The Joys of Philology: Studies in Ottoman Literature, History and Orientalism (1500-1923): Orientalists, Travellers and Merchants in the Ottoman Empire, Political Relations Between Europe and the Porte 9781463225636

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T h e Joys of Philology: Studies in Ottoman Literature, History and Orientalism (1500-1923)

Analecta Isisiana: Ottoman and Turkish Studies

60

A co-publication with The Isis Press, Istanbul, the series consists of collections of thematic essays focused on specific themes of Ottoman and Turkish studies are brought together in Analecta Isisiana. These scholarly volumes address important issues throughout Turkish history, offering in a single volume the accumulated insights of a single author over a career of research on the subject.

The Joys of Philology: Studies in Ottoman Literature, History and Orientalism (1500-1923)

Orientalists, Travellers and Merchants in the Ottoman Empire, Political Relations Between Europe and the Porte

Jan Schmidt

The Isis Press, Istanbul

pre** 2010

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2010 by The Isis Press, Istanbul Originally published in 2002 All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of The Isis Press, Istanbul. 2010

o

ISBN 978-1-61719-108-4

Printed in the United States of America

ANALECTA ISISIANA LX

Jan SCHMIDT

THE JOYS OF PHILOLOGY. STUDIES IN OTTOMAN LITERATURE, HISTORY AND ORIENTALISM

(1500-1923)

Volume II Orientalists, Travellers and Merchants in the Ottoman Empire, Political Relations Between Europe and the Porte

THE ISIS PRESS ISTANBUL

Jan Schmidt, born in 1951 in Arnhem, the Netherlands, studied History and Middle Eastern Languages and Culture at Leiden University off and on between the years 1969 to 1985. He obtained his doctorate in 1992 upon publication of a dissertation in which he proposed a new interpretation of the magnum opus of Mustafa Ali of Gallipoli, Kunhu l-ahbar, written in the 1590s. The author taught, among other things, at secundary schools in the Netherlands, and was later Lecturer in Turkish and Ottoman Studies at Manchester University, England. He also did research work in the field of Ottoman linguistics, history, and literature for Leiden University, and is at present cataloguer of the Turkish manuscripts kept in the Leiden University Library. His interests cover a wide span of subjects, but is mainly focused on Ottoman history and literature as well as the contacts, political and cultural, between the Ottoman Empire and the West in the 16th to early 20th centuries.

CONTENTS

Part One. Orientalists 1.

2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

An Ostrich Egg for Golius; the John Rylands Library MS Persian 913 and the History of Early Modern Contacts between the Dutch Republic and the Islamic World Franz von Dombay and the Bosnian Border Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje in Istanbul, 1908 The Importance of the Siissheim Papers for Modern Turkish History Karl Siissheim and the Bavarian Postal Censorship During the First World War Franz Taeschner's Collection of Turkish Manuscripts in the Leiden University Library

9 75 153 181 197 237

Part Two. Travellers and Merchants in the Ottoman Empire 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Ottoman Hajj Manuals and the John Rylands Library MS Turkish 88 The Travel Notes of Dutch Pastor in Anatolia, 1717-1727 ... Dutch Merchants in 18th-century Ankara The Return Journey of Baron Van Dedem van de Gelder, Dutch Ambassador to the Sublime Porte, in 1793 Dutch Opium Dealers in the Levant, 1820-1945

269 279 301 329 399

Part Three. Political Relations between Europe and the Porte 1. 2. 3.

French-Ottoman Relations in the Early Modern Period and the John Rylands Library MSS Turkish 45 & 46 "Showing the Flag". The Dutch Navy in Ottoman Waters, 1875-1925 The Herklots Affair of 1893. A Case Study in Capitalism and Power Politics

417 475 551

1. AN OSTRICH EGG FOR GOLIUS. THE HEYMAN PAPERS PRESERVED IN THE LEIDEN AND MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES AND EARLY-MODERN CONTACTS BETWEEN THE NETHERLANDS AND THE MIDDLE EAST1

1. Introduction During cataloguing work on the Turkish collection of the John Rylands University Library at Manchester in 1995, my colleague Dr. Colin Imber mentioned to me the existence of a manuscript, a large volume containing various papers which, although shelved among the Persian collection, comprised letters in Turkish and even, interesting for a Dutchman like myself, glosses in Dutch. After a short search, the hefty manuscript was found and turned out to bear, strangely enough, the confusing press-mark 'Persian 913'. The contents of the manuscript at once proved to be fascinating. The chaotically bound papers of different quality, in various formats and with all kinds of texts, written, obviously, in many hands, contain texts in four languages, Arabic, Persian, Turkish, and Malay, often with added glosses and translations in many languages, transcribed Turkish and Dutch among them. It is preceded by a title in Latin which explains that the manuscript contains 183 letters in Arabic, Turkish and Persian by champion Arabists, among them Erpenius and Golius, to "very famous men in the whole Orient". As we will see below, this is a rather exaggerated but also deficient description of the contents. The names of Erpenius and Golius rang a bell. Thomas Erpenius (van Erpe, 1584-1624) and Jacob Golius (Gool, 1596-1667) were pioneering orientalists and professors at Leiden University. Aspects of their lives and intellectual activities are documented by a collection of letters kept in the Leiden University Library and described, partly edited and translated, by Martin Theodoor Houtsma in 1888.2 Consulting this collection, preserved as Cod.Or. 1228, I immediately saw that it was of the same format as our Rylands MS Persian 913 and preceded by a similar title page with an equally misleading description in Latin. Houtsma explains in the introduction to his edition that

1 It is a pleasure for me here to record my gratitude to the John Rylands Research Institute and the British Academy for funding the project which resulted in this article; I am also indebted to Professor Jan Just Witkam, Curator of the Oriental Manuscripts at the Leiden University Library, and Professor Alastair Hamilton of Leiden University for suggesting improvements. ^'Uit de Oostersche correspondentie van Th. Erpenius, Jac. Golius en Lev. Warner. Eene bijdrage tot de geschiedenis van de beoefening der Oostersche letteren in Nederland,' in Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen Afdeeling Letterkunde 17 (1888), 116 pp. (hereafter HOC).

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the Leiden manuscript was owned by Johannes Heyman (1667-1737), also a professor of Oriental languages at Leiden University. He in fact wrote the titles of both manuscripts and, probably had the papers bound. It was already known that Heyman had two volumes of these papers, but Houtsma suggested that they were afterwards bound into one volume, the Leiden MS Or. 1228.1 With the discovery of the Rylands manuscript, this explanation must be discarded. A second volume indeed did — and does — exist. Some of the papers found in both collections date from Heyman's lifetime and were probably collected during his travels in the Middle East (see below). The Rylands manuscript furthermore contains two documents written for his use 2 and the Leiden manuscript comprises a translation into Arabic of the Dutch Reformed Protestant Catechism written by him.3 How he obtained papers once belonging to his predecessors in the chair of Oriental studies in Leiden is unknown. The Leiden manuscript was bought by the Leiden University Library from the estate of Jan Jacob Schultens (1716-78)4 at an auction in 1780. 5 The Rylands manuscript once belonged to the Iranist and book collector Nathaniel Bland (1803-65), whose Oriental manuscripts came into the possession of the John Rylands Library in 1903-4. How Schultens and Bland obtained the manuscripts is unknown. The discovery of the Rylands manuscript now makes it possible for the first time to give a more complete picture of the aspects of early modern scholarly, political and commercial contacts between, in particular, Holland and the Middle East, as highlighted by the Heyman papers, than Houtsma had been able to do in the 19th century. In the following I aim to do this by analysing the contents of both manuscripts. 2. Contents of the Leiden and Manchester manuscripts The contents of both manuscripts can be roughly divided into four categories: I.

Original copies of documents issued by governments and institutions II. Personal papers once in the possession of Scaliger, Erpenius and Golius III. Personal papers once in the possession of Paul Maashoek IV. Varia l

HOC, p. 4. These are two letters of safe-conduct in Turkish with the cipher (tugra) of Sultan Ahmed III issued on the request of the Dutch envoy Jacob Colyer to Heyman for his travels in the Middle East, cf. the descriptions in my forthcoming Catalogue, Nos. 55-6 and 57-8, as well as below. The first is dated mid-March 1704 and concerns a journey to Jerusalem and Egypt; the second is dated mid-September 1707 and refers to travel to Egypt, Aleppo and Damascus. 3 NO. 164, 32 folios; it bears the title Kitab Dalil ila i'tiqad al-masihi. ^He was professor of Oriental Languages at Leiden University from 1749; cf. for biographical data Jan Nat, De studie van de oostersche talen in Nederland in de 18e en 19e eeuw (Purmerend, 1929), pp. 66-73. ^A.J. van der Aa et. al., Biographisch Woordenboek der Nederlanden (Haarlem, without date) XVII, p. 531; cf. Three Centuries Legatum Warnerianum in the Leiden University Library (Leiden, 1970), G.W.J. Drewes, The Legatum Warnerianum (pp. 1-31), p. 29. 2

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Of the first category (I), the Rylands manuscript contains 49 specimens, 43 in Turkish and six in Arabic. These have their origin in the Ottoman Empire and Morocco and date from the late 16th to early 18th centuries. They are described in detail in my Catalogue and I will not give more details at this point. The Leiden manuscript contains 23 items of this type: three in Arabic, one in Persian and 16 in Turkish; 1 they are described in the first volume of my Catalogue of the Turkish manuscripts in the Netherlands. 2 The type of document varies from official letters issued by the Porte, its dependencies and the Moroccan Sultans: from fermans (Sultanic 'orders') and letters of appointment (berats) to officials or subjects, extracts of court cases to letters of liberation ('itiknames), certificates issued by governors of religious endowments (vakfo), and legal opinions (fetvas). The documents are both original copies and, to a lesser extent, copies made by Erpenius, Golius and the copyists they employed (see below). As is to be expected, quite a few documents concern the affairs of the Dutch Republic and its subjects, including, as seen above, the original owners of these documents. (Another interesting item of this last category is letter f. 28 of the Rylands manuscript, a legal certificate dated 1636 concerning the seizure of a chest of porcelain cups purchased by Golius in the Levant.) Of the second category (II), the Rylands manuscript contains 73 specimens, seven of which belong to the Erpenius and 66 to the Golius collection — these are listed in my Catalogue and in more detail below. The Leiden manuscript has 88 items, one of which is a letter to Josephus Justus Scaliger (1540-1609), professor of Roman History and Antiquities at Leiden from 1593, six belong to the Erpenius papers and 81 to the Golius collection. These are listed in Houtsma's edition.3 The papers of this category are almost all written in Arabic. The third category (III) needs some explanation. Paul Maashoek was a Dutch merchant and entrepreneur who lived in Aleppo and Acre. Heyman probably met him in 1708 and he must have been able to obtain Maashoek's papers, or at least the part of them preserved in our two manuscripts, on that occasion. 4 Nearly all of the Maashoek papers are found in the Rylands manuscript, 52 letters in all, mostly in Arabic, except three, which are written in Turkish. These are listed in my Catalogue. The Leiden manuscript contains five items,5 only one of which contains Maashoek's name. 6 ^Nos. 76 (in Arabic); 148 (in Persian); 131, 135, 137-42, 145, 165-171 (in Turkish). Catalogue of Turkish Manuscripts in the Library of Leiden University and Other Collections in the Netherlands Comprising the Acquisitions of Turkish Manuscripts in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Leiden 2000), pp. 521-33; see also HOC, pp. 115-6 (only of category II). 3 HOC,pp. 115-6. 4 Cf. K. Heeringa, Bronnen tot de geschiedenis van den Levantschen handel II (The Hague, 1917), pp. 264, 3945, 434; Johannes Wilhelmus Heyman, Reizen door een gedeelte van Europa, klein Asien etc. gedaan door Johan Aegidius van Egmond van der Nyenburg en... Johannes Heyman I (Leiden, 1757), p. 411; II (Leiden, 1758), pp. 6, 14; for more details, see below. 5 Nos. 124-6,129, 146. 6 NO. 126. 2

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The fourth and last category (IV) comprises texts in various languages and of a widely varying character. These include calligraphic exercises, poems, letters, fragments of literary prose, pious formulae, recipes, talismanic notes, lists of Sultans, annotations of various nature etc. in Arabic, Persian and Turkish. The Rylands manuscript contains 19 items of this category, described in my Catalogue, the Leiden manuscript 41. 1 To the more substantial items of this category belong, apart from Heyman's Catechism, a long letter by Johannes Komos to the Duke Ernest the Pious of Sachsen-Gotha (four folios), found in the Leiden manuscript;2 a copy in Malay of a contract between the Dutch Governor of the East Indies, Antonio van Diemen, and the Sultan of Ternate (six folios), and a draft copy of an Arabic encyclopaedia of medicine in tabular form with interlinear Latin translations, probably by Golius (eleven folios), both in the Rylands manuscript.3 In the following, I will concentrate my attention on categories II and III, which is the main source for our subject.

3. The background The late decades of the 16th and early ones of the next, 17th century, witnessed an unparalleled flourishing of Oriental studies in the Netherlands. The development of economic and diplomatic contacts between the Dutch Republic and, firstly Morocco, and soon afterwards, the Ottoman Empire, came in the wake of a marked increase of Dutch navigation into the Mediterranean area from the late decades of the 16th century onwards. The previous century had seen an impressive expansion of the Ottoman Empire in North Africa and the Balkans which was felt both as a threat by Catholic Europe and as an opportunity by the Protestant nations. The first official treaties between the Islamic world and Holland came into being in 1610 and 1612, granted by, respectively, Morocco (the Sa'did sultans), and the Ottoman Empire. By then, the study of Islamic languages, particularly of Arabic, but also of Persian and Turkish, was no longer exclusively regarded as a suspicious activity but increasingly valued as useful by scholars, merchants and politicians. The knowledge of the Islamic languages was particularly felt to be helpful in the propagation of the Christian (Protestant) faith; in the unification of the western and eastern churches; the discovery of yet unknown Classical scientific texts through Arabic translations; a better understanding of the more obscure religious Hebrew texts; and, last but not least, in understanding documents in Oriental languages and conversations with envoys and officials from North Africa and the Middle East. A pivotal role in this ^Nos. 1-9, 11, 12, 15, 18-20, 24, 28, 35, 55, 56, 69, 73, 87, 88, 127, 132, 147, 149-157, 161-4, 172. 2 Cf. HOC, p. 116; Wilhelmina Maria Cornelia Juynboll, Zeventiende-eeuwsche beoefenaars van het Arabisch in Nederland (Utrecht, 1931), p. 173. 3 Ff. 62-7 and 74-84; see also my Catalogue.

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development was played, as far as the Netherlands were concerned, by Leiden University. Key figures who taught there were Scaliger, Erpenius — he was the first to occupy a newly created chair of Oriental languages — and his successor Golius. They were successful because they were (apart from being very clever and hard-working men) able to do what few of their colleagues were able to at that time, namely to collect a substantial number of texts1 as well as to edit and translate them and publish them in printed editions. (For a long period Leiden was the only town in north-western Europe which had a printing press within its walls which could print Arabic type. One such press belonged to Erpenius and was set up in his house.)2 At the end of the 16th century, the scholarly world was all but completely bereft of even such essential tools as grammars and dictionaries of Oriental languages. Much of Erpenius's and Golius's energies indeed were spent on creating such tools. Apart from scholarly work, all three professors were busy as interpreters and translators, particularly for the States-General at The Hague. They entertained personal contacts with a number of Moroccans and Ottomans, Muslims, Jews and Christians. Golius also travelled in Morocco and the Middle East. These personal contacts with 'Orientals' is what is most strikingly represented in our collections of papers preserved in both the Leiden and the Manchester manuscripts. I will first turn my attention to what one could call the Erpenius papers.

3. The Erpenius papers If we take stock of these papers,3 we find the following. The Leiden manuscript contains one letter from Erpenius to William Bedwell (No. 164); three letters from Abudacnus (Yusuf b. Abu Daqan) to Erpenius (Nos. 305

Scaliger's collection of manuscripts was bequeathed to the Leiden University Library; Erpenius's collection was sold by his widow to George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, in 1625 and is now kept in the Cambridge University Library, cf. J.C.T. Oates, The Manuscripts of Thomas Erpenius (Melbourne, 1974); Golius's collection was partly collected for the Leiden University Library and partly for his private library; this second lot was sold at an auction by his sons in 1696 and for the greater part bought by Narcissus March, Archbishop of Armagh, and are now preserved in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, cf. J. J. Witkam, Jacob Golius (15961667) en zijn handschriften (Leiden, 1980). 2 S e c for more details: John A. Lane, R. Breugelmans & Jan Just Witkam, The Arabic type specimen ofFranciscus Raphelengius's Plantinian Printing Office (1595) (Leiden, 1997). 3 In the following, numbered items refer to letters of the Leiden manuscript; folio numbers refer to (foliated) items of the Rylands manuscript. ^Written at Paris, 14.9.1608; printed and translated in HOC, pp. 6-9; a facsimile occurs in J. Brugman and F. Schroder, Arabic Studies in the Netherlands (Leiden, 1979), plate IV, cf. pp. 56. 5 At London, 8.7.1611; printed and translated in HOC, pp. 13-4.

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40 1 , 1282); one letter by Ahmad b. Qasim al-Andalusi to Erpenius (No. 1143) and another letter from Erpenius to the same (No. It also contains a letter by Abudacnus to Scaliger (No. 85 s ). The Rylands manuscript contains one further letter from Erpenius to William Bedwell, written at Saumur on April 1, 1610 (f. 98). It also contains three letters by Samuel Everwijn to Erpenius (ff. 68-9, 85-6, 99), dated, respectively, 7.7.1623, May 1623 and early winter 1623. There is an undated letter by Jacob Beekman (also spelt Beeckman) to Erpenius (ff. 70-1), another undated letter by Ahmad b. Qasim al-Andalusi to Erpenius (ff. 87-8), and an undated anonymous letter in the handwriting of Erpenius (f. 72). The oldest personal letter in our collection probably — it is undated — was the one by Yusuf Abu Daqan, also known in Europe as Josephus Abudacnus or Barbatus, to Scaliger (No. 85). Abudacnus was a Copt from Cairo who converted to Catholicism and spent most of his life in Europe earning a living as interpreter and teacher of Arabic. 6 Apart from Arabic — his knowledge of the written language was rather limited — he also knew a smattering of other languages. In the letter to Scaliger he tried to solicit an invitation to Leiden, but confessed that his knowledge of Arabic was limited. Abudacnus also wrote three letters to Erpenius, all preserved in the Leiden manuscript. Erpenius 7 who matriculated as student at Leiden University in 1602 when he was only nine years old and followed courses in philosophy and theology, travelled to England and France during 1608-11 to further his studies. He met Abudacnus in Paris, where he, Erpenius, studied Arabic with the famous Hellenist and Director of the Royal Library, Isaac Casaubon, and Stephanus Hubertus (Etienne Hubert). With Abudacnus he was able to expand his still limited (and bookish) knowledge of the language. Another correspondent of Erpenius was William Bedwell (1563-1636),8 the 'Father of Oriental Studies in England' and 'a centre of pilgrimage for

'At Antwerp, October 1613; printed and translated in HOC, pp. 17-8. ^Undated, but precedes No. 40; briefly mentioned in HOC, p. 18. ^Written at Amsterdam, 16.6.1613; printed and translated in HOC, pp. 20-1; a facsimile, erroneously numbered as 32, occurs in G.A. Wiegers, A learned Muslim Acquaintance of Erpenius and Golius: Ahmad b. Kasim al-Andalusi and Arabic Studies in the Netherlands (Leiden, 1988), p. 83, as well as an English translation, pp. 55-6. At Paris, September 1611; brief description in HOC, p. 24. The letter is anonymous but is most probably directed to Ahmad b. Qäsim, cf. Wiegers, A Learned Muslim, p. 62, rather than to Bedwell as Alastair Hamilton has suggested, cf. his William Bedwell the Arabist 1563-1632 (Leiden 1985), p. 33. Copied by Erpenius and furnished with a Latin translation, cf. HOC, p. 15, n. 2. 6 For a biography, see Alastair Hamilton, 'An Egyptian Traveller in the Republic of Letters: Josephus Barbatus or Abudacnus the Copt', in Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes LVII (1994), pp. 123-50; see also by the same, William Bedwell, pp. 34-7. 7 For his biography, see Juynboll, Beoefenaars, pp. 59-118. %or his biography, see the aforementioned studies by Hamilton.

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European students.' 1 Erpenius met him in London in September 1608, probably with a letter of introduction from Scaliger who stimulated Erpenius to devote himself to the study of Oriental languages. Bedwell thus became Erpenius's first teacher of the Arabic language, albeit for only a brief period until January 1609, when he moved to France. In his three letters to Bedwell, Erpenius expressed his gratitude to his former teacher. In September 1609 he wrote from Paris in Arabic, which was, he confessed, still imperfect and he begged his former teacher to correct his mistakes. He also wrote about his collection of three printed Arabic books and thanked Bedwell for sending him his transcription of three suras of the Koran accompanied by his commentary which he intended to have printed in Paris.2 In a second letter, preserved in the Rylands manuscript, and dated 16 Muharram 1019 (10.4.1610) 3 , Erpenius complained — Bedwell had the reputation of being a bad correspondent — that he had not heard from his teacher for a year. "I was grieved, particularly when I heard that the reason for this was your illness. Some days ago I heard that you had a severe fever... It was God's will, whom I will ask to restore your health... " Erpenius mentioned that he was living in Saumur, where he studied at the (Protestant) Academy. "[It is] a small town 4 where no-one except me knows Arabic." He continued to explain what he had been reading: the grammars of Arabic (Grammatica Arabica) by Guilielmus Postellus (of 1538) and that by Ruthger Spey compendium Grammatices Arabicae, of 1583),5 both in Latin, and two of the few standard texts on the language then available, as well as two works on the language in Arabic. He found these works confusing and contradictory. His reading at this period indeed inspired him — Casaubon encouraged him in this — to write his own Grammatica Arabica, which was finished in Paris by 1611.6 It was printed in Leiden in 1613 and remained the standard grammar until the early 19th century. 7 Erpenius also requested Bedwell's advice on his further reading and informed him that he was busy reading Classical authors. "I have now with me all Arabic books that have been translated into Latin, except for Euclid's, as well as the Book of Prayers (as-Salawat) in Syriac script. Apart from these I have some manuscripts, among these the Koran, 8 and the Kitab al-amthal (Book of

1

Hamilton, William Bedwell, p. 14. For details, see HOC, pp. 32-3. ^The date of 1 April 1610, probably written by Golius, occurs at the top; this is of course the same date but according to the unreformed, Julian, calendar. ^The words "small town" were erased. Hamilton, William Bedwell, p. 13. 2

£

Cf. Juynboll, Beoefenaars, pp. 63-4. Cf. A.J. Drewes, Erpenius over werkwoorden (Leiden, 1969), p. 8. 8 The manuscript was seen by Ahmad b. Qasim In Leiden in 1613, cf. Wlegers, A Muslim, pp. 58, 59. 7

Learned

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Proverbs) by Abu 'Ubayd. 1 " It is known that Casaubon owned a comparable (anonymous2) work with a Latin translation, but that he had it re-translated by Scaliger. The latter was not able to finish this task before his death, when it was taken over by Erpenius.3 It was published as Proverbiorum Arabicorum centuriae duae in Leiden in 1614. 4 The anonymous letter of the Rylands manuscript, an obviously incomplete draft in Erpenius's handwriting, also mentions this work. The addressee, a former teacher of the writer, had copied, or had commissioned to copy, this Book of Proverbs for him. The copy however, entrusted to a befriended physician (tabib) called 'Assalinaw', had not arrived. The writer also requested the addressee to copy for him "that Ethiopian book" (dhalika l-kitab l-Habashi) that he had seen with "a certain person" (fulan). We know that Erpenius took lessons in Ethiopian in Venice in 16112 5 and later worked on a grammar of that language, which however was never published.6 Another 'Oriental' correspondent was Ahmad b. Qasim al-AndalusI (alHajari), a Moroccan (Morisco) scholar and translator — he was interpreter at the court of the Sa'did Sultan Mulay Zaydan (ruled 1603-27) — whom Erpenius met in Conflans near Paris through Hubertus. 7 The latter probably knew Ahmad from the Sa'did court where Hubertus had been physician. 8 Ahmad was in France in order to try to get compensation for a number of Moriscos who had been robbed on board French ships while en route from Spain to Morocco. He later visited Holland when he was on his way home and while there, stayed for a while in Erpenius's house in Leiden. He was also received by the Stadtholder, Prince Maurits, in The Hague. 9 In the letter of September 1611, preserved in the Leiden manuscript, Erpenius expresses his debt to his teacher who, unlike other Arabs, had been able to teach him a lot. He then asks him to explain in Spanish the meaning of some words and expressions found in the Koran. In the letter to Erpenius, preserved in the Leiden manuscript, and written from Amsterdam in 1613, Ahmad informed Erpenius that he as well as his five companions had succeeded in obtaining ' c.f. Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Literatur (2nd ed. 2 vols. Leiden, 1943-9; suppl. (S) 3 vols. Leiden 1937-42) (hereafter GAL), I, p. 107. The work was edited and translated into Latin in 1836. 2 Cf. Johann Fück, Die arabischen Studien in Europa bis an den Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1955), p. 61. 3 Cf. Juynboll, Beoefenaars, pp. 65-6. 4 Cf. Juynboll, Beoefenaars, p. 66. ^Juynboll, Beoefenaars, p. 69. ^Juynboll, Beoefenaars, p. 111. 7 For his biography, see Wiegers, A Learned Muslim; see also the introduction to Ahmad alQäsim's autobiography edited and translated by P. S. van Koningsveld, Q. al-Samarrai and G. A. Wiegers: Ahmad ibn Qäsim al-Hajari, Kitäb Näsir a-Din 'alä 'l-Qawm al-Käfirln (The Supporter of Religion against the Infidel) (Madrid, 1997). 8 Cf. Wiegers, A Learned Muslim, p. 40, n. 111. 9 For Ahmad's 'Dutch period1, see also his memoirs mentioned earlier, p. 194 ff.

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some money in France with which they had bought clothes and were able to support themselves while travelling. The third, Rylands letter, probably written from Morocco — it is directed in Spanish to "monsuor arpenios flamenco" — is again of a scholarly character. Indeed, both in France and later in Leiden Erpenius had "frequent discussions" about religion with Ahmad. 1 In it, Ahmad responds to a letter by Erpenius on the value of learning {Him) in the Islamic tradition, the qualities of the Arabic language, and the interpretation of certain Koranic expressions. A number of important works on grammar and rhetoric are mentioned. A last group of letters, all written in a rather clumsy voweled naskhi and preserved in the Rylands manuscript were written by Erpenius's students to their former teacher. Three of these were written by the theologian Samuel Everwijn (1601-31) 2 in Latin and Arabic, the fourth by Jacob Beekman (or Beeckman, 1590-1629), who studied in Leiden between 1609-10 and later became director of the Latin School at Rotterdam.3 The letters by Everwijn — I will only discuss the Arabic parts here — were all written from Sedan ("Sedani") in the year before Erpenius's death, 1623. The first, dated May 1623, was hurriedly sent by the courier ( r a s u t ) departing for Leiden and written in Arabic for the sake of his "Arabic studies," although he did not reckon himself to be a real scholar. Everwijn then expresses his gratitude for Erpenius's "friendship" and "goodness." He also refers to the "book of Lodewijk bin Kappel" and asks whether he had accepted it. Ludovicus Capellus (1586-1658) taught Hebrew at the Saumur Academy and wrote a study on the problems of the voweling of Biblical Hebrew texts. 4 The book was to be printed by Erpenius in 1624 with a preface in his own hand. In this context Everwijn asks Erpenius about the meaning of a number of words about which he was uncertain. He also writes that he will send the "originals" ( u s i i l i ) , probably his copy of the work, to him. The following passage mentions some contemporary events: the death of the mayor of the town where he resides and episodes of the Thirty Years War: the occupation of ' F r a n k e n d a l ' (Frankenthal5) by the King of Castille; and the gradual conquest of the towns

' c f . Wiegers, A Learned Muslim, pp. 50, 58. "He is not mentioned in Juynboll's Beoefenaars as one of Erpenius's students. Cf. Nieuw Nederlandsch Biografisch Woordenboek (NNBW) I, p. 838. He began his studies at Leiden University in 1619 and was later pastor in Gouda and Dordrecht. 3 Juynboll, Beoefenaars, p. 199; NNBW VII, pp. 88-9; Klaas van Berkel, Isaac van Berkel (1588-1637) en de mechanisering van het wereldbeeld (Amsterdam, 1983), p. 13, passim. See also Peter T. van Rooden, Theology, Biblical Scholarship and Rabbinical Studies in the Seventeenth Century. Constantijn VEmpereur (1591-1648) Professor of Hebrew and Theology at Leiden (Leiden, New York etc., 1989), p. 42. Before he came to Leiden, Beekman had studied Hebrew in Amsterdam. ^Juynboll, Beoefenaars, p. 103; Van Rooden, Theology, p. 222 ff. town near Mannheim; it was besieged by Spanish troops for thirteen weeks during 1623 before it was left to the care of the Brussels government, cf. Johann Heinrich Zedier, Grosses vollständiges Universal-Lexicon 9 (1735), p. 1715.

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of Bohemia "by the enemy"; "the war against us has become increasingly vehement." Finally he greets Erpenius from Capellus (with whom he corresponded) and writes in the concluding compliments that he "will be seriously ill until I shall see you again." Erpenius apparently was slow to respond. "I was greatly and repeatedly surprised by your silence," Everwijn wrote on July 7. "But then I received your letter and was glad." He had begun to read through Erpenius's 'Thesaurus of Arabic Words' {Khazanat kalimat lisan al-'Arab) and was deeply impressed by his master's great knowledge. The work was probably a draft of the dictionary on which Erpenius was working. It was never finished. 1 "Your name will be famous from the West to the people of the East," Everwijn added. Finally, he conveyed greetings from Pierre de Moulin ("Petrus b. Mulin"), Calvinist pastor at Paris,2 and Capellus. In the third letter, written in early winter 1623, Everwijn again sings the praises of his former teacher. "I often wonder why you wished to teach us and why you never chastised me," he wonders. He also told Erpenius that he had written to Capellus who had been pleased to hear from him, Erpenius. "I profoundly thank you for your friendship and your goodness on my behalf [arousing] my desire to [learn] Arabic..." Equally laudatory is Jacob Beekman's undated letter to Erpenius who succeeded in teaching him Arabic "as if I were the only one among the inmates of your house and among your friends." He also thanks him for having recommended him to an "eminent man" in a foreign town. Thereupon he proffers his excuses for not having been able to finish his task. In Leiden he had been given one of Erpenius's books "that describes the doctrine of the faith (i'tiqad al-amanat)" in order to write a commentary on it in Latin. Beekman however had been unable to read it. He also asks Erpenius to correct his letter and to return the improved version. Finally, he offers greetings to Erpenius, his parents, friends, and, curiously, "the two Arabs if they are still with you." One of these might well have been Ahmad b. Qasim, the other his servant. "When I wrote this letter," Beekman continued, "our father told us that your sister died before you had reached her, could see her and speak to her... This saddened me. I was also deeply moved because of your illness, that of your parents and brother-in-law who was married to my paternal aunt; we must say to this that it has been God's will..." Erpenius died of the plague on 13 November 1624.

'A copy of this draft is kept in the Leiden University Library, Cod.Or. 1649, cf. Juynboll, Beoefenaars, pp. 107-8. 2 Cf. Juynboll, Beoefenaars, p. 94.

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5. The Golius papers Jacob Golius1 succeeded Erpenius in the chair of Oriental languages in 1625. (In 1629 he was also appointed Professor of Mathematics.) Born in The Hague in 1596, he matriculated at Leiden University in 1612, where he studied mathematics and science until 1616. During 1618-1621, he also studied Oriental languages under Erpenius. In 1621 he travelled to France to further his studies and from 1622-1624 he accompanied a Dutch mission to Morocco as engineer. Its task was to study the feasibility of building a harbour on the Atlantic coast which would protect Dutch shipping against plundering corsairs. (The project came to nothing.) Soon after his appointment at Leiden, Golius travelled for the University to Aleppo where he purchased manuscripts and was employed as chancellor at the Dutch consulate. In 1627 he moved on to Istanbul, where he stayed as a guest of the first Dutch envoy to the Porte, Cornelus Haga, and was able to obtain more manuscripts. He died in 1667. Golius's contacts with 'Orientals' and manuscript-collecting activities — most of these contacts were in fact entertained for the purpose of adding to his collection — are, not unexpectedly, the main themes encountered in this, most voluminous, part of the Heyman collection. (A detailed survey of the Golius papers, both in the Leiden and Manchester manuscripts, is found in the Appendix, below.)

(I) Moroccan

correspondents

Like Erpenius before him, Golius made the acquaintance of Ahmad b. Qasim al-Andalusi. During the period of Golius's mission to Morocco, Ahmad was secretary to Sultan Mulay Zaydan and acted as interpreter for the Dutch.2 Two of his letters to Golius survive. Both deal with the acquisition of manuscripts. The first of 12 RabV al-Awwal 1033 (2 February 1624) and kept in the Rylands manuscript, was written to Golius from Marrakesh. The latter was staying most of the time in Safi (Safi, Asfi) on the Atlantic coast. Responding to a letter received from Golius, Ahmad asks why he, Golius, did not mention the Kitab al-Musta 'inv> which he had copied for him. "I took many pains completing it," he wrote to Golius, "as you will see from the translations in it. I translated most non-Arabic ('ajamt) specialist terms so that you can understand them. I also checked another copy and made additions to the copy of our friend the physician and on the basis of both of them we corrected your copy." After having asked Golius's opinion on two questions 'See for his biography, Juynboll, Beoefenaars, pp. 119-83. Wiegers, A Learned Muslim, p. 64. 3 A work on medicine, other copies of which do not seem to exist, by Yunus b. Ishaq b. Buklarish al-Isra'ili, cf. Wiegers, A Learned Muslim, p. 66. The full title mentioned in the MS (f. lb) is Kitab al-Musta'ini fi mufradati t-tibbiya. 2

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related to the Creation and man's role in it, he continues to state that the country of origin of the writer is Andalusia rather than the Maghrib as Golius had suggested. From the second letter, kept in the Leiden manuscript and written a month later, it is clear that Golius had received the manuscript and was pleased with it. According to Ahmad, the copy owned by the physician was four centuries old and a very rare work. The copy which Golius received, and which is kept in the Leiden University Library (Cod.Or. 15), rather surprisingly in the light of what is said above, consists of a mixture of older parts and newer ones written by Ahmad b. Qasim. It also contains glosses in Spanish. 1 It looks as if it had been bound afterwards, alternating leaves from the older manuscript owned by the physician with those from the copy made by Ahmad b. Qasim. The letter also makes clear that another manuscript, a copy of the Murudj al-Dhahab by al-Mas'udl obtained by Ahmad, was stolen on its way to Safi. Another Moroccan acquaintance of Golius was a certain Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Kabir al-Bizkarya al-Idrisi who lived at Mogadon 2 He was useful to Golius as an informant in matters historiographic and lexicographic. In the letter edited and translated by Houtsma (No. 121) which was directed by Golius to Ahmad — it was probably written in the winter of 1649-50 — the former reminds the latter of his previous requests and asks him to contact him, if necessary, through the Dutch merchant Johan Steen3 at Safi. In another letter (No. 95), Golius asked him to send histories of the Maghrib to him as well as information about the names of local plants and trees. Ahmad apparently had already sent him four packets with specimens of herbs accompanied by four folders, each of which contained 25 sheets of paper with their names. Golius, in return, sent Ahmad a chest with cloves and a copy of the Old Testament. Golius's interest in these botanical phenomena resulted in an unpublished lexicographical work called Cornucopiae Naturae et Artis, at present preserved in the Bodleian Library. 4 A h m a d also informed Golius about local commodities useful for the trade with Holland. In other letters, Golius requested Ahmad to look out for manuscripts on the biography of Timur (cf. below) and the Geography of al-Idrisi. 5 In one of the Rylands letters, f. 89 (dated 2 Dhu 1-qa'da, 8.11.1649), Golius wrote that he had seen Johan Steen in Amsterdam, but that the latter meanwhile had returned to Safi. He instructed Ahmad to hand the things he intended to send to him, Golius, to the Dutch

' c f . Wiegers, A Learned, Muslim, p. 66. Cf. HOC, p. 44. 3 Heeringa mentions a skipper of Vlaardingen with the same name who was active in the Leghorn (Livorno) trade during the 1620s and 1630s, cf. Bronnen I, pp. 96, 547 and 1029. 4 Cf. Juynboll, Beoefenaars, p. 154. 5 Cf. HOC, p. 46. This was the Nuzhat al-mushtäq by Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Idrisi (d. 560/1165), cf. the article by G. Oman in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. (EI2). It was first printed in Rome in 1592 and first translated into Latin in 1619. 2

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merchant who would pay him fair prices. In the second, undated, Rylands letter (f. 90), Golius also instructed him to look out for local seeds. He also informed Ahmad that a certain Jan (or Jean) Gaston had promised him to try to obtain "Histories of the Maghrib" ( a t - T a w á r í k h al-Maghribiya) through a contact in Salé (Silá). From the letters preserved in the Rylands manuscript, it is clear that Ahmad also visited Holland where most of the time he seems to have lived in a house owned by a "French woman" ( d a r imra'a Franslsa),1 and is, I suspect, identical with a figure called Hajj Ahmad to whom many letters in the Leiden manuscript have been attributed by Houtsma (see below). In one of the letters attributed to the latter, there is again a reference to the herbs he had sent to Golius. Although he had been asked to give information on the name of one herb (or plant, 'ushb), he excused himself by writing that he, not being an expert botanist, had long since forgotten about such things, although in the past he had made great efforts in acquiring and labelling plants for Golius. 2 Letters by both Ahmads — if indeed there were two of them — are written in a similar, ugly and often careless and hardly readable maghribi script and in a coarse and sometimes confusing style. The three (undated) letters in the Rylands manuscript which bear the full name of Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Kablr all deal with attempts to return to Safi. In the first (f. 97), he complains that he had not heard from Golius although he had sent him two letters about a possible passage. "I wrote you to write to your friends here in Amsterdam who had informed you about this ship that was about to depart for the Barbary lands." Meanwhile he had gone to Amsterdam "and I asked people about ships, but none of the Jewish merchants knew anything about this ship your friend informed you about." He was also in contact with a Jew called Isháq az-Zabd (or az-Zubd, or Zabld or Zubayd, cf. f. 90), 3 one of whose ships had arrived from Salé in Morocco. He intended to despatch another one which might obtain cargo in the following week but would not leave before three weeks. "Balyásh" (Palache, also spelt Pallache)4 and his nephew ("son of his sister")

' c f . letters No. 25 and ff. 125-6; there is a further specification of the quarter and the location, but these are incomprehensible to me. ^Letter No. 110. 3 Cf. HOC, p. 44. ^The Palaches, Samuel (d. 1616) and his brother Moses acted as agents for the Moroccan Sultans in Holland, cf. Juynboll, Beoefenaars, pp. 52-3, but a recent study on Samuel shows that he also served as an agent for the Spanish crown, see Mercedes García-Arenal & Gerard Wiegers, Entre el Islam y Occidente; Vida de Samuel Pallache, judio de Fez (Madrid 1999); a certain Isaac Palache is known as bookseller in Amsterdam, cf. Van Rooden, Theology, p. 101. Documentation on members of this extended family active in Holland is found in Henri de Castries, Les sources inédites de l'histoire du Maroc (6 vols. Paris & The Hague, 1906-23), see index in Vol. 6; Heeringa, Bronnen, I, pp. 1107, 1109, 1110. Cf. also D.M. Schwetschinski, "Tussen middeleeuwen en Gouden Eeuw", p. 96, in J.M.C. Blom et al., eds., Geschiedenis der Joden in Nederland (Amsterdam, 1995). Houtsma mentions 'Simeon' as Palache's first name, cf. HOC, p. 27. It only occurs once as "Shamyän" in letter No. 57 and it should probably be read as "Shamyäl" (Samuel).

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— the only people in Amsterdam he knew 1 — could not tell him anything. "I really wished for God's sake that you send me news... Here I am in Amsterdam, without a penny or change apart from what you gave me..." 2 Many letters by Hàjj Ahmad contain the same repetitious complaints and pleas as indeed does the Rylands letter on ff. 145-6, where the aforementioned Jan Gaston is also mentioned. The latter was apparently requested by Golius to find a ship for Ahmad to his native country. The letter also mentions Golius's instructions to look for histories (tawàrikh) on the Banü Marin (Marinids), Fèz and Meknès, and covering the period from the Hijra until the present time, as well as to gather information on the tombstones of the Sharifs (Sa'dids) of Shàla (a fortress near Salé).3 Ahmad wrote that "there is here a man from Safi who is able to read and write but he does not know anything about books." Although a passage had been reserved on a ship owned by Samuel Steen (uncle of Johan Steen) through Jan Gaston, Ahmad had also been promised a passage to Morocco by Isháq az-Zabd. In the third letter (f. 119), Ahmad informed Golius that he in fact had boarded Ishàq az-Zabd's ship which was waiting for a favourable wind. When Golius wrote to him with further instructions (f. 90, cf. above), he also refers to this fact. Golius also informed him of his dealings with Samuel Steen, whom Ahmad apparently had once met in Golius's house. Steen would also take care of the necessary travel permits. Ahmad arrived safely in Morocco. 4 As said above, a considerable number of almost all anonymous letters, fifteen in all, have been attributed by Houtsma to the authorship of a certain Hàjj Ahmad mainly on grounds of content.5 The name of Hàjj Ahmad as well as his bad habits against which he defends himself in one of these letters, are mentioned by other correspondents. From the contents of these letters it appears that he lived in Holland with his son, who at a certain moment died.6 Before that, Golius once had reconciled father and son after a row. 7 He repeatedly complained about his poverty, lack of work, and also asks Golius for loans — Houtsma has characterised these letters as "insolent begging letters." 8 In one letter (No. 46), he wrote that he had arrived in Holland with 180 guilders earned for services rendered "on board ship", but by the time he wrote the letter his capital had been reduced to only ten guilders. In this context he also mentions Palache and "Captain Antoni", who must have been Antonie Liedekerke. This is a strong indication that he had accompanied the ^Letter No. 25. ^Similar complaints are found in letter No. 100. 3 Cf. HOC, p. 38. ^Letter No. 123. 5 HOC, pp. 42-3. 6 Cf. letter No. 34; the son died during Ahmad's absence from Amsterdam. 7 Cf. letter No. 84. 8 "Onbeschofte bedelbrieven ," HOC, p. 43.

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latter on his expedition to Morocco in 1640-1. It was dispatched by the StatesGeneral to negotiate with a certain Sayyid 'All, a leader of privateers operating from Agadir (Santa Cruz), whose activities were damaging for Dutch navigation. 1 In other letters he complained that he was no longer able to pay his landlady 2 and was unable to support himself through work. At times he seems to have had odd jobs in a cloth factory and as a teacher. 3 In the latter job, he once earned 40 stuivers in three weeks, but 20 were spent on drink which he shared with his pupils, and another 30 on heating his room! In another letter (No. 109), he asked Golius for a loan, having been out of work for seven weeks and living under pressure from creditors who demanded that he pay the debts owed to them. Although he lived in Amsterdam most of the time, at a certain point he seems to have been taken by Golius into his own house were he stayed for one and a half months. This hospitality apparently was connected with a debt owed by Golius: he had taken two manuscripts from Ahmad — "his pawns" as they are repeatedly called in his letters — against a sum of six guilders. The two manuscripts had been given to Golius's brother Petrus (Pieter) alias Father Celestinus a S. Liduina who lived in Syria 4 but who had failed to return them. Golius seems to have warned Ahmad that the manuscripts might well get lost en route and be destroyed by "the dancer" (raqqas, a reference probably to a famous (and proverbial) Dutch pirate, Simon Danser, who had been active on the Barbary Coast5).6 Ahmad, who had been accused by Golius of being neither a Jew, nor a Christian, nor a Muslim — one wonders whether he might not have been a member of one of the less orthodox sufi orders — also seems to have indulged in tobacco smoking, drinking of brandy and the "burning of quicksilver."7 In one letter to Golius (No. 43) he wrote: "I have just entered a synagogue, my powers had been diminished, my eyesight reduced, so I wanted to pray to my Lord." Particularly after the death of his son, he longed to return to his native country. Golius, exasperated, also once called him a cheat ( g h a d d a r ) and a thief ( s a r i q ) . s

*Cf. HOC, pp. 37-8. The main aim was the redemption of 45 sailors captured from a Dutch (West India Company) ship in 1638, cf. De Castries, Sources IV (1913), p. 500, ff. In this he succeeded at a total cost of 17,042 guilders, cf. De Catries, Sources V (1920), p. 3. The sources do not seem to mention any of the crew who accompanied Liedekerke. 2 NO. 44. 3 Letter No. 94. 4 For biographical data, see Juynboll, Beoefenaars, pp. 107-8. 5 Cf. John B. Wolf, The Barbary Coast; Algiers under the Turks 1500 to 1830 (New York & London, 1979), p. 181. ^Letters Nos. 45, 49. n Could this be a term for hashish or opium smoking? 8 Cf. letter No. 78.

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A third Moroccan correspondent signed his letters as Muhammad b. 'All b. Bilqasim; others have been attributed to him on the grounds of content.1 Confusingly, however, all these letters are of a format and written in a script and in a style that are hardly distinguishable from those written by the two aforementioned correspondents. The same is true for their subject-matter which shows overlaps in all three groups. Could this Muhammad b. 'All even have been the same person as Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Kabir and Hajj Ahmad (Ahmad b. 'All)? Definite proof cannot be given. May the reader judge for himself after he has read the following paragraphs. (For convenience's sake, I have put three unsigned letters of the Rylands manuscript, showing the same features, into this category.) In the first of two letters of this category (No. 103), edited by Houtsma, Muhammad tells Golius about his journey to Morocco and informs him that he had been unable to inspect the tombs of Shala (cf. above) nor had he been able to find the books (manuscripts) Golius had ordered. With great difficulty, however, he had succeeded in collecting the herbs (plants, 'ushab). He mentions his repeated discussions with Sayyid 'All on the unlawfulness of enslavement. He had handed him the letter from the Dutch envoy which had been written by Golius. He also complains about the death of his brother (elsewhere called Yahya) in Morocco and the theft of the latter's belongings. Houtsma has suggested that this brother was killed 2 and robbed by Sayyid 'All's pirates — confusingly, there are other letters where a 'brother' Yahya is mentioned who is identical with Johannes Elichmann, cf. below. The latter died of natural causes in Muhammad's absence. 3 Now he had come to Amsterdam and wished to see Golius as well as his son (whom he had probably left behind in Holland).4 The Liedekerke expedition, which is referred to here, is the main subject of a number of other letters in the Leiden manuscript attributed to Muhammad. After his return from Morocco with Liedekerke, Muhammad claimed that the captain still owed him 42 guilders and five stuivers for services rendered during the expedition. He had been an indispensable interpreter, particularly because he knew Spanish. One of the main problems seems to have been that the captain did not want to pay the seven stuivers paid daily to his crew for the period that he, Muhammad, had been absent and on his way to Agadir, "a hundred miles" away (reckoned probably from Safi).5 In order to claim this sum, Muhammad repeatedly tried to see the captain at his house in Haarlem, and succeeded in seeing him in the company of a certain Abraham Harste, but the captain refused to give him any money. In the second letter (No. 115) edited by Houtsma, the writer describes how he was enslaved by French corsairs on a Dutch ship between Genoa and Algiers and was consequently sold as a galley slave in the former town. He begs Golius to help collect the ransom money. 1

Cf. HOC, p. 38. ^The murder of his brother is mentioned in letter No. 105. 3 Cf. letter No. 104; "if I had known about his illness, I would not have gone away." 4 HOC, pp. 34-7. ^See for details, letter No. 105.

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The Rylands manuscript contains three letters which bear the signature of Muhammad. Two of these were directed to Johannes Elichmann (1601-36) 1 — his name appears in Latin script on the outside — and must have been written in the 1630s. In the text of the letters themselves he is called Yahyá b. al-Marhüm. Elichmann was a native of Silesia, studied medicine and came to Leiden in 1631, where he studied Oriental languages, particularly Arabic and Persian, with Golius, together with, among others, Antonie Deusing, 2 who is mentioned in these letters. (Elichmann is also mentioned by his full name in one of the letters attributed to Hájj Ahmad, No. 46, as one of his, Ahmad's, benefactors. 3 ) In the first letter (f. 124), after ample salutations to, among others, Golius and Deusing, he wrote that he had arrived in Amsterdam and was busy trying to find passage to Salé. In this he was assisted by a friend of Elichmann's called Paulo Willem. 4 One captain refused to take him on board because he had already booked two Muslims and did not want to take another. An offer of money did not help. Thus he was left behind with four other Muslims who had fled from France. "They told us that another ship was to sail to Salé in about a month or two." In the second letter (ff. 127-8) there is not much more than an elaborate salutation. Muhammad was still waiting for a ship. "We write you, o Sayyid Yahyá, to inform you about my stay here waiting] for the journey to my country. The times have not been auspicious for me." A third letter (ff. 125-6), signed Muhammad b. 'All, was addressed to Golius. He informed him of the death of his son. This was the main reason he had returned to "this country." The second reason was a manuscript of the Koran which he had copied himself but which had been pawned. "I recovered it, but sold it with your permission" and promised him another hand-written copy. Thus "I lost both the Koran and my son" and he felt himself utterly lost and sad. He desperately wished to return to his country and urged Golius to write him within two days. (A marginal note in Dutch, in the same clear handwriting as the address, also begged for an answer within two days because the writer could no longer stay, to be forwarded to the merchant Duarte Ferdinand Vega at the Leeuwestraat in Rotterdam. 5 ) He finally conveyed greetings to his Persian friends Sayyid 'Abdulhaqq (probably identical with Hakverdi,6 cf. below) and the latter's son Sayyid Muhammad. ' For a short biography, see Juynboll, Beoefenaars, pp. 191-4. Cf. Juynboll, Beoefenaars, pp. 188-91. 3 Cf. HOC, p. 43. ^Probably identical with Paul de Wilhelm, cf. Heeringa, Bronnen I, p. 568. ->"UE. sal gelieven 11 antwoord van de sen brief terstont te senden want ick hier niet langer als twee dagen tyt hebbe..." copyist in Golius's service seemed to have signed his work with the name 'Abdulhaqq, as he did his copy of Gulistän preserved in the Bodleian Library (Marsh 174), cf. Ed. Sachau & Hermann Ethe, Catalogue of the Persian, Turkish, Hindustani and Pushtu Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library 1 (Oxford, 1889), p. 542. 2

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Of the three anonymous letters of this group preserved in the Rylands manuscript, the first (f. 142) is a short note on "the problem of the books, the two pawns that are] with your brother," a Koran and "your volume of the Shark al-mughrib (7).1" The problem had arisen, according to the writer, from the fact "that I was poor at that time and you rich, I a stranger then but you amongst your brethren in your own land, that whereas you were happy, I was sad... You know that I copied them in Sayyid Yahyá Elichmann's house for food, drink and a bed (katabtuhum fi darihi bi-akl wa shurb wa nawrri) in one and a half months." He requested Golius to send an answer to 'Abdulhaqq's house because he had no place of his own. The second letter (f. 147) informs Golius that the writer wants to come and visit him before he returns to his country. He had never wished to come to Holland but had come only in order to be able to visit the grave "of our deceased brother... Sayyid Yahyá b. al Marhüm (Johannes Elichmann who died in 1636)." His death had profoundly affected him. "There hasn't been a day, an hour, a moment that my heart was not confused and desolate." He came, also as a favour to Golius, his friends, brothers, and those of Sayyidi Yahyá "who [all] had known me before in a different state... Therefore I went away, without your permission." He begged Golius for forgiveness. He had gone to Amsterdam and found a ship sailing for the land of Islam, to Safi or Salé, in commission of Istavros & Prinsip (?). The owner was Palache who also told him that he intended to send it through the Bosphorus "with an order of the Sultan." "I write this to you on Saturday night in the light of the fire. They told me] that they will board ship tomorrow morning, but God knows best. The captain is away in The Hague. He is called Liedekerke. I still have two pawned books in your country but I could not recover [?]2 them..." In the third letter (f. 175), after salutations to, among others, "the wife of our deceased brother... Sayyid Yahyá b. al-Marhüm", the writer gives a detailed description of his arduous return voyage to Morocco. The ship on which he travelled got stuck for a long time at an island opposite La Rochelle, probably l'Ile de l'Oléron. From there, the boat, on which he was in the company of four other Muslims, was fearfully rocked by contrary storms. Finally it arrived on the roads of Safi, where he had to wait until the boat continued to Salé. "Here I am now, dependent on God's benevolence but without anything to eat..." 1 Possibly a copy of the rare work al-Bayan al-Mughrib, a history of Africa and Spain by Ibn al-Idhari, cf. GAL SI, p. 577, preserved in the Leiden University Library as Cod.Or. 67. Another possibility is that it was a copy of the (Sharh) Gharib (al-Qur'an), cf. below. ^Illegible because of paper damage.

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The Rylands manuscript also contains an anonymous letter (f. 109), written by, probably, either three of the aforementioned correspondents (if indeed they are not one), in which the writer scolds an unspecified "scholar" and "monk", who is called a "pig", "infidel", "dog" and other deprecating epithets. He accused him of ingratitude. Having come to Leiden, the addressee only came to see him on some inconvenient occasions during the night and did not react after he had gone to the trouble of procuring him some sort of official letter ( b a r n ' a t , berät). * * *

Both the Leiden and Manchester manuscripts contain a few more letters, mostly unconnected among themselves (and regrettably almost all difficult to read), by Moroccans and other North Africans to Golius (one to an acquaintance of Golius) as well as two letters by Golius to Moroccans; some of these are anonymous. Two from this group in the same script have been edited by Houtsma. The author of both has been described as 'a Jew from Barbary',1 probably because of the name of another correspondent who is called Sa'diya b. Levi MarrakishI (letter No. 58), probably identical with 'Abdalläh Sa'diya Marrakishi (letter No. 86). The last-mentioned name, however, suggests that the man — if the same — was, at least when he wrote the second letter, converted to Islam. Of Sa'diya b. Levi it is known that he stayed for a while, c. 1640, in Groningen. 2 In the first letter by this man, he begs Golius for help. He is languishing in prison and suffering from hunger and cold, lacking all bedclothes. In the second, it appears that he had arrived in Holland and offers Golius to make copies of the Koran, the Dalll alKhäyirln3 and Hebrew works such as the Talmud. The aforementioned edited letters deal with the purchase and copying of other manuscripts. Mentioned are a three-volume copy of Ibn Khallikän's Biographical Dictionary4 (bought for 9 ducats5); a two-volume commentary by Sharishi on the Maqämät of al-Harlri (bought for an unspecified sum); 6 the 'Umda (copied for Golius); 7 a History of Morocco, the Hulal al-Mawshiyä (the author was copying the work for

1

HOC., p. 115. Cf. Van Rooden, Theology, p. 198. ^Meant is probably the Dalàlat al-Khâ'rln ("Guide of the Perplexed") by Moses Maimonides (d. 1204), cf. G. Vajda, 'Ibn Maymlin, in EI2 ; Encyclopaedia Judaica II pp. 754 ff. ^Meant is the famous Wafayât al-a'yàn, cf. the article by J.W. Fiick in EI2 ; preserved as Cod.Or. 16 in the Leiden University Library. 5 The text has "mithqâl". 6 See on the author (d. 619/1222) and work the article by A. Ben Abdesselem in EI; preserved as Cod.Or. 44a-b in the Leiden University Library. 7 The full title is al-'Umda fi Mahàsin al-shi'r wa l-àdàbihl by Ibn Rashïk al-Qayrawani, d. 456/ 1063^ or 463/1070-1, cf. the article by C.H. Bouyahia in EI2. It is preserved as Cod.Or. 22 in the Leiden University Library. 2

28

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Golius); 1 and the Diwán Sabába (found for Golius, cost 2.5 ducats). 2 The correspondent was also trying to find works by the famous Tunisian historian Ibn Khaldün3 and Ibn Raqlq.^He asked Golius to send him "one of those nice, big mirrors" for his daughter whom he was to give away in marriage. A letter in the Rylands manuscript, dated unhelpfully "4 Sha'bán" and written by a certain al-Hajj Muhammad b. Sa'id al-Andalusi of Tunis (f. 130), deals with the same matters. He informed Golius that a messenger (rasül) from him called "Qornelu bin Aqqar" — none other than Cornelis Pynacker (1570-1645) — had approached him with a request for manuscripts, among these, again, works by Ibn Khaldün and Ibn Raqiq, as well as the Bustán fi akhbar az-zamán5 and work by 'All b. Abi Zar'." Al-Hájj Muhammad wrote to Golius that these works used to be found in the hands of bookdealers but were not then on the market (süq). In a marginal and rather obscurely worded remark, perhaps added later, he told Golius that he had bought four books: one from Abü as-Sayyid Yüsuf for 4.5 riyál (Spanish reals), one from Fath Farqayn (?) for 3.5 riyál; "the book written by Abü al-Hasan" for 9.5 crowns; and the Kitáb al- 'Ibad for 4 riyál. In an anonymous (and undated) letter addressed to Golius by, probably, the same dealer (f. 161), he informs him that he had paid and sent the goods ordered by letter with "an Arab." He was looking forward to more orders which he would send by safe convoy (or protected caravan).7 He also promised Golius to send him "the Qirtás"8 and the "Taqayyud".9 "God forbid that you get worried every time we send the Arab to you," he concluded. (Pynacker was sent by the States-General on a mission to Tunis and Algiers in 1625 and bought for Golius "eight Arabic books" (manuscripts) in all. He presented the curators of Leiden University with a bill for 76 riyal.10

'This is the anonymous chronicle covering the period of the Almohads until the Marinids with the full title of Hulal al-mawshlya fi l-akhbär al-Marrakushï, cf. GAL S II, p. 342. It is preserved as Cod.Or. 2 4 in the Leiden University Library. 2 A poetical work by Ibn Abï Hajala al-Tilimsànî (d. 776/1375), cf. GAL II, p. 13. There is a copy of this work preserved in the Golius collection of the University Library, Cod.Or. 196, but it is not written in the characteristic kufic script and seems more likely to have been acquired from an Istanbul bookseller: the price of '300 [akçe\ is written on the first flyleaf. 3 A copy of a part of the famous 'Prolegomenon' (Muqaddima) is kept in the Leiden University Library, Cod.Or. 48, but it is not written in a Moroccan hand and also has a price pf '350 \akçe\] written on the first flyleaf. ^The littérateur and historian, author of a work on North African history (d. after 418/1027-8), cf. the article by M. Talbot in EI 2 . ^I have not been able to identify a work with this title. 6 I b n Abi Zar' al-Fäsi (d. 726/1326), cf. GAL II, p. 240. ba'di l-qäfila llädhi yaküna fihä l-amän." ^Probably the Rawd al-qirtâs, a history of the Almoravids and Marinids, by Ibn Abi Zar', cf. above. ^Probably a copy of the Taqayyud al-mushär ilayhä fi qasidat al-Khazrajl, a commentary on the poem, an edition of which was published in Rome in 1642, mentioned in the title, cf. the article by P. Moor in EI2. A copy of this rare work is preserved in Cod.Or. 154(3). 1 °C,f. Juynboll, Beoefenaars, p. 133. Cf. for his biography the introduction to G.S. van Krieken's edition of Pynacker's Historysch Verhael van den Steden Thunes, Algiers ende andere Steden in Barbarie gelegen (The Hague, 1975), pp. 28-34.

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Three undated letters in the Rylands manuscript are concerned with a mission headed by Ibrahim al-Duk (Duque), envoy of the ruler Sidi 'Abdailah of Salé, to Holland in 1659. 1 Golius acted as interpreter during the negotiations in The Hague. One of the letters (f. 163) was sent by Golius to him upon his, Ibrahim's, return to Morocco. "To us came the Dutch surgeon 2 who had accompanied you to Salé but has returned to Holland. He praised you] and was grateful for the abundant favours he received [from you]... He regretted that he could not do anything in return." Meanwhile war had broken out and the return journey had been perilous, but fortunately the envoy had arrived safe and sound. The envoy's death is mentioned in a letter by Golius to a certain alHájj Ibrahim b. al-Hájj 'All (f. 134). Two years earlier, the latter had sent Golius a small carpet through a certain Isháq Sáqütwá, but another, bigger, one purchased in Tetuan had never been received by his agent, "the Jew" Isháq Kohen Dáswldá, although Golius had made an advance payment. More recently Golius had received from him an "ostrich egg" (baydat na'ama) as well as a history of the Maghrib covering the years until A.H. 720 (1320-1): the Mukhtasar Tárikh Fas wa Bani Marin5, the longer original version of which "was already in his possession." He asked al-Hajj Ibrahim to supply him with a similar compendium of "traditions" (ahádlth) from that year onwards up until the rise of the Sharifs (Sa'dids). He also requested him to provide him gradually — in order to continue their friendship and keep the "gates of correspondence" open — with the names of cities, old and new, inhabited and deserted, as well as those of fortresses, mountains and tribes, both Berber and Arab. He recommended the Dutch consul who would be ready to help him. Golius also asked him, as he had done in the past, to give information on the inscriptions of the tombs of the former "kings." Finally he conveyed greetings from his two sons, Theodoor and Mattheus. In another letter by Golius to a certain al-Hájj Muhammad Bínáküsl (f. 93), he wrote that he wished to renew the friendship between them. Golius had met him in the company of Ibrahim al-Duk, by then deceased. The consul upon his return had informed him of Ibrahim's "departure". "This caused us immense grief," Golius informed al-Hájj Muhammad.

Cf. Juynboll, Beoefenaars, p. 175; for details see De Castries, Sources VI (1923), p. 557 ff. The mission resulted in a renewal of the bilateral treaty, ibidem, pp. 580-6. The envoy apparently was of Morisco descent and knew Spanish; he signed documents with "Brahim Duque" in Latin script, ibidem, p. 562. 2 One of the aims of the mission was to contract an oculist in Holland who would be able to cure the ruJer's blindness. Eventually a surgeon ("chirurgijn ertde operateuf) of Rijssel (Lille, or perhaps Overijssel), called Johan Donckaert, recommended by Golius, was found ready to accompany the mission to Sale, ibidem, pp. p. 597. ^ Meant is probably the Rawd al-qirtas, cf. above.

30

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Another correspondent, a letter of whom is found in the Rylands manuscript, was a certain 'All Ibrahim at-Tabib al-Antasi. The letter (f. 96), dated 18 Muharram 1044 (? 14 July 1634), seems — I find the handwriting difficult to read — to respond to a number of questions posed by Golius on Hanafi 'ulama, the titles of books, literary, historical and ethical, written in Andalusia and the Maghrib, as well as the "science of prosody" ('ilm al'arud). Yet another correspondent was a certain al-Hajj 'Abdallah b. al-Husayn al-Fasi, probably a bookseller. The letter (f. 120) appears to be a note sent with an agent called Muhammad Bu Ra's al-Jazir ("my brother and friend") which asks Golius either to hand him the books kept by him or, if he wants, buy them for "three or two riyal because I am poor; if we had got something, we would not take a dirham for them from you." In another brief note (No. 41) a certain 'All b. Muhammad al-Andalusi al-Gharnati al-Marrakishi informed Golius that he was waiting for his, Golius's, reply. Finally, the Rylands manuscript contains five undated and anonymous letters in maghribi script. Variations in the handwriting permit us to form three groups. The first consists of f. 113 and ff. 117-8. These are written in a crude, angular and vowelled script. The first was sent to a certain "Johannes van Morockos" at Delft. It is a short note, mostly filled with pious formulas in rhymed prose and verse, in which the author expresses his regret at the addressee's absence. "Two years you have been away, neither did you visit me, nor sit with me... neither by day nor by night..." The second letter is addressed to Golius on the outside (in a different Arabic handwriting), but consists of a lengthy letter directed by (the same) father to his son who had foolishly married a woman and had gone away to another country, obviously Holland. "I greatly regret your absence and grieve because of it. I have been weeping and tears poured down my cheeks. Many times I went to see you, but you did not care for me... I could not however forget you any more than if you had been a sensible man... How can I be happy with you... while you gather men against us after we had made peace... The heart of all Christians will love you for it... You did not think of me and... you made the Christians laugh at me and at you..." The father also advises his son to consult Golius. "If you do not understand it [the letter?], give it to someone who explains it to you like Sayyid Golius or someone else." From this it seems that Jan Cornelis must have been a renegade Christian and possibly a victim of Dutch piracy. Two other letters bear the name of Jan Cornelis (in Arabic, "Johannis Cornelis min Marrakish"): f. 149 and f. 149. They were both written by him to Golius in a clumsy script and an irregularly spelt Arabic (the same is true for the Dutch fragments on the outside). The first of these mentions a certain Mr. Goethals1 (written in Latin script) who was to go for him to "Doordrecht" (idem) in order to "procure fifty for me, or even sixty or seventy as well as the goods we ' a merchant with that name is mentioned in Heeringa, Bronnen I, p. 614.

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need." In another passage, Jan Gornelis thanks Golius for his help in making him "understand God and the Gospel, {al-Injil, spelt as "al-Najil"). In the second letter he thanks God that He had "called him from the land of oppression, the land of unbelief, and led me to the land of light, the land of Your grace and Your compassion..." The rest of the letter is a lengthy prayer, continuing in the same vein. It ends with greetings to "Sayyid al-Hajj", probably the aforementioned Hajj Ahmad. A last anonymous letter, written in a both spidery and irregular maghribi script, only fragments of which are comprehensible to me, was sent to Golius by, probably, a bookseller. It mentions a transaction of fifty riyal, paid to, if I understand it rightly, an agent of Jan Gaston. Greetings are conveyed to a certain Jan Maurits, "son of our brother" (cf. below).

(ii) Middle

Eastern

correspondents:

Darwish

Ahmad

Golius, as seen above, travelled in the Levant, where he stayed for lengthy periods in Aleppo and Istanbul, during the years 1625 to 1629.1 The journey had the official purpose of acquiring better knowledge of "the Oriental languages", profitable in his "service" of Leiden University.2 As in Morocco, Golius seized the opportunity of making the acquaintance of scholars and booksellers, who often also were copyists, and of enlarging his collection of manuscripts. (Upon his return, he presented Leiden University with a bill of 1195 guilders and eight stuivers for its share of them.) One bookseller-copyist whom Golius met in Aleppo was a certain Darwish Ahmad. 3 It is known that this man also had dealings with other Western travellers, among them the English Arabist Pococke (1604-91), chaplain to the English 'Turkey merchants' at Aleppo between 1630 and 1635, for whom he collected manuscripts and whom he also seems to have taught Arabic. 4 From the two letters edited by Houtsma (No. 26), it is clear that Golius was busy buying manuscripts from him: a "Histories of the Prophets" (Qisas al-anbiyá',5 in exchange for a "bell", or "globe", náqüs, and two kuru§, 'piastres'); a compilation of traditions by al-Bukhári;6 a copy of the FutUh Misr7 (for one

1 Cf. Juynboll, Beoefenaars, pp. 129-35. ^Juynboll, Beoefenaars, p. 130. 3 The Leiden University Library preserves two manuscripts copied by him, cf. HOC, p. 50. 4 Cf. P. M. Holt, Studies in the History of the Near East (London, 1973), pp. 42-5, where a survey of the contents of five letters in Arabic from him to Pococke written between 1636 and 1640 (and preserved in the Bodleian Library) are summarised. A popular collection attributed to al-Kisa'I, cf. the article by T. Nagel in EI2; preserved as Cod.Or. I l l in the Leiden University Library. ^The well-known al-JdmV as-Sahih, cf. the article by J. Robson in El 1 ; preserved as Cod.Or. 31 in the Leiden University Library. 7 A history of the conquest of Egypt by al-Waqidi (d. 207/823), cf. GAL I, p. 136; preserved as Cod.Or. 200 in the Leiden University Library.

32

THE

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P H I L O L O G Y

kuru§), and the Kharidat al-qasr.1 At some point Golius and Darwlsh Ahmad must have fallen out with one another. In letter No. 90, Ahmad accuses Golius of having left him with empty hands after he, Ahmad, had done so much for his, Golius's, sake and had given him lessons. In the Rylands letter, f. 157, written in rhymed prose, Ahmad informed Golius that he had vainly tried to contact him through travellers, merchants and others, "but could not obtain a response from any of them... until your brother, son of your mother and father [Pieter Golius], arrived in the land of Aleppo..." The latter reported on Golius's good health and his betrothal2 in Holland. Ahmad informed Golius that he was living in the house of as-Sayyid Muhammad at-Taqwa and invited Golius to write to him there. Ahmad also referred to their estrangement. He had followed Golius to Istanbul where an — unspecified — row had developed. The only things that he saw from Golius since had been "fire, reproaches and impatience" (fa-zahara minka t-tadarrum wa't-tajarrum wa'l-qalaq, rhyming in the next sentence on firaq). He hoped for a reconciliation. He asked Golius to send him a printed calendar, paper, a printed law code (qanun) and "instruments" (alat) made in Holland. Ahmad in turn promised to send the "books" (manuscripts) Golius wanted to have but he would inform his brother (Pieter) first. (in) Middle Eastern correspondents: the Michaelis family Another important contact for the acquisition of books in a later period seems to have been Yuhana b. Mika'il b. Ataya ('Johannes Michaelis'), a relative of the better known Musa b. Mika'il b. 'Ataya ('Moses Michaelis'). As is clear from my survey (see Appendix, below), the larger part of the correspondence between Golius and the Michaelis brothers is preserved in the Rylands manuscript. We are consequently now able to form a better, if still somewhat fragmented, picture of their role in Golius's life. Moses was, as is clear from letter No. 27, a priest (qissis) in the Greek Church of Damascus. During the years from C. 1645, or perhaps even earlier (cf. below), to 1649 he stayed in Leiden where he assisted Golius in translating the official Dutch Protestant Catechism into Arabic. The States-General decided to have the translation printed at their expense as well as have it distributed in the Middle East. Golius and Moses received for their trouble, respectively, 600 and 500 guilders. The Catechism was never printed, however, probably because of a lack of funds. 3

^ Probably preserved as Cod.Or. 21a-b, cf. HOC, p. 49 n. 1; a very detailed description is found in CCOII, p. 208 ff. The full title of the work is Kharidat al-qasr wa l-jaridat al-'asr, written by Tmàdaddîn al-Isfahâni (d. 597/1201), cf. GAL S I, p. 548, No. 4. 2 Cf. Juynboll, Beoefenaars, p. 173. 3 Cf. HOC, pp. 62-3; Juynboll, Beoefenaars, pp. 171-2. Manuscripts of the translation are kept in the Leiden University (Cod.Or. 2088) and Bodleian Libraries (Marsh 268, cf. Joannes Uri, Bibliothecae Bodleianae Codicum Manuscriptorum Orientalium (hereafter Uri) I (Oxford, 1787), pp. 33-4); both copies were written by Nicolaus Petri, see below under v.

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A hitherto obscure figure was the aforementioned Johannes, who appears to have been Moses's brother. He was a medical doctor — the term "tablb" often appears with his name — and scholar. It seems to have been Golius's brother Pieter, who came to Syria in 1632,1 who first met Moses, probably in Damascus. "I had been a poor soul," Golius wrote to Johannes (in an undated letter, f. 144), "if I had not had the good fortune of loving science... In the years past I bought Arabic, Persian and Turkish books in Aleppo and Istanbul, and reading them fulfils my life, but, as you know, even in this sea those sated with drink remain thirsty. When your brother and my brother discovered this and he pointed out [to him] that I was from his country it was as if there were a bond between me and him in this matter." It was arranged that Johannes — Moses had meanwhile left for Holland — would try to acquire manuscripts and information for Golius — a list with titles and questions was drawn up — and Golius promised to obtain things — cloth, printed Greek books, technical and astronomical instruments etc. — required by Johannes. The Dutch merchant who lived in Sidon — his name is not mentioned — would advance money to Johannes for his purchases and receive the manuscripts from him. Golius warned Johannes to take care that manuscripts should be "complete and sound" and purchased for a tolerable price. Golius also proposed that he send to him, Golius, a letter with a copy every week. A specification of Golius's wishes is found in another undated letter by Golius to Johannes (f. 176). In it, Golius asked for a good copy of a concise Persian history entitled Lubb at-tawarikh,2 covering the years between the Creation and A.H. 940 (1533-4). He already had a copy of this work, 3 but needed another one to correct his text. He also wanted an appendix added to it, covering the period until the present year A.H. 1059 (1649). It should be a chronological survey of events in Persian, or Arabic and Turkish — but Arabic and Persian were preferred. For this purpose, Johannes should consult histories, historical treatises and biographies (tadhkiras), approach sufis and members of Mevlevi-hdnes (convents of the MevlevI order of dervishes) or other people who could be expected to own such works, and consult scholars and contemporary witnesses. Events should include those concerning the Safavid and Ottoman dynasties, the Turcomans, Tatars, Uzbeks, Mongols and Indians as well as the biographies of scholars. Golius meant to edit it and have it printed. Johannes would receive a copy. Golius advised him to divide the work between four people, who would cover, respectively, the events of the years A.H. 940-995; 995-1020; 1020-1040; and 1040-1060. The work, in fact, should be a general history of the Islamic world, including that of the non-Muslim minorities, particularly the Christians. The history of the "see of Antakya" and the biographies of its bishops was important in this respect. Events of this nature should include "strife (fitari), tribulations (mihan) and banishment suffered from our enemy." ljuynboll, Beoefenaars, p. 108. A sketch of world history to 948/1542 by al-Qazwïnï (d. 948/1542), cf. C.A. Storey, Persian Literature; A Biobibliographical Survey (2 Vols. London, 1925, 1953), p. 111. ^Probably Cod.Or. 224, copied in 1055/1645-6; it was bought by Leiden University in 1647 from a sea captain who had acquired it in India (I am indebted for this information to Prof. Hans de Bruijn). 2

34

THE

JOYS

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PHILOLOGY

This ambitious project was never realised;1 from the same letter it is clear that Johannes did not even regularly answer Golius's letters. The two surviving letters from Johannes to Golius are rather disappointing. They express gratitude for Golius's good care for Moses, inform Golius on letters received and sent — a certain Hoca Manuk, a merchant living in Istanbul who sometimes came to Damascus, seems to have been used as a go-between — and of his difficulties in finding a certain (but unspecified) manuscript (in f. 140). Moses's letters are more revealing but also more difficult to understand, particularly because of his contorted style — his Arabic is also strongly influenced by colloquial speech — and irregular spelling. From an undated and incomplete draft of a letter by Golius to Johannes (f. 174), it appears that Moses's journey to Holland was not unexpected and Golius informs Johannes of his bother's safe arrival. One of his aims, probably connected with the financing of the Catechism project, was to visit "the towns of our country" for the acquisition of the necessary "letters" (imakatib) from "their notables" and "patrons." Golius provided him with a servant, who would act both as a guide and interpreter. In an unsigned draft letter (dated 12 April) from Golius to Moses, Golius reminds him of their "agreement" or "contract" ('ahd) which he hoped Moses would honour. He also asked him to assist in the purchases as laid down "in my lists which are in the hands of your brother." "The only thing I want," he added, "is a sip of a drip from the sea of your country ( m a s s a t u wajal min bahri l-biladikum)." On Moses's request for an advance on his travelling expenses, he referred him to the Dutch merchant 'Blijdenberg' (as his name must have been spelt) who handled their transactions. Golius promised to ask the latter to forward Moses's letters via his business partner in Marseilles. He finally urged Moses to treat well "this young doctor {hakim) whom God gave you as a companion on the road, like your son steeped in sciences and a pupil of mine, deserving of love and goodness because of the beauty of his being and deportment." This probably was the aforementioned Johan Cornelis van Morockos. In other letters a certain Yuhana, a pupil of Golius — "Yuhana al-Maghribl" in f. 132 — is mentioned by Moses as his travelling companion in Holland (cf. below).

^Similar tasks were also later requested from Nicolaus Petri, see below. The idea of compiling a general Islamic history had already been entertained by Erpenius, whose edition of the Historia Sarasenica was posthumously published by Golius in 1625, cf. Juynboll, Boeoefenaars, pp. 1113.

AN

.¿vi

OSTRICH

EGG

FOR

35

GOLIUS

^ ^ w ^ i ^ y ^ H ^ v « ^ ^ ^

v~• .

OF

.-¡ w L ^ - l ^ - f i v jj

juji ^

^

^

M,

T"^' ^

^

^ J .

^

U-J ^ j i i fcoO, V^U, riu^.

Jj .-U

^ ^ y

f U JVi- ui ¡ggfe-*** cjt yLU IKA^I Jj^j,

m

^ Zr

- ^

PHILOLOGY

U , L.J . o j - , ^ ^ ^ ^ .

y^ ^ ->!--J( V IvJJ^i^U iiLo^J _ . . iii„. -.J. ..-. ., .

(

^r-jj

I

j j ^ bl, I ^ I ^ I ^ I J ^

I ' - ^ ^ U s -it J * / ^ ^ ^

^

«¿¡57» O- ^

bbu, J

o« U ^ o„ ^ i ou;, JU/ ¿ Z j ^ - ^ M j^^f X^l l^iy-^.

A letter from Golius to Hakverdi, a copyist formerly in his service (John Rylands MS Persian 913, f. 95).

AN

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EGG

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55

Petraeus (d. 1673) for whom he also seems to have copied manuscripts;1 and his plan to travel to Italy.2 In one letter, he described a dream in which Golius figured. 3 He also sometimes asked Golius for money: on one occasion he asked him twelve guilders for rent and kitchen expenses.4 From dated letters in the Rylands manuscript it is clear that Shahin Kandi was already in Holland before 1657, the year in which he signed the University contract. In a letter (No. 54) of April 1651 from 'the son of Hoja Qandi' of Aleppo, he informs Golius that he is on his way to Holland via Istanbul ("Dar as-sa'ida"). Even if this son was not identical with Shahin Kandi — the handwriting is quite different — the letter suggests that there had already been contacts between the merchant's family and Golius for a number of years. In a letter to Golius dated 11 October 1656 (ff. 103-4), Kandi wrote that he had arrived in Rotterdam {'Luterdam') but that all boats for England had left two days earlier. There only remained one small vessel that would sail to London and he had spoken to the captain who promised him day after day to take him on board and provide him with food, but it was uncertain whether it would ever depart. By now he had spent all his money and felt "extremely worried" also because he did not know anyone except Golius. He saw no other solution than to return to Leiden, unless, that is, Golius would lend him "from the sea of his beneficence" six kuru§ so that he could pay his passage to London. Ten days later, he informed Golius from Rotterdam (in a letter dated 21 October 1656, f. 121) that he had missed his boat to London by six hours. "I followed it to Brielle; the wind was favourable but when I landed in Brielle, it had already hurriedly taken to the sea and I could not reach it. I returned to Rotterdam, frustrated and in despair, steeped in thought and confused. I wandered around the town like someone madly in love (mithla l-hdyim), searching for another ship. There was an old ship which they had begun to repair and smear with pitch and which would later set sail to London. There were other boats that would sail to England... but they did not go to London but to other destinations such as... a town called Hull... The distance between Hull and London however is six days." The journey cost twelve kuru§. Meanwhile he had to wait. "Desiccated by this cold wind, no spark of life remains in my body, like the tree that bears neither leaves nor fruit... or like a bird that has no nest and, only just escaped, is bereft of wings and feathers, without power to walk and capacity to travel..." Whether he ever reached London is unclear. Early November he was back in Leiden, from where he sent a letter (dated 3 November 1656, f. 102) to a man called Philip Mitchell (?). He had previously sent to him (unspecified) 1 Letter No. ^Letter No. 3 Letter No. ^Letter No.

71; cf. HOC, pp. 73-4. 72. 116. 75.

56

THE

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PHILOLOGY

commodities which the latter had taken from the "Lombard of Amsterdam 1 " through a local merchant ("Hoca") called Jan Abilis (Abelius ?). He was in the dark as to whether Mitchell had received his goods, although he, Kandi, had sent him a number of letters. Mitchell was asked to send the goods back if he did not want them. In that case his money would be returned. These letters seem to suggest that Kandi had come to Holland as a merchant or an agent for the family business, but that his affairs somehow took a bad turn after which he was obliged to offer his scribal services to Golius whom he had come to know in Aleppo (cf. below).

^ b U f ^ ^ ' j ^

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1"Lünbard"; meant is probably the Amsterdam Exchange.

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Ten years later, Kandi described his life in Holland in a long letter to his family in Aleppo (f. 110-1, dated January 1666). He informed his brothers that their letter had safely arrived, six months after it had been written (on June 1, 1665). The letter included another one by a certain Anton Chelebi from Livorno and a second one, dated July 1, sent through the Dutch merchant "Petro who lives in Aleppo." 1 "When I saw them [the letters], the fires of my liver and bowels ignited and flared up because of my separation from you," he wrote. "I was nearly consumed by them and could not assuage their burning but by the tears from my eyes. This reminded me of a passage from [the poet] al-Mutanabbi: 'But for my tears the fire would have burnt me, and if I had not burnt, my tears would have drowned me'..." Nevertheless, his heart gladdened when he learned that his family was in good health although this joy was tempered by worry because there was no news of his eldest brother and his father. He assured them that he had not forgotten them. He had already for a long time been thinking of moving to Livorno "so that we are near you" but this had been impossible because of the war between the Dutch and the English. 2 This was the reason that there were many warships of both sides at sea. These could capture by force any ship belonging to the opposite side as well as the merchandise found on board. The journey over land was also impossible because of the "war between the Emperor and the Ottoman armies of Islam." 3 Kandi had also informed Anton Chelebi about the political situation as well as about the severity of winters in Holland which were accompanied by abundant rain and snow, the freezing solid of water, and the impassability of roads. His idea now was to travel to Italy through France in early Spring. His brother seemed to believe that he had become a schoolmaster (shaykh maktab) in Holland and was teaching young children. But that was only based on hollow talk by lowly people. "I am not that, thank God. I abide my time in the company of professors, scholars and noble men and particularly in that of the most learned of professors and most excellent of scholars, a principal among the governors of the Great Academy in Holland which is] in the town of Leiden, his excellency Jacob Golius... During his journey from the West to the East [undertaken] in order to study the circumstances of that land and its inhabitants, he passed through Aleppo in the time of the Grand Vizier Husrev Pa§a 4 and we got to know him very well. He entered our house more than once in the lifetime of [our] late father. He is the most excellent and learned of all Frankish professors. He has no equal in this country. There is no-one like him in respect to his knowledge] of Arabic, Persian and Turkish... He translated the Arabic Dictionary [lughat al-Arabiya] completely into Latin, a complete version of which had not existed in 1

Probably Pietro Mortier, cf. Heeringa, Bronnen I, p. 616. The Second Anglo-Dutch War, 1665-7. ^This again refers to the long war with Venice, cf. above. 4 Died 1632, cf. the article by H. Inalcik in EI 2 . 2

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Europe... It is even better than the Qamus, the Sahah by al-Jawhari and [the Dictionary by] al-Akhtari, 1 and others... It was printed and well received by scholars... In the same way he translated the Persian Dictionary [lughat alFarsiya] completely... and it is better than the Lughat-i Ni'matullah 2 ... It is now being printed in England 3 as is his Turkish Dictionary [lughat atTurkiya] translated into Latin. 4 Because he is so busy, [Golius] is distracted from his academic tasks and from his students and their classes." Kandi also mentioned Golius's library. It contained the most precious and beautiful manuscripts in Arabic, Persian and Turkish and "on sciences more than you can imagine." "Despite all this, he is kind, benevolent and he likes foreigners..." About a thousand manuscripts had been sent to him by the previous Dutch ambassador in Istanbul, Warnerus, 5 "a learned man who also was an expert in "these languages." "Maybe you made his acquaintance when you were in Istanbul," he added to his brothers. After his, Warner's, death, 6 his manuscripts were donated to Leiden University as a gift [waqf\ for the benefit of students. 7 " Meanwhile, a new envoy had been appointed by the StatesGeneral. "The ambassador [elgi] intends to take us with him to Istanbul. He will depart in early Spring." 8 If that should not happen, Kandi would travel on his own to Italy. The Rylands manuscript contains another three undated and unsigned letters in Kandi's handwriting. These are of the more literary type and refer in, sometimes elaborate and joking prose, to aspects of his life. In f. 162, Kandi excuses himself to Golius for neglecting his duty. This was caused by severe headaches, insomnia and general weakness of heart and limbs, which prevented him from holding his pen. "The manuscript we previously copied in two days, we cannot now copy in a week because of this weakness which conquered our heart and our body because of lack of sleep..." Letter f. 167, not more than a 1 Of. GAL S II, p. 630; the author of this very detailed Arabic-Turkish dictionary was Mustafa b. Shamasaddin al-Qarahisàri al-Akhtari (d. 968/1560). 2 Cf. Storey, Persian Literature III/l (Leiden 1984), pp. 70-1; a rhymed and very popular Persian-Turkish vocabulary by Ni'mattullàh b. Ahmad ar-Rumi (d. 969/1561-2). 3 The dictionary was only published after Golius's death, in London in 1668, as part of Edmund Castellus's Lexicon Heptaglottus, cf. Witkam, Jacob Golius, pp. 60-1. His manuscript is in the Bodleian Library, Uri No. 90, cf. Juynboll, Beoefenaars, p. 164. 4 It was never printed; the manuscript is in the Bodleian Library, MS Marsh 193, cf. Uri p. 313, cf. Juynboll, Beoefenaars, p. 167. ^Cf. Drewes, Legatum Warnerianum, p. 16; these are now kept as Cod.Or. 269-1199 and 4739-4814 in the Library. 6 On 22 June 1665, cf. De Groot, De betekenis, p. 41. 7 H i s collection arrived in Leiden between 1668 and 1674, cf. De Groot, De betekenis, p. 41. Q

The new envoy, Justinus Colyer, did not leave before the autumn of the next year - he departed from Texel on 23 October 1667, cf. O. Schutte, Repertorium der Nederlandse vertegenwoordigers residerende in het buitenland 1584-1810 (The Hague 1976), p. 317.

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brief note, also mentions his copying duties. He had written out "four parts [ajza']" and sent them away with his landlady. Earlier he had sent a copy of the Book of Yusuf and Zulaykha 1 with his landlord "before you had come to Amsterdam." He clearly no longer lived in Leiden by that time. Kandi remarked that the monstrous mistakes surpassed all limits. Interesting in the note is the occurrence of a few Dutch words (in vowelled Arabic script): "wagen" (cart); "half rijksdaalder"z (half a rixdollar) and "juffrouw" (miss(iss), his landlady). The opening lines of the note include a pun. Kandi excused himself for delaying his "kissing of the gold dust of the ground under the feet of the blessed one [Golius]", because the cloth on which to wipe his feet had been sent to the "patcher" (muraqqiand had not been returned. The last letter (f. 166) discusses at great length the altercations Kandi had with his landlord, in whose house he had lived for half a year, about the bill for peat — the Dutch word "turf' is used; Golius had given him twelve casks ("tons" 3 ) of it — and beer. He asks Golius to mediate in the conflict.

6. The Maashoek papers Golius died in 1667. He was succeeded in the chair of Oriental Languages, which remained unoccupied for 43 years, 4 by Johannes Heyman in 1710. The latter was recommended for the post for his great knowledge of Turkish, Persian, Arabic and other oriental languages acquired during a long stay in the Middle East. Part of his task was the edition and translation into Latin of the Oriental manuscripts collected by Scaliger, Golius and Warnerus. This was a very ambitious project, to say the least, and he never even so much as tried as to begin with the task. The Leiden University Library only holds four manuscripts written by him: an unfinished draft of an edition with translation of a historical text; a Turkish-Latin glossarium; a collection of transcribed diplomatic letters in Arabic and Turkish (Cod.Or. 1598); and a sixvolume catalogue of oriental manuscripts, the quality of which was doubted by contemporaries. From 1729 onwards Heyman was assisted by Albert Schultens when the latter was appointed as keeper of Warner's manuscript collection. Heyman died in 1737. 5

* Probably the work of that title (composed In 1483) by the Persian poet Jami, cf. the article by C. Huart in EI 2 ; possibly preserved as Cod.Or. 1256 (from Schultens's collection) in the Leiden University Library (an incomplete copy without colophon). 2 Spelt as "rizdal". 3 Spelled "tun"4 C f . Nat, De studie van de oostersche talen, pp. 21-2; from 1680 Carolus Schaaf was employed as lecturer, also in Hebrew, ibidem. -'Nat, De studie van de oostersche talen, pp. 24-6.

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Heyman travelled to the Levant in 1699, after his appointment as pastor to the Dutch community ('nation') in izmir. Prior to his eastward journey, he had been Protestant minister in Urmond and Grevenbricht in the Duchy of Gulik (at present part of Germany). At the end of his five-year term in

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The first translation made by Dombay for the Austrian headquarters at Zagreb, dated 26 March 1793 (HHSA St. A. Turkei III/7-9).

The third Article gives a description of the new boundary line, which was also indicated by a red line on an appended map.1 It was to run from the right bank of the River Glina, following "a small brook" along the (by then) ' This map does not seem to have survived; it is not found in the editions of the text of the treaty, nor did I find a copy in the HHSA files; copies might well have been succumbed to wear and tear. The non-availability of this map makes it difficult at some points to get a precise picture of the changes and of demarcation problems in the field which were largely based on this map.

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Austrian district ("kaza" in Turkish) of 'Czettin' (modern Cetingrad) and, "at the distance of a cannon shot", along the Ottoman fortress of 'Sturlick or Sturlitz' (Sturlic). From there it was to go in a straight line to the River 'Corana' (Korana), following it along, by then, Austrian 'Dresnick' (modern Dreznik-Grad). Thereupon it was to follow the 'Smolianatz' Mountains along 'Tischiewo' (Ticevo, 'Tikova' in Turkish) and 'Lapatz' (Lapac), passing 'Vacoaup' (modern Kulen Vakuf) at an hour's distance. From there it was to pass along the left bank of the River Una up to its western sources and from there in a straight line to the triple (Austrian-Venetian-Ottoman) frontier ('triplex confinium'), leaving 'Sterniza' (Stremica) in Ottoman possession. Austria committed itself not to repair or build any fortifications whatsoever in this area (Article 5). Conquered territory was to be handed back within sixty days (as of 4 August 1791) or, in Wallachia and Moldavia, within thirty days (Article 6). To sign a treaty is one thing, but to implement one is another. The following years were to witness infractions of almost all the articles. The Bosnians, particularly the local farmers and landowners, were frustrated and angry because of the war and the gloomy feeling that history had turned against them. This expressed itself in open resistance against the border rectifications, further aggravated by the refusal by Austria to comply with Article 6 as long as the demarcation was not completed. The resulting troubles were to occupy Dombay during the following years.

5. Dombay and the border demarcation, 1793-5 At some time in 1792 or early 1793, Dombay must have moved to Zagreb. The first translation produced for the military command there is dated 26 March 1793. 1 The period between his arrival in Vienna and his transfer to Zagreb was probably spent in preparing himself for his new job which would mean a thorough refreshing of his Turkish and mastering the art of Ottoman letter-writing. For most of the following years, it seems, Dombay worked in the offices of the Zagreb headquarters which were directly responsible to the Vienna Council of War (Hofkriegsrat). The Zagreb Command was headed by (Feldmarschallieutenant) Franz Wenzel Graf von Kaunitz-Reitberg (or

A letter from Von Kaunitz-Rietberg to Hüsämiiddin Pa§a; at the bottom is written "Mein erster Brief als Dolmetsch in Agram". The sources quoted in the following, unless indicated otherwise, are found in HHSA, St.A., Türkei III/7, 8 and 9; in the following, I have converted the Islamic dates found in the letters to Christian ones.

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Rittberg,1 1742-1825), a relative of the chancellor.2 (In 1794, he was to leave for the battlefields of the Southern Netherlands and was temporarily replaced by General von Paulich. 3 The Karlovac bureau, for which Dombay also translated letters, was presided over by a certain Baron Mauritz von Schlaun, who also headed the Austrian demarcation commission in the field. On a few occasions Dombay found himself travelling as part of his job. In 1795 he accompanied Schlaun and the Austrian demarcation commission to the Bosnian border. In 1797 he paid a visit to the governor of Bosnia in Travnik. During the winter and spring of 1797-8, he worked for a few months in Dalmatia. I shall discuss these occasions in some detail below. The offices in Zagreb and Karlovac communicated directly with the Ottoman authorities in Bosnia, particularly with the pasha and the Ottoman "demarcator", 'ismeti Efendi. Letters were sent by courier (tatar) or were carried by servants, such as Kiigiik ("Little") 'Osman in the service of 'ismeti Efendi, some of whose names occur in the letters themselves. The mail, as is clear from marginal notes made by Dombay on incoming letters, took quite a while to reach their destination. Letters sent from Zagreb took between a fortnight and a few months to reach Travnik (a distance of about 250 miles). The average was about three weeks. Letters to Zagreb must even have taken longer to reach their destination — if they arrived at all (cf. also below). In Zagreb, in as far as the Vienna files are able to give us a reliable impression of office practice, Dombay's main job seems to have been to produce written translations. In doing so he transcribed incoming Turkish letters in the original Arabic alphabet and translated them into German. Most of these translations seem to have disappeared.4 He also translated or maybe even himself composed letters to Bosnian officials in(to) Turkish. None of the German originals, if these existed, seem to have survived. Copies of the original incoming letters normally seem to have been either discarded or taken away by the dragomans for their private collections; only a few survive in the Vienna files. To complete his files, Dombay also transcribed letters of an earlier period which he must have found in the office archives. The language and style of the outgoing letters did not differ from the incoming ones; the ' Cf. e.g., Fras, Topographie, p. 20. For a succinct biography, see BLKO XI (Vienna 1864), pp. 59-60; he was a son of the aforementioned Chancellor Kaunitz (Von Kaunitz-Rietberg, 1711-94). 3 Paulich appears as a protagonist in Ivo Andric's novel Travnicka hronika of 1945, translated into English as Bosnian Chronicle or Days of the Consuls (London 1996), in his later capacity as Austrian consul at Travnik, cf. Chronicle, p. 308 ff. He was characterized in the novel as an "unusually hands-some man [who] lived and moved though in a kind of icy armour... He devoted himself to service on the frontier, which was where officers with less knowledge and poorer qualifications would usually remain ...", ibidem, pp. 308-9. 4 There is only one continuous series of sixteen complete German translations preserved for the year 1800. 2

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dragomans completely adopted the elaborate formalities of the traditional Ottoman chancellery style, complete with lengthy opening and closing formulas in rhymed prose. This in particular must have made the work a timeconsuming activity, especially in the early years when Dombay was still inexperienced. In November 1793, he noted in the margin of a draft translation of a six-page letter that it had taken him twenty-four hours to translate it. 1 When Dombay arrived in Zagreb, he was not the only dragoman employed by the border authorities. We also find references to Anton Hoffmann, 'oriental dragoman' ( o r i e n t a l i s c h e r Dolmetsch). The files also contain some of the latter's translations both into Turkish and German for the period of 1792 to 1793 when he served in the field with the demarcation commission.2 By the time Dombay arrived in Zagreb the implementation of the Treaty of Sistova was still far off, despite the effort of the Austrian border authorities in Croatia and those of Herbert in Istanbul. The demarcation of the new Bosnian border had not even reached its infancy. Soon after the ratification of the Treaty, Herbert summarized, an Austrian demarcation commission had been formed and sent to the Una area. The Ottomans were not so expeditious, and their commission only appeared after the summer.3 Apart from the dragoman Hoffmann, the Austrian commission, headed by Schlaun, consisted of five other officers, among whom were Colonel Rukavina 4 and the engineer Baron 'Czeriny'. 5 The Ottoman commission was headed by the former secretary of the Janissary corps ( Y e n i g e r i katibi), the 'muhaddid' ("demarcator") isma'il 'ismeti Efendi,6 the engineer 'Abdurrahman 7 Efendi, an architect {'mi'mar') Hafiz Efendi, and Mehmed Emin Aga, representative ('kethuda') of the governor Salih Pa§a8 and head of the provincial guards ( g a v u § a n emini). Salih Pa§a himself was to join the group

1 2

Von Schlaun to 'Ismeti Efendi, 21 November 1793. These are found in the first file (St. A. Türkei III/7) under "Demarcation I, 1793 1794".

^Memorial (in French) of 6 August 1792, in HHSA, St.A., Türkei 111/10. Georg Freihh Rukavina von Bidovgrad (1777-1849), cf. BLKO XXVII (Vienna 1874), pp. 248-50. 4

-'Cf. Schlaun to Hüsämüddin Pa§a (letter in German), 9 October 1793. The engineer, a Feldmarschallieutenant, was in fact called Joseph Graf Cerrini de Monte Barchi (17441829) who later distinguished himself in the siege of Genoa (in 1795), cf. BLKO I (Vienna 1856), pp. 323-4. ^He was also rüznämeci, chief of the daily register of the Treasury. ^He was teacher Qtöca) at and director of the newly established engineering school in Istanbul (1793-1800), Mühendishäne-i berrl-yi hümäyün, cf. Kemal Beydilli, Miihendishane-i berri-i hümäyün (Istanbul 1995), pp. 25, 34. Q

°el-Hacc Salih Pa§a of Kayseri (d. 1216/1801-2), a kapucibagi who was appointed vail oi Bosnia in 1204 (1789); although he was dismissed in 1205 (1790)-1), he was reconfirmed in his post, but again dismissed in 1207 (1792-3), cf. Mehmed Süreyyä, Sicill-i 'osmänl (hereafter SO), 4 Vols. (Istanbul 1313-5), III, p. 209.

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temporarily as overseer ('nazir) after he had been succeeded by Hiisamiiddin Paga 1 and before he had moved to his new post, Salonica, in 1793. The Ottoman commissioners arrived in Travnik two months after the ratification of the Treaty, and, on their way to izacik (Izacic), arrived in Yayce (Jayce) on 1 November. By then then Austrians had suggested that they postpone meeting until the next spring because bad weather, particularly snow, would make their work impossible. The Ottomans refused because they had no such instructions from Istanbul.2

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A letter from the Ottoman governor of Bosnia, 'All Pa§a, to the Austrian commander at Zagreb, concerning the exchange of letters, undated. The pasha was three times in function between 1773 and his death in 1870 (John Rylands Ms Turkish 53, No. xxxix). i

Hiisamiiddin Pa§a (d. 1212/1797-8) was educated as slave of the sultan and became kahveciba§i (coffe master at court); appointed as vail of Bosnia on 2 Muharrem 1207 (20 August 1792), SO II, p. 15. ^Salih Pa§a to Baron von Wallisch (Von Kaunitz-Rietberg's predecessor), 6 November 1791; the original of the letter is found in the Rylands MS Turkish 53, No. i.

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Work during the winter was not only hindered by the weather but also impeded because of local resistance, "irregularities which only a ferocious people who were too openly dissatisfied with the Convention of Sistova were able to cause", Herbert commented. The threat of their armed attacks was ever present. Two Austrian soldiers were shot dead in early 1792. Under pressure from Herbert, three suspects were arrested and incarcerated in Travnik, the place of a fourth who had fled was taken by a brother.1 By the time he wrote his lengthy memoir, in August 1792, not one boundary marking2 had been agreed upon. 3 Herbert regularly approached the Porte 4 to urge the Ottomans not to obstruct proceedings. But the Ottomans reproached the Austrians of doing the same. The continuous stalemate, Herbert had to admit, in fact was caused by a few fundamental errors in the procedure. The Sistova map was ambiguous and contained mistakes. The Ottoman commissioners refused to apply Austrian ('Imperial') measures (on which the map was based). The Ottomans insisted on adhering — practically impossible — to a literal interpretation of the terms of the special convention, instead of agreeing to the principle of a 'natural' boundary. Then, the Austrians had failed to inform the Ottomans fully of the existing Austrian fortifications in the demarcation area.5 A serious crisis occurred at the end of October 1792, when a group of Bosnians, headed by the aghas of Bihac and Izacic, attacked the commissioners and shot at the Austrian boundary posts at Ticevo and Jasin (Yasin, or Jasen). The Ottoman camp was set on fire and 'Ismeti Efendi had to flee. Two Austrians were killed, four were wounded. A month later when Herbert approached the Porte, it appeared that the members of a Bosnian delegation, who had come to Istanbul to plead their case, had been thrown into prison. It again was graphically underlined that the continuing occupation of Ottoman territory by the Austrians had caused the turmoil and Herbert urged far better co-operation between the commissions in the field and the avoiding of "provocations".6 By then Austria was at war with France and Herbert also

1 Herbert to Schlaun, 24 March 1792, in Si.A., Türkei III/9; Sälih Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 22 April 1792; the original of this letter is in the Rylands MS Turkish 53, No, x.

The official German term — it was also adopted in the Turkish texts — was 'Hunke' (or

'Grezmarke'); if attached to a special pole, and not, e.g. to a tree, such a marking was also called 'Grenz-säule' (sütün). In Turkish texts also the term 'sign' ('i§äret) occurs. ^Memorial (in French) of 6 August 1792, in HHSA, StA., Türkei 111/10. ^Discussions with the principal Ottoman policy makers such as the Reis Efendi (approximately minister of foreign affairs), Kähya Bey (internal affairs), and the Reylikci (head of the Chancellery) were in fact held by the dragoman Wallenburg. 5

Herbert to Schlaun (in French), 31 August 1792, ibidem.

^Herbert to Schlaun (in French), 4 February 1793, in

St. A., Türkei III/9.

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feared that the machinations of the sinister French agent Descorches1 who had arrived in Travnik in the spring of 1793 had made things worse. He seemed actively to foster the spirit of Jacobinism in Bosnia (by publishing leaflets in Serbo-Croatian) which felt on fertile ground among an unsophisticated people.2 He requested the Porte to have this disturbing element removed from Travnik. 3 Despite his protestations, to his great annoyance Descorches was allowed to travel to Istanbul.4 The year 1793 did not witness much progress. There were a member of meetings along the border. The kapici ba§i (head of the court ushers) and kiigük miráhór ('junior master of the horse') Hiiseyn Aga sent from Istanbul and three aghas of Bihac also participated in the negotiations, but to little avail. The parties could not agree on the exact site of the boundary line along the Korana and the Smolianatz mountains. In the case of the Korana, the Austrians wished to establish the line on the right (Ottoman) bank of the river so as to include the tow-path (which the Bosnians would be free to use) in exchange for land in the IzaCic area. Again, there was the Ottoman reproach of Austrian obstruction in erecting border posts ('gartaks', 'Tschartacke' or 'Tschardaque' in German 5 ), stations ('karakol-hanes') and other fortifications manned by Austrian soldiers.6 The Austrians reacted by stating that these posts were only of a defensive nature and were also meant to protect their men against bad weather. A major reason for these posts actually was to form a cordon sanitaire around the Ottoman Empire and prevent the spreading of contagious diseases, the plague in particular, into Central Europe. 7 Infiltrations across the border, often leading to violent confrontations, occurred regularly. In 1793, Austrian soldiers were attacked three times in the Izacic area. One man was killed — the notorious brigands Salkan Rakovic and Hasan 'Birgózlü' ("One-eyed") Poparavic were implicated in this case — and two others were wounded. Herbert lodged a protest at the Porte.8 A Bosnian 97

1

Marie Louis Antoine Marquis de Saint Croix; he became French (revolutionary) agent in Istanbul, 1793-5, cf. Shaw, Between Old and New, p. 250; in the same latter Herbert wrote about him as "cet être malfaisant... qui cherche à souffler la disordre... à produire un soulèvement en Bosnie"-, cf. also Un Général Hollandais, pp. 80-1; Gérard Groc, "La traduction, clef de la diplomatie révolutionnaire à Constantinople", in Frédéric Hitzel, éd., Istanbul et les langues orientales (Paris & Montréal, 1997), pp. 333-49; and E. De Marcère, Une ambassade à Constantinople (2 Vols. Paris 1927), I, pp. 22-6 and 29-32. ^Herbert to Schlaun (in French), 20 May 1793, ibidem. %erbert to Schlaun (in French), 26 May 1793. ^Herbert to Schlaun (in French), 29 June 1793, ibidem. 5

The word is still used in Serbo-Croat, spelt cardak. Hüsamüddm Pa§a Schlaun, 21 October 1793. n See Daniel Panzac, Quarantaines et lazarets; l'Europe et la peste Provence, 1986), pp. 65-78. 8 Schlaun (at Vaganac) to Hüsamüddin Pa§a, 4 November 1793. 6

d'Orient

(Aix-en-

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Muslim, Mehmed 'Alemdar of Cesr-i kebir near Ostrovica (Ostrovic), was shot dead, reportedly, by Croatian Grenzer when he was on his way to chop wood. 1 After the governor of Bosnia had received new instructions from Istanbul in the wake of another intervention by Herbert, he decided to move to Bihac and consult with 'ismeti Efendi. 2 In October, the pasha tried to soothe the hardened feelings by sending presents to the members of the Austrian commission. These consisted of shawls, handkerchiefs, cherry-wood snuffboxes, tobacco and golden pipe bowls. Schlaun also received a fully caparisoned horse and a 'jasmine sniff-box'. 3 Somewhat embarrassed, Schlaun thanked the pasha for the presents but had to admit that he could not find any suitable reciprocal gifts "in this barren part of Croatia."4 The presents failed to thaw the situation and 'ismeti Efendi threatened to break off all negotiations.5 Winter had already set in and nothing had been accomplished.6 He put all the blame on the Austrians and accused Schlaun of outright obstruction. Two years of negotiations had led to nothing. 7 In a long letter written on 21 November at the Austrian camp at Vaganac (Gornji Vaganac), an exasperated Schlaun answered that indeed nothing had happened during the last 144 days and defended the Austrian case. It would be absolutely necessary to interpret the 'red line' and the further (contradictory) instructions from Istanbul in a more practical way. Defensibility combined with natural features should be the decisive factors. The right bank of the Korana should be within Austrian territory. Resistance to accepting the Imperial mile as well as the Austrian method of calculating squares should be abandoned. Schlaun also accused 'Ismeti Efendi of holding back crucial information and obstructing postal connections with Istanbul. The whole matter could easily be rounded off within twenty days if both parties set their minds to it. The Austrian points of view, however, were totally unacceptable to the Ottomans. 8 In January the Ottoman commissioners left for Travnik, leaving a frustrated Schlaun behind

^Hüsämüddin Pa§a to the Austrian Command at Karlovac, 18 September 1793. The pasha urged the prosecution of the culprits, letter to the Austrian Command, 10 June 1794 (the original is in the Rylands MS Turkish 53, no. xx.) Paublich had the case investigated but came to the conclusion that the man was killed by Bosnians out of revenge. He apparently was a protégé of Mehmed Beg Besirovic, hated by the local population for cooperating in the demarcation process, cf. Paulich to Hüsämüddin Pa§a, 26 September 1794. ^Hüsämüddin Pa§a to Schlaun, 20 September 1793. 3List in Germany by Hoffmann, in Hüsämüddin Pa§a to Schlaun, 8 October 1793. in diesem öden Gegenden Hoffmann), 8 October 1793. ^Hüsämüddin Pa§a to Schlaun, 6 'Ismeti Efendi to Schlaun, 30 ^Letter of 11 November 1793. Ismeti Efendi to Schlaun, 14

Croatiens",

Schlaun to 'ismeti Efendi (in German by

13 October 1793. October 1793. January 1794.

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in Vaganac. Having finally returned to Karlovac, he reacted fiercely to the Ottoman reproaches of obstruction, his disregard for the Ottoman principles, and his supposed avoidance of meetings on the pretext of the plague. This danger, news about which had reached him from the Venetian border, should always be taken seriously.1 Spring brought new expectations that matters would be solved during the new season. In April, 'ismeti Efendi sent an optimistic letter to Schlaun.2 Negotiations were held by the two commissions in the course of this year (1794) 3 but Dombay does not seem to have been involved in them and documentation about them is lacking in our files. Progress, anyway, must have been minimal. Dombay was busy with the translation of the usual correspondence on clashes and conflicts involving the boundary people. In the worst cases, war did not seem to be far off. In February a group of Austrian soldiers accompanying two merchants who had fallen ill on their way to the medical post in Kostayca (Kostazjnica) lost their way. When they asked for information, they were attacked by a group of a least 140 Muslims. One soldier was killed and his rifle was stolen.4 The pasha referred the case to the 5 kadi and captains of Prijedor and Kozarac. On 3 March, a group of Bosnian brigands attacked three Croatian Grenzer who were chopping wood in the Ramonica mountains. One of the Croatians was killed, without any apparent motive. 6 No culprit was ever caught. 7 At the end of the same month, two Austrian couriers were fatally wounded when they were on their way back from Maydan (Stari Majdan, near Prijedor).8 On 14 April, a band of a hundred armed Muslim Bosnians attacked an unspecified boundary station ( " k a r a v u l " 9 = karakolfhane]). One Austrian guard was killed, two were injured, four others were taken prisoner. The Austrian command demanded that the Ottoman authorities intervene and arrest the leaders of the band of Mustafa Beg Ceric (Ceric) and his brother, Mehmed, both from (Bosanski) Novi. 10 The brothers had earlier been accused of the murder of two Croatian farmers near Novi, the

1 2

Schlaun to 'ismeti Efendi, 10 March 1794.

Letter of 20 April 1794.

3

Cf. Herbert to Schlaun, 2 June 1794, in St.A., Türkei III/9. Erdödy (replacing Kaunitz-Reitberg) to Hüsämüddin Pa§a, 25 February 1794. The name of the Austrian commander is spelled 'Graf [=Graf] de Urdedi' but he must have been identical with Johann Graf Erdödy, cf. Fras, Topographie, p. 20; on this family, fully named Erdödy zu Monyökerek und Monte Claudio, cf. BLKO III (1858), pp. 66-9. ^Undated letter to the Austrian Command. 4

6 7

Paulich to Hüsämüddin Pa§a, 11 April 1792.

See the lengthy memoir by Kaunitz-Rietberg to Hüsämüddin Pa§a, undated (early 1795), sub No. 1; Schlaun to the same, 13 September 1795, sub No. 7. 8 Erdödy to Hüsämüddin Pa§a, 15 April 1794. ®The word is still used in Serbo-Croat, spelt karaul (meaning patrol). 10 Erdödy to Hüsämüddin Pa§a, 29 April 1794.

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burning of a thousand carts loaded with hay (in 1793),1 and the violent theft of twenty pigs and shoes belonging to three Bosnians. 2 They were also accused of illegally occupying and exploiting land in Austrian territory. 3 Mustafa Ceric was also suspected of being involved in the killing and robbing of two Austrian cattle dealers. He and the aforementioned Hasan Poparavic attacked them on the road near Neblyuski Glanac, robbed them of thirty gold pieces ("altun") and threw their bodies into a ditch. 4 From a letter written four months later it is abundantly clear that Mustafa Ceric was not a simple highway robber, but that at least some of his actions were politically motivated. He was organizing popular resistance against the Austrian occupation of territory near Novi which had been captured in the war and distributed weapons among the population. 5 In July, another two Croatian Grenzer were the victim of an attack. They were killed by Bosnian brigands in a wood near Plitvice. 6 This case, too, remained unsolved. A more serious crisis occurred in August. On the 14th a group of approximately a thousand Bosnian Muslims from Iza6ic attacked the Austrian gartak of Jasin. Three Austrian guards and their horses were killed, four men and another three horses were injured. 7 The attacks was motivated by another dispute over farmland. Bosnian farmers were used to making hay ("otluk bigmek") in the villages of Kamen and Kosta Lipa which had been occupied by the Austrians since the war. The second day as they were on their way to the fields, the farmers were stopped by Austrian soldiers and sent back. The next day, the 13th, a small group of them had come to the post at Jasin, berating and shooting at the guards. These shot back and two Bosnians were killed. 8 The Austrian command pointed out to the Ottomans that the Sultan had forbidden by ferman passage across the temporary frontier by Ottoman subjects at the risk of being shot dead. Austria demanded that the four leaders of the raid should be punished. 9 In response to the Austrian letter, Husamiiddin Pa§a defended the Bosnian farmers: they depended on the fields occupied by Austria since the war for their living. There had also been complaints from local villagers that the Austrians had erected guard posts in the area since the

' These cases remained unsolved, cf. the memoir of early 1795, sub No. 20; Schlaun to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 13 September 1795, sub. Nos. 3 & 4. Note by an unnamed bayraktar (at Bilalovac), undated (August 1793). 3

Paulich to Hiisamiiddin Pa§a, 22 April 1794.

4

Paulich to Hiisamiiddin Pa§a, 13 May 1794; cf. Schlaun to the same, 13 September 1795, sub No. 10.

^Erdody to Hiisamiiddin Pa§a, 19 September 1794. ^Memoir of early 1795, sub No. 7; Schlaun to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 13 September 1795, sub No. 13.

n 8

Paulich to Hiisamiiddin Pa§a, 26 August 1794. Paulich to Hiisamiiddin Pa§a, 9 September 1794.

^Paulich to Hiisamiiddin Pa§a, 16 September 1794.

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war when in fact the fields, together with land in another three areas, belonged to the inhabitants of the Bihad district and had been occupied illegally. A protest had been lodged with Herbert in Istanbul. 1 Herbert urged a reconciliation between the parties. The Austrians promised to pay compensation. 2 The Ottomans apparently refused to take steps against the supposed rebel leaders. 3 A month earlier, an Austrian soldier of the same gartak had been wounded when its guards had come to the rescue of four Grenzer who were carrying wood from Jasin to Kosta Lipa and had been attacked by a group of some eighty to ninety Ottoman subjects.4 The ensuing Austrian complaint had remained unanswered.5 Later during the same year, on 26 September, a group of about fifty armed Muslim horsemen attacked seven Croatian Grenzer in a wood near Ostrovic in revenge for their theft of Bosnian cattle. One Croatian was killed. 6 No response came to the Austrian letter about the incident.7 Less serious conflicts mentioned in the correspondence were, as were some of the aforementioned cases, rooted in the unsolved demarcation and the ensuing confused juridical status of large stretches of border territory. Again there were mutual complaints about the building of fortifications. The Austrian command demanded that two stone towers furnished with guns on the (small) River Klokot (near Izacic) and in Vadropolje, built since the war and in contravention to the Treaty of Sistova, should be demolished.8 The pasha, many months later — the Austrian letter had been lost — vaguely promised to look into the matter.9 It was six of one and half a dozen of the other as the Austrian command refused to do the same when such requests came from the Ottoman side. Hiisamuddin Pa§a complained about the building of stone towers along the left bank of the Korana from where Bosnians, particularly the inhabitants of Tirsica (Trzac), were hindered from using the river. 10 Petitions were sent to the Council 1

Hiisamuddin Pa§a to the Zagreb Command, 18 September 1794; the original of this letter is found in the Rylands MS Turkish 53, No. xviii. 2 C f . Hiisamuddin Pa§a to the Austrian Command, undated (September 1794); he original is in MS Turkish 53, No. xv. ^See the memoir of early 1795, sub No. 13. ^Paulich to Hiisamuddin Pa§a, 15 July 1794. 5

S e e the memoir of early 1795, sub No. 8; Schlaun to Hiisamuddin Pa§a, 13 September 1795, sub No. 18. 6 Paulich to Hiisamuddin Pa§a, 7 October 1794. ^Memoir of early 1795, sub. No. 14. 8

Paulich to Hiisamiiddin Pa§a, 25 March 1794.

^Hiisamuddin Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 10 June 1794; the original is in MS Turkish 53, no. xxii. 10 Husamiiddin Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 18 June 1794; the original of this letter is found in the Rylands MS Turkish 53, No. xxxvi.

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{Divan) of Bosnia by the officers and inhabitants of the Bihac district, complaining about this as well as about the repair by Austrian of boundary posts, customs offices, and 'lazarettos'. The Austrian command defended such activities by claiming that the demarcation commission and its personal could not do their job without such facilities. There also were the continual raids into Imperial territory by Bosnian Grenzer and bandits. Then there was the danger from the undermining manoeuvres of French agents in Bosnia.1 Finally, the Ottomans had refused to comply with Austrian requests to demolish recently erected fortifications in territory belonging to Austria under the terms of the Treaty. 2 In the same month, August, the pasha complained about the activities of a group of thirty Austrian men led by a major, who trespassed into Ottoman territory near Izacic and had begun to build a series of new gartaks all along the border from Izacic down to the 'triplex confinium'. In at least three areas, in the districts of Izacic, Kosova (Kosovo), and Grahova (Grahovo), Austrians had unlawfully occupied Ottoman land, thereby damaging "the rose garden of the Islamic lands". 3 The Austrian Command responded saying that the complaint would be studied. It reminded the pasha that as long as the demarcation was not completed the responsibility for the Grenzer on both sides was shared by the officers of both countries. 4 In a following letter, the commander explained that the inhabitants need not have feared the Austrian patrol; it had certainly had no intention of attacking Ottoman outposts and had no more done than its duty.5 Finally, there were complaints about the implementation of the Sistova Articles concerning the freedom of trade, the liberation of prisoners and slaves, and the choice of citizenship. In view of this situation, the Austrian command requested the pasha co-operate in the reopening of the border market ('Raster, or 'rastil' in Turkish) held on Sundays and Thursdays;6 officers of both sides should guarantee that visitors handed in their weapons before entering the bazaars. 7 The pasha refused for as long as the demarcation had not yet been completed.8

^See also Erdody to Husamuddin Pa§a, 16 July 1794, requesting a check of the antiAustrian machinations by French agents in Travnik and Sarajevo who were spreading defamatory ideas among the local population. ^Paulich to Husamuddin Pa§a, 4 August 1794. 3

Husamuddin Pa§a to the Austrian Command, undated (September 1794); the original in MS Turkish 53, No. xv. 4 Paulich to Husamuddin Pa§a, 28 October 1794. 5 6

Idem, 21 November 1794.

The markets were part of the sanitary cordon between the Austrian and Ottoman Empires, see for details, Krajasich, Militdrgrenze I, pp. 214 ff.; see also Panzac, Quarantines, p. 72. Measures were taken to ensure that Austrian and Ottoman subjects did not touch each other and that their commodities and money were treated with water, vinegar, and perfume before exchange. 7 Paulich to Husamuddin Pa§a, 17 October 1794. o Hiisamiiddm Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 26 January 1795.

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There were a number of cases in which the Austrian Command accused the Ottomans of not allowing prisoners and slaves to return to Croatia. Kaunitz-Rietberg sent the pasha as list ("defter") with their names in August 1793. 1 A few cases received special attention. Firstly, there was the case of Maryam, the (Christian) daughter of Matja Sinoglic (or Ismoglic) of Urobica. She had been captured during the war and was reportedly with an agha called Popara (probably to be identified with Hasan Poparavic). 2 The Austrian Command requested that she be sent back to her village (Gradiska).3 The pasha had the matter investigated, but was not able to trace the girl in Travnik. 4 A similar request about the release of two young boys was sent in October after a soldier, Stepan Basara who served in one of the Croatian border regiments, had sent a petition to his commander. Both the eleven-year-old son of his sister and his own son (of the same age) had already been held as slaves for five years in Ostrovic, the latter by the local captain Mehmed Beg Besirovic. The Ottoman authorities had similar complaints. At the end of May 1795, a Croat brigand from Novi captured two women and a small boy as well as goods and money (50 kuru§5) from a house in a stronghold near a bridge on the River Sava (Cisr-i Sava kal'esi) near Kamengrad. The women had originally been Christians but nine years previously had converted to Islam when they married Muslim men. The pasha demanded the release of the captured and compensation. 6 He also demanded the release of four boys from Cetin and Novi, among them the son of an agha of Novi, Mehmed Beg, who were "subjected to all kinds of torments" in Karlovac and Petrinja. The fathers had appeared before the Imperial Council (Dlvan-i humdyun) in Istanbul, the grand vizier had issued a ferman for their release, and the Austrian envoy had also been approached.7 No answer seems to have been sent. As regards the third point, the Austrian authorities seemed to have impeded Muslim inhabitants of (Bosanska) Dubica (occupied by the Austrians) from moving to Bosnia. A local feudatory (za'im) called Ibrahim petitioned the Austrian commander to allow a group of them to do so. 8 In its turn Austria protested against the levying oiharag (the poll tax exacted from non-Muslim subjects) from former Austrian subjects in the border area.9 1 See letter of 30 August 1793. 2

Schlaun to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 30 June 1794.

3

Paulich to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 15 July 1794; idem, 7 October 1794.

4

Hiisamuddin Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 16 August 1795; the original is in MS Turkish 53, No. xix. ^Identical to the (silver) asper, worth 1 fl. 8 x., cf. the currency list in our files. ^Husamiiddin Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 7 June 1795.

7"enva'-i mihne ducar olduklarim",

Husamiiddin Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 19

October 1795. 8

Letter of 26 July 1793.

^Erdody to Hiisamiiddin Pa§a, 1 April 1794.

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Bad feelings between the two parties were not mitigated when the Austrian Command found but that its letters did not arrive in Travnik or were, on one occasion, wilfully burned by inhabitants of Bihac. 1 Although the pasha assured the Austrians that he would give the necessary instructions to the local authorities, 2 no culprits seem to have been punished. 3 "After almost four and a half years of fruitless struggling", Schlaun was not optimistic. In a report 4 sent to the Hofkriegsrat in Vienna in 1795 he ventured the opinion that the demarcation of the newly-arranged Bosnian boundary might never be accomplished. Although the line of the northernmost part of the frontier, covering the marks (Hunken) Nos. 62 to 80, 5 had been more or less agreed upon by both parties, the south-western part, covering the proposed marks No. 81 to 89, 6 was still undecided as well as fiercely opposed by the local landowners and aghas. Working with the Ottoman commission was difficult because of the "congenital slowness, ignorance and a certain deviousness" of 'Ismeti Efendi. Schlaun wondered whether it really were worth the trouble to try to acquire more land in that area. Apart from local resistance, which was directed particularly against new boundary posts and villages which were being built by the Croatian Command 7 in territory not militarily subjected by Austria in the war, there was another complicating factor that was almost insoluble. In June 1793, Herbert had agreed with the Porte that the Austrians would obtain an area of not more than twenty-four square miles. But whose square miles? And how should these be brought into line with the data of the erroneous and vague Sistova map? If taken literally and in accordance with Imperial measures, it would even leave room for the inclusion of Bihac in Austrian Croatia. Would it not be better to be content with Cetin and Dreznik and try to obtain further compensation in the form of one or more strategically important border corrections in the Bukovina area (not inhabited by Muslims)? The hazardous political circumstances — Austria and Great Britain were left alone to fight the war against France which had overrun the Netherlands — called for a quick solution, not least because the Ottomans demanded the restitution of occupied territory ever more loudly, particularly the three fortresses of Dubica, Berbir (Gradiska), and Novi. Schlaun's suggestion does not seem to have been well received by the Council.

Ipaulich to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 14 May 1794; Kaunitz-Rietberg to the same, 2 December 1794.

9

Husamiiddin Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 10 June 1794; the original is in MS Turkish 53, No. xxii. Memoir of early 1795, sub 5. ^Undated, 20 pp. in German. -'A 16-page draft description ("Grenzscheidungsinstrument") in German and Turkish of these posts is found in our files. ®See the 14-page draft description, idem. 7

Under the authority of Major Bozic', six villages were built along the Bosnian border from 1792 onwards, half of these were populated by immigrants; in the whole border area forty-five villages were set up, mostly after 1795; these were populated by 12,496 men and women, cf. Vranicek, Specialgeschichte III, pp. 66-8; cf. Krajasich, Militargrenze, pp. 271-2.

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In early summer, further negotiations between Herbert and the Porte brought a breakthrough in the halted demarcation work. These resulted in a ferman} dated end of Zilka'de 1209 (mid-June 1795), sent to the Bosnian governor, the members of the Ottoman demarcation commission, and the local Bosnian captains. It contained, among other items, a lengthy description of the new south-western Bosnian boundary line, running from the Korana southwards, more detailed than that found in the special Convention of Sistova. It instructed the commissioners to co-operate in the erection of the boundary marks and the exchange of the necessary demarcation documents confirming each decision. The commission was held responsible for the speedy execution of the ferman. In July, the first steps were taken to realize the agreement. The Austrian commission headed by Schlaun and including Major Boschich (Bozic, who had replaced Czeriny 2 ) and Dombay travelled to Vaganac in August. 3 Its Ottoman counterpart, headed by 'ismeti Efendi and including the kapici ba§i, Hiiseyn Aga, moved to their field quarters in Lipa Voda (near Kamen). They arrived there on 8 September. 4 Meanwhile, the governor Husamiiddln Pa§a moved to Bihac, where he put up his tents on the left bank of the Una, west of the town. A few days later, on 11 September, a first meeting took place. 5 After greetings and refreshments, both commissions moved to the Korana on horseback. They were accompanied by a large retinue of seventy-eight soldiers and fifty armed workmen. They halted at the central crossing called Gavranic Brod, where the 81st Hunke had to be erected. Lengthy and tiring negotiations began about where exactly to set up the mark. These took almost a full day and were conducted in the open air in the sweltering heat under a burning sun. Local inhabitants were consulted to identify the place (there were two other crossing points nearby in the shallow and rocky river), 'ismeti Efendi, to Schlaun's growing irritation, repeatedly abandoned the discussions in order to study the text of the ferman closely. After a point on the steep hill on the right bank at a gunshot's distance from the river had finally been agreed upon and the engineers of both commissions with Dombay had climbed the hill, they still could not agree on the exact spot. Thereupon, the other commissioners climbed the hill as well and eventually reached an agreement. ]

Thc files contain a five-page German translation of it.

2

Czeriny (Cerrini) remained in contact with 'Abdurrahman Efendi afterwards, cf. a letter of greetings from the latter to the former (then in Genoa) of 6 January 1796. 3 Schlaun (at Vaganac) to 'ismeti Efendi, 16 August 1795.

4 5

'ismetl Efendi to Schlaun, 8 September 1795.

O n the activities of the next five days we are informed in detail by a 32-page report by Schlaun sent to the Hofkriegsrat, the autograph draft of which is kept in our files; the following is based on this report.

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In the late afternoon the accord was celebrated by a loud recitation of the ferman in the presence of a group of local people. These, however, remained at a distance, watching the ceremony suspiciously. At a certain moment, one Muslim ("Turk") from Izacic stepped forward and spoke threatening words to 'ismeti Efendi, who, enraged, kicked the man away from him. Hiiseyn Aga intervened and was able to soothe the heated feelings. But worse was to come. While work on the erection of the boundary mark was about to begin, the firing of guns was heard. This meant that a rebellion had broken out. The Ottoman workmen immediately ceased work. Schlaun decided to call for reinforcements. During the following night (11-12 September), the firing of guns continued. In the morning it appeared that a group of a least a hundred "Turks" from Izacic had surrounded the Ottoman camp in Lipa Voda. (It was visible from the Austrian frontier post at Kamen). 'ismeti Efendi secretly informed Schlaun — a servant was able to smuggle a note to an Austrian patrol at Kamen — that he was being kept as a prisoner and could not meet him. The pasha, meanwhile, held a meeting ("divan") with the captains and aghas of Bihac and Izacic and informed them of the Istanbul agreement by reading the ferman to them. When the contents became known in Bihac, according to Schlaun, "not only women and children burst out in angry tears but the men held a brief consultation", started to fire guns to raise the alarm, and demolished the bridge on the Una between the town and the pasha's camp. The insurrection of these "unruly insects" 1 was soon suppressed and four rebel leaders, among them the captain of Bihac, Hiiseyn Beg, were captured and sent to Travnik in chains. 2 On the morning of the 15th, Schlaun and Bozic, still unaware of the events in Bihac, were alarmed by the sound of loudly recited prayers and shouting. They went to Kamen to watch the siege of the Ottoman camp. Schlaun immediately gave orders to reinforce and expand the defence works on both sides of the Korana. Two days later the crisis was over. On the 17th, the pasha moved to Lipa Voda and relieved the Ottoman commissioners. 3 He later sent presents — these were conveyed by Hiiseyn Aga — to the Austrian commissioners as a token of his concern about the continuation of their mutual friendship. 4

nizamsiz ha§erat", Hiisamiiddin Pa§a to Schlaun, 16 September 1795. Cf. 'Ismeti Efendi to Schlaun, 18 September 1795. 3 Schlaun to Hiisamiiddin Pa§a, 17 September 1795. ^Hiisamiiddin Pa§a to Schlaun, 1 October 1795; Schlaun to Hiisamiiddin Pasa, 6 October 1795. 2

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The officials did not meet again before the end of September, despite Schlaun's efforts to accelerate the proceedings and finish matters before winter. (He also pointed out that further delay was costly and damaging to agriculture because it kept the Grenzer from harvesting.)1 From then on the demarcation work continued, but haltingly, and it was not finished until well into December. Lack of water made conditions even more difficult. During the demarcation work, Schlaun again accused 'ismeti Efendi of obstruction: it took two days of discussions before the (next) mark in Jasin could be erected. When the commissioners arrived in nearby Abdice Brdo, they came under fire from the local inhabitants and had to look for shelter in the Austrian gartak. The Ottomans were obliged to spend the night in the Austrian camp thereby "finding the peace they did not find among their co-religionists."2 During the confrontation, one Bosnian was killed and four wounded. One Austrian guard was injured. 3 Schlaun urged the Ottomans to mobilize more troops to prevent hostile actions by the Bosnians and pointed out the necessity of digging a trench along that part of the border. 4 'ismeti Efendi did ask for reinforcements after he was confronted with local resistance (by "useless insects") near the source of the Klokot (where a boundary sign was to be placed). 5 The pasha thereupon sent a regiment of armed feudatories (timariotes and ze'timet holders) to the area.6 The rebels were dispersed and 'ismeti Efendi was able to put up his tents near the Klokot.7 Moving slowly southwards to Neblui (Nebloha, Nebljusi) and Lapac, the commissioners found the roads almost impassable, ismeti Efendi had a special battalion of forty to fifty men with axes hack a way through the vegetation overgrowing the road.8 By the end of October, both parties reached the surroundings of Lapac. The Ottoman group set up camp near the Simlistie mountains and the Austrians moved to Nebljusi. On the 29th, the commissioners met at the Lipac farm (giftlik), where, on the eastern ridge of the nearby mountain, three marks had to be erected. But the engineers of both parties could not agree on the right spot. Schlaun wrote an angry letter to 'ismeti Efendi. It really did seem that he had received instructions from the Porte to delay the demarcations, otherwise why had it chosen a man who was unable to distinguish between east and north! Or was it simply carelessness or

1

Schlaun to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 26 September 1795.

devlet-i 'dliyenuii me'murlari ... ordugah-i dostanemize geliib ehali-yi din beynlerinde bulunmayan rahat u huzurlarim buldilar ..." 3

Schlaun (at Vaganac) to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 30 September 1795. Schlaun to 'ismeti Efendi, 30 September 1795. 5 'ismeti Efendi to Schlaun, 3 and 4 October 1795. ^Husamiiddin Pa§a to Schlaun, 9 October 1795. 7 'Ismeti Efendi to Schlaun, 9 October 1795. 8 'Ismeti Efendi to Schlaun, 21 October 1795. 4

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a scheme to make a fool of Major Bozic? 1 Schlaun reported the conflict to the pasha. 2 After he had repeatedly but vainly invited the Austrians to further negotiations, 'ismeti Efendi moved his camp to the Una near Vakuf. 3 Indignant, he dismissed Schlaum's suggestions of ignorance and obstinacy. "Must I and [my] respected officials travel great distances every day and suffer a thousand troubles and hardships, only to hear jokes and [idle] stories?" 4 Meanwhile it had begun to snow. Soldiers and animals alike suffered greatly from the cold. Further meetings became almost impossible. On November 4, Major Bozic was unable to reach the Ottomans. Schlaun had offered 'ismeti Efendi a reconciliation, but no answer came and he threatened to return to his winter quarters. 5 The same day, however, the commissions were able to agree on two boundary marks near Lapac. The pasha urged Schlaun to continue work. 6 On 15 November another mark was placed on the bank of the Una, an hour's distance from Vakuf. The Austrians moved camp to Mazin. The weather was atrocious and the roads had been made unrecognisable by snow. 7 The Ottomans moved to the next post, the source of the Una. Local captains were ordered to provide the necessary supply of hay. 8 Again, a conflict arose between the commissions on the right spot for the border sign. 9 Eventually (and before the end of the month) 10 this and the next (and last) mark (at the triplex confinium) were put in place, although the correspondence is silent on what exactly happened. By 2 December, the pasha had sent a memoir to the Porte on the conclusion of the demarcation and was on his way to Novi. 11 The Austrians moved to Grachacz (Gracac) and soon afterwards to Twor (Dvor, opposite Novi); the Ottoman commission moved to (Bosanska) Krupa and Orahvisa (near Novi). 12 The final stage of the demarcation was reached: the official transfer of the three fortresses along the Una and Sava as well as the relinquishing of the karakolhanes and gartaks in Grahova (Grahovo), along

I

Letter of 29 October 1795.

2

Letter of 31 October 1795.

3

'Ismeti Efendi to Schlaun, 30 October 1795.

4,1

me'mùràn-i kiràm ile mesàfe-i ba'ideden hezàr ta'b u me§akkat gekerek kiillù yevm mulàkdta gelen kelàm-i 'abes ve hikàye istimà'ina mi gelùr", 'ismeti Efendi to Schlaun, 1 November 1795. ^Schlaun to 'ismeti Efendi, 5 November 1795. ^Letter of 6 November 1795. 7

Schlaun to 'ismeti Efendi, 17 November 1795.

8

'ismeti Efendi to Schlaun, 17 November 1795.

^Hiisàmuddin Pa§a to Schlaun, 21 November 1795. 10

II 12

C f . Schlaun to Hiisàmuddin Pa§a, 1 December 1795. Husamiiddin Pa§a to Schlaun, 2 December 1795. C f . 'Ismeti Efendi to Schlaun, 13 December 1795.

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the Unaca (Unac) and in Srb.1 On 19 December, the necessary paperwork was prepared with Dombay's help at the lodgings of 'Abdurrahman Efendi in Novi. The articles of the instruments of demarcation and transfer ('hudûdnâme', 'senedât') were read out by the engineer and the drafts checked for mistakes by the dragoman. They were also checked by the kadi ('Molla Efendi') of Sarajevo for possible contradictions with Islamic law. 2 By 5 January 1796, finally, the fortresses of Novi, Dubica, and Gradska had officially been handed over to 'ismeti Efendi. The Austrians had bound themselves to deliver the strongholds in good repair and with armaments intact. The Imperial troops, then, retired and the pontoon-bridges were cut loose. The Ottoman commissioners were presented with golden snuff-boxes. 3 Schlaun and 'ismeti Efendi seemed to have kept contact. In June, Schlaun sent his and Dombay's greetings to his Ottoman colleague and blessed his two daughters.4

Border conflicts A large part of Dombay's task, then, was translation work related to the demarcation of the south-western Bosnian border. A substantial part of the correspondence between Zagreb and Travnik, or more generally between the Austrian Command and Ottoman officials, was not directly related to the demarcation work, but more generally to the implementation (and infractions) of the Austro-Ottoman treaties, particularly that of Sistova. A major problem which continually bothered both parties, the Austrians above all, was the illegal trespassing of the borders with the aim of robbery which in the worst cases was aggravated by manslaughter — we have already come across a number of cases. This trespassing in the form of raids (akins) sometimes had an overt political and religious motivation or one or the other, particularly if undertaken by Bosnian Muslims, But motives, apart from 'revenge', are hardly ever spelled out in our correspondence. The Austrian Command guessed that a hard core of twenty-six Bosnian 'brigands' (e§kiya) were responsible for most trouble in the border area.5 Repeatedly, action was demanded from the Ottoman authorities. These were most reluctant, probably also incapable — most letters sent by the Austrians were never answered — to put a stop to the crimes. There were also a few conflicts of an economic nature which caught the attention of the correspondents. 1A list (in Turkish) is preserved in our files. ^'ismeti Efendi (outside Novi) to Schlaun, 20 December 1795. Copies of the hududname (Grenzscheidungsinstrument) in Turkish and German as well as the sened concerning the transfer of Novi (in Turkish) are found in our files; Vranicek, Specialgeschichte, III, p. 63, contains a German version of the act of transfer of Dubica. ^Ismeti Efendi to Schlaun, 6 January 1796. There was a final hitch when ismeti Efendi protested that a few islands in the Una, occupied by Austrian troops in the war, had not been returned to Bosnia, cf. letter to the Austrian Command, 17 January 1796. •^Letter of 9 June 1796 (sent from Bjelovar). ^Paulich to Hiisamuddln Pa§a, 3 July 1794.

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Between 1792 and early 1796, apart from the cases described above, there were ten cases of theft and another three involving the killing of people. Another fourth in this category dated from before the war. In the autumn of 1775, a group of thirteen brigands, among them three Muslims, led by a certain Radovan Polic from Kozarac, swooped on the village of Vajnic in Austrian Krain (Krajina). A monk was killed and the inhabitants were robbed of goods worth 729 fl. 30 x. The previous governors of Bosnia, Hazinedar isma'il Pa§a and Salih Pa§a, had promised to bring the culprits to justice and compensate the victims. Nothing had happened and in May 1794, the villagers requested a new intervention by the Command. 1 Four months later, the governor replied that the captain of Ostrozac, ip§ir, had died and that his son and successor, Mehmed, had been in Travnik at the time and could not remember anything of the case. The pasha promised that elderly people would be interrogated about the affair. 2 Not only Austrian subjects were victims of violent crime. In 1793, the Ottomans accused a gang of Croats of the murder of Yusuf, deputy (vekll) of Hiiseyn Beg, captain of Bihac. Yusuf was robbed of money, twelve horses, and provisions between Kamengrad and Bihac. The gang leader, Juvan Uskovic, was shot dead when he tried to escape, Three of his cronies — a list 3 of six suspects was sent to Karlovac — all 'bandits' (hayduts) from Novi — were arrested by the Austrians and brought before the court at Petrinja. 4 They denied having had anything to do with the affair, nor could the Austrians find any of the stolen goods. The commander asked for witnesses and further proof. 5 No response was received.6 Later in the same year, a certain Hasan Kethiida of Yezerska kal'esi near Krupa informed the pasha about the murder of his nephew, Muhrim Aga. When the latter was returning from his land with a cart loaded with hay, he was attacked by a group of Croats. The pasha demanded the punishment of the culprits, particularly the gang leader, Radosik Mila. The Austrian commander answered that this man and his cronies were not known in the Austrian border districts.7

1

o

Paulich to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 13 May 1794.

^Letter to the Austrian Command, 23 September 1794; the original is in the Rylands MS Turkish 53, No. xxi. ^Husamiiddm Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 12 October 1793. ^Erdody to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 17 December 1793. 5

Erdody to Hiisamuddin Pa§a, 28 March 1794.

6

Erdody to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 11 April 1794.

^Erdody to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 3 January 1794.

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In May 1794, another serious robbery took place. On the 5th, four grain dealers were attacked in the mountains near Ripag (Ripac). Two Muslims suddenly appeared on the road, grabbed the Austrians and tied them. They made off with three horses loaded with maize, 1 money, and all their goods, namely "three sables, three ropes, three halters, six sacks, nine double stirrups (upangu = iizengu ?), five ells (ar§m) of cotton textile, a caftan of a type worn at the frontier, a shalvar, a pair of trousers (gak§ir), a shirt, socks (gecirme), another caftan, and twenty pieces of seventeen (= aspers/akge, "onyedilik")". One of the suspects was Solo Seric (= probably Ceric), son of the notorious Seric (Ceric). Three of the victims were able to escape but a fourth was killed. His body was thrown into the Una. 2 No culprits seem to have been brought to justice. 3 The less serious cases of robbery discussed in the letters mostly concern cattle theft. Five oxen were stolen from the Behramogullan family of Orasca (Orasje). Traces led to a nearby Austrian gartak. In revenge, three horses were stolen from a carpenter (or builder, dulger), Matja Barbaric, in the employ of the Austrians. 4 The Austrians were unable to find any culprits. Salih Pa§a promised to return the horses, but this does not seem to have happened. 5 On 5 November 1793, another two horses were stolen from a stable of the Austrian frontier army and taken away to Bihac. 6 On 16 December of the same year, a gang of forty to fifty Muslims from Mutnik, Cuzin (Cazin), and Trzac attacked the stables of another Austrian karakolhane and stole four oxen, two horses, and three pregnant cows. They also stole six oxen and another horse from a farmer. Retreating across the Korana, they took the stable boys with them. They were stripped of everything they had, their clothes, provisions, and the ramrods of their rifles (tilfenk gibugi). A pursuing soldier was injured by gun shots. One of the oxen, miraculously, returned of its own accord two days later. 7 In March 1794, the pasha again complained about the bandits of Novi. They were accused of stealing cattle and goods from a farm belonging to a Captain Mustafa who lived near that town. 8 The Austrians arrested a few people but were unable to begin proceedings against them because of a lack of 1,1

kokoroz"; it is also used as an equivalent of "oi" (grass, hay) in these files. Poulich to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 18 July 1794. 3 Cf. the memoir of early 1795, sub. No. 9. 4 Salih Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 20 September 1792; the original is in the Rylands MS Turkish 53, No. xii. ^Paulich to Husamiiddln Pa§a, 24 September 1793; Kaunitz-Rietberg to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 22 March 1796. ®Schlaun to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 11 November 1793. ^Kaunitz-Rietberg to Hiisamiiddin Pa§a, 27 December 1793. ^Husamiiddin Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 20 March 1794. 2

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proof. 1 On 10 April, Salkan Rakovic and his brother, Hiiseyn, were accused of stealing 270 goats and three horses.2 In the same month, another thirty-nine farm animals (horses, oxen, cows and others) were stolen by inhabitants of Izacic from across the border in Petrovo Selo and Zeljava. 3 Salkan Rakovic was also involved in the kidnapping of a Croat called Philip Malenkovic. The pasha promised to trace him, and the captain and the aghas of Bihac had been warned. 4 Another series of cattle thefts are reported for August 1795. On the 14th, a number of Bosnian brigands appeared in the Austrian village of Kruskovac and took two "beautiful oxen" away with them. This time the thieves were stopped at the border and the cattle confiscated. In revenge, one Muslim was killed and another one wounded. When a group of Muslims turned up at the border to take their revenge, they were stopped by Austrian border guards, one of whom was injured.5 On the 23rd, cattle were again stolen by Bosnians; two oxen and a horse were confiscated by Austrian guards. Two days later, a group of Muslims from Kladusa crossed the border hidden in a hay cart. They took five oxen, three cows and two calves (buzagu) with them from a village called Buhaca. Pursued by Austrian guards, they were prevented from setting fire to grassland and driven away. 6 Two of the oxen ended up with a certain Hasan Fatkic at Izacic; one of them was given back thanks to the intervention of 'ismeti Efendi.7 In a few cases, goods (other than cattle) or cash were stolen. On 16 September 1793, a Muslim called Yasin Medic (or Medik) from Prijedor was lured across the Austrian border for a profitable tobacco transaction. This it transpired was a trap and the man was robbed of 138 fl. 48 x. The Austrian command approached the captain of Prijedor but he never replied.8 In the same year, a merchant of Prijedor (but originally from Novi) called Kadik (= Madik) Mustafa Ya§ar (possibly identical with Yasin Medic), on his way back from Zagreb where he had sold sheepskin leather, was attacked by Croats on the Bosnian border and robbed of 570 fl. He lodged a complaint with the Bosnian Divan and also went to Zagreb in order to obtain compensation. There, he had to wait for a long time and was given 75 fl. by the Austrian Command after some of the bandits had been arrested. The pasha demanded full compensation.9 Two of the principal suspects were later killed in a shoot-out and the

1

Erdody to Hiisamuddin Pa§a, 11 April 1794. Kaunitz-Rietbcrg to Hiisamuddin Pa§a, 1 May 1795.

^Paulich, memoir of 30 August 1796, sub 1. ^Hiisamuddin Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 28 September 1795. 5

Schlaun to Hiisamuddin Pa§a, 15 September 1795.

6

Ibidem. 7 Schlaun to 'ismeti Efendi, 11 October 1795. 8

Erdody to Hiisamuddin Pa§a, 17 December 1793.

^Letters of 6 January and 17 July 1796.

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commander informed the pasha that their poor relations were unable to pay. 1 In April 1794, the same captain of Prijedor protested in a (rather rambling) letter that the merchant had been duped by Austrian subjects. He owed 720 fl. to an officer of Kostajnica. The latter turned against some of Ya§ar Madik's business partners whom he had a group a fellow-soldiers rob of 70 fl. clothes, a silver clasp with belt, and weapons (rifles, pistols, and knives). The captain demanded that the stolen goods be restituted.2 No answer seems to have been sent. In a forest on the frontier, the notorious Salkan Rakovic of Izic and another eight brigands robbed a Croat of his weapons and abducted him in fetters. The victim was released after a few days. The Austrian commander urged the pasha to arrest the dangerous man. 3 The pasha promised to cooperate 4 but, apparently, without result.5 In October 1795, finally, a servant of a certain 'Abdulmu'min Duranovic of Kladusa ran away with goods worth 600 kuru§. He went to Zagreb were the goods ended up with a Captain Mahilovik. The pasha demanded their restitution.6 The letter must have got lost and only turned up after a month and a half (on 15 December) when it reached Schlaun in Dvor. Kaunitz replied that the man who had originally been in the service of one of the Croatian border regiments had been acquitted because of a lack of proof. 7 Border trespassing, or rather 'raids', were sometimes under-taken by Bosnian Muslims simply to cause damage to Austrian possessions, to the enemy in fact. A favourite activity was the setting to fire of grassland or haystacks — we have already come across cases of that type. Mustafa Beg Ceric and 200 men were suspected of having set fire to more than a thousand carts loaded with hay in the evening of 10 March 1793.8 The case was never solved or compensation paid. 9 On 11 and 12 August of the same year, a number Bosnians accompanied by forty reapers (orakgis) and on orders of a local captain cut and set fire to grass near the Austrian karakolhane of Yalvac. Again the Austrian Command demanded punishment and compensation.10 On 24 and 29 March 1794, groups of Muslims crossed the border and set to fire woodlands near Grabarska. Only with great difficulty were the Austrians able to extinguish the fire. 11

1

Letter of 26 August 1796.

^Letter of 9 April 1794. 3

Letter of 8 July 1794.

^Letter of 10 August 1794; the original is in MS Turkish 53, No. xix. 5 C f . the memoir of early 1795, sub Nos. 19 and 22. ^Letter to the Austrian Command, 28 October 1795. ^Letter of 17 March 1796. Q

9

Cf. above; Erdody to Hiisamuddin Pa§a, 20 August 1793.

Cf. the memoir of early 1795, sub 20.

'"Erdody to Hiisamuddin Pa§a, 10 September 1793. 11

Paulich to Hiisamuddin Pa§a, 11 April 1794.

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There were two conflicts concerning financial affairs in which subjects of both sides were involved. The first concerned the unpaid debts of two Jewish merchants of Travnik called Rafael Jerson and Alsanah (or Alsanj) Jerson. They owed 3708 fl. 15 x. to two merchants of Vienna called Schmidtmayer and Dimitri Alexander. Herbert in Istanbul discussed the case at the Porte, and in May 1792 a fermati was sent to the Bosnian governor, Sälih Pa§a. In August the pasha informed the Austrian Command that Rafael had died in Belgrade. Alsanah, after he had been summoned by the governor, admitted the debt but alleged that he did not own more than 1000 fl. and was unable to pay the whole sum. According to Kaunitz these were all lies ; the man was a crook who had already defrauded a number of Viennese merchants of more than 40,000 fl.1 In May 1793, the pasha requested that Alsanah be allowed to pay off the debt in instalments.^ Kaunitz agreed and informed the governor that payments should be made to Sclaun. 3 Nothing happened and Kaunitz threatened to bring the case before Herbert again. 4 The pasha replied that Alsanah had gone to Sarajevo but would be called to account upon his return. 5 No more was heard from Travnik, until (two years later) the pasha informed Kaunitz that the merchant had migrated to "another country". Family members were poor and unable to pay. 6 Finally, there was a disputed inheritance. An Ottoman zimmi (nonMuslim) merchant called Juvan, son of Milta, of Sarajevo, and agent for the firm of his brothers, Triko and Nikola, died in Vienna. His inheritance came into the hands of "monks". The pasha, in the name of the surviving brothers, demanded that the estate be sent to the legal heirs. 7 Attached to the governor's letter is an (undated) hiiccet (legal certificate) in Dombay's transcription from which it appears that the two brothers had gone to the local kadi, Mehmed §äkir, in order to obtain justice. The letter does not seem to have been answered. Scholarly

activities

In Zagreb for the first time Dombay was able to begin to realize his scholarly plans. His first books were published in 1794 and others soon followed. Firstly, there was his, already mentioned, two-volume Moroccan history, the Geschichte der Mauretanischen Könige. It was an amply annotated translation of the important Moroccan history, Rawd al-Qirtäs, by Abü Hasan 'Ali b. Abi Zar' of Fèz (d. between 710-20/1310-2Ö).8 Dombay i

Kaunitz-Rietberg to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 6 December 1793. o ^Husamiiddin Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 25 May 1795. ^Letter of 28 June 1793. 4

Letter of 8 October 1793.

5

Letter of 23 October 1795; the original is in MS Turkish 53, No. xxviii.

^Letter of 28 May 1795.

n

'Hiisamiiddin Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 20 March 1794.

8

Cf. H. R. Idris, "Ibn Abi Zar'", in Encyclopaedia

of Islam (2nd ed.).

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dedicated the work to the chancellor, Graf Kobenzl, who had made it possible for him to travel to Morocco in 1783. 1 The translation was based on a manuscript which he had bought in Morocco, allegedly an autograph. 2 He had seen another copy of a similar work in the Escorial Library which was being translated (into Spanish) by Professor De la Torre. 3 (Such a translation was never published). Dombay's translation was, no less than his work on the Tangier dialect published afterwards in Vienna, a pioneering work. (A scholarly edition is still lacking today). Subscribers to the translation included a wide range of scholars, institutions, members of the government, colleagues, and friends. 4 Other publications of these years were of a more popular genre. In 1795, Dombay published a book on, according to the title, the 'popular philosophy of the Arabs, Persians, and Turks', materials for which he himself had collected but had translated from 'Oriental manuscripts'. 5 The book was meant to introduce a wide readership to the moral qualities of Islamic civilization. True, the Arabs, Persians, and Turks "are still in need of much culture" and even their best works contain much obtuseness, glib comparisons, and even untruth and errors, but some of them also comprise some sound material and pertinent morals. 6 The book consists of proverbs drawn from the works of, among others, the aforementioned Abu Madin, Sa'di, and the European Orientalists Erpenius and Kallius, as well as chapters with passages from the Koran (arranged according to subject) and 'theology'. This last chapter discusses Islamic belief and practice and was based on an (unspecified) work by the Dutch Orientalist, Adriaan Reland (1676-1718). The same year saw the publication of another popular work on the life of the Prophet and Islamic dogma. It was a selective translation from a work by the French politician and writer, Comte De Pastoret, possibly his Zoroastre, Confucius et Mahomet of 1785. 7

1

Cf the dedication; for Johann Philipp Graf Kobenzl (1741-1810), see BLKO I (Vienna, 1856), pp. 391-2. 2 Cf. Preface, p. iv. ^Ibidem, p. xxxii. 4 Cf. the list appended to Vol. 1; we find, among many others, Joseph von Hammer; the Oriental Academy (two copies); Baron Herbert (twelve copies); Ignaz Steindl von Plessenet, Don Juan Manuel Gonzalez de Salmon and his wife Dona Ignazia; Anton Hoffmann; Johann von Erdödy; General Von Paulich; Kaunitz-Rietberg; General Von Schlaun, and Baron Von Cerrini. ^Popular-Philosophie der Araber, Perser und Türken, theils gesammelt, theils aus orientalischen Manuskripten übersetzt (Zagreb, 1795). 6 Cf. Preface, p. 5. 7Auszug der Lebensgeschichte des Propheten Mohammed, mit Bezug auf dessen religionspolitische und moralische Gesetze (Zagreb, 1795). Dombay emphasized the necessity for Austrians to improve their knowledge of Muslims, 'besonders da wir an die tuerkische Staaten angraenzen, und mit den Mohammedanern immer zu thun haben ... (p. 5). Dombay had seen a Spanish translation of De Pastoret's work (of 1788) in Madrid (p. 6). See for De Pastoret (1756-1840), Larousse, Grand Dictionnaire Universel du XIXe siècle Vol. 22 (Paris, 1874).

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6. More border conflicts and Dombay's mission to Travnik, 1796-7 The Austrian Command hoped, as it more than once expressed in letters to its Ottoman counterpart, that the conclusion of the demarcation would bring reconciliation as well as peace and order to the population on both sides of the Bosnian border. But, as is clear from the correspondence of the years which followed, this hope proved to be idle (and was perhaps never seriously harboured by the Austrians in the first place). Border raids and the related hostilities and crime had been a fact of life in this area for ages and the boundary 'correction' had only kindled the feelings of hatred on the losing (Muslim) side. This hatred was quite far-reaching. In August 1796, the Austrian Command complained to the pasha about the fact that Austrian subjects were regularly abused by Muslims at prayer times if they even dared to look at their "houses, strongholds, and lands" and were threatened with the words "do not look in this direction you unbelievers!"1 Armed clashes went on as if no agreement had been reached. There were twelve incidents in 1796, some of them with fatal results. Most of these were attacks by Bosnians against Austrian border marks and manned posts. Even before the last fortress had been handed over to the Ottomans, on 28 and 29 December (1795), Ottoman 'bandits' had damaged the 66th Hunke near Maljevac and the central mark in the Simlistie Mountains by erasing the Habsburg Imperial emblem with their knives. Prosecution of the culprits was demanded.2 On 5 February, four horsemen from Bihac arrived at the gartak of Suhaj in the plain of Iskocay (Sko5aj) and in the name of the captain of Bihac told the soldiers to leave the place immediately.3 The next morning at sunrise, a large crowd appeared and attacked the five men who manned the post, drove them away, and set it to fire. But the Bosnians were later repelled and the fire was extinguished. The estimated damage was 200 fl. Chief suspect behind the raid was the deputy captain of Bihac, Hiiseyn Beg Dervi§ Begovic.4 The pasha had the incident investigated. Begovic and his aghas were arrested but they defended themselves by saying that their action had been justified by the Treaty. The Austrian post had been illegally erected in February and was a threat to the local Muslims. They also accused the Austrians of destroying local Bosnian villages and forcing the inhabitants to move to Croatia. The pasha urged Kaunitz to have such activities halted.5 The Commander wrote 1 "gavur

ve kafir bu tarafa bukmayasiz",

memoir by Paulich, 30 August, sub 12.

2

Kaunitz-Rietberg to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 4 March 1796. -7

"fl l-hal ijbu mahalden kalkub gidiii deyii ... i'ldm u ima eyleduklerinden ma'ada... "

4

Paulich to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 19 April 1796.

5

Letter of 26 May 1796.

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back that the Austrian border posts were not meant to be offensive — each gartak was manned by only two or three men — and would be removed as soon as the safety of the Austrian territory were guaranteed. He again demanded the punishment of the aggressors.1 On 12 July, the nearby boundary pole was removed by the new captain of Bihac, Ya§ir Beg, and thirteen of his men. 2 The gartak itself was again attacked on 18 July by a group of Bosnians led by an agha of Bihac, Muj Delic.3 On 31 July, some hundred armed Muslims attacked the Austrian karakolhane of Balvac (Baljevac). Haystacks in an adjacent field were set alight. A battle developed which lasted for a whole day. A number of Bosnians were killed and the roof of the guard post burnt off. Severe punishments were demanded for the culprits. 4 The Zagreb Command also sent to Travnik a detailed statement by an officer of the Otofiac regiment who had been present. According to this document, the clash began with the burning of haystacks (Imperial property!) near the gartak of Baljevac in the night of 29 July. Reinforcements (twenty soldiers) were sent from Zavala (Zavalje). The Austrians saw the next morning that a group of Muslims was busy mowing grass on a patch of land recently abandoned to Austria. When they warned them to go away, the Muslims told the soldiers that they were under orders from the aghas of Bihac. At the same moment a large crowd of Muslims appeared from the surrounding woods and started to shoot. One Austrian was killed instantly. The soldiers were forced to retreat behind the stockade of the post. After more reinforcements had arrived, the Austrians were able to put the Muslims to rout. When this happened, nine gun shots were heard from Bihac, upon which 900 Muslims turned up from the direction of the town. The surrounded Austrians were only relieved in the late afternoon, after the arrival of another 140 Austrian troops. They bravely launched a counter-attack against the band of Muslim bandits while the two guns of the stockade continually fired on the Muslims. In this way the Muslims abandoned the Imperial lands, crossed the River Klokot, and returned to their provinces. A few Muslims were able to stay behind and hide. At night they set fire to the gartak. In revenge, local Austrian subjects burnt two haystacks and robbed four pairs of millstones. (One pair was soon returned to the owners). The officer suspected two brigand leaders called Zajrovic and Belajavic of having

1

Letter of 17 June 1796. ^Memoir by Paulich of 30 August 1796, sub 3. 3 Paulich to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 28 July 1796. 4 Kaunitz-Rietberg to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 2 August 1796; cf. the memoir of 30 August 1796, sub 7 & 8.

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instigated the mischief. 1 The Austrian Command concluded that the main motive for the attack had been disappointment about land lost to the Austrians. This time the fight had been organized by local leaders ('re'ay a ba§is'), although the captain and aghas of Bihac had done nothing (or had been unable) to prevent the aggression. 2 On 1 August, an Austrian guard at Glanac came under fire. 3 On 9 August, another qartak at Kovno was shot at by men from izacic. A haystack belonging to a Croat burnt down. Another major confrontation took place in September. On the 26th, the fortress commander (idizdar) of Begler (Peci), 'Osman Aga, led fifty Muslims in an attack against four Austrian posts near Skocay. The guards were able to drive the aggressors off. One Muslim and one Austrian soldier were killed. 4 A similar clash occurred when a group of men from Bihac attacked the Austrian qartak at Glanac. One Austrian soldier was injured by a bullet in his arm. 5 Nine days later, a group of Muslims tried to remove two boundary poles near Martinovac. Although they did not succeed, the poles were ruined by the hooks (gengel) used by the men. The depredation was interrupted by an Austrian patrol. The uniform of one of the guards was pierced by a bullet. 6 The pasha expressed his willingness — although he did not react to all cases brought to his attention by Zagreb — to have trespassers brought to justice. 7 Whether this happened is highly doubtful. Again — nothing indeed seemed to have changed — a substantial number of letters exchanged between Zagreb and Travnik discussed theft, murder, arson, and a kidnapping perpetrated by Grenzer. Most cases concerned cattle theft. The Austrian Captain Rukavina was accused of theft in Grahovo — but the correspondence does not give any details. 8 The stolen goods were returned and Bosnian witnesses were sent to Croatia. 9 On 2 July, twenty-seven goats were stolen from Austrian soldiers by two brothers called Delic from Vakuf. The local captain had been informed, but had not reacted. The Austrian Command warned the pasha that retaliation could be expected if compensation were not paid. 10 On 9 July, a Croat called Toma Pijalic was killed by rifle

Statement by the 'alemdar' Martin Mtlinaric, 13 August 1796. 9 Kaunitz-Rietberg to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 30 August 1796. ^Memoir of 30 August 1796, sub 10. ^Paulich to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 7 October 1796. 5 6

Paulich to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 1 November 1796. Ibidem, sub 2.

7

T w o letters of 3 December 1796. ^Paulich to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 14 October 1796. ^Husamiiddin Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 1 December 1796. 10

Paulichl to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 12 July 1796.

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bullets fired by four Bosnians. 1 On the 14th, four oxen were stolen from Skocaj. On the 20th, five men from Bihac set fire to a house in the same village. 2 On the 22nd, five oxen were stolen and abducted to a village near Bihac. 3 On the 31st, an Austrian subject was kidnapped near the gartak of Abdice Brdo by two men from Izacic. The victim was freed by an Austrian guard.4 On 11 August, an Austrian subject was mortally wounded in a hold-up in the district of Otocac.5 Two days later, a sixteen-year-old Croatian gathered was killed in a forest near Plitvice by a gang of Bosnians. His twenty-six goats, however, were able to escape abduction. 6 Another two Austrian shepherds were killed on the border on the 30th and robbed of their pistols by two Bosnians.7 On 4 September, two Muslims attacked a Croat called Todor Ninokovic who was on his way to the gartak of Zavala (Zavalje) and cut off his head with a knife. 8 On the 8th, another two Muslims crossed the border in order to steal an ox, but they were prevented from doing so by an Austrian guard.9 The pasha promised to have the local captains investigate the reported cases and expressed his intention to do his utmost to prevent such criminal acts in the future. 10 A few days earlier he had given the assurance that the Ottomans were well aware of the necessity to stop the continuing disorder in the border area — the Sultan himself indeed had issued a ferman to this point — but the mentality of the Grenzer could not be changed overnight because they "are naturally endowed with a core of coarseness."11 A week later, indeed, Kaunitz complained that inhabitants of Kladusa and Peci were implicated in the theft of four oxen, a horse, and a cow on the Croatian side of the border. 12 During this year, only one case concerning trade was brought to the attention of the Zagreb office. A ship owned by a, probably, Armenian merchant of Zemun (Semlin) near Belgrade, Kevork Mancarlu, and transporting salt was stopped by the superintendent (emin) of Derbend (Derventa) at Dubovac (Dubocac) on the Sava. He demanded payment of 1 Memoir of 30 August 1796, sub Paulich to Hiisamuddin Pa§a, 28 ^Memoir of 30 August 1796, sub ^Memoir of 30 August 1796, sub

2

2. July 1796; cf. the memoir of 30 Aug. 1796, sub 4 & 5, 6. 9.

-'Paulich to Husamuddm Pa§a, 23 August 1796. ^Memoir of 30 August 1796, sub 13. 7 Kaunitz-Rietberg to Husamuddm Pa§a, 16 September 1796. 8 Ibidem, sub 2. ^Ibidem, sub 3. 10 Letter of 3 December 1796. serhaddat-i Islamiye ehalisi fl l-asl maye-yi husunet ile mecbul olduklarina miibni ...", letter of 1 December 1796. 12 Letter of 9 December 1796.

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custom duties (200 kuru§) despite the fact that the crew (of two men) were able to show a certificate (tezkere) proving that they had already paid in Belgrade. The crew had been imprisoned. 1 We do not know whether the pasha responded to the Austrian letter. In August, the pasha was requested to send a statement of a Bosnian Jew (called Bohori) who had been involved in a (possibly fraudulent) purchase of jewels from a surgeon of the Zemun (Semlin) lazzaretto. The letter was never answered.2

To Travnik Despite the continuing problems — or perhaps because of them — the Vienna Council of War, with the approval of the Emperor, decided to make a friendly gesture towards the Ottomans. It was stated in a letter to the pasha that His Majesty was most satisfied that an agreement had been reached on the Bosnian demarcation. In gratitude for his exertions, he would be honoured with a gift of porcelain table service3 manufactured at the Imperial Workshop. 4 The main aim of a the mission was to win the pasha and his entourage for the Austrian cause. If this succeeded, the pasha and his principal courtiers were to be rewarded with some additional gifts of precious boxes and watches. 5 Dombay was appointed to convey the presents to Travnik. 6 He was given detailed instructions by the Council of War, not only on the financial aspects of the mission, including the presents and tips, but also on what to say to the pasha. He should not — I mention the major points — let himself be dragged into difficult and embarrassing political arguments; he should emphasize Austria's strict loyalty to the demarcation agreement; he should make it clear to the pasha that he must restrain the Bosnian border population and if necessary mete out severe punishments; he should also discuss the latest outrages: the theft of more cattle and the removal of wood from Austrian forests and demand punishment and compensation. (In the latest case the dizdar of Iza&ic had even dared to request to be no longer bothered by Austrian letters which might compromise him in the eyes of his co-religionists!)7

' Kaunilz-Rictberg to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 12 August 1796. 2

Erdody to Mustafa Pa§a, 29 August 1797. "fagfuriden masnu"evani vu zuruf'; the term sofra evanisi is also used. karhdne", Schlaun to Husamiiddin Pa§a, 9 June 1796; the Vienna porcelain factory was

founded in 1718 and acquired by the state in 1744, cf. Ilsa Barea, (Reprint, London, 1993), pp. 83-4.

Reality 5

Vienna, Legend and

C f . Schoissnigg (at Vienna) to the Austrian Command at Zagreb, 31 December 1796.

6

Hiisamuddin Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 1 December 1796; the original is in MS Turkish 53, No. x. 7

Cf. Kaunitz-Rietberg to Dombay, 18 November 1796, 10 January and 3 February 1797.

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111 health 1 delayed the mission by a few weeks, but Dombay was able to depart from Zagreb on 24 January 1797. He travelled by coach and four 2 through the Sava plain to Dobica through Petrinje and Kostajnica, 3 and was accompanied by an escort of a lance-corporal and four men. Another three soldiers went with him as personal servants. Before they departed, he had uniforms (hats and cloaks) made for them. The porcelain set was transported in a separate car, specially made for the occasion (it cost 34 fl.) and drawn by six horses.4 The road was bad so that the horses had to be changed frequently. On 28 January, Dombay crossed the Una (the passage by boat cost 30 x.) and paid a visit to the captain of (Bosnian) Dubica. The next day he again went to see the captain and "saw himself obliged to serve him with coffee" 5 (costs 1 fl. 12 x.). Mehmed Emin Aga, who was to accompany him in Bosnia, it appeared, had vainly waited for a month and had meanwhile returned to Travnik. A special courier was dispatched with letters to him and the pasha requesting him to return to Dubica. Dombay meanwhile bought heavy ropes by which the crates with porcelain were to be tied onto baggage horses. On 1 February, he was presented with a deer by the captain. (Dombay gave the servant who brought it to him a tip of 2 fl. 16 x.). Mehmed Emin, who had received Dombay's letter while he was still en route to Travnik, returned to Dubica on the same day "with ten baggage horses and five mounts" 6 and Dombay was able to visit him in the afternoon. "I made him a present of coffee and sugar, after he had complained to me that he had to wait for a month in Dubica and that he should have been provided for at Imperial and Royal ("k.k.") expenses," Dombay noted (costs: 12 fl. 20 x.). The next day, the porcelain set crossed the Una and was carried to the Ottoman fortress. On the early morning of 3 February, Dombay departed from (Austrian) Dubica, again crossed the Una, and was festively received with music played by the captain's band. From Dubica, the journey went to Travnik via Prijedor (where the Sava was crossed), Sanski Most, Kluc, Vakuf, Jezero (Golhisan), and Jajce. The company stayed overnight and dined in the houses (castles) of the local captains, with the exception of Vakuf (where the captain was absent). The small caravan was accompanied by Mehmed Emin Aga (as 1

"mizäci bir az gikeste vü näho§ oldugi ecelden...", Kaunitz-Rietberg to Mehmed Emin Aga, 26 December 1796. 2 "Vierpännige Kalosche", cf. Gräntzer Zeitung No. 57 (2 March 1797), 3 Data on the mission are found in an autograph report (in German) of 12 March 1797 as well as in Dombay's bill of expenses (titled "Reise Particolare") of the same date kept in our files; in the following I base myself on these two documents unless indicated otherwise. sechsspänniger wagen", ibidem. •*"Ich sah mich genötigt ihm mit Kafee zu bewirthen". 6 Cf. Gräntzer Zeitung No. 57.

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mihmandar, 'host') and some guards (gavugan) on horseback1, one of whom beat the drum, as well as twenty boys under a 'Harambascha' (haremba§i ?) who walked all the way to Travnik leading the baggage horses. Ropes, the worse for wear, had to be replaced in Sanski Most. Between Kluc and Vakuf the caravan had to traverse "very steep mountains and precipices. I saw myself obliged", Dombay wrote, "to employ some Turks to hold on to the Imperial and Royal presents at some very dangerous places lest the horses precipitate these into the ravines" (costs 4 fl.). Horses were changed in Jezero where the fortress commander (dizdar) of Jajce met them. On the 8th, not far from Travnik, Dombay was met by an agha of that town, who received him in the name of the pasha. Approaching Travnik, he was greeted by officers who conducted him to his quarters. Fortunately, the porcelain set had survived the journey unscathed. During his stay in Travnik, Dombay was continuously waited upon by two of the pasha's lackeys (oda ba§is). The next day, he was welcomed with music played by the pasha's band. (The musicians were tipped 12 fl. 20 x.) One the 11th, Domway, was received in audience by the pasha. At 11 a.m. he was fetched from his house by officials. The pasha "sent me a splendid horse with saddle, all shining gold and silver, on which I was to ride to the palace," he noted. In front of me went a large number of distinguished Turks meant to enhance my retinue; they followed the master of ceremonies on horseback. He was followed by eighteen lesser-ranking Turks who publicly carried the Imperial and Royal marks of respect on a number of circular dishes in conformity with the custom of the land. Finally, I rode on the aforementioned horse accompanied by my own people. Approaching the palace, "I saw twelve Chavushes on richly decorated horses riding into the forecourt," the report continued. At the entrance to the reception hall, I was joined by some distinguished personalities who conducted me to the Vizier. I found him and his complete staff as well as the great of the Empire. He was seated in a corner of the hall; the others were standing and kept complete silence. After salutations in the oriental manner, Dombay made a short speech, thanking the pasha for his "untiring diligence" in support of the boundary correction and for his good-neighbourly attitude in general. Meanwhile, a chair was brought in and the Vizier invited the dragoman to come and sit opposite him. He thanked him and asked how his journey had been and whether he had been well received by the captains. Dombay praised the hospitality he had enjoyed in Bosnia. "Thereupon, the Oriental ceremonies began", the report continued. ^Hiisamuddln Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 5 February 1797, MS Turkish 53, No. ix.

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The Vizier and I were served with conserve of roses, coffee and sherbet from golden vessels, richly set with brilliants, sprinkled with rose water and spiced with aloes. When this part of the ceremony which was rushed through in the highest possible speed was over, they put a caftan on [my shoulders] and loud shouts of joy [Jubel Geschrey] were uttered by all present. Dombay bowed to the pasha and the company moved to the house of the pasha's steward {kahya) and first minister (secretary, diván katibi) where a similar ceremony took place. Afterwards Dombay was escorted home where he was met with congratulations but was at the same time "terribly molested" (ungemein geplagt) by members of the pasha's retinue and servants who begged for tips. Dombay remarked that this was quite understandable because not only the common people but also the more distinguished Turks lived in great misery and could not afford to miss such an opportunity. In his expense account he noted that he spent that day 267 fl., 60 fl. of which went to palace personnel. The remaining 207 fl. was invested in the oiling of good relations, or, to use a less euphemistic expression, to pay bribes. On special instructions from Vienna, the largest amount, 112 fl. 30 x., went to the court physician, Giovanni Andrea Goracuchi, who had already been employed as a spy for some months. Later he was also to receive forty ducats (120 fl.) for expenses incurred in cash and pistols given to the pasha's ministers (secretaries) in order to gain their trust and support. The kahya received 22 fl. 30 x.; the second secretary, 'Abdi Efendi, was given 18 fl. and the third secretary, Dervi§ Beg, 54 fl. The latter was of particular importance because he, being the pasha's spiritual guide, was on the most intimate terms with him. Having been a supporter of the French cause in the past, this had all changed through the influence (and gifts) of Goracuchi. He had gone so far as secretly showing the doctor all letters to the Porte which he composed for his master and telling him about their content. After two days, on 13 February, Dombay, at his own request, was granted a private audience by the pasha. After some friendly chat with the Vizier and his staff, the courtiers were dismissed. When they were alone, the pasha asked Dombay what the real reason had been for the Imperial gift. The dragoman repeated what he had said before. He hoped that the pasha would continue his exertions in keeping the border people in check, preventing them from committing "excesses against the Austrian border" through "severe prohibitions" and threats of heavy penalties. Disorders were injurious and costly to the Austrians. Exemplary punishment in loco was required. Dombay

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A copy of the cipher code consigned to the Austrian spy Andrea Goracuchi, physician at the court of the Ottoman governor at Travnik (HHSA St.A. Turkei III/7-9). also referred to the inventories of unsolved cases which had been sent by the commander in September and October.1 The pasha answered that it was most disagreeable to him to be confronted time and again with complaints about the border people. He only wanted peace, order, and good mutual relations. "I have tried by all the means I could think of to bring these useless villains [Bosewichter und nutzlose Leute] within the boundaries of obedience," he added. They (captains and aghas) had been summoned to Travnik and cajoled with sweet words as well as threatened with severe punishments in order to keep them from breaking the peace and undermining friendly relations. They had promised improvement, nay had sworn fervent oaths that they would keep the peace, but as soon as they had returned to the border, they had committed new excesses. The pasha felt ashamed but the dragoman should bear in mind that the Bosnians on the border were "still a crude and uncivilized people, 2 a folk who were ignorant of honour and honesty ... and can only be inveigled by force." The pasha had sent stringent orders to stop the robberies and killings, but although many captains had complied, a few remained stubborn and resisted. 1 9

These have not been preserved in our files. "allein diess ist noch ein rauhes, und ungesittetes Volk ..."

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Dombay at this point mentioned the captains of Bihac and Vakuf as well as the dizdar of Izacic who were allegedly the main instigators of crime in the border area; they even took their share of the stolen cattle. The pasha tried to reassure the dragoman by telling him that a few days before his arrival in Travnik, he had sent strict orders to Bihad to maintain good relations with the Croatian districts and compensate damages. The times had changed, however, and it was no longer easy to have the people obey orders. Dombay was able to confirm this from experience during his journey. He had felt the carelessness and indifference of the captains who had been obliged to receive him hospitably but had done so with great reluctance. Least obedient seemed to be the captain of Kluc, whose large territory was safely situated among high mountains and steep rocks. "People assured me while I was on my way to Kluc that its inhabitants do not care at all about the Vizier or his orders", Dombay commented. Skating on thin ice, the governor of Bosnia had to manoeuvre with great dexterity. Severeness was not always the right attitude by which to instil obedience. Punishments, particularly the levying of fines of more than a purse (Beutel or 500 kuru§), were counter-productive. The captains were in the habit of extorting even larger sums in compensation from their subjects, who in turn had recourse to plundering and theft. The captains also had fortified towers (befestigte Kulen) at their disposal from which they could easily defend themselves. Force evoked rebellion. The pasha corroborated his view and generally sought compromise and showed good will, but a great deal of time would be needed. Dombay then brought up the problem of the border fortifications. He explained that defence works there were an absolute necessity in order to prevent raids from ill-disposed Bosnians; without them the land behind the border would be useless to Austria. He showed the pasha a blue-print of a Tchartake. Somewhat perplexed, the pasha inquired about the size of the construction and about their number. Dombay said that they were quite small and only fit to accommodate five or six men. Their number was not fixed and depended on the need. They were all of the same size and consisted of a stone base with wooden super-structure. "At this point the pasha showed some reluctance", Dombay remarked, "and said that buildings made of stone would cause a great sensation at the border and would embitter the local Bosnians who had already lost much land and because of the demarcation even more..." It would be better to build the posts of wood only. The pasha asked permission to keep the blue-print so that he could show it to the captain of Vakuf who was in Travnik and with whom he wanted to discuss the matter. At Dombay's request, the pasha promised to instruct the captain of Bihac and the dizdar of Izacic to co-operate in the restitution of recently stolen cattle and in the prevention of the local inhabitants from carrying off wood from forests acquired by Austria since the war.

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Thereupon, the pasha changed the subject to international politics and the war with France. The pasha had heard about the "liberation" of Mantua and Verona by the Austrians and the imminent defeat of France in Italy. He had reported these developments to the Porte. (Dombay already knew this and had been shown the dispatch by Goracuchi; 1 he also commented that the pasha was more optimistic — for Austria — than was justified.) With some final remarks on Austria's willingness to co-operate in the settlement of the border conflicts, Dombay tried to conclude the interview. He asked permission to come and see his host in two days' time. The pasha responded that he would be welcome at all hours and was free to stay in Travnik as long as he liked. He would also prepare, at Bombay's request, two letters of thanks for the Council of War in Vienna and Kaunitz in Zagreb. 2 Dombay remarked that the pasha's behaviour during both audiences had been characterised by "extraordinary force and friendliness", which was mixed with an "incredible Oriental pride". The pasha had also appeared to be a staunch supporter of the Austrian cause. He therefore would be an asset if difficult times were to ensue. However, his power was clearly restricted and he was quite unable to quell the serious unrest which had recently flared up in Banja Luka. A spirit of independence, indeed, seemed to have taken a grip on Bosnia. This was not surprising in view of the geographical features of the land with its many mountains, strongholds, and narrow, and impassable roads. Many captains in fact had become independent lords who only obeyed the governor as long as it pleased them to do so. After the audience, Dombay also went to visit the kahya, "a most pleasant, intelligent, clear-headed, and sensible man". They spoke about the correspondence between Zagreb and Travnik, which had always been dogged by endless delays. To his surprise, the first secretary explained that letters received by the captain at the border (in Dubica) were not immediately sent on to Travnik. This only happened when about ten to twelve letters had been received and a courier could be found who was ready to go to Travnik. Dombay urged that all letters be forwarded directly from one captain to the next along the route to Travnik. The secretary promised to try to arrange this. He was presented with a tortoise-shell box with a portrait. 'Abdi Efendi was also given one. Finally, Dombay paid his respects to Dervi§ Beg and gave him twelve 1 The files contain a copy in German dated 13 February 1797; important points were: the French were being driven from Venetian Italy by the Austrians; Verona had been bombarded by the same and the French had been driven from it; soon the French would be forced to give up Italy entirely thanks to the superiority of Austrian armaments; Austria had also made good progress on the Rhine, where Archduke Karl had occupied Kehl; the British were advancing in America. (In the 1797 campaign, however, the French were the real winners and Austria (in April) was forced to accept neutrality — they lost the Southern Netherlands and Milan, but acquired part of the dismembered (and abolished) Republic of Venice, cf. also below.) 2 In our files, dated 15 February 1797, they contain ample words of praise of Dombay's impeccable behaviour.

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ducats. (In this and in regard to the other parting gifts to useful or influential courtiers, Dombay followed Goracuchi's advice; they were similar to those bestowed once every three years by the Venetian dragoman at Zadar.) On 14 February, Dombay had his final audience with the pasha. It consisted of the same ceremonies he had witnessed during his first encounter with the pasha. The latter thanked him again for the gift and handed him the two promised letters. (Dombay added his own translation afterwards.) When the short conversation had come to an end, Dombay gave the pasha a watch (Uhr) adorned with pearls. Coming so unexpectedly, the pasha was visibly pleased. When the dragoman was about to leave, he was decked out with an ermine cloak and given 500 Thaler (1000 fl.) in cash. The members of his retinue each received a Binich (bini§, honorary red cloak) and 10 Thaler (20 fl.). Later, at his lodgings, Dombay received some pieces of cloth, partly embroidered with silk and gold-thread, and partly dyed. The pasha asked for the crates in which the porcelain had been packed and, as Dombay heard later, confiscated the tortoise-shell boxes which were sent on as presents to the Porte. (The kähya and 'Abdi Efendi came to Dombay to complain about their losses; the latter promised that he would try to obtain compensation for them in Vienna.) Dombay left Travnik on the 16th. Before his departure, he spent 108 fl. lOx. on douceurs to court dignitaries, servants as well as the tatar dispatched to inform the captains of his return journey. Goracuchi's servants — Dombay had dined every afternoon in the house — doctor's received 36 fl. and his landlord 16 fl. for heating and other services. The journey to Dubica — the route was the same as the one he had taken on his way to Travnik — took six days. The weather was bad and the roads difficult to negotiate because of snow. Dombay was not invited to stay in any of the fortresses en route but was lodged in häns (caravansaray) in the suburbs (Vorstädte), but was brought food by the captains' cooks. Upon arrival in Dubica, Mehmed Emin Aga was presented with an old silver watch (worth 24 fl.) as well as 80 fl. in cash. Two of his servants were given 10 fl. each. The baggage man (Gutmeister) received 20 Thaler as well as "a red Turkish cat".1 On 22 February, Dombay arrived in Dubica where he had his three servants had to spend some days in quarantine. (Guards of the station were later paid 4 fl. 40 x.) His arrival paid short shrift to the rumours that on his way to Travnik he had been killed and robbed of the porcelain set by the rebellious people of Banja Luka and that the "Turks" were about to launch an attack against the Habsburg lands. Particularly the inhabitants of Kostanjnica (where he also had to spend some days in quarantine) he found "in great turmoil" because of the supposedly imminent war. He was able to reassure them; the Bosnians only wanted peace to recover from the last war. On 3 March he arrived in Zagreb.

1

Gräntzer Zeitung No. 57.

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The last part of his report was dedicated to the mail problem and espionage. Dombay had found out that there were ho Frenchmen in Travnik, but that there was an agent, a Ragusan (a man from Dubrovnik), who took care to forward letters from Italy to the French ambassador in Istanbul. On 26 February, he had discussed the postal connection with the captain of Dubica. To his indignation, the captain had presented him with a bill of 9 fl. 20 x. for the dispatch of a parcel to Travnik. The Austrian Command had never paid the Ottomans for its letters! The captain defended his position by saying that he had had to pay the courier from his own purse, otherwise the man would not have moved. Dombay's proposal of a dispatch by stages, made earlier to the kahya, he dismissed as impractical. The captains in the interior of Bosnia did not pay much attention to the pasha's wishes and might not send on the letters. In the past, as the dragoman himself knew, Austrian letters had been opened, read, and burnt. The best solution was to pay two ducats to a special courier sent by himself. He confirmed that he had always collected the Austrian letters before sending them on to Travnik. That was the reason that quite a few letters arrived too late to be worthwhile answering. The pasha had been blamed for negligence and had even been rebuked for it by the Porte. Dombay suggested to the Vienna Council that letters be sent only twice a month in future and that the commander avail himself of the captain's offer. Finally, Dombay praised Dr Goracuchi's loyalty to the Habsburg cause and his usefulness now that he had been able to gain the confidence of the pasha and his ministers. The man was often consulted by his master who had told him all his secrets. On the pasha's orders he had developed a network of correspondents in Italy whose information was forwarded to Istanbul. He had fully earned the gold watch, the boxes, and the 25 ducats sent to him by the Austrian Command. Dombay and the doctor had exchanged cipher codes (Aijgert/ gekleidet, e i n . ^ w ^ ^ X ^ ^ i i t pro«.

ducirtem Erlaubnis-^cKein de date in hiefige Contumaz eingetreten; und nach, theils allhiei, theils zu . volllireckter Contumaz-Friß von ¿ á ^ y ^

Tägen fammt bey

Geh habender gehörig gereinigter Bagage ün

Ijey vollkommener Gefundheit entladen, und zü Erhebung des erforderlichen .eiteren Partes an J t f f a & j t j ^ ^ ängewieferi u-orden; wird hiemit von Amts wegen befiättiget» deil £t)

r¿ta>La£- Anno Per Kais. Könicl. Contumaz-A^JR Allda Contumaz - Direßor„ Contumaz

A quarantine certificate issued to Franz von Dombay upon re-entering Austrian territory after his mission to Travnik, dated 28 February 1797 (HHSA St.A. Turkei III/7-9).

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The total expenses of Dombay's mission were 2280 fl. 18 x. (The porcelain set and other presents had cost, it was estimated, 30,000 fl.1) The Austrian government seems to have thought this money well spent and were pleased with Dombay's report and agreed with his conclusions. In a short memorandum the minister of foreign affairs, Baron Von Thugut, 2 adopted Dombay's view of the special political constellation (.Landesverfassung) of Bosnia, particularly the weak position of the governor in Travnik, which set the country apart from other Ottoman provinces. Many of the border excesses, he added, were caused by migrants who remained in contact with their Croatian relations and attempted to stir up the local 'Turks'. He also recommended the organization of a regular postal connection with Travnik, including the payment of postage. He warned however against any official engagement of Goracuchi.3 By that time — May 1797 — the doctor had already left Travnik. In April, Hiisamuddin Pa§a, much against his will, was sent to Choczim 4 (Hotin, a fortress on the Dniestr in Bessarabia, surrendered to the Ottomans by Austria after the war) and Goracuchi and his family had found themselves obliged to follow the pasha to Istanbul. (The doctor hoped that he would be allowed to stay there.) The pasha was replaced by the governor of Salonica damad (Tochtervater) Mustafa Pa§a, "a just and reasonable man". 5 Before his departure, Goracuchi had only been able to send one report to Zagreb (on 17 March). It concerned the passage through Travnik of three Frenchmen (a captain and two jewellers) on their way to Istanbul. He also reported, on the authority of the "arch-Jacobine" treasurer (hazlnedar) of the grand vizier who had just arrived from Istanbul, that the French Ambassador did all he could to move the Imperial Council (Divan) towards a declaration of war against Austria.

7. Further (1797-8)

border

conflicts

and Dombay's

Dalmatian

interlude

The pasha's departure from Travnik, but perhaps even more the realization of his, or any other Bosnian governor's constitutional weakness, was a serious setback for the Austrians. The situation on the Bosnian frontier i

Cf. Gräntzer Zeitung No. 57. ^Franz Maria Freiherr von Thugut (1739-1818), minister of foreign affairs 1793-8, cf. BLKO CL (1882), pp. 1-6. ^Memorandum of 16 May 1797. ^He was appointed väli of Hotin and Salonica, cf. SO II, p. 15. -'"ein gerechter und billiger Mann", cf. reports by Goracuchi from Travnik of 13 & 24 Avril 1797; Mustafa Pa§a 'Qelik' or 'Peri§än' (d. 1213/1799) was married to Princess Beyhän Sultán; he has also been characterized as "upright" (miistakím), SO IV, p. 456.

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remained as hopeless as ever. Only the very day (13 February) that Dombay was received in private audience by the pasha, one of the worst confrontations since the war took place. A massive attack was launched against the gartak of Skocaj by, it was estimated, a thousand men on horseback and foot, led by the captain of Bihac. Ten Austrian soldiers were killed. (Because of Dombay's absence, no further documentation is found in the files; possible letters on the case must have been handled by Hoffmann but have not been preserved.) The crisis inspired another intervention at the Porte by Herbert. It decided to, yet again, send a special envoy (mubagir), 'Abdurrahman Efendi, a gediikli (veteran or honorary courtier) of the Porte, to Bosnia in order to investigate matters. His main task was to bring the captain of Bihac to trial (meclis-i §er*). He and other culprits were, if necessary, to be dismissed and executed. 1 The Sko6aj crisis, however, was only one in a new series of incidents. On 21 April — we only have the translated letters for the period April to August — a crowd of approximately 300 Muslims, mostly from Izacic, attacked the gartak of Abdice Brdo and Kovno. A village nearby was burnt to the ground, women and children were killed. Two horses and eleven oxen were stolen. Three Austrian soldiers were wounded. The captain of Bihac and the dizdar of Izacic were suspected of having organized the raid. 2 Three days later, on the 24th, there was another raid by 400 Muslims on the ports of Skocaj, Bukovac, and Suhaj again led by the captain of Bihac, the fortress commander Delic Beg, and aghas of Izacic. Two houses in Suhaj village were set on fire, two others plundered, and some donkeys shot dead. Two horses and two calves were stolen. One Austrian soldier was killed. 3 On 10 May, an Austrian patrol on its way to chop wood came under attack from some eighty Bosnians who were hidden in a forest near Zavalje. One horse was stolen and one soldier was injured. The Bosnians, assisted by another 150 men, tried to reach the village but were driven back. During the following night, however, two gartaks in the area were set to fire. The village of Zavalje again came under attack, but the Bosnians were repelled. 4 On 5 August, the gartak of Pasara was raised by Bosnians from Jasin, Trdac and other places. Fourteen oxen and two horses were abducted and a shepherd was killed. A Croatian farmer was later robbed of four oxen and murdered by Muslims. 5 Mehmed Beg, brother of the capital of Novi, Mustafa Beg, was suspected of another theft of oxen from across the border. He was interrogated by the pasha in Travnik but denied any involvement although he admitted that a certain Muharrem Aga had sold the

1

Cf. the text of the ferman of early

Cemazi'ulahir

1213/ mid-November 1798.

^Mayerheim (second-in-command, at Zagreb) to the pasha, 5 May 1797. ^Ibidem, sub 2. ^Mayersheim to the pasha, 25 May 1797. 5

Mayersheim to the pasha, 18 August 1797.

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stolen cattle to Croatians. 1 Repeated requests to the captain of Gradiska to extradite two notorious bandits called Miko Lasic and Petar Laksic of Podgajca went unanswered. 2 On 5 November, an armed robbery was perpetrated by Bosnians in the village of Bunye (Bunic); compensation was demanded by the Austrians. 3 Dombay also translated a few letters concerned with commercial matters. A Croatian merchant called Guzman Bolik (Bolic) of Kostanjnica bought three coloured handkerchiefs (yemenis) from a Bosnian zimml. He did not pay for them and in order to recoup his losses, the zimmi took several pieces of cloth (goka, bez) and rope (urgan), worth 122 fl. 39 x. from another Croat without paying. The pasha requested the co-operation of the Austrian Command in resolving the matter. 4 He also protested against the levying of a "safekeeping fee" (emanet akgesi) by the Austrians after complaints from two sipahis, Mehmed and 'Omer, of the fortress of Vakuf had reached his Divan. A fortnight before the war, they had sold twenty-eight cows to Croats. The money had been given for safe-keeping for the duration of the war to an Austrian officer in Gracac. 5 The commander replied that a levying of 3.5 per cent for such a service was normal and was the same as what had been the custom prior to the war. The money had been sent to be commander of the canton of Otocac. 6

Dalmatia On 17 October 1797, Austria signed a separate peace treaty with France at Campo Formio by which the Emperor abandoned his allies, agreeing to recognize the various French conquests in Western Europe in return for territorial compensation in the east. The Republic of Venice was abolished and its territory divided up. Austria obtained sovereignty over the Istrian Peninsula, Dalmatia, the Gulf of Cattaro, and the former Venetian islands in the Adriatic. France received the Ionian islands of Corfu, Paxos, Santa Maura, Ithaca, Cephalonia, Zante, and Cerigo as well as the port cities of Parga, Preveza, Butrinto, and Vonitza (along the coast of southern Albania). 7 Count Raimundvon Thurn-Valsassina (1776-1817) was appointed plenipotentiary

^Mustafa Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 6 August 1797. 2

Erdody to the pasha, 29 August 1797.

3

Erdody to Mustafa Pa§a, 4 September 1798.

^Letter of 5 April 1797. ^Hiisamuddin Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 23 April 1797. ^Mayersheim to the pasha, 7 July 1797. 7

Shaw, Between Old and New, p. 252.

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and commissioner of the new Austrian provinces.1 Before the treaty had been signed, Austrian troops had already invaded the former Venetian territory on the pretext of preventing increasing chaos on the Austrian border. According to the official propaganda expressed in a broad sheet which addressed the population, "a spirit of total disorganization" had overtaken various parts of the Venetian state.2 Troops had been sent into Istria to "save the Province from the unhappy effects of total subversion".3 The population was summoned to co-operate with the Habsburg authorities. On the same day, amnesty was granted to fugitives ("those subjects who in their blindness shirked their duty to the state") and they were allowed to return home.4 In August, measures were taken to reform the local currency and fixed rates of exchange (in Austrian guilders and Dalmatian lira) were established.5 Gambling was forbidden.6 The administration of the province was gradually taken over and new appointments made from 1 January 1798. All officials had to swear allegiance to the Habsburg dynasty. This was arranged at festive public ceremonies during which carefully prepared speeches were delivered extolling the superior virtues of the new regime. (These were also published in broadsheets.) In them, it was suggested that a state resembling terrestrial paradise had finally dawned on the Adriatic. "Finally one hears the festive Austrian voice, not heard before, proclaim in Dalmatia: WE ARE HAPPY! "7 The first succession ceremony was held in Zadar on 1 January 1798 by which the Venetian proveditori generali were replaced by a Dalmatian government assisted by a Court of Appeal. The Hofkriegsrat was represented by General Rukavina von Bonyograd. Crowning the public display, which included the celebration of mass in the cathedral and the parading of the Hohenlohe regiment, was the inauguration speech delivered by Von Thurn on the steps of the Palazzo del Gran-Guardia in the Piazza dei Signori. It stated, among other things, that the Dalmatians had been saved from "a state of abandonment and oppression" by the "sweet Austrian government". An era of "real civil prosperity" had begun. After he had finished speaking, according to a newspaper report, the bystanders, greatly increased in numbers by crowds hurriedly flocking onto the square, burst out shouting "Evviva I'Imperadore!

1 "k.k. Bevollmächtigter Hof-Kommissar Italian, "Commissario Aulico Imperiale".

in Istrien, Dalmatien

und Albanien", or, in

2"un spirito di disorganizzazione totale ... nelle diversi parti dello Stato Veneto", Proclamation signed by Von Thurn (at Capodistria), 10 June 1797. 3 "per preservare la Provincia d'Istria da' tristi effetti della totale sovversione", ibidem. 4 Manifesto, 10 June 1797. ^Proclamation, Zara, 23 August 1797. ^Proclamation (in Serbo-Croatian and Italian), Zara, 5 February 1798. senta finalmente risuonare in Dalmazia la pria non udita festiggiante Austriaca voce: NOI SIAMO FELICIV, text of the public speech held during the succession ceremony at Zadar, 1 January 1798.

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Evviva FrancescoZ"1 A banquet was held at the Palazzo in the afternoon during which Von Thurn drank the health of the Imperial family. The ceremony was concluded by an opera ("commedia per musica") in the theatre. The stage was adorned with an illuminated picture of the pedigree and military trophies of the Von Thurn dynasty.2 The Bosnian governor had been informed of the political changes in Dalmatia. Von Thurn wrote to him, in accordance with the official line, that the Dalmatians had requested the Austrian intervention in order to quell the local unrest.3 He hoped that the usual good relations and co-operation would be continued in the future. The Bosnians were welcome to visit the country for the benefit of mutual trade. He also announced that appropriate presents would be sent to Travnik under the supervision of Dombay after the winter. 4 The pasha acknowledged Von Thurn's appointment and also expressed his hope of a fruitful co-operation. 5 At the end of August 1797, Dombay was instructed by the Council of War to travel as quickly as possible to Zadar where his services were needed by Count Von Thurn. He would be required to conduct the correspondence with the pasha and the "neighbouring captains". He was also informed that he would be asked to go on another mission to Travnik. 6 He, rather than Hoffmann (who remained in Croatia), was chosen for the job because of his experience and the satisfactory way he had negotiated with the pasha six months earlier. He had 1000 fl. for travel expenses. 7 Dombay accepted the instructions. 8 He left Zagreb by coach and four on 20 September and travelled to Zadar by way of the post stations of Karlovac, Generalski Stol, Tounj, Madrass (Modrus), Briindel (Brinje), and Zengg (Senj). 9 The journey between Senj and Zadar was made by boat. It took four days, with stops at Jablanac and Carlopago (Karlobeg). He arrived on 5 October. In Zadar, he worked in Von Thurn's office and translated letters on problems of mutual Bosnian-Dalmatian concern. Firstly, there was, as in Croatia, but apparently on a less dramatic scale, trans-frontier crime. The only case he came across was the murder of a * Emperor Francis II, ruled 1792-1806; as Francis I (in Austria) 1804-35. 2

Report in the Osservatore

Triestino No. 8 (11 January 1798), pp. 102-7.

Damactye milletinun bu esnada umur-i miilk ve devieti mu§ewes u muhtell olmamak igu.fi millet-i mezkureniin bu def'a devlet-i imperatoriye'nun himàyesine ilticà etdigi ecelden..." 4

V o n Thurn to Mustafa Pa§a, 30 November 1797.

5

Letter of 20 December 1797.

6

Kaunitz-Rietberg to Dombay, 30 August 1797.

^Mayersheim to Dombay, 5 September 1797. ^Latter to Kaunitz-Reitberg, 13 September 1797. ^Cf. Marche-Routte of 23 September 1797; see also the expense account ( R e i s e Particulare). During the journey, a wheel of his coach broke, costs were 6 fl. 42 x.

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farmer called Simon Orsolic of Vido in eastern Dalmatia. While working in a fortress garden in early December 1797, he was approached by two Ottoman horsemen. They asked him for some arak. He did not have any and instead offered them wine. The Muslims drank the wine but then they beat him over the head with a yataghan. Simon died two days later. The commissioner demanded the punishment of the culprits. 1 Travnik replied that the two suspected of murderous attack, Salih Beg Cocopkovic and 'Omer Vasagic, were unknown in Bosnia.2 Dombay also translated letters on economic affairs. Von Thurn heard from the commander of Imotski that all wheat imports into Dalmatia were being hindered by a certain Ayan Beg who was assisted by 100 'pandurs' (irregular troops) and forty Muslims. They were stationed on the border on instructions from Travnik and should, if necessary, confiscate wheat and horses. Von Thurn protested that this was against the existing treaties.3 The deputy-governor replied that the Ottomans did not wish to impede trade but wanted to make sure that the normal custom duties (bac, miiruriye riXsumati) were paid on goods transported to Dalmatian ports. The local officials had been instructed accordingly.4 Mustafa Pa§a, meanwhile, had left Travnik to lead a military expedition against Vidin, capital of the Pasvanoglu 'notables' (hereditary governors) who were involved in a plot devised by the French to overthrow the Ottoman dynasty. 5 Rumours about the expedition, the mobilization of Bosnian troops and, possibly, the threat of war (the Ottoman Empire was to declare war on France in August), caused tension at the border. The Austrians accused a monk who had visited Strmica of spreading false rumours in the Livno district about the mobilization of Austrian troops. Thousands of carts loaded with military equipment ( s e f e r muhimmati) were said to be on their way to Knin. The pasha's deputy, Siileyman Efendi, was instructed to arrest and punish the monk. 6 There were also rumours about the mobilization of the Ottomans on the Dalmatian side of the border. Von Thurn requested information from Travnik.7 Mustafa Pa§a answered that he had been instructed by Istanbul (in a hatt-i humayun, Imperial rescript) to lead Bosnian troops against Vidin, where, he dismissively stated, brigands were busy doing harm to the local poor Won Thurn to Mustafa Pa§a, 29 December 1797. ^Siileyman Efendi (deputy and defterdär, originally he had been a clerk (häce) of the Imperial Council) to Von Thurn, 2 February 1798. 3 Letter of 9 January 1798. 4 Süleymän Efendi to Von Thurn, 2 February 1798. 5

Cf. Shaw, Between Old and New, pp. 654-5. Mustafä Pa§a to Von Thurn, undated, 1798; Siileyman Efendi to Von Thurn, 17 March 1798.' ^Letter of 14 February 1798. 6

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and weak. 1 The Ottoman military preparations, he pointed out, did not contravene the stipulations of the treaties concluded between the two courts.2

A tour of the islands In March, Dombay was charged with a task which was quite different from what he had undertaken before and had little to do with his function as "oriental dragoman". Von Thurn asked him to visit the Dalmatian ('Quarnerian') islands to arrange the succession of the local administration. In each locality, he was to read out the 'Edict of Organization' (editto d'organizzazione) which had also to be displayed publicly. As well, he was to give the necessary instructions to the local administrators, including schoolteachers, and place a law code in each chancellery. Then, he had to take the oath of loyalty sworn (with three fingers raised) by the local officials from the judice dirigente down. The ceremony was, it was stressed, a religious one and had to take place before a crucifix, two lighted candles, and a Bible, opened at the Gospel of John. Finally, he had to make a (standard propaganda) speech. No petitions should be accepted. He was to report on the state of the local prisons and the condition of the prisoners. His deportment was to shov/ the people "this real happiness" that the bright future of the reign of Francis II had in store for them, a reign more just and generous than that of any other sovereign. The population had to be told that they had come to live in a great empire and had become "sons of a benign father." 3 The neglect of the past was over. The officials' main task was to defend the Faith.4 On 23 March, Dombay travelled by coach to Nona (Nin), on the Adriatic coast not far north of Zadar.5 During his mission he was accompanied by a secretary called Joseph Petonski, who caused him a great deal of (unspecified) trouble. Having completed the prescribed ceremony, Dombay returned to Zadar the next day. On 4 April, he sailed by boat (le Tigre, a 'Feluke' under Captain Tovicich and twenty-five men) to the island of Pago (Pag) where he rode overland from Costion (Kosljun) to the capital Pago (Pag). His luggage went by barge. The festive succession ceremony took place four days later, in the cathedral on Easter Sunday. Dombay reported that the local prison was in the worst possible condition and totally useless. The one

I

"Vidin semtlerinde ba'z-i e§kiya zuhuran hevalarina teb'iyet birle fukarà vu zu'afà isal-i §er u §ilrur eylemeleri hasbiyle..." ^Undated letter, received on 5 April 1798. 3 "Dalmati, voi siete parte d'un vasto Impero, figli di un tenere Padre" 4 Von Thurn to Dombay, 13 March 1798, Instructions in Italian. -'The files contain a report by Dombay of his mission as well as a detailed expense account; in the following I base myself on these, unless indicated otherwise.

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prisoner, Ostarich, had to be moved to the guard-post (Hauptwache). He also advised that the house of the former Venetian representative be turned into a chancellery and barracks. The Imperial and Royal coat-of-arms should be displayed ostentatiously, in order to impress the local population, on a separate state building. On 9 April, Dombay intended to go to the island of Arbe (Rab), north of Pag, but fierce gales ruled the crossing out. He had to wait until the 14th. When he arrived in Novaglia (Novalja) on the west coast of the island that day, however, the crossing still appeared to be impossible because of contrary winds. On the 16th, he decided to have twenty-two men row him across (costs 4 fl.). In Rab, he was greeted by the assembled nobility of the former administration {superiorità) and the people. Guns were fired and the church bells tolled. The 'organization' ceremony took place on the 19th under the deafening sounds of a salute of twenty-four cannon shot. The bishop, Calzigna, Dombay noted, was absent; but he was of no consequence and hated by the people anyway. He found that the local prison had been turned into a guard-post by Austrian troops. He advised that the old palazzo be restored and chose two rooms which could serve as chancellery. He also visited the Franciscan monastery of Sta. Euphemia where he distributed alms (for 4 fl.) The weather continued to be very bad and Dombay was forced to stay another ten days on the island. On 29 April, he finally decided to travel to Loparo (Lopar) on the northern coast. From there, he crossed the (reputedly dangerous) Bocca di Segna on a fisher's barge to the island of Veglia (Krk), the fishers having the best experience in negotiating the hazardous local waters. There was no one to receive him; no letter announcing Dombay's mission had reached the island. He stayed the night in the house of the Conte di Balbi, the new judice dirigente. During the 'organization', on 1 May, Dombay noted, the Austrian troops were unable to fire the usual three shots because of a lack of gunpowder. The oath of one of the assessors, Paolo Calergi, had to be taken in his house where he lay bedridden. Dombay found the government palazzo in ruins and the count saw himself obliged to use a room in his own house as chancellery. He asked Dombay for compensation, but he was referred to Zadar. On 3 May, Dombay sailed to Smergo on the island of Cherso (Cres) by fisher's barge. From there he traversed a steep mountain range on horseback to the town of Cherso (Cres), where he was received by the inhabitants who showed great joy and shouted evvivas while the church bells tolled and explosions of gunpowder resounded. On the next day, the 6th, another ceremony was held. In the evening Dombay was feted by "a small fireworks display and a brilliant ball". On the 7th, he began his return journey and, sailing by way of Veglia (Krk) and Besca Nuova (Baska), he arrived in Senj on the 9th. Dombay noted that the population had assailed him everywhere with petitions addressed to the government in Zadar but he had resolutely referred them to their local administrations. The journey cost 233 fl. 59 x.

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His report was favourably received and Dombay was allowed to keep the 16 fl. 1 x. that remained of his advance payment. He asked Von Thurn for a specimen of the medal cast to commemorate the Dalmatian 'organization' and also to support his membership of the literary society called the Arkadisch-isnitzische Gesellschaft. This would greatly stimulate his "literary Oriental Studies" as well as his work for the Council of War. He also sent Von Thurn a report by the major (syndacus) of Arabe, Pasqual Ferrari, in which the author had developed a plan to boost trade on the route between Bihac to Jablanac and Rab. "This would really come as a relief to the miserable condition of the Dalmatian islanders as well as of the Grenzer in the Lika and Otofiac [cantons]," Dombay concluded. 1 Von Thurn promised to support the dragoman's membership of the literary society. He also wrote him that he no longer needed his services in Zadar because he himself was retiring for reasons of ill health. (When he wrote the letter he was taking the waters.) 2 By that time Dombay had travelled on to Zagreb. He had left Senj on 11 May and arrived in Zagreb in the evening of the 12th. 3 He found his family, who had not expected him back yet and were greatly surprised to see him, in the best of health. His wife sent her best wishes to Von Thurn and thanked him for her husband's unexpected furlough. He expressed the hope that it would not be necessary to return to Zadar for his mission to Travnik. 4 In January 1799, Von Thurn answered that his health had much improved. He had heard that Dombay's wife had fallen ill and was suffering from fever. He wished her well. 5 As seen above, Dombay's mission to Bosnia was to take place in the spring of 1798. The pasha was asked to guarantee the dragoman's safety and provide shelter on the road between the border and Travnik; he was to travel by way of Knin and Glamofi. 6 Dombay also was instructed to discuss politics. Because of the cordial relations between the Vienna Court and the Porte, peace and order should be maintained on both sides of the Bosnian border. Imperial troops had moved into Dalmatia at the request of the local population for precisely this aim. 7 The old Dalmatian-Venetian border was to remain unchanged and the Bosnian captains should be instructed to prevent raids

1

Dombay (at Zagreb) to Von Thurn, 27 June 1798.

^Letter of 9 June 1798. Cf. expense account (Reise-Particulare). 4

Letters of 9 and 18 May 1798.

5

Letter (from Görz/Gorizia), 17 January 1799.

^Draft letter to Mustafä Pa§a (in German), undated; cf. also the undated letters by Dombay to Mehmed Emin (In Turkish and German), to the kethüdä and to the commander of the fortress of Knin. n "um nicht durch die democratischen Umstaltung in eine unseeligen Stand der Verwirrung zu werden."

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("possible excesses"). 1 In April 1799, the mission had not yet taken place and was postponed yet again to the autumn or spring in view of the uncertain international situation. 2 The French were being driven from the Adriatic and the Porte was negotiating formal alliances with Britain and Russia. 3 There was also a change of Bosnian governors; Mustafa Pa§a had died and was replaced by Mehmed Pa§a4 (on 18 April). Dombay probably never went to Travnik again.

8. Dombay's last years in Zagreb,

1798-1800

Having returned to Zagreb, Dombay served the Austrian Command for another two and a half years until 1801, by which time he must have been quite bored by the tedious job of translating the repetitive correspondence on border conflicts. (He was only once relieved from his desk in Zagreb in early December 1799 when he went to Petrinja to attend discussions between the local commander and a messenger from Travnik. 5 ) Once again a major topic again was the activities of Bosnian brigands and cattle thieves. The aforementioned ferman of November 1798, whose issuing was perhaps not unrelated to the Ottoman involvement in the war against France, seems to have contributed to a slight improvement. Although Austrian border posts continued to be an object of attack by Bosnians, the raids were clearly on a smaller scale than they had been previously. Even more important was the fact that the new governor, Mehmed Pa§a, conducted a far more active and repressive policy than his predecessors. The first letter translated by Dombay was, as far as our files go, a twelve-page inventory of claims for compensation by thirteen Austrian subjects who had suffered from Bosnian outrages. 6 The total amount was 5354 fl. 24 x. The main items of the list concern stolen cattle, weapons, clothes, furniture, kitchen utensils, burnt houses, burnt hay and (other) agrarian products. The highest claim, to give one example, was made by a certain Ristjovaj Civicanje of Milinovac. He requested compensation for the loss of eighteen sturdy rams, four lambs, eight sheep, four carts of hay, a cattle shed (27 fl. 12 x. for new timber), a shotgun (av tufengi), two pistols, a dagger, ^See the list of six Punkte in German and Turkish. Dombay to the Austrian Command, 30 April 1799. 3 Cf. Shaw, Between Old and New, pp. 266-8. ^He was born in Van; suffering from ophtalmia, he was dismissed in 1216 (1801); he died in 1221 (1806-7) after a second term in Travnik; he was characterized as "capable" (muktedir) and "an efficient manager" (miidebbir), cf. SO IV, p. 274. 5 The messenger brought a ferman; it is not clear what these discussions were about, cf. Kriegskanzlei to Dombay, 30 November 1799, and the expense account of 3 December 1799 (total costs were 6 fl. 58 x.). 6 Dated 20 July 1798. 2

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three ammunition pouches, a small pistol, a small knife, a state-owned (rniri) sieve (girbal ?), ten cartridges, sixty mlrl cartridges, a garment (libas), a red sock, a girdle, a shalvar, a head-dress, a red coat, an under-caftan, a short yellow garment, another sock, a red hat, a pair of shoes, and for the sustenance of six small orphans for twelve years (3 x. per day, makes 1292 fl.). It is doubtful whether any of the claims were ever honoured. Two years later, one of the claimants, a certain Elija Batinic, was refused payment of 117 fl. for stolen cattle by the captain of Bihac, Rusic el-Hacc 'All Aga. 1 The pasha intervened with the captain who had been handed the money, 2 but the latter still refused to hand the sum to an Austrian official and only wished to deal directly with the claimant. 3 Criminal border trespasses remained the main topic. To give an idea of this I shall present a summary. On 24 October, a gang of brigands from b a d e attacked two Austrian gartaks near Jasin and abducted six oxen belonging to a Croatian farmer. Under pressure exerted by the local Grenzer, the cattle were freed by Austrian guards. 4 On 17 May 1799, a band of thirty to forty Bosnians, led by 'Abdi Agic and Musta Karacanin of Kladusa, crossed the Croatian border and killed a farmer. An armed clash followed in which one Bosnian was killed and two guards and another Bosnian were wounded. The trouble was partly caused by the absence of two captains in the area. 5 Mehmed Pa§a informed the commander that he had sent orders to the captain of Ostrocac and local aghas not to let people cross the Austrian border and have a bilateral court set up on the frontier to pass judgement in the case. 6 Whether this happened is not clear. On 4 June, another group of brigands from Bihac and Izafcic killed a shepherd near Skocaj. 7 The next day, two Austrian subjects who were carrying water from a spring near the qartak of Saray were wounded by people from Pcci. The commander demanded that the local agha, 'Omer Besirovic, should be punished as an example. 8 Two agents were sent from Travnik to restore order in the area 9 and ibrahlm Pa§a, who had temporarily replaced Mehmed Pa§a, informed the commander that the necessary orders had

1 Chernell (Von Chernell von Chernellhasa, the Austrian Commander who succeeded Kaunitz) to Mehmed Pa§a, 6 June 1800. ^Mehmed Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 17 July 1800. ^Chernell to Mehmed Pa§a, 4 November 1800. ^Paulich to Mustafa Pa§a, 11 December 1798. 5

Chernell to the Pasha, 26 May 1799.

6

Letter of 25 June 1799 (the original is in Rylands MS Turkish 53, No. xxvii); for this purpose an agent, probably 'Abdurrahman Efendi, was sent from Travnik, cf. Chernell to Mehmed Pa§a, 2 July 1799. 7 Chernell to Mehmed Pa§a, 14 June 1799. ® Chernell to Mehmed Pa§a, 8 July 1799. 9

Chernell to Mehmed Pa§a, 9 Jully 1799.

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been sent to Peci.1 In July, three horses were stolen from an Austrian officer by a Bosnian from Gradina (near Dubica). The commander demanded restitution or the payment of 200 fl. The pasha instructed the captain, Salih Beg, to act accordingly.2 On 4 September a group of Croats who were taking water from the Korana came under fire from inhabitants of Trzac. One Croat was injured. The commander threatened violent intervention if such activities were not stopped. 3 On 4 August an Austrian border guard was fatally wounded when he came under fire by two Muslims at a gartak near Iza£id. 4 On 11 October a Croat was kidnapped near Peci and his two horses laden with maize were stolen. The next day some Croats who were watering their ten oxen, nineteen cows, and eight calves at Gavranic Brod on the Korana were robbed of their cattle by Muslims. 5 The pasha replied that he would take action in both cases, punish the culprits and restitute the stolen cattle. 6 Nothing happened and Chernell demanded restitution of the cattle at the border in Maljevac. 7 Mehmed Pa§a replied that he would instruct the commissioner, 'Abdurrahman Efendi, to arrange this matter the following spring. 8 On 9 December, a group of hayduts from Kozarac stole 146 pigs from three Ottoman subjects of Petrince. The commander demanded the extradition of the brigands among whom were Croats who were considered to be a curse to both the Ottoman and Austrian Grenzer. He suspected that they were being protected by the captain of Kozarac; therefore the latter should be held responsible for the damage. 9 On 3 February 1800 two Austrian subjects who were returning from the market in Maljevac were shot in the back and seriously injured. The commander demanded that the captain of Kladusa, 'Osman Besirovic, punish the culprits. 10 In the same month he also demanded that all trees and shrubbery be removed from the Ottoman side of the border near Pe6i so that Austrian guards would have a better view. Local brigands, shooting from thickets there, had mortally wounded an Austrian soldier. 11 Mehmed Pa§a promised to

I

Letter of 3 August 1799.

2

Mehmed Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 6 November 1799.

3

Chernell to Mehmed Pa§a, 9 September 1799.

4Chernell to Mehmed Pa§a, 17 September 1799. 5

Chernell to Ibrahim Pa§a, 22 October 1799.

^Mehmed Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 27 November 1799. ^Letter of 17 December 1799 ^Letter of 31 January 1800. 9

Erdody to Mehmed Pa§a, 20 December 1799.

10 II

Chernell to Mehmed Pa§a, 14 February 1800. Letter of 19 February 1800.

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co-operate after he had received the necessary orders.1 On 3 March Muslims from Trzac tried to steal cattle from the Austrian gartak of Pasara but the thieves were pursued by guards and the cattle were retrieved. One Austrian, however, was mortally wounded. Some days later the Austrian guards again came under fire. 2 On 11 April another Austrian guard was injured by three bullets in the same area.3 On 5 May a gartak near Kladusa came under fire. 4 In the same month an Austrian guard was wounded by bullets fired by inhabitants of Triac. The pasha promised to take the necessary steps.5 On 3 June Chernell informed Mehmed Pa§a that the suspects of a horse theft had been arrested. The victim was a Muslim from Vakuf; the thieves had offered the two animals for sale at a price of 40 kuru§. Chernell, who sent copies of the confessions of the two culprits, requested a statement from the Muslim. The horses had meanwhile been returned to the owner.6 The pasha promised to send the statement.7 In a letter sent later that month he also promised to take measures in order to see that justice was done in some other cases which had been brought to his attention: the murder of three Austrian subjects, the wounding of another three, and the theft of five oxen. He also mentioned (unspecified) complaints by the captain of Bihac about similar actions committed by Austrian Croats in Bosnia.8 On 6 August an Austrian patrol following the trail of stolen cattle along the Korana near Trzac clashed with a group of forty armed Muslims. In the ensuing shoot-out two Austrian soldiers were wounded. 9 In September Chernell asked for co-operation in suppressing a gang of Bosnian and Croatian cattle thieves active in the area of the Ogulin regiment. Some of the criminals had escaped from prison. 10 On 11 October twelve Muslims, originally from Cetin, attacked the Austrian border post of Kozjak from the Bosnian village of Posdvizd. An Austrian soldier had been killed in the same area the previous summer. 11 The pasha promised to take the required measures. 12 Later in the same month Chernell requested he be sent a statement by the agha of Vakuf and a legal certificate from the local kadi regarding the theft of two horses, an ox, and a beehive by a Croat from Kruka (Kruge); inhabitants of Nebljusi had 1 2 3 4

Letter of 26 March 1800. Chernell to Mehmed Pa§a, 14 March 1800. Chernell to Mehmed Pa§a, 25 April 1800. Chernell to Mehmed Pa§a, 16 May 1800.

^Mehmed Pa§a a to the Austrian Command, undated (received 28 May 1800). 6

Letter of 3 June 1800.

^Letter of 17 July 1800. 8

Letter of 20 June 1800.

9

Chernell to Mehmed Pa§a, 19 August 1800.

10 1

Letter of 30 September 1800.

Chernell to Mehmed Pa§a, 21 October 1800.

12

Letter of 24 December 1800.

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offered the owner ten kuru§ for one of his own fully harnessed horses. The owner had lodged complaints with the agha and the commander of the Lika regiment. 1 On 12 November Muslim brigands from Izafiid stole an ox and two cows from an inhabitant of Kamensko. Chernell demanded compensation; if it were not handed over, the amount required would be confiscated from merchants indebted to Bosnians. 2 Apart from theft, wounding, and killing, Dombay came across cases of illegal deprivation of liberty. The Zagreb Command found out that a Croatian woman called Jovanka Gavrilovic was being kept imprisoned in Sarajevo and demanded information. 3 In July 1799, Mehmed Pa§a demanded the release of two herd boys from Peci called 'Abdulmii'min and 'Arab Fazliogli who had been captured by an Austrian soldier from Cetin. 'Osman, a brother of one of the boys, had petitioned the Bosnian Divan on the matter. 4 In another case, the Austrian commander protested against the payment of ransom (of 57 alturi), in contravention to the Treaty of Sistova, by two Austrian soldiers for the liberation of family members kept by a certain Muju Begic of Kladusa. 5 More than a year later Chernell wrote that although 48 altun had been paid to the man, specified as a blacksmith (na'lband), one male relative of one of the soldiers, Arsenije, was still being kept by a certain 'Omer Aga Vazlagic of Ostrocac and two others, Javan and Todor, by a Muslim of Travnik. An enquiry had also revealed that two of "our girls" were being kept as slaves in Banja Luka by a certain Seyyid Kulik (or Kulic). Their liberation and the restitution of the ransom were demanded. 6 In March 1800 the commander demanded the release of another four boys. Two of them had been sold by Muslims from Eski Meydan (Stari Majdan) to a certain 'All Pa§a who had retired (dram ttzere olan) to Bogiirdelen (Sabac). 7 Mehmed Pa§a responded that the case was to be investigated by the kadi of Kamengrad and the captain of Stari Majdan. Bogiirdelen, however, fell outside his jurisdiction and the commander was asked to write to the governor of Belgrade. 8 The files also mention a few cases of desertion and voluntary migration, or one or the other, under suspicious circumstances. Shortly after the war an Austrian soldier deserted to the Ottoman side and converted to

1 Letter of 28 October 1800. ^Letter to Mehmed Pa§a, 19 December 1800. 3

Erdody to Mustafa Pa§a, 4 September 1798.

4

Mehmed Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 25 July 1799. ^Chernell to Mehmed Pa§a, 26 July 1799. ^Letter of 9 December 1800. 7

Chernell to Mehmed Pa§a, 26 March 1800.

^Letter of 12 April 1800.

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Islam. The kapuciba§i Hiiseyn Aga promised to send him back. 1 During the demarcation in September 1795, another Austrian soldier deserted to the Ottoman side. 'Ismeti Efendi promised to track him down and have him sent back. 2 He was duly arrested and kept imprisoned by the ba§bug ('Chief') Mahmud Pa§a.3 He was sent to Kamen in chains and Schlaun promised to pay the usual reward to the captor.4 But when the soldier converted to Islam before a kadi, he was set free and his uniform was returned to the Austrian command.5 Desertions from the other side also occurred. In June 1799, two Bosnian boys, Mii'min Sarnie and 'Arab Majandakovic, volunteered for service in the Austrian army. Enraged, the malevolent captain of Kladusa, 'Osman Beg Besirovic, incited the population to take revenge and kidnap Croatian shepherds, soldiers and others. The commander demanded that the pasha hold his people in check. 6 In November the pasha requested the extradition of a certain Yusuf Izirka, who had fled to Novi, and his wife and daughter. He had joined a group of brigands and should be taken to account. 7 On 2 February 1800 Chernell informed Travnik that a Bosnian called Lazo Orzil of Ostrocac had been arrested. He and five cronies, among whom were two former Austrian soldiers — they had deserted three years before — had penetrated a Croatian village on 18 November 1799 with criminal intent. Confronted by Austrian guards, Lazo was wounded in the head, one of his companions was killed and the four others, among them the ex-soldiers, had fled. Chernell proposed to extradite Lazo to Bosnia in exchange for the ex-soldiers. The criminal intent, it appeared, had been to abduct one of the ex-soldiers's (Juvan Dudukovic) sister, now married to a Croatian farmer, and take her away to Bosnia. 8 The pasha replied that the captain of Dubica, Ca'fer Beg, would be instructed to receive Lazo and to trace his cronies.9

1

Letter of 1 June 1793.

^Letter to Schlaun, 9 September 1795. 3

'ismeti Efendi to Schlaun, 3 October 1795.

^Letter to 'ismeti Efendi, 3 October 1795. 5

'ismeti Efendi to Schlaun, 3 October 1799.

6

Letter of 23 July 1799.

^Mehmed Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 6 November 1799.

O

Chernell to Mehmed Pa§a, 18 February 1800, with added statements by Lazo, his sisterin-law, and a guard who had witnessed the confrontation. 9 Letter of 4 April 1800.

144

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^ ^ W L ^

clL

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. . .

'

'

The original copy of a letter from the Ottoman commissioner 'Abdurrahman Efendi and Siileyman Beg, official of the Travnik finance department, to the Austrian commander at Zagreb, dated 1213/1799 (John Rylands MS Turkish 53, No. vii).

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lJ ¿ L . s j l j t tUfllfl eà j^Jj^**

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A copy of the same letter made by Dombay (HHSA St. A. Turkei III/7-9).

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A recurring problem during these years was the impediments to trade at border markets. Kostajnica is repeatedly mentioned. Apart from 'Raster, it is also called 'iskele' (quay or port) and was situated on the Bosnian side of the Una. The commander complained to Mehmed Pa§a about the illegal levying of harag; all visitors to the market were forced to pay fl. 1 to hayduts from the Kozarac area. 1 The pasha replied (in May) that the necessary measures would be taken. 2 These had no effect and the problem remained. Chernell pointed out that the Muslims also suffered from the bandits. 3 A month later Chernell protested after he, to his surprise, had heard that the cattle trade at the market had been forbidden on orders from Travnik. 4 The pasha answered that he had nothing to do with such a measure and that greedy local rulers had tried to enrich themselves by closing the market. He promised to take steps to ensure the normal functioning of the place. 5 The commander saw himself obliged to bring the problem to the pasha's attention again a few weeks later, pointing out that a malfunctioning of the border market also meant a loss of income from taxes to both countries. 6 Dombay also had to translate a few letters on bilateral debts. A certain Topgi ("gunner") Hasan of Serajavac refused to pay a debt of 100 fl. to a certain Arsenija of Karlovac. The pasha promised to put pressure on Hasan to pay. 7 A second case concerned the refusal by Austrian subjects of Lapac to pay a debt of 301 kuru§ to a certain 'Osman 'Alemdar of Ostrocac who had lodged a complaint with the Bosnian Divan.8 We do not know if the men received their money. The continual problems on the Bosnian border, as said above, prompted an intervention by Herbert and the issuing of a ferman which implied the mission of a special commissioner, in the person of Seyyid 'Abdurrahman Efendi, who had to ensure the captain of Bihac was punished and that the stolen cattle were restituted. In the summer before the ferman had been published, 'Abdurrahman, probably on orders of the governor, had already been sent to Bihac where he tried to arrange a meeting at the border with Austrian representatives. 9 For what purpose the meeting was to be held is not clear nor is it known whether a meeting ever took place. In January 1799, Mustafa Pa§a ^Erdody to Mehmed Pa§a, 20 December 1799, sub 1. ^Letter, undated (received 28 May 1800). 3 4

Letter of 1 July 1800.

Letter of 19 August 1800.

^Letter of 12 September 1800. ^Letter of 24 October 1800. ^Mehmed Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 22 March 1800. ^Mehmed Pa§a to the Austrian Command, 8 October 1800. 9

'Abdurrahman Efendi to the Austrian Command, 24 July 1798; the original of this letter is in Rylands MS Turkish 53, No. xxiv.

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informed the commander of 'Abdurrahman Efendi's (called 'Agha' by him) appointment, which had the particular purpose of finding a solution to the continuing trouble between the populations of Bihac and Skocaj. He was supported by three "pillars of Bosnia", Mustafa Pagazade Siileyman Beg (an official of the Travnik finance department, Bosna defter kethudasi), and the captains of Krupa and Prijedor, 'Omer and Ibrahim Begs. 1 'Abdurrahman Efendi and Siileyman Beg arrived in Bihac in February and wished to see Austrian representatives. 2 There is no answer to this letter in the files and it is questionable whether 'Abdurrahman Efendi was able to contribute to a solution of the border problems. Early in 1800 Chernell inquired after his and his assistants' work during the summer; previous letters on this subject had remained unanswered. 3 Mehmed Pa§a responded that their activities would be resumed in spring when they would devote themselves to the problems of the Bihac' and Ostrocac districts. 4 The pasha's request to alert border guards to watch out for fleeing bandits was welcomed by Chernell who would gladly instruct his officers accordingly.5 What was worrying the Austrian command was that by 1799 the problems were not restricted to the Bihac area but — this is also clear from the incidents listed above — had spread to Prijedor and surroundings. The Commander suspected that groups of brigands were being protected by the captains of Dubica and Kozarac. In Dubica the notorious brigand leaders Ilancic and Radovan Toralic were active and a robber called Kosic infested the roads around Kozarac. The commander demanded action against them. 6 The commander's plea did not go unheeded. In January 1800 Mehmed Pa§a informed him that Toralic and seven members of his gang had been arrested and executed. Their severed heads had arrived in Travnik. He was sure that Kosic would soon meet the same fate. 7 He was also intent on arresting a notorious brigand called Niko Radolovic. 8 In early November a show-down was forced in the Bihac area. Mehmed Pa§a informed Chernell that a state of virtual anarchy had been reigning in the districts of Bihac, Ostrocac and Old Ostrovic for two years in which aghas had been clashing with their own subjects, and fortresses had been at odds with other fortresses. The result of this misrule had been the prospering of brigands and other "insects". In order

^Letters of 30 & 31 January 1799; the originals are in Rylands MS Turkish 53, Nos. xxvi and xxxii. ^Letter of 5 February 1799; the original is in Rylands MS Turkish 53, No. vii. ^Letter to Mehmed Pa§a, 24 January 1800. 4

Letters of 24 January and 18 February 1800.

5

Letter of 7 March 1800.

^Erdody to Mustafa Pa§a, 5 November 1799. 7

Letter of 2 January 1800.

^Letter of 22 March 1800.

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to combat the problem, a ferman had been requested. Consequently, orders had been given that Hasan Pa§a leading a force of a couple of hundred of local Bosnians troops (yerli kuli neferati) should restore order to the chaos. 1 In a further letter, Mehmed Pa§a explained that after selfishness, coolness, hostility, and strife 2 which had appeared and had already held sway for some time and without any reason between the aghas, soldiers, and inhabitants of the fortress of Bihac and between the people of some castles situated in the captaincies, of Bihac, Ostrocac, and Old Ostrivic, had gradually turned into war and strife, both parties had repeatedly been summoned before the Divan of Bosnia in order to present their cases and to make an end to these hostilities. Some inhabitants of Bihac, namely Ya§ar Beg, and sundry old men obeyed these orders and appeared in person before the Divan of Bosnia but their opponents, Hiiseyn Beg, Ibrahim Aga and their companions chose not to comply and refused to appear and because of their absolute obstinacy, disdain, and haughtiness,^ they gathered and collected all sorts of insects and brigands from the border districts and organized and prepared acts of hostility and excesses, thereby ruining and plundering the fortress of Bihac as well as the people, the poor and our subjects, living around it. The pasha asked permission to have a courier carry a letter to the fortress, where the inhabitants were besieged and were suffering from a scarcity of food and anxiety, by way of Austrian territory "in order to lift their spirits and strengthen the arm of their power". 4 Chernell expressed his satisfaction that at long last something substantial was being undertaken for the restoration of peace and quiet on the border.5

9. Epilogue In January 1801 Dombay was promoted to (k.k.) Court Dragoman (Hofdollmetscher) at the State Chancellery (Hof- und Staatskanzlei) at Vienna with a salary of 1500 fl. per year. He was replaced in Zagreb by the Sprachknabe Fleischhukel who was summoned from Istanbul. Before the latter's arrival Hofmann, who was still in Karlovac, temporarily took ^Letter, undated (received 10 November 1800). 2"nefsäniyet ve bürüdet ve 'adävet ve gikaklari", translated as "Uebermuth, Abneigung, Feindschaft und Zwistigkeit". kemäl-i ta'annud u husünet u ru'ünet", translated as "gänzliche Widerspentigkeit, Härte, und Grobheit". tesliyet-i bäl ve takviyet-i bäzü-yi iktidärlarina vesile olmak icün"/ "um ihre Hezen zu trösten und den Arm ihrer Kraft zu stärken", letter of 3 November 1800. ^Letter to Mehmed Pa§a, 14 November 1800.

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Dombay's place.1 Dombay's work in Vienna concentrated on the translation of Turkish letters, among these intercepted secret dispatches, the cipher codes of which he also helped to break. 2 Hammer remarked that he, Dombay, "paid little attention to the Persian envoy", and that consequently, he, Hammer, himself was given this task. 3 A final promotion followed in 1809 when Dombay was appointed to (k.k.) Councillor (Rath); his annual salary was doubled. He had applied for the rank when Councillor Von Hurez died. 4 He died in Vienna on 21 December 1810.5 During Dombay's last years in Vienna, he saw five of his books through the press. Firstly, there was the afore-mentioned Arabic grammarcum-vocabulary. It was followed by a sequel to his translation of Ibn Abu Zar's Moroccan chronicle. This was a richly annotated history of the Sharifid dynasty, 6 covering the years 1654 to 1799. Dombay does not explain which sources he used for this history, but it is clear that he used documents that he himself had collected for the introduction which presents a summary of the events between 1325 and 1654.7 Next came a survey of Moroccan currency.8 The fourth and more substantial work was a Persian grammar in Latin elucidated by a selection of various texts.9 The autograph manuscript of this work is preserved in the John Rylands Library (see the introduction, above). Finally, in 1805, Dombay published the aforementioned collection of Arabic proverbs by Abu Madin. Dombay left at least — I have found no further data on his family — one son, also called Franz, who also studied at the Oriental Academy of Vienna, where he excelled in French, Italian, and Turkish. 10 Unlike his father,

See note of 16 January 1801 in HHSA, Staatskanzlei, Interiora Personalia C f . letter of application, 3 November 1809 (at Ofen/Pest), ibidem.

2 3

Erinnerungen,

4

no. 2.

p. 202.

Letter of application, 3 November 1809 (at Ofen/Pest), Interiora Hammer, Erinnerungen, p. 209. S BLKO, III, p. 353.

Personalia,

No. 2; cf.

6

Geschichte der Scheriefen oder der Könige des jetzt regierenden Hauses zu Marokko (Zagreb, 1801). ^Introduction, pp. i-xii. Q °Beschreibung der gangbaren Marrokanischen Gold-, Silber- und Kupfer-Münzen nebst einem Anhange von einigen seltenen Münzen (Vienna, 1803). According to the introduction it was a somewhat modified and extended reprint of a version that had first appeared in 1799 in Bibliothek der biblischen Litteratur 8 (5). The Anhang presents descriptions of historical coins issued from 473/1080 onwards. 9 Grammatica linguae persicae. Accedunt dialogi, historicae, sententiae, et narrationes persicae (Vienna, 1804); the title is preceded by the text "ta'lim-i tüti-z abän-i Fur si", the] instruction of the parrot-language of Persian". 10 Biographical data on him are found in three letters kept in Dombay's Chancellery file, quoted above ; these are an instruction for a journey to Travnik, 21 September 1813; an

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the younger Franz seems to have been endowed with an extraordinary zest for life. He began his career as a clerk in the Chancellery office in Vienna but his "juvenile high-spirits and a considerable degree of frivolity" 1 and bad company landed him in (unspecified) trouble. His employer attempted to chasten him by sending him in the autumn of 1813 as clerk and assistant dragoman to the newly established consulate in Travnik led by Paulich. He was soon lured into "new danger" and was sent back and kept in quarantine in the castle of (Slavonski) Brod. He must have contracted a venereal disease (although our sources are silent on the exact nature of his troubles) and his recuperation caused him great suffering 2 and "privations". In November 1814, he petitioned the Chancellery to have himself released from Brod. A year later he was given a fresh chance to prove his worth and was appointed as chancellery clerk in Zadar with a salary of 400 fl.

10. Conclusion The Dombay collections, both in Manchester and Vienna, then, give us an unusual insight into the life, or rather the work, of a learned dragoman in — apart from his Moroccan period not closely studied here — an outpost of the Habsburg Empire. They also give us unique glimpses of the day-to-day occurrences, mostly violent altercations, in an area of the Balkans where the Habsburg frontier met an extremity of the Islamic world. Society on both sides of the Bosnian frontier where Dombay spent a large part of his life was exceptional in that it was to a great extent artificial and manipulated by the imperial interests of Vienna and Istanbul. People living there were part of a highly militarized society, the result of a consciously frontier policy of the two states involved. It was also predominantly agricultural, and trade was largely restricted to products from the land and cattle. 3 Despite the clauses on free travel laid down in the bilateral treaties of the preceding century, hostility and anarchy (on the Bosnian side) seems to have made it largely impossible. (Our sources however may give us a distorted picture on this point because they only focus on trouble.) The traditional Muslim virtues such as raiding Christian territory were still alive to a surprising extend and clashed with the hardly less older tradition of the, not always very efficient, Croatian border system. (Another Muslim tradition, still alive in Bosnia and documented in our sources, was the institution of slavery.) Although raiding was an activity traditionally undertaken by Muslims, one gets the impression from our

1,1

jugendliche Hitze und ein hoher Grand von Leichtsinn". Elend als Folgen des Leichtsinnes". 3 Cf. Krajasich, Militärgrenze, p. 146 ff.

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materials that not only Muslims ("Turks" in the German versions of our sources) participated in them, but that they were also joined by Ottoman subjects, "bandits" or "insects", as all these people invariably are called, with Christian names. The rural population of Bosnia was predominantly Christian and the Muslims largely lived in cities and small towns. Distinctions based on modern notions of 'ethnicity' or nationality, which cause so many disasters in the area today, are absent from our sources. People were either Imperial or Ottoman subjects, or if religious affiliations are mentioned (seldom), Christians, Muslims, or Jews. How serious the raids were is debatable. The Austrian authorities perhaps were inclined to give a somewhat exaggerated picture of these occurrences to their correspondents in Travnik, particularly about the number of participants. Despite their sketch of attacks by hundreds of armed men, in most confrontations only a surprisingly small number of Austrian guards and soldiers were killed or wounded. The raids into Austrian territory were clearly regarded as an anachronism in Istanbul and regarded as undesirable in an age when the Porte had begun to participate in the European system of consultation. Local traditions were stronger, however. The influence of the Porte was clearly in decline in Bosnia and the provincial governors, still loyal to the centre, as is amply demonstrated by our sources, had great trouble in exercising power over local rulers and their subjects. Symptoms of decline and ancient Muslim traditions are balanced by an aspect which points to changes in relations between West and East, that of communications. Our sources document the existence of extensive and direct, if not always smooth, contacts between Christians and Muslims, Austrians and Ottomans, generals in charge of the Croatian border and governors in Travnik, between lower Croatian officials and Bosnian fortress commanders. Fifty years previously it would have been unthinkable that a group of Ottoman officials would have ridden out to a field and discussed practical politics with their Austrian counterparts. This was what happened on the Bosnian border after the Treaty of Sistova and is documented in detail in our papers. Nor were contacts limited to work. Friendships seem to have developed quite naturally between Ottomans and Austrians, and this was not confined to dragomans, whose profession after all brought them into contact with various sorts of Arabic- and Turkishspeaking people, but also between other officials such as the demarcators who had met each other in the field.

3. CHRISTIAAN SNOUCK HURGRONJE IN ISTANBUL (1908): LETTERS AND AN UNKNOWN DIARY PRESERVED IN THE LEIDEN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY1

Much has been written about Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje (18571936), professor of Arabic language and literature at Leiden University (from 1907), and government adviser for colonial policy. 2 This is not surprising. Snouck Hurgronje wrote much, and above all polemically and ironically, which makes that many of his writings, whether these addressed an academic, bureaucratic, or a broader readership, are still excellently readable. He was one of those personalities about whom the English could say that 'he did not suffer fools gladly', and that this characterisation is justified is clear if one reads his work. Many an ingenuous government official was rapped over the knuckles in his official reports. On his debit side are a lack of modesty and humour. Snouck's self-esteem was roused early in his life when he acquired international fame for his book on Mecca which was first published in German in 1888-9; an English version appeared in 1931. Recently a Dutch scholar has analysed the anthropological method which underlay Snouck's 'field work' and the resulting description of the town and its inhabitants3 — the scholar was able to sojourn in the town in 1885 — but could not the work perhaps more than an anthropological — ethnographic would be the term of those days — study, be characterised as a clever piece of travelogue, or even as an 'ego document' in which the personality of the author dominates the proses, more than a 'field-worker', Snouck, with hindsight, seems to have been an exceptionally capable journalist and writer tout court who, during the last years of his life, spent much energy on writing articles on contemporary political developments for magazines and newspapers. Nevertheless, Snouck was a linguist in the first place. He mastered Arabic and various AustroAsiatic languages, and wrote about these languages and about aspects of the cultures to which these languages were related, Islamic law in its various forms in particular. Turkish also was among these languages although he wrote almost nothing about this language or Turkish culture. During my cataloguing work in the Leiden University Library I came across various traces of Snouck's Turcological activities, if you could call them so. These mostly

1

First published in Dutch in Sharqiyyat 11/2 (1999), pp. 77-100. A good concise biography is G. W. J. Drewes, 'Snouck Hurgronje', in Biografisch Woordenboek van Nederland II (Amsterdam 1985), pp. 523-6. 3 Jean Kommers, 'Snouck Hurgronje als etnograaf van Mekka', in Sarqiyyät 10/2 (1998), pp. 151-76. 2

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took place around the year 1908 when he sojourned in Istanbul for some months. The collection of manuscripts bequeathed by Snouck to the Leiden Library1 comprises three autograph notebooks with texts in various languages, among them Turkish, as well as a number of letters related to this episode in his life. One of the notebooks (Cod.Or. 7114a) contains lists of Turkish words and Turkish phrases with, mostly, German explanations. The date of August 1907 is found on the first page. This clearly indicates that Snouck by that time had begun to learn the language. The third notebook (Cod.Or. 7114c) contains a report made during his sojourn in Istanbul in 1908 which will be found in translation at the end of this chapter. It had already been known that Snouck kept a diary now and then — this he did also in Jidda during 1884-5; it is preserved as Cod.Or. 7112 in the library — but this fragment has hitherto been overlooked. From the later 1950s onwards, the Leiden Library received a big collection of letters in various languages, among them Turkish, archival documents, and photographs from his daughter Christina Liefrinck-Snouck Hurgonje which had belonged to her father (Cods.Or. 8952 and 18.097). These papers, available to the public from 1 January 1997, comprise a wealth of material which doubtless will contribute to a better insight into Snouck's biography and work. Snouck reported about his Istanbul period in the Dutch journal De Gids\ the article 2 was later included in his collected works (Verspreide Geschrifteri). Although the article is largely devoted to the exciting political events — the immediate aftermath of the 'declaration of freedom' as the Young Turkish revolution was called by contemporary Ottomans — which happened to occur during the time Snouck was in Istanbul, he also did some 'field work' that had nothing to do with these as is clear from the diary and the relevant letters. This research has never lead to any publication as far as I have been able to establish. 3 Nor is there any indication that Snouck kept his Turkish fresh or had any particular attention for matters Ottoman or Turkish after 1908, unless in so far as these influenced global events. The reason why Snouck began to study Turkish in 1907 is not known, but may have been connected with a turning point in his life: his conflict with the governor-general of the Dutch East Indies, J. B. van Heutsz, his decision ' See J. J. Witkam, Honderd jaar Mekka in Leiden. Catalogus van de tentoonstelling gehouden ter gelegenheid van de honderdste verjaardag van de Mekka-reis van Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje (1885). Archivalia, Handschriften, gedrukte boeken, wetenschappelijke notifies, brieven, foto's en ethnografica (Leiden 1985). 2, Jong Turkije. Herinneringen uit Stambol. 25 Juli — 23 September 1908', Verspreide Geschriflen van C. Snouck Hurgronje III (Bonn & Leipzig 1923), pp. 227-56 — in the following I will quote from this edition. 3 His only contribution to the interpretation of a Turkish text is to be found in the Anhang to Georg Jacob's Beiträge zur Kenntnis des Derwisch-Ordens der Bektaschis (Berlin 1908), pp. 96-100); as is clear from the first footnote, it was largely based on information obtained from his Turkish teacher Hayruddin Bey.

C H R I S T I A A N SNOUCK HURGRONJ E IN I S T A N B U L

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in 1906 to leave the Indies, and his acceptance of the chair of Arabic at the Leiden University. During his professorship Snouck remained in function as government adviser, and it is not unlikely that his wish learn Turkish, or improve his mastery of the language, was related to the threat of PanIslamism, felt at that time in broad circles, including by Snouck himself, and its potential to undermine the authority of the colonial government over the Islamic population of the Indies. Snouck had been the driving force behind the policy of monitoring the Ottoman 'Pan-Islamic press' by the Dutch Legation in Istanbul. There were, on the other hand, probably very few readers in the Indies who were able to read Turkish — Snouck was of course aware of this — and even the influence of Arabic publications on the small Arab community in, mostly, Batavia (Jakarta) appears, with hindsight, to have negligible. Interest for the Indies in the Middle East, moreover, was scant and Ottoman journalists wrote only very few articles about the Indies. In some of these Snouck, to his intense irritation, was berated and presented as someone who fostered a deep hatred against Arabs and Turks, and "had been expelled from Mecca because of his insincere conversion to Islam".1 A greater and more direct threat formed the presence, from 1883, of Ottoman consuls in Batavia, but even their influence over the population of the Indies was, as documentary evidence has shown, negligible. 2 The revolt of July 1908 seriously undermined the authority of the sultan in Istanbul and his international prestige — Snouck himself was of the opinion in 1908 that 'the Medieval Caliphate' with its 'absurd pretensions' had already come to an end 3 — and this may have contributed to the fact that Snouck's interest in matters Turkish was only of short duration. However that may have been, Snouck wrote a letter to a certain Mehmed Hayruddin Bey, a resident of Urbanstrasse 96 in Stuttgart, in June 1907 and inquired if the latter was willing to teach him Turkish. 4 It is unclear how Snouck came into contact with this man, but both were acquainted with the German orientalist and professor at Erlangen University, Georg Jacob (1862-1937); Hayruddin assisted Jacob in translating Turkish literature.5 It is quite possible that the latter suggested that Snouck contact him. Snouck wrote the Hungarian orientalist, Ignaz Goldziher (1850-1921), that Hayruddin had been a staff officer who had been sent to Stuttgart to purchase Mauser rifles for the Ottoman army. There, he married a German woman from Schwaben, retired from the army, and found employment with the export agency of the

See G. S. van Krieken, Snouck Hurgronje en het Panislamisme (Leiden 1985), p. 26. For a survey of the role played by Pan-Islamism in Dutch-Ottoman relations, see my Through the Legation Window 1876-1926. Four Essays on Dutch, Dutch-Indian and Ottoman History (Istanbul 1992), pp. 49-143. 2 See my Legation Window, pp. 85-90. 3 'Herinneringen uit Stambol', p. 256. 4 See the letter from Hayruddin Bey to Snouck, 3 July 1907, in Leidea University LAWYJ Cod.Or. 8952. (Unless indicated otherwise, all letters referred to in the following are found in this collection.) J See letter from Hayruddin to Snouck, 3 April 1908.

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Mauserwerke. (The factory itself was situated in Oberndorf, not far from Stuttgart). Snouck wrote to his teacher in Holland, Prof, de Goeje: 1 "I do not regret my journey to Stuttgart; I found here what I could reasonably expect: a very civilised, most diligent Turk, a native of Constantinople, a former staff officer, forced to emigrate because of his marriage to a German woman..." 2 Hayruddin and his wife had a son called 'Osman and three daughters, Hayriye, Feride and Emine. Three of the children received an Islamic education, the fourth was raised as a Christian.3 In April 1908, a fifth child, a son called 'All, was born. 4 Hayruddin Bey kindly replied to Snouck's inquiring letter of June 1907, informing him that he generally asked 2 Marks per hour for his lessons.5 A month later, at the end of July 1907, Snouck travelled to Stuttgart, where he took lodging in a pension at Blumenstrasse 27. The lessons took place in the evenings and by day during Hayruddin's holiday, from 10 to 26 August. Snouck enjoyed these hours so much that he advised his student A. H. van Ophuijsen, who was preparing himself for a job as assistant dragoman at the Dutch Legation in Istanbul, to take lessons from Hayruddin too. Van Ophuijsen followed his teacher's advice and spent the summer and autumn of 1908 in Stuttgart.6 Snouck soon got on friendly terms with his teacher and he kept visiting him during his holidays, and not only to practice his Turkish with him. Hayruddin assisted Snouck in obtaining newspapers and books from izmir and Istanbul, thereby sometimes using the services of a befriended local carpet-seller, Karl Hopf, who had good connections in the Levant. The exchange of letters (and presents) continued until after First World War; the last letter which Snouck received from Hayruddin dates from 20 August 1921. The latter's letters were in German and Turkish; the former's letters probably as well — only one draft in Snouck's hand and in Turkish has survived.7 Snouck's last visit to Stuttgart probably took place at the end of July 1911,

^Michael Jan de Goeje (1836-1909), professor of Oriental Languages at Leiden University from 1866. ^Letter of 12 August 1907. 3 See letters of 21, 28 July and 7 August 1907, published in P. Sj. van Koningsveld, Scholarship and Friendship in Early Islamwissenschaft. The Letters of C. Snouck Hurgronje to I. Goldziher (Leiden 1985), pp. 264-5. Hayruddin wrote Snouck on 27 December 1909 that Hayriye had become a Konfirmand; 'Osman confessed his faith in April 1915, see letter of 29 March 1915. (His wife and daughters Feride and Emine died, to his great sorrow, during the First World War.) 4 See letter of 13 April 1908. 5 Letter of 7 July 1909. 6 S e e the picture postcard from Hayruddin and Van Ophuijsen (written in Turkish) to Snouck of 9 August 1908. "Van Opjuijsen jr. is, with great vigour and pleasure, busy acquiring proficiency in the spoken language and calligraphy with my Turkish mentor in Stuttgart," Snouck to De Goeje, 18 July 1908. See also Through the Legation Window, pp. 116-7. (Van Ophuijsen eventually did not stay very long in Istanbul; he found the work boring, got involved in a conflict with the Legation personnel, including the envoy, and he resigned in November 1912, see also the letters from Van Ophuijsen to nSnouck in Cod.Or. 8952.)' 'Enclosed in a letter from Hayruddin to Snouck of 9 August 1908, see below.

C H R I S T I A A N S N O U C K H U R G R O N J E IN I S T A N B U L

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when he and his wife sojourned in a pension at Uhlandstrasse 8 for a fortnight. 1 "U,ll'

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Almost all the 104 manuscripts under discussion here contain texts in Ottoman-Turkish, with one exception, Cod.Or. 12.398, which is an undated copy of a collection of narrative poems, entitled Cami'u 1-hikayat, written in Azeri Turkish by the poet 'Aclz or Acizi. The work is rare and possibly only one other copy can be found in the collection of the Academy of Sciences in Baku, Azarbayjan.1 The work commences with a description of Muhammad's journey to heaven, which is preceded by a seal imprint of an earlier owner of the manuscript (plate 1). Almost half of the manuscripts contain notes which document their provenance, particularly how Taeschner acquired them.2 It appears, then, that he bought 41 manuscripts from the Istanbul bookseller Riza Nasrullah Tebrizi in 1912-3, the 1920s and, finally, in 1930. In that year — the men had long been friends — the bookseller gave Taeschner a manuscript as a present and wrote a dedication on the title page (plate 2). The manuscript (Cod.Or. 12.430) contains a rare copy of a history of the Mevlevi order of dervishes by Seyyid Ahmed Dede who flourished during the second half of the 18th century.3 The copy was completed in 1896. The dedication reads 'Refik-i muhtaremim Profesor Doktor Taeschner Efendi'ye bir hatire olmak uzere furiiht edilmi§dir, kitabci Riza Nasrullah' and is dated 6 Te§rln-i evvel (October) 1930 (plate 2). Other manuscripts were purchased in Germany — three had belonged to colleagues — and in Cairo. There is no documentation on acquisitions later than January 1933.4 These must have become difficult in the 1930s and 1940s because of the strict monetary policy implemented by the late Weimar Republic and the Third Reich which made it difficult to import goods into and export capital out of the country. One text (Cod.Or. 12.440) Taeschner had copied from a manuscript kept in the al-Azhar Library at Cairo. This was an early 17th-century copy of one of the first Ottoman chronicles written by 'A§ik Pa§azade about 1500. The copy, written in bold rik'a and completed on 6 Zilhicce 1349/24 April 1931, is the most recent item in the collection. 5 The oldest manuscript, in contrast, dates from 1491. It was completed on 20 Cemazilahir 896, which equals 30 April 1491. This date is

^Cf. S.M. Sultanov, Azerbaycan SSR Elmler Akademiyas'i - Elyazmalari. Katalogu I (Baku 1963), No. 1005. ^Cod.Or. 12.583(i) contains a hand-written bill by Nasrullah which documents the acquisition of another four manuscripts by Taeschner, references to three of which are not found in the manuscripts concerned. 3 The work, mostly devoted to the biographies of shaykhs, is entitled Mecmu'atu t-tevarlhi Mevleviye and covers a period ranging from the time of the Prophet up until the birth of the a§giba^i of the mevlevi-hane at Yenikapi, Kudretiillah Dede (in 1203/1788-9), cf. Abdiilbaki Golpmarh Mevland Mtizesi Yazmalar Katalogu III (Ankara 1972), pp. 333-4. ^ The last dated acquisition, a miscellaneous volume with the gold number 142 on its back, is Cod.Or. 12.441, bought in that month. 5 T h e work is entitled Tevarih-i Al-i 'Osman and was copied by Muhammad Kamil; the original copy was completed in 1021/1612 and bore the press-mark Riwaq al-Atrak 3732.

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mentioned in an unusual colophon written in, unusually, Turkish and in large neshi script on a separate page (plate 3) following an anonymous collection of stories with the title, clearly adopted from the Arabic example of at-Taniihi elFerec ba'd e§-§idde (Cod.Or. 12.407) and probably based on a Persian version of the stories. As mentioned earlier, Taeschner had two fields of special interest. Firstly, there was geography. The collection comprises eight items which may be reckoned as belonging, partly or wholly, to this genre. Perhaps most impressive is a late 18th-century copy of Katib (xlcbi's handbook on the geography of the earth entitled Cihan-numa (Cod.Or. 12.363), originally written in the middle of the 17th century; it is filled with pencil notes by Taeschner himself. The manuscript, which presents a detailed description of Rumelia (at present the Balkans and Greece), contains a great many coloured maps. An example (plate 4) is the island of Agnboz (Ewia in modern Greek). Exceptionally, the margin of the next page contains a small drawing of the fortress of the main town on the island, also named Agnboz (Chalkis in Greek, see plate 5). The collection has one separate map (Cod.Or. 12.367), preserved between gold-embossed red cloth covers. It is a blind map of Istanbul, scale 1:10,000, and printed on transparent rice paper (plate 6). Above the map proper, one sees the cipher (tugra) of Sultan 'Abdiilhamid II. The map clearly dates from the 1870s; the railway connecting the city with Sofia, opened in 1875, is represented by a black line, but Sirkeci Station, opened in 1889, is not. The map contains a series of red interrupted lines which represent tram and underground lines, as well as red boxes with names, representing stations, none of them ever built. By contrast, the one underground line then in existence, the Tiinel, on the opposite shore of the Golden Horn between Karakoy and the Grand' Rue de Pera (tstiklal caddesi), opened in 1875, is not pictured on this map.

THE

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247

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Plate 3. Cod.Or. 12.407, f. 419b

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Plate 4. Cod.Or. 12.363, f. 40a

COLLECTION

249

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N B M M H H •iHMMMHRl flBHMIHM^HiHH^H •••MMBMBB HHMMHP^BBÌ^hbiìi^h •HipHHIHWil I^I^HHlliiii^fllM^^^H M H p h l N I M i •^^(ll^^Hli^BlBilll illHilHkHVIiHIIIIIIIi^^^^H WÊÊflÊÊÊÊfÊÊÊÊ^I M R H M Ì Plate 5. Cod.Or. 12.363, f. 40b

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COLLECTION

Lieber Herr Taeschner,

ich erkläre mich gern mit der von Ihnen vorgesohlttgnen LBsung ( zvo Raten) einverstanden,loh habe nicht die mindeste

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einem Oerber oder Dabbágh-záde,sondern von einem Hoflscha.Ich ahne nicht,woher er die HS hatte,höchstwahrscheinlich alter Familienbesit«.Ich sagte Ihnen Ja schon hier,dass es sich um ein Sarajevoer Zunftbuch handelt.Hübsch sind die B é , glaufügungen durch den Richter von Sarajevo. Mehr w e i s s ich leider selbst nicht;ich habe sonst in Südslavien kßina w e i tere ähnliche HS aufgefunden.Soviel

ist gewiss.Auch ist mir in Derwischkretsaq

kein futuwwetname begegnet.Ich habe mehrere Tekkabiicheraien aufgekauftjabap nirgendwo befand sich eine ähnliche HS darunter. Herz 1.Grösse von Ihnem

A typed letter from Franz Babinger to Franz Taescher about the provenance of the Leiden University Library manuscript, Cod.Or. 12.427 — the letter is preserved in the manuscript.

An important sub-genre of Ottoman geographic literature was pilgrim (hacc) manuals. Taeschner acquired quite a lot of these. Most are unique; one is an autograph of the early 19th century.1 Some of these, often only small booklets, contain route descriptions with tips for the travellers. One of them, an undated miscellany with brief texts useful for haccis (Cod.Or. 12.381), for instance, contains a list of stations (mendzil) on the way between Samako (at present Samakov in Bulgaria), Istanbul and Mecca (plate 7). The distances between the posts are given in hours; additional information is written in smaller script between names of the stations.

'This Js a work entitled Hediyetu l-huccac, by el-Hacc 'Abdullah b. Salih b. isma'\V Ey!ifo\ (d. 1252/1836-7, cf. Bnisali Mehmed Tahir, 'Osmdnli Mu'ellifleri COM)'I (Istanbul 1334), p. 379). The work, mainly concerned with juridical problems, was completed in 1232 (1816-7).

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Plate 6. Cod.Or. 12.367

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PHILOLOGY

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254

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The second main sphere of interest for Taeschner was, as mentioned earlier, the phenomenon of futuwwa and Islamic guilds. One of the most fascinating manuscripts in the collection is a miscellany with works on the subject dating from the middle of the 17th century (Cod.Or. 12.427). The somewhat tattered volume contains five works: two treatises on the customs and rituals of brotherhoods (futuvvetname);1 a treatise on Ahi Evren, his background, exploits and miracles; another treatise on the craft of tanning and its (legendary) origin, and a similar work on the tanners' guild of Saray (Sarajevo). The last two texts were written by a shaykh called Mehmed e§-§erif el-Hiiseyni, also known as A'zami son of Ahi 'All el-Evrani el-'Abbasi. The texts were copied by the kazi Mehmed b. Pir Ahmed of Sarajevo in 1048 (1638-9). Apart from the first two, the last three texts seem to be unique. The manuscript had been bought by the orientalist Franz Babinger in Gornij Seher near Banjaluka, Bosnia, in the Summer of 1927, from, as he wrote to Taeschner, a hoca. It had been, he thought, a family heirloom. Taeschner was able to buy it from Babinger for 250 gold marks in 1929. Interestingly, the last three works of the miscellany were authenticated by another kazi of Sarajevo, 'Abdulhalim b. Receb (d. 1051/1641). 2 His signature and seal impression (with the year 1040/1630-1) is found in the margin or after the colophon in the three last-mentioned works. An example is found on f. 127b (see plate 8), where we see, on top, an author's colophon, followed by the authentication, and a financial note, dated 1255/1839, by a later owner, a certain el-Hacc Selim 'Varo§li', the varo§ probably referring to the suburb Gornij Seher of Banjaluka. Taeschner's interest in the futuwwa and guilds went together with an interest in historiography. The collection comprises, apart from the aforementioned work by 'A§ik Pa§azade, another eight histories of the Ottoman Empire. Among these are two autograph copies of the Tarih-i Lutfi, a multi-volume history written by the official chronicler Ahmed Lutfi which covers the years 1241/1825 to 1293/1876 (Cods.Or. 12.352 and 12.353). The first covers a few months of the year 1282/1866, and seems to be a preliminary study of a part of what was to become Volume X in the printed edition (which only appeared in Latin script in Ankara in the 1980s), and the second the period 1247/1831 to 1250/1835, which seems to be a draft of what, much more elaborately, would become part of volumes IV and V. One page, f. 25b (plate 9), in the first-mentioned manuscript contains a schematic inventory of damages to houses and other properties in various quarters suffered in the great fire of 1866 which destroyed a part of Istanbul around the Hocapa§a Quarter. 1

These are: (1) the Fütüwetnäme-i keblr by Seyyid Mehmed b. 'Alä'uddin el-Hiiseyni erRazavi, written in 931/1524, and (2) the Fütüvvetnäme by Yahyä b. Halil el-Burgazi (fl. 14th century). Taeschner already possessed a copy of (1), Cod.Or. 12.348, which he had bought from Nasrulläh Tebrizi in 1928. Both works were translated into German by Taeschner himself and posthumously published in Zünfte und Bruderschaften im Islam. Texte zur Geschichte der Futuwwa (Zurich & Munich 1979). 2 Cf. Mehmed Süreyya, Sicill-i osmanl Osmanli ünlüleri, Nuri Akbayar & Seyit Ali Kahraman, eds., I (Istanbul 1996), p. 111.

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Ebubekir Efendi, with the French ambassador Verninac-Saint Maur in 1795 and 1796 for the formation of a defensive alliance, which, despite the support of Sultan Selim III and endless discussions, was never' realised.1 The page (f. 55b) pictured here (plate 13) shows the final part of a letter by the French Foreign Minister Charles Delacroix to Ratib Efendi, dated 6 §evval 1210 (14 April 1796), followed by a memorandum on the discussions between Ratib Efendi and Verninac on 13 §evval (21 April) of the same year. The memorandum is preceded by a note stating that it had been read out to the Sultan two days later. Most curious of all among the texts copied from office files or archives by our official into this volume is perhaps a report by a grand vizier concerning the granting of permission to an Indian to travel through the Ottoman Empire (ff. 60b-61b). He had been in the retinue of Verninac when the latter was received in the State Council (divan). When the Indian, a Hanefi Muslim of Moghul origin, was questioned by the Sultan, he said that he was called Ahmad Khan, son of a governor of Broach near Surat (Gujarat). His father, Mu'azzaz Khan, had fought the English, had gone into hiding, and had died. Of his six sons, Ahmad's brothers, four had decided to travel to Britain and plead their case, and he, together with them, had secretly boarded a European ship. They had reached Baghdad, where they had been gracefully received by the vdli. Ahmad, together with one brother, Nawazish Khan, had moved on to Selanik (Salonica) and from there had travelled to Marseilles on a French ship and had reached Lyon. There, his brother had fallen ill and died. Ahmad decided to inter the body in the graveyard of his family in India. After a visit to Paris and a lengthy stay in Marseilles, he had moved to London to arrange matters with the British government, had gone back to Marseilles, had taken the body on board ship and had finally reached Istanbul by way of Leghorn and izmir. He was lodged in the Palace (Embassy) of the French Republic. He now offered a petition requesting permission for travel to Baghdad and Basra with the body and for the necessary passport (yol hukmi). He also asked for a small sum of money ('two, three kuru§'). A superscript by the Sultan (f. 60b) instructs the grand vizier to give the Indian 5000 kuru§. The second manuscript in the series of three contains a text of a few lines, perhaps the most personal of these texts. It is a fragment of a letter (Cod.Or. 12.412, f. lb), probably by the owner, in which he writes that he had been busy sorting out his papers at his office in Istanbul, but was still missing 5000 kuru§ (plate 14). It is followed by a verse. Twice on the same page, one sees what seems to be a signature with the letters 'plizuy' in Latin script. It probably indicates a later owner. (It also occurs in the second notebook of the series, Cod.Or. 12.410.)

1 See for details: Ismail Soysal, Fransiz ìhtilali ver Turk-Fransiz Diplomasi (1789-1802). Ankara 1964.

Miinasebetleri

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In other cases it is sometimes possible to identify an owner/user. Cod.Or. 12.426, for instance, a notebook full of, mostly, copies of letters or model letters, in which appointments, promotions and dismissals are announced to state officials, arranged according to rank and province. It contains a summary index with the seal imprint of the owner (f. 216b, plate 15), isma'il Fenni, with the year 1307 (1889-90). He may be identical with the composer of the same name, but better known as 'Ertugrul' (1856-1946), who worked as an accountant for the Ottoman Ministries of Finance and the Interior in Istanbul before 1909.1 The notebook eventually found its way to Cairo where it was bought by Max Meyerhof (1874-1945), ophthalmologist and historian of Arab medicine, botanies and pharmacology.2 He gave it as a present to Taeschner on 27 July 1927. Perhaps even more intriguing is another item of this type. This is Cod.Or. 12.423, a notebook dating from around 1700 and filled with administrative annotations, stories, poems, copies of letters, and other texts. It probably belonged to an Ottoman clerk who worked for a department which saw to the collecting of the resm-i kismet, levied from the estates of deceased members of the military class in the provinces, in one of the kazi'asker's offices in Istanbul. 3 The notebook comprises, among many other things, a series of receipts (ff. 138b-141a) proving that the tax had been levied and that the money had been handed over to the provincial kazl who acted as receiver (kassam). The documents are followed by the original signatures and seals of the kassáms. A good example is found on f. 140a (plate 16) with a receipt dated 1003/1691 and signed by 'Abdullah, kazl of Bafra, and by 'Ali Efendi, his expected (mev'üd) successor — terms of office were short and did not normally last longer than three years. The signatures may have been obtained by the anonymous owner during a tour of inspection in northern Anatolia. With this speculative remark, I take leave of our literary bureaucrats, who thanks to a collector like Taeschner and the liberal acquisitions policy of the Leiden University Library of thirty years ago have not completely been lost in the obscure haze of history. May God have mercy on their souls!

^Sec Öztuna, Büyük Müsiktsi Ansiklopedisi I (Ankara 1990), pp. 263-5. Cf. the biography by Erhard Kahle in Neue Deutsche Biographie 17 (1993), pp. 392-3. 3 Not much seems to be known about this part of the Ottoman bureaucracy, cf. Cengiz Orhonlu, 'Kassäm', in EI2.

2

1. OTTOMAN HAJJ MANUALS AND THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY MS TURKISH 88*

(1) Introduction For centuries Muslim pilgrims, hajjis, have travelled annually from various places in the world to the Holy Cities in the Hijaz (and they will, God willing, continue to do so for centuries to come).1 These pilgrims could, and still can dispose of manuals which inform them of their duties while performing the pilgrimage. The technical term here is manäsik (pi. of mansik, ceremonies and sacrifices prescribed in the pilgrimage) which occurs in the title of most manuals. In some of them we also or even exclusively, find route descriptions. Libraries all over the world possess copies of such guides, in manuscript and print. They have existed and are still published in all languages read by Muslims, 2 including Ottoman Turkish. The best known works in the latter category are the Menäsikü l-hacc3 of 1193/1779 by Mehmed Edlb b. Mehmed Dervi§, printed in Istanbul for the first time in 1232/1816-7,4 and the Menäsik-i mesälik, describing the pilgrimage of 1041/1632, by Abdurrahmän HibrI (d. 1069/1659), edited by Sevim ilgürel in the 1970s 5 . Of a highly literary nature, and forming a different sub-genre as it were, are the poet Näbi's Tuhfatu l-haramayn of 1093/1682, printed in Istanbul in 1265/1849, and a number of manuals in verse.6 These could hardly have been of any practical *

First published in: Culture: Unity and Diversity. Proceedings of the Annual Conference of the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies 12-14 July 1994, The University of Manchester, pp. 488-501. *Cf. for a general survey, the article 'Hadjdj' in Encyclopaedia of Islam, second edition: on the pilgrims caravans travelling from Istanbul and Cairo, cf. Suraiya Faroqhi, Herrscher über Mekka. Die Geschichte der Pilgerfahrt (Munich and Zurich, 1990), chapters two and three. 2 For a recent study of an Arabic manual, see Rita Stratkötter, Von Kairo nach Mekka. Sozialund Wirtschaftgeschichte der Pilgerfahrt nach den Berichten des Ibrahim Rifat Basa: Mir'at alHaramain (Berlin, 1991). o J The correct title actually is Nehcetü l-menazil, cf. the printed edition of 1232, p. 3. 4 T h e work was reprinted in Bulaq in 1250/1834, 1252/1836 and 1256/1840, cf. M. Seyfettin Özege Eski Harflerle Basilmig Türkge Eserler Katalogu III (Istanbul, 1975), 1316. 5 In Tarih Enstitäsä Dergisi 6 (1975), 111-28 (I); Tarih Dergisi 30 (1976), 55-72 (II); and Tarih Dergisi 31 (1978), 147-62 (III). It is based on the Istanbul Siileymaniye Library MS Lala Ismail Efendi No. 104, ff. 87b-148b. ^Özege, Katalog V (Istanbul, 1979), 2110, mentions what seems to be a most curious Menäsik-i hacc in the forms of an elegy by Bekir Sidki printed in 1329/1913, written in protest against the Italian attack on the Ottoman Empire. Furthermore, w e fiiiü a description of the route between Damascus and Medina not unlike those found in the hajj manuals discussed here in Evliya Qelebi's Seyähatnäme, vol. IX (Istanbul, 1935), pp. 565608.

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value for the hajjis. The edition by Sevim Ilgiirel excepted, the genre in its Ottoman guise has hardly drawn the attention of modern scholarship since the German scholar Franz Taeschner included a two-page survey of it in his history of Ottoman geographical literature published in 1923. 1 Taeschner also collected items of the genre; his library came to include nine manuscript manuals, bought from Istanbul booksellers in the 1920s and 1930s. In 1970 these were acquired by the Leiden University Library.2 What I intend to do here is analyse the contents of one such hajj guide which is kept in the John Rylands Library in Manchester, thereby concentrating on the travel aspect as distinct from the rites of the pilgrimage itself. As well, I will compare this aspect found in other, more well-known works in the genre. Finally, I will comment on the historical value and practical, as opposed to literary, purposes of such works. (2) The John Rylands Library MS Turkish no. 88. The manuscript, Turkish no. 88, was part of the "Lindesian Library" collected by Alexander, 25th Earl of Crawford ('Lord Lindsay', 1812-80) and his son Ludovic, 26th Earl of Crawford (1847-1913) 3 whose manuscripts were bought by the widow of John Rylands in 1901 and transferred to the library between November 1903 and January 1904.4 I will first give a short description of the MS. No author or copyist are mentioned. The MS amounts to 2+30+2 (unnumbered) folios, measures 120x180 mm, and is expensively produced with a fully coloured frontispiece and gilt frames around ever page. It was copied before A.H. 1211 (1796-7) which year is mentioned on the recto-side of the overleaf. Verses by the "late" Ottoman poet Nabi (d. 1712) are quoted in the work; he performed the hajj in 1089/1678. The pilgrims caravan commander, emiru l-hacc, Receb Pa§a, is mentioned. He is known to have accompanied the caravan from Damascus in

l ' D i e Geographische Literatur der Osmanen', in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgendländischen Gesellschaft (ZDMG) 2/77 (1923), pp. 31-80, 72-3. ^Codices, Or. 12.373-81. Of these, three contain route descriptions: Or. 12.376 a Menäsik-i hacc of 1258/1842: Or. 12.380: the Hediyetä l-hüccäc of 1232/1816-7 by ElHacc 'Abdullah b. Salih b. Isma'il; and Or. 12.381 an anonymous and undated Menäkib-i hacc. This last MS contains only a short list of menäzil between Samako (modern Samakov, Bulgaria) and Mecca. ^See for their biography, particularly their activities as book and manuscript collectors: Nicolas Barker, Bibliotheca Lindesiana. The Lives and Collections of Alexander William, 25th Earl of Crawford and 8th Earl of Balcarres, and James Ludovic, 26th Earl of Crawford and 9th Earl of Balcarres (London, 1977). Regrettably, no mention is made of Turkish manuscripts on these pages. ^D. A. Farnie, 'John Rylands of Manchester', in Bulletin of the John Rylands Library of Manchester 75/2 (1993), 3-103, 62-3.

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1718.1 Thus, our manuscripts must have been written not long after that year. (The printed catalogue suggests "about 1760" as date of origin2, but I would rather suggest that it was written some decades earlier.) The first four folios contain, essentially, an enumeration of the 32 stopping places, mendzil, and their distances in hours on the overland route between Cairo and Mecca; a similar list of the 35 mendzil on the route between Mecca and Damascus; and another survey of 37 of such places between Damascus and Uskiidar. The major part of the text is devoted to a route description between Uskiidar and the Holy Cities, and not, as the short description in the catalogue suggests, that of the route between Cairo and Mecca. The work is divided into two parts: the route between Uskiidar and Damascus in 38 paragraphs (I, 1-39 — the paragraphs from Ismail, 1,18 (should be 1,17), onward are wrongly numbered) and that between Damascus and Mount 'Arafat in 41 paragraphs (II, 1-41), followed by another four paragraphs on the makams of Muzdalifa and Mina; the Kaaba; and a conclusion (III, 1-4). The work seems to be a-typical of the genre in so far that a relatively large amount of space is devoted to the journey to the Hijaz itself instead of to the holy places and the pilgrims activities there. The route followed was the traditional one described in earlier works and which had as main stopping places : Uskiidar; Geybize (where the Gulf of izmit was crossed by ferry); Hersek; Eski§ehir; Konya; Eregli; Adana; Antakya; Homs; Damascus; Muzayrib; Ma'an; Dar al-Hamra (Piringovasi); Medina; Mecca. (It was roughly the same route along which the Hijaz Railway was constructed in the early twentieth century.) (a) Style The work is written in a fairly simple Ottoman Turkish at a few places interrupted by verse fragments, most of them by Nabi. Rhymed clauses nevertheless occur often but sentences are never very long or complicated. (b) Authorship The text is anonymous and we are not able to establish how it was compiled. The contents and topics are more or less similar to those found in other manuals of this type which I have seen so far (see also below) and it is likely that parts of earlier examples were used for our manuscript. At three places we find mention of written sources, two of a general type when the author refers to hadith (I, 35) and "most histories" (I, 39), and one specific

-t. ^Ismail Hakki Uzun§ar§ili, Mekke-i Miikkerimem Emirleri (Ankara, 1972), pp. 98-9. Bibliotheca Lindesiana. Handlist of Oriental Manuscripts Arabic Persian Turkish (Aberdeen, 1898), p. 153.

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when he quotes from Mishkat-i masabikh sharhi1 (on the subject of the name of the River Seyhun, confused with the Jayhün (Bactrus) in the "vilayet of Balkh", I, 25). It is possible, and for the part describing the route between Damascus and Medina likely, that the author (or the author of the source used here) made use of his own experience as a pilgrim: we sometimes find verbs in the first person plural (from II, 12 onwards), when the author remarks that "we even found yoghurt and fresh butter" (hattá yogurt ve tereyagi bulduk). Thus the author wrote that from Damascus onwards the caravan — the word occurs only once in the text (káfile, II, 36) — was accompanied by Damascene Janissaries (kal'a kuli) under the command of the Agha of Janissaries, Miikemmel Pa§a (I, 39). The emirii l-hacc was Receb Pa§a (II, 11). The author also mentions "our return journey" (II, 11). Apart from these points, the descriptions are largely impersonal, never related to a "me", not even in the form of "this your despicable slave," as in most such manuals seems to have been the case. (c) Topics The most important topics are: (1) The names of the stopping places. (These appear in the chapter headings in red.) (2) The distance in hours between the, in total, 82 stopping places mentioned in the manuscript. (These appear also in the chapter headings and subtotals are written in the margins near the headings of the major menaziJ). On a few occasions, resting hours are indicated. (3) A description of the important sight-seeing places (ziyürets), mostly the tombs of famous men. They also include monumental buildings, mostly vakf complexes, with their mosques, bath-houses, caransarays, fountains, ponds, schools, imárets, libraries, bazaars, gates, bridges and waterwheels. Often the founder is mentioned. In the mosque of Geybize the pilgrims should not miss, the author insists, the inspection of a Koran in Yakut script which had belonged to the last Mamluk ruler Kansu Gavri (I, 3). In the great Umayyad Mosque of Damascus, the Koran of 'Uthman was to be seen; it still showed bloodstains of the murdered caliph (I, 39). Frequent mention is made of gardens and orchards. We also find short descriptions of the menzils themselves. Of Kurd Kulagi, east of Adana, it is said that it looked

' No such work is mentioned in Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Literatur (GAL) (5 vols, Leiden, 1937-49); on the Mishkat al-masäbih by Shamsaddin al-Tibrizi (d 737/1336), cf. GAL, II, 195.

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like a fort (palanka) which contained a mosque and a caravansaray (hdn) and was defended by some "small iron cannons" manned by officers (zabitlar) (I, 27). Sometimes a characterisation or ethnic origin of the local population, if Kurdish (I, 31) or Arab (I, 33 ff.), is given. Of the men of Konya it is said that they were "of a dervish disposition, modest and respectable" (I, 16) The inhabitants of Ismail, east of Konya, were so friendly as to receive the pilgrims in their houses (I, 18). Frequent mention is made of ruins along the road, of castles, medresses, caravansarays and cisterns, reminders of more glorious days. Sometimes a short sentence is inserted to characterize the landscape, in particular mountains, or to describe a striking feature. After the pilgrims had travelled for five hours through the desert plain south of Man'an, they were struck by the sight of a lonely acacia tree (tnugayldn ugcici) struggling to survive beside a ruined caravansaray. It was an object of worship for the tentpitchers who performed a tavaf around it (II, 14). Tamarisk forests, found in Arabia, are mentioned twice (II, 25; 36). Sometimes the thirsty pilgrims, travelling many miles from the Red Sea coast, imagined that they saw a huge lake, as in Jufayman, only to discover that it was a mirage (II, 15). Most descriptions consist of simple enumerations and their wording is repetitive. Qualifications often used are "big", "pleasant", "graceful", "attractive", "frightening" (often said of mountain passes), "perfect" or "beautiful". (4) Information on the weather, availability and quality of water, food and other necessities. Water was essential for the traveller, and often difficult to come by, particularly in desert country, where the pilgrims often suffered from "indescribable heat" (II, 15). Sometimes it had to be carried with the caravan over long distances. At regular intervals cisterns could be found as well as places where hay and other necessities were kept for the passing caravans (II, 10). In the past subterranean water conduits had been constructed, but they were ruined in the days when our author passed by (II, 21). The water scooped from cisterns was often stale and hardly drinkable (II, 21). Sometimes the pilgrims tried to dig wells, but the result could be disappointing when the water turned out to be "yellow and smelling of fish", harmful to man and animal alike (II, 27). Everywhere the caravan was dependent for provisioning on the local inhabitants. The author describes how in Muzayrib Bedouins gathered near the pilgrims caravan, set up a "huge camp" (ordu-yi 'azim), and began to sell food, including fresh lamb's meat, drinks, clothing, riding beasts and other necessities (II, 4).

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The presence of food (or lack of it) in all its variety is noted in almost every chapter. Thus we find soup (gorba, distributed from 'imarets); bread (in Eski§ehir a type called 'avratlar mahalle somuni was sold); fish; mutton; filled lamb's meat (igi dolmu§ kuzu, at Ma'an), roast of hare (tav§an kebabi, at 'Unayza); quince and grape pickles (tur§u, in Sogiid), olives (Zanbakiyya); halva (iznik), honey in the comb (gomeg ball, in Qifte Han), green honey (Mecca), lokum (Nebk) and all kinds of fruits: figs, grapes, pears (bozdogan emrudi, in Nebk), watermelons, colocynths (Ebu Cehl karpuzi, in Haydar Castle), lemons, pomegranates and quinces. Prices are indicated for the following foodstuffs: mutton: 10 akge; goats meat: 7 akge (both at Eregli); bread: 0.5 okka for 1 akge (in Baylan, modern Belen); figs: 4 okka for one para; almonds: one okka for 8 para (both at Antakya); a ration (yem) of barley for 7 akge, (at Tabut kursi) or for 2 para (at Ma'an) or for 13 to 15 para (at Matran). Essential was also the availability of, mostly expensive, firewood, often indicated. Other articles include textile goods: silk (Lefke, Vezir Hani), velvet pillows (Sogiid), carpets (kilims, Hiisrev Pa§a), socks (Karabmar), cotton thread, cloth for the pilgrim's garment (ihramlik bezi) and turban cloth (po§u, all in Hama). Finally we find tobacco pipes (liile, in Eskigehir); candle wax (Payas); and roof tiles (Mudik). (5) Information on the quality of the road. On some stretches through mountainous territory the going was unbearably slow — to cover the few miles between Ulu Ki§lak and Qfte Han in the Toros mountains took twelve hours (I, 21). On a number of occasions the author indicates the frightening steepness (I, 3 ff) or inconvenient stony surface of roads of mountain passes (I, 17 ff). Horses had to be exchanged for oxen both as beasts of burden and riding animals (I, 23). Such passes were guarded by derbendgis — they were encountered on the road between Hiisrev Pa§a and Bulavadin (1,12). In Arabia, Ottoman authority was upheld by garrisons, as in Haydar Castle, not far north of Medina, manned by sixteen Janissaries (kal'a kuli, II, 20). At other places dry roads could turn into dangerous swamps in winter (II, 3). The author relates a dreadful flooding in a wadi miles east of the Dead Sea on his return journey. At five o'clock at night, it unexpectedly began to rain and the desert turned into a sea. Many "litters and palanquins" (mahfiller ve taht-i revanlar) were broken, loads had to be abandoned, camels perished, and the Arab shaykhs dispersed. (They were later, after the weather had cleared, captured, put in chains and carried along as prisoners.) (II. 11) Then there was the ubiquitous threat of attacking robbers. One evening at Pilata, east of the River Jordan, rumours were heard that a band of Arabs were beginning to attack the caravan, shouts were heard, weapons kept ready, "but nothing happened." (II, 8; cf. also II, 33).

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(6) Scattered through the pages of our manuscript we find historical information, relating to the pro-Muslim, early Muslim, Classical, Seljuk and Ottoman periods. It nicely reflects the type of knowledge available in Ottoman histories and encyclopaedias. Most frequently mentioned are the dates of conquest by Ottoman sultans, sometimes also by earlier rulers. Antakya, for instance, is said to have been governed first by king Antakyus (Antiochus), successor of the Great Alexander (iskender). In 538 (1143-4) walls were built around the city. Part of the city was in the author's days in ruins, having been conquered many times, lately in 922 (1516-7) by Sultan Selim (I) (I, 30). Plato, "student of Socrates", was traditionally said to be buried in Konya (I, 16). Other more or less mythical figures appearing in these pages are the Angel Gabriel, Can bin Can, Hizir (Khadr), King Herodotus ("the cursed one," Herdus-i menhus) and the Prophets Hud, Salih, Daniel, and John (Yahya). But most space is dedicated to the enumeration of saintly men, sometimes with short biographies: gazis, shaykhs, ulema and poets, whose tombs were the most important places for pilgrims to visit. Finally we find a number of "stories" of greater length, relating to historical episodes, mostly concerning the history of Damascus, Medina and Mecca. Surprisingly, we hardly find data on the pilgrims caravan or its organisation; how it was composed; how many pilgrims travelled in it; hardly how they travelled (although the ferry from Geybize to Hersek is mentioned). Did they walk, ride, apart from the oxen mentioned before, on donkeys, horses or camels, or did they sit in wagons? How did they eat or sleep? The author does not furnish any details on these questions. On one occasion, he informs us that the emirii l-hacc, the siirre emlni (the official entrusted with the delivery of the annual gift sent by the sultan to Mecca) and the suba§i (caravan guards) (?) were offered a copious banquet just south of Damascus and before embarking on the last difficult desert passage (II, 1). Further south, at Muzayrib, the Arab pilgrims "shaykhs" gathered, offering their services as camel drivers and carriers of provisions to the emlrii l-hacc. It sometimes occurred that shaykhs, engaged as carriers, flew with their camels after having received their wage (II, 4). In two passages tent-pitchers ('akkam), who accompanied the caravan, are mentioned (II, 2; 14).

(3) Comparison If we compare the route description with those found in the works of Hibri Efendi and Mehmed Edib, we cannot avoid the conclusion that our manual was, apart from a few details, especially those related to the author's experiences and the mentioning of prices of goods which do not occur m other works, not exceptional in the genre. A great many data found in our manuscript are also mentioned in Hibri's book or in Mehmed Edib's work, or

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in both. These passages are sometimes identical or almost identical. The episode of the acacia tree near Ma'an, for instance, occurs both in Hibri's and Mehmed Edlb's work. Mehmed Edib adds that the tree meanwhile had disappeared (p. 71). Hibri's Menasik is on the whole much more succinct than our manuscript, but includes a description of the route between his home town Edirne and Uskiidar, contains a few passages based on personal experience (I, 17; 122) as well as a long section on the disturbing events in the crisis year of 1632 which had serious repercussions on the safety of the hajj caravan which was attacked by Bedouins near al-'Ula 1 . No specific literary sources are mentioned. Hibri's work also gives more details on practical matters concerning the caravan: he specifies the leasing of camels, and purchase of provisions in Damascus (I, 124-5)2; the presenting of gifts (surre) to, and the leasing of camels from "desert Arabs" at Muzayrib (I, 125); the exchange of rent camels at al-'Ula (I, 127); and the distribution of sugar to the Damascus regiment ( § a m kuli) at Hadiyya Egmesi (1,127). Mehmed Edib's work has a much lengthier travel section. It also gives more details on the consumer goods available en route (but does not mention prices) and gives more historical, including what we would call mythical, commentary than our Manchester MS, but it does not record any personal experiences. His work seems to be partially dependent on Katib Cxlebi's Cihannuma3; it also quotes "Israelite books" (kutiib-i Isra'il, p. 47); hadith (p. 49) and the Tarih-i Dima§k (p. 58). Mehmed Edib also mentions interesting details relating to the caravan organization: he indicates at which menzils muleteers and tent-pitchers are given their wages and bonuses (bah§i§at); gives a detailed description of the departure ceremonies at Damascus 4 (p. 64); he notes that the pilgrims had to climb down from their 1 II, 55-62; cf. Faroqhi, Herrscher, 91-2. 2"... [ w e ] departed from Damascus after having bought wooden camel frames (mihaffe) and bales (? zimal) and the goods [to be loaded on] the frames: felt, cotton, string, tents, packing needles, water-closets, mallets and iron for the tents, wooden poles, leather bags for water, two buckets, water bottles, felt for repairing the water bags, beasts and sacks to put oil in, another number of bags for provisions, a pair of mehdvi (?), provision bags, an ax for cutting wood (with a pickaxe at one side for digging a fireplace), a saucepan holder, a vinegar stopper, pomegranate pips, a fine sieve, garlic, a mortar, a lantern, candle wax, two storm candles, a copper water funnel, and further: hard biscuit for en route, rice, clarified butter, ba$kariye (?), pomegranate pips, cheese, pekmez, olives, jujube oil, vinegar, dried apricots, red grapes, roasted chickpeas, dried fruit pulp, coffee, chickpeas, salt, onions, garlic, tamarind, cane sugar, mint, "stomach-caressing dried goods" (? mi'de-nevaz kurusu), ginger, incense, sweet flag, gum mastic and pissasphalt ii

^Taeschner, Die geographische Literatur, 73, n. 1. "The sacred litter (mahmil-i serif) and the banner of the Prophet (sancak-i |erif), the convoy of the Syrian pilgrims, the Arab drum and standard were in the centre of the caravan ... In the pilgrims camp, the miru l-hacc Pasha, the cadis of the two holy cities, the surre emini, the saka ba§is and the camellender (mukavvimin) marked [their rank] by way of lamps on long poles in front of their tents ... At the departure, rockets were fixed into the air in honour of the miru l-hacc Pasha, and leaving his abode, again the miru lhacc Pasha was honoured by three cannon shots. When the pilgrims convoy began to move, the band of the miru l-hacc played."

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mihaffes and walk at Zahr al-'Akaba (p. 71) — here the quhadar (footman) also collected letters from pilgrims in order to bring these to Istanbul — ; where the water carriers (saka ba§is) distributed sherbet to the pilgrims (pp. 71, 75); and that near Dar al-Hamra a narrow desert pass was traversed while pistols were fired in order to frighten off potential robbers (p. 77). Mehmed Edib is also the more frivolous writer when he alone notes that Homs is famous for its beautiful "fairy like" women (p. 49) and mentions that there are many coffee houses in Damascus (p. 61).

(4) Purpose The question remains whether hajj manuals of the type described above were really manuals, in other words, were consulted by pilgrims en route to Mecca, and were produced for a practical, as different from a mere literary purpose. Did the Manchester MS accompany a pilgrim or pilgrims to the Hijaz and back? We do not know. Ownership markings in both printed and manuscript copies of such works might give some indication. In the printed copy of Mehmed Edib's book, kept in the Leiden University Library, we find an ownership marking of the emlrti l-hacc Seyyid Ibrahim, bought in the same year the book was published (cf. p. 1) It is quite possible that he carried the book with him. The Leiden Or. 12-377, an anonymous Menasik-i hacc-i §erif completed on 18 Safer 1180 (26 July 1766) found its way to the Hijaz. In 1209/1794-5 it was in the possession of a certain Shaykh Mehmed who was living in Mecca at that time (cf. fol. la). Some of the manuals were written after the authors had performed the hajj. This was the case with our Manchester MS, the Menasik by Hibri Efendi, and the Leiden MS, Or, 12.380 the Hediyetu l-huccdc by 'Abdullah b. Salih b. Isma'il, imam at the mosque of Ebu Eyyiib. The latter performed the hajj in 1229/1814, three years before he wrote his book (cf. fols. lb-2a and 36a). It is possible that these authors wrote their works (also) for a pious purpose and in order to record their experience for themselves and others.

2. THE TRAVEL NOTES OF A DUTCH PASTOR IN ANATOLIA 1717-1727*

INTRODUCTION

Dutchmen have always been great travellers. Through the centuries they have written down their experiences. Most of the resulting travelogues have never been published.1 This is a pity because many of them, particularly if they were written in a lively style and reflected the personal insights of the travellers merit a wider public than specialist historians, literary or otherwise, who might come across them during their research. One such unpublished source of past travel experience are the diaries kept by a Dutchman called Herman van der Horst who lived in the first half of the 18th century. Since 1846, these have been kept in the Leiden University Library. Although the content of his notes is not outstandingly original or of great literary merit, they are nevertheless too interesting to be left unknown, gathering dust on a library shelf.

THE

AUTHOR

Herman van der Horst was a pastor who served the Dutch Protestant community of Izmir, consisting, upon his arrival, of not more than 22 members — quite a few Dutchmen had joined the Anglican or Catholic churches —, between 1718 and 1727. He was born in Jutfaas, had studied in Utrecht and returned to Jutfaas in 1727. 2 Van der Horst was originally contracted for five years but he stayed for another four, despite the fact that his salary, 282 lion dollars per annum but paid in piastres,3 was not brilliant and

*First published in: £igdem Balim-Harding & Colin Imber, eds. The Balance of Truth. Essays in Honour of Professor Geofrey Lewis (Istanbul 1999), pp. 309-30. ' For a survey of pre-modern Dutch travelogues, see R. Lindman, Y. Scherf and R. M. Dekker, Reisverslagen van Noord-Nederlanders van de zestiende tot begin negentiende eeuw. Een chronologische lijst (Rotterdam, 1994); the travelogues which are the subject of this article are mentioned under no. 118, p. 64. An analysis of this material has been presented in a conference paper by R.M. Dekker, 'Nederlandse reisverslagen van de 16e tot begin 19e eeuw' (typescript, 24 pp., May 1993). On Dutch travelogues describing the Ottoman Empire, see Hans Theunissen' 'Barbaren en ongelovigen: Turcica in de Nederlanden 1500-1800,' in Hans Theunissen e.a., eds., Topkapi & Turkomanie; Turks-Nederlandse ontmoetingen sinds 1600 (Amsterdam, 1989), especially pp. 47-53. 2

For details see Jan Willem Samberg, 'De Hollandsche Gereformeerde Gemeente te Smirna. De geschiedenis eener handelskerk' (Diss. Leiden, 1928), pp. 123-36. 3 In fact in coins called 'Iselotten' (Zolotas).

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declined with the decrease in the value of the dollar vis-à-vis the piastre.1 From 1725 onwards, he was compensated with an extra 120 lion dollars per year.2 In February 1727, he left Izmir on the Dutch vessel Debora under Captain Pieter Klopper. 3 In the same year, he was appointed as pastor in Schoonhoven, where he died in 1765. He seems to have been a diligent pastor, popular within the Dutch community, 4 but also among the French and English; exceptionally, he married5 in Izmir and, apart from a collection of inscriptions and drawings made in the Levant6 as well as travel diaries, brought a family home consisting of a wife, a son and two daughters. (A third daughter died when she was fourteen months old. 7 ) He was the author of a textbook for primary schools 8 as well as a funeral oration for the deceased Dutch consul, Daniel Jan Baron de Hochepied 9 — both were printed in Holland during his lifetime. 10 The Dutch State Archives at The Hague (ARA) keep eleven of his letters directed to his employer, the Dutch Levant Company. 11 Another small collection of his letters to the Protestant 'classis' of Amsterdam are kept in its archive in the same city. 12

G e r m a n van der Horst to the Directors of the Dutch Levant Company ('Directeuren van de Levantse Handel'), 5.2.1724, in Dutch State Archives (ARA), Directorate of the Levant Company (LH), 134. 2 Van der Horst to Directors, 13.1725, in ARA, LH, 134. 3 Van der Horst to Directors, February 1727, in ARA, LH, 134. 4'iic hebbe mij te vlyen dat er niemand zij onder onze Naatie die my niet betuige, dat mij gaerne zaege volherden in deezen mijnen dienst, ende nae het Talentje, onz door God toevertrouwd, der gemeenten stightinge ende ophouwinge te blyven benaerstigen,' Van der Horst to Directors, 5.2.1727, in ARA, LH, 134. 5 In April 1722 to a step-daughter of the Dutch chancellor, George Philip de Haan, cf. Van der Horst to Directors, 19.12.1722, in ARA, LH, 133. ^These were later bound and are kept in Leiden University Library as MS Periz. Q. 42. The drawings (fols. 45-61) of statues, tombstones etc. are rather crude. A large number of the transcriptions of, mostly, Greek epigraphy (fols. 1^44), were printed in the 'Praefationis Appendix' of Franciscus Hesselius, Antiquae Inscriptiones quum Graecae turn Latinae olim a Marg. Gudio Collectae (Leeuwarden, 1731), cf. Samberg, 'De Hollandsche Gereformeerde Gemeente', 136, n. 1; they are not restricted to nos. XVIII-LXXIII as he has suggested. 7 Van der Horst to Directors, 6.8.1725, in ARA, LH, 134. 8 A 'onderwysboekjen te dienste van onze jeugd alhier.' I was unable to find a copy of this work. 9 De Zaalige Uitkomste der Stervende in den Heere, op het afsterven van den Wel-Ed. Agtb. Heer, Dan. Jan de Hochepied etc. (Utrecht, 1724). The oration, consisting of 74 pages, has the character of a learned theological treatise with full notes and references to texts in a great number of languages, including Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Arabic and Turkish; it ends with a poem in Dutch by the author. 10 Cf. Van der Horst to Directors, 13.1.1725, in ARA, LH, 134. 1 'Archive of the Directorate of Levantine Trade ('Levantse Handel', LH) 132 (3.5.1718); 133 (19.12.1722); 134 (5.2.1724; 5.2.1724; 5.9.1724; 13.1.1725; 6.8.1725 ; 22.1.1726; 21.6.1726; 15.2.1727; Febr. 1727). These letters, from which I have already quoted, deal mostly with personal matters, such as his work, salary, marriage, the birth (and death) of his children; housing and local events such as occasions of the plague, fire etc. 12 They are quoted in Samberg, 'De Hollandsche Gereformeerde Gemeente', 122 ff.

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Herman van der Horst's travel notes were written down in a small booklet, Bibliothecae Publicae Latinae (BPL) Cod. 238 I and in an even slimmer volume, BPL Cod. 238 II. The first has three main parts: (a) a diary (dagh-register) of his boat journey between the Netherlands and Izmir, 17171718 (fols. la-28a; hereafter A); (b) a description of his Anatolian journey of 1719 (fols. 29a-59b; hereafter B); and (c) notes on a trip to Ephesus of 1720 (fols. 60a-123b; hereafter C). The second MS gives brief, partially fragmentary, descriptions of boat journeys between Izmir and Istanbul in 1726 and 1727; it contains only 6 folios, la-6b (hereafter D). VAN DER HORST'S

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Herman van der Horst must have had a curious as well as scholarly disposition, otherwise he would not have volunteered for a job in the remote and, in a cultural sense, isolated place which Izmir was at that time. Nor would he have undertaken travels in the country surrounding it, which was, as is also clear from the travelogues, often hostile to travellers, particularly foreigners among them. Van der Horst's scholarly frame of mind appears from his interest in archaeological sites, being well aware that he followed in the footsteps of learned predecessors. Particularly on his second trip to Ephesus, Van der Horst did not content himself with mere sight-seeing, but made scholarly notes, transcribed inscriptions — these sometimes had to be unearthed and cleaned beforehand —, made drawings of monuments and compared his finds with what he found in travel books. (Curiously, and probably unknown to him, the reverend Theodoor van der Vecht, whom he succeeded, gathered almost exactly the same inscriptions.1) Apart from these scholarly exercises, Van der Horst had a clear eye for what he saw and experienced during his short journeys, and we may regret that he did not describe more details. Some passages in his travelogues are rather tedious reading, particularly those describing his experiences on board ship. These are mostly restricted to brief mention of technicalities; for days on end we find repetitive notes on the weather, nautical positions, the deployment or non-use of sails and the like. Dry repetition is also found in descriptions, continued for pages on end, of the ruins of Ephesus. Neither can we exonerate our author of a rather strong inclination to pedantry which surfaces here and there in the texts. In a long passage inserted in the description of his first Anatolian journey, for instance, we find a tedious monologue in which Van der Horst tries to prove the superiority of his arguments in favour of an extension of the journey as compared to those of his more cautious companions. A similar and rather unattractive smugness is also found in his deprecating remarks, conventional in most Western travel writers of the time, on 'Turks' and non-Christian, or in Van der Horst's case, non-protestant, religious practice, such as Muslim hypocrisy in regard to alcohol consumption. 'Samberg, 'De Hollandsche Gereformeerde Gemeente', p. 136, n. 1.

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The travel diaries are nonetheless on the whole quite readable and they are also of importance for the historian. Firstly, there are Van der Horst's remarks on the activity of bands of robbers in the countryside surrounding Izmir, notably the one led by a certain Tahtali Bekir, directly noted down from a conversation he had with a local Ottoman, the Greek merchant Dimitri of Turgutlu. We also find some observations on economic activities: agriculture, cotton manufacture, bazaars and caravans. Van der Horst also gives sometimes curious details on food and drink, clothing and transport; in one passage he meticulously describes how a rope-ferry was operated on the River Menderes. The diaries, finally, are proof, contrary to what has often been suggested,1 for the lively contact which sometimes existed, not only in diplomatic or mercantile circles, between 'Franks' and Ottomans, including Muslim Turks. Once during his travels, Van der Horst and his company were quite openly approached by a Muslim, albeit a renegade, slave requesting to be freed against a ransom. On four occasions, Van der Horst and his travel company were received in the houses of Ottoman officials who often urged them to stay overnight: Siileyman Efendi of Manisa, Dervigoglu ísmail Pa§a of Torbali, the Aga of Ku§adasi and Karakayli Aga of Cile (Cileme). Conversations took place — regretfully no details are forwarded — and the guests were lavishly entertained with food and music. In the following I will present the reader with a survey of the travel notes and quote the more interesting passages.

(a) Diary of a boat journey, 1717-1718 Van der Horst begins his first diary with a brief description of the days before he took off to Izmir. On November 27 1717, after having given two specimen sermons for a commission of the Dutch Levant Company (or rather, 'Board of Directors of the Levantine Trade'), he was accepted as pastor to the Dutch community in Izmir. The appointment was confirmed by the Dutch government on December 3 after a proof sermon for two representatives of the States General in the kloosterkerk at the Hague. His formal ordination took place in Amsterdam on December 13. Van der Horst planned to depart on December 25, but the weather was so bad that he had to postpone it. In fact, a violent north-westerly snowstorm had wrought havoc in the whole of Holland. In Amsterdam, the water had risen up to a few inches below dyke level; houses in some parts of town had already been inundated; some dykes threatened to collapse and church bells tolled to 1 Cf. for example Ulker Necmi, 'The Rise of Izmir, 1688-1740' (Diss. University of Michigan, 1974), p. 235: ' (the Turks) had almost no social acquaintance with the Europeans.'

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warn of the danger. The next day — the weather seemed to have improved — Van der Horst was able to sail to Schagerbrug via Alkmaar and Zaandam. The canal thither had become almost unrecognisable and the surrounding land had changed into a sea-like expanse; some houses almost completely disappeared below the surface of the water; dead cattle floated around. The journey took nearly ten hours. The next day, Van der Horst travelled to Den Helder by cart. Part of the town was inundated. News reached the traveller that a number of ships waiting in Texel had been cut loose and drifted away, or had been severely damaged. The Porto Bello on which he was to travel had, apart from one anchor lost, fortunately remained undamaged. The next afternoon, of December 28, Van der Horst reached Texel by mail boat. He stayed overnight in the port town of Het Schild where he made the acquaintance of the captain of the Porto Bello, Huibert van Duikeren. They boarded ship on December 31. After replacement of the lost anchor, which had to be brought from Amsterdam, the captain decided to set sail with a south-easterly breeze on January 15. Following the coast of Holland and Flanders, the Porto Bello passed Dover which was covered in snow on the evening of the 16th. Following the English coast, the ship, in the company of another Dutch ship which had joined the Porto Bello on the 18th, dropped its anchor in Falmouth harbour on the 19th. The voyage thus far had been uneventful apart from a minor incident which occurred on the 18th; during an abrupt change of direction, a member of the crew, a certain Hans Wolder, fell overboard. Thanks to the slow pace of the ship, he was easily picked up from the water. The next day, the 20th, Van der Horst, the two captains, Van Duikeren and Van Beeren, and a member of the crew, a certain Cornells, rowed to the shore and visited the town. The following days, until the departure on the 26th, were spent sight-seeing in Falmouth and the neighbouring towns of Flushing, St. Mawes and Penryn. Van der Horst remarked that the last town, where, it being Sunday, the company visited the local Anglican and Presbyterian churches, was only small and, 'after the English fashion, very dirty and disorderly built.' 1 Walking back along the dry river and the beach to Falmouth, Van der Horst thought the hilly landscape by contrast beautiful. 'Back on board, I feasted Captain van Beeren on a nice salty fresh codfish.' 2 Meanwhile the captain had taken care to refill the ship's stocks; Van der Horst mentions water and firewood. Letters were sent to Holland. On Tuesday, I'wy bevonden de stad klyn en nae Engelsche manier zeer moissigh en onordentVyk gcbowd.' A, 8b.

2

aen boord komende, tracteerde ik Capt. Van Beeren op een fraeie zoude jonge Cabel jauw,' A, 9a.

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January 25, Van der Horst again went to Falmouth and visited Stephen Read, a Quaker, by whom he was cordially received and who gave him a copy of Robert Barclay's Apology of the Quaker Religion} The men agreed to keep in touch. The two captains had bought a bull from Read which they had slaughtered for provision of their ships. Before setting sail on the morning of the 26th, Van der Horst loaded his flintlock musket and vainly tried to shoot a seal which was repeatedly seen swimming around the ship. The weather was fine and a soft easterly wind was blowing. In the afternoon the ship passed Lizard Point. 'We were continually seeing a considerable number of tuna fishes dashing around our ship.' 2 Passing through the Bay of Biscay in rather heavy weather and continuing around the Iberian Peninsula, the Porto Bello, by now accompanied by two other Dutch ships, reached Cape Spartel near Tangier, which the travellers saw on the morning of February 6. At the same time an unknown ship approached them threateningly from the North and passed them closely at high speed. This uncivil conduct led them to the conclusion that 'it must have been a Turk.' 3 During the evening of the next day a similar incident occurred after the ship had passed Cape de Gata near Almeria in rough weather which had caused the ship to shake fearfully. A strange ship passed Van Beeren close by and only made itself known by lighting a fire at the last moment. Van Beeren fired a gun and Van Duikeren did the same as it approached the Porto Bello. Van Beeren fired another two shots as did Captain Bellyn of the third Dutch vessel. The ship which signed that it was British and friendly nevertheless followed at a close but safe distance all during the night and Bellyn was sure the next day that he had seen it waving the Turkish flag. Sailing past the Balearic islands, Corsica and Gorgona, the Porto Bello reached Leghorn on the afternoon of February 22. The next morning Van der Horst went ashore and paid a visit to the Dutch consul Slicher. 4 'In the afternoon I went for supper in the most important inn of Leghorn called La Croce d'or.' 5

^Apologie de la veritable théeologie chréetienne, ainsi qu'elle est soutenue etc. (London, 1702). 'wij... zagen gestadigh een considerabel getal Tonijnen random ons schip swieren,' A, 9b. 3 'het Nauw in het fatzoen van het schip in deeze zyne conduiten deeden ons besluiten dat het een Turk moeste wezen,' A, 14a. ornas Slicher, Dutch consul at Leghorn (Livorno), 1706-1718. -''des middaghs ging ik spyzen in het voornaemste logement van Livorno genaemd La Croce d'or,' A, 19b. 2

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The ship remained in Leghorn for three weeks. Van der Horst spent his days watching 'ball games', sight-seeing — on March 4 he went in Slicher's calash to Pisa 'in order to see the cork trees' 1 ; he visited the town again on March 14 — and gave sermons for the Dutch community on Sundays. On March 15, the Porto Bello and Van Beeren, accompanied by two other Dutch vessels which were on their way to Venice, set sail again. Passing along the west and south coast of Sicily, the ship came in sight of the island of Cephalonia (Kefallinia) on April 1. It took another four days before the Porto Bello, sailing along the south coast of the Peloponnese and crossing the Aegean Sea, reached the Gulf of Izmir. The next day, the Dutch ships were welcomed with gun shots. Approaching the Dutch quay, the Dutch flag was honoured with another nine shots. Van der Horst was welcomed on board by the vestry board members of the Dutch Protestant church of Izmir consisting of the parting reverend Theodoor van der Vecht; the elder Giovanni (Jan) Derveau; and the deacon Giacomo (Jacob) Oushoorn. The senior elder Giacomo (Jacob) Bourgeois had to be excused because he 'suffered from gout in the feet'. 2 The gentlemen were conducted to the stateroom where they were feasted on 'national beer while I dressed myself.' 3 Thereupon, they went ashore by shallop, being greeted by the loud 'Huzzas' of the local population and by a further nine gun shots. In town, they were received by the Dutch consul, Daniel Johan de Hochepied, and his wife; in the evening greetings were received from the French and British consuls as well as the Greek bishop and all other nations through their dragomans. Van der Horst thanked God for the safe passage.

(b) Diary of a journey in Anatolia, 1719 In the autumn of 1719, a Dutchman, Giovanni (Jan) Deyl, passed through Izmir on his way to Ankara, where he was to join the firm of Daniel van Breen. 4 Van der Horst seized the occasion to organize an excursion in order to visit 'some of the Seven Asiatic Churches.' 5 A group was formed of six local gentlemen, including Van der Horst, who were to constitute the travelling party. They chose Oushoorn as their 'aga' or leader. Members were

' 'om de Kork boomen eens te bezien,' A, 20. onpasselyk aen het voeteuvel,' A, 27b. 3 'haer Eerw. ververschende met vaeder lands Bier, ik mij ondertusschen kleedede,' A, 27b. 4 Cf. De Hochepied to Directors, 30.9.1719, in ARA, LH 132. See for Deyl's role in the Dutch community at Ankara, 'Dutch Merchants in 18th-Century Ankara' below. 5 'eenige van de Zeeven Asiatische Kerken,' B, 29a.

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Daniel Alexander Baron de Hochepied1, son of the consul 2 ; Bernard Mould, chaplain of the British community; and the English merchant Smith. Pietro (Pieter) Fremaux would replace Van der Horst in performing Sunday worships during their trip. It was arranged that Deyl would join the Ankara caravan in Kassaba (Turgutlu) a few days later. At seven o'clock in the morning of Monday, September 18, the travellers, joined by a number of befriended Dutch and French merchants with their servants, travelled to Hacilar, two hours from Izmir. The company were feted in the houses of local French merchants: Gaspard de Lespaul, Guintraud, Guerin and in that of the Dutch Dragoman, Antonio Gallo. After lunch, the travellers, who were joined by the French merchant Tiran and accompanied by a Janissary officer, seven grooms and Pevachi Scuffi, a dragoman of the Dutch consulate, took leave of their friends and mounted their horses at four o'clock in the afternoon. An hour later they arrived in Kavaklidere to spend the night in the house of the Dutch merchant (Daniel) Fremeaux. Van der Horst met his brother there and also found the pack-animals with provisions for the journey which had been sent ahead. The company 'immediately sent a Turk to Hacilar and another one to Smyrna with letters.' 3 After dinner, Oushoorn was formally appointed as 'aga' while the company cheered him by three times shouting 'Huzza'. Oushoorn immediately arranged with the village aga, a Turk and 'a great hunter, well-acquainted with the surrounding roads' 4 to serve as a guide. Another two or three villagers were hired to travel with them. The next day, September 19, an hour before dawn, the party set off. They trod slowly on horseback along the cumbersome road through the plain of the Nymphi flanked by high mountains towards the small town of the same name (at present called Kemalpaga). The company passed along cultivated fields and brushwood; farther from the road small villages were visible as well as, at one point, a single house on a hill. The aga of Kavaklidere explained that it was a guard-house of the nearby town of Karakoglan which was meant 'to guard the passing caravans that usually come from Ankara or Persia or Aleppo; therefore some armed men are bound to be sent from the mentioned village to that guardhouse every day.' 5 Later in the morning, they passed a lonely pinetree, full ablaze. Van der Horst, overcome by curiosity, left his friends and took a closer look. The tree apparently was 'of such a fatty and ' He was to succeed his father as consul in 1724 and remained in function until 1759; he received the title of count from the Habsburg Empress in 1742. ^Daniel Jan Baron de Hochepied (1657-1723), Dutch consul at Izmir, 1688-1723; he received the title of baron from Emperor Leopold I in 1704. 3 'expedieerden terstond 1 Turk nae Hagilaer ende een ander nae Smijrne met brieven,' B, 32a. 4, e e n groot Jaager, ende der weegen rondomme wel kundigh,' B, 32a. 5 ' o m waght te houden op de Caravanen die gemeenlyk, of van Angora, of Persien of Aleppo komende aldaer passeeren; weshalven dan ook alle daegen van het gemelde Dorp eenige gewaepende mannen nae dat waghthuiz moeten afgezonden worden,' B, 33a.

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inflammable substance' 1 that a spontaneous combustion had taken place, The local population, Van der Horst added, were used to use chips of this wood as matches. Later still, passing through excellent hunting fields, they came across a fountain 'furnished with a great number of stone tanks to serve travellers and caravans as well as a square courtyard built of stone after the fashion of the Turks' 2 which served as a wash basin before prayers. Van der Horst added that the Turks used to wash their hands, feet and head, some among them even 'the front parts of their boots and slippers, commonly called papoucines' 3 before praying in the surrounding fields or under a tree. They particularly used to do that if they happened to spot 'Franks or Europeans whom they usually call giavurs or unbelievers' 4 . 'In accordance with the excess of hypocrisy prevailing among the Turks they very much like to be seen plunging into prayer.' 5 The travellers decided to take a rest, use the water to dilute their wine and take shelter against the increasing heat. But the Turkish aga advised against drinking the water which, he alleged, was most unhealthy. 'Therefore, having taken a little vishnab or cherry-brandy and, in order to become sober again, a piece of bread, we again mounted horse.' 6 They passed Nymphi (Kemalpa§a), famous for its waterfalls and cherries — eating cherries there was one of the favourite pastimes of the Izmir merchants — at a distance of three quarters of an hour and saw the ruined castle on the hill which dominated the town. Crossing the river several times, for the first time near a huge but completely ruined bridge, the travellers reached the small village of Derbent consisting of a han (caravansaray) and a few scattered houses, situated on a hill in the plain, at half past nine. They went to the han but finding it 'very small and repulsive' 7 , they decided to rest in the shadow of a tree on the other side of the river. A meal was consumed seated on spread 'rugs and horse blankets.' 8 Afterwards, they rode back to the han, on the top floor of which they smoked a pipe of tobacco. At ten o'clock they continued their voyage through the hilly plane to Kassaba where the Ankara caravan was due to stay overnight. After two hours, they spotted a large number of Turks resting under a group of trees. Their pack-animals were grazing in a nearby j' 'van zoo vette ende brandvattende Stoffe,' B, 33b. voorzien met een groot getall steene waeterbacken ten dienste der Reijzigers ende Caravanen als meede met een Vierkante van steenen opgebouwde plaetze nae de wijze der Türken,' B, 34a. -"de voorste gedeeltens hunner laerzen end pantouffels, gemeenlyk papoucines genaemd,' B, 34a. 'Popoucine' obviously is derived from the Turkish papu§. 4 'franken of Europaeers die zij gemeenlyk giouwers of ongeloovigen noemen,' B, 34b. 5 'volgens de overmaete van hijpocrisie bij de Türken heerschende willende gaerne gazien zijn in het störten van hunne gebeeden,' B, 34b. 6'Weshalven wij een wynigh visnab of brandewijn van morellen genomen hebbende, ende tot ontnuchteringe een stuk broods, wederom te paerd steegh,' B, 34b. 'Vis[h]nab' is visnab in modern Turkish spelling. 7 'zeer klijn ende ook onhebbelyk,' B, 36b. 8'Tapyten ende paerdekleeden,' B, 37a.

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field. A young man separated himself from the group and hurried towards them. He told them that he was of French descent, had served the Venetians but had been captured and enslaved by the Turks during their conquest of the Morea (Peloponnese). He implored them to ransom him and set him free. The ransom fee turned out to be unaffordably high: '400 pieces of eight' 1 , at least 280 to 300 pieces too high. 'Therefore, we at once and without answering any further continued our voyage.' 2 At one o'clock in the afternoon, the travellers reached Kassaba. They went straight to the han at the entrance of the bazaar. Van der Horst describes it as 'a big square building furnished with several stables as well as with a big court in the middle of which stood a small house.' 3 A man had already been sent ahead to reserve the biggest room of the han situated above the entrance. There they met a Greek merchant called Dimitri, who had gone bankrupt in Izmir but who now acted as agent on behalf of the British cotton merchants of Izmir. He offered them his services as a guide. 'Having eaten a little in the Turkish way, to wit some meat, fried with salt and whole onions, as well as pilav, being dry-cooked rice, we went to see the han, in which we found 120 rooms, albeit small and dilapidated, while the gallery on the whole was so old and undamaged (?) that one could not walk in it without fear.' 4 Later, they visited the bazaar (bezestan) in which they entered another han in which cotton was refined, that is separated from seeds and husks. Van der Horst, referring to an illustration in the travel book of Spon 5 , describes the machine used in the process in full detail. 'Curiosity pressed some of us to try the thing out themselves.' 6 Later, they walked around the town under the guidance of Dimitri. It was not a success. The place which, according to the Greek merchant, consisted of some 6000 to 7000 houses, appeared completely unremarkable and during their walk the travellers were pestered by 'an 400 stucken van Aghte,' B, 38a. Meant are Sevillian Dollars (cf. Van der Horst to Directors, 5.2.1724, in ARA, LH 134: 'Seviglianen ofte wightige stukken van Aghten...') used as piastres (kuru§), the main Ottoman monetary unit of this period, cf. Anton C, Schaendlinger, Osmanische Numismatik (Braunschweig, 1973), 63-65. On the amounts of ransom in the 18th century, varying between 100 and 800 piastres, see Karl Jahn, Türkische Freilassungserklärungen des 18, Jahrhunderts (Naples, 1963). 2'Weshalven wij dan terstond zonder verder antwoord onze Reize vervolgde,' B, 38a. 3 'een groot vierkant gebouw met verscheide stallen voorzien als meede een groote plaetze in de midden op welke een klyn huisjen staet,' B, 38b. 4 'naex een weinigh op de Turksche wyze gespijzd te hebben te weeten eenige vleesch ende zout ende met heele ajuin gebraeden als meede pillau, zijnde droog gekookte Rijz gingen wij de chan bezien, in welke wij 120 kamertjens bevonden dogh klyn, vervallen, en de gallerije in het geheel zoo oud ende ongehaevend dat men niet als met vreeze deze bewandelen konde,' B, 39a. 5Voyage d'Italie de Dalmatie, de Grece, et du Levant, Fait aux années 1675 & 1676 par Iacob Spon, Docteur medecin Aggregé à Lyon, & George Wheler Gentilhomme Anglois, 3 Vols. (Lyon, 1678). The illustration is in Vol. I, p. 293. "'De niewsgierigheid drongh eenigen onzer om zelfs een proeve van deeze zaeke te neemen,' B, 40a.

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incredible number of boys and Turks who are not used to see Franks there.' 1 They followed them closely, swarmed around them and even 'touched our clothes out of curiosity.' 2 One feared ill intentions 'because the Turks are generally rather rude.' 3 Thus they fled the city and were conducted by Dimitri to a pleasant walled garden full of herbs, vines and fruit trees. Dimitri told them it had been the scene of a violent confrontation between the forces of law and order and a band of robbers. Two bandit chiefs, the notorious Tahtali Bekir and a certain (Jeremet 4 had fled to Kassaba after a first confrontation in the plain of Buca. Shamelessly, they had entered the town and grabbed a Turk whom they accused of being among their pursuers. He was hung on the central square from a stone gallery, normally serving as shelter for caravan goods. A town-crier (tellal 5 ) was dispatched, announcing to the population that the same fate awaited those who would do as the victim had done. The local cadi and other officials were threatened with the burning of the town if they would not supply them before dusk with 40 okas of gunpowder and bullets as well as bread and food for their 130 men. This was done. As the evening approached, 4000 troops arrived in pursuit of the robbers. These, accompanied by nine female hostages, retired into the garden. The women were locked into the small house and the robbers posted themselves behind the wall, poking their rifles through holes made in it. The siege lasted for sixteen hours. The besieged were able to kill six soldiers, who were posted in a building near the garden, using bales of cotton as a parapet, and injure many more. After an equal number of the besieged had been killed, and some of them had been wounded, the outlaws decided to break out of the garden and flee to the mountains near Manisa. The next morning, the besiegers found the garden empty apart from the bodies of the six killed men. Their heads had been cut off in order to prevent identification or to prevent that 'the heads, stuffed with straw, being sent to Constantinople,' 6 according to Turkish custom. A few days later, a final showdown took place near Manisa when Bekir and 210 of his men were 'destroyed' in a garden. Our travellers sat down in the shadow of some trees. Nearby, the Ankara caravan had set up camp and a messenger told that it would leave the following morning at two o'clock. Travel plans were now discussed and all the men, except Van der Horst, agreed to return to Izmir via Manisa after Deyl had

' 'ecn ongelooflyk getall van jongens ende Türken, die aldaer niet gewoon zijn franken te zien,' B, 40a. J

^'onze kleedinge uit nieuwsgierigheid betasteden,' B, 40a-b. dewijle de Türken in het gemeen vrij insolent zijn,' B, 40b. e text reads 'czeremeth', B, 41a. None of these two brigands, nor the name of Sohta, see below, seem to be mentioned in secondary literature. 5 The text has 'Thalal', B, 41 b. ^'de koppen met strooy opgevuld nae Constantinoopelen zoude verzonden worden,' B, 43a.

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joined the caravan: arguments were the discomfort of the hans; the unattractiveness of the Turkish towns; the threat of robbery - the Turks whom they had met earlier on the road to Kassaba had informed them that a band leader called Sohta 1 with 30 men roamed the countryside near Sardes (Sart). Van der Horst protested. They had not seen any of the Asiatic churches yet; they could easily avoid Sohta and his men by joining the caravan past Sardes; they would become the laughing stock of the Izmir community. As regards discomfort: they had not yet spent one night in a han! Moreover they all, except himself who only had a night-shirt and rain-coat, had their own bedding with them: mattresses, cushions, sheets and blankets, and only needed a bare bed and mosquito-net to be comfortable. If not, they could, the weather being fine, also put up tents. Furthermore, places like Sardes and others would be much more interesting than Kassaba, and to prove this, Van der Horst read them passages from the travel book by Spon and Wheler. Finally, the rumour about the robbers was probably not more than a trick of the Turks to oblige them to hire more guides from among them. The countryside was still being policed by pashas and their troops after the last confrontation and a small band would not dare to attack anyone. Sardes was only five hours away by caravan; Akhisar and Bergama could be reached from there in one day each. Van der Horst's arguments however made no impression, and the company decided to return by way of Manisa. When night fell, the men returned to Kassaba and saw the small and impoverished Greek church near the Muslim cemetery. The priest could not be persuaded to show them the interior. The night was spent in the han, Van der Horst sharing the big room which also contained their provisions with Oushoorn, Deyl and Tiran. After supper, in the Turkish fashion at nine o'clock, all went to sleep. The party awoke at two the next morning and drank coffee. A servant was sent to the caravan; he came back with the message that it would depart at three. Preparations took so long however that the travellers missed it, to the joy of Van der Horst. It took one and a half hours to overtake the caravan which consisted of fairly rapidly moving mules. Van der Horst argued that they had already covered a third of the way to Sardes; why not press on and spend a day there? This proposition again fell on deaf ears and the party turned back to Kassaba, having taken leave of Deyl and left him in the care of the caravan's mule-driver (katirci2). Near Kassaba, they passed the Armenian cemetery, picturesquely situated on a steep high hill. Van der Horst remarks at this point that on their way they had passed a considerable number of caravans transporting grain and fuller's earth. Out of curiosity, they had, disregarding the considerable number of donkeys and mules, counted the camels: 697 between Kavakhdere and Derbent and another 398 between Derbent and Kassaba.

'"The text has 'Sochtah', B, 44a. ^The text has 'Katargij', B, 48b.

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From Kassaba, they took the road to Manisa, passing through cotton and sesame fields. The cotton bushes looked, according Van der Horst, like Dutch buck-wheat; sesame is a seed 'generally in use by the Turks to bake it on the crust of their bread.' 1 After half on hour, Dimitri took leave of the travellers in order to return to Kassaba. In the shadow of a huge wooden bridge over the Nymphi, the travellers spread a carpet and had a meal. Continuing through the wide plain, they passed a few villages, among these Karaoglan (Karaoglanh), attractively situated on the top of a hill. Soon afterwards, they saw a group of men approaching, three of them well-armed and on horse-back. The travellers, fearing 'bad intentions' 2 , stopped in their tracks, waiting for all to catch up. They loaded their muskets. The three horsemen left the road and stopped in the fields, holding their carabines ready while both groups passed each other. The road now closely skirted Mount Sipylus (Manisa Dagi), which rose to their left like a wall of rock pierced by waterfalls, whereas the other side of the road bordered on a swamp. The rocky wall soon made room for hills grown with shrubbery; above it they saw a square hole in the mountain side. Van der Horst, Mould and De Hochepied went up a steep path to have a closer look. The hole appeared to give entrance to a neat square chamber cut out of the rock, behind which was another similar chamber. The rooms were empty apart from a layer of animal faeces on the floors. From the top of the rooms, Van der Horst admired the view of the plain stretching out below. At half an hour's distance of Manisa, the travellers decided to take a rest and shelter against the increasing noon heat. The dragoman and the Janissary officer were sent to the town in order to inform the local governor, Siileyman Efendi, to whom they wished to pay their respects, of their approach. Meanwhile they enjoyed the splendid view of the mountains and the surrounding vines of the plain. Mounting their horses again, they met the two messengers near the cemetery at the town entrance. They told them that Siileyman Efendi invited them to stay in his house. Being a considerable number, they declined, preferring to stay in the local han. Rumour had spread that the Austrian consul was at the head of their group so that a great number of people met them in the streets. The han turned out to be solidly built of stone around a courtyard with a fountain in the middle. The rooms were well-built and had dome-shaped roofs. Having left their baggage and muskets in the han, the travellers walked up the steep road to Siileyman Efendi's house. It was market day and the streets were overcrowded. l'by de Türken gemeen in gebruik om het op de korst van hun brood te backen,' B, 49b. 2'quaedc bejeegeningen,' B, 50b.

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They found the Efendi seated in a pavilion (kogk1) in his garden. He appeared to be 'an old and dignified man.' 2 Friendly words of courtesy were exchanged and the guests were begged to sit down. The Efendi insisted that the men stayed in his house and used his stables. Baggage, provisions and horses were fetched from the han and the guests feasted on coffee and tobacco. 'Having had amusing fountains spurting up in his pavilion he had a room and sofa pointed out to us where we could stay overnight.' 3 After washing, the travellers ate from their own food. Thereupon, presents were distributed to the Efendi and his five sons, consisting of spices: nutmeg, cloves and pepper, as well as confectionery, attar of roses and liqueur. The man, his sons, the youngest of whom was 12 to 14 years old, as well as his elder brothers and servants kept finding excuses 'to come and drink booze, vishnab and wine, which although not allowed according to their laws they consumed with the utmost greed, calling the booze and liquor sherbet and the wine water, also because these could not be recognized for being drunk from a pipkin' 4 . They also took care to hide their drinking from each other. 'Thus continuing during the whole length of our stay, we were able to detect, as it were, the signs of their piousness in abiding by Muhammad's laws with regard to wine in our empty bottles,' 5 Van der Horst cynically commented. When evening approached, the guests again went to visit the Efendi in his pavilion. He invited them to a meal and after prayers the Efendi and his guests, including the Janissary, the Turkish aga and the hired farmers of Kavaklidere, had food, seated on two opposite sofas. After the meal, there was music and the Efendi 'ordered his favourite (or according to their customs, his catamite), whom we guessed to be a renegade Christian, to produce his instrument, which was made of Spanish reed, open at the top as well as at the bottom and which had six holes in the middle.' 6 The flute 'produces a pleasant sound as compared to Turkish music which usually appears to be able rather to arouse melancholy than to cause joy.' 7 The boy played several 'pieces of

!

The text has 'Tioske', B, 54a. 'een oud staetigh man,' B, 54a. 3'de vermaekelyke fonteinen in zijn Tioske hebbende doen springen liet hij onz een Kamer ende sofah aenwijzen daer wij konden logeeren,' B, 54b. 4 'om bij onz de Pouz, visnab, ende wijn te koomen drinken, 't welke volgens hunne wtten ongeoorlofd zijnde eeven wel met de alleruiterste gretigheid gepleegd wierd noemende ten dien einde de pouz ende sterke drank Zerbeth, ende de wijn waeter noemende, gelyk daerom dezelve uit een pijpkan gedronken zijnde niet anders gekend konde worden,' B, 55a. 5 'alduz continueerende den geheelen Tijd van onz verblyf konden wij welhaest in onze leedige bottels ende flesschen de merkteekenen van hunne godsvrught onderhouden van Mahomeths wetten ten opzighte van de wijn bespeuren,' B, 55b. 6'waer op hij dan zijn favoriet (of nae hun gewoote zijn schandjongen) die wij gisteren een verloochende christen te zijn bevell gaf zijn muzyk instrument voort te brengen, zynde gemaekt van spaans Ried onder ende booven open ende in de midden met 6 gaeten,' B, 56a. 7 'een aangenaem geluid geefd ten opzighte van der Türken muzijke welke gemeenlyk meer tot droefgeestigheid te verwaken dan tot blydschap te maeken bekwaem schijnd,' B, 56a-b.

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Turkish music' 1 , alternating the flute-playing with charming singing, so that our travellers came completely Under the spell of his beautiful voice and great art.

Van der Horst's description of his first Anatolian journey ends here. (c) Diary of a journey to Ephesus, 1720 In the spring of 1720, another travel plan arose within the Levantine community of Izmir: the British merchant Francisco (Francis) Townley, Baron de Hochepied junior and Pietro Fremeaux proposed a trip to Ephesus, long since famous — and frequently visited — for its ruins. On April 1, a final preparatory meeting was held in the baron's house. Also present were Van der Horst; the Franciscan Vicaris Apostolicus; the French merchants Andreas Poutier, Artaud and Jean Guerin as well as the Dutch merchant Philippo (Philip) van der Sanden. Townley was chosen as their 'aga'. The company, consisting of 29 to 30 men in all, departed at seven o'clock on the next day, April 2. After three hours, they arrived in Seydikoy where they were received with breakfast in the house of the British Consul, John Cooke. Three men, Oushoorn, Daniel van der Sanden, and Chancellor Philip Haan returned to Izmir. A local farmer was hired as a guide. After a few hours, the group, joined by another French merchant, Ranchier, moved again, catching up with their baggage in the early afternoon. At half past two, they passed a coffee-house (kahvehane2) situated next to a ruin, probably of a han. The Turks present there called it 'Dianda' 3 . Later they passed along Qarkoy 4 , and a ruinous mosque. At half past four, they stopped in Torbali, which 'appeared to us rather small and poor' 5 , and stayed overnight in the house of Dervigoglu Ismail Pa§a, 'commander of a Smyrna galley.' 6 They walked through the village, but saw nothing of interest. Van der Horst copied his first inscription from a piece of stone found near the ruinous han, whose 'roof supported by a few big marble columns was for the greater part collapsed' 7 , outside the village. We 'spent the night in a poorish and small room in the Turkish fashion.' 8

' 'Turksche muzijk stukken,' B, 56b. The text has 'Caffane,' C, 62a. Meant is probably the Roman ruins, the so-called 'Bath of Diana', at Halkapinar. ^The text has 'Tchiorkieu,' C, 62b. 5 'het onz toescheen, vrij geringh ende armelijk,' C, 63a. 6 'commandeerende eene gallije van Smijma,' C, 63a-b. 7 ' h e t Dak, het geene op eenige groote marmere colommen stae-unde, meest ingevallen,' C, 63b. O ende vernaghteden, in een Armelyk ende geringh vertrek, volgens der Türken wijze,' C, 64b. 2

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The next day, April 3, the journey led from the plain towards the mountains. Van der Horst had the occasion to copy his second inscription found in a fountain along the road. The men passed the ruinous Ke?i kalesi ('Goat Castle because, according to an ancient tradition of the Turks, this castle had been subjected by them by a stratagem and with the help of goats' 1 ) and the insignificant village of Yenikoy. The journey went on through rice fields and dense pine forests. Later in the morning they stopped at a river and rested for a hour. Continuing their journey, they rode beneath another 'Ke§i kalesi'. At noon they passed the river Menderes over a big stone bridge and entered the plain of Ephesus. An hour later, they arrived at Ephesus and stopped at the han, which was 'big and, in the Turkish fashion, reasonably well-built.' 2 The men refreshed themselves and began inspecting the ruins. They stayed until the morning of April 5, having their meals at the local coffee-house near the han, where they also slept. Van der Horst gives detailed descriptions of a great number of more or less ruinous monuments: temples, churches, tombs, statues, the aqueduct, the theatre etc. — classical, Byzantine and Turkish — as well as inscriptions in Greek, Hebrew and Latin (in this he was assisted by De Hochepied and Guerin), comparing his finds with the contents and illustrations of some travel books, notably that by the Dutch traveller Cornelis de Bruyn. 3 He noted that remains of buildings had time and again been re-used for new constructions, such as a primary school built by the local Turks. Some of the remains continued to be further crumbled by the population out of superstition; stone dust of the so-called 'Baptismal Font of John' was considered an antidote against fever by both the Greeks and Turks. Van der Horst was disgusted: 'these are all symptoms of a particular frivolity of faith in a stupid and easily-tempted people, who in the past having been deceived by the authority of selfish leaders because of certain convictions, sees religion in everything that is superficial, thereby even neglecting the essential.' 4 The ruins as a whole, and the remains of the so-called Temple of Diana in particular, inspired Van der Horst, as so many before him, with melancholy

1'Bokjens Casteel omdat volgens een oude overleeveringe der Türken, dit Casteel eertijds door hun zoude overmeesterd zijn met krijgs—list, ende behulp van Bokjens,' C, 65a. 2 'groot, ende nae der Türken wijze redelyk wel gebouwd,' C, 68a. 3 Reizen van Cornelis de Bruyn door de vermaardste deelen van Klein-Azia, de eylanden Scio, Rhodus, Cyprus, Metelino, Stanchio &c., Mitsgaders de voornaamste Steden van Aegypten, Syrien en Palestina. Delft, 1698. His journey to Ephesus is decribed on pp. 29-36. The book was probably too bulky and expensive to be carried along on this trip; if so, this might be an indication that Van der Horst wrote down or rewrote his travel notes in Izmir, or perhaps even years later in Holland. 4'Alle blyken van een byzondere lightvaerdigheid des geloofs in een domme, ende Light verleijd volk, 't geene eertijds weegens zeekere inzighten door het gezagh der eigenbaetzughtige Leijders bedroogen, bij verloop van Tijd in alles 't geene uiterlyk is godsdients steld, zelfs met verzuim van het weezenlyke,' C, 85b. Cf. De Bruyn, Reizen, 32 — this traveller, curiously, also took some pieces home: 'Ik voorzag my mede van twee stukken, ten einde, weder te rug in myn Vaderland komende, daar iets van te laaten maaken.'

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musings: 'Under these miserable heaps of debris and pitiful remains one finds however obvious traces of ancient distinction, of the elegant preciousness of previous times in erecting buildings and of elegant architecture.'1 Having obtained permission from the local aga, the travellers also visited the Ottoman village (on April 4), situated in the castle on the hill dominating the plain of Ephesus, 'generally called Aja Soluk or Temple of the Moon by the Turks.' 2 They found 'a few poorish little houses, four or five decayed water tanks and a poorish mosque.'3 At a quarter past six on the morning of April 5, the journey continued and the travellers headed for Scala Nuova (Kusadasi). They left the 'Capital of Asia' behind them, 'a place formerly full of splendour, frivolousness and voluptuousness,' 4 but now reduced to 'a few very poor little hovels, a village so lowly as one hardly comes across around Smyrna' 5 surrounded by 'chaotic heaps of stones and devastation.' 6 They rode through a cultivated plain, 'not unlike the meadows of our fatherland' 7 , later over a hill which showed the remains of the Ephesus aqueduct. The flanks of the hill were neatly planted with grapevines which produced the popular black raisin. As they reached the coast, they continued along the beach, 'not unlike the Dutch shore,' 8 pleasantly splashing through the sea all the way to Scala Nuova. From a small hill covered in vines, they had a nice view of the town and the small islands before the coast. They reached the town at ten o'clock. It consisted of a lower town, surrounded by a stone wall and populated by Turks, and an upper town, built theatre-wise against the slope of a rocky hill and populated by Greeks, Armenians and Jews. On the land side of the wall, one saw guns and strong gates furnished with iron doors. At one of the gates, the travellers passed a lion in white stone guarding the entrance. Through a broad street which skirted a bazaar with many shops, they rode to the han, which they found 'of little magnitude and comfort' 9 and 'Ondcr deeze soo jammerlyke puijnhoopen, ende deerlyke overblyffzelen vind men eghter blykbaere voetstappen van Oude aanzienlykheijd, van dertele kostelyheyd der voorige Tijden in verwonderenswaerdige gebouwen te stighten, ende ook van Cierlyke Bouwkunst,' C, 87b. 2'gemeenlyk Bij de Türken genoemd Aja Soluk of Tempel van de Maan,' C, 74a. This curious information (and in any case, wrong translation) may have been taken from De Bruyn, Reizen, p. 29. The town is today called Sel£uk. •''eenige weinige armelyke Huisjens, vier of vijf vervalle kleine waterbacken, een armelyke mosquee,' C, 75a. 4 'Een plaatz voorheenen vol van praght, dertelheid, ende wellust,' C, 98a. 5 'weinige en de zeer armelyke Hutjens, zoo dat men omtrent Smijrna nauwlyks een zo eeringh Dorp ontmoet,' C, 98b. 6'verwarde steenhoopen ende verwoestinge', C, 98a. 7 'der vaederlandsche weyden niet ongelyk,' C, 101b. 8 'het Hollandsche strand niet ongeyk,' C, 103a. 9 'Van geringe grootte ende gemak,' C, 105b.

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most ruinous. They took two rooms, built at the farther end against the town wall, which offered them a view of the sea. Having refreshed themselves, the men strolled through the town. They found the streets regular and broad as well as full of people; the shops were well-provided with all kinds of goods. On the way to the house of the local aga, Van der Horst and Guerin spotted the carved surface of a fountain in a court-yard. They scraped the surface clean and copied the oval bust flanked by dolphins. The men, entering the aga's house, found the dignitary in friendly conversation with the travellers. Despite his somewhat uncivil looks, the aga received them cordially, regaling them with coffee and tobacco as well as offering them the services of a guide. Accompanied by this guide, the men inspected the remaining part of town, 'followed by a very great number of boys whom we attracted by our Frankish dress not often seen there.' 1 They also went to the upper town, with its irregular streets, and visited the Greek church built on a rock protruding over the sea. A few inscriptions, found on the wall, were copied. Returning to the lower town, they found the gate shut, because of the Friday prayers. It was opened after a quarter of an hour. They sent a present of coffee and sugar to the aga and had lunch. When they heard that the aga, summoned by an uncle of his called Karakayh, would depart in the direction of Izmir in the early afternoon, they decided, not sure how to ride back, to accompany him. At this point, Van der Horst remarked that the Izmir Franks once considered moving to Scala Nuova in order to avoid the northerly summer winds, but had in the end abandoned this idea because the port was too little protected against wind and waves. When the company came outside the gate, a Janissary handed them letters from Izmir which warned against a group of brigands roving the countryside around Izmir, taking revenge against the pursuers, both Turks and Franks, of Tahtali Bekir, killed the previous summer. In E§ekler, they had already killed a father and his son. The party decided to travel by way of £ile and request an escort from Karakayh. Following along the beach, they moved into the plain of Ephesus. They crossed the Menderes by rope-ferry which was a tapering, flat, almost square wooden box with the capacity for carrying four horses at a time. There was room for two men at the narrower extremity to handle a large stick, manoeuvring the box along the rope to the opposite side of the river. The contraption moved very slowly and it took ages to get all horses across. More time was lost when one of the men lost his sword. The crossings were guarded against a possible confrontation by some of the company holding their muskets ready. While the sun was setting, the travellers crossed the remaining ' gevolgd van een zeer groot getall Jongens welke wij door onze franksche Kleedinge, aldaer niet dikwyls gezien tot onz trokken,' C, 198a-b.

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part of the plain and reached rocky hills. The road became increasingly difficult to negotiate. Climbing along the 'Alman Dagi' 1 , it rose steadily and, being not much more than a footpath covered with loose stone, was overgrown by shrubbery and pine trees. Steep ravines gaped on both sides. Clouds made it impossible to orientate oneself with the help of stars. The travellers had to ride in a single file, one behind the other. 'Justifiably, a timorous anguish inevitably rose in each [of us], in suspicion of forthcoming danger.' 2 White and grey horses served as a weak beacon in the darkness; those who rode dark ones were obliged to attach 'a white handkerchief or napkin to their hat or around their body in order to provide some glow to him who followed.' 3 But even this was not enough. To avoid the file breaking up or anyone losing his way or worse, stepping from the path into a ravine, word passed continually back and forth. After a difficult three hours, the party arrived safe and sound at £ile. All men were exhausted after ten hours on horseback and the horses trembled from fatigue. The travellers were amicably received by Karakayli Aga who promised to escort them personally. They had a meal offered by the aga: 'a few dishes of pilav, cream, fresh cheese, honey, black olives etc.' 4 , and passed the night in a room above the Aga's stable. The next morning, April 6, they received breakfast consisting of the same food; presents were sent back. After the heavy rain had subsided at half past nine, they decided to depart. They thanked the aga for his hospitality. Everyone received a box with white honey. They rode to 'Cumabasi' 5 , passing through a dense pine forest where the aga and ten of his men joined them, and a marshy plain where more of the aga's men reached them. Van der Horst mentions the villages Tre (bp-[fnmjJ^^KjEt&ifiZMa- XasfULoJlh. "¿jf*-^ fwt, fruijnj-

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§me, which the Izmir municipality wished to abolish, was violated in May 1934 — the authorities declined all responsability, cf. M. Dutilh at Izmir, May 13, 1934, doss. 1667, no. 257/46. 5 Cf. M. Dutilh at Izmir, January 7, 1936, doss. 1667, no. 14/9. ^Lamping at Izmir, February 27,1923, ABZI CI, doss, 13, no. 258. ^Beelaerts van Blokland at The Hague, March 3, 1931, doss. 1667, no. 68584. 8 Samuel Ciaves at Izmir, December 28, 1932, doss. 1667, no. 241; the foreign minister at The Hague, February 18, 1933, ibidem. 2

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(7) Conclusion Thus, in the 1920s, ended the final phase of Dutch gunboat diplomacy, which, if we consider the cases described above, might have boosted the chauvinistic feelings of the newspaper-reading descendants of the 17th-centuiy naval heroes Piet Hein, De Ruyter and Tromp, but, on closer inspection, revealed that Holland was no longer the sea-faring power it had been in the 'Golden Age' of the Republic. She was not really able, as the 'Zeehond' episode proves, to force her hand, or rather: the Dardanelles, if the sultan resisted. For such a show of force, its fleet was too small, its commanders' expertise too threadbare, its technical performance too moderate, and its dependence on the naval power of Britain and other nations too conspicuous. In none of the above-mentioned cases did the Dutch navy play any role in what was the main reason for the Dutch presence in Ottoman waters: the evacuation of threatened Dutch, or Dutch-Indian, nationals: warships (which in most cases were "third-" or even "fourth-rate" vessels) in fact nearly always arrived too late, and in the one case of an outspoken political nature: the clumsilyexecuted Basra expedition, the Dutch were not even, apart from a face-saving gesture conceded by the Porte after long and painful negotiations, able to get their way.

3. THE HERKLOTS AFFAIR, 1893: A CASE STUDY IN CAPITALISM AND POWER POLITICS IN THE HIJAZ*

The original title of this article was "Dutch Archival Sources on Dutch-Ottoman History, 1875-1925." In fact, I have lately been concerned primarily with materials in the Dutch Foreign Office Archives that relate to the Ottoman Empire in this period. However, the subject seemed too broad for my purpose, and a mere inventory of the relevant archival records would be boring. Instead, I present here a case study that illustrates just those areas in which these materials are richest: political manoeuvring between The Hague, Buitenzorg (seat of the Dutch East Indian government), the palace at Istanbul, the Porte, and the provincial authorities, Ottoman and other. In this political manoeuvring, the interests of capitalism and imperialism loomed large: the defence, by military force if necessary, of the economic interests of Holland, as well as of the Dutch and Dutch East Indian communities in the empire. These interests were located primarily in Izmir, the Hijaz (Jidda and Mecca), and to a lesser extent Istanbul. This case study focuses on the Hijaz, which was important for Holland because of its large permanent East Indian (Javanese) community (comprising some 8,000 souls in 1901),1 and because of the groups of East Indian pilgrims who travelled annually by ship between the East Indies and Jidda. The number of annual pilgrims increased rapidly, from about 2,000 in the 1850s to some 5,000 in 1905 and 28,500 in 1914.2 In the last quarter of the nineteenth century the Dutch government imposed on itself the task of regulating the pilgrimage — in practice restricting the number of pilgrims — for political reasons. It perceived a danger of contagious Muslim "fanaticism" or even "Pan-Islamic propaganda," which might infect the credulous Indians (especially those who lived permanently in the Holy Country), and set their hearts against the colonial regime in their mother country3. *First published in Amy Singer and Amnon Cohen, eds., Aspect of Ottoman History, Papers from CIEPO IX, Jerusalem (Jerusalem 1994), pp. 176-92. Numerous currencies were in circulation in the Indian Ocean sphere in this period. In the text they are abbreviated as follows: Currencies: Rx$ = Rijksdaalder Mx$ = Mexican Dollar $ = Dollar f = Guilder The first and last currencies are Dutch, whereby 1 Rx$ was equal to f 2.50; the Rx$ was about equal in value to the Mx$; when $ is mentioned it is not clear from the sources whether the Rx$ or Mx$ is meant. ^See G.S. van Krieken, Snouck Hurgronje en het Panislamisme (Leiden 1985), 17. ^See J. Vredenbregt, "The Haddj: Some of its Features and Functions in Indonesia," in Bijdragen tot de Taal, Land-en Volkenkunde 118 (1962): 93, 148-149. 3 See ibid., 93 ff.

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A second task was seeing to the welfare of Dutch colonial subjects, who easily got into trouble far from home. In the eyes of contemporary Western observers, they were at the mercy of the unscrupulous, thieving, slave-trading populace and greedy, corrupt, local authorities. The health hazard was a further reason for concern, especially the threat of Asiatic contagious diseases such as cholera, which since the 1820s had spread to Europe by way of Arabia. 1 In order to cope with these problems, a consular service was installed in 1871 that issued the required visas (already in 1825 East Indian pilgrims had been obliged to obtain heavily taxed pilgrim passports); enforced the extensive laws on transport (the pilgrims were obliged to deposit a sufficient amount of money to ensure their return passage); ensured sanitation, if necessary by putting pressure on local authorities for the benefit of public order; and reported on dubious political activities. Holland, then, thought and acted entirely as an imperial power. Although the country was small, and far-removed from the glories of its seventeenth-century "golden age," when diplomatic relations with the Porte had first been established and commercial concessions obtained, is still possessed a world-spanning empire and was ready to act accordingly. This imperialistic outlook included the idea, particularly in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, that the Ottoman Empire was open to exploitation by Dutchmen, while the local authorities functioned mainly to preserve public order. For the most trifling reasons rather aggressive demarches for reform (particularly aimed at public safety), sanctions against provincial authorities, or compensation for losses suffered by Dutch subjects were urged by consuls under pressure from local Dutch residents. (Such proposals, however, were not always adopted by the more dispassionate members of the diplomatic service and the cabinet in The Hague.) Holland was encouraged in this generally supercilious attitude by the support it received from the large fleets of the great powers — notably Britain, whose colonial interests no longer conflicted with those of the Dutch. But Holland was only moderately successful in imposing its will on the Sultan or the Porte when it acted alone. In the one case of pure "gun-boat diplomacy" attempted by the Dutch against the Ottoman Empire during this period, the dispatch (in 1890) of the cruiser Atjeh to Basra after the Dutch consulate there had been violated by Ottoman troops had hardly any effect and led only to weak excuses to the Dutch deputy consul by the provincial mektubcu after long and vexatious negotiations at the Porte. During the Armenian crisis in 1896, Sultan Abdiilhamid simply refused entry into the Dardanelles to the small armed schooner Zeehond, intended as a "waiting ship" (stationnaire) for the possible evacuation of Dutchmen from the Ottoman

1

On this subject, see William R. Roff, "Sanitation and Security: The Imperial Powers and the Nineteenth Century Hajj," Arabian Studies 6 (1982): 143-160.

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A stereo photograph showing Indonesian pilgrims on the S.S. Madura on its way to Jidda, September 1905 (Leiden University Library, Or. 18.097 S-16).

capital, and his decision could not be reversed. The will to act, even if inconspicuously — Holland was, after all, a neutral state and a friend of the Ottoman Empire — was there, but real power was lacking. The Dutch fleet was small and antiquated, and the appearance of mostly light and poorly armed men-of-war in Ottoman ports never made much of an impression, despite the boastful reports sent by consular representatives to The Hague.1 All of the above factors play a role in our case. On 2 February, 1893 an Indo-European native (and therefore, according to colonial legislation, a Dutch subject) of Batavia (capital of the Dutch East Indies) named Johan Gregorious Marianus Herklots arrived in Jidda on the steamer Deucalion together with 340 East Indian hajjis. Before departure and during the journey he had actively cultivated his reputation as a successful shipping broker among Dutch-Indian natives by giving away small presents and boasting (falsely) that he had booked passage for at least 80 pilgrims.2 The Dutch consul at Jidda,

'On this subject, see chapter 2, above. The adviser to the colonial government in Batavia, the famous Orientalist C. Snouck Hurgronje, heard from Bantam Hajjis that Herklots had persuaded them to book passage with him; they were promised f2.50 for every pilgrim they would contract, f5 for every passenger delivered in Batavia, and free passage if they were able to secure at least ten passengers: See E. Gobee and C. Adriaanes eds., Ambtelijke adviezen van C. Snouck Hurgronje, 3 vols. (The Hague 1957-1965), no. 28a, 17.3.1893, p. 1381. 2

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G. S. Endt, immediately sensed trouble. He discovered that the man 1 had indeed booked some passengers — but without giving them tickets. Endt forced Herklots to deposit the sum of 500 pounds sterling for the reimbursement of possibly duped clients, and he was further alarmed when Herklots told him he was planning to sell return tickets to hajjis at the end of the pilgrimage season (on 25 June). Soon after the interview it appeared that Herklots was planning to become a Muslim and move to Mecca in order to conduct his business there. (He had also, to the consternation of the Javanese community, enticed the young wife of a Javanese pilgrim away from her husband.) Endt decided to have the man removed from the Hijaz, but it was too late: the governor (ka'immakam) of Jidda, Ismail Hakki Efendi, informed him that Herklots, having obtained a certificate of conversion from the kadi and adopted the name of 'Abd al-Hamid, was already on his way to Mecca.2 Why was the Dutch consul concerned? Transport between Batavia as well as other Dutch-Indian harbours and Suez, later directly to Jidda, with possible stops in Penang and Singapore, was mainly undertaken by Dutch and British shipping companies. From the end of the nineteenth century trading ships were specially outfitted for such purposes.3 Competition was fierce in an expanding market. This market had been open to free competition, but in 1883 the shipping agents involved formed a company intended to reduce the inevitable bakhsheesh paid to the pilgrims' guides (mutawwifs, or shaykhs) appointed over groups of hajjis by the emir (grand sharij) of Mecca with the consent of the Ottoman vali (governor-general) of the Hijaz. These shaykhs arranged all transactions, including the purchase of boat tickets, and their pilgrim clients were then completely helpless without them, particularly if they did not understand Arabic (as was mostly the case with East Indian or Malay pilgrims).4

^Endt described Herklots disdainfully as a "semi-developed sinjo, someone of excitable character and queer manners, of about 30 years": Endt to Van Tets van Goudriaan (Dutch temporary minister at Pera), 16.3.1893, ARA/ BZ/ doss. B-1830 (all following references are to this file unless otherwise indicated), no. 3865/93. The British acting consul, Dr. 'Abd al-Razzaq Bey, called him a "Dutch half breed... who had already made himself notorious in his native country Batavia in the smuggling of opium": 'Abd al-Razzaq to Sir Arthur Nicolson (British acting ambassador at Pera), 25.8.1893, and no. 1456/400. 2 G. S. Endt to Van Tets van Goudriaan, 16.3.1893, no. 3865/93. 3 See F. W. G. Leeman, Van barkschip tot "Willem Ruys": 120 jaar zeevaart (Rotterdam 1961), 190. 4 S e e Snouck Hurgronje, advice no. 29, 7.10.1893, Adviezen, 1383-1385. In 1880, the "exploitation of Indonesian pilgrims was in the hands of 180 sheikhs"; by 1914 this number had increased to 400: Vredenbregt, "The Haddj," 125 ff.

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The company's aim was to raise the fare and exclude competing companies (notably British-Indian ones) from the market. Fixed prices and rates of bakhsheesh per hajj were established for the emir and the vali as well.1 The Dutch consul Van der Chijs and Kruyt (the company was generally known as the Van der Chijs Syndicate) were leading figures in this set up. After a year, and with the help of their Arab partner 'Umar as-Saggaf, 2 who was a friend of the emir, they succeeded in getting rid of their British partner, J. S. Oswald, agent for the Alfred Holt Line of Liverpool, to the benefit of the Dutch share in the market. With the dismissal of the vali, Osman Nuri Pa§a, and his replacement by Nafiz Pa§a in 1889, the monopoly was abolished. Van der Chijs, in a fit of despair, committed suicide. However, the emir, who suddenly saw himself deprived of a handsome and secure annual income, soon used his influence at Yildiz Palace to have the reforming vali dismissed. A new, less rigorous and therefore less offensive monopoly was set up and obtained the protection of the emir through the Holt agent and temporary Dutch consul, C. R. Robinson, who also represented the interests of the three main Dutch shipping companies. The exclusive rights of all Western shipping companies had been secured in 1889 by the same reforming measures of Nafiz Pa§a, which implied that the sale of tickets was limited to Jidda (and forbidden in Mecca).3 Herklots's move to Mecca thus posed a threat to the comfortable situation that had developed for the Jidda-based companies, the more so when it appeared that he was not acting alone but represented the Batavia-based shipping agency of Knowles & Co. 4 Endt at first reassured himself that Herklots's scandalous behaviour with the Javanese woman would have aroused suspicion against him among the Javanese pilgrims. He also had drogman Abu Bakr warn the pilgrims' shaykhs against the man. 5 He believed that Herklots would thus be unable to gain a footing among the Meccan authorities, notably the chief of all the pilgrims' shaykhs, Emir 'Awn arRafiq. But Endt was mistaken. Soon Herklots obtained an audience with the emir through the services of Shaykh Husayn 'Abd al-Wahhab of Cheribon (Java), who introduced him to Shaykh Muhammad Salih Shaybi of the Shaybi family, keepers of the key of the Ka'ba. The latter received a bribe of $4,000 from Herklots. He offered the emir $60,000 or $6 per transported pilgrim (that is, $1 more than the 1 Pilgrims had to pay Mx$ 32; of this sum Mx$ 5 went to the emir and the vali, and Mx$'7 to the shaykhs; the net profit was Mx$ 4. ^See Vredenbregt, "The Haddj," 127-129. This man, owner of estate in the Straits Settlements, was particularly active as a moneylender to pilgrims in Jidda. 3 'Abd al-Razzaq to Arthur Nicolson, 25.8.1893, ad. no. 1456/400. 4 Endt to Van Tienhoven, 27.6.1893, no. 356/24. 5 Endt to Van Tets, 7.4.1893, no. 520/133.

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previously existing arrangement) if he were allowed to book Java and Malay pilgrims in Mecca to the exclusion of all other shipping agents. The emir agreed after Robinson's Arab agent, 'Umar as-Saggaf, refused to top Herklots's offer. The chief shaykh (shaykh al-masha'ikh) of the Javanese was instructed to help Herklots book pilgrims for the sum of Rx$37 for Java and Rx$31 for Singapore, whereas Robinson offered tickets in Jidda for only Rx$28 and Rx$24 respectively. Shaykhs who refused to cooperate were dismissed, and the vacillating chief shaykh, Jawal Zaybidi, was replaced by the more willing and corrupt Ibrahim 'Iraqi. 1 Pilgrims who did not want to pay were simply refused the hire of camels for transport to Jidda — and this at a time when cholera was rapidly spreading in the area. Herklots was given an office in the town protected by the emir's guards (bawardis). Accounts were checked daily by two clerks who received the emir's share every evening.2 Thus an effective monopoly had been established; steamers contracted by Robinson & Co. would wait in vain for passengers in Jidda harbour.3 The first Malay pilgrims returning from the hajj arrived in Jidda on 5 July and complained to the consulates about their treatment. In the meantime, the Amarapoora (1,619 tons; capacity 1,174 pilgrims), chartered by Knowles & Co. from the firm of E. Haslehurst of Glasgow, had been waiting in Jidda harbour since 18 June for the transport of 12,000 to 15,000 pilgrims for the cheap fare of 3.5 pounds sterling per pilgrim. 4 Pilgrims booked in Mecca for this ship had been obliged to pay Rx$15 in advance. Endt tried to have Herklots, who had travelled to Jidda on business, arrested, but this proved to be impossible. During his visits to Jidda, Herklots was always accompanied by six or seven bawardis, and he stayed in a house owned by the emir.5 When the ka'immakam tried to prevent the pilgrims' shaykhs from co-operating with the new system and had the liberty of pilgrims proclaimed through the town by the public crier, he was dismissed by the vali.6 All that could be done for the pilgrims was to rebook the idle steamers of Holt & Co. and the Dutch

1 Sec also Endt to Van Tets, 5.4.1893, no. 196/18. Ibrahim 'Iraqi was reported to have paid 1,000 pounds sterling to the emir for this appointment. 2 For reports on Herklots' early acitivities in Mecca, see Endt to Van Tets, 28.4.1893, no. 520/133. 3 'Abd al-Razzaq to Nicolson, 25.8.1893, and no. 1456/400. 4 Endt to Van Tienhoven, 27.6.1893, no. 356/24. -'Endt to Van Tienhoven, 15.7.1893, no. 424/29. 6 Endt to Van Tienhoven, 15.7.1893, no. 424/29; See 'Abd al-Razzaq to Nicolson, 25.8.1893, ad no. 1456/400. For the texts of the telegrams exchanged between Ismail Hakki Pa§a and Ahmed Ratib Pa§a, see Robinson to Stoomboot Maatschappij Nederland (hereafter SMN), 29.12.1893, ad (1894) no. 198. The telegram of 25 June from the vali to Hakki Pa§a contained the following phrases (as translated into Dutch): "Zijt gij scheepsagent of gouverneur? Er is concurrentie tusschen de maatschappijen, wat gaat u dat aan? Wie heeft u bevolen de omroeper rond te zenden en hoe durft u i rich in zaken te mengen zonder mijn voorkennis?..." "Are you a shipping agent or a governor? If there is competition between the companies, would that be any of your business? Who ordered you to have the towncryer go around and how dare you interfere in state affairs without my knowledge?..."

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companies at reduced prices by forcing a refund of the advances paid by the pilgrims in Mecca. The suggestion by the shipping companies that a sanitation pass be refused to the Amarapoora because it also transported coal 1 — prohibited in the pilgrimage regulation of 1893 (art. 15) — was ineffectual. The sanitary inspector, Dr. Z. Yeronimaki, found no fault with the ship from a hygienic point of view. The ship departed for Java on 10 July with 1,086 passengers. 2 Meanwhile Herklots had extended his activities more particularly to the group of Malay pilgrims in Mecca. For this purpose he chartered the Knight of St. John of the Bombay firm of Abdarrahman Allarkha (capacity 1,000 pilgrims), which happened to be in the port of Jidda. Herklots charged approximately 3,000 pilgrims the full fee of Mx$31, although the steamer could not hold more than 1,500 passengers. On 18 July, the Knight of St. John departed with 1,180 pilgrims for Penang and Singapore. The remaining 1,800 pilgrims, mainly British subjects, waited penniless and without proper shelter in Jidda, anxiously watching "steamers ready in the harbour in which they could not embark and others arrive and go away empty." They began to complain to the consulates and demand their money back. After complaints on 21 July by 170 Malay pilgrims, the British acting consul succeeded in having $612 repaid to them. Other pilgrims began to surround the house of Herklots's brother, who ran the latter's affairs in Jidda, and began to clamour for refunds. Not able to offer passage, he was forced to refund the fares; but he could pay no more than $16 per person. 1,020 of these pilgrims were able to depart on the British steamer Ocampu, and another 200 on the Glencoe for the low fare of $15 negotiated by the British acting consul, Dr. 'Abd al-Razzaq Bey. 3 Meanwhile, another 2,000 pilgrims, running short of money, were still stranded in Mecca. 4 The second steamer, which had been contracted in advance by Herklots, was the large Samoa (4,507 tons; capacity 2,650 pilgrims) owned by the firm of Crow, Rudolph & Co. of Liverpool. The steamer finally arrived on 29 July. It had been contracted for the direct transport to Batavia of at least 2,500 persons for the relatively low sum of 8,121 pounds sterling. Again the Dutch companies suggested that the necessary sanitary pass be refused. 5 Endt visited

X

SMN to Van Tienhoven, 1.7.1893, no. 7242. See Endt to Van Tienhoven, 27.6.1893, no. 356/24 and 15.7.1893, no. 424/29. -'On this individual, see Roff, "Sanitation and Security," 147-148. Being assistant surgeon of the Bengal Medical Service, he first came to Jidda in 1878 to report on the sanitary conditions surrounding the hajj. He was appointed vice-consul in 1882 and was murdered near Jidda in 1895. 4 ' A b d al-Razzaq to Nicolson, 25.8.1893, ad no. 1456/400. 5 See Van Tienhoven to Endt, 9.6.1893, no. 5823. 2

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the ship on the morning before it sailed. The situation on board was horrifying beyond description. The pilgrims would be travelling on two iron decks, which turned into griddles under the tropical sun and were normally used for cargo. The ship had life boats for only a tenth of the passengers. There were no toilets; some wooden planks with holes in them were suspended at the edge of the decks.1 Even during its stay at Jidda, there were reportedly some eight deaths a day.2 Yet the sanitary officer was again apparently powerless, because the ship was able to depart on 7 August with 2,420 passengers. (It arrived in Tandjong Priok on 30 August.) From the beginning, Herklots's activities prompted an energetic albeit largely ineffective campaign by Consul Endt to break his monopoly. At Pera, Endt had the somewhat reluctant support of the foreign minister, Van Tienhoven, and gezant Van Tets van Goudriaan. All three authorities were continually pressed to act by Robinson and the directorates of the three Dutch shipping companies (the Stoomboot Maatschappij Nederland, the Rotterdamsche Lloyd and Ruys & Co.) that had been partners in the Robinson deal. Endt was also continually bothered by complaining and often destitute pilgrims, especially with their massive arrival in Jidda after 5 July. From 13 March, he had also personally urged the vali to stop Herklots collecting passage money and to have Ibrahim 'Iraqi dismissed. The vali, highly irritated, reacted negatively: Herklots was simply performing his religious duties in Mecca; 3 he did not know of any complaints by Javanese pilgrims;4 if people wished to throw money away it was their own business,5 and he could not tolerate interference from a foreign power in internal matters such as the appointment of officials, which were the concern only of the Ottoman authorities, as long as the Javanese pilgrims "enjoyed perfect peace." 6 (Richards' and 'Abd al-Razzaq's protests to the vali met with the same response.)7 Nevertheless, Endt reported in June that the vali, apparently uncomfortable with the situation, had forbidden Herklots to sell return tickets 8 ; he had also advised Endt, in co-operation with the ka'immakam, to arrange for the refund of passage money to pilgrims if they complained in Jidda. 9 Endt, in a stream of telegrams and explanatory letters to The Hague, ' Endt to Van Tienhoven, 19.8.1893, no. 533/30. ^"Narrative Explanation of Claim" (Holt & Co.) ad no. 14183. 3 Endt to Van Tets, 7.4.1893, no. 520/133. 4 Endt to Van Tienhoven, 15.7.1893, no. 424/29. 5 Endt to Van Tets, 12.5.1893, telegram and 520/133. 6 Ahmed Ratib Pa§a to Endt, 2/14.5.1893, and no. 631/159. 7 For details, see 'Abd al-Razzaq to Nicolson, 25.8.1893, and no. 1456/400. 8 Endt to Van Tienhoven, 22.6.1893, no. 6848. 9 See Endt to Van Tienhoven, 15.7.1893, no. 8387.

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demanded the dismissal of the new chief shaykh of the Javanese pilgrims (especially since the Porte had promised never to appoint him again after his dismissal in 1889); the extradition of Herklots from Mecca (to be followed by deportation to Batavia); the removal of the uncooperative vali, Ahmed Ratip Pa§a; and even the dispatch of a Dutch warship to Jidda.1 But Van Tets and the foreign minister had their doubts. Were Herklots's activities really any different from Robinson's in the past? And if not, why should the Dutch government support Robinson, who happened (unfortunately) to be closely connected with the Dutch consular service, against Herklots who simply had offered more money to the emir than had Robinson & Co.? 2 Van Tienhoven, 3 and particularly the colonial minister, Cremer, 4 certainly did not support Endt's plans to remove Herklots from the Hijaz. There were no legal grounds whatsoever for such an action. Mecca, for one thing, was outside the jurisdiction of the Jidda consulate; for another, it was not Herklots but the emir who had exercised force against pilgrims.5 In the end, however, they dropped their opposition to Endt's views and undertook steps at the Porte. The Dutch diplomats were generally supported in this by the British authorities, Consul Richards, and after 5 July, acting consul Dr. 'Abd al-Razzaq Bey, and acting Ambassador Sir Arthur Nicolson, who were pressed in turn by the Holt Line, Robinson, and the captains of the waiting ships. On 26 April the first memorandum on these deplorable developments was handed to the Porte by the Dutch drogrnan Keun. It reminded the Porte of the agreement of 1889, which included the non-reappointment of Ibrahim 'Iraqi. 6 On 6 July Van Tets himself went to the Porte, and his demand that the freedom of pilgrims in Mecca be guaranteed was granted; a telegram to this effect was sent to the vali and the emir? A week later both Van Tets and Sir Arthur Nicolson repeated the request,8 but apparently no official proclamation ^On these last two points, see Endt to Van Tets (telegram), 8.7.1893, ad no. 783/193. S e e Van Tets to Van Tienhoven, 13.5.1893, ad no. 520/133, and the somewhat unconvincing objections by Endt to Van Tienhoven, 28.5.1893, no. 302/20. See also Van Tets to Van Tienhoven, 10.7.1893, no. 783/193. Colonial adviser Snouck Hurgronje pointed out that the Dutch consul in the past had been more (and not disinterestedly!) involved in the enforced selling of tickets through certain shaykhs and for certain companies than was desirable; but no complaints were heard as long as the established Dutch companies thrived on the existing injustice! See Snouck, advice, no. 39, 19.7.1895, Adviezen, 1412-1413. Van Tienhoven to Endt, 12.6.1893, no. 4137. Deportation could result only from a misdemeanor that carried a prison sentence of at most four years; Herklots' activities could perhaps be reckoned in the category of "an attempt to embezzle," which carried a maximum punishment of two years' imprisonment. 4 S e e Cremer to Van Tienhoven, 2.6.1893, no. 6137. 5 See Van Tets to Van Tienhoven, 10.7.1893, no. 769/190bis. 6 Van Tets to Van Tienhoven, 13.5.1893, ad no. 520/133. 7 Van Tets to Van Tienhoven (telegram), 8.7.1893, no. 7451. 8 Van Tets to Van Tienhoven (telegram), 12.7.1893, no. 7683. 2

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was made until it was too late — that is, until after Herklots had finished levying passage money (on 1 August). 1 On 20 July, Van Tets had announced to the grand vizier that he would support claims for the indemnification of losses suffered by the Jidda shipping companies 2 because of the one-sided violation of existing agreements.^ Four days later he personally explained the Dutch point of view to Secretary General Nuri Bey, also demanding the dismissal of Shaykh Ibrahim 'Iraqi and the restoration of the measures of 1889. 4 These steps produced no immediate result. In Jidda, meanwhile, Herklots had begun to run into serious trouble. He could not find enough passengers to meet his obligation to the captain of the Samoa, and so had begun booking Malay pilgrims in Mecca who paid, incomprehensibly to them, a surcharge for their transport from Batavia to Singapore. The 250 Singapore pilgrims had absolutely refused to board5 because of the circuitous route and also because of the dangerous conditions on board, yet Herklots refused to return their fare — as he was obliged to do according to the transport regulations. This was the chance for which Endt had been waiting. Herklots was arrested by the ka'immakam (Mahmud Nedim Efendi) at the request of the British acting consul, 'Abd al-Razzaq, just before the departure of the Samoa. He was immediately conducted to the Dutch consulate where, having refused to cooperate in paying for the transport of the stranded Malay pilgrims, he was detained "under criminal charges having illegally restrained pilgrims in Mecca in order to take passage money forcibly from them."6 But realizing very well that such charges were "beyond consular competence," Endt intended to have the man shipped to Batavia for convenience and safety7 "within four days."8 At the same time, Endt demanded ' Sec Van Tets to Van Tienhoven, 1.8.1893, no. 898/230. The Drenthe of Ruys & Co. (capacity 850 pilgrims) departed on 17 July with only 113 passengers: Ruys & Co. to Van Tienhoven, 17.7.1893, no. 7172; the Soneda of the SMN (capacity 614 pilgrims) departed in early August with 161 V6 passengers, Endt to Van Tienhoven, 19.8.1893, no. 533/30; the Cyclops of Holt & Co. (capacity 489 pilgrims) departed on 10 July with 15 passengers; the Stentor of the same company (capacity 718 pilgrims) departed on 15 July with 831 passengers (but not one pilgrim): see Endt to Van Tienhoven 19.8.1893, no. 533/30; the Moray of Gellatly, Hankey, Swell & Co. of London (which firm in the meantime had entered into arrangement with Robinson) also departed "in vain" before 14 July: see Robinson to SMN, 14.7.1893, no. 8369. The British steamers Ocampo and Akbar met the same fate: see 'Abd al-Razzaq to Nicolson, 25.8.1893, ad no. 1456/400. 3 On 31 August, Sir H. Roscoe M.P. asked in the House of Commons whether H.M. Gouvernement were considering the advisability of advancing a claim for the injury inflicted on British shipowners: see Holt & Co. to the Foreign Office, London, 28.11.1893, ad no. 14183. Holt & Co. advanced a claim of 1,896 pounds sterling, 4 shillings and 1 pence: see "Narrative Explanation of Claim," ad no. 14183. "Van Tets to Van Tienhoven, 25.7.1893, no. 856/222. 5 See Knowles & Co. to Van Tienhoven (Telegram), 9.8.1893, no. 8803. 6 Endt to Van Tienhoven (telegram), 11.8.1893, no. 8881. For Mahmud Nedim's version, see Mahmud Nedim Bey, Arabistari'da bir omtir, Istanbul, 2001, pp. 73-76. 7 For Endt's justification, see Endt to Van Tienhoven, 19.8.1893, no. 533/30. He concluded: "ook al is de wet niet in alle opzichten toegepast volgens hare woorschriften, het gaat toch niet aan dat de eerste de beste avonturier hier straffeloos onze pelgrims terroriseert." "Even if the law is not applied according to its rules from every point of view, it is not proper that the first adventurer to come along should terrorize our pilgrims here without punishment." 8 Endt to Van Tienhoven (telegram), 11.8.1893, no. 8881; idem (letter), 19.8.1893, no. 533/30. 2

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(but never obtained) a bail of $6,000 from Knowles & Co. for Herklots's release.1 On 18 August Herklots was shipped to Singapore with the remaining 189 pilgrims on the S.S. Orestes of Holt & Co. (another 5 sailed on the Bellorophon on 31 August). Unlike the pilgrims, he travelled as first-class passenger. However, upon the arrival of the Orestes in Singapore, Herklots was released when he threatened proceedings against the captain of the ship.2 On 12 September, on the advice of his lawyer, Herklots moved to Batavia in order to be present when his case was heard. 3 But no legal proceedings were ever initiated because he was not found liable for prosecution by the Dutch East Indian public prosecutor. No proof could be found (after the interrogation of a number of returning pilgrims both in Batavia and Singapore) that anyone had ever been detained in Mecca. 4 Pilgrims had at most been threatened with violence. The deportation to Batavia had been completely illegal, according to consular legislation.5 This was not the end of the affair. After the departure of Herklots, the emir continued to demand $5 per person as baksheesh for himself from the remaining 2,301 Malay pilgrims who had arrived from Medina. At the low rate of $10 per person they left Jidda on seven different British steamers, the last of them only on 28 October, "whereas under ordinary circumstances all pilgrims would have got away by the middle of August." In the meantime, large numbers of them had died of cholera.6 It was feared that Herklots would resume his practices in the following years, especially because the diplomatic demarches against him had proved ineffective. Herklots had told Endt that he had made a contract with the emir for the ensuing five years.7 Consul Lavino in Singapore reported in September 1893 that Herklots intended to set up a "large-scale agency for pilgrim affairs" in Singapore, as well as an institution for Christians who wished to embrace Islam in Batavia.8

Knowles & Co. to Van Tienhoven (telegram), 14.8.1893, no. 8981; Endt pretended that the company offered him the $6,000 on their own initiative: see Endt to Van Tienhoven (telegram), 19.8.1893, no. 9191. 7 G. Lavino (consul-general for the Straits Settlements) to the governor-general of the Dutch East Indies (GG), 9.9.1893, no. 398. 3 Lavino to GG, 13.9.1893, no. 950. 4 See Rotterdamsche Lloyd to Van Tienhoven, 28.9.1893, no. 10772, which described the case of Shaykh 'Abd al-Karim of Cheribon who had been imprisoned; actually he had been the interpreter employed during the negotiations between Herklots and the emir; after Endt had made him declare on oath what had happened, his arrest and expulsion had been ordered by the vali: see 'Abd al-Razzaq to Nicolson, 25.8.1893, ad no. 1456/400. 5 The public prosecutor to the attorney-general in Batavia, 12.9.1893; Lavino to Van Tienhoven 21.11.1893, no. 13748. ^"Narrative Explanation of Claim" (Holt & Co.) ad no. 14183. 7 Endt to Van Tienhoven, 19.8.1893, no. 533/30. 8 Lavino to GG, 13.9.1893, no. 950.

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Nevertheless Herklots's activities in the Hijaz had come to an end. In 1894, together with his wife and mother-in-law, he tried in vain to find passage from Singapore to Jidda. The Holt Line, which at that time was the only company sailing to Jidda, refused to take him. 1 But even if Herklots had been able to make his way to Jidda he would have encountered great difficulties. Despite the pessimistic predictions of the foreign minister,2 at least some of the claims of the shipping agencies against the Porte seem to have been honoured,3 and these had to be financed by the vali.4 Members of the emir's entourage also wished to kill Herklots for losses suffered because of his activities in 1893. When rumours of Herklot's impending arrival in Jidda were heard in early 1895, the recently appointed vali (Ratib Pa§a had been recalled in 1894) himself demanded of the Dutch consul (J. E. de Sturler) that Herklots be immediately expelled should he appear.5 This was still illegal, and it thus seemed preferable that the vali refused Herklots entrance to Mecca.6 In May 1896, Herklots did appear in Jidda. Arriving on the German steamer Somerfeld on the 6th, he tried to land under cover of night in a rowboat of Gallatly & Co., intending to travel to Mecca undetected by the police. He was immediately arrested and handed over to the Dutch consulate the next day. He confessed to Consul de Sturler that he had come at the request of the emir and had agreed to charter twelve ships for the transport of pilgrims from Jidda for $10 per person. The consul was not able to have him removed from Jidda by force (as the ka'immakam requested). De Sturler thus decided to overwhelm him with kindness and hospitality — the more unexpected as coming from a white European — in order to forestall the man's resistance and so be able to remove him from the country with little trouble. These tactics worked. At the same time, the governor promised to have the police prevent any of Herklots's Arab contracts from approaching him at the consulate. De Sturler explained to Herklots that he would not be safe in the streets of Jidda and would certainly be "a lost man" if he ventured outside the Mecca Gate. He further advised him to return to the Indies as soon as possible because the Ottoman authorities would not tolerate his stay in the Hijaz.

^Lavino to GG, 28.5.1894, no. 517. Van Tienhoven to Cremer, 29.12.1893, no. 13968. 3 The total amount claimed at the Porte seems to have been 2000 pounds sterling: see Van der Staal to Roell, 9.3.1895, no. 320/82; the claim was by then not yet settled, and the Porte objected that although Dutch shipping companies had suffered losses, the profit had not gone to the Ottoman state but to a Dutch subject. 4 See J. E. de Sturler to Van der Staal, 12.5.1893, no. 258/25: "de Vali hereft ten gevolge van uw (Herklots) optreden in 1893, onlangs schadevergoeding moeten betalen aan de maatschappijen..." "the Vali has recently been forced to pay indemnities to the companies as a result of your fflerklot's) conduct in 1893..." *Van der Staal van Piershil (Dutch minister at Pera) to Roell (foreign minister) (telegram), 9.3.1895, ad no. 2749bis. 6 D e Sturler to Van der Staal, 13.3.1895, no. 158/25.

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Herklots, realizing that he had little choice, agreed to board the Dutch line Ajax the next afternoon. De Sturler promised in return to arrange passage to the Indies for Herklots's wife and Abyssinian female slave (whom he first manumitted), gave him money, had his luggage transported to the ship, and had a box of cigars retrieved for him from the Jidda customs. De Sturler also arranged with the captain that the latter would tactfully prevent Herklots from disembarking as long as the ship was lying in the harbour. On 11 May the Ajax, with Herklots occupying the best cabin, departed for the Indies. The governor expressed his thanks to De Sturler for his co-operation: if Herklots had reached Mecca, the vali would not have been able to keep him out of reach of the emir and great trouble would inevitably have resulted. 1 Although Herklots's activities in the Hijaz had come to an end, he remained in the shipping business. In July, the Dutch consul in Singapore, J. J. M. Fleury, reported that Herklots had arranged with the Borneo Company Ltd. (part of the China Mutual Steam Navigation Company Ltd.) that the firm would for five years place a steamers at his disposal for the transport of pilgrims to Jidda at $17 per head (including water and firewood). 2 Back in Batavia, he organized the transport of Malay and Javanese labourers to Noumea for the French government. 3 During the following year, Fleury was confronted with complaining Dutch East Indian pilgrims who had bought tickets to Jidda on a steamer of the Mutual but had had to wait endlessly in Singapore for transport. A representative of the company confessed that the firm regretted their agreement with Herklots and intended to terminate the contract. 4 From 1895, Herklots seems also {pecunia non oletl) to have been employed by his earlier victims, the Stoomboot Maatschappij Nederland and the Rotterdamsche Lloyd. 5 * *

*

The Herklots affair painfully confirms the nature of political relations between the Western powers and the Ottoman Empire during the era of "new imperialism." It shows the growing penetration of superior technology backed by Western capitalism — in this case shipping — even on the periphery of the Ottoman Empire. It also shows that this capitalism had the generous support of Western diplomats and, less generously, of their governments (viz. the Binnenhof and Whitehall). These agents were ready to intervene, almost as a matter of course, in the domestic affairs of the Empire in order to protect

J

De Sturler to Van der Staal 12.5.1896, no. 258/25. 2J.J.M. Fleury (Dutch consul for the Straits Settlements) to GG, 3.7.1896, no. 665. 3 Fleury to GG, 4.7.1896, no. 670. 4 Fleury to GG, 9.1.1897, no. 33. 5 Snouck, advice no. 39, 19.7.1895, Adviezen, 1413.

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what they considered "free competition" and the welfare of their (Southeast Asian) subjects. Consul Endt, it will be recalled, had demanded the dispatch of a Dutch warship, in response to the situation in June 1893. Likewise, Dr. 'Abd al-Razzaq had advised the removal of both the emir and the vali from their posts, and added: "The plan followed by the grand sherif and abetted by the Vali... is nothing more or less than a refined system of highway robbery in which the sphere of operations is ... a large city." This practice should be "nipped in the bud" with "a strong hand," otherwise similar ones would occur the following year.1 The Dutch colonial adviser, Snouck Hurgronje, from a more detached, "ethical" point of view, found that the origin of all troubles lay in the systematic corruption of the local authorities; he too recommended strong political action by all powers in Istanbul, which would end "the scandal that Muslim subjects of European powers were subjected in the Hijaz to the arbitrary behaviour of greedy little despots."2 But despite these high-minded, "progressive" ideas about local reform for the benefit of Western subjects, Dutch and British policy — to the indignation of Snouck Hurgronje (who strongly advised against any interference of Dutch consuls for the benefit of any shipping company) — aimed, in reality, at protecting established companies and eliminating a newcomer on the market — namely Herklots. No more than other shipping agents, the latter acted from a profit motive, while making no more use than they did of the existing bakhsheesh system. 3 Racial prejudice against a man who was characterized as a mere sinjo may also have played a part in the vehement opposition to his activities. The ruthless political intervention by the Dutch and British was ultimately successful, despite the destructive tactics they encountered from both partners in the local "dual" administration headed by the emir and the vali of the Hijaz. This obstruction was reinforced by the apparent powerlessness of the Porte. Despite the fact that the grand vizier, Cevad Pa§a, seemed very willing to go along with the wishes of the Dutch and British, he apparently had no power in the Hijaz. A direct appeal to Yildiz Palace (part of an equally "dual" central Ottoman government consisting of the cabinet versus the sultan and his staff) in the beginning would have been more effective, although the sultan, according to Van Tets, seemed reluctant to exert too much pressure on

' 'Abd al-Razzaq to Nicolson, 25.8.1893, ad no. 1456/400. Snouck, advice, no. 29.7.10.1893, Adviezen, 1385. ^The monopolizing tendency of the Dutch shipping companies at the cost of the pilgrims became even stronger after 1896 with the formation of the so-called Kongsi Tiga (in which the Rotterdamsche Lloyd, the SMN, and the SM "Oceaan" cooperated), which introduced the obligatory purchase of return tickets in the Indies; this became law in 1922: see Vredenbregt, "The Haddj," 130. 2

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the emir for fear he would revolt under the banner of the caliphate. 1 The final official proclamation on the freedom of action of the pilgrims in Mecca was apparently made only after the Sultan had personally given instructions to the emir2 at the request of Sir Arthur Nicolson. Herklots, to return to our protagonist, was defeated by inexperience and lack of sufficient resources. Like other shipping agents, he tactlessly broke established practices. He too conspicuously outbidded his competitors and gave too little service to his clients. This last aspect in particular brought him almost inevitably into conflict with the Jidda consulates, and this in turn triggered the heavy political action which he would never have been able to survive in the long run.

Van Tets to Van Tienhoven, 15.12.1893, no. 1456/400; See also Snouck, advice no. 39, 19.7.1895, Adviezen, 1413: the Sultan does not dare to meddle with the Hijazi dynasty also because the latter has the general support of the Arab population who are "far from amicably disposed toward the Turk." 2 Van Tets to Van tienhoven, 1.8.1893, no. 898/230.