The Italian Followers of Caravaggio: Volume I The Italian Followers of Caravaggio, Volume I [Reprint 2014 ed.] 9780674598928, 9780674289826

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THE ITALIAN FOLLOWERS OF CARAVAGGIO VOLUME I

THE ITALIAN FOLLOWERS OF CARAVAGGIO Alfred Moir

HARVARD UNIVERSITY Cambridge,

Massachusetts

1967

PRESS

©

COPYRIGHT

1967

BY

COLLEGE

ALL

RIGHTS

RESERVED

OXFORD

FROM

OF

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PRESIDENT

HARVARD

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BRITAIN

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FELLOWS

LONDON

BEEN

FOUNDATION

RESEARCH,

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BY

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UNIVERSITY

3 0 , points out that Stanzione was probably also influenced by Vouet, both in Rome during 1 6 1 7 - 1 6 1 8 and later in Naples when he saw Vouet's paintings there, and implies that the Frenchman predisposed him toward the elegance, colorism, and grace he found appealing in Artemisia's work. 64 Signed and dated " E q . Massimo F . 1 6 3 1 . " De Dominici praised this painting extravagantly. T h e two wall paintings in the chapel represent St. Bruno with Count Roger Guiscard, and the Virgin Comforting the Carthusians in the Absence of St. Bruno. 56 A bozzetto of this painting, in the National Gallery, London, shows a much stronger contrast of lights and darks. De Dominici told a false story that the finished painting had been darkened by Ribera's mistreatment of the surface with corrosive liquids, but the bozzetto demonstrates that the chiaroscuro was intended by Stanzione himself.

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NAPLES of Caravaggism, its compact composition seems derivative from the Carracci and its color distantly from Veronese through Artemisia and Ribera. Stanzione obviously had been looking attentively at Ribera; the pathos of the figures is surely his, and the reduction of highlights and the partial replacement of value contrasts by hue contrasts is typical of the Spanish master's style.56 De Dominici 57 saw Ribera's influence on Falcone also, but Falcone had a particularly distinctive character, not only as a painter of the battle scenes for which he was most famous, but also as the originator in Naples of still another — a fourth — trend. This was his approximation of the work of the bamboccianti, who were just establishing themselves in Rome, and whose paintings he might have seen there 58 or in Naples. 59 It does not seem correct to classify Falcone as a strict bambocciante. Causa 60 characterizes him as the originator in Naples of Caravaggism a passo ridotto that came to its climax in Cavallino's paintings. The best known example of Falcone's Caravaggism in minore, the Schoolmistress (Althorp, Spencer Collection; Fig. 2 1 6 ) , 6 1 probably dates from the 1630s and shows traces of the influence of all three older masters in Naples — Caracciolo, Stanzione and Ribera. The Hermit of the Order of St. Bruno (Rome, Galleria Corsini) has a remarkable similarity to Zurbaran, and suggests that Falcone may have been influenced by him or by Velazquez. Simultaneously Falcone was working in a manner parallel to that of the bamboccianti, as can be seen in the contemporary Charity at Naples (Rome, private collection; Fig. 2 1 8 ) . The subject matter of his small multifigure 56 Ribera influenced a number of others among the second generation. Trapier 1 9 5 2 , 2 5 1 , notes that Cesare Francanzano was his pupil, as is evident in Cesare's Adoration of the Shepherds in the Pozzuoli Cathedral. Finoglio's lunettes in the Capitolo at S. Martino clearly were painted under his influence, and De Dominici rightly credits Ribera with touching Vaccaro's style as well. 57 1 8 4 0 , III, 1 2 6 Î Ï . This influence seems obvious in Falcone's Concert in the Prado, which has been attributed to a variety of other masters. 68 A trip to Rome had been proposed for Falcone, although there is no documentary proof. Perhaps then he made contact with the bamboccianti (Exhibition Catalogue 1 9 5 1 b, 5 5 ) . De Dominici 1 8 4 4 , III, 2 2 4 - 2 2 8 , claimed that Falcone fled to Rome for a f e w days after his involvement in Masianiello's revolution in 1 6 4 7 , and then went on to France. This is a dubious story as Saxl 1 9 3 9 1 9 4 0 , 7 1 , 8 4 , and Soria 1 9 5 4 , 1 5 η. 1 7 , pointed out. In any case, if he had contact with the bamboccianti in Rome, Falcone must have had it before 1 6 4 7 , by which time his style was already well established. 69 Roomer owned some of their paintings ( C e c i 1 9 2 0 , 1 6 0 - 1 6 4 ) . Falcone probably was in touch with Codazzi as well and through him might have had contact with the Roman bamboccianti. °° 1 9 5 7 , 4 0 . 61 Mentioned in Evelyn's Diary of 1 6 8 5 as in the Spencer collection, and once attributed to Sweerts. Saxl suggests that it may have been in Antwerp during 1 6 7 3 , in the collection of Peter Wouters.

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O compositions, however, was ordinarily very different, for he was particularly successful as a painter of battle-scenes. Saxl observed 62 that his battle scenes were not based on the observation of actual warfare and often included elements derived from such distinguished prototypes as Leonardo, and De Dominici wrote 63 that Falcone never saw any battles. Nonetheless, although the complex of his battle scenes may be fundamentally imaginary, individual details — for example, the horseman in the center foreground of the painting in the National Museum of Stockholm (Fig. 2 x 9 ) 6 4 — obviously were carefully studied from nature, lighted with a crisp natural light and combined with convincing atmospheric effects. Saxl observed, furthermore, that most of the paintings are without heroes. Their motivation may have been romantic and their conception imaginative, but still they are studies of contemporary action rather than idealistic representations. Certainly neither the middle-class Falcone himself nor his aristocratic patrons 85 could be expected to have had any particular sympathy with the common man; but at least Falcone's battle scenes are usually neutral, statements of visual fact rather than idealizing propaganda — they present the activity of war rather than the heroism of individuals or the justness of causes. Falcone also painted a few frescoes and some religious subjects, such as the Rest on the Flight to Egypt (Naples, Cathedral; Fig. 2 1 7 ) , signed and dated 1 6 4 1 . This painting is relatively small in scale. The setting is a landscape, but it is only a backdrop behind the evidently Caravaggesque figures. Despite their rather extravagant draperies, they are fairly humble types, clearly models painted under artificial light with great care for literal detail.

IV During the thirties the situation of Caravaggesque painting in Naples changed drastically: the influence of Guido Reni became increasingly important, and Caracciolo was to a very considerable extent superseded by Ribera and Stanzione as the guide of younger painters. Some who had begun their 02

1939-194°» 70-87. 1 8 4 0 , III, 2 3 2 . M Saxl dated it "from Falcone's later years;" Soria dated it "after 1 6 4 5 " . 65 Saxl demonstrated that Falcone was very popular with the Neapolitan aristocracy and that he had an international patronage, as De Dominici claimed. 88

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NAPLES careers by working in styles recognizable as Caravaggesque changed them so drastically as almost to obliterate all traces of Caravaggism from them. Occasionally during the forties Stanzione apparently remembered something of it, as for instance in the Ecce Homo in the sacristy of the Monastery of S. Martino. Painted in 1644, significantly in collaboration with Viviano Codazzi, it was conceived realistically, almost illusionistically, with naturalistic types carrying out a convincing narrative in consistent light. But the grandiose scale, the pretentiousness of Codazzi's architectural perspective, the scattered activity, and the opulent color transform the vestiges of Stanzione's Caravaggesque experience into a splendid decoration, in essence incompatible with the basic characteristics of Caravaggio's manner. This incompatibility went as far as the hieratic altarpiece representing the Madonna and Child with Sts. Hugh and Anselm that Stanzione painted the same year for the chapel of S. Ugo at S. Martino; it is closer to Guido than to Caravaggio. Vaccaro moved in much the same way. Most of his paintings were in a soft and sentimental but rather formal style, although as late as 1656 some Caravaggesque traces, strongly conditioned by Stanzione, lingered in the narrative conception of his two scenes from the life of St. Hugh 66 in the same chapel. When Caracciolo died during 1 6 3 7 , Caravaggesque painting in Naples might, too, have succumbed, had not a new, third generation of painters been coming into maturity. They were fairly numerous, including two notable followers of Stanzione: Giuseppe Marullo and Francesco Guarino. Marnilo, a native of Stanzione's home town, Orta di Atella, was active in Naples where he died during 1685. Guarino, born 1 6 1 1 at Solofra where most of his oeuvre is and where he died during 1654, painted several works which have been attributed to Stanzione himself, including the famous St. Agatha which was formerly at S. Martino but is now at Capodimonte. Others of this third generation were the Neapolitan Domenico Garguilo, the brothers Francesco and Michaelangelo Fracanzano, and Bartolomeo Passante ( 1 6 1 4 - 1 6 4 8 ) . Garguilo was called Micco Spadaro ( 1 6 1 2 - 1 6 7 5 ) ; after painting such modified Caravaggesque altarpieces as the Madonna and Child with St. John and St. Paul (Fig. 2 1 3 ) which De Dominici mentioned as in S. Maria Donnaromita 86

T h e subjects are St. Hugh Reconstructing the Cathedral of Lincoln (Fig. 2 1 2 ) and St. Hugh Resurrecting a Child. Vaccaro was paid two hundred ducats for the former of these paintings on June 2 4 , 1 6 5 6 . A sketch for the latter survives in a private collection, Naples; d'Orsi claims the latter to be by Finoglio but offers no supporting documentary evidence.

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(where it still is), he developed under Falcone's influence into a painter of small-scale genre like that being painted contemporaneously by the bamboccianti in Rome. Francesco Fracanzano was born in Monopoli during 1 6 1 2 , went to Naples during 1 6 2 2 , married Salvator Rosa's sister during 1 6 3 2 , and probably fell victim to the plague in Naples during 1656. He, his brother Cesare, and Passante (who may be identifiable with the Master of the Annunciation to the Shepherds), were all followers of Ribera.67 The only third-generation Neapolitan of particular merit was Bernardo Cavallino who shares with Giovanni Serodine the distinction of being the best of all the later followers of Caravaggio in Italy, as long as he worked in a Caravaggesque style. Born in 1616, 6 8 the son of a painter Giovanni Maria who was apparently an intimate of Caracciolo's,®9 Cavallino's presence is never recorded outside of Naples. De Dominici70 gave him an appealing career as a starving artist, but as Refice 71 has pointed out, that is probably romanticized. Instead, despite his having done no fresco painting or large decorative cycles, and despite the infrequency with which he worked on the grand scale required for major altarpieces, Cavallino is likely to have had a large and appreciative aristocratic audience. Unquestionably he was much admired by contemporary and later painters, for copies and variants of his paintings are numerous and of high quality.72 Unhappily, considering his great promise, Cavallino died prematurely. De Dominici gives the date as 1654; Prota-Giurleo73 has suggested that he, like so many other Neapolitan painters, died in the plague of 1656. Cavallino was by no means merely an eclectic, but in the process of his maturation, he gathered together the several threads of Caravaggesque painting in Naples and wove them into a newly coherent fabric. Ribera, who probably arrived in Naples the year of Cavallino's birth, remained throughout the 67 98

Hernandez Perera 1 9 5 7 , 2 1 1 - 2 3 3 , and Causa 1 9 5 7 , 3 7 . Traditionally given as 1622, this corrected birthdate was first published by Prota-Giurleo

1951, 158. m

Caracciolo was godfather of Cavallino's younger brother, Leonardo, the fifth child in the family, born in 1623 (Prota-Giurleo 1950, 158). 70

1840, III, 159-174.

7 1

195I,

73

One of the most distinguished of Cavallino's followers was a German, Johann Heinrich

262.

Schonfeld. 73

1953, 158. I74

NAPLES younger man's life, a presence not to be ignored. As an adolescent, Cavallino studied with Caracciolo and Stanzione; during these years he may well have met Velazquez, Stomer, and Castiglione and seen their paintings. Like his master Stanzione, he was struck by the force of Artemisia's artistic personality. He must have been acutely aware of the novel mode of genre painting which Falcone, just a decade older than he, was working out simultaneously. And he cannot have failed to look at Caravaggio's paintings in the city as attentively as Caracciolo had more than a score of years before. Out of these influences — and others as well — he created a unique style. Only one of Cavallino's paintings, the St. Cecilia (Rome, private collection; Fig. 2 2 1 ), 7 4 bears a date. Done in 1 6 4 5 , it marks Cavallino's discovery of his mature style. Although as the variety of his sources would indicate, his earlier paintings are filled with variations, his Judith and Holofernes (Capodimonte; Fig. 2 2 3 ) 7 5 seems typical of his youthful style. Basically, it is an expanded version of Caravaggio's Coppi Judith (Fig. 2 ) , which might have been known to Cavallino through a copy or through one of the many variants. 76 Cavallino used Caravaggio's composition, but he made it more spacious by changing the proportions of the canvas which is longer in relation to its height, by reducing the scale of the figures, by eliminating the friezelike effect of Caravaggio's figure arrangement, and by creating a deeper space for the figures. This new space is reminiscent of that in Stanzione's Prado paintings. But the light system — a strong beam from the left cuts across a murky interior atmosphere, and catches in its brilliance the figures and a portion of the floor, that contrasts with the darkness behind and around them — is derivative from Caracciolo 77 or from Caravaggio himself. The same integration of sources inspired Cavallino's Return of the Prodigal Son (Capodimonte; Fig. 2 2 0 ) . In this painting also, Cavallino represented a moment of intense emotion, but of compassion rather than violence. The son, young and small, kneels helpless, humbled, and contrite before his forgiving father. There are many other fig74 Formerly in S. Antoniello delle Monache, Naples, then in the collection of Dott. Paolo Wenner, and then among works recovered from Germany after World War II. Signed "B C [superimposed] N O PX 1 6 4 5 . " A sketch is at Capodimonte (Fig· 2 2 2 ) . 76 Number 2 8 3 in the museum. Another painting of the same subject has recently entered the Capodimonte collections, attributed to Cavallino. m Valentin's variant in Malta, which Longhi published, might be suggested specifically. " Another example of a specific debt to Caracciolo can be seen in Cavallino's Liberation of St. Peter in the Gerolamini, Naples; a copy is in a private collection in Rome.

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O ures in the painting, as if to make the boy's disgrace public. Animated as they are, these figures are peripheral; most of them are lost in the obscurity of the shadows, so that they form an anonymous chorus. The dutiful son moves into the half-light on the far right, and the gestures of the patriarchs, and a few other details catch accents of light. But the focus of the light is on the prodigal and his father, and so great is their concentration on each other that they seem not at all aware of the figures around them. The young Cavallino told this story very effectively; but like Caravaggio he was not content to treat it as simple genre. By the manipulation of light and shadow, pose, gestures, and space, by means not only of visual description but primarily of psychological evocation, he translates the anecdote into a universally significant human emotional experience. Yet the small scale of the figures and of the whole painting makes clear that Cavallino was indebted to Falcone as well. Perhaps also Artemisia had a hand in the increased animation of the figures, who have a kind of nervous and volatile instability atypical of Caravaggio's; surely Artemisia contributed much of the richness of color and handling, and elaborateness of the draperies which Cavallino consistently used. Refice's suggestion78 that Stanzione rather than Caracciolo was Cavallino's first master, seems just the opposite of the truth. Caracciolo was a family friend and the dean of Italian painters in Naples; his influence appears in such early paintings as the two just discussed. Stanzione's influence is more prominent in the St. Cecilia, as though Cavallino had turned to Stanzione after the death in 1 6 3 7 of his old master. If Causas dating of the Immaculate Conception (Milan, Brera) 7 9 as before the St. Cecilia is correct, a Stanzionesque phase beginning a few years before 1645, seems likely. In any case the figure types in the larger St. Cecilia are strikingly Stanzionesque, as are many of those in Cavallino's works of the forties and later; 80 obviously at this time, Cavallino, like Stanzione a decade earlier, was gradually turning away from Caravaggism. Surely neither the sketch (Fig. 2 2 2 ) nor the finished version of the St. Cecilia is closely imitative of Caravaggio. The subject is presented at least partially as 78

1 9 5 1 , 262. ™ Originally published as an Assumption. The likeness of the Madonna to those of Stanzione and of Van Dyck, should be observed. Roomer owned two Van Dycks, a Susannah and a St. Sebastian, which Cavallino must have seen. 80 Notably in such paintings of ecstatic single female saints as the St. Catherine in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, where Cavallino, like Stanzione, seems to have been responsive to Guido Reni, and perhaps to Van Dyck as well.

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NAPLES genre. But it is unmistakably aristocratic, and the inclusion of the winged angel holding the crown of lilies over the saint introduces a conventional and symbolic supernatural element into her ecstatic experience. The light floods into the pictorial space from the left behind a repoussoir which is reminiscent of Caracciolo, as is the use of the central mass; the dense atmosphere and the wide simplified value range in the sketch recall Cavallino's earliest works; and there is an almost palpable plasticity to the figure of St. Cecilia. But in color and handling Cavallino had put aside Caravaggio's relative restraint for opulence. And in his combination of elements, Cavallino transformed Caravaggism. The toppling central mass, the billowing draperies and jagged outlines, the complex pattern of light and dark in the background contrasting with that in the figures, the great draft of exalted excitement sweeping through and across the space, and the restless movement of the figures — all of these qualities provide Cavallino's paintings with a fully Baroque explosion of energy which saves them from prettiness but eliminates from them Caravaggio's massive sobriety. The paintings of the rest of Cavallino's short life seem to have developed the High Baroque style to the progressive exclusion of Caravaggism. The St. Peter and the Centurion (Rome, Galleria Corsini; Fig. 2 2 4 ) which must be about contemporaneous with the St. Cecilia is still filled with Caravaggesque details, particularly in the individual figures, and the foreground is illuminated fairly convincingly. But the light background, the density of the figure group, and the multiplication of incidents deprive the central event of much of its dramatic force and emphasize the total animation of the scene at the expense of individual characterizations. More effective dramatically, the Esther and Ahasuerus (Florence, Uffizi; Fig. 2 2 5 ) , 8 1 with its almost Rococo color and its courtly luxury, develops a pure sensuousness that, however appropriate it may be to the subject, is fundamentally contradictory to Caravaggism. From Cavallino's latest works, such as the two tondi representing the History of Erminia (at Schleissheim) all traces of Caravaggism have disappeared, and it appears that, had he lived, he would have developed a decorative anecdotal style remarkably anticipatory of the eighteenth century. 81

Formerly in a private collection in Naples. Perhaps derivative from Artemisia's version of the same subject (New York, Metropolitan Museum).

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V With Cavallino's defection and his subsequent death, Caravaggism came to an end as a continuing pictorial tradition in Naples. Artemisia Gentileschi, who had eliminated most traces of Caravaggism from her style twenty years earlier, disappeared from historical record after 1652, Ribera died the same year, Vaccaro had ceased to work in a Caravaggesque style, and Falcone, Stanzione, Francesco Fracanzano, Passante, and others died in the plague of 1656. 82 But some Caravaggesque elements remained in Neapolitan painting; traces kept cropping up at random during the following century. It was not passed intact from master to pupil. But it did recrudesce in the works of two or three painters, notably Mattia Preti and Gaspare Traversi, and some hints of it appear in the works of several others. Among all the later painters in Naples, Mattia Preti was without doubt the one most responsive to Caravaggism. But in fact, though he was in Naples several times, none of his visits was long enough in duration to establish him as a Neapolitan painter. Whether or not he stopped en route to Rome in 1630 is problematical; his longest stay, beginning 1 6 5 5 - 1 6 5 6 , was only about five years. After returning briefly to Rome about 1660, he spent almost all of the rest of his life in southern Italy. He was in Naples at least once more (in 1 6 6 7 ) and possibly two or three other times, but apparently only to pass through on a leisurely journey rather than to settle down. Furthermore when he arrived in Naples during the 1650s, he was no green Calabrese adolescent, but a Cavaliere, well established and mature, who had spent many years in Rome, had traveled extensively in Emilia and the Veneto, and had seen and absorbed northern Italian painting thoroughly. His Judith (Capodimonte; Fig. 2 2 7 ) 83 is still clearly Caravaggesque. It is based on one of Artemisia's compositions of the same subject (also at Capodimonte; Fig. 1 6 0 ) which Preti modified by Cavallino's influence — as can be seen in Judith's physiognomy, and in the treatment of the left background which is 82

Bologna 1 9 5 8 , 1 7 - 1 8 , has pointed out with acute insight that although 1 6 5 6 is usually considered the turning point in Neapolitan painting from "naturalismo" to "barocco," there was an earlier transformation during the decade 1 6 3 0 - 1 6 4 0 . Certainly a reorientation of Neapolitan painting took place during the 1 6 3 0 s , particularly among the group close to Stanzione; but it was hardly comparable to the really drastic break of 1 6 5 6 , which remains the crucial date. 83

From S. Domenico at Soriano. Preti might have seen Artemisia's painting in Naples or in

Parma.

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NAPLES like that of the St. Cecilia (Fig. 2 2 1 ) . This leaning toward the Caravaggesque, perhaps confirmed by what he saw in Naples, continued throughout the rest of his life, as is evident in the two paintings 84 he shipped in 1667 from Naples to Sambughè near Treviso (where they still are, in the parish church for which they were painted) and in many of his Maltese paintings. He understood and used again and again Caravaggio's dramatic concentration of action and his focus on psychologically meaningful conflict of personalities; and he usually illuminated his figures by means of dazzling artificial light. But he drenched his paintings with brilliant and decorative Venetian color; he lightened backgrounds and filled them with animated figures and incidents and often with splendid Venetian architecture; and he developed heavy atmospheric effects, reminiscent of Emilian sfumato, which soften the modeling, particularly in subordinate figures who do not stand in the full light. Simultaneously, he carried out such thoroughly non-Caravaggesque paintings as the two surviving bozzetti for the Madonna of the Plague (both at Capodimonte) 85 which are typical High Baroque votive altarpieces, derivative from Lanfranco and (distantly) from Guercino rather than from Caravaggio. So, while some of Preti's paintings and some elements of his style were derived from Caravaggesque sources, it seems more exact to characterize his art generally as an outgrowth rather than a tardy manifestation of Caravaggism. Aside from Luca Giordano, whose debt to Ribera was great and whose eclecticism allowed him to leave almost no seventeenth-century style untried, the only other important Neapolitan painter active during the late seventeenth century who was touched by Caravaggism was Francesco Solimena. Born at Nocera or at Casale di Serino (Avellino) in 1 6 5 7 , the son of a member of Guarino's circle, Solimena went to Naples in 1674, and stayed there throughout the rest of a long and successful career, until his death in 1 7 4 7 . Although he could hardly have had any very close or prolonged contact with Preti, Solimena must have had a considerable debt to him, not only for the brilliance M One of them represents the Crucifixion (Fig. 2 2 8 ) , and its composition and conception are faintly recollective of Caravaggio's Crucifixion of St. Peter, perhaps through the mediation of a print of Rubens' version of the same subject; the other represents Christ before Herod. In Malta, at the Oratorio di S. Giovanni at L a Valletta is another Crucifixion by Preti, very similar to the San Bughè painting and like it, related to Rubens' paintings. A drawing by Preti for the Crucifixion is (or was in 1 9 2 8 ) in a private collection in Malta. 85 They were sketches for two of the seven frescoes, now all lost, which Preti painted for the seven gates to the city after the plague of 1 6 5 6 .

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O of the colors he used and the nervous intensity of action, but also for the electrifying light effects that are the trademark of his fully mature work. Surely for these light effects Solimena owed something very substantial to Caravaggism. The location of his Dream of St. Martin (in the chapel of the name-saint in S. Martino, Naples; Fig. 2 2 6 ) 8 6 is suggestive; aside from his evident relation to Preti, Solimena seems to have been looking at the works by early Seicento Neapolitan masters which the Monastery had in such an abundance. Specifically the Dream may be recognized as a Late Baroque transformation of Caracciolo. The dark background, which is appropriate to the subject, is not common in Solimena's oeuvre, but neither is it unique to this painting. Combined with the flash of illumination, it seems to demonstrate that Solimena's typical use of light had distant Caravaggesque origins. If only faint traces of the influence of Caravaggism can be found in Solimena's work, in some of Gaspare Traversi's paintings there seems to have been a deliberate attempt to revive Caravaggism. Born in 1 7 3 2 , Traversi traveled extensively, to Rome in 1 7 5 2 - 1 7 5 3 , and to Parma and Piacenza; eventually he returned to Naples where he died in 1769. He was associated, perhaps as a pupil, with Giuseppe Bonito ( 1 7 0 9 - 1 7 8 9 ) who did genre painting himself and who linked Traversi with Solimena.87 But so far removed was Traversi from Caravaggism in time and tradition that his Caravaggesque paintings might almost be compared to the work of the nineteenth-century revivalist movements. Nonetheless such of his paintings as those at Castell'Arquato (Emilia) 8 8 show him deliberately turning back a century and a half to Caravaggio for inspiration. The Mocking of Christ (Fig. 2 3 1 ) is based on Caravaggio's lost Crown of Thorns, and the Ecce Homo on the Flagellation at Rouen. Traversi's six canvasses89 in S. Paolo fuori le Mura, Rome, are not based on 88

T h e facing wall painting, representing the Division of St. Martin's Cloak, is also by Solimena. T h e date of these two paintings, 1 7 3 3 , has been established and published by Bologna. They were apparently untouched in 1 7 5 7 when the seicento decoration of the chapel was modified by Giuseppe Sammartino. 87 It should be noted that the Crown of Thorns recently purchased for the Museum of S. Martino and attributed to Bonito is based on the lost Caravaggio (the Naples version?). 88 T h e subjects are the Pietà, the Mocking of Christ, and the Ecce Homo. T h e Pietà, signed with the initials " T R , " is in the Collegiata of Castell'Arquato; the other two paintings are in the Museum. Mina Gregori believes that they were commissioned by the minister general of the Franciscans, Raffaello da Lugagnano, and dates them ca. 1 7 5 3 . 89 T h e subjects include the Resurrection of Lazarus and the Widow of Nain, Tobias' Departure and his Care of His Father, Lazarus and the Rich Man, and the F east of Absalom (Fig. 2 2 9 ) . This

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NAPLES any specific Caravaggio originals, but present the subjects as dramatic contemporary genre. All of these are youthful works, presumably done under the impact of Traversi's first discovery of Caravaggio's Roman works, and no eighteenth-century painter could be expected to maintain so strictly a Caravaggesque style. But Traversi never wholly forgot this early inspiration, so his numerous genre paintings like The Fortune-Teller (San Francisco, De Young Museum; Fig. 2 3 0 ) , reflect Caravaggism, as do some of his religious paintings. For example, the Crucifixion (one of fourteen Stations of the Cross in S. Rocco, Borgotaro) is not Caravaggesque in style; but it is conceived as genre, with the emphasis on the group of soldiers playing with dice in the foreground, rather than on the actual Crucifixion in the background — a scheme certainly not typical of Caravaggio himself, but surely remotely Caravaggesque. last painting is perhaps distantly derived from Preti's version of the same subject at Capodimonte. The Resurrection of Lazarus is signed and dated "Gaspar Traversi P. 1 7 5 2 . "

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ν SICILY

s

k ^ J I C I L I A Ν Caravaggism had no real national importance or influence; and even on the island itself Caravaggesque painting was of only passing interest. It involved only three native painters of any significance — Mario Minniti and Alonzo Rodriguez on the east coast and Pietro Novelli in Palermo — and one foreigner, Mattias Stomer, who may have traveled over much of the island. These four painters had infrequent contacts with each other, so they did not develop any coherent style as a group; and among them only Stomer adhered to Caravaggism steadfastly throughout his career. Finally, because none of them had any vigorous followers, Caravaggesque or otherwise, their manners of painting ceased to have any significance after their deaths. Not only was there little Caravaggesque painting of much interest; what there was is difficult to track down. Because Sicily did not begin to attract the attention of travelers until the end of the eighteenth century, there are few guidebooks, histories, or memoirs before 1800; the few there are deal almost entirely with the ancient and medieval remains on the island and neglect later artistic developments. Furthermore, although collections of paintings were formed in Sicily during the seventeenth century, none survived the frequent changes of rulers and the exodus and decline of the local aristocracy, with the result that most of the artistic patrimony of the island has been dispersed. Finally, Sicily has been the victim of one calamity after another, of plague (particularly that of 1 7 4 3 ) , 1 of revolution and war (notably those of 1647, 1 6 7 4 - 1 6 7 8 , 1 8 4 7 - 1 8 4 8 , and 1 9 4 2 - 1 9 4 4 ) , and of earthquake (a devastating 1

Hackert 1 7 9 0 , 1 1 n. 4.

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SICILY one in 1 6 9 3 , another in 1 7 8 3 , and worst of all, that of 1 9 0 8 ) , so that much of its art has been despoiled or destroyed. Partly Sicily was unresponsive to Caravaggism because it was poor economically and culturally, and unfavorable geographically. But every Sicilian painter, not only Caravaggio and his followers, suffered from these conditions, and, in fact, Caravaggio himself had actually been successful on the island, with more commissions than he could fulfill. In Messina at least, the civic authorities were prosperous and enlightened enough to be willing not only to buy paintings, but also to finance the training of young artists. T h e Rodriguez brothers, for example, were sent to study on the mainland by the local Senate, and Hackert indicated 2 that this was a standard practice. Certainly young Sicilians were not lacking ample opportunities at home to study Caravaggio. He spent almost a year on the island, between his flight from Malta in October 1 6 0 8 and his injuries in Naples in October 1 6 0 9 . 3 During this period he visited Syracuse, Messina, and Palermo. In Syracuse he painted the Burial of St. Lucy (Fig. 6 ) 4 and in Palermo, the Nativity with Sts. Lawrence

and Francis of

5

Assisi (for the Oratory of S. Lorenzo). He spent most of his visit in Messina, and there he did a number of paintings. T h e Resurrection of Lazarus,e and the 2

Ibid., p. 10. "Pauwels 1 9 5 3 a , 200, has suggested that this was Caravaggio's second visit to Sicily. He proposes the first as taking place between September 1 6 0 7 , the last notice of Caravaggio in Naples during his first visit there, and July 1608, the first notice of Caravaggio in Malta. 4 Susinno wrote that it was commissioned by the Senate and that many copies were made of it; at least two exist in Syracuse. The first, datable in 1 6 1 1 , is one of several silver reliefs on the base of a statue of St. Lucy in the cathedral; it includes landscape elements in the background, added to Caravaggio's composition by the sculptor. It has been published by Giuseppe Agnello. The other is a painting in S. Giuseppe. The church was not constructed until 1 7 5 9 ; but the copy, which is somewhat smaller than the original, does not fit exactly into its architectural enframement, so very possibly it antedates the church by a century or more. This copy seems identical to the Caravaggio original as it was before its recent cleaning, and certain elements of it (notably details of drapery, such as the loincloth of the gravedigger on the left) are very similar to the style of Mario Minniti. 6 A copy of this painting was commissioned of the Palermitano Paolo Geraci in 1 6 2 7 . It has since disappeared. * Commissioned by the Genoese merchant Lazzari for the main chapel of the church of the Crociferi, the painting has been many times retouched and restored, and its authenticity as an autograph Caravaggio questioned. Surely it is Caravaggio's conception, one of his most remarkable; and much at least of the fattura must have been his, despite Urbani's suggestion that Minniti may have assisted him. It should be noted that Susinno, always ready for reasons of campanilismo to play up Minniti's importance, did not mention any assistance, although he did claim that Minniti welcomed Caravaggio to Syracuse and was instrumental in securing the S. Lucia commission for him. The quality of the Resurrection of Lazarus certainly surpasses that of any known work by Minniti; surely Rodriguez was the only Messinese competent to assist Caravaggio on so high a level.

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Adoration of the Shepherds (painted for the Capuchin church on commission of the Senate of Messina), are still in the city, in the Museo Nazionale. T h e recently rediscovered Ecce Homo (Genoa, Raccolte Civiche) possibly was in Messina, either brought there from Rome, or painted there as one of a series of four scenes of the Passion commissioned by the Messinese Nicolao di Giacomo. 7 Whether Caravaggio finished the other three paintings for his patron is unknown. He probably painted at least two other canvasses, both now lost: a Decollation of St. John the Baptist for the church of S. Giovanni, 8 and a St. Jerome,9 mentioned by Bellori and Susinno. Possibly also Sicilian painters 7 Longhi believes the Genoa painting to be the Ecce Homo that Caravaggio painted in Rome for the Massimi, in competition with Cigoli and Fassignano. A number of copies exist in Sicily. One was in S. Andrea Avellino, Messina, by 1730 and is now in the Museo Nazionale there (Fig. 16). A second was in S. Francesco di Paolo, Messina, and survived the earthquake of 1908 only to disappear during World War II. Longhi cites two copies which were once in Palermo, and says that there are "numerous" others in Sicily, all apparently of the seventeenth century. So he assumes that the Massimi Ecce Homo was not taken to Spain as Bellori said, but rather to Sicily, probably early in the century. However, Longhi has published two other versions of the Ecce Homo describing them correctly as "sul fare del Minniti e del Rodriguez." Both are lost, but one, Longhi says, was certainly of Sicilian provenience. Both are based on the same painting, presumably a lost original by Caravaggio, not the Genoa Ecce Homo but another, the same one on which Fetti based his Ecce Homo (Florence, Uffizi; Fig. 56). Cigoli's Ecce Homo (Fig. 272) also resembles this lost original, more than it does the Genoa painting. Therefore, it seems likely that this rather than the Genoa painting was the Massimi Ecce Homo, which inspired Fetti in Rome and the two Sicilian paintings there or in Sicily, where it was taken, as Longhi suggests of the Genoa version. If this interpretation is correct, then the Genoa painting may be an Ecce Homo which Caravaggio painted for Nicolo di Giacomo in Messina, as the number of copies in Sicily seems to indicate. He did paint a Via Crucis for di Giacomo, but there is no trace of it now. There is no record of the Ecce Homo in Genoa before 1921, and it was not mentioned by Soprani-Ratti ( 1 7 8 0 ) . It may be one of those many paintings which, according to Bottari in his edition of Hackert (1790, 11 n. 4 ) were imported to Genoa from Sicily. It was the practice, he says, of Genoese and English merchantmen to profit from the various calamities which befell Messina by purchasing from survivors the possessions which they had saved. Perhaps the Ecce Homo was taken north after the earthquake of 1783; this would explain why Ratti did not mention it in 1780. 8 A painting dubiously presumed to be a copy of Caravaggio's lost original is in the Museo Nazionale, with provenience from S. Giovanni Decollato. It has been much restored and in part repainted as a result of fire damages. It has little to do with Caravaggio; very possibly it is the Martyrdom of St. John by Minniti which was mentioned by Susinno as a little church of the del Pozzo family outside the Porta Buzzetta. Susinno added that the Viceroy "Signor Conte Stefano" mistook this painting for an autograph Caravaggio. 8 Susinno mentioned two Caravaggio half-length paintings of St. Jerome, both in the collection of Conte Adonnino. One "del buon gusto" showed the saint writing, the other "di maniera secca" showed him in meditation with a skull between his hands. Susinno specifically emphasized the stylistic differences between the two, in such a way as to imply to modern judgment that the former, "buona senza quelle ombre," was not actually by Caravaggio, although it does correspond to Bellori's description. Susinno added that he could mention other works by Caravaggio in private Messinese collections, but he lacked time.

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SICILY could see the work of the young as well as the mature Caravaggio — if, that is, the paintings he did while a patient in the Ospedale della Consolazione in Rome were taken by the Prior to Sicily instead of to Seville. 10 Of Caravaggio's followers however, Sicilian painters can have had little experience without having traveled to the mainland. During the 1590s the young Orazio Borgianni was on the island, but he was not then a Caravaggist, and was so young that he was learning rather than teaching; and Leonello Spada may have been there about 1 6 1 0 . 1 1 Paintings by Vouet, Stanzione, Falcone, and Ribera all appear in an inventory of the R u f f o Collection in 1 6 4 9 ; 1 2 but the collection was not formed until the 1640s, too late to revive the bythen moribund Caravaggism. A scattering of other Caravaggesque paintings probably can be assumed to be elsewhere in Sicily, but nothing of particular importance. Altogether, while Sicily was receptive to Caravaggio himself, its interest in him and his art, and in that of his followers, diminished soon after he left. By contrast, the effect of Van Dyck's visit to Sicily is striking. In Palermo from spring to autumn 1 6 2 4 , Van Dyck painted some portraits; his only important public work, the Madonna of the Rosary (for the cappella del Rosario in S. Domenico), he produced after his return to Genoa, shipping it to Palermo in 1 6 2 8 . Despite these meagre remains (particularly in comparison to the richness of Caravaggio's) Van Dyck impressed the succeeding generation of Sicilians hardly less than he did their Genoese contemporaries, and numerous paintings derivative from or in imitation of his, were made. Unfortunately Caravaggio's first follower in Sicily was Mario Minniti, who is reported 13 to have run an assembly line which produced low-quality paintings "like so many sausages." Born in Syracuse in 1 5 7 7 , Minniti was in Rome contemporaneously with Caravaggio 14 and he was married there. Even10

For the most recent contribution to the much discussed question of where the prior really did send the paintings, see Salerno 1 9 5 5 , 2 5 8 - 2 6 0 , and Mancini 1 9 5 6 , II, 1 1 2 - 1 1 3 η. 886. n See n. 37 below. "Ruffo 1916, 21-64. " L a n z i 1 7 8 9 , II, 269 η. ι . 14 Susinno i 9 6 0 , 1 1 6 - 1 1 7 , claimed that Minniti and Caravaggio were in Rome together, students of a Sicilian painter, a report at least partially substantiated by Baglione's reference to the young Caravaggio in the atelier of the Sicilian painter identified by Bellori in a marginal note on his copy of Baglione's Vite as "Lorenzo." Susinno added that Minniti and Caravaggio quit him because he treated them so badly. They then set up housekeeping and work together. This partially contradicts both Baglione, who sent Caravaggio from the Sicilian to the Cavaliere d'Arpino, and Bellori's

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tually he found his way back to Sicily, probably shortly after 1 6 0 3 , 1 5 when he went home to Syracuse. Because no notice of him appears there until 1 6 1 8 , and because the number of his paintings in Messina was substantially greater, he can be presumed to have spent most of the decade before 1 6 1 £ in the more northern city. 16 By 1 6 1 8 , however, Minniti was well established in Syracuse, as is indicated by notices placing him in or near the city during 1 6 1 8 , 1 6 2 4 , 1 6 2 5 , 1 6 2 8 , 1 6 3 3 , and 1 6 3 7 . 1 7 In 1 6 3 4 he was away, although just where is not specified. He may have gone to Malta, which had a number of artistic connections with Syracuse in the seventeenth century, and where at least two of his paintings are still to be found. 18 Possibly he was once again briefly in Messina; no work of his there is known to have been painted in 1 6 3 4 , but his altarpiece formerly in S. Maria di Porto Salvo was signed and dated 1 6 3 7 , which indicates that he continued to enjoy some reputation there. Indeed he seems to have been well-known throughout Sicily, 19 and by the time of his death in note, which sent him from "Lorenzo Siciliano" to Grammatica, before allowing him to set up for himself; but it is not an absolute contradiction. Possibly Minniti was the "Mario" mentioned by Caravaggio in the hearing of 1 6 0 3 as a former friend of his. Caravaggio said at that time that Mario had stayed with him once but had left him three years before, and they had not spoken since. The implication here seems to be that Mario was still in Rome, as Minniti in fact was. This identification of "Mario" is also supported by Hackert's statement ( 1 7 9 0 , 2 4 ) that Minniti was with Caravaggio for a time but quit him in disgust because of his difficult personality. Susinno mentioned no disagreement between the two painters but implied that they were intimates in Rome and Sicily. Minniti seems to have been as tough as Caravaggio; he is reported to have committed at least two murders. 15 Susinno i960, 1 1 7 , said that Minniti was in Rome about ten years and went from there to Syracuse, where he was well established by the time Caravaggio arrived. If, as is likely, Minniti was sixteen or seventeen when he went to Rome, he would have arrived there around 15c"5 or 1 5 9 4 , left about 1 6 0 3 or 1604, and had four or five years to set himself up before Caravaggio's arrival in Syracuse during 1608. He was definitely in Rome until 1 6 0 3 , when he was living on the Corso, according to Bertolotti 1 8 8 1 a , 54. 18 No notice at all of him appears in Messinese archives, but just as most of his paintings there have been destroyed or disappeared, so probably also have the documents referring to him. GrossoCacopardo 1 8 2 1 , 85 indicated that he commuted between the two cities, spending the hot months of each year in Messina. "Agnello 1 9 3 9 , 4 2 - 5 4 ; 1 9 4 1 , 60-80. 18 These are the two paintings representing the Circumcision of St. John and the Healing of St. Sebastian (Fig. 2 3 2 ) , in the atrium to the sacristy of the Cathedral of S. Giovanni at La Valletta, published first as Minniti by Agnello, and more recently by Jacob Hess as by Leonello Spada. Both paintings are marked with the coat of arms of Fra Pedro Urrea Camarsa, who was Prior of the Order from 1 6 0 1 until his death in 1 6 2 4 . It might be noted that Minniti had Maltese connections from his earliest youth; at least Susinno wrote that ( i 9 6 0 , 1 1 7 ) he fled Syracuse as a boy on a galley of the Knights of Malta, and that ( 1 9 6 0 , 1 1 9 ) later in his life he settled there for a time. 19 In 1 6 2 1 Pierpaolo Silanza of Messina apprenticed himself to Minniti in Syracuse; nine years later a Magdalen by Minniti was delivered to a patron in Palermo, and at least two other paintings of his were there during his lifetime (Agnello 1 9 4 1 , 60-80).

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SICILY Syracuse in 1 6 4 0 , he was prosperous and successful. Considering the number of paintings by Minniti which are recorded, remarkably few exist today. In Messina, two can be identified, both in the National Museum — a ruined Madonna of the Rosary and the Resurrection of the Son of the Widow of Nain (Fig. 2 3 6 ) . 2 0 The latter was probably painted early in Minniti's career. Partly derivative from Caravaggio's first style, it has a surprising similarity to the work of Saraceni. A many-figured composition with a landscape background, it is marked by the variety of its hues, by crowded space and inconsistent light effects, and by the regular pencil-like folds and the oversimplified modeling which are typical of Minniti. Because of differences in the quality of the representation and handling of the figures, particularly their faces, it seems very likely that Minniti was already using incompetent assistants for mass-production. But the Malta paintings, and the St. Benedict altarpiece (Syracuse, St. Benedetto; Fig. 2 3 3 ) , 2 1 which is datable in 1 6 2 5 , and is generally mentioned as Minniti's masterpiece, also show an awkward handling of figures and draperies and clumsy compositional arrangements, so that much of the provincial ineptitude of his oeuvre must be recognized as his own doing. The daylight setting of the Widow of Nain suggests that Minniti was influenced by Caravaggio's early style; and the dark nocturnal settings of the Malta and St. Benedict paintings show that he responded to Caravaggio's later style also, but perhaps not until his second contact with Caravaggio in Sicily. 22 According to Saccà, 23 Minniti became steadily less Caravaggesque as time passed; by 1 6 3 7 when he painted the Immaculate Conception with Sts. Joseph, Francis of Assisi, Anthony of Padua, and Anne (Fig. 2 3 4 ) , 2 4 hardly a trace of a Caravaggesque style survived. However, he did pass along his use of heavy chiaroscuro, like that to be seen in the Sts. Crispinus and Crispinianus (Syracuse, Museo del Belomo; Fig. 2 3 5 ) . This painting is not by Minniti himself, though recognizably in his style, but rather by two brothers, Giuseppe and 20

The former was perhaps the painting mentioned by Hackert as in the Oratorio dei Bianchi at Messina. The latter, signed "M. Menitti," was formerly in the Capuchin church, together with Caravaggio's Resurrection of Lazarus. At one time another version by Minniti of the Widow of Nain existed in Palermo, but it has now disappeared. 21 This painting is badly deteriorated with an indecipherable inscription. 23 G. Agnello has published a clumsy Crown of Thorns by Minniti, formerly in the Nome di Gesù, Syracuse, which is clearly based on the lost "Naples" Caravaggio. 23 1906, ,6. 24 It was the high altarpiece of S. Maria di Porto Salvo, Messina. It survived the earthquake of 1 9 0 8 but disappeared during World War II. It was signed "Marius Minniti 1 6 3 7 . "

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Giovanni Reati,25 who were his followers and who signed and dated the painting in 1642. Feeble and primitive, it demonstrates the decline of Minniti's style into a kind of folk art. Messina also was the home of Alonzo Rodriguez.26 Born there during 1 5 7 8 , he was one of the seven children of a Spanish cavalry captain, a native of Leon. Two of his brothers were also painters: Luigi, who was active chiefly in Naples, and Antonio, who worked for a while in Palermo before returning to Messina to assist Alonzo. After studying with a local Mannerist, Francesco Comandé Alonzo Rodriguez was sent to the north by the Senate of Messina for a kind of prolonged wanderjahre, going first to Venice, where he stayed for some time. By July 1606 he is documented as living on the Via Vittoria in Rome, where he probably stayed for a number of years.27 He seems then to have spent some time in Naples (where his brother had established himself by 1 5 9 4 ) , 2 8 before returning to Messina, probably by 1 6 1 0 , and surely by 1614. 2 9 Once home, he settled down, married, fathered several children including at least one son who was a painter,30 and after a disappointing career died in 1648. Undoubtedly Rodriguez knew Minniti's works in Messina, and probably the painter, who was his contemporary. But the few surviving works by Rodriguez show no signs of Minniti's influence; in fact, Rodriguez, by far a better 25

Of the Reati brothers, almost nothing else is known. Giovanni does not even appear in Thieme-Becker, and Giuseppe rates only a very few lines. Mauceri published a Madonna d'Istria, then in S. Francesco di Paolo, Syracuse, which Giuseppe signed and dated in 1 6 4 1 ; but according to S. L. Agnello, by 1955 this painting had disappeared. ® For a more detailed study of Rodriguez, see Moir 1962, 205-218. 27 Bertolotti 1879, 19-20. 28 Most of this account is from Grosso-Cacopardo 1 8 2 1 , 1 0 9 - 1 1 4 ; Hackert 1790, 2 1 , gave a somewhat different version. He implied that Luigi and Alonzo went to the mainland and were in Rome together, although the documentation is of Alonzo alone; he suggested that Alonzo went home directly from Rome without stopping in Naples. This generally follows Susinno 1960, 1 3 0 - 1 3 2 , who states, however, that Luigi was already in Naples before 1599 and that Alonzo visited and quarreled with him there. Camón Azar 1963, 282, suggests that Alonzo studied in Valencia, but does not cite a source. M Grosso-Cacopardo mentions a Vergine della Provvidenza in the parish church of S. Lorenzo done in 1 6 1 0 ; in 1 6 1 4 Alonzo signed and dated a multifigure Christ Healing a Paralytic at Bethesda in Ss. Cosma e Damiano, Messina. This painting, described at great length by Susinno, was destroyed in the earthquake of 1908. 80 According to the De Dominici 1840, II, 298, this son, Giovanni Bernardino, called "il Siciliano," was one of many children. An old catalogue of the Museo Civico of Messina gives his birthdate, probably wrongly, as 1606. When he was twelve, Bernardino was sent to Naples to study with his uncle Luigi. He stayed in Naples, married Ribera's daughter, and was a success, though not in a Caravaggesque style. De Dominici wrote that he died in 1667.

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SICILY painter and much closer to Caravaggio, 31 is more likely to have influenced Minniti. This is evident in the damaged and almost forgotten Meeting of Sts. Peter and Paul (Messina, in the storerooms of the Museo Nazionale; Fig. 2 4 0 ) . 3 2 Characterized by the vigorous and uncompromising realism, by the heavy peasant types, concentrated masses, rich but subdued colors, and the moving dignity typical of Caravaggio's Sicilian works, the Meeting seems to have been painted while Rodriguez was most under his master's influence. Perhaps it may even be a manifestation of personal contact between the two painters in Messina in 1609. The Meeting is particularly impressive because it recaptures the spirit of Caravaggio's most powerful works without direct derivation from any specific painting. Rodriguez' two key paintings, the Incredulity of St. Thomas and the Supper at Emmaus (Messina, Museo Nazionale; Figs. 238 and 2 3 9 ) 3 3 are so close to Caravaggio that Longhi and Berenson have attributed them to the master himself. 34 But they are obviously derived from the London Supper at Emmaus (Fig. 1 7 ) and from the Incredulity of St. Thomas (Fig. 7 ) which was in the Giustiniani collection. They contradict Caravaggio's style in several respects. The colors are often almost pastels and seem to be arbitrarily decorative. There are more figures, some of them with strikingly Hispanic physiognomies, and they are more delicate and animated than Caravaggio's. So the compositions seem diffuse, and the action is more nervous than forceful. These paintings seem to indicate a kind of relaxation in Rodriguez' discipleship to 31

This is not difficult to understand, because Rodriguez had the opportunity of knowing Caravaggio's oeuvre better than any of their contemporaries. Not only would he have known the paintings in Messina, but also all of those in Rome, including those of Caravaggio's maturity which were painted after Minniti's return to Sicily, and all of those in Naples, which Minniti never saw. Possibly Rodriguez had personal contact with Caravaggio, either in Rome during 1606 and earlier, or in Messina (n. 6 above). Susinno i960, 1 3 4 , specifically noted Rodriguez' skill as a copyist of Caravaggio. 32 Recorded as by Alonzo and in S. Rocco from 1 6 4 4 until 1908, when it was rescued after the earthquake and placed in the museum. Published as Rodriguez by Mauceri. It has always been associated with a companion painting representing St. Roch Curing Victims of the Plague which is also attributed to Rodriguez, but is clearly by another, inferior hand, perhaps on Rodriguez' model. 33 They were first mentioned during 1864, as in the Gallery of the University of Messina. Their condition is very poor, despite a painstaking restoration during 1 9 5 1 . 34 Berenson noted however that the painter conceived of the subjects in a manner significantly different from Caravaggio's Roman versions. Voss attributed both paintings to Caracciolo. They were exhibited in Milan during 1 9 5 1 as "attributed to Caravaggio." Urbani tentatively offered the hypothesis that the Incredulity was the work of an unknown Fleming. I would suggest it to be instead a collaboration between Alonzo and Antonio Rodriguez, with the former responsible for the heads and latter for most of the drapery. 1 8 9

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Caravaggio. Their superficially more strict derivation from his models, in fact, covers a significant modification of his spirit. That Rodriguez' style was moving away from Caravaggio's during the teens is proved by his giant Last Supper (Messina, Municipio) 35 of 1 6 1 7 , which has recently been recovered after centuries of damage and loss. It is clearly by the same hand as the Supper at Emmaus and the Incredulity,36 although its enormous scale must have created a rather special problem for a Caravaggist. Perhaps Rodriguez recognized the expressive power of the vast empty space in the Resurrection of Lazarus. But the architectural background is similar to the articulate recession of Caracciolo's Lavanda (Fig. 1 8 5 ) rather than to the severe massiveness typical of Caravaggio's architecture. The subject was conceived as a banquet in the tradition of Leonardo though less idealistically, and of Veronese, though with less splendor and opulence. Rodriguez elaborated it rather than simplifying it, as Caravaggio might have done; a number of figures, not apostles, have been added arbitrarily, and the color range is very wide, the brilliant reds and yellows of the costumes sparkling against the neutral architectural background. These few paintings seem to be the only ones certainly by Alonzo which have survived and have been recognized.37 Yet the relevant literature records a 86 Formerly in the refectory of S. Maria di Gesù and miraculously preserved during the Allied bombardment of Messina. Restored in 1 9 5 4 at the Istituto Centrale per Restauro in Rome. Originally it was painted in oil on a wall, but now it is mounted on canvas. It is in the office of the Sottosegretario Generale del Comune in the Municipio but it belongs to the Museo Nazionale in Messina. As late as 1864, it bore the inscription "F. Petronius de Messana 1 6 1 7 " presumably referring to the patron and the date. Susinno implies that the heads of the apostles are portraits; Dennis says that the gentleman with a moustache and goatee in the right background is a self-portrait of Alonzo. Related to it is another smaller Last Supper (Fig. 2 3 7 ) in the same room at the Municipio. It was probably in S. Paolo before the 1908 earthquake. Probably a few of the heads are by Alonzo himself; the rest is presumably Antonio Rodriguez' work. 88 The assistance of Antonio Rodriguez is likely in this painting also, particularly in the drapery. 37 Many of his most important paintings such as the Caravaggesque Miracle of Bethesda are known to have been destroyed in the earthquake of 1908. Others, such as the group of ten purchased during 1648 by Prince Ruffo, had already been lost or destroyed (Ruffo 1 9 1 6 , 2 1 - 6 4 ) . A few paintings seem to have been wrongly attributed to Rodriguez. Notable among these is the Massacre of the Innocents now in the Museo Nazionale, Messina, from Ss. Elena e Costantino. It was mentioned in a postscript to Susinno as by Rodriguez and in the church. Longhi long ago suggested an attribution to Artemisia Gentileschi. The possibility of its being a work by Leonello Spada, in Sicily and under Caravaggio's influence, might be considered. Three other works answering Susinno's description of them and their location, are in the storeroom of the museum, but none seems to be by Rodriguez. A new attribution which might tentatively be made to Rodriguez is of a painting in the sacristy of the Cathedral in Leon. It is a literal copy of Caravaggio's London Supper at Emmaus

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SICILY large number of public commissions carried out during the decade or two after his return from Rome. 38 Perhaps he changed his manner so much after the great Last Supper that his later paintings are no longer recognizable. Susinno, who was not very conscious of styles, said only that Rodriguez' initial success did not endure, and that he eventually fell into severe financial difficulties from which he never recovered. According to Hackert, 39 he kept to his Caravaggesque manner even though it went out of style, and he lost out to his contemporary Antonio Barbalonga ( 1 5 6 0 - 1 6 4 9 ) , whose provincial Bolognese correctness was better suited to the taste of the local public. Susinno and Hackert also described Rodriguez as a melancholic toward the end of his life; and said that, like Caravaggio, he trained no followers. 40 It would appear as though Rodriguez were isolated as an artist even in his home town. He and Minniti apparently had nothing to do with each other; he gathered no school around him; and after his death, not only was there no painter competent of carrying on in his manner but apparently there was no public desire for its continuation. Rodriguez and Minniti are at least clearly recognizable as followers of Caravaggio, and their activity made some kind of a position for Caravaggism on the eastern coast of Sicily. Elsewhere it hardly gained a footing. The only other native Sicilian who was both successful and memorable, and who made any response at all to Caravaggism, was Pietro Novelli, called II Monrealese. He was born in Monreale in 1 6 0 3 , the son of a painter, mosaicist and indoratore who gave him his earliest training. About 1 6 1 8 , Novelli went to Palermo, where he settled, first for training and then to build a career for himself. 41 except for the head of Christ which is markedly similar to Rodriguez' Hispanic types. Still another copy, entirely literal, is in the Archiépiscopal Palace, Monreale. Camón Azar has suggested that the Supper at Emmaus ( N e w York, Metropolitan M u s e u m ) is by Rodriguez instead of Velazquez, an attribution which has also occurred to Leo Steinberg, but which seems to overrate Rodriguez. 38 Susinno i 9 6 0 , 1 4 1 - 1 4 2 , recorded more than twenty. 39 1790, 22. 40 His son was not his imitator; the principal recorded follower was a Capuchin priest, Jacopo Imperatore, called Padre Umile da Messina, a nonentity who has been all but forgotten and whose works have been entirely lost. 41 He studied painting with Vito Carera ( 1 5 5 5 - 1 6 2 3 ) , a native of Trapani, and perspective and architectural composition with a mathematician, Carlo Maria Ventimiglia. He married a local girl in Palermo in 1 6 2 3 , and they had at least two children. Novelli's beginnings were undistinguished; the first documentary reference to him (Giuliana Alajma 1 9 4 8 ) , in 1 6 2 6 , mentions him as an indoratore, decorating the ciborium of the Grotto of S. Rosalia; and his earliest documented painting, the St. Anthony Abbot (Palermo, S. Antonio Abate), done the same year, is a competent but prosaic example of typical contemporary painting in Palermo.

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He left the area only twice, first about 1 6 3 1 - 1 6 3 2 to visit the mainland, and later, because he was an architect as well as a painter, in 1 6 4 5 to supervise the building of some fortifications in Messina. 42 He was very successful in Palermo; his commissions for paintings were important and numerous, and he served not only as an architect of the Senate ( 1 6 3 6 - 1 6 3 7 , 1 6 4 4 ) but also as Royal Architect ( 1 6 4 3 - 1 6 4 7 ) . He died in 1 6 4 7 , as a result of injuries received in the revolution of that year. 43 Novelli's career was somewhat similar to Genovesino's, inasmuch as he apparently did not respond to Caravaggesque painting until he was mature, and even then he was introduced to it through the Caravaggists rather than through Caravaggio himself. Thus his contact with Caravaggism was superficial, and its influence on him equivocal and spasmodic. He began his maturity, about 1 6 3 0 , dominated by Van Dyck, whose influence he did not forget, 44 although hardly had he adopted a Dyckian style, than he began to modify it. This modification took form in the development of a parallel style, related but separate, which he used particularly for secular subjects, for altarpieces in a relatively small scale, and for paintings treating religious themes as anecdotes rather than hieratically. Judging from his work, he became conscious of Caravaggesque painting about 1 6 3 3 - 1 6 3 4 ; it is for this reason that the trip to the mainland has been suggested, although there is no documentation of it. Most writers suggest that he went to Rome, and stopped in Naples on the voyage; but the changes in his manner are derived almost wholly from Neapolitan sources, particularly from Stanzione, and from Vaccaro, Ribera, and Artemisia Gentileschi, so he may never have ventured farther north. Novelli was most affected by works like Stanzione's Prado paintings (Figs. 206, 207, 2 0 8 ) , which were probably in the process of completion in 1 6 3 1 - 1 6 3 2 when he would have been in Naples, and the oils (Fig. 2 0 4 ) and frescoes in the chapel of S. Bruno at S. Martino which was just getting under way. He was also some" T h e mainland trip is probable although it is not mentioned in any source earlier than 1 7 0 8 , the date of Mongitore, "Memorie dei Pittori . . . ," an unpublished ms. in the Biblioteca Comunale Palermo, cited by di Stefano 1 9 4 0 . T h e trip to Messina is documented by Natoli 1 9 6 3 , 1 7 8 . 43 Most of the preceding information is from di Stefano 1 9 4 0 . 44 Particularly it is evident in such large altarpieces as the Apparition of the Virgin to St. Andrew Corsini (Palermo, Church of the Carmine) dating from 1 6 3 0 ; it continued after his trip to the mainland, for example in the Madonna with Sts. Rosalia and John the Baptist (Palermo, Museo Nazionale) which was painted during the mid-thirties for the Oratorio del Ponticello. Reminiscences of it appear even in his latest paintings such as the Marriage of the Virgin (Palermo, S. Matteo) of 1647.

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SICILY what influenced by Artemisia, who had arrived in Naples a year or so before. The modification of his Dyckian style was already well under way by 1 6 3 5 when Novelli did two large paintings concerning St. Benedict. One, in S. Martino delle Scale near Palermo, represents the saint giving a sword to Sancho III of Castille, founder of the military religious order of Calatrava (Fig. 2 4 5 ) ; it combines a Van Dyckian heaven with a Neapolitan earth. The other (Monreale, Convitto Guglielmo), represents St. Benedict distributing loaves of bread to clerics and cavaliers while the common people look on (Filiation of St. Benedict, Fig. 2 4 2 ) ; it is clearly Neapolitan — specifically the brand of gentle Caravaggism developed by Stanzione and seconded by Vaccaro. The event is conceived as entirely terrestrial with no more indication of divine interest, supervision, and intervention than that suggested by the dramatically portentous sky. Most of the figures are tall, but their faces are Hispanic or southern rather than ideal generalizations. They act like human beings: St. Benedict is the center of interest but most of the other figures are arranged in casual conversational groups which pay him scant heed; the common people keep themselves apart, but without any specific hieratic implications other than those consistent with their different stations in life. Novelli did not even attempt to suggest that the figures and the background exist in the same light, atmosphere, or even in the same space; instead he frankly brushed in a romantic landscape setting behind a group which had been painted just as frankly in the studio. Nonetheless, within the group the figures are illuminated consistently by a bright beam from the left which divides lights sharply from darks and cuts through atmospheric effects. The color is rich, varied in hue, and strong in intensity; it shows the influence of Artemisia. The peasant mother and child in the foreground seem also to derive from her inspiration, just as the old man shows the inspiration of Ribera. Altogether it is not a very moving painting, but it is a handsome one, successful as decoration but not so artificial as to deprive it of a kind of factual documentary appeal. Sometime shortly before 1640, Novelli's interest in Ribera quickened, inspiring such paintings as the St. ]ames Major (Rome, Galleria Corsini; Fig. 2 4 4 ) ; 4 5 or the St. Paul (Naples, Capodimonte) both of which are skillful imitations of Ribera though lacking his psychological penetration. Novelli seems 15 Longhi would attribute this painting to Ribera himself. Copies in the Alte Pinacothek, Munich (signed and dated "Ribera 1 6 3 4 " ) , and in the Museum at Seville.

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O also to have been aware of Mattias Stomer, who was already in Sicily by 1 6 4 1 and whose influence reduced the Stanzionesque elements in Novelli's work and emphasized a richer impasto and somewhat vulgarized Riberism. In the sketches (Bologna, Pinacoteca Nazionale) for the two paintings 46 of 1 6 3 5 1640 in the church of the Casa Professa in Palermo, this new looseness can be seen. It culminated in one of Novelli's masterpieces, the Calling of St. Matthias (in the Cappuccini at Leonforte; Fig. 2 4 1 ) , 4 7 painted during the early 1640s. This is a remarkable painting, combining Caravaggesque chiaroscuro and naturalistic observation with a conventional hieratic composition and a rather perfunctory and artificial melodrama. The terrestrial zone is filled with vulgar Ribera types, but the whole is treated with brilliant, varied colors and bravura handling, so that it is simultaneously realistic, visionary and decorative. During the last few years of his life, Novelli painted many frescoes. His oils were still recollective of Van Dyck; but they also tended to demonstrate a personal variation on Ribera and were touched by Stanzione's influence, as can be seen in one of his last paintings, the signed and dated Pietà of 1646 (Palermo, Museo Diocesano). Despite his evident absorption of a variety of influences and his tendency to preserve unashamedly those of their characteristics most pleasing to him,48 Novelli seems to have had an exceptional ability to fuse together diverse elements and to discover and emphasize their dissimilarities. Thus he was able to achieve the remarkable feat of a synthesis of Caravaggesque elements into his Van Dyckian style, and he was at least to this extent a Caravaggesque painter. Mattias Stomer was the last Caravaggesque painter to live in Sicily.49 He had been born in Amersfoort in 1600, and probably had early contact with Honthorst. By 1630, he had arrived in Rome, perhaps after a visit to Lom49 The subjects are St. Philip the Syrian of Argirò (or Agira) Exorcising a Demoniac, and Hermit Saints in the Desert (Fig. 2 4 3 ) . " Commissioned by the Prince of Leonforte, whose coat of arms it bears. 48 He seems also to have been influenced by Domenichino, though only superficially; Novelli's Communion of St. Mary of Egypt (painted in 1 6 3 7 for S. Zita, and now in the Museo Nazionale, Palermo) is a variation on the composition of Domenichino's famous Last Communion of St. Jerome. The Sicilian's Guardian Angel (of 1 6 3 9 - 1 6 4 0 , in S. Maria dell'Orto, Monreale) is based on the composition of the Bolognese painter's version (signed and dated 1 6 1 5 ) of the same subject, now at Capodimonte, but then in S. Francesco, Palermo. Pauwels 1 9 5 3 k , 1 3 2 - 1 9 2 ; *954> 2 3 3 - 2 4 0 .

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SICILY bardy. From Rome, he went on to Sicily; by 1 6 4 1 , he was apparently resident in Palermo. He must have stayed there, because he sold a number of paintings in Palermo and its environs from 1644 to 1655, although he also left many paintings in Naples. The date of his death is unknown, but perhaps the record of a sale to Prince Ruffo in Messina during 1 6 7 2 can be accepted as a terminus post quem. Because of his northern origin, Stomer is beyond the scope of this study; but he was a good painter, substantially better than all but one or two of the few Caravaggesque painters still active in Italy during the 1640s. He seems to have been almost unnoticed during his lifetime, perhaps because he was a wanderer and too restless to settle down, or perhaps because of a general lack of response to his style. Caravaggism in Sicily was a similar will-o'-wisp: Minniti was incompetent, Rodriguez and Stomer ignored, and Novelli scarcely involved. It existed, it was neither deliberately suppressed nor encouraged, and it died forgotten.

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V ^ J Ε Ν Ο A was a rich maritime city. Its aristocracy lived splendidly, and

during the sixteenth century had begun to build up the great collections that became part of the region's artistic heritage, and to sponsor magnificent decorative cycles. This generous patronage (which continued throughout the seventeenth century) and the geographical position of the city (which commanded an important passage between Italy and northern Europe) made Genoa quite cosmopolitan. A large number of artists passed through during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, including Velazquez who landed there during 1 6 2 9 (and again during 1 6 4 9 ) and spent several days, and a number of northern Europeans, notably Rubens and Van Dyck, Bril, and the Dutch genre and still-life painters Jan Roos and the brothers Cornells and Lucas de Wael. From Italy came the Tuscans Pietro Sorri, Ventura Salimbeni, and Aurelio Lomi, the Tuscan-Roman Agostino Tassi, and the Lombard Procaccini. None of the Carracci and their successors seems to have visited the city, and their work was poorly represented there; 1 but Emilia — and Rome — were neither inaccessible nor unknown to Genoese painters. In fact the Genoese traveled a good deal: Fiasella, Saltarello, Langetti, Assereto and perhaps Strozzi all went to Rome, Castiglione to Naples, Strozzi and Langetti to Venice, and a number of others to Lombardy. Caravaggio and his followers were somewhat better represented in Genoa than were the Carracci and theirs. The master himself was probably there for 1

However, after 1 6 1 7 there was one major painting by Guido Reni in the city. During that year the Assumption, which Guido had just completed on commission of Cardinal Durazzo, was installed in the Durazzo family chapel in S. Ambrogio, where it still is.

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GENOA about a month during 1605. 2 Perhaps Caracciolo visited Genoa, and very possibly Ter Brugghen; 3 and both Orazio Gentileschi 4 and Vouet 5 were there during the early twenties, for stays longer than a few weeks. However, apart from the paintings they left in the city, not much Caravaggesque work could be seen in Genoa. 6 Several of Caravaggio's paintings were associated with his patrons of the Costa family, but at least some of these were apparently kept in Rome, and none is documented as being a souvenir of Caravaggio's 1 6 0 5 visit to Genoa. 7 Local painters might have had contact with him then, but none is recorded. In fact, no Genoese painter is reported to have been in personal touch with him at any time, and only Fiasella, during his Roman trip, is certain to have taken the opportunity of studying a large number of Caravaggio's paintings. It is not surprising then that not until after Fiasella's return to Genoa, about 1 6 1 8 , did any kind of Caravaggesque movement get under way there. 2 After his fight in July with Mariano Pasqualone, Caravaggio, according to the report of the Modenese ambassador, fled to Genoa. He was there from before Aug. 6 until his return to Rome the twenty-fourth of the same month (Friedlaender 1 9 5 5 , 284-285, 3 1 0 - 3 1 1 ) . 3 Either during 1 6 1 4 en route to Holland from Rome, or sometime during his hypothetical second trip to Italy. The problematic Supper at Emmaus in Vienna (ch. 3, η. 2 4 ) may actually have been painted in Genoa. 4 Gentileschi, accompanied by his three sons, went to Genoa in 1 6 2 1 at the invitation of Giovanni Antonio Saoli (Saulli), according to Soprani-Ratti 1 7 6 8 , 452. For Saoli he did three paintings: a Penitent Magdalen and a Lot and His Daughters (ch. 2, η. 2 4 ) , which were presumably related to the paintings that Sandrart saw in Gentileschi's studio in London during 1 6 2 6 , and a Danae. Gentileschi also did two frescoes for a country house of Marc'Antonio Doria at S. Pier d'Arena (but see ch. 4, η. 6 ) and the Annunciation (Turin, Galleria Sabauda; Fig. 7 8 ) of which a small replica is in S. Siro, Genoa. Ratti in his Istruzione ( 1 7 6 6 ) attributed to Gentileschi a number of other paintings, none of which is now recognized (see Longhi 1 9 1 6 , 3 1 2 ) . Gentileschi left Genoa probably for Turin in 1 6 2 3 . 6 According to Soprani-Ratti 1 7 6 8 , 4 1 3 , and Crelly 1 9 6 2 , 2 8 - 3 2 , Vouet went to Genoa late in 1 6 2 0 or early in 1 6 2 1 at the invitation of Paolo Orsini, Duke of Bracciano, to paint his fiancee, Isabella Appiana. He was also patronized there by the Doria, particularly as a portraitist, and he was commissioned by Giacomo Raggio to paint the Crucifixion (still in S. Ambrogio, much repainted; Fig. 1 7 6 ) , painted in Rome and shipped north in 1 6 2 2 . 6 One exception was Orazio Borgianni's Birth of the Virgin (Fig. 8 7 ) , which from the early teens was near Genoa in Savona (ch. 2, η. 3 2 ) . 7 Ottavio Costa had given the Ecstasy of St. Francis (Hartford, Wadsworth Atheneum) to the Abbot Ruggero Tritonio of Pinerolo before 1 5 9 7 when the abbot mentioned it in his will. The Coppi Judith (Fig. 2 ) was commissioned by the Costa family, but there is no evidence that it was ever in Genoa. Mancini reported that the Costa family bought a Way to Emmaus and the Magdalen in Ecstasy which Caravaggio painted in Zagarola. In addition to these paintings associated with the Costa (but not necessarily in Genoa), there was a version of the Incredulity of St. Thomas in Genoa as early as 1606, and the supposed first version of the Conversion of St. Paul (Rome, Princess Vittoria Odescalchi Balbi Collection) may have been early in Genoa, although its attribution to Caravaggio seems unacceptable.

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To be sure, a few painters in Genoa had anticipated Fiasella by showing signs of some awareness of Caravaggio's art. The Tuscan Ventura Salimbeni's Crucifixion

of St. Peter (Rome, Palazzo Barberini; Fig. 246),® Strozzi's Davids

and at least one of his young St. John the Baptists9 were based on Caravaggio compositions. There were insignificant borrowings; if Caravaggio supplied a motif, Salimbeni and Strozzi still worked according to their own formulas, using their habitual manners with the strongly Mannerist flavoring to which they were accustomed. Fiasella's arrival from Rome was refreshing. He brought new ideas (if not Caravaggio's, at least some of his followers') and enough experience to have developed some command of them. He was born in the Ligurian town of Sarzana 10 in 1 5 8 9 , but he soon went to Genoa where he remained, except for his trip to Rome and a brief visit to Mantua during 1 6 3 5 , until his death in 1669. His first training in Genoa was under Aurelio Lomi, who had been his halfbrother Orazio Gentileschi's teacher two decades earlier.11 Fiasella probably was painting in Lomi's late Mannerist style that had been influential in Genoa, when he arrived in Rome.12 Once there, he dropped it and became eclectic. The only two paintings 13 which he is certain to have painted in Rome, the 'Probably painted, together with the matching Conversion of St. Paul, in Genoa during 1 6 1 0 1611. 9 There are several versions of the David with the Head of Goliath : in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, the Raffaldini Collection, Florence, the Cincinnati Museum, and the Gemäldegallerie in Dresden. The last of these, at least, dates from after Strozzi's Caravaggesque phase, during his Venetian period, and is mentioned by Boschini. The St. John was in the collection of the architect Tonone in Milan, and was published by Delogu. The pose seems certain to have been based on that of the Doria-Capitoline St. John, although otherwise the painting is late Mannerist. Mortari reports another version in the Palazzo Centurione di Fossatella, Genoa, and mentions a third version in the Rubinacci Collection, Genoa, in which the young saint, although posed in a similar way, is seen from the front. 10 Fiasella was frequently called "il Sarzana" or "Sarzanello" from the name of his birthplace. The city of Sarzana is at least as accessible to Tuscany as it is to Genoa. Fiasella studied in Genoa not only with the Tuscan Aurelio Lomi but also with G. B. Paggi, a native of Genoa who spent about two years of his youth in Florence. Thus, Fiasella's origins were as much Tuscan as Genoese. "According to Soprani-Ratti 1768, I, 237, Fiasella, in his turn, taught Orazio Gentileschi's son, Francesco, after the elder Gentileschi's death. Because Francesco was born in 1599 and accompanied his father to Genoa during 1 6 2 1 - 1 6 2 3 , and since Orazio died during 1639, this report can hardly be entirely correct. But it does hint of a relation between Fiasella and the Lomi-Gentileschi family that continued into the third generation. u The dates of his visit are not certain; he was there with his brother Giovanni Andrea and a servant Luca in 1 6 1 5 when all three were listed as parishioners at S. Lorenzo in Lucina (Longhi Ι943 α > 3 1 n · 67). According to Soprani-Ratti 1768, I, 227, he spent about a decade in Rome. According to Thieme-Becker XI, 1 9 1 5 , 527, he returned to Genoa in 1 6 1 7 ; Longhi guesses "verso il •18. "Both paintings were in the Giustiniani inventory of 1638 as "Sarzana"; before publication of 1 9 8

GENOA Resurrection of the Son of the Widow of Nain and the Christ Healing a Blind Youth (both in Sarasota, Fla., the Ringling Museum; Figs. 248 and 2 4 9 ) , are a combination of Carraccesque and Caravaggesque elements. In both paintings, Christ is a handsome and ideal Lodovico type, clothed in colorful flowing draperies; he acts with great dignity, assurance, and serenity in a beautiful world of lyrical landscape and imposing architecture.14 The other figures are more ordinary, colorfully if sometimes too elaborately draped, and their actions, particularly their gestures, are more excited. The Caravaggesque sources are varied, but in general are recognizable as from Fiasella's contemporaries rather than from Caravaggio himself. To Orazio Borgianni,15 he owed the head of the old man looking over Christ's shoulder in the Resurrection of the Widow's Son; some of the draperies in this painting are close to Vouet's or to Spadarino's, as are those of the Blind Youth.™ The compositions are tame and somewhat hesitant; the space inexpressively crowded; and the action is inconsistent and uncertain. Probably these two paintings were fairly early works, done soon after Fiasella's arrival in Rome.17 Longhi has identified18 as also Fiasella's a group of more assured paintings, including the Holy Family (Rome, Galleria Spada; Fig. 2 4 7 ) , 1 9 a variant on Cavarozzi's often-repeated composition. If it is in fact by Fiasella, this Holy Family would indicate that he came to be a fairly the inventory, they were referred to Lodovico, Annibale or Agostino Carracci. It might be noted that Soprani-Ratti 1 7 6 8 , I, 2 2 7 , specifically mentioned the Marchese Giustiniani's patronage of Fiasella, and that there was a third Fiasella, a Nativity, in the Giustiniani Collection. The Nativity was engraved by Landon but has since disappeared. 11 The Torre delle Milizie is recognizable in the background of the Resurrection of the Widow's Son. 15 Aside from the possibility that Fiasella may have seen the Birth of the Virgin (Fig. 8 7 ) in Savona even before he went to Rome, once there he was in personal contact with Borgianni. Fiasella's brother, Giovanni Andrea, appears as Borgianni's friend in documents of 1 6 1 6 published by Bertolotti 1884α, 1 7 2 - 1 7 3 and 1884Î), 59. 10 This painting has many similar features to the Charity of St. Thomas of Villanova (Fig. 1 2 1 ) , attributed to Spadarino: the pattern of drapery falling over the thigh of the youth; his rumpled hair, pointed nose and prominent Adam's apple; the slightly blurred quality in the treatment of such folds as those in the shirt of the boy in the left background; the loose handling which leaves areas of pigment unsynthesized into the modeling; and the unimaginative composition. 17 Perhaps some reminiscence of Domenichino's Last Communion of St. Jerome can be detected in the relations among the figures and in the landscape setting of the Healing of the Blind Youth. If this is correct, Fiasella's painting cannot antedate 1 6 1 4 . 18 1943«, 3 1 , 5 3 - 5 4 nn. 67, 69. 19 Longhi has published a related Judith (Rome, private collection). If it is by Fiasella, as Longhi suggests, it shows him also to have been in rapport with the painter of the Detroit Judith (Fig. 1 2 9 ) , whether Artemisia or some other, to whom both paintings might be attributed. Longhi also associates it with Cristoforo Allori's famous Judith (now Florence, Pitti; Fig. 2 7 3 ) which was mentioned by Mancini as in Rome in the Orsini Collection (ch. 7, η. ι ι ) . I 9 9

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typical second-decade visitor in Rome, associated with the Tuscan-oriented group. The tendency to emphasize outlines, the detailed study of stuffs and the lack of interest in spatial effects are reflective of Orazio Gentileschi, while the large figures, the sharp contrasts between light and dark, the small-scale folds in glittering fabrics, and the vacuous characterizations are suggestive of some affinity with such younger second-decade Caravaggists as Cecco del Caravaggio. Apparently, however, it was the style of the Sarasota paintings that Fiasella took home with him; 2 0 and minor as it must have seemed in Rome, in Genoa it was original enough so that Fiasella flourished. 21 He obtained a number of commissions for large altarpieces, including the St. Thomas of Villanova Distributing Alms (Genoa, S. Maria della Consolazione; Fig. 2 5 0 ) , but soon the Caravaggesque elements began to disappear from his style. For example, in the conventional Baroque subject of his St. Nicholas Receiving the Scapular (Genoa, S. Siro; Fig. 2 5 1 ) , only the saint, a fine piece of realistic observation, 22 seems Caravaggesque; the rest of the figures are sentimental Baroque types. The saint is illuminated in a clear light, as is fitting to the sharp naturalism of the portrait; the other figures are swathed in a softening yellow haze. The painting as a whole is conceived as a vision, a kind of ceremonial hierarchy without convincing space, consistent light, or natural narrative arrangement. This painting is typical of what came to be Fiasella's customary public style, utilized for the great Baroque machines that were his major activity. Inevitably at the same time he reduced the Caravaggesque elements in his less pretentious paintings. Soon he was working in the sweet and pallid luminism of the Flight to Egypt (Greenville, S. C., Bob Jones University Art Collection; Fig. 2 5 2 ) , 2 3 which was similar to Orazio Gentileschi's late English manner, but lacked its incisiveness. He never returned to Caravaggesque painting. 20 For the Caravaggesque works which Fiasella painted just after his return to Genoa, see Longhi 1 9 4 3 a , 5 3 n. 6 7 . 21 Soprani-Ratti 1 7 6 8 , I, 2 2 8 - 2 3 7 , gives long lists of his commissions in Genoa and Liguria, mentions exports to Mantua, Naples, Messina, and other Italian cities, and to Spain, and names a number of pupils and followers. 22 Soprani-Ratti 1 7 6 8 , I, 2 2 9 , does not mention the painting as in the church, he does note (ibid., p. 2 3 3 ) Fiasella's exceptional ability to catch a likeness in portraits. 23 The painting, formerly in the Minneapolis Art Institute, is closely related to the Flight to Egypt (Rome, Galleria Corsini) attributed to Ansaldo. T h e subject was apparently a favorite of Fiasella's; Soprani-Ratti mentioned one version which was presented to Pope Paul V , who admired it very much, and another which was in the sacristy of the Annunziata del Guastato in Genoa.

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GENOA Brief and feeble as Fiasella's Caravaggesque phase was, it introduced the style into Genoa. The arrival a few years later of Orazio Gentileschi and Vouet must have confirmed it. Thus while Fiasella was in the process of divesting himself of it, a few other Genoese painters began taking it up, the most important among them being Bernardo Strozzi. He was born in the city in 1 5 8 1 , and, according to Soprani-Ratti,24 had a remarkable career. Until the death of his father, who had opposed his desire to paint, Strozzi followed literary studies. Once he began to study painting, he was so precocious that by the time he was sixteen, he was already competent. In 1598 he took holy orders as a Capuchin, so he has been known as "II Cappuccino" or "Il prete genovese." In 1 6 1 o, so as to be able to devote more time to painting, he became a secular priest; but twenty years later, in 1630, he was jailed for neglecting his vows. Soprani said that he served three years in prison and then fled to Venice in disguise, although Ratti denied this account. However that may be, Strozzi did go to Venice in 1 6 3 1 ; he stayed there until his death in 1644. His first master was the Sienese Pietro Sorri. Although Strozzi began working in a Mannerist style, he avoided the extremes that Sorri might have taught him. This was largely the result of his absorption of the various other influences which were available to him in Genoa. Among these apparently was some Caravaggesque experience. There is no record of Strozzi's having taken advantage of any opportunity he might have had to meet Caravaggio during his flight to Genoa in 1605, but he showed an awareness of Caravaggio's paintings early in his career 25 — in the Davids and St. Johns and particularly in the Calling of St. Matthew (Worcester, Mass., Art Museum; Fig. 2 5 5 ) . Not until the 1620s, however, did Strozzi develop a real Caravaggesque manner. Then it was much closer to Caravaggio than were those of Fiasella, Gentileschi, or Vouet. Probably Strozzi profited from the availability to him of most of the experience on which Caravaggio had based his formation, that is, Lombard and Venetian painting. He must also have responded to the hints whispered by Fiasella and the other Caravaggists who visited Genoa, and to the appeal of the simple vigorous realism of northern still-life painting. Finally, Strozzi was obviously struck by the monumentality, the warmth of color, and the richness 21

1 7 6 8 , I, 1 8 5 Î Ï . Because of the lack of documented information concerning Strozzi's life, an unrecorded trip to Rome might well be conjectured for sometime during the teens, perhaps about the time he was port engineer of Genoa ( 1 6 1 4 - 1 6 2 1 ) . 23

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of pigment which he saw in the works of Rubens and Van Dyck. Guided by all of these influences he seems to have stumbled onto a personal Caravaggesque manner, which was extraordinary in recapturing at least momentarily so much of the quality of Caravaggio's own painting. None of Strozzi's oil paintings is dated, but his Caravaggesque activity must have taken place during the twenties, beginning a little after Fiasella's return from Rome and lasting less than a decade.26 The Pietà (Genoa, Palazzo Bianco, formerly Accademia Ligustica) is typical of his restrained Mannerist style during the teens. A year or so later, the Worcester Calling of St. Matthew shows Strozzi awakening to Caravaggio. Though clearly derived from Caravaggio's S. Luigi dei Francesi painting (Fig. 3 ) , Strozzi's composition is a transformation of it. The figures have been crowded into a smaller space, with three strata into depth and a partially symmetrical balance in the center. The light is less consistent than Caravaggio's, and atmospheric effects are so exaggerated that the impact of the masses is much reduced. The handling is thinly liquid, with blurred edges, under a slick surface. The color, though somewhat warmer than that of the Pietà, tends towards yellow-green. The types, poses, and gestures are somewhat affected, so the event becomes melodramatic — Christ is almost an hysteric. Nonetheless, Strozzi has gone further than merely borrowing a compositional motif from Caravaggio, unlike Salimbeni a decade earlier in the Crucifixion of St. Peter (Fig. 2 4 6 ) . In details — the beam of light on the background wall, the bravo costume and the pose of the foreground youth at the left, and most particularly the freshly realistic study of the old man replacing Caravaggio's St. Peter — Strozzi demonstrated his awareness of Caravaggio's style. Once having discovered it, Strozzi apparently developed his own response very rapidly. Already in the Charity of St. Lawrence (Genoa, Palazzo Reale; Fig. 254), 2 7 he had reduced the Mannerist characteristics: the composition was simplified; the space became a single volume unified in heavy atmosphere and chiaroscuro, and containing substantial masses; a thicker impasto developed in the handling; and some of the figures are rustics who are clearly observed from nature. 26

Zampetti 1 9 4 9 , 1 9 , would date Strozzi's first signs of Caravaggism as early as 1 6 0 8 , but this

seems unlikely. 27 Strozzi did many different versions of this subject at different times during his career. The Palazzo Reale version is perhaps the earliest, datable about 1 6 2 0 ; for others, see the Register.

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GENOA The fullest development of Strozzi's Caravaggesque phase came in the mid-twenties. It consisted of three distinct types of painting, all apparently done about contemporaneously. These are pure genre paintings, such as the Piper (Genoa, Palazzo Bianco; Fig. 2 5 3 ) , 2 8 and the various groups of Street Musicians (Fig. 2 5 6 ) ; 2 9 religious narrative paintings, such as the three paintings in the Annunziata in Genoa (Figs. 2 5 7 , 258, 2 6 ο ) ; 3 0 and finally, largescale legendary or doctrinal paintings such as the St. Augustine Washing Christ's Feet (Genoa, Palazzo Bianco; Fig. 2 5 9 ) . All of these paintings have in common the elimination of Mannerism and a full development of a newly realistic attitude. The figures are few, large, and simple; they are natural both in appearance and in action. They inhabit a unified space, and that in the Piper and the Musicians is expanded by the use of strong arbitrary diagonals which break through the picture plane. The light and atmosphere are convincing visually and have been fused with each other and with the space, and the colors are warm and rich in tonality. The handling, like that of Caravaggio's Roman maturity, is based on the manipulation of impasto in light and flat neutrals in shadow. The variety of the subjects is reflected by the variety in the presentation of the different themes. The impact of the Musicians is more immediate than in other kinds of subjects. The musicians themselves seem to be totally engaged in the playing, and it is clearly directed outward to the audience.31 They sway to their music, are compressed in an insufficient spatial depth, and project their instruments through the picture plane, so that attention is concentrated on them, and close identification with their actions and emotions cannot be avoided. Some of the intimacy is retained in the Annunziata paintings, but the figures are oblivious to the audience, and the vulgar gaiety of the musicians has been reduced, perhaps because it is inappropriate to the sacred subjects. 28 Another version was in the 1 9 2 2 exhibition in Florence as from the Nino Ferrari Collection, Genoa. Egan has discussed the iconography. 29 For the many versions of this theme, see the Register. 30 T h e subjects are the Supper at Emmerns, Joseph Explaining Dreams in Prison and the Denial of St. Peter. They show considerable shopwork; Zampetti has published another version of the Denial of St. Peter (Rome, private collection) as the original of which the Annunziata painting is a copy. T h e numerous other versions of all three paintings have been listed by Mortari 1 9 5 5 . A copy of the Supper at Emmaus by Bernard Keil is in the Pallavicini Collection, Rome. " Z a m p e t t i (Exhibition Catalogue 1 9 5 9 f r , 4 8 ) cleverly notes that the musicians are arranged "Quasi che un invisibile 'direttore' sia sul punto di dare il 'via.' "

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O Though less infectious in their evocation of the mood, the astonishment of Christ's companions, the dispute involved in St. Peter's denial, the questioning speculation of the Joseph are very effective dramatically. These figures seem to act to themselves rather than to an audience; those in the St. Augustine altarpiece hardly act at all. They gesture meaningfully, but they do not move, and they lack inner force and motivation. The elegant, gentlemanly Van Dyckian Christ and the humble St. Augustine create an atmosphere of more refined sentiment. They are more slender and graceful figures, without the clumsy vitality of the Musicians or the Annunziata figures. Appropriately conceived in a grand scale, they are housed in a generous space that is fitted up with pretentious props and architectural details and a winged angel. The painter's intention seems to have been to suggest correct and inspiring religious ideas rather than to evoke intense emotions. Strozzi obviously understood the techniques for evocation of strong emotional reactions which Caravaggio utilized for exalted subjects, but Strozzi applied the techniques only to outright secular or to religious action subjects, the latent psychological force of which he recognized. He hesitated to carry the vulgarization of noble doctrinal subjects to Caravaggio's extremes. He used realistic detail, light, space, color, and narrative in a subject such as the Christ and St. Augustine·, but he was too discreet to suggest that the actions and even the thoughts of Christian ideal heroes could be identified with those of the vulgar common man. Strozzi soon turned away from Caravaggesque painting. It had dispelled the last traces of Mannerism from his style, but the influence of Van Dyck, the appeal of Venetian painting, and presumably the force of official taste, were too great to leave his Caravaggesque style undisturbed. In a later Joseph Explaining Dreams (Genoa, Palazzo Bianco), 32 Strozzi, in the late twenties still a Genoese painter, retained his own local Caravaggesque realistic types; he presented a convincing narrative, and exerted the emotional force of compressed space, but at the same time the decorative qualities of Venetian painting were irresistible to him. The pattern of the figures as figures and as areas of color against the background overcame all other considerations. With great brilliance, Strozzi revealed himself mindful of the lessons in human expressive content to be learned from Caravaggio, but he was more responsive to Baroque 83

Formerly in the collection of Marchese Palavicino. Variant on the Annunziata painting.

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splendor and its appeal to the senses. When at last he went to Venice in 1 6 3 1 , he did not leave the Caravaggesque inspiration behind, for it reappeared occasionally in such Venetian paintings as the late Davids, but he had demonstrated that his response to it, however exceptional in the profundity of his understanding, was only momentary. Strozzi's involvement with Caravaggism during the 1620s was not unique in Genoa, and several of his younger contemporaries were also associated with the movement, probably to a considerable extent as a result of his influence. Among them was Borzone's pupil, Silvestro Chiesa ( 1 6 2 3 - 1 6 5 7 ) , who painted portraits and altarpieces, of which only one has been identified as still existent. This is the Caravaggesque Miracle of the Blessed Joachim Piccolomini (Fig. 262), which was mentioned by Soprani-Ratti as one of a pair of paintings by Chiesa in S. Maria dei Servi, and which is now in the Palazzo Bianco. Another was a pupil of Fiasella, Luca Saltarello ( i 6 i o - c a . 1 6 5 5 ) who, according to Soprani-Ratti's sketchy biography,33 left his native Genoa to study in Rome, and stayed there until his death. The only painting mentioned in this biography, the Miracle of St. Benedict then and now in S. Stefano, Genoa (Fig. 263), 3 4 is anecdotal with faintly Caravaggesque naturalistic details. Two other younger contemporaries of Strozzi's, Gioacchino Assereto and Giovanni Andrea De' Ferrari, are better known and have left more complete oeuvres. Assereto was famous during his lifetime,35 then was forgotten and only recently has been rediscovered. He was born in Genoa in 1600, and, after studying with Borzone and Ansaldo, began his career as a modified Mannerist.36 By 1626, when he painted his only dated work, the altarpiece with Sts. John the Baptist, Bernardino, Catherine, Lucy, and George (parish church at Recco near Genoa), his manner had become Baroque, apparently mainly under 33

1 7 6 8 , I, 294· A Crucifixion of St. Peter by Saltarello was in the Giustiniani Collection. Longhi attempted to identify it with the painting of that subject now in the Hermitage, but the dimensions and the descriptions of the two paintings do not correspond. 38 He did a large number of altarpieces and frescoes in Genoa, many of which have been published by Castelnuovi 1 9 5 4 , 1 7 - 3 5 . Soprani-Ratti 1 7 6 8 , I, 2 7 6 , said he was kept very busy in and around Genoa, and was very popular abroad, particularly in Seville. 36 His earliest style is to be seen in the Circumcision in the Brera in Milan. Evidently it was painted under the influence of Cerano and Procaccini, probably soon after the letter's visit to Genoa about 1 6 1 8 (Soprani-Ratti 1 7 6 8 , I, 4 4 1 ) . In the Galleria Borghese, Rome, is a copy of the central part which della Pergola believes to be a late work, perhaps by an Englishman. 81

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Strozzi's influence. But the Recco altarpiece is in no way Caravaggesque, and presumably Assereto did not begin to respond to Caravaggism until somewhat later. His involvement with the style was brief, for when he went to Rome in 1639, 3 7 it had been superseded. He stayed in Rome about a year, but apparently ignored any Caravaggesque inspiration he might have found there; from the time of his return to Genoa until his death there in 1 6 4 9 , he showed no revival of interest in Caravaggism. Obviously Assereto's Caravaggesque phase was primarily derivative from the sources available in Genoa. These were not only Italian, for the influence of the northern European Caravaggists, specifically of Honthorst, van Baburen, and perhaps of T e r Brugghen, 38 is evident in his work. His greatest debt, however, was to Strozzi, whose Caravaggesque phase was similar and probably roughly coincidental in time. 39 This is evident in such of Assereto's paintings as the Adoration of the Shepherds (Genoa, private collection), 40 where naturalistic figures are arranged as a compact continuous mass so that there is a clear differentiation of positive from negative space. The intense light plays over the figures loosely but with sharp contrasts, creating an effect of considerable surface animation. The largeness of the figures, the rather staccato gestures, and the rich impasto clearly reflect the influence of Strozzi, as does the complexity of the relation between mass and space. In Assereto's Supper at Emmaus (Genoa, Willy Mowinckel Collection; Fig. 2 6 8 ) , 4 1 the influence of Strozzi is clearer still, even though the composition of the figures is closer to Caravaggio's Brera painting than to any of Strozzi's versions of the Supper. 37

According to Soprani-Ratti 1 7 6 8 , I, 2 6 8 . Assereto's Adoration of the Shepherds (Genoa, private collection) is closely related to Honthorst's Adoration of 1 6 2 0 (Florence, Uffizi), as Delogu has pointed out. Bonzi has observed that Assereto's Entombment (at one time in Berlin in the Remak collection, and now in Argentina) was derived from one of van Baburen's many versions of the same subject; it is closest to the one painted during 1 6 1 7 for S. Pietro in Montorio, Rome. A n d some similarities to T e r Brugghen's manner can be seen in Assereto's Martyrdom of St. Bartholomew (Genoa, Accademia Ligustica). 39 Castelnuovi has published an instance of Assereto's derivation from Strozzi, in the Coronation of the Virgin (in the Dominican Convent of T a g g i a ) , based on Strozzi's lost Last Judgment (originally in S. Domenico and now known through a preparatory sketch in the Palazzo Bianco). Longhi has published another instance which is specifically Caravaggesque, in the Esau Selling His Birthright (versions in the Hermitage, Leningrad, in the Palazzo Bianco, formerly in the Annunziata, and in Augsburg), based on the Strozzi formerly in the Ceci Collection. 40 Signed " G . A . " This painting is similar (although not identical) to the print in Landon of the Fiasella Nativity which was in the Giustiniani Collection. 41 Soprani mentioned three versions of this subject: two large paintings, one for the Oratory of S. Maria and the other for the Oratory of S. Croce, Genoa; the third was a sketch for a painting to go to the Oratory of S. Giacomo della Marina that was left unfinished when Assereto died. 38

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GENOA The simplification of the subject is extreme — the three figures, the table top, a loaf of bread, a carafe, and nothing else. The figures are enormous in the space, although their mass is not continuous around the empty central area. The light is strong, with accents scattered over the objects, but without such sharp contrasts between zones of light and zones of shadow as in the Adoration. The rich handling and the broad range of subtle hues once again seem derivative from Strozzi and from the common source of Van Dyck. Although the figures are by no means idealized, and Christ with his right hand and the figures on the left with both hands, make gestures almost identical to those of the same figures in Caravaggio's Brera painting, none of the three seems to have the rude and sober simplicity of Caravaggio's figures. And because of the greater movement indicated by their gestures and poses and emphasized by the compactness of their mass in the pictorial space, the figures seem more melodramatic than those in Caravaggio's Brera painting. Nonetheless, it is evident that Assereto, like Strozzi, understood the means by which Caravaggio made his subjects psychologically compelling rather than merely anecdotal, and that he utilized these means most effectively. Like Strozzi's, Assereto's Caravaggesque phase was brief. He turned away from it in response to the presence of Van Dyck. The magnificent Sampson and Delilah (Florence, Roberto Longhi Collection) demonstrates this well enough, particularly in its color, handling, and luxurious grandiloquence, but Assereto chose a crucial moment in the action comparable to that of Caravaggio's Conversion of St. Paul (Fig. 4 ) — the moment during which Sampson's great power is rendered impotent, so that the contrast between the trusting weakness of his helpless slumber and the treachery of the stealth of Delilah and her silent conspirators, is effectively shown. Assereto intensified this psychological drama by his use of great simple figure-masses crowded together in one side of an open and asymetrical space. As he matured, Assereto increasingly developed a decorative, often hieratic manner, so that from about 1 6 3 0 on, even this dramatic force, the only vestige of his Caravaggesque experience, vanished. Giovanni Andrea De' Ferrari was Strozzi's student. Born in Genoa in 1598, 4 2 he first studied with Bernardo Castello, but he soon left him to work 42

Giovanni Andrea had a younger brother Orazio ( 1 6 0 5 - 1 6 5 7 ) , who was a pupil of Ansaldo,

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with Strozzi. After several years, De' Ferrari set up on his own.43 His active career was not very long, because he was crippled by an illness which prevented him from working. His last dated painting, the Madonna del Carmine (Alassio, S. Ambrogio), was done during 1 6 3 5 . Eventually his illness forced him to give up painting entirely and he entered the Ospedale degli Incurabili in Genoa where he died in 1669. 44 His oeuvre consisted mainly of altarpieces, most of them large in scale and very few of them even faintly Caravaggesque. He did, however, carry out a few smaller paintings that were more or less Caravaggesque. De' Ferrari's earliest known works are a group of small canvasses ordered in 1 6 1 9 for a chapel, probably dedicated to the Virgin Mary, in the Convent of the Figlie di S. Giuseppe in Genoa.45 In these paintings, evidently done under Strozzi's influence, De' Ferrari had not yet developed his Caravaggesque manner.46 He had developed it by the time of the Isaac Blessing Jacob (Turin, Accademia Albertina; Fig. 265), 4 7 probably painted about 1 6 2 5 . The subject was conceived in terms of simple human narrative. It is represented by unidealized figures in bright and varied but natural colors, realistically illuminated from a source, presumably artificial, which creates a strong chiaroscuro effect. The aged Isaac would be at home in one of Strozzi's paintings,48 but the figures of Jacob and Rebecca are different: their physiognomies are pinched and angular; their bodies are less fleshy and robust, and their poses and actions are his uncle by marriage. Orazio also had some interest in Caravaggesque painting. His St. Augustine Washing the Feet of Christ (Fig. 2 6 1 ) , formerly in the SS. Crocifisso fuori la Porta del Lanterno but now in the Palazzo Bianco, Genoa, is clearly related to Strozzi's painting of the same subject. It can perhaps be described as a darkened version of Orazio Gentileschi, but it is a rarity. Orazio's usual style was a fusion of sentimental and naturalistic details with Emilian sfumato. " This must have been shortly before the little paintings in the Convent of the Figlie di San Giuseppe, that is, before 1 6 x 9 (n. 45 below). According to Soprani-Ratti 1 7 6 8 , I, 2 6 6 - 2 7 1 , he was so precocious that Strozzi treated him as a "compagno" rather than a "discepolo" and he began to obtain both public and private commissions at an early age, even before he left Strozzi's atelier. His pupils were numerous, and included Castiglione, Valerio Castello, and Bernardo Carbone. " Soprani-Ratti 1 7 6 8 , I, 270, reported having visited De' Ferrari in the hospital. " The documentation of the date was published by Falletti. The series consisted of ten small canvasses, representing scenes from the life of the Virgin. Eight survive. Falletti suggests that the chapel was dedicated to St. Joseph, as patron of the convent; but since the subject matter of the paintings is the Virgin, it is more likely that she was the patron of the chapel. " Such details as the girl blowing on a brazier (in the Birth of the Virgin') owe their origin to Cambiaso or Bassano rather than to Caravaggesque sources. " Griseri reattributes the painting from De' Ferrari's atelier to the master himself. She also suggests that it is a companion painting of the Tobias and the Angel in the Palazzo Bianco, and recognizes it as an early work, although proposing a date of ca. 1 6 3 0 . 48 Perhaps some distant but specific connection can be recognized with Strozzi's version of the same subject in the Museo Nazionale, Pisa (Fig. 2 6 4 ) . 2 0 8

GENOA a little clumsy; their draperies were painted with less impasto but also are less fluent; and articulation is awkward throughout the painting — in the draperies, in the figures, and in the space arrangement. Quite apart from qualitative differences, the Isaac Blessing Jacob shows that despite his long and cordial association with Strozzi, De' Ferrari was as much influenced in his Caravaggesque manner by Fiasella, and perhaps by Orazio Gentileschi as well.49 Esau Selling His Birthright (Genoa, Palazzo Bianco; Fig. 2 6 6 ) is the same kind of clumsy young rustic as Jacob in the Turin painting. The composition is further simplified and is better articulated, but the crispness of some of the outlines, the obvious interest in the draperies and the more purely decorative color seem to belong to one of the costume genre paintings Orazio was doing when he visited northern Italy instead of belonging to one of Strozzi's — or Caravaggio's — compelling narratives. The psychological interest that is minimal in the Esau and Jacob is highly developed in another Old Testament subject, the Drunkenness of Noah (Parma, Galleria Nazionale; Fig. 267), 6 0 although it is not intensely Caravaggesque in form. A few large figures are placed close to the picture plane in a shallow but adequate space with a landscape background that is only perfunctorily suggested. The light is unmistakably from an artificial source, and is sufficient to illuminate the figures with some highlights, but the rest of the scene is veiled in atmosphere so that the whole volume does not appear to be lighted. Contrasts between strong light and deep shadow are few, and the peripheral areas are in neutral tones instead of dark obscurity. Although the formal Caravaggesque elements are limited, the representation of the event has a Caravaggesque authenticity: the unkempt, mocking peasant on the left; the embarrassment of the large, rawboned sons, ineffectually attempting to conceal their father, one of them feebly scolding with his extended finger; and Noah drunkenly relaxed, oblivious to his disgrace. These, and a few other paintings, seem to comprise the whole of Giovanni 49

Some contact also with contemporary Neapolitan painting seems indicated by the Death of St. Joseph in the sacristy of the church of S. Nicolò, Genoa, which is close to Vaccaro's versions of the subject ( F i g . 2 0 9 ) . 60 Another version is in the Palazzo Bianco from the Accademia Ligustica, Genoa. A companion painting, representing the Sale of Joseph, is also in the Galleria Nazionale, Parma; both paintings were part of a private collection in Parma in 1 7 7 1 . A third painting in the same series is the Brothers' Return to Jacob (Rome, Galleria Corsini).

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Andrea's Caravaggesque phase. He painted a number of other genre scenes, usually of Old Testament subjects such as Jacob's Family (Genoa, Accademia Ligustica) which are cluttered with naturalistic details. But these were not derived from, nor even necessarily suggested by, his Caravaggesque experiences; rather they seem to have been inspired by the flourishing group of genre painters, both Italian and northern European, who worked in Genoa. De' Ferarri's nonCaravaggesque paintings are generally on a large scale, but they are anecdotal and descriptive rather than evocative and dramatic. The figures are idealized, their costumes and condition influenced by Van Dyck; and the artistic purpose seems to have been fundamentally decorative rather than expressive. After Assereto and G. A. De' Ferrari, no other significant Genoese painter tried his hand at Caravaggism. It had been the first clearly Baroque style to be influential in an area still dominated by late Mannerism; but it was almost immediately outdated by the arrival of Van Dyck, who broke the hold of Mannerism over Genoese painting by introducing his opulent Full Baroque manner to the city. Because his was fundamentally an anti-Caravaggesque style, Van Dyck's influence drew Genoese painters away from Caravaggism almost as soon as they had discovered it, and prevented them from lingering over it. Thus, based on second-hand sources, opposed no less by Van Dyck's brilliant new style than by the firmly entrenched Mannerist tradition, Caravaggism was superseded almost as soon as it was introduced, and never amounted to more than a fugitive incident in the history of Genoese painting.

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J L H E Caravaggesque movements in Rome, Naples, and Genoa extended their influence into the surrounding districts; but their activities were focused on the cities, the compactness of which made possible regular, intimate contacts of resident artists with each other and with local pictorial traditions. The result was the development of distinctive local styles which were encouraged by generous patronage. In Tuscany (and in the other northern Italian regions, as in Sicily) the situation was different. Florence, the largest and most prosperous Tuscan city and the capital, did not totally dominate the Grand Duchy. Although its political power was great, it was not absolute;1 and artistically it had faltered after its triumphs of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Thus, the lesser Tuscan cities, cherishing their own historical identities and maintaining their consciousness of an existence apart from that of Florence, developed some artistic as well as political independence. None brought to light very brilliant art, but they were at least not completely overshadowed. The result was that Tuscan Caravaggesque activity consisted of individuals working more or less independently of each other in several cities, in Siena, Pisa, and Lucca, rather than consisting of a group collaborating in one. Although Florence was not the active center of a unified regional Caravaggesque group, it was nevertheless a kind of focal point, which most Tuscan painters probably visited. In Florence, they would have seen one of the largest collections of Caravaggesque paintings north of Rome, including two or three 1

The Medici ruled only Pisa as an integral part of Florentine territory. They governed Siena, but they administered it separately from their other possessions. Lucca was independent.

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by Caravaggio — the Medusa (Florence, Uffizi), 2 the Sleeping Putto (Florence, Pitti), 3 and perhaps the Bacchus (Fig. i ) . 4 They could not have met Caravaggio himself there, at least not during his maturity;5 but they might have had some kind of contact, either in person or by means of paintings, with a number of his followers. Orazio Gentileschi had left Tuscany long before Caravaggism had been thought of, but he maintained contact with the city throughout his career; and his daughter Artemisia stayed there for a decade or more during the teens and twenties.6 Several other Caravaggesque painters passed through Florence: Caroselli arrived in 1 6 1 0 for a visit of unknown duration, Caracciolo was there during the teens, and Vouet and Honthorst during the early twenties.7 Manfredi, like Caravaggio, visited the city, if at all, only when he was a boy traveling from his home in Lombardy to Rome; but he was known and respected8 not only in Florence where the Grand Duke "Painted in Rome about 1 5 9 6 , and sent to Florence by Cardinal del Monte during 1608 as a not very appropriate wedding gift to the Grand Duke Cosimo II. " Probably painted in Malta during 1608, it was in Florence by 1 6 1 8 . An excellent copy of the Caravaggio original is in the Clowes Collection at Indianapolis; it has been published by Friedlaender as an autograph Caravaggio. 4 Mentioned by Baglione as among Caravaggio's first works in Rome and discovered by Longhi and Marangoni during World War I in the Uffizi storerooms. The history of the painting is unknown; conceivably it was in Florence early in the seventeenth century. 8 He probably passed through the city as a youth on his way to Rome. A rumor, later denied by implication, that Caravaggio had fled Rome to Florence in 1606 was reported by the Modenese ambassador to Rome (Venturi 1 9 1 o, 2 8 2 ) . Neither of these visits is substantiated by documents. If the first took place, as is likely, it was too early in his career for the adolescent Caravaggio to have had any influence; the second probably did not take place, and if it did it must have been very brief. * It seems likely that Artemisia was more influential in Tuscany than her father. The 1 6 1 5 letter of the Grand Duke's Secretary of State to his ambassador in Rome shows that while Artemisia's works were already admired in Florence, Orazio was known only by name, ironically enough simply as Artemisia's father (Crinó i 9 6 0 , 2 6 4 ) . Possibly the development of Manetti's and Vignali's Caravaggesque manners during the mid-twenties was stimulated by Artemisia's example, which may also have suggested to Paolini the desirability of going to Rome during 1 6 1 9 ; Mina Gregori 1 9 6 2 , 38-39, sees her influence already in the paintings of 1 6 1 7 in the Casa Buonarotti. 7 In his letter (Bottari-Ticozzi 1 8 2 2 , I, 3 3 i f f . ) written from Genoa in May 1 6 2 1 to Cassiano del Pozzo in Rome, Vouet said he was planning to return to Rome via Milan, Bologna, and Florence. Judson 1 9 5 9 , 4 1 n. 2, has demonstrated that Honthorst did not have a studio in Florence as some authorities have supposed, at least in 1 6 2 0 . Any visit which Honthorst made to Florence at that time must have been brief, because he was back in Utrecht by October 1 6 2 0 . However, he probably passed through Florence on his way to Rome. Because he was patronized by the Grand Duke (for whom he painted the Merry Company, Fig. 1 4 5 , and the Nativity, Fig. 1 4 4 , both now in the Uffizi), and the Giucciardini (for whose family chapel in S. Felicità he painted the Adoration of the Shepherds, now in the Uffizi), he is likely to have passed through Florence again on his way back home to Utrecht. In any case, by 1 6 2 1 , Honthorst was represented in Florence by at least these three paintings. 8 Mancini 1 9 5 6 , I, 2 5 1 , wrote that the members of "L'Accademia dei pittori di Fiorenza" thought so well of Manfredi that they asked for his portrait. 2

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had done him the honor of buying several of his pictures, and at high prices, but also in Siena, where a drawing or painting by his hand was much admired.9 Like the Genoese, Tuscans — particularly Florentines — apparently became aware of Caravaggio and Caravaggism some time before any painter in the region began to allow Caravaggesque elements an important role in his style. Already in the first decade, borrowings from Caravaggio appeared in the work of such non-Caravaggesque painters as Jacopo Chimenti da Empoli ( 1 5 5 4 - 1 6 4 0 ) and Lodovico Cardi called il Cigoli ( 1 5 5 9 - 1 6 1 3 ) . Cigoli's Ecce Homo (Pitti; Fig. 272), painted in Rome in actual competition with Caravaggio,10 was probably an imitation of his earlier version of the subject. The composition of Jacopo's Supper at Emmaus (Los Angeles, County Museum; Fig 2 7 0 ) seems to have been derived from Caravaggio's version in the Brera in Milan (Fig. 1 9 ) . The head of the saint on the right, and the gesture of the saint on the left also seem Caravaggesque; but perhaps Jacopo's greatest debt to Caravaggio was for the still life. Jacopo also painted pure still lifes, in a style for which he was indebted to Caravaggism. Giuseppe De Logu has recently published a pair belonging to Maestro Francesco Molinari Pradelli, Bologna, one of which is dated 1625. While the objectivity with which individual elements have been observed is clearly Caravaggesque, the compositions are less so. For the paintings are based on the shallow two-dimensional placement of objects typical of early Baroque Bolognese still life rather than on the massing of objects typical of Caravaggesque still life. The same is true of Jacopo's two still lifes in the Pitti, one of which is signed and dated 1624 (Fig. 271 ). Cristoforo Allori ( 1 5 7 7 - 1 6 2 1 ) , Giovanni da San Giovanni ( 1 5 9 2 - 1 6 3 6 ) , and several other painters who were basically non-Caravaggesque, continued to introduce Caravaggesque details into their paintings during the second and later decades. Allori's Judith with the Head of Holofernes (Pitti, Fig. 2 7 3 ) , seems certainly related to the Gentileschi, and shows a modification of the basically Emilian sfumato by sharp contrasts between light and dark remi0 Mancini noted "la meglior cosa che forse habbia fatta" in Siena, in the house of "cavalier Chigi." T h e notation is illegible, so it is not known what this work of art was. It may have been a drawing; or perhaps, as Salerno ingeniously suggests, it represented a battle scene. 10 W h e n the sponsor of the competition, Msgr. Massimi, died, Cigoli's painting was sold to Giovanni Battista Severi, the musician to the Prince Lorenzo de' Medici (died 1 6 4 8 ) . T h e painting then entered the royal collections in Florence. A copy, apparently autograph, is in the Musée Fabre, Montpellier. Cigoli's pupil, Sigismondo Coccapani ( 1 5 8 3 - 1 6 4 2 ) seems occasionally to have used a mild form of Caravaggism.

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O niscent of Caravaggesque chiaroscuro. 11 In 1 6 1 8 Giovanni da San Giovanni used Caravaggio's Sleeping Putto as his model for a similar figure in fresco on the façade of the Palazzo Antella in Florence. 12 His light-hearted contemporary anecdotal genre scenes can be interpreted as a kind of early bambocciante painting; for example, his Matrimonial (Florence, Pitti), painted for Prince Lorenzo de' Medici, and mentioned by Baldinucci as expressing "un suo nuovo concetto." A number of other Florentine painters, like the Giustiniani protégé Anastasio Fontebuoni (ca. 1 5 8 0 - 1 6 2 6 ) , Matteo Rosselli ( 1 5 7 8 - 1 6 5 1 ) , and his student Lorenzo Lippi ( 1 6 0 5 - 1 6 6 5 ) , seem also to have had some awareness of Caravaggesque painting, and the Medici court portraitist, Justus Sutterman or Sustermans ( 1 5 9 7 - 1 6 8 1 ) , occasionally indulged in such genre paintings as the Hunters (Florence, Pitti), apparently with some Caravaggesque inspiration. A few painters, such as Cigoli's follower and assistant, Giovanni Bilivert ( 1 5 7 6 - 1 6 4 4 ) , 1 3 tried their hands at a thoroughly Caravaggesque painting or two, but without seriously taking up the manner. Bilivert's Martyrdom of St. Callixtus (Rome, Palazzo di S. Callisto; Fig. 2 7 4 ) , was painted during 1 6 0 6 1607 in Rome, when Caravaggio's works made their first impact on him. Aside from the color, it is a surprisingly effective imitation of Caravaggio, but it was apparently unique in Bilivert's oeuvre; by 1 6 1 2 his Tobias' Gifts (Florence, Pitti), 14 shows no specifically Caravaggesque characteristics. Not until about 1 6 1 5 did any Tuscan painter take more than a passing interest in Caravaggism. The arrival of Artemisia Gentileschi in Florence and the Grand Duke's purchases of paintings by Manfredi and Honthorst no doubt encouraged attention to the style. But the visit to Rome was the sine qua non for real indoctrination into it. Each of the three or four Tuscans who was most responsive, visited Rome shortly before or shortly after 1 6 1 5 ; significantly, 11

Mentioned by Mancini, who indicates that it was being painted during 1 6 1 6 . Baldinucci says that the Judith is a portrait of the artist's mistress, the old woman of her mother, and the Holofernes a self-portrait, and that the painting was done for Cardinal Alessandro Orsini. Several preparatory drawings survive in the Uffizi. 12 This fresco has since disappeared, but is known through Baldinucci's reference to it and through the drawing ( U f f i z i ) published by Gigliolo. 13 His father was a native of Maastricht named Bylevelt who spent most of his adult life in Florence as the Grand Duke Ferdinand's jeweler. Bilivert (as name was spelled in Italy) went to Rome with Cigoli about 1 6 0 4 , and returned to Florence in 1 6 0 8 . Bilivert spent the rest of his life in Tuscany, patronized by the royal family. 14 Painted for the Florentine Senator Giovanni Cerretani. Signed and dated " G . B. 1 6 1 2 . " Replicas in the Pallavicini Collection, Rome, and in the Hermitage, Leningrad.

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TUSCANY none was a Florentine. Two, Francesco Rustici and Rutilio Manetti, were Sienese; a third, Orazio Riminaldi, was a Pisan; the fourth, the slightly younger Pietro Paolini, was from Lucca. Lanzi 1 5 described Rustici (also called Rustichino) as a "gentile caravaggesco;" but on the basis of the little now known of him, it is not possible to demonstrate that he was a Caravaggist of any sort. Whether he was or not, he may have taken back from Rome to Siena reports of Caravaggism that aroused the interest of his contemporary Rutilio Manetti. 16 Manetti, who was born in Siena in 1 5 7 1 , began his career as a reformed Mannerist. 17 He had apparently become aware of Caravaggism by 1 6 1 6 when he painted the Death of the Blessed Anthony Patrizi (Monticiano, S. Agostino), which seems to be reflective of the Gentileschis, perhaps through direct contact with Artemisia or through seeing some of her paintings or her father's. Although Mancini referred to him as working in Siena, no notice of Manetti appears there from 1 6 1 6 to 1 6 2 1 , and presumably he spent these years in Rome, where he was no doubt in contact with Caravaggesque painters, particularly Orazio Gentileschi and Manfredi. However, he was eclectic, and for ten years during and after his visit to Rome, his art was unsetded. About 1 6 2 1 , in the Resurrection (Siena, S. Nicolò in Sasso), Guido Reni's influence is primary, though some details may be Caravaggesque; the signed and dated 15 1 8 3 4 , I» 306. Baldinucci 1808, XII, 1 0 0 - 1 0 2 , did not associate Rustichino with Caravaggism, nor did Mancini. His birthdate is unknown. His father Vincenzo, a painter as were his grandfather and his uncle, was born in 1 5 5 6 ; Rustichino was active by 1600, so he was probably born about 1 5 7 5 . He was in Rome between 1 6 0 5 and 1 6 1 5 , and died in Siena in 1 6 2 6 . Lanzi cited two paintings as typical of his "gentle" Caravaggism: the Dying Magdalen (Florence, Pitti) which is by Manetti with whom Lanzi may have confused him (see n. 1 8 below) and the Healing of St. Sebastian (Rome, Galleria Borghese), which was described by Manilli, and was perhaps purchased by the Borghese from the painter in Rome. But it is not Caravaggesque, nor is the Vision of St. Catherine (Siena, S. Maria in Provenzano), mentioned by Mancini. Two of the attributions proposed by Longhi are unacceptable: the Rest on the Flight to Egypt (Florence, Pitti; Fig. 1 8 4 ) is by Caracciolo, and the Deposition (formerly Berlin, Kaiser-Friedrich Museum) is listed in the Giustiniani inventory as by David de Haen. 10 The principal modern source for Manetti is Cesare Brandi's monograph of 1 9 3 1 , which is comprehensive and documented, although some of the attributions have been questioned. To Brandi's corpus should be added the Sampson and Delilah (Mexico City, Museo de la Academia) of the 1620s. " He was a pupil first of Francesco Vanni, then of Ventura Salimbeni. Typical of his preCaravaggesque phase is the Martyrdom of St. Ansanus (now in the Pinacoteca of Siena but formerly in the Palazzo Pubblico, together with a lost Nativity). It is signed and dated "Rutilius Manettus Faciebat 1 6 1 3 . " Soavizzi notes that this painting, Salimbeni's Crucifixion of St. Peter (Fig. 2 4 6 ) , and Saraceni's Martyrdom of St. Agapito (Fig. 90), seem to be derived from the same source, perhaps a lost Barocci.

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O Rest on the Flight to Egypt (Siena, S. Pietro alle Scale) of 1 6 2 1 , is evidently indebted to Emilian painting. So also is the Guercinesque Death of the Magdalen (Florence, Pitti). 18 But in the Roger and Alcina (Florence, Pitti; Fig. 2 7 6 ) , 1 9 the influence of the northern Caravaggists is unmistakable, particularly that of Honthorst whose Merry Company (Florence, Uffizi; Fig. 1 4 5 ) Manetti might have seen at Poggio Imperiale after 1620. The faces and figure types suggest those of Paul Bor, who was in Italy until 1628. 2 0 By 1628, Manetti had achieved a more settled style, of which the recently restored St. Anthony of Vienna Exorcising an Obsessed Woman (Siena, S. Domenico; Fig. 2 8 0 ) 2 1 is typical. Traces of Mannerism remain in the static gestures of the figures, in the emphasis on outlines, and in the cluttered planear space. These two-dimensional planear effects are contradicted by the focus of attention in the painting on the central three-dimensional space occupied by the saint and the possessed woman. Emphasized by the diagonal gesture of the repoussoir female figure in the lower right, this central space establishes the composition as essentially three- rather than two-dimensional and therefore, however ambiguously, as Baroque emergent from Mannerism. Though its effects have been ruined by the deterioration of the pigment, the light apparently was naturalistic, falling on the figures and the ground (though not on the landscape background) consistently from the left. There is an evident attempt to use realistic types, even though they are clothed in fancy dress — some of the male costumes are reminiscent of those of Caravaggio's or Manfredi's bravi, and the woman in the lower right is dressed in the satins and brocades which so delighted the Gentileschi. M Once attributed to Rustichino by Baldinucci who saw it at Poggio Imperiale, the painting is authenticated as Manetti's by a print which is signed "Rut. Manettus pinsit. Sen. Ber. Capitellus del. et f. Rom. 1 6 2 7 . "

™ Signed "Rutilius Manettus." Brandi dates the painting 1 6 2 4 - 1 6 2 5 on the basis of similarities he sees between it and the Birth of the Virgin (Siena, S. Maria dei Servi), which is signed 1 6 2 5 . Gregori 1 9 6 2 , 3 8 , has established the subject (the painting having previously been identified only as a wedding party) and gives the history of the painting as a commission of Cardinal Carlo de' Medici done shortly after 1 6 2 2 for the Casino Mediceo (now the Corte d'Assise) on the Via Cavour. 20 Brandi collected together a group of paintings designed to indicate that Manetti was very active as a genre painter. They are not signed or dated except for the Allegory of Vanity (Florence, Longhi Collection), now universally accepted as by Caroselli, despite the R M initials. At least one of the others, the Musical with a Drinker in the Chigi Saraceni Collection in Siena, is by Manetti himself; the Soldiers Playing Cards (Siena, G. Grisaldi del Taia Collection) seems however to be by an unidentified French follower of Manfredi. 21 Signed and dated "Rutilius Manettus Sen. Fecit A . D . 1 6 2 8 . " Painted for the Guelfi altar in the church from funds left by Ostilio Guelfi. A preparatory study is in the Uffizi. 2 I 6

TUSCANY A few years later, during 1 6 3 1 , in his St. Eligius Resurrecting a Man from the Dead (Siena, Pinacoteca; Fig. 2 8 1 ) , 2 2 Manetti achieved a fully Baroque Caravaggesque style. A diagonal recession into depth is created by means of the repoussoir figure of the halberdier dandy in the right foreground; this recession is continuous from the halberdier to the main figure group into the architectural background on the left. Although a dense cluster of animated figures is behind the saint, the foreground is empty except for the halberdier, so the painting seems spacious and the view of the main figures is unobstructed. This is further emphasized by the contrast of the height of the old saint and his rich vestments with the horizontal lines of the supine, naked corpse, and by the concentration of light upon them. This painting has deteriorated and darkened also, but less badly than the S. Domenico altarpiece, so that the effect of a strong light from the left is retained. Though the miracle takes place outof-doors against an architectural setting, the light source is apparently an artificial one. It falls only on the figures and the ground in front of them, without touching the buildings; it is so controlled that within the figure group it is concentrated on five or six bodies and faces and merely brushes a few accents over the equal number of figures left in shadow; it is intense, without any diffusion and with a minimum of areas transitional into the sharply defined shadows. This light effect establishes the harmonious color scheme in the painting, which has the quality of a generally cool atmosphere. However, the variety of stuffs makes possible a broad range of hues, intense in light and contrasting with the neutral grey-brown shadow areas. The figures themselves are also naturalistic. The halberdier brings to mind the bravi of Cecco del Caravaggio; and the other figures seem to be ordinary models directly observed from nature, although some of them show signs of Manetti's tendency to be overgenerous with rich fabrics in complex patterns of folds. As for the action, it is more convincing because it is less agitated than that of the S. Domenico painting. The placement of all except one of the figures behind the saint and the corpse is arbitrary, because they might in actuality be expected to cluster around, like those in Caravaggio's Burial of St. Lucy. They appear to act to emphasize the dignity, importance, and power of the saint as a miraculously endowed human being rather than as an exalted official. 22

Dated with the inscription "L'Università e Arte degli Orefici A.D. M D C X X X I . " Originally in S. Pietro Buio (or in Bianchi) then in S. Giovannino in Pantaneto until 1 8 1 7 .

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If Manetti could paint in so effective a Caravaggesque style early in the thirties, he did so erratically. Although in 1630, in the ruined Mass of St. Cerbonius (Siena, S. Maria in Provenzano; Fig. 2 7 9 ) 23 he included a celestial gloria without losing his basically naturalistic mode of representation, five years later in the altarpiece of the Miracle of the Blessed Salvator da Orta (painted for S. Francesco in Lucca, but now in the Pinacoteca there) 24 he deserted his Caravaggesque manner. According to Brandi, the Blessed Salvator is part shopwork done by Manetti's son, Domenico. The other two paintings by Manetti in Lucca, the contemporary Circumcision (S. Romano) 25 and the Triumph of David (Pinacoteca; Fig. 278), 2 6 appear also to be the work of less skillful hands. The Triumph of David, though less crowded than the Blessed Salvator, is a weaker painting, and shows few traces of Caravaggism. Both light and color are antinaturalistic, and although the David is a young-faced bravo who looks like the Goliath's head in the Caravaggesque painting in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, Manetti seems in this painting to be more an imitator of Guido Reni than of Caravaggio.27 Almost simultaneously however — in 1636 — Manetti produced a painting such as the St. Matthew (collection of G. Grisaldi del Taia, Siena) 28 that is unmistakably Caravaggesque in conception, execution, and detail. The saint seems to be an Artemisia model wearing Saraceni's sash and pointing to himself with Caravaggio's gesture. The last painting of Manetti's oeuvre, the St. Thomas of Villanova (Florence, S. Spirito; Fig. 2 7 7 ) , which is signed by 23 Signed "Opus Rutilij Mane:iis Sen. An. Do. 1 6 3 0 . " Commissioned by Manetti's patron Fabio Piccolomini, Bishop of Massa. For Msgr. Piccolomini, Manetti also painted a Visitation with Sts. Cerbonius and Bernardino (Massa Marittima, S. Agostino), and Brandi 1 9 3 1 , 1 2 5 η. ι , supposes that he may have visited Massa. 24 Signed and dated "Rutilius Manettus, Sen. F. 1 6 3 5 . " A sketch for the painting is in the Uffizi. 25 Signed and dated "R. M. M D C X X X V I " although Brandi believes it to be "almost exclusively by students and not even by the most able. . . ." 26 Signed and dated "R. M. 1 6 3 7 . " A monochrome sketch for the whole painting is in the ChigiSaraceni Collection in Siena and a sketch for the group of maidens is in the Uffizi. At one time in the Pitti according to Baldinucci and Lanzi, although mentioned also as at Poggio a Caiano. 27 The subject was a popular one, treated by both Stanzione and Vaccaro, and more to the point by Matteo Rosselli (in 1 6 2 1 for Cardinal Gian Carlo de' Medici, and again in 1 6 3 0 , in the signed and dated Louvre painting) and by Giovanni Bilivert shortly later. 28 Signed and dated "R.M.S. Gusmè 1 6 3 6 . " Brandi 1 9 3 1 , 1 3 2 , points out that the subject cannot be St. Gusmè (Cosmos) instead of St. Matthew, so that the inscription probably refers to the place where Manetti painted it.

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TUSCANY Rutilio but is almost entirely the work of Domenico, shows a return to the Caravaggesque reportorial style of the St. Eligius altarpiece. Thus, Manetti in his maturity appears to have vacillated between two styles. Both styles were passed on to his local followers and imitators, but f e w of them achieved any distinction. 29 However, Manetti's travels and his commissions in Lucca, Massa Marittima, Florence, and Pisa 30 made him as effective a force for the propagation of Caravaggesque painting in Tuscany as either Artemisia Gentileschi or the paintings in the royal collections. In Pisa Caravaggism was limited to a f e w works by Orazio Riminaldi 3 1 who had been born there during 1586, 32 and had had his early training there from Aurelio Lomi. W h e n Riminaldi went to Rome, about 161 o, he became a pupil of Lomi's half-brother and former student, Orazio Gentileschi, who probably indoctrinated him into Caravaggism, despite Lanzi's claim 3 3 that he was more influenced by Manfredi. Riminaldi apparently stayed in Rome until 1626 or 1627 and was very successful there. 34 He returned to Pisa in 29 Manetti's followers included one of some importance, Nicolò Tornioli (before 1622-ca. 1 6 5 2 ) . His manner is basically closer to Bolognese and Emilian painting, but some faint Caravaggesque traces can be found in a few of his paintings such as the Astronomers (Roma, Galleria Spada; Fig. 2 6 9 ) , and in the Calling of St. Matthew (Rouen, Musée des Beaux Arts) which was once attributed to Valentin, and which is reversed but nonetheless clearly derived from Caravaggio's painting. Other followers of Manetti, in addition to his son Domenico ( 1 6 0 9 - 1 6 6 3 ) were a number of mediocre provincials, including the engraver Bernardino Capitelli ( 1 5 8 9 - 1 6 3 9 ) , Stefano Volpi (died 1 6 4 2 ) , and Simondio Salimbeni ( 1 5 9 7 - 1 6 4 3 ) . 30 Morrona 1 8 1 2 , I, 264, noted an Elijah and the Angel in the apse of the Pisa Cathedral which he says Manetti painted in a Caravaggesque style during 1626. He also noted a painting representing the Martyrdom of St. Torpè by Manetti in S. Frediano, and suggested that the Preaching of St. John the Baptist in S. Sisto might also be by Manetti. 31 It should be noted that Rombouts visited Pisa during the early twenties, and that Giulio Gentileschi, returned from England where he had gone with his father Orazio, spent the winter of 1 6 2 7 - 1 6 2 8 with relatives in Pisa (Saintsbury 1859, 3 1 1 - 3 1 2 ) . However, apparently no paintings of Orazio's were in Pisa; for even Morrona, campanilista that he was, mentioned none. 32 Baldinucci 1808, XII, 168, gave the date as 1598. It was corrected by Morrona 1 8 1 2 , II, 496, whose life of Riminaldi was based in part on seventeenth-century sources that are now lost. 83 1834, I, 2 1 4 . Morrona, following Lanzi and Baldinucci, wrote that Riminaldi also studied with Domenichino, after Orazio Gentileschi's departure from Rome, that is, after 1 6 2 1 . Apparently the admired but lost Martyrdom of St. Bona which was in S. Martino, Pisa, was painted under Domenichino's influence. Baldinucci implies that it was painted in Pisa, after Riminaldi's return from Rome; Morrona was not sure whether it was painted before Riminaldi went to Rome or just after he arrived there. It was signed "Orazio Riminaldi Pisano fecit"; it might then be assumed to have been a late Roman work, painted between 1 6 2 1 and 1626. 34 He and his brother Giovanni Battista are documented in Rome in 1624 (Bousquet 1959, 8 0 ) . Morrona listed an impressive number of commissions obtained by Riminaldi in Rome, including a Martyrdom of St. Catherine for the Grand Master of the Knights of Malta, an altarpiece of St.

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order to paint the dome in the Cathedral, began in 1 6 2 7 , but left it unfinished when he died of the plague in 1 6 3 1 . 3 5 Although well enough known during his lifetime to have been asked to work on the chapel of S. Gennaro in Naples, and to have been invited to France by the Queen (presumably Marie de' Medici), 36 Riminaldi produced so little that his paintings were rareties even to his contemporaries. Aside from the paintings in the Cathedral,37 only three subjects which can certainly be ascribed to him survive. They are the Amor Artificier (Florence, Pitti, from the collection of Prince Ferdinando de' Medici; Fig. 2 8 2 ) , the several versions of the Healing of St. Sebastian (Fig. 284), 3 8 and the Martyrdom of St. Cecilia (Pisa, Museum; Fig. 285). 3 9 This last painting was executed in Rome.40 Large in scale and spacious in setting, it is Riminaldi's masterpiece, and also his most Caravaggesque work. Its dramatic action is concentrated on only three figures; and these are brilliantly illuminated by an artificial light in front that throws Philip Neri with the Virgin and St. Jerome and other Saints for "la Città d'Aquila," a standard with Sts. Jacob and Philip for Assisi, and paintings for Paris, Avignon, and the Duke of Savoy (an Atalanta and Meleager with the Head of the Caledonian Boar), as well as for private collections. " T h i s date was documented by Morrona 1 8 1 2 , II, 505. Riminaldi's work was completed by his brother Girolamo, a mediocrity. M Lanzi 1834, I, 2 1 5 . " A sketch for the dome is in the Pisa Museum. Riminaldi also did two paintings for the apse, representing Moses and the Bronzen Serpent and Sampson's Massacre of the Philistines. 38 Versions in the Galleria Campori, Modena, in the Villa Albani, Rome, which Salerno attributes to G. B. Vanni, in Vicenza, and in Tours. The subject is mentioned by Baldinucci as one Riminaldi painted for Curzio Coeli, the rector of the Pisa Cathedral. 38 According to Morrona, the subject is the Martyrdom of St. Catherine. It was originally painted in Rome for S. Stefano Rotondo, but was never installed because of conflict between Riminaldi and the Chapter. It was then taken to Pisa and installed, apparently after Riminaldi's death, in S. Caterina. Prince Ferdinando de' Medici wanted it for the Pitti, so it was replaced in the church with a copy by Domenico Gabbiani. Longhi rediscovered it in Pisa, where it had been returned from Florence and reinstalled in S. Caterina. 40 To these paintings by Riminaldi may possibly be added the following: ( 1 ) Sacred and Profane Love in the collection of N. U. Architetto Andrea Busiri-Vici, Rome (Fig. 286). Professor Donald Posner has pointed out to me that the pose of Sacred Love is the same as that of Adam in the Expulsion from Eden (Paris, Louvre) by the Cavaliere d'Arpino. Despite the relation of the painting to the versions of the subject by Baglione and the Roman Caravaggists, its strongly Mannerist character makes the attribution to Riminaldi questionable. ( 2 ) David with the Head of Goliath (Turin, Galleria Sabauda; Fig. 283). This painting has been traditionally attributed to Mattia Preti. Baudi di Vesme noted that the painting was once attributed to Leonello Spada. Professor Posner has observed the close similarity of this painting to the various versions of the Healing of St. Sebastian, and on this basis it seems likely that it may be by Riminaldi. Perhaps it can be identified as the David attributed to Ribera, in the collection of the Duke of Savoy in 1 6 3 1 . ( 3 ) A Victorious Love (Munich, private collection; formerly in Zurich) which Voss has recently published with a likely attribution to Riminaldi.

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TUSCANY them into relief against the murky background. The executioner, a virile and brutal figure, is derived from the similar figure in Caravaggio's Martyrdom of St. Matthew (Fig. 8), where Riminaldi also found the prototype for the angel. St. Cecilia's head and shoulders seem to have been inspired by Caravaggio himself; traces of Orazio Gentileschi's influence can be seen in the saint's drapery and in the architectural setting, and surely the forceful conception of the subject recalls Manfredi and his followers. A similar kind of formulation can be recognized in the Amor Artificier. Remotely related in composition to Caravaggio's Doria-Capitoline St. John the Baptist (Fig. 9 ) and in subject to Caravaggio's Victorious Amor (Fig. 1 0 ) , the Pitti painting shows a softened chiaroscuro applied to a piece of classicized genre painting — a competent, typical, and unexceptional example of the Tuscan modification of Caravaggio prototypes, comparable to Manetti's almost contemporary Rest on the Flight to Egypt and typifying Riminaldi's mature Tuscan style. Despite the compact space organization, suggestive of an earlier date, the Healing of St. Sebastian seems to belong with the Pitti painting, particularly for its softened chiaroscuro. Carried a little further, the conception of the subject would have been merely sentimental; but enough of the vigorous realism of the Martyrdom of St. Cecilia remained to make it tender without excessive pathos. In Lucca there was one distinguished Caravaggesque painter, Pietro Paolini. Born there in 1603, Paolini went to Rome in 1 6 1 9 . He had returned to Lucca to settle down by about 1633, after a visit of two years in Venice. By 1640, he must have been well established, for during that year he founded an academy. He died in 1681. 4 1 Baldinucci reports that Paolini was a student of Caroselli's; this is evident in his signed Musical (New York, Wildenstein and Company; Fig. 287), 4 2 which is what Caroselli, with his passion for pretty girls, might well have 41

These dates are from Belli 1 9 5 3 , 2 9 7 , and from Ottani 1 9 6 3 , 2 1 . According to Baldinucci 1 8 0 8 , XIII, 3 3 , Paolini went to Rome in 1 6 2 3 and was forced to return to Lucca after the death of his parents in the plague of 1 6 3 0 left him with ten younger brothers and sisters to support. Although he painted no frescoes, he had many commissions for large-scale altarpieces, a number of which survive in the churches of Lucca. " Signed with a monogram PPL. Formerly in the Czernin Collection, Vienna. In his review of the Sarasota "Figures at a Table" exhibition, Benedict Nicholson suggests, "if it is too crude to be actually by him, certainly connected with Caroselli."

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painted as a companion43 to Caravaggio's Musical (Metropolitan Museum, New York). It is also reflective of Valentin's paintings,44 and in the elaboration of drapery particularly the heavy brocades, it shows the influence of Orazio Gentileschi or Spadarino. Paolini's Musical exactly corresponds with part of Baldinucci's description of a painting he did for Lelio Orsetti of Lucca; but the remainder of the description makes it clear that Baldinucci was writing about a different painting.45 The eclecticism, together with the uneven quality of the Musical,46 makes it certain to be an early work, painted in Rome, probably very soon after Paolini's arrival there. Paolini apparently learned versatility from Caroselli, for he worked not only in a lyrical style, derived from Caravaggio's early manner, but also in a much darker and more dramatic style. Baldinucci wrote47 that he excelled in painting "profound darks" and that his genius was in painting subjects which were "tragic" and "cruel." He used this second style when he returned to Lucca and began painting public commissions. Probably the Martyrdom of St. Ponzianus (Lucca, Pinacoteca; Fig. 290), 4 8 was one of these, painted soon after Paolini's return from Rome. The sharp chiaroscuro contrasts, the brilliant hues in high-lighted areas, and the vulgar, even brutal, types all appear to be derivative from Manfredi. The armored soldier, for example, seems to be close kin to the similar figure in the Denial of St. Peter (Fig. 1 0 5 ) which is attributed 43

The dimensions of Paolini's Musical ( 1 3 3 . 5 by 99 cm.) are somewhat larger than those of Caravaggio's ( 1 1 8 . 5 t'y 92 cm.) which however has probably been cut down some. " Such details as the bright red sleeve on the extended arm of the lute-playing girl on the far right were taken directly from Valentin, whose bright and varied colors seem to have influenced Paolini as much as his arrangement of the figures. Valentin's influence is also evident in the Three Ages of Man (Lucca, Collection of Marchese Mazzarosa). 45 The first part of Baldinucci's description reads ". . . alcune femmine, che suonano alcuni strumenti, ed un puttino expresso molto al vivo"; but to this he added ". . . in terra giace una figura ignuda, rappresentata per l'Ozio." Baldinucci also notes that Paolini painted "capricci ed invenzioni di villani che suonano pifferi, ed altri azioni contadinesche. . . ." 46 The face of the girl on the far left is badly drawn as are the eyes and breasts of most of the figures and such details as the very clumsily painted red sleeve on the far right figure. The inconsistency of these inept elements with such skillful details as the hands and the musical instruments, suggests that the painting has been extensively reworked, or that it was originally a collaboration — perhaps conceived and begun by Caroselli himself and then completed by the young Paolini. Baldinucci noted that Paolini's representation of the female figure frequently was defective. " The reference is specifically to a pair of canvasses representing the Death of Waldestein, which Paolini painted (presumably soon after the event in 1 6 3 4 ) f ° r his patron Lelio Orsetti, and in honor of which a Lucchese gentleman, Francesco di Poggio, wrote a laudatory sonnet. At least one of these paintings is still in Lucca, at the Palazzo Orsetti. 18 One of the two paintings mentioned by Baldinucci as painted for the Monastery of S. Ponziano.

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TUSCANY to Manfredi. Even the shallow, crowded, and overanimated composition — which cannot antedate the 1620s — suggests the space organization typical of the second decade Roman Caravaggism. There are surprising similarities in light, color, and composition between Paolini's style and Caracciolo's works of the teens. Paolini may have met Caracciolo in Tuscany or Rome, or he may have seen some of his work. The Martyrdom of St. Bartholomew (Lucca, Pinacoteca; Fig. 2 9 ) companion to the St. Ponzianus painting, seems to have been conceived with a light system similar to the Neapolitan's. A strange combination of other, less unexpected borrowings may also be noted — specifically, the palmbearing putto from Orazio Gentileschi and the sadistic executioners from Leonello Spada. Paolini's maturity carried him away from Caravaggism.49 Perhaps responding to Manetti's similar modification of his earlier Caravaggesque style, and surely responding to the influence not only of Florentine and Venetian but also of Emilian painting, that he no doubt saw during his Venetian trip, by the midthirties Paolini had apparently ceased to work in a Caravaggesque manner. Although he had some followers, he did not establish a Caravaggesque school or tradition.50 Two other Tuscan painters may be mentioned for their passing responses " An example of Paolini's mature work is the Birth of St. John the Baptist painted for S. Maria Cortelandini in 1 6 3 7 and now in the Pinacoteca, Lucca (Fig· 2 8 8 ) . The contrasts of light and dark areas are still strong but are no longer indicative of a natural system of illumination. Most of the figure types are affected and idealized, and there is little attempt to make the action credible. A Bacchic Musical (Houston, Texas, Museum of Fine Arts; Fig. 2 8 9 ) seems to date between this and the (earlier) S. Ponziano paintings. Perhaps like a number of Caravaggio's other followers, Paolini continued to paint genre subjects for private patrons, in a partially Caravaggesque style, even after he had deserted Caravaggism in his public commissions. The Houston painting is inscribed "Morse una . . . /il mio Cor Vago . . . ;" possibly the "Cor vago" may be a pun on Caravaggio. 50 Coli and Gherardi were students in Paolini's Academy before they went to Rome. Local students included members of the del Tintore family: Francesco ( 1 6 4 5 - 1 7 1 8 ) , who visited Rome and painted in the Lucchese church there, and his nephews, the brothers Cassiano, whom Lanzi described as a mediocrity, and Simone, who had some success as a painter of what Lanzi describes as "cose che son proprio della inferior pittura . . . ," that is fruit, birds, and so forth. The still lifes (Florence, collection of Mina Gregori, and Lucca, collection of Marchese Pietro Mazzarosa) which were in the Tesori Segreti exhibition in Florence during 1960, suggest that he was influenced by Mao Salini, as well as by Paolini, who also was a skillful painter of still lifes. Paolini may also have had some influence on Pietro Testa ( 1 6 1 1 - 1 6 5 0 ) who, except for visits in his native Lucca during 1 6 3 2 and 1 6 3 7 , spent his entire mature career in Rome, associated with neo-Venetian and academic Baroque circles. Probably during one of these visits, Testa painted the Miracle of St. Theodore (Lucca, S. Paolino) which, together with a few other paintings, shows a Caravaggesque moment in his career.

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O to Caravaggism. One, Jacopo Vignali ( 1 5 9 2 - 1 6 6 4 ) of Florence, introduced Caravaggesque light effects and realistic models into some of his paintings during the 1620s. 5 1 His Christ and St. Bernard of Clairvaux (Florence, S. Simone, for which it was painted in 1 6 2 3 ) , indicates that he may have been influenced by Manetti as well as by the paintings by northern Caravaggists he might have seen, and by Artemisia, with whom he may have worked at the Casa Buonarotti in Florence. The other, Giovanni Martinelli, was so completely forgotten that even Baldinucci ignored him.62 His birth and death dates are unknown, but his career can be dated from 1634 to 1668. Martinelli was enrolled in the Florentine Accademia del Disegno in 1 6 3 5 , and probably centered his activity in Florence, though he is recorded in one way or another in several Tuscan towns — Pistoia, Pescia, Cortona, and Terranouva Bracciolini. His earliest known works — five frescoed lunettes dated 1634, in the cloister of the church of the SS.ma Annunziata, Pistoia — are in the Tuscan anecdotal tradition, clarified and simplified by Caravaggesque naturalism and systematic light as is also his Miracle of the Mule (Pescia [Pistoia], S. Francesco; Fig. 2 7 5 ) . His Pescia altarpiece is reminiscent of Manetti's Caravaggesque narratives. The crowded composition is derived from one Cigoli painted in 1 5 9 7 at S. Francisco in Cortona. Martinelli eventually turned away from Caravaggism. 51

Del Bravo 1 9 6 1 , 2 8 - 4 2 . Martinelli has been brought to light during the twentieth century in articles by Scricchia 1 9 5 3 . 2 9 - 3 4 , a n £ l Marangoni 1 9 2 0 , 4 4 9 - 4 5 1 . 83

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J — J M I L I A , Romagna, and the Marches may seem to form too large and sprawling an area to be considered as a single unit. However, much of the region was politically unified under papal rule; and, except for the narrow coastal plain of the Marches extending down the Adriatic, it was relatively compact, with no formidable natural barriers separating its different parts from each other. Thus fairly intimate artistic connections existed throughout the region: most painters were given similar, if not identical training, which usually involved a period of study in Bologna; they could go anywhere in the area with little difficulty, and they took advantage of this mobility by traveling frequently and extensively; and they collaborated with each other a good deal, more so, in fact, than in any other region except that centered on Rome. Bologna existed as a kind of artistic center for the region; and if it was by no means so completely dominant as Rome, nonetheless it was more effective as a focal point than Florence. There were several lesser centers: Parma, with its great tradition just recently past; Modena, like Parma enjoying the sponsorship of generous and cultivated patrons; Ferrara, in close contact with the Veneto and still prospering despite the double loss late in the sixteenth century of its independence, and of the d'Este patronage; and the cities of the Adriatic coast, which were somewhat isolated but supported several capable painters. These centers tended to look to Bologna for guidance, both generally for stylistic trends and specifically for the training of young painters. In Bologna the neophytes were not encouraged to develop Caravaggesque

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styles, yet the leading painters in the city were neither ignorant nor wholly intolerant of Caravaggism. One of the guiding principles in Bolognese art was flexibility; whether eclectic or not, painters were trained to be catholic in their tastes and uninhibited in their borrowings, and they were. Thus Malvasia could report that when Caravaggio's Incredulity of St. Thomas (or a copy of it) made its appearance in Bologna, it created quite a stir. Lodovico Carracci may not have liked it, but he studied it, as did several members of his circle, including Garbieri, Tiarini, and Spada. If Malvasia is to be believed, Garbieri found it so interesting that he copied it, and to Spada it was so irresistible that he rushed off to Rome in search of its maker. The fact is that much of what they saw in the Incredulity was not particularly novel. Lodovico certainly had encouraged them to study and emulate the great Venetian masters of the sixteenth century, particularly Tintoretto. Lombardy was no less accessible to them than the Veneto, so they must have had some familiarity with the same Lombard painters whose experiments with artificial light had influenced Caravaggio so much. Their preparation for Caravaggesque painting is demonstrated by the work of Lorenzo Garbieri. He was associated with the Carracci, but despite the fact that he apparently made no trips to Rome which might have counteracted their healthful influence, he went, according to Malvasia, "caravaggiando."1 He made his copy of the Incredulity, and when in 1 6 1 o, preferred over Tiarini, he was commissioned by the then papal legate, Cardinal Benedetto Giustiniani2 to decorate a chapel at S. Paolo in Bologna, in honor of the just canonized St. 1 Garbieri was born in 1 5 8 0 in Bologna, where he died in 1 6 5 4 . He was a pupil of Lodovico, one of the participants in the funeral festivities for Agostino, and one of the frescoists at S. Michele in Bosco. Malvasia 1 6 7 8 , II, 3 0 5 , writes that Garbieri married a wealthy woman during Cardinal Giustiniani's tenure as papal legate to Bologna, and became steadily less active as a painter. Eventually he went blind, it is said as a result of having strained his eyes in 1 6 2 1 watching the fireworks that celebrated the election of the Bolognese Pope Gregory X V . 2 Cardinal Giustiniani ( 1 5 4 4 - 1 6 2 1 ) , the elder brother of the Marchese Vincenzo, was papal legate to Bologna from 1 6 0 6 until 1 6 1 1 . He was an austere man, but a fairly generous patron of art, although not on the scale of his brother. His portrait was painted by Caravaggio. In Bologna he favored Garbieri particularly. A t least Malvasia claimed that he did, although at the same time he cast doubt on the motivation for this preference by repeating the malicious gossip that Garbieri received the St. Charles Borromeo commission instead of Tiarini because his price was lower. However that may be, the Cardinal took several paintings by Garbieri with him when he went home to Rome, including, among others, an Ecce Homo (which Malvasia said was so good as to be mistaken for a Caravaggio) and a half-length Mary Magdalen. Because the Marchese Vincenzo Giustiniani was his brother's heir, these paintings might have been included in the 1 6 3 8 inventory of the Giustiniani Collection. However, Garbieri's name does not appear in the inventory, which admittedly is not infallible.

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Charles Borromeo, he carried out three oil paintings in what appears to be a proto-Caravaggesque style.3 The color scheme, with yellow and green lights and almost black shadows, is Mannerist, as are the frailty of the figures and the violent perspective effect of the corpse at the lower right; but the painting of St. Charles Borromeo Administering the Last Sacrament to Victims of the Plague (Fig. 294) is superficially suggestive of Caravaggism, particularly in the artificial light, which falls logically from a taper within the painting and from the concealed sources outside, and in the narration, which seems simple and direct. Garbieri concentrated on the emotional character of the event rather than on its dogmatic or doctrinal implications, and excluded both the pretentious hieraticism and the references to supernatural intervention which are so frequent in Bolognese painting.4 An investigation of the sources for the apparently Caravaggesque features in Garbieri's painting reveals, however, that he owed little or nothing to Caravaggio. His earliest known paintings, the Lamentation fresco (Bologna, Oratory of S. Colombano) and the Deposition and Entombment (Milan, S. Antonio dei Teatini; Fig. 292), are dated about 1600-1602. By that time, Garbieri might have seen Caravaggio's Incredulity of St. Thomas (Fig. 7 ) , or a copy of it, in Bologna. From that painting, however, Garbieri could not have taken the idea of illuminating the Entombment by a light exposed within the pictorial space because the system was not to become typically Caravaggesque for more than a decade, not until Honthorst popularized it in Rome. The actual source of the Entombment was Ludovico's painting of the same subject (in the Schleissheim Gallery; Fig. 293), 5 of which it was a copy. Ludovico's interest in such light effects was probably enough to motivate Garbieri's preoccupation with them.6 Combined with the fact that Garbieri did not travel very 3

Work on the chapel paintings must have begun soon after St. Charles' canonization on Nov. ι , 1 6 1 0 , and probably was well along, if not complete, when the church was consecrated one year to the day later (Masini 1 6 6 6 , 1 4 4 ) . T h e subjects were the Procession of St. Charles to Raise the Plague (the altarpiece), St. Charles Giving the Last Sacrament to the Victims of the Plague (left side w a l l ) , and St. Charles Handing Down the Rule to the Oblates (right side w a l l ) . Cardinal Giustiniani also commissioned Garbieri to fresco the chapel ceiling, which was later repainted. 1 Pure genre made at least one appearance in Garbieri's oeuvre, in the strange painting of glassmaking in the Pallavicini Gallery, Rome, where the painter's interest in bizarre artificial light effects is manifest. This painting has been attributed to Garbieri since 1 6 7 9 . 5 Datable during the last four or five years of the sixteenth century. Probably there was a companion Deposition, now lost but originally the basis for Garbieri's companion painting. 6 It should be noted that the Schleissheim painting is not unique in Ludovico's oeuvre. Somewhat similar light systems appear in his Circumcision (Bologna, S. Bartolomeo sul Reno, datable 2 2

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much,7 it is sufficient to indicate that Garbieri's style was almost entirely Emilian, or at least northern Italian in origin, with no more than slight, if any, encouragement from Caravaggesque models. There was not much Caravaggesque painting in the area which Garbieri could have seen by 1 6 1 0 , and even fewer paintings as early as 1 6 0 0 - 1 6 0 2 . Caravaggio never visited the area. It seems possible that his Incredulity of St. Thomas was not in Bologna before 1606. 8 The only other of his paintings which was easily accessible was the Death of the Virgin (Fig. 1 2 ) , from 1607 to 1 6 2 7 in Mantua, where Bolognese painters were not likely to visit.9 After 1 6 1 o a number of Caravaggio's major followers passed through the area, including probably Ter Brugghen, Honthorst, Ribera, Saraceni, Caracciolo, Vouet, Regnier and some others,10 but apparently they did not stay long or 1 5 9 0 - 1 5 9 1 ) , the Funeral Procession of the Virgin (Parma, Galleria Nazionale) painted for the apse of the Piacenza Cathedral during 1607-1608, and the Flagellation of Christ (Bologna, Cappella del Rosario, S. Domenico, datable about 1 6 1 2 ) . 7 His longest and last trip away from Bologna was to Loreto to assist Pomarancio in his labors there between r6o6 and 1 6 1 0 . Pomarancio certainly would not have been sympathetic to a Caravaggesque collaborator, particularly at just that time. 8 Malvasia reported the original of Caravaggio's Incredulity of St. Thomas as in the Casa Lambertini, from which Garbieri made his copy. Malvasia also mentioned a copy in the Casa Legnani. Possibly the Lambertini "original" was the painting mentioned by Baglione as having been done for Ciriaco Mattei, which was no longer in the Mattei palace by 1638 when Celio wrote his Memoria. Or it may have been another original which has disappeared without trace. It seems likely, however, to have been the painting which Caravaggio did for the Giustiniani, or even more likely a copy of it, so its presence in Bologna probably should be associated with the presence of Cardinal Benedetto Giustiniani. He was papal legate in Bologna from 1606 until 1 6 x 1 and conceivably had taken the original, or a copy, with him when he went to Bologna. If he took a copy, he might have left it in Bologna; if he took the original, he no doubt took it back to Rome in 1 6 1 1 , leaving any copies which had been made (notably Garbieri's) behind. The painting was mentioned by both Bellori and Sandrart as having been painted for the Giustiniani (Bellori specifies for Vincenzo) and was listed in the 1638 inventory. The original was in the Kaiser-Friedrich Museum and is now at Potsdam. Quite apart from the Incredulity, Malvasia's implication that there was a Caravaggio in Bologna by the time Annibale left, that is, by 1595, is inacceptable. The Incredulity was not painted until the late nineties; Caravaggio in 1 5 9 5 had yet to establish his reputation in Rome as well as Bologna, and was just beginning to paint with the "gran contrasto di lumi e d'ombre . . ." that Malvasia deplored. 8 But see η. 1 5 below. 10 In 1 6 1 4 Ter Brugghen, on his way home from Rome, passed through Milan. Presumably he was following a land route which would have taken him through Emilia. For Honthorst in Bologna, see Judson 1959, 1 7 . Mancini X956, I, 249, mentioned Ribera as a youthful visitor in "Lombardia" by which he meant Emilia, as he makes clear by specifying Parma as a city Ribera visited. Saraceni (whose parents, it should be noted, were Bolognese in origin) probably passed through the city in his travels between Rome and Venice and perhaps between Rome and Mantua. Caracciolo would have visited Bologna during his trip to northern Italy. De Dominici's insistence that Caracciolo studied

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make much of an impression, for only Vouet's visit is as much as implied in local sources. After 1 6 1 0 , a few more paintings were imported into the area. Carlo Bononi, returning from Rome, brought back with him his copy of Caravaggio's Entombment.11 The Death of the Virgin was joined in the royal collection at Mantua by examples from Orazio Gentileschi, Grammatica, and Saraceni.12 After 1620, there were a few Caravaggesque paintings in Modena: notably the Crucifixion with Sts. Francis Xavier and Ignatius Loyola (Modena, Galleria d'Esté) 1 3 by Antonio Circignani called il Pomarancio, and two paintings of drinking soldiers attributed to Manfredi. 14 Apart from the Caravaggios in the area,15 most of these paintings were not available for study by the older Emilian painters (that is, those born in the late sixteenth century), at least not until the second decade of the seventeenth century, by which time they the Carracci should also be noted, although the historian specified only Annibale's Farnese palace frescoes. Vouet's letter to Pozzo (Bottari-Ticozzi 1822, I, 3 3 i f f ) proposed a trip in 1 6 2 1 from Genoa to Rome via Milan, Piacenza, Parma, Bologna and Florence. Apparently Vouet made this trip; at least Malvasia 1678, II, 216, mentioned that Vouet saw some of Cavedone's paintings in Bologna. Regnier had close family ties with Emilia through his step-brother, Michele Desubleo, and his son-in-law, Daniele van den Dyck; presumably he would have passed through Bologna in 1626 when he went from Rome to Venice. u The painting was in S. Spirito, Ferrara, but is now in the Pinacoteca Nazionale there. It was severely damaged during World War II. Bononi ( 1 5 6 9 - 1 6 3 2 ) was a native of Ferrara who visited Rome early in the century and who responded to Caravaggio in at least one other instance: a Genius of the Arts (Munich, art market), based on Caravaggio's Victorious Love in Berlin; a copy of Bononi's Genius is in the Bologna Pinacoteca. 12 Ch. 9, nn. 54-56. 13 This altarpiece was painted in Rome and installed in S. Bartolomeo, Modena, in 1 6 2 1 . 14 Ch. 2, η. 56. The two other paintings by Manfredi mentioned by Scannelli in 1657 may have been at that time in the royal collection for thirty or forty years in which case they, too, might have been influential on local painters (ch. i ( n n. 80, 84). 15 Two other Caravaggios may possibly have been in Modena. Scannelli mentioned a halflength St. Augustine Writing and a half-length St. Sebastian as in the Duke's collection. Friedlaender includes both these paintings in his catalogue as "Mistaken Attributions in the Literary Sources." He identified the St. Augustine with the much discussed Church Father in the Galleria Estense (no. 4 8 1 ) ascribed to Giovanni Serodine (but see ch. 3, η. 24), and the St. Sebastian with a poor painting of the same subject also in the Galleria Estense (no. 292) ascribed to Leonello Spada, but in fact derived from the signed Honthorst in the National Gallery, London, of ca. 1623. According to Friedlaender, the two paintings are companion pieces. This seems impossible, because of the source and the low quality of the St. Sebastian, and because of the recent discovery of the original of the Church Father (Pavia, Certosa), which is full-length. The St. Sebastian appears in the third edition of Delia Palude's inventory of the Modena Collection ( 1 7 8 7 ) ; the other painting is of unknown provenience and first appeared in Ricci's catalogue of 1925. Obviously, neither painting is by Caravaggio, and neither seems to be derived from a lost original by his hand. Because of the uncertainty of their provenience and the inequality of their value, it does not seem justifiable to identify them as those mentioned by Scannelli. So the possibility that two such paintings by Caravaggio actually existed and are now lost or destroyed, must still be considered.

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were already mature artists. For an exposure to Caravaggesque painting that was strong enough to have a substantial effect, it was essential that a local painter go to Rome. Three did.16

II The first painter to go to Rome was Guido Reni, with the result that he was the first Bolognese painter to introduce genuine Caravaggesque elements into his style. The extent to which Guido was engaged with the movement has been much discussed. He was in Rome in time to know Caravaggio, and it is hardly possible that he did not. Malvasia, Bellori, and Passeri made statements indicating in varying degrees that Caravaggio had some influence on him. But one modern writer has denied any relation whatsoever between the two young painters.17 Malvasia described Caravaggio's bitter resentment of Guido's Crucifixion of St. Peter (Rome, Vatican Museum; Fig. 2 9 7 ) , 1 8 which was a variant, and very possibly an improvement, on the first version of the subject which Caravaggio had painted for the Cerasi chapel.19 Gionzo notices that the composition, light system, and the figure types in Guido's altarpiece are different from Caravaggio's. He concludes that the painting does not represent a change in the direction of Guido's art, but rather a step in its development, made while Guido was still under Lodovico Carracci's influence. Certainly the elements Gionzo has observed are different from Caravaggio's treatment, as is Guido's whole conception of the subject. The point seems to be not that these elements are different, but rather that they are no more so. Guido was doing a major commission for a prominent patron, and he was not interested in making a copy M

Another Bolognese painter, Giovanni Andrea Donducci called il Mastelletta, was involved with Caravaggio whose friend he was in Rome; and his paintings are characterized by large areas of dark with a few contrasting light accents. He was in no way involved with Caravaggism; his relation with Caravaggio was purely personal, and his painting was entirely non-Caravaggesque. 17 Gionzo 1 9 5 2 , 2 0 1 - 2 0 2 . 18 Malvasia 1 6 7 8 , II, 1 3 . Two preparatory drawings for this painting have been published by Grassi: one (Rome, Gabinetto Nazionale delle Stampe) represents St. Peter's head; the other (Budapest, Museum of Fine Arts) shows the whole composition, but with significant differences from the finished painting. There are also innumerable copies of the painting, most notably perhaps Luigi Valadier's silver relief (Rome, private collection), which was in the Argenti Italiani exhibition (no. 1 7 6 ) held in the Palazzo Poldi-Pezzoli, Milan, in 1 9 5 9 . 19 For the significance of the paintings in Roman art circles, see Friedlaender 1 9 4 5 , 1 5 2 - 1 6 0 , and Hess 1 9 5 6 , 5 7 - 7 2 . 2 3 O

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or an imitation of Caravaggio. He was a rival master, competing with Caravaggio and to an extent, "correcting" what to a Bolognese-trained eye must have appeared to be the errors of artistic judgment in the first Cerasi chapel painting. Rubens' variant of Caravaggio's Entombment involved readjusting the original; Guido's variant was a transformation. Caravaggio's naturalism in details and chiaroscuro were evidently fascinating revelations to Guido, but the dramatic immediacy, the confusion, and vulgarity of the action must have been an anathema to him. Guido was willing — and capable — of using the former while he remedied the latter with a more decorous conception of the subject. The result was no less a transformation of Guido's manner than of Caravaggio's. Indeed the changes in Guido's style were so drastic that Gnudi 2 0 can write of his Caravaggesque experience as "the most important fact in Guido's first Roman stay." The paintings by Guido such as the Crucifixion of St. Peter in which the specific and unmistakable influence of Caravaggio is observable, are rare. 21 They belong to two groups: three or four painted shortly after the Crucifixion of St. Peter; and a f e w others painted later during Guido's career that are only faintly Caravaggesque. Belonging to the first group are Guido's two Davids (one in the Louvre; Fig. 295, the other in the Ringling Museum, Sarasota) and the Sts. Peter and Paul (Milan, Brera; Fig. 29Ó). 22 The Davids, particularly the one in the Louvre, are related to the painting of the same subject by an unidentified Caravaggist in the Borghese Gallery, although Guido corrected the diagonal pose of the Borghese David to one roughly parallel to the picture plane. The models for Sts. Peter and Paul would not have been out of place in an autograph Caravaggio; the St. Peter is apparently a variant on the figure extended parallel to the picture plane in the Giustiniani Christ in the Garden (formerly Berlin, Kaiser Friedrich Museum; destroyed during World War I I ) . However, Guido cleaned up his models and gave them new clothing, and the style of these paintings is basically opposed to Caravaggio's. Objects are defined 30

1955,19· Bellori 1 6 7 2 , 2 1 2 , mentioned only the St. Peter, but writes in such a way as to imply others. Passeri 1 7 7 2 , 8 0 - 8 1 , referred to more than a dozen copies or "imitations" of Caravaggio. Mancini listed Guido as a member of the Carracci school, and went no further. Malvasia 1 6 7 8 , II, 1 5 , specifically noted Caravaggio's fear of Guido's "new manner, totally opposed to his" and therefore presumably considered to be a menace — but not, it would seem, because of too close an imitation. 22 Mentioned by Malvasia as painted in competition with Caravaggio's and Ludovico Carracci's followers, and as in the Sampieri Collection, Bologna, from which it passed to Milan in 1 8 1 1 . 21

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in three dimensions primarily by means of refined but precise outlines rather than by means of planes or masses of light and shadow. Colors are intense, cold, sometimes acrid in hue, and are harmonized more by abitrary system than by fusing atmosphere. Poses are elegant and graceful, and characterization is superficial. Even in these paintings, Guido was detached: color, pose, and space arrangement were calculated abstractions rather than qualities of living things; and his subjects, to borrow Gionzo's phrase,23 were made to be contemplated from without, his poetry was that of distance, "of the play of memory [rather] than a real excitement of the senses." Guido's later paintings which show traces of Caravaggesque influences — the compelling drama of the Massacre of the Innocents

(Bologna, Pinacoteca

Nazionale), 24 the impassioned patriarchic Moses of about 1 6 2 0 (one version in the Galleria Borghese,25 the other in the Palazzo Faino-Almagià, Rome), the Lot and His Daughters

(London, National Gallery), 26 the Riberesque St.

Jerome (Vienna, Liechtenstein Gallery) of about 1 6 3 5 - 1 6 4 0 , and a few others — are merely incidental, the Caravaggesque details absorbed into Guido's own personality and never fundamentally modifying it. Indeed, important as the influence of Caravaggio's naturalism and crisp tenebrism was on Guido, he seems only once, in the Crucifixion

of St. Peter, to have gone so far toward the

position of a follower or "imitatore." Otherwise Guido's personality was too decided and his artistic objectives too opposed to Caravaggio's for him to have been anything but a competitor, not (in Caravaggio's sense) a thief, but (in Malvasia's) a worthy challenger. Guido was unique in Bologna before 1 6 1 o in having allowed himself to be influenced by Caravaggio's painting, and he profited from his experience. In the decade following 1 6 1 0 , two other Bolognese, Giacomo Cavedone and Leonello Spada, went to Rome and were exposed to Caravaggesque painting; but apart from their response, it had no real influence in Bologna. Its influence appears a few times in the oeuvre of Cavedone. Born at Sassuolo near Modena in 1 5 7 7 , he had gone in 1 5 9 1 to study in Bologna, where 23

1952, 209-210. Painted in Bologna about 1 6 1 1 - 1 6 1 2 for the Berò Chapel in S. Domenico, Bologna. 25 Perhaps purchased from Reni by the Borghese; recorded by Scannelli as in the Borghese Collection. 26 Datable about 1 6 1 5 and apparently based on the composition of Caravaggio's lost Way to Emmaus. 24

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he was a bright but unexceptional follower of the Carracci. After a visit to Venice and a few fairly important commissions in Bologna, Cavedone visited Rome for a month in 1 6 1 0 . 2 7 He saw some Caravaggesque paintings there and he carried home some ideas. These can be seen in the Adoration of the Shepherds (for the Cappella della Purificazione in S. Paolo Maggiore; Fig. 2 9 8 ) . 2 8 Cicatelli has pointed out that the light is more Correggio's than Caravaggio's, at least in the radiance emanating from the infant Christ, and the St. Joseph is clearly a Schidone type. Furthermore, Cavedone's debt to the Bassano family is evident in the conception of the subject and even in the composition itself. But something specifically Caravaggesque is there too: in the secondary light source from the upper left within the painting and in the carefully studied relation between the two sources, which produces the effect of a lighted volume; and in the realism of the shepherds, whose simple humility gives them a dignity akin to that of Caravaggio's Sicilian versions of the subject, which Cavedone had never seen. T h e companion painting, the Adoration of the Magi (Fig. 2 9 9 ) , is not Caravaggesque. In it Cavedone used a splendid Venetian style. T h e composition is from Titian and the colors to some extent from Veronese, as are also the rich stuffs suitable to the exalted position of the Magi. T h e modest kneeling mother of the Shepherds has been regally enthroned. Apparently Caravaggism seemed to Cavedone more appropriate for less 27

Judging from the few remaining paintings and from the published documents (Cicatelli 1 9 3 1 , 4 1 7 - 4 3 0 ) , Malvasia's account ( 1 6 7 8 , II, 2 1 5 - 2 2 0 ) of Cavedone's life and works is exceptionally accurate, perhaps because some of it is based on first-hand knowledge and perhaps because the painter's life was in itself so varied and melodramatic that it satisfied the historian's imagination. Cavedone first studied at home with his father, Pellegrino, who according to Vidriani (quoted by Malvasia 1 6 7 8 , II, 2 1 9 ) could paint "tasselli" and friezes in houses but "il suo sapere pittoresco non si estendere di più." In Bologna, Cavedone was supported by an allowance of one scudo a month awarded to him by the city fathers of Sassuolo for three years (Cicatelli 1 9 3 1 , 4 1 7 ) · The major Bolognese influence on Cavedone was Lodovico Carracci. Malvasia said that he studied also with Annibale from whom he learned to draw with phenomenal skill, with Passerotti, and with Baldi. He also copied some frescoes by Pellegrino Tibaldi. He collaborated with Albani at the Fava Palace in 1 5 9 8 , and was one of the painters at S. Michele in Bosco during 1 6 0 4 - 1 6 0 5 . Cavedone went to Rome because of an invitation from Guido Reni, who was so impressed by Cavedone's admirable fresco style, that he wanted his assistance at the Quirinal Palace chapel. Roli 1 9 5 6 , 1 4 , suggests that Guido himself might have given Cavedone an (involuntary?) push in the direction of Caravaggism, and sees the influence of Guido's Crucifixion of St. Peter on a little copper painting by Cavedone in the collection of Ing. Franchi, Bologna. 28 Signora Isabella Orsoni Arrigoni paid for the decoration of this, her family chapel, from 1 6 1 1 to 1 6 1 3 , but the companion painting, the Adoration of the Magi, bears a date of 1 6 1 4 . A variant of the Shepherds, exists in the Prado, and though it is closer to Schidone and further from Caravaggio than the version in Bologna, it is of excellent quality and therefore presumably also autograph.

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exalted subjects. This is evident in his paintings of 1 6 1 4 - 1 6 1 7 for a chapel of the Ironworkers' Company in S. Maria della Pietà or dei Mendicanti in Bologna. The high altarpiece, representing the Virgin Enthroned With Sts. Petronius and Alò 29 with the city of Bologna in the background (now in the Pinacoteca Nazionale), is a Titianesque machine in the grand manner; the two lateral paintings, representing on the left St. Alò 3 0 replacing the severed hoof of a disobedient horse (Fig. 3 0 0 ) , and on the right, the elderly saint recognizing the devil through his disguise as a beautiful young woman (Fig. 3 0 1 ) , 3 1 are in a narrative style which is much less pretentious. The miracle is presented in the simplest terms. Except for its scale and the halo, the painting is a scene of daily life: the models are realistically observed, and the light, space, and color are natural. The effect is puzzling; for the activity of the saint with the amputated hoof is almost inexplicable in what appears to be otherwise prosaic genre painting. Indeed the contradiction is almost the only evidence of the miracle. Malvasia blamed Cavedone's adoption of what he considered the Caravaggesque style of the St. Alò paintings for their poor quality, which can more justly be blamed on their being mostly shopwork. While certainly St. Alò's inexpressive actions could never be confused with the dramatic and moving events which Caravaggio made of his subjects, nonetheless Cavedone probably based his representation on what he had seen of Caravaggesque painting in Rome. Apparently this was only a momentary aberration, brought on by the commonplace nature of the subject itself, because little or nothing in Cavedone's other paintings demonstrates an explicitly Caravaggesque inspiration. In any case the rest of Cavedone's oeuvre can hardly be considered, for a series of misfortunes caused him to stop working and then destroyed him; 3 2 his work fell off in quality until finally it discontinued altogether, and he spent the last thirty years of his life in ever-increasing misery, a wretched beggar. M

T h e date 1 6 1 4 is inscribed on the step. St. Alò is an Italian version of St. Eligius, bishop of Noyon, the patron of blacksmiths. 31 Both paintings are still in S. Maria della Pietà or dei Mendicanti, Bologna. Probably they were not painted until about 1 6 1 7 . A drawing for the head of the saint in the Miracle is in the royal collection, Windsor. 32 Because he had a very large family, he had economic difficulties. In 1 6 2 3 tragedy struck; frescoing in S. Salvatore, he fell from a scaffolding and was so gravely injured that he never fully recovered his powers as a painter. In 1 6 3 0 tragedy struck again: he lost his entire family — father, wife, and as many as six children including a son who was a promising student of painting — to the plague. 30

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Malvasia 3 3 made a great point of the competition between Leonello Spada and Alessandro Tiarini that unquestionably existed. Born in Bologna within a year of each other, they were both educated by the Carracci and moved for the rest of their lives in much the same artistic ambiente. They were simultaneously involved in the works at S. Maria della Ghiara at Reggio, and each did one of the matching paintings for the most important side chapel in S. Domenico, Bologna. Both have been associated with Caravaggio. Spada is supposed to have been his intimate, and Tiarini to have been profoundly influenced by the Incredulity of St. Thomas, but these characterizations seem exaggerated. There is little evidence that Spada ever had any personal contact with Caravaggio; and the tendency among most contemporary scholars has been to minimize Caravaggio's influence on him. As for Tiarini, it seems that whatever he may have done or said — or whatever Malvasia may have said that he had done or said — he was actually influenced by Caravaggio as litde as was Garbieri; quite independently he developed a kind of pseudo-Caravaggesque style. Born in Bologna in 1 5 7 6 , Spada surely had some youthful training with the Carracci, though perhaps, as Grandi suggests,34 only as a kind of servant, mixing paints and cleaning brushes. Malvasia gave 3 5 Spada an adventuresome life, much of which is historically questionable, but some of which, after being stripped of its romantic embellishments, seems likely. As a youth he endured the most severe poverty, but somehow he managed to learn to paint, partly from the Carracci but also from Cesare Baglione, who had developed the art of quadratura.36 Throughout his life, Spada continued to be active as a frescoist; 37 Malvasia tells the story that he took up oil painting to escape the arduous labor involved in large-scale fresco cycles. However that may be, Spada began working in oil early in his career. Malvasia says that during his youth in Bologna, he saw and fell completely 33 1 6 7 8 , II, 1 0 7 - 1 0 9 . It might also be noted that a competition, full of ill-feeling, flourished between Tiarini and Cavedone as well (Malvasia 1 6 7 8 , II, 2 1 9 ) . M 1940, 12. 35 1 6 7 8 , II, 1 0 3 - 1 1 9 . 38 A t Baglione's, Spada met Gerolamo Curtí called il Dentone, who became his great friend and with whom he began working, decorating building façades, and painting friezes in houses and palaces. 37 He worked in the famous cortile of S. Michele in Bosco and in numerous Bolognese churches and palaces. He painted a large portion of the vault in the Madonna della Ghiara in Reggio, in which his origin as a quadraturista, is particularly obvious. A t the end of his life he had a spectacular success in Parma with his frescoes in the royal theatre. Spada was also renowned as a caricaturist.

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O under the spell of Caravaggio's Incredulity of St. Thomas. The painting was such a revelation to him that Spada hurried to Rome to study with and serve Caravaggio as his friend, his sometimes unwilling model,38 and his follower. He was so devoted to Caravaggio, or at least so fascinated by him, that — still according to Malvasia — Spada followed him to Naples and then on to Malta. They parted company there, and Caravaggio fled to Sicily; Spada remained prosperous and successful, until he attempted to steal a beautiful Moorish slave from a knight, an indiscretion which forced him to return hurriedly to Bologna. It is a diverting history, and not entirely unlikely; but in fact Malvasia's account is impossible. No record exists of Spada in Bologna before January 1603 when he participated in Agostino's funeral festivities; but he is recorded in Emilia then, and again in 1605, 1607, and probably in 1608, 39 so from at least the beginning of 1603 until 1608, he is unlikely to have been with Caravaggio in Rome or Naples. Before 1603 he might have been; but he is never mentioned there except by Malvasia (and by the historians who were obviously copying him), and if he had been so close to Caravaggio, he might certainly be expected to appear in a document.40 Even the beginning of the legend — the fascination the Incredulity of St. Thomas had for Spada — is questionable. Caravaggio's painting (or its copy) may not have been in Bologna until 1606 or later. It surely was not there as early as 1596, the date Hess suggests that Spada went to Rome. Nor could it have been in Bologna before Caravaggio painted the Buona Ventura in which Hess sees Spada's ubiquitous features, because it postdates both 1596 and the Buona Ventura. Furthermore those of Spada's paintings which are datable during the first decade show no trace of Caravaggio's influence. The Abraham and Melchisedek (Bologna, Pinacoteca Nazionale) 4 1 is basically Mannerist. By 1607 when Spada painted the Miracu38

He is identified by Malvasia as the youth with sword in the center of the Calling of St. Matthew (Fig. 3 ) , and more recently has been recognized by Jacob Hess 1 9 5 4 , 2 8 0 - 2 8 1 , in the Uffizi Bacchus (Fig· 1 ) , the Buona Ventura, the Martyrdom of St. Matthew (Fig. 8 ) and even the Seven Works of Mercy (Fig. 1 4 ) , where Hess supposes Caravaggio painted Spada's features from memory. " In 1 6 0 5 , Spada assisted by Francesco Brizzi, painted frescoes at Pieve di Cento and at S. Michele in Bosco. In 1 6 0 7 he did the Miraculous Draught of Fishes at the Ospedale di S. Procolo. In 1 6 0 8 he composed some sonnets in compliment to Alfonso d'Esté at Modena on the occasion of his marriage to Isabella di Savoia (Campori 1 8 5 5 , 4 4 9 ) . " F o r example, the three police reports concerning Caravaggio in autumn 1 6 0 0 and February 1 6 0 1 . Caravaggio's companion Onorio Longhi was involved in all three; Spada is not mentioned. " Originally painted for the refectory of the Collegio Montalto, part of a complex of buildings begun in 1 5 8 7 and completed in 1 6 1 9 .

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lous Draught of Fishes (Bologna, now in the Ospedale degli Esposti, but originally in the convent of S. Proculo), he had rejected Mannerism, but without becoming Caravaggesque. Bolognini wrote that this was Spada's last painting before he left Bologna forever. More to the point is where Spada went after that. Bolognini thinks he went to Modena, Ferrara, Reggio, and Parma, and said he enjoyed great success. Modern scholars are unanimous in sending him to Malta via Rome.42 That he went to Rome some time between 1608 and 1 6 1 4 seems incontestable; 43 that he went on to Malta seems much more questionable. A number of paintings in and around La Valletta have been attributed to him, but without any substantial documentation.44 Whatever the truth of the Maltese venture may be, by 1 6 1 4 Spada had unquestionably returned to Emilia,45 and was to some extent under the influence of Caravaggism.46 At about that time, he undertook to paint the altarpiece representing St. Dominic Burning Heretical Books (Bologna, S. Domenico; Fig. 305), 4 7 the style of which is as Caravaggesque as that in any of Spada's " Hess would make this Spada's second trip south of Bologna. According to him, Spada returned from Rome about 1 6 0 1 - 1 6 0 2 to Bologna, which he left again about 1 6 1 o to go to Malta. Wittkower 1958, 57, grudgingly allows that "it seems difficult to discard Malvasia's circumstantial report that Spada accompanied Caravaggio to Malta." Calvesi (Exhibition Catalogue 1959c 92) believes that Spada "almost certainly" was in La Valletta "dove resterebbero tracce (tuttavia da controllare) di una sua attività," and neither accepts nor rejects the hypothesis "un po' forzata. . . ." that Spada joined Caravaggio in Naples or Malta in 1607 or early 1608. Lea Grandi thinks he went south only after 1608; she indicates her belief that he went to Modena in 1607-1608 and implies that he did not go south until late 1609 or early 1 6 1 0 , so that very possibly he never met Caravaggio at all, or if he did, it was only in passing. 48 In addition to the obvious change in his manner of painting at this time, there may be noted Spada's painting of St. John the Evangelist in the Capuchin Church, Rome. " Most recently Hess has published a Portrait of Alof de Wignancourt (Fig. 304), which seems likely to be Spada's, the same mentioned by Malvasia. Of the three other oil paintings included in Hess' article, two are by the Sicilian painter Mario Minniti and the third, a Mary Magdalen, is by an unidentified Emilian, possibly Sisto Badalocchio but not Spada. Hess also mentions The Arrival of St. Paul in Malta, a wall painting by Spada in S. Paolo a Mare, including portraits of Alof de Wignancourt and of Spada himself. Spada is suggested above (ch. 5, η. 3 7 ) as the possible author of the problematic Massacre of the Innocents (Messina, Museo Nazionale). " In the autumn of that year he signed the contract for his extensive works in fresco at S. Maria della Ghiara, Reggio, only one of which, the Judith and Holofernes, is even faintly, if at all, Caravaggesque. "Grandi 1940, 39, suggests that he returned to Bologna in late 1 6 1 1 or early 1 6 1 2 , and worked there for two years or more before going to Reggio. " Commissioned by Cardinal Maffeo Barberini, legate to Bologna from 1 6 1 1 to 1 6 1 4 , the altarpiece actually was painted in Reggio. According to Malvasia, Spada felt himself to be competing with Tiarini, who was also working at the Madonna della Ghiara and who had been commissioned a matching painting at S. Domenico, so Spada completed his painting very rapidly — in two months.

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O public commissions. This is so modified that Wittkower has found no trace of Caravaggism in it. However, such details as the nude giant blowing on the fire, his youthful companion, and the man with spectacles behind them, are clearly derived from Caravaggio or his followers; and the light system and color seem to be directly derivative from Caravaggio himself. The composition, however, is arranged according to Bolognese principles: there are crowds of figures, more or less agitated, mostly facing the spectator, set against an impressive architectural background and dominated by it rather than it by them. In scale the painting is comparable to Caravaggio's great Maltese and Sicilian altarpieces. In conception it is generally contradictory, and substitutes a busy narrative for their somber dignity. It disposes the figures as much according to a system of abstract construction of balances, accents, and counter-accents, as according to psychological relations, and hardly attempts to evoke or characterize emotions of any depth. About contemporaneously must be dated a series of paintings, less grand in scale, which are more clearly Caravaggesque. Typical of the series are the Via Crucis (Parma, Galleria Nazionale; Fig. 3 0 7 ) 4 8 and the Judith and Salome (both Parma, Galleria Nazionale; Figs. 302 and 3 0 3 ) . These last two paintings, closely related in subject and almost identical in dimensions, were probably done as a pair for a private patron with rather special tastes. The Salome seems specifically derivative from the painting of the same subject (Escorial, Casita del Principe) which Caravaggio possibly painted in Naples and which Spada might have seen there. In both paintings the figures are close to the picture plane, posed starkly against — or emergent from — an obscure shadowy background and illuminated by a harsh artificial light. Though there is considerable show of costume in the Judith, colors and texture contrasts are limited. The buck-toothed boy of whom Spada was so fond does not appear; the curled underlip and his favored sharp-nosed, big-eyed, V-shaped, vacuous faces do. The disembodied heads are displayed as the center of interest in both paintings; but there is no other significant, and no violent, action. Thus the paintings have neither the sensational drama of the Coppi Judith (Fig. 2 ) nor According to documents published by Alee 1 9 5 8 , this is not true, although both painters were given their first payments in November 1 6 x 4 . Tiarini's painting was installed in June 1 6 1 5 , but Spada's was not yet ready. July 3 1 , 1 6 1 6 the Spada altarpiece was on display in Modena, and by Aug. 5 of that year it was at last installed in the Cappella dell'Arca at the church. 48 A replica was once in Palermo but disappeared during World War II.

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the pensive tragedy of the Escorial Salome. But the contrast of the restraint and the empty-headedness of the characters on the one hand, with the dreadful implications of the subjects on the other, produces a morbid effect, comparable to the gleeful fiendishness of the Via Crucis. Generally Spada apparently considered Caravaggism as a special, bizarre style to be used primarily for private paintings of violent subjects. He was not steadfast to it in his public paintings, for at approximately the same time, he painted a Vision of St. Francis (Modena, Galleria Estense; Fig. 3 0 8 ) 4 9 which has almost nothing to do with Caravaggism. The light, which shines strong from the left, hints of non-Bolognese sources. Otherwise the painting is an ordinary example of the kind of large scale altarpiece typical of the lesser later followers of the Carracci. It is conventional in arrangement, and filled with sweetness and light in characterization. The St. Francis has been dated as before 1 6 1 4 ; it is likely that it came a few years later in Spada's career, as he turned increasingly back toward Ludovico, Guido, and Domenichino for inspiration. Even his late smaller paintings, for private collectors, show an evident modification of his Caravaggesque style. In the For tune-Teller (Modena, Galleria Estense; Fig. 309), 5 0 the figures are bathed in a heavy atmosphere so that the light effect is softened, particularly in value contrasts; hues are varied shades of pastels; the action is not vigorous, and the figures have become pretty. The painting has none of the crispness nor wit of Caravaggio's Buona Ventura, by which it was presumably inspired; justly Campori described it as a "work which stands between the Carraccesque and Caravaggesque." Surely the same words are generally applicable to Spada's entire Caravaggesque phase. Unquestionably Spada and Tiarini knew each other and were familiar 49 Signed with a distinctive sword crossed with an " L " . Painted for S. Maria della Ghiara, Reggio Emilia, and in France 1 7 9 6 - 1 8 1 5 . 50 This painting is probably one of the three mentioned by Bolognini as commissioned by the Duke of Modena; surely from late in Spada's career, ca. 1 6 2 0 . It is similar to a drawing of a Young Man and a Witch on a letter (Windsor Castle, collection of H. M. Queen Elizabeth I I ) signed by Spada and dated 1 6 2 0 . It is also related to the Fortune-Teller in the Pallavicini Collection, Home (Fig. 3 1 0 ) , which Zeri has attributed to Claude Vignon, who was in Rome 1 6 1 7 - 1 6 2 3 . Identical to the Pallavicini painting is a print, published by Petrucci as by Caravaggio, a misattribution based on the signed letters M A A I F . Related to the Pallavicini painting is a drawing in the Uffizi which has been wrongly attributed to Jan Liss. Zeri believes that the Modena painting is an "opera lombarda del Seicento avanzato," postdating the print but derived from the Pallavicini painting. As an alternative, he suggests that both paintings, the print and the Uffizi drawing, may be based on a more important but now lost and forgotten original, presumably Caravaggesque.

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O with each other's work. Numerous writers have observed Tiarini's generous use of chiaroscuro in his early style before about 1620; and a number have attempted to discover in it the influence of Caravaggism. Malvasia implied that Spada influenced him. 51 It is true that such a painting as his St. Dominic Resurrecting an Infant (painted for S. Domenico, Bologna, during 1 6 1 4 - 1 6 1 5 and still there; Fig. 3 0 6 ) features those strongly contrasting lights and darks which are at least superficially typical of Caravaggesque painting and, which by implication, Tiarini acknowledged that he owed to his study of Caravaggio's Incredulity of St. Thomas (Fig. 7). 5 2 But compared to Spada's, this painting appears to be something quite different. The light system is not similar to Caravaggio's disciplined naturalistic effects, but rather is an intensified Emilian sfumato, closely related to that of Guercino. Tiarini imposed an arbitrary twodimensional pattern of light upon his figures, so that the illumination of the painting seems to be fundamentally a series of accents on the pictorial surface. These accents appear in Spada's painting at S. Domenico as well, but they are correlated with, and indeed subordinated to, the Caravaggesque system of illumination of figures according to their position in space and the position of the source of light in relation to them. Tiarini's sfumato is, as it were, a flat screen through and behind which objects are seen in the painting; Spada's chiaroscuro is a three-dimensional web knitting together the figures and the spatial volume with each other and with itself. The space, the light, and the atmosphere in the Spada are hardly less palpable in three dimensions than the figures themselves; in Tiarini this three-dimensionality ultimately seems limited to the figures. Other differences can also be observed: Spada's more compact masses, his subdued color with minimal hue variation, his less rhetorical gestures — all of these traits indicate his responsiveness to Caravaggio, and by comparison suggest just the opposite of Tiarini. The many similarities in detail which exist between the two paintings — the architectural perspective, the figure moving out of the colonnade, the two foreground figures, the whole general compositional scheme — make Malvasia's suggestion of a competitive relation between the two painters convincing. But the chronology makes it more likely that Spada was rivaling Tiarini, rather than Tiarini Spada. Thus, while much in Spada's later painting can be recognized as Emilian, it contains 51 62

1 6 7 8 , I, 1 0 7 . Malvasia 1 6 7 8 , II, 208.

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an equally unmistakable Caravaggesque residue, which is lacking in Tiarini's altarpiece, and in fact from all of his paintings.

Ill Elsewhere in Emilia Caravaggesque painting was no more important than it was in Bologna. Hints of some contact with Caravaggism appeared in Parma, in the work of Bartolomeo Schidone,53 one of the most distinguished painters in the area. Although these hints are so ambiguous that it is tempting to seek a source for them in local non-Caravaggesque traditions, no modern writer on Schidone has failed to suggest that he had some first-hand experience of Caravaggesque painting. The problem is focused on two canvasses, the Entombment 54 and the matching Three Marys at the Tomb (Parma, Galleria Nazionale; Figs. 3 1 5 and 3 1 4 ) , both of which Schidone had painted for the Capuchin church at Fontevivo near Parma by June 1 6 1 4 . Schidone was not so completely taken by his discovery of what appears to be Caravaggesque light that he deserted entirely his mature non-Caravaggesque style: the colors in the paintings are bright pastels with little use of low values, textures are generalized, and the figure-groups are set off against landscape backgrounds. But in the arrangement of the figures, uncrowded, in a semicircle around a central space, Schidone used a composition typical of Caravaggism. A beam of strong artificial light falls from the left in the Three Marys and from the right in the Entombment, to indicate a common light source which is beyond the frames of both paintings, a technique like that used by Caravaggio in the Roman chapels; the light touches on the figures and the space around them and within their group, logically and systematically, as though they were figures on a stage. The shadows are not as dark as in Caravaggio's paintings; but the highlights are almost white and transitions from one plane to another are sudden, so that the light and dark areas contrast vividly. The light effect in these paintings is exceptional in Schidone's oeuvre, although it was anticipated in his Bassanesque Last Supper (Parma, Pinaco53 Schidone was born at Modena in 1 5 7 8 but most of his activity took place in Parma where he lived from 1 5 9 7 ( o r before) until his death in 1 6 1 5 . He made a brief visit to Reggio during 1 5 9 9 and was in Modena between 1 6 0 2 and 1 6 0 6 . T h e basic article on him is Moschini 1 9 2 7 , 1 1 8 - 1 4 8 , corrected by Cavalli's notes in the Seicento Emiliano show (Exhibition Catalogue 1 9 5 9 c , 2 0 4 - 2 0 7 ) . 54 A sketch is in Signorelli Collection, Rome, and another version in a private collection in Parma.

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teca Nazionale; Fig. 3 1 1 ), 5 5 and it is paralleled in his Charity of St. Elizabeth (Naples, Palazzo Reale). 56 It also seems to have been applicable to a style otherwise mainly derivative from Correggio. But the system of lighting is Caravaggio's, not Correggio's; and combined with the plasticity of the figures and the orderly centralized space composition (to say nothing of the use of the language of hands, so important to Caravaggio), it probably had a specific Caravaggesque source.57 The Entombment and the Three Marys demonstrate not only Schidone's responsiveness to Caravaggesque light but also the facility with which this "foreign" element was fused into Emilian painting. The specific source or sources for Schidone's Caravaggesque tendencies are unknown. The earliest painting in the group, the Last Supper, dates from 1608; the rest were done during the last five years of Schidone's life, following 1 6 1 0 . The Last Supper followed shortly upon the arrival in Mantua of Caravaggio's Death of the Virgin (Fig. 1 2 ) ; but Schidone is not likely to have seen the painting in Mantua. It would be more likely that the Last Supper, which is surprisingly northern European in spirit, was painted under the influence of a Dutch or Flemish painter, perhaps one who may have passed through Emilia on his way home from a visit in Rome.58 Another chronological correlation appears to exist between Giovanni Lanfranco's return to Parma in 1 6 1 o (and perhaps that of his alter ego Sisto Badalocchio),59 and Schidone's partially Caravaggesque paintings of 1 6 1 1 and later. 55

Painted for the Capuchin Church at Fontevivo between 1608 and 1 6 1 r. T a i n t e d during 1 6 1 2 and 1 6 1 3 , and in the Parma inventory of 1 7 0 8 . There are several variants: ( 1 ) a replica in the collection of Pico Cellini, Rome; ( 2 ) sketch of the group in the lower left corner, in the Los Angeles County Museum (Fig· 3 1 3 ) ; ( s ) sketch lacking S. Elizabeth, Congregazione di S. Filippo Neri, Parma; ( 4 ) sketch in the National Museum, Copenhagen. " T h e single-figure St. Sebastian at Capodimonte (Fig. 3 1 2 ) , should also be noted. The pose is that not only of a Sistine Chapel ignudo but also of Caravaggio's Doria-Capitoline St. John (Fig. 9 ) . The gesture of Nicodemus in the Entombment seems very close to the gesture of Christ in the earlier version of the Calling of St. Matthew (Fig. 3 ) . The gesture of Mary Magdalen seems the same in both Caravaggio's (Fig. 5 ) and Schidone's Entombments, although the poses are different. 68 For example, Van der Maes during 1604 or Lastman about 1 6 0 7 . TO Also known as Sisto Rosa, Badalocchio was born in Parma during 1 5 8 5 and had much the same training and experience as Lanfranco with whom he went to Rome during 1 6 0 2 . After Annibale's death during 1609, Badalocchio returned to Emilia with the plan of marrying into the Carracci family and gradually taking over from Ludovico, the only survivor of the original trio (Malvasia 1 6 7 8 , II, 5 1 7 ) . Perhaps Ludovico, who was only fifty-four, did not see himself as decrepit; perhaps he did not put much faith in Sisto, who is reported by Malvasia to have blotched a fresco commission at the Herrara chapel of the church of S. Giacomo degli Spagnuoli in Rome, and was reputed to be lazy as well. Whatever the reason, Sisto soon returned to Rome to stay for a few years, probably until 1 6 1 3 when he returned to Emilia. He settled in Parma, where he married in

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1 3 8 ) might appear to confirm his importance as a source for Schidone's Caravaggesque tendencies. But as has been pointed out, it is only superficially Caravaggesque. At that stage of his career, Lanfranco owed a great deal to the Carracci and nothing fundamental to Caravaggio; not until after his return to Rome in 1 6 1 2 did he begin to introduce Caravaggesque elements into his style. From Lanfranco, Schidone might have become familiar with a few Caravaggesque details of pose. But Lanfranco in 1 6 1 0 - 1 6 1 1 , could hardly have dropped the hints which led Schidone in 1 6 1 4 to introduce the subtly Caravaggesque light and space effects into the two later Fontevivo paintings. In fact, Lanfranco learned from Schidone, for after 1 6 1 2 he used Schidone's pastel color harmonies as a means of assimilating Caravaggesque light effects into his art.60

IV All of the Emilian painters thus far discussed belonged to the same generation, that born during the 1570s and 1580s. By 1 6 2 5 no one except Guido Reni (who had long since absorbed all he wanted from Caravaggio) was still active in the area. Schidone and Spada were dead, Cavedone and Garbieri had apparently given up painting, and Lanfranco was settled in Rome. No painter in Parma after Schidone showed any Caravaggesque tendencies, and those in 1 6 1 7 . His death date is unknown; no paintings of his after the early 1620s have been recognized, and he may have died young. Soon after Annibale's Aldobrandini lunettes in 1 6 0 3 , Badalocchio showed an interest in light effects, as can be seen in the Adoration of the Shepherds and the Entombment (Fig· 3 1 8 ) in the Palazzo Patrizi, Rome. Both scenes are artificially lighted night scenes; but like Garbieri, Badalocchio appears to have been inspired by Emilian sources rather than by Caravaggio. Furthermore, in 1 6 1 3 just at the time that Lanfranco was beginning to assume a posture at the edge of Caravaggism, he and Badalocchio parted company. Salerno 1 9 5 8 , 47, following Mancini, suggests that Badalocchio made a third trip to Rome about 1 6 1 5 to participate in the decoration of the Mattel and Patrizi (later Costaguti) Palaces, in which case he would once again have been in contact with Lanfranco. But by 1 6 2 1 , the terminus post quern for the Guardian Angel formerly in S. Maria delle Grazie, Parma, but now in the Parma Cathedral, there is no sign of any Caravaggesque tendency, and the assumption is probably justified that Badalocchio was never involved in Caravaggism. Schidone may have been a catalyst for Guercino as well. Primarily indebted to Ludovico, Guercino was conscious of Caravaggism as well in, for example, the early ( 1 6 1 0 - 1 6 1 2 ) Denial of St. Peter (London, Denis Mahon Collection) which seems based on a Caravaggesque model seen, as it were, through Schidone's eyes. Guercino's Resurrection of Tabitha (Florence, Pitti; Fig. 3 1 6 ) of 1 6 1 8 is based on Caravaggio's Death of the Virgin (Fig. 1 2 ) , at that time in Mantua.

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Bologna did not sustain even their predecessors' interest in the style. Elsewhere two painters in Ferrara, Francesco Costanza Cattani and Giuseppe Caletti, are reputed occasionally to have used faintly Caravaggesque elements in their work.61 A third, Luca Ferrari (or Luca da Reggio),62 who traveled over the whole of northern Emilia and into the Veneto, seems, after 1640, to have introduced a few Caravaggesque details into the Emilian-Venetian mélange which was his mature style.63 But the details were random and insignificant. These three artists are mere footnotes in the history of Emilian painting, at least judging from the little now known of them. In Romagna, on the other hand, there was a group of painters with Caravaggesque tendencies who had some contact with each other, and one of whom, Guido Cagnacci, had more than local interest. These Romagnoli had a history, and a rather special one, reaching not only back to Bologna to the Carracci group but also down the Adriatic coast to the Marches, to Orazio Gentileschi's paintings there and to Gian Francesco Guerrieri. Orazio's earliest work in the area, the Circumcision (Ancona, church of the Gesù; Fig. 3 7 ) , was painted during the first decade of the century, so that it had been on display long enough to have become well known along the entire coast.64 His work in and around Fabriano, though al61 They were known only locally in the seventeenth century and have been almost forgotten since then. Cattani was a native of Ferrara where he was born in 1 6 0 2 and died in 1 6 6 2 . He spent 1 6 2 5 - 1 6 2 7 in Bologna (Emiliani 1 9 6 2 , 2 7 6 ) . Lanzi 1 8 3 4 , III, 2 2 4 - 2 2 5 , classified him as the leading follower of the Bolognese in Ferrara, but lamented the fact that he strayed into the untamed ways laid out by Caravaggio: his personal life was disorderly, and he liked to paint soldiers and other disreputables. Among the few works by Cattani which survive and are identified are two paintings representing the Flagellation and the Crown of Thorns in S. Giorgio, Ferrara. They suggest that he was a vigorous narrative painter whose ability to represent action in convincing illusion may indicate some debt to Caravaggism. His lesser contemporary, Caletti, a native of Cremona where he was born about 1600, is supposed to have been particularly interested in Titian. He worked for a long time in Ferrara; Lanzi 1 8 3 4 , III, 224, says he left the city before his death, which probably took place about 1660. Longhi 1 9 5 7 b , 4 2 - 4 5 , cites him as a Caravaggist, a classification difficult to accept on the basis of his few surviving paintings. 02

Luca Ferrari was born in Reggio during 1 6 0 5 and died in Padua in 1 6 5 4 . He was influenced by Guido Reni and by Tiarini, whose follower he was. In 1 6 2 7 , he assisted Tiarini at Modena. Later he worked independently in Modena, Carpi, and Venice as well as in Reggio and Padua. 1,3 The combination of chiaroscuro and sotto-in-sù in Ferrari's Crown of Thorns in S. Tommaso Cantuariense, Padua, suggests that he had paid some attention to Spada's fresco of Judith and Holofernes in S. Maria della Ghiara in Reggio. Both paintings, however, are basically Emilian and only pseudo-Caravaggesque. Slightly more Caravaggesque are such of Ferrari's paintings as the Queen Tomyris (Modena, Galleria Estense, Fig. 3 1 7 ) . A print of this painting, dated 1649, is in the Museo Civico, Padua. 64 Caravaggio's visit to Tolentino in 1604 might also be noted at this point, though it was too brief to have had any influence on painting in the region. There were some other contacts with Roman Caravaggism. Emiliani 1 9 5 7 , 69-70, presents an 2 4 4

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most inaccessible, was extensive.65 Guerrieri traveled widely along the coast going as far afield as Verucchio near San Marino, and leaving paintings everywhere he went. It was a happy accident that Orazio Gentileschi and Guerrieri rather than, for example, Manfredi and Valentin, happened to be the region's direct contacts with Roman Caravaggism, for no two painters in the whole Roman group were more compatible to the Bolognese inspiration — that of Guido Reni — which was most effective on the Romagnoli. Gentileschi's activity in the Marches has already been discussed in connection with his years in Rome. Although Guerrieri spent much of his early maturity in Rome, he must nonetheless be identified as a painter of the Marches. He was born at Fossombrone in 1 5 8 9 , the son of a notary, and was first trained locally, although by whom is unknown. Apparently he was precocious; about 1 6 0 5 , he made a brief trip to the local capital, Pesaro, and in 1 6 0 6 , he went to Rome, 66 where he apparently made contact with Orazio Gentileschi. Except for a brief visit to Fossombrone in 1 6 1 1 , 6 7 he may have ingenious hypothesis that the copy of Caravaggio's Entombment now in S. Marco, Milan, is by Guerrieri. Emiliani speculates that Guerrieri took it with him when he went back to the Marches from Rome in 1 6 1 1 , and left it in Sassaferrato where it remained until it was carried as far as Milan during the Napoleonic despoliation of Italy. Another Caravaggesque painting which might have been known along the Adriatic coast was Vouet's Last Supper now in the Palazzo Apostolico, but until the eighteenth century at the altar of the Confraternità del Sacremento in the Basilica of Loreto. It would be tempting also to add the name of Spadarino as influential in the Marches, but there is no documentary evidence to place him there; the attribution of the paintings in Rieti and Ancona is disputed, and there is no proof of their having been there before the nineteenth century. Velazquez passed through the Marches on his way to Rome during 1 6 2 9 . His visit must have been very brief, but possibly Cagnacci or Centino had this opportunity to see his work (Trapier 1948, 1 5 3 - 1 5 4 ) · Finally it should be noted that Manetti's Assumption has been in S. Mercuriale, Forli, since 1 6 3 2 . It was commissioned of the painter by the daughters of the forlivese doctor, Pierpaolo Agostini. 06 Orazio also had contact with the Duke of Urbino at Pesaro (ch. 2, η. 3 ) . M He is credited with work, now all lost, at Barchi from 1 6 0 0 to 1606, according to Emiliani. Emiliani 1 9 5 7 , ι ο - ι ι , also mentions "un libretto di memorie, una specia di diario manoscritto." This diary was lost during World War II, but formerly was in the Passionei Library at Fossombrone; it is remembered through a few transcriptions made by the Canon Augusto Vernarecci during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In it were listed Guerrieri's paintings that were done between 1 6 0 0 and 1 6 0 5 . 07 In September 1 6 1 1 he was paid by the Company of S. Rocco in Fossombrone for a (now lost) Crucifixion and Saints. In May 1 6 1 2 he was recorded as being in Rome, and payments in 1 6 1 3 and June 1 6 1 4 were made to his father and his brother in Fossombrone. In 1 6 1 2 he married the first of his three wives, and the birth of their first child is recorded in the Cathedral of Fossombrone in 1 6 1 3 . His Mary Magdalen in a private collection, Fossombrone (Fig. 3 2 5 ) is signed and dated 1 6 1 1 . A replica is in Fano, at the Museo Civico. Derived from Orazio Gentileschi's painting of the same subject in S. Maria Maddalena, Fabriano (Fig. 6 8 ) , it might have been painted in Rome and shipped from there to the Marches, but considering the records of 1 6 1 1 - 1 6 1 3 , probably was painted

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O remained in Rome until 1 6 1 4 when he returned to the Marches. In that year he signed one of the large paintings commissioned by his patron Monsignor Vittorio Merollo, physician to Paul V, for the S. Nicola chapel in S. Maria del Piano del Ponte at Sassoferrato. From 1 6 1 5 to 1 6 1 8 , he was again in Rome, decorating three rooms (one of which, representing Parnassus, is signed and dated 1 6 1 7 ; Fig. 3 2 6 ) in the Borghese Palace, before returning to the Marches for the remainder of his life. From 1620 to 1628, documentary references to Guerrieri are sufficiently frequent to prove that he was in Fossombrone throughout the decade; probably he maintained residence in Fossombrone until 1655, when he went to live in Pesaro with his daughter Camilla,68 also a painter. However, from 1620 to 1 6 5 5 he carried out enough commissions away from his home to indicate that he roamed the Adriatic coast from Fano to Rimini. He died sometime between 1 6 5 5 and 1659. Although a competent painter, Guerrieri was fundamentally a humble country naturalist, at his best when painting simple portraits and anecdotal narratives. When he went to Rome for the first time, probably accustomed to a Baroccesque style in which he is likely to have been trained, he must have welcomed the discovery of Caravaggio as a liberating force, one which encouraged him to follow his predilection for descriptive naturalism. That he did so can be seen in such paintings as the Still Life (Bologna, private collection; Fig. 3 2 3 ) , the small bust Portrait of a Lady (Fossombrone, Museo Civico; Fig. 324), 6 9 and the Miracle of St. Nicholas of Tolentino (Sassoferrato, S. Maria del Piano del Ponte; Fig. 3 1 9 ) . 7 0 The Still Life consists of fruit and vegetables which might be found in an Italian peasant's kitchen, and a modest bouquet of flowers similar to that in Caravaggio's Leningrad Lute Player. The sitter of the portrait wears a pearl necklace, a fancy hair ribbon, and a dress with a simple trimming, but she is treated with a concentrated objectivity recollective of Caravaggio's Portrait of the Courtesan Filide (formerly Berlin, Kaiser Friedrich Museum; Fig. 26); the harsh light effect, the wooden articulation of the in Fossombrone. Emiliani would also date at this time the copy of Caravaggio's Entombment (Milan, S. Marco) which he attributes to Guerrieri. 08 Born in Fossombrone in 1 6 2 8 , she married Paolo de' Nati, a native of Gubbio who was resident in Pesaro, where she stayed until her father's death. Then she went to Florence, where she died in 1 6 6 4 or later. None of her paintings has been identified. m Emiliani repeats the tradition that it may be a portrait of Livia della Rovere, the wife of Francesco Maria II. A companion portrait of a man may represent the Duke himself. ™ Signed and dated 1 6 1 4 . One of a cycle of twenty paintings in the Cappella di S. Nicola.

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head on the neck, and hard flesh treatment are similar also to Tanzio, whose work Guerrieri may have seen in Rome. The Miracle of St. Nicholas was a more ambitious undertaking, involving not only the study of appearances and material relations, but also the telling of a story. Most of the heads are portrait studies of ordinary Italians dressed in finery to which they do not seem entirely accustomed. This objectivity and the strong light, from an artificial source off to the left, are the kinds of visible qualities which Guerrieri must have been happy to find in Caravaggio. Country man that he was, Guerrieri could rarely resist the temptation to include a landscape background; by including one here, he destroyed the dramatic force of the light. Although he painted what he saw competently and he included the elements that were essential to the narrative, he did not give it much vitality: the figures are generally insubstantial masses, the bodies awkwardly articulated, their gestures rhetorical, and psychological relations among them superficial or often wholly lacking. Guerrieri had an appreciation of the material and the poetry of mute objectivity; but he lacked the ability to penetrate human psychology and to evoke convincing emotion by creation of an intensely dramatic situation. His limitations can be clearly seen in the Madonna of the Rosary with Sts. Monica and Augustine (Sassoferrato, S. Maria del Piano del Ponte; Fig. 3 2 0 ) , 7 1 in which he combined sharply objective portraits with an awkward composition, the result perhaps of his lack of ease with so artificial a concept. In such a subject as this he seems to have turned for direction to Orazio Gentileschi. Gentileschi's influence is evident in the approximately contemporary Circumcision (Sassoferrato, S. Francesco; Fig. 3 2 1 ) , with its almost wistful display of rich costumes and apparatus (for example in the group of the two figures with the pitcher and ewer in the lower right), and in the Borghese cycle, which consists of fine details disjunctively related to each other and to the background. 72 The climax of his Caravaggesque phase came during the teens. During the rest of his life, he vacillated between Caravaggesque and Emilian influences, as can be recognized in the contrast between the St. Charles Borromeo with 71

Executed for Nicolò Volponi and signed and dated 1 6 1 5 . This effect may result partially from his use of a number of assistants in carrying out the cycle. Included among them were "Abele Rampunion, a landscapist, Avantino or perhaps Avanzino da Gubbio and his brother Federico, Francesco Fransi, and Ambrogio Lucenti who painted decorations and friezes" (della Pergola 1 9 5 6 , 2 1 4 ) . 73

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the Noble Petrucci Dressed as a Beggar and the Miracle of the Blind Infant (both painted during 1 6 2 5 - 1 6 3 0 for the Cappella di S. Carlo in S. Pietro in Valle, Fano; Figs. 3 2 2 and 3 2 7 ) , the former filled with authentic naturalistic details, the latter a piece of Bolognese dolcezza. Finally the Emilian forces won out. Guerrieri's last signed and dated painting, the St. Victor of 1654 (Urbino, Galleria Nazionale delle Marche) was for years wrongly attributed to Garbieri; except for such details as the drapery in the left foreground, it would probably have been taken for a late Guercino. Despite his travels, and the contacts which he inevitably must have had with other painters, Guerrieri was isolated, the only memorable painter of the century in his immediate area. A little farther up the Adriatic coast were two other painters, Cagnacci and Centino, who, together with Manzoni of Faenza, formed a kind of Romagnolese group.73 Manzoni and Centino were local artists without reputation beyond the cities in which they worked; Guido Cagnacci can not be dismissed so lightly, for not only did he travel, thus simultaneously making himself known beyond his home and increasing his own sophistication, but also he was a painter of considerable ability. Cagnacci 74 was born at Castel Sant'Angelo near Rimini in 1 6 0 1 , the son of 73 Another painter in the area who showed a brief responsiveness to Caravaggesque influences was Simone Cantarini ( 1 6 1 2 - 1 6 4 8 ) . A native of Pesaro, Cantarmi about 1 6 3 0 fell under the spell of Guido Reni's Madonna with Sts. Thomas and Jerome (painted by commission of the Olivieri family for the cathedral of Pesaro. Since the first half of the nineteenth century in the Vatican). He went to Bologna to study with Guido, and just after his return to the Adriatic coast about 1 6 3 9 , Cantarini painted a Miracle of St. Peter for S. Pietro in Valle in Fano (Fig. 3 2 8 ) , to hang opposite Guido's Giving of the Keys to St. Peter, which is now in the Musée des Beaux Arts, Perpignan. While showing Cantarini's indebtedness to Guido for the bright mosaic of color, the linear refinement, and for such details as St. Peter himself, the Miracle is composed in a manner that is too busy and anecdotal for Guido, with a fairly consistent naturalistic light and with some clearly Caravaggesque details, notably the woman and child in the lower right corner which Cantarini took from Guerrieri, whose paintings in the church he must have seen daily. The influence of Cagnacci also might be expected, although Cantarini is reported to have resented what he felt was Cagnacci's copying him (Ravaioli 1946, 4 8 ) . Perhaps some indication of the interest Cantarini had in Caravaggesque painting can be recognized in the Joseph and Potiphar's Wife (Dresden, Gemäldegallerie) or in such single figure paintings as the St. Joseph (Pesaro, painted for the church of S. Filippo Neri but now in the Museo Civico). It was a slight interest, and it was not sustained for more than a year or so about 1640. 71 His family name was Cagnacci, and he was baptised Guido. When he went to live in Venice about 1 6 5 0 , he is supposed (by Orlandi 1 7 5 3 , IV, 2 7 2 ) to have changed his name to Guidobaldo Canlassi because of the unattractive associations of his true name. This fairly plausible story is supported by some eighteenth-century documents published by Costa (Ricci 1 9 1 3 / 1 9 1 4 , 6 - 7 ) ; but it must be noted that at least three times after his arrival in Vienna, in the Death of Cleopatra (Fig. 3 3 6 ) and the Inspiration of St. Jerome (both in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna) and in the

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Matteo, a furrier and the town-crier. His earliest biographer, the eighteenthcentury Riminese painter G. B. Costa, said he studied in Bologna with Guido Reni, made a brief trip to Venice, and settled in Rimini by 1 6 3 4 . It is documented that he was in the vicinity by 1 6 3 5 , when he painted an altarpiece for the Collegiata at Castel Sant'Angelo. This altarpiece represents St. Joseph Instructing the Child Jesus with St. Eligius Looking on (Fig. 3 3 2 ) , a homely subject which might be expected to have appealed to a country congregation. It is evidently Caravaggesque. Taken together with other Cagnacci paintings believed to date from 1 6 3 5 - 1 6 4 0 , including the Calling of St. Matthew (Rimini, painted for S. Matteo but now in the Pinacoteca, temporarily housed in the Biblioteca Gambalunga; Fig. 3 2 9 ) and the altarpiece of the Madonna and Child with Sts. Andrew Corsini, Theresa, and Mary Magdalen de' Pazzi (Rimini, S. Giovanni Battista, of which church Cagnacci was a parishioner; Fig. 3 3 4 ) , it has led modern scholars to put off his contact with Guido Reni until just before Guido's death in 1642. It has been suggested that Cagnacci as a youth may have made a trip to Rome, and have come into contact with Caravaggism there.75 The trip, hypothesized primarily as an explanation for the Caravaggesque tendencies in Cagnacci's work of the 1630s, seems unlikely, since nowhere in his oeuvre does there appear anything specifically and directly derivative from Caravaggio himself. Nor does it seem necessary; for Cagnacci clearly felt the influence of Guerrieri and through him of Orazio Gentileschi, and their inspiration (together with whatever other Caravaggesque ideas had by 1 6 3 0 filtered through to Romagna) should have been sufficient to move Cagnacci toward his Caravaggesque phase. How he painted before 1 6 3 5 is entirely unknown. But considering the close similarity to Guerrieri, it seems possible that the much-copied and repainted Preaching of St. Anthony of Padua (Forlì, cathedral; Fig. 33o), 7 ® the Broken Bottle with Flowers (Forlì, Pinacoteca Comunale; Fig. 3 3 3 ) , " and Death of Lucrezia ( L y o n , Musée des Beaux-Arts), he signed himself "Guido Cagnacci." Orlandi's explanation for the two names (that he was born Canlassi and called Cagnacci because of his grubby physique) seems therefore to be simply fantasy. For the most recent discussion of Cagnacci's career, see Arcangeli in Exhibition Catalogue 1 9 5 9 c , 2 7 4 - 2 8 4 . 75

Ravaioli 1 9 4 6 , 2 8 . Signed "Pinxit Guido/Cagnaccus." There are numerous other versions. " Arcangeli suggests that this painting is a copy of a companion painting to the similar subject in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston ( F i g . 2 5 ) , which Swarzenski has attributed to Caravaggio him76

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O perhaps the St. Mark the Evangelist (Rimini, Pinacoteca; Fig. 3 3 1 ) are among his early works. They show simple objectivity in the observation of natural details and a corresponding restraint in handling which are reminiscent of Guerrieri. From such beginnings the evolution of the more ambitious but still clearly Caravaggesque manner of the Castel Sant'Angelo and allied paintings would be natural. The straightforward illusionism, the stage lighting, and the factual and prosaic representation of the action in the Calling of St. Matthew (Fig. 3 2 9 ) , are unquestionably Caravaggesque, but Cagnacci's conception of the subject was different from Caravaggio's. Cagnacci represented it as a courtly meeting between two elegant and punctilious gentlemen. The same contradiction of Caravaggio can be seen in the Rimini altarpiece (Fig. 3 3 4 ) , where everyone behaves with the politesse Orazio Gentileschi required of his subjects, and where the additive composition in which three groups of figures have been arbitrarily juxtaposed for devotional reasons but with total obliviousness of each other, is similar to such formal altarpieces as Gentileschi's Madonna of the Rosary (Fig. 7 4 ) , although without its symmetry. In both of Cagnacci's paintings, the extravagant display of textures and variety of colors in the stuffs, and the bright but not dazzling illumination, which might be from very strong daylight rather than from an artificial source, also indicate relationships with Gentileschi and Guerrieri. The young Cagnacci, like Guerrieri, was a sharp observer and a forthright but not unimaginative painter of visual fact. His compositions were not inventive and his narration was neither dramatic nor lively. But he was somewhat more sensitive than Guerrieri and more of a sensualist. The contact with Guido Reni seems to have been the catalyst which simultaneously brought these two aspects of his character to full realization and led him to the achievement of his mature style. By the time of the two quadroni of the Glory of Sts. Valerian and Mercurial (Fig. 33 5 ), 78 commissioned in 1642 and completed by 1644 (for the Forli cathedral, but now in the Pinacoteca), Cagnacci's manner had been transformed. He continued to look to Guido Reni as a model throughout the remainder of his career, even after his move from Rimini to Venice about 1650, self. The style, notably the looser handling and richer impasto, of the Boston painting demonstrates it to be a work of an earlier master closer to Caravaggio. 78 T h e paintings are curved so as to fit the apse wall of the cathedral.

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and his subsequent transfer about 1 6 5 7 (when his patron Leopold William was elected Emperor) to Vienna, where he stayed until his death in 1 6 8 1 . Cagnacci was not happy or successful in Venice; he had a bitter rivalry with Pietro Liberi, and he fell so foul of Boschini that he was not mentioned in the Carta da Navegar, an omission he resented bitterly.79 No paintings have been absolutely identified from this Venetian period; but in the 1 6 5 9 inventory of the Emperor Leopold's collection is mentioned the signed St. Jerome (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum), presumably one of Cagnacci's first Viennese works. The spry old saint is an ordinary Guido Reni male nude, in a typically affected and rhetorical pose. In the sentimental eroticism of such of Cagnacci's late female nudes as the Death of Cleopatra (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum; Fig. 336), 8 0 vestiges of Guido's influence surely can be recognized. But Arcangeli,81 writing of the two quadroni and observing Guido's influence on them, was so perceptive that he saw in them a Caravaggism in chiaro; and though their dimensions and subjects, and the position high in the apse of the Forli cathedral for which they were intended (which required a sotto-in-sù perspective system) make it difficult to recognize them as Caravaggesque even by distant derivation, they show a reformed Caravaggism consecutive and similar to that of Orazio Gentileschi in England, and parallel to the translucent illusionism of Velazquez in Spain and Karel Fabritius and Vermeer in Holland. Cagnacci's Cleopatra is a seventeenth-century sensualist, and her effectiveness is reliant on the titillating illusionism and the opalescent handling (almost identical to that of Orazio Gentileschi's Head of a Girl, London, Benn Collection; Fig. 8 3 ) with which he painted her. The Cleopatra and related paintings are very different from those of the mature Caravaggio; but they seem to be a logical Caravaggesque development. Their conception is traceable to Caravaggio's early manner; they seem to be products of an attempt like his to give emotional force to traditional subjects by presenting them as visually convincing contemporary events. As for Centino and Manzoni, they were less cosmopolitan, and their painting remained provincial and rétardataire. Centino (whose name was Giovanni ™ Ricci 1 9 1 3 - 1 9 1 4 , 7 - 8 . 80 Signed "Guido Cagnacci." One of several versions of this subject. 81 In Exhibition Catalogue 1 9 5 9 c , 2 7 5 .

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Francesco Nagli) was a native of Cento, and a student of Guercino's before going to Rimini. He probably spent all of his adult life in and around that city, venturing no farther away from it than Pesaro. His birth and death dates are unknown; but his earliest painting, the Annunciation (formerly Rimini, S. Fortunato; destroyed during World War II), was signed and dated 1638, and a document of 1665 implies that he was living then. Surely younger than Cagnacci, Centino was no doubt influenced by him during the thirties when both were in Rimini. In the Annunciation, Centino was obviously responsive to the limpid atmosphere, the even light, the firm outlines and the bright color of Orazio Gentileschi.82 His undramatic narration and his respect for the substantiality of objects led him to develop a method of naturalistic representation which Arcangeli83 has compared to Zurbaran's. It is to be seen in his remarkable painting of St. Anthony Abbot (Rimini, Pinacoteca; Fig. 3 3 9 ) which, despite a certain relation to Spadarino, is unique in Italian Caravaggism. The saint is surrounded by a number of his attributes — a pig, a dog, a bell, bread, fire, a sword, and so forth. They are arranged according to a conservative, almost primitive, spatial organization in which they seem to be as much on the two-dimensional ground as within the shallow threedimensional space. It is as though they were on display; and indeed each object has been studied intensely with a passionate observation of the facts of its essential visual characteristics. Even colors are subdued, limited to neutrals; there is no action; and effects of paint surface are almost eliminated, as if to prevent distraction of attention from illusory to actual textures and thus from the objects represented in the painting to the painting as an object itself. Since Centino was a competent craftsman as well as an observer, this dogged naturalism gives an effect of trompe d'oeil; but only partially, for the representation is primarily of a group of juxtaposed objects rather than of a whole scene. Each object is represented independently of effects of general light, atmosphere, and position in space. These intangibles are effective, but only as functions of the objects. They do not act on objects according to systems external to them; rather they are manifest by the objects themselves, as characteristic of them. So the painting is composed of fragments; what unifies them, aside from their maintenance of a relatively consistent degree of naturalism, and aside from their 82 88

Judging from the surviving photograph and description, published by Arcangeli 1 9 5 4 , 5 2 - 5 7 . 1950, 41.

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mere juxtaposition with each other, is their extravisual meaning. Centino's manner is similar to that of Tanzio's in the Pescocostanza altarpiece: a somewhat naïve but sincere and appealing insistence on symbolic meanings. Although the illusionistic handling of the various objects in the painting is sophisticated, this conception of the whole is not, because it compromises the integrity of a unified visual experience for the sake of the nonvisual conceptual and religious subject matter. Though lacking such iconographie complications, Centino's St. Augustine (Rimini, Pinacoteca; Fig. 3 3 8 ) 8 4 has much the same studied naturalism. As he grew older, Centino accepted more representational conventions, as can be seen in the only surviving one of his three paintings 85 for the parish church of S. Vito near Rimini. Its subject, St. Modestus Instructing St. Vitus in the Verities of Faith (Fig. 3 3 7 ) , is not extraordinary. It is a theme that an ordinary Baroque religious painter might be expected to use repeatedly, particularly for the simple congregations of country churches. Centino conceived it in an unexceptional way, as the narration of fact. His fundamentally realistic point of view is obtrusive: each figure is defined with a striking palpability; the position of the Virgin and Child conventionally placed in the clouds overlooking the pious indoctrination, seems dangerously precarious, as if the problems of representing the immanent in a material world were irresolvable to a painter so dedicated to the characterization of real objects. In contrast to Centino's partial sophistication, Manzoni was a complete rustic. First discussed in the twentieth century by Longhi 8 6 as Michele, he seems more likely to have been named Biagio Manzoni, as Arcangeli indicates. 87 Lanzi 8 8 supplied him with an adventuresome life, and death. He said that he was killed by a supposed local rival, Ferrau Fenzoni ( 1 5 6 2 - 1 6 4 5 ) . The actual facts of his birth and death are unknown, but Longhi and Arcangeli suggest less romantically that he was active in Faenza between ca. 1 6 2 0 and ca. 1 6 3 5 and that he died there at an early age from a more prosaic cause. His paintings make it evident that, unlike Cagnacci and Centino, he went to Rome and made a careful study of Caravaggio and the Caravaggists. His St. 81 A companion piece perhaps representing St. Ambrose was destroyed during World W a r II. Both paintings were in the city hall of Rimini, but neither appears in art literature before 1 8 6 4 . 86 T h e others were destroyed in World W a r II. Arcangeli dates them after 1 6 5 5 . 86 87 88

1 9 5 7 , 4 2 - 4 5 . In Thieme-Becker also he is called Michele. Exhibition Catalogue 1 9 5 9 c , 2 6 5 - 2 6 7 . 1 8 3 4 , II, 2 2 2 .

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(Faenza, Cathedral; Fig. 3 4 0 ) is faintly derivative from

Caravaggio's Capitoline and Doria paintings; the Christ of his

Flagellation

(also Faenza, Cathedral) seems to be a reversal of the Christ in the same subject (Rouen, Musée des Beaux-Arts) or a variant on the lost Caravaggio of which copies are in the museums of Macerata and Catania; his of St. Thomas

Incredulity

(Faenza, Convent of S. Domenico) seems surely derived from

the Catania-Macerata copies; and his Martyrdom

of St. Sebastian

Louvre; Fig. 3 4 1 ) probably originated from Caravaggio's lost St.

(Paris,

Sebastian.89

It is also evident from his paintings that Manzoni was earnest and clumsily primitive as well. He had no understanding of human anatomy, little capacity either to create convincing three-dimensional space or to arrange figures within it, and considerable difficulty in working out scale relations. Occasionally, as in the Incredulity

of St. Thomas,

he overcame these mechanical handicaps.

Ordinarily he was the sturdy unimaginative painter of the Martyrdom Eutropius

of St.

(Faenza, formerly at the high altar of the cathedral, now in the

Pinacoteca; Fig. 3 4 2 ) , who found Caravaggesque realism entirely satisfying to his materialistic peasant taste, but who presumably lacked sufficient sophistication to recognize the shortcomings of his own attempts at a similar realism. It is significant that the most straightforward and consistent Caravaggesque painter in the Emilia-Romagna area should have been as humble as Manzoni. Longhi's statement90 that he cultivated a Caravaggesque oasis in the Emilian desert is poetic exaggeration; but only a painter like Manzoni, sheltered by his intellectual and technical limitations and by his — and his patrons' — geographic and artistic isolation, could hope to make more than a passing success of Caravaggism in Emilia. Otherwise Caravaggesque painting was overwhelmed by the Bolognese tradition. The painters of Emilia and Romagna during the first half of the seventeenth century came from backgrounds similar, sometimes even identical, to Caravaggio's. Occasionally they accepted Caravaggesque elements for novelty, for sensationalism or for rein vigora tion, but ordinarily Caravaggism was alien to Emilia-Romagna. 89 This lost Caravaggio was mentioned by Bellori as one of Caravaggio's best pieces; it was described as containing two figures in addition to the saint. A reflection of it can probably be recognized in a St. Sebastian in a private Roman collection. Previous writers have never considered the possibility that this lost St. Sebastian and that mentioned by Scannelli might be the same painting. T h e descriptions are different but not contradictory; the existence of Manzoni's dérivant is suggestive, considering the fact that Scannelli claimed to have seen the lost original in Modena ( η . 1 5 above).

1957. 45·

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I

Δ

X j L L Τ Η Ο υ G Η Lombardy and Piedmont were independent of each other politically, their artistic situation was in some respects similar to that in Emilia, Romagna, and the Marches. Contiguous to each other and without any formidable natural boundaries separating them, Piedmont and Lombardy were situated so as to permit painters to travel easily and quickly from one region to the other. Many painters did this with the result that the two regions formed a loose artistic union. Although Lombardy had the richer artistic patrimony, it did not entirely dominate Piedmont; and the painters of the two regions, particularly those associated with Caravaggism, spread their activities throughout the entire area. However, of the two capitals, Turin was a little out of the way, and had less contact with developments from outside the area. Thus, Milan functioned as the center, though often enough rather casually. Many of the leading painters of the area lived there at one time or another, and most of the rest paid the city at least fleeting visits. As for Caravaggesque activity, Milan had some opportunities. Caravaggio had had his early training there; and what he had seen, other neophytes could see. The oldest among them could have known him and could have studied with the same masters. But Caravaggio's mature style was based on his transformation in Rome of what he had learned in Lombardy, and the young artist in Milan had little at home to guide him to a similar growth: Caravaggio's Basket of Fruit (Fig. 2 1 ) , 1 probably the Caravaggios belonging to Onorio 'Probably one of the paintings mentioned in a letter of 1 5 9 6 from Cardinal del Monte to

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Longhi; 2 Marchese Sannesio's copy of the Bari (formerly in the Sciarra Collection but now lost); 3 and possibly copies of his Entombment (one is now in S. Marco) 4 and of his Decapitation of St. John.5 These opportunities were supplemented by the visits to Milan of some Caravaggesque painters, but all of them were brief: Ter Brugghen passed through Milan in 1614,® CaraccioloT about the same time, Vouet 8 a few years later, and Stomer during the early thirties. Turin was no more fortunate. Caravaggio never went there, nor did any of his paintings.9 The main spur for Caravaggesque activity, aside from such returned Piedmontese as Tanzio, Molineri, and Musso (none of whom lived in Turin), was Orazio Gentileschi who probably visited the city in 1 6 2 3 , was very successful and highly appreciated there, and left several works behind.10 Federico Borromeo, to whom the paintings were being sent as a gift. In 1 6 0 7 it was part of Cardinal Borromeo's first donation to the Ambrosiana. 2 After the murder of Ranuccio Tomassoni in 1606, Longhi fled to Milan; he remained there until 1 6 1 1 when a papal pardon permitted him to return to Rome. In his petition for the pardon (Friedlaender 1 9 5 5 , 2 8 7 ) , he said that he had his wife and five children with him in Milan. Presumably he would have had his household goods with him also, and probably among these household goods were the three Caravaggio paintings mentioned in the will of Longhi's son Martino II, dated July 3 1 , 1656. These paintings included portraits of Onorio Longhi himself, of his wife, Caterina Campani, and a St. John the Baptist in the Desert. The portrait of Longhi has disappeared. The portrait of a young woman with orange blossoms which was in Berlin ( K g · 2 6 ) , has been suggested as the companion painting. But by 1 6 3 8 , it was already listed in the Giustiniani inventory, as a Portrait of a Courtesan named Vilide, so it is not the Longhi portrait. The St. John in the Desert might possibly be identified with the painting in the Kansas City Art Museum, with the copy in Naples, or perhaps with one of the several variants. If these three paintings were actually in Milan, they were there only for the relatively brief period from 1606 to 1 6 1 1 . 3

It was stolen from Rome and taken to Milan in 1 6 2 1 (Bertolotti 1 8 8 1 α , II, 7 6 f ) . See ch. 8, nn. 64, 67, suggesting Guerrieri as the painter of this copy. If he was, and the rest of Emiliani's hypothesis is correct, the painting would not have appeared in Milan before the last few years of the 1790s and would therefore be irrelevant in this context. 5 Hinks 1 9 5 3 , 1 1 7 . President de Brosses saw a copy of Caravaggio's original in the church of S. Fidele, Milan, during 1 7 3 9 - 1 7 4 0 . β Nicolson 1 9 5 7 , 36. 7 Probably Caracciolo actually painted his Agony in the Garden for the church at Vho where it is now but there is nothing to prove that his Christ and the Man of Cyrene (Turin, University; Fig. 1 8 6 ) was there during the seventeenth century. As for the Christ and the Woman of Samaria (Fig. 1 9 0 ) its provenience before it entered the Brera Collection in 1 8 2 0 is unknown. 8 There is no record of Vouet's having been in Milan. However, in a letter dated May 2 1 , 1 6 2 1 (Bottari-Ticozzi 1 8 2 2 , I, 3 3 2 ) to Cassiano dal Pozzo in Rome, he said he hoped to go to Milan on his way back to Rome. 9 The Ecstacy of St. Trancis, in Pinerolo by 1 5 9 7 until ca. 1 6 1 2 , may have been copied or remembered. 10 Griseri 1 9 6 1 , 2 7 - 2 8 , seems to indicate that Orazio may not have visited Turin, but was represented there by paintings only. These works included the Annunciation (Galleria Sabauda; Fig. 7 8 ) which Orazio painted in 1 6 2 3 in Genoa and shipped to Turin, and the Assumption of the 4

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Although there is no record of his having ever been there, Vouet was patronized by the Prince-Cardinal of Savoy, and presumably some of his paintings also found their way to Turin, 11 together with a few other Caravaggesque paintings which were in the Ducal Palace by 1 6 3 1 , and possibly earlier.12 There is little possibility of finding any indigenous Caravaggesque painters in Milan or Turin. Mannerism was unusually persistent in the area, and although the local painters were not without experience of the newly developed Baroque and particularly of the Baroque return to nature, they used these experiences during the first three decades of the century mainly to restore and refresh their traditional Mannerism rather than to transform it. Not until well into the second generation of the seventeenth century was it superseded. The only local painter who certainly responded to Caravaggio was Giuseppe Vermiglio. Probably born in Piedmont during the early 1580s, Vermiglio was in Rome by 1604, a student of Adriano de Monteleone from Perugia; he was still in Rome in 1 6 1 9 . 1 3 His earliest known painting, the Incredulity

of St.

Thomas (Rome, S. Tommaso in Vincis; Fig. 3 4 3 ) , is signed and dated 1 6 1 2 . Longhi calls it "one of the most sincerely" Caravaggesque paintings that can be imagined at the time, and indulges in the fantasy of recognizing portraits of Caravaggio and Annibale within it. The influence of Caravaggio is unmistakable in the light effects, the objective observation of most of the figures, Virgin, the high altarpiece with life-sized figures in the Capuchin Church, which Griseri believes to have been painted in Rome as much earlier as ca. 1605, that is contemporaneously with the Baptism of Christ (Rome, S. Maria della Pace; Fig. 38). Griseri notes a reference (in Orazio's letter from Genoa sending the Annunciation to the Duke in Turin) to works the painter had done in his youth for the same patron, and supposes the Annunciation to have been one of these. The hypothesis of the earlier date of the Assumption is appealing; but a date contemporary with the "Rosei" Madonna (Fig. 76) in the mid-teens seems likelier, and the possibility of a kind of retrospection, like that of the St. Cecilia (Fig· 7 7 ) in the Brera, seems likeliest. A Lot and His Daughters by Orazio which Vorsterman engraved, was in the Ducal Palace by 1623 and was inventoried by Della Corna in 1 6 3 1 . Griseri notes in a 1644 inventory a reference to four other paintings attributed to Orazio; all genre subjects, they are now lost, or (more likely) were misidentified in the inventory. Orazio's son, Francesco, was in Turin a second time during 1 6 3 6 - 1 6 3 7 (Baudi di Vesme 1932, I, 3 2 1 ; Griseri 1 9 6 1 , 35 n. 24). 11 Bottari-Ticozzi 1822, I, 332. 12 Mentioned in the inventory of 1 6 3 1 were a Denial of St. Peter "di maniera del Caravaggio" which Della Corna attributed to Saraceni, a St. Joseph by Molineri, a frieze with nine muses by Antiveduto Grammatica, a Cato and a Judith attributed to Ribera, and a David with the Head of Goliath, which was attributed to the same artist, but probably was the painting of that subject still in the Sabauda Gallery (ch. 7 η. 40; Fig. 283). 13 Vermiglio is mentioned in Roman court records of 1604, 1605, and 1 6 1 x, and in parish registers of 1 6 1 5 and 1 6 1 9 (Bertolotti 1884a, 167, and Longhi 1943, 30).

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and the concentrated composition. Vestigial Mannerism is equally evident, in the postures and gestures of many of the figures (for example, St. Thomas himself), in the static and inexpressive gathering of figures around Christ, in the color, and finally in the densely crowded space. No other Roman painting by Vermiglio has been recognized; a few of his later works are known.14 They make clear that what little Caravaggism he may have developed in Rome did not survive his return to his native region. By 1 6 2 2 the Brera Nativity15 shows no signs of Caravaggism; it is derivative from Emilian painting — from Lanfranco and more distantly from Schidone and Correggio.16 Vermiglio's more renowned contemporary, Morazzone,17 might be expected to have responded to Caravaggio, with whom he is likely to have had personal contact. But he did not, and his paintings show no significant signs of Caravaggio's influence. Two of his followers, Daniele Crespi and Francesco del Cairo, developed a kind of pseudo-Caravaggism. Crespi 18 was Morazzone's successor as Milan's most influential painter. According to Malvezzi,19 Crespi was a student of Vermiglio's; but this is unlikely, because the older painter did not return from Rome until the precocious Crespi was already mature. Crespi was possibly in touch with Tanzio, and conceivably had contact with some visiting Caravaggists like Vouet or Caracciolo. In any case, his Humble Repast of St. Charles Borromeo (Milan, S. Maria della Passione; Fig. 3 4 4 ) , painted about the same time or shortly after Vermiglio was working in the same church, 11 In 1 6 2 6 he did the signed and dated Christ and Samaritan Woman (Turin, Galleria Sabauda); other paintings of his survive in Milan, Pavia, Alessandria, and Augsburg. After 1 6 3 5 , when the Duke of Savoy paid him for a painting of the Prodigal Son, there are no notices of him, although Malvezzi 1 8 8 2 , 2 5 1 - 2 5 2 thought that he died only in 1 6 7 5 — surely too late by many years. 16 Signed " E x Operib/Josephi Ver-/Mil . . . 1 6 2 2 . " Painted for S. Maria delle Grazia, Novara. 1β The shepherds on the right are so close to Daniele Crespi as to indicate that Vermiglio was deliberately imitating the younger master. 17 Morazzone's full and correct name was Pier Francesco Mazzucchelli. Born in Morazzone near Varese in 1 5 7 1 or 1 5 7 3 , he was trained in Milan at the same time as Caravaggio, and went to Rome a little later. By September 1 5 9 8 he had returned to northern Italy and was frescoing the vaults of the cappella del Rosario in S. Vittore at Varese. Until his death in Piacenza in 1 6 2 6 , he traveled in the Piedmont-Lombardy area, painting altarpieces and frescoes in a late Mannerist style, entirely different from Caravaggio's, even in the extraordinary instance of a painting like that of the Ecce Homo (Florence, Longhi Collection), the composition of which may be based on the lost Caravaggio Crown of Thorns once in the Giustiniani Collection.

"Daniele Crespi was born between 1 5 9 8 and 1 6 0 0 in Busto Arizio (Varese), trained by G. B. Crespi called il Cerano (who perhaps was his uncle) and by G. B. Procaccini. Crespi died in Milan of the plague in 1 6 3 0 , without having left the Piedmont-Lombard area. He was a remarkably prolific artist. 19 1882, 243.

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at least approaches a Caravaggesque style.20 Crespi presented the simple subject as narrative genre, although with such seriousness and so loving a sensitivity to physical detail as to hint of some inherent religious significance; and he lighted it according to a clearly defined and logically functioning system. So its spirit is close to Caravaggio's, and some of the devices and details used in it seem to be also. But the light falls upon the central figure without being convincing as illumination of the whole volume, and without any reflected lights at all; there is a slight but unmistakable distortion in the perspective; the space is somewhat ambiguous, without specific and exact constructive definition; a cool, yellowish fog hangs over all the colors, which are conceived as absolute local tones, their hues unchanging in the modulation from light to dark; and none of the objects has real substantiality. This painting is a kind of feint, not even necessarily done in a conscious attempt to imitate Caravaggesque painting; closer than anything of Morazzone's, nevertheless it is basically a parallel to, rather than a product of, Caravaggism. Crespi's art was less mannered than Morazzone's; the obvious distortions of the older painter's work are not so easily found in the younger's. But Crespi retained a fastidiousness and refinement which precluded his development of either the straightforward and brutal realism of the true Caravaggists or that "staticità monumentale del Caravaggio" which Nicodemi recognized as unattainable by him.21 The youngest of these Milan-Turin painters, Francesco del Cairo,22 like Crespi, was also only pseudo-Caravaggesque. The Herodias (Vicenza, Pinacoteca Comunale; Fig. 3 4 6 ) 2 3 is typical of his early style. The color is derivative from Morazzone, exotic and unnatural with a subtle interplay of icy greens, yellow-greens and disturbing neutral red-violet browns. Herodias is melo20 Crespi also carried out the organ shutters and two series of oils for the same church: fourteen canvasses of "Personaggi Celebri dell'Ordine Lateranense," displayed on the piers of the central nave, and eight scenes of the Passion for the octagonal crossing. Several of these, notably the Sts. Aguitinus and Ubaldus, Popes Alexander II, Innocent II, and Anastasius II among the imaginary portraits, and the Flagellation and the Crown of Thorns among the Passion series, are superficially Caravaggesque. 21

1930, 85. Born at Santo Stefano in Brevio near Varese in 1 6 0 7 , he was Morazzone's pupil. He spent part of his life (ca. 1 6 3 3 - 1 6 3 8 ; 1 6 3 9 - 1 6 4 8 ) in Turin patronized by Vittorio Amedeo of Savoy, whose favorite he was; he made trips to Rome ( 1 6 3 8 ) and to Venice, and in 1 6 4 8 transferred from Turin to Milan where he died in 1 6 6 5 . After his Roman trip, he submitted to the influence of Guido Reni and of Venetian painting. 23 Other versions of the same subject are in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, and the Galleria Sabauda, Turin. The Turin version appears in Delia Coma's inventory of 1 6 3 5 ; the others can be dated about the same time. 22

259

T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O dramatic, and her body-forms and drapery are completely volatile; she is del Cairo's favorite model and his ideal type. Although the light effect, particularly in a black and white reproduction, appears to have Caravaggio's discipline, and the subject is one favored by several Caravaggists, the painting is basically nonCaravaggesque. During the thirties del Cairo was also fascinated by night scenes, as in his several versions of the Agony in the Garden.2* But his vision of the subject, what Testori has called its "lunar poetry," is simply the ubiquitous Correggio's, seen through Morazzone's eyes; 25 no part of this vision is Caravaggio's. II These painters were active primarily in Milan, or Turin, or both.26 Neither of these capital cities seems to have attracted, or encouraged, the few relatively convinced Caravaggesque painters in the area; for they, although sometimes present in one of the capital cities, did most of their work elsewhere. Many of them were wanderers, nominally at home in some city in Lombardy or Piedmont, but frequently on the road. Six in number, they spanned three generations in time; their activities extended geographically from Mantua in southeastern Lombardy to Domodossola in northern Piedmont. Except for Genovesino, they all went to Rome as youths and spent considerable time there. The oldest of them, Tanzio da Varallo and Bartolomeo Manfredi, were roughly contemporary with Caravaggio; Manfredi probably knew him in Rome, and perhaps Tanzio did also. Two of them, Manfredi and Serodine, left the area as youths, before their artistic personalities had developed any individuality; 24

One in Galleria Sabauda, Turin, which was listed by Della Coma in 1 6 3 5 ; another in the Museo del Castello Sforzesco, Milan; and a third in the Testori Collection, Novate. 25 Morazzone also did a version of the subject, in the Cugini Collection, Bergamo. 28 Several other Milanese painters, notably Andrea Bianchi called il Vespino and Francesco Parone, were so minor and are so little remembered that hardly more is known of them than their names and some suspected connection with Caravaggism. For Parone, see ch. 3, η. 5. For Vespino, see Bossi 1 8 1 0 , 1 5 4 - 1 5 5 , Gregori 1 9 4 9 , 30 and Galbiati 1 9 5 1 . Longhi 1 9 5 1 a , 46, has noted that Vespino was mentioned by Gerolamo Borsieri in his 11 Supplimento della Nobilità di Milano as in Rome in 1 6 1 9 , painting "secondo la via aperta per Michel Angelo da Caravaggio." Possibly Vespino can be identified with an anonymous Milanese painter mentioned by Mancini 1 9 5 6 , I, 2 5 8 - 2 5 9 , 3 0 5 , as having visited Rome for the canonization of St. Charles Borromeo, and having spent some time in Rome. Mancini's ignorance of his name might indicate that he had left Rome by 1 6 2 0 1 6 2 1 . Pollale 1 9 3 1 , I, 5 2 , 8 5 , published documents relating to the employment of one Andreas de Bianchis, son of Francesco, as a stuccatore at S. Carlino during 1 6 3 4 and 1 6 4 0 . Vespino can be assumed to have been born about 1 5 9 0 . He was associated with the Borromeo family, perhaps made several trips to Rome, and died after 1 6 4 0 . But what, if any, association he had with Caravaggism is undefined.

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they cannot properly be considered as Lombard painters. Three others, Tanzio, Musso and Molineri, were Piedmontese; the last, Genovesino, worked in Cremona. Although there is no record of their having been in contact with each other, Vermiglio and Tanzio da Varallo were in Rome at the same time and must have met in Piedmont or Lombardy. But they followed separate paths; for while Vermiglio, when he returned to northern Italy, forgot whatever youthful response he may have made to Caravaggism, Tanzio, although adaptable and responsive to regional influences, never allowed himself to put it aside entirely. He was born in the Valsesia at Alagna between 1 5 7 4 and 1 5 6 1 , and baptized Antonio d'Errico (Enrico). He had two older brothers, Giovanni, a sculptor and stuccatore, and Melchiorre, a painter, who according to tradition was his teacher. 27 By 1 5 8 6 , their father was dead, and they were in Varallo; in 1 6 0 0 or sometime later they went to Rome. 28 Tanzio is named regularly in local records after 1 6 1 6 , so doubtless he had returned from Rome by that time at least.29 Whether in Rome for eleven years ( 1 6 0 0 - 1 6 1 1 ) , for sixteen years ( 1 6 0 0 1 6 1 6 ) , or for only five years (ca. 1 6 1 1 - c a . 1 6 1 6 ) , Tanzio was strongly affected by what he saw there — not by Caravaggio only, but also by his followers, particularly Orazio Borgianni and Orazio Gentileschi. Several paintings probably antedate Tanzio's return to Varallo in 1 6 1 5 or 1 6 1 6 , but only two are positively identifiable in situ·, the votive altarpiece of the Madonna of the Fire (Pescocostanza, Collegiata; Fig. 3 5 0 ) and the Circumcision (Fara San Martino, parish church; Fig. 3 5 1 ) . 3 0 Despite the evident influence of Borgianni's Sezze painting on the Pescocostanza altarpiece and of Gentileschi's Circum27 A nephew of the brothers, Melchiorre di Enrico d'Errico, was also a painter but a very weak one, as can be seen in his primitive Annunciation (Varallo, Pinacoteca, signed and dated 1 6 1 2 ) ; see Rosei 1 9 5 9 , 1 8 5 η. ι ι . 28 On Feb. 1 1 , 1 6 0 0 they were granted a laissez-passer to go to Rome. Bologna 1 9 5 3 , 3 9 - 4 5 , has suggested that Tanzio did not arrive in Rome until 1 6 1 1 , apparently ignoring or rejecting the evidence of the laissez-passer and accepting as a terminus post quem a reference to Tanzio a document which mentions one "Antonius filius quondam Joannis D'Henrico de Tonso" as in Varallo in 1611. 29 Rosei 1 9 5 9 , 1 4 9 , indicates that Tanzio may have been back in the Novarese by late 1 6 1 5 . Arslan 1 9 4 8 , 16, suggested that on his return north he may have gone first to Milan. 30 Other paintings by Tanzio which have been suggested as antedating his return to northern Italy include most of his portraits: a Youth as St. Anthony of Padua (Varallo, Pinacoteca); an Old Man with a Skullcap and a Book (Milan, Ambrosiana); and in the Brera, matching portraits of a woman, and of a man who appears also in an altarpiece in the parish church of Cellio (nos. 3 8 3 and 3 8 4 respectively), and single portraits of a woman (no. 3 7 9 ) and of a man, perhaps a self-portrait (no. 5 1 4 ; Fig. 3 4 7 ) .

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cisión (Fig. 3 7 ) on the Fara San Martino painting,31 Tanzio's paintings are strikingly individual. The archaic convention of composition in the Pescocostanza altarpiece is modified and less obvious in the one at Fara San Martino. The latter is somewhat stratified, with Sts. Charles Borromeo and Francis in the foreground clearly separate (in pictorial space as well as in historical time) from the act of circumcision in the middle and background, an effect emphasized by the steep tilt of the floor, a device perhaps taken from Orazio Gentileschi. Nonetheless, despite the relative symmetry and the tendency of the figures towards frontality, Tanzio's Circumcision is clearly closer to Caravaggio than is the votive painting: the actors are humble, they are arranged in positions conceivable in actuality; they are related psychologically, spatially, and in light, color, and atmosphere. Like their more formal and distinguished cousins at Pescocostanza, the Fara San Martino figures are often somewhat wooden. But the primitive character of the painting gives to it a blunt sincerity, entirely consistent with the basic conception of the subject, and much closer to Caravaggio than to the sophistication of Borgianni's Baroque machine or of Gentileschi's elegant courtly display. When he returned to the north, Tanzio enjoyed considerable success. Apparently he considered Varallo his home; he did numerous oil paintings in the churches of the Valsesia, and he was involved in the decoration of at least three of the chapels at the Sacro Monte at Varallo.32 He was well enough known and thought of in the region to be given major commissions in the nearby Val d'Ossola and also in Milan, including frescoes in S. Maria delle Pace and S. Antonio. In Novara between 1 6 2 7 and 1 6 2 9 he painted a large oil and the series of frescoes in the Cappella dell'Angelo Custode of S. Gaudenzio. Only one of Tanzio's frescoes, the Annunciation to the Shepherds (Milan, choir of S. Maria della Pace), shows any details which might conceivably be directly derivative from Caravaggism, and the contrasts of light and shadow 31

The Sezze painting was executed in 1 6 0 8 , and the Ancona painting has recently been redated to the first decade of the seventeenth century so that Tanzio's two paintings could be as early as ca. 1 6 0 9 . 33 Chapel no. 2 7 (Christ before Pilate), begun immediately after his return to Varallo and almost completed by the end of i 6 r 7 , probably with the collaboration of his brother Melchiorre; Chapel no. 3 4 (Pilate Washing His Hands') for which his brother Giovanni did the sculpture, the whole finished in 1 6 2 0 ; and, also with Giovanni, Chapel no. 28 (Christ before Herod) which was in process in 1 6 2 8 but presumably was not completed until 1 6 2 9 or 1 6 3 0 , after the Novara frescoes. According to Suida and Labò (in Thieme-Becker~), Tanzio also worked at Chapel no. 29, completing the frescoes which Morazzone had begun. This chapel was built about 1 6 1 0 , but the frescoes there at present were not completed until 1 6 7 9 ; then, of course, without either Morazzone's or Tanzio's participation.

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in that fresco were surely inspired by local non-Caravaggesque influences. Perhaps some debt is owed to Caravaggism for the remarkably satisfactory illusionism and the insight into mob behavior which Tanzio displayed in his Sacro Monte works; but these, too, seem basically indigenous — results of the irresistible influence of Gaudenzio Ferrari that reinforced a century-long tradition of this specific kind of architectural-sculptural-pictorial complex. Particularly Tanzio was indebted to Morazzone 33 whose influence was a primary force in his development during the third decade. This is already evident in Tanzio's earlier David with the Head of Goliath (Varallo, Pinacoteca; Fig. 348), 3 4 derived in composition from Caravaggio's painting in the Borghese and therefore probably datable shortly after Tanzio's Roman sojourn. But Tanzio transformed the Borghese painting. The bizarre color scheme in yellow-greens, bright reds, and violet, the rich impasto handling, the eccentric elongation of the figure and the general attenuation of shapes, were derived from Morazzone and Lombard Mannerism. The pose, the haunting facial expression, and the brutal ugliness of Goliath's head seem to be Tanzio's personal variations on the Caravaggesque theme, as do also the rather static quality of the tall but powerful body of the young hero, and the very tactile modeling. This Lombardization of his Caravaggesque manner was apparently the basic formula for Tanzio's post-Roman painting, at least during the first decade or so after his return. 35 Tanzio's first known work in his native area is the altarpiece of St. Charles Borromeo Giving Communion to the Victims of the Plague36 which by August 1 6 1 6 was already in the chapel of the parish church of Domodossola, the 33 Tanzio may have been in contact with Morazzone in Varallo before his Roman trip, and probably was afterward. If Tanzio did not go to Rome until about 1 6 1 1 , he would have had contact with the older, more sophisticated master when he was working at the Sacro Monte in 1 6 0 2 - 1 6 0 5 and 1 6 0 9 - 1 6 1 2 ; and it is inconceivable that Tanzio did not know Morazzone in Milan before the latter died in 1 6 2 6 . Tanzio's chapel in Novara makes evident his study of the works Morazzone had done in the same church seven years earlier. 34 Provenience from Milan in 1 8 4 7 . Another David in the Varallo Pinacoteca (no. 6 3 0 ) is probably a few years later; a replica is in a private collection at Gallarate. 35 One cannot fail to recognize also some responsiveness to northern European Mannerism — as Arslan 1 9 4 8 , 9 - 1 8 , has observed in Tanzio's slightly wild landscapes such as those of the St. Benedict in the Thorns (Busto Arsizio, Candiani Collection) and of the Rest on the Flight to Egypt (Houston, Texas, Museum of Fine Arts; Fig. 3 4 5 ) . This contact with northern European Mannerism can also be recognized in his use of unnatural color, and particularly in the hints of late Gothic attenuation in the shapes and forms which he typically used. M Tioli, who did not know of the existence of Tanzio's two Roman altarpieces, was skeptical about the attribution of this painting to Tanzio; Rosei, rightly noting its similarity to the Pescocostanza canvas, has no such doubts.

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Collegiata di Ss. Protaso e Gervaso. It was the first of a whole series of similar altarpieces — what Baroni called Tanzio's "proletarian ex voto" pieces — which continued throughout his life in sufficient numbers to justify consideration of them as his characteristic work. Typical are the Madonna of the Rosary with Sts. Dominic and Catherine of Alexandria (in the parish church of S. Cristina near Borgomanero between the Valsesia and the Val d'Ossola; Fig. 3 5 2 ) , 3 7 painted sometime between 1 6 1 7 and 1 6 2 6 , and the St. Roch (Varallo, Pinacoteca; Fig. 3 5 4 ) , 3 8 dated 1 6 3 1 . In the Madonna of the Rosary the shallow space and the crowded horizontal dimension, the twisted and somewhat affected poses, and the inclusion of the plebs only incidentally, demonstrate the supersession — at least temporarily — of Tanzio's Caravaggesque phase by the influence of Morazzone, Cerano, and Lombard late Mannerism, although the splendid portrait of St. Dominic, the attention to hands, and the determined solidity of objects, recall Caravaggism. In the St. Roch Tanzio relented his use of the neo-Mannerism sufficiently to return, somewhat equivocally, to a Caravaggesque manner. Still conventional — as are all of his altarpieces to a greater or lesser degree — hieratic in composition, archaically formal and symmetrical in two dimensions, and crowded in three, the St. Roch altarpiece is based fundamentally on straightforward unaffected portraiture, without much psychological penetration, but with the force of sober objectivity. 39 The painting is almost iconic, juxtaposing the saint in his standard costume with his standard attributes, and the suppliants in contemporary costumes. T h e simple sincere character given the figures seems as reflective of the painter as of his models. Like Tanzio's earliest altarpiece, the St. Roch seems to consist of Caravaggesque details arranged according to a non-Caravaggesque compositional scheme. The naïveté 37 T h e painting was originally in the cappella del Rosario of the church, but some time in its history was moved to its present location, to the left of the choir, when its shape was changed by the addition of a lunette at the top and probably by the removal of narrow strips on the sides. There are some preparatory drawings in the Pinacoteca of Varallo. 38 In wretched condition but undergoing prolonged restoration in the spring of 1 9 5 9 ; inscribed

" D I V V O ROCHO I N A D V E R S I S / I N T E R C E S S O R I C O M M U N . S / C A M A S C H I D I C A V I T / A N N O 1 6 3 1 . "

Former-

ly in the parish church of Camasco near Varallo. 39 A visit to the Valsesia makes apparent the high degree of objectivity in this portraiture : the custodian of the museum, who believes that her family has been in the Valsesia for generations, might be the sister of the priest on the far right, and the brothers, not natives of Varallo but from the Valsesia, who operate the Albergo Moderno, are perfect examples of Tanzio's tall, slender, largenosed, long-faced, and long-fingered ectomorphic types.

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which permitted Tanzio visually to savor objects and their tangible characteristics, prevented him from allowing them entirely to escape what he knew and thought about them. The same principle holds for his use of light: meticulously observant of the effects of light on individual figures as characteristic of them, and fairly consistent in maintaining the same system of light from object to object, nonetheless Tanzio naïvely could not conceive of a simple unified light for the whole painting, acting upon, but independent of, the objects. Tanzio made use of some beautiful colors in the St. Roch altarpiece: out of a generally yellowish tonality emerge such details as the saint's scarlet collar and mulberry tights. Unlike the work of the preceding decade, such as the Kress Collection St. Sebastian (Washington, National Gallery; Fig. 3 4 9 ) , in which Tanzio was evidently fascinated by exotic Mannerist off-hues — particularly violets and yellow-greens — the colors are generally normative. Tanzio was willing to sacrifice other qualities of painting for the sake of color, as can be seen in the Madonna and Child with Sts. Charles Borromeo and Francis (Varallo, Pinacoteca; Fig. 3 5 3 ) , which was done for the Oratory of S. Carlo at Sabbia Valsesia between 1 6 2 8 and 1 6 3 3 — probably closer to the later rather than to the earlier date. St. Charles has startingly green flesh that contrasts with his red vestments, and the Virgin wears blue over her left knee, salmon over her right, a pink blouse and a green scarf; but highlights have been swallowed up in these local tones, so there is little effect of any light source, and an idealizing and decorative intent is unmistakable. Contemporary to Tanzio but almost forgotten outside the region was Giovanni Antonio Molineri of Savigliano. Born in Savigliano in 1 5 7 7 , he studied with a local painter, Giovanni Angelo Dolce, who died in 1 6 0 2 . Perhaps Molineri would never have progressed beyond his beginnings as a provincial craftsman, had it not been for the presence in Savigliano during the first years of the seventeenth century of Cesare Arbasio. Probably stimulated by him, Molineri around 1 6 0 7 went to Rome, 40 where he remained for about a decade. He did well enough to become a member of the Academy of San Luca. On his return trip he may have stopped in Bologna to study the paintings of the Carracci group; by 1 6 1 9 , he had returned to Savigliano where he was immedi10

According to Olmo 1 9 5 8 , who published the first full treatment of Molineri. Griseri 2 3 , places Molineri as certainly in Rome from 1 6 1 3 to 1 6 1 5 , and perhaps earlier.

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ately successful.41 Molineri stayed in Savigliano, working there and in neighboring towns, including Cuneo in 1626, until his death some time between 1645 and 1648. Molineri's most Caravaggesque painting is the Crown of Thorns (Turin, Galleria Sabauda; Fig. 356), one of the innumerable variants on a lost Caravaggio original which may have been in the Giustiniani Collection. Presumably carried out in Rome, it is the only strictly Caravaggesque painting which has been recognized as by Molineri. He was apparently also responsive to Caravaggio's immediate followers: his Baptism of Christ (Carignano, formerly in S. Antonio but now in the sanctuary of Notre Dame delle Grazie) is reminiscent of Orazio Gentileschi's version of the same subject (Rome, S. Maria delle Pace; Fig. 38); and his Martyrdom of St. Paul (Turin, Galleria Sabauda; Fig. 3 5 7 ) 4 2 owes something of its composition, light, and narrative effects to Saraceni. These two paintings, executed after Molineri's return to northern Italy, demonstrate that he was by no means a doctrinaire Caravaggist. In fact, his debt to the Roman Caravaggesque group was not specific. Primarily it consisted of the use of realistically observed models and of disciplined natural light.43 He fused these elements with the colors of his local native tradition,44 and with what he had learned during his visit to Bologna, as can be seen in his St. Jerome (Savigliano, Abbey of S. Pietro; Fig. 3 5 5 ) . So he stayed on the periphery of the Caravaggesque group; by the 1630s, he had entirely gone over to Emilian idealism. The only other Piedmontese Caravaggist was the obscure and mysterious Nicolo Musso, who was born at Casalmonferrato, probably during the last decade, of the sixteenth century. He went to Rome when he was young, and stayed as long as a decade, influenced by, if not actually a student of, Cara41 His wife, Francesca, was Bolognese, and presumably he stayed there long enough to court and marry her. In 1 6 2 2 he helped out a young Flemish painter, Jan Claret, who had been stranded in Italy by the death of his master; in a letter (Bertolotti 1 8 8 0 , 1 2 6 ) from Claret's father, Molineri is credited with having procured some commissions for young Claret, and is called "il pittore più stimato di questa città [Savigliano]." 42 This painting was a preparatory study for a fresco in S. Pietro, Savigliano, signed and dated 1 6 2 1 . It was in the collection of the Duke of Savoy as early as 1 6 3 5 . 43 He was also a good portraitist; a series of ten is in the Galleria Sabauda, Turin. 44 Some contact with Tanzio may also be suspected in such paintings as Molineri's Agony in the Garden (Savigliano, S. Maria della Pieve) or his Madonna with Sts. Simon Stock, Charles Borromeo, Theresa and Scholastica (Savigliano, S. Filippo N e r i ) .

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vaggio.45 By 1 6 1 7 he was at home working on the Madonna of the Rosary (Casale, S. Domenico; Fig. 3 6 ο ) , 4 6 signed and dated 1 6 1 8 . Only two of his other paintings have been identified with certainty.47 They are both in S. Illaria at Casale: his masterpiece, a Crucifixion

with St. Francis

(Fig.

3 5 9 ) ; 4 8 and another altarpiece, the Madonna del Carmine Giving the Habit to St. Simon Stock.™ There is no record of Musso's death, but the traditional belief is that he died when he was young, soon after 1 6 1 8 . 6 0 If Musso was, in fact, so young and untrained when he went to Rome, he may have arrived without a developed style. Once there, he must have dedicated himself to acquiring one, influenced by Caravaggio through Borgianni. 51 45

The earliest biography of Musso seems to be Orlandi's, on which Lanzi based his. D'Ancona 1 9 1 6 , 1 7 5 - 1 7 8 , has also cited an unpublished ms. of the late eighteenth century by the Canon Giuseppe De' Conti. These sources do not seem to be particularly reliable, and they sometimes disagree. Orlandi and De' Conti, for instance, imply that Musso was actually Caravaggio's student; this is unlikely historically and chronologically. De' Conti told a story of Musso's having been sent to Rome by his father to study law instead of painting. Lanzi cast doubt on the idea of a direct contact between Musso and Caravaggio, and suggested that Musso, like Molineri, may have stopped in Bologna on his way home from Rome. 48 A copy is in the church of Ronoze. 47 Four other paintings by Musso, an Annunciation, an Incarnation, a Nativity, and a SelfPortrait, are mentioned in eighteenth-century sources, but have not been traced to the twentieth. Salerno has attempted to attribute to Musso a pair of paintings listed in the Giustiniani inventory of 1 6 3 8 . They represented the Nativity (Fig. 3 5 8 ) and the Via Crucis, measured about eight by eleven palmi each, and were attributed to "Francesco Casale." Salerno has identified them respectively as a painting formerly in a Roman private collection but now lost, and as a painting in the Palazzo Giustiniani at Bassano di Sutri. These paintings do not exactly correspond to the description in the inventory, for they were a matching pair, and while the dimensions of the Via Crucis are correct, the proportions of the Nativity are different. The style of the paintings is clearly that of a Lombard or Piedmontese influenced by the Caravaggesque; the inventory was not made until twenty years after Musso had gone home, by which time everything about him might have been forgotten except the name of his home town. 48 Originally in S. Francesco from which it was sold early in this century. It was recognized in 1908 by a Casalese amateur, who bought it and gave it to S. Illaria. At Trino in the presbytery of S. Francesco, is a copy by the local painter Federico Guazzo. 49 A ruined copy is at Casale, in the sacristy of S. Filippo. 00 Bertolotti 1884a, 227, discussed a hearing of July-August 1 6 6 1 in which a "Sig. Nicolo Mussi pittore" was involved. There is no evidence other than the name to connect this Mussi with Musso, and the timespan of more than forty years without any other record of Musso makes such an identification unlikely. 61 If Salerno's identification of the two Giustiniani paintings as his is correct, Musso is likely to have arrived in Rome with a fairly well developed Lombard-Piedmontese style, which was modified by his contact with Caravaggesque painting. For the Giustiniani paintings are still clearly northern Italian, as if the artist were in the process of amalgamating the manner he had been taught at home with what he was learning in Rome. It might also be noted that their location in the Roman collection would seem to indicate that they antedated the Crucifixion with St. Francis, which he probably painted in Rome and took home with him to Casale or which he might have painted as soon as he returned to Casale.

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His success is evident in the Crucifixion with St. Francis. It is in the disciplined style typical of the best of second decade Roman Caravaggesque religious painting. The two essential figures are large and almost immobile, particularly in contrast to the fluttering putti; dramatically illuminated against a menacing and gloomy background, they are compellingly close to the picture frame. The simplicity and directness of Musso's conception of the subject creates an intensely tragic mood. His only other Caravaggesque painting, the Madonna of the Rosary, probably postdates the Crucifixion, for it shows that he modified his extreme use of Caravaggism, probably under local or regional influences. There are more figures in the painting, and they are more animated, although their gestures are perfunctory and prosaic; the light is less concentrated, the space cluttered, and the color less austere. Despite Caravaggesque details, the Madonna of the Rosary is a conventional Lombard hieratic painting, conceived according to a familiar formula. The third painting attributed to Musso, the Madonna del Carmine, has nothing to do with Caravaggism; if the altarpiece is indeed his work, it shows him given over entirely to regional, particularly Emilian, sources.52 Ill If anywhere in the area there was a long tradition of painting related to Caravaggism, it was in Cremona. Going back into the sixteenth century to Bernardino Gatti called il Sojaro, it was typified by artificially lighted nocturnal scenes, by genre and still-life painting, and by at least partial illusionism.53 Furthermore, Cremona was close to Mantua and the only major painting by Caravaggio in northern Italy, the Death of the Virgin (Fig. 1 2 ) was there and remained there for twenty years after 1607. Not only had the Dukes bought the Caravaggio: they also patronized Orazio Gentileschi,54 Antiveduto Gram52

Gabrielli 1 9 3 5 , 7 7 - 8 0 , published a number of Caravaggesque and pseudo-Caravaggesque paintings in Casalmonferrato and implied the existence of some kind of Caravaggesque school there, perhaps derivative from Musso. But the paintings are so weak and are generally so scattered in time that they do not really manifest any coherent movement. 63

It also included the Campi brothers, Antonio and Vincenzo, and Panfilo Nuvolone. It was closely allied to Milan; the Campi brothers and Panfilo were there in the 1 5 8 0 s and, together with Simone Peterzano, were important in the formation of the young Caravaggio. It can be assumed also that the young Manfredi, born near Mantua and first trained in Milan, Cremona, and Brescia, was in touch with this group of Cremonesi. 61 In 1 6 0 9 and 1 6 1 0 there was an exchange of letters between the Duke's agent in Rome, Bartolomeo Pellini, and his secretary in Mantua, Giovanni Magni, concerning a Madonna and Child

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matica,55 Saraceni,56 and perhaps Caracciolo;57 their patronage of Rubens and Fetti is well known, and apparently they also had two portraits by Velazquez.58 All of these paintings were dispersed at the time of the sale of the gallery in 1627; 5 9 but soon the Duke began buying again, and his purchases included paintings by Fiasella who also visited Mantua,60 Cerquozzi, Ribera, Regnier, Giovanni Andrea De' Ferrari, Del Cairo, Strozzi, Pieter van Laer, Jan Miel, and other hamhoccianti, all of whom were represented in the collection by 1665. 61 However, despite this sympathetic environment, outright Caravaggesque painting was hardly more in evidence in the southeastern part of the area than it was elsewhere in Lombardy and Piedmont. Aside from a few works by unidentified masters,62 only in a group by Luigi Miradori called il Genovesino can clear evidence of a Caravaggesque tendency be found. Genovesino's Caravaggesque phase was brief, and it did not involve a complete submission to any Caravaggesque model. But a few of his paintings are so clearly Caravaggesque that this phase cannot be explained as an accident or as an unconscious personal development within the local tradition. Rather it marked a deliberate adoption of specifically Caravaggesque elements, by means of which Genovesino's previous manner of painting was reoriented. The exact sources for Genovesino's Caravaggesque phase are not known. G. B. Biffi, a Cremonese art historian who wrote during the first years of the eighteenth century,63 claimed that Genovesino was introduced to Caravagby Orazio; Longhi has attempted to identify this painting with one of the same subject in the ContiniBonacossi Collection (Fig. 3 6 ) , which does not exactly correspond with Pellini's description. M Luzio 1 9 1 3 , 292, also noted that in 1 6 1 9 Grammatica and Baglione were both given commissions by the Duke. "Letters of 1 6 1 3 from Saraceni to the Duke indicate past and invite future patronage, including a trip to Mantua in order to decorate the gallery, which would have taken place between 1 6 1 5 and 1 6 1 6 . 67 Ch. 4, η. 6. " Luzio 1 9 1 3 , 56ff. They were "ritrattini" of Philip IV and of the Count-Duke of Olivares; both now have disappeared. 59 Also included in the 1 6 2 7 inventory were paintings by Baglione and Turchi. Very few painters were actually named in the inventory, so possibly a number of other Caravaggesque paintings were included as well. 00 Bertolotti 1 8 8 5 t , rÓ7-i68. 61 Luzio 1 9 1 3 , 3o5Íf, and d'Arco 1 8 5 7 , 1 8 3 . "2 Notably the Incredulity of St. Thomas in the Pinacoteca Comunale of Cremona from the demolished church of SS. Apostoli, and perhaps the Bust of an Apostle also in the Pinacoteca of Cremona, of unknown provenience. 83 Biffi's unpublished ms., "Artisti Cremonesi" (Cremona, Biblioteca Comunale) is cited by Puerari 1 9 5 1 .

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gesque painting by the Cremonese Pietro Martire Neri (or Negri). 6 4 Biffi's legend relates that Genovesino was so apt a student that he soon surpassed his master, who obligingly left Cremona lest he interfere with his former pupil's career. 65 Unquestionably the two painters had a fairly close relation, but no evidence of an authentically Caravaggesque trend appears in Neri's known oeuvre.™ So Genovesino must have relied on other sources, particularly painters and paintings in the Emilia-Lombard area. 67 Of Genovesino's life, almost nothing is known. He signed his paintings "G.sis" or "Januensis" but is not mentioned specifically by Soprani. 68 Although presumably he was a native of Genoa, he left before making a mark there. He was in Cremona from 1 6 4 1 to 1 6 5 5 ; during those years the births of his eight children were recorded.69 By 1 6 5 7 he must have been dead, since in that year his patron, who paid for his funeral, died himself. Mina Gregori, 70 following a number of preliminary attributions by Longhi, has identified a group of paintings as the work of Genovesino during the early thirties. The first signed and dated work is a Holy Family (Piacenza, Museo Civico) of 1 6 3 9 . Although the Piacenza painting is very dirty, it is still clearly not Caravaggesque, but rather is derivative from Morazzone, Cerano, and perhaps from Neri. During the following six or seven years, Genovesino apparently worked toward a more developed naturalism, 71 which can be seen particularly in some of the details of his large but unpretentious Birth of the Virgin (Cremona, Pinacoteca). Not until about 1 6 4 5 did he indicate any awareness of Caravaggism. 84

Born in Cremona in 1 6 0 0 or 1 6 0 1 , Neri was active there, in Mantua and the area, and in Rome where he died in 1 6 6 1 . 68 Puerari 1 9 5 1 , i 8 o - r 8 i . Neri left Lombardy for Rome about 1 6 4 8 , a few years after his contacts with Genovesino. M Neri's Christ Healing A Blind Man (Fig. 3 6 1 ) , painted for the Ospedale di S. Maria della Pietà but now in the Pinacoteca of Cremona, has been cited as Caravaggesque, but without justification. Neri was later associated with Velazquez in Rome, but without any necessarily Caravaggesque implications. 07 No hiatus appears during Genovesino's career after about 1 6 4 0 , so he apparently did not visit Rome, at least not during the period relevant to his Caravaggesque phase. 08 Although Genovesino's Lute Player does appear in Soprani-Ratti, where it is attributed to Orazio Gentileschi. 09 Gregori 1 9 5 4 , 9. ™ 1954. 7-29· 71 He was momentarily under Guercino's influence. In 1 6 4 2 he signed his Martyrdom of St. Paul (Cremona, Pinacoteca) with an acknowledgement to Guercino on whose Martyrdom of St. Maurelius in Ferrara the composition was based.

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Apparently just about that time, he drew close also to Neri; his signed Lute Player (Genoa, Palazzo Rosso; Fig. 3 6 3 ) 7 2 marks a transformation of his earlier style, presumably through the combined influences of Neri and Caravaggism. It has the heavy atmosphere, the generally red-violet tonality, and the fluent handling of Neri's Christ Healing the Blind Man (Fig. 3 6 1 ) ; but its light is fairly consistent, chiaroscuro contrasts are strong, sometimes even sharp, so that the effect of the palpability of the figure and many of the objects is increased, and the differences in textures are more specified. Puerari sees in the Sleeping Putto (Cremona, Pinacoteca; Fig. 3 6 2 ) , which is stylistically almost identical with the Lute Player and like it partly derivative from Neri, a specific derivation from Caravaggio — presumably from the quite dissimilar Sleeping Putto in the Pitti. He also suggests Genovesino's small Death of the Virgin (Cremona, Pinacoteca; Fig. 3 6 7 ) to have been derived from Caravaggio's large version of the subject, which had however been sold by 1 6 2 7 , well before Genovesino probably arrived in the area. Both historically and stylistically this hypothesis is unacceptable; and although Genovesino painted a number of other small paintings which have a certain affinity to the bamboccianti,73 they are even less Caravaggesque than those of Both, van Laer, Cerquozzi, Miel, and so forth. However, in 1 6 4 6 he carried out for an altar dedicated to S. Roch in the cathedral of Cremona a series of little paintings relating to the saint's miracles. Lively genre miniatures, they are recollective of the bamboccianti; but at least two of them are indebted to orthodox Caravaggism, incorporating one device which was usually ignored, and perhaps actually not even understood, by the bamboccianti. In the Procession of St. Roch (Fig. 3 6 8 ) and in the Cure of St. Roch, the light which makes sharp contrasts on the figures is used as a method also of defining three-dimensional space and of unifying figure groups. While the bamboccianti usually scattered light accents, or created strata of light, Genovesino instead used a technique established by the Caravaggists of the teens — that of a cluster of figures drawn together by a focal light contrasting with a shadowy periphery. 74 T w o years later, Genovesino painted the spectacularly large Miracle of 72

Bauch points out that the painting represents Vanitas. It should be noted that by 1 6 6 5 the royal collections at Mantua included no fewer than nine paintings by van Laer and fourteen others by bamboccianti (d'Arco 1 8 5 7 , 1 8 3 ) . 74 It should also be noticed that the source of light in the paintings is on the right, as is also that of the actual light. 73

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O Loaves and Fishes (Cremona, Palazzo Comunale), 75 in which there are many Caravaggesque details, though the whole composition seems only to be an enlarged version of one of his small pre-Caravaggesque narratives. Presumably the Last Supper (Cremona, Palazzo Comunale; Fig. 366), comparable in scale, was in the same church and of the same period. In it, Genovesino went to his Caravaggesque extreme. The scene is an interior, with an outlet on the right into the brightly lit contiguous background space that appears in most of his paintings. The light comes from an artificial source and floods over the figure group from the upper right foreground, picking out the three central figures with its greatest intensities but falling also on the table and the lesser figures so as to create the effect of a consistently illuminated central space. Obviously not a very humble gathering, nonetheless the scene has many genre details, and the types are as naturalistically observed as in any of Genovesino's work. Although there is little interest shown in textures, except those of the paint itself, the figures have some effect of mass and tangibility. Typically the painting is colorful, brilliant yellow or orange accents contrasting with prevailing pastel tones, but not so arbitrarily as to destroy all illusion of natural colors. However, Genovesino, like most painters of the area, retained the same hues in the process of modeling from light into shadow, and in the Last Supper he generally held to this favored system. By 1648, when he painted the altarpiece of Madonna and Child with St. John Damascen (Cremona, painted for S. Clemente but now in S. Maria Maddalena; Fig. 364), Genovesino clearly had a Caravaggesque prototype in mind, at least for the St. John, who is a familiar old man, and for the light. There is a convincing system of realistic illumination, lighting the figures fairly consistently and creating the effect of a spacious volume occupied not by figures only but also by light and atmosphere. Certainly unoriginal in conception, the St. John Damascen can be considered an Emilian version of the Madonna of Loreto (Fig. 1 1 ) — the Virgin idealized, the St. John made picturesque, the whole painting sentimentalized and, by such details as the cloud and the architecture, removed from the realm of contemporary reality. In the undated Miracle of St. Bernard Tolomei of the Olivetani (Soresina, parish church, 75 Recently restored. Dated 1 6 4 8 on a plaque hanging from the tree in the left middle-ground which gives the name of Vincenzo Baliani of Cremona as the donor. The painting includes portraits of the donor and the painter. It was painted for the presbytery of S. Francesco dei Minori Conventuali, Cremona.

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formerly in Cremona at the church of S. Lorenzo), Genovesino's Caravaggesque tendencies are perhaps a little less equivocal: the subject is conceived as straightforward narrative action, there is an evident — and fairly successful — effort to control the strong artificial light and so to make the contrast between light and dark logical, and most elements in the painting seem to have been observed directly from nature. Indeed the monk in the background (presumably the member of the Pueroni family mentioned by Zaist and Panni) can be seen also in a three-quarter length portrait formerly attributed to Zurbaran ( N e w York, Hispanic Society; Fig. 3 6 9 ) . The Last Supper, the Soresina altarpiece, and the Hispanic Society portrait mark the climax of Genovesino's Caravaggesque phase, such as it was. Judging from the Rest on the Flight to Egypt (Cremona, S. Imerio; Fig. 3 6 5 ) , signed and dated 1 6 5 1 , by then his enthusiasm for the Caravaggesque was flagging, although traces can still be seen in the Appearance of the Virgin to the Blessed Felix de Cantalice (Fontainebleau, Musée) 7 6 signed and dated the same year; gradually Genovesino's Caravaggism tapered off until it disappeared. Genovesino had a number of assistants, but they were at best no more than of local importance. 77 His involvement with Caravaggism was as incomplete as it was brief. Neither he nor anyone else established it in the area, and there were no other even partially Caravaggesque painters who succeeded him. The hints of Caravaggism which persisted were merely incidents, resulting less from the dissemination to the provinces of a movement important in Roman painting of the first quarter of the century than from the natural evolution of northern Italian painting. Caravaggio and the dedicated Caravaggists of the Piedmont-Lombard area — Manfredi and Serodine — left when they were young and never returned. The traces of Caravaggesque activity that remained were very little: perhaps six of Genovesino's paintings, and the same number of years of Tanzio's activity; one or two paintings each by Musso and Vermiglio; a few hints in Molineri's 70

The painting was taken to Fontainebleau during Napoleonic times, perhaps from the Farnese collections, which were by then in Naples; it may be identifiable with a painting in the 1 6 8 0 and 1 7 0 8 inventories of the collection, when it was still in Parma. In 1 6 8 0 the painting was attributed to Genovesino, in 1 7 0 8 to Francesco del Cairo. 77 Gregori 1 9 4 9 , 8 7 , lists Stefano Lambri, Jacopo Ferrari, Giorgio Cerani dei Paesi and Agostino Bonisoli as his assistants. She suggests (ibid., 9 1 ) also that he had specific influence on Monsù Bernardo who was in Lombardy in 1 6 5 4 - 1 6 5 6 , and ultimately on an eighteenth-century Cremonese painter, Giacomo Guerrini.

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work; nothing substantial in the careers of Morazzone, Crespi or Del Cairo. Caravaggism never thrived in the area. It was resisted, on the one hand, by the late Mannerism that was exhausted in other regions, but was so strong in Piedmont-Lombardy that no replacement for it was sought. And on the other hand, it was rendered superfluous by the region's indigenous and already highly developed naturalistic trends, which needed no inspiration or reinforcement from outside.78 The result was that Caravaggism never really began in the area as a movement, and subsisted only as a series of hardly related incidents. 78 Thus, it seems correct to recognize the so-called Lombard Realists as carrying on an indigenous tradition, rather than manifesting a regional Caravaggesque movement.

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Ν Ε Τ I A Ν painting was not notably advanced during the first decades of the seventeenth century, but the city was one of the three or four most important Italian art centers, second in population only to Naples among Italian cities, and the richest. It attracted throngs of visiting painters, some of them novices, some more mature, some Italian, some foreign; a surprisingly large number of these visitors settled down to stay more or less permanently. N o doubt they found the city itself and its great tradition of painting irresistible; but they also found generous patronage there, both from local sources and from away, particularly from across the Alps. Although Venice had suffered shattering political and economic losses during the sixteenth century, it lost neither all of its wealth nor its political and artistic independence. Its painters of the early seventeenth century were, however, so in awe of the greatness of Venetian Renaissance art that, although they were not particularly involved in Mannerism, they were slow to develop a Baroque style. In fact, despite the advantages which they enjoyed in the city, and despite their sixteenth-century predecessors' anticipations of the Baroque, they relied to a very considerable extent on non-Venetian sources for the introduction and development of a local Baroque style. T h e most important of these sources was Rome, which included in its gifts to Venice some Caravaggesque elements. However, despite the importance of Venetian sources to Caravaggio himself, the city was, during the first quarter of the century, so little responsive to Caravaggism that Verona became the first center of Caravaggesque activity in the area. When Venice succeeded Verona as the center, it allowed its Caravaggesque elements an enduring place in its painting, but only a minor one.

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Venice was almost alone among the larger Italian cities in having not a single painting by Caravaggio; in the entire region of the Veneto there was only one, the juvenile Ecstasy of St. Francis, which was not easily accessible in remote Friuli, where it was after 1 6 1 2 . 1 The numerous visitors to the city and region may have introduced some Caravaggism, although like Caravaggio himself (if he did, in fact, visit Venice), 2 many of these visitors were too young to have much or any effect on the local manner of painting. This was certainly true of Alonzo Rodriguez, when he was in the city before 1606, of Ulrich Loth,3 and of Vouet and Cagnacci on their first journeys to the city. In any case, few if any of them had as yet been exposed to the Caravaggesque style when they first arrived in Venice.4 Although Vouet returned in 1 6 2 7 , he was by then already mature, so much so that he had discarded the most unambiguously Caravaggesque traits of his manner. The same is true of Cagnacci on his second visit during the 1650s, and when Nicolas Regnier arrived in Venice during 1 6 2 6 to stay until his death in 1667, he too was well along in the process of deserting Caravaggism. The only exception to this general rule seems to have been Pietro Paolini, who was in Venice about 1 6 3 2 to 1634, and had already settled on Caravaggesque style; but no Venetian source mentioned him, so he cannot have made much impact on the city. Although few native Venetians responded in any way to Caravaggism, it appears to have been introduced into the city by Carlo Saraceni, who was a Venetian by birth. Having spent all but a few years of his maturity in Rome, he had the opportunities of personal knowledge of Caravaggio and of intimate contact with Caravaggism from its beginnings until its climax there. But despite his familiarity with the movement, Saraceni was not a dedicated Caravaggist, except for a brief but crucial period in Rome during the late teens. It was, however, during this period that he made his greatest impact on Venetian painting, becoming the means through which younger painters were introduced to Caravaggism. 1

Given by Ottavio Costa to the Abbot Ruggiero Tritonio at Pinerolo by 1 5 9 7 . T h e Abbot bequeathed it to his nephew in Udine. From 1 8 5 2 until 1 8 9 4 , it, or a copy of it, was in the parish church of S. Giacomo at Fagagna, a suburb of Udine. Several versions exist. T h e best are those in the Wadsworth Atheneum, Hartford, almost certainly the original, and in the Museum at Udine, probably the painting which was in Fagagna. T h e Hartford version was previously in the collection of Dr. Guido Grioni in Trieste, and before that in a private collection in Malta. 2 The only evidence that Caravaggio visited the city is Bellori's statement ( 1 6 7 2 , 2 0 2 ) which f e w scholars accept. 3 See Register for both Ulrich Loth and his son Karl ( C a r l o ) . 4 Mattia Preti was apparently an exception to this general rule.

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Whether or not Saraceni intended to settle again in Venice when he returned there from Rome in 1 6 1 8 - 1 6 1 9 , is unknown. When he died he had his assistants, Jean LeClerc and Antonio Girella, a servant,5 and a little furniture with him. He had left his wife in Rome. Apparently he had also had a large store of paintings with him in Venice. Five are specifically mentioned in his will: four were for his German patron, Sebastian Füll, and an Ecstasy of St. Francis he bequeathed to the Redentore in Venice, where it has remained.® He was working on the large painting of Doge Enrico Dandolo for the Sala del Maggior Consiglio of the Doge's Palace when he died. LeClerc completed it, and signed it with his own name. Probably a similar history holds for the large Shipwreck

scene in the Villa Camerini at Piazzola on the Brenta, which then

belonged to Saraceni's patrons, the Contarini; it appears to be partly by Saraceni but mostly by LeClerc, who presumably finished it, also, after his master's death. Despite the fact that the two versions of the St. Roch are in southern Italy (one in Rome at the Galleria Doria; Fig. 370, the other in Naples at Capodimonte), they can be placed during Saraceni's last year or two in Venice, for stylistic reasons. A number of other paintings, still in the Veneto, were probably there during Saraceni's lifetime. Some may have been painted in Rome and shipped north;7 others were probably done by Saraceni in Venice, or at least were in his studio there at the time of his death.8 Significantly, the 6 His name, Gianbattista Astor, indicates that this servant may have been of German origin. He is not mentioned elsewhere. "Porcella 1 9 2 8 , 392ft, and Martinelli 1 9 5 9 b , 679-684. Fiill's paintings included: ( 1 ) the altarpiece of Sts. Jerome, Mary Magdalen, Anthony of Padua and Francis now in the Gallery at Schleissheim (Fig. 3 7 2 ) . Signed "Carlo Saraceni Venetiano F." Until 1 8 0 3 in the Augustinian Church, Munich. Engraved by LeClerc; lithographs by Nepomuk Strixner and Johann Wölffle. ( 2 ) the Ecstasy of St. Francis (Munich, Bayerischen Staatsgemäldesammlungen; Fig. 3 7 1 ) . Signed "Carlo Saraceni Venetiano F." ( 3 ) the Death of the Virgin. Not surely identified. Perhaps one of the numerous variants on the theme, a small version of which entered the Staatsgemäldesammlungen in Munich (Fig. 96) from the Prince-Bishop's Palace at Wurzburg. ( 4 ) a Denial of St. Peter. Not identifiable. It was no doubt closely related to the small painting in the storerooms of the Accademia in Venice, which was in the Contarini collection (ch. 1 , n. 1 1 7 ) . The Redentore St. Francis is identical to the painting in Munich and is presumably an exact studio copy, if not itself autograph. Copies were in the Carmine, Venice, the Franciscan Museum on the Via Buoncompagni, Rome, and in the collection of Lord Yarborough, London; a copy-variant by LeClerc is in the church at Bouxièreaux-Dames. 7 Among these probably were the Flagellation (Fig. 6 1 ) and the Denial of St. Peter, both now in the storerooms of the Accademia in Venice, from the Contarini collection; and certainly the Magdalen in the Museo Civico, Vicenza (ch. ι , η. i i 8 ) , although the copy in the Accademia, Venice, may have been painted later. 8 Among these are another St. Francis (Padua, Museo Civico), and the lost Flight to Egypt mentioned by Boschini as one of the five paintings in the ceiling of the Scuola dei Tintori, later suppressed.

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most Caravaggesque paintings in the group are the Schleissheim altarpiece (Fig. 3 7 2 ) and the Ecstasy of St. Francis (Fig. 3 7 1 ) . The latter is an unpretentious genre painting with an almost pedantically consistent light system, similar in principle to Caravaggio's, although specifically differing in the full illumination of the whole spatial volume. Its general tonality — grey-green with a few intense color accents — is arbitrary, its space cluttered and somewhat ambiguous, and its textures and drapery folds are handled in such a manner as to emphasize qualities of pigment at the expense of the substantiality of the objects and of illusionism. The mood is lyrical, with no more evocative psychological penetration than there is in the ineloquent juxtaposition of the saints with each other and with the landscape in the Schleissheim altarpiece. These two paintings are still reminiscent of the Caravaggesque extreme of the S. Lorenzo in Lucina (Fig. 9 8 ) and the S. Maria dell'Anima (Figs. 94 and 9 5 ) altarpieces, but the other paintings of Saraceni's last year in Venice, such as the St. Roch and the Shipwreck, are only faintly Caravaggesque. Represented in the Veneto by a substantial corpus of work at the time of his death, Saraceni was well known and respected there before his return from Rome. Probably he was invited to return to carry out the Dandolo painting. 9 As early as 1 6 1 6 , his reputation was sufficiently high in Venice for Palma Giovane to have sent a protégé to him in Rome. The protégé was Marcantonio Bassetti, who is at present very little known. Ridolfi, his first biographer, who met him in 1 6 2 8 at Verona, wrote 1 0 that Bassetti died in the plague of 1 6 3 0 , at the age of forty-two. He was therefore born in 1 5 8 8 . After his earliest training in Verona with Felice Brusasorci, who died in 1 6 0 5 , Bassetti went to Venice, when (according to Ridolfi) he occupied himself with copying Tintoretto; he was also in contact with Palma Giovane, presumably as a kind of superior student-assistant. By May 1 6 1 6 Bassetti had arrived in Rome, and he wrote 1 1 back to Palma in Venice that most Roman painting did not please him, but that Saraceni was friendly to him. Apparently Saraceni was very friendly, for during the following four 9

Whether it was this commission that Gentileschi hoped to cut Saraceni out not certain. For Gentileschi's letter seeking help in obtaining the commission was which would be premature for a painting apparently not begun until 1 6 1 9 ( C r i n ó 10 1 6 4 8 , II, 2 4 6 - 2 4 8 . 11 Bottari-Ticozzi 1 8 2 2 , II, 4 8 4 . T h e tone of this letter is obviously that of to his master.

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years they were associated in several activities: Bassetti (together with the other Veronese then resident in Rome, Alessandro Turchi, and probably with Ottino) assisted Saraceni in his part of the decorations of the Sala Regia or de'Corrazzieri in the Palazzo Quirinale. 12 Bassetti and Saraceni were also working together at S. Maria dell'Anima in 1 6 1 7 , but unfortunately Bassetti's two frescoes there have disappeared. 13 Bassetti, like Saraceni, enjoyed some other German patronage as well. 14 About 1620 Bassetti went home to Verona, where he remained for the decade until his death. Relatively little of Bassetti's work survives. No paintings of his pre-Roman years have been recognized. Roberto Longhi in 1926 identified as Bassetti's three chiaroscuro drawings 15 which then belonged to a dealer in Verona but have since disappeared. Representing the Creation of Adam, the Expulsion from Eden, and Sts. Prudenziana and Prassede Gathering the Blood of Martyrs, they were clearly done under the influence of Palma Giovane, and therefore can be presumed to have been pre-Roman. On the basis of these Longhi also attributed to Bassetti a small Deposition (Rome, Galleria Borghese since 1 6 3 9 or before; Fig. 3 7 3 ) , seeing in it the first impact on him of Roman Caravaggism. Although more influenced by Borgianni than by Saraceni, the Deposition is strikingly Venetian with evidence of study of Veronese and Tintoretto. This Venetian prejudice, understandably enough, persisted throughout Bassetti's career. By the time of the only others of his Roman paintings which are known certainly, the Schleissheim altarpiece (Fig. 3 3 7 ) 16 and the Five Bishop-Saints (Fig. 3 7 6 ) , Bassetti was mature. The subject matter of these two paintings is conventional, but the style is Caravaggesque, with a particular indebtedness to Borgianni. Bassetti could hardly have known Borgianni very well, because the older painter died in January 1 6 1 6 , just when the younger man was arriving 12

Longhi identifies six panels representing scenes from Moses' life as by Bassetti and an oval of the Gathering of Manna as by Turchi. Neither Bassetti, Turchi, nor Ottino is mentioned in the documents relating to payments for the frescoes which Chiarini has recently published, but they may have been paid by Saraceni personally. See also Briganti 1 9 6 2 , 3 4 - 3 8 . 13 T h e subjects of Bassetti's frescoes were the Birth of the Virgin and the Circumcision. " I n 1 6 1 8 the two painters did matching altarpieces (now both in the Gallery at Schleissheim [Figs. 3 7 2 and 3 7 7 ] ) for the Augustinian Church in Munich, and Ridolfi implied that Bassetti had a number of other German commissions. 15 A number of other Bassetti drawings have been identified (Blunt 1 9 5 7 , 2 5 - 2 7 , and Exhibition Catalogue 1 9 5 9 b , 1 6 2 ) . Most of them probably date from during or after Bassetti's Roman trip. ω Signed "Bassettus Veron. Faciebat." Painted for the Augustinian church, Munich. It remained there until 1 8 0 3 . A preparatory drawing is in the collection at the Louvre (inv. no. 5 7 9 0 ) .

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O in Rome. But he must have seen a number of Borgianni's paintings, particularly those dating from his second return from Spain until about 1 6 1 2 , and found their subtle harmonies of varied hues, their rich impasto, and their silvery light effects — distantly derived from Venetian sixteenth-century painting, through El Greco as well as through Caravaggio — reassuringly familiar. The two altarpieces make it very clear that Bassetti like Borgianni was not a very doctrinaire Caravaggist. Bassetti apparently had little interest in composition. He crowded the principal figures together without consideration of conceivable psychological relations among them, and without any attempt to animate them with expressive activity. Attention is taken away from them by the large light area in the background which is dense with figurai details extending into a considerable depth. Both paintings are very different from the concentrated drama of Caravaggio's mature religious works. Of Bassetti's work after his return from Rome, not many paintings survive. Notable among them are three of the paintings exhibited in Venice during 1959: the altarpiece of the Madonna and Child with Saints (Verona, "Juliet's Tomb"; Fig. 3 7 5 ) , 1 7 very similar to the Schleissheim and S. Stefano altarpieces, the St. Anthony of Padua (Verona, Castelvecchio; Fig. 3 7 4 ) , and the Old Man with a Book (Verona, Castelvecchio). These paintings contrast in color. The altarpiece is marked by the variety and subtlety of its hues; the two smaller paintings tend to be more monochromatic. All three are rich in handling with heavy impasto in the highlights and an emphasis on the texture of the pigments. All three show fairly convincing light effects, although Bassetti consistently conceived of lighted objects without having much feeling for lighted space. The Old Man with a Book probably is a portrait, because the sitter is characterized with a force and depth of personality in striking contrast to the blank inexpressiveness which is typical of most of Bassetti's other figures. Associated with him are two other Veronese painters, Pasquale Ottino and Alessandro Turchi called l'Orbetto.18 Ottino was born in 1580, was a pupil 17 T h e painting belongs to the Castelvecchio Museum. Its provenance is from S. Tommaso Apostolo, Verona. It is dated 1 6 2 8 . 18 T o them might be added the Antonio Girella who assisted Saraceni. Martinelli 1 9 5 9 b , 6 7 9 6 8 4 has identified him with the Antonio Giróla or Giarola or Gerola who was also called the Cavaliere Coppa. A native of Verona where he was born about 1 5 9 5 , by 1 6 1 7 he was living with Saraceni and his family in Rome, having perhaps gone there to assist his master at the Palazzo Quirinale. Presumably he returned to the Veneto with Saraceni in 1 6 1 9 ; he is mentioned in his master's will. H e was active in Verona until his death in 1 6 6 5 , but his work is at present entirely unknown.

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of Brusasorci, and probably went to Rome shortly after his master's death in 1605. By 1612 he had returned to Verona to be married, and except for the likelihood of another visit to Rome,19 he probably stayed in the Veneto until his death, of the plague, in 1630. The only known Roman painting by Ottino is the small Resurrection of Lazarus (Rome, Galleria Borghese; Fig. 384), 20 surprisingly close to Caravaggio. However, rather than reflecting his Resurrection of Lazarus which Ottino surely never saw, it is an amalgam of the S. Luigi dei Francesi paintings: specifically Christ's pose seems to be the reverse of the one in the Calling of St. Matthew (Fig. 3). 21 Ottino's Lazarus may have been inspired by the nude in the left foreground of the Martyrdom (Fig. 8). Later Bassetti and Ottino apparently were in close rapport, at times as close as the Pentecost (Milan, Saibene Collection; Fig. 378), 22 which has been published by Zeri as a Bassetti of ca. 1620. The Virgin's pose is the same as St. Vito's in Bassetti's Schleissheim painting (Fig. 377), but her big hands and her face, a long oval with large clumsy features and an empty characterization, seem close to Ottino. The old apostle on the far right is from the same model as that for the bishop-saint in the Schleissheim painting, but the apostle just to the left of the Virgin seems to be from the same model as the kneeling apostle in Ottino's masterpiece, the enormous Assumption (Padua, S. Maria in Vanzo; Fig. 379)· 23 A large number of Ottino's paintings survive in the museum and the churches of Verona. Generally he seems to have been less constant to Caravaggism during the twenties than was Bassetti, although he too was evidently dedicated to very colorful painting. Such works as the recently discovered Assumption (Verona, private collection; Fig. 380) 2 4 are derivative from the Carracci and their followers, even though some Caravaggesque details appear. Often in such earnest paintings as his Burning of Heretical Books (Verona, Castelvecchio; Fig. 381), Ottino seems slightly primitive. 19 Probably he returned briefly to Rome about 1 6 1 6 to assist Saraceni at the Palazzo Quirinale (Longhi 1 9 5 9 a , 2 9 - 3 8 ; Briganti 1962, 3 8 ) . 20 In the Borghese collection by 1 6 9 3 and perhaps as early as 1 6 1 4 . 21 It also shows a surprising relation to one of Domenichino's preliminary drawings for his Calling of Sts. Peter and Andrew in the apse fresco at S. Andrea della Valle. The drawing is at Windsor. 22 A drawing at Windsor which is attributed to Bassetti is closely related. 13 Signed, and datable ca. 1 6 2 0 . In 1 9 5 9 the painting was rolled up to await funds for restoration. 21 Perhaps the painting, dated 1 6 2 3 , from S. Elisabetta, Verona.

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The third Veronese, Alessandro Turchi called l'Orbetto, was really more Roman than Veronese, for he lived most of his adult life in Rome. However he maintained contact with his Veronese contemporaries at least until about 1 6 2 0 , and he never entirely lost touch with his native city. The associations among Bassetti, Ottino, and Turchi are not well documented, but they are unquestionable. They may have met in Brusasorci's studio, although their ages were so different that they could hardly have been working as equals with him. Turchi probably knew Ottino and Bassetti in Rome, although perhaps at different times since Ottino may not have returned after his departure in 1 6 1 2 and Bassetti did not arrive until 1 6 1 6 . Ottino and Bassetti surely knew each other in Verona, if not before 1 6 0 5 or between 1 6 1 2 and 1 6 1 6 (when Bassetti may have been in Venice), then after 1 6 2 0 . Each apparently was influenced by Borgianni, whom Turchi and Ottino could have known in Rome. The climax of their association is in their collaboration at the Cappella degli Innocenti in S. Stefano, Verona. Commissioned by Msgr. Veraldo Pozzo to house the remains of the Veronese bishop-saints and the forty martyrs, the chapel was built in 1 6 1 8 , and during the following two years was decorated by the three Veronese Caravaggists. 25 Ottino, the only one present in Verona, did most of the work: the altarpiece of the Massacre of the Innocents (Fig. 3 8 2 ) , the pendentives, 26 the four chiaroscuro panels with eight Virtues in the drum, and the God the Father in the oval of the cupola. 27 The side altarpieces, Bassetti's Five Bishop-Saints (Fig. 3 7 6 ) , and Orbetto's Forty Martyrs (Fig. 3 8 3 ) were painted in Rome and shipped to Verona. As a Baroque decorative complex, the chapel is competent but unexceptional, but the three altarpieces give it a special interest. None is in a doctrinaire Caravaggesque style, but it is obvious that Ottino and Turchi had modified their earlier styles much more than Bassetti had. The large scale of the paintings, their situation as parts of a single decorative whole, and the bright illumination of the chapel, very possibly made some real modifications seem desirable. Ottino and Turchi lifted the veil of chiaroscuro from their •°·5 For the history of the chapel, see Tessari 1 9 5 7 , 4 s f f . Representing St. Charles Borromeo and — almost completely destroyed — St. Francis above the entrance, and the Annunciation above the altar. 27 T h e altarpiece and the oval are oil on canvas; all Ottino's other paintings in the chapel are frescoes. 26

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paintings, and introduced distant architectural and landscape settings. Turchi's use of landscape might be noted as an advance on Grammatica's exactly contemporary St. Romualdus altarpiece (Frascati, Camaldoli; Fig. 1 1 3 ) . The architectural setting of the Ottino, which shows the Piazza del Brà and the campanile of S. Luca in Verona, invites comparison with Guido Reni's earlier painting of the same subject, which apparently inspired Ottino. Even Bassetti reserved an upper corner of his painting to introduce a celestial chorus receding into infinite distance, similar to that in the Schleissheim painting. Bassetti's bishops are relatively inactive, and emerge from murky shadow into a shallow space, and they loom up to dominate the whole picture by their bulk. His painting is composed of large strongly contrasting areas of light and dark. The two other paintings are much lighter in tonality, although strong value contrasts are scattered over the figures. Their effect is of daylight, and the evenness is emphasized by the suppression of most highlights. Some figures are close to the picture plane, but they are not confined to inactivity on a shallow ledge. They move and gesture violently into a considerable depth, emphasized by ground planes which rise steeply. Comparison of these elements in the three paintings makes Bassetti appear to have been relatively conservative, adherent to a modified Caravaggesque style which was not entirely appropriate to the decorative system of the chapel and which was no longer particularly novel. Ottino and Turchi, on the other hand, while indebted to Caravaggism for their development of natural light,28 of relatively realistic types and action, and perhaps even of clarified space, nonetheless had left it behind. The spaciousness, the vigor of action and the luminosity of their paintings, show the development of new and more decorative styles. None of the three Veronese achieved much psychological penetration in these paintings. Ottino and Turchi developed the action with such complexity of situation and elaboration of detail that their figures became little more than fields of energy without personality. Bassetti focused attention on the details of the principal figures' physical appearance, but he lined them up as prosaically as mannequins in a display case, and hardly attempted to characterize them 28

It should be noted that Bassetti's and Turchi's paintings face each other and are lighted like those in the Contarelli and Cerasi chapels from the left and from the right respectively, as though they had the same source of illumination, from the direction of the altar. It might be added that Ottino's Massacre of the Innocents does not have naturalistic light, particularly in comparison to the other two paintings. Not only are highlights suppressed, chiaroscuro contrasts reduced, reflected lights avoided and cast shadows often eliminated, but also the upper-value range is limited.

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as individual personalities. Whatever their limitations, the three paintings fill an otherwise almost monochromatic chapel with color. The three painters were fluent craftsmen, and Ottino and Turchi were skilled narrators, capable of representing good stories excitingly. The activities of the three Veronese painters, together with that of Saraceni, really introduced seventeenth-century painting into the Veneto, and after years of nostalgia at last brought the promise of some succession to the great masters of the sixteenth century.29 Meanwhile there was some corresponding but almost entirely unrelated Caravaggesque activity in Venice. Two of the painters involved were foreigners: the French Jean LeClerc, who had been Saraceni's servant-apprentice in Rome, and who, before going hime to Nancy, completed the works Saraceni had left unfinished at the time of his death, and the German Ulrich Loth who also was with Saraceni in Venice. The third, Pietro Muttoni, called Pietro della Vecchia, was a native of Venice.30 Born in 1603, he studied with Padovanino, married Regnier's daughter Clorinda, exported paintings throughout Italy and to Germany, and died in Venice in 1678. 3 1 His friend, Boschini, boasted of his ability to fake Giorgiones;32 but significantly, he stated that Pietro did not copy Giorgione but instead made "abstracts from his intellect." Pietro Vecchia's paintings often seem to be caricatures of Giorgione33 and simultaneously of the early Caravaggio. Many of his favorite secular subjects — gamblers, gypsies, fortune-tellers, warriors, bravi34 were probably directly 29

Unfortunately, they had no local successors of any significance. No students of Ottino are recorded. Bassetti had at least one, Massimo da Verona, a Capuchin layman. Born about 1600 in Verona, Massimo settled in Venice after his studies with Bassetti, and lived there until his death about 1679. His painting shows no signs of Bassetti's influence, or of Caravaggism. Turchi in Rome attracted several Veronese followers, including Giovanni Ceschini ( 1 5 8 3 - 1 6 4 9 ) a contemporary who went to Rome to study with him and then returned to Verona to set up shop, and G. B. Rossi called il Gobbino (active in the first-half of the seventeenth century). He was also imitated by Pietro Bernardi (died 1 6 2 3 ) who had been a student of Brusasorci, but apparently was influenced by both Turchi and Bassetti. 30 He was called "della Vecchia" or "il Vecchia" or simply "Vecchia" because of his ability to restore and to fake old paintings. Sandrart 1675, 373, gave his birthplace as Vicenza. 31 His birthdate was traditionally given as 1605, but Ivanoff 1944, 85-94, corrected it to 1603 on the basis of an inscription in the libro dei morti. He was survived by a son, Gaspare, of whom nothing remains except a cycle of eight paintings in the Misericordia at Buie near Capodistria. They are signed and dated "Gaspar Petri Vecchia Filius/Faciebat Venetiis Anno MDCCXI." 03 Boschini 1674, 14 (preface). The painting of Gaston de Foix and a Page in the Spanio Collection, Venice, exhibited at the Giorgione and Giorgioneschi exhibition in Venice in 1955, is surely a Pietro Vecchia in imitation of Giorgione. 33 As Lanzi 1834, III, 1 8 1 - 1 8 2 observed. 81 Innumerable paintings of these and like subjects are to be found in the museums of the 2 8 4

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inspired by the low-life paintings of Saraceni and LeClerc, whose condescending attitude to these rowdy characters Pietro Vecchia also adopted. Some association with Preti may be suspected as well, because of similarities in the genre subject matter favored by the two painters, and also because of stylistic affinities such as those in the Pilate Washing His Hands (formerly Rome, Rospigliosi Collection; Fig. 3 8 8 ) . But Pietro della Vecchia was a decade older than Preti, so that, while he may even have picked up a few specific motifis from the younger man, he is more likely to have had influence on, rather than to have been influenced by, Preti. According to Lanzi, Pietro Vecchia made careful studies of light. His paintings are typically filled with heavy atmospheric effects which prevent very sharp chiaroscuro contrasts, and he delighted in decorative color schemes with bright blue or scarlet accents contrasting against yellow-brown general tonalities. These tendencies are evident in his Palm-Reader (Vicenza, Pinacoteca; Fig. 3 8 5 ) , 3 5 in which can be recognized faint traces of a transformed Caravaggesque style. It is tempting to look for a Caravaggesque inspiration in Pietro's Portrait of Erhard Weigei (New York, Chrysler Collection; Fig. 389). 3 β But its cool neutral colors, objective portraiture, and restrained but perceptive characterization seem to be in the north Italian portrait tradition and to require no Caravaggesque intervention. Somewhat the same is true of the Crown of Thorns (Venice, Alvise Barozzi Collection; Fig. 3 9 0 ) , which is similar to the lost Caravaggio. But the key to the relation between these two paintings seems to be their common derivation from Titian. The characterization of Christ's misery and of the almost compassionate torturers is worthy of the author of the Borghese David (Fig. 1 8 ) , although in a different vein from the thoughtless brutality of the torturers in Caravaggio's lost Crown of Thorns or his Flagellation (Fig. 1 5 ) . But the thick atmosphere, the bright color accents, the bizarre northern types,37 even the crinkled draperies and the fluttering plumes are distinctively Pietro Vecchia's. Veneto, notably in the Accademia dei Concordi in Rovigo, the Museo Civico in Padua, and the Pinacoteca of Vicenza. Not infrequently the similar paintings of Matteo de' Pitocchi (active in the second half of the seventeenth century) have been confused with Pietro Vecchia's, like the two small panels representing Musicians and Drinkers in the Museo Civico of Treviso. 85 From the Vicentini del Giglio bequest. A n old copy is in the Accademia, Venice. 30 Signed and dated "Petrus Vecchia P i c . r / 1 6 4 9 . " Weigel ( 1 6 2 5 - 1 6 9 9 ) was a German mathematician, philosopher, and architect, resident in Jena most of his life. " T h e bald man kneeling in the foreground, who appears again and again in Pietro Vecchia's works, has some resemblance to standard T e r Brugghen types.

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He probably never saw an original Caravaggio, so it is not surprising that few if any specific references to the master can be found in his works, although the Incredulity of St. Thomas (Padua, Museo Civico; Fig. 3 8 6 ) 3 8 may have been based on Caravaggio's much-copied and therefore widely disseminated version of the subject (Fig. 7 ) . But Saraceni's influence (and LeClerc's) is evident, and nowhere more so than in the gigantic Crucifixion (Venice, S. Lio; Fig. 3 8 7 ) , dated 1 6 3 3 . The swooning Virgin came from Annibale Carracci, but the pastel colors are those of the Villa Camerini Shipwreck, and details — the gamblers in the foreground and particularly the dandy (can this be St. Longinus?) leaning on his spear — are unmistakably Saraceni's. Like Saraceni, Pietro Vecchia seems to have relented of the strong chiaroscuro which was typical of many of his secular paintings and perhaps of his earlier religious subjects. There are sharp value contrasts on the figures in the three paintings of 1 6 5 4 representing the Martyrdoms of Sts. Stephen (Fig. 3 9 1 ) , Lawrence, and Sebastian39 (all Treviso, Museo Civico). But these contrasts are neutralized by the placement of the figures, like those of the Crucifixion and the Weigel portrait, against light backgrounds. Generally it is Pietro Vecchia's subject matter that is the most Caravaggesque feature of his oeuvre. For his genre subjects he apparently had a sufficient number of local sources, most of them historical anticipations rather than contemporary reflections of Caravaggio. Yet despite the proximity of his manner of painting to that of his great contemporary, Maffei, 40 and despite his distance in place (and in time) from Caravaggio, he hovered at the edge of Caravaggism. He had little access to it and therefore remained peripheral, but he must have been aware of it, and he was responsive. Lanzi gave the impression that there was a flourishing Caravaggesque movement in mid-seventeenth-century Venice. 41 For, admitting that he was 88 From the Capodilista bequest. It has been suggested that it dates as late as the 1 6 5 0 s , but it seems more likely to come from early in Pietro's career, as much as twenty years previous. ""Signed with a monogram P V F and dated 1 6 5 4 . T h e three paintings actually belong to S. Teomista, Treviso, for which they were painted. 40 Maifei himself at least once responded to a Caravaggesque inspiration, specifically in his Martyrdom of St. John the Baptist (Vicenza, Museo Civico; Fig. 3 9 3 ) . T h e Caravaggesque source seems most likely to have been Cavallino. Maifei also was associated with Luca Ferrari, whose works in the ceiling at S. Tommaso Cantuariense, Padua, he completed after Ferrari's death in 1 6 5 4 (Pallucchini 1 9 6 2 , 1 2 9 ) . « 1 8 3 4 , ΠΙ, 1 7 4 .

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borrowing from Zanetti (who in turn reworked Boschini), he lamented the existence of the "plebian style of Caravaggio's admirers." He objected to their naturalism, which was lacking in nobility, and to their "tenebrism," which made their paintings "very dark and oily." Boschini made no specific reference to Caravaggism or to tenebrism. In writing of Regnier, he mentioned his ability to "imitate nature." 42 This familiar phrase was no more pejorative to Boschini than it was to Leonardo da Vinci. Indeed Regnier is said to have imitated nature with such art that his paintings are full of grace, vaghezza and decoro, certainly not characteristics of a "plebian style;" and he himself was described as "a prince among painters." Lanzi, significandy enough, named no names in his discussion of mid-century Venetian Caravaggism — or to be more exact, he named only Saraceni, who had been dead for thirty years. Otherwise Lanzi could have been attacking only Regnier, some of whose early paintings might have been dark and oily and plebian but whose style was no longer Caravaggesque by 1650, or Pietro Vecchia whose subjects undoubtedly were vulgar but none of whose paintings were strictly speaking "tenebrisi," or such casual visitors in the city as Preti, Luca Giordano,43 Cagnacci, and Cantarini, none of whom was extremely Caravaggesque, if at all. In fact there was no outright Caravaggesque painting in Venice by 1650. Traces of it were scattered in the works of a few painters — principally Antonio Zanchi, Karl (or Carlo) Loth, and Giovanni Battista Langetti — active there then or later, all of whom integrated their reminiscences of it into fundamentally non-Caravaggesque styles. They did not form a school — Loth and Zanchi were rivals — but they did have certain experiences in common: they were all non-Venetian by birth; they all arrived in Venice in the 1650s, Langetti and Loth from studies in Rome; and they had some kind of contact with a slightly older painter, the mysterious Francesco Ruschi (or Rusca). 44 Little known as he is, Ruschi seems to have been sufficiently important and influential as to inspire Boschini to write much more about him than about Langetti, Loth, or Zanchi. According to Sandrart, he was Zanchi's teacher; 42

1660, 532. Arslan 1 9 4 6 , 2 8 says Luca Giordano visited Venice about 1 6 5 0 , bringing with him "una corrente Caravaggesca." N o doubt he visited the city, but hardly as a purveyor of Caravaggism. " R u s c h i was born in Rome about 1 6 1 0 , son of a Christianized Jewish doctor (Sandrart 1 6 7 5 , 3 7 4 ) . A pupil of the Cavaliere d'Arpino, he was also strongly influenced by Pietro da Cortona. A c cording to Zani, he lived in Venice from 1 6 4 3 to 1 6 5 6 . He died there during 1 6 6 1 (Ivanoff 1 9 4 8 , 43

259)·

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and both Langetti and Loth were responsive to his influence.45 In one respect only did Ruschi show an awareness of Caravaggism, which can be seen in such of his paintings as the Expulsion of Hagar (Greenville, S.C., Bob Jones University Art Collection; Fig. 399). 46 Typically there is a very distinctive relation between light and objects; complex drapery patterns (often wedge-shaped and agitated) are emphasized by strong sharply defined contrasts between highlights and deep shadows, in a manner anticipatory of Solimena's. This feature of Ruschi's painting apparently made a great impression on Zanchi,47 the only native of the Veneto in the group. Although he eliminated Ruschi's somewhat Manneristic unbalance of poses and crowding of space, and he introduced the busts of the old man on the right and the old woman on the left, both of which were clearly Caravaggesque in inspiration, Zanchi made his Alexander with the Family of Darius (Venice, private collection; Fig. 400) similar to Ruschi's Expulsion of Hagar. Zanchi's page boy seems to be Ruschi's Ishmael and the costume, hairdress, and physiognomy of Darius' wife are like Hagar's. The drapery in Zanchi's painting is less agitated and complex than in Ruschi's, but the relation between the light and the drapery is similar. By 1667, when he painted the heroic-scaled Expulsion from the Temple (Venice, Ateneo Veneto; Fig. 402), Zanchi had achieved a settled style into which were incorporated the peculiarly Caravaggesque features of brawny naturalistic types and sharp flashing consistent light. But the scale of the painting and of the figures in relation to it, the agitation of the action, the pretentiousness, not only of the architectural background but of the entire conception, and the tendency to develop highlights as mere accents scattered over the painted surface, all are non-Caravaggesque. In the Expulsion, as in the even larger Last Judgment (on the ceiling of die same room),48 and the more famous " O t h e r pupils or followers of Ruschi's were Pietro Negri (active 1 6 6 3 - 1 6 6 7 ) , Giovanni Carboncino (active 1 6 7 2 / 4 - 1 6 9 2 ) , and a Belgian, Valentin Lefebre, who was born in Brussels about 1 6 4 2 and is recorded in Padua from 1 6 7 0 to 1 6 7 3 . See Arslan 1 9 4 6 and Exhibition Catalogue 1 9 5 9 b for these and other minor figures. 48 This painting appears to be the original of another version of the subject in the Museo Civico, Treviso. Also in the Bob Jones University Art Collection is a bozzetto for the painting; both works were acquired recently from H. C. Schaefer in New York. 47 Zanchi was born in Este during 1 6 3 1 , was a pupil of Matteo Ponzone, and is supposed to have gone when he was young to Munich where he found himself in competition with Karl Loth. Probably he worked in Rovigo during the 1680s and Treviso in 1 6 9 6 , and perhaps in Vicenza. But from 1 6 7 8 until 1 7 2 0 he appeared in the Fraglia dei Pittori in Venice, where he died in 1 7 2 2 . 48 Painted in 1 6 6 9 for SS. Fantin e Girolamo, Venice, and later moved to the Ateneo.

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Abraham Dividing the World (Venice, S. Maria del Giglio; Fig. 401), 4 9 Zanchi's distant Caravaggesque inspiration is clear, in both the lighting system and the physical types of the models. Langetti's manner of painting was distinctive from Zanchi's.50 His greatest indebtedness was to Ribera,51 as can be seen in the Vision of St. Jerome (Cleveland Art Institute; Fig. 398), 5 2 based on one of Riberas painted versions,53 or on his etching, of the same subject. Some evidence of the influence of Pietro da Cortona can perhaps be seen in such of Langetti's paintings as the Mercury and Argos (Genoa, Palazzo Bianco; Fig. 396). 5 4 Despite this somewhat academic tendency, the decorative brilliance of color, the deep chiaroscuro, the vigorous action, the clumsy and powerful body forms, the massive compactness of the composition, and the bold handling are recollective of such paintings as Serodine's Meeting of Sts. Peter and Paul (Fig. 1 7 0 ) , and suggest a faint survival of some Caravaggesque inspiration. Zanchi and Langetti were by no means the only painters in Venice after 1 6 5 0 who were aware of Caravaggism and responsive to it. They are scattered in single works by such painters as Maffei 55 and perhaps Bombelli,56 who are not ordinarily associated with Caravaggism. They appear more regularly in the works of a few others such as Carpioni,57 the so-called Breonio Master,58 49

Riccoboni interprets the subject as Abraham Teaching Astrology to the Egyptians and dates it ca. 1665. M Born in Genoa during 1625, Langetti studied there with Assereto and then went to Rome. There he was a student of Pietro da Cortona, although he is reported to have studied Caravaggesque painting also. Arriving in Venice about 1650, he worked with G. F. Cassana. By 1660 he was wellestablished as an independent master, meriting fairly detailed treatment by Boschini 1660, 538-540, 596, who admired him, like Regnier, for his ability as a colorist and for his naturalism. " B u t see Arslan 1946, 42-47: "Tutta l'opera del Langetti è un'amplificazione del Giordano riberesco . . ." M Signed "Langeti Fac. et." Formerly in the Palazzo Conti, Vicenza, and in the Italico Brass Collection, Venice. ra Either that in Leningrad (where the composition is reversed), or that in Naples. The similarity of Langetti's St. Jerome to Guercino's (Rimini, S. Girolamo) might also be noted. 64 Signed "G. B. LAGETTI." In the Palazzo Bianco since 1927. Formerly in the Caviglia Collection, Genoa. Gamulin 1 9 6 1 , 2 4 1 , denies that there was any contact with, or response to, Pietro da Cortona. œ Ν. 4θ above. 56 For instance, in his Portrait of a Procuratore in the Querini-Stampaglia Collection, Venice (Fig. 395). Probably it represents Polo Guerini who was Procuratore di San Marco during 1684. The source of Bombelli's portrait style was probably Regnier, who was active in Venice as a portraitist. 67 For instance his Lute Player (Vicenza, Museo Civico; Fig. 392) or his St. Peter (Varallo, Pinacoteca). The source for Carpioni's Caravaggism seems northern; Regnier perhaps, but some

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O and Piazzetta,59 who were not outright Caravaggesque painters but who were substantially influenced by Caravaggism. Even Sebastiano Ricci made some response to Caravaggism, in such paintings as his Murder of Archimedes (Venice, private collection; Fig. 397). 6 0 It was natural that some kind of Caravaggism should appear in Venice, considering the interest in light that was traditional in the region and the debts which Caravaggio owed to Venetian sixteenth-century painting, not only for color, light, and technical procedures, but also for his realistic point of view. It is not surprising, however, that Caravaggism had so little effect that it never developed into a clearly recognizable local manner. As Arslan pointed out in his little-known but brilliant study of Venetian seventeenth-century painting, a dichotomy between luministic and coloristic tendencies persisted in the region throughout the century. 61 A few painters worked out a balance between the two tendencies, but the coloristic was consistently dominant. Saraceni himself felt this dichotomy, and responded to it during his last year or two in Venice when his works tended to become much less Caravaggesque than they had been a few months before in Rome. However, if he had not died prematurely or if his return to Venice had not been followed within a decade by the arrivals of Fetti, Liss, and Strozzi, he and his followers in Venice and Verona might have inspired a real Caravaggesque movement. As it was, the styles of Fetti, Liss, and Strozzi had an animate fluency which was more perfectly Baroque than those of the almost timid Saraceni and the stolid Basother Franco-Fleming as well. According to Zorzi 1 9 6 1 , 2 1 2 - 2 2 2 , Carpioni was born in Venice in 1 6 1 3 , was living in Vicenza by 1 6 3 8 , and died there in 1 6 7 8 . Despite reports to the contrary, he may never have worked in Verona. His Caravaggesque phase took place during the 1 6 5 0 s . 58 T h e Master of Breonio was named by Arslan 1 9 4 6 , 4 6 - 4 9 and Figs. 2 2 - 2 5 , as the painter of four canvasses reminiscent of Caravaggism, in the parish church of Breonio near Verona. 58 For instance, in his numerous genre paintings or in such religious paintings as the Supper at Emmaus (Padua, Museo Civico; Fig. 4 0 3 ) . T h e painting was originally in the Convent of San Giovanni di Verdara. It was moved to the Palazzo Comunale after suppression of the convent in 1 7 8 0 . A sketch is in the Gothenburg Museum. 80 Based on a similar painting by Luca Giordano. Once in the picture gallery of the Palazzo Widmann-Foscari in Venice. Formerly attributed to Langetti, because of similarity to his signed Archimedes in the Brunswick Museum. T h e reattribution to Ricci is based on two drawings for the soldier at Windsor Castle (catalogue nos. 3 2 8 and 3 2 9 ) . Blunt has observed the close relation of these drawings to the two signed Riccis of ca. 1 6 9 5 representing the History of Diogenes in the Pinacoteca Nazionale at Parma. Still another painting which belongs to the group is the Diogenes with Alexander the Great (Bologna, Pinacoteca Nazionale), which is also assigned to Langetti but should now presumably be reattributed to Ricci. 61 Arslan 1 9 4 6 . T h e exceptionally strong painterly tendency in seventeenth-century Venetian art should also be noted.

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setti and Ottino. Furthermore their styles were more appealing to the Venetian coloristic sense. Typically each one of them had had some Caravaggesque experience.62 But they responded to it by incorporating it into manners which were fundamentally coloristic and ultimately decorative, rather than luministic and dedicated to realism.63 Thus it was their opulent Baroque style which set the stage for the development of painting in Venice during the following century and a half. It did not absolutely exclude Caravaggesque incidents, but it did limit Caravaggism to a minor supporting role. 02 For Strozzi, see ch. 6. For Fetti, see ch. ι , n. 1 1 9 ; ch. 2, η. 40; ch. 5, η. 7· Such of his paintings as The Parable of the Lost Coin (Florence, Pitti) and the Archimedes (Dresden, Gemäldegallerie; Fig. 3 9 4 ) certainly are reflective of Caravaggism as well. For Liss, see Steinbart 1 9 5 8 , 1 7 8 - 1 8 5 , proving that during the early 1620s Liss was more affected by Manfredi, LeClerc, and the early Regnier than had previously been suspected. 93 The coloristic bias of such other visitors to Venice as Preti, Mola, and most important, Luca Giordano, should also be noted.

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O S T seventeenth and eighteenth-century writers after Mancini dis-

cussed Caravaggio. They characterized him as a colorist who worked from nature; 1 most of them, with the notable exception of Baglione, described his use of light and shadow effects.2 They acknowledged the importance of his return to nature as a means of bringing Mannerism to an end,3 and usually they admired his use of color.4 They consistently mentioned the

Entombment

(Fig. 5 ) as his most popular and famous painting, and most of them were willing, with Baglione, to admit that the paintings in his first manner were at least acceptable to cultured taste.5 But having made these concessions, then 1 Bellori 1 6 7 2 , 2 0 1 - 2 0 2 , said that Caravaggio was deserving of praise for his natural color and that in his first style he used the same mode of pure simple color as Giorgione. ( " f u Giorgione il più puro e il più semplice nel rappresentare con poche tinte le form naturali, nel modo stesso portossi Michele, quando prima si fissò intento a riguardare la natura.") Later (p. 2 0 8 ) Bellori praised the natural color of Caravaggio's Ecce Homo and the Brera Supper at Emmaus (Fig. 1 9 ) in the same sentence wherein he regretted their lack of decoro. This was consistently his attitude toward the works of Caravaggio's maturity, and the attitude of most of his predecessors and successors. Even Baglione conceded ( 1 6 4 2 , 1 3 9 ) that if Caravaggio had lived longer, great profit might have been made from his ability to paint from nature. ("Se Michaelagnolo non fusse morto si presto, haveria fatto gran profitto nell'arte per la buona maniera, che presa havea colorire del naturale . . . . " ) 2 Interestingly enough the most detailed descriptions of Caravaggio's methods of painting light and shadow are to be found in Mancini 1 9 5 6 , I, 1 0 8 - 1 0 9 who was closest in time to Caravaggio, and in Sandrart 1 6 7 5 , 2 7 5 who was a painter himself and a friendly critic. Giustiniani's comments (Longhi 1 9 5 1 « , 4 9 - 5 0 ) were complex; for although he implied Caravaggio's mastery of light as typical of the fifth mode of painting (still life), and also he mentioned light in the eleventh mode (painting from nature), which included Ribera, Honthorst, and perhaps Ter Brugghen among its practitioners, he placed Caravaggio himself in the twelfth mode (the most perfect). 3 For instance, Bellori's note on his copy of Baglione: "è degno di gran lode il Caravaggio che solo si mise ad imitare la natura contro l'uso di tutti gli altri che imitavano gli altri artifici" ( 1 6 4 2 , 1 3 7 ) and his final comments in his own text ( 1 6 7 2 , 2 1 2 - 2 1 3 ) . 4 Apart from Bellori's statements, Mancini's might particularly be noticed. In his life of Caravaggio ( 1 9 5 6 , I, 2 2 5 ) he singled out color for favorable recognition, but little else. 5 An exception was Bernini's agreement with Chantelou ( 1 9 3 0 , 2 2 2 ) that the Buona Ventura, just arrived in Paris was "un pauvre tableau, sans esprit ni invention."

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CONCLUSION (except for the Marchese Giustiniani, Sandrart, and one or two others) they compared him not very favorably to his contemporaries, particularly to the Cavaliere d'Arpino and Annibale Carracci. 6 Many of them even went as far as Baglione, who condemned him as the ruination of painting. 7 The grounds for their criticism of Caravaggio's style were relatively consistent, particularly after Bellori's publication of his conception of Baroque aesthetics. To paraphrase Felibien's words,8 Caravaggio was a slave to nature, and his paintings lacked the nobility and grandeur typical of great art. Bellori said that Caravaggio attempted to make art without art,9 he ignored those principles by means of which mere nature was transformed into art. Of course, Caravaggio's works were criticized particularly for their lack of decoro — Bellori said that they frequently degenerated into "low and vulgar forms," 10 and the outrage of the Death of the Virgin (Fig. 1 2 ) was reported again and again. 11 Caravaggio was also criticized for his lack of disegno, his failure — or refusal — to study the great masters of the past as the accepted means of correcting nature and of purifying its images: "He not only ignored the most excellent marbles of the ancients and the famous paintings of Raphael, but he despised them, and nature alone became the object of his brush." 12 On a " See, for example, Pietro da Cortona in Longhi 1 9 5 1 a , 5 1 - 5 2 , Scannelli 1 6 5 7 , II, 1 9 7 , and Bellori 1672, 20, all of whom compared the Cavaliere d'Arpino to Caravaggio but not entirely to the latter's disadvantage. Baglione 1642, 1 3 7 , claimed that some of the praise given Caravaggio's Contarelli chapel paintings (Figs. 3 and 8 ) resulted from their being compared with d'Arpino's frescoes in the same chapel by envious colleagues. He implied that they praised the new style of Caravaggio's works as a means of dispraising the old style of the Cavaliere's. Bellori's terse comment on this statement is written on the margin: "Baglione bestia." See Malvasia 1678, II, 10, 205, 208, 244, 305, for comparisons made or implied between Caravaggio and Bolognese painters; also Passeri 1934. 83-84, 347 and De Dominici 1 7 4 2 , I, 275. 7 "Anzi presso alcuni si stima, haver'esso rovinata la pittura . . ." 1642, 138. 8 1688, 1 9 1 . 9 1 6 7 2 , 201. Bellori put what can probably be accepted as a summary of most of his objections into the mouths of anonymous old painters who said that Caravaggio did not know how to come up out of the cellar, and that, poor in invention and in disegno, without decoro and without art, he painted all his figures in one light, on one plane, and without gradation. ("Egli non sapeva uscir fuori dalle cantine, e che povero d'inventione, e di disegno, senza decoro, e senz'arte, coloriva tutte le sue figure ad un lume, e sopra un piano, senza degradarle"; ibid., 2 0 5 ) See also Scannelli's list ( 1 6 5 7 , 5 1 - 5 2 ) of those fundamentals for the transformation of nature into art — "buon disegno, . . . inventione, . . . gratia, decoro, Architettura, Prospettiva" — and his implication that they are lacking in Caravaggio. 10 1642, 208: "degenerando spesso Michele nelle forme humili, e vulgari . . ." 11 For example, Mancini 1956, I, 132 cited the painting as a horrid example of lasciviousness in art, which was rightly refused by the good churchmen of S. Maria della Scala, as "contro il decoro" and likely to incite libidinous acts. 12 Bellori 1672, 202 translated by Friedlaender 1955, 246. Modern scholarship has frequently

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more specific level, critics complained of what seemed to them the exaggerated darks in his paintings. 13 They were certain that the method of painting alia prima direct from the model onto canvas was wrong; 1 4 for while they considered it usable for the representation of still life, 16 of heads, and of half- and full-length single figures, they believed it unsuitable for the composition of figure groups. 16 Baglione, even less perceptive than usual, said that Caravaggio's compositions were unsuccessful as narration. 17 Bellori, more objective and discerning a critic and more inclined to theoretical considerations, objected to them in the abstract; if he had been a twentieth-century writer, he would probably have said that they were not architectonic. 18 Finally, it should be mendemonstrated that this criticism of Caravaggio is not literally justified, for he was much indebted to tradition, even to Raphael and ancient marbles, although particularly to the north Italian painting of the sixteenth century. See, for example, Friedlaender 1 9 5 5 . The difficulty was not that Caravaggio did not learn from the old masters, but that his paintings did not make this learning obvious enough, and in at least two instances, discussed by Friedlaender 1955, 89-94 he may actually have poked f u n at Michaelangelo. " M a n c i n i 1956, I, 108 said that the shadows gave relief to the paintings, "ma però con modo non naturale . . ." Scannelli 1 6 5 7 , 1 9 7 - 1 9 8 complained that he could not see the Calling of St. Matthew (Fig. 3 ) well enough, an objection repeated by Bellori 1 6 7 2 , 206 who said that the chapel itself was too dark as was the tonality of the paintings, and by De Dominici 1 7 4 2 , I, 275 who compared the lost contours of figures in Caravaggio's paintings with the clarity of Guido's in which the light "espose al mondo la sua bella, nobile, ed elegante maniera . . ." 11 It should be noted that in the contract (published by Friedlaender 1 9 5 5 , 303) for the Cerasi chapel paintings (Fig. 4 ) , Caravaggio promised "to submit, before executing the said pictures, specimens and designs of the figures and other objects with which according to his invention and genius he intends to beautify the said mystery and martyrdom." Whether or not Caravaggio did in fact submit drawings and sketches for approval is unknown; he painted two versions of each painting.

No certain authentic Caravaggio drawings survive, nor are any others recorded. T h e recent X rays of the two lateral panels in the Contarelli chapel (Figs. 3 and 8 ) prove that Caravaggio composed the pictures as he painted them, changing the scale and the composition of the figures and painting over them; this seems to indicate that if he were working from any preparatory sketches at all, they had not been carried very far. 16 Giustiniani (quoted in Longhi 1 9 5 1 e , 4 9 - 5 0 ) , Baglione 1642, 136, and Bellori 1 6 7 2 , 2 0 1 202 all mentioned his still lifes approvingly, the last with great enthusiasm. Scannelli 1 6 5 7 , 50-51 also praised his still lifes, but qualified his favorable judgement by rating still life lowest in the hierarchy of subjects. 16 For example, Mancini 1956, I, 108 rather naïvely wrote "fa bene una figura sola, ma nella compositione d'historia . . . , non mi par che vi vagliano, essendo impossibil di metter in una stanza una moltitudine d'huomini che rappresentin l'historia con quel lume d'una fenestra sola . . ." The X rays of the Contarelli chapel lateral paintings (Figs. 3 and 8 ) make clear that Caravaggio experienced considerable difficulty in carrying out at least these subjects, although as Friedlaender 1955, ch. il, has observed the accusations of incompetence made against Caravaggio are not justifiable. " A t least he said ( 1 6 4 2 , 1 3 8 ) of Caravaggio's imitators that they "non sanno mettere due figure insieme, ne tessere historia veruna . . ." 18 This seems to be the implication of his statement ( 1 6 7 2 , 206) that "Il componimento, e li moti [of the Martyrdom of St. Matthew (Fig. 8 ) ] non sono sufficienti all'historia . . ." It might

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CONCLUSION tioned that all the critics disapproved of Caravaggio's personality, for he was a "satirical and haughty man" according to Baglione, 19 "turbulent and contentious by nature" according to Bellori, 20 who also noted that he did not change his clothes or bathe often enough. Not until 1 6 7 2 , long after Caravaggio's death and more than a decade after the last significant group of Caravaggesque painters had come to an end, did Bellori publish his writings. By then his criticism of Caravaggio might seem to have been as passé as was Caravaggism itself. Artists, connoisseurs, and theorists had been subjecting Caravaggio to similar criticism since his public debut at the church of San Luigi de' Francesi (Figs. 3 and 8 ) . Bellori summarized their objections, and for the first time presented them fully and dispassionately, basing them on a logical and rational (if somewhat narrow and pedantic) aesthetic. Thus Bellori's criticism, the clearest exposition that had been made of the typical academic attitude toward Caravaggio's work, has come to be accepted as epitomizing unfavorable judgments of it. Most later critics until the twentieth century repeated Bellori's objections in one form or another. Nonetheless, while Caravaggio was alive, and for a decade or two after his death, he was immensely popular. Whatever most critics, theorists, and writers may have said about him later, and however much their disapproval of his paintings may have reflected — or formed — taste from about 1 6 2 0 onwards, during his lifetime in Rome and for the decade following, his paintings generally were much admired. Certainly he had detractors among his contemporaries: Zuccari, who was alarmed by the lack of idealism in Caravaggio's work and who belittled its originality; the Cavaliere d'Arpino, who resented his former assistant's success and his own waning popularity; Baglione, who smarted from the scorn and abuse which had been heaped upon him and his paintings after his inept attempts to adopt Caravaggio's style; much of the lower clergy, outraged by the vulgarity (perhaps the immorality) of his representations of the Virgin and other sacred figures; Borgianni, who hated him for what personal injury is not known. However, these detractors seem to have been in a minority, for Caravaggio enjoyed generous patronage, primarily from the be compared with Sandrart's enthusiastic statement ( 1 6 7 5 , 2 7 6 ) that the companion painting "seems true to life and nature itself" ( " d e m Leben und der Nature selbst gleichet.") 10 1642, 138. 20 1672, 214.

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O ecclesiastical and secular aristocracy. In Rome he was kept busy by protectors of exalted rank, and when he moved on to Naples, Malta, and Sicily, there, too, he was given more commissions than he could handle, or wanted to. As Margot Cutter has pointed out, 21 a Caravaggio was almost a sine qua non for any good private collection; the list of those who owned Caravaggios, the correspondence of those who hoped to, the ease with which Caravaggio sold to distinguished private individuals paintings that had been refused for public display, and the admiration with which such persons as the Abbot Tritonio, Cardinal Borromeo, the fathers of the Chiesa Nuova, and the Marchese Giustiniani wrote about his paintings — all demonstrate that his patrons were highly appreciative of his work.22 Painters were no less responsive. The demand during 1607 of the guild of painters for the display of the Death of the Virgin before its shipment to Mantua, and the curiosity about it which caused many painters, some of them the most famous in Rome, to go to see it, suggest that it was the talk of the town 23 as the Mantua ambassador wrote home, and that not only those painters who were, or were to become Caravaggio's followers, took an interest in it, but others as well. This is confirmed by the existence of variants on Caravaggio's works by such masters as Rubens, Reni, Cigoli, Fetti, and Salimbeni, and by the impact in Bologna of the Incredulity of St. Thomas (Fig. 7 ) . The awareness of Caravaggio's style as a style — and its popularity after his departure from Rome — is confirmed by Mancini, both by his inclusion of it among the four leading contemporary schools of painting and by his statement that it was "commonly followed" at the time (that is, ca. 1 6 1 0 ) of Honthorst's arrival in Rome. 24 When van Mander, Mancini, and Baglione described Caravaggio's popularity, they can be assumed to have been citing not the reactions of the common people but the opinions of those whose positions they respected or whose judgments they valued — patrons, that is, and painters. Thus, ordinarily, most of the recorded opinions, friendly or unfriendly, can be assumed to have been those of the conoscenti. Little is recorded of how the general public, particularly the lower classes, responded to Caravaggio's style. Perhaps the response of 21

1 9 4 1 , 90. Friedlaender 1 9 5 5 , 1 4 2 , 1 4 8 , 304 and Longhi 1 9 5 1 " , 4 9 - 5 0 . 23 "Attesoché era in molto grido essa tavola . . ." 24 1 9 5 6 , I, 2 5 8 . 22

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CONCLUSION much of the middle class was expressed by the Mantuan agent in Rome, who frankly admitted that he did not think much of the Death of the Virgin, but modestly deferred to the judgment of the professionals.25 He also notes that Caravaggio was "one of the most famous of those doing modern things in Rome" 26 as though he were afraid of offending some one of importance. And it is very likely that the enthusiasms of painters, cardinals, and princes influenced the reactions of the middle and lower classes. The response made by painters to Caravaggio's work must to some extent have been professional, based on their interest in his technical and artistic means. These were specialized interests which most doctors and lawyers, carpenters, and shoemakers can hardly be expected to have shared. But most painters originated from the middle and lower classes, and it seems likely that at least some of their enthusiasm for Caravaggio's art must have been based on its popular appeal as well as on its technical peculiarities. This popular appeal must have been wide. Surely the lower clergy did not reject Caravaggio's offending paintings from its churches in order to protect only painters from his influence, but rather they must have been concerned about the effect on the untrained eyes of their parishioners. These simple laymen were thus implied to have been responsive to Caravaggio's popular message — so much so as to have made it possibly subversive. Friedlaender's convincing discussion of the association27 of Caravaggio and his paintings with St. Philip Neri's Oratorians and their beliefs and practices, is interesting; Caravaggio's mature Roman paintings, by reflecting their "low church . . . which had an immense popularity" may have shared the enthusiasm of the common people for the Oratorians. Thus, it can probably be assumed that Caravaggio's works were appreciated and acclaimed by proletarians as well as by aristocrats and painters. Mancini was more important as a recorder of contemporary fact than as an analytic historian or critic, but he made a number of significant observations in respect to Caravaggio and his followers. By describing "la scuola del Caravaggio" or "la maniera del Caravaggio . . . communamente seguitata," he partially formulated the concept of Caravaggism as a distinct style. However, 25

"al giuditio concorde di huomini della professione." "dei più famosi di quelli che habbino cose moderne in Roma." His correspondence has been

translated and published by Friedlaender, 1 9 5 5 , 3 0 7 - 3 1 0 . 21

Friedlaender 1 9 5 5 , 1 2 3 - 1 3 0 .

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neither he nor any other Baroque historian or critic seems clearly to have conceived of Caravaggism in the abstract, as a general style apart from those of individual painters, or as an entity distinguishable not only from the style of the Carracci and their followers but also from that of Caravaggio himself. Indeed the very word "Caravaggism" seems to have come into use only during the twentieth century. Apart from noticing that a few painters, such as Manfredi, "imitated the manner of Caravaggio," 28 Baglione made no attempt to classify Caravaggio's followers as a group; he did not discuss them together, and he failed to mention Caravaggio's influence on several of them. Bellori and a number of other writers, including Lanzi, wrote of "the school of Caravaggio" and grouped his followers together in their texts. Bellori 29 called those who "imitated" Caravaggio "Naturalists" but this seems too general a term, particularly in his usage, to suggest a specific group style. Lanzi at one point also referred to Caravaggio's followers as "Naturalists" and later he discussed "his school, or to speak more exactly, the circle of his imitators." 30 But neither Mancini, Bellori, Lanzi, nor any other seventeenth- or eighteenth-century writer attempted to describe the group of Caravaggio followers as a group, or to define the characteristics of the group except in terms of the relation of individual painters to Caravaggio. Nonetheless, almost without exception, seventeenth- and eighteenth-century writers observed differences between Caravaggio and his followers. The consistency in these observations implies a rudimentary insight into Caravaggism as an historical phenomenon vis-à-vis Caravaggio, even though it was never recognized or formulated. None of those who wrote about painting in general or about painting in Rome failed to acknowledge Caravaggio's greater importance by writing in fuller detail about him than about his followers. Mancini usually made his estimate of a painter clear by writing briefly about minor figures and at greater length about more distinguished men. Thus, in the main discussions of their lives and works, he gave Caravaggio eighty lines, Ribera sixty-three, Manfredi twenty, and Saraceni twenty-three.31 Elsewhere in Mancini, Caravaggio appears a number of times, sometimes accompanied — most important as leader of one of the four orders, classes, or schools of con28 29 30 31

"si diede ad imitare la maniera di . . . Caravaggio . . ." ( 1 6 4 2 , 1 5 9 ) . 167z, 215. 1 8 3 4 , II, 1 2 4 ; and 1 3 9 : " L a sua scuola, o, a dir meglio, la schiera de' suoi imitatori . . ." As published in the 1 9 5 6 edition.

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CONCLUSION temporary painting,32 the subordinate members of which are listed as Manfredi, Ribera, Cecco, lo Spadarino, and Saraceni — sometimes alone, almost as a symbol of his type of painting.33 Bellori followed 34 his long essay on Caravaggio with paragraphs about Manfredi, Saraceni, Valentin, and Honthorst as though they were footnotes; Lanzi adopted 35 the same general scheme but added the names of Vouet, Caroselli, Serodine, Luini, Ducamps ("Campino"), and — rather surprisingly — G. F. Guerrieri, to Bellori's list of followers. The principal exceptions to the general rule of choosing Caravaggio for detailed treatment were local historians such as Malvasia and De Dominici, who naturally emphasized the importance of painters native to their cities, or historians of a specific period such as Passeri who treated only those painters who lived or worked during a limited time span. Yet Caravaggio appears fairly often even in these works, as if the importance of his paintings was sufficient to break through restrictions of time and place. Caravaggio was usually discussed in more detail than were his followers, but they were judged less severely. What writers had to say about the naturalisti or the tenebrosi or the scuola del Caravaggio in general was as unfavorable as what they had to say about Caravaggio himself. When they wrote about specific followers, they often discovered virtues, either real or imagined, emergent from the general gloom. The local historians, who thought of the Carracci and Guido Reni as their ideals, attempted to whitewash their subjects who were stained by Caravaggio's influence. Thus De Dominici, 36 while admitting that Caracciolo had copied Caravaggio's paintings and had been influenced by him, emphasized his debt to the Carracci. Less parochial writers often noted redeeming features in the paintings of the Caravaggists. Mancini remarked that his friend Honthorst excelled in disegno, and treated light very skillfully; that Saraceni was Caravaggio's follower only "in parte" and did many paintings in good taste; that Manfredi imitated Caravaggio, but with improvements; and that Ribera was so much better than Caravaggio that he earned Guido Reni's admiration.37 In Baglione's autobiography and in his biographies of his friend 32

1 9 5 6 , I, 1 0 8 - 1 0 9 .

33

For example "in questo modo di colorir del Caravaggio che toccano assai di negro, è molto

meglio dorarle [the frame]" 34

1672, 215-216.

35

1 8 3 4 , II, 1 3 7 - 1 4 2 ·

{ibid.,

I, 1 4 6 ) .

30

1840, III, 3 7ff.

37

O f Honthorst, he wrote : "mostrò buonissimo gusto nel disegno . . .

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Salini, of Cavarozzi, both Gentileschis, Grammatica, and others, he did not mention Caravaggio, very possibly in an effort to humble his enemy; when he admitted that Caravaggio influenced other painters, he offered qualifications. He said that Manfredi and Serodine, for example, imitated Caravaggio's manner. But Manfredi used good color, if not good disegno,38 and even though Serodine painted without disegno, with little decoro and was "immersed in ignorance," he produced some fairly good pieces, and if he had lived longer might have improved a great deal. 39 As for Bellori, he found qualifications for the Caravaggesque tendencies of several followers: Manfredi was not a simple imitator but transformed Caravaggio; Saraceni was close to him but his style was less murky; and Valentin followed him but excelled in arranging figures.40 The reasons for the charity of these writers toward Caravaggio's followers are various. Most local historians were filled with campanilismo and wished to praise local painters as much as possible. Mancini was less a critic than a reporter, probably dabbled a bit as an art dealer, was friendly with many of the painters he discussed, and was little inclined to give offense to anyone. Baglione sought to minimize Caravaggio's importance. Bellori perhaps considered the Caravaggists as victims of misdirection rather than followers; he was temperate enough to recognize some virtue in "naturalism;" and he was discerning enough to recognize that what seemed flaws in Caravaggio's greatness might become small virtues such as picturesqueness or freshness, in the minor art of his followers. Fundamentally, however, the writers' observation lume, mostra molt'arte . . ." ( 1 9 5 6 , I, 2 5 8 ) ; of Saraceni, "ha fatto molte cose di buon gusto" ibid., I, 2 5 4 ; of Manfredi, "convenir nella maniera del Caravaggio, ma con più fine, unione e dolcezza." (ibid., I, 2 5 1 ) ; and of Ribera, "dal signor Guido vien molto stimato facendo gran conto della sua risolution e colorito, qual per il più è per la strada del Caravaggio, ma più tento e più fiero." Obid., I, 2 4 9 ) . 38

1642, 1 5 8 - 1 5 9 . "Questi voleva imitare la maniera di Michelagnolo Amerigi da Caravaggio, con ritrarre dal naturale, ma senza disegno, e con poco decoro; tuttavia andò facendo alcuni quadri assai ben tocchi; e vi si vedono alcuni pezzi buoni . . . Il Serodine avrebbe fatto assai, ma era un di quelli, che dispregiava i buoni ordini dell'arte, . . . e nell'ignoranza immersi . . . Ma forse si sarebbe revveduto, se infino all'esta perfetta fosse vissuto. . . ." ( 1 6 4 2 , 3 1 1 - 3 1 2 ) . 38

40 Of Manfredi, Bellori wrote : "non f u semplice imitatore, ma si trasformò nel Caravaggio . . . Usò li modi stessi, e f u tinto di oscuri, ma con qualche diligenza, e freschezza maggiore. . . . ( 1 6 7 2 , 2 1 5 ) ; of Saraceni, "si accostò al Caravaggio, ma f u meno tinto . . . ( p . 2 1 5 ) ; and of Valentin, "seguitò lo stile del Caravaggio con maniera vigorosa, e tinta. S'avanzò più d'ogn'altro naturalista nella dispositione delle figure, & usò diligenza nel suo dipingere . . . (p. 2 1 6 ) .

3 O O

CONCLUSION of these "improvements" on Caravaggio, seems to have been founded in fact, in what they saw in the paintings.

II The modifications that Caravaggesque painters imposed on Caravaggio's style were not the superficial changes which a thoroughly dedicated follower might have made in the process of adapting his master's style to his own hand; they were changes in essences. They were not only manifestations of different personal tastes; they were manifestations of the Caravaggesque painters' responses to pressures beyond themselves. That is, their tendency was to "correct" Caravaggio; and Caravaggism is essentially the result of this process of correction, which consisted of accommodation of Caravaggio's style by lesser artists to the different conditions, under which they lived and worked. This process was necessarily complex. It seems to have been motivated by three fundamental forces: contemporary good taste; regional traditions of painting; and the evolution of Baroque painting in general. These forces were at work simultaneously, and influenced all Caravaggesque painters. But the first and the second tended to be particularly effective during different phases of Caravaggism, at different times and in different places. Specifically the first appeared during the concentrated development of Caravaggism in Rome during the second decade of the century; the second during its diffusion throughout Italy from about 1620 on. The first involved the efforts of Caravaggio's followers to bring their painting into accord with the tastes of those who disapproved of his works — specifically the art critics and theorists (and the conservative painters), the parish clergy, and it may be suspected, such bons bourgeoises as the Mantuan ambassador, who knew that he did not know much about art but thought it should be beautiful. 41 Perhaps the most striking example of this accommodation to good taste was the selection of Saraceni to paint a kind of bowdlerized version of the Death of the Virgin (Figs. 1 2 and 9 6 ) as an innocuous substitute for 41 He wrote that the "pochi periti [like himself] desiderano certi allettamenti grati all'occhio" (Friedlaender 1 9 5 5 , 3 0 7 ) and that he was hard put to find any such prettiness in the Death of the Virgin.

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Caravaggio's scandalous painting that had been refused a decade before. During the ten years intervening between the two altarpieces, the Caravaggesque painters, as exemplified by Saraceni, had sufficiently modified their inheritance to satisfy the requirements of conventional conservative tastes. They had become able to produce paintings which were acceptable at least in respect to decoro and often in respect to disegno as well. Saraceni's Death of the Virgin was a weak painting, but the process of accommodation did not necessitate a decline in quality, as Saraceni himself demonstrated in the contemporary S. Lorenzo in Lucina and S. Maria dell'Anima altarpieces (Figs. 94, 95, and 9 8 ) . What it required was those modifications which were first clearly manifested by Caravaggesque painting in Rome during the second decade. 42 Fundamental to these was the differentiation of the sacred from the secular. For among all the qualities of Caravaggio's art, its secularity — the representation of sacred persons as common people and of sacred and miraculuous subjects as human experiences, actions and events — was the most objectionable. By separating the sacred from the secular it became possible for both to subsist. Once secular conceptions, which often seemed merely vulgar to critics, were eliminated from church paintings (particularly from large altarpieces), it became possible to restore their decoro and disegno. The former was recovered by exalting sacred personages and themes, the latter by deliberately developing arbitrary and formal (rather than the human and natural) color, draughtsmanship, and composition; both together had the effect of clearly removing the subject matter from the realm of commonplace to that of extraordinary experience. As for the secular, it was not so much objectionable in itself as it was offensive when applied too frankly to church art. Thus, in private it was permitted and even discreetly encouraged; it persisted and flourished either in outright genre or in only nominally religious painting. As a result of this differentiation, artists like Orazio Gentileschi turned out increasingly formal altarpieces for public display, while others like Manfredi, who were more secular in orientation, devoted themselves primarily to producing genre paintings for private delectation. This differentiation was at first by no means absolute. Some of Borgianni's and Saraceni's Caravaggesque altarpieces demonstrate the persistence of secularity in church art, but even they 12

Ch. 2, vi.

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CONCLUSION show signs of accommodation in their themes and formal organization. Whether a matter of degree or an absolute, the accommodation to good taste was successful enough so that none of the Caravaggists suffered the disgrace of having their religious paintings rejected by church authorities as Caravaggio's had been. There is evidence, however, that the accommodation to good taste was not sufficiently effective to assure continued success for Caravaggism in Rome. It had developed particularly during the second decade, when, according to Mancini,43 commissions for church paintings were given to Caravaggesque painters only in the lack of artists whose styles were more appropriate to religious art. By the middle of the third decade, after the Bolognese invasion encouraged by Gregory XV, the practices of differentiation of sacred from secular and "correction" of sacred images had established themselves so firmly and had been extended so far as to have all but eliminated Caravaggesque painting from churches.44 Thus, excluded from most commissions for altarpieces, Caravaggio's followers were deprived of much of the Baroque artist's bread and butter. Those who survived apparently were forced to choose among four possible courses of reaction: self-limitation to genre painting on a small scale for private patrons; conversion to a non-Caravaggesque style; emigration; or a combination of all three. None of them chose the first course, so that genre painting was generally left to the bamboccianti. Turchi, Caroselli, and perhaps Luini (if he ever was a Caravaggist) chose the second, as did Cavarozzi, and as Serodine was perhaps trying to do when he died; and the Gentileschis, Spadarino and almost all the younger painters who had come to Rome during the teens chose the third; Orazio left Italy, the others (like Fiasella, Riminaldi, Guerrieri, Stanzione, and so forth) either returned to their native regions, or (like Artemisia) traveled from place to place. The fourth course really belongs not to the 1620s but later; it is typified by the career of Mattia Preti, whose travels in Italy took him from Calabria to Venice and eventually to Malta, whose subjects ranged from pure genre to votive altarpieces, and whose style varied from the coloristic Caravaggism of the Sambughè paintings to the heroic idealism of the S. Andrea della Valle apse frescoes. 13

1 9 5 6 , I, 2 5 8 . Among the few exceptions were the altarpieces done about 1 6 3 0 by Valentin (Fig. 1 4 9 ) and Spadarino (Fig. 1 5 0 ) for St. Peter's. 41

BOB

T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O The process of accommodation to official taste was operative particularly in Rome, where it was carried to such an extreme that by 1 6 3 0 Caravaggesque painting had almost disappeared. There was also some accommodation to regional traditions in the city, as is demonstrated by the existence there of such groups as the so-called Tuscan and Venetian enclaves, but it was less influential. Outside of Rome, regional traditions were much more effective. They were inescapable for painters who never left their native cities. And they were hardly less influential on those who had visited Rome. When these visitors went back home, not only did they cut themselves off from daily contact with the latest developments of the Roman avant-garde, but also they reestablished contact with the local traditions in which they had first been trained. Once they had made themselves at home again, they tended to return to their native styles, and to modify what they had learned in Rome by integrating it into the local or regional tradition. Of course these traditions were not static. When, for example, Fiasella returned to Genoa after a decade in Rome, he must have been startled to see the changes that had taken place in Genoese painting during his absence. Yet however drastic these changes might have seemed, they were within the Genoese tradition and consistent with it, and soon enough Fiasella had been reabsorbed into it, as was the Caravaggism which he had taken home with him. In most of the different regions of Italy, Caravaggism was similarly transformed. It was still recognizably Caravaggesque; but it tended to be further identifiable as Venetian or Tuscan or Neapolitan. Partly this regionalism was the result of a tendency for Caravaggesque activity to focus on a single painter or two — in Genoa on Fiasella and on Strozzi, in Naples on Caracciolo seconded and superseded by Stanzione and Ribera; in the Marches on Orazio Gentileschi and his convert Guerrieri. Often other conditioning factors were involved. Some were positive, like the large corpus of Caravaggio's own paintings in Naples and the lack of a vigorous sixteenthcentury tradition there, or like the visits of Orazio Gentileschi and Vouet to Genoa, or like the force of the coloristic tradition in Venice and of pre-Caravaggesque realism and luminism in Lombardy and Emilia. Others were negative, such as the influence of van Dyck in Genoa and in Palermo, of late Mannerism in Lombardy-Piedmont, and of Lodovico succeeded by Guido and Guercino in Emilia; or like the effects of the plague in Verona during 1 6 3 0 and in Naples during 1656; or like the diffusion of Caravaggesque painting in

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CONCLUSION time or place, or both, in most regions except those focused on the cities of Naples and Genoa. Certain conditioning factors were present in most regions: their usual reliance on painters returned from Rome; their general trend toward eclecticism; their almost universal tendency to make some accommodation to official taste, to work with less crude naturalism, and to develop decorative color. But even when several regions responded to similar specific influences — both Genoa and Venice, for example, to Venetian color, or Emilia, the Marches, and eventually Naples to Guido Reni's sweet and linear refinement — each maintained enough individuality so that during the 1620s the Caravaggesque painting of one region generally could be distinguished from that of the others. The accommodation to regional traditions had its greatest effect after 1620 away from Rome, where it functioned to a considerable extent in continuity with the accommodation to good taste which had been established in Rome before 1620. Operative concurrently to both was the third type of accommodation, to the general evolution of the Baroque style. Fundamentally early Baroque, Caravaggio's was an advanced style when it appeared in the Contarelli and Cerasi chapels. But a decade after Caravaggio's death, it was already being superseded by the evolving full Baroque style, which came to a climax during the 1630s and 1640s and was in turn superseded after the mid-century by a late Baroque style. Any painter who wished to keep his work up-to-date was obliged to adapt Caravaggio's early Baroque manner to that prevalent in 1 6 3 0 or 1 6 5 0 or even 1665. Otherwise he became archaic and rétardataire. Had Caravaggio himself returned to Rome and lived out a life-span until about 1650, he would have had either to face these alternatives, or to retire to the relative seclusion of such a city as Syracuse or Messina, where what had been the style of twenty years earlier in Rome, might have still passed for novel and original. His followers also had to make this choice, both as individuals and as participants in the regional and the national movements. The process of transforming Caravaggio's style into a full Baroque style began in Rome almost as soon as Caravaggio left, as can be seen in such early works as Manfredi's Mars Punishing Amor (Fig. 4 7 ) . It continued during the years that Caravaggism persisted there, achieving a notable artistic (if not apparently a financial) success in some of Serodine's works. But it was not

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O attempted by everyone. Spadarino's Miracle of Sts. Valeria and Martial (Fig. 1 5 0 ) for example, might just as well have been painted in 1 6 1 5 as in 1 6 2 9 1 6 3 0 , for the little evidence of the high Baroque style to be seen in it. Most of those few painters who attempted to develop an evolved Caravaggesque style found it difficult to carry out, as is shown by Serodine's confused high altarpiece in the Parish church at Ascona. For, combined with the contemporary standards of good taste, accommodation to contemporary style required so extensive a modification of so much that was essential to Caravaggio's manner of painting, as not only to reform it but actually to accommodate it out of existence. Most of the painters who left Rome about 1620, or who never went to Rome, also responded to the changing general style, as they did to standards of good taste and to regional influences. But their styles evolved more slowly than those of Roman painters. The same isolation that encouraged them to reorient what they had learned in Rome to their native traditions, also permitted their continued adherence to early Baroque Caravaggism, after it had been outdated in cosmopolitan Rome. For in their native cities, they did not have to face the competition of such brilliant anti-Caravaggesque avant-garde movements as that of the great Roman ceiling decorators.. And they were protected by distance from too humiliating a revelation of the extent of any cultural lag from which they might have suffered. Thus Stanzione's work of the thirties must have looked backward to Lanfranco; and in fact, the full Baroque was not realized by Neapolitan painters until midway in Cavallino's career, in such paintings as the small St. Cecilia (Fig. 2 2 2 ) . At the same time, Paolini and Manetti in Tuscany were still working in styles which were fundamentally early Baroque; and not until Tornioli and Coccopani did Sienese painting approach the full Baroque. In Venice Ruschi's spasmodic light and action were directed toward the free-flowing full Baroque, but just as surely had to wait until about 1 6 5 0 and such painters as Langetti and Zanchi, to arrive. Similarly in most regions, Caravaggesque painters responded to the full Baroque a decade or more later than in Rome.45 With this response came the realization in most regions that Caravaggism and the full Baroque were basical45 T h e arrival of van Dyck in Genoa and the return of Guercino to Emilia during the early twenties, brought the full Baroque to those areas before it appeared in the others.

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CONCLUSION ly so incompatible as to mean the end of the former. As a result, by the 1650s, Caravaggism had all but disappeared from Sicily, Tuscany, Emilia and the Marches, Genoa, Lombardy, and Piedmont. Only in the works of a few individuals like Preti and Cagnacci, and in Neapolitan and Venetian painting, did some Caravaggesque elements survive, despite the various accommodations. It was a limited survival. Preti was the only outright Caravaggesque painter; and apparently at will he produced Caravaggesque, partially Caravaggesque, and clearly non-Caravaggesque, paintings. Cagnacci's in chiaro manner appears to have had little relation either to Caravaggio's art of four decades earlier or to Preti's contemporary art. But it was in fact partly derived from Caravaggesque prototypes and principles, transformed in such a way as to be, like the work of the bamboccianti, in continuity with Caravaggism, as much as a late development of it. Certainly, when it was accommodated to the full Baroque, Caravaggism was transformed, as the differences between Caravaggio's St. Catherine and Cavallino's St. Cecilia (Figs. 2 2 1 and 2 2 2 ) , or between Caravaggio's versions of the Supper at Emmaus and Piazzetta's (Figs. 1 7 , 19, and 4 0 3 ) , demonstrate. But the adaptation of Caravaggio's early Baroque to the high and eventually to the late Baroque styles was necessarily a transformation. Otherwise it might have produced the late Caracciolo but not the Cavallino of 1 6 4 5 , the Manetti of 1640 but not the Pietro Vecchia, the Centinos at S. Vito (Fig. 3 3 7 ) , but not the Cagnaccis at Vienna (Fig. 3 3 6 ) . Generally, the few painters during the 1650s who were still somehow involved with Caravaggism — Pietro Vecchia, Ruschi, Langetti and Zanchi in Venice; Cavallino, Falcone, and a few others in Naples — made their paintings by fusing superficially Caravaggesque with non-Caravaggesque elements. These they combined according to principles that were at best only partially Caravaggesque — the light which seems to shatter figures in Ruschi's and in Zanchi's painting, the explosive figure-bulks and animate space in Cavallino's, the flowing-together of elements in Langetti's, the small scale energy in Falcone's, and so forth. Certainly not Caravaggesque in the sense of Borgianni's Birth of the Virgin (Fig. 8 7 ) or Manfredi's Musical (Fig. 1 0 3 ) , nonetheless their paintings demonstrate some continued Caravaggesque inspiration in the context of the characteristic style of advanced Baroque painting. This final accommodation was sufficiently successful so that traces of Cara-

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T H E I T A L I A N F O L L O W E R S OF C A R A V A G G I O vaggism continued to appear during the later half of the seventeenth century and even during the first half of the eighteenth. Certainly rare, still there were a few distinguished examples, notably in the works of Solimena who discovered means of applying a light system reminiscent of Caravaggism to gigantic decorative paintings, of Piazzetta, and of Traversi. All three were leaders in the late Baroque style, but at one time or another relied on Caravaggesque sources. This late Baroque Caravaggesque style had been anticipated by some of Cavallino's works. By the end of the sixties Luca Giordano (when he tried his hand at Caravaggesque painting) and Preti, were clearly showing their evolution toward it. Simultaneously in Venice, Langetti and Zanchi were also developing late Baroque styles. Rather surprisingly, after 1650, the styles of Naples and Venice steadily moved closer to each other. Partly this may have resulted from the visits which Preti, Luca Giordano, and Solimena made to Venice, and from such deliberate adaptations as those which Langetti and Giordano made of Ribera. Furthermore, both regional centers tended to fuse the colorism and luminism which they shared. But colorism and luminismi were themselves characteristic of nonclassicistic late Baroque painting, and fundamentally the similarities between the two regional schools can be credited to this national style: specifically to the violence of action, the swirling compositions, the exaggerated rhetoric of narration, the fragmentization of forms, and the rich, loose handling which appear not only in the works of the vestigally Caravaggesque painters but in such disparate masters as Maffei, Baciccio, and Magnasco as well. In fact, by Magnasco's time, Rome had lost its position of absolute leadership of Italian Baroque painting, and was equaled or surpassed by Venice, Naples, and Genoa. Caravaggism was too far past to enjoy a revival; but the style dominant in Venice, Naples, and Genoa could produce paintings like Piazzetta's Supper at Emmaus or Traversi's Feast of Absalom, which were simultaneously clearly late Baroque and reminiscently Caravaggesque. It is obvious that Caravaggism was doomed by the necessity for extensive accommodation to changing conditions and influences. It was also vitiated by the inconstancy of most Caravaggesque painters,46 which was exceptional even in a century when eclecticism was common. For quite apart from their willingness to make accommodations, most Caravaggesque painters apparently did " It should also be remembered that many northern European painters, most notably Honthorst, eventually evolved away from their youthful Caravaggesque styles.

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not conceive of themselves as being engaged in what might have developed into an enduring pictorial tradition. Few of them maintained Caravaggesque styles for long. And while they painted some copies and imitations, as was noted in the Introduction, most of their work consisted of variants, which, as time passed, tended to have increasingly superficial relationships to their origins in Caravaggio's oeuvre. Of the three groups of followers recognized by Mancini,47 very few painters belonged to the first. Apparently only Manfredi, Mao, Caracciolo, Serodine, and the semi-primitive Manzoni and Centino48 painted in fairly consistently Caravaggesque styles throughout their mature careers.49 Most of the painters who have been identified as Caravaggesque actually belonged to Mancini's second group and worked in the style for only a few years. This group even included many of those who were at times closest to Caravaggio. Borgianni and Saraceni, for example, both evolved from non-Caravaggesque to Caravaggesque and away again in less than a decade. Others belonging to the second group were even less consistent in their associations with Caravaggism. Most led double lives like Orazio Gentileschi, painting frescoes in a different style even during those years when their oil paintings were Caravaggesque.50 Painters who belonged to either of these two groups can be assumed to have submitted consciously to Caravaggio's influence as a fundamental source for their own styles, even if only for limited periods of time and under special conditions. In this limited sense, they perpetuated some form of his manner, even though they modified it extensively. But for painters of the second group, it was often enough merely an episode in their careers, with little or no effect on their later evolution. This fragmentary character is evident in the works of the painters who belonged to the third group. Like such painters as Cigoli and Salimbeni who casually adopted details or devices from Caravaggio for only one or two paintings in a basically different style and were otherwise not " See Introduction III, above. 48 T o these names might be added that of Bassetti and those of several northern Europeans such as Mattias Stomer. If Rodriguez' late work, and Spadarino's early work, were known, they also might be recognized as belonging to the first group. J9 Even they wavered from time to time; that is, Caracciolo's S. Januarius altarpiece ( F i g . 1 9 5 ) , and Serodine's high altarpiece for the parish church at Ascona ( F i g . 1 7 5 ) . 50 Apparently the only solution to this problem was to follow Caravaggio in not accepting fresco commissions. Notably neither Manfredi nor Cavallino did, nor apparently Serodine, Paolini, or Genovesino. Others like Manetti, Falcone, Cavarozzi, and Artemisia Gentileschi accepted them rarely, if at all.

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affected by his work, they had only very ambiguous relations to Caravaggio and to Caravaggism. Most of them treated Caravaggio's oeuvre (and sometimes that of his closest followers) as a kind of stockpile, from which they could at will pick and choose details, pictorial ideas, themes, compositions, and devices for the control and manipulation of light and space, according to their own tastes and purposes, which often were contradictory of Caravaggio's. Some, like Cantarini, passed through a stage in their careers when they introduced Caravaggesque details into their works without attempting to recreate the original settings in which the details had been found. 51 Others, particularly late in the century like Solimena but also earlier like Lanfranco, were profoundly affected by some aspect of the setting, but rarely or never introduced specific Caravaggesque details into their works. Still others like Spada 52 halfheartedly adopted some details and some elements of the setting, either in all the paintings of some stage of their careers, or in those of particular subjects. Finally, some, like Pietro Vecchia, for years painted Caravaggesque subjects, 53 or even single figures or figure-types,54 transferred to unfamiliar stylistic settings. T h e existence of this third group emphasizes not only the inconstancy but also the amorphousness typical of the relations which most of Caravaggio's successors established with him and his work. 55 Even the core of his immediate 51 It should be noted that the Caravaggesque woman and child in Cantarini's Miracle of St. Peter (Fig· 3^8) were not derived directly from Caravaggio but rather from Orazio Gentileschi's follower, Gian Francesco Guerrieri. 53 The reference to Spada, who was reported by Malvasia to be strongly Caravaggesque but who was in fact barely, may serve as a reminder of such false Caravaggesque painters as Garbieri and Tiarini who were in no way related to Caravaggio despite reports and even appearances to the contrary. Caravaggio's successors in general preferred certain of his subjects over others. Aside from the tireless gamesters and musicians, and the constantly negating St. Peter (all of which were favored by north European painters particularly), the Judith (Fig· 2)> Salome, Amor (Fig· 1 0 ) , Incredulity of St. Thomas (Fig. 7 ) , Crown of Thorns (Fig. 4 5 ) , and the Flagellation (Fig. 1 5 ) were most popular. His Roman paintings were naturally the best known. It should be noted that his smaller paintings were usually preferred over the larger ones, although the Entombment (Fig. 5 ) was the most admired of all. Perhaps a tendency to favor his more sensational subjects can also be recognized. 51 The David (Fig. 1 8 ) might be mentioned specifically. Caravaggio's painting in the Borghese seems to have inspired at least fifteen variants, by painters as different from each other as Guido Reni (Fig. 2 9 5 ) and Tanzio da Varallo (Fig. 3 4 8 ) . 135 The ambiguousness of the relations to Caravaggio of so many painters who are usually classified as Caravaggesque, has led Nicolson i960, 1 5 5 n. 77, to object to the common practice of classifying as "Caravaggesque" painters whose styles are not directly derivative from Caravaggio's own. This complaint is certainly justified in respect to such painters as Elsheimer, the bamboccianti,

3 I O

CONCLUSION followers was no means solid or durable. There was no organization, no discipline, and little sense of tradition. Most of Caravaggio's successors saw different elements in his art without recognizing, or at least acknowledging, their integral relationship to the whole. T h e whole they did not understand, or would or could not accept. T h e y made little attempt to develop the aesthetic principles and philosophical ideas underlying and essential to Caravaggio's art. In fact, they tended consistently to suppress them and to develop styles contrary to them. Rejecting these fundamentals, they adopted the superficial. T h e y dismembered Caravaggio's style, 56 treating it not as a manner of thinking but rather as a method of making pictures. T h e y saw in it tricks of lighting, a color system, and agreeable or picturesque or occasionally sensational realism. A n d it was these, or some of these, which they took from it, rather than its means for expression of profound ideas and states of mind. T h u s they eliminated from their paintings those qualities which had made Caravaggio's art so disturbing and, incidentally, so great. T h e y made Caravaggism less controversial. But in the process they turned it into something which was more stylish than it was meaningful. As soon as it lost its novelty, it lost its raison d'être. T h e n , faced by formidable adversaries — the painters of Baroque aristocratic glory — it ceased to be. Caravaggio was really too individualistic and revolutionary a painter to or the so-called Lombard realists, who owed scarcely any debt, or none at all, to Caravaggio. But it does not seem justified in respect to those many painters who were influenced more directly by Caravaggio's immediate followers than by the master himself. Their derivation may have been second- or even third-hand, but the origins of most Caravaggesque elements in their paintings were still in Caravaggio's own work, however distant it may have been in time and place. The Candlelight Master, of whom Nicolson was writing specifically, presents a special problem. He was indebted primarily to Honthorst, and his indebtedness included a lighting system atypical of Caravaggio's own work. If this lighting system (like Garbieri's) were his only relation to Caravaggio, the Candlelight Master probably could not properly be classified as Caravaggesque. Combined as it was with other elements which are typical of Caravaggio's as well as of Honthorst's work, it seems correct to classify him as Caravaggesque, particularly because so many of Caravaggio's followers adopted the same light system as to make it typical of Caravaggesque, if not of Caravaggio's own, painting. 66 An extreme example of a painting assembled by means of this dismembering process, is to be seen in the Suffer the Little Children . . . (Rome, Galleria Corsini; Fig. 1 6 5 ) : the adult Christ comes from the Brera Supper at Emmaus (Fig. 1 7 ) , and the infant Christ from the Madonna of the Rosary (Fig. 1 3 ) ; the apostles are taken from the lost Way to Emmaus and the Mary Magdalen from the Death of the Virgin (Fig. 1 2 ) ; all are reformed according to the taste of Manfredi or Valentin, and placed, almost life-sized, in a shallow, murky space; bright artificial light from the left is added; the result is painting by number, made from fragments of Caravaggio's own works but carried out by a follower, probably Nicolas Tournier of Toulouse.

31

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found an enduring tradition in the seventeenth century. He started out by breaking with the tradition of education of painters. He refused to take on pupils, he was uncooperative to imitators, he used no assistants,57 and therefore trained no successors. The education of his followers was consequently makeshift. They studied his paintings, but at a distance and without his guidance. His art was subtle and personal, and those qualities that were fundamental to its greatness were elusive. His first followers were forced to reduce his style to terms comprehensible to their unassisted lesser intelligences; his younger followers studied the work of these older. Together they developed a style detached from its original content, and created a manner out of the work of a man one of whose essential aims was the denial of mere mannerism. Their dilemma can be dramatized by contrasting them with Annibale Carracci's followers, who found themselves in a very different situation. They were trained carefully by their master, who used them as his assistants. The essence of his style was its style, and above all things system and flexibility were desired. Thus not only were they trained in detail how to carry out the type of painting which came to be most favored in Baroque society, but also they were taught how to manipulate and adjust it according to changing requirements, without compromise of its principles. Caravaggio's followers were constantly encouraged, even required, to compromise, and they had never been taught either the principles of his art or any method of adapting them to changing conditions. Certainly not one of them, at least those in Italy and those who had more than passing relations with Caravaggio or Caravaggism, was as good a painter or as commanding a personality as Caravaggio himself. He could resist many pressures because of his genius, which was recognized even by his detractors; his followers could not. When the authorities at the church of S. Maria della Scala would not accept Caravaggio's Death of the Virgin, it apparently meant little to him, for the painting was taken over by a rich, influential, and discriminating patron. Caravaggio's followers could not rely on being rescued in a similar way, and therefore, they had to satisfy their customers. What most customers usually wanted was something respectable, attractive, pleasant, and easily understandable; some novelty was tolerable and desirable, but shocks were not. ST Mario Minniti and the "Bartolomeo" who might have been Manfredi, seem to be the only possible exceptions to this rule, together perhaps with Alonzo Rodriguez.

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CONCLUSION Their search for means of satisfying their patrons was not mere opportunism. Most of them were themselves of the middle or lower-middle class, and most of them surely must have been trained in the kind of conventional religion that Caravaggio denied but which parish priests taught and society upheld. Despite the frequent brushes that so many of them had with the law, they learned to operate within the social structure rather than without or against it. Caravaggio was inclined toward revolutionary inventiveness; they, toward a more docile conventionality. All of this is demonstrated very clearly by the problem of fresco-painting. Caravaggio refused to do it, even when offered a major commission at a high price by an important patron.58 Possibly he could not conceive and carry out so large a project in his customary method of working, as some critics might have claimed; surely he could not have done it without the use of assistants. But neither of these considerations is as important as the fact that fresco painting was fundamentally contradictory to his style. Quite aside from the difficulty of achieving intense chiaroscuro effects in large-scale frescoes, and from the custom of using highly literary subject matter, such a cycle would inevitably have spread over a large area, presumably of an awkward elongated shape. This diffusion would have been an absolute contradiction of the concentration which was typical of and essential to Caravaggio's mature work, even in such enormous paintings as the Martyrdom of St. John the Baptist or the Burial of St. Lucy (Fig. 6 ) . Furthermore, such a cycle would inevitably have been primarily decorative; Caravaggio's art was fundamentally expressive, and this contradiction would have created an irresolvable conflict. Therefore, the patron was disappointed, but Caravaggio's individuality and the integrity of his style were maintained. But frescoes were very important commissions. Caravaggio's followers, less in demand than he was and less self-assured, could not pick and choose among their commissions. They needed them to support themselves and to advance in their profession. Furthermore, they could hardly have dared to offend so noble a patron as Prince Doria, so they painted frescoes. But well-adapted as Caravaggio's style was to make the most of the physical properties and aesthetic effects of oil painting, it was hardly adaptable to fresco, either technically or 08 This commission is mentioned in a letter of the Mantuan Ambassador (see Friedlaender 1 9 5 5 , 3 1 0 ) . It says that Prince Doria offered Caravaggio six thousand scudi to paint a loggia, but after almost accepting the commission, Caravaggio finally refused.

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aesthetically. As a result, his followers were forced temporarily to desert his style and to paint their frescoes in some other style. This they adopted from late Mannerists or from the Carracci and their followers. Thus they learned not only a new technique but also a different point of view, opposed to Caravaggio's in respect both to formal organization and to subject matter. Because they had some success as frescoists, their styles were more or less compromised; and this compromise was encouraged by substantial financial rewards and by favorable public response. The fact is that Caravaggio's followers were sooner or later forced to recognize that they had made an error, that Caravaggio's art was not suited for the large-scale decorative painting which was the most important means of expression of Italian Baroque society, and that it was contradictory to the predominant ideals of the era. It could not be spread over the vast ceiling and wall areas of the magnificent palaces and churches which were being built or remodelled. This was impossible not only because of its physical properties and formal character but also because it did not lend itself either to the synthesis with sculpture and architecture which was essential for the unification of great decorative cycles, or to the iconographie elaboration which was necessary for the maintenance of interest throughout the vast surfaces. The formal means of Caravaggio's art was more appropriate to altarpieces, which were not so grandiose in scale. But its underlying theme was the apotheosis of the experience of the anonymous common man, and thus in substance it was totally inappropriate to the Italian Baroque. Society was dominated by the institutionalized, hieratic, mystical church and by the autocratic aristocracy; and Caravaggio's art was not designed to serve either very well. Throughout his maturity he was a religious painter of great sincerity and feeling; and his preoccupation with power was typical of his time. But as a few painters, notably such northern Protestants as Rembrandt recognized, he was more concerned with the power of the individual and his personal experience than with that of dogmatic institutions. And as the twentieth century has recognized, he marked an awakening consciousness of the dormant power of the masses rather than a confirmation of the established aristocracy. In the unsettled philosophical, religious, and artistic conditions of the early seventeenth century, high churchmen and aristocrats encouraged Caravaggio; they were sophisticated, and appreciated the novelty and freshness of his artistic SM

CONCLUSION

revolution. It is not likely that they read any implications of social revolution in Caravaggio's art, so they can hardly have considered it a menace to their position. But their servants, the lower clergy, were in closer contact with the people, and they were less unwary. Their distaste for his art may have been based not only on aesthetic grounds but also on some suspicion of dangerously egalitarian tendencies. As time passed, members of the aristocracy themselves may have come to recognize that Caravaggesque painting did not serve their public purposes, for it clearly did little to glorify their institutions or to confirm their pretentions. Thus, when Caravaggio was dead and succeeded by lesser painters, the secular and ecclesiastical aristocracy quite naturally turned increasingly to the successors of the Carracci. They also had derived their styles from revolutionary artistic developments during the last years of the sixteenth and the beginning years of the seventeenth centuries. They were better painters than most of Caravaggio's followers, they were better trained, and in succession to Annibale, they were working out the tradition of splendid decoration which simultaneously formed, expressed, and satisfied the ideals which dominated their society. Theirs was an artistic revolution only, and that not too violent, because they were heavily reliant on tradition, in form, in subject matter, and in their attitudes to both. And there were no disturbing hints of social revolution hidden beneath the surface meanings of their paintings. Not only did their decorative cycles overflow with enthusiasm for the established order, but their panel paintings were impeccable, properly learned in secular subjects and dogmatically correct in sacred subjects; even their portraits were flattering. Certainly realistic painting was by no means suppressed during the Baroque epoch. The success of the bamboccianti and the Lombard realists, the persistence of some kind of modified Caravaggism in Italian centers like Naples and Venice which were independent of Rome, are sufficient evidence of this. But realistic painters were not encouraged on any substantial scale, and they persisted simply as an artistic undercurrent. The fact that they existed demonstrates that they spoke for and to some elements of their society. The fact that they had no more importance indicates that the ideas implied by their treatment of ordinary subject matter were as yet of little general significance. Indeed many of them, notably the bamboccianti and such Neapolitan painters as Falcone and Traversi, tended to represent the common man as picturesque, 315

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thus denying him the dignity which Caravaggio had conferred upon him, and catering to their aristocratic patrons' tastes and limited experience. Even so, few of these painters were given great tasks. They existed as it were withdrawn from the mainstream of their society. Nonetheless, they, following Caravaggio's lead, did succeed in establishing genre as a legitimate although minor and inferior subject matter. The limited acceptance of genre painters had significant consequences in the relation between artist and society. For it produced such painters as Manfredi, the bamboccianti and Cavallino, who worked almost exclusively for private patrons, without public commissions, even without any paintings suitable in scale or in subject matter for public use, and therefore without an important social function. Combined with the example of Caravaggio's own chaotic life, this withdrawal from public activity opened the way for the appearance of the Bohemian artist, living without official patronage and seeking no part in it, and eventually rejecting it. The Renaissance ideal of the gentleman painter certainly persisted. But the retirement of these few artists from public duties in the early seventeenth century had repercussions which came to a climax in the late nineteenth century and which persist today in the person of the socalled "private" artist. Caravaggio's art was at once of and out of its time. His personality was so strong as to permit him to surpass the limitations of his time and society. Most of his followers, unable to do so, were forced to accept limitations in one form or another. Yet amorphous as it may have been, Caravaggism did have a brief and intense life, and a wide if scattered effect in its time and afterwards. However, the underlying ideas which made Caravaggio's art really distinctive and which might have made his followers' so, were neither popular nor general in Italy. Thus Caravaggio's work had to go elsewhere in Europe to reveal the full potential of its origin, and had to wait until three centuries had passed before the potential was fully recognized, understood, and appreciated.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY The bibliography includes every work mentioned, or referred to, in the text, footnotes, and Registers, and selected other works. Works are listed chronologically, and then alphabetically, under the author's name. When two or more works by the same author were published in the same year, they are designated by (a), (b), etc. Exhibition Catalogues are listed under the name of the principal editor, if known; otherwise, they are listed under Exhibition Catalogue (a), (b), (c), etc. Museum Catalogues are listed under the principal author's or editor's name, if known; otherwise, they are listed under the name of the city. The following abbreviations are used: AB Boll. d'A Burl. GBA GB Κ J PK Nap. Nob. ZBK 1604

1613 1618 1620 1638 1642

Art Bulletin Bollettino d'Arte Burlington Magazine Gazette des Beaux-Arts Gentse Bijdragen tot de Kunstgeschiedenis Jahrbuch der Preussischen Kunstsammlungen Napoli Nobilissima Zeitschrift für Bildende Kunst

van Mander, Karel, Leven der dees-tijtsche doorluchtighe italiaensche Schilders, Alkmaar; English edition, Constant van de Wall, ed., New York, 1 9 3 6 Mirabella, V., Dichiarazione della pianta delle antiche Siracuse, Naples Borromeo, Federico, Il Museum, Milan; see also Beltrami, 1909 Marino, G. B., La Galleria, Venice Totti, Lodovico, Ritratto di Roma, Rome Baglione, Giovanni, Le vite de' pittori, scultori, architetti ed intagliatori dal pontificato di Gregorio XIII del 1 5 7 2 fino a' tempi di Papa

1648

1649 1650 1657 1660

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Urbano Vili nel 164.1, Rome; facsimile edition, Valerio Mariani, ed., Rome, 1 9 3 5 Ridolfi, Cav. Carlo, Le meraviglie dell'arte o vero delle vite degli illustri pittori veneti e dello stato descritte del Cavalier Carlo Ridolfi, Venice Pacheco, Francisco, El arte de la pintura, Seville; see also Pacheco 1956 Manilli, Jacomo, La Villa Borghese . . . descritta, Rome Scannelli, Francesco, Il microcosmo della pittura, Cesena Boschini, Marco, La carta del navegar pittoresco, Venice

BIBLIOGRAPHY 1662 1664 1666 1672 1674

1675

1678

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1742

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Posse, Hans, Der Staatliche Gemäldegalerie zu Dresden, Dresden 1930/1931 Molajoli, Bruno, "A proposito del Gentileschi nelle Marche," Rassegna marchigiana 9 : 9 9 - 1 0 6 1931 Bonzi, Mario, "Un capolavoro del Fiasella," Genova 1 0 : 8 5 5 - 8 5 6 Brandi, Cesare, Rutilio Manetti: 1 5 7 1 - 1 6 3 9 , Siena Cicatelli, Amelia, "Di alcune opere di Giacomo Cavedone," Boll. d'A ser. 2, 1 0 : 4 1 7 - 4 3 0 Delogu, Giuseppe ( « ) Pittori minori liguri lombardi piedmontesi del seicento e del settecento, Venice (fe) La pittura italiana del seicento, Florence Grosso, Orlando, Catalogo della Galleria di Palazzo Rosso della Pinacoteca di Palazzo Bianco e delle Collezioni di Palazzi Comunali, Genoa 1931/1932 Baumgart, Fritz, and Jan Zarnowsky, "Contributi ali conoscenza di Giovanni Battista Langetti," Boll. d'A ser. 3, 1 : 9 7 - 1 0 6 1931/1938 Inventorie degli oggetti d'arte d'Italia, Rome. I Provincia di Bergamo ( 1 9 3 1 ) , II Calabria ( 1 9 3 3 ) , III Provincia di Parma ( 1 9 3 4 ) , V Provincia di Pola ( 1 9 3 5 ) , VI Provincia di Mantova ( 1 9 3 5 ) , VII Provincia di Padova

(Comune di Padova) ( 1 9 3 6 ) , VIII Provincia di Ancona e Ascoli Picena ( 1 9 3 6 ) , IX Provincia di Sondrio ( 1 9 3 8 ) Guidi, M., Dizionario degli artisti ticinesi, Rome

1933

Baudi di Vesme, Alessandro, L'arte negli stati Sabaudi, Atti della Società Piemontese di Archeologia e Belle Arti, 2 vols., Turin Brandi, Cesare, La Regia Pinacoteca di Siena, Rome de Vries, Simonetta, "Jacopo Chimenti da Empoli," Rivista d'Arte n.s. 1 5 : 3 2 9 - 3 9 8 Drost, Willi, Adam Elsheimer und sein Kreis, Potsdam Schneider, Arthur von, Caravaggio und die Niederländer, Marburg and Bonn

1934

Wittgens, Fernanda, "Dipinti inediti del seicento," L'Arte, n.s. 4: 444-457 Jamot, Paul, et al., Exhibition Catalogue: Les peintres de la réalité en France au XVIIe Siècle, Musée de l'Orangerie, Paris McComb, Arthur, The Baroque Painters of Italy, Cambridge, Mass.

Minneapolis, Bulletin of the Minneapolis Art Institute, 2 3 : 1 - 3 1 9 3 4 / 1 9 3 5 Harris, Enriquetta, "Juan Bautista Maino," Revista española de arte 1 2 : 3 3 3 - 3 3 9

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1935

Morassi, Antonio, "Simone Peterzano," Boll. d'A ser. 3, 4 : 1 0 3 - 1 1 5 Pallucchini, Rodolfo, "Le ultime opere di G. Β. Langetti," Boll. d'A ser. 3, 4 : 2 5 1 - 2 5 7 Ashford, Faith, "Caravaggio's Stay in Malta," Buri 6 7 : 1 6 8 - 1 7 4 Bottari, Stefano ( a ) "Un'opera dimenticata di Michelangelo da Caravaggio," L'Arte n.s. 4 : 3 9 - 4 7 (fc) "Un'opera primitiva di Orazio Borgianni," La Critica d'arte 1 : 1 4 2 - 1 4 3 Gabrielli, Noemi, L'Arte a Casale Monferrato dal X al XVIII secolo, Turin

Salinger, Margaretta, " 'Christ and the Woman of Samaria' by Battistello," Metropolitan Museum Bulletin 3 2 : 4 - 6

1938

Mauceri, Enrico, La R. Pinacoteca di Bologna, Bologna Poensgen, P., "Die Ausstellungen Italienische Spätbarockmalerei," Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 4 = 2.35 Schlosser-Magnino, Julius von, La Letturatura Artistica, Florence I 935/I936 De Rinaldis, Aldo, "D'Arpino e Caravaggio," Boll. d'A ser. 3- 5 : 5 7 7 - 5 8 O 1 9 3 6 Darby, Delphine Fitz, Ribalta, Cambridge, Mass. Gronau, Georg, Documenti artistici urbinati, Florence Munich, Katalog der Alteren Pinakothek, Munich

1937

King, Georgiana Goddard, "Mattia Preti," AB 1 8 : 3 7 1 - 3 8 6 Weizsäcker, Heinrich, Adam Elsheimer der Maler von Frankfurt, 3 vols., Berlin, 1 9 3 6 - 1 9 5 2 Iahn-Rusconi, Α., La Regia Galleria Pitti in Firenze, Le Guide dei Musei Italiani, Rome Richardson, E. P., "The Fruit Vendor by Caravaggio," Bulletin of the Detroit Institute of Arts 16:86-91

Schwanenberg, Hans, Leben und Werk des Massimo Stanzioni, Bonn Sestieri, Ettore, "Un Caravaggio di più," L'Arte n.s. 8 : 2 6 4 - 2 8 3 Carli, Enzo, "Segnalazione di pittura napoletana," L'Arte n.s. 9: 255-279 d'Orsi, Maria, Paolo Finoglio pittore napoletano, Bari. Extract from lopigia Organo della R. Deputazione di Storia Patria per le Puglie n.s. 9 Fokker, Timón H., Roman roque Art, 2 vols., London

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Francastel, Pierre, "Le Réalisme de Caravage," GBA ser. 6, 2 0 : 45-62 Grosso, Orlando, ed., Exhibition Catalogue : Mostra di pittori genovesi del seicento e del settecento, Palazzo Reale, Genoa Haug, Hans, Catalogue des peintures anciennes, Musée des Beaux Arts de la Ville de Strasbourg, Strasbourg Ojetti, Ugo, Tre secoli di pittura napoletana, Rome Ortolani, Sergio, Exhibition Catalogue: La pittura napoletana dal sei all'ottocento, Castelnuovo, Naples Tormo y Monzo, Elias, "Un pittore romano in Ispagna: Orazio Borgianni," Quadrivio 6 : 7

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BIBLIOGRAPHY XVI-XVII-XVIII : Mario Minniti et al," Archivi 6 : 4 2 - 5 4 Bodmer, Heinrich, Lodovico Cartacei, Burg b. M. Golzio, Vincenzo, La Galleria e le collezioni della R. Accademia Satt Luca in Roma, Rome Quintavalle, A. O., La Regia Galleria di Parma, Rome Redig de Campos, Deoclecio, "Una 'Giuditta' opera sconosciuta del Gentileschi nella Pinacoteca Vaticana," Rivista d'arte 2 1 : 3 1 1 323 Tioli, Laura, Antonio d'Enrico ('Tanzio), Novara 1939/1940 Saxl, Fritz, "The Battle Scene Without a Hero," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 3 : 7 0 - 8 7 1940 Fiocco, Giuseppe, "Un'altra opera di Giovanni Serodine," Rivista storica ticinese 6 Grandi, Lea, "Leonello Spada," unpub. diss., University of Bologna Mariani, Valerio, "Pittura italiana a Malta: Caravaggio e Mattia Preti," Civiltà 1 : 4 3 - 5 0

1941

Stefano, Guido di, Pietro Novelli: Il Monrealese, Palermo Agnello, Giuseppe, "Un Caravaggesco: Mario Minniti," Archivi 8:60-80 Baroni, Costantino, "Ancora sul Morazzone," L'Arte n.s. 1 2 : 1 1 9 146 Bonzi, Mario, "Una Pietà dell'Assereto," Genova 2 1 : 1 7 - 1 8 Cutter, Margot, "Caravaggio in the Seventeenth Century," Marsyas ι : 8 9 - 1 1 5 Isarlov, Georges, Caravage et le Caravaggisme européen, vol. II,

1942

Catalogues, Aix-en-Provence (vol. I never published) Donati, Ugo, Artisti ticinesi a Roma, Bellinzona Fsadni, Don Benedetto, "Michelangelo da Caravaggio Cavaliere," Rivisti del Sovrana Militare Ordine di Malta 6:17-20 Richardson, E. P., "Renieri, Saraceni, and the Meaning of Caravaggio's Influence," Art Quarterly 5:233-241

Schudt, Ludwig, Caravaggio, Vienna 1 9 4 3 Longhi, Roberto ( a ) "Ultimi studi sul Caravaggio," I Proporzioni 1 : 5-63 (b) "Ultimissimi sul Caravaggio," I Proporzioni 1 : 9 9 - 1 0 2 1943/1944 Caturla, Maria L., "Borgianni en Valladolid," Boletín del Seminario de Arte y Arquelogia, Universidad de Valladolid 1 0 : 9 9 102 1943/1945 Donahue, Kenneth, "The Ingenious Bellori," Marsyas 3 : 107-138 1944 Baroni, Costantino, "Inediti Morazzoniani," Emporium 9 9 : 7 2 - 8 4 Soria, Martin S., "Zurbaran, Right and Wrong," Art in America 3 2 : 1 2 6 - 1 4 1 1 9 4 5 Friedlaender, Walter, "The 'Crucifixion of St. Peter': Caravaggio and Reni," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 8:152-160 Ivanoff, Nicola, "Il grottesco nella pittura veneziana del seicento: Pietro il Vecchia," Emporium 100:85-94 Mayer, A. L., "New Documents and Attributions from the Strasbourg Museum," GB A ser. 6, 2 7 : 83-92

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1946

della Galleria Estense a Modena, Rome Soria, Martin S., "Estaban March," AB 2 7 : 1 0 9 - 1 2 3 Arslan, Wart, Il concetto di "luminismo" e le pittura veneta barocca, Milan Carità, Roberto, "La data di nascita di Orazio Gentileschi," Arti figurativi 2 : 8 1 - 8 3 Heyl, Bernard C., "Bernardo Strozzi's 'Calling of Matthew,'" Worcester Art Museum Annual 5=32-47 London, National Gallery Catalogue, London Mongan, Agnes, and Paul J. Sachs, Drawings in the Fogg Museum of Art, Cambridge, Mass. Ravaioli, Carla, "Guido Cagnacci," unpub. diss., University of Bologna

1947

Steinburt, Kurt, Johann Liss, Vienna Ainaud de Lasarte, Juan, "Ribalta y Caravaggio," Anales y boletín de los museos de arte de Barcelona, nos. 3 - 4 , pp. 3 4 5 - 4 1 3 Banti, Anna, Artemisia, Florence Exhibition Catalogue: Mostra di bozzetti napoletani del '600 e '700, Museo di San Martino, Naples Mahon, Denis, Studies in Seicento Art and Theory, London Mercenaro, Caterina, "Per il catalogo dell'Assereto," Emporium 105:139-144 Morassi, Antonio ( a ) "Il Caravaggio di Casa Balbi," Emporium 105:95-102 (fc) ed., Exhibition Catalogue: Mostra della pittura del '600 e '700 in Liguria, Palazzo Reale, Genoa and Milan

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1948

Arslan, Wart, "Affreschi del Tanzio a Milano," Phoebus 2 : 1 8 - 2 1 Quintavalle, A. O., ed., Exhibition Catalogue: Mostra parmense di dipinti noti ed ignoti dal XIV al XVIII secolo, Galleria Nazionale, Parma De Rinaldis, Aldo ( a ) L'Arte in Roma del '600 al '900, Instituto di Studi Romani, Bologna ( 2 ? ) Catalogo della Galleria Borghese, Rome Giuliano Alajmo, Alessandro, Sant'Antonio Abate nella parrocchie omonima in Palermo: Il primo dipinti documentato di Pietro Novelli, Palermo Friedlaender, Walter, "Zuccari and Caravaggio : The Academician and the Bohemian," GBA, ser. 6, 33:27-36 Ivanoff, Nicola (α) "Ignote opere di Sebastiano Mazzone," Emporium 1 0 7 : 2 5 4 8 (fc) "La Crocefissione del Langetti alle Terese," Arte veneta 2:152 ( c ) "La pittura metafisica del '600 e le opere di Pietro Vecchia," Vernice 2 8 - 3 0 : 1 6 ( d ) "Monsù Giustro ed altri collaboratori del Longhena," Arte veneta 2 : 1 1 5 - 1 2 6 Pariset, F. G., Georges de la Tour, Paris Pope-Hennesy, John, The Drawings of Domenichino in the Collection of His Majesty the King at Windsor Castle, New York and London Roschi, Mario, "Per la cronologia del Tanzio," Bolletino storico per la provincia di Novara 4 9 : 1 4 8 156

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1949

Trapier, Elizabeth duGué, Velasquez, New York Bottari, Stefano, "Opere inedite e poco noto dei Musei di Catania e Siracusa," Emporium 110:202220

Causa, Rafaello, "Aggiunte a Battistello," Paragone i:#9> 4 2 - 4 5 Costelli, Jane, "The Twelve Pictures Ordered by Velasquez," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 1 3 : 2 3 7 - 2 8 4 Durini, E., "La casa di Serodine," Idea 2 : # 3 1 (July 3 0 ) , 3 Fiocco, Giuseppe, "Nuovi aspetti di Pietro Vecchia," L'Arte veneta 4:150-157 Girardoni, Virgilio, "Giovanni Serodine d'Ascona," Formes et couleurs 1 1 : no. 3 (without pagination) Gregori, Mina, "I ricordi figurativi di Alessandro Manzoni," Paragone 1 : # 9 , 7 - 2 0 Guerrero Lovilla, José, "Murillo y Assereto," Archivio español de arte no. 90, 3 3 - 4 4 Longhi, Roberto ( a ) "Un momento importante nella storia della 'natura morta,' " Paragone 34-39 (fc) "Giovanni Serodine," Paragone ΐ'·#7> 3 _ 2 3 Modigliani, Ettore, ed., Catalogo della Pinacoteca di Brera in Milano, Milan Prota-Giurleo, Ulisse, Pittori napoletani del seicento, Naples Puyvelde, Leo van, La Peinture flamande à Rome, Brussels

de Benedetti, Michele, "Un Caravaggio già della Borghese ritrovato," Emporium 110:2-14 Furness, S. M., Georges de la Tour of Lorraine 1593-1652, London Giglioli, Edoardo, Giovanni San Giovanni, Florence

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Gregori, Mina, "Luigi Miradori detto il Genovesino," unpub. diss., University of Bologna Podestà, Attilio, "Agguinta agli inediti di B. Strozzi," Emporium i n ¡26-27 Sammut, Edward, "Caravaggio in Malta," Scientia 1 5 : 7 8 - 8 9 Sanchez Canton, F. J., Museo del Prado: Catalogo de la cuadros, Madrid Zampetti, Pietro, "Inediti di Bernardo Strozzi," Emporium 109: 16-26 1949/1950 Roggen, D., Henri Pauwels, and A. De Schrijer, "Het Caravaggisme te Gent," GBK 1 2 : 255-351 1 9 5 0 Arcangeli, Francesco, "Simone Cantarmi," Paragone i'.#7> 3842 Berenson, Bernard, Del Caravaggio, delle sue incongruenze e della sua fama, Florence Briganti, Giuliano ( a ) "Pieter van Laer e M. Cerquozzi," Proporzioni 3 : 1 8 5 - 1 9 8 (b~) ed., Exhibition Catalogue : I Bamboccianti pittori della vita popolare nel Seicento, Palazzo Massimo alle Colonne, Rome

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Carità, Roberto, "Un Battistello ritrovato," Paragone 2: # 1 9 , 5054 Commodo Izzo, Maria, Andrea Vaccaro pittore 1604-1670, Naples Copenhagen, Royal Museum of Fine Arts; Catalogue of Old Foreign Paintings, Copenhagen Exhibition Catalogues (α) I Fiamminghi e l'Italia, Musée Communal, Bruges; Palazzo Barberini, Rome; Palazzo Ducale, Venice (fe) Mostra del Caravaggio, 2 ed., Palazzo Reale, Milan Fantuzzi, Gabriele, "Caravaggio caso limite," Spazio 2: # 5 , 1 5 - 1 6 Fiocco, Giuseppe ( a ) "Veneziana o no la pittura di Caravaggio? I precedenti veneziani," La Fiera letteraria 6 : # 1 5 (Aprii 1 5 ) , 4-5 (?0 "Bilancio della mostra di Giovanni Serodine," Emporium 113:51-65 Galbiati, Msgr. Giovanni, Guida sommaria della Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan Hess, Jacob, "The Chronology of the Contarelli Chapel," Burl. 93: 186-201 Longhi, Roberto (α) "Alcuni pezzi rari nell'antologia della critica caravaggesca," Paragone 2 : φ 1 7 , 44-62; # 1 9 , 6 1 - 6 3 ; # 2 i > 4 3 56; # 2 3 , 28-53. (fr) "Il Caravaggio e i suoi dipinti a San Luigi dei Francesci," Paragone 2 : φ 1 7 , 3 - 1 3 ( c ) "Il Caravaggio e la sua cerchia a Milano," Paragone a : # i 5 , 4-17 ( d ) "La Giuditta nel percorso del Caravaggio," Paragone 2:#ig, 10-18 (e) "Sui margini cara-

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1952

Frühwerk Caravaggios," Die Kunst 11:410-412 Baroni, Costantino, "L'Arte in Novara e nel novarese," Novara e il suo territorio, Novara, pp. 595— 599 Baumgart, Fritz, "Die Anfänge Caravaggio," ZBK n i . 6 : 8 5 - 1 0 8 Boschetto, Α., "Per Giovanni Lanfranco," Paragone 3 : # 2 9 , 1 2 - 2 1 Brenzoni, Rafaello, "L'Adorazione dei Magi dell'Orbetto . . . ," Nova Historia, March Causa, Rafaello, "Per Mattia Preti: Il tempo di Modena e il soggiorno a Napoli," Emporium 116:201-212 Francis, Henry S., " 'St. Jerome' by Giovanni Battista Langetti," Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art 39 : 2 4 - 2 6 Fröhlich-Bume, Lili, "Su Pietro Vecchia," Paragone 3 : # 3 i , 3 4 37 Gionzo, Guido, "Guido Reni giovane," Commentari 3 : 2 0 0 - 2 1 o Gnudi, Cesare, et al., Exhibition Catalogue: Mostra della pittura del '600 a Rimini, Rimini Grassi, Luigi, "Una Deposizione inedita dell'Assereto," Paragone 3 : # 3 1 , 40-42 Gregori, Mina, "La mostra della Madonna in Liguria," Paragone 3 : # 3 5 , 60-61 Hess, Jacob, "Die Gemälde des Orazio Gentileschi für das 'Haus der Königin' in Greenwich," English M iscellany 3:159-187 Hoogewerff, G. J., De ghels, The Hague

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de Nederlanden, Centraal Museum, Utrecht Longhi, Roberto (a) Il Caravaggio, Milan (fc) "Su Pietro Vecchia," Paragone 3 = # 3 i > 37~39 MacLaren, Neil, Τ he Spanish School, National Gallery Catalogue, London Mahon, Denis, "Addenda to Caravaggio," Buri. 9 4 : 3 - 2 3 Mahon, Denis, and Antonio Morassi, "The Odescalchi-Balbi 'Conversion of St. Paul,' " Buri. 94 : ι18-119 Manning, Bertina, "The Nocturnes of Luca Cambiaso," Art Quarterly 15:196-220 Milicaua, Jose, "Ribera en Roma ( E l manuscrito de Mancini)," Archivio español de arte 2 5 : 3 0 9 322 Norris, Christopher, "The disaster at Flakturn Friedrichshain . . . ," Burl. 9 4 : 3 3 7 - 3 4 8 Petrucci, Alfredo, "Borgianni aquafortista," Idea 4 : # 2 2 (June 0,3 Prota-Giurleo, Ulisse, "Un complesso famigliare di artisti napoletani del Sec. XVII," Napoli Riccoboni, Alberto, "Due tele di G. Serodine," Emporium 116: 165-167 Richardson, E. P., "A Masterpiece of Baroque Drama," Bulletin of the Detroit Institute of Arts 3 2 : 8 1 - 8 3 Salerno, Luigi (Λ) "The Early Work of Giovanni Lanfranco," Burl. 9 4 : 1 8 8 - 1 9 6 (b) "Di Tommaso Salini, un ignorato caravaggesco," Commentari 3 : 2 8 - 3 1

BIBLIOGRAPHY Sterling, Charles, La nature morte de l'antiquité à nos jours, Paris Trapier, Elizabeth duGué, Ribera, New York Venturi Lionella (α) "Studi radigrafici sul Caravaggio," Atti dell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei 5, ser. V i l i , 3 7 - 4 6 (fc) "Il ragazzo morso da Caravaggio," Commentari 3 : 1 9 7 199

1953

Zeri, Federico, La Galleria Spada in Roma, Florence Belli, Isa, Guida di Lucca, Lucca Bologna, Ferdinando, "Antologia di artisti: altre prove sul viaggio del Tanzio," Paragone 4 : ^ 4 5 , 39-45 Borsook, Eve, "Carlo Saraceni: His Life and Works," unpub. M.A. thesis, Institute of Fine Arts, New York University Bousquet, Jacques, "Documents inédits sur Caravage," La Revue des Arts 3 : 1 0 3 - 1 0 5 Briganti, Giuliano, "A Notable Private Collection — V i l i : the Mahon Collection of Seicento Paintings," Connoisseur 1 3 2 : 4 20 Fiocco, Giuseppe, "Segnalazioni per G. Ceruti," Emporium 1 1 7 : 51-55 Frabetti, Giuliano, "La 'Mostra della pittura del '600 a Rimini,' " Emporium 1 1 7 : 1 9 - 2 2 Held, Julius, "Notes on Seventeenth Century Painting: Jacob van Oost and Theodor van Loon," Art Quarterly 1 7 : 1 4 6 - 1 5 7 Hess, Jacob, "Precisazioni su Orazio Gentileschi," English Miscellany 4 : 2 4 7 - 2 5 6 Hinks, Roger Ça) Caravaggio's Death of the Virgin, London

335

(b) Michaelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio, New York Ivanoff, Nicola ( a ) "Antologia di artisti: una Maddelena di Domenico Fetti," Paragone 4: # 4 1 . 51-52 ( b ) "Intorno al Langetti," Boll. d'A ser. 4, 3 8 : 3 2 0 - 3 2 2 Jullian, René ( a ) "Caravage et les peintures de la Chapelle Contarelli," La Revue des Arts 3 : 9 3 102 (fe) "La 'Judith' de Saraceni," Bulletin des Musées Lyonnais 2:#2, 25-30 Longhi, Roberto ( α ) "Dal Moroni al Ceruti," Paragone 4: # 4 1 , 1 8 36 (b~) "Un'altra relazione del dipinto precedente," Paragone 4 : # 4 1 · 53 ( e ) ed., Exhibition Catalogue: Mostra dei pittori della realtà in Lombardia, Palazzo Reale, Milan Mahon, Denis ( a ) "Contrast in Art Historical Method : Two Recent Approaches to Caravaggio," Burl. 9 5 : 2 1 2 - 2 2 0 (Z?) "On Some Aspects of Caravaggio and His Times," Metropolitan Museum Bulletin n.s. 1 2 : 3 3 - 4 4 Pauwels, Henri ( a ) "Enkele Notas Betreffende Caravaggio," GBK 14:193-200 ( b ) "De Schilder Mattias Stomer," GBK 1 4 : 1 3 9 - 1 9 2 Seilern, Antoine, "An 'Entombment' by Rubens," Burl. 9 5 : 3 8 0 383 Sricchia, Fiorella, "Giovanni Martinelli," Paragone 4 : # 3 7 , 2 9 - 3 4 Zampetti, Pietro, Antichi restaurati, Urbino

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Zeri, Federico, "Antologia di artisti: Eberhard Keil: una tela e una tabola," Paragone 4: # 4 5 ,

45-47 1953/1956 Bauch, Kurt, "Aus Caravaggio's Umkreis," Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 7 : 2 2 7 - 2 3 8 1 9 5 4 Anonymous, "Some Notable Works of Art Now on the Market," Burl. 96: Supplement 3 Arcangeli, Francesco, "Antologia di artisti: Ricordo di Centino," Paragone 5 ¡ # 5 3 , 5 2 - 5 7 Battisti, Eugenio, "Profilo del Gobbo dei Carracci," Commentari 5 : 2 9 0 - 3 0 2 Blunt, Anthony, Art and Architecture in France 1500 to 1700, Baltimore Borsook, Eve, "Documents Concerning the Artistic Associates of Santa Maria della Scala in Rome," Burl. 9 6 : 2 7 0 - 2 7 5 Bottari, Stefano, La cultura figurativa in Sicilia, Messina and Florence Briganti, G., "Michelangelo Cerquozzi pittore di natura morta," Paragone 5 ¡ # 5 3 , 4 7 - 5 2 Calvesi, Maurizio, "Simone Peterazno maestro del Caravaggio," Boll. d'A ser. 4, 3 9 : 1 1 4 - 1 1 5 Castelnuovi, Gian Vittorio, "Intorno all'Assereto I," Emporium 120:17-34 Causa, Rafaello, ed., Exhibition Catalogue: La Madonna nella pittura del '600 a Napoli, Naples Cavalli, Gian Carlo, ed., Exhibition Catalogue: Mostra di Guido Reni, Palazzo dell'Archiginnasio, Bologna Cellini, Pico, "Referto tecnico," Paragone 5 : # 5 i , 1 3 - 1 4

336

Crino, Anna Maria, "Due autografe inedite di Orazio e di Artemisia Gentileschi," Rivista d'arte ser. 3, 4 : 2 0 3 - 2 0 5 Exhibition Catalogue: III Mostra di Restauri, Museo di San Martino, Naples Fiocco, Giuseppe, "Le opere di Pietro Vecchia," Patronato Pio X, June 29, 1 9 5 4 , pp. 1 6 - 1 7 Florissone, Michel, "Chronique de l'art ancien et moderne; sur quelques recents problèmes de la peinture des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècle," La Revue des Arts 4 : 2 4 7 256 Frölich-Bume, Lili, "Three Unknown Drawings for Famous Pictures," GB A ser. 6, 4 4 : 3 5 5 - 3 6 0 Friedlaender, Walter, review of Roger Hinks' Caravaggio, AB 3 6 : 149-152 Gregori, Mina, "Alcuni aspetti del Genovesino," Paragone 5: #59, 7-29 Guglielmi, Carla, "Intorno all'opera pittorica di Giovanni Baglione," Boll. d'A ser. 4, 3 9 : 3 1 1 322 Hess, Jacob, "Modelle e modelli del Caravaggio," Commentari 5: 271-289 Longhi, Roberto, " 'L'Ecce Homo' del Caravaggio a Genova," Paragone 5 : # 5 1 , 3 - 1 4 l.m., "Mattia Stomer," Emporium 119:127-128 Marabottini, Α., "Novità sul Lucchesino," Commentari 5:116-135 Pauwels, Henri ( a ) "La luce artificiale nei Caravaggeschi," Emporium 1 1 9 : 1 5 3 - 1 5 5 (fe) "Nieuwe Toeschrijvingen aan M. Stomer," GBK 15: 223-240

BIBLIOGRAPHY Salerno, Luigi, "Precisazioni su Giovanni Lanfranco e su Tommaso Salini," Commentari 5: 2 5 3 - 2 55 Soria, Martín, "Some Paintings by Aniello Falcone," Art Quarterly i7:3-i5 Swarzenski, George, "Caravaggio and Süll-Life Painting," Bulletin of the Museum of Fine Arts [Boston] 5 2 : 2 2 - 3 8 Testori, Giovanni, "Natura morta di Tommaso Salini," Paragone 5: # 5 1 , 20-26 Vienna, Katalog der Gemäldegalerie Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna: Die Italienischen . . . Maler schulen, Vienna

1955

Volpe, Carlo, "Guido Reni e un'impressa degli Incamminati," Paragone 5 ¡ # 5 7 , 3 - 1 2 Agnello, Santi Luigi, "Schede per la storia della pittura in Sicilia," Archivio storico siracusano 1:3139 Battisti, Eugenio, "Alcuni documenti su opere del Caravaggio," Commentari 6 : 1 7 3 - 1 8 5 Baumgart, Fritz, Caravaggio, Kunst und Wirklichkeit, Berlin Bottari, Stefano, "Il primo Borgianni," Commentari 6 : i o 8 - x i 8 Carpegna, Nolfo di, ed., Exhibition Catalogue: Caravaggio e i Caravaggeschi, Palazzo Barberini, Rome della Pergola, Paola ( a ) Galleria Borghese: I dipinti, vol. I, Rome O ) "I due Mosè di Guido Reni," Paragone 5 ¡ # 6 3 , 3 5 - 4 0 Exhibition Catalogue : Caravage et les peintres français du XVIIe siècle, Gallerie Heim, Paris Fantuzzi, M., "Due tele di Mattia Preti nella parocchiale di Sam-

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Friedlaender, Walter, Caravaggio Studies, Princeton Gnudi, Cesare, Guido Reni, Florence Jullian, René, "Caravage à Naples," La Revue des Arts 5 : 7 9 - 9 0 Kurz, Otto, Bolognese Drawings of the XVII and XVllI Centuries in the Collection of Her Majesty the Queen at Windsor Castle, London Longhi, Roberto ( a ) "Una Sant'Agnese del Turchi," Paragone 6: # 6 1 , 53-54 (fc) Giovanni Serodine, Florence Maltese, Corrado, "Naturelle di critica figurata sul Caravaggio," Commentari 6 : 1 1 1 - 1 1 6 Mahon, Denis, and Denys Sutton, eds., Exhibition Catalogue: Artists in Seventeenth Century Rome, Wildenstein Galleries, London Matteucci, Anna Maria, "L'attività genovese di Bernardo Strozzi," Arte veneta 9 : 1 3 8 - 1 5 4 Mortari, Luisa, "Su Bernardo Strozzi," Boll. d'A ser. 4, 4 0 : 3 1 1 333 Salerno, Luigi, "Caravaggio e il Priore della Consolazione," Commentari 6 : 2 5 8 - 2 6 0 Salzburg, Katalog der Residenzgallerie Salzburg mit Sammlung Czernin, Salzburg Testori, Giovanni, ed., Exhibition Catalogue : Mostra del Manierismo piemontese e lombarda del seicento, Turin and Ivrea Zampetti, Pietro, ed., Exhibition Catalogue: Giorgione e I Giorgioneschi, Venice

BIBLIOGRAPHY Zeri, Federico ( a ) "Due opere di Marcantonio Bassetti," Paragone 6 : # 6 3 , 38-40 (£>) "Il Palazzo RospigliosiPallavicini," Connoisseur 136: 186-187 ( c ) "Tommaso Salini: la pala di Sant'Agnese a Piazza Navona," Paragone 6: # 6 1 , 50-53 1955/1956 Roggen, D., and Henri Pauwels, "Het Caravaggistisch oeuvre van Gerard Zegers," GBK 16:255-301 1 9 5 6 Battisti, Eugenio, "Il concetto d'imitazione nel cinquecento dai veneziani a Caravaggio," Commentari 7 : 2 4 9 - 2 6 2 Bauch, Kurt, "Zur Iconographie von Caravaggio's Früh werken," Kunstgeschichtliche Studien für Hans Kauffman, Berlin, pp. 2 5 2 261 Berlin-Dahlem, Staatliche Museen, Berlin: Gemälde des XIII bis XVIII Jahrhunderts, Berlin Brugnoli, M. V., "Note alla Mostra dei Carracci," Boll. d'A ser. 4, 4 1 : 256-260 della Pergola, Paola, "G. F. Guerrieri," Boll. d'A ser. 4, 4 1 : 2 1 4 237 Falletti, Elisabetta, "Inediti giovanili di Giovanni Andrea De Ferrari," Commentari 7 : 1 5 8 - 1 6 8 Goffredo, Anna Maria, "Per la conoscenza di Giovanni Andrea De Ferrari," Commentari 7 : 1 4 7 157 Grassi, Luigi, "Un disegno di Guido Reni," Paragone 7:#81, 13-20 Gregori, Mina, "Tre opere del Traversi a Castell'Arquato," Paragone, 7 : # 8 I , 45-49 Hess, Jacob, "Caravaggio, d'Arpino

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and Guido Reni," Zeitschrift für Kunstwissenschaft 10:57-72 Jaffé, Michael, "Some Drawings by Annibale, and by Agostino Carracci," Paragone 7 : $ : 83, 1 2 - 1 6 Jullian, René, " 'Lombardisme' et 'Venetianisme' chez Caravage," Arte lombarda 2:112-221 Longhi, Roberto, "Un collezionista di pittura napoletana nella Firenze del '600," Paragone 7 : ^ 7 5 , 6 1 64 Mahon, Denis, "A Late Caravaggio Rediscovered," Burl. 98:225228; "Un tardo Caravaggio ritrovato," Paragone 7 : # 7 7 , 2 5 - 3 4 Mancini, Giulio, Considerazioni sulla pittura — Viaggio per Roma, Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Rome: Fonti e Documenti per la Storia dell'Arte I; 2 vols., vol. ι : texts edited by Adriana Marucchi, vol. 2: comment and notes by Luigi Salerno, Rome, 1 9 5 6 - 1 9 5 7 Matteucci, Anna Maria, "Note all'attività Genovese di Bernardo Strozzi," Emporium 124:194204 McGreevy, Thomas, Catalogue of Pictures of the Italian Schools, National Gallery of Ireland, Dublin Petrucci, Alfredo, Il Caravaggio acquafortista e il mondo calcografico romano, Rome Quintavalle, Augusta Ghidiglia, "Inediti di Gaspare Traversi," Paragone 7 : # 8 1 , 3 9 - 4 5 Roli, Renato, "Per un' 'incamminato': Giacomo Cavedone," Paragone 7 : # 7 7 , 3 4 - 5 0 Samek Ludovici, Sergio, Vita del Caravaggio, Milan Slive, Seymour, "Notes on the Re-

BIBLIOGRAPHY tistello," Paragone 8:#85, 105108 Grosseto, Lucio, Il Museo Civico di Padova. Dipinti e sculture dal XIV al XIX Secolo, Venice Hernandez Perera, Jesus, "Bartolome Bassante y il 'Maestro del Anuncio a los pastores,' " Archivo español de arte 3 0 : 2 1 1 - 2 2 3

lationship of Protestantism to Seventeenth Century Dutch Painting," Art Quarterly 19:3-15 Zeri, Federico, "Orazio Borgianni: un'osservazione e un dipinto inedito," Paragone 7 : # 8 3 , 49-54 Vayer, Lajos, Master Drawings from the Collection of the Budapest Museum of Fine Arts, New York

Longhi, Roberto ( a ) "Due dipinti del Battistello," Paragone 8 ¡ # 8 5 , 102-104 O ) "Michele Manzoni: Caravaggesco di periferia," Paragone 8 : # 8 9 , 4 2 - 4 5

1956/1957 Exhibition Catalogue: Mostra del Seicento europeo, Palazzo Barberini, Rome 1 9 5 7 Ainaud de Lasarte, Juan, "Francisco Ribalta. Notas y comentarios," Goya # 2 0 : 8 6 - 8 9 Blunt, Anthony, and Edward Croft-Murray, Venetian Drawings of the XVII and XVIII Centuries in the Collection of HM the Queen at Windsor Castle, London

Mahon, Denis, "The Seicento at Burlington House: Some Addenda and Corrigenda II. Miscellanea," Buri. 9 2 : 7 8 - 8 5 Maxon, John M., "Four More Baroque Paintings," Rhode Island School of Design Bulletin 3 3 : 6 12

Carità, Roberto, "Il restauro dei dipinti caravaggeschi della cathédrale di Malta," Bollettino dell'Istituto Centrale del Restauro, nos. 2 9 - 3 0 : 4 1 - 8 2 Causa, Raffaello, Pittura napoletana dal XV al XIX Secolo, Bergamo

Mesuret, Robert, "L'Oeuvre peint de Nicolas Tournier: Essai de catalogue," GB A ser. 6, 2 9 : 3 2 7 350 Nicolson, Benedict, Hendrick Ter Brugghen, London

Corbara, Antonio, "Un 'Incredulità di San Tommaso' di Michele Manzoni," Paragone 8 : # 8 9 , 4 5 - 4 7

Refice, Claudia, "Ancora del pittore Bernardo Cavallino," Emporium 1 5 3 : 2 5 9 - 2 7 0

Dell'Acqua, G. A. "La pittura a Milano dalla metà del XVI S. alT1 6 3 0 , " Storia di Milano 1 0 : 7 7 0 772 Drost, Willi, Adam Elsheimer als Zeichner, Stuttgart Emiliani, Andrea, Giovan Francesco Guerrieri da Fossomhrone, Collana di Studi Archaeologici ed Artistici Marchigiani, voi. VII, Urbino

Schoenberger, Walter, Giovanni Serodine; pittore di Ascona, Basler Studien zur Kunstgeschichte, XIV, Basle Stuttgart, Katalog des Staatsgalerie, Stuttgart

1958

Gregori, Mina, "Un Nuovo Bat-

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Olmo, Antonino, Prima mostra del pittore saviglianese Giovanni Antonio Molineri, Savigliano Pariset, F. G., "Note sur Jean Led e r e , " La Revue des Arts 8 : 6 7 -

Bach-Vega, Emmerich and Christa, "A Lost Masterpiece by Caravaggio," AB 1 4 : 6 5 - 6 6 Betcherman, Lita-Rose, "Gentileschi in France," Burl. 1 0 0 : 2 5 3 Bologna, Ferdinando, Francesco Solimena, Naples

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Rosei, Mario, "Per la cronologia del Tanzio," Bollettino storico per la provincia di Novara 4 9 : 1 4 8 156 Salerno, Luigi, "Per Sisto Badalocchio e la cronologia del Lanfranco," Commentari 9 : 4 4 - 6 4

Benoist, Luc, "A propos de quatre tableaux du Musée de Nantes," La Revue des Arts 8 : 2 0 9 - 2 1 4 Carpegna, Nolfo di, ed., Exhibition Catalogue: Pittori napoletani del '600 e del '700, Palazzo Barberini, Rome

Sterling, Charles, "Gentileschi in France," Burl. 100:112-119 Steinbart, Kurt, "Das Werk des Johann Liss in alter und neuer Sicht," Saggi e memorie di storia dell'arte 2:157-207

Emiliani, Andrea, "Orazio Gentileschi; Nuove proposite per il viaggio marchigiano," Paragone 9 : # 1 0 3 , 38-57

Thuiller, Jacques ( a ) "Pour un peintre oublié: Remy Vuibert," Paragone 9 : # 9 7 , 2 2 - 4 1 (fe) "Un peintre passioné," l'Oeil 4 7 : 2 6 - 3 3 Vogel, Hans, Katalog der Staatlichen Gemäldegalerie zu Kassel, Kassel

Figar, Fray Ant. Garcia, O.P., "Fray Juan Bautista Maino, pintor español," Goya # 2 5 : 6 - 1 2 Griseri, Andreina, "Una revisione nella Galleria dell'Accademia in Torino," Boll. d'A ser. 4, 4 4 : 6 9 88 Harris, Enriquetta, "Velasquez en Roma," Archivo español de arte 31:185-193 Hartford, Handbook: Wadsworth Atheneum, Hartford, Connecticut Hess, Jacob, "Caravaggio's Paintings in Malta: Some Notes," Connoisseur 142:142ÍF Kultzen, Rolf, et al., Exhibition Catalogue: Michael Sweerts ed i Bamboccianti, Palazzo Venezia, Rome

1959

Longhi, Roberto, "A propos de Valentin," La Revue des Arts 8: 59-66 Molajoli, Bruno, Notizie su Capodimonte, Naples

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BIBLIOGRAPHY del Cigoli e del suo ambienti, Accademia degli Enteleti, Città di San Miniato (fo) La pittura del Seicento a Venezia, 2 ed., Ca' Pesaro, Venice (e) Pittori minori emiliani del Seicento, Palazzo dell' Archiginnasio, Bologna Çd~) Il Settecento a Roma, Palazzo delle Esposizioni, Rome Graeve, Mary Ann, "Stone of Unction in Caravaggio's Painting for the Chiesa Nuova," AB 40: 223-238 Gregori, Mina, "Un altro Battistello," Paragone 9 : # 1 1 1 , 46-47 Joffroy, Berne, Le dossier Caravage, Paris Judson, Jay Richard, Gerrit van Honthorst, The Hague Kubler, George, and Martin Soria, Art and Architecture in Spain and Portugal . . . 1500-1800, Baltimore Longhi, Roberto ( a ) "Presenze alla Sala Regia," Paragone 1 0 : # 1 1 7 , 29-38 (fo) "Un'opera estrema del Caravaggio," Paragone 9 : # 1 1 1 , 21-32 ( c ) "Un San Giovanni Battista del Caracciolo," Paragone g:#iog, 58-60 Martinelli, Valentino ( a ) "L'Amor divine 'tutto ignudo' di Giovanni Baglione e la chronologia dell'intermezzo caravaggesco," Arte antica e moderna 2:82-96 (i>) "Le date di nascita e dell'arrivo a Roma di Carlo Saraceni, pittore veneziano," Studi romani 7:679-684 Modena, Silvana, "Disegno di maestri dell'Accademia Ambrosi-

ana: Parte prima," Arte lombarda 4:92-122 Pallucchini, Rodolfo, "Inediti di pittura veneta del seicento," Arte antica e moderna 2:97fr Refice, Claudia Taschetta, Mattia Preti, Brindisi Rosei, Mario, "Two altarpieces by Tanzio da Varallo," Buri. 1 0 1 : 182-186 Scavizzi, Giuseppe, "Su Ventura Salimbeni," Commentari 1 0 : 1 1 5 136 Steinburg, Leo, Observations on the Cerasi Chapel," AB 4 1 : 1 8 3 189 Testori, Giovanni, ed., Exhibition Catalogue: Mostra del Tanzio da Varallo, Turin Voss, Hermann, Orazio Gentileschi: Four Versions of his 'Rest on the Flight to Egypt,' " Connoisseur 1 4 4 : 1 6 3 - 1 6 5 Zeri, Federico, La Galleria Pallavicini in Rome: Catalogo dei dipinti, Florence 1959/1960 Morassi, Antonio, "Considerazioni sulla mostra della pittura veneta del Seicento," Arte veneta 13/14:269-278 i960 Arisi, Ferdinando, Il Museo Civico di Piacenza, Piacenza Béguin, Sylvie, "Un tableau du Genovesino au Musée de Fontainebleau," La Revue des Arts 10:98-100

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Bologna, Ferdinando, "Altre aggiunte a Battistello Caracciolo," Paragone ii:#i2g, 45-51 Bottari, Stefano, "Un'opera di Pietro Paoli Bonzi," Arte antica e moderna 2:294-295 Causa, Raffaelo, ed., Exhibition Catalogue : IV Mostra di Restauri, Palazzo Reale, Naples

BIBLIOGRAPHY Chastel, André, ed., et al., Nicolas Poussin, 2 vols., Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique; Colloques Internationaux; Sciences Humaines, Paris Chiarini, Mario, "Documenti sui pittori Tassi, Saraceni, Lanfranco ed Antonio Carracci," Boll. d'A ser. 4, 4 5 : 3 6 7 - 3 6 8 Coley, Curtis, "The Raising of Lazarus," Bulletin of the John Herron Art Institute 4 7 : 2 3 - 2 6 Crinó, Anna Maria ( a ) "More Letters from Orazio and Artemisia Gentileschi," Burl. 1 0 2 : 2 6 4 - 2 6 5 (fc) "Rintraciata la data di morte di Orazio Gentileschi," Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Instituts in Florenz 9 : 2 5 8 De Logu, Giuseppe, "Nature morte dell'Empoli," Emporium 120: 194-198 Gerson, H., and Ε. H. Ter Kuile, Art and Architecture in Belgium 1600-1800, Baltimore Gilbert, Creighton, ed., Exhibition Catalogue : Figures at a Table, Ringling Museum, Sarasota Gregori, Mina, ed., Exhibition Catalogue: Mostra di tesori segreti delle case fiorentine, Palazzo Strozzi, Florence Haskell, Francis, and Sheila Rinehart, "The Dal Pozzo Collection: Some New Evidence," Burl. 1 0 2 : 318-326 Herzog, Erich, and Ursula Schiengel, "Beiträge zu Francesco de Zurbaran," Pantheon, n.s. 1 : 9 1 101 Hoog, Michel, "Attributions anciennes à Valentin," La Revue des Arts 1 0 : 2 6 7 - 2 7 8 Hoogewerfï, G. J., "Appunti sulle

342

opere di Giovanni Bilivert," Commentari 9 : 1 3 9 - 1 5 6 Longhi, Roberto, "Un'originale del Caravaggio a Rouen e il problema delle copie caravaggesche," Paragone n : # i 2 i , 2 3 - 3 6 Millar, Oliver, Abraham van der Doort's Catalogue of the Collections of Charles I, The Walpole Society, XXXVII, London Nicolson, Benedict ( a ) "Some Little Known Pictures at the Royal Academy," Burl. 1 0 2 : 7 6 - 7 9 —— (b~) " 'Figures at a Table' at Sarasota," Burl. 1 0 2 : 2 2 6 ( c ) "The 'Candlelight' Master, a Follower of Honthorst in Rome," Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 9 : 1 2 1 - 1 6 4 Paris, Exhibition Catalogue: Exhibition de 700 tableaux . . . tirés des Réserves, Louvre, Paris Posner, Donald, "Annibale Carracci and His School: the Paintings of the Herrara Chapel," Arte antica e moderna 1 2 : 3 9 7 - 4 1 2 Pouncey, Philip, "The 'Spinano,' " Burl. 1 0 2 : 1 6 7 Rosei, Mario ( a ) "Tanzio da Varallo at Turin," Burl. 1 0 2 : 3 1 - 3 2 (fc) ed., Pinacoteca di Varallo Sesia, Varallo Salerno, Luigi ( a ) "The Picture Gallery of Vincenzo Giustiniani," Burl. 1 0 2 : 2 1 - 2 6 , 9 3 - 1 0 4 , 1 3 5 150 (fo) "A Study of Some Frescoes in the Villa Lante at Bagnaia : Cavaliere d'Arpiño, Tassi, Gentileschi and Their Assistants," Connoisseur 146:157162 Sammut, Edward, The Palace of the Grand Masters, Malta Susinno, Francesco, Le vite de'

BIBLIOGRAPHY pittori messinesi, Valentino Martinelli, ed., Florence Toesca, Ilaria ( a ) "Un documento del 1 5 9 5 sul Gentileschi," Paragone i i : # i 2 3 , 59-60 (Î?) "Un'opera giovanile del Cavarozzi," Paragone 1 1 : # 1 2 3 , 57-59 ( c ) "Due tele del 1609 in San Silvestro in Capite a Roma," Boll. d'A ser. 4, 4 5 : 2 8 3 - 2 8 6 Waterhouse, E. K., "A Note on British Collection of Italian Pictures during the Later Seventeenth Century," Burl. 1 0 2 : 5 4 - 4 8 1960/1961 Muraro, Michaelangelo, "Giulio Carpioni," Acropoli ι : 6j78 Voss, Hermann («) "La Cappella del Crocifisso di Orazio Gentileschi," Acropoli 1 : 9 9 - 1 0 7 (Z?) "Venere e Amore di Artemisia Gentileschi," Acropoli ι ¡79-82 1961 Arcangeli, Francesco, "Il fratello del Guerrino," Arte antica e moderna 1 3 - 1 6 : 3 2 5 - 3 4 3 Cozzi, Gaetano, "Intorno al Cardinal Ottavio Paravicino, a Monsignor Paolo Gualdo e a Michaelangelo da Caravaggio," Rivista storica italiano 7 3 : 3 6 - 3 8 Crino, Anna Maria, and Benedict Nicolson, "Further Documents Relating to Orazio Gentileschi," Burl. 1 0 3 : 1 4 4 - 1 4 5 del Bravo, Carlo, "Per Jacopo Vignali," Paragone 1 2 ¡ # 1 3 5 , 28-42 De Salas, X., "The Velasquez Exhibition in Madrid," Buri. 1 0 3 : 54-57 Egan, Patricia, " 'Concert' Scenes in Musical Paintings of the Italian Renaissance," Journal of the American Musicological Society 14:184-195

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Emiliani, Andrea, "Francesco Costanzo Cattanio pittore," Arte antica e moderna 1 3 - 1 6 : 2 7 6 - 2 7 8 Gamulin, Grgo, "Contribuito al Seicento veneziano," Arte veneta 15:241-245 Gilbert, Creighton, ed., Exhibition Catalogue: The Baroque Painters of Naples, John and Moble Ringling Museum of Art, Sarasota, Florida Griseri, Andreina, "L'Autunno del Manierismo alla corte di Carlo Emmanuele I en un'arrivo 'caravaggesco,' " Paragone 1 2 : # 1 4 1 , 19-33 Haskell, Francis, "Eighteenth Century Art in Paris," Buri. 1 0 3 : 6 7 Hibbard, Howard, "Un nuovo documento sul busto del Cardinale Scipione Borghese del Bernini," Boll. d'A ser. 4, 4 6 : 1 0 1 105 Julian, René, Caravage, Lyon and Paris Longhi, Roberto, Scritti Giovanili, 2 vols., Florence Moir, Alfred, " 'Boy with a Flute' by Bartolomeo Manfredi," Bulletin of the Art Division (Los Angeles County Museum), 1 3 : 3 - 1 5 Pilo, Giuseppe Maria, Venice

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Raimondi, Giuseppe, "Appunto su Giuseppe Caletti, 'il Cremonese,' " Arte antica e moderna 13-16: 279-284 Rotondi, Pasquale, ed., Exhibition Catalogue: Arte a Sarzana dal XII al XVIII secolo, Palazzo delle Scuole, Sarzana Toscano, Bruno, "Andrea Polinori, o la provincia perplessa," Arte antica e moderna 1 3 - 1 6 : 3 0 0 - 3 1 2

BIBLIOGRAPHY natura morte," Antichità viva 1 : # i > 9-13 Matteucci, Anna Maria, "Per Bernardo Strozzi," Arte antica e moderna 19:292-293 Moir, Alfred, "Alonzo Rodriguez," AB 44:205-218 Mortari, Luisa, "Aggiunte allo Strozzi," Paragone 14: # 1 5 3 , 2228 Pallacchini, Rodolfo, "Contribuiti alla pittura veneziana del Seicento. 4. La 'Pestilenza' di Luca Ferrari del 1635," Arte veneta 16:129132

Waddington, Malcolm, "Notes on a Caravaggesque Theme," Arte antica e moderna 13-16:313-318 Zorzi, Giangiorgio, "Il testamento del pittore Giulio Carpioni. Alcune notizie della sua vita e delle sue opere," Arte veneta 15:219-222 1961/1962 Riccoboni, Alberto, "Antonio Zanchi (1631-1732)," Acropoli 2:5-22 1962 Barbieri, Franco, II Museo Civico di Vicenza, 2 vols., Venice Briganti, Giuliano, Il Palazzo del Quirinale, Rome Buschbeck, Ernest, Franz Fuhrmann, and Annemarie Ingram, Residenzgalerie Salzburg, Salzburg Causa, Raffaelo, "Luca Forte e il primo tempo della natura morta napoletana," Paragone 13 ¡ # 1 4 5 , 41-48 Crelly, William R., The Paintings of Simon Vouet, New Haven, Connecticut Dal Poggetto, Paolo, "Arte in Valsesia," Antichità viva 2:#8, 5167 Fischer, Wolfgang, "Claude Vignon," Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 12:105-148 Gregori, Mina, "Avant-propos sulla pittura fiorentina del Seicento," Paragone 13-.#145, 2140 Hibbard, Howard, The Architecture of the Palazzo Borghese, Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, Rome Levey, Michael, "Notes on the Royal Collection — II. Artemisia Gentileschi's 'Self-Portrait' at Hampton Court," Burl. 104:7980 Maggi, Giulia, "Attualità della

Voss, Hermann ( a ) "Il 'Genio delle Arti' di Carlo Bonone," Antichità viva i : # 4 , 32-35 (20 "Inediti di Orazio Borgianni," Antichità viva i : # 2 , 9-12 1962/1963 Manning, Robert, and Bertina Suida, Exhibition Catalogue: Genoese Masters: Cambiase to Magnasco 1550-1750, Dayton (Ohio) Art Institute; John and Mable Ringling Museum of Art (Sarasota, Fla.); Wadsworth Atheneum (Hartford, Conn.) 1963 Battisti, Eugenio, "La data di morte di Artemisia Gentileschi," Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorieshen Institute in Florenz, 10:296

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Camón Aznar, José, "Algunas precisiones sobre Velasquez," Goya #53:282-297 Carli, Enzo, "Un dipinto senese a Messico," Paragone 14 : φ ι 5 9, 56-57 Longhi, Roberto ( a ) "Giovanni Baglione e il quadro del processo," Paragone I 4 : # i 6 3 , 23-31 (2?) "Il vero 'Maffeo Barberini' del Caravaggio," Paragone I 4 : # I 6 5 , 3-11

BIBLIOGRAPHY Natoli, Elvira Stefania, "Contribuiti a Pietro Novelli," Commentari 1 4 : 1 7 1 - 1 8 2 Nicolson, Benedict, "Caravaggesques in Naples," Burl. 105: 209-211 Ottani, Anna, "Per un caravaggesco toscano: Pietro Paolini ( 1 6 0 3 - 1 6 8 1 ) , " Arte antica e moderna 2 1 : 1 9 - 3 5 Scavizzi, Giuseppe, ed., Exhibition Catalogue: Caravaggio e Caravaggeschi, Palazzo Reale, Naples Volpe, Carlo, "Un dipinto firmato e una attribuzione per Agostino

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