicts a scene from Boku Wa Bousan (ボク は坊さん) ‘I Am Monk’ (2015), in which monks perform gassho rei. Among the three monks in the first row, monks sitting far left and central are perhaps most illustrative of the point we make on the differences in the form of gassho rei and namaste. Namaste involves pressing the hands together, palms touching, and fin‑ gers pointing upwards, but thumbs close to the chest; it is usually performed with a slight bow. Figure  2.4 shows an example from the popular Indian film Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham ‘Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness’ (2001).

Figure 2.3  Gassho rei performed by monks in Japan, in Boku Wa Bousan (ボクは坊さん。) ‘I Am Monk’ (2015, Japan).

Figure 2.4  Namaste performed with hands held at the chest and a light bow, in Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham ‘Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness’ (2001, India).

20  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film While similarities in form, function, and meaning are unarguable, the subtle dif‑ ference in hand position is significant. In gassho, holding the hands in front of the face signifies non‑duality—that is, the giver and receiver of the bow together form one and are not two. Like namaste, the gesture represents dharma and respect, but among the Japanese, special emphasis is placed on the idea of interconnectedness with one another. Thus, we see the subtle diversities in form, function, and mean‑ ing among commonalities. It is also possible to see how diversity can quite easily go unnoticed in its subtleties and how individuals lacking local or cross‑cultural knowledge can easily generalise because of the familiarity of ideologies that fre‑ quently present certain cosmetics within which these gestures take place. In Part II of this book, we will continue in this manner analysing the subtle and more obvious diversity in gestural form, function, and meaning regionally, and how this again diversifies contextually, framing examples in their own historical, cultural, and mythological stories. Head In this section, we explore a selection of embodied words expressed using the head and face—from the universally recognisable smile to the lesser‑known Fili‑ pino ‘lip point’ and Indian ‘head‑to‑hand’ gesture. Figure  2.5 presents a visual overview of some of the gestures that will be pulled into focus in the discussion that follows.

Figure 2.5  Some of the head gestures to be featured in this section.

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  21 Smile

We begin with a simple smile. It is among the most universally recognisable ges‑ tures, observable in both Asian and Western regions. However, there is more to smiling in Asia than meets the eye of the foreign observer. It isn’t always an expres‑ sion of happiness or friendliness. Of course, smiling can be used to mask certain emotions in all cultures. However, in Asia, it might be employed more system‑ atically to moderate one’s emotions, thereby making communication polite and acceptable to the hearer. This aligns with the strong tendency to prefer indirect expressions of emotion in Asia. Smiling can take on different meanings situationally within a single cultural context, adding further complexity to the variety of interpretations available. Smiling in a Vietnamese cultural context provides us with an excellent example. In Vietnamese culture, smiling in its simplest form can show happiness, agree‑ ment, acceptance, desire, and tolerance. These are perhaps more like the meanings conveyed by smiling in Western cultural contexts. The Vietnamese also have an ‘implied’ smile that is no different in its form but can express disagreement, embar‑ rassment, confusion, anger, and contempt. This is no subtle difference, with each set of meanings arguably positioned at opposite ends of a positive‑negative scale of meaning. LT, a female Vietnamese student, explained, “When I’m annoyed, I smile. I don’t show that I’m annoyed, unless we have a very close relationship, but even then, if you’re an older family member I won’t express my feelings directly”. It is often remarked in conversation with Vietnamese people that the variation in form—between a fake smile and a real smile—is distinguishable by the eyes. A sincere smile is believed to be generally accompanied by wrinkles at the corners of the eyes and other changes in facial expression, rather than a fake smile, which is performed with the mouth alone. Multimodality often plays a key role in the varia‑ tion in the form of Asian gesture, and this is just one example. FD, a student from mainland China who is currently studying in the UK and has many friends from Korea and Japan, shared a recent conversation with a Korean friend of hers about a type of smile that they both felt some female Japanese friends and acquaintances use but Koreans and Chinese do not. She explained: I feel people in different cultural contexts, of a different gender and from different generations sometimes have characteristic ways of smiling. The type of smile that my friend and I discussed, involves the eyes being half‑ way closed. It is somewhere between being a very happy smile with eyes closed, and a forced polite smile when your eyes are open. I do not feel it is expressing happiness or friendliness. Politeness maybe? Strangely, I do not frequently spot this type of smile in Japanese dramas or movies. Smiling can also have a variety of meanings in South Korea. Context is ­relevant too, like in Vietnam, but social factors like hierarchy and status have an even greater implication on how the expression is interpreted. Smiling can express glee or be humorous, particularly between intimates or people who wish to bond. However,

22  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film between strangers, smiling can express a person’s interest in another, as otherwise smiling should be avoided as it is a means of engaging, and this can be unwanted, invasive, and embarrassing to the recipient. Smiling itself can also express embar‑ rassment or shame, such as when someone makes a mistake, or can be used as a way of discreetly excusing oneself from a room. What’s perhaps most important here is quantity and purpose, which are closely tied to hierarchy. As with all South Korean gestures, socio‑pragmatics are fundamental, and so, who smiles, when, where, and to whom are demonstrative of the meaning of the smile. For instance, smiling is not the best means of engaging with a stranger, especially if the gesturer is obviously younger or subordinate in some way to the recipient. Even to express romantic interest in another person with whom you are not close already, the formality present in the social dynamic would require a more formal way of express‑ ing the desire for the other person to notice or like them first. Deferential gestures are a base for this, upon which feminine or masculine gestures may be added. For exam‑ ple, Korean women will often cover their mouths when realising they are smiling at someone they like, which in its counterproductivity demonstrates that there is more to it than simply being modest. In a flirtatious context, a smile hidden by a hand is performative, to gain a positive response from the other person that a direct smile may prevent because it is believed to be overbearing or evasive. This is a South Korean politeness strategy, in which a person makes themselves smaller figuratively, which involves humility towards one’s own achievements or to the gratitude expressed by others, linguistically by removing ‘I’ from statements about oneself and, as we have demonstrated, by minimising gestures, which thus means minimising smiling. NL, a British woman married to a Korean man, talks about her experience of the hierarchical element of smiling in Korea. In this example, gestures are italicised, social factors are highlighted in bold, and contexts are underlined to highlight the diverse complexities in the formulation of gestures in Asian expressions, which are vital for understanding them: In Korea I smile less than in the UK. This is not because I’m unhappy, but rather a conscious effort to underplay my emotions, even positive emo‑ tions, because being too expressive is thought unattractive for a junior. I am a junior when in the company of my in‑laws – I’m younger than my parents‑in‑law, my sister‑in‑law and her husband, and as a woman and as a daughter‑in‑law there are even higher expectations for how I should present myself. Laughter is similar to smiling. I make all my expressions smaller, quieter – understated. I minimise my presence while still being re‑ sponsive and congenial. It is a balancing act that relies upon my awareness of who I am to everyone else and what that can mean in terms of my body language situationally. I do not do this when I’m interacting with British ­people. The hierarchical relations do not exist for one thing, on top of which smiling is considered itself to be a politeness among strangers, a kindness between friends, and a way of making oneself generally more agreeable company. People will rather comment on my lack of smiling in the UK, and will ask me what’s wrong, or call me grumpy.

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  23 In South Asian regions like Pakistan, there is also a more constrained approach to smiling than we see in Western cultural contexts, like the UK. For Pakistanis, though, this applies more to strangers than to intimates. SP, who is a second‑­ generation Pakistani immigrant explained, “In the UK, I noticed a lot of smiling, but in Pakistan people are less smiley before you’ve gotten to know them”. The way we experience smiling is also important, as we are not simply experi‑ encing smiling in social engagement with Asian cultures, but in media engagement with Asian film, television, music, and an array of other products that are increas‑ ingly household names. The reason it is important to discuss gesture within the additional contextual layer of ‘medium’ at a yet finer grain is that the meanings of these gestures set within the social and contextual formulations of each Asian region then become building blocks in constructing complex narrative structures reliant upon knowledge of non‑verbal gestures—especially because the subtitles cannot provide these translations within the restricted space. Since it is through on‑ line media and entertainment that many English speakers are engaging with Asian gestures, and this is steadily increasing thanks to the South Korean Wave entering the mainstream popular culture, it is important to provide the tools to understand gestural interactions beyond real (offline) life; otherwise, misunderstandings made through media interpretation extend to these interactions as well, and faux pas and confusion often ensue. Since we have given some attention to smiling in South Korean contexts, we be‑ gin with an example from the South Korean modern classic Oldeuboi (올드보이) ‘Old Boy’ (2003). This film is packed with South Korean gestures, playing upon South Korean socio‑pragmatics and context variation to convey a range of mean‑ ings that are incremental to the depiction of the film’s bizarre characters and narra‑ tive. Its peculiar and creative contexts make it apt to look at both how gestures are played within film, television, and media and how this is still relevant to gestural interpretation in interpersonal interactions. ‘Old Boy’ is a revenge tale, in which the protagonist Dae‑su is imprisoned for 15 years without a word of explanation only to be dumped suddenly back into society one day, where he then searches for his captor. In the scene where he first faces his captor, Woo‑jin, we are provided with an example of smiling in a Korean cultural context and how that is played with in the medium of film. In the scene, Woo‑jin applies politeness strategies gesturally and linguistically; he uses the polite ‑yo (‑요) particle to end his sentences as he holds his hands together in his lap; all of which express deference (Figure 2.6). He also holds a pleasant expression throughout, smiling and often showing his teeth. Given that Woo‑jin despises Dae‑su, or else he wouldn’t have imprisoned him, the context setup frames these so‑called respectful communication strategies as insincere. Western viewers will understand Woo‑jin as being insincere and patronising, given the context, but they will not be able to understand the clash between the politeness level of his verbal and non‑verbal gestures, which characterise his smile as insin‑ cere and sinister in a South Korean context. This formulation of narrative context and South Korean social factors make it possible to read an ‘implied smile’, rather than interpreting it as simply happiness, enjoyment, or light heartedness. One must

24  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film identify misalignment between politeness level and context first. Only then will the viewer understand the significance of the smile (as meaning insincerity) and the politeness levels with the narrative context.

Figure 2.6 Woo‑jin smiles while holding his hands together and speaking politely, in Old‑ euboi (올드보이) ‘Old Boy’ (2003, South Korea).

In South Korea, honorifics are misused to create sarcasm.9,10,11 Since honorifics are attached to non‑verbal communication as well as verbal communication,12 ges‑ tures are misused too. In this case, smiling, which is not an honorific, is used. How‑ ever, we argue that pleasant facial expressions—happy facial gestures as opposed to angry or sad—are played within the same way. Not only does smiling have various meanings and social formulations but many gestures can function similarly based on the social factors present as well. In Tai‑ wan, for instance, a smile can mask dislike. It also signifies formality, rather than intimacy or the building of solidarity. This is quite different in Western cultures, where smiling signifies friendliness or positive feelings. The difference can cause confusions such as thinking a person wants to begin a relationship or enjoys your company when they don’t. NP, a British man married to a Taiwanese woman, told us of his experience with smiling used as a mask to cover negative emotions and attitudes in Taiwan: When I lived in Taiwan with my wife, I worked as a teacher. I would often ask my wife for advice on how to deal with social situations that I felt unsure of. On one occasion, I asked why one of my colleagues seemed to want to be friends, but then when I invited them to do something outside of work, they were always unavailable. My wife asked me, ‘how do you know they want to be friends?’ I told her that they are always very friendly. She asked how I know they’re being friendly, and I told her ‘They’re always very helpful and smiley.’ She explained to me that a smiling face is not necessarily a ‘friendly’ face, it can just be politeness. Taiwanese film Yi Yi (一一) ‘A One and a Two’ (2000) provides an example of smiling in the face of dislike, pain, and conflict. The film is a drama in which

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film 25 a middle‑class Taiwanese family seek to reconcile past and present relationships. One of the characters at the centre of the family drama is A‑Di, who cheats on his girlfriend Yun Yun with the younger and prettier Hsiao‑Yan. When Hsiao‑Yan be‑ comes pregnant, he has no choice but to marry her. Yun Yun is heartbroken. As she has built a relationship with A‑Di’s family and they have the same circle of friends, her social circle is destroyed. After Hsiao‑Yan gives birth, the same circle of friends gathers to celebrate the birth and meet the baby. Yun Yun arrives unexpectedly with one of the friends, with the friend saying the two women can put their differences aside so that the friendship group can all be present at these important events. Yun Yun smiles broadly and excessively throughout, while Hsiao‑Yan looks uncomfort‑ able as soon as she arrives (Figure 2.7). CK, a Taiwanese woman, explained that, “Yun Yun’s smiling is a mask, however, and her backhanded compliments reveal her passive aggression”.

Figure 2.7 Yun Yun smiles profusely at Hsiao‑Yan, in Yi Yi (一一) ‘A One and a Two’ (2000, Taiwan).

Interestingly, earlier in the film at Hsiao‑Yan’s wedding to A‑Di, Yun Yun showed up uninvited to the wedding banquet and went to A‑Di’s grandmother to express passive aggression towards the situation. However, this time, the non‑­ verbal gestures she uses to achieve this are entirely different. Yun Yun doesn’t mask her pain and anger with a smile, but instead rushes over to A‑Di’s grandmother and falls to her knees dramatically, holding the grandmother’s hand, and hysteri‑ cally crying. Yun Yun says to the grandmother, “You used to love and spoil me the most” (although this isn’t translated in the English subtitle) and apologises profusely for the situation (Figure 2.8). This may appear as humility, but this is a passive aggression towards the situation and an attempt to emotionally manipu‑ late the grandmother into stopping the wedding. Yun Yun does this because the grandmother is considered to be in the highest position in the family, so if anyone could do anything it would be her. Rather than leave room for misinterpretation with an ambiguous implied smile, she chooses to be entirely explicit, showing her

26  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film emotions, which is often avoided with elders. In contrast, in the earlier example of Yun Yun’s interaction with Hsiao‑Yan, the wedding has already taken place, so there is no point in showing any objection to it, and the smile becomes a mask over her pain and anger instead.

Figure 2.8 Yun Yun on her knees before A‑Di’s grandmother, in Yi Yi (一一) ‘A One and a Two’ (2000, Taiwan). Kiss

Kissing is another gesture observable around the world. It displays vast differ‑ ences in its uses in East and West and holds diverse meanings across Asia. In many cultures, public displays of affection offer insight into societal norms and values surrounding relationships. The ways in which affection is exhibited vary signifi‑ cantly between the West and South Korea, with each culture having its unique set of customs and traditions. In Western countries, public displays of affection, such as holding hands, hug‑ ging, or kissing, are commonplace. Such actions are seen as spontaneous expres‑ sions of love and are generally accepted in public, barring some overly intimate acts. The normalisation of these gestures is rooted in the individualistic nature of Western societies, where personal freedoms and expressions are highly valued. In contrast, South Korea traditionally maintains more reserved and conservative norms around public displays of affection. While younger generations are becom‑ ing increasingly open to public gestures like holding hands, overt displays like kissing remain relatively rare, especially among the older generation. Instead, al‑ ternative, unique displays of affection have emerged. One particularly distinctive and popular trend among South Korean couples is the practice of wearing match‑ ing outfits. These ‘couple outfits’ range from coordinated colours and patterns to identical clothing items. This practice goes beyond merely coordinating clothing. It’s a deliberate and enduring emblem of connection and unity, symbolising the

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  27 couple’s shared life and mutual affection.13 Wearing couple outfits is, in essence, a continuous public display of their relationship, arguably even more prominent than an occasional kiss or embrace. In Asia, one commonly finds the idea that romantic affection must be kept pri‑ vate. Public displays of affection between couples are generally not acceptable and bear many negative connotations. Physical affection is also a sensitive subject among families, even between parents and children. Physical affection is, however, acceptable between friends of the same gender. This section will explore the di‑ versity within these generalisations, the social factors that come into play, and the diverse meanings inferable from region to region. CJ, a South Korean woman who married a British man and is currently residing in the UK, finds kissing a difficult gesture to make peace with: Kissing greetings are a burden. I can do it with my sister‑in‑law, even though it sometimes feels unnatural. When I go to my friends’ houses in the UK, I do it too. But when it comes time to greet or bid farewell to their husbands, who are there too, sometimes I don’t have the courage. The association of romance with kissing is so strong, that it just doesn’t feel right. Part of the problem is that Western gesture, in comparison to that in East Asia, is largely up to the individual and an expression of their personality. There are polite‑ ness strategies even in the UK, but the rules aren’t fixed. This applies to kissing, just as it applies to smiling. CJ said, “I always play it by ear. I ask myself, how is the person approaching me? Will they kiss, or won’t they? Then I go!” CJ also stressed that the difficulty with gestures extends to online interactions: When I message my British friends online, when I use emojis, it isn’t natural for me to use kissing emojis or heart emojis there either. I usually use other emojis if I can. But I think Asian people are always conscious of what soci‑ ety thinks, so we are always exaggerating gratitude and other feelings. This means sending a lot of emojis, and hearts and kisses seem to find their way into the mix somehow, but always for this reason rather than because the gesture itself is preferred or an accurate representation of what we’re actu‑ ally feeling. Even in intimate relationships in Korea, kissing is a complex issue. NL, a British woman married to a Korean man, shared her experience with kissing in a Korean cultural context: I never send kissing emojis to my in‑laws, just as I never kiss them in real‑life. I even control the amount and intensity of basic emojis, like smiling emojis, just as I do in‑person. Over‑expression—on‑ and off‑line—is never helpful. It could come across as overbearing. If I send too many or too lively emojis to them in our family chat room, where my sister‑in‑law and brother‑in‑law

28  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film can see, it could paint me in a negative light. If my expressions are too lively and vivid in‑person, the affect would be the same. They haven’t explicitly told me this, but after more than a decade getting to know them, I have learnt some fundamental principles for having smooth communication, which ex‑ tend to every corner of our communication, including online. I have found that emojis are no different than real‑life gestures when used in a Korean cul‑ tural context. They reflect interpersonal relations, and so that same consid‑ erations must be made unless agreed otherwise. I have developed an instinct about which emojis correspond with which politeness levels, just as I have with gestures in real‑life, just as I got a sense for how to use speech styles and address terms. In romantic relationships, kissing is kept private. Public displays of affection are considered uncomfortable for spectators, though this is changing. NL continues: I never kiss my husband in front of my in‑laws. My husband recently, having lived in the UK for more than ten years, started placing his hand on my back or leg, while in the presence of his parents. I was quite nervous. I know af‑ fectionate touch is private in Korea, but it is difficult to know where to draw the line exactly. Especially in contemporary Korea, where things are chang‑ ing, and the older generations recognise this. My sister‑in‑law often makes me laugh when my husband does this. Looking at me through a make‑believe camera she forms with both hands, she says, “Confucian police!”, and then laughs. Culture has become less serious for the younger generation, and the shared experience of the conservatism that remains is a thing for them to bond over just as is their enjoyment of the transnational. Between parents and children, kissing is rare. CJ goes on to explain: Even kissing between parents and children is different in the UK. In Korea, people don’t really kiss their children. I remember my parents not kissing me even once throughout my entire childhood, and not in adulthood either. British people, however, kiss their kids a lot. It’s interesting because Korean parents often speak about the importance of skinship in parent‑child bonding, like hugging, but they find it uncomfortable to kiss them. When I came to England, I thought “oh my goodness!” I wanted to be polite, but it is more natural for me to avoid kissing. But of course, if you avoid it, that can also be rude. Fortunately, my kids are often there to prepare the way for me, laying the groundwork when we meet our British family members and friends. They do the kissing, and I come after them. For me, with my kids, I feel very comfortable to kiss and hug them, and they do it all the time. But they don’t kiss my family. When I look at them, I see they are naturally aware of which gestures are involved in Korean and British cultural contexts. Since kissing is so strongly associated with

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  29 neo‑Confucianism. My girls don’t even kiss my mum. They’re very close, and with my sister too, but they don’t kiss. There is a generational difference, so intergenerational sensitivity is re‑ quired, and my daughters naturally acquired this. In fact, the influence of Korean culture on their gesture is so strong, that when my kids are with sen‑ iors, especially elderly people, and even British they are extremely sensitive to kissing, and to skinship in general. This ‘Koreanness’, my children bring to their interactions. Especially, when they were very young, when they were feeling out their Korean culture in both its traditional and British contexts. So, my daughter would call her British uncle samcheon (삼촌), even when speaking in English. That was when she was 5 or 6 years old. They embodied this Koreanness, because in Korea the language and gesture must be aligned with each other. Both are as important as each other. In the Philippines, there is a gesture that’s like kissing in form, but which has an entirely different context and social formulation. The gesture is called beso‑beso, derived from the Spanish word meaning ‘kiss’, signalling a cheek‑to‑cheek ges‑ ture. This gesture was originally reserved for members of high society, but gradu‑ ally trickled down into show business and became a common greeting amongst Filipino women. Some Filipino women are also comfortable practising beso‑beso with male friends, although it’s not generally acceptable to do this gesture with strangers. These are all, however, only some of the off‑line kissing gestures and contexts. There is another world of kissing politics and its gestures to consider in the on‑ line world. The use of text messaging and digital communication has given rise to various shorthand symbols and practices involving kissing that hold specific cultural or social meanings. One such practice, common among UK women, is the appending of ‘xx’ at the end of a message. This simple signature, which initially may seem inconsequential, carries with it a layered set of implications, norms, and contexts within British culture. Typically, ending a message with ‘xx’ conveys warmth, friendliness, or affection. It’s akin to a light hug or cheek kiss in written form—a gesture of politeness, especially when communicating with friends or ac‑ quaintances. As with many cultural norms, its usage can vary widely based on the closeness of the relationship, the age of the individuals involved, or the context in which it’s used. However, the ‘xx’ is not always straightforward. Given the nu‑ anced nature of human interaction, these double kisses can sometimes be wielded with a degree of passive aggression. For instance, if two individuals had a disa‑ greement and one sends a curt message ending with ‘xx’, the signature may serve as a reminder of their usual closeness, subtly highlighting the current emotional distance. Alternatively, it could be used sarcastically, where the overt sweetness of the ‘xx’ contrasts starkly with a terse or blunt message, pointing out a discrepancy or emphasising a point. The usage also reflects the broader dynamics of politeness in British culture. The UK, with its particular focus on etiquette, often employs indirectness or understatement as tools of communication. The ‘xx’ signature is a

30  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film manifestation of this cultural feature in the digital age—a softening gesture, a nod to civility, or, at times, a weapon of sarcasm. Emojis like the love heart, and kissing emojis such as the ‘kissing smiley’, ‘lips’, and ‘face with love hearts’, of which there are many variations, are used similarly as softeners from senior to junior and between equals, intimates, and privately between people with a romantic relationship in regions like South Korea. They are not standardly used from juniors to seniors, except perhaps children to parents in a private online space. Of course, there’s always personal culture and family culture, which inevitably presents subtle variations and generational differences, such as how the younger generations are increasingly creating new standards for communication, that are increasingly recognised even if the older generations are not participating in the same terms. Open Mouth, Sticking Out Tongue, and Lip Pointing

While smiling and kissing represent more widely observable gestures, there are many barely recognisable gestures cross‑regionally in Asia. In the Philippines, an open mouth is a non‑verbal way of asking ‘What did you say?’, or expressing dis‑ approval, rather than expressing shock or surprise as one commonly observes in Western regions. A similar gesture involving the opening of the mouth is sticking out your tongue, which in Tibet is the traditional way to greet each other and a sign of respect. Ti‑ betan folklore tells of a cruel Tibetan king Lang Darma in the 9th century, who had a black tongue, and so, the people stuck out their tongues to show that their tongues were not like him or his reincarnation, and this thus became a greeting,14 a little like the gesture of reassurance that is namaste, which was a way of show‑ ing that a person has no weapon in their hand and thus ‘come in peace’. Recent controversy involving the gesture highlights the diversity and complexity of Asian gesture, even between Asians, and perhaps most significantly the need for context, and account to be taken of the social dynamic, and also generation.15 Then, there’s lip pointing, which in its form can be mistaken for kissing. If you ask a Filipino where an item or a person is, a common answer will be a lip point rather than a verbal response (e.g., ‘it’s here’, ‘it’s over there’, and ‘they have it’). Lip point‑ ing may also be employed to tell someone to look at something (e.g., making eye contact and lip pointing in the direction of an item or person). The farther the lips are stretched out, the farther the item or person is. Not to be confused with the Indonesian chin point, which if doing so with a smooth and graceful motion is considered an ac‑ ceptable pointing gesture as opposed to pointing with one’s index finger.16 Nodding

Even neighbouring nations have significant differences. They also have some un‑ expected similarities, and both are important when speaking about the diversity of Asian gestures. North Korea and South Korea are often thought to be totally

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  31 different, but it is time to set the record straight on this matter and to debunk and demystify the propaganda and sensationalism. In doing so, we will explore some of the missing pieces of the puzzle that cause significant misunderstanding of North Korean communication to the forefront. Many reports emphasise the difference between North Korean and South Ko‑ rean communication. There are articles that claim that words like dongmu (동무) or dongji (동지)—once non‑ideological, neutral words meaning ‘friend’—are now used as an address term for everyone.17 In fact, articles have even stated that be‑ tween husband and wife this address term must be used, or else people are pun‑ ished.18 However, PJ, a two‑time defector from North Korea who now lives in the UK, said that this simply isn’t the case and that terms like dongmu and dongji are hardly used, except among university students, and certainly not between husbands and wives. PJ explained: These reports aren’t true, at least not of all regions of North Korea. You see, in North Korea people are not allowed to travel freely and must have a local passport. This means that each small region has its own culture particularities in its use of North Korean language, which people from other regions hardly know about. Then, within those regions, from the age of 8 onwards, each child joins the communist party, and as such they then have a responsibil‑ ity to a local union, which comes even before their own parents and family hierarchically, and one day when they’re married, it will come before their spouse too. Among members of a union there is a unique culture, and this creates yet another level of difference. So, where I’m from, in the region and within the social circle of my own union, I didn’t ever see a removal of Con‑ fucian culture, deferential gestures like bowing, or politeness levels when speaking. If I compared to South Korea, in respect to hierarchy, language and gesture, it seems the same or even stricter. The idea that communism has stripped away neo‑Confucianism, and with it reduced the expression of interpersonal relations that we see in South Korean ges‑ ture, is further appropriated by the depiction of North Koreans in South Korean dramas, such as Sarang‑ui Bulsichak (사랑의 불시착) ‘Crash Landing on You’ (2019–2020). These representations often make it appear that deferential ges‑ tures are more subtle in form and less systematic in formulation and frequency. For example, in one scene in Episode 1 of Crash Landing on You, North Korean Jeong‑hyeok talks to his neighbours, who are meeting the female protagonist Se‑ri for the first time. Jeong‑hyeok is concealing that Se‑ri is South Korean, pretending she is a North Korean spy and his fiancé, while the nosy neighbours press for more information to no avail. During the interaction, subtle bowing that’s more like nodding is used as a structural element of the interaction without the same level of the deferential implication that it would have in South Korea, given that the age of the neighbours is noticeably greater than Jeong‑hyeok and Se‑ri (Figure 2.9).

32  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film

Figure 2.9 Nodding goodbye to neighbours in North Korea, in Sarang‑ui Bulsichak (사 랑의 불시착) ‘Crash Landing on You’ (2019–2020, North Korea depiction by South Korea).

The verbal and non‑verbal expressions are structured as follows: – Main conversation between Jeong‑hyeok and Se‑ri and Jeong‑hyeok’s neigh‑ bours ends. – Jeong‑hyeok says goodbye to his neighbours, saying “geureom” (그럼) ‘In that case…’ (translated as ‘Then, goodnight’). – Jeong‑hyeok nods. – Se‑ri copies Jeong‑hyeok, saying “geureom” (그럼) ‘In that case…’ (translated as ‘Goodnight’). – Se‑ri nods. – Jeong‑hyeok and Se‑ri exit. In this case, the nod is like saying ‘goodbye’—making explicit that this is the end of the interaction—rather than expressing deference because the neighbour is older. This makes sense if we consider the high rank of Jeong‑hyeok who is an army captain and son of the Director of the General Political Bureau of the Korean People’s Army. This is different from South Korean gesture‑making, and part of the difference in communication that it is argued has been part of a cultural genocide in the region. According to the media, North Korean defectors have reviewed and authenticated these depictions,19 and many have accepted these claims as facts. However, PJ urged us not to accept this representation, saying “I can’t watch these dramas. It makes me uncomfortable. It isn’t like that”, insisting that since commu‑ nist party took over the region in 1946 that Samgang Oryun (삼강 오륜)20 of Con‑ fucianism has remained, only factoring local unions into the hierarchy before one’s parents and other familial relations, and placing the North Korean leader above all. It is in the North Korean verbal language that PJ insists there is actually extreme divergence from South Korea, with a vastly different lexicon:

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  33 In Pyeongyang people speak standard North Korean. In Southern North ­ orea, people had been speaking more similarly to South Koreans, until K 2019 when a new law came in to prevent people from adopting ‘capital‑ ist language’ by using terms commonly associated with Korean dramas like ‘oppa’. Though before this, oppa, unnie, noona, hyeong, were all normal address terms used in our daily lives. But, regardless of this, the words we use are so different than the ones that South Koreans use, and I can see that so much is lost in translation between North and South Koreas, and because of this North Koreans aren’t accurately represented. Only the gestures believed to be capitalist gestures cannot be used in North Korea. For example, the upside‑down ‘OK’ sign, which involves the thumb and index fingertips placed together, and the three remaining fingers spread out. This gesture means money in South Korea and is forbidden in North Korea. YouTubers like Minji Teaches Korean 민지 티치 코리안 (who as of 03.07.23 had 209k sub‑ scribers)21 describe this gesture as, “One of 3 must‑know Korean hand gestures” in reference to South Korea (Figure 2.10).

Figure 2.10  South Korean gesture for money.

Confucianism has faded in Taiwan and Hong Kong and has mostly disappeared in mainland China due to the Cultural Revolution. The Cultural Revolution was a political movement that took place in China from 1966 to 1976, led by Chairman Mao Zedong, the head of China’s Communist Party. Mao launched this movement with the aim to reassert his control over the Chinese government by purging rem‑ nants of capitalist and traditional elements from Chinese society and to re‑impose Maoist thought as the dominant ideology in China. During this time, millions of peo‑ ple were persecuted, often violently, in a widespread social and political upheaval. Schools were closed, historical artefacts and buildings were destroyed, and many intellectuals and city‑dwellers were sent to the countryside to learn from the life of the peasants, which led to a significant disruption of Chinese society and economy. In Taiwan and Hong Kong, Confucianism remains, but no longer affects lan‑ guage and gesture in systematic ways, though it never did to the degree found in South Korea where neo‑Confucianism was strictly adopted in the mid‑Joseon dynasty. As CK from Taiwan explained, “Deferential gestures, or gestures that

34  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film express hierarchy, are reserved only for ceremonies, and fewer and fewer are even taking part in these practices”. FD from mainland China explained, “Friends and families of mine who visited Taiwan told me that they feel the Taiwanese have kept more traditional etiquettes than we see in mainland China. Although I am not sure whether it can be fully attributed to communism”. NH, a 15‑year‑old UK‑ Taiwanese young woman, said she hadn’t noticed significant gestural differences during her visits to Taiwan, apart from customs on special occasions, being served food after elders, and greeting elders first when meeting. NA, a 17‑year‑old UK‑­ Taiwanese young man agreed with NH, though stated that “I perhaps encounter a little more, as I am the only male, so I’m responsible for continuing more of the customs that involve gesture, like ancestral rites”. Both NH and NA said that when they’re in the UK, although their mother, who is Taiwanese, often serves them food after adults, apart from bowing to elders on Lunar New Year, and there aren’t many occasions when they use gestures that are Taiwanese. These observations are also reflected in a contrast between contemporary Taiwanese and mainland Chinese cin‑ ema and television, in which traditional etiquette is observable in the Taiwanese case whereas sparse in the mainland Chinese case excluding period pieces that naturally exhibit traditional etiquette. For example, in Taiwanese film and televi‑ sion, although it is not mandatory, it is common to see a gentle nod to elders or people of status in polite greeting or in gratitude (Figure 2.11). Although this is just one of many gestures that remain as a way of showing respect to seniors. In Xǐyàn (喜宴) ‘The Wedding Banquet’ (1993), on Wei Wei’s first meeting with her in‑laws to‑be after they arrive in the US from Taiwan, she employs many of these gestures. One of the most interesting is her quick acceptance of responsibility for carrying numerous heavy suitcases for the couple (Figure  2.12). She uses this gesture to impress her in‑laws to‑be with her deference, showing the remaining importance of Confucianism in Taiwanese values.

Figure 2.11 Teacher lightly nods to Old Chu when he delivers Shan Shan’s lunch to school, Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  35

Figure 2.12 Wei Wei nominates herself to carry several heavy bags as a deferential gesture to her in‑laws to‑be, in Xǐyàn (喜宴) ‘The Wedding Banquet’ (1993, Taiwan and US).

In mainland China, communism stripped away much of the Confucian inter‑ personal relations from daily life in the metropolitan areas. In the countryside, however, it has been reported that tradition has had a stronger hold. PJ, who spent some time in mainland China when she defected from North Korea, explained that during her time in the Chinese countryside, she encountered a Confucianism not too dissimilar to that which she experienced in North Korea. In contrast, MM, who lives in mainland China, explained, “Hierarchy doesn’t really exist since the Cul‑ tural Revolution. Not like it did. The relations between men and women especially have been equalised”. This is significantly different from South Korea. Nodding takes on other functions in other parts of Asia. For instance, in India, nodding or shaking the head is a gesture that commonly accompanies describing, although not to be confused with the Indian bobble head gesture, seen often in Bol‑ lywood movies, involving bobbing the head up and down, and used to express an array of meanings. Context, form, and multimodality are everything when it comes to the meanings of the bobble head gesture. It can mean ‘yes’, a kind ‘no’, ‘maybe’, uncertainty, or even annoyance. Most commonly, it is used to express ‘yes’ or some sort of agreement, but it is also used to be friendly, and even to be respectful, with faster shaking or raised eyebrows adding the nuance of enthusiasm. Consider two mirroring scenarios: a Korean person is on the phone talking, intermittently nodding as they respond, and an Indian person is on the phone, in‑ termittently nodding. Nodding, in the Korean cultural context, even while on the phone, shows deference, and so, it indicates the relation between the speakers (even though one is unseen), while in the Indian context, nodding shows that the person is describing something. These are two very different kinds of meaning—one is socio‑pragmatic and indicative of attitude and emotion between speaker and hearer and towards the subject being spoken about, while the other is an accompaniment for a particular type of statement.

36  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film Head to Hand

Further important gestures involve coordinating multiple regions with the head, especially head‑to‑hand gestures, for example, the Indonesian forehead‑to‑hand gesture, in which the person of lower status puts their forehead to the hand of the person of higher status. In the past, the junior person had to kiss the hand of the senior person; however, this has evolved into just a touch of the forehead. In India, there are also further expressions used to greet, such as ashirwad, which involves bringing the palm of your hand up towards your nose, with a slight lowering of the head. Namaskar, also known as namaste, which we mentioned in the introduc‑ tion to Part II, is a respectful greeting or parting salutation in Hindu tradition. The gesture can be done in return. In Indian films, multiple people will often perform ashirwad when meeting in a group, such as in the Urdu‑language film Umrao Jaan (2006) (Figures 2.13 and 2.14).

Figure 2.13  Ashirwad greeting, in Umrao Jaan (2006, India).

Figure 2.14  Ashirwad greeting returned, in Umrao Jaan (2006, India).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  37 In urban Sindh in Pakistan, as well as in some other parts of the country, there is also a hand‑to‑head gesture. The adab gesture is a standard greeting for men and women. It involves lowering the head and lifting their hand to their forehead to make the adab gesture when greeting each other. In the Philippines, there is the pagmamano or mano gesture, which involves taking the back of the hand of an elderly or older relative such as an uncle or an aunt and placing it up the forehead to express respect. This can be initiated by the younger or the older relative. The older will touch the forehead of the younger person with the back of their hand, saying, ‘Bless you’. Scratching the Head

Scratching the head is a gesture of diverse meaning in Asia. In Korea, scratching the head can be a polite way to get a senior person’s attention without speaking; usually, this is with a single finger. It can also express frustration, though this of‑ ten involves the whole hand (one or two) and ruffling the hair. The latter can’t be used towards seniors, as it would be seen as confrontational. In both cases, socio‑­ pragmatics are key in the use of the gesture, as performing the latter gesture alone will show one’s frustration but performing it in the presence of a senior towards them would be more like a confrontation. Similarly, using a single finger to scratch the temple in order to get another person’s attention may appear as fear or strange behaviour if a significantly senior person does this to a junior. In India, this gesture shows confusion, and as such, it can even characterise a person as stupid. For instance, in the transnationally successful Hindi‑language film The Three Idiots (2009), in which the whole concept is the stupidity of the three main characters, one of the characters, Ranchhoddas Shamaldas Chanchad, uses the gesture to express confusion towards his teacher when he finds himself in trouble. Ear Pulling and Ear Holding

Some head gestures are much less region‑specific, holding meanings that bear similarity across Asia, but have subtle variations in form, degrees of performance (e.g., depth of a bow relating to the strength of the respect), or the ‘angle’ of the expression. The ears provide an excellent example. Ear pulling, which in India is a disciplinary expression, while holding onto one’s own ear can express remorse or repentance when feeling guilty in Pakistan. There is a subtle difference in form, as to who is holding whose ear, with the Indian gesture used to tell another person off appearing somewhat of a counterpart to the Pakistani gesture which is a response to having done something wrong. Rolling Both Hands Behind Ears

In India, there’s also another interesting socio‑pragmatic gesture involving the ears, in which elders, mostly women, roll both of their hands behind their ears and say

38  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film ‘Nazar Na Lage’. This sweet gesture is used to protect the person in front of them from evil eyes. In the ground‑breaking Hindi‑language comedy Dostana (2008), womaniser friends Sam and Kunal pretend to be gay in order to persuade a girl to be their roommate. Then, one day a letter comes to Sam’s mother’s address unintentionally, indicating that he is gay, and his mother (Rani) is hysterical. Their female roommate, Neha, helps “Rani” to reconcile with Sam’s sexuality, and once consoled, Rani performs this gesture to Sam and Kunal (Figure 2.15).

Figure 2.15  Rani rolls her hands back behind the ears, in Dostana (2008, India). Eye Gaze

Eye contact is another feature whose gestures exemplify the diversity of meaning and function while also sharing the characteristics that encourage generalisation. In Pakistan, it is considered rude to look someone directly in the eye while talking to them, as it signifies arrogance and can also be perceived as seeking validation. In contrast, lowering one’s gaze is considered respectful and shows that one is not demanding attention. There are some similarities here to eye contact in a Korean context. In Korea, who can make eye contact and who should avoid are also deter‑ mined based on interpersonal relations, such as age, position, and socio‑economic status. Interpersonal relations (if visible or made known) determine how polite a gesturer should be. For instance, as younger persons walk down the street, they will be more conscious of avoiding making eye contact with a visibly senior person than a senior would about a junior. In Korea, there are further factors too, other than intimacy, distance, and hierarchy, that can also influence how much eye gaze would potentially be too much in each case. One factor that influences Korean gestures generally is the other people spectating the interaction (or lack thereof).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  39 Reducing politeness in front of others can be humiliating. The location and situa‑ tion of the interaction can also play a part. Certain situations might make it possible to engage with people more freely, such as in a bar, when everyone is in high spirits while mingling with new people. In Pakistan, hierarchy may be a consideration, but maintaining eye contact can generally be inferred as taking intimacy and distance into account. In Korea, eye gaze that is maintained for a significant period of time during an interaction can express anger and can be antagonistic, confrontational, and threat‑ ening. In the negotiation of Korean interpersonal relations, it can be an attempt to get the upper hand or to dominate. Non‑verbal power struggles, especially between people with conflicting hierarchies in Korean social dynamics, can be seen often in Korean dramas. In the first episode of the recent hit Korean drama Isanghan Byeonhosa U Yeong‑u (이상한 변호사 우영우) ‘Extraordinary Attorney Woo’ (2022), eye contact is orchestrated along with other gestures in a power struggle between the CEO of Hanbada law firm and senior attorney Jung Myung‑seok over hiring rookie Young‑woo Woo. Jung Myung‑seok believes she is an unwise choice due to her autism preventing her from speaking easily with clients and in court; however, the CEO won’t back down (Figure 2.16). Both maintain eye contact, and the frustration felt by Myung‑seok is visible in this; he almost crosses the line in his persistence, causing the CEO to lean back in her chair a little in a manner that straightens her posture removing any leaning forward that may appear deferential. While expressing differing opinions, the two speak politely. It is only through these non‑verbal gestures that we see combat occurring between the two.

Figure 2.16 Eye contact and power struggle, in Isanghan Byeonhosa U Yeong‑u (이상한 변 호사 우영우) ‘Extraordinary Attorney Woo’ (2022, South Korea).

In the world‑renowned Gisaengchung (기생충) ‘Parasite’ (2019), an infamous interaction happens during the opening of the film. The Kim family make a mi‑ nuscule amount of money from folding pizza boxes. At the beginning of the film,

40  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film their young female employer comes to collect the pizza boxes. Mr and Mrs Kim are a generation older than her, and so upon first glance, it might appear that the situation warrants a junior‑senior politeness dynamic. Since Mr and Mrs Kim are destitute, the employer puts herself first in the interaction, worrying little about humiliating them. Her eye contact (Figure 2.17), like her other non‑verbal gestures and even verbal language, is belittling, setting the scene for the Kim family’s des‑ perate actions. Her persistence in sustaining eye contact, while complaining about the quality of their work folding the boxes, is confrontational. This is confirmed by the orchestration of eye contact with other gestures unsuitable for juniors towards seniors, like vigorous movement, and broad posture. Despite being the employer, and so in a position of seniority, the power of the age relation in South Korean society, which demands the younger give respect to the older (even if only older by a matter of days, weeks, or months), would require a more delicate approach to criticism, if one is to present themselves decently.

Figure 2.17 Eye contact in conflicting hierarchy, in Gisaengchung (기생충) ‘Parasite’ (2019, South Korea).

A similarly confrontational, though openly antagonistic, behaviour can be ob‑ served in the hit Korean drama Deo Geullori (더 글로리) ‘The Glory’ (2022–2023). In the series, Moon Dong‑eun, a former victim of school violence, seeks revenge on her bullies years later. She takes up a role as the homeroom teacher for the daughter of Park Yeon‑jin, the leader of the gang that terrorised her. In the scene shown in Figure  2.18, Dong‑eun is confronted by Yeon‑jin, when she discovers Dong‑eun is her daughter’s homeroom teacher. Unlike in the past, when Dong‑eun was terrified of Yeon‑jin, Dong‑eun stands up to Yeon‑jin, and a major indicator of this shift from victim to avenger is Dong‑eun’s non‑verbal gestures. As a child, she kept her head lowered and avoided eye contact, but in this confrontation and her other interactions with her bullies as an adult, Dong‑eun always maintains eye contact, holds her head high, and keeps her posture upright. Her bullies even com‑ ment on her behaviour, reaffirming that she is being confrontational. The shift in behaviour also shows that these are the meanings associated with these gestures, as they can be wielded successfully in the construction of these discourses within the Korean cultural context.

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  41

Figure 2.18 Eye contact maintained and also emphasised with wide eyes to antagonise and express the desire to antagonise, in Deo Geullori (더 글로리) ‘The Glory’ (2022–2023, South Korea).

Set on Jeju island, Nagwonui Bam (낙원의 밤) ‘Night in Paradise’ (2020, South Korea) is a South Korean film in which we also see the aggressive use of eye con‑ tact, though not antagonistic but purely as a warning from one interlocutor to an‑ other to make the person stop what they are doing. In the scene, a weapon dealer is doing a deal with some gangster clients, and the main client is overbearing. When he asks the seller why he is no longer selling weapons through Russian gangsters and has started putting deals together on his own, the seller makes eye contact and says that if he has finished shopping then it’s closing time. The eye contact func‑ tions to add a threat to the statement; it’s like saying, ‘Back off, don’t ask me that, or else!’ (Figure 2.19). Eye contact combined with a statement to threaten is not exclusive to Korea or Asia; however, if one observes South Korean interactions, eye contact is shown to be a component of aggressive communication. However, in Western regions, for instance, it is often considered polite and honest to look into someone else’s eyes. Thus, it is important to make this distinction.

Figure 2.19 Threatening eye contact between gangsters, in Nagwonui Bam (낙원의 밤) ‘Night in Paradise’ (2020, South Korea).

42  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film The avoidance of eye contact isn’t only about fear or shyness. In Taiwan, there are a variety of meanings for averting one’s eyes. In the scene shown in Figure 2.20 extracted from Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994), three characters are pictured: long‑time widower Mr Chu (centre); Mr Chu’s neighbour, single mother Jǐnróng Liáng (right), who is going through a messy divorce; and Jǐnróng’s mother Mrs  Liáng (left), who has recently returned from the United States to Taiwan. This is one of the final scenes in the film, when Mr Chu reveals that he and Jǐnróng, despite their generational age gap, are in love and going to be together. The moment pictured is just before he makes this controversial state‑ ment, when nervously he beats around the bush while making toasts. As he does this, everyone at the table can see that he has some sort of announcement to make, and his daughters and their significant others, along with Mrs Liáng, think that he is going to announce his desire to grow old with Mrs Liáng, who is also alone. At this moment, Mrs Liáng averts her eye gaze, looking downwards, shielding her excitement, in her belief that Mr Chu is romantically interested in her, embody‑ ing femineity in her behaviour—acting shy and demure. Jǐnróng is also averting her gaze from everyone’s view, she won’t make any eye contact with anyone. However, Jǐnróng is doing so because she knows people will be outraged and feels ashamed of having a secret relationship with Mr Chu, while having grown up with his daughters who are the same age as her. Both women use the same gesture, but for entirely different reasons, and only by knowing the context can this be interpreted accurately.

Figure 2.20 Both women avoid eye contact for different reasons—one is ashamed, one is trying to be feminine and feign surprise, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  43 In the Chinese drama, Sān Shēng Sān Shì Zhěn Shàng Shū (三生三世枕上书) ‘Three Lives Three Worlds, The Pillow Book’ (2020), averting eye gaze can also be observed as expressing a similar meaning as Jǐnróng’s averted gaze. This period costume, mythical drama, based on the novel by Tangqi Gongzi, follows the Queen of Qing Qiu, Bai Feng Jiu, who is the last nine‑tailed fox in existence, who falls in love with Dong Hua, the Heavenly Emperor. In one scene, when being chosen as a courtier of Dong Hua’s little sister, Bai Feng Jiu and her friend cover their faces with dirt as a way to avoid being chosen. When inspected, they nervously avert their gaze (Figure 2.21). Bai Feng Jiu, in fact, closes her eyes completely, showing the gesture to be an expression of nervousness.

Figure 2.21 The girls avert their eyes during inspection, nervously, after dirtying their faces to avoid being chosen, in Sān Shēng Sān Shì Zhěn Shàng Shū (三生三 世枕上书) ‘Three Lives Three Worlds, The Pillow Book’ (2020, mainland China).

In another scene, when Bai Feng Jiu is being disciplined by her teacher. She not only averts her eyes but also covers her face (Figure 2.22). It is important to ac‑ knowledge that while these gestures do play a noticeable role in characterising Bai Feng Jiu as feminine and cute, they are only able to do so because they hold certain properties within the Chinese system of communication, which emphasises hierar‑ chical politeness more than in Western cultural contexts, and as such, in submission can be wielded as a tool of submission or rebellion and be used to characterise men and women as attractive, unattractive, and more.

44  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film

Figure 2.22 Bai Feng Jiu covers her face with a scroll when disciplined, in Sān Shēng Sān Shì Zhěn Shàng Shū (三生三世枕上书) ‘Three Lives Three Worlds, The ­Pillow Book’ (2020, mainland China). Temporality of Gestures

Temporality is an important factor in gestures too. Societies are made up of differ‑ ent generations, for whom gesture can mean different things, so the media of the past can reflect generational gestural norms. In Indonesia, temporality affects how eye gaze is interpreted. Today, in Indonesia, avoiding eye contact is a sign of em‑ barrassment. However, traditionally, Javanese society’s social hierarchy was rigidly stratified, and eye contact was avoided in junior‑senior social dynamics, more like the use of eye contact in regions like Korea today. Javanese culture values harmony and social order highly and abhors direct conflicts and disagreements. Travelling to the more rural areas of Indonesia, one can still observe indirect eye gaze employed for politeness. This, though, takes a different form than in Korea situationally. For instance, averting one’s gaze is considered polite when the host of an event gives a toast. This is the opposite of Japan. In Japanese drinking etiquette, when raising glasses to a toast, eye contact is made between those sitting closest together. For outsiders, generational differences, as well as those between the metropolitan and the rural, can cause confusion, as can film and media that reflect temporality, such as Indonesian period films and television where eye contact is reflective of social orders in Javanese society. This goes the other way too, for example, in Thailand where despite profound industrial and political changes, “traditional Thai culture has not only survived, but has also, in many respects, prospered”.22 For the Muslim population in Asia, direct or lengthy eye contact is also problem‑ atic. There has been considerable cross‑cultural research done, to support Western healthcare professionals to provide appropriate care for Muslims, in which gesture is a major topic. Sirois, Darby, and Tolle, for example, advise: Muslims view direct or lengthy eye contact as a negative behaviour sug‑ gesting a lack of respect and will often avoid eye contact in conversation, especially with those of the opposite gender. Prolonged eye contact also may

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  45 be viewed as aggressive behaviour or having the potential to lead to sinful thoughts and should be used sparingly when having discussions with Muslim patients, particularly of the opposite gender.23 Lowering the Head

Lowering the head bears similarity to averting one’s gaze. In Korea, the lowering of the head expresses a direct response to another’s utterance, as an agreement or greeting, but the lowering of the head also expresses respect, humility, and know‑ ing one’s place when performed by a junior, and fear, humiliation, or extreme hu‑ mility when used by a senior to a junior. In other regions of East Asia, lowering the head is common too, often express‑ ing respect, humility, shame, embarrassment, and discomfort. We see one example in Yi Yi (2000), when teenager Ting Ting goes on a date with her neighbour Lilli’s ex‑boyfriend, Fatty. After their second date, they get a hotel room. However, after entering, they are shy and don’t know what to do. Hesitating, while standing before one another for a short time, they are silent with their heads lowered and eye gaze averted, until Ting Ting eventually leaves (Figure 2.23).

Figure 2.23 Lowering of the head between shy young people on a date, in Yi Yi (一一) ‘A One and a Two’ (2000, Taiwan).

There are meanings of lowering the head that are less common across Asia. In the Philippines, for instance, when the head is lowered, with the arms extended downwards, this gesture functions as a non‑verbal expression of ‘excuse me’ or ‘pardon me’ when passing through people. This is a polite way to pass through people, especially when interrupting a conversation in the process of doing so. Closing Eyes and Blinking

There are many gestures made with the eyes that could be misunderstood as being similar when, in reality, they have vastly different meanings. India has many eye

46  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film gestures that could fall prey to this. For instance, there is the closing of the eyes, which could be confused with averting one’s gaze. In India, closing one’s eyes in an interaction that translates to ‘Spare me’ (e.g., ‘I don’t believe you’, ‘I’ve had enough’, and ‘Don’t waste my time with this’). There is also a gesture that involves a blink and tilt of the head, which in India means ‘yes’, as well as the gesture of slowly looking down and then back up again, which in India means, ‘Are you kidding me!’ These gestures have subtle differences in form and are contextualised by the Indian region. Winking

Winking is another common gestural form, observed around the world, but one that has vastly different meanings as we shift from one cultural context to the next. In Asia, winking often connotes flirtation, though there are some differences, depend‑ ent upon hierarchical factors and context. In Pakistan, winking has sexual connota‑ tions and should be avoided altogether. Winking at someone is considered a very rude gesture in Hong Kong and likewise in Taiwan and India. In Korea, winking is only okay if done to someone younger, though some level of intimacy is needed as winking at a stranger is inappropriate. Winking etiquette even extends to emo‑ jis. Sending a winking emoji to your senior in a Korean context would generate similar discomfort as doing so face to face would. In mainland China, winking has a variety of meanings, which bear similarity to Korea as these variations reflect hierarchy, which comes into play, as does intimacy. FD explains: In mainland China, it depends on the interpersonal relationship. It is rude to wink at a stranger or a senior. It is strange to wink at your parents and fami‑ lies. If it is in a dating context, it depends on the mutual feelings of the two. Winking is ok between friends which display a degree of playfulness. Raised Eyebrows

In Filipino culture, the eyebrows hold a unique power in non‑verbal communi‑ cation. Raising one’s eyebrows can convey a positive affirmation of ‘yes’ when responding to a yes/no question. So, if a Filipino doesn’t verbally answer your question, observe their raised eyebrows before assuming they are ignoring you. It might be their way of answering non‑verbally. Furthermore, raising the eyebrows with strong eye contact can serve as a greeting or farewell when physical touch is not possible. It is important to note though that, while these non‑verbal expressions are tendencies in Filipino culture, each person is different, and practices may vary. A similar gesture is also used in Micronesia, where raising the eyebrows is used as a greeting or to acknowledge someone’s presence. Voice

Sound matters too in gesture. Sounds made with voices and mouths are diverse in form, function, and meaning and are an area of gesture extremely lacking re‑ search. The patterns of stress and intonation in language, known as prosody, are

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  47 a significant modality of gestural communication and one that varies vastly from region to region across Asia. Intonation can rise, fall, and rise‑fall depending upon the language. In Korea, rising intonation is a confrontational expression, and sign of irritation, when used in conflicting hierarchies like from junior to senior or when both interlocutors have a claim to seniority.24 In Chinese‑speaking regions of Asia, one might question the relevance of prosody, as in tonal languages pitch is already used to represent lexical tones and so it is argu‑ able how it is possible for the language to also have intonation. However, specific mechanisms that allow tone and intonation to coexist have been identified by research‑ ers when taking into account articulatory mechanisms and communicative functions.25 To complicate matters further, along with genuine expressions, there is another pragmatic phenomenon known as ‘mock impoliteness’,26 which is performed using prosody and other non‑verbal gestures and requires constant conversational evalu‑ ation.27 This adds a whole other dimension to the interpretation of prosody, as one also has to be able to interpret insincerity in order to gather sarcasm, exaggeration, and other forms of humour such as mimicry. Whistling

While whistling is common in Western regions, often connoting pleasance, charm, and cheery feelings, in Asia it can be interpreted quite differently. In China, whis‑ tling is considered a nuisance. It’s also a gesture that has different meanings from the day to the night. During the day, it is considered mischievous. At night time, it is said to attract spirits that will follow the whistler home and haunt them. Practi‑ tioners of transcendental whistling appear in Chinese literature, depicted as having the ability to communicate with spirits and to control the weather and animals.28 Whistling is also discouraged in South Korea, and again, there is the superstition that it can have serious repercussions if done at night time. Koreans believe this can summon snakes, spirits, ghosts, demons, and other unearthly creatures.29 In Japan too, whistling at night is prohibited. There is the belief that it could attract a Tengu (天狗),30,31,32 a creature of the Shinto religion, believed to take the forms of birds of prey and a monkey deity, and traditionally depicted with human, monkey, and avian features.33 In the summertime especially, the Japanese believe that many spirits are out and about. Like China and Korea, there is also a belief in Japan that whistling might attract a snake. But also, it is said that in old Japan, criminals like thieves and human traffickers used whistle sounds to communicate with each other at night, and this has transcended into a belief that whistling at night could lead to being mugged or abducted.34 There are similarities and subtle variations to be found beyond East Asia too. The Siamese of central Thailand also believe that whistling at night calls evil spir‑ its, and in general, it brings bad luck. In Russia and other Slavic cultures, whistling indoors is believed to bring poverty. There is even a Russian proverb that says, “whistling money away”.35 These beliefs and emblematic values of whistling are found beyond Asia too. However, again, it is important to highlight that each has its subtle variations in form (e.g., where and when the whistling takes place and what it evokes) and

48  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film therefore what it means. For example, native Hawaiians believe that whistling at night summons the ghosts of ancient Hawaiian warriors—the Hukai’po or ‘Night Marchers’. In another folklore, whistling at night is also believed to summon the Menehune ‘forest‑dwelling dwarves’. Then, the indigenous Noongar people who are native to Southwest Australia believe that whistling at night attracts the atten‑ tion of bad spirits, which they call Warra Wirrin. Likewise, Maori in New Zealand, believe that whistling after midnight provokes the ghosts and spirits, which they call Kehua, and that they’ll whistle back. These are all common forms of whistling, however. There are slightly differ‑ ent forms that are not believed to summon snakes or spirits. On Jeju Island, South Korea, there is a form of whistling called sumbisori, which involves making a whistle‑like gasp of air that helps the female divers of Jeju Island, the haenyeo, to recharge their breath. In its uniqueness, this form of whistling serves as an emblem of haenyeo cultural identity too. This gesture can be observed in South Korean films like Ineo Gongju (인어공주) ‘My Mother, the Mermaid’ (2004), which tells the story of a young woman who is somehow transported back in time after arguing with her mother, a haenyeo, and witnesses how her parents met. There are several diving scenes in the film when sumbisori can be heard/observed. There are also languages in Asia that can whistled in their entirety. “In at least 80 cultures worldwide, people have developed whistled versions of the local lan‑ guage when the circumstances call for it”.36 Hmong language is one of these. The Hmong are an ethnic group located in the East and Southeast Asia, a sub‑group of the Miao people, found mainly in Southern China, Vietnam, and Laos. The entire Hmong language can be whistled and communicated through musical notes. The Hmong people whose territory is at the foothills of the Himalayas like most com‑ munities located in mountain areas developed conversing through whistling to help farmers and shepherds communicate over long distances of up to 8 kilometres. The villagers of Kongthong, a state of India located in the East Khasi Hills district, 60 km from Meghalaya’s capital city Shillong, speak another. There are around 700 villagers in Kongthong and there are 700 different tunes, each one given to a person by their mother after birth, and when the person dies, the tune dies with them. Slurping

In Japan, slurping noodles is a polite gesture that expresses enjoyment and deli‑ ciousness. Slurping is known to enhance the food’s flavour because it allows you to take the noodles and air at the same time in your mouth. The Japanese have devel‑ oped their eating culture to include the fast consumption of noodles. Eating noodles quickly and efficiently can be noisy and slurping unavoidable. Thus, to eat noodles properly—to have correct noodle etiquette—one must slurp.37,38 This gesture can be observed across Japanese film and television, but if we take the Japanese clas‑ sic foodie film Tampopo (タンポポ) ‘Dandelion’ (1985) as an example, in which ramen‑eating and its establishments are a visual and narrative staple, we see not only slurping as a standard manner in noodle consumption (Figure 2.24) but also the cultural ideology underpinning the gesture.

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  49

Figure 2.24 One of umpteen examples of noodle‑slurping, in Tampopo (タンポポ) ‘Dan‑ delion’ (1985, Japan).

In one humorous scene in Tampopo, a wealthy woman educates her female friends on how to eat spaghetti politely abroad because they are used to slurping noodles. The woman takes them through the preparation of the spaghetti with the fork on the spoon and then stresses how the food must be consumed very thoughtfully in order to not make a sound, because slurping abroad is rude (Figure 2.25). Her lesson is then disrupted by a Western man slurping his spaghetti on the other side of the room. The women observing this then choose to eat the spaghetti as if it were ramen, suck‑ ing large amounts of spaghetti into their mouths quickly, and slurping.

Figure 2.25 Woman tries to teach a group of Japanese women how to eat spaghetti like Europeans, without slurping as is the standard politeness for Japanese ramen‑eating, in Tampopo (タンポポ) ‘Dandelion’ (1985, Japan).

50  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film Asian attitudes towards the politeness and meaning of food sound gestures are also changing. The South Korean online trend meokbang (먹방)39 has been a ma‑ jor catalyst in this. The term pronounced ‘muk‑bang’ arose in 2013—a compound word formed by components of the Korean verb meokda (먹다) meaning ‘to eat’, and bangsong (방송) meaning ‘broadcast’.40 Traditionally, meokbang entailed a person eating a large amount of food during a live broadcasting and interacting live with viewers via a chat. The format has since evolved through YouTube, and instead of live broadcasts, meokbang videos are created, edited, and interactions conducted in the comment section instead of live. Importantly, in the development, editing has brought food sounds to the forefront of meokbang and into the online dimension where eating sounds, including slurping and crunching, play an impor‑ tant part in the Autonomous Sensory Meridian Response (ASMR) experience, “in which the focus is no longer on consumption itself but on the sounds produced by the act”.41 Laughter

Laughter, while it may seem like a straightforward gesture, is far from a simple code. While most studies have analysed it within a Western context, its mean‑ ings and nuances can vary significantly across different cultural landscapes.42 ­Previous research has provided substantial evidence that East Asians do not hold the same positive attitude towards humour that their Western counterparts do.43,44,45 In South Korea, laughter is sometimes used in awkward situations. ­Koreans may laugh when they feel uncomfortable and not necessarily because what was said was genuinely funny. In the Philippines, laughter (and smiling too) can likewise express nervousness. LD explained that she laughs out of “em‑ barrassment or nervousness” but “doesn’t feel it is pervasive in western and eastern cultures”. However, there are different types of laughter. Laughter that is loud and/or open‑mouthed is often inappropriate for juniors in East Asia. In Korea, this is certainly true, and women also tend to cover their laughter with their hands. In Japan too, the case is similar. Silence is considered a virtue in Japan. In Korea, the diminution of one’s presence is an expression of juniority, respect, submis‑ sion, and formality that extends across regions of the body—from posture, the vigour of movement, amount of speech, to the volume of sounds made. It is therefore more prevalent among women than among men, due to their lower hierarchical position determined by the lingering effects Confucian ideology in the region. While hierarchy often plays an important role in the use of gestures in East Asia, we see some differences from region to region. In contrast to Korea, in Sin‑ gapore, the formality of interactions with strangers and interactions between men and women do not restrict the uses of laughter. We see an example of open‑mouth

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  51 laughter in a formal situation in the Singaporean local box office hit, Xīnbīng Zhèngzhuàn III: Wārénzhuàn (新兵正傳III:蛙人傳) ‘Ah Boys to Men 3: Frog‑ men’ (2015). In this case, the laugh is a gesture of sarcasm, so the action of laugh‑ ing is important in conveying meaning. In the scene, a woman wants to return a mobile phone plan she has recently purchased as she didn’t receive a battery with the phone and found a much more reasonable phone plan elsewhere. The sales‑ man is trying to sweet talk her to accepting the bad deal she has been given, and at one point when making a joke, she throws her head back and laughs with an open mouth, sarcastically. This gesture is less common in civilised conversation in a Korean or Japanese context. Hissing

Another unique auditory gesture is hissing. Brown, Kim, and Winter define hiss‑ ing: “This nonverbal sound is produced by drawing air alongside the tongue or between the teeth and may appear either before the production of a turn, or dur‑ ing turn production”.46 In the Philippines, hissing is a commonplace gesture for locals. It’s true that some Filipinos consider the gesture impolite, but one can often observe locals hissing to get each other’s attention. Certain places and situations warrant the gesture to be more acceptable than others. For instance, hissing to catch the attention of the waitstaff at a restaurant is generally considered acceptable, but on the street in large crowds, it is not. In South Korea, hissing is also used, but for entirely different reasons. Brown, Kim, and Winter found that hissing is performed in four types of social interaction in South Korea: (1) ‘displaying delicacy’, (2) ‘activity shift’, (3) ‘word search’, and (4) ‘conveying scepticism’. They found hissing to occur during “interactional or relational trouble spots”, employed as a tactic “to delay the progression of talk, while allowing the speaker to initiate or maintain their turn. They co‑occur with other verbal and multimodal markers of hesitation”. Based on this, they determined that hisses centre on expressions of difficulty, uncertainty, and hesitation, convey‑ ing a reluctance to talk due to the problematic elements in the interaction—be they relational, subject, or other. There is also a politeness element involved too. The study also found an increased frequency of hissing and multimodal hesitation in interactions towards people of higher status, and therefore, hissing in these social dynamics also serves as a way for speakers to show they are trying hard to take care of the other person. Brown, Kim, and Winter concluded that politeness is a multimodal and holistic phenomenon that involves multiple verbal and non‑verbal dimensions in its orchestration. South Korea also has another form of hiss—the outbreath hiss. After drinking a shot, Korean men make a prolonged ‘k’ sound on an outbreath, which we have named the outbreath hiss. The sound is made with the teeth almost closed and tongue held without touching the top or bottom palates of the mouth while pushing

52  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film the breath outwards. This can be achieved by making a ‘kkkkk’ sound without us‑ ing one’s voice. South Korean man TS, who is 60 years old and has lived in South Korea for his entire life, told us that this is a conventional gesture, used often by men when drinking soju. This gesture is not used often by women, and when it is used, it is often to emphasise misbehaviour or not caring about one’s behaviour. For example, in the South Korean classic Yeopgijeogin Geunyeo (엽기적인 그녀) ‘My Sassy Girl’ (2001), a bizarrely behaved girl, known only as ‘The Girl’, uses gestures like this while drinking (Figure 2.26). It is one of many gendered expressions used to char‑ acterise the girl as behaving outside the normal convention.

Figure 2.26 ‘The Girl’ makes an outbreath hiss inbetween shots of soju, in Yeopgijeogin Geunyeo (엽기적인 그녀) ‘My Sassy Girl’ (2001, South Korea).

NL, a British woman married to a South Korean man, also talked about experi‑ encing these conventions from a cross‑cultural perspective: I often see South Korean males using this gesture when drinking soju. Ini‑ tially, it may appear as just a reaction to the burn of a strong spirit, but there’s a nuance to it, which seems to come from the association between drinking soju and socialising, and therefore bonding and having fun, which is some‑ thing like “good to be doing this with you”. It can also, given a sad context, have a kind of mourning nuance to it, something like “This one’s for you/I will miss you”. So, it’s complex. Often, when I watch films, I see diverse

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  53 contexts, where the variety of nuances can be felt; especially as one becomes more learned in the Korean language and culture. Silence

Silence, a seemingly ubiquitous gesture, spans across different cultures, yet its meaning is anything but universal. As Kawabata observed, “Silence is a gesture that is pervasive in Asia and has diverse functions and meanings”. Delving into this further, in many Asian societies, silence is deeply woven with intricate cul‑ tural nuances. Rooted in their collectivist ethos, it can signify respect, reflection, consensus, or even subtle dissent. Such societies have historically valued group harmony and cohesion, leading to silence being employed as a medium to avoid confrontation, demonstrate deference, or convey profound emotions and insights without words. In stark contrast, the individualistic cultures more prevalent in the West interpret silence differently. Here, it could represent disagreement, dis‑ comfort, contemplation, or sometimes even indifference. Given the emphasis on personal expression and assertiveness, prolonged silence might be perceived as non‑participation or lack of engagement. Silence can be used as an indirect refusal, avoidance of causing offence in conflicting hierarchies, and indication that someone has applied appropriate thought and consideration before speak‑ ing. It reflects politeness, consideration of others, and also respect, as well as discomfort. In South Korea, silence often carries significant cultural nuances, especially when it comes to hierarchical interactions. For instance, to demonstrate respect, a junior individual typically avoids dominating a conversation when in the pres‑ ence of someone senior. Speaking excessively could be perceived as overbearing, impolite, or even disrespectful. Beyond this, silence can also signify discomfort, applicable to both junior and senior individuals, or even function as a tactful re‑ fusal. Furthermore, in situations where conflicting hierarchies arise and both par‑ ties merit respect, verbally or gesturally acknowledging one could inadvertently disrespect the other by undermining their seniority. In such complex scenarios, the most polite and strategic choice often becomes avoiding direct interactions to sidestep potential offense. Soft Speaking

Speaking softly opposed to loudly is similarly a meaningful gesture in East Asia. It is a gesture of deference in Korea and Japan that is particularly important when one is younger or junior in status and emphasised in women. Speaking loudly is considered rude, and unattractive, and with respect to genders, it is more acceptable in a masculine context. In the Philippines, where soft speaking expresses control over one’s emotions in public, it is highly valued.

54  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film Upper Body This section explores a selection of embodied words expressed through ­gestures made using features of the upper body, which are divided into subsections. ­Figure  2.27 presents a brief overview of some of the gestures made using ­shoulders, arms, and torso that will be pulled into focus in the discussion that follows.

Figure 2.27  Some of the upper body gestures to be featured in this section.

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film 55 Figure 2.28 presents a brief overview of some of the gestures made using hands and fingers that will be pulled into focus in the discussion that follows.

Hand over heart

One handed handshake

Covering mouth and turning away

Waving

Fist

Open hand point

Index finger point

Two handed handshake Two handed giving/ Two handed giving/receiving hand supporting wrist hand supporting elbow receiving

Palm under cup Fingers touching under cup

Pouring hand supporting bottle

Putting food in someone else’s bowl

Pouring hand supporting arm

Pursed fingers and wrist twist

Holding bowl

Bowl on table

Pointing at nose

Finger heart

Thumb and forefinger together, palm upward

Figure 2.28  Some of the hand and finger gestures to be featured in this section.

We will provide the common meaning potentials for gestures performed by areas of the upper body other than the head, including gestures of the shoulders, arms, and torso like shrugging that are recognisable in their forms outside of Asia or bowing which is uncommon outside of Asia, and gestures of the hands

56  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film and fingers, from patting and beckoning to gestures like the culturally specific ashirwad—all of which have diverse forms, meanings, and contexts that we will explore here. Shoulders

The shapes we make with our bodies and the space we fill matter. Posture plays a key role in this aspect of gesture in Asia, as does the vigour of one’s movement. In Korea and Japan, minimising oneself physically is an important deferential ex‑ pression that can function in numerous scenarios, with a variety of effects—from respectful, to cute and flirtatious, to grateful, to embarrassed, to reflecting relations. Let’s begin with the expression of relations, which is most prominent in Korea, though also found in Japan. We see traditional roles reflected in people’s posture. Here is an example from Parasite. In the film, married couple Mr and Mrs Park are concerned with showing their status, even in front of each other. There are many facets to how they do this, including interspersing their Korean conversations with English words, which is immediately noticeable. But, more subtle, and mostly ges‑ tural, is the expression of neo‑Confucian concepts of masculinity and femininity. Mrs Park, despite being alone with Mr Park, leans a little in his presence, which is a deferential expression. She is lowering herself and making herself small. It isn’t cowering though; it is an expression of their male‑female/husband‑wife re‑ lation. She keeps her gestures confined to a small area too. When she picks up a pair of women’s underpants, which her husband found in his car and suspects to be evidence of his driver’s inappropriate use of the family car, Mrs Park holds the item delicately but importantly her arms remain within a small space. She doesn’t gesture beyond this small area (Figure 2.29).

Figure 2.29 Mrs Park has compact posture, Mr Park has broad posture, in Gisaengchung (기생충) ‘Parasite’ (2019, South Korea).

We see similar posture patterns in the relationship between daughter‑in‑law and father-in-law Tōkyō Monogatari (東京物語) ‘Tokyo Story’ which tells the story of an ageing couple who travel to Tokyo to visit their son and daughter‑in‑law

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  57 and their children. When the daughter‑in‑law sits with her father‑in‑law, he sits in a relaxed posture with his legs crossed, making a broader shape, and taking a larger space, while she makes herself compact in posture (Figure 2.30). Her shape is neat and restricted. Notably, she and her father‑in‑law are alone without anyone to see them, and she is wearing Westernised clothes and not the traditional Japa‑ nese kimono that required one to kneel and move in a restricted manner, and yet, she still sits in this posture.

Figure 2.30 Daughter‑in‑law and father‑in‑law sit together, with contrasting posture, in Tōkyō Monogatari (東京物語) ‘Tokyo Story’ (1953, Japan).

Confucianism, as previously mentioned, is one of the fundamental ideas of Jap‑ anese politeness. That is why age and rank matter a lot in Japanese protocol and why great respect is given to the elderly. Japan even has a national holiday known as ‘Respect for the Aged Day’. When it comes to etiquette, for which gesture plays an important role, relations are paramount. Social status, rank, age, gender, and even owing favour influence how one speaks and gestures. There are two types of expressions used to reflect hierarchy in these relations. The first is honorifics to express respect to elevate the recipient, and the second is modesty to humble the speaker. Japanese gestures are synchronised with this, expressing respect or humility. There is some subjectivity, so situational context as well as the Japanese cultural context is immensely important.

58  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film Yobana writes on the subject of Japanese politeness using Role Identity from Symbolic Interactionism (SI).47 She explains: Role Identity entails processes to determine politeness, i.e., one’s identity in a given situation and its implementation as a role performance are steps to determine appropriate behaviour. It should be noted, however, that identity and role are not isomorphic but different role performances are expected to occur even if the same identity (e.g., professor) is observed, e.g. professors may or may not use honorifics with their students (role performance) due to their different interpretations of what a ‘professor’ should be like (to this extent, identity contains subjective judgements). Yobana also discusses the dynamism of politeness: the interactants, who normally do not use honorifics with each other, may use honorifics when they are placed in a different situation (e.g., formal meet‑ ing). This can be explained as role shifts, from institutional to task‑based role‑identities. Another example is that the same speaker uses different strat‑ egies (e.g., direct versus indirect request strategies) in the same discourse because she changes her stance or psychological state as the interaction de‑ velops into a different phase. Yobana argues that to theorise Japanese politeness would involve: […] differentiating role‑based strategies from other types of strategy because many strategies in Japanese are constructed based upon one’s recognition of role. Even in strategic planning (i.e., motivations for strategy construction), Japanese people first scrutinise those with whom they are interacting and then determine appropriate strategies according to their social relationships. Of course, this may also be true in other cultures, for example when a power difference between the two interactants needs to be emphasised. Nonethe‑ less, in English, how one’s behaviour affects the other is in many ways a primary concern (e.g., potential threat) in determining a strategy, whereas in Japanese, one’s identity and accordingly its role performance are often considered prior to the nature of an utterance (e.g., request), which often entails linguistic terms. This means that, in Japanese, many strategies, like honorifics, are indexical in nature. When such role‑identities (e.g., role re‑ sponsibilities, task‑roles at work or in group activities) are not evidently ob‑ served, individuals consider how their actions affect the other interactants, and choose appropriate strategies to mitigate potential threat. Let’s look at the Japanese film Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008). Simi‑ lar to Tokyo Story, female characters use compact posture, though men do too, if very slightly less active in doing so. There is also perhaps more potential for cute or feminine expressions by women when using deferential gestures than men. Gener‑ ally, in Departures, wife Mika uses a compact posture when interacting with her

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  59 husband Daigo (Figure 2.31). This can be compared somewhat to the cosmetic use of neo‑Confucian gesture among Korean women, though rather than contrasting the male and female (e.g., compact versus broad posture); in Japan, the gestures are performed by women with an overt demureness or spunk, depending upon the gesture and context.

Figure 2.31 Compact posture of the wife, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan).

In China, however, since Confucianism has been stripped away largely from lan‑ guage and gesture in metropolitan life, the relation between husband and wife no longer standardly involves the need for women to minimise themselves physically. This change was so significant that the form of female gender‑related characters in the Chinese writing system also changed to reflect female equality through activ‑ ity, because the gestural root of the character, which had been kowtowing, was no longer culturally relevant. The original character of 女 (nǚ) ‘woman; girl; daughter’ was changed from , which was designed to appear as a woman bowing, to an even humbler image of a woman bowing on her knees , before being modernised into the current 女 form, which with its striding legs is now similar to the male character, reflecting women’s activity in modern China (Figure 2.32).48

Figure 2.32  The evolution of nǚ to represent women in modern China.

60  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film Arms

Many gestures involve the arms, from the attitudinal, to the emotional, to the sym‑ bolic. In Japan, for instance, one well‑known arm gesture is the big arm cross. The arms are held up in a cross in front of the chest. The gesture has two conventional meanings. Accompanied often by a severe scowl, the gesture means ‘you can’t do that/stop that’ and is commonly used when someone is attempting to do something or go somewhere they’re not allowed to do. Gestures are less specific in form, and in fact, they may even involve multiple gestures. However, they have a quality that in itself has meaning, namely, vigorous movement. This gesture varies greatly in its acceptability and meaning across Asia. In India, vigorous gesture is acceptable and well known, with hierarchy not an issue to be concerned with for this type of expres‑ sion. Indian Hindi‑language period romantic drama Devdas (2002) provides us with many examples of vigorous gesture and their acceptability, as Devdas’ sister‑in‑law, Kumud uses vigorous activity often when expressing herself (Figure 2.33).

Figure 2.33 Despite being surrounded by elders, this young woman uses vigorous hand gestures compared to others present, in Devdas (2002, India).

On the contrary, in East Asia, especially in regions like Korea and Japan, vig‑ orous movement is akin to invasion of space, just as speaking or laughing loudly is, and as such, it is subject to hierarchy, including gender, with diverse meanings depending upon who uses it and where. KY, a Korean woman in her mid‑thirties, based in Seoul, South Korea, explains her feelings towards the gestures of the woman in the above example from Devdas: I feel uncomfortable to see this kind of gesture in a culture perspective be‑ cause it seems very rude. From what I have learned as a Korean woman, women who want to raise their voice should always be polite and wise, not with big gestures. Vigorous physical movement is less taboo in regions like Singapore, where it is more common than in Korea or Japan to see this gesture between people who don’t know each other well. It is used between service staff and customers, which would not be

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  61 acceptable in Korean or Japanese contexts. Returning to the scene from Ah Boys to Men 3: Frogmen that we used earlier, in which a salesman tries to persuade a young woman that she got a good deal on her phone plan (even though he cheated her), the salesman uses a lot of big arm movements and facial expressions. On the one hand, he is a salesman at a local phone shop, rather than a luxury department store, so his gestures may have less‑refined connotations; however, because he is quite young, this behaviour still wouldn’t be as acceptable and therefore common in Korea or Japan. Vigorous physical movement gesture is therefore entirely effectively employed by the pizza restaurant manager in Parasite, as the film opens with a scene that paints a picture of the deprived and downtrodden lives of the Kim family mem‑ bers (Figure  2.34). The pizza restaurant manager is much younger than Mr  and Mrs Kim who she is making the gesture at. It is this social dynamic that allows the gesture to mean that she doesn’t respect them and even looks down on them. This is then contextualised by the poor semi‑basement apartment that we’re shown, the lack of their own WIFI, and the poisonous gases that pour through the windows as bug exterminator fumigates the local area, making it clear that it is a low‑SES area.

Figure 2.34 Vigorous physical movement, in Gisaengchung (기생충) ‘Parasite’ (2019, South Korea).

As we explained on eye gaze, with respect to this same scene from Parasite referenced earlier in Figure 2.17, the meaning of this gesture is confirmed by its alignment with other senior/confrontational (if junior) gestures. It is, in fact, reli‑ ant upon this alignment. A gesture on its own is different from an orchestration of multiple gestures. South Korean gesture provides an example of the importance of alignment, which in South Korea must be consistent in all respects, including with verbal language, or else, meanings rooted in sarcasm, dishonesty, and insincerity are expressed. We see these same loud and vigorous gestures by Dong‑eun in The Glory, after growing up and returning to avenge her treatment by high‑school bullies. On the first day, she is reunited with her bullies; when one student is the recipient of an award, she claps loudly after the applause is finished, shouting the woman’s name (Figure 2.35). Her gestures are completely overbearing, making her bullies, who are used to making her falter, uncomfortable instead.

62  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film

Figure 2.35 Loud and large clapping, in Deo Geullori (더 글로리) ‘The Glory’ (2022–2023, South Korea).

Large and invasive gestures are also used in The Glory to characterise the bullies—again because of the values of impoliteness that the gestures carry within Korean interpersonal relations. Among the bullies, gestures like these are used to show that they don’t care or worry about anything because of their wealth and personality disorders. Figure  2.36 shows Sara Lee, one of the four bullies who terrorised Dong‑eun, clapping with her arms outstretched upwards. This kind of attention‑grabbing gesture—that stands out in comparison to the clapping gesture used by everyone else—is used to characterise Sara as outrageous and careless, which is itself used to characterise the four bullies because of their wealth and privilege.

Figure 2.36 Centre, one of Dong‑eun’s bullies, who is a drug addict and entirely dislocated from normal society, invades the view of others when she claps, Deo Geullori (더 글로리) ‘The Glory’ (2022–2023, South Korea).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  63 Crossed Arms

Crossing arms is a socio‑pragmatically sensitive gesture in East Asia, expressing irritation, anger, or dominance. It is a rude gesture in South Korea unless performed by someone of higher status or seniority. It is for this reason that crossing arms are often employed by people who are hostile in South Korean film and televi‑ sion. We see this in the confrontation between Yeon‑jin and Dong‑eun, the same confrontation in which we examined eye gaze in an earlier example ­(Figure 2.37). LD explained, “It is the same in China. I had a middle school teacher who always crossed his arms in front of students, which made us feel the deadly seriousness”.

Figure 2.37 Dong‑eun crosses arms, in Deo Geullori (더 글로리) ‘The Glory’ (2022–2023, South Korea). Bowing

In the West, we often think of greeting as a simple matter of ‘hello!’, but gestures used for greeting mean so much more. The Oxford English Learner’s Dictionary defines ‘bowing’ as “the act of bending your head or the upper part of your body forward in order to say hello or goodbye to someone or to show respect”. Yet, bow‑ ing is just one type of greeting, and it has many forms, meanings, and functions that are incredibly diverse, with the gesture commonly associated with Asia, but also connoting scenes of European royal greetings and curtain calls at the theatre. Today, bowing is most prominent in Asian cultures,49 common to regions such as Japan, Korea, Vietnam, Thailand, Laos, Nepal, and India. Bowing‑like behaviours, such as lowering postures, are important indicators of social hierarchy in Asia and highlight the significant differences between Asian and non‑Asian cultures. Some studies show that Asian children learn polite behaviours as early as two years old.50 It is difficult to generalise though, for just as we have demonstrated, a similar ges‑ tural form does not mean that a gesture means the same thing; conversely, many gestural forms can mean the same thing given a certain context and sometimes other social factors. Further investigation to de‑generalise bowing is needed. CJ spoke on the difference between South Korea and the West in respect to bowing:

64  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film In our wedding, my husband had to bow to her sister who is three years older than himself. He had to bow to her and then asked her blessing. This was common in South Korean wedding, but of course, showing respect to your older sibling—that concept doesn’t exist in the West, does it? The namaste gesture is a form of Asian bowing among the most well‑known out‑ side of Asia. The Sanskrit term namaste does in fact mean ‘bend/bow to you’. Dat‑ ing back thousands of years, even mentioned in the Rig Veda (c.1500 BCE), which is among the oldest of four sacred Hindu texts that are central in the scripture of Hinduism, namaste was popularised globally in recent times by the spread of yoga and meditation. Its form involves a slight bow of the head, accompanied by palms pressed together, and expresses respect and gratitude. As is found commonly in Asian bowing, there are deferential meanings expressed by namaste, though these pragmatic values have been lost in translation when performed in the contexts of Western leisure and well‑being services. A bow of similar form is found in Thailand and is known as the wai (ไหว้). Like namaste, the wai was influenced by Hinduism, as well as Buddhism, but originates from a time when it was important to show one was unarmed when meeting an‑ other person, as a reassurance of coming in peace: The use of the wai in Thailand is a complex nonverbal behaviour that varies based upon the relative status of the participants and the situation that trig‑ gers the behaviour. Sometimes the wai is performed so that it accompanies a verbal greeting. Sometimes it is a nonverbal act with no verbal accompani‑ ment. The specifics of where the hands are positioned and how far the person bows depend upon the relative status of the individuals.51 It is thus far more complex than a simple ‘hello’. Kislenko argues that in Thailand, the wai is described best as a ‘social action’, which she goes on to delineate as follows: There are many factors governing the giving and receiving of the wai includ‑ ing rank, age, and sex, but also involving height, the bowing of the head, and the specific context in which it occurs. The hands are held together, palm to palm, as if in prayer and kept close to the body, held in front of the neck, chin, or nose. Between equals, or when given to strangers of unclear status, the wai is at neck level and the head is kept straight. When directing the wai at someone of lower status, the hands are held lower and the head kept straight. When addressing a superior the wai reaches the nose and the head and neck are slightly bent. Before monks the traditional wai is given by dropping to one’s knees, sitting on the heels, and putting the hands ahead as you lower your head to the floor. Before images of the Buddha this should be done three times. Before royalty, the same wai is given, but tradition requires that the person does not raise his or her head at all.52 Other rank‑related rules are also raised by Kislenko:

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film 65 As it is usual for someone who is inferior to be the first to give the wai, the receiver must be careful in gauging a response. It is not generally used to say ‘thank you’, and therefore is not traditionally given to people in everyday affairs. The wai is not, therefore, given to servants, children, people who sell you some‑ thing, or a bus driver. Giving a wai to these people can be seen as insulting—a reminder or taunt about their lower status. Similarly, when returning a wai from someone of an inferior rank the hands must be lower than theirs have been. These varieties in form, social factors, and contexts, as well as in the misuse of honorifics, bear resemblance of the complex equations that are observable in Ko‑ rean non‑verbal communication, with perhaps the closest example being bowing. This similarity can also be observed between Thai and Korean languages, for ex‑ ample, in the use of address terms that take into account age as well as familial role. For example, in Thai, paternal aunts and uncles who are younger than the father of the speaker are addressed as ah (อา), or if a younger sibling of the mother, they’re addressed as na (น้า). In Korea, the youngest sister of a speaker’s mother is ad‑ dressed as jageunimo (작은이모), while the elder sister is addressed as imo (이모). When used as a greeting, the form of the wai includes the accompaniment of the verbal expression sawasdee (สวัสดี) meaning ‘hello’. When used to show respect to someone, it is important to consider who is receiving the wai. Thais will wai when they pass temples or shrines to the monarchy (even imagery of the monarchy) and to Buddhist monks (though they are not expected to return the wai). However, the wai is not performed to people younger than the gesturer, as social ranking is often determined by age in Thailand. To younger people, elders nod and smile. Thais also use the wai when thanking, apologising, and bidding farewell. The origins and subsequent evolutions of bowing in East Asia are quite different. A similar gesture to namaste or the wai is also observable in Japan, though it is not a greet‑ ing, but rather a gesture of respect when performing burial rites in Japan (Figure 2.38).

Figure 2.38 Hands held together at the end of the embalmment of the body before sealing the coffin, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan).

66  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film In India, this pressed palm gesture is used often for a multitude of reasons. Re‑ questing, thanking, persuading, and more. It is not to be generalised as a greeting or respect in holy settings. We see this gesture repeatedly throughout Indian films. Take the Indian film Gangubai Kathiawadi (2022), a biographical film on Gangubai Kothewali who was sold into prostitution in India but rose to become a powerful force in the underworld. The film features this gesture in a variety of contexts, in‑ cluding gratitude, persuasion, greeting, and bidding farewell. Figure 2.39 shows the gesture performed by Gangubai to an audience after giving a well‑received speech against the removal of the redlight district in which she lives. Her use of the gesture follows cultural custom, but she is shown using the gesture in a variety of interac‑ tions, all interactions that take place within the context of Gangubai trying to make positive change to the treatment of sex workers in India. As such, it becomes an ex‑ pression of her integrity, which the local people are often won over by. This gesture is also known as añjali mudrā and is used in Indian classical dance postures such as Bharatanatyam and has become widely used through yoga, as well as in greetings.

Figure 2.39 Pressing palms in gratitude for the audience’s reception, in Gangubai Kathi‑ awadi (2022, India).

It is worth diverging for a moment here to elaborate on the inherence of hand gestures in Indian communication, be it in Hindu, Buddhist, or Jain contexts, not only linguistically but also multimodally. There are three traditional uses of mudras in India. The first is in Yoga. Hand mudras have been used commonly in Raja Yoga and Hatha Yoga but are becoming regular components of Yoga more gener‑ ally around the world. This is a non‑verbal form of translanguage: ‘transgesture’. The second use of mudras is in ritual, where gestures relate to different deities or their powers.53 Hindu and Buddhist rituals, in particular, generally include mudras, which are often used to communicate with a given deity rather than as a means of personal expression. The third use of mudras is in Indian dance and drama, where mudras have attitudinal and emotional meanings and play key roles in characterisa‑ tion, as well as being rich in symbolism. However, mudras are not to be simplified

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  67 as an artistic language used in performance—be it dance, drama, or one’s own spirituality. They’re much more closely intertwined with Indian communication, linguistically and on the broader landscape of multimodality, to be pigeonholed like that. Andy McCord says it well in a recent article on Indian gesture for the Smithsonian Magazine: With root meanings in a verb that can signify cleansing and purification as well as satisfaction and delight, mudra is used in Indian rhetoric to denote ‘the expression of things by their right names.’ More concretely, a mudra is a seal or an emblem. As a system of hand gestures, it can sum up a god’s or goddess’s character—or a dancer’s mood—in a moment of concentrated symbolism and meaning. […] Understanding these symbols can enable a vis‑ itor to make sense of who’s who in a prolifically carved Hindu temple or give an indication of the message conveyed in a brightly printed calendar hanging behind a shopkeeper’s counter. The attentive visitor may even see reflections of these ancient gestures in the everyday bearing of ordinary people, whether the truck driver, the waiter, or the temple priest.54 Mudras are also not exclusive to India. Since these gestures are used in Buddhist rituals, they’re also observable in Asian regions like Thailand, where there are 40 of these hand gestures that are considered acceptable, among which six are com‑ monly seen.55 The pragmatics of bowing across Asia are vastly different too. In Japan, for in‑ stance, bowing was introduced during the Asuka and Nara periods (538–794 AD) by Chinese Buddhism and was initially a gesture exclusively practised by Japanese nobility. Bowing has since become a compulsory gesture for all to use, with a diverse range of meanings that are interpretable based on the context and social hierarchy. These meanings vary from greeting and introductions, to farewells, ex‑ pressing gratitude, deference, to ask for goodwill, to begin business, congratulate, make a request, and in prayer. The form of bowing in Japan also varies. Bowing can be performed by standing and bending at the waist or kneeling on the floor. Much of this is determined by the situation. Although China introduced bowing to Japan, the practice is no longer manda‑ tory in everyday Chinese interactions. As we mentioned before, expressions of re‑ spect and deference have largely been removed in the Cultural Revolution brought about by communism. The impact of communism, especially during the Cultural Revolution in China, had profound effects on traditional Chinese culture, includ‑ ing values like respecting elders. The Cultural Revolution sought to eradicate ‘old customs, old culture, old habits, and old ideas’.56 As a result, traditional family values and Confucian teachings, which emphasised reverence for ancestors and re‑ spect for elders, were often suppressed or openly criticised. While the deep‑rooted respect for elders remains a cornerstone for Chinese culture today, the tumultuous era of the Cultural Revolution temporarily disrupted and reshaped the way these traditional values were expressed and practised in society.

68  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film Taiwan, although not under communist rule, has also removed much of the gestural formalities in a move to have a more relaxed relationship with Con‑ fucianism. Bowing is now reserved for more formal occasions, and even then, bowing is often reduced to a slight lean or a nod to politely greet another person formally or to bow in a ceremony, such as children to parents on Lunar New Year. However, increasingly, this tradition is no longer observed. LD agreed and further explained: I never managed to do bowing properly in Japan and Korea. But my Chinese friends sometimes commented that I bow a lot which makes them feel I per‑ form more like a Japanese. I personally feel it is one of the most pronounced differences in posture between the Chinese and Korean and Japanese. Bow‑ ing is more pervasive in Korea and Japan, especially in Japan. Vietnam has undergone a similar shift, with the practice of nodding replacing full bowing when showing respect to elders, greeting, or when shaking hands. A similar gesture is used in the Philippines, though not to show respect, but rather to greet friends or acquaintances in a casual manner; however, this nodding is accompanied by the raising of the eyebrows and smiling, not to be confused with the Filipino gesture of nodding or lifting the head just slightly to mean ‘yes’. The kowtow, which has various forms, is still used in some traditional ceremonies in Vietnam.57 The most significant factor for its proper performance, by which to draw similarity and difference in its formulation and meaning to other regions of Asia, is the placement of the hands. One hand is placed on top of the other, which depends upon the gender of the gesturer and the receiver. Placing the left hand on top of the right hand in a male‑female interaction is an appropriate greeting and expresses deference, but in a female‑male interaction, it is rude and disrespectful. Placing the right hand on top of the left hand in a female‑male interaction serves as a greeting, while in a male‑female interaction, it is rude and disrespectful. Amongst all the regions in which bowing is used, Japan and Korea are the most similar pragmatically. Like Japan, in Korea, the bow is a common and mandatory expression in everyday life. In its most basic functions, bowing is used to thank, apologise, greet, and bid farewell. However, rules exist for bowing in general, upon which there are further requirements for forms according to each set of interper‑ sonal relations that can be encountered in an interaction.58 General rules include not bowing while still in motion (e.g., while walking), not maintaining eye contact while bowing (this may feel insincere, sarcastic, or combative), not bowing when on higher ground than the recipient (e.g., while standing at the top of a staircase while the recipient is stood at the bottom), bowing silently can be interpreted as disgruntled, and bowing at a deeper angle than your senior unless you have entered the interaction with a person even more senior to them whom you have a relation‑ ship with (as spectators interactions also influence gesture forms).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  69 In the film Tokyo Story, the relationships between both father‑in‑law and mother‑in‑law and their son and daughter‑in‑law depict mutual respect, with all parties kneeling to greet each other (Figure 2.40), and daughter‑in‑law and ­father‑ in‑law bowing and nodding to each other upon arrival (Figure 2.41). We even see that the eldest son removes his hat and bows to his grandfather, having not met for a long time, and his grandfather bows in return, while the youngest son does not bow at all (Figure 2.42). Who bows and when is not strictly governed by hierarchy, as we see in regions like Korea.

Figure 2.40 Parents‑in‑law and daughter‑in‑law bow showing mutual respect upon the  in‑laws’ arrival, in Tōkyō Monogatari (東京物語) ‘Tokyo Story’ (1953, Japan).

Figure 2.41 Daughter‑in‑law bows to welcome father‑in‑law upon arrival at the entrance of the home, Tōkyō Monogatari (東京物語) ‘Tokyo Story’ (1953, Japan).

70  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film

Figure 2.42 The eldest son removes his hat and bows to his grandfather after not meeting for a long time, in Tōkyō Monogatari (東京物語) ‘Tokyo Story’ (1953, Japan).

Bowing is also used in a welcoming manner and as a greeting mutually, as well as to express other meanings, such as apology, empathy, gratitude, and general positivity in the comings and goings between all members of the household. The daughter‑in‑law bows upon her in‑laws’ arrival at the entryway to the house, but so does her mother‑in‑law. The women certainly bow more frequently than the men in everyday passings, but overall, it is a common gesture used by all frequently. We see this in Departures frequently too, such as when Daigo sells his cello, between him and the store owners (Figure 2.43).

Figure 2.43  Bowing upon a sale, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  71 Although South Korea and Japan have differences in who bows to whom and why, both have degrees of bowing, with the deeper the bow the greater in respect to formality in both. Degrees fulfil the need to express honorifics and deference, which is at the core of Japan and Korea’s similarities. The difference in degrees is more than the rigidity of the formulation of social factors and the degree of bow chosen by Koreans. “The relative rank and social status of gesturer and receiver in each given hierarchy is the most influential factor taken into consideration”.59 The 15‑degree bow, for instance, is used for everyday greetings in Korea and is less suitable for juniors to use to seniors, but the 90‑degree bow expresses absolute sub‑ mission and obedience and is more suitable for special occasions and for juniors to use to seniors. Individual sets of interpersonal relations then require considera‑ tions, such as to one’s in‑laws one bows deeper and more often than one would to one’s own parents, and when faced with conflicting hierarchical dynamics (e.g., an employee whose boss is younger than them), it is easier to avoid interacting at all or else risk either one insulting the other. LD commented: I personally feel that the Koreans seem more rigid with difference in age. One year’s difference in age makes a lot more difference in hierarchy that in the case of Japan. I feel when two people look like the same age, Korean need to ask the counterpart’s age in order to decide how to present oneself. In Japan, age matters in companies or schools, but in daily life it is less the case. Apart from some ceremonies in South Korea, in which the traditional keunjeol (큰절) bow is performed on the knees, bowing involves standing and bending at the waist. The hands can be by one’s side or held in place over one’s naval, depending upon hierarchy and formality, with the baekkopinsa (배꼽인사) or ‘belly‑button bow’ being appropriate for interactions requiring greater defer‑ ence. Meanwhile, in Japan, if greetings occur in a location with tatami mats, then the bowing is performed on the knees. However, the rigid system of interper‑ sonal relations, which remains influenced by neo‑Confucianism, means that who bows, when, and whether it is in/appropriately polite can create complexly nu‑ anced discourse, reliant solely upon understanding of Korean socio‑­pragmatics within the context to be able to interpret what’s happening. Subtleties in the position of a gesturer’s hands when bowing are also important and diverse. In Japan, the form of bowing is also determined by ‘who’ is performing the bow, with men placing their hands on their knees, while women placing their hands on their lap. In comparison, in Korea, bows like the baekkopinsa (배꼽인사) or ‘belly‑button bow’, in which the hands are clasped together at the position of the navel while bowing rather than being held at one’s side, are used in formal situations and to bow to elders, and the hand positioning is not regimented ac‑ cording to gender. Bowing is so engrained in communication in regions like South Korea, that people perform the gesture even when out of sight, just as with nodding while on

72  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film the telephone. We see this in The Glory (2022–2023), when the nanny bows as she exits, after Yeon‑jin arrives home and comes in to see her daughter (Figure 2.44).

Figure 2.44 Nanny bows upon leaving, even with nobody paying attention to her, in Deo Geullori (더 글로리) ‘The Glory’ (2022–2023, South Korea).

In Thailand, bowing on the floor out of respect can also be observed, especially bowing to something spiritual or holy, such as to monks. The Thai classic, Ong Bak (องค์บาก), released in 2003, provides us with many examples of this. In one scene, having accepted the task of returning the Ong Bak statue’s head to the village tem‑ ple from where it has been stolen, Ting, a villager extremely skilled in Muay Thai, bows on the floor before the monk (Figure 2.45).

Figure 2.45 Ting bows on the ground before the monk, in Ong Bak (องค์บาก) (2003, Thailand).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  73 Respect is even shown to religious buildings and artefacts. In another scene in Ong Bak, we observe one man trying to persuade another to sell a Buddhist artefact he owns, but he refuses to sell as he wants to give it as a gift to his son who is be‑ coming a monk. The man then takes the item back, and before returning the artefact to his pocket, he holds the item between his two hands up to his face and touches his head to his hands as if bowing to the small item (Figure 2.46).

Figure 2.46 A man makes a respectful gesture to the Buddhist artefact held in his hands before returning it to his pocket, in Ong Bak (องค์บาก) (2003, Thailand).

Im/politeness and relations are not the only thing interpretable by South Korean bowing. Thanks to the numerous considerations to be made when bowing in South Korea, a ‘simple bow’ can express insincerity, sarcasm, irritation, dislike, unhappi‑ ness, knowing one’s place, devotion, consideration, kindness, and so much more. The carefully crafted equation of social dynamic (hierarchy) plus context (situation and any additional information that may be relevant to the bigger picture) and, of course, the form of bow in its in/appropriateness determines how the bow is inter‑ preted.60 A person missing relevant information, or knowledge of any of these other vital factors, may be subject to misinterpretation. Although Taiwanese don’t bow to greet at all in daily life, there are special oc‑ casions that are steeped in ritual and tradition, such as weddings, where the bride and groom bow to their parents, and three times to each other before being declared married, which demand this bowing as a sign of respect. In daily life, however, order is most important when greeting. Performing things in the correct order is a gesture in its own right. Rising when the elderly or elders enter the room is vital, and speak‑ ing to the eldest person first when joining a room or conversation is fundamental

74  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film for smooth interactions. The same is observable among ­Singaporean‑Chinese. In the film Crazy Rich Asians, when grandma enters the room, everybody gets up and goes to her, and then sits back down when she invites them to once again sit down (Figure 2.47).

Figure 2.47 Everyone in the room rises and comes over to grandma as she enters the room to partake in the family tradition of dumpling‑making together, in Crazy Rich Asians (2018, Singapore-China‑US).

This is similar to Pakistan, where when being introduced to elders or strangers while seated, it is important to rise from one’s seat to express respect. It is also similar in the Philippines where first greetings are formal and must follow a set protocol, in which the eldest or most important person is greeted first, and of‑ fers to join a family for a meal must be refused the first time and only accepted if invited a second time. Hierarchy and ‘saving face’ underlie these behaviours, as they are important in Filipino culture, just as they are indeed across Asia. In the Philippines, the elderly and those of a higher social status are treated with respect, and hiya ‘shame’ motivates people to conform to societal norms for behaviour, for it is considered the greatest form of disgrace.61 Hiya is instilled in Filipinos at an early age, just as having nunchi (눈치) and chaemyeon (체면) ‘saving face’ are taught to South Koreans,62 and haji (恥) ‘shame’ culture is taught to the Japanese.63 Filipinos believe that if they do not have social propriety, they will bring shame upon themselves and their family. Regions like South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, and mainland China bear similarities, though each one has subtle differences. Sakuta, Keiichi argues that in Japanese, behaviour depends more on sanctions of private shame or embarrassment—haji or shuchi (羞恥) ‘shyness/bashfulness’—than pub‑ lic shame.63 In Taiwan, order is also important in food‑related gestures, such as elders being served food first and eating first, even before young children. In Indonesia, the cus‑ tom is similar. The eldest man, the most senior family member, or the host initiates the meal.64 We see the importance of order in Vietnam and Korea too, though in

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  75 other gestural forms. When introducing themselves to a group, Vietnamese intro‑ duce themselves to older people first. People are often introduced with an explana‑ tion of their relationship in the family. Furthermore, in Korea, the elder eats the first mouthful of food before everyone else can begin eating. Handshake

The handshake is also used across Asia, though the social and regional factors involved vary greatly. Vietnamese people generally greet each other by joining hands and bowing slightly to each other, showing respect to superior or elders by bowing the head; however, in big cities in Vietnam, some men have adopted the Western practice of shaking hands. Here we see the importance of temporality and intergenerational differences again, as demonstrated earlier in the gesture of Java‑ nese society. However, there is inter‑gender sensitivity in Vietnamese handshaking. Women generally do not shake hands with each other, nor with Vietnamese men, but it is acceptable for them to do so with non‑Vietnamese men. The case of South Korea is the same. Vietnamese also often refrain from shaking hands with a senior or some‑ one of higher rank. When greeting one another, men gently shake hands and bow slightly. When greeting women, they bow slightly and nod. When greeting someone of authority, they clasp both hands. In rural areas, some people bow in traditional style by clasping their hands above their waist and bowing. In urban areas, modernised young men and women shake hands. When saying goodbye, Vietnamese often shake hands or bow slightly too. In the Philippines, hand‑ shaking is the default gesture when meeting someone for the first time for men and women. Instead, order is important, with the person introducing themselves offering their hand first, and in some cases, men must wait for women to offer their hands first. In mainland China, one can observe nodding and bowing in greetings; however, shaking hands has become increasingly common. Order is important in Chinese greetings. The senior persons begin greetings, and it is important to greet the eldest, most senior person first. For introductions, people typically form a line according to seniority with the senior person at the front of the line. Interestingly, although handshaking for greeting is considered acceptable, when agreeing to something, such as a business deal, in China they believe the physical contact involved in handshake to be inappropriate. Instead, when making a deal, the Chinese interlock their pinkie fingers. This hand gesture has an additional meaning of goodwill and expresses a desire for the agreement to be long and fruitful. LD is of the opinion that in mainland China, though, this gesture “indicates intimacy shared between friends and families” and, therefore, “is a bit strange to imagine taking place at a business deal”. She goes on to explain, “I did a lot of interlocking pinkie fingers with my friends back in primary school”. While in Taiwan, the handshake on a deal can still be observed in some situations (Figure 2.48).

76  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film

Figure 2.48 Shaking on the deal to be friends, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan).

In Singapore, the handshake is also a common gesture. It is polite to give a firm handshake with everyone at a social occasion or business meeting upon arrival and then again before departure. Singaporeans give a slight bow when shaking hands with Chinese or older people, and this is considered polite. The handshake is also one of the most common hand gestures in Indonesia, but with a unique characteris‑ tic in its form. Indonesian people briefly press their right palm to their heart after‑ wards. The Indonesian handshake is also gentler. Further, since Indonesian culture is strongly influenced by Islam, there is gender sensitivity to handshaking, as it involves touch. However, it’s much more acceptable for men and women to shake hands in Indonesia than in other more‑conservative Islamic cultures. Among Muslims, handshakes, particularly with the opposite sex, may be viewed as negative or even as harām (‫)مارح‬, ‘forbidden, inviolable, sacred’. Harām includes acts such as eating pork, dating before marriage, revealing skin other than the face or hands if you’re a woman, and adultery. Instead of using a handshake, simple introductions are more appropriate.65 In India, touch between males and females when meeting or greeting is also prohibited. Western women may offer their hand to a Westernised Indian man, but not normally to others. Given the context the gesture in a male‑female dynamic can therefore be inferred as ‘flirtatious’ or ‘cheeky’—not necessarily shameful. Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham ‘Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness’ (2001) is one example (Figure 2.49). Pooja, who moved to the UK as a child and whose character is emphasised as being ultra‑modern and Westernised, holds out her hand to a Western man at an event. This is clearly meant to be cheeky and flirty and con‑ textualised in Pooja’s narrative as ‘something she would do’. It is also an inference

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  77 that is validated by Pooja’s brother‑in‑law, Rahul, swiftly intercepting the gesture, gently grasping her wrist as soon as her hand makes contact with the man’s hand, pulling her arm away, and sending her on her way. The example thus demonstrates the meanings associated with women using touch in gestures towards non‑familial males.

Figure 2.49 A woman greets a man flirtatiously by giving him her hand in Devdas (2002, India).

In Hong Kong, handshaking is common, with it being normal to shake hands with everyone, including men, women, and even children, upon meeting and leav‑ ing. Hong Kong Chinese handshakes are less firm than one might expect of a Western handshake. Like in China, higher‑ranking persons are introduced before those of lower rank: an older person comes before a younger person, even within families. Women are also introduced before men, which stands in contrast to the rigidly hierarchical South Korea, in which men are hierarchically ordered above women. There are other gestures for greeting that involve features of the upper body that are not common across Asia, but region specific. For instance, when intro‑ duced to a Chinese group, they may greet you with applause, and it is polite to ap‑ plaud back. Again, in China, hierarchy does not influence the choice of this form of greeting, whereas in Taiwan, one form of greeting involves placing your right hand over your left fist and raising both hands to your heart; however, this gesture form responds to a certain hierarchy and is a greeting of respect reserved for the elderly. The Chinese fist‑in‑palm salute, which is also used to express gratitude and has specific forms appropriate for males and females, bears some similarity, not to be confused with the Chinese clasped fist‑in‑fist used for wishing luck. Period Chinese films like the Wòhǔ Cánglóng (臥虎藏龍) ‘Crouching Tiger Hidden Dragon’ (2000) are an excellent place to observe the fist‑in‑palm salute, as a general greeting for use by all. Even old friends, or people who have romantic feelings towards each other, like characters Master Li and Yu Shu Lien, use this

78  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film gesture to greet each other (Figures 2.50 and 2.51). Temporality is a factor, but these gestures are embedded in the multimodality of media today in a variety of ways, such as in films like this, and as such maintain their relevance within communica‑ tion systems. In fact, thanks to the global mobility of media, gestures like these have entered communication systems around the world; however, like ‘transling‑ ual words’,66 these transnational gestures may take on different meanings in new cultural spheres, so that they become relevant within the adopting cultural context.

Figure 2.50 Yu Shu Lien’s fist in palm salute to Master Li, in Wòhǔ Cánglóng (臥虎藏龍) ‘Crouching Tiger Hidden Dragon’ (2000, Taiwan).

Figure 2.51 Master Li’s fist in palm salute in return to Yu Shu Lien, in Wòhǔ Cánglóng (臥虎藏龍) ‘Crouching Tiger Hidden Dragon’ (2000, Taiwan).

In South Korea, between men, shaking hands when meeting for the first time is common. This is typically accompanied by a 15‑degree bow by the younger or junior person. Using one or two hands to shake hands, the left supporting under the elbow of the right, is a sign of respect; again, this is used by the younger and junior and is considered basic etiquette. My Sassy Girl presents the opportunity to

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  79 observe Korean greetings on several occasions. In one scene, a university student meets his female friend and is introduced for the first time to a man she is dating. The man is noticeably older than him. When he first joins the couple, he bows and shakes hands with the man, supporting his right arm under the elbow with his left while shaking with his right (Figure 2.52). The younger man’s use of this gesture shows that he has manners, that he understands the formality of the situation, and that he is cautious to do something that would set the two men off on a bad foot. Also, in this context, in which the young man actually loves the girl and is now having to meet her date, his attention to etiquette like this shows that he has a posi‑ tive attitude—that he cares for her unconditionally, is being good spirited, and is putting his own feelings to one side.

Figure 2.52 Left hand supporting right when a younger man shakes hands with an older man on meeting for the first time, in Yeopgijeogin Geunyeo (엽기적인그녀) ‘My Sassy Girl’ (2001, South Korea). Hand Over Mouth

It is not only gestures for greeting that are influenced by social factors like gender and as such have feminine and masculine associations within those cultures. The covering of the mouth is another example, in which the mouth is covered by the hand when showing emotions like happiness, humiliation, shock, or even while laughing. We see this in India. In the Indian film Devdas, Paro covers her mouth when laughing in front of Devdas who she is in love with (Figure 2.53). In Korea and Japan, covering the mouth is also common among women and popularised in the concept of aegyo ‘being cute’ through the Korean Wave, globally. The gesture draws upon politeness via modesty in a feminine context. The equivalent concept in Japan is kawaii (かわいい) ‘cuteness’. The hand over one’s mouth in Korea is also seen by both men and women when laughing, speaking, eating, when speaking and eating at the same time, and when drinking.

80  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film

Figure 2.53 Paro covers her mouth when laughing, behaving femininely in front of Devdas, who she is in love with, in Devdas (2002, India).

The hand over the mouth gesture in India is not to be confused with the head slap gesture, in which the fingers are held together in the same manner, only the hand is brought up to the forehead instead. Like the hand over the mouth gesture, the head slap gesture expresses embarrassment towards the behaviour of another person; however, the meaning potential doesn’t extend further. In South Korea and Japan, the hand over the mouth gesture can express shyness, shock, worry, cuteness, femi‑ ninity, respect in junior‑senior relations and even fear when used in ­senior‑junior relations. In the Indian film Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness, the protag‑ onist Anjali embarrasses the wealthy Raichand family at a party, whose son Rahul is her love interest. Yashvardhan Raichand, the head of the household, is dancing with his wife and singing, with all eyes on them, but suddenly can’t remember the lyrics. Anjali frustratedly shouts out the missing lyric and her friend’s mother Dai‑ jaan, who is also in attendance, slaps her head showing her mortification, as Anjali and her daughter are together at the party (Figure 2.54).

Figure 2.54 Daijaan slaps her head, expressing mortification, as Anjali and her daughter draw negative attention to themselves at the party, Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham ‘Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness’ (2001, India).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  81 Parasite provides us with a similar example, though this time in the gestures of a wife towards her husband (Figures 2.55 and 2.56). The gesture is part of a set of ges‑ tures that Mrs Park wears like neo‑Confucian accessories, to show that she is feminine and refined. However, unlike in the Indian context presented in Devdas, in Parasite, the gesture is rooted in neo‑Confucian ideology for male and female relations.

Figure 2.55 Mrs  Park covers her mouth when speaking to her husband about a sensitive subject, in Gisaengchung (기생충) ‘Parasite’ (2019, South Korea).

Figure 2.56 The hand over the mouth gesture is also performed with two hands. Typically, when it is performed with two hands this is to express shock or surprise rather than cuteness. Mrs  Park uses this gesture when speaking to others too, such as her children’s tutor, when she is shocked by what the tutor is telling her, in Gisaengchung (기생충) ‘Parasite’ (2019, South Korea).

YK, a Korean woman in her mid‑thirties, living in Korea, explained: My initial thoughts seeing the gesture is that it seems very natural, but it also feels like Mrs Park has made some sort of mistake. Putting her hand on mouth seems like she has forgotten that there are kids sleeping or listening, perhaps, or that she may have laughed loudly in front of a new person who is older than her and realised it was rude.

82  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film Essentially, what is occurring is an overt expression of politeness that expresses submissiveness. From younger to older, this submissiveness can be likened to a re‑ quest for your big brother or sister to take care of you. Acts of submission as carried out by women are often used within the historical context of neo‑Confucianism as a way of presenting themselves attractively, ideally, and therefore—on terms that only apply to women—as pleasant people. YK experienced this: Covering your mouth, when eating and needing to say something, for in‑ stance, is observable even in the West. However, in Korea, I noticed early on, that when eating, speaking, laughing, smiling, or expressing shock, it was politer for me to cover my mouth. I see men do this too, when eating but needing to respond to someone else, and when laughing. But I have noticed that older men don’t do this, and it is more prolific amongst women, and younger people of both sexes, like teenagers, K‑Pop idols, and children. Covering or concealing body parts can be seen in a variety of forms across Asia, and covering the mouth is only one of these gestures. These gestures fulfil a range of functions, including expressing modesty, respect, and even consideration of lo‑ cal superstitions. For instance, in Japan, it is customary to conceal your thumbs when a hearse or other form of transport that is transporting the dead passes by, as it is believed that if this gesture is not performed, then one’s own parents may meet an untimely death. Beckoning

Beckoning is another gesture in which politeness and socio‑pragmatics play an in‑ cremental role. In Indonesia, any fingers except the thumb are allowed to be used to beckon, and even the index finder is fine, though it is a very casual gesture. Mean‑ while, in Korea, it is not only informal to beckon with the index finger but also rude. In China, beckoning with the index finger is also unacceptable, and instead to beckon a Chinese person, the palm of the hand must face downwards with the fin‑ gers making a scratching motion; Hong Kongers use a similar form of beckoning. CJ told of an instance of an intercultural misunderstanding involving beckoning: Misunderstandings go both ways. My Polish colleague studied in Korea. At his graduation, his mother came, and they both attended catholic church, and some of the ladies did the downward beckoning gesture and the mother was offended because it is how Polish call dogs. There is some similarity to Vietnam, where the gesture is also used to call dogs, though the form is slightly different in that it involves an open hand with the palm facing upwards. It is thus rude to use this gesture between people. To show respect, the Vietnamese beckon with the palm facing downwards. It isn’t polite to call older people over to oneself to begin with, so if there’s a need to be polite then to fulfil this the gesture won’t be used to begin with. In Japan, beckoning involves stretch‑ ing out the hand, palm facing down, and making a waving motion of the fingers

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  83 oneself (Figure 2.57); this is not to be confused with the palm facing outwards in front of the face moving back and forth gesture in Taiwan, which means ‘no’.

Figure 2.57 The grandmother beckons to her grandson, with her hand outstretched, and her fingers waving downwards, in Tōkyō Monogatari (東京物語) ‘Tokyo Story’ (1953, Japan).

Gestures are so much more than tools of interaction; they are powerful vis‑ ual ­symbols. For this reason, they are littered ubiquitously throughout our media. ­Japanese‑style beckoning, for example, is globally known due to the maneki‑neko (招き猫) ‘beckoning cat’, which invites people over (Figure 2.58). Maneki‑neko is believed to bring its owner luck, and so, the gesture is auspicious in a Japanese context.

Figure 2.58  Japanese maneki‑neko (招き猫) ‘beckoning cat’ at a temple in Japan.

84  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film In Taiwan, beckoning downwards is also common. Raising a hand to let some‑ one know ‘I’m here’ is also acceptable. This is slightly different from beckoning; instead of calling someone over, it merely indicates where you are non‑verbally. Between two people who have been acquainted before, this would be okay. In Eat Drink Man Woman, we can observe this gesture in a restaurant, where a woman meets her colleague for whom she has romantic feelings, though the two have cho‑ sen not to embark on a relationship together. It is important to note these particulars of the relationship because such factors influence how gestures are interpreted in East Asia. In the scene, the woman, noticing the man’s arrival, raises her hand gen‑ tly and looks in his direction, and seeing this, he joins her at the table (Figure 2.59). This gesture is also used in mainland China. LD explains, “It is common in main‑ land China as well. I often use this gesture even nowadays”.

Figure 2.59 Raising a hand to indicate one’s location in a restaurant, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan). Fist

In Japan, a comparable gesture is the raising of one hand in agreement or way of agreeing to an idea, like saying ‘I’m in!’. In a scene in Departures (2008), the male protagonist Daigo has lost his position as cellist in the orchestra and doesn’t know what to do next. His mother left him her house when she passed away, which is empty, and he explains to his wife, Mika, that he needs to return there and find another type of job. He is trepidatious as he tells her this, feeling that he has failed them, and that this prospect would not be attractive to Mika. However, she imme‑ diately supports him, with solidarity and positivity. Mika’s hand gesture reassures him of the sincerity of her words when she agrees to his suggestion and is part of an orchestration of positivity conveyance on her part—raising her hand in a spritely motion and keeping her fingers tightly together as if filled with intense encourage‑ ment, and her facial features smiling while sympathetically contoured, as if to say,

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  85 ‘I think that’ll be great! Don’t worry, I will enjoy that adventure!’ (Figure 2.60). These expressions are all reaffirmed throughout, by consistency in her behaviour, as she actively tries to boost Daigo’s confidence and reassure him.

Figure 2.60 Mika raises her hand to say “I’m in! Let’s do this Daigo!”, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan).

With its bouncy motion and tightness in shape, the raised hand in the Japa‑ nese context in Departures gives the raised hand a spunky feeling that is filled with positivity. It is not simply ‘I agree’, but ‘I’m on board’ and ‘I’m feeling posi‑ tive about this’, similar to the feeling of the South Korean fist gesture for ‘fight‑ ing!’, ­pronounced in Korean as paiting (파이팅) or huwaiting (화이팅). Faito! (ファイト) is the Japanese equivalent, and there is also ganbatte! (頑張って), which is often accompanied by a clenched fist. In Hong Kong, there is also jiāyóu! (加油) in Mandarin and ga yau in Cantonese, which literally means ‘add oil!’. All suggest ‘you can do it!’, but the Japanese term refers more to the experience rather than simply wishing luck. The Korean ‘fighting!’ term has begun to dominate among these words, with it often being used in Chinese‑to‑English and Japanese‑to‑English translations. LP said that she also uses the fighting gesture “when talking to people in English”. In Taiwan, the clenched fist gesture is seen as political imagery. It is also used in Taiwan with the palm facing the signer to mean the number ‘ten’. NP, a British man, married to a Taiwanese woman, explained that during the time they lived in Taiwan, number signs were among the new gestures he encountered that caused confusion: I was asking my wife the number of something, and she had a mouthful of water, and she did this (*holds hand up, little finger and thumb extended with three central fingers closed in a fist, knuckles facing outwards*), meaning the number ‘six’. There’s lots of these kinds of ‘number signs’. Another that I remember is the closed fist, which means ‘ten’. Taiwanese people didn’t recognise number gestures when I used them, for instance when I used one or two or three fingers to say ‘one’, ‘two’, or ‘three’, people didn’t understand.

86  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film During Taiwanese film Liànxí Qǔ (練習曲) ‘Island Etude’ (2006), in which a ­hearing‑impaired college student, Ming‑Hsang bikes around Taiwan for a week, a man filming out of a van window shouts to the student, asking, ‘Where are you going? Give me a pose!’. The student responds with a fist in the air (Figure 2.61). The gesture captures the spirit of the challenge and adventure he is on.

Figure 2.61 Ming‑Hsang thrusts his fist into the air, in Liànxí Qǔ (練習曲) ‘Island Etude’ (2006, Taiwan). Waving

Another gesture that involves the hand up is waving. This gesture is common around the world, but many people don’t realise just how many forms, functions, and meanings of waving there are. The most common meaning of waving is ‘hello’ or ‘goodbye’. This form of waving is often considered rude in regions like South Korea by juniors to seniors. Bowing is appropriately deferential and has degrees and forms that correspond with levels of respect required by each set of interper‑ sonal relations, while waving cannot express respect and is therefore difficult to factor into South Korean communication. In Japan, waving and bowing are both used, together and alternately. In De‑ partures, for instance, Daigo and his wife wave to each other often, such as when Daigo leaves for work in the morning, they hug goodbye, and then as he walks away, she waves to him (Figure 2.62). They also combine waving and bowing to old friends and to children.

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  87

Figure 2.62 Daigo waving at the grandchild of the owner of the bathhouse, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan).

This is not a one‑off; we see other characters waving in Departures too. Mika raises her hand, and the elderly woman who owns the bath house also raises her hand. Each gesture has its own type of movement that is observably intrinsic with the emotion of the gesturer and contextualised by the interaction, but the form with respect to shape is similar. There are also other forms of waving in Japan. There’s waving to mean, ‘no, that’s not correct’, for which a person waves their hand in front of their face, with‑ out moving the elbow a lot. For example, ‘Oh, is this your girlfriend?’, ‘No, no!’, *wave*. If the waving is too vigorous, it could be offensive, akin to saying, ‘Oh god no, I’d never go out with her’. Again, degrees are important in gesture, serving to express personal meanings. Westerners often comment on how this can be eas‑ ily confused with the Western gesture for something being smelly. There are other unique forms of waving across the rest of Asia too. Such as, in Vietnam, there ex‑ ists a form of waving that is often compared to the flapping of a bird’s wing, which is used to hail taxis and also call servers over in restaurants. Pointing

Kita stresses the importance of pointing within the human communication system, calling it “a foundational building block of human communication”, and specify‑ ing four reasons for this: (1) “it is ubiquitous in our day‑to‑day interaction with others”; (2) “pointing is a uniquely human behaviour”; (3) “pointing is primordial in ontogeny. Pointing is one of the first versatile communicative devices that an

88  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film infant acquires”; and (4) “pointing does not merely indicate a vector, but it can serve to create further types of signs”. As such, pointing is among the most impor‑ tant gestures we cover in this book. We aim to elaborate on the lesser spoken about pragmatic qualities of this gesture, which Kita hints at when he states, “Even if one identifies the referent, further pragmatic inferences may be needed to get to the intended interpretation”.67 In East Asia, pragmatic sensitivity towards the form pointing takes and who is pointing at whom or to what is oftentimes more significant than in the West. In main‑ land China, for instance, a combination of general cultural norms as well as consid‑ erations of the interlocutor’s social status, and contextual constraints and pragmatic concerns, have been observed as playing a significant role in gesture choice by one study. Participants were found to be “sensitive to these social and contextual vari‑ ables, especially regarding concepts like saving face, politeness, and friendly inti‑ macy”.68 When pointing in converse with a senior, juniors were found to direct their point away from the recipient, and an open palm rather than an index finger was used. Similarity can be observed in South Korea too, where pointing with the index finger is a rude gesture when used by a junior, and only acceptably employed by seniors. Also in South Korea, what is commonly observed is that in addition to using an open palm rather than an index finger, two hands are used instead of one. The left hand is placed gently under the right arm, supporting it while in use. We see this tendency to use one hand to support the other in numerous formal and polite gesture forms in South Korea, including handshaking, and when reaching across the table at a meal. In Japan, it is also considered rude to point, not only at people but at things too. Though instead of using an open palm to point, the Japanese gently wave when they want to indicate something. Then, when referring to themselves, the Japanese use their index finger to touch their nose rather than pointing at themselves. They also use this gesture when asking “Me?” (‘Watashi?’, わたし). This is interesting if we make comparison of South Korean and Japanese communication for a moment. It is polite to refer to oneself in humble terms by removing honorifics in Korean, reserving them for speaking to and about others, and it is widely observed that in Japan too diminishing oneself is polite. However, when it comes to nonverbal expression, this fundamental gesture, believed impolite to use to others is also not used towards oneself. There is no certain origin of the touch the nose gesture to our knowledge. There are however some interesting connections between the symbolism of the nose in Japan. ‘Nose’, which is hana (はな/鼻) in Japanese, symbolises pride. This is ce‑ mented in the idiomatic expression Hana ga Takai (はながたかい/鼻が高い), which literally translates as ‘Long/Tall Nose’, and is used in phrases like, ‘I have a long nose because my son was accepted at Tokyo University’. The recent phrase hana sama (鼻様) meaning ‘oneself’ derived literally from the gesture of touching the nose to refer to oneself—a sort of multimodal transliteration that also serves as evidence of this symbolism. However, it could of course be simply that pointing

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  89 is altogether an inappropriate gesture. After all, the notion that touching the nose is connected to pride conflicts with a cornerstone of the Japanese culture—kenkyo (謙虚)—comparable to Western concepts of humility and modesty, but unique in the active drawing focus to one’s failures and divergence from one’s successes, talents, and any compliments one receives. Touching one’s own nose with a connotation of pride attached misaligns with this. In any case, to break ground on the untrodden field of Asian gesture, it’s vital that we ask these questions. In Vietnam, the pointing form for pointing at objects is a lesser issue. When pointing at people, form is important. Using the index finger is considered disre‑ spectful, and the polite form of the gesture involves using an open hand. Context then provides much variation as to the meaning of pointing. Pointing at someone else can express dominance, while pointing towards the sky can express blame to someone else. While pointing a finger to the forehead is considered as rude as hold‑ ing up the middle finger in the West. When you point your finger at your forehead, it is either a way of calling someone else crazy, or when you are angry it can mean, ‘I feel crazy’. Moving into South Asia, pointing is also rude when the index finger is used. To point politely, the whole hand or thumb must be used. However, context is impor‑ tant, as the thumb can also be used as a sarcastic ‘no’, or contrastingly to mean, ‘everything went well’. Pointing with the index finger is used to express anger, ar‑ rogance, or to blame another person. While pointing upwards with the little finger is a casual gesture, not to be used in formal situations, meaning that a person needs to use the bathroom. In Pakistan, pointing with the index finger is also not consid‑ ered polite, and has negative connotations. The polite form of pointing or gesturing at objects involves using the whole hand or palm. Touching the Heart

Touching the heart involves combining the hand with the heart. It is found across Asia. In India, the hand placed over the heart means, ‘I’ll handle it’. In mainland China, touching the chest means, ‘put your faith in me’. As LD explains, touch‑ ing the chest often means, “‘you can trust me for it’, to guarantee with one’s chest thumped. It is used to depict a situation where one is making a promise or guaran‑ tee with great confidence or certainty.” Hands Held Together in Lap

Hands held together and in the lap are, like bowing, an expression of mutual respect in Japan. This gesture can be employed in any relation dynamic, it matters little whether one is senior junior, older, younger, male, or female. It isn’t necessary that one must constantly have their hands together in their lap, but doing so conveys good intentions and respect towards the other person in the interaction, regardless of whether the interaction is positive or negative or with intimacy or distance. In

90  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film Departures, hands held in the lap, or in the case of men the hands also at placed on the knees, can be observed throughout, between employer and employee (Fig‑ ure 2.63), husband and wife (Figures 2.64 and 2.65), and strangers (Figure 2.66). There does appear to be more diligence in doing so by youngers to elders and jun‑ iors to seniors (e.g., by employee to employer), but the gesture is used on both sides.

Figure 2.63 Daigo keeps his hands on his knees or in his lap at all times when speaking to his employer, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan).

Figure 2.64 During a marital dispute, both husband and wife keep their hands together in their laps while kneeling, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  91

Figure 2.65 When having a discussion, husband and wife hold hands together, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan).

Figure 2.66 When speaking to the owner of the bathhouse, Mika keeps her hands held together in her lap throughout, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan).

The meaning of the gesture is similar in Korea; however, specific interper‑ sonal relations designate the appropriate use of the gesture.69,70 In Big Pore‑ seuteu (빅 포레스트) ‘Big Forest’ (2018), Jeon Sung Hoon holds his hands together when he meets his daughter’s teacher at Career Day, as do the other parents who line the side of the classroom (Figure  2.67). Teachers are highly respected in Korea, and parents consider their relations with their children’s

92  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film teachers to be of the highest importance. These gestures are also seen in regions of East Asia, such as mainland China. LD explained that in mainland China, ‘This is a common sight in parents’ behaviour in classrooms or by juniors in a business setting’.

Figure 2.67 Sung Hoon politely holds his hands in front of him when meeting his daugh‑ ter’s teacher, in Big Poreseuteu (빅 포레스트) ‘Big Forest’ (2018, South Korea).

Having lost his job at the bank, Jeon Sung joins a loan shark company. His lack of belonging in the role is shown in how he holds his hands in his lap, just as he does when presenting himself in a formal situation at his daughter’s school, while he and his senior colleague visit a client to demand repayment. The ges‑ ture is out of place given the nature of his job and the ‘tough’ connotations that go with it, because it is a symbol of deference that betrays his discomfort and the desire to soften his participation in what he feels is an unpleasant behav‑ iour. The gesture thus serves to show that he’s actually a good guy in desperate circumstances. In Episode 1 of Three Lives Three Worlds, The Pillow Book, we also can ob‑ serve the gesture of holding the hands together neatly. This time the form of the gesture involves holding the hands together over the naval rather than in the lap (Figure  2.68). In the episode, the nine‑tailed fox, queen of Qing Qiu, Bai Feng Jiu, who falls in love with the first ruler of Heaven in the series, stands among other female courtiers whom the Heavenly Emperor’s sister is choosing to be her maids. Bai Feng Jiu and the women pictured with her all employ this gesture. It is an expression of respect with temporal relevance, as it is no longer used in China today. As such, it appears in period costume dramas and in period Chinese cinema, which have even informed viewers outside of China about these traditional Chi‑ nese gestures.

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  93

Figure 2.68 Hands held together when in the presence of the Heavenly Emperor’s sister to show respect, in Sān Shēng Sān Shì Zhěn Shàng Shū (三生三世枕上书) ‘Three Lives Three Worlds, The Pillow Book’ (2020, mainland China).

Hands held in the lap can also be seen in Singaporean‑Chinese contexts. In Crazy Rich Asians, the household staff tend to keep their hands together in their lap in the presence of the Leong‑Teo family (Figure 2.69). This can also be understood as the polite manner of people in the service industry, particularly of maids and butlers. How‑ ever, in East Asian cinema, the staff of the rich are commonly seen holding this pose, with their hands held together, often averting eye gaze too, and making use of other def‑ erential gestures. Since these gestures are similarly employed by juniors to seniors, they take on a different meaning in their East Asian contexts. Films like the South Korean hit Hanyeo (하녀) ‘The Housemaid’ (2010) provide evidence of this in how gesture shifts show attitude changes. The household staff are diligent in their use of polite gestures, until they rebel against their employers, at which time their gestures shift. This ges‑ tural strategy serves as a key aspect of structuring the narrative. Figure 2.70 shows the housemaid, Eun‑yi, when she first begins to work for the rich household and is on her best behaviour; her gestures are carefully selected, expressing that she knows her place.

Figure 2.69 Astrid Leong‑Teo is greeted by her household staff upon her arrival home, in Crazy Rich Asians (2018, Singapore-China‑US).

94  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film

Figure 2.70 Eun‑yi, the housemaid/nanny of the wealthy Goh family, greets their young daughter Nami after school, keeping her hands held in front of her even as she ap‑ proaches the little girl, in Hanyeo (하녀) ‘The Housemaid’ (2010, South Korea). Wrist Twisting

Wrist twisting is a gesture found in several regions of Asia, with vastly different functions and meanings. In India, the hand is twisted and jiggled in the face of another person, resembling a bharatnatyam mudra.71 This gesture is commonly used alongside the question being asked to the other person, and as such, it is known to express the ‘five K’s’: Kya (‘What?’), Kyun (‘Why?’), Kab (‘When?’), Kaun (‘Where?’)’, and Kahan (‘Who?’); however, it is a common Indian gesture that can be often observed in Indian films. In Devdas (2002), Kumud, Devdas’s manipulative sister‑in‑law, who fuels her mother‑in‑law’s negative thoughts about his engagement to Parvati, often uses this gesture in an invasive way in everyday interactions, characterising her as bolshy. There is a somewhat similar form of gesture in Vietnam too, though with a completely different function and meaning. The form appears similar to the motion of unscrewing a light bulb, but with loose fingers. It is an expression commonly meaning ‘no’, ‘I don’t know’, or ‘I don’t understand’. Cutting Through

In Japan, in crowded areas, people will often use a chopping hand gesture as a polite way of making their way through a crowd. Older men especially use this gesture, holding a hand up and chopping the air before them. This gesture can also be observed in mainland China. LD explained, “In China, we do it as well when passing through the crowd”. Indonesians use a similar gesture, for which the hand is extended with the palm facing upwards. Indonesians bend over slightly and extend their right hand down with the palm facing them. Its form resembles the ‘after you’ gesture observed in the West when allowing someone to go first through a door, inviting somebody to take a seat, or go ahead in line. Unlike the Japanese gesture, there is no chopping motion, but rather the gesture is held constantly while walking through the crowd.

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  95 Pouring a Drink for Someone

Pouring a drink for someone is a way of treating them well—it is either a way of taking care of someone or of respecting someone—but in either case, like politeness it is a gesture utilisable to show one’s feelings, attitudes, and awareness of others’ feelings. The social factors that are formulated to achieve the intended expression differ in the regions where pouring a drink for others is a form of socio‑pragmatic expression. In Taiwan, pouring a drink for someone is a way of showing care if they are older or more senior and can also be an expression of care and intimacy between people with romantic involvement, as can it be a way to treat one’s boy‑ friend or husband attentively. If we examine drinking culture and its plethora of gestures at a Taiwanese din‑ ner table for a moment, using the Taiwanese classic foodie film, Eat Drink Man Woman, we see that gestures relating to drinking are for expressing respect, care, and solidarity among the Taiwanese. In one scene, Jǐnróng’s mother Mrs  Liáng pours a drink for Mr Chu at the dinner we featured in an earlier example, when Mr Chu announces the news that he is actually marrying Jǐnróng, her daughter, not Mrs Liáng. While she still thinks that she is about to become a bride, she is affec‑ tionate to Mr Chu, tentatively filling his glass—an expression of the intimacy she is expecting from him (Figure 2.71).

Figure 2.71 Pouring a drink for the person for whom you have affection (whether it has been reciprocated or not!), in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan). One or Two Hands

This brings us to our next discussion on single‑handed or two‑handed gestures, which affect actions like pouring, drinking, and giving and receiving items and

96  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film gifts. Let’s continue with examples from drinking. Pouring and drinking are ex‑ pressive forms of gesture in Asia. The way one drinks and pours is socio‑pragmatic and can be formal, intimate or distant, rude or polite, and even masculine or femi‑ nine. This is especially true in East Asia. Drinking Gestures

Looking at drinking gestures in Taiwan, when preparing to drink from a shot glass, the right hand holds the shot glass and the left touches just beneath it, and the gesturer drinks following the toast. We see this in the infamous dinner table scene in Eat Drink Man Woman. Mr Chu, nervous about his pending controversial an‑ nouncement, makes toast after toast, so that he can drink and calm his nerves. There is a subtle difference in the precision of hand position as those seated with Mr Chu who are a generation younger than him. Mr Chu’s daughter and her hus‑ band delicately touch the bottom of the cups with their fingertips (Figure  2.72). While Mr Chu and Mrs Liáng, who are of the same generation, use both hands to hold the cup, but the left hand is positioned less delicately at the left side of the cup. As Mr Chu becomes drunk, he then forfeits the left hand completely. Jǐnróng’s daughter, Shan Shan, who is only an elementary school student and drinking milk, does not use two hands, as this custom is reserved for adults drinking alcohol (Figure 2.73).

Figure 2.72 Right hand holding shot glass, left hand lightly touching underneath, while listening to Mr  Chu’s toast, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  97

Figure 2.73 Right hand holding shot glass and left hand lightly touching underneath, versus right and left in similar positions on either side of the glass for the two elder people at the table, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan).

South Korea also has a precise drinking culture. Two hands are used when pour‑ ing for a senior, someone you don’t know well, or in a formal situation, and can even be utilised as a way of emphasising respect towards a person or expressing how special a moment is, despite the person being a junior (this can be friendly, caring, or sarcastic). We see a similar combination of creative potential usages across all Korean gesture.72,73,74 South Korean drinking gestures include holding the bottle with the right hand while pouring, with the left touching the neck of the bottle. When someone pours into someone else’s glass, it is custom for the recipient to touch their glass with one hand. When pouring into their own glass, if they have insisted against others’ offers to do so, then a polite member of the group will reach and touch the other person’s glass. We see this also in the scene we previously featured from My Sassy Girl, in which ‘The Girl’ and Kyung‑woo are in a bar, and she is behaving outrageously. She pours herself a drink of soju, and he reaches out to grasp the bottle with her (Figure 2.74). A slight variation in the form, but it ultimately serves the same goal. When reaching, it is also important in Korean gestural custom to touch under the arm that is reaching. This gesture stems from the need historically, due to the wide sleeve of period clothing, to hold one’s sleeve when reaching, and to avoid causing disturbance to the items on the dinner table or to fellow diners. Then, when drinking, juniors turn away from the direction of seniors, as it is considered rude to give a glimpse inside of the mouth while drink‑ ing. Sometimes, while holding the glass with the right hand the left hand is used as a shield held to the side of the mouth (how the hand is held when whispering into someone’s ear) to show respect also.

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Figure 2.74 Kyun‑woo reaches out and grasps the bottle alongside ‘The Girl’s’ hands as she pours herself a drink, as to do otherwise he believes would be unthinkable behaviour since they barely know each other, in Yeopgijeogin Geunyeo (엽기 적인 그녀) ‘My Sassy Girl’ (2001).

In Japan, order is important in drinking etiquette, especially ‘firsts’, and so are other important drinking‑related gestures. It is customary to pour other drinks and not one’s own drink, and another is to never drink alone; one must always wait for everyone to drink together. Kanpai (かんぱい) ‘cheers’ must be spoken before tak‑ ing the first drink, and for the first drink, everyone drinks the same beverage. South Korea and Japan bear similarity here in respect to drinking together. However, in South Korea, the most senior begins the drinking, just as they begin the eating first. Positioning of gesturing with the drinking glass is also important, and this re‑ lates to order too. The glass of the most senior person needs to be slightly higher than the others. In both South Korea and Japan, alcohol is a social lubricant. The Japanese encourage each other to cut loose without fear—embarrassing anyone who is drunk for their behaviour is completely unacceptable. Therefore, keeping people’s glasses full is an important part of drinking, and it is the same in South Korea. In Japan, a glass left full is a gesture itself. It means, ‘I can’t drink anymore’. Meanwhile, in South Korea, a glass left half‑empty or empty can be considered unattended to by juniors or friends and be interpreted as a lack of respect or care. A similar gesture exists in Singapore, but for eating, as it is important not to refuse initial food or drinks. Again, we see the importance of order and of firsts. To refuse seconds politely, the hand is placed above the plate, before saying, ‘No, thank you’. This may not seem unique at first glance, but it is in Asia, where a direct ‘no’ is avoided—verbally and nonverbally—this gesture is unique. In South Korea, the South Korean preoccupation with saving face and politeness means that they will rarely give a flat ‘no’ or give a negative response, even if they don’t agree or don’t want to do what you are suggesting. Instead, they will give hints and hope for you to have the nunchi75 to pick this up. Similarly, in Pakistan people speak

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  99 indirectly, using many similes, metaphors; it is also common for passages from poems to be recited or cited during conversion. Taiwanese wedding banquets demonstrate Taiwanese gestures related to eating and drinking. The guests toast to the couple, clink glasses with cutlery, and wave their hands around in encouragement for the couple to kiss and in participation in games that the couple play in front of the crowd (Figure  2.75). Meanwhile, the bride and groom must travel from table‑to‑table drinking toasts with the guests (Figure  2.76). We see both examples in The Wedding Banquet (1993), in which drinking and the gestures involved in drinking glass‑holding/action play a major role in the interactions between the bride and groom and their guests.

Figure 2.75 Everyone toasting amidst the games and teasing of the married couple, in Xǐyàn (喜宴) ‘The Wedding Banquet’ (1993, Taiwan and US).

Figure 2.76 The newlyweds must visit each table at the banquet and drink toasts made by various members of each table, in Xǐyàn (喜宴) ‘The Wedding Banquet’ (1993, Taiwan and US).

100  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film Food Gestures

In Japan, holding the bowl that you’re eating from in one hand while eating is ac‑ ceptable, and similarly picking up a bowl of soup and drinking directly from the bowl is also acceptable. In China, Taiwan and Hong Kong, picking up one’s bowl to eat is also okay. Films like The Wedding Banquet are rich in examples of food and eating gestures like these (Figure 2.77). In South Korea, however, this is not polite. LD spoke on her experience visiting South Korea, “When I was in Korea, I realised it when I saw no one around me was doing it. It can be categorised as a mistake that foreigners often make when in Korea”. In South Korea, bowls should remain on the table while eating, and only amongst company with whom one is extremely intimate—perhaps one’s spouse, close childhood friends, or with one’s children—would this removal of etiquette perhaps be acceptable. There might be occasions also where South Korea’s social lubricant and etiquette loophole, ‘alco‑ hol’, may enable this also. One might ask, ‘are these gestures too?’ The answer is yes, if we consider how these forms and motions are locally interpretable, intercul‑ turally controversial, and symbolic.

Figure 2.77 At a Taiwanese dinner table, holding your bowl while eating is acceptable, and does not express disrespect, in Xǐyàn (喜宴) ‘The Wedding Banquet’ (1993, Taiwan and US). Giving and Receiving Items and Gifts

In Asia, giving and receiving are richly pragmatic and often ritualistic.76 The sub‑ tleties in the form of giving and receiving, in addition to context, and the social dynamic in which the gesture takes place all bear weight on the meaning inferable by those in that culture. For instance, which hand is used and whether one or both hands are used are also expressions in themselves that, especially in East Asia, of‑ ten culminate with other factors, such as order, alignment, or other gestures.

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  101 In Japan, it is a common practice to use two hands when giving and receiving gifts, a custom also observed across East Asia. However, this gesture extends be‑ yond the ceremonial exchange of presents in Japan, representing a form of polite‑ ness even amongst family members and spouses. Furthermore, this two‑handed approach is also adopted in professional settings, notably in the exchange of busi‑ ness cards. In Departures, for instance, we see two‑handed receiving done by Mika, emphasising her gratitude to her husband Daigo, when he arrives home having pur‑ chased the sukiyaki that Mika had earlier said she would like to eat (Figure 2.78). It isn’t necessary to use two hands, but given the context, it is an expression of grati‑ tude through politeness and also a performance of femininity for her husband—one entangled in both traditional idealisation of Japanese women as submissive, grate‑ ful, and demure, and contemporary concepts of kawaii (かわいい) ‘cuteness’ that also play a role in contemporary female idealisation, and subsequently expectation and Japanese female identity. From this underpinning, two‑handed gestures con‑ vey care towards her husband by playing her part in the idealised image of their relationship.

Figure 2.78 Two handed receiving of the groceries for the evening meal—a dish Mika had mentioned she wanted—emphasising gratitude to her husband Daigo, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan).

This contrasts greatly with the scene where Daigo, after a difficult first day at his new job as an embalmer, is so traumatised that he receives his daily wage with one hand over his shoulder without even looking up at his employer. Given the consist‑ ency of Daigo’s deferential gestures throughout the film, the contrast shows his delicate frame of mind; he is not behaving normally, and his employer explicitly validates this in his verbal dialogue and is not offended despite being a generation older than Daigo (Figure 2.79). Daigo’s intention is not to disrespect his employer, but he is in shock, and grappling with the direction his life has taken him ever since, he gave up his dreams of being a cellist.

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Figure 2.79 Daigo receives his day’s wages with one hand, not even turning around to greet his employer, because of his delicate mental state following his first day of em‑ balming bodies, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan).

In Vietnamese smash hit Bố Già ‘Dad, I’m Sorry’ (2021), which is often praised in the media by Vietnamese who claim the film reminds them of home, we see a younger or junior person giving with one hand. In this case, the young man is giving money owed to his father’s employer, which he has been told his father owes to her. When he arrives at her residence, the woman is eating. He walks up from behind her, a lot like the scenario in Departures, but instead of handing it to her over her shoulder, he reaches down and places the money with one hand on the table that sits in front of the woman (Figure 2.80). On the one hand, it could be argued that the young man is upset about the way the woman treats his father, as she reduced his salary on the grounds that he owes her money, and suggested he sell his family home. On the other hand, if we transfer the gesture, social dynamic, and narrative context into a South Korean cultural context, this gesture could only be confrontational, aggressive, and relationship‑ruining for the father and his boss. It would therefore be highly unlikely that an average Ko‑ rean young man would do so to his father’s boss, even if such a situation had arisen.

Figure 2.80 Young man places his father’s rent money down with one hand on the table in front of his landlord, in Bố Già ‘Dad, I’m Sorry’ (2021, Vietnam).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  103 Film is an excellent medium for highlighting gestural use because the narrative discourse can only make sense as intended if gesture, within the greater plane of multimodality that film is constructed by, is appropriate for conveying the desired meaning within the given context. In the previous above, someone is in shock, fol‑ lowing an experience depicted in the scene prior, and so if the gestures chosen were Daigo’s normal deferential behaviour, it could not be interpreted that Daigo was deeply affected. At the same time, the success of this construction shows that one hand in this social dynamic (junior‑elder and employee‑employer) is usually abnormal in Japan. In Korea, two hands are also used when giving and receiving gifts. Their use corresponds with South Korean interpersonal relations. For instance, an elder may pass something to a junior with one hand, which is totally acceptable, and doesn’t have a negative meaning. A junior must give and receive items from a senior with two hands to be polite. Only intimate equals can give and receive items freely with one hand, such as friends who grew up together. Environment also factors into this gesture. When spending time alone with one’s mother, it is okay to pass an item using only one hand, as long as it isn’t an item of sentimental significance or a gift. In the presence of others, it would be necessary to use two hands. Still, if one were to spend time with one’s mother‑in‑law, passing an item with one hand is impolite, whether you are in a private or in a public space. One‑handed ges‑ tures in social dynamics such as between in‑laws or employee to employer would be major faux pas, and others might think you have a bad attitude or antisocial personality. Gift giving and receiving in Taiwan is also performed with both hands, as it is in mainland China and Hong Kong. Gestures like this are especially prominent when younger or junior people communicate with senior people. In Island Etude, for ex‑ ample, Ming‑Hsang receives items from his elders with two hands, often bowing at a 15‑degree angle when he does so. In one scene, he receives a packed lunch from a man running an elderly women’s daytrip. He refuses at first, modestly, but the older man insists, and so, with two hands and giving a light bow, he receives the item, showing gratitude through deference. In Taiwan, a gift is given/received with palms facing upwards. When giving gifts, one will avoid giving an odd number of gifts since odd numbers are con‑ sidered unlucky. Giving odd or even numbers of gifts can in itself be considered a gesture. Similarly, so can the type of gift. For instance, while food or drink can be acceptable gifts, for special occasions, such as weddings, red envelopes should be exchanged. These little red envelopes characterise the gesture of giving and receiving with symbolism with historical and traditional associations. Through this, cultural heritage continues to be passed down through the generations, and thus, gesture extends beyond our bodies to the cultural items we wield in gesture. Another example is the placing of a male baby or young child on the bed of new‑ lyweds on their wedding night, expressing the wish for the couple to have a son (Figure 2.81). Placing the baby on a chair, or simply nearby the newlyweds, does not achieve this expression, and the bed is symbolic and as such becomes a vital component in the completion of the gesture.

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Figure 2.81 On the wedding night, a young male toddler is placed on the bed where the couple will sleep, and the wedding party cheer as he walks and crawls about on it, in Xǐyàn (喜宴) ‘The Wedding Banquet’ (1993, Taiwan and US).

Giving/receiving gestures like those above are not to be confused with the In‑ dian chhado gesture, which involves the hands opening outwards as if one were potentially about to receive something, but instead means, ‘forget it’. Left or Right Hand

When using one hand, whether one uses the left or right hand is important. This is true generally across Asia, but there are subtle differences to why, and here lies the diversity. In India, using the left hand is considered rude on most occasions. In Hindu culture, all auspicious rituals should only be performed using the right hand. Even an act as simple as paying a street vendor should be performed with the right hand—failing to do so would result in the street vendor requesting payment to be made with the right hand. Indians may, however, place their left hand on the other person’s shoulder to express intimacy, while shaking hands with their right. Mean‑ while, in Pakistan, there is a clear cultural separation made between the functions of the hands. This custom is tied to Islamic principles that prescribe the left hand should be used for the removal of dirt and for cleaning, and never for eating, touching people, giving/receiving items, or using gestures like waving. An alter‑ native option to using the left hand in Pakistan when giving/receiving is to use both hands together, which is acceptable. The same is also true of Indonesia and Singapore, due to the influence of Islamic culture on these regions. In Singapore, Malays and Indians use their right hand and a spoon to eat, but never the left. Even when given a spoon and fork to eat with, they always hold the spoon in the right hand and the fork in the left hand to push food onto the spoon which they eat with. In South Korea, left‑handedness has also long been associated with impurity. If one hand is used to give or receive then it should never be the left. Even writing left‑handed is avoided in Korea, and shaking hands left‑handed is considered unlucky.77 It has been reported that only 5.8% in South Korea are known to be left‑handed; however,

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  105 China has less than 1%. It has been argued that this is because many Chinese charac‑ ters require the use of the right hand, but it has been reported by that: In China, we can see how a combination of traditional values and practical con‑ siderations seems to have merged to reduce both the actual and reported preva‑ lence of left‑handedness. When we add in the population of India, and much of the remaining Islamic world, we can conclude that for two‑thirds of the world’s population, being born left‑handed exposes one to discrimination and stigma.78 Touch

Like kissing, touch is also a sensitive gesture in Asia. Touch takes many forms, from a gentle touch of another person’s arm or shoulder to hugging. It can be wel‑ comed or an invasion of space. There are specific bodily regions that have cultural significance in Asia like the head or feet. While touch between strangers is often avoided in Asia, touch between intimates, especially those of the same sex, or with familial‑like relationships isn’t uncommon among the Chinese, Hong Kongese, Taiwanese, Vietnamese, and Filipinos. In Hong Kong classic Huāyàng Niánhuá (花樣年華) ‘In the Mood for Love’ (2000), touch is shown on several occasions between people with a variety of social relations. The film is a period film set in 1960s Hong Kong. Skinship is shown between female tenant Mrs Chan and her Shanghainese landlady, Mrs. Suen ­(Figure 2.82); and between Mrs and Mr Chan in front of other tenants in the shared living area of the apartment where they all rent rooms (Figure 2.83). The gesture is not contextualised as outrageous or unusual, though the touch is subtle and, in both cases, used to express care and intimacy towards the recipient.

Figure 2.82 Touch between female tenant (Mrs Chan) and older female landlady (Mrs Seun), when Mrs Chan offers to ask her husband to bring Mrs Seun a designer hand‑ bag back from his business trip, in Huāyàng Niánhuá (花樣年華) ‘In the Mood for Love’ (2000, Hong Kong).

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Figure 2.83 A wife attentively puts her arm around her husband and leans in as the tenants of the lodging house gather, in Huāyàng Niánhuá (花樣年華) ‘In the Mood for Love’ (2000, Hong Kong).

Public displays of affection are often undesirable. However, among friends and in certain contexts, affection is acceptable and even encouraged. For instance, at Taiwanese wedding banquets, the newlyweds are encouraged to kiss. Personal dis‑ plays of affection in this context become a game in which the observers take part, so the act is made acceptable. It is often the newlyweds that are made most un‑ comfortable by this tradition. We see this in Big Forest (2018), when the bride and groom, who have married as part of a deal so that the bride—who is Chinese—can remain in South Korea, meet Chinese friends who demand to see public displays of affection (Figure 2.84). The result is an uncomfortable scene, in which cheek pinching and a hesitant kiss ensue (Figure 2.85).

Figure 2.84 Chinese friends demand that the newlyweds show affection, in Big Poreseuteu (빅 포레스트) ‘Big Forest’ (2018, mainland Chinese depiction in South Korea).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  107

Figure 2.85 Dong‑Yup uncomfortably pinches Chung‑ah’s cheek in response, in Big Pore‑ seuteu (빅 포레스트) ‘Big Forest’ (2018, mainland Chinese depiction in South Korea).

Intimacy is revealed within Chinese, Taiwanese, and Hong Kongese cultures. In Eat Drink Man Woman, for instance, the closeness of Mr  Chu’s relationship with his best friend Mr Wen is revealed in his skinship with Mr Chu’s daughter, Jia‑Chien, when they visit him during his hospitalisation. Jia‑Chien hugs Mr Wen and then sits beside him, leaning in so that their shoulders are touching throughout the interaction (Figures 2.86 and 2.87).

Figure 2.86 Mr  Chu’s best friend hugs his daughter, Jia‑Chien, when they visit him in ­hospital, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan).

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Figure 2.87 Jia‑Chien leans her shoulder onto Mr Wen’s shoulder, affectionately, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan).

We also see touch used caringly towards children in Taiwanese cinema, reveal‑ ing intimacy or the desire to develop a bond with a child, as well as a willingness for children to invade an elder’s space, which is less acceptable in regions of Asia like South Korea. CK, however, explained that physical affection, even to children, is less than she observed in the UK: My mum would always tell me to stop kissing and hugging my children so much when we stayed with them in Taiwan. It’s not that she never hugged them, but it was much less than I see when I meet my in‑laws in the UK, and more when they were very young. My mum kept telling me that we do it too much, but this isn’t because she’s unkind, but rather she isn’t used to it. My dad was more affectionate than my mum, but even then, he showed his love in other ways. When I travelled back from university on the weekends, he would cook many dishes, filling up the entire table, just for me. That was his way of showing love, instead of hugs and kisses. In Eat Drink Man Woman, we see touch both as a means of building intimacy and showing care by Mr Chu to Shan Shan, whose mother he has fallen in love with and is planning to marry. He also builds intimacy and takes care of Shan Shan by cooking for her—a similar gesture that CK described in her interview. Mr Chu is eager to give the care he thinks is missing from Shan Shan’s life, as her single mother struggles to provide for them, and cannot be attentive to Shan Shan as a stay‑at‑home mother would be able to (making her packed lunches). He touches Shan Shan’s shoulder when speaking to her, and upon finding out that she buys her lunch each day and travels alone on the bus to school, he begins walking Shan Shan to and from school and preparing her elaborate lunch boxes each day (Figure 2.88).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  109

Figure 2.88 Mr Chu touches Shan Shan on the shoulder, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan).

At the same time, there seems to be more ability for children to invade the space of elders, given a reason to do so. When Mr Chu brings many tantalising dishes to Shan Shan at school, he is swarmed by the children in the class (Figure 2.89). One might argue that this shows skinship is not such an issue in Taiwan. However, on the other hand, because of the meaning of skinship, the children behaving this way may simply emphasise just how delicious the food is (i.e., they can’t help but sur‑ round him in order to get a closer look).

Figure 2.89 Mr  Chu delivers the first lunch box, stimulating Shan Shan’s classmates to descend upon him, envious of the delicacies he has brought her, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan).

The use of touch to build solidarity with children, or one’s own sons and daughters (and even in adulthood), is also shown in Mr Chu’s use of touch towards his own daughters. He uses skinship with Jia‑Chien in particular; she is the spitting image of her

110  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film deceased mother, and the only one of his three daughters to have inherited his natural talent and passion for the culinary arts. Despite all that they have in common, they are often at odds with each other because of their equally stubborn personalities. It is only in the final scene, when Mr Chu has married Jinrong and sold the family to Jia‑Chien, that they finally reconcile their differences. Mr Chu compliments Jia‑Chien’s soup, which he hadn’t done easily before, surprising Jia‑Chien. He asks for more of the soup, and when Jia‑Chien reaches out to take his bowl to refill it, Mr Chu places his hands around hers as she holds the bowl (Figure 2.90). This small touch is more powerful than a hug in the context of touch in Taiwanese culture. A hug, in its lacking cultural relevance, would be strange in this situation, whereas holding her hands while compli‑ menting her food and accepting that he has been overtaken by her talents in the kitchen clearly conveys Mr Chu’s love of Jia‑Chien. The gesture indicates that he really means what he is saying and that wants them to have a good relationship.

Figure 2.90 Mr Chu holds his daughter’s hands when wishing to reconcile their differences, in Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman’ (1994, Taiwan).

A similarly powerful use of touch, this time by a mother‑in‑law to her new d­ aughter‑in‑law, is shown in The Wedding Banquet. In the film, Taiwanese immi‑ grant Wai‑Tung is gay, but hiding this from his conservative Taiwanese parents. To please his parents who incessantly pester him about getting married, so that he can live happily with his partner Simon in Manhattan, he marries illegal immigrant Wei‑Wei (pictured right) to whom he has been renting a small apartment. They get through the wedding, but they drink so much after the ceremony that they drunkenly sleep together and soon after Wei‑Wei discovers that she’s pregnant. Since the deal was to stage the wedding for Wai‑Tung’s parents while also solving the problem of Wei‑Wei’s green card, Wai‑Tung wants Wei‑Wei to have an abortion. In the scene shown in Figure 2.91, Wai‑Tung’s mother has discovered the pregnancy, and that the wedding is a sham, and is imploring Wei‑Wei to go through with the pregnancy any‑ way so that she can have her grandchild. When she implores Wei‑Wei to keep it, hold‑ ing both her arms around her. It is more holding than hugging. It is a powerful gesture because Wei‑Wei and her mother‑in‑law have a junior‑senior dynamic. This level

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  111 of touch for such a long duration expresses the desperation and sadness Wei‑Wei’s mother‑in‑law feels. It also indicates the fast bond that has developed between them.

Figure 2.91 A mother‑in‑law implores her daughter‑in‑law to go through with her preg‑ nancy, in Xǐyàn (喜宴) ‘The Wedding Banquet’ (1993, Taiwan and US).

In Yi Yi, the use of touch between Ting Ting and her grandmother is a signifier of their especially close relationship, giving the reason why Ting Ting is often by grand‑ ma’s side. Ting Ting supports grandma while walking by linking arms with her, and she sits with her head in grandma’s lap while grandma strokes her head (Figure 2.92).

Figure 2.92 Ting Ting sits with her head in her grandmother’s lap, while her grandmother strokes her hair, in Yi Yi (一一) ‘A One and a Two’ (2000, Taiwan).

In a Japanese cultural context, a grandmother’s love is often shown through affectionate touch, but not necessarily used to show favouritism or an especially close bond compared to with other grandchildren. Numerous examples are pro‑ vided in Departures and Tokyo Story of grandmothers’ touch used as a means of bonding and caring. In Tokyo Story, it is also an expression of unconditional love,

112  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film shown in the context of unyielding affection in the face of the children’s tantrums and impoliteness (Figures 2.93 and 2.94).

Figure 2.93 A grandmother is sentimental about her grandsons and always appears keen to interact with them, calling them over and touching them when urging them to spend time with her. She does so even when they behave naughtily, and even when that behaviour might be hurtful, in Tōkyō Monogatari (東京物語) ­‘Tokyo Story’ (1953, Japan).

Figure 2.94 A grandmother uses touch when speaking to her granddaughter warmly, and does so in the company of non‑family members, though many she knows as they often frequent her bathhouse, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  113 In Ong Bak, touch is used in the reverse from grandchild to grandmother by a little girl. In Thailand, same‑sex affection is acceptable but minimal, especially between family members and friends. Public displays of affection between couples, such as holding hands or kissing, are generally not seen, and Buddhist monks are not supposed to make any physical contact with women. In this scene, a little girl’s grandmother is upset due to the theft of the head of the Ong Bak statue. Her grand‑ child doesn’t leave her side (Figure 2.95). They are constantly connected through touch, similar to Ting Ting’s behaviour in Yi Yi. This supportive, comforting, and caring touch may be seen as overbearing in regions like South Korea, but in Thai‑ land, since they are both of the same sex, touch is acceptable.

Figure 2.95 A young girl comforts her grandmother with touch, in Ong Bak (องค์บาก) (2003, Thailand).

In South Korea, touch or invasion of space of one’s employer is unacceptable, unless performed by a same‑sex employer, or perhaps under the influence of alco‑ hol in some cases. When a person crosses this line, outside of these situations, it can indicate something unusual, such as a secret relationship. An excellent example is given in The Glory. In one scene, Dong‑eun and Hyeon‑nam meet to discuss Hyeon‑nam’s progress in spying on Dong‑eun’s enemies. Hyeon‑nam presents Dong‑eun with a video she has recorded of the chairman of the Semyeong school district, whom Dong‑eun is trying to find something on in order to blackmail him to install her as a teacher at the elementary school Yeon‑jin’s daughter attends, in or‑ der to terrorise Yeon‑jin. In the video, the chairman’s driver leans in closely behind him to say something, though there is no audio (Figure 2.96). Hyeon‑nam looks at Dong‑eun, who is confused, and adds her own words to the clip, saying, ‘Baby, why don’t you ride up front with me?’, to which the chairman then smiles and goes to the front passenger seat. The implication is that the chairman and his driver are having a romantic relationship, and Dong‑eun, in search of proof of this, then finds that the chairman has divided his children’s inheritance with his driver, giving her a means of blackmailing him. This example of how entering another person’s physi‑ cal space can imply intimacy, and how the unnaturalness of this gesture in certain

114  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film relations—such as driver and employer—can, given the context, express attitudes or emotions that are not made verbally explicit, would not be interpretable by such subtle gesture in Western languages and contexts.

Figure 2.96 The chairman’s driver leaning into the chairman slightly is used to imply an intimate relationship, in Deo Geullori (더 글로리) ‘The Glory’ (2022–2023, South Korea).

Personal space in Asia, and especially East Asia, as we have shown, is much more sensitive to invasion. In another scene in The Glory, we are provided with an example of too much physical affection too soon, and to someone too distant. In the scene, Hyeon‑nam is grateful for Dong‑eun providing her with employment and a car, which is helping her and her daughter escape the domestic violence they face at home. In a moment of elation that overcomes logical thinking, she hugs Dong‑eun. This is a conventionally strange gesture to use with someone you have only recently met. The gesture is so limited in its use in the daily lives of South Koreans that it would be uncomfortable for most people to experience under such circumstances. Given Dong‑eun’s dislocation from society following high school bullying, it is even more difficult for her to experience. Dong‑eun stiffens com‑ pletely when hugged, not participating, and the discomfort of the moment creates humour and also characterise Hyeon‑nam as giddy. Favour in a platonic sense can also be shown through touch. A powerful example is in the recent Hollywood film Crazy Rich Asians (2018). The film tells the story of a Chinese American professor, Rachel Chu, who travels to Singapore with her boyfriend, Nick Young, to meet his family during his best friend’s wedding, only to discover they are among the wealthiest in Singapore. Although the film did fall under criticism for casting actors who were not believed to be ‘fully’ ethnically Chinese, and for not giving more significant acknowledgement to the Singapore’s cultural diversity (e.g., Malay and Indian), the narrative is rooted in Singaporean‑Chinese cultural contexts. Within these contexts, touch is a key gesture used to construct a nar‑ rative of envy and unkindness by Nick’s mother (Mrs Young) towards the woman he wishes to marry. When Nick introduces his mother to Rachel for the first time, she is frosty right off the bat, as she dislikes Americans and believes they do not have tradi‑ tional values like she does. Nick’s grandmother, however, immediately takes a shine

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  115 to Rachel’s warmth. During their second meeting at the family dumpling‑making gathering, grandma immediately notices Rachel’s ‘auspicious nose shape’ and asks for a closer look. In this moment, she touches Rachel’s face and gently lifts her head (Figure 2.97). Mrs Young looks shocked, and emotion appears to bubble under the surface of her expression. Mrs Young later reveals to Rachel that her mother‑in‑law, Nick’s grandma, was against her marriage to Nick’s father. As such, grandma’s touching of Rachel’s face indicated that she looked favourably upon Rachel.

Figure 2.97 Grandma touches Rachel lightly as she inspects her ‘auspicious shaped nose’, in Crazy Rich Asians (2018, Singapore-China‑US).

In Singapore, touch between family members and friends is an expression of in‑ timacy, but it is less significant than this showing of favour to a new person. Affec‑ tion between family members, though not as prolific as observed in Western cultural contexts, is shown on multiple occasions in Crazy Rich Asians. For instance, when Nick first meets his mother, he kisses her on the cheek (Figure 2.98); and when he meets with his grandmother at a party at the family home, she touches his face affec‑ tionately (Figure 2.99). We see that skinship is specifically for intimate relationships, in how when Rachel Chu hugs Mrs Young to greet her, Mrs Young is noticeably uncomfortable, though she tries to pretend otherwise to be polite (Figure 2.100).

Figure 2.98 Nick greets his mother by kissing her on the cheek, in Crazy Rich Asians (2018, Singapore-China‑US).

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Figure 2.99 Nick’s grandmother touches his face when first greeting him, in Crazy Rich Asians (2018, Singapore-China‑US).

Figure 2.100 Rachel Chu hugs Mrs Young as a greeting on their first meeting, in Crazy Rich Asians (2018, Singapore-China‑US).

Family members being openly affectionate with each other in public is also observ‑ able in Singaporean films such as Ah Boys to Men 3: Frogmen, of which there are many examples of family members hugging and linking arms (Figure 101).

Figure 2.101 A daughter links arms with her father and leans on him while at a restaurant together, in Xīnbīng Zhèngzhuàn III: Wārénzhuàn (新兵正傳III：蛙人傳) ‘Ah Boys to Men 3: Frogmen’ (2015, Singapore).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  117 We see life‑changing bond‑building expressed through touch in Filipino hit, The Caregiver. The film tells the story of Sarah Gonzales, an English teacher in the Philippines who gives up her job and leaves her husband and son behind to work as a carer in the UK to support their family financially. In the UK, Sarah meets and bonds with a Filipino schoolboy. Before departing the UK to return to her family she has an emotional farewell with the boy, hugging, showing the close relation‑ ship that has developed between them through this skinship (Figure 2.102). Sarah shows even more physical affection towards this boy than she did to her own son when he became upset that she was leaving him to work abroad; instead, she told her son to toughen up and kept physical distance from him in the interaction.

Figure 2.102 Sarah Gonzales hugs the Filipino schoolboy she has bonded with while work‑ ing in the UK, in The Caregiver (2008, Philippines).

Muslims also restrict touching to close friends and families. Greetings between close family members or same gendered friends commonly involve cheek kissing or hugging. To reflect their close bonds, Muslim men often hold hands or hug each other. Sometimes they will kiss each other’s cheeks three times while greeting. Muslim women similarly use skinship with other women to express bonding or close relationships. Between male and females this is not acceptable. Even be‑ tween married men and women, public displays of affection are considered makruh (‫)هوركم‬, meaning ‘undesirable’. Korean revenge classic Ajeossi (아저씨) ‘The Man from Nowhere’ (2010) is a South Korean film in which we also see skinship expressing a special bond between two people who are not family. In fact, in this film, the protagonist Tae‑sik distances himself physically in order to keep a distance between him and child Su‑mi who is desperately trying to attach herself to him as he is the only person she feels safe with. At the end of the film, after saving Su‑mi from gangsters who planned on harvest‑ ing her organs and before going to jail for his revenge upon them, Tae‑sik is granted a last moment with Su‑mi by the police. It is then that skinship, enacted by both participants, is used as an emblem of their intimacy and particularly in emphasis of what Su‑mi means to Tae‑sik and his submission to his feelings (Figure 2.103).

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Figure 2.103 Tae‑sik hugs Su‑mi, in Ajeossi (아저씨) ‘The Man from Nowhere’ (2010, South Korea).

An aversion to skinship in a South Korean context can also be seen in the Ko‑ rean American film Minari (미나리) ‘Water Celery’ (2020), in which a South Ko‑ rean man, Mr Yi, is suddenly hugged by his soon‑to‑be American farmhand Paul, who has just sold Mr Yi his tractor. Even towards his own children, Mr Yi uses touch sparingly and doesn’t hug them, so when Paul hugs him on their first meet‑ ing, Mr Yi is overwhelmingly uncomfortable (Figure  2.104). Notice how Mr Yi finds it difficult to place his hands on Paul during the hug. This is not a good start to their relationship from Mr Yi’s perspective, and he continues to find Paul testing throughout the film because of communication styles that he finds overbearing; though which are actually cultural differences, rather than personal faults.

Figure 2.104 Mr Yi uncomfortably receives a hug from a man he barely knows, in Minari (미나리) ‘Water Celery’ (2020, South Korea-US).

In Parasite, we see how touch can be used to negotiate power. The context of in‑ appropriate touch where there should be some formality is important here. Mr Kim lies to Mrs  Park that the current housekeeper has tuberculosis and is hiding it,

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  119 because he wants to get her fired. He asks Mrs Park not to mention that he told her, suggesting that the locals might be scared if the story gets out. At that moment, to seal the deal, Mr Park reaches out his hand to shake it (Figure 2.105). Touch is not the norm between a female employer and elderly male employee, especially a household driver, so this gesture is uncomfortable. At first, Mrs Park looks as if she barely wants to touch his hand, but she slowly reaches out her hand and shakes it. This successful touch invasion tells Mr Kim he is winning. After, however, Mrs Park tries to take back control, asking if Mr Kim has washed his hands. This handshake touch is an expression of the negotiation taking part between them, and in particular, Mr Kim’s efforts to be in control—not just of the situation, but in his and Mrs Park’s interpersonal relations, where he is much older and believes he is due some respect.

Figure 2.105 Mrs Park and Mr Kim shake hands on the deal, in Gisaengchung (기생충) ‘Parasite’ (2019, South Korea). No Touching of the Head

While people most likely avoid touching adults’ heads in the West, the gesture of rubbing children’s heads to be playful is not allowed in Taiwan, Vietnam, or Singapore—especially children’s or babies’ heads. In Vietnamese culture, as with many other Asian cultures, the head is sacred. In China, however, adults rubbing children’s heads to be playful, according to LD “is generally not regarded as a taboo”. Patting and Hitting

We see similar age‑related gesturing in Korea when it comes to patting and hitting. The gesture can range from light intermittent patting to quite firm hitting that can take foreigners off‑guard. It isn’t typically appropriate for juniors to use these ges‑ tures to seniors, as it can be belittling given that it is a gesture of care rather than one of deference, and therefore most commonly used between friends or for senior junior. This doesn’t mean that in a private setting, away from the view of extended family and strangers, a son couldn’t gently pat his father, but gestures involving touch are less ‘freely’ selected than in the West. Hitting hard often occurs when the gesturer believes something is fun, or interesting, and if they are having a good time, but it can also be an expression of empathy. CJ says:

120  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film This hitting is a kind of sympathy and solidarity hitting—you can’t do that un‑ less you are very close! It is really a symbol of opening your heart to the other person, and it is subtle rather than explicit. Sometimes I think of patting/hit‑ ting as a ‘shepherd’s touch’, a gentle hand that says, ‘you are under my wing’. There is some similarity to the ‘pat on the back’ often spoken about in Western cultures, in the encouragement and sympathetic element observable here; however, the use of gesture has no correspondence with hierarchy in the West. In Vietnamese culture, patting and hitting do not correspond with hierarchy either, but do correspond with relations in respect to intimacy and distance. Vietnamese people don’t pat on the back unless they are on intimate terms with the recipient, as patting on the back is considered a gesture of familiarity, and it would be considered presumptuous or overbearing to do so if the recipient’s trust and/or respect wasn’t earned first beforehand, ultimately implying a lack of respect. Vietnamese films like Dad, I’m Sorry seem to emphasise this aspect of Vietnamese gesture between family and friends, especially hitting to tell people off (often semi‑playfully). Additionally, there is a certain vigour to gesture, that often involves a physical invasion of space even if touch itself doesn’t occur, and that isn’t considered very polite between fam‑ ily members of different status levels in regions like Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea. The case of Thailand is similar, with touch reserved for intimates (Figure 2.106). In mainland China, a back slap is rude, except for perhaps between young boys, between friends to show intimacy. Meanwhile, in Taiwan, patting is observable between non‑intimates of the same sex, from old to young without a problem. In India, there is also the ‘slap threat’ gesture, in which commonly mothers, fathers, siblings, and girlfriends frequently raise a hand to men, in a threat to slap, in order to tell them off or express irritation.

Figure 2.106 In Thailand, we also see patting and touching between intimates, in Ong Bak (องค์บาก) (2003, Thailand).

Among Pakistanis, it is common for people to be physically affectionate with those of the same gender. For example, men may put their arms on each other’s shoulders

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  121 and quite comfortably touch each other. However, public displays of affection be‑ tween opposite genders are very inappropriate. Another factor is intimacy. Two men who know each other well may hug while saying ‘As‑salamu alaykum’ (‘Peace be upon you’); however, those on more formal terms will use the adab gesture, which is a gesture used by Urdu speakers when greeting, that involves raising the right hand towards the face with the palm inward facing, so that the fingertips are almost touching the forehead. The word adab comes from the Arabic word aadaab, which means ‘re‑ spect and politeness’; hence, it is being favoured in formal situations. In the film stills featured in Figures 2.107 and 2.108, depict an interaction featured in the British film East is East, which tells the story of a Pakistani family in 1960s Britain. In the scene, a man is introduced by his friend to another man. The two men who know each other well hug upon meeting, while the two who are meeting for the first time use the adab.

Figure 2.107  Warm embrace between male friends, in East is East (1999, UK-Pakistan).

Figure 2.108  Adab used for a first meeting instead of hugging, in East is East (1999, UK-Pakistan).

122  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film In India too, physical affection is more overt, even between adults and in front of others. In Devdas, the protagonist Devdas, is an adult male fawned over by his mother, grandmother, and other relatives (Figure 2.109). The film includes gestures made from junior‑senior and senior‑junior (Figure 2.110). We see exactly the same acts of skinship between family members and openly before the eyes of others in Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness, and not only in expression of love and affection but in expressions of sorrow, disappointment, apology, and filial piety, such as in Figure 2.111 in which Rahul begs his father for forgiveness after marry‑ ing Anjali against his father’s wishes.

Figure 2.109 Devdas lies down with his mother and grandmother, his head on his ­grandmother’s lap, and his mother resting her hand on him, in Devdas (2002, India).

Figure 2.110  Devdas freely enters his mother’s space, in Devdas (2002, India).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  123

Figure 2.111 Rahul (as an adult) and his father use skinship to apologise, express sorrow, and to show disappointment, as well as love and affection, in Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham ‘Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness’ (2001, India).

Pakistani people are similar, in that they are very affectionate towards children, and it is in fact considered rude and disrespectful to not interact with children, regard‑ less of their age. This is greatly different from what would be observed in East Asia, where physical affection, even to young children, is not the primary mode for being affectionate and expressing love and care. The skinship observable in Indian culture is significantly greater, and even pro‑ lific, compared with skinship in Eastern Asia, especially between family members. When asked about affectionate touch in South Korea, NL explained: My parents‑in‑law hug my husband and me when we say goodbye at the airport, or sometimes just place one arm around my husband or pat his back. Because I’m Western, they think hugging and saying ‘I love you’ is a more normal way for me to express and receive love and care, and they are very considerate, so they try to do what they think I want. I’m not sure if we would do this if I was Korean, or if we didn’t live in the UK, as this creates high emotions and perhaps more extreme degrees of affection in the little time we have together. Also, I noticed they are more willing to hug me if I am very upset over something, than their own daughter. They will sit beside her when she is upset, talk to her, and be 100% there for her, only the gesture of hugging or touching for reassurance constantly while talking is absent. Interestingly, because they show love in other ways, I never feel that the lack of these gestures subtract care, because I witness its communication in other ‘Korean’ ways.

124  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film CJ explained that this is because, in South Korea, “Touch is an inclusive gesture and an intimate gesture in South Korean culture. It is like the feeling one gets when removing jondaenmal ‘honorific speech’.” Between close friends, those who are the same age and grew up together, touch is acceptable and common, especially those of the same gender. Male friendships in South Korea are, in fact, often com‑ mented on by Western travellers, as young males hug and even hold hands. In Indo‑ nesia, too, physical affection between men in the form of handholding or hugging is far more common than it is in the West. Chin Grabbing/Shaking

One of the forms of touch unique to India is chin grabbing/shaking, which is used to express love. It can be likened somewhat to the Western gesture of pinching and shaking the cheek of a child. This is not only physical but also an overt expression of affection, which is ideologically at the other end of the scale to expressions of love in East Asia. Brushing and Washing

Like patting and hitting, a mother washing and brushing her daughter’s hair is a gesture that’s widely recognisable, beyond Asian borders. However, its form and context bear nuances unique to Indian women, and its symbolic meaning diverges from practices elsewhere. In her memoir, UK‑Indian author Jaspreet Kaur elabo‑ rates on the tradition upheld by mothers of washing, brushing, oiling, and plaiting their daughters’ hair on a weekly basis: Sundays would always mean one thing in my house when I was a kid. Hair‑washing day. This ritual is probably one of my earliest memories, me sitting at my mum’s feet whinging as every knot passed through the comb, followed by a generous amount of coconut oil being rubbed into my head and finished off with a nice, neat plait. This precious time with my mum was a mixture of haircare and storytime. Whilst she nourished my little head and stimulated the blood circulation, my mum would share stories about her childhood, memories of how grandma would do the same things for her every Sunday back in their pind 79 near Jalandhar, Punjab. The brushing of hair therefore holds symbolic power and can signify the relation‑ ship of women observed doing so, just as the gesture itself expresses care, and familial feelings from one woman to another. Lower Body This section explores a selection of embodied words expressed through ges‑ tures made using features of the lower body, which are divided into subsections.

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  125 ­Figure 2.112 presents a brief overview of some of the gestures made using the legs and feet that will be pulled into focus in the discussion that follows.

Figure 2.112  Some of the lower body gestures to be featured in this section. Crossing Legs and Kneeling

When sitting on chairs, in Taiwan, it is impolite for men to cross their legs. In‑ stead, they must place both feet on the floor. In Korea, only seniors can acceptably cross their legs, regardless of gender, and a junior doing so would be overbearing or impolite. In the Philippines, women are not expected to cross their legs, as we often see in Western cultures. There are varying forms of crossing the legs. For example, in Singapore, it is only acceptable when one knee is placed over the other. In Western cultures, we see men also crossing their ankle or calf over the knee, but this is not acceptable in Singapore. In mainland China, it is okay for people to cross their legs in informal contexts, but this is considered less polite in formal settings. When sitting on the floor in Korea, both men and women can cross their legs. They do, however, kneel to show respect or to apologise or ask forgiveness. In mainland China kneeling is not common, though people can be observed kneeling in religious settings, such as Buddhist temples. Kneeling is the everyday convention in Japan and an expression of mutual politeness employed by all. Their hand positioning characterises the form of kneeling for each gender, with women placing their hands in together in their lap, while men must place one hand on either knee (Figure 2.113). At ceremonies and formal gatherings, preci‑ sion in form is of higher importance (Figure 2.114). This is observable in films that show Japanese burial rites, weddings, and traditional settings like the teahouses where geisha entertain.

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Figure 2.113 Daigo has his hands on his knees (male form of kneeling), while Mika keeps her hands together in her lap (female form of kneeling), in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures’ (2008, Japan).

Figure 2.114 Great precision in the form of kneeling and hand placement is taken by Daigo and his employer when in the formal situation of performing burial rites before the eyes of the departed person’s family, in Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘­Departures’ (2008, Japan).

In China, kneeling is no longer a daily custom, but an important tradition re‑ served for ceremonies, such as those relating to death, for example, funerals, prayers made at ancestor’s graves, when performing tomb‑sweeping rites, or in the report of sad news, including a family death to an important family member. Much of this is linked to the Chinese’ reverence for ancestors, which is a central

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  127 principle of Confucianism. Kneeling is also performed during festivals, such as the Qingming Festival, and to the moon during the Mid‑Autumn Festival, and at wed‑ ding ceremonies by newlyweds, who must bow three times to heaven and earth, their parents, and finally to each other. In Chinese period dramas, like in Rúyì Zhuàn (如懿傳) ‘Ruyi’s Royal Love in the Palace (2018)’, kneeling and its root in Confucianism is made clear by the contextualised uses of the gesture. As well as for honouring ancestors, the drama depicts situations relating to Confucian concepts such as filial piety. The drama begins with Prince Hongli wanting Lady Qingying, the niece of Empress Xiaojing and his childhood friend to be his main wife as he truly loves her. However, they discover that Empress Xiaojing tried to make Prince Hongshi a usurper against Prince Hongli, and so, he is forced to take Lady Qingying as one of his concubines instead of his main wife. During the deliberation, Prince Hongli speaks with his ­father, and in this scene, he sits on his knees throughout while his father stands (Figure  2.115). Prince Hongli also has his head lowered, his posture small, and eyes averted—all of which are actions showing deference and obedience to his father.

Figure 2.115 Prince Hongli on his knees as he speaks to his father, the Yongzheng Emperor, in Rúyì Zhuàn (如懿傳) ‘Ruyi’s Royal Love in the Palace’, episode 1 (2018, mainland China). Covering Bare Legs When Sitting

Women wearing dresses when sitting on the floor can be too revealing. In Ko‑ rea, conservative dress is the norm, and so which bodily parts you show expresses meaning non‑verbally. There is an expectation for special care to be taken in dress‑ ing conservatively and neatly in front of in‑laws and at work, and also a concern of friends, if they believe a person is underdressed or awkwardly dressed, as there

128  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film is more concern about how that person may feel uncomfortable or embarrassed. At restaurants, women wearing skirts or dresses are often given a cover for their lap: I always remember, when going for sushi at my husband’s friends place. It was summer and very hot, so I was wearing a dress. It actually wasn’t very short; it was just below the knee. When we arrived, they asked me if I would like some tracksuit bottoms. Fortunately, having had my mother‑in‑law com‑ ment on my bare legs repeatedly when I wore shorts over the past weeks, I had brought some leggings with me, and so I changed into those. Showing bare legs in front of in‑laws is frowned upon, and when socialising with friends it is okay but there is often concern about how comfortable you may be sitting and moving about in front of people, as if it may feel to exposing. Feet

In Asia, the meaning of gestures made with the feet and the feet themselves are incredibly diverse, ranging from rudeness and disrespect to politeness and respect. There is more to consider still though, in the relationship between culture and the body parts with which we gesture, and how this differs culturally, and its implica‑ tion on the meaning of gestures. Feet, for instance, have a close relationship with the ground, which in Western culture there have been efforts to rise above. While in East Asian cultures, Ingold argues this has not been the case.80 In the following, Ingold presents the Japanese as an example, first comparing traditional Japanese dancers with ballet dancers: Japanese dancers, by contrast, through flexible movement of the knees, glide their feet across the smooth floor without ever lifting their heels. Again, whereas European artisans (with the singular exception of the tailor) work ei‑ ther standing or seated on a firm, raised support, their Japanese counterparts typically work from a squatting position, which confers no loss of status. Fi‑ nally, Japanese parents are glad to see their children crawling everywhere on all fours, displaying none of the anxiety of Europeans who regard crawling as a stage to be superseded as quickly as possible, through rigorous discipline and the use of artificial aids. All in all, Japanese posture and gesture seem to be strongly and positively oriented towards the ground, in striking contrast to European efforts to rise above it. Exposing the Feet

In Korea, showing the bare feet, especially in the company of non‑intimates, is rude. It is the same in Japan, too. Socks are worn when one’s shoes are off, and one must not expose their bare feet in public, except for in places specifically designated for doing so, such as bathhouses and swimming pools. In Seoul, South Korea, there is even a clay path for walking barefoot in the park as part of the government’s invest‑ ment in outside space design for public health. Except for these designated spaces,

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  129 wearing socks is important, and not doing so expresses rudeness, and as such a careless attitude towards those in the person’s presence. NL explained: Sitting on the subway an observing people’s feet, it is common to see people wearing socks with sandals, or low‑cut socks with pumps or stilettos that can’t be seen unless the shoes are removed. This way, if shoes must be re‑ moved, as they do in every South Korean home, restaurants, and Buddhist temples before entering, the feet are still covered. Arriving somewhere and realising your shoes must be removed and that you are not wearing socks is embarrassing. A great example of the South Korean attitude towards exposing the feet is the classic South Korean comedy film Jopok Manura (조폭 마누라) ‘My Wife Is a Gangster’ (2001), which features foot exposure to characterise unsophisticated ‘country boy’, Banse. He exposes his socked foot at a bar with high tables where shoes are worn, but also his sock has a hole in it exposing some of his toes. His exposed foot, and its smell, drives away women seated at a neighbouring table, who Banse’s senior Romeo is eyeing up. When Romeo realises Banse’s foot is out, he hits him and tells him off. Although smell is also a sensitive topic in South Korea, and so that is a factor also used here to construct the situation, the choice of foot as a source of rudeness reflects the association of feet as dirty in South Korean culture. In a country where removing one’s shoes occurs in every home as well as public spaces like restaurants, Banse’s poorly kept socks also gesture his lack of etiquette. It was perhaps an easy choice for the filmmakers, and since feet being smelly is associated with poor hygiene, it is a sensible orchestration of a scene in which a man repels a woman without even speaking to her. It is also comprehensi‑ ble for Koreans that Banse is an unsophisticated and uneducated young man from the countryside, because among many other forms of impoliteness, this behaviour is absent of etiquette and appears vulgar and uneducated. It is to characterise him humorously as an idiot amongst his colleagues. The removal of his shoe is thus a purposeful strategy used by the filmmakers in order to convey these characteristics to a South Korean audience. In Parasite, a very outrageous incident of foot exposure takes place, which is significant in highlighting the issues between the Kim and Park families. In the verbal communication between the two families, everything is above board, with all members being polite to one another. However, the non‑verbal gestures say something else; they tell of the Park family’s feeling of superiority in class and of the Kim family’s desperation and loss of face—all of which eventually lead to Mr Kim attacking and killing Mr Park. In one scene, Mrs Park sits in the back of the car while Mr Kim drives, chattering on her phone while resting her bare feet on the headrest of the chair beside Mr Kim. This would be unacceptable normally as she is much younger than Mr Kim and a woman. However, her wealth makes her powerful and puts her in a senior position. As her employee, it is impossible for Mr Kim to demand respect because he is older. Mr Kim’s face shows his anger (Figure 2.116).

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Figure 2.116 Mrs  Park shows her true attitude towards Mr  Kim and his class when she places her bare feet up, in close proximity to his head, while he drives her home, in Gisaengchung (기생충) ‘Parasite’ (2019, South Korea).

It is the norm, however, to remove shoes before entering homes, temples, and many restaurants in Korea (though not all). Removing the shoes before entering the home is also common in Japan, China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. In India, too, you will often see people removing their shoes before entering the home, or the kitchen area, as well as when visiting the temple, gurudwara, or mosque. The same gesture of respect is made in Korea when entering Buddhist temples. Touching Someone Else’s Feet

In India, touching another’s feet is an expression of respect. The younger touch the feet of the old while bowing down. In return, the elder touches the younger person’s head to bless them. We see this gesture in Indian films, such Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness, a drama in which a wealthy and conservative fam‑ ily, who are highly patriarchal and strictly in traditions due to their lineage, face difficulties due to their adopted son’s marriage to a girl belonging to a lower class than them. Upon his return from school in London, Rahul touches his mother’s feet and she in return touches his head (Figure 2.117).

Figure 2.117 Rahul touches his mother’s feet after returning from school abroad, in Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham ‘Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness’ (2001, India).

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  131 The gesture is not only custom; it tells us about the relationship between Rahul and his mother, the conservatism in the family, the love between them, and Rahul’s dutiful and devoted attitude towards his family. This then lays the groundwork for the difficult decisions Rahul faces when he falls in love with a woman who is of lower standing than his own family. The order of gestures in this exchange is also significant and emphasises the meaning of the gesture in this context. First, his mother, upon seeing him arrive, begins to cry. Then, she takes some kumkum paste from a bowl she’s carrying and marks his forehead with a bindi.81 This is her first action, followed by touching his face. He then touches her feet, to which she responds by touching his head before he kisses her cheek. Gestures of respect (the junior touching the feet) and care (the senior touching the head and marking with a bindi) are honoured first and foremost, even though skinship is acceptable and normal. We see the significance of the gesture in another scene in Sometimes Happi‑ ness, Sometimes Sadness, which is also demonstrative of how the gesture expresses attitudes and emotions, and through this peoples’ values, desires, and personali‑ ties. Rahul is disowned by his father when he marries Anjali, who is of a lower class, and he and Anjali move to the UK without Rahul’s father giving his blessing for the marriage. Before reconciling with Rahul’s parents, they are tricked into meeting once in the UK by Rahul’s younger brother. Anjali sees Rahul’s father, but he doesn’t notice her. Before she can make her presence known, the pamphlet he is holding is knocked from his hands, and so, Anjali reaches down to retrieve them. As she does so, she notices his shoes, and lays one hand gently upon them ­(Figure 2.118), and then places that hand on her heart emotionally (Figure 2.119). This is an expression of her desire for their relationship and to give her respect to him, though he will not accept it.

Figure 2.118 Anjali touches her father‑in‑law’s foot without him knowing, desperately wishing to be able to have performed such a gesture to him, as in this con‑ text, the gesture is symbolic of the marriage between her and his son being accepted, in Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham ‘Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness’ (2001, India).

132  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film

Figure 2.119 Anjali touches her heart after touching her father‑in‑law’s foot, emphasis‑ ing how much their missing relationship is desired by her, in Kabhi Khushi ­Kabhie Gham ‘Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness’ (2001, India). Touching Things or Gesturing Using Feet

In Singapore, the foot is considered the lowest part of the body, not only positionally but also metaphorically, as it is believed to be unclean. Feet are therefore not allowed to be used to point at someone, and showing the bottom of the feet is considered ex‑ tremely rude. Gestures like tapping the foot on the floor or fidgeting, and this applies to the legs too, are considered expressions of feebleness and indicators of a lack of interest. Shaking the legs is also considered impolite in South Korea. In Taiwan also, it is impolite to use the feet to move objects or to point at an object, and in China, it is rude to put your feet on a desk or a chair or to use your feet to pass an object, for the same reason. In India, there is also the connection between gesturing with feet and impoliteness; however, there is an emphasis on it being unholy to touch objects with the feet or to use the feet to gesture, rather than only on impoliteness. Notes 1 Liu, Elaine M., Juanjuan Meng, and Joseph Tao‑yi Wang. 2014. “Confucianism and Preferences: Evidence from Lab Experiments in Taiwan and China.” Journal of Eco‑ nomic Behavior & Organization 104 (August): 106–122. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. jebo.2013.09.008. 2 Chu, Yiu‑Wai. 2013. Lost in Transition: Hong Kong Culture in the Age of China. New York: SUNY Press, Viii + 219 Pp. ISBN 978‑1‑4384‑4645‑5. The China Quarterly 217 (March): 295–296. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741014000228. 3 Dervin, Fred, and Regis Machart. 2017. Intercultural Communication with China Be‑ yond (Reverse) Essentialism and Culturalism? Singapore: Springer. 4 Bayart, Jean‑François. 2005. The Illusion of Cultural Identity. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. 5 Chu, Ben. 2013. Chinese Whispers. London: Orion. 6 House, Juliane. 2002. “Universality versus Culture Specificity in Translation.” In Trans‑ lation Studies: Perspectives on an Emerging Discipline, edited by Alessandra Riccardi, 92–110. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  133 7 See: Berzin, Alexander. n.d. “Spread of Buddhism in Asia.” Study Buddhism by Berzin Archives; Berzin, Alexander. 1996. Buddhism and Its Impact on Asia. Asian Mono‑ graphs, no. 8. Cairo: Cairo University, Centre for Asian Studies. 8 Handy, Christopher. 2019. “Supercilious Monk at Kiṭāgiri.” Journal of Historical Prag‑ matics 20 (2): 244–262. https://doi.org/10.1075/jhp.00031.han. 9 Brown, Lucien. 2013. “‘Mind Your Own Esteemed Business’: Sarcastic Honorifics Use and Impoliteness in Korean TV Dramas.” Journal of Politeness Research 9 (2). https:// doi.org/10.1515/pr‑2013‑0008. 10 Kim, Interpreting Korean Film Discourse. 11 Kim, “A Theory of Multimodal Translation for Cross‑Cultural Viewers of South Korean Film.” 12 Kiaer, The Language of Hallyu. 13 Kiaer and Kim, Understanding Korean Film. 14 Oxford Reference. 2023. “Lang Darma.” Oxford University Press. 2023. https://www. oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803100050658;jsessionid=C5 081997E6C377406630A819D58D721F. 15 BBC.co.uk. 2023. “Dalai Lama Regrets Asking Boy to ‘Suck My Tongue.’” BBC News. 16 Draine, Cathie, and Barbara Hall. 1986. Culture Shockǃ Indonesia, A Guide to Custom and Etiquette. Portland, Oregon: Graphic Arts Center Publishing Company, with ar‑ rangements with Times Editions Pte Ltd. 17 YoungPioneerTours.com. 2023. “North Korean Language: Is It Different?” Young Pio‑ neer Tours. https://www.youngpioneertours.com/north‑korean‑language/. 18 Kim, Jieun. 2023. “Talking like ‘Capitalist’ South Koreans Can Lead to Prison or Death in North Korea: Publicly Calling Your Spouse ‘Honey’ – Not ‘Comrade’– Could Put Your Life at Risk.” Radio Free Asia (RFA). 2023. https://www.rfa.org/english/news/ korea/seoul‑mal‑03222023114700.html. 19 BBC World News: Asia. 2020. “Crash Landing on You: The Defector Who Brought North‑South Korean Romance to Life.” BBC.Co.Uk. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/ world‑asia‑51526625. 20 Kiaer and Kim, Understanding Korean Film, 34. “The Confucian doctrine promoted hi‑ erarchy in social roles, but the neo‑Confucian ideology emphasised complete obedience in this. The system of interpersonal relations that resulted centred on family, authority, and obedi‑ ence, most importantly, the Samgang Oryun, which translates as the ‘three bonds and five relations’. The Samgang, or ‘three bonds’, refers to loyalty between ruler and subject, filial piety between father and son, and the devotion of the female between husband and wife. The Oryun, or ‘five relations’, refers to the relationships between king‑subject, father‑son, husband‑wife, between siblings, and elder‑younger. The Samgang Oryun is rooted in the concept of hierarchical order, with respect being a key element of intimacy rather than emotion as it is in Western societies.” 21 ‘3 Must Know Korean Hand Gestures & Announcement’ (April 1st 2018) by Minji Teaches Korean 민지 티치 코리안: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FKlPqtxr34U 22 Kislenko, Arne. 2004. Culture and Customs of Thailand. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group. 23 Sirois, M.L., M. Darby, and S. Tolle. 2013. “Understanding Muslim Patients: Cross‑­ Cultural Dental Hygiene Care.” International Journal of Dental Hygiene 11 (2): 105–114. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1601‑5037.2012.00559.x. 24 Kiaer and Kim, Understanding Korean Film. 25 Wang, William S‑Y., Chaofen Sun, and Yi Xu. 2015. “Intonation in Chinese.” In The Oxford Handbook of Chinese Linguistics. Oxford University Press. https://doi. org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199856336.013.0012. 26 McKinnon, Sean, and Pilar Prieto. 2014. “The Role of Prosody and Gesture in the Per‑ ception of Mock Impoliteness.” Journal of Politeness Research 10 (2): 185–219. https:// doi.org/10.1515/pr‑2014‑0009.

134  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film 27 Haugh, Michael & Derek Bousfield. 2012. “Mock Impoliteness, Jocular Mockery and Jocular Abuse in Australian and British English.” Journal of Pragmatics 44: 1099–1114. 28 IAN. 2022. “Asian Whistling Folklore.” Mysterious Britin & Ireland: Mysteries, Legends % The Paranormal. 2022. https://www.mysteriousbritain.co.uk/folklore/ asian‑whistling‑folklore/. 29 Redeker, Stephen, and David Shaffer. 2021. “The Dangers of Whistling, Clipping, and Shaking.” Gwangju News, March 2021. 30 Pat Fister. 1985. “Tengu, the Mountain Goblin.” In Japanese Ghosts and Demons, ed‑ ited by Stephen Addiss. 103–112. New York: George Braziller, Inc., ISBN 0807611263. 31 Stephen Addiss (ed.). 1985. Japanese Ghosts & Demons: Art of the Supernatural. New York: G. Braziller, Lawrence: Spencer Museum of Art, University of Kansas. ISBN 0807611255. 32 Keigo Seki. 1966. “Types of Japanese Folktales.” Asian Folklore Studies 25: 170 (Asian Folklore Studies, Nanzan University). 33 New World Encyclopedia. 2023. “Tengu.” In New World Encyclopedia. New World Encyclopedia. https://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Tengu. 34 Tabacco, Andreana. 2019. “Whistling At Night in Japan.” USC Digital Folklore Ar‑ chives: A Database of Folklore Performances. http://folklore.usc.edu/whistling‑at‑ night‑in‑japan/. 35 Tsougkouzidis, George, Lita Poliakova, Anna Deligianni, Evan Lawrence, and Eva Me‑ rendes. n.d. “The Mythology of Whistle Project.” WHISTLEproject: A Multi‑Sensory Experience Inspired by Folklore Tales. http://www.whistletheproject.com/2019/08/ whistling‑mythology.html. 36 Holmes, Bob. 2021. “More Than 80 Cultures Still Speak in Whistles.” Smithsonian MagazineMagazine, August 2021. https://www.smithsonianmag.com/science‑nature/ studying‑whistled‑languages‑180978484/. 37 Kushner, Barak. 2012. Slurp! A Social and Culinary History of Ramen ‑ Japan’s Fa‑ vorite Noodle Soup. BRILL. https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004220980. 38 Ehrhardt, Charlotte. 2019. Slurping Culture: Translating Japaneseness to the Dutch Consumer through a Warm Bowl of Noodle Soup. Utrecht University. 39 Also, commonly spelt ‘mukbang’ and ‘muk‑bang’. 40 De Solier, Isabelle. 2018. “Tasting the Digital New Food Media.” In The Bloomsbury Handbook of Food and Popular Culture, edited by Kathleen Lebesco and Peter Nac‑ carato, 54–65. London: Bloomsbury Academic. 41 Schwegler‑Castañer, Astrid. 2018. “At the Intersection of Thinness and Overconsump‑ tion: The Ambivalence of Munching, Crunching, and Slurping on Camera.” Feminist Media Studies 18 (4): 782–785. https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2018.1478694. 42 Bänninger‑Huber, Eva, and Stefan Salvenauer. 2022. “Different Types of Laughter and Their Function for Emotion Regulation in Dyadic Interactions.” Current Psychology (August). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144‑022‑03485‑1. 43 Jiang, Tonglin, Hao Li, and Yubo Hou. 2019. “Cultural Differences in Humor Per‑ ception, Usage, and Implications.” Frontiers in Psychology 10 (January). https://doi. org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00123. 44 Chen, Guo‑Hai, and Rod A. Martin. 2007. “A Comparison of Humor Styles, Coping Humor, and Mental Health between Chinese and Canadian University Students.” Hu‑ mor: International Journal of Humor Research 20: 215–234. https://doi.org/10.1515/ HUMOR.2007.011. 45 Chen, Guo‑Hai, David Watkins, and Rod A. Martin. 2013. “Sense of Humor in China: The Role of Individualism, Collectivism, and Facework.” Psychologia 56: 57–70. https://doi.org/10.2117/psysoc.2013.57. 46 Brown, Lucien, Hyunji Kim, and Bodo Winter. 2022. “Is It Polite to Hiss?: Nonverbal Sound Objects as Markers of (Im)Politeness in Korean.” Frontiers in Communication 7 (May). https://doi.org/10.3389/fcomm.2022.854066.

Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film  135 47 Obana, Yasuko. 2021. Japanese Politeness: An Enquiry. 1st ed. London: Routledge. 48 Farao Karsono, Ong Mia. 2013. “Evolusion and Gender Bias Reflected in Chinese Characters.” Journal of Language and Literature 4 (2): 21–26. https://doi.org/10.7813/ jll.2013/4‑2/3. 49 Kiaer, The Language of Hallyu. 50 Kiaer, Jieun. 2023. Multimodal Communication in Young Multilingual Children: Learn‑ ing Beyond Words. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. 51 Powell, Larry, Jonathan Amsbary, and Mark Hickson. 2014. “The Wai in Thai Culture: Greeting, Status‑Marking and National Identity Functions.” Journal of Intercultural Communication, 34. https://doi.org/http://immi.se/intercultural. Welty, Roger. 2004. The Thai and I: The Thai Culture and Society. Asia Books. 52 Kislenko, Culture and Customs of Thailand, 157. 53 Carroll, Cain, and Revital Carroll. 2013. Mudras of India: A Comprehensive Guide to the Hand Gestures of Yoga and Indian Dance. London: Singing Dragon. 54 McCord, Andy. 2016. “The Secret Language of Hands in Indian Iconography: Unlock the Meaning of These Ancient Gestures.” Smithsonian Magazine. 55 Kislenko, Culture and Customs of Thailand. 56 Spence, Jonathan. 1999. The Search for Modern China. 2nd ed. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 575. 57 Murray, Geoffrey. 1997. The Simple Guide to Vietnam Customs & Etiquette. Kent, Eng‑ land: Global Books. Murray, Geoffrey. 2021. Vietnam ‑ Culture Smart!: The Essential Guide to Customs & Culture. Revised. Canada: Kuperard. 58 Kiaer and Kim, Understanding Korean Film. 59 Kiaer, Jieun, and Ben Cagan. 2022. Pragmatics in Korean and Japanese Translation. London: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003217466. 60 Kiaer and Kim, Understanding Korean Film. 61 Rodell, Paul A. 2001. Culture and Customs of the Philippines. London: Bloomsbury. 62 Yang, Sungeun. 2002. “‘Chaemyoun‑Saving (Face Saving)’ Due to Korean Job Loss: Listening to Men’s Voices.” Journal of Comparative Family Studies 33 (1): 73–95. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41603792. 63 1 Kent, Pauline. 1992. “Shame as a Social Sanction in Japan: Shameful Behaviour as Perceived by the Voting Public.” Japan Review 3: 97–130. http://www.jstor.org/ stable/25790914. 2 Sakuta, Keiichi, Kimiko Yagi, and Meredith McKinney. 1986. “A Reconsideration of the Culture of Shame.” Review of Japanese Culture and Society 1 (1): 32–39. http:// www.jstor.org/stable/42800062. 64 Mike, Lininger. “International Dining Etiquette  —  Indonesia.” Etiquette Scholar. Re‑ trieved 23 August 2023. https://www.etiquettescholar.com/dining_etiquette/table‑­ etiquette/pacific_dinner_etiquette/indonesian.html. 65 Sirois, Darby and Tolle, “Understanding Muslim Patients, 105–114. 66 Jieun Kiaer’s book Translingual Words, demonstrates the mobility of Asian words and how their meanings shift as they enter new cultural spheres. Here we apply the theory to gesture. See: Kiaer, Jieun. 2019. Translingual Words: An East Asian Lexical Encounter with English. London: Routledge. 67 Kita, Sotaro. 2003. “Pointing: A Foundational Building Block of Human Communica‑ tion.” In Pointing: Where Language, Culture, and Cognition Meet. New Jersey: Law‑ rence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers. 68 Schleh, Lysander. 2022. “Politeness, Performance, and Pointing: Gesture in Chinese Reality Television.” Text & Talk, September. https://doi.org/10.1515/text‑2021‑0031. 69 Kiaer, Jieun, Loli Kim, Hua Zhu, and Wei Li. 2022. “Tomorrow? Jayaji! (자야지): Translation as Translanguaging in Interviews with the Director of Parasite.” Translation and Translanguaging in Multilingual Contexts 8 (3): 260–285.

136  Gesture in Asia—Mapped Through Film 70 Kiaer, Jieun, and Loli Kim. 2021. “One‑Inch‑Tall Barrier of Subtitles: Translating Invis‑ ibility in Parasite.” In Soft Power of the Korean Wave: Parasite, BTS and Drama, edited by Youna Kim. London: Routledge. 71 Bharatnatyam mudra is a form of hand gesture used in traditional Indian dance. 72 Kim, Interpreting Korean Film Discourse; Kiaer and Kim, Understanding Korean Film. 73 Kiaer and Kim, “One‑Inch‑Tall Barrier of Subtitles,” 90–104. 74 Kim, “A Theory of Multimodal Translation for Cross‑Cultural Viewers of South Korean Film.” 75 Nunchi: A Korean concept of emotional intelligence. Not only sensing how other people might feel but how people in a group do or may feel in certain contexts, in response to certain behaviours, in respect to the hierarchy of a given group. For more on nunchi, we recommend: Hong, Euny. 2019. The Power of Nunchi: The Korean Secret to Happiness and Success. New York: Penguin Life. 76 Hendry, Joy. 1993. Wrapping Culture: Politeness, Presentation, and Power in Japan and Other Societies. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 77 Jung, Hwa S., and Hyung‑Shik Jung. 2009. “Hand Dominance and Hand Use Behaviour Reported in a Survey of 2437 Koreans.” Ergonomics 52 (11): 1362–1371. https://doi. org/10.1080/00140130903067805. 78 Lee, Seo‑young. 2017. “The World That 88% Are Unaware Of.” The Korea Times. 79 Pind: Punjabi word for ‘village’. 80 Ingold, Tim. 2004. “Culture on the Ground.” Journal of Material Culture 9 (3): 315–340. https://doi.org/10.1177/1359183504046896. 81 According to Britannica encyclopaedia a “bindi” is: “a circular mark, traditionally red, worn by Hindu, Jain, Sikh, and Buddhist women and occasionally men on the forehead between the eyebrows. The custom of wearing a bindi in South Asian countries dates back centuries, and the bindi’s significance has changed over time and space, so that there is not one static interpretation but a multitude of meanings across subcultures.” See Britannica encyclopaedia: https://www.britannica.com/topic/bindi

Part III

Future Gestures in an Asian Context The Evolution of Gestures Gestures, much like languages, are in a constant state of evolution. This trans‑ formation has been particularly evident in the wake of the unprecedented rise in global mobility. While our book delves into Asian gestures, it’s important to note that the term ‘Asian’ has become increasingly fluid in new globally mobile world. Additionally, the advent of artificial intelligence (AI) and emerging digital realms such as the metaverse have revolutionised human‑computer interaction, giving rise to new forms of communication that extend beyond the verbal to include non‑­ verbal, multi‑modal signs and gestures. These technological advancements are not merely supplemental but have the potential to fundamentally reshape the way we engage with information and each other. These signs are steadily becoming as—if not more—vital than their verbal counterparts.

Figure 3.1  Some of the smartphone gestures to be featured in this section. DOI: 10.4324/9781003318507-3

138  Future Gestures in an Asian Context The transformation of how we engage with information is both profound and fascinating. For centuries, reading—in the traditional sense of decoding alphabeti‑ cal or other orthographical signs on paper or some other medium—has been the cornerstone of education and information transfer. Yet, what we understand by ‘reading’ is undergoing a seismic shift, especially for younger generations like Gen Z and Gen Alpha. Today, we live in an era where the modality of conveying and receiving information has broadened to include not just written text but also vid‑ eos, podcasts, and interactive simulations. The meaning of ‘literacy’ has expanded. It’s not just about how well you can understand text; it’s about how proficient you are at navigating a multi‑modal landscape of information. Consider how‑to guides and instructional manuals. There was a time when these were almost exclusively text‑based, often accompanied by a few rudimentary illustrations. Now, video tu‑ torials on platforms like YouTube have, in many cases, replaced the traditional in‑ struction manual. You don’t ‘read’ to learn how to assemble a piece of furniture or cook a new dish; you ‘watch’, you ‘listen’, and you ‘follow along’ in real‑time. For younger generations, this shift is even more pronounced. They are (super) digital natives, growing up in a world filled with screens. For them, watching a video or engaging with interactive, immersive content is often the first choice for learning a new skill or understanding a complex concept. This isn’t to say that traditional reading is dying—rather, it is diversifying. Scrolling through information has be‑ come just as crucial as reading through chapters in books. In the traditional reading format, the finger movements are more static. Whether holding a paper book or an e‑reader, your thumb and fingers primarily serve to grip the object and only occasionally to turn a physical page or tap a button to advance to the next screen. The tactile experience is minimalistic, yet deliberate, as you mostly focus on decoding the text in front of you. In contrast, scrolling through a digital feed or article involves more dynamic finger movements. On a touchscreen, it’s usually the thumb or index finger that gets the job done—swiping up and down to navigate the content. The action is continuous and flows with the pace at which you consume information. You might also pinch to zoom or tap to open links, meaning your fingers are engaged in a variety of motions that go beyond the simple turning of a page. These different finger movements represent more than just physical ac‑ tions; they’re emblematic of the broader shift in how we engage with information. While the purpose remains the same—to absorb knowledge—the pathway to it is changing, diversified by the different tactile experiences of traditional reading and modern scrolling. Each has its own set of finger movements, its own rhythm, and its own place in our evolving landscape of literacy. The future likely holds an even more diversified landscape of ‘reading’ habits. As technology continues to advance, we can expect augmented and virtual reality to provide even more immersive learning experiences, adding layers of interactiv‑ ity that further stretch the boundaries of traditional literacy. Division of labour in the future could even reflect these shifts. Just as we have different roles for writers, illustrators, and videographers today, we might see new types of ‘content creators’ whose job it is to produce these multi‑modal experiences, tailored to different kinds of learners. Schools, too, will likely need to adapt, teaching not just traditional

Future Gestures in an Asian Context  139 reading and writing but also ‘visual literacy’ and ‘interactive literacy’—the skills needed to understand and produce the multi‑modal content of the future. So, as we look forward, ‘reading’ might not just mean sitting down with a paper book and flipping through its pages. It could mean choosing your preferred modality or even engaging with a blend of text, audio, and visual cues to absorb information in a more holistic way. Smartphone Gestures Smartphones have undergone significant evolution in their user interface mecha‑ nisms over the years. One of the primary changes has been the transition from basic button presses to a diverse range of screen gestures. The tap is foundational. It’s a brief touch on the screen, comparable to a mouse click on a traditional computer. A double tap typically allows for functionalities like zooming in on images or web content. The long press—a prolonged touch—often unveils additional contextual menus or options. Navigational gestures, such as the swipe, are essential. Users can move horizontally or vertically across content, making browsing efficient. Items on the screen can be relocated through the drag gesture, while the pinch and spread gestures, respectively, zoom in and out, offering variable perspectives on visual content. The rotate gesture offers the ability to change the orientation of select content, usually images or maps. Multi‑finger gestures, like the three‑finger swipe, provide advanced navigational options or task‑switching shortcuts, depend‑ ing on device specifications. Edge gestures, originating from the perimeter of the screen, often cater to specific functionalities or quick access menus. The knock or tap‑to‑wake gesture offers a means to activate the phone screen without physical buttons. The palm swipe, specific to certain models, enables screen capture. Cer‑ tain advanced devices incorporate hover or air view functionalities, particularly with styluses. They detect the proximity without direct touch, offering previews or secondary options. The force touch, available on select models, recognises varying pressure levels applied to the screen, triggering differentiated responses. Under‑ standing these gestures is pivotal for modern smartphone users. As the field of human‑computer interaction advances, it’s anticipated that further refinements and innovations in gesture‑based interfaces will emerge. Gestures in a Digital Age In an evolving digital landscape, emojis and image‑based communication are be‑ coming standard communication modalities faster. Contrary to traditional written forms like alphabetic words, these visual mediums offer a breadth of expressive potential that words might sometimes lack. Today’s younger generation, condi‑ tioned by rapid technological shifts, processes information increasingly through dynamic visuals rather than static text. As a result, mastering the nuances of emojis and image‑based communication in texting and other digital platforms is paramount. However, the interpretative realm of gestures, especially those en‑ compassing facial expressions, is not always linear or universally understood. Vast

140  Future Gestures in an Asian Context individual differences have been found in the way emojis are perceived and inter‑ preted.1 Even a universally recognised symbol like a smiley face isn’t immune to these disparities. This subjectivity underlines the highly individualised and complex nature of such visual communication methods. As we venture further into immersive do‑ mains like virtual realities, this complexity is bound to amplify. The future of communication, especially in virtual spaces, will undoubtedly witness an increas‑ ing reliance on these visual symbols. Yet, the intricacies of their interpretation, grounded in individual experiences and cultural contexts, emphasise the need for a deeper understanding and more nuanced use of gestures and visual cues. The theme that emerges is clear: as visual communication becomes more prevalent, its interpretation remains as individualised and intricate as ever. Emoji and Acronym Ambiguity: Interpreting Generational Disparities in Digital Communication In the realm of digital communication, a new form of language has emerged, char‑ acterised by its use of emojis and acronyms. While these symbols provide con‑ cise ways to convey emotion and meaning, they are not universally understood. The skull emoji serves as an illustrative example. In Emoji Speak,2 a mum was perplexed when her daughter used this emoji in a text celebrating academic suc‑ cess. To the mum, the skull symbolised something negative or morbid; however, her daughter explained that among her peer group, the emoji represented humour or surprise. This divergence in interpretation is not confined to emojis alone. Ac‑ ronyms also offer an arena for misunderstanding. In another episode, the mum received a message from a friend, Linda, stating that her mother’s health was dete‑ riorating, punctuated with ‘LOL’. For Janet, who associates ‘LOL’ with the phrase ‘Laughing Out Loud’, the message was jarring. Upon further clarification, it was revealed that Linda had intended ‘LOL’ to stand for ‘Lots of Love’, illustrating a generational divide in the interpretation of this common acronym. Recent empiri‑ cal studies have delved into these interpretive challenges. In Emoji Speak, it was also found that even the seemingly straightforward smiley face emoji is interpreted differently across age groups. For many teenagers, this icon is often read as an indi‑ cation of sarcasm, a sharp contrast to older generations who interpret it as a simple sign of happiness or approval. Such instances are not mere anecdotes but signify a pervasive phenomenon within digital communication. Emojis and acronyms have seeped into numerous aspects of daily interaction, thereby amplifying the potential for discord in their interpretation. The diversity in meaning arises from an interplay of generational, cultural, and individual variables. Understanding the semantic richness of these digital elements is of paramount im‑ portance, particularly as they become fixtures in both informal and formal com‑ munication. It necessitates a recognition that the lexicon of digital interaction is in a constant state of evolution, shaped by an array of influences including but not limited to age, cultural background, and personal preferences. As society continues

Future Gestures in an Asian Context  141 to advance into an increasingly digital future, the onus to comprehend this evolving lexicon falls upon both the younger and older generations. Each use of an emoji or acronym contributes to a continually adapting, digital form of communication, laden with its own unique ambiguities and nuances. While the skull emoji, the acronym ‘LOL,’ and even the seemingly innocent smiley face may appear simple, they encapsulate complex and varied meanings. It behoves individuals engaged in digital communication to be cognisant of these multi‑layered interpretations. Fos‑ tering this awareness is not simply an exercise in digital literacy but an essential component in the ongoing endeavour to facilitate clearer, more effective commu‑ nication across generational divides. Therefore, practitioners of digital communi‑ cation are advised to exercise caution and reflect on the multiple meanings their chosen symbols might convey. Decoding Gestures: The Complexities in an Increasingly Mobile World The interpretation of gestures poses a unique challenge due to the multiplicity of meanings they can encapsulate. While gestures form an integral part of human non‑verbal communication, their interpretation is seldom straightforward. There exist myriad possibilities based on cultural, contextual, and individual variables that contribute to the range of meanings a gesture can convey. It is conceivable that under certain circumstances, the interpretation of gestures might be straight‑ forward, especially when both the sender and the receiver belong to the same cul‑ tural and contextual background. For instance, within a homogeneous group where shared norms and understanding are prevalent, the interpretation of common ges‑ tures might appear facile. However, in a diverse or multicultural setting, the same gestures could acquire a range of meanings, thereby complicating their interpretation. Factors like cultural variances, different life experiences, and even the immediate situational context can dramatically shift the perceived meaning of a gesture. For example, a thumbs‑up, universally understood as an affirmation in many Western contexts, can be con‑ strued differently, even negatively, in some other cultures. Furthermore, as global mobility continues to soar in the future, this complexity is poised to increase. With people moving across regions and continents more frequently, there will be greater intermixing of cultures, traditions, and communication nuances. This heightened mobility and intercultural exchange will lead to a richer tapestry of gesture inter‑ pretations, further underscoring the intricacies involved in decoding them. Thus, while it is possible to argue that gesture interpretation can be uncomplicated in specific, limited scenarios, a comprehensive view suggests that the task is intricate due to the diverse possibilities of meanings they can encompass, and this intricacy is projected to deepen with the rise in global mobility. In particular, the complexity of our increasingly diverse world is making it more difficult to neatly categorise cultural products, like films, within the boundaries of nation‑state identities. Take the term ‘Asian film’ as an example. Does it refer to films featuring Asian characters? Or is it about films shot in Asia? The lines have

142  Future Gestures in an Asian Context blurred, making it challenging to affix a clear label based on geographic or linguistic criteria. A poignant example of this complexity is the 2020 semi‑­autobiographical film Minari, directed by Korean‑US Lee Isaac Chung. The film narrates the story of an immigrant family chasing the American dream, set in the United States. Yet, at the Golden Globes, it was nominated for ‘Best Foreign Language Film’ rather than ‘Best Drama’. This categorisation was based on the significant amount of Korean dialogue in the movie. This decision triggered debates, including a tweet from Lulu Wang, director of The Farewell who said, “I have not seen a more American film than #Minari this year. It’s a story about an immigrant family, in America, pursuing the American dream”. Wang’s comment challenges the antiquated rules that nar‑ rowly define Americans as English‑speaking. In many East Asian films produced since the late 1980s, there are prominent themes of interculturality. This trend of fusing cultural elements is likely to keep gaining momentum as society at large moves towards a greater mix of traditions and norms, both in real and digital domains. A pivotal driving force behind this cul‑ tural amalgamation is the phenomenon of global mobility. For instance, the decade preceding the pandemic saw a significant boost in European tourism, with a total of approximately 250 million tourists visiting the continent. The upswing isn’t just confined to tourism; global migration rates have also seen a substantial rise. As of 2020, it was estimated that 281 million individuals were living in a country different from their birthplace—a figure that’s twice as much as in 1990 and threefold com‑ pared to 1970. On top of that, younger generations have been showing an increased willingness to travel and relocate for job prospects, as evidenced by a surge in inter‑ est to work overseas, with 85% expressing such a desire compared to only 40% a decade ago. Despite the likelihood of a decrease in physical mobility due to climate change implications, the transmission of ideas and information will keep flourish‑ ing. With the growing prevalence of online spaces, virtual mobility is skyrocketing. We live in an increasingly borderless world, with social mobility on the rise, and multilingual and multicultural interactions becoming more commonplace. Intercul‑ tural exchanges can sometimes lead to misunderstandings. When Asian and Western couples interact, conflicts often emerge more from differences in cultural practices than from personal disputes. Asian cultures typically emphasise family values and show respect towards older family members over individual decision‑making. Western cultures, on the contrary, emphasise individualism and independence. These cultural differences can cause issues in both small, day‑to‑day decisions and bigger, life‑changing ones. Issues can arise from planning a wedding, celebrating festivals, deciding on what to name one’s children, how to raise children, and liv‑ ing arrangements. These cultural clashes can indeed cause major conflicts.3 Such conflicts are often visible in body movements and gestures. ‘Translingual, Transcultural, and Transmedial’: Individual Differences In this book, the focus is on gestures as integral elements of human communica‑ tion, elements that are deeply sensitive to languages and cultures. However, the

Future Gestures in an Asian Context  143 book also contends that we are entering a new era where gestures are becoming translingual, transcultural, and transmedial. This shift is encapsulated in the exam‑ ple of the smiley emoticon, a symbol that has no direct cultural or linguistic as‑ sociations and is universally understood. Such symbols signify the emergence of a new form of communication that transcends traditional barriers, suggesting that the future of linguistic practice may be marked by increasing individualisation, where idiolects—personalised forms of language—become the norm. The concept of ‘translingual, transcultural, and transmedial’ gestures highlights the porous bounda‑ ries of modern communication. In a world facilitated by technology, where people from diverse linguistic and cultural backgrounds interact regularly, gestures are no longer confined to a specific cultural or linguistic context. These translingual ges‑ tures serve as universal communicative tools that can be interpreted and used across various platforms—whether in face‑to‑face interactions or digital communications. At the heart of this change is the role of the individual. Just as each person has an idiolect—a unique way of using language—so too may each person develop a unique set of gestures and non‑verbal cues. This individualisation is likely to be am‑ plified by technology, which allows for a wide array of customisable communicative tools, from emojis and avatars to various forms of augmented reality. This promises a future where individualised linguistic practice is not just an exception but the norm. Moreover, as the book points out, this individualisation doesn’t imply isola‑ tion. Rather, the act of sharing these gestures and linguistic practices creates new forms of community. These communities are bound not by geography, language, or traditional cultural norms, but by shared forms of expression. This ‘community of expression’ could include anything from a shared love for certain memes to the use of specialised terminology or gestures within a particular online subculture. Transnational Gestures In an increasingly interconnected world, the traditional geographical delineations, such as ‘Asian’ or ‘European’, when used to describe one’s linguistic or semi‑ otic repertoire, may not remain as indicative or representative as they once were. The term ‘transnational’ aptly encapsulates the fluidity and overlap of cultural and communicative practices that transcend national borders. Historically, languages, gestures, and semiotic practices have been linked to specific regions or groups of people. For instance, one might associate certain gestures with the Asian context, distinguishing them from, say, European ones. However, as people migrate, cul‑ tures interact, and globalisation intensifies, these gestures and practices become more universally adopted and adapted. Consider the use of the term ‘Asian ges‑ ture’. While historically rooted in Asian cultures, these gestures are no longer ex‑ clusively practised by individuals of Asian descent. As communities become more diverse, and as people from various backgrounds come into frequent contact with one another, the diffusion of gestures becomes inevitable. A gesture once consid‑ ered uniquely Asian might be adopted and adapted by someone in Europe, Africa, or the Americas, either due to exposure or as a result of shared global platforms, like digital media and international entertainment.

144  Future Gestures in an Asian Context The implications of this cultural amalgamation are profound. It challenges the rigidity of cultural and geographical categorisations. Relying solely on traditional geographical terms to describe linguistic or semiotic practices becomes less precise and, in some cases, even misleading. It underscores the need for a more nuanced understanding of cultural practices, one that recognises the fluidity of identity and the shared human experience. Thus, as we advance further into the 21st century, our conceptual framework for understanding cultural and semiotic practices must evolve. Instead of rigid, geographically bound definitions, we should embrace a more holistic, transnational perspective that accounts for the rich tapestry of global interactions and influences. Fandom Gestures: Transcending Borders and Cultures Fandom communities have long been the crucibles where cultural expressions, in‑ cluding gestures, are forged, refined, and disseminated. These groups, bound by shared interests in specific cultural products or personalities, often create and share unique gestures that become integral symbols of their collective identity. As these communities evolve, new gestures emerge, adding layers of meaning and further distinguishing the fandom from others. A prime example of this phenomenon is the rise of gestures within the K‑pop fandom. The finger‑heart gesture, where the thumb and index finger intersect to form a miniature heart, has become a widely recognised symbol of affection and camaraderie amongst K‑pop enthusiasts. Its popularity transcends national boundaries, showcasing the power of fandom ges‑ tures to foster a sense of global community. This transnational spread of gestures underscores an essential characteristic of human expression: its resistance to being confined within nation‑state borders. In an era of globalisation, gestures, much like music or fashion, are fluid enti‑ ties, easily migrating across countries and continents. They become conduits of shared meanings, even if those meanings sometimes vary across cultures. As we move forward, it’s anticipated that the repertoire of such common gestures will expand. However, alongside this universality, there’s also an increasing diversi‑ fication. With the advent of digital communication platforms and virtual realities, digital gestures—from specific hand movements in virtual reality to unique emoji sequences in texting—are burgeoning. These new gestures, though widespread, might not always carry consistent interpretations across different cultures or in‑ dividual users. For instance, the seemingly straightforward smiley emoji doesn’t universally signify simple happiness. Its interpretation can range from genuine joy to sarcasm, depending on the context and the individual’s cultural or personal backdrop. The drama Crash Landing on You provides a fascinating and amusing insight into cultural differences and the complexities of non‑verbal communication. In one memorable scene, a North Korean soldier named Pyo Chi‑su is confounded by the meaning of a ‘finger heart’, a popular gesture formed by crossing the thumb and in‑ dex finger into a miniature heart shape.4 To Pyo Chi‑su, this gesture signifies some‑ thing aggressive—like squishing a tiny bug or symbolising destruction. However,

Future Gestures in an Asian Context  145 Kim Ju‑meok, another soldier who is an avid fan of South Korean dramas, steps in to correct this interpretation. He explains that the finger heart is actually a symbol of love and affection, a common non‑verbal cue in South Korean culture and its diaspora of fans worldwide. The irony lies in the fact that both soldiers are Korean but have entirely different understandings of this simple yet meaningful gesture. This episode underlines the notion that the meanings of most non‑verbal gestures are not based on conventional linguistic norms. Language alone may not suffice in conveying the intricate cultural or subcultural meanings of gestures. In this par‑ ticular case, Kim Ju‑meok understands the context and meaning of the finger heart gesture, not because he speaks Korean, but because he is immersed in the world of South Korean dramas. His fandom has provided him with a cultural literacy that transcends borders and linguistic barriers. This scenario illustrates how cultural products like TV dramas can serve as a sort of ‘cultural lexicon’, imparting knowl‑ edge of gestures and symbols that might otherwise be lost in translation—even among people who speak the same language. It’s a testament to the rich tapestry of cultural understandings that exist within and beyond linguistic boundaries, adding an extra layer of complexity and depth to how we communicate with one another. Take the ‘hand heart’ gesture, for instance (Figure 3.2). One or two people use a right and left hand to make a heart shape using the thumbs and fingers. Two people connecting their hands to make the gesture can express friendship, shared enjoy‑ ment, and love between the two people, while one person making the gesture can be an expression of love aimed towards another or at an object, or simply a gesture akin to smiling or the ‘peace sign’ gesture, which are all popular go‑to gestures when posing in a photo or a selfie. Google  even filed a patent in 2011  making it possible for  Google Glass—Google’s smart glasses—to make the hand heart gesture in front of any object of their choosing, and the smart glasses then take a picture of the object and send it to the wearer’s social networks as a liked image. The gesture then becomes an expression specific to social media language and the metaverse, meaning not simply, ‘I like/I love something’, but specifically ‘like’ in its online context, which has its own nuance of being a ‘friend’ or ‘follower’ or ‘connection’ in an online space.

Figure 3.2 The hand heart gesture: two hands held together with the fingers and thumbs placed together to form a heart shape; made with one or two people’s hands.

146  Future Gestures in an Asian Context Sharing Memes and Emojis: An Act of Solidarity The sharing of memes and emojis has become a powerful practice in fostering community in our increasingly translingual and transcultural times. These digital artefacts are far more than mere entertainment or decorative elements in our on‑ line conversations; they act as compressed units of meaning, loaded with shared values, emotions, and cultural references. Their appeal and understanding often transcend linguistic or national barriers, making them uniquely suited to a glo‑ balised world where traditional boundaries are becoming increasingly porous. Memes and emojis have a translingual dimension; they can convey complex emo‑ tions, situations, or jokes without relying on a specific language. For example, a well‑timed smiley face or the ubiquitous ‘crying‑laughing’ emoji can often say more than a string of words, transcending language barriers and becoming uni‑ versally understandable expressions. Similarly, memes often rely on visual hu‑ mour or shared cultural experiences that can be easily understood regardless of one’s native language. In this way, they function as a kind of ‘lingua franca’ of the digital age, facilitating communication among people from diverse linguistic backgrounds. In our continually evolving, multicultural societies, both verbal words and ges‑ tures intermingle and traverse the borders of languages and cultures. This is not a new phenomenon. In numerous Asian films, depictions of modernity illuminate a hybrid reality—that is to say, a rebirth of traditional Asian culture with adopted Western elements. For instance, in the film Yi, significant cultural events, such as weddings, are performed with a mix of Asian and Western cultural traditions. Life between the borders of cultures takes place not only during important cultural ac‑ tivities, but also in daily life in general. The transcultural appeal of memes and emojis is equally remarkable. While some memes originate in specific cultural contexts, their meanings often adapt and evolve as they are shared across different cultures. What starts as an inside joke within one community can gain universal appeal, altered but still recognis‑ able as it crosses cultural borders. Emojis, too, are designed to be as universally understood as possible, with an ever‑expanding array aiming to represent diverse cultural, racial, and social experiences. Moreover, the act of sharing memes and emojis fosters a sense of community. These digital expressions allow people to connect over shared feelings, jokes, or cultural moments, regardless of their physical location or cultural background. Communities form around shared in‑ terpretations and uses of these memes and emojis, be it among friends, within specialised online groups, or even across social media platforms. These com‑ munities are not bound by geography or language but are formed through shared digital expressions and understandings. In essence, memes and emojis serve as both a reflection and a facilitator of our translingual, transcultural reality. They help knit together a global fabric of interconnected individuals, who find com‑ mon ground in these shared digital expressions. By doing so, they not only enrich our individual online interactions but also contribute to the broader tapestry of global digital culture.

Future Gestures in an Asian Context  147 Gesture Diversity In our book, even though we focus on Asian gestures, we consistently emphasise that our goal is not to make universal generalisations. Instead, we provide insights and showcase specific instances. In the concluding section, our discussion will pivot towards the future of gestures, especially within the context of Asian cultures. This section addresses the future of gestures in an Asian context. In our observa‑ tions, it becomes evident that the usage of gestures—be it in English‑speaking or European cultural settings—largely serves as a form of individual expression. These gestures are an extension of one’s own feelings or thoughts and are often universally understood within that cultural context. For instance, a simple shrug in response to a question in English generally conveys a lack of knowledge or certainty, and this meaning is widely accepted regardless of the social dynamics between the individuals involved. However, the situation shifts considerably when we consider Asian cultural settings. Here, gestures are not just an avenue for indi‑ vidual expression; they also carry the weight of interpersonal relationships. This complexity becomes particularly evident in hierarchical interactions, such as those between superiors and juniors. In such contexts, even a simple gesture, like shrugging, is not just an individual act. Instead, it’s vital to consider the rela‑ tionship one has with the audience before making such a gesture. A shrug in front of a superior, for example, may come across as disrespectful or inappropriate, de‑ pending on the cultural norms. This cultural nuance extends to the digital world as well, influencing online behaviour like the use of emojis and memes in textual communications. While an emoji may serve as a straightforward expression in one cultural context, its interpretation can be fraught with complexities in another, where the dynamics of interpersonal relationships come into play. For instance, using a casual emoji like a winking face might be acceptable among friends in Western cultures, but could be deemed inappropriate in a formal email to a boss in an Asian context. So, what seems like universal body language or digital expression can often be anything but that. One must navigate these subtleties carefully, keeping in mind not just what is being conveyed, but also how it could be interpreted by others within a specific cultural and relational framework. Therefore, understanding the intersec‑ tion of individual expression and interpersonal dynamics becomes critical, particu‑ larly in a globalised world where interactions frequently cross cultural boundaries. Navigating the question of whether hierarchical gestures in Asian cultures will per‑ sist or fade away in the future requires a deep dive into a sea of variables, including but not limited to globalisation, technological shifts, and generational perspectives. This puzzle is made even more complex by the sheer diversity within what we col‑ lectively term as ‘Asian gestures’, a label that encompasses a rich variety of cultural nuances across different Asian countries. Historically, these gestures have been en‑ meshed in a social tapestry woven with threads of hierarchy, religious beliefs, and longstanding traditions. Yet, the loom of modernity is introducing new threads, sub‑ tly altering the pattern. The impact of Western culture, propagated through the me‑ dia and digital platforms, has introduced new norms that often lack the hierarchical

148  Future Gestures in an Asian Context distinctions that traditional Asian gestures carry. This is more than just a backdrop; it’s an active player in shaping societal norms and individual behaviours. The younger generation, educated in increasingly multicultural environments and fluent in the language of emojis and memes, brings its own set of variables to the equation. While they inherit a world rich in tradition, they also grow up in an era marked by rapid technological advancements and global interconnectedness. This dual citizenship in both the old and new worlds creates a dynamic tension. Will the thumb‑typed emojis in a text or the internationally understood memes eventually erode the importance of knowing precisely how to bow or offer a ges‑ ture of respect based on one’s hierarchical relationship to the recipient? Even so‑ cioeconomic factors are entering the chat, so to speak, with improved educational and economic conditions potentially democratising social interactions. So, what we’re looking at is not a static picture, but a dynamic, evolving landscape where cultural preservation is in a constant dance with global influence, technological change, and generational evolution. While it’s difficult to predict with certainty, it’s plausible that the future could be a hybrid space where traditional hierarchi‑ cal gestures exist, but perhaps not with the same rigidity or universality as before. In this evolving narrative, the only certainty is change. As we move forward, the gestures of today may well become the folklore of tomorrow, either preserved in their hierarchical essence or transformed into something new under the weight of multifaceted influences. In the evolving tapestry of global interactions, the question of whether hierar‑ chical nuances in Asian gestures will persist is a compelling one. On one hand, these gestures are deeply rooted in historical traditions and social structures, serv‑ ing as a sort of cultural compass that guides interpersonal interactions. However, the winds of change are strong. A new generation, steeped in the influences of globalisation and digital communication, finds itself straddling two worlds. In this interconnected age, emojis and memes flood our screens, often devoid of hierarchi‑ cal connotations, while Western norms seep into daily interactions, both subtly and overtly eroding age‑old customs. It’s a complex dance between preservation and evolution, one that doesn’t yield easy answers. While older generations may cling to traditional forms of expression, the youth—often educated in multicultural settings—are increasingly comfortable in a world where a smiley face can traverse geographical and social boundaries without losing its meaning. Social mobility and economic advancement further muddy the waters, introducing a level of egalitarianism that could eventually ren‑ der some hierarchical gestures obsolete. So, while it’s challenging to make a defini‑ tive prediction, what seems certain is that the future will likely be a melting pot of old and new—a world where traditional Asian gestures might coexist with, adapt to, or even transform under the weight of global influences. Gesture Conflicts

Intercultural conflicts can also arise within diaspora families, particularly across generations. In Minari, David, the Yi family’s youngest son with a heart condition,

Future Gestures in an Asian Context  149 faces severe reprimand from his father due to his disrespectful behaviour towards his grandmother. The issue isn’t tied to a specific act, but rather an overarching attitude. David, having been raised in America, isn’t accustomed to the stringent Korean norms of showing respect to elders. Despite this, his father reproaches him severely for not showing proper respect to his grandmother (Figure 3.3).

Figure 3.3 David accidentally breaks the ‘stick’ and is sent outside to choose another by his father, in Minari (미나리) ‘Water Celery’ (2020, South Korea-US).

One of the key pillars of neo‑Confucian human relations is jangyuyuseo, which translates to ‘old and young have order’. This principle underscores the hierarchy between the young and old. The notion of respecting one’s elders is prevalent not only in East Asia but also throughout the wider Asian region. Respect for elders is expected to manifest in both verbal and embodied communication. In Confucian tradition, those with less power, such as women and children, often had limited scope for verbal and gestural expression. Their silence has been typically valued. This silence was not a virtue that they chose to adhere to; rather, societal norms often compelled them to maintain a reserved stance. This provides a prime example of the kind of hierarchical structures that are still present in Korean society today. In neo‑Confucian Joseon Korea, wives weren’t permitted to walk alongside their husbands. They were to follow their husbands at a distance. Dining together wasn’t an option either. Even in 21st‑century Korea, women and children often occupy a separate, subordinate table during festival dinners, while adult men sit separately at another table. Indeed, hierarchy is highly visible in Korea. One can look around and see status gestures everywhere, as indicated by practices such as bowing and avoiding direct eye contact. Koreans have even established a practice known as ‘manner legs’, in which a taller individual, particularly when interacting with shorter seniors or their female partners, reduces their height to exhibit respect and care. Due to the popularity of Korean films and dramas, manner legs have become a K‑gesture known to world viewers. Yet, this gesture can cause misunderstandings if used by a non‑Korean person in a real‑life context. A recent visit by the Canadian Prime Minister to South

150  Future Gestures in an Asian Context Korea provided a noteworthy misunderstanding. During his visit, the Canadian Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau stood in a wide stance to lower his height, aligning himself with the cultural norms of the Korean context he was in. The action was intended to reflect an aspect of Korean culture, where the level one stands at is intrinsically linked to hierarchy and respect. The response to this gesture differed between South Korea and Canada. In South Korea, the media and locals reported it in a positive light, emphasising the kind and respectful nature of Trudeau’s ac‑ tions. The Chosun Ilbo, a local media outlet, described the scene as heart warming, highlighting the camaraderie created by the noticeable height difference. The Cana‑ dian Prime Minister’s attempt to match the eye level of Korean National Assembly Speaker Kim Jin‑pyo was seen as a genuine sign of respect in Korea.  Conversely, in Canada, the gesture received a more negative perception from some segments of the population. There were accusations of Trudeau embarrassing the country while abroad. A conservative Canadian outlet, True North Canada, reported on the inci‑ dent, quoting a Canadian online user who believed the gesture made Canada look like a joke. This incident serves as a reminder that cultural norms and interpreta‑ tions of gestures can differ greatly across regions. What may be seen as respectful and endearing in one culture can be viewed differently in another. It highlights the importance of cultural sensitivity and understanding when engaging in intercul‑ tural communication. Intercultural gestures that are sensitive to hierarchy can often be perceived as political. A historical example of this is the practice of kowtowing, a traditional Chinese custom where one kneels and bows so deeply that their forehead touches the ground. This gesture is an extreme expression of respect, submission, or even worship. The Oxford English Dictionary first documented the term ‘kowtow’ in 1804, in J. Barrow’s book Travels in China. Barrow noted that the Chinese strictly enforced the practice of ‘koo‑too’, requiring individuals to kneel and touch the ground with their forehead as a sign of obedience and respect. The story of George Macartney refusing to kowtow to the Qianlong Emperor, potentially leading to the failure of establishing diplomatic relations between their respective countries, is well known. This hints at the importance of gestures. Evidence has since emerged that suggests the kowtow might not have been so instrumental in the failure to establish relations, but the fact that the kowtow became the rumoured reason for conflict still highlights its symbolic importance.5 Similarly, the Qing invasion of Joseon brought a moment of extreme historical shame when the Qing Emperor demanded King Injo of Joseon to perform a kowtow. This act was far more than a simple gesture. It carries profound significance and was seen as more than just a simple bend of the body in Korean history. Future Gestures: Less Hierarchical? Emoji and memes are becoming important gestures as our virtual interactions grow. Gawne and McCulloch propose that emojis have become the digital equivalent of gestures, allowing users to convey emotions, actions, and abstract concepts in the online world.6 Generally, gestures can be classified into one of four categories:

Future Gestures in an Asian Context  151 illustrative, metaphoric, pointing, and beat. Emojis emulate different categories of gestures, providing a vibrant and engaging means of communication. The interpretation of gestures isn’t always straightforward. Even the sim‑ plest emoji, like a smiley face, can be understood differently by different groups. For some, it may reflect genuine happiness and warmth, while others may in‑ terpret it as sarcasm. Meaning largely depends on who you are speaking to, the environment—be it private or public—and the presence of any senior members. Overall, though, we generally observed that the principles of order, hierarchy, and respect, which are important in Asian physical gestures, also hold significance in the use of emojis.7 Interactions with technology and various languages and cultures continually in‑ fluence the evolution of words. The landscape of films, which is intrinsically multi‑ lingual and multicultural, is set to become even more diverse. Despite the inherent diversity within Asia, core values like family and respect for elders remain com‑ mon themes. Alongside these, Asian‑specific verbal, and non‑verbal expressions, rich in interpersonal cues, hold a prominent place. The future of these expressions remains uncertain, especially in the face of a globalising younger generation and the increasing ubiquity of AI. We can expect this trend towards rapid linguistic and gestural flux to persist and intensify in the future. While emojis are presently hierarchy‑sensitive, we ask ourselves, ‘will this change in the future?’ As we stand in the spring of 2023, it is not clear whether Asian gestures and verbal languages will become less hierarchical in the future due to increased global interactions and the dominance of English as a lingua franca or not. Notwithstand‑ ing this, increasing global mobility has engendered the rise of transcultural ges‑ tures. For example, the finger heart gesture, popularised by the globally successful pop group BTS, has grown in popularity across borders, being embraced by both younger and older generations alike, to express bonds and solidarity. As we step into the era of AI and VR at a pace previously unseen, gestures like these, which inherently cross‑cultural and national boundaries, are likely to continue to thrive. Gestures evolve just like verbal language, but their evolution is now more vis‑ ible due to technological advancements. For instance, phone gestures have varied over time. Young people may not comprehend the older gesture of placing a fist alongside your head with the thumb and little finger extended, similar to a man simultaneously trying to scratch his chin and his ear. Instead, they’re more familiar with the gesture of placing the palm flat against the ear to signify phoning. This is just one among many evolving gestures. Human‑computer interaction will bring more and more new gestures to our lives. Online Gestures Matter For the most part, our learned social skills mean most of us have some level of fluency in interpreting other people’s non‑verbal communication. However, it also means we know how to tacitly communicate ourselves. Think about, say, your in‑ herent knowledge to smile when greeting a client, to make eye contact in conversa‑ tion, and to hold confident body language during an interview. Since the COVID‑19

152  Future Gestures in an Asian Context pandemic, we often work in digital workspaces, and so, work conversations tend to happen through online chats and video meetings. With the possibility to turn our cameras off, non‑verbal communication may seem less important. However, even in remote work, non‑verbal communication still occurs. A survey of executives showed that 92% of managers believed employees who turned off their cameras during meetings were less likely to have a long‑term future at their company.8 The shift to the digital workplace has expanded the realm of non‑verbal communica‑ tion in unprecedented ways. Video calls provide non‑verbal information through backgrounds, offering insights into colleagues’ lifestyles, interests, and profession‑ alism.9 Text‑based communication, like messaging programmes, has also changed the landscape of non‑verbal cues. Components of in‑person non‑verbal communi‑ cation, such as body language, eye contact, gestures, facial expressions, and per‑ sonal grooming choices, have made their way into the digital realm. While interpreting traditional non‑verbal cues is largely ingrained in our so‑ cial training, understanding, and utilising non‑verbal communication in the digital world require learning new techniques. Maintaining eye contact on a video call, for example, requires a conscious effort to look into the camera rather than at the faces on the screen.10 Overlooking the importance of non‑verbal cues in a remote environment can have ramifications, such as signals of disengagement or a lack of professionalism. Non‑verbal behaviour in the digital workspace can also yield positive outcomes. Simple non‑verbal gestures like leaning in, visibly smiling, or turning the camera on during online meetings can demonstrate engagement and foster connections. Even seemingly small gestures like using a clear profile picture or incorporating emojis in group chats can help build affinity and a friendly, inclu‑ sive atmosphere. As society increasingly moves towards online communication, the need to understand each other and communicate effectively through non‑verbal cues remains essential. AI Gestures in Films The cinematic world serves as a reflective lens, capturing the pulse of societal shifts, from evolving concerns and interests to technological innovations. In an era marked by unprecedented technological growth, it’s hardly surprising to see the film industry gravitate towards integrating artificial intelligence (AI) elements, mirroring our deepening entanglement with technology. Once relegated to the pages of science fiction, AI has seamlessly transitioned from a distant fantasy to an integral facet of our daily existence. The echoes of its omnipresence reverberate in voice‑activated assistants, tailored social media feeds, and even decision‑making algorithms. As AI systems continually evolve, their prowess isn’t just limited to mimicking human tasks; in many instances, they transcend human capabilities. This burgeoning ‘hyper‑realism’ in AI representation has not eluded filmmakers. Movies such as Ex Machina (2014), Blade Runner 2049 (2017), and Her (2013) are emblematic of this trend, delving deep into the nuanced terrains of human‑AI dynamics and exploring themes of love, morality, and identity. The onset of the COVID‑19 pandemic inadvertently fast‑tracked our transition towards a more

Future Gestures in an Asian Context  153 digitally oriented existence. The boundaries separating the digital and physical be‑ gan to blur as remote work, online education, and digital socialising became the new norm. The film industry, both resilient and adaptive, mirrored these shifts in its content, emphasising themes of isolation, digital reliance, and the burgeoning virtual realm. Moreover, the very mode of film distribution evolved, with a surge in direct‑to‑streaming releases catering to the new home‑centric audience. Moreover, the filming of AI offers tangible benefits beyond just storytelling. From a pragmatic standpoint, it presents a cost‑saving opportunity, eliminating the need for large casts or elaborate sets. Environmentally, it reduces the carbon footprint associated with large‑scale productions. But as the boundaries between AI and humanity become increasingly permeable, especially in the cinematic uni‑ verse, it nudges us towards deeper introspection: what truly defines human essence in an age where technology can mimic emotion, consciousness, and even morality? This confluence of technology and filmmaking not only reshapes our cinematic experiences but also challenges our foundational understanding of humanity. In the realm of human‑computer interaction, we can expect an influx of ­gesture‑related components making their way into our daily lives. Regions at the forefront of technological advancements, like East Asia, already exhibit this in their media. An example can be found in Heeojil Gyeolsim (헤어질 결심) ‘Decision to Leave’ (2022), where a multitude of gestures that accompany phone usage are evi‑ dent. Interestingly, artificial intelligence also plays a role, acting as an unseen but constantly audible presence throughout the narrative. For instance, in the commu‑ nication of protagonist detective Jang Hae‑jun and Song Seo‑rae, an emigrant from China who is a suspect in a murder he’s investigating, Seo‑rae often switches from Korean to Chinese, even though her competency speaking Korean is evident. After speaking into her phone in Chinese, Seo‑rae holds her phone outwards towards Hae‑jun, playing the Korean audio translation. Her phone is a facilitator of their communication, and as such, digital gestures become components of their own language in these interactions.

Figure 3.4 Phone used as a gesture in Heeojil Gyeolsim (헤어질 결심) ‘Decision to Leave’ (2022, South Korea).

154  Future Gestures in an Asian Context In the future, it appears that elements such as age and proficiency in social media literacy will likely play a more significant role in the dissemination of both verbal and gestural languages, surpassing regional distinctions such as Asian or Western. Shared languages within specific groups, like fandoms, could potentially cultivate a sense of unity and solidarity, leading to the dominance of group‑specific gestures. However, the escalating complexity in understanding these gestures may also give rise to po‑ tential misunderstandings. This is a fast‑paced field, as a recent TikTok video even pointed out the differences in how Gen Z and millennials create heart signs.11 Future of Human Language The intricate relationship between gesture and the future of human language is a fas‑ cinating subject, ripe for exploration. Gestures, subtle forms of non‑verbal commu‑ nication, have been tightly interwoven with human languages for millennia. They add nuance, context, and emotional depth to our interactions, enriching the tapestry of human communication in ways that words alone often cannot. While gestures in linguistics and communication studies have often been marginalised over ortho‑ graphic and verbal words, we will likely see them soon dominating these fields, due to the role of technology. Through this, our engagement with materials will be‑ come increasingly multimodal, entering an unknown future. As we journey into the future—marked by technological leaps, global mobility, and increasing human‑AI interaction—the role of gestures is likely to evolve, but their essence will remain at the heart of human communication. Advanced as it may be, artificial intelligence still grapples with understanding the subtleties of human gesture. Decoding a wave, a nod, or a pointed finger involves layers of social context, cultural background, and emotional nuance that are immensely challenging for AI to comprehend fully. While natural language processing has made strides in text‑based understanding, the world of gesture remains a largely uncharted territory for machines. This gap emphasises the unique human ability to convey complexity through simple physical movements, an attribute that AI is unlikely to catch up with in the foreseeable future. In a world characterised by increasing global mobility and multicultural inter‑ actions, gestures are likely to become more diverse rather than standardised. As people from different cultural backgrounds come into contact, their gestures often cross‑pollinate, leading to an ever‑expanding lexicon of non‑verbal cues. Paradoxi‑ cally, the more shared our world becomes, the more diversified our gestures may turn out to be—a phenomenon that could be termed the ‘Paradox of Babel’ in the realm of non‑verbal language. Just as the Tower of Babel story symbolises the dis‑ persion and diversification of languages, so too does the globalisation of gestures point towards both a broadening understanding and an increasing complexity. Furthermore, as we continue to integrate AI into our daily lives, we’re likely to see a hybrid form of communication that combines traditional human language, ­machine‑generated language, and a panoply of gestures both old and new. This syn‑ thesis will offer a rich tapestry of communication options, enabling more nuanced interactions both between humans and among humans and machines. So, even as artificial intelligence changes the way we interact, it’s worth considering that the core

Future Gestures in an Asian Context  155 of what makes our communication deeply human—our gestures—may continue to flourish, diversify, and enrich our languages in ways that are as unpredictable as they are profound. As the world becomes more interconnected, multi‑modal, and multi‑­lingual, the role of gestures is likely to gain prominence in our communicative repertoire. While visual and gestural forms of communication often offer a layer of in‑ tuitiveness, their increasingly complex and diversified nature presents new chal‑ lenges for interpretation and understanding. The examination throughout this book has shown that Asian gestures are especially influenced by socio‑economic factors such as age, gender, and hierarchical norms. The degree to which these particular sensitivities will evolve over time in response to global or generational changes remains an area for further research and observation. As we contemplate the future, it becomes clear that the shifting landscape of communication calls for ongoing scrutiny. The gestures and symbols that are prevalent today may evolve, both en‑ riching and complicating our non‑verbal vocabulary. This diversification invites a continuous re‑evaluation of how we understand and categorise non‑verbal forms of communication in an ever‑changing, global context. While gestures have often been presented as a subsidiary, we are now realising that they have been—and will be more so in the near very future—at the heart of language and communication. Notes 1 See Jieun Kiaer’s book Emoji Speak (2023a). 2 Kiaer, 2023a. 3 Kiaer,  Jieun, and Hyejeong Ahn.  2023.  Lessons from a Translingual Romance: Con‑ flict and Cultural Innovation of Intercultural Couples.  (n.p.):  Springer International Publishing. 4 https://youtu.be/ti1RmN‑gka0?si=eE855LmETzYQUq4z 5 Harrison, Henrietta. 2017. “The Qianlong Emperor’s Letter to George III and the Early‑Twentieth‑Century Origins of Ideas about Traditional China’s Foreign Relations.” The American Historical Review 122 (3): 680–701. 6 Gawne, Lauren, and Gretechen McCulloch. 2019. “Emoji as Digital Gestures.” ­Language@Internet 17, article 2. 7 Kiaer,  Jieun.  2023.  Emoji Speak: Communication and Behaviours on Social Media. London: Bloomsbury. 8 Vyopta Survey Reveals 92% of Execs Don’t See Long‑Term Future For Off‑­ Camera Employees. 2022. Retrieved from https://www.vyopta.com/blog/releases/ vyopta‑hybrid‑work‑survey‑2022/ 9 York, Joanna. 2022. How “Non‑Verbal Communication” Is Going Digital. Retrieved from https://www.bbc.com/worklife/article/20221104‑how‑non‑verbal‑communication‑ is‑going‑digital  10 Robson, David. 2022. The Digital Body Language Cues You Send – Or Don’t Send. Retrieved from https://www.bbc.com/worklife/article/20210617‑the‑digital‑body‑language‑ cues‑you‑send‑or‑dont‑send  11 Hampson, Laura. 2022. “Gen Z Can Pinpoint Millennials by This Simple Hand Ges‑ ture.”  The Independent, August 8. Retrieved from https://www.independent.co.uk/ life‑style/gen‑z‑millennial‑heart‑hand‑gesture‑b2140445.html 

Filmography

Ahn, Gil‑ho. 2022-2023. Deo Geullori (더 글로리) ‘The Glory.’ South Korea (Korean lan‑ guage): Netflix. Bhansali, Sanjay Leela. 2002. Devdas. India (Hindi language): Eros International. Bhansali, Sanjay Leela. 2022. Gangubai Kathiawadi. India (Hindi language): Pen Marudhar Entertainment. Bong, Joon‑ho. 2019. Gisaengchung (기생충) ‘Parasite’. South Korea (Korean language): CJ Entertainment. Chen, Hwai‑en. 2006. Liànxí Qǔ (練習曲) ‘Island Etude.’ Taiwan (Chinese Mandarin and Taiwanese Hokkien language): Unknown distributor. Chu, Jon M. 2018. Crazy Rich Asians. US (Chinese and English language): Warner Bros. Pictures. Dutta, Jyoti P. 2006. Umrao Jaan. India (Urdu language): Adlabs. Garland, Alex. 2014. Ex Machina. US: A24, Universal Pictures International. Hirani, Rajkumar. 2009. 3 Idiots. India (Hindi language): Reliance BIG Pictures. Itami, Juzo. 1985. Tampopo (タンポポ) ‘Dandelion’. Japan (Japanese language): Toho. Lee, Jeong‑beom. 2010. Ajeossi (아저씨) ‘The Man from Nowhere.’ South Korea: CJ Entertainment. Johar, Karan. 2001. Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham ‘Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes ­Sadness.’ India (Hindi language): Yash Raj Films. Jo, Jin‑kyu. 2001. Jopok Manura (조폭 마누라) ‘My Wife Is a Gangster.’ South Korea (Korean language): Korea Pictures. Jonze, Spike. 2013. Her. US: Warner Bros. Pictures. Kwak, Jae‑yong. 2001. Yeopgijeogin Geunyeo (엽기적인 그녀) ‘My Sassy Girl.’ South Korea (Korean language): Cinema Service. Lee, Ang. 1993. Xǐyàn (喜宴) ‘The Wedding Banquet.’ Taiwan and US (Mandarin and ­English language): Central Motion Picture Corporation (Taiwan) The Samuel Goldwyn Company (US). Lee, Ang. 1994. Yǐn Shí Nán Nǚ (飲食男女) ‘Eat Drink Man Woman.’ Taiwan (Mandarin): Central Motion Pictures (Taiwan). Lee, Isaac Chung. 2020. Minari (미나리) ‘Water Celery’. US (Korean and English ­language): Plan B Entertainment. Lee, Jung‑hyo. 2019–2020. Sarang‑Ui Bulsichak (사랑의 불시착) ‘Crash Landing on You.’ South Korea (Korean language): tvN. Makabe, Yukinori. 2015. Boku Wa Bousan (ボクは坊さん。) ‘I Am Monk.’ Japan (­Japanese language): Phantom Film.

158  Filmography Mansukhani, Tarun. 2008. Dostana. India (Hindi language): Yash Raj Films. Neo, Jack. 2015. Xīnbīng Zhèngzhuàn III: Wārénzhuàn (新兵正傳III：蛙人傳) ‘Ah Boys to Men 3: Frogmen.’ Singaporean‑Chinese (English; Mandarin; Cantonese; Hokkien lan‑ guage): Golden Village Pictures. O’Donnell, Damien. 1999. East Is East. UK (English and Urdu language): Channel Four Films. Ozu, Yasujirō. 1953. Tōkyō Monogatari (東京物語) ‘Tokyo Story.’ Japan (Japanese lan‑ guage): Shochiku. Park, Chan Wook. 2022. Heeojil Gyeolsim (헤어질 결심) ‘Decision to Leave.’ South Korea (Korean language): CJ Entertainment. Park, Chan‑wook. 2003. Oldeuboi (올드보이) ‘Old Boy.’ South Korea (Korean language): Show East. Park, Hoon‑jung. n.d. Nagwonui Bam (낙원의 밤) ‘Night in Paradise.’ South Korea ­(Korean language): Next Entertainment; World; Netflix. Park, Soo Won. 2018. Big Poreseuteu (빅 포레스트) ‘Big Forest.’” South Korea (Korean and Chinese): tvN. Pinkaew, Prachya. 2003. Ong Bak (องค์บาก) ‘Ong‑Bak: Muay Thai Warrior.’ Thailand (Thai language): Sahamongkol Film International. Roño, Chito S. 2008. The Caregiver. Philippines (Filipino and English language): Star Cinema. Villeneuve, Denis. 2017. Blade Runner 2049. US: Warner Bros. Pictures. Wang, Jun. 2018. “Rúyì Zhuàn (如懿傳) ‘Ruyi’s Royal Love in the Palace’: Episode 1.” Mainland China (Mandarin language): Tencent; Jiangsu Television; Dragon Television. Wang, Lulu. 2019. The Farewell. US (Mandarin and English language): A24. Wong, Kar‑wai. 2000. Huāyàng Niánhuá (花樣年華) ‘In the Mood for Love.’ Hong Kong (Cantonese and Shanghainese): Block 2 Pictures (Hong Kong). Yang, Edward. 2000. Yi Yi (一一) ‘A One and a Two.’ Taiwan (Mandarin language): Kuzui Enterprises. Yōjirō, Takita. 2008. Okuribito (おくりびと) ‘Departures.’ Japan (Japanese language): Shochiku. Yoo, In‑shik. 2022. Isanghan Byeonhosa U Yeong‑u (이상한 변호사 우영우) ‘Extraordi‑ nary Attorney Woo.’ South Korea (Korean language): ENA.

Interviewees

LT: 25‑year‑old Vietnamese woman and university student. FD: 25‑year‑old mainland Chinese woman and university student. NL: 33‑year‑old British woman married to a Korean man, living in the UK. SP: 39‑year‑old second‑generation Pakistani immigrant. NP: 43‑year‑old British man married to a Taiwanese woman. CJ: 47‑year‑old South Korean woman married to a British man, living in the UK. CK: 50‑year‑old Taiwanese woman married to a British man, living in the UK. PJ: 55‑year‑old North Korean woman from North Korea, living in the UK. NH: 15‑year‑old UK‑Taiwanese young woman, born in Taiwan but who has lived in the UK since she was a year old. NA: 17‑year‑old UK‑Taiwanese young man, born in the UK, has lived briefly in Taiwan in infancy, and now lives in the UK. TS: 60‑year‑old South Korean man who has lived in South Korea all his life. KY: 35‑year‑old South Korean woman who has lived in South Korea all her life.

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Index

Note: Italic page numbers refer to figures and page numbers followed by “n” denote endnotes. adab gesture 37, 121, 121 Ah Boys to Men 3: Frogmen (Xīnbīng Zhèngzhuàn III: Wārénzhuàn) 61, 116, 116 Ajeossi (The Man from Nowhere) 117, 118 añjali mudrā 66 arms 60–62, 60–62 artificial intelligence gestures 137; in films 152–154, 153 ashirwad, Indian gesture 35, 36, 56 Asian gestures 8–9; artificial intelligence in films 152–154, 153; complexity of 15, 16; conflicts 148–150, 149; decoding 141–142; digital age 139–140; diversity in 10–11, 15, 16, 147–148; emojis and acronyms 140–141; evolution of 137–139; fandom 144–145, 145; future context 137–155; head 20–53; hierarchy sensitiveness 8; human language, future of 154–155; language and culture, diversity in 7–8; lower body 124–132; mapped through film 15–136; multimodality 16, 21; nuances of 15; sharing memes and emojis 146; smartphone 137, 139; translingual, transcultural, and transmedial 142–143; transnational 143–144; upper body 54–124 As‑salamu alaykum 121 attention‑grabbing gesture 62 Autonomous Sensory Meridian Response (ASMR) 50 bare legs, covering when sitting 127–128 Barrow, J.: Travels in China 150 beat gestures 2–3; see also gestures

beckoning 56, 82–84, 83, 84 belly‑button bow 71 beso‑beso gesture 29 bharatnatyam mudra 66, 94, 136n72 Big Forest (Big Poreseuteu) 91–92, 92, 106, 107 bindi 131, 136n82 bird’s‑eye view, gesture 2–5 Birdwhistell, Ray L. 4 Blade Runner 2049 152 Bố Già (Dad, I’m Sorry) 102, 102 Boku Wa Bousan (I Am Monk) 19, 19 Book of Rites 10 border‑crossing gestures 12, 12–13 bowing 11, 63–75, 65, 66, 69, 70, 72–74 Brown, L. 51 Brown, P. 7 brushing and washing gesture 124 capitalist language 33 The Caregiver 117, 117 Central Asia 7, 8, 18; see also Asian gestures cheek‑to‑cheek gesture 29 Chinese gesture 150, 153; adults rubbing children’s heads 119; beckoning 82, 84; bowing 67; Confucianism 15, 17, 59; crossing arms 63; food gestures 100; intimacy 107; right hand 105; touching things 132; whistling 47; women’s activity in 59; see also East Asia; mainland China gesture chin grabbing/shaking 124 chopping hand gesture 94 Chosun Ilbo 150 Chung, L. I. 142

168 Index closing eyes and blinking 45–46 Confucianism 9–10, 15, 17, 28, 29, 31, 33–35, 50, 57, 59, 61, 127, 149 continuum of gesture 4 COVID‑19 pandemic 151–152 Crash Landing on You (Sarang‑ui Bulsichak) 31, 32, 144 Crazy Rich Asians 74, 74, 93, 93, 114–115, 115, 116 crossed arms gestures 63, 63 crossing legs and kneeling 125–127, 126, 127 Crouching Tiger Hidden Dragon (Wòhǔ Cánglóng) 77–78, 78 cultural gestures 6–7; see also gestures Cultural Revolution 33, 67 Dad, I’m Sorry (Bố Già) 102, 102 Dandelion (Tampopo) 48–49, 49 Darby, M. 44 Darwin, Charles: The Expression of the Emotion in Man and Animals 10 Decision to Leave (Heeojil Gyeolsim) 153, 153 decoding gestures 141–142 deferential gestures 7, 22, 31, 33, 35, 58, 101; see also gestures deictic gestures 2, 3, 87–89; human communication system within pointing 87; lip pointing 20, 30; see also gestures Deo Geullori (The Glory) 40, 41, 41, 61, 62, 62, 63, 63, 72, 72, 113–114, 114 Departures (Okuribito) 58, 59, 59, 65, 65, 70, 70, 84–87, 85, 87, 90, 90, 91, 101, 101, 102, 111–112, 112, 125, 126 Dervin, Fred 17 Devdas 60, 60, 77, 79–81, 94, 122, 122 Dharmaguptaka 18 digital age, gestures in 139–140 division of labour, gestures 12, 12, 138 ‘Doctrine of the Mean’ (Zisi) 10 Dostana 38, 38 drinking gestures 96, 96–99, 97–99 ear pulling and holding 37 East Asia 7–8; see also Chinese gesture; Japanese gesture; North Korean gesture; South Korean gesture; Taiwan gesture East is East 121, 121 Eat Drink Man Woman (Yin Shí Nán Nǚ) 34, 34, 42, 42, 75, 76, 84, 84, 95, 95, 96, 96, 97, 97, 107, 107, 108, 108, 109, 109, 110, 110 edge gestures 139

emblems 3; see also gestures embodied words 1, 2, 12, 20, 54, 124; see also gestures emojis, gestures: and acronyms 140–141; categories 151; sharing memes and 146, 150 Emoji Speak (Kiaer) 140 emotional intelligence, Korean concept of 136n76 Emotions Across Languages and Cultures (Wierzbicka) 6 Ethnologue database 8 The Expression of the Emotion in Man and Animals (Darwin) 10 Extraordinary Attorney Woo (Isanghan Byeonhosa U Yeong‑u) 39, 39 eyebrows, raised gesture 46 eye gaze 38–45, 39–44, 61, 63 face‑saving act 7 facial expressions 1, 5, 6, 21, 24, 61, 139 fandom gestures 144–145, 145 The Farewell (Wang) 142 feet gestures 128; exposing 128–130, 130; touching someone else’s feet 130, 130–132, 131, 132; touching things or gesturing using feet 132 Filipino culture 29, 30, 46, 51, 68, 74, 105, 117, 117 film, gestures in: Ah Boys to Men 3: Frogmen (Xīnbīng Zhèngzhuàn III: Wārénzhuàn) 61, 116, 116; artificial intelligence gestures in 152–154, 153; Big Forest (Big Poreseuteu) 91–92, 92, 106, 107; The Caregiver 117, 117; Crash Landing on You (Sarang‑ui Bulsichak) 31, 32, 144; Crazy Rich Asians 74, 74, 93, 93, 114–115, 115, 116; Crouching Tiger Hidden Dragon (Wòhǔ Cánglóng) 77–78, 78; Dad, I’m Sorry (Bố Già) 102, 102; Dandelion (Tampopo) 48–49, 49; Decision to Leave (Heeojil Gyeolsim) 153, 153; Departures (Okuribito) 58, 59, 59, 65, 65, 70, 70, 84–87, 85, 87, 90, 90, 91, 101, 101, 102, 111–112, 112, 125, 126; Devdas 60, 60, 77, 79–81, 94, 122, 122; Dostana 38, 38; East is East 121, 121; Eat Drink Man Woman (Yin Shí Nán Nǚ) 34, 34, 42, 42, 75, 76, 84, 84, 95, 95, 96, 96, 97, 97, 107, 107, 108, 108, 109, 109, 110, 110; Extraordinary Attorney Woo (Isanghan Byeonhosa U Yeong‑u) 39, 39; The Farewell 142;

Index  169 Gangubai Kathiawadi 66, 66; The Glory (Deo Geullori) 40, 41, 41, 61, 62, 62, 63, 63, 72, 72, 113–114, 114; head see head gestures; The Housemaid (Hanyeo) 93, 94; I Am Monk (Boku Wa Bousan) 19, 19; Island Etude (Liànxí Qǔ) 86, 86, 103; Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham (Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness) 19, 19, 76, 80, 80, 122, 123, 130, 130, 131, 131, 132; lower body see lower body gestures; The Man from Nowhere (Ajeossi) 117, 118; mapped through 15–136; In the Mood for Love (Huāyàng Niánhuá) 105, 105, 106; My Sassy Girl (Yeo‑pgijeogin Geunyeo) 52, 52, 78–79, 79, 97, 98; My Wife Is a Gangster (Jopok Manura) 129; Night in Paradise (Nagwonui bam) 41, 41; Old Boy (Oldeuboi) 23, 24; Ong Bak 72, 72, 73, 73, 113, 113, 120, 120; Parasite (Gisaengchung) 40, 40, 56, 56, 61, 61, 81, 81, 118, 119, 119, 129, 130; Ruyi’s Royal Love in the Palace (Rúyì Zhuàn) 127, 127; The Three Idiots 37; Three Lives Three Worlds, The Pillow Book (Sān Shēng Sān Shì Zhěn Shàng Shū) 43, 43, 44, 92, 93; Tokyo Story (Tōkyō Monogatari) 56, 57, 58, 69–70, 69–70, 82–83, 83, 111–112, 112; Umrao Jaan 36, 36; upper body see upper body gestures; Water Celery (Minari) 118, 118, 149, 149; The Wedding Banquet (Xiyàn) 34, 35, 99, 99, 100, 100, 103, 104, 110–111, 111; Yi Xian 25, 25, 26, 45, 45, 111, 111, 113 finger gestures, hand and 55, 55 finger heart gesture 12, 12–13, 144 fist 84–86, 85, 86 food gestures 100, 100; see also gestures Gangubai Kathiawadi 66, 66 gassho rei 19, 19–20 Gawne, L. 150 gestures 1; bird’s‑eye view 2–5; border‑crossing 12, 12–13; categories 150–151; continuum of 4; in digital age 139–140; division of labour 12, 12, 138; facial expressions 6; in film see film, gestures in; finger heart 12, 12; hierarchy through 9–10; nuances 15, 17; pragmatically deferential 7; prosody 5–6; temporality 44–45; see also non‑verbal communication; specific gestures

gifts: giving and receiving gesture 100–104, 101, 102, 104 Gisaengchung (Parasite) 40, 40, 56, 56, 61, 61, 81, 81, 118, 119, 119, 129, 130 The Glory (Deo Geullori) 40, 41, 41, 61, 62, 62, 63, 63, 72, 72, 113–114, 114 Hae‑jun, J. 153 haji 74 Hall, J. A. 4, 6 hand gestures 1, 84, 136n72; chopping 94; finger and 55, 55; hand over mouth gestures 79–82, 80–82; hands held together, in lap 89–93, 90–94; head to 36, 36–37; Indian communication 66–67; in Indonesia 76; inherence of 66; in mainland China 75; one/two 95–96; symbolic 19; vigorous 60; see also gestures hand heart gesture 145, 145 handshake 75–79, 76–79 Hanyeo (The Housemaid) 93, 94 harām 76 head gestures 20, 20–53; closing eyes and blinking 45–46; ear pulling and ear holding 37; eye gaze 38–45, 39–44; head to hand 20, 36, 36–37; hissing 51–53, 52; kiss 26–30; laughter 50–51; lowering head 45, 45; nodding 30–35, 32–35; no touching of 119; open mouth, sticking out tongue, and lip pointing 30; raised eyebrows 46; rolling both hands behind ears 37–38, 38; scratching 37; silence 53; slurping 48–50, 49; smile 21–26, 24–26; soft speaking 53; voice 46–47; whistling 47–48; winking 46 Heeojil Gyeolsim (Decision to Leave) 153, 153 Hinayana 18 hissing 51–53, 52 hiya 74 Hmong language 48 Hong, E.: The Power of Nunchi: The Korean Secret to Happiness and Success 136n76 Hong Kong gesture 17; beckoning 82; fist 85; food gestures 100; gift giving and receiving 103; handshaking 77; intimacy 107; nodding 33; touch 105, 105, 106; winking 46 honorifics 57, 124; Japanese gesture 7; and non‑verbal communication 24; normative 7

170 Index The Housemaid (Hanyeo) 93, 94 Huāyàng Niánhuá (In the Mood for Love) 105, 105, 106 human language, gesture in 3; future of 154–155 I Am Monk (Boku Wa Bousan) 19, 19 iconic gestures 2; see also gestures Indian gesture: ashirwad greeting 35, 36; chin grabbing/shaking 124; closing eyes and blinking 46; ear pulling and holding 37; exposing feet 130; hand 60, 60, 66; hand over mouth 79–81, 80; handshake 76, 76; head 35; head slap 80, 80; head‑to‑hand 20, 36; left hand 104–105; male‑female dynamics 76; mudras in 66–67; nodding 35; physical affection 122, 122; politeness 18; pressing palms 66, 66; rolling both hands behind ears 37–38; scratching head 37; skinship observable in 123; slap threat 120; touching heart 89; touching someone else’s feet 130, 130, 130–131, 131, 132; vigorous hand 60, 60; winking 46; wrist twisting 94 Indonesia gesture 74; beckoning 82; forehead‑to‑hand gesture 36; hand gesture 76, 94; temporality affects 44 Ineo Gongju (My Mother, the Mermaid) 48 intercultural gestures 2, 12, 150; see also gestures intimacy 7, 24, 38, 39, 46, 75, 88, 89, 95, 104, 105, 107–108, 113, 117, 120, 121 Island Etude (Liànxí Qǔ) 86, 86, 103 Jang, H. 5 Japanese gesture: affectionate touch 111, 112; arms 60; beckoning 82–83, 83; bowing 11, 65, 65, 67–70, 70, 71, 74, 86; chopping hand 94; crossing legs and kneeling 125, 126; Departures (Okuribito) 58, 59; drinking etiquette 98; exposing feet 128; eye gaze 44; feet 128; fist 84, 85, 85; food gestures 100; giving and receiving items and gifts 101, 101, 102; Hana ga Takai 88; hana sama 88; hand over mouth 79, 80, 82; hands held together 65, 89, 90, 91; honorifics 7; monks perform gassho rei 19, 19; palms of hands placed together 18; pointing 88–89; politeness 58; Role Identity 58; shoulders 56; silence 50; slurping 48–49, 49; smile 21; soft speaking 53; Tokyo Story 11, 56, 57, 58, 69, 69, 70; vigorous

movement 60–61; waving 86, 87, 87; whistling 47; see also East Asia Javanese culture 44 Jopok Manura (My Wife Is a Gangster) 129 Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham (Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness) 19, 19, 76, 80, 80, 122, 123, 130, 130, 131, 131, 132 Kadar, D. Z. 17 Kang, S. 5 Kanpai 98 Kaur, J. 124 kawaii 101 Kehua 48 Kendon, A. 1, 4 kenkyo 89 Kiaer, J. 4, 5; Emoji Speak 140; Pragmatic Particles 9; Translingual Words 135n67; Understanding Korean Film: A Cross‑Cultural Perspective 133n21 Kim, H. 51 Kim, L. 5; Understanding Korean Film: A Cross‑Cultural Perspective 133n21 kinesics, principles of 4 Kislenko, A. 64 kissing gestures 26–30 Kita, S. 87 Knapp, M. L. 4, 6 Korean gesture: arms 60–61; baekkopinsa bow 71; beckoning 82; bowing 11, 17, 63–65, 68, 69, 71; covering bare legs when sitting 127; crossing legs and kneeling 125; drinking gestures 97–98; exposing feet 128–130; eye gaze 38–40, 40, 41, 41; finger heart 12, 12; fist 85; food gestures 100; future context 149, 150, 153; gift giving and receiving 102–103; hand over mouth 79; hands held together 91; honorifics in 7; in‑law relations in 10; laughter 50–51; lowering head 45; manner legs 149; non‑verbal communication 65; patting and hitting 119–120, 123–124; scratching head 37; shoulders 56, 59; slurping 50; smile 21–23, 24; soft speaking 53; verbal communication 32; voice 47; whistling 47, 48; winking 46 kowtow 59, 68, 150 K‑pop 13, 82, 144 Lang Darma 30 laughter 50–51 left/right hand gestures 104–105

Index  171 Levinson, S. C. 7 Liànxí Qǔ (Island Etude) 86, 86, 103 lip pointing 20, 30 literacy 138; cultural 145; digital 141; social media 154; visual and interactive 139 Liu, E. M. 17 lower body gestures 124–132, 125; covering bare legs when sitting 127–128; crossing legs and kneeling 125–127, 126, 127; exposing feet 128–130, 130; feet 128; touching someone else’s feet 130, 130–132, 131, 132; touching things or gesturing using feet 132 lowering head gestures 45, 45 Lunar New Year 68 Machart, R. 17 Mahayana 18 mainland China gesture: beckoning 84; bowing 75; covers her face with scroll 44; crossing legs and kneeling 125, 127, 127; Cultural Revolution 33; eye gaze 43, 43; handshake 75–77; hands held together 92, 93; nodding 33–35, 75; patting and hitting 120; pointing 88; smile 21; touching the chest 89; winking 46; see also Chinese gesture Mandarin Chinese 8 mandate of heaven 17 The Man from Nowhere (Ajeossi) 117, 118 mano gesture 37 McCord, A. 67 McCulloch, G. 150 McNeill, D. 4 Mehrabian, A. 6 Meng, J. 17 meokbang 50 metaverse 15, 16, 137, 145 Mills, S. 17 Minari (Water Celery) 118, 118, 142, 148, 149, 149 mock impoliteness 47 monastic law 18 Mongolia 3 In the Mood for Love (Huāyàng Niánhuá) 105, 105, 106 mudras, in Indian gesture 66–67 Mūlasarvāstivāda 18 multi‑finger gestures 139 multimodal modulation hypothesis (MMH) 8 My Mother, the Mermaid (Ineo Gongju) 48 My Sassy Girl (Yeo‑pgijeogin Geunyeo) 52, 52, 78–79, 79, 97, 98

Myung‑seok, J. 39 My Wife Is a Gangster (Jopok Manura) 129 Nagwonui bam (Night in Paradise) 41, 41 namaste gesture 19, 19, 20, 30, 36, 64, 65 navigational gestures 139 Nazar Na Lage 38 neo‑Confucianism 29, 31, 33, 56, 59, 71, 81–82, 133n21, 149 Night in Paradise (Nagwonui bam) 41, 41 nodding 30–35, 32–35, 68, 69, 75 non‑verbal communication 1–4, 129, 141, 143, 145, 151, 154–155; Asian languages and cultures 9; behaviour 40, 152; complexities of 144; cultural differences 6–7, 144; division of labour 12, 12; expressions 32, 45, 46, 127; form of translanguage 66; gesture see gestures; honorifics and 24; Korean 65; power struggles 39, 46; see also verbal communication normative honorifics 7; see also honorifics North Korean gesture 144; nodding 30–33, 32, 35; see also East Asia no touching of head gestures 119 nunchi 136n76 ‘OK’ gesture 15, 33 Okuribito (Departures) 58, 59, 59, 65, 65, 70, 70, 84–87, 85, 87, 90, 90, 91, 101, 101, 102, 111–112, 112, 125, 126 Old Boy (Oldeuboi) 23, 24 A One and a Two (Yi Yi) 24–26, 25, 26, 45, 45, 111, 111, 113 Ong Bak 72, 72, 73, 73, 113, 113, 120, 120 online gestures matter 151–152 open mouth gestures 30 pagmamano gesture 37 Pakistani gesture 18; bowing 74; drinking gestures 99; ear pulling and holding 37; eye gaze 38, 39; head to hand 37; left/ right hand 104; patting and hitting 120, 121, 123; pointing with index finger 89; smile 23; winking 46 Parasite (Gisaengchung) 40, 40, 56, 56, 61, 61, 81, 81, 118, 119, 119, 129, 130 patting and hitting gestures 56, 119–124, 120–123 Philippines gesture 29; bowing 68, 74; crossing legs and kneeling 125; handshake 75; head to hand 37; hissing 51; laughter 50; lowering head 45; open mouth 30; soft speaking 53; touch 117, 117

172 Index pointing gestures see deictic gestures politeness strategy 6, 17–18, 22–23, 29, 51, 93–98, 100–101, 115, 120, 128, 129; bowing 63, 68, 71, 73; dynamism of 58; eye gaze 38–41, 43, 44; food sound gestures 50; handshake 76; Japanese ideas 57, 58; kissing 27–29; lowering head 45; normative 7; overt expression of 82; scratching head 37; slurping 48–49, 49; smile 21–24, 24; South Korea 73, 88–89, 92 pouring a drink for someone gestures 95, 95 Pragmatic Particles (Kiaer) 9 Pragmatics and Non‑verbal Communication (Wharton) 5 pragmatic synchrony 4 pressed palm gesture 66, 66 prosody 5–6, 46–47 Pyeongyang people 33 Respect for the Aged Day 57 respectful communication strategy 23 Role Identity 58 rolling both hands behind ears 37–38, 38 Ruyi’s Royal Love in the Palace (Rúyì Zhuàn) 127, 127 Samgang Oryun 32, 133n21 Sān Shēng Sān Shì Zhěn Shàng Shū (Three Lives Three Worlds, The Pillow Book) 43, 43, 44, 92, 93 Sarang‑ui Bulsichak (Crash Landing on You) 31, 32, 144 scratching gesture 37 Seo‑rae, S. 153 sharing memes and emojis, gestures 146 shoulders 56, 56–59, 57, 59 shuchi 74 silence 53 Singaporean gesture 17; arms 60; crossing legs and kneeling 125; drinking 98; handshake 76; hands held together 93, 93; laughter 50; left/right hand 104; touch 114–116, 116; touching things using feet 132 Sirois, M. L. 44 skinship 28, 105, 107, 109, 115, 117, 118, 122, 123, 123, 131 slurping 48–50, 49 smartphone gestures 137, 139; see also gestures smile 21–26, 24–26 social action 64

socio‑pragmatic gesture 9, 22, 23, 35, 37, 63, 82, 95, 96 soft speaking 53 Sometimes Happiness, Sometimes Sadness (Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham) 19, 19, 76, 80, 80, 122, 123, 130, 130, 131, 131, 132 South Asia 7, 23, 89, 136n82; see also Indian gesture; Pakistani gesture South Korean gesture 145; arms 60, 61, 61, 62, 62; baekkopinsa bow 71; bowing 63–64, 71, 72, 72, 73–75; couple outfits 26; crossed arms 63, 63; drinking gestures 97–98; exposing feet 128–130, 130; eye gaze 40, 40, 41, 41; fist gesture 85; food gestures 100; gift giving and receiving 100; hand over mouth 78, 79, 81, 81, 82; handshake 75, 77, 78; hands held together 91, 92, 93, 94; hissing 51–53, 52; keunjeol bow 71; kissing 26–30; laughter 50; left/right hand 104; money gesture 33, 33; nodding 30–33, 32, 35; patting and hitting 119–120, 123–124; pointing 88; politeness strategy 22–23; shoulders 56, 56; silence 53; slurping 50; smile 21–23, 24; thumbs‑up 3; touch 106, 106, 107, 108, 113, 114, 114, 117, 118, 118, 119; touching things using feet 132; waving 86; whistling 47, 48; see also East Asia sticking out tongue 30 sumbisori 48 Sung Hoon, J. 91, 92 Symbolic Interactionism (SI) 58 Taiwan gesture 17; beckoning 83, 84, 84; bowing 68, 73; clenched fist gesture 85; Confucianism 33–34; crossing legs and kneeling 125; drinking 96, 96, 97, 99, 99; eye gaze 42, 42; fist 85–86, 86; food‑related 74; gift giving and receiving 103, 104; handshake 75, 76, 77; holding bowl 100, 100; lowering head 45, 45; nodding 33–34, 34, 35; palm salute 77–78, 78; patting 120; pouring a drink for someone 95, 95; smile 24–25, 25, 26; touch 106, 107, 108, 108, 109, 109, 110, 110, 111, 132; winking 46; see also East Asia Tampopo (Dandelion) 48–49, 49 Tangqi Gongzi (Three Lives Three Worlds, The Pillow Book) 43, 43, 44, 92, 93 tap‑to‑wake gesture 139 Tengu 47

Index  173 Thailand gesture: bowing 64, 65, 67, 72, 72, 73; eye gaze 44; patting and hitting 120, 120; touch 113, 113; whistling 47 The Power of Nunchi: The Korean Secret to Happiness and Success (Hong) 136n76 Theravada 18 The Three Idiots 37 Three Lives Three Worlds, The Pillow Book (Tangqi Gongzi) 43, 43, 44, 92, 93 thumbs‑up gesture 3; see also gestures Tokyo Story (Tōkyō Monogatari) (Ozu) 11, 56, 57, 58, 69–70, 69–70, 82–83, 83, 111–112, 112 Tolle, S. 44 touch gestures 105, 105–119, 106–119 touching heart gestures 89 Tower of Babel 154 transcultural gestures 142–143 translingual gestures 142–143 Translingual Words (Kiaer) 135n67 transmedial gestures 142–143 transnational gestures 143–144 Travels in China (Barrow) 150 Tripitaka 18 Trudeau, J. 150 Tversky, B. 5 Umrao Jaan 36, 36 Understanding Korean Film: A Cross‑Cultural Perspective (Jieun and Kim) 133n21 upper body gestures 54–124, 54; arms 60–62, 60–62; beckoning 82–84, 83, 84; bowing 63–75, 65, 66, 69, 70, 72–74; brushing and washing 124; chin grabbing/shaking 124; chopping hand gesture 94; crossed arms 63, 63; drinking gestures 96, 96–99, 97–99; fist 84–86, 85, 86; food gestures 100, 100; gifts giving and receiving 100–104, 101, 102, 104; hand and finger 55, 55; hand over mouth 79–82, 80–82; handshake 75–79, 76–79; hands held together in lap 89–93, 90–94; left or right hand 104–105; no touching of head 119; one or two hands 95–96; patting and hitting 119–124, 120–123; pointing 87–89; pouring a drink for someone 95, 95; shoulders 56, 56–59, 57, 59; touch 105, 105–119, 106–119; touching heart 89; waving 86–87, 87; wrist twisting 94

verbal communication 1–5, 7–9, 15, 23, 24, 30, 61, 98, 101, 137, 146, 149, 151, 154; division of labour 12, 12; expression 32, 65; between two families, issues 129; see also non‑verbal communication verbal elements 1 Vietnamese gesture: beckoning 82; bowing 68, 74, 75; gift giving and receiving 102, 102; handshake 75; no touching of head 119; patting and hitting 120; pointing 89; smile 21; waving 87; wrist twisting 94 vinaya 18 voice 46–47 wai 64, 65 Wang, J. T. 17 Wang, L.: The Farewell 142 Water Celery (Minari) 118, 118, 149, 149 waving 86–87, 87 The Wedding Banquet (Xiyàn) 34, 35, 99, 99, 100, 100, 103, 104, 110–111, 111 West Asia 7; see also East Asia Wharton, T. 7; Pragmatics and Non‑verbal Communication 5 whistling 47–48 Wierzbicka, A.: Emotions Across Languages and Cultures 6 winking 46 Winter, B. 51 Wòhǔ Cánglóng (Crouching Tiger Hidden Dragon) 77–78, 78 wrist twisting gestures 94 Xīnbīng Zhèngzhuàn III: Wārénzhuàn (Ah Boys to Men 3: Frogmen) 61, 116, 116 Xiyàn (The Wedding Banquet) 34, 35, 99, 99, 100, 100, 103, 104, 110–111, 111 Yeo‑pgijeogin Geunyeo (My Sassy Girl) 52, 52, 78–79, 79, 97, 98 Yin Shí Nán Nǚ (Eat Drink Man Woman) 34, 34, 42, 42, 75, 76, 84, 84, 95, 95, 96, 96, 97, 97, 107, 107, 108, 108, 109, 109, 110, 110 Yi Yi (A One and a Two) 24–26, 25, 26, 45, 45, 111, 111, 113 Yobana 58 Zisi: Doctrine of the Mean 10