The Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in China 1666913367, 9781666913361

Citation preview

The Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in China

The Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in China Edited by Zongping Sha and Shuchen Xiang ‌‌ Translated by Stephen Nashef, Chongning Zhang, and Tianyi Zhang

LEXINGTON BOOKS

Lanham • Boulder • New York • London

Published by Lexington Books An imprint of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 www​.rowman​.com 86-90 Paul Street, London EC2A 4NE Copyright © 2023 by The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Sha, Zongping, author. | Xiang, Shuchen, author. | Nashef, Stephen, translator. | Zhang, Chongning, translator. | Zhang, Tianyi (Writer on philosophy), translator. Title: The Islamic-Confucian synthesis in China / edited by Zongping Sha and Shuchen Xiang ; translated by Stephen Nashef, Chongning Zhang, and Tianyi Zhang. Description: Lanham : Lexington Books, 2023. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2022056421 (print) | LCCN 2022056422 (ebook) | ISBN 9781666913361 (cloth) | ISBN 9781666913378 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Islam—Relations—Confucianism. | Confucianism—Relations—Islam. | Islam—China—History. Classification: LCC BP173.C65 S53 2023  (print) | LCC BP173.C65  (ebook) | DDC 297.0951—dc23/eng/20221205 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022056421 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022056422 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992.

Contents

Foreword vii Sachiko Murata Acknowledgments ix Chapter 1: Introduction



1

Chapter 2‌‌‌: The Sinicization of Islam and “Interpreting Scripture through Confucianism” Mingliang Ma‌‌‌, translated by Tianyi Zhang

9

Chapter 3: ‌‌‌‌‌‌The Han Kitab of Ming Dynasty Muslims and Confucianism‌‌‌ Cheuk Yin Lee (Li Chaoran), translated by Chongning Zhang Chapter 4: ‌‌‌Dialogue between Islam and Confucianism: A Study of Chinese Islamic Philosophy in the Ming and Qing Dynasties Yihong Liu, translated by Tianyi Zhang Chapter 5: ‌‌‌The Cycle of Great Transformation: An Initial Survey of the Philosophy of Early Qing Dynasty Chinese Muslim Thinker Liu Zhi Zongping Sha, translated by Stephen Nashef

29



47

61

Chapter 6: Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in the Light of Zhenjing Zhaowei 89 Guiping Yang, translated by Stephen Nashef Index

117

About the Contributors



123

v

Foreword Sachiko Murata‌‌‌

Zongping Sha and his co-editor and translator, Shuchen Xiang, deserve to be congratulated for this collection of Chinese scholarly articles on the Islamic-Confucian synthesis. This is a most welcome addition to the literature in English on Islamic thought in the Chinese language, and it is hoped that more such works will be translated in the future. Until now, readers have had to rely on the words of a handful of scholars who agree that the Han Kitab, meaning the Chinese Books (on Islam), represent a fascinating period in Islamic and Confucian thought. The confirmation provided by the authors of the papers gathered here is significant. The Han Kitab, the authors of which are sometimes called Huiru, meaning Muslim Confucians, attracted me as soon as I heard about them. I was primed to appreciate their contributions because I had been studying the Islamic tradition for twenty-five years and was teaching courses on Islamic and Chinese thought at Stony Brook University. During the 1994–1995 academic year at the Harvard Center for the Study of World Religions, I spent several months reading neo-Confucian texts with Professor Tu Weiming. In March 1995, we attended a conference on Confucian-Islamic dialogue in Kuala Lumpur and saw a talk on Wang Daiyu by Lee Cheuk Yin, who is the author of one of the papers in this collection. I learned then of the existence of Muslim scholars writing in Chinese, who were in effect elaborating on the notion of cosmic harmony to which I had dedicated my book, The Tao of Islam: A Sourcebook on Gender Relationships in Islamic Thought (1992). Once back at Harvard, Professor Tu and I spent our sessions looking at Han Kitab texts from the Harvard Yenching Library. This led to our collaboration on two books about the Huiru: Chinese Gleams of Sufi Light (2000) and The Sage Learning of Liu Zhi (2009). vii

viii

Foreword

When I set out to study this field, I quickly discovered that it had largely been ignored by Western scholarship, although Donald Leslie had provided a good bibliography. Almost none of the many books on Islam in China written by historians, ethnographers, and anthropologists exhibited any interest in the Han Kitab. However, within a few years, the situation began to change for the better. Works by Zvi Bendor Benite (The Dao of Muhammad, 2005) and James Frankel (Rectifying God’s Name, 2011) provided historical background and thoughtful engagement with the Huiru approach. Kristian Petersen brought the Han Kitab to the attention of scholars of religious studies (Interpreting Islam in China, 2017). Nevertheless, input from numerous Chinese scholars who have been studying the Huiru from the lens of China’s modern situation has been completely absent in English to date. To appreciate their scholarship, it is helpful to remember the century-long gap between the living tradition of Huiru thought, which represented mainstream Islamic theology and philosophy in China for two hundred years, and the versions of Islam found in modern China, both within and outside the academy. Current presentations have been largely driven by Western scholarship, not only that of European and American Orientalists but also that produced by the ideological Islam of various countries to China’s west. Modern teaching and practices are largely ignorant of, if not hostile to, the Han Kitab. The papers in this volume are well chosen to represent the array of contemporary approaches to the Han Kitab. Lee Cheuk Yin provides a broad survey of the history of Islam in China, with special attention to the importance of Wang Daiyu’s Zhengjiao zhenquan (see my translation of the book as The First Islamic Classic in Chinese, 2019). Ma Mingliang summarizes the scholarship on Han Kitab’s adaptations to local conditions while adopting and refining terminology from Confucianism and other Chinese schools of thought. Liu Yihong offers valuable insights into the dialogue between Confucians and representatives of the Han Kitab. The last two papers investigate the terminology, techniques, and philosophy of Liu Zhi, the most sophisticated of the Huiru thinkers. Yang Guiping investigates his translation of the little Persian classic, Lawāʾiḥ (“The Gleams”) by ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Jāmī (d. 1492), looking carefully at Persian and Chinese terminology (for translations of both versions, see my Chinese Gleams). Zongping Sha offers a thoughtful analysis of Liu Zhi’s overall philosophy, illustrating its harmony with Chinese thought and suggesting its potential significance for contemporary philosophical dialogues. Sachiko Murata Mount Sinai, New York July 1, 2022

Acknowledgments

In 2019, during our department’s annual teaching and research conference, I asked Dr. Shuchen Xiang for advice on issues related to the comparison of Chinese and Western philosophy, and she asked me about the recent status of scholarship on the indigenization of religions, particularly the sinicization of Islam, in which she expressed a keen interest. Approximately six months later, Dr. Xiang approached me with the idea of using her own research funds to introduce contemporary scholarship on Chinese Islam in mainland China, particularly the latest research on the indigenization of Islam, to the English-speaking academic community. We planned to select five Chinese papers on Confucianism and the indigenization of Islam that have already been published in domestic academic journals, translate them into English, and publish them in an edited volume. The final five papers were selected from a shortlist of twenty papers, after which we moved on to the translation phase. I recommended my PhD student Chongning Zhang, along with Stephen Nashef, PhD candidate in the department of philosophy and religious studies at Peking University, and Tianyi Zhang, research fellow in the Faculty of Divinity at the University of Cambridge, to join the translation team. With Professors Cheuk Yin Lee and Sachiko Murata both lending a hand, work on this volume proceeded apace. We would like to thank Professor Zhang Zhiqiang, editor-in-chief of Philosophical Research (哲学研究), Professor Ding Jun, editor-in-chief of Arab World Studies (阿拉伯世界研究), and researcher Ma Jinbao, editor-in-chief of Journal of Hui Zu Studies (回族研 究), as well as the authors of the papers, for their generous support. We would also like to thank Bai Zhang and Ma Bin for the cover photo. The five papers presented in this volume are of great interest. These papers are the results of long-term research by representative scholars of Islamic studies in the Chinese-speaking academic community and demonstrate research on the indigenization of Islam. The addition of Singaporean scholar Professor Cheuk Yin Lee and the support of Japanese American scholar Professor Sachiko Murata have greatly aided the internationalization of the ix

x

Acknowledgments

products of Chinese academic research. Through these five papers, our initial plan to present an overview of the new era of Chinese scholarship on the indigenization of Islam in China and interpreting scripture through Confucianism (以儒诠经) to an English-speaking audience can be said to have been tentatively realized. Zongping Sha I‌‌ would like to thank all the authors for their contributions to this volume. I extend my appreciation to all the translators for their expertise in crossing the Islamic, Chinese, and Anglophone worlds. I would also like to express my deep gratitude to my co-editor, Zongping Sha, for having always supported this project. Without the expertise of all these contributors, such a project could not have been possible. Such expertise is rare but increasingly valuable. Moreover, I would like to thank the philosophy department at Peking University for the startup funding that made this project possible. Finally, thanks to Eric Kuntzman, Rachel Kirkland, and Mary Wheelehan at Lexington Books for their support during this project. Shuchen Xiang

Chapter 1

Introduction

The presence, history, and culture of Islam in China are not well-known. Since its arrival in China in the Tang dynasty, Islam and its traditions have become an inextricable part of the fabric of Chinese society. By the time of the Ming dynasty, Chinese Islam had evolved its own indigenous identity, and by the seventeenth century, specifically Chinese formulations of Islamic teachings began to emerge. This history of synthesis gave rise to figures such as Wang Daiyu (王岱舆; 1584–1670) who published the first book of Islamic-Confucian synthesis, The Real Commentary on the True Teachings (政教真诠; 1642); Wu Zixian (伍子先; ca. 1598–1678); and Ma Zhu (马 注; 1640–1711). The figure who gave the most mature expression to the Islamic-Confucian synthesis is Liu Zhi (刘智; ca. 1670–1724). Liu’s Nature and Principle in Islam (天方性理) expressed the basic principles of Islamic philosophy through neo-Confucian terminology and concepts. This edited volume presents the most authoritative contemporary Chinese scholarship on the topic of Islamic-Confucian synthesis. It introduces the presence of the hybridization of traditions throughout the millennia of Chinese history to an international audience and offers a survey of the state of current scholarship in this field. The experience of the Islamic-Confucian synthesis is a historical example of cross-cultural thinking and mutual borrowing. It is a model of comparative philosophy from which the current generation of comparative philosophers can gain significant inspiration and insight. The history of Islamic-Confucian synthesis testifies that incommensurability between cultures can ultimately be accommodated. In this accommodation is the potential for mutual, creative growth, novelty, cultural renaissance, and the flourishing of the human spirit.

1

2

Introductio

A BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO ISLAMIC STUDIES IN THE CHINESE ACADEMY The modern academic study of Islam in China began in the 1920s. It is generally considered that this was initiated through the publication of Chen Hanzhang’s (陈汉章) History of Chinese Islam (中国回教史; 1926) and Chen Yuan’s (陈垣) Origin of Islam in China (回回教进中国的源流; 1927). In the first half of the twentieth century, important scholars of Islam in Chinese academia included Jin Jitang (金吉堂), Bai Shouyi (白寿彝), Da Pusheng (达浦生), Wang Jingzhai (王静斋), Ha Decheng (哈德成), Ma Yiyu (马以愚), Fu Tongxian (傅统先), and Ma Jian (马坚). Their research fields were mainly Islamic history and classics. Representative works among these scholars include Jin Jitang’s A Study of the History of Islam in China (中国 回教史研究; 1935), Ma Yiyu’s The History of Chinese Islam (中国回教史 鉴; 1940), Fu Tongxian’s History of Chinese Islam (中国回教史; 1940), Bai Shouyi’s A Brief History of Chinese Islam (中国回教小史; 1943), and Bai Shouyi’s Outline of Chinese Islamic History (中国伊斯兰史纲要; 1946). In addition, The Chinese Historical Geography Bi-monthly Magazine (禹贡), founded by the historian Gu Jiegang (顾颉刚), published more than forty academic papers on Islamic studies during the first half of the twentieth century.1 Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, especially after the reform and opening up in 1978, with the tide of cultural fever in China, Islamic studies have seen a new period of development. In the 1980s, with the development of religious studies and the beginning of college enrollment, Islamic academic research witnessed diversification and growing interdisciplinarity. The number of scholars continued to increase, including active participation of many Muslim scholars. Today, many universities and research institutes in mainland China conduct Islamic studies. More than fifty higher education institutions have established religious studies as an undergraduate major. Domestic social science research institutes with dedicated Islamic departments include the Institute of World Religions of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (中国社会科学院世界宗教研究所), the Xinjiang Academy of Social Sciences (新疆社会科学院), the Ningxia Academy of Social Sciences (宁夏社会科学院), the Gansu Institute of Nationalities (甘肃民 族研究), and the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences (上海社会科学院 所). Undergraduate and postgraduate courses are also offered at the China Institute of Islamic Theology (中国伊斯兰教经学院). In addition, research centers of government departments, such as the State Bureau of Religious Affairs (国家宗教局), the Central Socialist Academy (中央社会主义学院), and Party schools at all levels, conduct Islamic studies research.

Introductio

3

The main journal of Islamic studies in mainland China is China Muslim (中国穆斯林). In addition, newspapers and periodicals that publish Islamic-related research papers include Studies in World Religions (世界 宗教研究), The World Religious Cultures (世界宗教文化), China Religion (中国宗教), Northwestern Journal of Ethnology (西北民族研究), Qinghai Journal of Ethnology (青海民族研究), China Ethnic News (中国民族报), Journal of Hui Zu Studies (回族研究), Arab World Studies (阿拉伯世界研 究), West Asia and Africa (西亚非洲), and Journal of North Minzu University (北方民族大学学报). SUMMARY OF CHAPTERS In “The Sinicization of Islam and ‘Interpreting Scripture through Confucianism,’”2 Mingliang Ma argues that the indigenization of Islam proves the dynamism of Islam. He points out that of all the major religions in China, which include Buddhism, Islam, Christianity, and Daoism, only Daoism is native to China. Ma briefly introduces the history of Buddhism and Christianity in China before focusing on the history of Islam’s indigenization in China. The effort to translate Islam into the Confucian vernacular began in the Tang dynasty and continued into the Yuan. However, the Ming-Qing period witnessed a historic era in the Islamic-Confucian synthesis. Ma introduces the main figures in this movement and elucidates how they used Confucian, Buddhist, and Daoist terms to interpret Islam. Ma shows how Muslim scholars in this period combined Qur’an and Hadith teachings with the three fundamental bonds and five constant virtues of Confucianism, forming the idea of five regulations (五典). He shows how they reinterpreted the Islamic idea of faith using terms from the Great Learning. According to Ma, the indigenization of Islam in China includes three aspects. First, it refers to the process of Islam’s interaction with Chinese society and culture, in which Islam took elements from Chinese culture that are beneficial to its survival and development and adapted them, thus integrating into Chinese society. This process of indigenization shows a tendency on the part of Chinese Islam to constantly adapt to changes within Chinese society. Second, Chinese Muslims played a major role in this process of indigenization. After the introduction of Islam into China, Chinese Muslim and Han scholars explored the doctrine, history, and culture of Islam to varying degrees at different stages of history, especially during the Ming and Qing dynasties, when Chinese Muslim scholars played an important role in the process of Islam’s indigenization. Third, interpreting scripture through Confucianism (以儒诠经) helped promote Islam to mainstream Chinese culture, allowing Islam to become recognized and appreciated by the educated Chinese elite

4

Introductio

and further aiding the indigenization of Islam. Ma concludes the chapter with some thoughts on the significance of the Confucian interpretations of Islam during the Ming-Qing period. This movement greatly helped the mutual understandings between Muslims and non-Muslims within Chinese society. Furthermore, this movement helped form a uniquely Chinese version of Islam. Interpreting scripture through Confucianism allowed the indigenization of Islam to have an extensive and deep foundation and flourish among the broader population. In “The Han Kitab of Ming Dynasty Muslims and Confucianism,”3 Cheuk Yin Lee argues that historical evidence of the meeting between Islam and Confucianism disproves Samuel Huntingdon’s thesis that the biggest source of conflict in the post–Cold War period will be civilizational. Lee examines why, during the Ming-Qing period, the Confucian interpretation of Islam began to flourish. Lee provides several detailed examples from the works of Wang Daiyu (王岱舆), which elucidate Islamic teachings via the Analects. Lee notes that the approach of Wang Daiyu’s True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching, in which Confucianism is used to explain Islam, demonstrates that Wang Daiyu intended to harmonize and bridge Islam and Confucianism. These examples testify to the coherence between Islamic and Confucian teachings and the ease with which Ming-Qing Islamic-Confucians borrowed from the Confucian tradition by this time in history. While the experience of Islam in China might lead to the charge that Islam was merely sinicized or Confucianized, Lee argues that this might not have been a conscious or intentional process. Instead, Islamic-Confucians organically borrowed Confucian ideas due to their own rootedness in the Confucian cultural background and naturally started to think in a cross-cultural way. Likewise, the openness of the Confucian tradition allowed itself to absorb the intellectual nutrients of other traditions. The speculation that this represents a process of sinicization or Confucianization of Islam in China is open to question. Confucianism, as the main body of Chinese culture with its own internal cultural cohesion and tendency toward pluralism, rendered Confucianism universal and inclusive. Finally, as Lee shows, the key to the harmonious coexistence of civilizations is interpretation of scripture through Confucianism (以儒诠经). The discussion of early Muslim writings in Chinese translation reveals the key to the harmonious coexistence between Islam and traditional Chinese thought and culture and provides a useful reference for studying the interaction between Confucianism and other civilizations. In “Dialogue between Islam and Confucianism: A Study of Chinese Islamic Philosophy in the Ming and Qing Dynasties,”4 Yihong Liu engages the literature from both the English-speaking world and Chinese scholarship and concludes that what is common among them is the consensus that traditional Chinese thought saturates Chinese Islam. Liu argues that key to the

Introductio

5

development of Chinese Islam is twofold: its usage of Chinese cosmological thinking to explain Islamic doctrinal theories and its tendency to highlight their mutual particularities and commonalities, such that complementary elements are found between them. Liu investigates how the idea of the creator was gradually immanentized throughout the centuries. She begins with the first Chinese Islamic scholar to publish systematic elucidations of Islamic thought, Wang Daiyu. Instead of using the term “Allah” to refer to the creator, Wang used “the true One” (真一) to explain to a Chinese audience the philosophical meaning of the concept. However, the idea of “one” has differing connotations in Islamic and Chinese traditions. The idea of the creator as “one” in the Islamic tradition connotes the transcendent, whereas in the Chinese tradition, “one” is the Dao and the immanent whole of the myriad things. Liu explains the way that Wang gave a “trinity theory” (三一 说) to resolve this discrepancy. Moreover, Liu discusses how Liu Zhi (刘智) further immanentized the idea of “the true One” such that it was identified with principle (理). Liu ends with the late Qing Islamic scholar Ma Dexin (马 德新). Ma’s great innovation was to combine tian (天) with “the true One.” Therefore, Ma’s concept of “the perfect man is unified with the heaven” (尽人合天) is the Chinese-Islamic interpretation of the original Islamic idea of “the unification between man and Allah” (人主合一). Liu concludes that the example of Chinese Islam demonstrates that all cultures can mutually exchange with each other and evolve into a combination of universal and indigenous elements. Zongping Sha clarifies Liu Zhi’s philosophy of the “real one” by contrasting Liu Zhi with his predecessors, such as Wang Daiyu and Ma Zhu. In “The Cycle of Great Transformation: An Initial Survey of the Philosophy of Early Qing Dynasty Chinese Muslim Thinker Liu Zhi,”5 Sha explains how Liu Zhi believes that in the universe, all things and human beings are in a cycle of great transformation, starting from the one principle of the true master (一理流行) and ending with the emergence of human beings. Sha clarifies Liu Zhi’s cosmological and epistemological interpretation of the “real one” before focusing on what the “real one” means for human life and cultivation. Sha argues that, for Liu Zhi, there were the “triyana or three vehicles” (三乘) that must be conducted for human beings to return to the Real and be reborn (归真复命). The first is the cultivation of the self through Islam, the second is the cultivation of the heart-mind through ridding oneself of material things, and the third is the realization of human nature itself. Sha concludes that, for Liu Zhi, all things in the universe, including human beings, exist in a closed chain or closed cycle. The starting point of this cycle is the creator. Humans can return to the creator by cultivating the triyana. The law of the cycle is that of “reach the end and return to the start”; therefore, humans must return to the true master through the “triyana or three vehicles.” For individual human

6

Introductio

beings, the Islamic cycle of transformation is a one-time, irreversible process. Through this exposition of Liu Zhi’s views on the “real one,” Sha argues that Liu Zhi interpreted heaven in a rational style in keeping with a religion that upheld and advocated rational thought. According to Professor Guiping Yang, Chinese Muslims began the cultural activity of expressing or interpreting the connotations of Islamic thought in the terms of Confucianism and Daoism as early as the Yuan dynasty. Displaying the Concealment of the Real Realm (真境昭微) is Liu Zhi’s Chinese translation of the Persian poet and scholar Jāmī’s (1414–1492) Lawāʾiḥ (A Treatise on Sufism). In “Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in the Light of Zhenjing Zhaowei”6 and through a word-by-word analysis of Displaying the Concealment of the Real Realm with the original Persian Lawāʾiḥ, Yang elucidates how Liu Zhi assimilated concepts, terms, and categories of Chinese philosophy. Through this endeavor, we can see how Liu Zhi was able to maintain the distinctness of Islamic thought, such as in its stress on ontology, cosmology, and the relationship between humans and cosmos, while absorbing Chinese philosophical concepts and achieving an organic integration of Islam with Chinese culture. Yang concludes that there were six notable strategies in Liu Zhi’s translation of Lawāʾiḥ: faithfulness to the original Persian style; paraphrasing the original meaning into Chinese; abridged translation; using Confucian concepts to translate Jāmī’s philosophical concepts; changing the translation (e.g., Liu Zhi changed what appears in the sixth chapter of the Persian text “he is the Real” to “to be almost of one body with Heaven and Earth” [几与天地同体]); and deletion. From the standpoint of orthodox Islam, Liu Zhi deleted contents that were beyond ordinary people’s understanding to avoid causing ideological disputes among Chinese Muslims. Through these six means, Liu Zhi creatively interpreted the Persian text Lawāʾiḥ, which mainly explains Sufi thought and practices, into a Chinese version of Displaying the Concealment of the Real Realm. As Yang shows, Liu Zhi identifies with both Islam and Confucianism. In translating and indigenizing foreign Islamic thought, Liu Zhi interprets Islam with Confucianism without losing the core of Islamic thought, while giving Chinese Islam a distinctly Chinese and national character, thus enriching and deepening Confucianism. As such, Islam and Confucianism coexist (共存) rather than exist alone (独存), flourishing together rather than being the sole tradition worthy of recognition. In the words of the great Chinese sociologist Fei Xiaotong, “when beauty flourishes together, great harmony will prevail” (美美与共，天下大同).

Introductio

7

NOTES 1. Zhuo, Zhongguo Zongjiaoxue; Li L., “Zhongguo de Xiandai Yisilan.” 2. Ma, “Yisilanjiao de Zhongguohua.” 3. Li C., “Mingdai Musilin,” 5–10. 4. Liu, “Huiruduihua,” 42–47. 5. Sha, “Dahua Xunhuan, Jinzhong Fanshi,” 78–87. 6. Yang, “Ruxue de Huitong,” 20–28.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Li, Chaoran 李焯然. “Mingdai Musilin de Hanwen Zhushu yu Rujia Sixiang” 明 代穆斯林的汉文著述与儒家思想 [Han Kitab of Muslims in the Ming Dynasty and Confucianism]. Huizu Yanjiu 回族研究 [Journal of Hui Zu Studies] 62, no. 2 (2006): 5–10. Li, Lin 李林. “Zhongguo de Xiandai Yisilan Xueshu shi ruhe Xingchengde” 中国 的现代伊斯兰学术是如何形成的 [How was modern Chinese Islamic studies formed]? Zhongguo Musilim 中国穆斯林 [Chinese Muslim] 2 (2020): 31–38. Liu, Yihong 刘一虹. “Huiruduihua—Mingqing Shiqi Zhongguo Yisilan Zhexue Sixiang Yanjiu” 回儒对话——明清时期中国伊斯兰哲学思想研究 [Dialogue between Islam and Confucianism: A study of Chinese Islamic Philosophy in the Ming and Qing Dynasties]. Zhexue Yanjiu 哲学研究 [Philosophical Research] 9 (2005): 42–47. Ma, Mingliang 马明良. “Yisilanjiao de Zhongguohua yu ‘Yiruquanjing’” 伊斯兰教 的中国化与 “以儒诠经” [The Sinicization of Islam and “Interpreting Scripture through Confucianism”]. Alabo Shijie Yanjiu 阿拉伯世界研究 [Arab World Studies] 5 (2009): 53–60. Sha, Zongping 沙宗平. “Dahua Xunhuan, Jinzhong Fanshi—Qing Chu Huizu Sixiangjia Liu Zhi Zhexueguan Chutan” 大化循环, 尽终返始———清初回族思 想家刘智哲学观初探 [The Cycle of Great Transformation: An initial survey of the philosophy of early Qing Dynasty Chinese Muslim thinker Liu Zhi]. Huizu Yanjiu 回族研究 [Journal of Hui Zu Studies] 46, no. 2 (2002): 78–87. Yang, Guiping 杨桂萍. “Cong 《Zhenjing Zhaowei》Kan Yisilan Jiao yu Ruxue de Huitong” 从《真境昭微》看伊斯兰教与儒学的会通 [Confucian-Islamic Synthesis and Zhenjing Zhaowei]. Huizu Yanjiu 回族研究 [Journal of Hui Zu Studies] 96, no. 4 (2014): 20–28. Zhuo, Xinping 卓新平. Zhongguo Zongjiaoxue 40 nian (1978–2018) 中国宗教 学40年 (1978–2018) [Forty Years of Chinese Religious Studies (1978–2018)]. Beijing: Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe 中国社会科学出版社 [China Social Sciences Press], 2019.

Chapter 2‌‌‌

The Sinicization of Islam and “Interpreting Scripture through Confucianism” Mingliang Ma‌‌‌ Translated by Tianyi Zhang

ABSTRACT All the major religions in China, including Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity, with the exception of Daoism, are foreign religions. Foreign religions have all experienced the process of indigenization in China. The indigenization of Islam in China is accomplished by Chinese Muslims, who are the subjects of faith; however, this indigenization has also benefited from the academic activities of scholars. Among them, the academic activities of Muslim scholars play an important role. This mainly refers to the innovative work done by Chinese Muslim scholars, such as Liu Zhi 刘智, Wang Daiyu 王岱舆, and ot­hers in the Ming and Qing dynasties, who are qualified to perform ijtihād (creating legal opinions) in accordance with the full set of legislative principles and regulations of Islam, when faced with the new environment and challenges of Chinese society and culture. DEFINING THE CONCEPT OF INDIGENIZATION OF ISLAM Islam arose in the Arabian Peninsula in the early seventh century AD and spread to all parts of the world through various paths, becoming a worldwide 9

10

Mingliang Ma

religion. Currently, there are approximately 1.5 billion people who believe in Islam worldwide. Although Islam has its basic doctrines and laws, Islam in various parts of the world inevitably picks up local characteristics. In other words, although the “seed” of Islam comes from the same place, after being transplanted worldwide, the “fruits” of this “seed” differ in shape, color, and taste due to significant differences in climate, water, and soil. Islam in different areas has unique characteristics. Therefore, Chinese Islam was influenced by natural conditions and cultural environment in China for more than thirteen hundred years and picked up some Chinese characteristics. The indigenization of Islam in China means that in the process of interaction with Chinese society and culture, while maintaining its own inherent fundamental beliefs, etiquette system, and core values, Islam actively integrated into Chinese society, drew from and modified Chinese cultural elements that were beneficial for its survival and development, made appropriate changes to itself, and exhibited the tendency of developing and changing as a result of its continuous adaption to Chinese society. If the process essentially violates the basic doctrines, laws, and beliefs of Islam, then the result is no longer Islam or the indigenization of Islam in China. Therefore, the indigenization of Islam should not violate the basic position, ideas, and purpose of Islam. Furthermore, the indigenization should develop and innovate in responding to and solving the problems of Chinese society and express itself through Chinese languages and methods. The indigenization of Islam in China is accomplished by Chinese Muslims, who are the subjects of faith; however, it has also benefited from the academic activities of scholars. The academic activities of Muslim scholars play an important role. This mainly refers to the innovative work done by Chinese Muslim scholars, such as Liu Zhi, Wang Daiyu, and others in the Ming and Qing dynasties, who are qualified to perform ijtihād (creating legal opinions) in accordance with the full set of legislative principles and regulations of Islam, when faced with the new environment and challenges of Chinese society and culture. The spread and development of Islam in China abide by the rules of following principle (契理) and following opportunity (契机), and the process of indigenization continues. Following principle indicates being fundamentally in line with the basic ideas and spirit of Islam. Following opportunity indicates constantly updating and developing itself based on changes of the times and different needs of the public and responding to opportunities to facilitate preaching. Following principle and following opportunity are like two wings of the bird and two wheels of the vehicle; they are two important fundamental points for the development of Islam. From a historical point of view, the reason Islam has maintained its lasting vitality, spreading from Arabia to China, from Asia to the world, and from ancient to modern times,



The Sinicization of Islam

11

is that it not only follows principle but also opportunity. The indigenization of Islam in China is a vivid manifestation of Islam following both principle and opportunity and a paradigmatic case that shows not only Islam’s universality but also the full realization of its universal value on Chinese soil through indigenization. INDIGENIZATION: THE COMMON PHENOMENON OF THE WORLD’S THREE MAJOR RELIGIONS IN CHINA All the major religions in China, including Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity, with the exception of Daoism, are foreign religions. Foreign religions have all experienced the process of indigenization in China. Buddhism was born in ancient India in the late sixth century BC. It was introduced to mainland China during the Han dynasty, two thousand years ago. It had profound impacts on Chinese traditional thought and culture and became a part of Chinese traditional culture. Although Chinese Buddhism originated from and is a successor of Indian Buddhism, as Buddhism was introduced to China, it gradually combined with the characteristics of Chinese society and history and was influenced and transformed by Chinese thought and culture. Consequently, it became widely disseminated and developed apace, gaining many new features that differentiate it from Indian Buddhism. Chinese Buddhism has different characteristics in different socio-historical periods and is an inseparable part of Chinese cultural thought. The rulers in history made use of Confucianism for governing the world, Buddhism for governing the mind, and Daoism for cultivating the body, allowing their respective strengths to complement each other toward the end of maintaining their rule. By integrating into traditional Chinese culture and incorporating Confucian and Daoist thought, Buddhism not only formed Chinese Buddhist schools but proposed a series of theories different from Indian Buddhism. For instance, the Tiantai school 天台宗 has incorporated the Daoist theory of elixir field (dantian 丹田) and qi-refining (lianqi 炼气) into its doctrines and advocates the practice of meditation (zhiguan zuochan 止观坐禅) to cure diseases. The Huayan school 华严宗 has not only incorporated Confucianism and Daoism into its own system of thought but also uses the four virtues of originating (yuan 元), penetrating (heng 亨), being advantageous (li 利), and being firm (zhen 贞) from the Zhouyi (The Book of Changes 周易) to match the four virtues of eternity (chang 常), happiness (le 乐), self (wo 我), and purity (jing 净) in Buddhism. It also uses five Confucian constant virtues (wuchang 五常) of benevolence (ren 仁), righteousness (yi 义), propriety (li 礼), wisdom (zhi 智), and trustworthiness (xin 信) to match the Buddhist regulations of no killing, no evil rumors, no drinking, and no lying. As such,

12

Mingliang Ma

the ideal state and moral norms of Buddhism are equated with the virtues and virtuous actions of Confucianism. Chan Buddhism 禅宗 goes a step further. It does not advocate chanting, worshipping, or sitting meditation; instead, it advocates self-enlightenment through the purification of nature (xingjing ziwu 性净自悟) and the idea that ordinary people are Buddhas (fanfu jifo 凡 夫即佛), that is, realizing the ideal of becoming a Buddha in daily life. This type of thinking is deeply influenced by Daoist naturalism, the theory of mastering the meaning and forgetting the speech (deyi wangyan 得意忘言), and ideas of unrestrained broad-mindedness (kuangda fangdang 旷达放荡) and the self wandering free and unfettered (ziwo xiaoyao 自我逍遥) proposed by neo-Daoist (Xuanxue 玄学) scholars. Christianity was born in Palestine around 0 AD. In the process of spreading to the outside world, it divided successively into three branches: the Eastern Orthodox Church, the Catholic Church, and the Protestant Church. The spread and development of these three branches in various places demonstrate local and national characteristics. Since the entry of Jingjiao (Nestorianism 景教) in the Tang dynasty, Christianity has been transmitted to China a total of four times. Its spread of more than thirteen hundred years in China reflects the long history and unique significance of the contact, exchange, collision, and integration of Christianity and Chinese culture. The first two transmissions were Jingjiao in the Tang dynasty and Yelikewen Jiao (Christianity among the Mongols 也里可温教) in the Yuan dynasty. The first transmission lasted more than two hundred years, until Emperor Wuzong 武 宗 (814–846) of the Tang dynasty advocated Daoism, destroyed Buddhism, and ordered the eradication of other religions. The second transmission came into the Central Plains together with the newly established Yuan dynasty but ceased with the fall of the Yuan dynasty in 1368. Both of these transmissions occurred before the Western Reformation and the emergence of the Protestant Reformation. The third period of transmission was dominated by the entry of various Catholic religious orders in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, and later with the entry of Protestantism. At this stage, the indigenization strategy of slow progress was adopted by Christians; that is, the proselytizers were not eager to preach but only to make friends and introduce Western artefacts and civilizations. The preachers paid attention to integration with China in their language and clothing and strove to seek points of convergence between Catholicism and Confucianism. Consequently, Christianity gained a certain acceptance. However, toward the end of this introduction effort, due to the resistance of the Chinese upper class and disagreements on strategies among the missionaries, the third transmission finally ended with China prohibiting the religion and the Pope safeguarding his authority. As such, all previous efforts ended up in vain. The fourth period of transmission was around the time of the Opium War (mid-nineteenth century). By way



The Sinicization of Islam

13

of the unequal treaties signed after China’s defeat in the Opium War, many Christian denominations were able to flood into China, gain footholds, and freely develop. With the economic and political conflicts between China and the West, exchanges and collisions of thought and culture between China and the West entered a new era. Despite the big differences between Christianity and Chinese culture, Christianity was able to spread in China and finally completed the process of indigenization, that is, sinicization. Christianity constantly adjusted itself and gradually adapted to the environment, while Chinese intellectuals and ordinary people gradually grew accustomed to this foreign religion. As such, Christianity achieved continuation and development in China and became an important component in China’s religious structure today. Undoubtedly, the conflicts between Christianity and native Chinese culture meant that the early spread of Christianity in China was not very effective. During the period of the Republic of China, to promote Christianity in China, Christians actively studied the indigenization of Christian etiquette, created an atmosphere that combined Christianity with Chinese culture inside and out, and promoted the indigenization movement, thereby making great progress. Islam was introduced to China more than thirteen hundred years ago. Most scholars believe the occasion of the third orthodox caliph ’Uthmān (reigned 644–656), the head of the Islamic State at that time, sending an envoy to China for the first time during the second year of Yonghui 永徽 in the Tang dynasty (651 AD) was symbolic of the introduction of Islam to China. Since its introduction to China and in its collisions with mainstream Chinese culture, Islam has continuously absorbed certain elements of Han culture and developed into a component of Chinese national culture. Most people of ten ethnic groups in China (Hui, Dongxiang, Salar, Baoan, Uyghur, Kazakh, Tajik, Tatar, Kyrgyz, and Uzbek) believe in Islam. Moreover, some people of other ethnic groups, such as Han, Mongolian, Tibetan, Bai, and Miao, also believe in Islam. The Muslim population in China is approximately twenty-three million, equivalent to the total population of Iraq. Among them, the Hui people make up ten million. When any foreign culture is introduced to a region or a nation, it merges with the local ethnic culture. This type of merging is called acculturation in anthropology. Islam as a world religion is unified in terms of its source and its contrast with other world religions, namely, Buddhism and Christianity. Only in this way can people fully understand it in terms of its being a manmade religion and distinguish it from primitive religions and ethnic religions. However, in terms of its course, people have to distinguish between the different branches of the same source to understand specifically that this course is different from that course,

14

Mingliang Ma

that Chinese Islam is different from the Islam of foreign countries, and that in different regions of the world, the Islam of every different country is different from each other. If one only knows its course without its source, one’s knowledge is limited; one only sees the trees without the forest. Likewise, if one only knows its source without its course, one’s knowledge is also vague, as one only sees the forest without the trees and cannot know the differences and distinctions between the trees. The relationship between the source and the course is, in fact, the relationship between universality and particularity and between generality and individuality.1

INTERPRETING SCRIPTURE THROUGH CONFUCIANISM AND THE INDIGENIZATION OF ISLAM In the process of the indigenization of Islam in China, the subjects of the faith, namely, Chinese Muslims, played a major role. After the introduction of Islam to China, at different historical stages and to various degrees, Chinese Muslim scholars and Han scholars have conducted discussions on the doctrine, philosophy, law, religious system, history, and culture of Islam. Among these discussions, interpreting scripture through Confucianism by Chinese Muslim scholars during the Ming and Qing dynasties was of canonical significance. It set a precedent for academic research on Islam in China and played an important historic role in the sinicization of Islam. In the early development of Chinese Islam in the Tang dynasty, some Muslims made efforts to learn and adapt to Confucian culture. Volume 767 of Quan Tangwen (The Whole Collection of Literature in the Tang Period 全 唐文) recorded that Li Yansheng 李彦升, a Muslim descendant who came to China during the reign of Emperor Xuanzong 宣宗 of the Tang dynasty, was admitted as an imperial scholar (jinshi 进士). At that time, a scholar wrote an article titled Huaxin (Chinese Heart 华心), in which he praised Li Yansheng for being able to understand Chinese etiquette and being a person “whose appearance is foreign but whose heart is Chinese.” In the Yuan dynasty, there appeared a group of Muslim scholars who conducted serious research on Confucian classics and teachings. According to Chen Yuan’s 陈 垣 Yuan Xiyuren Huahua Kao (Research on the Sinicization of the People from Western Regions of Yuan Dynasty 元西域人华化考), famous Muslim Confucian scholars in the Yuan dynasty included Shan Siding 赡思丁, Hu Xin 忽辛, Shan Si 赡思, and Pu Bo 溥博. Shan Siding was the author of works expounding Confucian thoughts, such as Sishu Queyi (Doubts on the Four Books 四书阙疑) and Wujing Siwen (Thoughts and Questions on the Five Classics 五经思问).



The Sinicization of Islam

15

The late Ming and early Qing dynasties were an important stage in the history of the development of Islam in China. As it was already very common for Muslims to use Chinese, the Muslim people in some regions no longer understood the text of the Qur’an; the decline of Islam was observed in some regions. The previous way of spreading Islam, featuring oral teaching among Muslims, was no longer viable for the changed situation. In addition, the rulers of the Ming and Qing dynasties adopted a discriminatory policy against Muslims, holding that Islam was a cult that “does not respect heaven and earth, does not pray for the blessings of the gods, does not follow the first day of the first lunar month, does not follow the order of the festivals, follows another Lord, and determines its own year.” This indicated that it must be banned. Some non-Muslim people and scholar-officials, due to their ignorance, were often suspicious of and rejected Islam. Given these internal and external reasons, Muslim scholars in the southeast coast and other regions, considering the need for maintaining Islam and the survival of their own nation, had successively carried out activities of translating Islamic scriptures into Chinese. They wrote books together, expounded and publicized Islamic teachings, interpreted scriptures through Confucianism, explained the meanings of Islam by absorbing and transforming intellectual resources in the Confucian tradition, addressed theoretical and practical questions raised by the development of Islam in China, set off a profound and wide-ranging Islamic cultural revival movement, and broke the conservative state of a solitary flower in love admiring its own fragrance of Chinese Islam for thousands of years. This movement continued until the Xianfeng 咸丰 (1851–1861) and Tongzhi 同治 (1862–1875) years of the Qing dynasty, during which a large number of representative figures and works appeared, such as Zhang Zhong’s 张中 Guizhen Zongyi (The Complete Meaning of Returning to the Truth 归 真总义); Wang Daiyu’s Qingzhen Daxue (The Great Learning of Islam 清 真大学), Zhengjiao Zhenquan (A True Interpretation of Islam 正教真诠), and Xizhen Zhengda (Rare and True Answers 希真正答); Wu Zunqi’s 伍 遵契 Guizhen Yaodao (The Main Way of Returning to the Truth 归真要道) and Xiuzhen Mengyin (An Introduction to the Practice of the Truth 修真蒙 引); Liu Zhi’s Tianfang Xingli (The Nature and Principle of Islam 天方性 理), Tianfang Dianli (The Rites of Islam 天方典礼), and Tianfang Zhisheng Shilu (The Real Record of the Greatest Prophet of Islam 天方至圣实录); Ma Zhu’s 马注 Qingzhen Zhinan (A Guide to Islam 清真指南); Lan Xu’s 蓝煦 Tianfang Zhengxue (The Right Learning of Islam 天方正学); and Ma Dexin’s 马德新 Baoming Zhenjing Zhijie (A Translation of the True Revealed Scripture 宝命真经直解), Sidian Yaohui (The Summary of Four Islamic Classics 四典要会), Dahua Zonggui (The Process of the Great Evolution and the Return to Allah 大化总归), Xingming Zongzhi (The Main Purpose of Life and Destiny 性命宗旨), and Tianli Mingyun Shuo (On the Heavenly

16

Mingliang Ma

Principle and the Destiny 天理命运说). During the Ming and Qing dynasties, these Muslim scholars in regions such as Jiangnan and Yunnan, due to the combination of many internal and external factors, including their unique geographical and historical backgrounds, particular personal experiences, academic origins,2 and cultural temperaments, acquired the conditions and abilities to possess a thorough knowledge of both Chinese and Islamic cultures and i​ntegrate and innovate on this basis. Most Muslim scholars were proficient in Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism, and were known as Hui Confucians (Huiru 回儒), who were familiar with both Chinese and Arabic cultures, carried the knowledge of the West (referring to Islam), and studied the Confucian books of the East, as well as religious scholars who were familiar with the four religions: Confucianism, Buddhism, Daoism, and Islam. They “concisely translate the scripture of Islam into Chinese and comment on its meaning; they collect evidence from the Confucian books so that they interpret one with the other; they know that the way (dao 道) of Islam and the way of Confucianism share the same origin and that at the beginning there is only one single principle.”3 First, Chinese Muslim scholars absorbed and transformed a large number of concepts and categories from traditional Chinese culture, including Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, to interpret and express the spirit of Islam. In the book Zhengjiao Zhenquan, Wang Daiyu borrowed such concepts as the true One (zhenyi 真一), primordial origin (yuanshi 元始), most merciful (puci 普慈), true grace (zhenci 真赐), five constant virtues (wuchang 五 常), truly faithful (zhenzhong 真忠), most filial (zhixiao 至孝), understanding through meditation (canwu 参悟), predetermination (qianding 前定), this life (jinshi 今世), and afterlife (houshi 后世) to expound the basis of Islamic belief. Borrowing the Buddhist idea of detachment from the world as expressed in tranquil extinction and empty nothingness (jimie kongwu 寂灭 空无) and combining it with the Confucian concept of proactive achievement in human affairs, he argued that Islam not only had a transcendental yearning for heaven but also a practical investment in this world. He advocated that Muslims should “focus on both knowledge and action; if one knows, one must act accordingly, and one’s action must benefit one’s knowledge.” Lan Xu, in his Tianfang Zhengxue, absorbed concepts from Zhouyi, Zhongyong (The Doctrine of the Mean 中庸) and Daoist works, such as true man (zhenren 真人), spiritual light (lingguang 灵光), heavenly origin (qianyuan 乾元), pure and impure (qingzhuo 清浊), operational light (yunguang 运光), and zodiac (huangdao 黄道), to interpret the system of transmitted Confucian teachings (daotong 道统), the theory of tawḥīd (renzhu duyi 认主独一, literally recognition of the oneness of Allah), and the theory of life and destiny



The Sinicization of Islam

17

(xingming 性命) in Islam. In addition, these scholars made use of the rudimentary concepts from traditional Chinese culture, such as true (zhen 真), way (dao 道), and one (yi 一), to expound the fundamental theories of Islam. In particular, “one” has long been regarded as a philosophical category in traditional Chinese philosophy, to which both Confucianism and Daoism have attached great importance, as expressed by Laozi, who said that “dao generates one, one generates two, two generate three, and three generate the myriad things,”4 and by Confucius, who said that “my one dao (way or principle) goes through all my teachings” (Analects 4.15). To demonstrate the belief in oneness, Chinese Islamic writings paid particular attention to this concept, as expressed in Islam values oneness (zhengjiao guiyi 正教贵一), recognition of the oneness of Allah (renzhu duyi, i.e., tawḥīd), and the oneness of Allah (zhenzhu duyi 真主独一). For instance, Liu Zhi noted in Tianfang Dianli: Zhenzai (The Rites of Islam: The True Ruler 天方典礼·真宰) that “if one understands that one is one,” “the meaning of the whole scripture has ‘one’ going through all of it.” Second, Wang Daiyu absorbed and transformed the theories of wuji (without ultimate 无极), taiji (supreme ultimate 太极), and “one,” and proposed a theory of the origin of the universe featuring the true One (zhenyi 真一), the one of many (shuyi 数一),5 and the one for experiencing (tiyi 体一). By drawing on and exceeding certain concepts and categories in Chinese philosophy, and combining them with the theory of tawḥīd in Islam, Wang Daiyu proposed his epistemology, or the trinity theory: the true One, the one of many, and the one for experiencing. According to his explanation, the true One is Allah, who created heaven, earth, and the myriad things, the one of many represents the origin of heaven, earth, and the myriad things, and the one for experiencing refers to how human beings experience and recognize Allah. Regarding the relationship between the three, he explains: The true One is the separate and different One; it is not the one of many. The one of many is not the unique One. It is said that from taiji originate the two polarities (liangyi 两仪), and from the two polarities originate the four symbols (sixiang 四象); this taiji is the one of many. It is said that the one origin gives rise to many phenomena, and many phenomena return to the one; this is also the one of many. It is said that the nameless is the origin of heaven and earth, and the nameable is the mother of the myriad things; this is also the one of many. From the above, we can see that the “one” mentioned above is but one seed of heaven, earth, and the myriad things, that is, the one of many. The one of many is the seed of heaven, earth and the myriad things; the true One is the master of the one of many.6

“The one for experiencing and recognizing is the fruit of heaven, earth, and the myriad things.”7 As such, he not only adheres to the basis of Islamic faith

18

Mingliang Ma

but also absorbs and transforms Confucianism, thus forming a unique theory of the origin of the universe. Third, Liu Zhi holds that the nameless (wucheng 无称) before taiji, wuji, and dao is indeed the general origin of the primordial world. In addition, Liu Zhi holds that there is a primordial world before the material world (manifested world 后天), and the origin of this primordial world is generalized as the nameless. Liu Zhi acknowledges that taiji of the Zhouyi, Zhou Dunyi’s wuji, and Laozi’s dao are the origin of this material world. However, he argues that the nameless is the origin of the primordial world. Thus, he organically combines Islamic theory of creation with its ancient Chinese counterpart and completes the ingenious connection between the two. While Liu Zhi agrees with Zhou Dunyi’s theory of “wuji and yet taiji” and “taiji being originally wuji,” he also takes a big step further and argues that the origin of the world does not stop there but can be pursued even further. He believes that prior to taiji and wuji, there must be an original master of creation, who is named as the nameless, and who “has no match and is self-subsistent.” This is the truth (zhen 真) or true ruler (zhen zai 真宰), and the general origin that generates the myriad things in the universe. Fourth, Chinese Muslim scholars, based on the Qur’an and Hadith, and by borrowing, with some innovations, Confucian ethics of three fundamental bonds and five constant virtues (sangang wuchang 三纲五常), proposed the theory of five regulations (wudian 五典). On the level of ethics and morality, Muslim scholars in the Ming and Qing dynasties skillfully combined the basic principles of the Qur’an and Hadith with Confucian ethics, such that the result not only conformed to the Chinese Confucian ethical tradition but also did not violate the fundamentals of Islam. Thus, the unique system of Chinese Islamic ethical thought was constructed. Among Islamic scholars in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, Liu Zhi is the great representative of this system of thought. In Tianfang Dianli, he discussed at length his theory of the five regulations, which refer to the five aspects of human relationships: “monarch and subject, father and son, husband and wife, brothers, and friends” (君臣、父子、夫妻、兄弟、朋 友). To merge the core of traditional Chinese Confucian ethics with Islamic ethics, Liu Zhi starts from Allah’s creation of the world and constructs the logical sequence of the five regulations according to Islamic principles. He believes that Allah created heaven, earth, and the myriad things as well as the ancestors of mankind, namely, Adam and Eve. Allah not only created human beings but also five relationships (wulun 五伦, i.e., five regulations) and made them the root of all moral deeds. In terms of the order of the five relationships, Confucianism places the monarch and subject on top, whereas Islam ranks the husband and wife in the first place. The reason is that “first there were heaven and earth, and after that, the myriad things were born;



The Sinicization of Islam

19

first there were men and women, and after that, human beings emerged. Therefore, the relationship between husband and wife is the first of human relationships.” Liu Zhi holds that the relationship between husband and wife is the foundation of human relationships, bonds, and virtues. Only by cultivating this relationship can the family be governed; only when the family is governed can elders and children be managed in an orderly manner, the country be governed in an orderly manner, and relatives and friends be close to each other. Here, he uses the Confucian practical ethics of “cultivating oneself, ordering the family, governing the country, and securing peace for all under heaven” (修身、齐家、治国平天下) as the basis for arranging the order of human relationships to make it more in line with the Chinese ethical tradition. Therefore, Liu Zhi holds that the relationship between husband and wife is the foundation of mankind (the five relationships begin with man and woman), the relationship between father and son is the foundation of respect and humbleness (respect and humility begin with father and son), the relationship between monarch and subject is the foundation of the way to govern a country (roles of monarch and subject must be determined in order to govern a country), the relationship between brothers is the foundation of closeness and love (closeness and love in the human world begin with brotherhood), and the relationship between friends is the foundation of the completion of virtues (it can contribute to the completion of the other four human relationships and is thus the virtue that completes the rest). He also holds that the ordering of the five relationships, just as the five relationships themselves, are naturally formed by the heavenly principle (tianli 天理) and established by Allah. Islam not only establishes the five pillars (faith, prayer, fasting, charity, and pilgrimage) to complete the heavenly way (tiandao 天道) but also sets up the five regulations to complete the human way (rendao 人道). The heavenly and human ways complement each other and are inseparable. Only by fulfilling the human way and returning to the heavenly way can the heavenly way have a solid foundation; only by fulfilling the heavenly way and practicing the human way can the human way have the correct direction and purpose. Only when both the heavenly way and the human way are fulfilled does a human being complete what should be done. The heavenly principle (tianli) and the heavenly way (tiandao) mentioned by Liu Zhi refer to the laws and regulations established by Allah and the truth of Islam; he merely borrows Confucian terms to expound the ethical norms of Islam. At this point, his logical system, starting from Allah and coming down to the five regulations of Allah, is finally established. Other Muslim scholars have further elaborated on the five regulations and their interrelationships. For instance, regarding tawḥīd (renzhu 认主, literally recognition [of the oneness] of Allah) and being loyal to the monarch, Ma Zhu 马注 emphasizes that tawḥīd requires being loyal to the monarch and

20

Mingliang Ma

that being loyal to the monarch requires tawḥīd. He says: “The most elevated of men is but the monarch.”8 “The monarch, the subject, the family and the country are closely related.” Therefore, “Muslims paid respects to the monarch for seven days, climbed the building to praise, prayed to Allah and asked Him to honor the king and his heirs forever. . . . I asked Allah to guide my king on the right way and to walk the right path. May Allah have mercy on me, have mercy on my king for the eternity of his country; may justice increase, so that the subjects of the kingdom can have enough food and clothing.”9 The common people should consider that “the monarch gives us lands, and thus we should pay taxes; he guards us by armors and soldiers, and thus we should be grateful; he makes our families peaceful, and thus we should repay him with virtues.”10 The monarch should also lead by example and should be upright himself before requiring others to be upright, as when the monarch “himself is upright, his left and right are upright; when his left and right are upright, the six officials are upright; when the six officials are upright, the hundred officers are upright; when the hundred officers are upright, the people will receive their blessings, and then the society will be safe, so the son of heaven can protect his world.”11 Regarding tawḥīd and filial piety, he holds that tawḥīd requires filial piety, and filial piety requires tawḥīd. That is, one must be loyal to Allah and show filial obedience to one’s parents. Wang Daiyu states that “there are three main things in one’s life: obedience to Allah, obedience to the king, and obedience to one’s parents. Anyone who violates these three things is disloyal, unrighteous, and unfilial.”12 Regarding tawḥīd and obedience to the husband, Ma Zhu emphasizes that the wife’s obedience to her husband is the inevitable result of tawḥīd. According to the Islamic teaching that Allah created the human ancestor Adam from clay and created his wife Eve from Adam, Ma Zhu emphasizes that “the husband and wife are, in fact, the same substance; the wife comes out of the husband, so it behoves her to obey orders.”13 Regarding tawḥīd and being respectful to the elder brother, he emphasizes that tawḥīd requires being respectful to the elder brother, and being respectful to the elder brother requires tawḥīd as well. Ma Zhu says: “No virtue is prior to tawḥīd as the foundation of bright virtues. . . . The world knows that Allah’s orders must be obeyed, so the subject dare not be disloyal, the child dare not be unfilial, and the younger brother dare not be disrespectful.”14 Regarding tawḥīd and being honest to friends, he emphasizes that tawḥīd requires being honest with friends, and being honest with friends requires tawḥīd. Being honest with friends is one of the five constant virtues of Confucianism, and Islam also stresses the importance of honesty. Ma Zhu notes that “if one treats one’s friends with honesty,” one can become “one who recognizes Allah, worships Allah, obeys Allah’s orders, and does



The Sinicization of Islam

21

not violate them,” and “one who attends to Allah’s orders, and remains the same inside and out, and remains honest without lies.”15 Fifth, Ma Zhu links the Confucian saying of manifesting bright virtues (ming mingde 明明德) with the Islamic īmān (yimani, literally faith or belief), noting that manifesting bright virtues is but cultivating īmān. Confucianism regards manifesting bright virtues as a way of moral cultivation. It is proposed at the very beginning of Daxue (The Great Learning 大学) that “the way (dao) of great learning consists in manifesting bright virtues, in loving people, and ends with the ultimate good.” These three guidelines (san gangling 三纲领) are the goal for one who strives to be a sage inside and king outside (neisheng waiwang 内圣外王). Ma Zhu takes over the Confucian expression of manifesting bright virtues, modifies it slightly, and connects it with the Islamic theory of īmān, noting that manifesting bright virtues is but cultivating īmān. He notes, In the four characters zai ming ming de (in manifesting bright virtues 在明明 德) in this Confucian classic, the first ming character means making efforts, and the second ming character means what is inherent. For example, when one drills wood to get fire, the fire is inherent in the wood; when one grinds the mirror to seek light, the light appears inside the mirror. Drilling and grinding are efforts, whereas fire and light are inherent. Without the drilling and grinding, one does not get the fire and light. This argument means to say that all wood can be used to get fire, and all iron can be used to seek light. . . . Similarly, īmān in people is like fire in the flint; when touched by coal and iron, the fire of the flint itself spontaneously ignites.16

To make the true light of īmān reveal itself, it is necessary to know Allah and study the true scripture. “This is because the true scripture is the light in front of the eye, and īmān is the light of the heart. When the outer light comes in, the inner light naturally manifests itself. Therefore, seeking knowledge is Allah’s order for all men and women.” “No virtue is prior to tawḥīd as the foundation of bright virtues.”17 The primordial heaven has no phenomena; this is proven by Allah’s nature. The manifested heaven has bodies and spirits; this is proven by Allah’s wonderful acts. This is the ultimate principle of Islam. If one does not observe the ultimate principle, one cannot manifest virtues; if one cannot manifest virtues, one cannot cultivate oneself; if one cannot cultivate oneself, one cannot bring order to the family; if one cannot bring order to the family, one cannot govern the country; if one cannot govern the country, one cannot secure peace to all under heaven.18

22

Mingliang Ma

THE CONTRIBUTION OF INTERPRETING SCRIPTURE THROUGH CONFUCIANISM TO THE INDIGENIZATION OF ISLAM In the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, the movement of interpreting scripture through Confucianism by Chinese Muslim scholars made outstanding contributions to the indigenization of Islam. First, the movement of interpreting scripture through Confucianism has, to a certain extent, been recognized and appreciated by mainstream cultural circles in China. Many people welcomed with excitement the development of this cross-cultural exchange, and this enthusiasm helped promote the progress of the indigenization of Islam. Several Hui revolts during the reign of late Qianlong 乾隆 (1735–1796), Xianfeng (1850–1861), and Tongzhi (1861–1875) loomed in the minds of bureaucrats and Confucian scholars. Most of them had prejudices against Chinese Islam. Interpreting scripture through Confucianism and its spread of Islamic culture had changed or partially changed the understanding of Islam in the intellectual circles of the Qing dynasty. He Hanjing 何汉敬, a Confucian scholar, said in the Preface to Zhengjiao Zhenquan (正教真诠·叙) that “Islam is the only religion whose doctrine has origin in heaven and whose principle focuses on one (yi); it is very similar to our Confucianism.” “Their religion also does not abolish the orders of the monarch and subject, father and son, husband and wife, elder and younger brothers, and friends; they remain chaste themselves and are generous to others, which even makes up for what is lacking in our Confucianism. . . . Now I am convinced by their teachings.” Xu Yuanzheng 徐元正, an assistant of the Grand Secretariat and of the Ministry of Personnel (内阁学士兼吏部侍郎), said in the Preface to Tianfang Xingli (天方性理· 序): “The Islamic Prophet created it in the past, and groups of sages learned and passed it on later; Baimen Liuzi (白门刘子, i.e., Liu Zhi) translated it into Chinese and presented it to China. China will find again in this book the way (dao) of Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, Wen, Wu, Zhou, and Confucius [i.e., sages of the past]. Therefore, although the composing of this book aims at expounding Islam, it actually aims at carrying forward our Confucianism.” These prefaces were written in the early Qing dynasty. In the late Qing dynasty, scholars like Pan Feng 潘锋, the Viceroy of Yun-Gui (云贵总督), who wrote the preface for Ma Fuchu’s works, and Leng Chunchen 冷春 晨, a candidate county magistrate (候补知县), who wrote the preface for Qingzhen Shiyi Buji (Supplementary Volume of Explaining Islam 清真释疑 补辑), have offered well-intentioned interpretations and objective evaluations of Islam from different perspectives. Liu Zhi’s three works, Tianfang Dianli, Tianfang Xingli, and Tianfang Zhisheng Shilu, were submitted in



The Sinicization of Islam

23

the forty-seventh year of Qianlong (1782). Tianfang Dianli was included in the catalogue of works listed only by title (cunmu 存目) of the subdivision of various authors (zibu zajialei 子部杂家类) of the Siku Quanshu Zongmu (Annotated Catalogue of the Complete Imperial Library 四库全书总目). Liu Zhi’s writings aroused greater responses among Han scholar-bureaucrats (汉 族士大夫) and were even favored by some Confucian scholars. For instance, when Tianfang Dianli19 was published, Yang Fei 杨斐 praised it, saying: “The rituals that have not been understood for hundreds of years are made obvious in this book. This book can be used not only to repay the stability that our emperor brings, but it can also be used as a model to examine people’s hearts. Liuzi’s achievements are indeed great.” “When the busybodies of China saw the puzzling strangeness of Islamic spoken and written languages, they suspected that its rituals could be shocking, odd, and unreasonable.” However, after reading this book, they “removed their doubts on its oddness; Islam and [Chinese] classics support each other and are both elegant and refined.”20 One of the representatives of contemporary New Confucianism, Professor Du Weiming of Harvard University in America, director of Yenching Institute, gives positive comments on the efforts made by Liu Zhi and others in the dialogue between Islamic civilization and Chinese civilization. He says, At that time, Liu Zhi and other figures, through their interpretative practice, were already able to spell out, in classical Chinese and through their interpretation of Song and Ming Confucianism, the meaning of Islamic scripture. Moreover, Liu Zhi’s understanding of Song and Ming Confucianism was that Song and Ming Confucianism, from Zhou Dunyi 周敦颐, Zhang Zai 张载, Two Chengs (二程, i.e., Cheng Yi and Cheng Hao 程颐, 程颢) to Zhu Xi 朱熹, was all correct and acceptable, and it also belonged to the tradition of Chinese Muslims. However, [for Liu Zhi] there was one insight that had not yet been reached and one level that had not yet been developed, that is, “the true One” (zhenyi). There were “the one of many” (shuyi) and “the one for experiencing” (tiyi), but the level of “the true One” was missing.21

Professor Du emphasizes that “such rich dialogues and rich resources in the 17th century” is a significant point of reference for contemporary civilizational dialogues. “As a Confucian scholar myself, I think Wang Daiyu not only has no misinterpretation of Confucianism but even has many unique insights.” He also compares the attitudes toward Confucianism of Muslim scholars, such as Liu Zhi, with the Christian missionary Matteo Ricci, and then comes to the following conclusion: In fact, Matteo Ricci’s strategy was thoroughly to deconstruct the basic belief of Song and Ming Confucianism (the basic belief of Song and Ming Confucianism as I understand it is the continuity of pure being, which goes through grass,

24

Mingliang Ma

wood, tile, and stone to people and gods). Matteo Ricci attempted completely to break this structure, forcing Confucian scholars to return to the pre-Qin period, to heaven (tian 天), and to God, because only by returning to the pre-Qin period could the concept of the transcendent and external God of Christianity be brought into Confucian discourse. If we look at it from this perspective, Matteo Ricci’s coloniality lies in proposing that only after breaking your basic belief, can you then accept my opinion. This renders Wang Daiyu and Liu Zhi’s theories particularly valuable because Wang Daiyu himself was from Central Asia . . . but he regarded the entire Song and Ming Confucianism as his own knowledge. . . . When it came to Liu Zhi, he had digested and accepted all the Confucian resources of the time. His basic position was that I do not want to change your original system of belief, but through another set of theories, I intend to convince you to believe in my ideas; I fully accept Confucianism, but I think that there is one insight that has not yet been reached. From the perspective of my Confucian research, this is a very big challenge: does this road indicate a direction for Confucianism to go toward transcendence and externality? This is very worthy of our further consideration.22

Secondly, interpreting scripture through Confucianism has changed to a certain extent some prejudices of Chinese Muslims toward Han culture, and further deepened their understanding and recognition of Chinese civilization, thus providing a broad space and a solid public foundation for the indigenization of Islam. From the Tang dynasty to the end of the Ming dynasty, Islam had spread in the land of China for approximately a thousand years. Ordinary Chinese Muslims, in their daily life, had long abandoned their mother tongues such as Arabic and Persian but switched to Chinese spoken and written languages. However, in religious life, they had always refused to use Chinese in religious writings, holding that Islamic scriptures and teachings could only be expressed in Arabic and Persian and they would be misrepresented, distorted, and even lose their sanctity when expressed in Chinese. After the spread of the Chinese translations of Wang Daiyu and others, these Muslims felt that it was equally feasible to use Chinese to translate Islamic classics and to express Islamic teachings. Chinese spoken language was so rich, Chinese written language was so elegant, and Han culture was so broad and profound that they were fully appropriate for expressing esoteric and sacred religious ideas. Part of the reason for this change in attitude is that the works of Wang Daiyu, Liu Zhi, Ma Zhu, Ma Dexin, and others, in the process of linking up Islamic civilization and Chinese civilization, created a Han Ketabu (Han Kitab)23 discourse system. This discourse system not only retained the core of Islam but also adapted to the language habits of Chinese people, their way of thinking, and the narrative characteristics of Han culture. The Han Ketabu was easy for Chinese Muslims living in the environment of Han culture to accept. Many terms with Chinese characteristics had become popular and



The Sinicization of Islam

25

conventional among Chinese Muslims, such as tianming (heavenly order 天 命), tianke (zakāt, almsgiving 天课), tianfang (al-Kaʿba, Kaaba 天房), tianjing (heavenly scripture[s] 天经), tianshi (angel[s] 天使), zhenzhu (Allah, literally the true Lord), and shengren (prophet[s] 圣人). Chinese Muslims used these terms naturally and effortlessly, and their meanings were clear without ambiguity or confusion. It can be said that Chinese Muslim scholars, especially during the Ming and Qing dynasties, historically played the role of intermediaries and bridges in the exchanges between Islamic civilization and Chinese civilization, making the two complement and interact with each other and thus realizing the indigenization of Islam. NOTES 1. Jin Yijiu, 1995. 2. During the Song and Yuan dynasties, Confucianism (especially neo-Confucianism) flourished in China, especially in the Yangtze River basin. Confucian masters and groups, such as Zhou Dunyi 周敦颐 (Lian school 濂学), Wang Anshi 王安石 (new Jinggong school 荆公新学), Su Shi 苏轼 and his son (Shu school 蜀学), Hu Anguo 胡安国, Hu Hong 胡宏 (Huxiang school 湖湘学), Zhu Xi 朱熹 (Zhuzi school 朱子 学), Lü Zuqian 吕祖谦 (Donglai school 东莱学), Chen Liang 陈亮 and Ye Shi 叶 适 (Yongkang and Yongjia school 永康、永嘉学), Lu Jiuyuan Brothers 陆九渊兄弟 (Xiangshan school 象山学 or Xin school 心学, i.e., school of mind), Luo Qinshun 罗钦顺 (Qi school 气学), Wang Shouren 王守仁 (Yangming school 阳明学 or Xin school 心学), and other great academics, emerged one after another. They attached great importance to education and teaching, such that the establishment of private academies and private and official schools became pervasive. In the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, Muslim scholars in Jiangnan and Yunnan regions fully accepted the influence of Confucianism while delving into traditional Islamic books and learnings; their familiarity and depth of understanding of Confucian classics were beyond the reach of ordinary people. Their fundamental learning and culture came not only from the rich heritage of Islamic civilization but also from the profound accumulation of Chinese civilization. Their innate and acquired academic advantages were created and uniquely endowed by the times. 3. Lan Xu, Tianfang Zhengxue. Editor’s note: Chinese academic scholarship is quite a bit more relaxed about citations than English language scholarship, and this is standard practice. This particular citation did not have a page number reference in the original Chinese article. There will be other instances of missing page number references in the chapters collected in this volume. 4. Editor’s note: This passage is a canonical one from the Laozi. It is standard practice in Chinese scholarship to leave these kinds of very famous lines without references. In the following chapters, there will be other instances of famous lines from the Chinese canon that do not come with references. Again, this is standard practice in Chinese scholarship.

26

Mingliang Ma

5. Translator’s note: I render shuyi as “the one of many,” meaning that shuyi is the one origin of many phenomena. There are other possible renderings, such as “the numerical one.” However, I do not use “the numerical one,” as it could have other technical meanings in philosophy, such as “something counted as one” in medieval Latin philosophy. 6. Wang Daiyu, Zhengjiao Zhenquan. 7. Wang Daiyu, Qingzhen Daxue. 8. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 9. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 10. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 11. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 12. Jin Yijiu, 1995. 13. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 14. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 15. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 16. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 17. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 18. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 19. Tianfang Dianli Zeyao Jie 天方典礼择要解 [Interpretation of Selections of the Rites of Islam], submitted by the Viceroy of Liangjiang (两江总督), consists of a total of twenty volumes. It was included in Siku Quanshu Zongmu Tiyao 四库全书总目提 要 [Abstract of the Annotated Catalogue of the Complete Imperial Library], compiled under the supervision of Ji Yun 纪昀. 20. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Dianli. 21. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Dianli. 22. Du Weiming, 2003. 23. Han Ketabu consists of two parts: Han and Ketabu. Han refers to Chinese, and Ketabu is the Chinese transliteration of kitāb in Arabic, referring to “scripture.” The phrase means “scripture written in Chinese.” It can be seen that Muslims regarded Chinese translations as “scriptures,” which signals a change in attitude.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Jin Yijiu 金宜久, “Yisilanjiao zai Zhongguo de Difanghua he Minzuhua” 伊斯兰 教在中国的地方化和民族化 [The Localization and Nationalization of Islam in China], Shijie Zongjiao Yanjiu 世界宗教研究 [Studies in World Religions], no. 1 (1995). Lan Xu 蓝煦, Tianfang Zhengxue 天方正学 [The Right Learning of Islam] (Beijing: Beijing Qingzhen Shubao She 北京清真书报社 [Beijing Muslim Book and Journal Agency], 1925). Wang Daiyu 王岱舆, Zhengjiao Zhenquan 正教真诠 [A True Interpretation of Islam], translated by Yu Zhengui 余振贵 and Tie Dajun 铁大均 (Yinchuan: Ningxia Renmin Chuban She 宁夏人民出版社 [Ningxia People’s Publishing House], 1999).



The Sinicization of Islam

27

Wang Daiyu, Qingzhen Daxue 清真大学 [The Great Learning of Islam], translated by Yu Zhengui and Tie Dajun (Yinchuan: Ningxia People’s Publishing House, 1999). Ma Zhu 马注, Qingzhen Zhinan 清真指南 [A Guide to Islam] (Kunming: Yunnan Minzu Chuban She 云南民族出版社 [Yunnan Nationalities Publishing House], 1989). Liu Zhi 刘智, Tianfang Dianli 天方典礼 [The Rites of Islam] (Kunming: Yunnan Nationalities Publishing House, 1988). Du Weiming 杜维明, “Wenming Duihua de Fazhan jiqi Shijie Yiyi” 文明对话的 发展及其世界意义 [The Development of Dialogues among Civilizations and its World Significance], Huizu Yanjiu 回族研究 [Journal of Hui Muslim Minority Studies], no. 3 (2003).

Chapter 3

‌‌‌‌‌‌The Han Kitab of Ming Dynasty Muslims and Confucianism ‌‌‌ Cheuk Yin Lee (Li Chaoran) Translated by Chongning Zhang

Whether contact between civilizations necessarily leads to conflict is a very worthwhile question. From the perspective of China’s historical development, Eastern civilization has faced the impact of foreign civilizations many times. The position of traditional Chinese culture with regard to foreign cultures, including whether it is harmonious convergence or contradictory divergence, merits investigation. Based on the background of the early spread of Islam in China and the cultural diversity of the Ming dynasty, this chapter explores the “chemical reaction” produced by the contact between Confucian civilization and Islamic civilization to analyze the objectivity and limitations behind cultural theory. THE CLASH OF CIVILIZATIONS AND CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN MING DYNASTY Since Professor Samuel P. Huntington of Harvard University proposed the theory of the clash of civilizations, arguing that in the post–Cold War world conflict would be neither ideological nor economic, but civilizational, the interaction between civilizations has become a hot topic in academic circles. Whether cultural phenomena brought about by differences in ethnic characteristics and religious beliefs are enough to lead to contradictions and conflicts among civilizations is an issue of great significance for scholars who study cultural development and international relations. Many have already refuted Huntington’s proposition, such as Yang Disheng (羊涤生), who 29

30

Cheuk Yin Lee (Li Chaoran)

believes that Huntington “inappropriately exaggerates the aspect of cultural conflict, while consciously or unintentionally ignoring the commonality, complementarity and interpenetration between different cultures.” In addition, Yang emphasized that, historically, the interaction of civilizations is often the norm, foundational, and takes a commanding role, while the clash of civilizations is often temporary and takes a secondary role. The general trend of human culture is toward globalization and integration.1 There are two different cultural theoretical assumptions involved here. These two different assumptions not only affect our formulation of international relations but also the cross-cultural theory of management, which is influenced by these two assumptions and would lead to completely different practical implications. The first of these views, which may be referred to as the Divergence Hypothesis, argues that although contact between countries is increasing and distance between them is decreasing due to the development of information, cultural antagonism between countries has deepened. Closer contact between countries has brought conflict, which disproves the possibility that cultures and societies will converge. Another view, which may be called the Convergence Hypothesis, holds that with economic development and social modernization, the differences between countries will gradually shrink, and cultural differences will decrease and eventually disappear. Whether contact between civilizations necessarily leads to conflict is a worthwhile question. From the perspective of China’s historical development, Eastern civilization has faced the impact of foreign civilizations many times. Based on the background of the early spread of Islam in China and the cultural diversity of the Ming dynasty, this chapter explores the “chemical reaction” produced by the contact between Confucian civilization and Islamic civilization to analyze the objectivity and limitations behind cultural theory. CIVILIZATIONAL CONTACT—THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN CHINA When Islam was introduced into China is a controversial issue. In Chinese literature, it is mentioned that Islam was introduced to China during the Sui dynasty. For instance, Wang Gong of the Tang dynasty wrote in Inscription on the Construction of a Mosque (Jianzhu Qingzhensi Beiwen 建筑清真寺 碑文): “The sage of the Western Regions, born as a god, knows the truth of the transformation of heaven and earth, and understands the knowledge of life and death. In the middle of the Kaihuang period [581–600 CE] of the Sui dynasty, their religion was introduced into China.” Lang Ying 朗瑛 of the Ming dynasty wrote in Seven Categories of Manuscripts (Qixiulei Gao 七修类稿): “Islam entered China in the Sui Dynasty. There are many kinds



The Han Kitab of Ming Dynasty Muslims and Confucianism

31

of religious teachings in it, and our Confucianism is also inferior to it.”2 However, the evidence for this claim is insufficient. It is generally believed that Islam was introduced to China in the Tang dynasty (618–907). In the Tang dynasty, the traffic between China and Arabia had already reached a considerable scale. There were two main channels. One was the land route, which went through Persia and Afghanistan to the north and south of the Tianshan Mountains in Xinjiang, and then passed through Qinghai and Gansu to Chang’an. This route was historically called the “Silk Road” or “Spice Route.” The other one was the sea route, which started from the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Sea, and passed through the Strait of Malacca through the Bay of Bengal into the South China Sea to Guangzhou, Quanzhou, Hangzhou, Yangzhou, and other places. Due to the flourishing business and trade activity at that time, foreign merchants, mostly from Arabia (called Dashi 大食 in the Tang dynasty), Persia, and Central Asian countries, had frequent exchanges. Some foreign merchants lived in Chang’an and the commercial ports along the coast. In the Tang dynasty, foreign merchants were called Hu (胡), Fan (蕃), or Fanke (蕃客; foreign sojourners). For foreigners living in China, the Tang dynasty government had designated areas, and their settlements were called Fanfang (蕃坊) or Fanshi (蕃市; foreign quarters). At that time, Chang’an was like an international city. According to records, of the one million urban residents in Chang’an, approximately 2 percent were expatriates and Fanke.3 It was under such circumstances that Islam was introduced to China. Hu merchants lived in China, and because they had their own settlements, they were able to preserve and continue the customs and religious beliefs they brought with them.4 They also kept their names and way of dress, and used Arabic or Persian as the language of communication between themselves.5 According to some studies, Islamic mosques were established in Guangzhou, Quanzhou, Yangzhou, Chang’an, Nanjing, Hangzhou, Kaifeng, Beijing, Fuzhou, Datong, Taiyuan, Kunming, Guilin, and even Hainan Island during this time.6 However, this proposition is not reliable. At present, we do not have sufficient documentary or archaeological evidence to prove that there were mosques all over China at that time. It is generally believed that Guangzhou, Quanzhou, Hangzhou, and Chang’an, where the most Hu merchants lived at that time, were the earliest cities with mosques. With the increase of contacts and the deepening of understanding, some Islamic businessmen who settled in China began to intermarry with Chinese women, and some adopted Chinese children. This not only increased the population size of Islamic society but also enhanced the ethnic and cultural exchanges between early China and Islamic countries. At that time, the fashion of the western regions in Chang’an was prevalent, and even the emperors of the Tang dynasty were fond of polo (Jiju 击鞠) and music (Yuedao 乐道)

32

Cheuk Yin Lee (Li Chaoran)

from Persia and chess (Shuanglu 双陆) from Dashi and Central Asia. Xiang Da’s book The Civilization of Chang’an and the Western Regions in the Tang Dynasty (唐代长安与西域文明) listed the popularity of arts and customs in the western regions in the Tang dynasty and noted that there was a phenomenon of Hu-ization (Huhua 胡化) in Chang’an in the Tang dynasty.7 However, this was only limited to some external aspects of society. The doctrines and values of Islam did not have any profound impact on the intellectuals of that time, nor have exchanges with Confucianism, which represented the mainstream of Chinese thought and culture. In the Song and Yuan dynasties, with the development of coastal trade, the number of foreign merchants who settled in China and Muslims increased significantly. In the Song dynasty, there were municipal shipping divisions in Hangzhou, Quanzhou, Ningbo, and Guangzhou for handling the trade of foreign ships in coastal ports. Bai Shouyi indicated that there were more than one hundred types of foreign goods visible in the society of the time.8 The peoples of the western regions in the Yuan dynasty played a more important role in the Yuan court. Due to Mongolia’s many western expeditions, a large number of Huihui 回回 (generally referring to the Central Asian Turkic peoples who believe in Islam and the Arabs and Persians in West Asia) moved eastward, which greatly increased the number of Muslims living in China, and their social status continued to improve. Annals of the Ming Dynasty: The Western Regions (明史·西域传) state, “Huihui in Yuan Dynasty spread all over the world” and “These people were all over the place, and they all obeyed Islam and did not change,” which shows the situation of Muslims. However, Mongolians rejected Han culture with the greatest force. The four-level division of ethnic groups, Mongols, Semu (色目人), Han, and Southerners, hindered the cultural and ideological exchanges between ethnic groups. This situation did not improve until the Ming dynasty (1368–1644). The establishment of the Ming dynasty marked the restoration of the Han regime and the revival of Han culture. The founding emperor of the Ming dynasty, Zhu Yuanzhang, adopted a tough policy to eliminate the influence of Mongolian customs in China. The Great Ming Code (Daming lu 大明律), completed in 1397, decreed: Mongols and Semu people shall marry with Chinese persons. They shall not marry within their own kind. Any violations shall be punished by eighty strokes of beating with the heavy stick, and both the men and women shall be enslaved by the government to work in the royal court. Chinese who do not want to marry Huihui and Kipchak should marry each other within their own race, which is not prohibited.9



The Han Kitab of Ming Dynasty Muslims and Confucianism

33

The racial intermarriage policy reflected Zhu Yuanzhang’s ambition to assimilate Mongolians. Perhaps this was overly harsh. However, according to literature records, after the fall of the Yuan dynasty, there were a large number of Mongolians living in China, including one hundred thousand in Beijing alone. How to solve the problem of Mongolians in China was an urgent issue. Although intermarriage laws did not affect the Hui people, the entire social environment of the Ming dynasty promoted assimilation and cultural understanding among ethnic groups. The sinicization policy of the Ming dynasty did not prohibit the religious life of Muslims; indeed, it greatly respected Islam. Moreover, many of the founding heroes of the early Ming dynasty, such as Chang Yuchun, Hu Dahai, Mu Ying, Feng Sheng, and Lan Yu, were Muslims. There is an anecdote of “Ten Huihui defend the country” among the people, which contributed to the development of Islam in the Ming dynasty. In the first year of Hongwu (1368), the Ming court built a mosque in Jinling (金陵, Nanjing) and Emperor Hongwu’s imperial edict Hundred-Word in Praise of Prophet Muhammad (至圣百字赞) praised Islam and Muhammad: Before the formation of all things in the universe, the words “Muhammad, sent by the Lord” had been inscribed in the sky. The missionary saint came from the Western Regions, and he received the Qur’an in thirty volumes. He cares for all living beings, is the counselor of hundreds of millions of people, and the leader of all saints. He can help the world run and protect its citizens. He prays five times every day for peace in the world. He teaches people to never forget Allah and fights for the life of this present life. He can save the afflicted and penetratingly understand life and death. He can help people lift their souls and free themselves from sin. He can be benevolent to the world, and his Dao runs through the past and the present, also it can unify all heresies. His religion is named Qingzhen [清真]. Muhammad is the most noble saint.10

Moreover, the second or third generation born of intermarriage between Muslims and Han Chinese settled in China played an important role in the communication between Confucian and Islamic cultures. In the Ming dynasty, many Huihui adopted the names of Han people and spoke fluent Chinese. In their outward appearance, they were no different from the Han people. Donald Leslie pointed out that some Huihui were able to write beautiful poems and reflect the style of literati scholars. He said: Their writings are unexceptional, and blend into the vast mass of Chinese literature. They are in no way Islamic, and it would be almost or completely impossible to deduce a Muslim origin for these authors from their writing. Nevertheless, they are significant in showing the Sinicization and assimilation of Muslims in Confucian China.11

34

Cheuk Yin Lee (Li Chaoran)

The Muslims in the Ming dynasty were no different from the Han people in terms of words and deeds. Their own cultivation in Chinese culture made them the most ideal candidates for the integration of Confucianism and Islam. In the history of Islam in China, indigenous Chinese Muslims began to appear in the Ming dynasty. As Raphael Israeli said, from then on one can speak of “Chinese Muslims” and no longer about “Muslims in China.”12 Such a background provides the most ideal historical conditions for the contact and communication between Confucianism and Islam. THE RENAISSANCE ERA IN CHINESE ISLAMIC HISTORY The publication of Chinese classics describing Islamic teachings and values began in the Ming dynasty and reached its peak in the Qing dynasty. Some scholars call this period the Renaissance era in Chinese Islamic history.13 Simultaneously, descriptions of Islam began to appear in the writings of contemporary intellectuals and Confucian scholars. Although these records are relatively superficial, they are sufficient to show that Islam had been noticed by Chinese intellectuals. For instance, Lang Ying (1487–1566) during the Jiajing period of the Ming dynasty (1522–1566) specifically talked about the religious beliefs and living habits of Huihui in his Seven Categories of Manuscripts.14 As can be seen from the records of the Ming people, contemporary intellectuals generally had a favorable impression of Islam. In the fifth year (1492) of Hongzhi of Emperor Xiaozong’s reign in the Ming dynasty, the minister Wang Ao (王鏊) wrote a tablet for a reconstructed monastery in Nanjing. He believed that although Mohammed, the founder of Islam, was born after Confucius and lived in a different place from China, “Their hearts are the same, so their propositions are the same.” Furthermore, he noted that in Islam, “Things like bathing to cleanse the body, reducing desires to nourish the mind, fasting to forbearance, removing evil and moving toward goodness, are the essence of self-cultivation. Another example is sincerity, which is the foundation of studying the nature of things.” These show the principle of “one thousand saints are of one mind, and one principle for all ages.”15 Wang Ao’s and Lang Ying’s understanding of Islam is mainly based on their own personal contacts with Islam or through Chinese documents. This is closely related to the emergence of a large number of Chinese translations of Islamic teachings. As far as Islam is concerned, the most important document is the Qur’an, whose status is equal to the Bible for Christianity. Although the Qur’an has a history of more than one thousand years in China, the Chinese translation of



The Han Kitab of Ming Dynasty Muslims and Confucianism

35

the Qur’an only appeared in modern times. The earliest Chinese translation of the full text of the Qur’an was by Tie Zheng 铁铮 (published in Beijing in 1927), followed by Chinese Translation of the Qur’an (汉译古兰经) by Ji Juemi (姬觉弥) and others (published in Shanghai in 1931). Since then, Chinese Muslims have successively retranslated the Qur’an. Earlier translations are: Wang Wenqing 王文清, The Interpretation of the Qur’an 汉译古兰经, Beijing edition, 1932. Liu Jinbiao 刘锦标, The Chinese Translation of the Qur’an with Biography 可兰经汉译附传, Beijing edition, 1943. Wang Jingzhai 王静斋, The Interpretation of the Qur’an 汉译古兰经, Shanghai edition, 1946. Yang Zhongming 杨仲明, The Great Justice of the Qur’an 古兰经大义, Beijing edition, 1947. Ma Jian 马坚, The Qur’an 古兰经, Beijing edition, 1949. The fact that the Chinese translation of the Qur’an occurred in later history indicates that in the past, there was no Chinese version of the Qur’an. Ordinary people had to learn Arabic to read and understand the knowledge in the Qur’an. It was difficult for non-Muslims to understand this religion at that time. Before the Ming dynasty, Muslim writings were mostly on topics such as medicine, astronomy, and the calendar system. During the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, a group of Muslims who were proficient in Chinese and had a deep understanding of Confucianism appeared. Centered in Nanjing and Suzhou, they compiled books in Chinese and quoted the original text of the Qur’an to promote Islam. Their writings had a profound impact on the exchanges between Hui and Confucian scholars. Some scholars believe that the emergence of these works were attributable to certain background factors, such as the revival movement of the Islamic world in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the sinicization policy of the central government in the Ming dynasty, the social status of Muslims in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, the misunderstanding of Islam by outsiders, and the influence of traditional Confucian environment.16 Japanese scholar Kuwada Rokuro called these authors Huiru (回儒; Hui Confucians) and wrote: Up to the end of the Ming Dynasty, the local Huihui in China was still very silent, and there was no activity. It was not until the late Ming and early Qing dynasties and the Kangxi period (1661–1722) that a sense of self-consciousness arose. As a result, Huihui scholars came out in great numbers, and the translation of Islamic classics and ritual laws flourished. This was indeed an epoch-making period in the history of Huihui in China. I call this period the renaissance era in

36

Cheuk Yin Lee (Li Chaoran)

Chinese Islamic history. The events of this period had a great influence, shifting the habits of the mind. The phenomena of this renaissance era impacted the attitudes and methods of the spread of Christianity in China in the late Ming Dynasty, the respect of the Qing Dynasty for the culture and academics of ethnic groups outside the Great Wall, and even the conformism in the Ming Dynasty.17

Whether the emergence of Chinese translations of Islamic works was related to the political environment of the time is debatable. Islam was developing in China for some time, and the appearance of Chinese translations is a matter of timing. The main works of Huiru at that time included: Wang Daiyu 王岱舆, Zhengjiao Zhenquan 正教真诠 (True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching), two volumes, 1642. Qingzhen Daxue 清真大学 (Great Learning of Islam), one volume. Xizhen Zhenda 希真正答 (Orthodox Responses on the Rare Truth), one volume, 1658. Zhang Zhong 张中, Guizhen Zongyi 归真总义 (General Principles of the Return), one volume, 1661. Sipian Yaodao 四篇要道 (Essential of the Four Chapters), one volume, 1653. Ma Minglong 马明龙, Renji Xingyu 认己醒语 (Words about Awakening to Know Oneself), one volume, 1661. Ma Boliang 马伯良, Jiaokuan Jieyao 教款捷要 (Comprehensive Summary of Articles of the Teaching), one volume, 1678. Ma Junshi 马君实, Weizhen Yaolue 卫真要略 (Comprehensive Sketch of the Subtleties of Islam), one volume, 1661. Wu Zixian 伍子先, Xiuzhen Mengyin 修真蒙引 (Manual for Cultivating the Truth), one volume, 1672. Guizhen Yaodao 归真要道 (The Path of God’s Bondsmen from Origin to Return), four volumes, 1678. Sun Ke’an 孙可庵, Qingzhenjiao Kao 清真教考 (Investigation of Islam), four volumes, 1720. Ma Zhu 马注, Qingzhen Zhinan 清真指南 (Guide to Islam), ten volumes, 1683. Liu Zhi 刘智, Tianfang xingli 天方性理 (Metaphysics of Islam), five volumes, 1704. Tianfang dianli zeyaojie 天方典礼择要解 (Rituals of Islam), twenty volumes, 1708. Tianfang zhisheng shilu 天方至圣实录 (The Veritable Records of the Most Sagely of Islam), twenty volumes, 1721. Wugong Shiyi 五功释义 (Explanation of the Five Merits of Islam), one volume, 1710.



The Han Kitab of Ming Dynasty Muslims and Confucianism

37

Tianfang Zimu Jieyi 天方字母解义 (Explanation of the Islamic Alphabet), one volume, 1710. Tianfang Sanzijing 天方三字经 (Islam’s Three Character Classic), one volume. Jin Tianzhu 金天柱, Qingzhen Shiyi 清真释疑 (Resolving Doubts about Islam), one volume, 1783. Ma Fuchu 马复初, Sidian Yaohui 四典要会 (Essence of Four Cannons), four volumes, 1859. Baoming Zhenjing Zhijie 宝命真经直解 (A Direct Explanation of Treasured Mandate of the True Scripture), five volumes. The Islamic cultural movement of “Interpreting the Islamic Classics with Confucianism” in the Jiangnan area with Nanjing as the center had a certain relationship with the cultural diversity and the three popular religions in Nanjing at that time. Islamic scholars in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties were not only proficient in Chinese but also in Arabic and Persian as well as Islamic teachings, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. This is a necessary condition for “Interpreting the Islamic Classics with Confucianism” and provides a favorable background for Huiru. However, at present we know very little about the religious movement that started in the late Ming dynasty, as the materials that remain are scarce. Australian scholar Donald Leslie once counted the number of Han Kitab texts published in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. He listed fifty-nine works and pointed out that most of them were republished and reprinted.18 Wang Daiyu, Ma Zhu 马注, Liu Zhi 刘智, and Ma Fuchu 马复初 became the most famous four Han Kitab authors in this emerging event. Among them, Wang Daiyu was regarded as the first of the four, as he is the first person among Chinese Hui Muslim scholars to systematically discuss and publish on Islamic philosophy. His works have far-reaching significance for the exchange and communication between Hui Islam and Confucianism. WANG DAIYU AND THE MOVEMENT OF “INTERPRETING THE ISLAMIC CLASSICS WITH CONFUCIANISM” IN THE LATE MING DYNASTY Wang Daiyu is known as “Elder of Islam” (Zhenhui Laore 真回老人), whose date of birth and death are uncertain. He was born in the Wanli period (万历;1573–1619) of the Ming dynasty and died in the Shunzhi period (顺 治;1644–1661) of the Qing dynasty. He was likely over sixty years old at the time of death. He was born in Nanjing and went to Beijing in his later years,

38

Cheuk Yin Lee (Li Chaoran)

where he gave lectures outside Zhengyangmen (正阳门), and was buried in the cemetery attached to the Sanlihe Mosque (三里河清真寺) in Beijing after his death. Bai Shouyi’s Biographical Dictionary of the Hui People (回 族人物志) argues that “Daiyu’s ancestors were originally from the Western Regions. The so-called Western Regions, I do not know whether it refers to the current Xinjiang 新疆 or the area west of Congling 葱岭.”19 However, this statement is not accurate. Wang Daiyu said in the “Self-Narrative” of the True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching: “My ancestors were originally from Tianfang (天房). One of my ancestors was an astronomer who brought tribute to the emperor Gao 高皇帝, he corrected the subtleties of astronomy and altered the mistakes in the calendar.”20 Tianfang (天房) is sometimes used instead of Tianfang (天方), both referring to Mecca, the holy land of Islam. Wang Daiyu’s ancestors did not come from the western regions but from Arabia. His ancestors came to Nanjing due to the “tribute” relationship in the early Ming dynasty. Later, they became Directorate of Astronomy (Qintianjian 钦天监) and settled down. By Wang Daiyu’s time, his family had lived in Nanjing for more than two hundred years. The education Wang Daiyu received in his childhood was probably a purely religious one, and the language of communication was Arabic. It was only at the age of twenty that he began to learn Chinese characters. It was only then that he tried to write letters and to keep records in Chinese. After the age of thirty, as he felt that his knowledge was insufficient, he read a lot of books on history, human nature, and principle. Liang Yijun (梁以浚; fl. 1640s–1660s) described him as “well-versed in the four religions”21: Islam, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. For this reason, when he discusses the truth of Islam, he is often able to compare it with Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. He cites widely and indirectly promotes the communication and reconciliation of Islamic values and Confucianism. This is most evident in his book True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching. We can use this work as an example to make further clarifications. True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching is divided into two volumes and comprises forty chapters. The first volume talks about the study of returning to the true mind, and the second volume talks about the method of self-cultivation. The content of the forty chapters are: The Real One 真一 Predetermination 前定 The Real Solicitude 真赐 Similarity to the Real 似真 Darkening the Real 昧真 Nature and Mandate 性命 Life and Death 生死 Husband and Wife 夫妇

The Original Beginning 元始 Universal Compassion 普慈 The Real Sage 真圣 Changing the Real 易真 The Outstanding Differences 迥异 The Real Heart 真心 The Level of the Human 人品 Immortals and Spirits 仙神



The Han Kitab of Ming Dynasty Muslims and Confucianism

The True Teaching 正教 Huihui: The Hui People 回回 The Five Constants 五常 Utmost Filial Piety 至孝 The Chief Leader 首领 Taking and Putting Aside 取舍 Observing the Moments 察理 Name and Profit 利名 Sacrificing Animals 宰牲 Gambling and Drinking 博饮 Wind and Water 风水 This World 今世

39

The True Learning 正学 Bearing Witness 作证 Real Loyalty 真忠 Listening to the Mandate 听命 The Way of Friendship 友道 Preparation 预备 Wakeful Reflection 参悟 Living up to the Measure 较量 Meat and Vegetables 荤素 Interest and Hoarding 利谷 The True Mandate 正命 The Afterworld 后世

This book is mainly a record of Wang Daiyu’s discussions with his disciples and non-Muslims. The book was engraved around the fifteenth year of Chongzhen 崇祯 (1642). On the religious meaning of the book, the preface of the Yuedong Chegnnan (粤东城南) reprinted edition says: Arabic scriptures are not compatible with Chinese characters. Those who know scriptures do not understand Chinese, and those who understand Chinese cannot understand scriptures. True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching has begun to use Chinese to show the profound meaning of Islam. The book is lucid. And it can clear my mind and awaken the numb.22

True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching uses Chinese to clarify the profound meaning of Islam; however, in the process of interpretation, it often involves the viewpoints of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism, especially a clear discussion on the relationship between Hui and Confucianism. Liang Yijun, a Chinese Muslim, stated in the preface of the Chongzhen edition: Confucius said to Tazai (太宰): “There are great sages in the West, He does not govern the country but the country is very stable, and he educates people without speaking.” As the originator of Confucianism, Confucius’ words are regarded as the laws of the world. This statement is also believable. Should we say that the Confucian Dao is wrong? His [Wang Daiyu’s] answer is an emphatic “no.” The relations between ruler and minister, father and son, husband and wife, older brother and younger brother, friend and friend, and the principles of being sincere, correcting your mind, cultivating moral character, regulating the family, governing the country and pacifying the world, are perfectly righteous. It contains all truth and morals without omission. Otherwise, humanity will be incomplete and the law will be unprepared. This is why we study what our sage teaches us.23

The words of Confucius quoted in the text are not found in The Analects; however, it is clear that Liang Yijun hoped to use Confucius’s words to affirm

40

Cheuk Yin Lee (Li Chaoran)

the status of Islam. In fact, when the intellectuals of the Ming and Qing dynasties talked about Islam, they often referred to both Confucianism and Islam and believed that the two are consistent and not contradictory. In the fourteenth year of the Shunzhi of the Qing dynasty (1657), He Hanjing’s (何 汉敬) preface to True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching stated: The principles of Islam are based on the heaven 天, and the truth is based on the one [一], and it is very similar to our Confucianism. Changli [昌黎] said: “Those who are close to Confucianism will enter it. In this way you can know its beginning and end, and make it flourish.” He further compared Islam with Confucianism: “Islam does not abolish the order of ruler and minister, father and son, husband and wife, older brother and younger brother, friend and friend. When it comes to cleaning oneself and doing charitable deeds, Islam broadens what is insufficient in our Confucianism, and its doctrine is easy and not about the mysterious. It is very different to Daoism and Buddhism. Compared with the Confucian book Nature and Principle (Xingli 性理), it is similar yet different, different yet similar.”24

These types of views can be said to represent the position of ordinary Muslims and intellectuals who had a favorable view of Islam at that time. Similar views abound in True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching. Wang Daiyu often cited Yao (尧), Shun (舜), Confucius, and Mencius as circumstantial evidence when expounding upon Islamic principles. Although the purpose is not necessarily exactly the same, the commonality of Huiru moral values is obvious.25 True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching says: The Qur’an says: “The most honorable among you are those who fear Allah the most.” Those who fear Allah are sure to be righteous, and to be cautious and fearful. The hair and skin of the body are given by Allah, how can it be given to those who disobey Allah? Therefore, do not see what is inappropriate, do not listen to what is inappropriate, do not speak inappropriately, and do not act inappropriately. It is called gratitude.26

The four lines of “do not see what is inappropriate” come from Analects 12.1, and they have now become key for expounding the commands of Islam. Confucianism says, “The hair and skin of the body are given by the parents”; however, in Islam, there is a God above the parents. This is why Chinese Muslims say, “the hair and skin of the body are given by Allah 安拉.” This type of example of interpreting the Islamic scripture with Confucianism is very common in the True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching. Another example is the chapter of “The Way of Friendship 友道”:



The Han Kitab of Ming Dynasty Muslims and Confucianism

41

The sage said: “Give what pleases you to others and keep for yourself what you do not want, and always act like this.” You should consider this fine and subtle point in detail. When someone harms others to benefit himself, even his family will become his enemy and hate him. When someone overcomes himself and helps others, everyone within the four seas will be his brother. Therefore, there is no other way to deal with our brothers, friends, relatives and neighbors in Islam, but through loyalty [zhong, 忠] and forgiveness [shu, 恕].27

If you compare this passage with Analects 4.15, you will find some similarities. The Master said, “Shen, my doctrine is that of an all-pervading unity.” The disciple Zeng replied, “Yes.” The Master went out, and the other disciples asked, “What do his words mean?” Zeng said, “The doctrine of our master is loyalty and forgiveness, this and nothing more.” The core point of both sayings is loyalty [zhong, 忠] and forgiveness [shu, 恕]. Zhong and Shu are two important points of Confucianism. According to Confucius’s own definition, Shu means “not to do to others as you would not wish done to yourself.” Zhong is the positive aspect of Shu. In Confucius’s own words, it is “wishing to be established himself, [the moral exemplar] seeks also to establish others; wishing to be enlarged himself, he seeks also to enlarge others.” Zhong is the way to the best of yourself, and Shu is the principle of treating others. Confucians believes that these two words are the starting point for practicing benevolence and righteousness, and they are also the main point of Confucius’s teachings. Therefore, The Doctrine of the Mean says, “If a person can be Zhong Shu, he is not far from the Dao.” However, in True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching, Wang Daiyu believes that “Zhong Shu” is also the principle of treating oneself and others in Islamic values. This is obviously a reference to The Analects to explain the way of friendship in Islamic values. Therefore, people at that time did not feel alienated and unfamiliar with True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching. On the contrary, sometimes it is difficult to distinguish whether it is expounding upon Confucian views or still promoting the teachings of a foreign religion, as the sentences and terms used in True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching are so familiar to Chinese people. In True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching, there are also some values that are similar to Confucianism; however, a different position is taken with regard to these values. For instance, the chapter “Lilou 离娄 I” of the Mencius states, “There are three things which are unfilial, and to have no posterity is the greatest of them.” According to Zhao Qi’s (赵岐) commentary, the three unfilial things are flattering others and getting your relatives into trouble; having a poor family, old parents, and no career; and not having a wife or son, with no descendant to worship ancestors.28 Islam also attaches great importance to filial piety. True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching

42

Cheuk Yin Lee (Li Chaoran)

developed the perspective of the Classic of Filial Piety. It is believed that those who are loyal to the lord must be filial, and those who practice filial piety must be loyal, to be both loyal and filial is the ultimate way. It further believes that “there are five ways not to have filial piety, but not having descendants is the greatest of them all.” The Mencius also states, “There are five things which are pronounced in the common usage of the age to be unfilial.” However, “not having descendants is the greatest unfilial action” in True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching, which is not what Confucianism meant by “to have no posterity is the greatest unfilial action.” The chapter of “Utmost Filial Piety 至孝” says: In the way of the true teaching, there are five ways to be unfilial, but not having descendants is the greatest of them all. First is not to recognize the Lord, second not to embody the sages, third not to be intimate with the worthies, fourth not to earn one’s livelihood, and fifth not to practice the learning. As for what is called “not having descendants,” this does not mean cutting off children and heirs. Rather, it is that descendants lose the learning. Why? If someone has the learning, he will keep his body good even when he is impoverished. When he is successful, he will keep the world good. When his good reputation flows for a thousand ages, the people of the whole country will honor and venerate him. When he dies, it will be as if he is still alive. How could this be the same as not having descendants? If one has children who lose the learning, they will not recognize the Lord, not be filial toward parents, not embody the sages, not know the laws, and will easily violate statutes issued by the authorities. Their burden will reach the clans, and its stench will last myriad years. They will be detested by everyone. While they are still alive, they will be as if dead. Is this having descendants?29

Although not having children is one of the five ways to be unfilial in the Islamic value system, the worst kind of filial piety is when descendants lose the learning, which results in their unfilial actions. This lack of learning is seen as tantamount to dying without descendants. This point of view is different from the Confucianist view. COORDINATION AND CONFLUENCE OF HUI AND CONFUCIAN The perspectives from True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching indicate that it rejects Buddhism and Daoism but emphasizes the similarities between Islam and Confucianism, although it also points out their differences. Wang Daiyu attempted to coordinate and bring into confluence Islam and Confucianism by the way of interpreting Islamic classics with Confucianism.



The Han Kitab of Ming Dynasty Muslims and Confucianism

43

In the “Record of Questions and Answers” chapter of True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching, Wang explained his position on Confucianism in a question-and-answer format. The question raised was, “If we leave the schools of Buddhism and Daoism aside, the way of Confucianism is extensively broad and deeply subtle. The worthies of the Song dynasty offered refined and purified views about Nature and Principle. You have quoted only superficial and extraneous arguments. You have certainly not sought deeply after their subtlety.” Wang Daiyu’s answer was, Although affairs under heaven are not alike, there are not two separate principles [li, 理]. I do not take other scholars into account. I discuss only what is the same and what is different. A country has a ruler, a prefecture has a prefect, a state has a magistrate, a household has an elder, and the world has a Lord. The way is one. One after another the Confucian scholars have focused entirely on two issues: principle and vital-energy (Qi). On their account, countries and families could be governed without rulers and elders. The way of Confucius and Mencius for cultivating moral character, regulating the family, and governing the country is the same as our way, so why would I presumptuously venture to discuss where it is right and wrong?30

In the Islamic teachings, the belief in Allah is unquestionable. This part involving belief is the essential difference between Islam and Confucianism. However, as far as moral values are concerned, Islam and Confucianism are more similar than different. Therefore, Wang Daiyu and others interpret Islamic teachings from a Confucian perspective. On the one hand, this makes it easier for Chinese people to understand; on the other hand, it reduces the resistance of Chinese people to this foreign religion. Some might argue that this represents the sinicization or Confucianization of Islam in China. However, this speculation is open to question. Wang Daiyu and others used many Confucian concepts and terms in their Han Kitab texts. It is not necessarily a conscious Confucianization of Islam. Their own cultural background and understanding of Confucianism made them use Confucianism as the basis of their discussion and comparison in the process of interpreting Islamic teachings. The dominant position of Confucianism in Chinese society also makes it difficult for any foreign thought to avoid having any relationship with it. As a set of life values, Confucianism shows its universality and inclusivity. As the main body of Chinese culture, its cohesion, tolerance, and warmth enabled Chinese culture to absorb foreign nutrients and continuously strengthen its own traditions. In A Glance at Chinese Muslims: An Introductive Book, Haji Yusuf Lin Baojun noted that the ambiguity of Confucianism allowed the introduction of other foreign religions, such as

44

Cheuk Yin Lee (Li Chaoran)

Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity, to compensate for the lack of religious belief within the Confucian philosophical framework.31 Regarding whether the contact of civilizations will inevitably cause conflict, the contact between Hui and Confucianism in the Ming dynasty indicates that the answer is negative. The discussion of Han Kitab texts of Chinese Muslims can help us understand the key to the harmonious coexistence of Islam and traditional Chinese culture and provide a useful reference for the study of the interaction between Confucianism and other civilizations. NOTES 1. Yang, “‘Zhongguo Wenhua Chongtu Lun,’” 49–56. 2. Su, Zhongguo Huijiao Yuanliu, 52. 3. Jin, Yisilanjiaoshi, 430. 4. Shouyi, “Zhongguo Huijiao Xiaoshi,” 1–16; Chen, “Huihuijiao ru Zhongguo Shilue,” 346–65; Ma, “Shitan Tangsong Shiqi Yisilanjiao,” 224–43. 5. Israeli, Islam in China, 2. 6. Leslie, Islam in Traditional China, 40. 7. Xiang, Tangdai Changan, 1–116. 8. Shouyi, Huizu Huijiao Huimin Lunji, 118–30. 9. Daming Lü, 62. 10. Liu Z., Tianfangzhisheng Shilu, 1. 11. Leslie, Islam in Traditional China, 115. 12. Israeli, Islam in China, 3. 13. Kuwata, “Ming and Early Qing Dynasties,” 584–88. 14. Lang, Qixiuliegao, 263. 15. Liu G., Zongjiao yu Zhongguo Chuantong, 75. 16. Li, “Jiu Mingdai Musilin Zhi,” 27. 17. Kuwata, “Ming and Early Qing Dynasties,” 786. 18. Leslie, Islamic Literature in China, 1–59. 19. Shouyi, Huizu Renwu Zhi, 34. 20. Wang, Zhengjiao Zhenquan, 16. 21. Wang, True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching, 3. 22. Wang, True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching, 1. 23. Wang, True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching, 3. 24. Wang, True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching, 5. 25. Yang and Zhengui, Yisilanjiao yu Zhongguo Wenhua. 26. Yang and Zhengui, Islam and Chinese Culture, 205. 27. Yang and Zhengui, Islam and Chinese Culture, 197. 28. Zhao, Mengzi Zhushu Jiejing, volume 7. 29. Wang Daiyu, True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching, 19. 30. Wang Daiyu, True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching, 9–10. 31. Baojun, Glance at Chinese Muslims, 18.



The Han Kitab of Ming Dynasty Muslims and Confucianism

45

BIBLIOGRAPHY Baojun, Haji Yusuf Lin. A Glance at Chinese Muslims: An Introductive Book (Kuala Lumpur: Malaysian Encyclopedia Research Centre Berhad, 1998). Chen, Yuan 陈垣. “Huihuijiao ru Zhongguo Shilue” 回回教入中国史略 [A brief history of Islam entering China]. In Zhongguo Yisilanjiao Cungao 中国伊斯兰教 史存稿 [Archives of the History of Islam in China], 346–65 (Yinchuan: Ningxia People’s Publishing House, 1982). Daming Lü 大明律 [The Great Ming Code]. Volume 6 (Shenyang: Liaoshen Book Club, 1989). Israeli, Raphael. Islam in China: A Critical Bibliography (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1994). Jin, Yijiu 金宜久. Yisilanjiaoshi 伊斯兰教史 [History of Islam] (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1990). Kuwata, Rokuro. “Huiru in the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties.” In Zhongguo Yisilanjiaoshi Cankao Ziliao Xuanbian 中国伊斯兰教史参考资料选编 [Selected References on the History of Islam in China (1911–1949)]. Volume 1, edited by Li Xinghua 李兴华and Feng Jinyuan 冯今源, 584–88, translated by An Mutao 安慕 陶 (Yinchuan: Ningxia People’s Publishing House, 1985). Lang, Ying 朗瑛. Qixiuliegao 七修类稿 [Seven Categories of Manuscripts]. Volume 18 (Hong Kong Reprint, 1961). Leslie, Donald. Islam in Traditional China: A Short History to 1800 (Canberra: Canberra College of Advanced Education, 1986). Leslie, Donald. Islamic Literature in China (Canberra: Canberra College of Advanced Education, 1981). Li, Langyu 李琅毓. “Jiu Mingdai Musilin Zhi Hanwen Zhushu Tantao Danshi zhi Zhongguo Yisilan Sichao” 就明代穆斯林之汉文著述探讨当时之中国伊斯兰 思潮 [Discussion on the Islamic Thought Trend in China based on the Chinese Writings of the Muslims of the Ming Dynasty]. Master’s thesis, National Chengchi University, Institute of Ethnic Studies, 1995. Liu, Guoliang 刘国梁. Zongjiao yu Zhongguo Chuantong Wenhua 宗教与中国传 统文化 [Religion and Traditional Chinese Culture] (Beijing: Education Science Press, 1990). Liu, Zhi 刘智. Tianfangzhisheng Shilu 天方至圣实录 [The True Records of the Most Sagely of Islam]. Volume 20 (Taipei: Tianhua Bookstore, 1978). Ma, Shinian 马士年. “Shitan Tangsong Shiqi Yisilanjiao zai Woguo Diqu de Chuanbo” 试谈唐宋时期伊斯兰教在我国东南地区的传播 [On the Spread of Islam in the Southeast of China during the Tang and Song Dynasties]. In Zhongguo Yisilanjiao Yanjiu Wenji 中国伊斯兰教研究文集 [Anthology of Chinese Islamic Studies], 224–43 (Yinchuan: Ningxia People’s Publishing House, 1988). Shouyi, Bai 白寿彝. Huizu Huijiao Huimin Lunji 回族回教回民论集 (香港翻印 本) [A Collection of Essays on Huizu, Huijiao and Huimin (Hong Kong Reprint)], 1974.

46

Cheuk Yin Lee (Li Chaoran)

Shouyi, Bai 白寿彝. Huizu Renwu Zhi 回族人物志（清代） [Biographical Dictionary of the Hui people (Qing Dynasty)] (Yinchuan: Ningxia People’s Publishing House, 1992). Shouyi, Bai白寿彝. “Zhongguo Huijiao Xiaoshi” 中国回教小史 [A Brief History of Islam in China]. In Zhongguo Yisilanjiao Cungao 中国伊斯兰教史存稿 [Archives of the History of Islam in China] (Yinchuan: Ningxia People’s Publishing House, 1982). Su, Liangbi 苏良弼. Zhongguo Huijiao Yuanliu jiqi Gaikuang 中国回教源流及其概 况 [The Origin and General Situation of Islam in China] (Taibei: The Commercial Press, 1988). Wang, Daiyu王岱舆. Zhengjiao Zhenquan 正教真诠 [True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching] (Yinchuan: Ningxia People’s Publishing House, 1978). Xiang, Da 向达. Tangdai Changan yu Xiyu Wenming 唐代长安与西域文明 [The Civilization of Chang’an and the Western Regions in the Tang Dynasty] (Beijing: Life, Reading, New Knowledge Sanlian Bookstore, 1979). Yang, Disheng 羊涤生. “‘Zhongguo Wenhua Chongtu Lun’ yu 21 Shiji Ruxue— Jianping Hengtingdun de ‘Wenhua Chongtu Lun’” “中西文化冲突论” 与21世纪 儒学——兼评亨廷顿的 “文明冲突论” [The Discourse of the Clash of Chinese and Western Cultures and 21st c. Confucianism: Comments on Huntington’s “Clash of Civilizations”]. In Qinghua Daxue Sixiang Wenhua Yanjiusuo Jikan 清华大学思想文化研究所集刊 [Collected Papers of Institute of Humanities in Tsinghua University] (Beijing: Tsinghua University Press, 1995). Yang, Huaizhong 杨怀中, and Yu Zhengui 余振贵. Yisilanjiao yu Zhongguo Wenhua 伊斯兰教与中国文化 [Islam and Chinese Culture] (Yinchuan: Ningxia People’s Publishing House, 1995). Zhao, Qi 赵岐. Mengzi Zhushu Jiejing 孟子注疏解经 [Commentaries and Interpreting of Mencius]. Volume 7.

Chapter 4

‌‌‌Dialogue between Islam and Confucianism A Study of Chinese Islamic Philosophy in the Ming and Qing Dynasties Yihong Liu Translated by Tianyi Zhang

In both China and abroad, research on Chinese Muslim thinkers in the Ming and Qing dynasties has borne fruit. Considering the overall characteristics of Chinese Islamic philosophical thought, Chinese scholars in this field put forward the views of interpreting Islam through Confucianism and complementing Confucianism with Islam. These views concisely encapsulate the relationship of interaction and integration of Islamic thought and traditional Chinese philosophy. The Japanese American scholar Sachiko Murata holds that the conception of yi (change 易) in Chinese philosophy is consistent with the central theme of the Qur’an of Islam. Israeli scholar Raphael Israeli notes that while Confucian education in China has deeply influenced the clergy among Chinese Muslims, the traditional Chinese concept of social hierarchy is incompatible with the Islamic idea of network-like social stratification. D’Ollone, another scholar studying Chinese Islam, holds that Chinese Muslims perform prayers of Islam while maintaining their traditional spiritual worship; although they respect some of the Islamic creeds, they do not really understand them entirely. Due to space constraints, this chapter will not comment on these various opinions. However, there is a consensus among them: Chinese Muslim thought is a system of thought permeated with traditional Chinese thought. I agree with this consensus, but I will put forward my own views on many concrete issues for further academic discussions. 47

48

Yihong Liu

WHAT IS CHINESE ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY? Chinese Islamic philosophy is a unique theoretical system created by Muslim scholars who are proficient in both Islamic doctrines and traditional Chinese philosophy among Chinese Muslims. Throughout the historical process of the spread and development of Islam in China, these scholars used concepts, propositions, and theories in traditional Chinese thought to expound doctrines and concepts of Islam and to integrate Islam, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. Chinese Islamic philosophy is another paradigmatic example of the integration of thought across religious and cultural systems in human civilization. Chinese Islamic philosophy has developed into a relatively mature and complete system of thought in the Chinese translations produced during the Qing dynasty, best represented by the academic achievements of several representative Chinese Muslim scholars. This chapter analyzes the representative works of three of the four major Islamic scholars in China during the Ming and Qing dynasties: Zhengjiao Zhenquan (A True Interpretation of Islam 正教真诠) by Wang Daiyu 王岱舆, Tianfang Xingli (The Nature and Principle of Islam 天方性理) by Liu Zhi 刘智, Sidian Yaohui (The Summary of Four Islamic Classics 四典要会), and Dahua Zonggui (The Process of the Great Evolution and the Return to Allah 大化总归) by Ma Dexin 马德新. This chapter systematically examines the new concepts, propositions, and theories put forward by these three scholars in their interpretation of Islamic doctrines. This study aims to shed light on the similarities, differences, and complementarities between Islamic philosophy and some relevant areas of Chinese traditional Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. Through this study, we will be better placed to understand the academic characteristics of fusing Confucianism into Islam and interpreting Islam through Confucianism. Confucianism here refers to the new Confucianism that has integrated Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism since Song-Ming neo-Confucianism. Islamic philosophy, being profoundly speculative and analytical, covers a wide range of philosophical fields, including views on nature, human life, and history. It is an essential component of Arabic philosophy and occupies a unique position in the philosophy of the world. Chinese Islamic philosophy is the product of two cultural spheres (Chinese and Islamic) blending with each other. It reflects the comparison, absorption, and creative synthesis of the essences of these two religious cultures by Chinese scholars proficient in traditional Chinese culture when faced with this foreign religion. In the history of the development of Chinese Islamic philosophy, Wang Daiyu pioneered interpreting Islam through Confucianism and established important Chinese-Islamic philosophical concepts such as “the true One”

Dialogue between Islam and Confucianis

49

(zhenyi 真一), “the one of many” (shuyi 数一), and “the one for experiencing” (tiyi 体一). He consciously compared the doctrines of Islam with Buddhism, Daoism, and other religions, emphasizing the uniqueness of Islam. Although it seems far-fetched to use philosophical concepts in ancient Chinese philosophy, especially those in Song-Ming neo-Confucianism, to interpret Islamic doctrines, he nevertheless laid the foundation for the establishment of Chinese Islamic philosophy; therefore, he was imitated, and his work was developed upon by scholars of future generations. Liu Zhi felt strongly that there were “essential similarities between the scripture of Islam and Confucius-Mencius teachings,” and he had the ambition of “enlightening all the principles (li 理) of the world.” Consequently, he, with an extremely objective attitude, emphasized the interpenetrating commonalities and essential interrelationships between Islamic philosophy and traditional Chinese philosophy. The central theme of Ma Dexin’s philosophical thought is “complementing Confucianism with Islam.” He emphasized the importance of the concept of “the essential way (dao) of restoring to the beginning and returning to the origin.” He held that the doctrine of “resurrection in the afterlife,” which is rich in Islamic thought, is a complement to Chinese Confucianism that only talks about this life without the afterlife. By blending the school of principle (lixue 理学) and the school of mind (xinxue 心学) in Chinese Confucianism, he expounded the unobstructed interconnection between the human mind and nature. He reconstructed the “debate of principle (li 理) and desire (yu 欲),” clarified the meanings of the heavenly principle and human desire, and incorporated this Chinese theory into the theoretical discourses of Sufism. In my opinion, there are mainly two basic elements that constitute Chinese Islamic philosophy and promote its development. First, based on the understanding of Islamic doctrines and philosophy, Chinese Muslim thinkers interpret the doctrines of Islam by making use of Daoism found in the cosmology of ancient Chinese Philosophy, the theory of taiji (the supreme ultimate 太 极) yin-yang in the Yizhuan (Commentary on the Book of Changes 易传), and the philosophical concepts of Song-Ming neo-Confucianism. Second, they differentiate native traditional Chinese philosophical theories from Islamic thought derived from the Arab world and analyze them, not only highlighting their particularities but also affirming the similarities between these two systems of thought and finding complementary components between them. Therefore, the overall characteristics of the development of Chinese Islamic philosophy can be summarized into three points: interpreting Islam through Confucianism, making sense of both Islam and Confucianism, and Islam and Confucianism complementing each other. Islam was introduced to China around the eighth century AD.1 However, the reason that the integration of Islam and traditional Chinese Confucianism,

50

Yihong Liu

Buddhism, and Daoism occurred more than eight hundred years later must be addressed. That is, the reason that the theories of Chinese Islamic philosophy were produced so much later merits examination. In my opinion, there are several reasons. First, from the perspective of the development of Islamic doctrines itself, along with the expansion of the first four Arab caliphates, Islam had been brought into a broader territory, which enabled it to absorb the cultural essences of other peoples, obtain more believers, and disseminate its doctrines and teachings to more distant regions. The development of Islamic Sufism in the eleventh to thirteenth centuries was particularly impactful; its representative writings and methods of practice spread even to China. This had widespread and far-reaching consequences. Second, in their writings, Chinese Muslim thinkers often use concepts and propositions found in Song-Ming neo-Confucianism to expound Islamic doctrines. As such, they integrate Islam with the Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism that are contained in Song-Ming neo-Confucianism. It can be said that Chinese Muslim scholars have generally made use of the following theories to expound relevant issues in Islamic thought: discourses on the origin of the universe in ancient Chinese philosophy, the theory of taiji yin-yang in the Yizhuan, the li-qi (principle-spirit 理气) dualism of the Two Chengs (二程; i.e., Cheng Yi 程颐 and Cheng Hao 程颢) of the Song dynasty, the theories on the evolution of the universe (such as the great evolution, beginning and end, being and nothing), the concepts of “one’s nature” (xingpin 性品) and “manifesting one’s true nature” (mingxin 明心) in the theory of human life, and issues on movement (dong 动) and tranquility (jing 静), desire (yu 欲) and principle (li 理), and death and immortality.2 I believe that in the absence of Song-Ming neo-Confucianism, which is itself the syncretic result of the fusion of Chinese Confucianism with foreign heterogeneous cultures and other local religions and thoughts, the concepts and categories found in fundamental Confucianism would have been too simple and narrow in meaning to explain effectively and expound upon concepts and propositions outside the local cultural system; thus, the new system of thought, namely, Chinese Islamic philosophy, would never have emerged. Therefore, this is one of the crucial conditions for the thought in Chinese Islamic translations in the Qing dynasty to reach its peak. The third factor is the rise of Chinese Islamic mosque education and the emergence of several major Muslim thinkers. By the beginning of the sixteenth century, the Huihui (Chinese Muslims 回回) had already formed a new ethnic group, with their own residential areas, economic forms, common psychology, and spoken and written languages. The languages used in religious scriptures—Arabic and Persian, which were used only for preaching

Dialogue between Islam and Confucianis

51

purposes in mosques and by religious scholars—were replaced by Chinese as a social language. ANALYSIS OF THE WORKS OF HUI THINKERS IN THE MING AND QING DYNASTIES Chinese Muslim scholars have been deeply influenced by regional cultural thinking in their studies of Islamic doctrines. From the Islamic classics translated and composed by historic Chinese Muslim scholars, we can see the integration of and differences between Islamic religious philosophy and traditional Chinese Confucianism and Daoism. Wang Daiyu, also known as Zhenhui Laoren (“the true old man of Islam” 真回老人), lived approximately between 1580 and 1660 AD. He is the first Chinese Hui Muslim scholar to discuss Islamic philosophy systematically and put it into publication. Zhengjiao Zhenquan is a book that introduces Islamic doctrines; it is divided into two volumes, with a total of ten chapters. In this book, Wang Daiyu emphasizes that the oneness of “the true One” is “the separate and different oneness” (单另之一). He clearly states that the true One is “not the one of many”; rather, “the true One is the master of the one of many.” He says: It must be known that the true One is the separate and different One; it is not the one of many. The one of many is not the unique One. It is said that “from taiji (the supreme ultimate 太极) originate the two polarities (liangyi 两仪), and from the two polarities originate the four symbols (sixiang 四象)”; this taiji is the one of many. It is said that “the one origin gives rise to many phenomena,” and “many phenomena return to the one”; this is also the one of many. “The nameless is the origin of heaven and earth, and the nameable is the mother of the myriad things”; this is also the one of many. From the above, we can see that the true One is the master of the one of many. “True” means but “unique.” Dao corresponds to that which is true, and thus it does not change or alter but remains as the same principle (li). If one does not know about the true One, one’s root is not deep; if one’s root is not deep, one’s way (dao) is not stable; if one’s way is not stable, one’s belief is not firm. If this is the case, how can one’s way be enduring? Therefore, Islam worships nothing but the true One.

Wang Daiyu is deeply aware that neither wuji (without ultimate 无极) or taiji from the saying that “from taiji originate two polarities, and from the two polarities originate the four symbols,” nor the Confucian concept of heaven’s mandate (tianming 天命), touch upon the origin of the myriad things in the universe. All of them are beings due to Allah’s order, whereas Allah alone is the “eternal uncreated being.” Therefore, in Wang Daiyu’s cosmology, Allah

52

Yihong Liu

is the transcendent and unique being. “Although wuji is ordered by Allah to govern the myriad things on His behalf, its life and death, nobleness and lowliness, must not be controlled by wuji or taiji itself.” He also emphasizes that Allah has nothing to do with the myriad things. That is, Allah is not directly related to anything in the world. He holds that “therefore, at the beginning when nothing existed, Allah must create heaven and earth, ghosts and gods, and the myriad things in the universe; the leader of all prophets manifested from the remaining light of the final One (zhiyi 止一), that is, the origin of Muhammad’s wuji, which was the beginning of all that was marvelous and wonderful.” I believe that Islamic doctrines must first establish the uniqueness of the divinity of Allah. This was the essential and primary task of Islam when it was establishing its status as a new religion and competing against the contemporary idolatry of various tribes in the Arabian Peninsula. The uniqueness here is obviously proposed against the concepts and customs of the tribal gods who are either feminine or masculine, emphasizing that Allah is not matched and that He is the unique creator and ruler of the universe. Therefore, Allah is the core and essence of Islam. Those who accept Islam must first understand and recognize the various characteristics of Allah. Wang Daiyu’s Zhengjiao Zhenquan starts from this very concept; he receives this religion through the cultural qualities and spiritual perception of a Chinese Muslim, attempts to interpret its main theme, analyzes its principles, and expounds its doctrines to the people of the world. Due to the different perspectives and cultural mentalities of Hui Muslim thinkers, Wang Daiyu pays more attention to the meaning and connotation of religious concepts. Therefore, the first volume of Zhengjiao Zhenquan, which is the first attempt at interpreting Islam through Confucianism, begins with “the true One” instead of “Allah.” In Islam, Allah evolved from the tribal god and then became identified as the unique creator. However, Allah is unfamiliar to Chinese people; therefore, paraphrases such as “the true One” and “the true Lord” (zhenzhu 真主) are crucial, which clearly communicate the most important aspect of the divinity of Allah to Chinese believers: the singular master. The transliteration of “Allah” is not used here; rather, its paraphrase is used to clarify the nature of Allah to Chinese believers. Therefore, the first chapter of the first volume takes “the true One” as its title, making the main theme clear from the very beginning. By putting forward this concept of “the true One,” Wang Daiyu also seems to emphasize the primary issue of Arab Islam, namely, establishing the uniqueness of the divinity of Allah. However, through the content of this concept, another attribute, “being true” (zhen 真), is given to Allah. This

Dialogue between Islam and Confucianis

53

attribute was assigned to Allah after Islam reached China and is as important as “uniqueness.” In Chinese, “true” (zhen) is the opposite of false, fake, or pseudo. As what follows “true” is the noun “Lord,” “true” here must be an adjective: (1) true, or consistent with fact; and (2) clear or real. If “true” is understood only to mean “consistent with fact,” then “true” does not necessarily imply uniqueness, as facts can precede that which is true or be simultaneous with it. Therefore, Wang Daiyu further explains: “‘True’ means ‘unique.’ Dao corresponds to that which is true, and thus it does not change or alter but remain as the same principle.” Here, he equates the concept of “true” in Chinese with “unique” in Islam, highlighting the precedence and transcendence of “true.” Through Wang Daiyu, “true” has been elevated into an important concept in Chinese Islamic philosophy. “True” can be said to be the most fundamental concept used by Chinese Muslims to expound Islamic thought, of which the Qur’an is the core. It is from this that “the true One,” “the true Lord,” “the true Ruler” (zhenzai 真宰), and “pure and true” (qingzhen 清真) derive. “Pure” here is another descriptive explanation of “true,” namely, “the purest and quietest,” emphasizing that Allah is unique and supreme, and has nothing else in Him. Wang Daiyu is well aware that Allah has the attribute of “oneness/uniqueness” (duyi 独一) in Islam, whereas “one” (yi) is an important concept with rich meanings in traditional Chinese thought. As early as in the thirty-ninth chapter of Laozi, it is said that “the myriad things exist by obtaining oneness (here, ‘oneness’ refers to dao).” The “one” found in “the one origin gives rise to many phenomena” (from Zhu Xi’s Zhuzi Yulei), and “many phenomena return to the one” (from Chan Buddhism), refers to the origin of the myriad things, and it manifests respectively in various things; “many phenomena returning to the one” is the result of the many parts going back to the origin. Therefore, Wang Daiyu holds that the various meanings of “one” must be distinguished from the “oneness” of the unique Allah. This is due to the fundamental difference between the two “ones”: the oneness/uniqueness of Allah is self-sufficient and perfect, not shared by anything else, and not manifested in individual things of the world. As such, Wang Daiyu uses “the one of many” to refer to the unity of heaven, earth, and the myriad things collectively. Only the right teaching of Islam addresses the distinction between the unique One and the one of many as the master and the servant. The unique One has nothing to do with the myriad things, whereas the one of many is the beginning of things. One must not confuse the two. One must not merely speak about the origin of the myriad things, without knowing the true Lord of the myriad things. Wuji and yet taiji, true emptiness (zhenkong 真空) and wonderful phenomena (miaoxing 妙性), nameless and nameable, are all the one of many, and the origin

54

Yihong Liu

of all beings. One must not take the great father of heaven, earth, and the myriad things as the true Lord of heaven, earth, and the myriad things.3

Here, the position of Allah cannot be more obvious. He is transcendent and unique and has nothing to do with the myriad things. This view is also mentioned in the first chapter “Zhenyi” (“The True One” 真一) of the first volume of Zhengjiao Zhenquan: “The purity of Allah is necessarily not stained by the dimness of the human heart, so it is sufficient to see that the true One has nothing to do with the myriad kinds of things.” Wang Daiyu accepts the orthodox Islamic doctrines. Pantheism is a very sensitive issue to monotheism. However, this sensitive issue does not exist for Chinese Muslims. When Wang Daiyu writes that “the unique One has nothing to do with the myriad things,” he is merely emphasizing the transcendence of Allah, that He is the eternal creator with no beginning, and that He is absolutely abstract and has nothing to do with concrete things. What he does not realize is that, in saying this, he is avoiding the tendency toward pantheism. He emphasizes in his “trinity theory” that the true One (zhenyi) “is the true Lord who created heaven, earth, and the myriad things, but has nothing to do with heaven, earth, and the myriad things, so He is the eternal uncreated being.” The one of many (shuyi) “is the origin of heaven, earth, and the myriad things, so it governs heaven, earth, and the myriad things on His behalf.” The one for experiencing (tiyi), that is, the one that is for experiencing and recognizing, refers to the human character, the body and spirit, the innate true nature and the acquired nature, the unity of yin and yang, and “the perfect combination of the myriad things.” Especially in his concept of “the one for experiencing,” what he accepts is the typical Sufi mystical thought with pantheistic characteristics, featuring experiencing and recognizing Allah and becoming unified with Allah. Wang Daiyu combined two originally incompatible elements. His theory not only meets the requirement of knowing the essence of Allah but also allows for the intimacy of believers with Allah, culminating in the highest state of dissolving the self and experiencing and recognizing Allah. This undoubtedly sets up an ultimate goal for Chinese Muslims and brings this belief to a perfect ending. Although Liu Zhi followed the main concepts and basic theoretical framework proposed by Wang Daiyu in his own philosophy, Liu Zhi’s philosophy is comparatively more refined and exquisite in its comparing and blending of Chinese native thoughts. We can say that Wang Daiyu’s “trinity theory” is a Chinese Islamic religious philosophy that simply elaborates the theology, ontology, and the theory of value of life, such as Allah’s uniqueness, Allah’s mechanism of creation, the human-Allah relationship, and the destination of human life. On this basis, Liu Zhi, by combining Islamic religious philosophy with Chinese Confucian theory of xingli (human nature and heavenly

Dialogue between Islam and Confucianis

55

principle 性理) and the philosophy of Sufism, created a more mature Islamic religious philosophical system with traditional Chinese cultural characteristics. He deserves to be the great representative of Chinese Islamic thought in the Ming and Qing dynasties. Liu Zhi, at the beginning of Tianfang Xingli, presents to readers a cosmology or a theory of nature that combines Islamic teachings and traditional Chinese philosophical categories and theories. When generally introducing the order of the creation, evolution, and operation of the world in the first chapter, he proposes several key concepts, which differ from Wang Daiyu’s theory. First, “the very first is nameless, and the true substance is imperceptible.” Liu Zhi holds that “nameless” (wucheng 无称) is not the same as “nothing” (wu 无). The creation and evolution (zaohua 造化) and the birth of the myriad things in the universe begin with many principles (li 理), succeeding the creation and evolution of the myriad things. However, when there is no principle that can be named, this is the beginning of the universe, that is, the original state of creation and evolution. As it cannot be named, various schools call it “nothing.” This is wrong, as “nameless” is not the non-existent “nothing”; rather, “there is the truth without anything unreal, and there is the substance (ti 体) without any function (yong 用). Since this is the case, there is already the truth (zhen 真), and the truth is being (you 有). Why call it ‘nothing’? The prophets do not say that it is nothing; they say that it is nameless. The school of xingli not only calls it ‘being’ (you) but also ‘real being’ (shiyou 实有). The real being has no match and is self-subsistent.” Therefore, in Liu Zhi’s cosmology, the beginning of the universe is from the “nothing” that is “nameless.” However, this “nothing” is a “principle” (li) that does not yet have a name. Liu Zhi does not discuss the universe in terms of having a beginning or not; rather, he first affirms that “before the emergence of phenomena and numbers, there are already principles, and this is the beginning of the creation and evolution.” That is, there are principles first, after which there are things. However, when tracing back further, he finds the very first nameless principle: “The creation and evolution have beginnings, and the beginnings must have their very first beginning. . . . When there is no principle that can be named, it is the very first.”4 Ontologically speaking, Liu Zhi holds that the very beginning of the world is the nameless principle, and this principle itself is the truth that really exists. At this time, the truth, as the origin of the world, is the truth that is divided into real and unreal, substance and function, and contains everything but has not yet released anything. The truth here, in terms of quality, is being—real being—and it is used to show that the “nameless” is not the non-existent nothing; rather, it is the real being that is true without anything unreal. Therefore, the truth is equivalent to the nameless principle; the two are on the same level.

56

Yihong Liu

From this discussion, we can see that the fundamental difference between Liu Zhi and Wang Daiyu in their theories is as follows. As Wang Daiyu puts his emphasis on expounding the subtleties of Islamic doctrines, he inevitably elevates the true One (also called the final one or the true Lord), as the creator of the myriad things in the universe, to the rank above wuji, taiji, li, and dao in traditional Chinese thought and holds that He is the root and origin of the world. As for Chinese theories on the origin of the universe, including taiji yin-yang, li-qi dualism, and Daoism, as in sayings such as “from taiji originate the two polarities, and from the two polarities originate the four symbols,” “the one origin gives rise to many,” “the many return to the one,” and “the nameless is the origin of heaven and earth, and the nameable is the mother of the myriad things,” together with Buddhist ontology, Wang Daiyu considers them secondary (they are “the one of many”). None of them have reached the quality of the true One as being “the purest and quietest.” In comparison, Liu Zhi focuses on discussing “the nature and principle (xing and li) of Islam.” His “truth” functions more as the beginning of the universe and the origin of the world. This truth is opposed to what is unreal. It has lost the property of being the creator in religious doctrines; instead, it has the property of being the origin of the world. Liu Zhi further equates the truth to the substance and says, “At the very first state, there is nothing unreal, so it can be called the truth. It has no act or function, so it can be called the substance.”5 “Nameless” is also used because only that which is “nameless” can transcend this sort of relational category, which always involves oppositions, and capture the very first state of the universe: being, that is, the origin of the world. For instance, truth is opposed to what is unreal, and substance is differentiated from the function; when one side is posited, the other side is negated. Only the “nameless” can transcend this limitation. Liu Zhi writes, Why is it called nameless? This is because the moment “truth” is said, one confines oneself to its attribute of being true, and then separates it from what is unreal; the moment “substance” is said, one confines oneself to its role of being substance, and then distinguishes it from the function. This is not the intention of this diagram. The intention of this diagram is that it is both real and unreal, both substance and function; it is one origin but also many phenomena; it is both interior and exterior, both fine and crude; it is the eternal principle and spirit, and remains as the same one that runs through all. But its name does not fall into one side, so it is called “nameless.”6

The “nameless” contains everything; it is the “very first” that does not yet manifest. It is imprecise to call it by any name, but its essence is “being” and is “one.” This goes back again to Tianfang Xingli Tuzhuan: “The very first is nameless, and the true substance is imperceptible. This is the only real being

Dialogue between Islam and Confucianis

57

that is one but contains all; it is purely one but contains all, and its wonderful act is not yet separated from it. Only when the substance acts, does the creation begin.”7 The meaning of “one” here tends to refer to the initial chaotic and undivided state of the universe; it is “the nameless very first,” where “there is the truth” and “there is the substance” but “there is nothing unreal” and “there is no function.” It has a completely different meaning from the “one” understood as Allah’s oneness/uniqueness, by which Islam is distinguished from polytheism and idolatry. The “li” (principle) mentioned by Liu Zhi should be the very li discussed by the Chinese school of xingli, as the way he composes this Tianfang Xingli is exactly by absorbing and blending the common elements shared by the theory of xingli (i.e., the Cheng-Zhu 程朱 theory of li, which is the representative of Confucianism in the Qing dynasty) and Islamic doctrines. He states, “The school of xingli not only calls it ‘being’ (you), but calls it ‘real being’ (shiyou). The real being has no match and is self-subsistent.” The theory of xingli mentioned by Liu Zhi actually derives from Zhou Dunyi 周敦颐. Zhou Dunyi, in his Taiji Tushuo (Diagram Explaining the Supreme Ultimate 太极图说) and Tongshu (The All-Embracing Book 通书), has integrated thoughts like Laozi’s wuji, taiji from the Yizhuan (Commentary on the Book of Changes 易传), yin-yang and wuxing (five phases 五行) of the school of yin-yang, and cheng (sincerity 诚) from the Zhongyong (The Doctrine of the Mean 中庸). He rearranged and transformed Taiji Xiantiantu (Diagram of Taiji Primordial Heaven 太极先天图) composed by a Daoist scholar Chen Tuan 陈抟 of the early Song dynasty. Thus, he constructed the first cosmological model of Song Confucian scholars and created new ideas and approaches for Song-Ming neo-Confucians. When Liu Zhi says that “this is the only real being that is one but contains all; it is purely one but contains all, and its wonderful function is not yet separated from it,” he is borrowing Zhou Dunyi’s basic proposition: “These many are one, and the one reality is divided into many phenomena; the many and the one are both right, and the small and the big are both determined.” Hei Mingfeng 黑鸣凤 of Qingyuan 清源 says, “The one reality is divided into many phenomena, and the many phenomena are of the same origin; it is the so-called wuji and yet taiji.”8 This conclusion directly borrows Zhou Dunyi’s basic proposition: “The one reality is divided into many phenomena.” In Tianfang Xingli, Liu Zhi not only blended the basic categories and basic propositions of Song-Ming neo-Confucianism; more importantly, he absorbed the essence of Song-Ming neo-Confucianism in his speculative method and theory. Thereby, he enriched his own thought and improved the level of abstract thinking, making his theory more refined and meticulous in both form and content. Liu Zhi integrated the teachings of Tianfang (Islamic doctrines 天方) and the Chinese theory of xingli, holding that there are

58

Yihong Liu

essential similarities between the two. He treats zhen (true or truth), li (principle), ti (substance), and yi (one) equally, and explains the Islamic doctrine of the creation of the universe from nothing by Allah to mean that “the very first nameless being” is the origin of the world. By resorting to the theories of beginning and end, and of being and nothing, in traditional Chinese cosmology of great evolution, he then treats “this one true substance” as the real being that has no beginning or end and that is “not divided into what is true and what is unreal, and not distinguished into substance and function; it contains nothing, but actually contains everything.” Liu Zhi does not mention “creation” (zaowu 造物) or “creator” (zaowuzhu 造物主) in his works. His term “creation and evolution” (zaohua 造化) gives the impression of being close to the meaning of “nature.” Therefore, there is an obvious feature that distinguishes Liu Zhi’s works from Wang Daiyu’s: focusing on analyzing the truth rather than on preaching, as he says in the author’s preface of Tianfang Xingli: “I suddenly understood the essential similarities between the scripture of Islam and Confucius-Mencius teachings. . . . I sighed and said: ‘The scripture is indeed the scripture of Islam, but the principle (li) is indeed the principle of the world. Since it is the principle of the world, it must be made heard and understood by the world; otherwise, it would go against the intention of the prophets when they composed the scriptures.’” It can be seen that by writing books and expounding theories, Liu Zhi’s ambition is to make sense of the common principle of the world. He starts from cosmological ontology and ends with his theory of nature, that is, “everything returning to the truth” and “the true one restoring to the truth.” Here, the “truth” (zhen) refers to the first state, that is, the original state of creation and evolution, where there is no division between what is true and what is unreal, nor any distinction between substance and function. Ma Dexin (1794–1874), whose courtesy name was Fuchu, was a Hui scholar at the end of the Qing dynasty. Ma Dexin, in his two most representative works, Sidian Yaohui and Dahua Zonggui, focuses on expounding the theory of resurrection in the afterlife, that is, “the truth of the afterlife,” and “complying with Chinese rituals, quoting chapters of Confucius and Mencius, translating the ultimate principle of the heavenly way (dao) and the human way (dao), and revealing the decisive moments of life and death.” Ma Dexin made several contributions to the study of Islamic doctrines and the establishment of the system of Chinese Islamic religious philosophy. First, his two important representative works clearly emphasize “revealing the decisive moments of life and death” and “the essential way (dao) of restoring to the beginning and returning to the origin.” This is the unique feature that clearly distinguishes his theory from those of his predecessors, Wang Daiyu

Dialogue between Islam and Confucianis

59

and Liu Zhi. Second, in his writings, he “heavily absorbs Sufi knowledge and introduces in detail the super-sensory intuitive meditation in Sufism and its methods of practice,”9 and connects “the unity of man and Allah” in Sufism to concepts like principle (li 理), desire (yu 欲), public (gong 公), and private (si 私) in Chinese Confucianism. He finds the doctrine advocated by Islamic Sufis of abandoning the prosperity of the world and concentrating on Allah until reaching communion and unity with Allah to be very similar to the theory of “preserving the heavenly principle (tianli 天理) and eliminating the human desire (renyu 人欲)” of Song-Ming neo-Confucianism. Therefore, he blends the two doctrines and discusses them together. This is also something that no one has talked about before. Third, Ma Dexin puts forward a three-stage theory of the evolution and development of the universe: “primordial heaven” (xiantian 先天), “mid-heaven” (zhongtian 中天), and “manifested heaven” (houtian 后天), and makes use of the order of development of the Chinese philosophical category “heaven” (tian) to interpret the evolutionary process of the origin of the universe, that is, “the true One.” This is a step forward from Liu Zhi’s discussion of the “truth” and “nameless.” If we say that Liu Zhi treats the two concepts equally and puts them on par with one another, then Ma Dexin clearly unifies “heaven” and “the true One.” Therefore, when Ma Dexin mentions that “the perfect man is unified with the heaven” in his writings, he means the unification between man and Allah in the Chinese Islamic theory of life. CONCLUSION From the afore-mentioned integration and differences of the two heterogeneous cultures, namely, Chinese traditional culture and Islamic culture, and the specific aspects of their philosophical theories, we can see that the two systems of thought, with their completely different cultural origins, have a “common language” with which they can communicate on issues such as the creation of the world and all things, the universe, and human life; they even share striking similarities. This situation reflects the interrelation and interaction between religion and philosophy, religion and culture, and religion and society, and shows that all cultures, in their historical developments and mutual exchanges, achieve a certain kind of combination between local factors and universal factors. A religion can be introduced to other cultural climates, and a culture can also absorb religions from the outside. The spread of religion in this sense has become a messenger for promoting exchanges between different cultures, and this characteristic is particularly obvious and prominent among world religions.

60

Yihong Liu

NOTES 1. Research shows different conclusions regarding when Islam was introduced to China. Based on the founding of Islam in the Arabian Peninsula, there are likely two dates for reference: (1) the second year of Yonghui 永徽 during the reign of Emperor Gaozong 高宗 of Tang (651) or (2) the second year of Zhide 至德 during the reign of Suzong 肃宗 of Tang (757). 2. Editor’s note: a helpful reference for understanding these neo-Confucian terms is History of Chinese Philosophy Through its Key Terms, edited by Wang Yueqing and Bao Qinggang, translated by Shuchen Xiang (Berlin: Springer Verlag, 2020). 3. Zhengjiao Zhenquan: Yizhen 正教真诠·易真. 4. Tianfang Xingli Tuzhuan 天方性理图传 [Diagrams of the Nature and Principle of Islam], Book I. 5. Tianfang Xingli Tuzhuan, Book I. 6. “Diagram of the First Having No Name,” in Tianfang Xingli Tuzhuan, Book I. 7. Tianfang Xingli Tuzhuan, Introduction, chapter 1. 8. “Diagram Explaining the Initial Separation of Xing and Li,” in Tianfang Xingli Tuzhuan, Book I. 9. Yang Huaizhong and Yu Zhengui, 415.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Zhengjiao Zhenquan 正教真诠 [A True Interpretation of Islam], Tianfang Xingli Tuzhuan 天方性理图传 [Diagrams of the Nature and Principle of Islam], Sidian Yaohui 四典要会 [The Summary of Four Islamic Classics], Dahua Zonggui 大化 总归 [The Process of the Great Evolution and the Return to Allah], Qur’an. Yang Huaizhong 杨怀中 and Yu Zhengui 余振贵, eds., Yisilan yu Zhongguo Wenhua 伊斯兰与中国文化 [Islam and Chinese Culture] (Yinchuan: Ningxia People’s Publishing House, 1995).

Chapter 5

‌‌‌The Cycle of Great Transformation An Initial Survey of the Philosophy of Early Qing Dynasty Chinese Muslim Thinker Liu Zhi Zongping Sha Translated by Stephen Nashef

ABSTRACT The early Qing dynasty Muslim thinker and the Islamic scholar Liu Zhi 刘智 (c. 1660–1730) conducted his scholarship from an Islamic theological standpoint, drawing from the period’s burgeoning tradition of Chinese Islamic thought, its sense of divine purpose, and its profound incorporation of the teachings and systems of traditional Chinese philosophy (particularly the leading ideology of Confucianism) within its Islamic theological research. Basing his work on the scholarly achievements of such visionaries as Wang Daiyu 王岱舆 (c. 1580–1660) and Ma Zhu 马注 (c. 1640–1711), Liu Zhi constructs a rich and wide-ranging Islamic philosophy that develops an extensive theory of humanity based on the theory of the “Real One.” This chapter aims to provide a preliminary survey into how Liu Zhi adopted and adapted the thought and concepts of traditional Chinese Confucianism to construct his Chinese Islamic theological system.

61

62

Zongping Sha

INTRODUCTION ‌‌ The early Qing dynasty Muslim thinker, Islamic scholar Liu Zhi 刘智 (c. 1660–1730), begins from an Islamic theological standpoint and draws from the period’s burgeoning tradition of Chinese Islamic thought, its sense of divine purpose in the face of the challenging task of formulating Islamic thought in a Chinese context, and its profound incorporation of the teachings and systems of traditional Chinese philosophy within its Islamic theological research. Basing his work on the scholarly achievements of such visionaries as Wang Daiyu 王岱舆 (c. 1580–1660) and Ma Zhu 马注 (1640–c. 1771), Liu Zhi constructs a rich and systematic Islamic philosophy that develops an extensive theory of humanity (renlun, 人论) based on the theory of the “Real One.” The theory of the Real One is what is referred to in Confucianism as tiandao 天道 (the Way of Heaven); it is a cosmological system centered around the ontological concept of the Real One. The theory of humanity is what Confucians refer to as rendao 人道 (the human way) and consists of the Islamic theory of life, epistemology, and the doctrine of the return to the Real. To put it simply, Liu Zhi believes the universe and humanity exists on the dahuaxunhuan 大化循环 (Cycle of Great Transformation). The process of creation starts from God’s yili liuxing 一理流行 (the flow and run of the One Principle) and ends with the birth of humanity, at which point the law of the “Cycle of Great Transformation,” which is one of jinzhongfanshi 尽终返 始 (reach the end and return to the start), allows for humans to return to God by way of the sancheng 三乘 (the triyana or three vehicles). This is how the closed loop of humanity is completed. For each life, there is only one Cycle of Great Transformation. It is an irreversible process. This chapter aims to introduce this philosophical framework as delineated by Liu Zhi. THE FOUNDATION OF LIU ZHI’S PHILOSOPHY: THEORY OF THE REAL ONE Chinese Islamic scholars drew from the Song dynasty neo-Confucian theory of taiji 太极 (the Supreme Polarity or the Supreme Ultimate), which states that the myriad things of the world can be consolidated into the wuxing 五 行 (the five elements). This can be consolidated into yin and yang 阴阳 (the dark and light principles), then into taiji, which at root is wuji 无极 (without polarity or without limit). They used these ideas to explain Islam’s emphasis on the unity of God and to articulate a form of Islamic religious philosophy with Chinese characteristics—the theory of zhenyi 真一 (the Real One). Liu Zhi writes, “The Real Ruler is intangible and manifests as taiji. Taiji

The Cycle of Great Transformatio

63

differentiates and yin and yang divide; yin and yang divide and Heaven and Earth form; Heaven and Earth form and the myriad beings are born. Heaven, Earth and the myriad things are completed and the subtle function of the Real Ruler permeates throughout.”1 He adds, “After the completion of Heaven, Earth and the myriad things, the gathering of the essences of air, fire, water and earth [resulted in] the creation of Adam, the father of humanity, in the wilds of Arabia.”2 The theory of the Real One must begin with an investigation into what the Real One is. The discussion of the Real One as a concept forms the basis for the theory of the Real One. Liu Zhi’s theory of the Real One is a development of similar theories put forward by earlier thinkers, such as Wang Daiyu and Ma Zhu. Liu Zhi not only clarifies the work of his predecessors but also, on a theoretical level, develops a more nuanced and intricate argument. His theory of the Real One is the bedrock of his religious philosophy and primarily addresses two issues. The first is that of the Real One itself as a concept, which is theorized in a systematic fashion to form the foundation of his ontology. The second is that it gives a complete account of the Real One system, consisting of the Real One, shuyi 数一 (the Numerical One)3 and tiyi 体一 (the Experienced One), which is theorized in a systematic fashion to form his cosmology. It is the former of these, the ontological question, that forms the theoretical core of Liu Zhi’s philosophy. The Concept of the Real One Investigating the concept of the Real One is a prerequisite for any theory of the Real One; as such, both Liu Zhi and Wang Daiyu devote a considerable portion of their work to a thorough theorization and explanation of the Real One as a concept. The Real One is a Chinese concept and a philosophical expression that attempts to grasp the object of Islamic faith—God. As a philosophical concept, it can be used to refer to God; however, it is not exactly the same as the God who is the object of Muslims’ faith. Rather, it is a theoretical abstraction, the result of theoretical thinking about God, and cannot encapsulate the abundant totality of everything that God is and implies. It is important to recognize that the Real One is an attempt to make sense of and define God, whereas God Himself is the basis of the entire Islamic faith. The Real One came to be the fundamental concept of all theory in Chinese Islamic philosophy, whereas the theory of the Real One came to be the core of Chinese Islamic theology and the fundamental theory of Chinese Islamic philosophy. Wang Daiyu argues, “God is the Only One, to which nothing can be compared or drawn likeness, the beginningless originary being and not a being that is subject to [any] mandate.”4 This means that the Real One (God) is

64

Zongping Sha

without beginning—originary existence. The fact that He “is not subject to any mandate” means His existence is not dependent on anything outside of Him. Second, as Wang Daiyu goes on to describe in more detail, “The Real One is primordial and was not born from somewhere and does not give birth [to other things]. [It is] without semblance, without coming and going, without beginning and end, without place, without time, without raising or lowering, without splitting or fusing, without dependence, without substance. It does not contain things and is different from things. This is why rational understanding and audio-visual impressions are powerless [to make sense of It].”5 In other words, the essence of the Real One was not given rise to, nor does it give rise to anything else. It transcends space, place, time, movement, and human knowledge. Wang Daiyu continues, “The One without other is God, who created Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things, but He has no connection to Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things. He is the beginningless originary being.”6 Wang Daiyu describes the Real One as “the beginningless originary being,” an existence without cause, without beginning or end, which is eternal and uncreated. Conversely, the existence of all the things in the universe are “subject to mandate”: “originary being can cause the myriad things; the newly born things come to be by way of cause.”7 In other words, God has always existed, whereas the universe and its contents come to exist as a result of being created. It is clear from the passages cited earlier that the Real One is a philosophical term for Allāh or God, just as medieval Arabic philosophers referred to God as “the first cause” or “the first actuality.” Third, Wang Daiyu believes that the Real One “has three levels that can be witnessed, called benran 本然 (Primordiality As Such), benfen 本分 (Primordial Division) and benwei 本为 (Primordial Action).”8 Primordiality As Such is “the originary being without beginning, extended throughout space and time without end, not subject to yin and yang, utterly without counterpart. It is the singular Supreme Majesty with nothing outside it. It is without time, space, or shape. It can mandate being and non-being but does not itself sink to [the level of] being and non-being. It can create the myriad beings but is not in the class of the myriad beings,” meaning it is the essence of God. Primordial Division is “the movement-and-stillness of Primordiality As Such. Although it is eternal and unified [like Primordiality], its principle is manifested differently.” The Primordial Action is “the excess of the [One] without other, which possesses all the subtleties of the intangible. It is possible being.” Contemporary academic Jin Yijiu 金宜久 believes that the Real One’s Primordial Action is its function, the Real One’s capacity to bring about creation, and that the Primordial Division is a liminal state

The Cycle of Great Transformatio

65

between Primordiality As Such and the Primordial Action.9 Wang Daiyu writes, “That which is yet to come forth is called stillness; that which has come forth is called movement. Stillness is essence and movement function. Right in the space between what is yet to come forth and what has already come forth is called stillness-and-movement.”10 Liu Zhi begins by redefining the Real One: “Real means not fanciful. One means not two,” “The One of the Real One is alone. It is the solitary One without other.”11 This means that the Real One is real, actual, and not imaginary. It is solitary and without counterpart. Liu Xhi goes onto explain in more detail some of the Real One’s characteristics: “In the depths of invisible and irretrievable obscurity, there is the Real One, the Real Ruler of the myriad things.”12 By describing the Real One as existing in the depths of an obscurity that is invisible and irretrievable, Liu Zhi is making the claim that It is intangible while being the Real Ruler of the universe and everything in it. Finally, Liu Zhi argues that the Real One consists of three levels: ti 体 (substance), yong 用 (function), and wei 为 (action). He writes, “The [level] of It which is silent and without attachment is called substance; the [level] of It which knows and illuminates without omission is called function; the [level] of It which divides into multiplicity without error is called action.”13 In other words, the substance of the Real One is silent and without attachment; the function of the Real One is what knows and illuminates without omission; the action of the Real One is what divides being into a multiplicity without any error. To summarize, the Real One is a philosophical (or religious-philosophical) concept rather than a purely religious (or religious-doctrinal) concept. The System of the Real One The system of the Real One as formulated by Liu Zhi is the basis of Chinese Islamic philosophy and is influenced by traditional Chinese philosophical thought, particularly the philosophy of the Song dynasty neo-Confucian Zhou Dunyi 周敦颐. In Taiji Tushuo (Explanation of the Diagram of Taiji; i.e., the Supreme Polarity or the Supreme Ultimate), Zhou Dunyi writes, Taiji is wuji [the Supreme Polarity is without polarity or the Supreme Ultimate is without limit]. When it moves, it gives rise to yang. Utmost movement [causes] stillness, and stillness gives rise to yin. Utmost stillness [causes] movement. Therefore, movement and stillness alternate and become the root of each other, giving rise to the distinction of yin and yang, and the two modes are thus established. Through the transformation of yang and its union with yin, the five phases of water, fire, wood, metal, and earth arise.14

66

Zongping Sha

Zhou Dunyi believes that taiji gives rise to the two modes, which give rise to the five elements, which in turn give rise to the myriad things. In Zhu Xi 朱熹’s commentary to this passage, he writes, “What is referred to here as the taiji that is wuji is the primordial substance that [gives rise to] yang by way of movement and [gives rise to] yin by way of stillness. Taiji is li 理 (principle). Yin and yang are qi 气 (matter). Matter’s ability to move and be still is a result of the rule of principle. It does not depart from yin and yang.”15 Therefore, Zhu Xi understands taiji in terms of principle and matter, arguing that principle is what controls “matter’s ability to move and be still.” Wang Daiyu argues, “Wuji [without limit or without polarity] is the intangible beginning of Heaven, Earth and the myriad things. Taiji is the tangible beginning of Heaven, Earth and the myriad things. To describe them separately they are absence and presence. To describe them together they are of one substance.” He further writes, The cause of humans’ primordial nature is the form of wuji; the essence of the human body is the confirmation of taiji. Humans’ activity, restraint, knowledge, and perception, although brought forth and multiplied in various forms from the nature and spirit of wuji, must emerge from the essence of taiji. This being the case, birth and death, impediments and their overcoming, safety and danger, obtainment and loss—these cannot be obtained solely by way of the nature and substance of [taiji and wuji] themselves. From this it is known that although wuji receives its mandate from God to act as an agent of [His] principle [with regards to] the cosmos and the myriad beings, the authority to produce, destroy, confer and deprive must not originate in wuji and taiji’s autonomous power.16

Wang Daiyu incorporates the theory of taiji into his Islamic framework, arguing that wuji is an “agent of God’s principle,” “the intangible beginning of Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things.” However, this is but a relatively simple and preliminary integration of the two traditions. Ma Zhu writes, “The Real One is the Originary Lord of creation. Wuji is the originary seed of the myriad mandates. Taiji is the originary fruit of the myriad natures. The two modes [yin and yang] are the originary basis of the myriad tangible [things].” He continues, “The Real One has the myriad particular principles and later wuji has the myriad particular mandates, taiji has the myriad various natures and the two modes have the myriad various tangible things.” 17 Therefore, Ma Zhu’s order of creation can be summarized as follows: Real Being—wuji—taiji—the two modes (and hence the world). In this sense, it appears that, formally speaking, Ma Zhu has achieved a relatively comprehensive combination of Islamic thought with the theory of

The Cycle of Great Transformatio

67

taiji. However, in terms of content, this formulation runs the risk of forfeiting important facets of the Islamic faith. Liu Zhi writes, “The Real Ruler is intangible and manifests taiji. Taiji differentiates and yin and yang divide; yin and yang divide and Heaven and Earth form; Heaven and Earth form and the myriad beings are born.”18 He criticizes some of the arguments of the neo-Confucian school of Cheng Yi 程 颐, Cheng Hao 程颢, and Zhu Xi from an Islamic standpoint. On the subject of Cheng Yi’s claim in Chengshi Yizhuan 程氏易传 (Cheng’s Commentary on the Book of Changes) that “The Deity is the Lordly Ruler of Heaven, referred to as Heaven in terms of form and Deity in terms of Lordly Rule,” Liu Zhi points out, “Its meaning seems clear as day and easy to understand. However, it does not lead people to a land of exactitude and certainty. On the contrary it directs people to wander down a road of perplexity.” Liu Zhi continues, Principle is that by which things are what they are. Heaven has Heavenly principle. Humans have human principle. Things have thingly principle. Principle is to thing as meaning is to word. The Five Classics19 never say the Supreme Deity is principle. This is something later scholars sought to suppose the Supreme Deity was. The Supreme Deity could not be attained by forming a likeness of clay, and without likeness there was nowhere [else] to go, so [they] deemed it principle. This is why [Zhu Xi] said, “There is nothing beneath Heaven that is more noble than principle, so we call it Deity,” not knowing that what he said was in error.20

Hei Mingfeng 黑鸣凤, who provided commentary for some of Liu Zhi’s works, believes that of the latter’s “Six Pretemporal Levels,” the fifth “Level of Nature and Mandate” is equivalent to wuji, as “colors and images are yet to form but the principle already inheres [within it],” and the sixth “Level of Matter and Image” is equivalent to taiji, as “prior to this there are principles but no traces, with matter concealed within principle, and after this there are both traces and principles, with principles concealed within matter.”21 Liu Zhi’s “Six Pretemporal Levels” are the eternal and intangible world of principles. Only with the creation of yuanqi 元气 (elemental matter) at the end of this process does the temporal and tangible world appear. In this sense, Liu Zhi has drawn from Wang Daiyu’s discussion of wuji and taiji, cementing their place within his system and embedding them in a thoroughly Islamic cosmology. The development from Wang Daiyu through Ma Zhu to Liu Zhi is a gradual refinement of the theory of the Real One. However, throughout this process the One plays a central role.

68

Zongping Sha

The Real One (God) as the Ultimate Source and Endpoint of All Things The Real One is the ultimate source of all things. In this sense, Chinese Muslims accept the theory of taiji espoused by the Song dynasty Confucians and the idea that the myriad things can be consolidated into the five elements. This can be consolidated into yin and yang, then consolidated into taiji, which at root is wuji. However, to this formulation they pose a question: “If this is so, whence the becoming of taiji from wuji?”22 Wang Daiyu’s answer to this question is, “The One without other is God who created Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things, but He has no connection to Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things. He is the beginningless originary being.”23 Ma Zhu writes, “The Real One is the Originary Lord of creation. Wuji is the originary seed of the myriad mandates. Taiji is the originary fruit of the myriad natures. The two modes [yin and yang] are the originary basis of the myriad tangible [things].”24 Liu Zhi’s response is, “The Real Ruler is intangible and manifests taiji. Taiji differentiates and yin and yang divide; yin and yang divide and Heaven and Earth form; Heaven and Earth form and the myriad beings are born. Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things are completed and the subtle function of the Real Ruler permeates throughout.”25 After this, God “gathers the essences of the four elements of air, fire, water and earth” to create the father of humanity Adam. Therefore, the Real One is God, also referred to as “the One without other,” and is the Lordly Ruler of the myriad beings. Only the Real One is the ultimate source of all things, the essence of the created world. Chinese Muslims believe that the Real One is eternal and universal existence that transcends both space and time. They oppose the view that the universe came to be from nothingness, arguing instead that it originated in the Real One. The essence of the Real One is “without shape or likeness, without place or orientation, without nearness or farness, without counterpart.”26 Its spatiotemporal character is one of “having no beginning before it and no end after it, large [to the extent of] having nothing beyond it, fine [to the extent of] having nothing within it.”27 Furthermore, the Real One is “without movement or stillness.” This is not to say that it is not moving or not still. Rather, it is that within it “movement and stillness are not fixed.” Liu Zhi explains that “movement and stillness mean concealment and manifestation. The Real Ruler is without movement or stillness. The Lordly Ruler is without movement or stillness, as to speak of movement and stillness is to speak of creation. Pretemporal creation begins with the movement of the One Principle; temporal creation begins with the movement of the One Matter.”28

The Cycle of Great Transformatio

69

He further writes, “Not fixed means alternating birth and demise, alternating demise and birth, just like an endless cycle.”29 This “alternating birth and demise” refers to the process by which “the myriad beings, having nothing by which to be born, are born of the movement and stillness of principle and matter; the myriad beings, having nothing by which to be transformed, are transformed by the concealment and manifestation of the Real Ruler,” a cycle which is “movement and stillness, stillness and movement, with absolutely no end.”30 What this means is that the Real One that transcends space and time and is without movement and stillness is the “root of the incessant birth” of the myriad things. The birth, expiration, movement, and stillness of all things is the result of the Real One’s function. Chinese Muslims believe that the Real One has ethical content and is the endpoint to which all things will return. Liu Zhi argues that God “governs principle and number, grasps both Heaven and human” and is “Supreme Knowledge, Supreme Power, Supreme Perfection, Supreme Goodness,” which means that He is the paragon against which all worldly things must be evaluated. Everything lies within His scope and His grasp, whether it is “the principle contained within [His] subtle function,” “the number that proliferates from [His] subtle function,” “Heaven, the greatest creation,” or “human, the most spirited creation.” “All matter and principle emerge from this primordiality. [When] the accomplished person is in accordance with heaven, [it is because both are] in accordance with this [primordiality]. [When] a return to the root causes a restoration of life, this is where the restoration [takes place]. This [primordiality] is the wealth from which all principle and matter begin and the home to which all principle and matter return.”31 In other words, all principle and matter emerge from and return to the primordiality of God. This is why Chinese Muslims refer to death as “return to the Real,” as death is a return to God. Liu Zhi’s complete schema for the creation of the universe is as follows: God’s Substance (essence)—Function (attributes)—Action (ʿafal, deed)— Great Mandate (rūḥ, Holy Spirit)—Nature (nafs, soul) and Intelligence (ʿaql, intellect)—Sea of Sediment (duradi, dregs)—yang (ḥarraniyyah, hot) and yin (qarraniyya, cold)—the Four Elements—Heaven and Earth—minerals and plants—animals—humans. This schema can be divided into two sections. The first is pretemporal creation, starting with the Real One and ending with elemental matter: the Real One, the Numerical One, the Experienced One, the Great Mandate, Nature and Principle, and finally the Sea of Sediment (or elemental matter). The second is temporal creation, starting from elemental matter and ending with humans: Sea of Sediment (elemental matter), the Four Elements and the three children of Heaven and Earth (metal, wood, and living things), and finally humans.

70

Zongping Sha

Liu Zhi writes, “Pretemporal creation starts from the run and flow of the One Principle and comes to an end with elemental matter. This is the Real Ruler’s essence descending from on high. This is the basis for the descent of the Big World. This is also the basis for the arrival of the Small World. Temporal creation begins with the division and disclosure of elemental matter and comes to an end with humans.”32 In other words, pretemporal creation is the descent of the Big World from on high and the Small World from the pretemporal. It is the intangible manifestation of the world of principles. Temporal creation is the ascent of the Big World and the return of the Small World from the temporal.33 It is the tangible proliferation of the world of images. Therefore, God creates Heaven, Earth, the myriad things, and humans, which are all destined to return to the endpoint of God. The Three Levels of the Real One Chinese Islamic scholars believe that the Real One refers to the object of Islamic faith, the one and only God, that the Real One is the first of God’s three levels, which are substance (the Real One), function (the Numerical One), and action (the Experienced One), and that the Real One itself also consists of three levels differentiated in terms of substance, function, and action. With regard to the question of the Real One referring to God, the object of Muslims’ faith, all the Chinese Muslim thinkers discussed in this chapter are in agreement. Wang Daiyu writes, “The One without other is God”34; Ma Zhu argues that “The Real One is the Originary Lord of creation”35; and Liu Zhi believes that the Real One is “the Lordly Ruler of the myriad beings.”36 As to the Real One being the substance of God, “the One without other,” Wang Daiyu writes, “To explain how One [can] have three, it can be said [there are] ‘the One without other,” ‘the One that is the basis of numbers,’ and ‘the One that is experienced and known.’”37 In other words, the one and only God is manifested as “Three Ones,” the One without other, the One that is the basis of numbers, and the One that is experienced and known. Wang Daiyu often refers to these Three Ones as the Real One, the Numerical One, and the Experienced One. Conversely, Ma Zhu tends to divide the three levels of the One into the Real One, wuji, and taiji. Liu Zhi reverts to Wang Daiyu’s system, distinguishing the Three Ones in terms of the Real One, the Numerical One, and the Experienced One. Finally, there is the question of the Real One having three levels of its own. Wang Daiyu claims that the One without other “has three levels that can be witnessed, called benran 本然 (Primordiality As Such), benfen 本分 (Primordial Division), and benwei 本为 (Primordial Action).”38 He explains that Primordiality As Such is “the originary Primordiality As Such of God,” which is “originary being without beginning, expansive and eternal without

The Cycle of Great Transformatio

71

end.” In other words, Primordiality As Such is the primordial substance of the Real One. Primordial Division “is the movement-and-stillness of Primordiality As Such” and is the function of the Real One. Primordial Action “is the excess of the [One] without other, which possesses all the subtleties of the intangible. It is a possible being,” which is to say the action of the Real One. In summary, Primordiality As Such is the substance of the Real One, and Primordial Action is the action of the Real One. What is referred to as Primordial Division is a liminal state between the two: “movement-andstillness.” Wang Daiyu writes, “That which is yet to come forth is called stillness; that which has come forth is called movement. Stillness is essence and movement effect. Right in the space between what is yet to come forth and what has already come forth is called stillness-and-movement.”39 Liu Zhi expands on Wang Daiyu’s theory of the three levels of the Real One and writes, “The [level] of It which is silent and without attachment is called substance; the [level] of It which knows and illuminates without omission is called function; the [level] of It which divides into multiplicity without error is called action.”40 For Liu Zhi, the three levels of the Real One are arranged in order of precedence, starting with the inner level and working outwards. In this sense, “Function originates in substance and action in function.”41 In other words, from a logical perspective, in the three levels of the Real One, substance has priority and is followed by function and then action. However, in terms of essence, “Action does not leave function and function does not leave substance.” In this sense, the three levels of the Real One refer to the same singular entity. The Three Ones Theory of the Real One, the Numerical One, and the Experienced One The Chinese Islamic Three Ones theory refers to the Real One, Numerical One, and Experienced One of God, which is to say His three forms of attribute: attributes of substance, function, and action. The internal relationship between the Three Ones of God is characterized by “from One, three; from three, One.” “From One, three” refers to the way in which God self-manifests in the form of the three intangible attributes (or levels) of substance, function, and action. This is how the Absolute One of God manifests as three: as the Real One, the Numerical One, and the Experienced One. “From three, One” refers to the fact that although the Real One, the Numerical One, and the Experienced One are nominally distinguishable, the essence to which they refer is in fact One, the Absolute One of God. This is God’s internal and intangible self-manifestation. According to Islamic scholars, it is precisely by way of God’s gradual self-manifestation that the rich and various multiplicity of the world comes into being.

72

Zongping Sha

Wang Daiyu writes, “To explain how One [can] have three, it can be said [there are] the One without other, the One that is the basis of numbers, and the One that is experienced and known. The One without other is the Lord of Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things; the One that is the basis of numbers is the seed of Heaven, Earth and the myriad things; the One that is experienced and known is the fruit of Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things.”42 Philosophically speaking, God too has the three levels of substance, function, and action, which is what Wang Daiyu describes when he explains “how One can have three.” What he calls “the One without other,” “the One that is the basis of numbers,” and “the One that is experienced and known,” he also refers to as the Real One, the Numerical One, and the Experienced One. Ma Zhu writes, “The Real One is the Originary Lord of creation. Wuji is the originary seed of the myriad mandates. Taiji is the originary fruit of the myriad natures.”43 Therefore, Ma Zhu believes that the wuji of neo-Confucianism corresponds to the Chinese Islamic concept of the Numerical One, whereas taiji corresponds to the concept of the Experienced One. As such, Ma Zhu’s three levels of God are the Real One, wuji, and taiji. Liu Zhi’s treatment of this question is more profound and systematic. First, the three levels of God (substance, function, and action) divide and are manifested as the Real One, the Numerical One, and the Experienced One. Second, the Real One, the Numerical One, and the Experienced One are said to refer to the same unified entity. The order in which they are manifested from God means they give rise to three different levels or realms; however, in reality, they are all manifestations of one God and none lie beyond His simple unity. The order of their manifestation is not temporal or spatial but rather logical. Liu Zhi writes, “The Real One manifests as the Numerical One but the Numerical One is pervaded by the Real One. It is not the case that there is a Numerical One beyond the Real One. The Numerical One manifests as the Experienced One but the Experienced One is pervaded by the Numerical One. It is not the case that there is an Experienced One beyond the Numerical One.”44 In other words, the Real One, Numerical One, and Experienced One all lie within God. The following is an account of the characteristics of these three levels. Liu Zhi claims that the Real One is “the Lordly Ruler of the myriad beings” and “Real means not fanciful. One means not two.” He continues: “Wise people say that the hidden is named Real and the manifest is named thing.” “Nothing is not manifest and nothing is not Real.”45 When Liu Zhi argues that the Real One is the “Lordly Ruler of the myriad beings,” he is saying that the Real One has two modes, which are described in the passage “the hidden is named Real and the manifest is named thing.” In other words, the Real One (God) can be hidden or manifest. When hidden, it is the originary source of the cosmos and everything in it, the Lordly Ruler of the myriad beings—this

The Cycle of Great Transformatio

73

is the Real One as God. When manifest, it is the many levels of manifestation that comprise the pretemporal intangible world of principles and the temporal tangible world of images. With this manifestation outwards, the Real One, the Numerical One, and the Experienced One are manifested one by one—this is the Real One as God’s substance. On one hand, the Numerical One is manifested from the Real One (God). On the other hand, the Numerical One is the agent of God’s function. As such the Numerical One also has two modes. The first is as the manifestation of the Real One, secondary to the Real One. Liu Zhi explains, “Comparing in terms of reality, the Real One is Real and the Numerical One illusory. Comparing in terms of sovereignty, the Real One is Lord and the Numerical One servant. Comparing in terms of size, the Real One is an ocean and the Numerical One a ripple.”46 In this sense, when compared with the Real One, the Numerical One is in all respects inferior. However, the Numerical One is also that from which the world of principles and the world of images emerge. As Liu Zhi puts it, “The world of principles and the world of images both divide and set forth from the Numerical One. As such the Real One’s [path] from the world of principles to the world of images must set out from [the Numerical One] to enact its manifestation and disclosure according to its will.” Liu Zhi further writes, “The One of the Numerical One is where numbers start. The number of the myriad principles must start from here. The number of the myriad things must advance from here.”47 In other words, although the Numerical One is inferior to the Real One, it is superior to the myriad beings that later become manifest. Furthermore, these later manifestations originate in the Numerical One and not the Real One. On one hand, the Experienced One is manifested from the Numerical One. On the other hand, the Experienced One is the agent of God’s action. Wang Daiyu argues, “The human level is what is referred to as the One that is experienced and known.” “The real nature of the pretemporal First Mandate is to experience the subtlety of the Real One; the primordial nature of temporal bodily life is to experience the principle of wuji; the unifying of yin and yang called shape and substance is to experience the function of taiji.”48 In other words, the human experience can be divided into “real nature,” “primordial nature,” and “shape and substance,” which are used to experience and understand “the subtlety of the Real One,” “the principle of wuji,” and “the principle of taiji,” respectively. Wang Daiyu’s thought seems reasonably refined on a formal level. However, his Chinese formulation seems to have sacrificed a considerable amount in terms of Islamic character. Liu Zhi writes, “Human life has three substances: bodily substance, heart substance, and natural substance. There are also three ways of experiencing by way of substance, which is to say experiencing by way of the three substances.” He goes on to explain, “What can be achieved by experiencing the

74

Zongping Sha

Real One by way of bodily substance is compliance”; “What can be achieved by experiencing the Real One by way of heart substance is enlightenment”; “What can be achieved by experiencing the Real One by way of natural substance is lack of separation [from the Real One].”49 Liu Zhi replaces Wang Daiyu’s “real nature,” “primordial nature,” and “shape and substance” with “natural substance,” “heart substance,” and “bodily substance,” which are rather more straightforward and theoretically consistent than the terms Wang Daiyu uses. Where Wang Daiyu refers to “the subtlety of the Real One,” “the principle of wuji,” and “the principle of taiji,” Liu Zhi simply writes “the Real One,” which is not only clearer than Wang Daiyu’s formulation but also more in line with Islamic thought and more likely to be understood and accepted by most Chinese Muslims, including Muslim scholars. According to Liu Zhi, the human, or the Small World, brings together pretemporal nature and principle with the temporal physical body, which is why it is able to come to know the Real One. The path of the Three Ones begins with the formation of the Numerical One from the Real One and the Experienced One from the Numerical One. Once this process has reached its end, it is possible to return to the Real One by way of the Experienced One’s capacity to experience and understand the Real One. This is achieved by bodily knowing, understanding knowing, and continuous knowing (knowing in which the knower is one with God). This is what is meant by the Cycle of Great Transformation—reach the end and return to the start. LIU ZHI’S THEORY OF HUMANITY Liu Zhi’s theory of humanity is an account of the Small World (the human) and includes the Islamic theory of life, epistemology, and the doctrine of the return to the Real. Liu Zhi’s work is firmly based in Islamic doctrine and draws broadly from medieval Arabic science, particularly medicine, and Islamic theological thought to give an account of human birth and fulfilment as well as how humans in a society based on religious morality can “return to the Real and be reborn.” According to Islam, the rebirth and return to the Real is the final purpose of human life and the only path to the attainment of ultimate happiness. However, the Islamic doctrine of “descent from the pretemporal” and “return from the temporal,” while describing the entire process of human life, is merely a theoretical account of how humans are born and attain fulfilment. Islamic epistemology seeks to answer how humans, as the successors to the land, can fulfil God’s requirements and wishes, thereby allowing for the possibility of ultimate happiness—the rebirth of the return to the Real. To know God, people must first know themselves. Only by knowing God can they truly have faith in Him. Conversely, the theory of the return to

The Cycle of Great Transformatio

75

the Real seeks to answer the question of how to put that faith into practice. Only by diligently enacting sancheng 三乘 (the triyana or three vehicles) can the rebirth of the return to the Real be achieved. The Islamic theory of life as formulated by Liu Zhi addresses three main topics. First, as with all Islamic thought, humans are said to play a very important role. According to the Qur’an, when God created humans, he had already set aside an exalted position and harbored great hopes for them. He designated them successors to the land and endowed them with the spirit of the myriad things: “God knows all that is hidden in the heavens and earth; He knows the thoughts contained in the heart; it is He who made you [people] successors to the land.”50 Second, it is argued that the human path travels from the tangible to the intangible. As Liu Zhi points out, “The being of the Small World first has six levels of tangible likeness, then has six levels of intangible principle,”51 and “The Small World is first tangible and then intangible. It returns from matter to principle.”52 Finally, Liu Zhi believes that human life directly originates from pretemporal principles and natures, which is what is referred to as “descent from the pretemporal.” However, the “seeds” of the pretemporal natures and principles become humans that must enact a “return from the temporal.” As to the question of humans being successors to the land and the spirit of the myriad things, Wang Daiyu writes, “After the Real One, the esteemed of the myriad things, there is nothing greater than humans.”53 In other words, in the entire universe beneath the Real One (God), there is nothing more exalted than humans. Wang Daiyu believes that “Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things are there to be made use of by humans,” and “To have Heaven and Earth but no humans is no different from having a dressing table without a mirror. To have humans and no Heaven and Earth is to have a beautiful mirror with no stand [to support it].”54 This means that Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things are there to serve humans. The relationship between humans and the world is similar to the relationship between a mirror and a dressing table. If there is a dressing table without a mirror, then the basic function of the dressing table cannot be fulfilled; as such, it is imperfect. Ma Zhu writes, “Heaven and Earth are the dressing table, the myriad things are the [cosmetic] tools, the two worlds are the mirror’s cover, assiduous virtue is the mirror, and God is the beautiful person. Without the mirror the beautiful person cannot appear; without the beautiful person the mirror is useless. The mirror is not the beautiful person because the mirror was created by the beautiful person. The beautiful person is not the mirror because the beautiful person can persist without the mirror.”55 Ma Zhu’s metaphor is more comprehensive and courageous in scope. Not only are Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things likened to a dressing table and its cosmetic tools, but he also likens humans to a mirror, the two worlds as the

76

Zongping Sha

mirror’s cover, and God as the beautiful person that stands before the mirror. Although Ma Zhu’s metaphor perhaps deviates in some places from Islamic doctrine, it has the undeniable benefit of providing a vivid description of the relationship between the universe, humans, and God from an epistemological perspective. This is especially the case for his clarification that “the mirror was created by the beautiful person” and “without the mirror the beautiful person cannot appear; without the beautiful person the mirror is useless.” Ma Zhu goes on to further elucidate the relationship between the universe and humans: For whom are Heaven and Earth clear and settled? For whom do the sun and moon shine and look over [the world]? For whom do the mountains and rivers stand tall and flow? For whom do the four seasons run their course? For whom do the myriad things come to be and develop? Without me, Heaven, Earth and the myriad things are all hollow. Beyond me, the arcane mechanisms of God’s subtle function are all hidden. I was created by the Lord and the Lord is revealed through me.56

Ma Zhu’s claims that “Without me, Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things are all hollow” and “I was created by the Lord and the Lord is revealed through me.” This brings to mind the Confucian appeal to heroic spirit, “Resolve [your] heart for Heaven and Earth; resolve [your] fate for the people; establish great peace for ten thousand generations.” Liu Zhi continues in the footsteps of his predecessors when he writes, “If there were Heaven and Earth but no humans, then there would be no need for the myriad things in the established place of Heaven and Earth, there being no humans [to make use of them]. The use of the myriad things belongs to the life that knows Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things, which is the human. In the human, the entire substance and great function of the Real Ruler finally coheres.”57 In other words, Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things are established for humans in which the entire substance and great function of God coheres. Liu Zhi continues, “The human is the spirit of the myriad things,” arguing that “the human body comprises all the bodies there are; the human heart contains all the hearts there are; the human nature consolidates all the natures there are. This is why the human is the spirit of the myriad things.”58 In this sense the human is the spirit of myriad things in terms of body, heart, and nature. Regarding the way in which the human path travels from the tangible to the intangible, or the question of “the descent from the pretemporal” and the “return from the temporal,” Liu Zhi writes, “That [humans] are tangible is a result of the point at which the pretemporal nature and principle [produces] excess, which becomes the Sea of Sediment—the root and seed of the myriad

The Cycle of Great Transformatio

77

affairs and human life beneath Heaven. When Adam was endowed with the essence of the four elements, they amassed to form a body, and at this point [his] abode was his body.”59 In other words, the formation of the Small World originates in pretemporal nature and principle, from the excess of the manifestation of God’s Great Mandate into Nature and Intelligence called the “Sea of Sediment.” The Sea of Sediment is “the end of the pretemporal and the root of the temporal” and contains a “point” that comes from the pretemporal. This point is rūḥ, or Holy Spirit, which is the source of human life. Rūḥ is intangible; it is renzhixing 人之性 (human’s nature) and the seed of human life, the seed from which human life comes to be. Liu Zhi believes that if there were only “the descent from the pretemporal,” then there would only be this pretemporal seed, which is not enough for a real life, a really existing Small World. Only by way of “the return from the temporal” can the seed of pretemporal nature and principle become a real human, and the Small World become perfect and complete. Only then is the Small World the spirit of the myriad things. This brings us to the question of the Small World’s “return from the temporal.” Liu Zhi believes that the arrival to the temporal and return to the pretemporal is implicit in the Big World’s descent and ascent along the axis of creation. He writes, “Just as the Big World descends and ascends, so too does the Small World arrive and return. The arrival and return of the Small World is implicit in the descent and ascent of the Big World. Ascent to the origin of the Big World’s descent is an ascent that comes to an end in the tangible. The return of the Small World to [that from which] it arrived is a return that comes to an end in the intangible. The intangible is supremely refined in comparison with the tangible.”60 In other words, the descent and ascent of the Big World corresponds to the arrival and return of the Small World; however, the arrival and return of the Small World are more subtle and refined than the descent and ascent of the Big World, as the ascent of the Big World must come to an end in the tangible, whereas the return of the Small World can attain the intangible. In this sense, the arrival and return of the Small World is more profound than the ascent and descent of the Big World. Furthermore, Liu Zhi argues that “the myriad web of principles in the universe are utterly without end, but they are no more than the ascent, descent, arrival, and return of the self of the One Real Ruler,”61 which is to say that the infinite expanse of the universe and its contents are simply the result of God’s self-ascending, descending, arriving, and returning. This means that in terms of essence the universe is the manifestation and externalization of God. On the subject of pretemporal creation and temporal creation, Liu Zhi elaborates further:

78

Zongping Sha

Pretemporal creation starts from the run and flow of the One Principle . . . and comes to an end with elemental matter. This is the Real Ruler’s essence descending from on high. This is the basis for the descent of the Big World. This is also the basis for the arrival of the Small World. Temporal creation begins with the division and disclosure of elemental matter . . . and comes to an end with humans. This [process of temporal creation] is [superficially] the ascent of the Big World but in actuality is the ascent of the Real Ruler, what is referred to as descending to the seed and ascending to the fruit. The fruit of the temporal is the seed of the pretemporal. The arrival of the Small World arrives in [the place to which] the Big World descends, while its return returns from [the place to which] the Big World ascends, in the end returning to the final [stage], the most refined [stage]. The arrival of the temporal is from a point. From one point the form of the body comes to be. With the form of the body comes solidity, growth, awareness and spirit. [The spirit] develops until it reaches a continuity of nature with the first manifestation where it comes to an end. This is the arrival of the self of the Small World and its return.62

In other words, pretemporal creation is God’s descent from on high and the run and flow of the One Principle that comes to an end with elemental matter. This is the descent of God and the Big World. Temporal creation is the ascent of God, which begins with the division and disclosure of elemental matter and comes to an end with humans. This is the ascent of God and also the ascent of the Big World. The arrival of the Small World takes place alongside the descent of the Big World. The return of the Small World begins where the ascent of the Big World ends. The arrival of the Small World originates in “a point” of the pretemporal, from which develops the form of the body and its six intangible qualities of life. The last of these qualities is continuity with God. This is what is meant by the arrival of the self of the Small World and its return. In summary, the arrival of the Small World originates in the form of the body that emerges from a point, and the return of the Small World is how from “the form of a body comes solidity, growth, awareness, and spirit. The spirit develops until it reaches a continuity of nature with the first manifestation where it comes to an end.” Liu Zhi explains, “The human body distinguishes its form from a point until spiritual life gradually manifests function. This is how the Small World develops the intangible from the tangible. Spiritual life is the tangible in the intangible, the intangible in the tangible. This is the great mechanism by which humans that come from Heaven unite with Heaven.”63 Epistemology Liu Zhi’s epistemology is an investigation of how humans come to know and have faith in God. First, Liu Zhi divides human nature into four levels: the

The Cycle of Great Transformatio

79

sage, the worthy, the intelligent, and the ignorant. After that, he goes on to explore the various kinds of obstructions there are to human knowledge, particularly the gulf that exists between God and human and the extent to which the different levels of human nature are able to navigate these obstructions that lie between them and primordiality. Finally, Liu Zhi discusses different forms of faith in practical terms, focusing in particular on belief, skepticism, compliance, and defiance. After distinguishing the four different levels of human nature—the sage, the worthy, the intelligent, and the ignorant—Liu Zhi argues that these differences are “half determined by Heaven, half a result of the individual.” He writes, “The division into sage, worthy, intelligent, and ignorant is a result of pretemporal principle, matter, temporal knowledge, and practice. Pretemporal principle and matter are determined by Heaven, [something] in which humans cannot participate. Temporal knowledge and practice are a result of the individual, [something] in which humans can participate. This is why the division into sage, worthy, intelligent, and ignorant is half determined by heaven and half a result of the individual.”64 This means that there are two elements that determine human nature: the first is pretemporal principle and matter and the second is temporal knowledge and practice. Pretemporal principle and matter are determined by Heaven (which is to say predetermined), which means humans have no say in them. Temporal knowledge and practice are a result of human free will, which means humans do have a say in them. This is why Liu Zhi emphasizes the fact that the four levels of human nature are “half determined by Heaven and half a result of the individual.” In other words, the discrepancies that exist between the various levels of human nature are both a result of Heavenly predetermination (i.e., they are innate) and a result of worldly formation (i.e., they are acquired). This is Liu Zhi’s philosophical explanation for the development of various human natures in the world. Liu Zhi’s discussion of the obstacles to knowledge centers primarily on what obstructs communion between humans and Heaven (God). Each level of human nature faces different levels of obstruction, and Liu Zhi believes that apart from the sage, all human natures are subject to obstructions of some sort. For the ignorant, the obstruction lies in their bodily wants and desires. For the intelligent, the obstruction lies in the wants and desires of the heart (those of spectacles, news, learning, and art). What obstructs the worthy is their consciousness of their own nature; their subjective awareness of self prevents them from attaining oneness with God. The worthy are forever coming into contact with primordiality; however, their self-consciousness is always obstructing a true communion with it. Conversely, the sage, as they abandon self-consciousness, are always able to transform obstacles into primordiality. Finally, Liu Zhi explains the methods for transforming obstacles into primordiality. He writes,

80

Zongping Sha

Nature is the self-manifestation of primordiality. What obstacle can there be in the return to primordiality by way of the nature of primordiality? The heart is formed by the run and flow of primordiality. What obstacle can there be in the return to primordiality by way of the heart of the run and flow of primordiality? The body is formed by the run and flow of primordiality according to what is proper to originary being. What obstacle can there be in the return to primordiality by way of utterly adhering to the will of the run and flow of primordiality? This is why, amidst constant sounds, sights, smells, and tastes, the ears, eyes, nose, and mouth of primordiality begin to fulfil the functions of ears, eyes, nose, and mouth—[this is] no obstacle. This is why, with the constant talk of spectacles, news, learning and art, the acuity, lucidity, insightfulness, and intelligence of primordiality begin to fulfil the functions of acuity, lucidity, insightfulness, and intelligence—[this is] no obstacle. This is why with the power of divine awareness and illumination that is forever being manifest, the total substance and great function of primordiality begin to fulfil the subtleties of [primordiality’s] total substance and great function—[this is] no obstacle.65

In short, Liu Zhi does not believe that the body, the heart, and nature necessarily give rise to obstacles. Nature is the self-manifestation of primordiality; therefore, to return to primordiality by way of the nature of primordiality will not give rise to obstacles. The heart is formed by primordiality’s run and flow; therefore, to return to primordiality by way of what flows and runs from the primordial will also not give rise to obstacles. Similarly, the body is a result of primordiality’s run and flow in accordance with what is proper to originary being; therefore, to return to primordiality by way of the body of primordiality will not give rise to obstacles. Having explained why the body, the heart, and nature are not themselves obstacles to knowing God, Liu Zhi reaffirms his point by arguing that the obstacles are not a result of the fact we live in a world of sounds, sights, smells, and tastes, nor spectacles, news, learning, and art, nor ever-manifesting divine awareness and illumination. Liu Zhi goes on to explain the practical problems people face in trying to realize their faith. The first of these is the problem of “skepticism, belief, and the accumulation of virtue.” Liu Zhi believes there are three kinds of skepticism: bodily skepticism, skepticism of the heart, and skepticism of nature. Bodily skepticism and skepticism of the heart can both be remedied through practice, which is not the case for skepticism of nature. Belief is similarly divided into bodily belief, belief of the heart, and belief of nature. The highest state one can reach is one of “no belief and no skepticism,” which only those of the level of the sage can attain. The second problem people face is that of “the division of compliance and defiance” with respect to the Heavenly Principle and human desires: “Compliance means adhering to the Heavenly principle and not following selfish human desires. Defiance means immersing oneself solely in human desire and not conforming to the righteousness of

The Cycle of Great Transformatio

81

Heavenly Principle.” In other words, obeying the Heavenly Principle and not following human desires is compliant action, whereas being at the mercy of human desires such that one goes against Heavenly Principle is defiant action. For Liu Zhi, all good, evil, iniquity, and righteousness are a result of compliance and defiance. The different levels of compliance and defiance determine the moral character of all human affairs, and without this distinction between compliance and defiance, the world would be imperfect. Liu Zhi finishes by discussing the question of “the progress of self-improvement by way of religious practice”: “Were human life without cravings and desires, it would be impossible to appreciate the subtleties of sounds, sights, smells, and tastes; without the merits of religious practice, it would be impossible to [realize] the gradual return to the Real of primordiality.”66 He argues that there are three stages of such a practice: rectify the body, clear the heart, and perfect the nature, which is to say sancheng 三乘 (the triyana or three vehicles). The Rebirth of the Return to the Real Humans came to be with the creation of the father of humankind. According to Islam, God’s purpose in creating humans was for humans to come to know Him. Knowledge of God is the beginning of the rebirth of the return to the Real. Wang Daiyu writes, “A classic states, ‘Humans who know themselves know their creator God.’ A sage man [once] said, ‘Mortal humans’ knowledge of their creator God begins with knowledge of themselves.”67 Ma Zhu writes, “God said, ‘I am a hidden treasure. I love to be known. I created humans only so they would know me.’ The Hadith states, ‘Mortal humans who know themselves know their creator God.’”68 Therefore, God created humans so they would come to know Him. Not only are humans the spirit of the myriad things, they are also the basis for communion with and knowledge of God. Muslims believe that humans, as successors to the land, must engage in religious practice after their arrival on Earth in order to achieve the rebirth of the return to the Real. For Liu Zhi, the return to the Real is no simple task, and to achieve it, one must satisfy certain conditions. He elaborates six impediments to returning to the Real that must be overcome: there is no return without engaging in religious practice; there is no return if one engages in religious practice but does not attain a state of indistinctness; there is no return if one is aware of self; there is no return if one has knowledge of the return; there is no return if unity is not achieved; there is no return with knowledge. Liu Zhi writes, Above and below in Heaven and Earth, within and without humans and things, everything is the run and flow of primordiality, but only the sage is able to

82

Zongping Sha

realize an approach to this realm. The sage is aware of the incapability of the masses yet yearns for their capability. This is why [the sage] demonstrates to the incapable the paths to realization. The first is called ritual. The second is called the Way. The third is called the Real.69

In other words, the universe and humans are all simply the run and flow of the primordiality of God, but only the sage has the capacity for realization, which is the realization of Islamic practice in such a way that brings about the rebirth of the return to the Real. To help the masses attain the rebirth of the return to the Real, the sage provides them with three paths to realization, which are the triyana: licheng 礼乘 (the yana of ritual), daocheng 道乘 (the yana of the Way), and zhencheng 真乘 (the yana of the Real). Liu Zhi writes, First, [let us] speak of the yana of ritual. Bearing the totality of the way of Heaven and the way of humans, the rules that govern every affair and undertaking, is the method of those who accumulate virtue and are reverent in their deeds. Next, [let us] speak of the yana of the Way. Bearing the totality of the principle of humans and things, completing the process of bringing human and Heaven together, is the method of those who satisfy [their] principle and fulfil [their] nature. Finally, [let us] speak of the yana of principle, also called the yana of the Real. Bearing the totality of selflessness and thinglessness, the subtle state that is the identity of Heaven with human, is the method of those who subdue the self and complete the Real. The accumulation of virtue and reverence in [one’s] deeds is how [one] cultivates the body; the satisfaction of [one’s] principle and fulfilment of [one’s] nature is how [one] clears the heart; the subduing of self and completion of the Real is how [one] encounters nature. If the body is not cultivated, the heart cannot be clear. If the heart is not clear, nature cannot be encountered. If nature is not encountered, then Heaven cannot be unified with.70

In short, the path of return to the Real can be divided into three sections or triyana. Ritual refers to the daily practice of religious ritual. It is achieved by the body; as such, Liu Zhi describes it as the cultivation of body. It is the path of return to the Real for “those who accumulate virtue and are reverent in their deeds.” The Way refers to the practice of renouncing material things and returning to God. It is achieved by the heart; as such, Liu Zhi describes it as the clearing of heart. It is the path of return to the Real for “those who satisfy their principle and fulfil their nature.” The Real refers to a fusion with primordiality. It is achieved in terms of one’s nature; as such, Liu Zhi describes it as the encounter with nature. It is the path of return to the Real for “those who subdue the self and complete the Real.” When Liu Zhi speaks of implementing “nature” in one’s practice, he is speaking of the implementation of primordiality.

The Cycle of Great Transformatio

83

Liu Zhi does not believe that the triyana are external to human beings but rather are natural stages inherent to the human body, heart, and nature, formed by the run and flow of God’s primordiality. The sage is aware of this and distinguishes them with a view to guiding the masses on the path of the triyana, which will allow them to return to their roots and be reborn. Liu Zhi writes, “The return to the root is the return to one’s beginning. Rebirth is the completion of one’s proper affairs.” Islam “teaches people to know God so as to return to His primordial substance and to be reverent in their affairs to fulfil their primary mandate.” “To complete the primary mandate and return to the primordial substance” is the perfect fulfilment of Islamic teaching and practice. As Liu Zhi points out, the run and flow of God’s primordiality leads to the human body, which means the human body contains tianzhi 天秩 (Heavenly order) and tianxu 天叙 (Heavenly sequence). As such, the human body already contains the Five Pillars of the Heavenly Way and the Five Standards of the Human Way, which are the essence of the yana of ritual. The run and flow of God’s primordiality leads to the human heart, which means the human heart contains liangzhi 良知 (moral conscience) and 良 能 (moral capability). As such the human heart already contains the Seven Virtues and the Five Senses, the full implementation of which results in the bringing together of human and Heaven. This is the yana of the Way. Finally, the run and flow of God’s primordiality leads to human nature, which means human nature contains the quanti 全体 (entire substance) and dayong 大用 (great function) of primordiality. As such, human nature can realize a state of “selflessness,” “thinglessness,” and “the identity of Heaven with human,” which is the goal of the practice of the yana of the Real. Moreover, Liu Zhi explores religious practice as it is conducted by sages and ordinary people. He writes, “From a rectified body to a clear heart, from a clear heart to fulfilled nature—this is the cultivation process for ordinary people, gradual cultivation from the outside in. From a fulfilled nature to a clear heart, from a clear heart to a rectified body—this is the cultivation process for sages, cultivation without dependence from the inside out. This being said, the cultivation process for sages is not [something one should] have the temerity to hope for.”71 The practice available to ordinary people begins with a rectified body, progresses through a clear heart, and finishes with a fulfilled nature. This is a gradual process that begins outside and works its way inwards. The nature of sages is perfectly fulfilled from the start; as such, their heart will be naturally clear. As their heart is clear, their body will naturally be in its correct state. It is a process that takes place naturally and does not rely on any external factor, beginning inside and working its way outwards. However, the religious practice of sages is not available to ordinary people. In summary, Liu Zhi believes there are two paths of religious practice.

84

Zongping Sha

The order of religious practice for ordinary people begins with a rectified body and progresses first to a clear heart, then a fulfilled nature. It is a gradual and difficult process that starts from the surface and moves to the interior, beginning with the superficial and working its way toward the profound. The order of religious practice for sages begins with a fulfilled nature and progresses first to a clear heart, then a rectified body. It is a natural process that starts from the interior and moves to the surface, beginning with the profound and working its way toward the superficial. Liu Zhi writes, There are sudden and gradual [means of attaining] the transcendence and subtlety of the ultimate human [realm]. The Heavenly and the human [determine] the categorisation of the sage and the ordinary. To know only of the sudden and not the gradual means that the sudden cannot be used as a method. Sudden transcendence is a path for only one or two people. Gradual entrance is the path for millions of people. To content oneself with the ordinary and not yearn for the sage is to automatically fail to accomplish either Heavenly or human affairs.72

In other words, human nature can attain the transcendent and subtle realm through both gradual and sudden methods. The difference between sages and ordinary people is that sages can achieve this by way of their innate gift, whereas ordinary people must rely on worldly action. Therefore, for most people, to know only of sudden practice and not know of gradual practice will lead to failure, as sudden practice is available to only a few people. Gradual practice is the path that the vast majority must take. Those who limit themselves to mundane activities and do not strive to achieve sagehood will automatically fail in both human and Heavenly affairs. In short, for most people it is important to have the ambitious goal of becoming a sage and achieving the rebirth of the return to the Real; however, they must also be prudent, devoting themselves to the arduous task of religious practice, to attain a higher spiritual state. This is the only path to the rebirth of the Return to the Real. Liu Zhi further explains in more detail the steps that must be taken to achieve the rebirth of the return to the Real. “There is no path of return to the Real for [those who] seek return before [they] have engaged in religious practice.”73 “There is no return with knowledge.” “There is no return with awareness of self.” “If [one] engages in religious practice without renunciation, all such religious practice will be an obstacle to the return to the Real.” “Forget religious practice and forget the Real. Forgetting is the mechanism of return.”74 In other words, religious practice is the first step of returning to the Real. Without practice, there is no path to the Real. However, not only should one engage in religious practice but also “forget religious practice.” Only then can the return to the Real be a possibility. Completing the return

The Cycle of Great Transformatio

85

of the real requires four acts of forgetting: “forget religious practice,” “forget knowledge,” “forget the self,” and “forget others.” To summarize, the method Liu Zhi advocates to achieve the return to the Real consists of the following steps: 1.  Religious practice. One must engage in religious practice, as without religious practice there is no path to return to the Real. Only once this has been achieved can one begin to approach the Real, at which point one must free oneself from the religious practice in which one is engaged. 2.  Forgetting. The first step to freeing oneself from religious practice is forgetting the practice one is conducting, which is necessary to return to the Real. Not only must one forget the practice one is conducting but also the very act of return. This forgetting must take place while one is in the process of seeing, hearing, speaking, and acting. However, since seeing, hearing, speaking, and acting are all directed at an object, this state of forgetting still gives rise to obstacles to the return to the Real. 3.  Real Forgetting. The four acts of forgetting constitute Real Forgetting. Liu Zhi writes, “Real forgetting is to be without self or other. Being without self or other, the traces of the return are eradicated. This is the only way to return to the subtle realm of the Real.”75 Real Forgetting is a state without self or other, in which even an awareness of the return to the Real is forgotten. It is the only way to truly achieve a return to the subtle realm of the Real. Ultimate happiness lies in realizing the rebirth of the return to the Real. This is the focal point of the Islamic theory of human life and the final purpose of Islam. In summary, Liu Zhi’s theory of the Real One addresses from a philosophical standpoint the question of the object of Muslims’ faith, God, emphasizing His unity. Subsequently, he goes on to formulate a theory of the creation of the universe and the relationship between God and the world. Liu Zhi’s theory of humanity begins with an account of the origin of human life, “the arrival from the pretemporal,” and identifies the meaning and purpose of life, which is knowledge of the creator of the universe, God. Furthermore, he explains that in order to achieve ultimate happiness and eternal bliss, humans must engage in the religious practice of the triyana, thereby returning to God. In short, the entire universe exists on a closed loop he calls “the Cycle of Great Transformation.” It begins with the unity of God, from whom the “run and flow of the One Principle” gives rise to the world and everything in it, including humans. With the arrival of humans, the Cycle of Great Transformation enters the stage of “reaching the end and returning to the start,” which is realized by humans returning to God by way of the religious practice of the

86

Zongping Sha

triyana. With this, the closed loop of human life that contains within it both the temporal and pretemporal is completely realized. Liu Zhi’s “Heavenly Way” is what he is describing when he writes, “In the depths of invisible and irretrievable darkness, there is the Real One.” God is intangible, invisible, nowhere, and everywhere. Everything in the world is created by Him. Liu Zhi’s “human way” is what he is describing when he explains that God’s final creation, the human (the Small World), must come to know God, worship Him, and return to Him through Islamic practice. Only then is God’s act of creation completed, human life fulfilled, and ultimate happiness achieved. The Qur’an depicted for Muslims a lustrous Heaven of rich emotive power. Conversely, the Chinese Muslim thinker Liu Zhi used his exemplary analytic skill to depict for Muslims a profound Heaven of great philosophical depth. NOTES 1. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Dianli, volume 1. 2. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Dianli, vol.ume 1. 3. Translator’s note: There are various possible translations for this term, including “the One of Many,” as it refers to the first in a plurality rather than the absolute and singular Real One. However, I have chosen “the Numerical One” here to maintain a certain symmetry between the translated terms for the three Ones, where, particularly in the case of the Real One, it seems important to preserve the adjectival form of the qualifier. 4. Wang Daiyu, Zhengjiao Zhenquan. 5. Wang Daiyu, Zhengjiao Zhenquan. 6. Wang Daiyu, Zhengjiao Zhenquan. 7. Wang Daiyu, Zhengjiao Zhenquan. 8. Wang Daiyu, Zhengjiao Zhenquan. 9. Jin Yijiu, Zhongguo Yisilan tanmi. 10. Wang Daiyu, Zhengjiao Zhenquan. 11. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 12. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 13. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 14. Zhang Boxing, Taijitu Xiangjie. 15. Zhu Xi, Sishu Jizhu. 16. Wang Daiyu, Zhengjiao Zhenquan. 17. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 18. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Dianli, volume 1. 19. Translator’s note: the five Confucian classics are Shijing 诗经 (Book of Songs), Shangshu 尚书 (Book of Documents), Zhouyi 周易 (Book of Changes), Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals), and Liji 礼记 (Book of Rites). 20. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Dianli, volume 1. 21. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli.

The Cycle of Great Transformatio

87

22. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 23. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 24. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 25. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Dianli, volume 1. 26. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Dianli, volume 2. 27. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Dianli, volume 2. 28. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Dianli, volume 2. 29. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Dianli, volume 2. 30. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Dianli, volume 2. 31. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Dianli, volume 1. 32. Liu Zhi. Tianfang Xingli. 33. Translator’s note: the Big World refers to the cosmos, whereas the Small World refers to the subjective world of humans. 34. Wang Daiyu, Zhengjiao Zhenquan. 35. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 36. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 37. Wang Daiyu, Zhengjiao Zhenquan. 38. Wang Daiyu, Zhengjiao Zhenquan. 39. Wang Daiyu. Zhengjiao Zhenquan. 40. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 41. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 42. Wang Daiyu, Zhengjiao Zhenquan. 43. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 44. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 45. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 46. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 47. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 48. Wang Daiyu, Zhengjiao Zhenquan. 49. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 50. Qur’an 35:38–9 (translator’s note: the original text cites the Chinese translation by Ma Jian). 51. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 52. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 53. Wang Daiyu, Zhengjiao Zhenquan. 54. Wang Daiyu, Zhengjiao Zhenquan. 55. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 56. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 57. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 58. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 59. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 60. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 61. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 62. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 63. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 64. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli.

88

Zongping Sha

65. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 66. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 67. Wang Daiyu, Zhengjiao Zhenquan. 68. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen Zhinan. 69. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 70. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Dianli, volume 1. 71. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 72. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 73. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 74. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli. 75. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Xingli.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Qur’an, translated by Abdel Haleem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). Gulanjing 古兰经, translated by Ma Jian 马坚 (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press中国社会科学出版社, 1981). Jin Yijiu 金宜久, Zhongguo Yisilan Tanmi—Liu Zhi Sixiang Yanjiu中国伊斯兰探 秘——刘智思想研究 [Explorations in Chinese Islam—Researches on Liu Zhi] (Beijing: Dongfang Publishers 东方出版社, 1999). Liu Zhi 刘智, Tianfang Dianli 天方典礼 [Rituals of Islam] (Tianjian: Tianjin Guji Publishers天津古籍出版社, 1998). Liu Zhi 刘智, Tianfang Xingli 天方性理 [The Nature and Principle of Islam] (Taibei: Taibei Li Ming Cultural Enterprise Co., Ltd台北黎明文化事业公司, 1978). Ma Zhu 马注, Qingzhen Zhinan 清真指南 [A Guide to Islam], edited by Yu Zhengui 余振贵 (Yinchuan: Ningxia People’s Publishing House宁夏人民出版社, 1988). Wang Daiyu 王岱舆, Zhengjiao Zhenquan, Qingzhen Daxue, Xizhen Zhengda 正教 真诠·清真大学·希真正答 [A True Interpretation of Islam, The Great Learning of Islam, Orthodox Responses on the Rare Truth], edited by Yu Zhengui 余振贵 (Yinchuan: Ningxia People’s Publishing House宁夏人民出版社, 1988). Zhang Boxing 张伯行, Taijitu Xiangjie 太极图详解 [Detailed Explanation of the Diagram of Supreme Ultimate] (Shanghai: Xueyuan Publishing House学苑出版 社, 1990). Zhu Xi 朱熹, Sishu Jizhu 四书集注 [Commentaries on the Four Books] (Chengdu: Bashu Publishing House巴蜀书社, 1989).

Chapter 6

Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in the ‌‌ Light of Zhenjing Zhaowei‌ Guiping Yang Translated by Stephen Nashef

Zhenjing Zhaowei 真境昭微 (Displaying the Concealment of the Real Realm) is Liu Zhi’s 刘智 Chinese translation of Jāmī’s Persian Islamic Sufi work Lawāʾiḥ. By comparing Zhenjing Zhaowei and the Persian Lawāʾiḥ, this chapter presents an analysis of how Liu Zhi preserves its Islamic character by focusing on the intimate connections between ontology, cosmology, and the human subjective condition as well as the mutually reinforcing relationships between religion, philosophy, rationalism, and mysticism, while drawing from Chinese philosophical concepts and categories to form an organic synthesis of Islam and Chinese culture. INTRODUCTION The Chinese Muslim elite translated the First Four Caliphs1 into si da peixian 四大配贤 (Four Great Accompanying Virtuous Men),2 referred to Sharia as tianfang lifa 天方礼法(Islamic ritual), and transformed Khadīja bint Khuwaylid, the rich widow of Muhammad’s first marriage, into a weihun gongzhu 未婚公主 (unmarried princess) awaiting a husband. They used ren 仁 (benevolence), yi 义 (righteousness), li 礼 (ceremony), zhi 智 (knowledge), and xin 信 (integrity) to explain the five Islamic pillars of declaration of faith, prayer, almsgiving, fasting, and pilgrimage as well as xiushen 修身 (self-cultivation), mingxin 明心 (clearing the heart), and jianxing 见性 (seeing the nature) to explain the Sufi notions of sharīʿa, ṭarīqah, and ḥaqīqah. As such, they endowed Islam in its Chinese social and cultural environment 89

90

Guiping Yang

with a conspicuously Confucian character. The inscriptions and plaques in mosques that remain to this day, as well as the genealogies and tombstones of elite Muslim families, provide evidence of the fact that as early as Matteo Ricci’s publication of The True Meaning of the Lord and Heaven many centuries ago, Chinese Muslims had already begun the cultural project of explicating the Islamic classics by way of Confucianism and using Confucian, Buddhist, and Daoist terminology and concepts to formulate or interpret the meaning of Islamic thought.3 Lawāʾiḥ is an influential Sufi work written by Nūr ad-Dīn ʿAbd ar-Rahmān Jāmī (1414–1492), which provides guidance to Sufis on how internal spiritual practice can bring the soul closer to God and elevate the self to a mysterious realm in which human and God are one. It is a work rich in content and of great intellectual depth that explains the theory and methods of Sufi practice and touches on theology, metaphysics, cosmology, and epistemology. Zhenjing Zhaowei is a Chinese translation of Lawāʾiḥ in which Liu Zhi (?–1745) adopts various approaches: direct translation, semantic translation, abridged translation, transformative translation, as well as translation that amends or removes parts of the original text. Zhenjing Zhaowei not only explains and formulates Sufi practice and theology in a Chinese context but is also an example of synthesis and interaction between Confucianism and Islam. THE FAMOUS SUFI WORK LAWĀʾIḤ AND ITS CHINESE TRANSLATION ZHENJING ZHAOWEI Jāmī is a celebrated Sufi scholar and poet, a famous and prolific sheikh of the Naqshbandi Sufi order. Lawāʾiḥ is a commentary on the Sufi master Ibn al-ʿArabī’s Bezels of Wisdom and was widely circulated in Persian-speaking areas and India. It brings together the thought of the Islamic Peripatetic school and Illuminationism with scholarship on the Bezels of Wisdom. It provides guidance to Sufi practitioners on how to resist disturbance from the external world and subdue individual desires and consciousness to experience directly the Absolute Real (God), achieve divine knowledge, and reach the highest realm in which human and God are one. The work emphasizes the unity of existence, knowledge, and consciousness, and considers the main sources of knowledge to be enlightenment, intuition, insight, and particularly intellectual intuition or intuitive reason, using Neoplatonism as a rational basis for the non-rational Sufi experience. The Lawāʾiḥ manuscript is currently held in the royal library in Delhi, and the British Museum possesses three copies. There are also numerous copies that have circulated within the Chinese Muslim community. It has been translated into many different languages



Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in the Light of  Zhenjing Zhaowei

91

including French, English, and Chinese. An English version was completed with reference to a French translation by E. H. Whinfied and Muhammad Kazvini and was based on a Persian version handwritten in India in the eighteenth century. This English translation contains a preface written by Haji Khalfa and thirty-six chapters.4 Another work by Jāmī, Ashiʿat al-Lamaʿāt (Rays of Divine Gleams), a commentary on Fakhr al-Dīn ʿIrāqī’s Lamaʿāt (Divine Gleams), was translated by She Yunshan 舍蕴善 as Zhao Yuanmijue 昭元秘诀 (Displaying the Essential Mysterious Methods). These two works by Jāmī, along with other Sufi works like Maqṣad al-Aqṣā (The Furthest Goal), Mirṣād al-ʻibād (The Path of God’s Bondsmen), and Gulshan-i Raz (Rose Garden of Secrets), translated into Chinese as Yan Zhenjing 研真 经 (Researching the Real Classic), Guizhen Yaodao 归真要道 (Principal Way of the Return to the Real), and Zhenjing Huayuan 真境花园 (Flower Garden of the Real Realm), respectively. These were all teaching materials in the Chinese Islamic education network and had an important influence on Chinese Muslims. Zhenjing Zhaowei, also called Zhaoweijing 昭微经 (Displaying the Concealments Classic), is Liu Zhi’s translation of the Lawāʾiḥ. The work’s intended readership was the Chinese elite, both Muslim and non-Muslim, and it aimed to provide guidance with regard to correct practice for figures in religious and scholarly communities. Zhenjing Zhaowei was written in 1751 and consists of three parts: a preface written by Peng Hui’e 彭辉萼, thirty-six chapters that form the main text, and a postface. The preface summarizes the book’s contents and structure, dividing the book into two parts. The first twelve chapters are said to explain Sufi practice, and the following twenty-four chapters elucidate Sufi thought (what is meant by the concealment and manifestation of the principle of the real): “First state the practice, then state the meaning, [which does not mean that] clarity comes from honesty [or] essence originates in action.” The relationship between practice and meaning is rather “two from one and one from two”: the two are interdependent, inseparable; neither has temporal or substantial precedence. Seeing as people who seek to “implement the practice yet know not the practice cannot implement [it],” the practice must first be described. Similarly, there are those who “seek the meaning but mistakenly take the false meaning for the [true] meaning”; therefore, the meaning too must be explained. Liu Zhi hopes that readers will learn “what is the secondary human heart and what is the primordial heart of the Way, to expel the human heart and return to the heart of the Way and to cure the human heart by means of the heart of the Way.”5 At present, it is not known on which Persian manuscript Liu Zhi based his translation. The Persian and English versions I have consulted all consist of twenty-six chapters without titles, whereas Liu Zhi has included titles for each of the twenty-six chapters that appear in his translation.

92

Guiping Yang

By comparing Liu Zhi’s translation with the original Persian and various English translations, it is clear that Liu Zhi has adopted six translation methods. 1.  Direct translation. Faithful to the original text and preserving the Persian structure, these sections directly translate the original words, phrases, sentences, and paragraphs into Chinese. 2.  Semantic translation. These sections preserve the meaning of the original. 3.  Abridged translation. In these sections, only parts of the text are translated. For instance, rather than translating the poetic passages of the original directly, the main ideas they contain are incorporated into the main text. 4.  Transformative translation. Where the original might speak of “dispersion and gathering” or “approaching and occupying oneself with,” Liu Zhi may change the order to “gathering and dispersion” or “ruminating and seeking” to produce a linguistic formulation more familiar to the Chinese reader. Similarly, Confucian, Buddhist, or Daoist terminology, particularly that of Song dynasty neo-Confucianism, is used to translate the Persian philosophical and religious concepts and ideas of the original. 5.  Translation that amends parts of the original text. For instance, Liu Zhi translates what appears in the original’s sixth chapter as “he is the Real” into “to be almost of one body with Heaven and Earth.” In the eighteenth chapter, Jāmī analyzes the concepts of “animal,” “living being,” “substance,” and “existence” to explore the relationship between species and genus, from which he goes on to distinguish possible and necessary existence. Liu Zhi makes amendments to this passage in his translation. Liu Zhi similarly amends the original text’s definition of human to better fit traditional Chinese formulations.6 6.  Translation that removes parts of the original text. The conclusion of the sixth chapter, which states “‘I am the Real’ turns into ‘He is the Real,’” is removed from the Chinese translation. Liu Zhi was taking an orthodox Islamic position when he removed passages to avoid controversy among Chinese Muslims, which might be difficult for ordinary people to understand.



Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in the Light of  Zhenjing Zhaowei

93

THE TASTE OF THE WAY IS GREATER THAN THE TASTE OF LIFE: ZHENJING ZHAOWEI AND SUFI PRACTICE Liu Zhi’s Zhenjing Zhaowei translates the first twelve chapters of Lawāʾiḥ, which provide guidance on Sufi practice, into “One Heart,” “Gathering and Dispersion,” “Change and Annihilation,” “Seeing the Way,” “Complete Beauty,” “Ruminating and Seeking,” “Holding and Amassing,” “Subduing the Self,” “Subduing the Subduing,” “Return to the One,” “Inspiration,” and “Cautious Guarding.” The “One Mind” chapter encourages practitioners to abandon worldly possessions, to free themselves from external objects and the self, to subdue and expel individual desires, and to eliminate consciousness, aiming to reach a mysterious realm in which humans and God are one. In moving from external objects to the self, from the corporeal to a state of pervading, such physical confines, from consciousness to the elimination of consciousness, from the tangible to the intangible, and from the physical to the metaphysical, Liu Zhi lays out an intricate logical argument. 1.  Yixin 一心 (One Heart). The Qur’an states, “God does not put two hearts within a man’s breast” [33:4]; as such, one must not allow it to be split into pieces. One should not pursue and focus on worldly things but should rather rid one’s mind of external objects and tend toward God. 2.  Jufen 聚分 (Gathering and Dispersion). Dispersion (tafriqah) is to focus on the myriad beings and depart from God. Gathering (jamʿīyat) is to turn from the myriad beings to God (to return from images to the One). Gathering is not a matter of gathering the myriad beings but of relinquishing the myriad beings and becoming One with God. Mingjian 明 见 (to see clearly) is to witness God and return from the multitudinous complexity of the myriad things to God. 3.  Bianmie 变灭 (Change and Expiration). “The ordinary and undivine must change and expire. Their principle belongs to the hidden and absent, their image to the illusorily present.”7 Apart from God, everything will change (zavāl) and expire (fanā). Everything is changing moment to moment and will eventually expire, as its entity and form is not essential existence. One must not be caught up in the limited, be controlled by desire, or rely on limited substance or form. One must relinquish worldly things and individual desires and devote one’s heart and will to unifying with God. Li 理 (principle) here refers to essence (ḥaqīqat); xiang 象 (image) here refers to form (ṣūrat). 4.  Jiandao 见道 (Seeing the Way). Liu Zhi’s formulation, “There is no place and time in which God does not watch over and observe8 the inner

94

Guiping Yang

and outer of the myriad beings.”9 This encapsulates the three main ideas expressed in the original text: God is omnipresent, God is constantly manifesting Himself, and God knows completely the exterior (zāhir) and interior (bātin) of the myriad beings. In the past, people sought God in different places and times; unfortunately, “you do not see Him, but rather see other things. [You] do not walk His Way, but rather walk different paths.”10 5.  Quanmei 全美 (Complete Beauty). God is Complete (kamāl) and Beautiful (jamāl); He is All-Encompassing Beauty. The myriad beings are the emanations, or liubei 流被 (dispersal), of the light of God’s Complete Beauty. Everything humans know and see comes from Divine Knowledge and Divine Sight: “Only the Supremely Sovereign and Supremely Beautiful God is Complete Beauty, All-Encompassing Beauty. The beauty of the myriad affairs and things are the dispersal of the residue of light of Complete Beauty. All knowledge is the traces of God’s Knowledge. All sight is the fruit of God’s Sight.”11 God is universal and absolute, whereas the myriad affairs and things are particular and relative. God’s attributes emanate and become manifest from the highest and absolute totality toward the lower and relative parts. People are reminded not to occupy themselves with the relative and forget the absolute. Rather, they should turn from the partial to the total, from the relative to the absolute, from incomplete beauty to Complete Beauty. 6.  Yanjiu 研究 (Ruminating and Seeking). One must “seek the ti 体 (substance) and ruminate on the Real,” acquire enlightenment from one’s own self, and come to understand the necessity of unity through the relationship between body and nature (flesh and soul) and between the confined and the pervasive (the relative and the absolute). Humans are corrupted due to their flesh and immaculate due to their soul.12 The soul can easily be corrupted by the flesh or worldly things. If the human soul can “embody the principle of the Real while it regards images, [those] images cannot obstruct [it]. To unite the Real and the image in realizing [one’s] form is to be almost of one body with Heaven and Earth.”13 By abandoning worldly things and the self and receiving the radiance of the light of the Real, one can go from the relative to the absolute and “pervade confinement.” 7.  Yunji 蕴籍 (Holding and Amassing). “Hold and amass this Way,14 at every moment. At all times, whether sleeping, eating, in conversation or silent, during all [moments of] motion and rest, you must preserve your heart [so that] nothing leads you to go on in emptiness. You must reflect on yourself so as not to end up in confusion and ignorance.”15 Sufi practice (varzesh) can never be interrupted. Whether in a state of motion or rest, one must preserve one’s intimate relationship with God.



Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in the Light of  Zhenjing Zhaowei

95

8.  Keji 克己 (Subduing the Self). Through continued spiritual practice, the intimate relationship between human and God can be maintained. By eliminating selfishness and disparate thoughts, the self too can be completely eliminated. The more selfishness and disparate thoughts are eliminated, the closer the relationship with God. When the light of the Real illuminates the heart, the myriad things inhere in the self without the disturbance of exterior things. “Not conscious of the self, not conscious of [your] lack of self-consciousness. There is nothing that concerns [you]; there is only God.”16 9.  Keke 克克 (Subduing the Subduing). What Liu Zhi translates as subdue, fanā, means to blur or to extinguish. It refers to the Sufi practice of entering a mental state devoid of self and object. Both in terms of attributes and form, fanā means to attain a state in which there is nothing but God. Subduing the subduing (fanā-i-fanā) is a state of non-awareness, in which even the consciousness devoid of self and object is transcended, in which one is not even conscious of one’s lack of self-consciousness. Devoid of self, object, and consciousness, there is only God. 10.  Guiyi 归一 (Return to the One). Tawḥīd is the abandonment of object, self, and disparate thoughts as well as the present, desire, will, perception, and knowledge. The soul that focuses its awareness on God is pure and free. “To return to the One [means that] the heart is in the One. It is cutting and freeing oneself from the bond to worldly things so that the self is isolated from knowledge and seeking enjoyment, isolated from everything it seeks, enjoys, perceives, and knows, [so it is able to] focus its awareness solely on the Lord. Awareness of the Lord is non-awareness.”17 11.  Tijue 提觉 (Inspiration). When one maintains an intimate relationship with God, denying all self-consciousness, the light of the absolute and the Real manifests within. The joy one receives from truly seeing God (unifying with God) is greater than any other physical or spiritual pleasure. The “inspiration of the Supremely Gracious” is a mysterious religious experience, something one receives by virtue of the bestowal of Divine Grace. “Fatigue and hardship dissipate, the transcendent realm becomes manifest, individual intention is removed, and a song of delight begins.”18 12.  Shenshou 慎守 (Cautious Guarding). “Once the truly sincere seeker of the Way receives the guidance of inspiration [i.e., Divine Love], he should focus his heart and guard it unwaveringly so that it becomes still and settled without deviation. This Way is the most difficult to acquire, and it is not easy to reach the apex of what it demands of us.”19 This

96

Guiping Yang

passage describes acquiring God’s love, focusing the heart, and guarding it unwaveringly. Zhenjing Zhaowei describes how Sufi practice is based on the enlightenment of scripture. It elucidates the reasons and methods for achieving unity between human and God and the psychological experience such a process entails. Lawāʾiḥ begins with God’s transcendence (tanzīh) and quotes various passages from the Qur’an to explain how humans depart from God as a result of forgetting Him in their pursuit of the myriad things. However, God is always and everywhere manifest in the myriad beings and knows them in their entirety, both from within and without. Lawāʾiḥ goes on to describe why humans should abandon the myriad beings and unite with God. First, the myriad beings are constantly changing and perishing; only God is eternal and imperishable. Second, the myriad beings are particular, relative, partial, and incompletely beautiful, whereas God is universal, absolute, comprehensive, and total; He is Complete Beauty, the origin of the myriad beings. Third, flesh is limited, whereas the soul is immortal; only by freeing itself from the strictures of the body can the soul achieve immortality. Furthermore, humans possess the soul of the myriad beings and, as such, contain latently within them all of God’s attributes. Due to the comparability (tashbīh) between humans and God, practitioners are able to achieve a state devoid of object, self, and awareness and return to the One by way of spiritual practice. In receiving God’s Divine Love or the illumination of His Divine Light, they are able to attain the highest realm in which human and God are One. From his orthodox Islamic standpoint, Liu Zhi has ingeniously used jiandao 见道 (see the Way) and qirong 其容 (His face) to translate phrases such as “His Face of eternity,”20 “God gazes upon you,” and “to see God.” “He is the Real” is translated into “almost of one body with Heaven and Earth.”21 Liu Zhi did not to translate the last line of chapter 6, which states “‘I am the Real’ turns into ‘He is the Real,’” out of fear that it would be difficult for ordinary Muslims to understand, maybe even leading them to pantheistic conclusions. Liu Zhi translated Sufi thought and practice as it is described in Jāmī’s work into lucid Chinese, drawing concepts and categories from Chinese philosophy, particularly Confucianism, to express Islamic terminology and ideas. Such an approach serves to overcome the cultural barriers between Confucianism and Islam, helping Chinese-speaking Muslims better understand the latter. Liu Zhi takes Confucian concepts such as dao 道 (the Way), li 理 (principle), xiang 象 (image), and ti 体 (substance) and imbues them with Islamic meaning. For instance, dao refers to the Real (Ḥaqq) or the One, often used to describe God, Truth, the Lord, or Real Being,22 and can also refer to the relationship between human and God (nisbāt) or methods of Sufi practice (taglīd).



Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in the Light of  Zhenjing Zhaowei

97

In using Confucian language to describe Sufi practice, it is impossible for some of the original meaning of Islamic terminology not to be obscured. Liu Zhi’s phrase, “the Throne of imagelessness” was originally meant to describe God’s transcendence, His incompatibility with objects; however, it is easy to misunderstand it as a non-physical, non-manifest God. What in Liu Zhi’s translation appears as “Complete Beauty” is God’s “Completeness and Beauty” in the original. The Chinese “Real Knowledge and Real Vision” are “Divine Knowledge” and “Divine Intelligence” in Persian. Moreover, the specificities of the Persian language with respect to theological thought and religious practice are difficult to translate perfectly into Chinese. The third chapter’s “linguan” 临观 (watch over and observe) does not capture the original, in which both God’s existence and vision is affirmed. Similarly, some of the explanatory power of Jāmī’s emanationist vocabulary is lost in Liu Zhi’s term “liuxing” 流行 (flow and run): “All beings see the manifestation of Complete Beauty in the myriad qualities. All knowledge is the traces of God’s Knowledge. All sight is the fruit of God’s Sight. Each is the flow and run of God’s Great Function.”23 There is less emphasis on the relationship between soul and body in Liu Zhi’s formulation, “obstructed by the physical; contaminated by objects.” Finally, it is unfortunate that the Sufi notion of “purifying, liberating” the soul has been lost in the process of this work being translated into Chinese. EXPLAINING ISLAM WITH CONFUCIANISM: ZHENJING ZHAOWEI AND SUFI THOUGHT The final twenty-four chapters of Zhenjing Zhaowei, which discuss Sufi thought, are given the titles “Real Being,” “Being,” “Substance and Function,” “Names and Likenesses,” “The Origin of Transformation,” “The Totalising Order,” “Subtle Containment,” “Development and Change,” “The Pervasive and the Confined” (parts one and two), “Principle and Image,” “The Division of Names,” “The Real Level,” “The Actuality of Things,” “The World,” “Image and Likeness,” “Manifestation,” “Principle,” “Power and Action,” “Good and Evil,” “Knowledge and Power,” “The Unity of the Real and Things,” “The Unity of the Substance and Things,” and “A Clarification.” In these chapters, Liu Zhi discusses the following ideas. 1.  The essence of zhenyou 真有 (Real Being) or ḥaqīqat. By discussing the dichotomies of the One and the many, the constant and the variable, the untransformed and the multitudinously transformed, the traceless and that of multitudinous traces, the intangible and the tangible, Liu Zhi explains that Real Being is self-subsistent, real, and unified being.

98

Guiping Yang

It transcends and inheres within the myriad beings and transcends human reason and knowledge. Real Being is invisible, unutterable, and unthinkable. 2.  You 有 (being), existence (wujūd). Liu Zhi translates the “Necessary Existent” into “Real Being” and translates “possible existent” into “illusory being.” In describing Ibn al-’Arabī’s theory of the unity of existence, Jāmī explains that Real Being is the only true existent, that it is the source of its own substance. It is the root of the myriad beings’ existence, which are merely the projection and manifestation of Real Being. In his translation, Liu Zhi notes that illusory beings only exist in our minds and have no real corollary in reality: “Illusory being is being suffused by transience. There are names for it but no reality. [It is] merely the manifestation of image with respect to human knowledge and understanding.”24 3.  Tiyong 体用 (Substance and Function), the relationship between Real Being’s essence and attributes. Real Being’s essence is an actual being, whereas its attributes are its form and different aspects, which exist only in the mind. In reality, essence and attributes are indistinguishable, but they are distinguishable in the mind. For instance, in terms of knowledge Real Being is omniscience, in terms of power omnipotent, in terms of will absolute. These attributes of omniscience, omnipotence, and absoluteness seem distinct from each other and from the essence of Real Being: “Knowledge requires His substance to know, Power requires His substance to [enact], the same applies for His Benevolence, Might, Love, and Hate. Though [there is] a difference of meaning, in actuality [they all] return to one substance. Furthermore, at the beginning prior to manifestation, there is only One Being. All the names and externalities are merely His likenesses and descriptions.”25 4.  Mingni 名拟 (Names and Likenesses), how attributes and names are the result of the manifestation of Real Being. The Primordial Substance transcends attributes and names and is not subject to any conditions or relationships.26 To begin with, Real Being manifests Himself to Himself,27 giving rise to the attributes of Knowledge, Light, Being, and Manifestation.28 Real Knowledge includes knowledge, the knower, and the known29; Real Light includes manifestation, the manifested, and the manifest; the Endowing and Imparting of Real Being encompasses what is endowed and imparted, the endower and imparter, and the recipient of the endowing and imparting. The attributes result in the names of “hidden,” “manifest,” “first,” and “last.”30 Through the second, third, and later manifestations, Real Being continuously gives rise to other attributes and names.



Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in the Light of  Zhenjing Zhaowei

99

5.  Huayuan 化原 (The Origin of Transformation), how existence and knowledge are the manifestation of Real Being’s attributes and names. From the perspective of the essence of Real Being, the first manifestation (taʿayyun) is the absolute Only-One (ahadiyat) that is not subject to quality and form. It transcends all limits and contains no attributes or names. The First-One (wahidiyat), which is subject to quality and form, contains attributes and names. “Speaking specifically of substance, it is the level of the Only-One. Speaking also of its exterior effect, it is the level of the First-One. The Only-One is the inward, the source, the beginning; the First-One is the outward, the derivative, the end.”31 All the names are contained within the First-One, and they are of two forms. The first describes Real Being’s essence, such as knowledge, life, power, and action; the second describes Real Being’s relationships with the myriad beings, such as transformation, creation, endowing, and bestowal. Liu Zhi translates the names that refer to the essence of Real Being as tizhiming 体之名 (the names of substance) and the names that refer to the manner in which Real Being creates and sustains the world as yongzhiming 用之名 (the names of external effect). Within the First-One, these attributes are universal and total, whereas in the world of the myriad beings, they are particular and individual. The principle that inheres in the myriad things gives rise to a multiplicity of names as a result of becoming manifest through the various traces and specificities of its emanation. There are two forms of manifestation, “disclosure” (jalāʾ) and “seeing disclosure” (istijilāʾ), which Liu Zhi translates as mohua 默化 (obscured transformation) and xianhua 显化 (revealed transformation), the former referring to a kind of manifestation that is hidden and inward. Real Being is independent from the myriad beings, His Complete Beauty independent of their influence. However, manifestation relies on the manifested. The perfect men (sages) are able to become manifest through all the names, whereas ordinary, foolish people are only able to become manifest through some of the names. 6.  Tongxu 统序 (The Totalising Order), proving that Real Being is the first and final cause that inheres in the myriad beings by way of deductive analysis of the relationship between the various species and genera of concepts and things. In the original text, Jāmī notes that Real Being is the first and final cause of the chain of species and genera that begins with human and generalizes to animal, living thing, matter, entity, possible existent, and finally necessary existent. Such an analysis requires differentiating species and genus. Any definition of a class of objects must depend on a broader concept that encapsulates more classes, until one finally arrives at the most general concept upon

100

Guiping Yang

which all other concepts depend: the final cause. Absolute existence is genuine existence. It exists in itself and does not depend on other existences. “Necessity” is its external characteristic, “possibility” its internal characteristic. Together they are the forms that are a result of Real Being’s self-manifestation from “archetypes.” The external world is in essence nothing but the One of the Real. Liu Zhi translates this “totalizing order” into the following series: linghuo 灵活 (self-directed movement), zhangyang 长养 (growth and sustenance), xingzhi 形 质 (embodied substance), qi 气 (matter), and li 理 (principle). Selfdirected movement depends on growth and sustenance, which depends on embodied substance. Embodied substance, in turn, depends on matter, which depends on principle. “As for principle, it is concealed and contained [within] the knowledge and power of Real Being.” “Types are distinguished by appearance; species are separated by name. Names and appearances are mutually dependent and neither are the actual thing. There is only Real Being, manifesting His Primordial Affairs, firstly on the level of Knowledge, which contains the totality of His principle, and secondly on the level of Power, which reveals the dividedness of His image. Only then are the external things formed. The external things all depend on the names and appearances of Real Being.”32 7.  Miaoyun 妙蕴 (Subtle Containment). The relationship between Real Being and the world is not one of a whole to its parts nor a container to its contents, but rather one of the primordiality inhering within the essence, the effect inhering within the cause. The world is the manifestation of Real Being’s attributes. Real Being contains the myriad beings in the same way that an effect is contained within its cause and the Primordial One contains the numerical one. The unified totality of Real Being contains the multiplicity of things, an idea that Liu Zhi translates as “Many affairs contained within one substance.”33 8.  Gengbian 更变 (Development and Change). Real Being’s attributes and names are differentiated by virtue of the differentia of the manifested, which is merely a result of changes in the relations and connections between the inconstant multiplicity and the unchanging One. This variety does not affect the primordiality of Real Being. For this reason, the existence of evil does not affect the Goodness and Perfection of God. “Real Being is not benefited by adorning itself in noble things and is not blemished by clothing itself in base things. Sunlight illuminates everything but is not affected by the scent of musk, nor does it receive the color of flowers, nor is it damaged by a sword.”34 9.  Tong’ai 通碍 (The Pervasive and the Confined), the relation between Real Being and the world. In terms of existence, Real Being and the world are interdependent. In terms of requirement, Real Being requires



Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in the Light of  Zhenjing Zhaowei

101

nothing of the myriad beings but the myriad beings require Real Being. The two sides of the emanative relation are mutually reinforcing and not in conflict with one another. “Pervading does not require confinement in terms of substance but necessarily requires confinement in terms of function.”35 Real Being loves and is loved. It also seeks and is sought. “The lover is Real; the loved is also Real. The requirer is Real; the required is also Real.”36 The seeker and lover belong to the level of the One of the Real (the absolute unified totality), whereas the sought and the loved belong to the level of the individual one (the multiplicity of the world). 10.  Lixiang 理象 (Principle and Image), the relationship between the Knowledge and Power of Real Being and the principle and image of the myriad beings. There are two forms of existence: that which exists within Real Knowledge, or the existence of reality, and that which exists outside of Real Knowledge, or possible existence. Real Being’s Knowledge of the essences is first manifested into lishi 理世 (the world of principles), which can be described as the self-manifestation of the essence of Real Being in relation to the essences it contains. This gives rise to the principles of things in the world. This first manifestation then imprints the specific attributes of things on the surface of Real Being, which is the second manifestation in which Real Being is endowed with specificity. This gives rise to the image of things in the world. Real Being knows the attributes through the names. Real Knowledge of eternal existence is manifested by way of revelation (waḥy) and is subject to divine sanction. Principle is contained within the knowledge of Real Being, and image is manifested in the power of Real Being. Knowledge and Power are attributes of Real Being, whether in the form of its manifestation or primacy. 11.  Mingfen 名分 (The Division of Names), the names of Real Being and their different levels. Each of the names of Real Being correspond to different attributes and forms. They occupy different positions in the divine hierarchy and must not be confused. For instance, names designating Real Being’s Sovereignty or Majesty must not be used to describe its creative powers. Similarly, names used to describe the myriad things cannot be used in relation to Real Being. To describe created things with names such as Allāh or al-Raḥmān (the All-Compassionate), or to describe God in terms of the created things, is heretical. 12.  Zhenpin 真品 (The Real Level),37 in which Jāmī explains Ibn al-ʿArabī’s cosmology in terms of the formation of the world as the result of the emanation38 of Real Being. The manifestation of Real Being’s attributes and names can be divided into multiple levels. The first is the Level of Nonmovement (the non-manifest), the essence of Real Being, which is

102

Guiping Yang

higher than all limits and relations and, as such, cannot be described in terms of names or attributes or known by human knowledge or intellection. The second is the Level of First Movement, the first manifestation (taʿayuni avval), the first effusion, self-manifestation (tajalī), universal intellect (ʿaql i kull), which contains all the attributes, whether those that pertain to the active, necessary, and divine names or those that pertain to the passive, possible, and mundane names. It “encompasses entirely within it all of the necessary movements of the Lord and all the movements of things [that are a result of His] power and action, which are undifferentiated and in abundance within.”39 At this level, the acts of creating, transforming, bestowing, depriving, and all the various attributes of ordering the world are yet to be distinguished. The third is the second manifestation (aḥadiyat i jamʿ), the cosmic soul (nafs i kull),40 which is the active and necessary name of Real Being. “The Only-One contains all the movements of the traces imparted by the Primordial Action; it is a level of the Lord”41 (ilūhiyat). “It is the exterior of Real Being. The Lordly Master endows things with all that is of its Primordial Substance, as though imprinting traces [upon them].”42 The fourth is the third manifestation, where the names of Real Being are differentiated from one another and manifested into necessary existence: they “divide into a level of the Lord where the names and designations of the various movements of the Primordial Action are manifested.”43 The fifth is the fourth manifestation, which is the division of God’s names into the contingent, possible, and passive: “The Only-One contains all the movements of [divine] Power and Action, which are the principles of the multiple beings and are a continuation of the level of the Lord. When [He] acts on Himself and sees Himself, [His] Power and Action become the level of things,”44 which then gives rise to divine existence and the accidents.45 The sixth is the level of the world of image in which God’s names are manifest. Before their manifestation, they already exist within Real Knowledge: “The images of Real Being that serve the multiple principles, the shapes of the myriad things, manifest themselves. This is the One Real’s flow and run into the level of the inner and outer of the myriad things. To all the principles and images, this is all the principles and images. To Real Being, this is Real Being.”46 God’s knowledge already contains the images of the multiple principles and the shapes of the myriad things. 13.  Shiwu 实物 (The Actuality of Things), the mutually constitutive relationship between Real Being and the world. The primordiality of Real Being is the principle of the myriad beings. The world is the exterior surface of the Real; the Real is what inheres within all aspects of the world. The primordiality of Real Being is in a state of constant



Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in the Light of  Zhenjing Zhaowei

103

manifestation, sometimes in the form of independently existent objects and sometimes in the form of interdependent objects and accidents. The essence of Real Being is the absolutely transcendent One. Insofar as Real Being manifests as a multiplicity, it is the world. In this sense, the world is the exterior surface of the Real, and the Real inheres within all aspects of the world. Prior to its manifestation, the world is the Real. After its manifestation, the Real is the world. The essence of the world is none other than Real Being, which is concealed within Real Knowledge and manifest in the world. It is both the first and the last, the concealed and the manifest. 14.  Shijie 世界 (The World), described as being in a state of flux, forever coming to be and passing away as a result of the constant manifestation of God’s antithetical Names, such as Mercy and Wrath. Real Being has many names that seem to contradict one another. They can be divided into the Names of Mercy and the Names of Wrath, which act in tandem without impeding one another. When Mercy is manifested, things come into being; when Wrath is manifested, things pass away. The inconstancy of the world is a result of the continual manifestation of the Names of Mercy and Wrath. At each moment, the world is on the cusp between birth and death, in which one world passes away as another comes into being. All the worlds are unified in Real Being, the substance of actual being, which is its own basis and the basis of all images. Those endowed with the capacity for intellectual intuition see that God reveals Himself each moment in new modes and guises. All objects come to be and pass away. There is no eternal thing, including the world itself. 15.  Xiangni 象拟 (Image and Likeness). The archetypes of the myriad things are all part of Real Knowledge. The myriad things are the traces of their archetypes, which all inhere in wuji 无极 (the primordial, undifferentiated, limitless realm). What people see is merely phenomenal. The primordiality of Real Being is the only eternal and genuine existence. The relationship between phenomenon and essence, worldly things and God, is like that between a wave and the ocean. 16.  Xian 显 (Manifestation). For the myriad beings, the manifestation is not identical with the locus of manifestation. The manifestation is merely an image, not the essence, just as the reflection of one’s face in the surface of a mirror is not the same as the face of which it is a reflection. However, the manifestation of Real Being’s absolute primordiality is identical to what is manifested. Both its manifestation and its locus of manifestation are its essence. 17.  Li 理 (Principle) as God, Real Being. The original Persian text states that the primordiality of Real Being as well as its attributes and relations

104

Guiping Yang

suffuse and inhere within the primordiality of the myriad beings. Here, “Principle” refers to the primordiality of Real Being. “The One Principle contains the myriad principles; the myriad principles are united within the One Principle. This is why it is said that there are myriad principles in the myriad things.”47 As Liu Zhi quotes from the Chinese translation of Gulshan-i Raz, “The heart releases a single drop and a hundred rivers surge.”48 18.  Nengwei 能为 (Power and Action). Humans are not the creators of action. All action originates in Real Being. “All [instances of] power and action are manifested from each locus of manifestation. In actuality they are manifested from Real Being. Humans [are characterized by] non-action. Action only originates in the Lord.”49 It is an error to trace the source of actions back to the created things because, although the Real Being manifested Itself in the image of man, It did not manifest Itself in the substance of man. 19.  Shan’e 善恶 (Good and Evil). Real Being is supremely good. Evil is simply a case of lack of goodness. The supreme goodness of Real Being is necessary and self-evident. The evil of hail destroying crops or somebody being murdered does not lie in the crops, the strength of the murderer, or the effectiveness of the murder weapon, but in the fact that the crops have been damaged or that a life has been taken. Goodness originates in God. Evil or imperfection is a result of the insufficiency of goodness in created things. Everything is good. Evil is simply flawed goodness. “The complete and the good originate in primordial affairs. The flawed and evil can be traced back to the deficit of created things.”50 20.  Zhineng 知能 (Knowledge and Power). That there exists a difference between individuals’ knowledge and ability is a result of the created things. Objects that exist in a complete and perfect manner acquire knowledge in a complete and perfect manner. The more one is subject to the influence of necessity, the more perfect one’s existence and knowledge. The more one is subject to the influence of possibility, the more imperfect one’s existence and knowledge. The same applies to life, strength, and will. 21.  Zhenwuhe 真物合 (The Unity of the Real and Things), in which a philosophical argument is made for the equivalence of the Real One and the myriad things. The primordiality of Real Being flows and runs through the myriad things, and the attributes of Real Being flow and run through all the world’s characteristics. At the level of Real Being, primordiality and the attributes are absolute. When they manifest themselves in the myriad things, they are relative. For instance, the characteristic of knowledge is particular (juzviyāt) when applied to a specific knower but is universal (kulliyāt) when applied to God. Similarly, it is active,



Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in the Light of  Zhenjing Zhaowei

105

passive, ecstatic, and mystical when applied to active knowledge,51 passive knowledge,52 ecstatic knowledge, and mystical knowledge, respectively. The same applies for all of God’s attributes. “The Substance of Real Being flows and runs through the myriad substances, which are the substances of each of the myriad beings, just as the substances of each of the myriad beings are held within the Real Substance, which is the Substance of Real Being. The Functions of Real Being are distributed throughout the myriad functions, which are the functions of each of the myriad beings, just as the functions of each of the myriad beings are contained within the Real Function, which is the Function of Real Being. There is no substance outside the Real Substance. There is no function outside the Real Function. This is why it is said there is nothing but the Real.”53 22.  Tiwuhe 体物合 (The Unity of Substance and Things). In this chapter, Liu Zhi summarizes the somewhat obscure meaning of the original Persian in very concise language. True existence is Real Being’s Primordial Substance (zāt). The modes, relations, and properties of existence are Real Being’s attributes (ṣifāt). The manifestation of Real Being in these relations are the activities it carries out (fiʿl va ta’sīr). The myriad images Real Being manifests are Its traces (āsār). This is summarized by Liu Zhi in twenty characters: “There is One Real. Actual being is its substance, knowledge, and power, its function, the manifestation of its function its action, the disclosure of image its trace.”54 23.  Bianyi 辩义 (A Clarification). Real Being is manifested in two ways. The first is inner manifestation (faiż i aqdas), the first manifestation of universal intellect in which the archetypes that contain all the essences, characteristics, and abilities of the myriad things are brought about by way of God’s self-manifestation to produce the world of principles (the intangible world). The second is outer manifestation (faiż I muqaddas), the second manifestation of the cosmic soul that takes place in the world of images (the tangible world). The second manifestation, as the locus of manifestation of the myriad beings from the world of principles, is of a lower level than the first manifestation. With the inner manifestation, the primordialities and characteristics of the myriad beings all depend on God. With the outer manifestation, the primordialities of the myriad things all depend on God but their characteristics are governed by the things themselves. While preserving the style and characteristics of the original, Liu Zhi manages in a creative manner to translate the thought and teachings of Islam, and even questions addressed by classical European philosophy, into a Chinese philosophical context. Liu Zhi ingeniously introduces a number of issues using

106

Guiping Yang

the language of Chinese philosophy and explores their implications. These issues include Sufi theological questions about the relationships between God’s essence, attributes, names, and actions; the ontological approach of distinguishing necessary and contingent existence, as well as objective and conceptual knowledge; the analysis of the relationship between necessary and contingent existence; cosmological explorations of the origin of the world, the origin of its transformations, and its relationship with Real Being; and the epistemological questions of how we acquire knowledge and how we categorize different forms of knowledge, even touching on the logical concepts of genus and species. He makes use of such Chinese philosophical terminology as ti 体 (substance), yong 用 (function), ming 名 (name), and wei 为 (action) to discuss God’s primordiality, attributes, names, and actions; zhenyou 真 有 (Real Being), huanyou 幻有 (illusory being), li 理 (principle), xiang 象 (image), xian 显 (manifest), and dong 动 (movement) are used to explain the Islamic concepts of essence and attributes, necessary and possible existence, as well as essential and non-essential existence. Taking the primordiality of Real Being to be “Principle,” he writes, “The One Principle contains the myriad principles; the myriad principles are united within the One Principle,” and “One source [is of the] myriad differentia, the myriad differentia [is of] one source,” thus combining theology, metaphysics, cosmology, and logic to dress the Sufi theory of the unity of existence in Confucian clothing. In his translation of Sufi thought, Liu Zhi remains true to Islamic principles while drawing from corresponding ideas within Confucian thought, making ingenious use of Confucian concepts and terminology to articulate Islamic philosophy. Zhen 真 (real), dao 道 (the Way), you 有 (being), and zhenyou 真有 (Real Being) are used to describe the object of faith. Tizhiming 体之 名 (the names of substance) refer to its primordial names and yongzhiming 用之名 (the names of function) refer to the names of the ways in which it creates and maintains the world and its myriad things. In explaining the process by which the universe comes to be, manifestation is described in terms of dong 动 (movement), whereby the first and second manifestations are translated as the first and second movements. The original meaning of Jāmī’s sixteenth chapter, that the world is created by the Real but the Real is uncreated, is amended by Liu Zhi to read, “[the Primordial Substance] turns its sight towards itself in the first movement. Only then are knowledge, appearance, endowing and bestowing made known.” Such a formulation retains the Islamic notion of a constant emanation of the universe’s essence (Real Being) resulting in the infinitely heterogeneous world, while bearing traces of ideas prevalent in Song dynasty neo-Confucianism, such as, “The Primordial Substance is still and does not move. [When it] budges, [it] pervades [all] under heaven.” Liu Zhi continues to imbue Islamic thought with Chinese characteristics when he translates the first and second manifestations



Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in the Light of  Zhenjing Zhaowei

107

in terms of lihua 理化 (principled transformation) and xinghua 形化 (tangible transformation), or mohua 默化 (obscured transformation) and zaohua 造化 (creative transformation). When he uses li 理 (principle), qi 气 (matter), and xing 形 (the tangible) to translate “necessary existence,” “possible existence,” and “matter,” he is demonstrating that principle is an attribute of Real Being that inheres within the myriad beings and, as such, Real Being is not external to things. Confucian concepts are applied in such a way as to stay true to the doctrine of the unity of existence. In the thirty-third chapter, Liu Zhi translates “necessity” into zhenli 真理 (Principle of the Real) and “contingency” into wuli 物理 (principles of things), arguing that receiving the Principle of the Real increases one’s knowledge, whereas receiving the principles of things causes one’s knowledge to wither away. This use of vocabulary to distinguish different forms of knowledge renders Islamic epistemology more palatable to a Confucian readership. Finally, the Arabic notion of “archetype” is translated as wuji 无极 (the primordial, undifferentiated, limitless realm) as a way of explaining the internal unity of the infinitely varied world of things. Naturally, such an approach of translating Sufi thought into Confucian terms is bound to result in certain deviations from the original text that fail to truly communicate all aspects of its meaning. As such, some of the nuances of the Persian text are doomed to be lost or undergo transformation. In “The World,” the twenty-seventh chapter, Liu Zhi fails to translate what appears in the original text as, “The presence of the Real has two types of names. The first are of gentleness. When they manifest in the world, all arrangements, names, and thoughts are in harmony. The second are of subjugation, which can be known by rational thought. All egotistical tenacity, sustained subjugation and persistent strength belong to this domineering majesty. The intimate relationship between man and God is as inseparable as that between love and the loved.” In the thirty-fourth chapter, Liu Zhi similarly skips over the original’s careful delineation of different types of knowledge: universal, particular, rational, intuitive, ecstatic, and mystical. Central concepts in Islamic philosophy that appear in the thirty-fifth chapter, such as essence, attribute, activity, mode, relation, and characteristic, also do not find specific and precise Chinese equivalents in Liu Zhi’s text. Finally, the Universal Intellect, the Cosmic Soul, the first intellect, and the first soul have similarly not been translated by Liu Zhi into Chinese.

108

Guiping Yang

THE PHILOSOPHICAL BASIS OF THE ISLAMIC-CONFUCIAN SYNTHESIS AND ITS CONTEMPORARY RELEVANCE In the long history of Islam’s evolution as a part of Chinese society, Chinese Muslims have tended to avoid the areas in which their faith comes into conflict with local laws and customs. Rather they focused on Islamic ceremony and its emphasis on self-cultivation, drawing links between their faith and Confucian ideas of filial piety and explaining the Five Pillars of Islam in terms of the Five Constant Virtues of Confucianism. The values and social order they chose to adopt are evidence of the fact that Chinese Muslims actively sought to establish a long-standing basis for social interaction with Confucians. The academic pursuit conducted by the Muslim elite of constructing a metaphysical dialogue between Islam and Confucianism continued to develop and reached its apogee in the Ming and Qing dynasties, yielding profound and innovative thought of great depth. Liu Zhi was well versed in Islam, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism and was proficient in Arabic, Persian, and Chinese. He made full use of these linguistic and cultural advantages to combine Confucianism and Islam, drawing on their shared emphasis on transcendence, morality, and universal values. It is worth pointing out that there was a strong philosophical basis for this Islamic-Confucian Synthesis. First, the Sufi theory of the unity of God and man is compatible with the Confucian idea of the unity of Heaven and man. From the pre-Han period to the neo-Confucianism of the Song and Ming dynasties, the unity of Heaven and man has informed the study of body, heart, nature, and mandate, something that is reiterated in various forms by the Song dynasty philosopher Zhu Xi 朱熹: “The Sage . . . is unified with Heaven”55 or “Heaven is man and man Heaven.”56 Famous Sufis like al-Ḥallāj, Ibn al-ʿArabī, and Jāmī all emphasize the unity of God and man, “God is man and man God,” yet only the perfect man can achieve true unity with God. When Liu Zhi argues that substance and external effect are one, that the Way of Heaven and the human way must come together, or that substance and function are the same, he is reflecting Islam and Confucianism’s shared ideal of absolute unity. Second, in terms of cosmology, both Confucianism and Islam attempt to find the relationship between the general and the individual, the universal principle of the world and its particular manifestation in terms of things and images. Substance is its internal foundation whereas function is its external expression. Liu Zhi’s translation explicates Ibn al-’Arabī’s theory of the unity of existence in terms of a Confucian analysis of principle and nature. He describes how the evolution of the flow and run of the Absolute Real One’s attributes and names causes the myriad beings of the universe to become manifest, illuminated by



Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in the Light of  Zhenjing Zhaowei

109

the light of Real Being. Although Islamic cosmology is very different from the neo-Confucianism that informs his choice of terminology, Liu Zhi finds common spiritual ground between them. Passages of the sort written by Song dynasty neo-Confucians such as Cheng Yi 程颐 and Zhu Xi—including “the flow and run of the emitted function [causes] the flow and run of transformation and birth,” “the flow and run of transformation and birth that are revealed and disclosed above and below are no more than the function of this principle,”57 and “the run and flow of the Way comes forth and appears everywhere in Heaven and Earth”—can be found in Zhenjing Zhaowei. When Liu Zhi expounds upon the emanation of God’s attributes and names, using “movement” and “stillness” to describe the manner in which God’s manifestation gives rise to a universe in constant flux, he does so in a way that is completely compatible with the Confucian idea of “movement and stillness are constant. When the still and unmoving budges, [it] pervades [all] under Heaven.” Third, Confucianism’s emphasis on cultivating body and mind and the inner experience of knowing the Way of Heaven also resonates with Sufi practice. Although the final aims of these practices are not the same, there are similarities between the methods adopted. They both attach importance to combining epistemological and practical approaches and believe that liberating the subject requires negating the self. Sufism and Confucianism both believe that acquiring a state characterized by an absence of both self and worldly things is a prerequisite for attaining the highest spiritual realm. In his translation of Lawāʾiḥ, in which he borrows Confucian, Buddhist, and Daoist terminology to translate heterogeneous ideas from Islamic thought, he inevitably furnishes these ideas with new meaning. By formulating Islamic philosophy in Chinese philosophical terms, he sinicizes it, localizes it. Originally playing the role of exotic other, Islamic culture gradually evolves into a part of Chinese culture. Zhenjing Zhaowei is an example of Liu Zhi’s pioneering translation work, which synthesizes Islamic and Confucian thought. Using the tools of Confucianism to communicate an Islamic message, he draws a great deal from Confucian culture, while also bringing ideas from Islamic philosophy and the theology of Arabic and Persian cultures into the Chinese world, thereby enriching Confucianism and Chinese philosophy. For instance, wuliangzhifu 无量之富 (unlimited abundance) is “absolute self-sufficiency”; fuyuwanyou 富于万有 (abundance [over and above] the myriad beings) is “independence from everything”; weizhu weiwu 为主 为物 (for-God and for-things) are “divine” and “mundane”; hufen waiwuzhixiang 互分外物之象 (the images by which worldly things are mutually distinguished) refers to “the forms that distinguish worldly things”; zhenyou 真有 (Real Being) is “primordiality”; niyu 拟喻 (likeness and description) are “appearance”; fenxi 分析 (divided and split) is “of distinct appearance”; tongzong 统总 (all-totalising) is “of identical appearance”; lishi 理世 (world

110

Guiping Yang

of principles) is the “world of intellect,” the “intangible world”; xiangshi 象 世 (world of images) is the “material world,” the “tangible world”; xingjie 性 界 (realm of [human] nature) is the “spiritual world”; xiangjie 象界 (realm of images) is the “phenomenal world”; sejie 色界 (world of color) is the “visible world”; wusejie 无色界 (world of no-color) is the “invisible world”; benran 本然 (primordiality) is “essence”; miaoyong 妙用 (subtle function) is “attribute”; fanwu 凡物 (mundane things) are “mundane things”; faji 法迹 (the traces of order) are “indications and characteristics”; tong’ai 通碍 (the pervasive and the confined) are the “absolute” and the “relative”; zongfen 总 分 (the all and the divided) are the “general” and the “particular”; zhenyou 真有 (Real Being) is “necessary existence”; zhenli 真理 (Real Principle) is “necessity”; huanyou 幻有 (illusory being) is “possible existence” or “conceptual existence”; wuli 物理 (principle of things) is “contingency”; zhiyi 止 一 (Only-One) is the name for the One that does not contain multiple attributes and names; diyi 第一 (First-One) is the name for the One that contains multiple attributes and names; tizhiming 体之名 (names of substance) are God’s names that belong to His essence; and yongzhiming 用之名 (names of function) are the names that describe God’s relation to the world. With this, Liu Zhi endows Confucian concepts like the Way, principle, image, and matter with new meaning. By bringing a whole new form of philosophizing into a Chinese context, Liu Zhi linguistically transforms Islamic concepts and makes innovative use of Confucian language to explain Islamic thought. A series of ideas that originated in European classical philosophy enter Chinese philosophical discourse by way of his work: essence, attributes, existence, necessary existence, possible existence, absolute, relative, necessity, contingency, general, individual, universal, particular, total, part, relation, appearance, gathering, dispersal, intellect, soul, manifestation, inner manifestation, outer manifestation, locus of manifestation, archetype, trace, inclusion, most holy manifestation, holy manifestation, hidden manifestation, revealed manifestation, divine action, mundane action, independent action, and global action. As such, Liu Zhi’s expository work on Islam also enriches Confucian thought. Although his use of such Confucian concepts as Heaven, the Way, nature and mandate, principle and matter, heart and nature, yin and yang, the five elements, and presence and absence to explain Islamic and European philosophical ideas can occasionally seem forced, the care and perspicacity with which he approaches his scholarly activity results in a work of great philosophical significance for both Western and Eastern traditions. Liu Zhi introduced Islamic and European philosophical ideas and systems to China in the middle of the eighteenth century, some 150 years before the late Qing dynasty thinker Yan Fu 严复; as such, his is an achievement that is worthy of academic recognition.



Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in the Light of  Zhenjing Zhaowei

111

Liu Zhi’s work establishes a dialogue between Confucianism and Islam, building linguistic channels by which they can influence and permeate one another and widening the space for mutual recognition and respect between the two cultures. Islam is a religion based on faith and differs significantly from the ethics-centered thought of Confucianism. Islam’s strict monotheism and emphasis on Islamic education, the role of sages, scriptural revelation, predestination, heaven, and the afterlife are difficult concepts for Confucians to understand. Liu Zhi sinicizes Islamic thought in his translation to allow Chinese society and Confucians to recognize Islam as a universal set of principles. As someone fully assimilated into both Islamic and Confucian culture, he adeptly makes use of the languages of both traditions to produce a philosophy that is an affirmation of both Islam and Confucianism. He preserves the spirit of Islam while explaining it in Confucian terms, simultaneously endowing Islam with Chinese characteristics and enriching the Confucian tradition. His unique position straddling two cultures has helped to confirm that the relationship between Confucianism and Islam is one of harmony as opposed to enmity and of mutual reinforcement as opposed to detached self-absorption. The Islamic-Confucian synthesis of the Ming and Qing dynasties is an inspiring and enlightening example that is relevant to contemporary questions of cultural dialogue. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS From March to June 2013, famous Islamic scholar Gholamreza Aavani was invited to teach in China by the head of Peking University’s Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences, Tu Weiming. It is thanks to Tu Weiming that I was able to invite Aavani to speak at the Minzu University of China about the history of Islamic philosophy and Lawāʾiḥ. I am eternally grateful to both Aavani and Tu Weiming for all that I was able to learn during this experience. This chapter was written at the request of Chen Rongzhao, chair of the Singapore Confucianism Society. I would also like to take this opportunity to thank Mahmoud Zahiry, my Iranian PhD student, for his guidance with regard to reading the Persian. NOTES 1. Four political and religious leaders from the early Islamic period were Abū Bakr (reigned 632–634), ’Umar (reigned 634–644), ’Uthmān (reigned 644–656), and ’Alī (reigned 656–661). The phrase si da peixian emphasizes their moral character while somewhat underplaying their political role.

112

Guiping Yang

2. Liu Zhi, Tianfang Dianli. 3. One example is the Yuan dynasty “Inscription for the Reconstruction of the Mosque” written by Wu Jian in 1350 in Quanzhou, Fujian: “Its teaching [locates] the basis for the myriad things in heaven. Heaven is of one principle and cannot be represented, so to serve Heaven is [an act] of the utmost piety, and no representation is made [of Heaven]. Every year [one] fasts for one month, changes clothes, washes, and lives somewhere different from [one’s] usual residence. Every day [one] faces west to pray, cleans [one’s] heart, and recites from the classics. The classic books are taught by the people of Heaven. In thirty storage rooms, there are 134 volumes [sic., there are, in fact, 114 volumes], which are divided into 6,646 works of profound purpose based on the primacy of the common, the absence of the self-serving, the correctness of the heart, and the practice of goodness and seek to sanctify the people and eliminate misfortune. Regrets are reflected upon for continued improvement. The self is held in check and [other] people received. The forbidden is shunned both within and without. No contradiction of principle is permitted.” Another example is the Ming dynasty inscription written in 1495 in modern-day Shandong province, “Record of the Reconstruction of the Mosque of Licheng County, Jinan Prefecture.” “Its ways have multiple sources, and the principles of its teachings are mature: referred to simply as honesty, ceremony, fasting, charity, and travel. Honesty is the beginning and end of things, to which the gentleman values honesty; ceremony is the propriety of the principles of Heaven, in accordance with which the cultured man carries out ritual; fasting is asceticism and cleanliness, bringing about goodness and amending error; charity is supplementing where there is lack, assisting where there is want; and there is also travel, [which is to say] travel to each western land to study and appreciate Heaven. Today, the mosque’s structures are complete, which is not incidental; how could it be an undertaking without benefit? It is here that it will be demonstrated to people how to know through speaking, learning, discussion, and theory; it is here that it will be demonstrated to people how to experience thrift, consideration, restraint, and rule; it is here that the creator of the myriad things will be worshipped; it is here that the longevity of the Son of Heaven will be prayed for; it is also here that the steadfastness and solidness of Tai Mountain will be wished for the people of both the temple and the land. How can it be said that [this is] a meagre contribution!” 4. For various European translations, see Gleams, translated by William C. Chittick; Lawāʾiḥ, translated by E. H. Whinfield; Les Jaillissements de Lumière, translated by Richard Yann. 5. Zhenjing Zhaowei, xu 序, preface. 6. Another example is the twenty-first chapter in which the image of “a key in the hand” is used to distinguish different qualities. Liu Zhi translates it as “a hand holding a fan.” 7. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 3. 8. Linguan 临观 (watch over and observe) in the original Persian is nāzer, which means both to exist and to know. 9. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 4. 10. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 4. 11. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 5.



Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in the Light of  Zhenjing Zhaowei

113

12. Some scholars think “corrupted” (zhuo 浊) refers to a lower, more base state. In the ordered process by which everything comes to be, the formation of human bodies takes place after that of minerals, plants, and animals. In this sense, humans occupy the lowest place in the strata of creation that originates in the highest, transcendent realm. 13. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 6. 14. The “Way” refers to the spiritual practice by which one achieves an intimate relationship with God. 15. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 7. 16. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 8. 17. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 10. Whinford’s translation quotes the Persian thinker al-Ghazālī here, which states that man must “journey first to his Lord, then in his Lord.” 18. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 11. 19. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 12. 20. See chapter 4: “His Face of eternity is not scratched by the thorns of any contingency.” 21. The general meaning of the original Persian is as follows: “When a human’s rational soul manifests its form in complete accordance with the Real, the body no longer constrains the soul, and that human is the Real.” Liu Zhi translates this as “[If the soul can] embody the principle of the Real while it regards images, [those] images cannot obstruct [it]. To unite the Real and the image in realizing [one’s] form is to be almost of one body with Heaven and Earth.” 22. The main aim of Sufi practice is to approach and unify with God. While discussing Sufi practices I use “God,” whereas in the passages that touch on metaphysics and cosmology, I use the term “Real Being.” 23. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 5. 24. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 14. 25. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 15. 26. See Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 16: “The Primordial Substance cannot be named or drawn likeness to. What can be named or drawn likeness to is His externality toward the world.” 27. Liu Zhi translates “self-manifestation” (tajalī) as zixian 自显 (self-manifestation). 28. Liu Zhi translates “knowledge,” “light,” “being,” and “manifestation” as zhi 知 (knowledge), jian 见 (appearance), fu 赋 (endowing), and shou 授 (imparting), respectively. 29. See Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 16: “Talk of knowledge necessarily implies the knower and the known.” 30. See Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 16: “With the rise of likenesses and descriptions, the names become many. The manifest follows the hidden, so the hidden is the primordial first, the ultimate beginning, [from which emerge] the names of ‘hidden,’ ‘manifest,’ ‘beginning,’ and ‘end.’” 31. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 17. 32. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 18. 33. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 19.

114

Guiping Yang

34. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 20. 35. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 21. 36. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 22. 37. In Tianfang Xingli 天方性理 [Islamic Nature and Principle], 83, Liu Zhi differentiates six levels: Nonmovement (substance), First Movement (function), Lordly Master (separation of substance and external effect), First Mandate (appearance of the Real principle), Nature of the Mandate (separation of the myriad principles), and Form and Matter (disclosure of matter and image). He argues that the process of creation is completed by way of these six levels. In this formulation, Liu Zhi somewhat simplifies the philosophy of the original Persian and renders it more understandable to a Chinese readership. 38. Flow (sarayān) or effusion (fayḍ). 39. Tianfang Xingli, 83. Liu Zhi did not translate “active” or “passive” and translated “divine” into “of the Lord” and “mundane” into “of things.” 40. The “universal spirit” (rūḥ) is translated by Liu Zhi in Tianfang Xingli as xing 性 (nature). 41. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 24. 42. Tianfang Xingli, 85. 43. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 24. 44. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 24. 45. In Tianfang Xingli, 87, Liu Zhi writes, “That by which humans and things are what they are emerges from one source.” 46. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 24. 47. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 30. 48. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 30. 49. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 31. Ibn al-’Arabī makes the same point in Bezels of Wisdom. 50. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 32. 51. Knowledge that is achieved by way of reasoning and rationality. 52. Knowledge that is achieved by way of intuition. 53. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 33. 54. Zhenjing Zhaowei, chapter 35. 55. Zhu Xi. Zhuzi Quanshu, volume 17, 2885. 56. Zhu Xi. Zhuzi Quanshu, volume 15, 589. 57. Zhu Xi. Zhuzi Quanshu, volume 6, 38.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Liu Zhi 刘智, Tianfang Dianli 天方典礼 [The Rites of Islam], in Huizu he Zhongguo Yisilanjiao guji ziliao huibian (diliu han) 回族和中国伊斯兰教古籍资料汇编 第 六函 [Edited Volume on Huizu and Chinese Islamic Historical Materials: Volume Six] (Tianjin: Tianjin Guji Publishers天津古籍出版社, 1987).



Islamic-Confucian Synthesis in the Light of  Zhenjing Zhaowei

115

Liu Zhi 刘智, Tianfang Xingli 天方性理 [The Nature and Principle of Islam], annotated by Wang Genming 王根明 (Beijing Religion Culture Publishing House宗教 文化出版社, 2020). Liu Zhi 刘智, Tianfang Zhisheng Shilu 天方至圣实录 [The Real Record of the Greatest Prophet of Islam] (Beijing: China Islamic Association 中国伊斯兰教协 会, 1984). Zhu Xi 朱熹, Zhuzi Quanshu 朱子全书 [Collected Works of Zhu Xi] (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House 上海古籍出版社, 2002). Nūr ad-Dīn ʿAbd ar-Rahmān Jāmī, Zhenjing Zhaowei 真境昭微 [Displaying the Concealment of the Real Realm], translated by Liu Zhi 刘智 (Beijing: Beijing Qingzhen Shubaoshe Shiyinben 北京清真书报社石印本, 1925). Nūr ad-Dīn ʿAbd ar-Rahmān Jāmī, Gleams, translated by William C. Chittick. In Murato, Sachiko, Chinese Gleams of Sufi Light (New York: State University of New York Press, 2000). Nūr ad-Dīn ʿAbd ar-Rahmān Jāmī. Lawāʾiḥ: A Treatise of Sufism, translated by E. H. Whinfield and Mirza Muhammad Kazvini (London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1906). Nūr ad-Dīn ʿAbd ar-Rahmān Jāmī. Les Jaillissements de Lumière [The Spurts of Light], translated by Richard Yann (Paris: Les Deux Océans, 1982).

Index

abridged translation, 92 Absolute Real, 90, 108 acculturation, 13 Allah: creation of universe by, 58; five regulations and, 19; transcendence of, 54; uniqueness of divinity of, 52–54. See also Real One Analects, 4, 39 Annals of the Ming Dynasty, 32 Arabian Peninsula, 9 Ashiʿat al-Lamaʿāt (Rays of Divine Gleams) (Jāmī), 91 Bai Shouyi, 2, 32, 38 Baojun, Haji Yusuf Lin, 43 Bezels of Wisdom (Ibn al-ʿArabī), 90 Big World, 69, 77–78 Biographical Dictionary of the Hui People (Bai), 38 bodily skepticism, 80 A Brief History of Chinese Islam (Bai), 2 bright virtues, 20–21 Buddhism, 3, 9; indigenization of, 11–12 caliphates, 50, 89 Catholic Church, 12 Chang’an, 31

Chang Yuchun, 33 cheng, 57 Cheng Hao, 67 Chengshi Yizhuan (Cheng’s Commentary on the Book of Changes) (Cheng Y.), 67 Cheng Yi, 67, 109 Chen Hanzhang, 2 Chen Tuan, 57 Chen Yuan, 2, 14 chess, 32 Cheuk Yin Lee, 4 China: ethnic groups in, 13; indigenization of religions in, 11–14; Islam arrival in, 1, 10, 49; Islamic studies development in, 2; Islam spread in, 30–34; renaissance era in Islamic history in, 34–37 The Chinese Historical Geography Bi-monthly Magazine, 2 Chinese Islamic philosophy, 48–59 Christianity, 3, 9; indigenization of, 12–13 civilizational contact, 30–34 The Civilization of Chang’an and the Western Regions in the Tang Dynasty (Xiang), 32 clash of civilizations, 29–30 Classic of Filial Piety, 42 117

118

Index

coastal trade, 32 Confucianism, 3, 41; Buddhism and, 11; Catholicism and, 12; explaining Islam with, 97–107; Hui coordination and confluence with, 42–44; indigenization and interpreting scripture through, 22–25; scripture and, 14–21; Sufi practice in language of, 96–97 Confucius, 39–41, 49, 58 Convergence Hypothesis, 30 cosmology, 49, 51–52, 55 creation of universe: Liu Zhi schema for, 55, 69, 85; Ma Dexin stages for, 59; primordial world and, 18 cross-cultural exchange, 22 cross-cultural thinking, 1 cultural diversity, 29–30 Cycle of Great Transformation (dahuaxunhuan), 62, 74, 85 dahuaxunhuan (Cycle of Great Transformation), 62 Dahua Zonggui (The Process of the Great Evolution and the Return to Allah) (Ma D.), 48, 58 Dao, 51, 53, 56 Daoism, 3, 9, 16–17, 56; Buddhism and, 11–12; Islam and, 49 Da Pusheng, 2 Dashi, 31–32 Daxue (The Great Learning), 21 direct translation, 92 Displaying the Concealment of the Real Realm (Liu), 6 Divergence Hypothesis, 30 Doctrine of the Mean, 41 D’Ollone, 47 dualism, 56 Du Weiming, 23 Eastern Orthodox Church, 12 ethnic groups: division of, 32; intermarriage laws and, 33; Islam and, 13

Experienced One, 70–74 Fei Xiaotong, 6 Feng Sheng, 33 filial piety, 20, 41–42 five constant virtues, 18, 108 Five Pillars of the Heavenly Way, 19, 83 five regulations: Allah and, 19; interrelationships of, 19–21; theory of, 18 Five Standards of the Human Way, 83 foreign merchants, 31–32 forgetting, 84–85 Fu Tongxian, 2 A Glance at Chinese Muslims (Baojun), 43 The Great Learning (Daxue), 3 Great Mandate, 76 The Great Ming Code, 32 Guangzhou, 31–32 Guiping Yang, 6 Gu Jiegang, 2 Ha Decheng, 2 Hadith, 3, 18, 81 Hangzhou, 31–32 Han Ketabu (Han Kitab), 24, 37, 43–44 heart: īmān as light of, 21; primordiality and, 83, 91; religious practice and, 83; skepticism of, 80; substance of, 73; the Way and, 82 Heavenly Principle, 80 heaven’s mandate (tianming), 51 He Hanjing, 22 Hei Mingfeng, 67 History of Chinese Islam (Chen H.), 2 The History of Chinese Islam (Ma Y.), 2 Holy Spirit, 76 Hongwu (emperor), 33 Huayan school, 11 Hu Dahai, 33 Hui: analyzing works of, 51–59; Confucianism coordination and confluence with, 42–44

Index

Hui Confucians, 16 Huihui, 32–35, 49 Hui revolts, 22 Huiru works, 36–37 Hu-ization, 32 human way (rendao), 62, 83, 85 Hu merchants, 31 Hundred-Word in Praise of Prophet Muhammad (Hongwu), 33 Huntington, Samuel, 4, 29 Hu Xin, 14 Ibn al-ʿArabī, 90, 101, 108 ijtihād, 9–10 Illuminationism, 90 īmān, 21 indigenization, 3; defining, 9–11; interpreting scripture through Confucianism and, 22–25; on major religions in China, 11–14; scripture and, 14–25 Inscription on the Construction of a Mosque (Jianzhu Qingzhensi Beiwen) (Wang G.), 30 “Interpreting the Islamic Classics with Confucianism” cultural movement, 37–42 ʿIrāqī, Fakhr al-Dīn, 91 Islam: arrival in China, 1, 13, 49; Confucianism coordination and confluence with, 42–44; Daoism and, 49; explaining with Confucianism, 97–107; five pillars of, 19; indigenization of, 3, 9–11, 13–14, 22–25; Ming and Ching policies against, 15; spread of, 9–10, 30–34 Islamic-Confucian synthesis, 1; philosophical basis and contemporary relevance of, 108–11 Islamic studies, 2–3 Israeli, Raphael, 47 Jāmī, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān, 6, 89–91, 101, 108 Jiangnan region, 16, 37

119

Ji Juemi, 35 Jingjiao (Nestorianism), 12 Jin Jitang, 2 Jin Yijiu, 64 Kazvini, Muhammad, 91 Khadīja bint Khuwaylid, 89 Khalfa, Haji, 91 knowledge: Real, 101, 103; temporal, 79 Lamaʿāt (Divine Gleams) (ʿIrāqī), 91 Lang Ying, 30, 34 Lan Xu, 16 Lan Yu, 33 Laozi, 17, 57 Lawāʾiḥ (A Treatise on Sufism) (Jāmī), 6, 89–92, 96. See also Zhenjing Zhaowei Leng Chunchen, 22 Leslie, Donald, 33, 37 li (principle), 56 Liang Yijun, 38 li-qi (principle-spirit), 56 Liu Zhi, 1, 9–10, 17, 22, 48–49, 61, 90; creation of universe schema of, 69; epistemology of, 78–81; explaining Islam with Confucianism and, 54–59, 97–107; on husband and wife relationship, 19; on pretemporal and temporal creation, 69, 77–78; on primordial world, 18; Real One theory, 5–6, 62–74; responses to, 23–24; return to Real and, 81–86; theory of humanity, 74–86; Three Ones theory and, 71–74; translation methods, 92 Li Yansheng, 14 Lordly Ruler, 68, 72 Ma Dexin, 5, 24, 48–49, 58–59 Ma Fuchu, 22 Ma Jian, 2 manifested heaven, 59 Ma Yiyu, 2

120

Index

Ma Zhu, 1, 5, 24, 61–63, 81; combination of taiji and Islamic thought, 66; five regulations and, 19–21; on Real One, 68, 70, 72; on relationship of universe and humans, 75–76 Mencius, 40–41, 49, 58 Mencius, 41–42 mid-heaven, 59 Ming dynasty, 32, 34; Chinese Islam identity in, 1; cultural diversity in, 29–30; sinicization policy, 35 Mingliang Ma, 3–4 Ming-Qing period, 9–10, 14–16, 35, 47; Catholicism during, 12; Islamic-Confucian synthesis in, 3–4; scripture interpretation during, 22–25 monarch: five regulations and, 18; loyalty to, 19–20 Mongolia: assimilation policies and, 33; western expeditions, 32 monotheism, 54 Murata, Sachiko, 47 mutual borrowing, 1 Mu Ying, 33 nameless, 55–56, 58 Naqshbandi Sufis, 90 nature: as self-manifestation of primordiality, 79–80; skepticism of, 80 Nature and Principle in Islam (Liu Z.), 1 neo-Confucianism, 48–50, 57, 62, 106, 108–9 Neoplatonism, 90 New Confucianism, 23, 48 Ningbo, 32 nothing, 55, 58 Numerical One (shuyi), 63, 70–74 One Principle, 69, 78, 104, 106 Opium War, 12–13 Origin of Islam in China (Chen Y.), 2

Outline of Chinese Islamic History (Bai), 2 Pan Feng, 22 pantheism, 54 Peng Hui’e, 91 People’s Republic of China, Islamic studies development in, 2 Peripatetic school, 90 practical ethics, 19 Preface to Tianfang Xingli (Xu), 22 Preface to Zhengjiao Zhenquan (He), 22 pretemporal creation, 69, 77–79 primordial heaven, 59 primordiality, 64, 70, 83; nature as selfmanifestation of, 79–80 Primordial Substance, 105 Protestant Church, 12 Protestant Reformation, 12 Pu Bo, 14 Qianlong, 22–23 Qingzhen Shiyi Buji (Supplementary Volume of Explaining Islam), 22 Quanzhou, 31–32 Qur’an, 3, 15, 18, 34–35, 75, 96 racial intermarriage policies, 32–33 Real: rebirth of return to, 81–86; seeking and ruminating on, 94 Real Being, 97–107, 109 The Real Commentary on the True Teachings (Wang D.), 1 Real Forgetting, 85 Real Knowledge, 101, 103 Real One, 5, 62, 108; concept of, 63–65; system of, 65–67; three levels of, 70–71; Three Ones theory and, 71–74; as ultimate source and endpoint of all things, 67–70; Wang D. on, 63–64 Real Ruler, 67, 68, 76–77 rebirth of return to real, 81–86 religious practice, 84 rendao (human way), 62

Index

Republic of China, 13 Ricci, Matteo, 23–24, 90 ritual, 81–83 Sanlihe Mosque, 38 scripture: Confucianism and, 14–25; indigenization and, 14–25 Sea of Sediment, 69, 76 self-manifestation: of God, 71; of primordiality, 79–80 semantic translation, 92 Seven Categories of Manuscripts (Qixiulei Gao) (Lang), 30, 34 Shan Si, 14 Shan Siding, 14 Sharia, 89 Shu, 41 shuyi (Numerical One), 63 Sidian Yaohui (The Summary of Four Islamic Classics) (Ma D.), 48, 58 Siku Quanshu Zongmu (Annotated Catalogue of the Complete Imperial Library), 23 Silk Road, 31 sinicization policy, 35 Sishu Queyi (Doubts on the Four Books) (Shan Siding), 14 skepticism, 80 Small World, 69, 74–77 Song dynasty, 32, 43 Song-Ming neo-Confucianism, 48–50, 57, 108–9 Spice Route, 31 A Study of the History of Islam in China (Jin), 2 Sufi, 6, 50, 54–55, 59, 89–91; Confucian language for, 96–97; Zhenjing Zhaowei and practice of, 93–97; Zhenjing Zhaowei and thought of, 97–107 Sui dynasty, 30 taiji, 18, 49–53, 56–57, 62, 65–68, 70, 72

121

Taiji Tushuo (Diagram Explaining the Supreme Ultimate) (Zhou), 57, 65 Taiji Xiantiantu (Diagram of Taiji Primordial Heaven) (Chen T.), 57 taiji yin-yang, 50 Tang Dynasty, 30–32 tawḥīd, 16–17, 19–20 temporal creation, 69, 77–79 temporal knowledge and practice, 79 theory of humanity, 74–86 three fundamental bonds, 18 Three Ones theory, 71–74 tian, 5 tiandao (Way of Heaven), 62 Tianfang Dianli: Zhenzai (The Rites of Islam: The True Ruler) (Liu), 17–18, 22–23 tianfang lifa, 89 Tianfang Xingli (Liu), 22, 48, 55, 57–58 Tianfang Xingli Tuzhuan (Liu), 56 Tianfang Zhengxue (The Right Learning of Islam) (Lan), 16 Tianfang Zhisheng Shilu (Liu), 22 tianming (heaven’s mandate), 51 Tianshan Mountains, 31 Tiantai school, 11 tianxu, 83 tianzhi, 83 Tie Zheng, 35 Tongshu (The All-Embracing Book) (Zhou), 57 Tongzhi, 15, 22 totalizing order, 99–100 transformative translation, 92 translation: methods of, 92; that amends, 92; that removes, 92 trinity theory, 54 triyana, 5, 81–82, 85 True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching (Wang D.), 4, 38–43 The True Meaning of the Lord and Heaven (Ricci), 90 ’Uthmān (caliph), 13

122

Index

Wang Ao, 34 Wang Daiyu, 1, 9–10, 61–62, 81; Chinese Islamic philosophy and, 48, 51–54, 56, 58; on Experienced One, 73; five regulations and, 20; “Interpreting Islamic Classics with Confucianism” movement and, 37–42; Islam explained through Confucianism by, 4–5, 16–17, 23–24, 42–43; on Real One, 5, 63–64, 70–71, 75; on wuji and taiji, 66–67 Wang Gong, 30 Wang Jingzhai, 2 the Way, 81–82; holding and amassing, 94; seeing, 93–94 Way of Heaven (tiandao), 62, 109 Western Reformation, 12 western regions, 38 Whinfield, E. H., 91 wuji, 18, 51–53, 56–57, 65–68, 70, 72 Wu Jian, 112n3 Wujing Siwen (Thoughts and Question on the Five Classics) (Shan Siding), 14 wuxing, 57, 62 Wu Zixian, 1 Wuzong (emperor), 12 Xianfeng, 15, 22 Xiang Da, 32 Xiaozong (emperor), 34 xingli, 54–55, 57 Xinjiang, 31, 38 Xu Yuanzheng, 22 Yan Fu, 110

Yang Disheng, 29 Yang Fei, 23 Yelikewen Jiao (Christianity among Mongols), 12 Yihong Liu, 4–5 yin-yang, 49–50, 56–57, 62, 65 Yizhuan (Commentary on the Book of Changes), 49–50, 57 Yongui, 13 Yuan dynasty, 32–33 Yuan Xiyuren Huahua Kao (Research on the Sinicization of the People from Western Regions of Yuan Dynasty) (Chen Y.), 14 Yunnan region, 16 Zhao Qi, 41 Zhengjiao Zhenquan (A True Interpretation of Islam) (Wang D.), 16, 48, 51–52, 54 Zhenhui Laoren. See Wang Daiyu Zhenjing Zhaowei (Displaying the Concealment of the Real Realm) (Liu), 89–92, 109; Sufi practice and, 93–97; Sufi thought and, 97–107 zhong (loyalty), 41 Zhongyong (The Doctrine of the Mean), 16, 57 Zhou Dunyi, 18, 57, 65 Zhouyi (The Book of Changes), 11, 16, 18 Zhu Xi, 53, 65–67, 109 Zhu Yuanzhang, 32–33 Zhuzi Yulei (Zhu X.), 53 Zongping Sha, 5

About the Contributors

‌‌Professor Zongping Sha 沙宗平 (editor) is an associate professor of philosophy in the Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Peking University. His main areas of study are medieval Arabic philosophy and the Islamic religion. Specifically, his interests include the Arabic philosophy of reason, Arab Islamic philosophy (Kalām, Islamic scholastic theology, and Sufism), Chinese Islamic philosophy, and the history of Islam and Chinese Islam. He is currently the director of the Islamic Society of China and the Executive Director of the Chinese Hui Society. He is the author, in Chinese, of Chinese Islamic Studies: Studies in the Philosophy of Liu Zhi (2004) and Islamic Philosophy (1995). ‌‌Dr. Shuchen Xiang 项舒晨 (editor) is Mount Hua professor of philosophy at Xidian University, China. Her first two books were A Philosophical Defense of Culture: Perspectives from Confucianism and Cassirer (2021) and Chinese Cosmopolitanism: The History and Philosophy of an Idea (2023). She publishes on comparative philosophy, critical philosophy of race, and issues related to philosophical pluralism. ‌‌Professor Mingliang Ma 马明良 is a professor at the School of History and Culture at the Northwest University for Nationalities and the head of the Gansu Province Think Tank on Religious Issues. He is mainly engaged in teaching and researching Islamic culture, and his representative works include A New Theory of Islamic Culture, A Concise History of Islam, The Course and Prospects of Interaction between Islamic Civilization and Chinese Civilization, A Preliminary Exploration of Islamic Ecological Civilization, and New Trends in Contemporary Islamic Civilization. ‌‌Dr. Tianyi Zhang 张天一 (translator), PhD (University of Cambridge, 2019), is a junior research fellow at Clare College, Cambridge. His research interests focus on the intellectual history of the Islamic world through the 7th to 17th 123

124

About the Contributor

centuries CE, especially on Avicenna’s (d. 1037) Avicennism, Suhrawardī’s (d. 1191) Illuminationism, and Mullā Ṣadrā’s (d. 1636) Existentialism. His first monograph is A Philosophical Enquiry into the Nature of Suhrawardī’s Illuminationism: Light in the Cave (2023), and he has published articles in English and Chinese on Suhrawardī’s Illuminationist philosophy and Avicenna’s Peripatetic philosophy. ‌‌Professor Cheuk Yin Lee 李焯然 received his doctorate from the Australian National University. He started his academic career at the National University of Singapore and has served as sub-dean of the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, head of the Department of Chinese Studies, and founding director of the Wan Boo Sow Research Centre for Chinese Culture. He is currently a senior professor of East Asian Studies at the Institute of Asian Studies at the Universiti Brunei Darussalam. In addition to academic duties, Professor Lee is a member of the Presidential Council for Religious Harmony of the Singapore Government. His research interests include Chinese intellectual history, East-Asian Confucianism and culture, and Southeast Asian Chinese beliefs and customs. ‌‌Mr. Chongning Zhang 张崇宁 (translator) is an assistant researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. He is a PhD candidate in religious studies in the Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies at Peking University. Mr. Zhang’s current research focuses on ritual practices of Hui Muslims and Islam in China. ‌‌Professor Yihong Liu 刘一虹 is a professor of Arabic Islamic Study at the Institute of Philosophy, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. She trained at Cairo University and obtained degrees from Peking University, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and Columbia University. She has given lectures at Harvard, Columbia University, Hong Kong City University, Cairo University, United Arab Emirates University, and Peking University, among others. ‌‌Mr. Stephen Nashef (translator) is a PhD student at Peking University, where he is researching ontology in Chinese Islamic philosophy, with a focus on Qing dynasty scholar Liu Zhi. He is interested in reading and translating contemporary Chinese literature. A collection of his translations of Ma Yan’s poems, I Name Him Me, was published last year. ‌‌Professor Guiping Yang  杨桂萍 is a professor and PhD supervisor of Islamic studies at the School of Philosophy and Religious Studies at Minzu University of China, Beijing. She was an academic visitor at the Oxford

About the Contributor

125

Centre for Islamic Studies from July 2009 to May 2010. She is a member of the think tank of State Administration of Religious Affairs. She is a trustee member of the International Confucian Association, Chinese Academy of Religious Studies, and China-Arab Association. Professor Yang has published more than seventy journal articles and is the author of Studies of Ma Dexin’s Thoughts (2004), Qing Zhen Chang Ming—Islam in China (2007), Islam (2015), and Islamic Art in China (2012).