The Individual and the Authority Figure in Egyptian Prose Literature 2018005391, 9781138600195, 9780429471063

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The Individual and the Authority Figure in Egyptian Prose Literature

The Individual and the Authority Figure in Egyptian Prose Literature explores and analyses political conflicts between individuals and authority figures, as those conflicts are depicted in thirteen Egyptian novels written from 1957 to the last years of Mubarak’s presidency. The book discusses the various reasons that lead an individual or a group of people from all strata of society (common people, intellectuals, and public figures) to confront policemen, senior security officials, and even the heads of the state. It further examines how the conflicts develop and what their outcomes are in the short term as well as in the long term, for both the individuals and the authority figures. In this context, the volume also examines the possibility of standing against an oppressive regime and even overcoming it. This text argues that while the authority figure initially subdues individuals who confront them, their victory is short term. In the long term, their cruelties bring about sown deaths, either by the individuals themselves or by their relatives. Furthermore, large assemblies of people can confront the regime with success. These discoveries, along with other findings presented in the book, remain relevant to the reality in the Middle East and the events leading to the Arab Spring. Yona Sheffer received her Ph.D. from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, the Department of Arabic Language and Literature. Dr. ­Sheffer currently teaches Introduction to Arabic Literature at The Polis I­ nstitute of Languages and Humanities in Jerusalem and is Assistant ­Researcher for the Department of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies, The Hebrew ­University of Jerusalem. Recent publications include The ­Individual versus Officialdom in Egyptian Prose Fiction since the 1952 R ­ evolution, Tel-Aviv: Resling, 2015 (Hebrew), and a Translation from Arabic to ­Hebrew of an autobiography by Meir Muallem: A Piece of Life: M ­ emoirs from Iraq (Jerusalem: Association of Jewish Academics from Iraq, 2011).

Literary Criticism and Cultural Theory

The Waste Fix Seizures of the Sacred from Upton Sinclair to the Sopranos William G. Little Figures of Finance Capitalism Writing, Class and Capital in Mid-Victorian Narratives Borislav Knezevic The Other Orpheus A Poetics of Modern Homosexuality Merrill Cole The Individual and the Authority Figure in Egyptian Prose Literature Yona Sheffer

The Individual and the Authority Figure in Egyptian Prose Literature Yona Sheffer

First published 2018 by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2018 Taylor & Francis The right of Yona Sheffer to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Sheffer, Yona, 1972- author. Title: The individual and the authority figure in Egyptian prose literature / by Yona Sheffer. Other titles: Perạt u-milḥamto be-vaʻale ha-samkhut ba-sifrut ha-Mitsrit me-az mahpekhat 1952. English Description: New York: Routledge, 2018. | Series: Literary criticism and cultural theory | Based on the author’s dissertation (doctoral)—Hebrew University, 2015. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2018005391 Subjects: LCSH: Arabic fiction—Egypt—History and criticism. | Arabic fiction—20th century—History and criticism. | Authoritarianism in literature. | Individualism in literature. Classification: LCC PJ8212 .S52513 2018 | DDC 892.7/3609962—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018005391 ISBN: 978-1-138-60019-5 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-47106-3 (ebk) Typeset in Sabon by codeMantra

To my parents, Aryeh and Sarah Sheffer

Contents

Preface

ix

Introduction 1 1 The Authority Figures 21 2 The Individuals Who Come into Conflict with Authority Figures 63 3 The Background of the Conflicts between Individuals and Groups and Authority Figures 85 4 The Conflicts: Development, Outcomes, and Consequences 112 Conclusions 159 Bibliography Index

165 173

Preface

I have always been fascinated by the question of what makes individuals confront powerful authority figures, especially in corrupt regimes, and whether there is any chance of defeating them. Developments in the Middle East today – the “Arab Spring” in particular – demonstrate more than ever how relevant this question still is. The stimulus for my study of these questions comes from modern Arabic literature, especially the works of the Egyptian writer Gamal al-Ghitani (1945–2015). One of the main issues occupying al-Ghitani is the relationship between ordinary people and those in power, especially those holding utmost power in terms of Orwell’s 1984. This theme is interwoven with the question: Are authority figures ordinary people? I believe that this question finds its answer in this book, side by side with the discussions of the various conflicts. This book explores the nature of conflict between individuals and authority figures as those conflicts are depicted in the works of Egypt’s most notable writers from Nagib Mahfuz (1911–2006), whose long career started before the Revolution, to ʿAlaʾ al-Aswani (1957–) who has gained acclaim mainly since the beginning of the 21st century. The book’s four chapters can be divided into two parts: the first two chapters deal with the traits, worldviews, and general conduct of the authority figures and the individuals, while Chapters 3 and 4 outline the conflicts including their motivating forces, development, immediate outcomes, and the long-term consequences. Even though the book deals with the literary representation of a sociopolitical phenomenon, subjects and questions will arise that are likely to interest researchers who deal with the fields of society, politics, and history of Arab states. It is possible that the findings in this book will stimulate researchers to analyze these subjects with other tools and disciplines in order to discover whether the literary “reality” matches the historical “reality.” I have spent several years reading the raw material for this book, analyzing hidden messages (since some of the authors obscure their ideas in order to avoid censorship) and merging the findings. The research culminated in my doctoral dissertation submitted to the Hebrew University of

x Preface Jerusalem. The English version includes some new insights gained from rereading and rethinking the research. *** This book could not have seen the light of day without the help of my teachers and friends. Special thanks are due to my mentors, Prof. (Emer.) Gabriel M. Rosenbaum and Prof. (Emer.) Menahem Milson from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem for their encouragement, direction, corrections, and critiques. I would also like to thank Prof. Meir Hatina from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Prof. Fruma Zachs from The University of Haifa for encouraging me to publish the book and for their helpful remarks in order to improve the manuscript. I have a debt of honor to my friends Amina Sayyad, Dr. Moshe Terdman, and Doron Goldstein for the ideas they shared with me and for their assistance in my formulation of them. I wish to thank the two anonymous reviewers found by Routledge for their most helpful comments about the manuscript. I am especially grateful to Marcy Gayer for copyediting the manuscript. Last, but not least, I am indebted to Routledge and Editors Michelle Salyga and Timothy Swenarton for the willingness to publish this book and escorting it through the publication process.

Introduction

The overthrow of President Husni Mubarak in 2011 seemed at the outset to have no chance of success in light of the oppression of the E ­ gyptian population at the hands of their various governments since 1952. Similarly, not long after Mubarak’s fall, the masses influenced the army to bring down the government of the Muslim Brotherhood headed by Muhammad Mursi – another regime not to their liking. In both these instances, the Egyptian public coming out en masse demonstrated their power to overcome oppressive regimes. Before the revolution of 2011, it seemed impossible to overthrow the regime, but soon after it, arguments arose that the writing was already on the wall. Thus, the writer ʿAlaʾ al-Aswani claimed in an article from 1998 that injustice, corruption, and tyranny reigning in Egypt can potentially ignite ten revolutions in other countries, but the Egyptians bow their heads before the authorities. They do so partially out of fear, but mainly because they are occupied by chasing after daily bread. Other reasons for not protesting are the painful experience that the Egyptians have gained regarding living under suppression, as well as their total despair regarding the hopeless situation (al-Aswani 2010: 10). In his famous novel, The Yacoubian Building (2002), an authority figure goes even further to assert that the Egyptians are predestined by God to bow their heads before any regime (al-Aswani 2005: 120). However, in August 2011, another famous writer, Gamal al-Ghitani, argued that had President Mubarak read the Egyptian literature written during the thirty year period of his regime, he would have been aware of the suffering of the Egyptian people under his rule and his fate might have been different (ʿAbd al-Wahhab 2011). In other words, al-Ghitani maintained that the Egyptian literature played a significant role in laying the foundations for the revolution, apparently because of its criticism of the sociopolitical reality. This book examines conflict relationships of a political nature between individuals – the common person, the intellectual, or the public figure – and authority figures, as portrayed in Egyptian novels since the 1952 Free Officers Revolution up to the last years of Mubarak’s reign. While the subject has been woven into the works of Egyptian writers for generations, it

2 Introduction is most prominent in the writers of the 1960s generation. This research is not historical, political, or sociological, but rather literary. Various studies have already examined the relationships between the individual and the authorities in Arabic literature in general and in Egyptian literature in particular. Most of the studies deal with the genre of prison literature. Others explore opinions and stances of intellectuals towards ʿAbd al-Nasir’s regime in Egypt, as well as various forms of oppression in Arabic literature, including Egyptian literature (political oppression, bureaucratic oppression, oppression within the family, ­oppression by a foreign occupier, etc.). Some of these studies are as follows: – Geula Elimelech, Arabic Prison Literature: Resistance, Torture, Alienation, and Freedom (Elimelech 2014). – Sami Suwaydan, Al-Mataha wal-tamwih fi al-riwaya al-ʿarabiyya: al-muthaqqaf wal-madina/al-sulta wal-rawi (Labyrinth and Camouflage in the Arab Novel: the Intellectual and the City/Authority and the Narrator) (Suwaydan 2006). – Samah Idris, Al-Muthaqqaf al-ʿarabi wal-sulta – bahth fi riwayat al-tajriba al-nasiriyya (The Intellectual and the Government – a Study in the Novels of the Nasserist Experience) (Idris 2002). – Sabri Hafez, “Torture, Imprisonment, and Political Assassination in the Arab Novel” (Hafez 2002). – Muhammad Ridwan, Mihnat al-dhat bayna al-sulta wal-qabila: dirasa li-ashkal al-qamʿ wa-tajalliyyatihi fi al-riwaya al-ʿarabiyya (The Suffering of the Self between the Government and the Tribe: A Study of Forms of Oppression and its Manifestations in the Arab Novel) (Ridwan 2002). – Roger Allen, “Arabic Fiction and the Quest for Freedom” (Allen 1995). – Samar Ruhi al-Faysal, Al-Sijn al-siyasi fi al-riwaya al-ʿarabiyya (The Political Prison in the Arab Novel) (al-Faysal 1994). – Matityahu Peled, “Sifrut batei ha-sohar” (Prison Literature) (Peled 1993). These studies are limited to certain time frames, such as the Nasserist era and the 1970s, or to the political prison as a symbol for all forms of oppression and deprivation of human rights. The studies that touch upon conflicts only focus on conflicts that involve intellectuals, and they imply that as a rule, the authority figures always subdue those who challenge them. In fact, the studies lack details about the authority figures: their world views, their motives, their methods, etc. In addition, the discussions of Egyptian novels do not include comparative aspects between the different regimes, from King Faruq’s regime to that of Mubarak’s. This book is dedicated to cases in which individuals, from common people to public figures, find themselves in direct conflicts with authority

Introduction  3 figures, either in cases where they deliberately confront the authorities from a well-formed ideological worldview or in cases where they are drawn into the conflict against their wills. The meticulous study of the conflicts and of the characters involved in them sheds light on common denominators between the different regimes in Egypt regarding respect for civil rights. In this respect, in addition to detailed examination of the individuals’ characters prior to the conflicts, the book details the world views of the authority figures, their general conduct, their ways of thinking, their overt and covert agendas, etc. The study of these conflicts raises some interesting points regarding not only the fate of the individuals but also regarding the fate of the authority figures in the long term. Indeed, some of the novels discussed in the book belong to the genre of prison literature; however, their plots are not limited to the prison. Therefore, the book examines not only the conditions in prison but mainly the background to the imprisonment and its effects on the individual as well as on his family members and friends after release (or death). During a conflict, authority figures sometimes harm not only those who confront them but also their family members and friends. Therefore, it is necessary to examine how family and friends are also drawn into the circle of conflict. As authority figures are by their nature stronger than individuals, it would seem, on the face of it at least, totally futile to enter into conflict with them. Hence, this volume will examine what the person coming into conflict with authority seeks to gain and what the person has to lose; what goes through a person’s mind after being subjugated by the authority figures – does the person surrender to oppression or continue to challenge the authority figures in spite of the suffering? And in general, is the individual capable of winning this sort of conflict and if not, is the victory of the authority figure always complete?

The Literary Works under Discussion This book discusses thirteen novels and novellas by eight of Egypt’s most notable writers, covering a time frame of about fifty years. As the works discussed herein were written in different time periods, it is of interest to inquire whether similarities exist between the monarchic regime and the governments of Presidents Gamal ʿAbd al-Nasir, Anwar al-Sadat, and Husni Mubarak with regard to the power wielded by the authority figures and the techniques used by the security services against those who oppose the regime. This volume will examine similarities and differences between the regimes of the aforementioned Presidents and whether there are differences in literary approaches in the texts written before and after the Revolution. Another question will be whether the conflicts described were designed to create a literary conflict or whether

4 Introduction they have an extra-literary purpose – for example, criticizing the tyranny of authority figures in Egypt or even calling for radical change. All the works under discussion were chosen because they present direct confrontations of a political nature between individuals and authority figures and include the reasons for conflict as well as the outcomes and consequences. Indeed, these literary works have been much researched, but this book offers new interpretations, including some that challenge existing ones, as will be shown throughout the discussions of the characters and the conflicts. The book discusses the following works: Nagib Mahfuz (1911–2006) Children of Our Neighborhood (Awlad haratina)1 This novel was serialized in the al-Ahram newspaper in 1959. It was published in book form in 1967 in Lebanon and in 2006 in Egypt. Over an almost 50-year period, Egyptian censorship prevented its publication as a book because it aroused anger in both religious circles and in the regime. The religious circles considered it to be blasphemy, while the regime found in it offensive political criticism. The novel presents allegorically the history of humanity according to the three monotheistic religions up until the modern era and engages with the search for social justice and with the issue of science versus religion. In addition, it includes an implicit criticism of the oppression exercised by ʿAbd al-Nasir’s regime. Milson defines the novel as “Mahfuzian mythology” (Milson 1999: 125). The events take place in a Cairene neighborhood in an undefined time period, but from the descriptions, it appears that the time frame is prior to the modern era. The ­neighborhood – from which Egypt grew, according to the story – is called the al-Gabalawi neighborhood after its founder, al-Gabalawi, who represents God (his name is derived from the verb gabala, whose meaning is to create). The novel is divided into five parts and 114 chapters, an allusion to the five books of the Pentateuch and the 114 Suras in the Quran. The five sections are named according to the key characters in each part: Adham (the Mahfuzian parallel for Adam, and thus the alliteration between the two names), Gabal (the parallel to Moses, who received the Torah at Gabal al-Tur – Mount Sinai), Rifaʿa (Jesus who ascended – ʾirtafaʿa or rufiʿa – to heaven), Qasim (Muhammad who was also called Abu al-­ Qasim, after his son), and ʿArafa (the modern man of science. The name comes from the root ʿarf, which indicates knowledge). The first part describes how Adham, the favored son of al-Gabalawi, was exiled from home after his attempt to sneak into the secret room of his father and to read the ten conditions of the endowment belonging to his father (this endowment is the source of al-Gabalawi’s profits, and

Introduction  5 through it the residents of the area also earn their living). The three parts that follow parallel the stories of the struggles of Moses, Jesus, and Muhammad with tyranny. They focus on how the managers of the endowment and the local bullies (fetewwat, the plural of fetewwa) in their times appropriated the public funds and the oppressive regime that they exercise in the neighborhood. The fifth part is exceptional both because it has no connection to any sacred text and because of the hopes that the hero ʿArafa arouses. Gabal, Rifaʿa, Qasim, and ʿArafa share a common goal: to impose justice and to eradicate the evil perpetrated by the managers of the endowment and the bullies. While Gabal, Rifaʿa, and Qasim act in the name of al-Gabalawi and as his messengers, ʿArafa acts in the name of science with the aim of transmitting science throughout the neighborhood, for in his opinion, science and knowledge in general are the basis of the ideal society. Karnak (al-Karnak)2 This novel, in the form of a quartet, was written in 1971 and published in 1974. It is named after a café in Cairo, the main meeting place of the characters. Ismaʿil al-Shaykh, Zaynab Diyab, and Hilmi Hamada are students during the 1960s, around the time of the 1967 War, who are arrested and tortured by Khalid Safwan, a senior officer in the security services. During the interrogations, Zaynab is raped and Hilmi dies. 3 The novel focuses on the horror that the secret police imposed during the regime of ʿAbd al-Nasir and creates an indirect connection between the  persecution of innocents and the defeat in the 1967 War. Following  the novel’s publication, Mahfuz was accused of disloyalty. Ihsan ʿAbd al-Quddus (1919–1990) There Is a Man in Our House (Fi baytina ragul) The events of this novel, published in 1957, take place in the last years of the monarchy against the background of the presence of the British Army in Egypt and the public demand that Britain evacuate its soldiers. At the center of the novel is Ibrahim Hamdi, a law student working against the British and their lackeys, who involves the family of his fellow student, Muhyi Zahir, in the circle of conflict with the authorities. Ibrahim’s last act, in which he meets his death, inspires the 1952 Revolution. The novel emphasizes the solidarity of the Egyptians in their struggle against the British and implicitly against the royal regime. This is expressed in Muhyi’s family adopting Ibrahim as their son to show that all those who oppose the British are one large family. Another prominent motif in the novel is the conflict between the young revolutionary generation and the mature, more moderate generation of their parents.

6 Introduction Fathi Ghanim (1924–1999) The Mountain (al-Gabal) The plot of this novel, published in 1958, takes place in Upper Egypt during the last years of the monarchic regime. The princess, sister of King Faruq, initiates the establishment of a model village, which is designed to absorb the residents of the village of al-Gurna, who are the people of the mountain, in order to put an end to their activities as robbers and traders in antiquities from the tombs of the Pharaohs located on the mountain. The building of the model village is entrusted to an engineer who serves as the government’s representative in the region. The people of al-Gurna refuse to uproot themselves both because the model village was built without thought to their needs and because they are convinced that there are treasures in the tombs of the Pharaohs, which they intend to find. Following their refusal, conflict breaks out between the people and the government, which is represented by the engineer and the princess. At the end of the novel, the people of the mountain triumph and remain on the mountain.4 The novel presents a picture of conflict between the central government and the periphery, between city and village, between modern city life and simple village life, and between Western culture – as represented by the engineer and the princess – and the indigenous Egyptian culture of the people of the mountain. In addition, Ghanim offers implicit criticism of governmental corruption, the prevailing class divisions under the monarchy, and the regime’s disregard for public opinion. In the criticism of the monarchy, it is possible to discern praise for the regime of ʿAbd al-Nasir since it came from among the people and its reforms benefited the common people. The Story of Tu (Hikayit Tu) This novel written in 1972–1973 was serialized in the Ruz al-Yusuf magazine in 1974. Ghanim published the novel in a book form only in 1987 because its themes remained sensitive even during al-Sadat’s time (for example, the novel depicts the communists sympathetically) (Stagh 1993: 317, 319). According to Hafiz (2002), this is one of the most important books in the sub-category of prison literature. Tu is the nickname that the narrator gives to the son of a communist activist who was murdered by the police immediately upon his arrival in prison. Those responsible for the murder are liwaʾ (Major General) Zuhdi, the warden of the prison, and a police officer named Shawkat. About fifteen years after the murder, Tu and Zuhdi cross paths and Zuhdi adopts him as his son. 5 The name of Tu’s father is not given, but from extra-literary sources, including Ghanim himself, the character is based on Shuhdi

Introduction  7 ʿAtiyya al-Shafiʿi (1912–1960), a Communist leader in Egypt who died in prison after having been tortured (Abdel-Qader 1999; Ghanem 1999; ʿAbd al-Qadir 2002: 389). Yusuf Idris (1927–1991) The Black Policeman (al-ʿAskari al-aswad)6 This novella was published in 1962. The “black policeman” is the nickname of shawish (Sergeant) ʿAbbas Mahmud al-Zanfali of the Political Police who was in charge of torturing dissidents during the monarchic regime at the end of the 1940s.7 Though the novel deals with the horrors of the monarchy, al-Qitt (1980: 144) believes that Idris is leveling criticism at the political imprisonments during the time of ʿAbd al-Nasir.8 Al-Zanfali is known as the most sadistic of the torturers. One of his victims is Shawqi, who returns to confront al-Zanfali after the latter loses his sanity and falls ill. In the novella, Idris presents a thesis that torture is a two-edged sword for the torturer, whose soul suffers irreparable damage from the suffering he causes. In addition, the tortured adopts some of the characteristics of the torturer. Sunʿ Allah Ibrahim (1937–) The Committee (al-Lagna)9 This novel, written in 1978–1980, was first published in Beirut in 1981 because Ibrahim thought it impossible to publish in Egypt under al-­ Sadat, who in his opinion had become a dictator (Stagh 1993: 106). The Committee is a sort of Politburo that investigates potential dissidents by intruding into their privacy. On the face of it, they are not required to appear before the Committee, but it is clear to them that it is better that they do so. The events take place during the second half of al-Sadat’s reign. The unnamed hero is requested to appear before the Committee, undergoes humiliating interrogations, and performs undesirable acts. The novel, reminiscent of Kafka’s The Trial, criticizes globalization, tyrannical regimes in Arab states in general, and al-Sadat’s regime specifically, which is presented as regressing to tyranny, rampant capitalism, and economic corruption. The background is al-Sadat’s Open Door Policy, a program to encourage foreign investments in Egypt (See below for further details). In the novel, this policy turns opportunism and greed into dominant values and produces a society whose guiding principle is “might makes right.” It is possible that the criticism serves as an instrument for justifying al-Sadat’s assassination, since the hero of the novel murders the character who seems to symbolize the late President according to the list of VIPs who send condolences to the Committee upon his death.

8 Introduction Magid Tubya (1938–) The These (al-Haʾulaiʾ) In this novel, published in 1976, “the These” are the secret police who are present everywhere and able to read minds. The events take place in an imaginary state named “Aybut” (the last name of the author spelled backwards), whose President is the “Digam” (the first name of the author spelled backwards). The main theme of the novel is the place of the intellectual in society and the trouble that seeking knowledge causes, especially when the intellectual takes a stand. The unnamed hero comes into conflict with “the These” when he tries to investigate why the Earth rotates counter-clockwise, and the secret police suspect that he is claiming that “Aybut” lags behind the rest of the world. According to various signs scattered throughout the book, this dystopian novel describes Egypt during al-Sadat’s reign and includes political, social, and cultural criticism. The implicit charge is that Egypt is a corrupt and a weak police state in which poverty and hunger are rampant. The state is also scientifically backward, and its intellectuals fall into two types – those whose fear paralyzes them from criticizing the government and those whom the government has bought. Gamal al-Ghitani (1945–2015) Al-Zayni Barakat (al-Zayni Barakat)10 This historical novel, written between 1970 and 1971, was published in Syria in 1971 and in Egypt in 1974. The plot takes place in Cairo at the beginning of the 16th century near the end of the Mamluk period, just before the Ottoman conquest of Egypt (in 1517) and in the first years of the occupation. The novel is named after al-Zayni (a shortening of Zayn al-Din – “the beauty of religion”) Barakat ibn Musa, a historical figure who was acting ruler of Egypt during the last ten years of the Mamluk period and who retained high status even after the occupation (Ibn Iyas 1984: vol. 4, 50–vol. 5, 214). Most of the events are figments of the ­author’s imagination as are most of the central characters. In the beginning, al-Zayni creates the impression of a man whose goal is improving the lot of the public, but as the plot progresses, it becomes clear that he is no less cruel than his predecessor and joins Zakariyya ibn Radi, the notorious head of the security apparatus, in order to control every detail of the residents’ lives. Al-Zayni is an absent/present character in the novel, appearing only in other characters’ consciousness. He is not found in any place and at the same time is everywhere, like Orwell’s Big Brother. Indeed, al-Ghitani acknowledges being influenced by Orwell (al-Ghitani 1984: 74). At the center of the novel stands the conflict between a student at alAzhar University, Saʿid al Guhayni, and al-Zayni and Zakariyya. It is

Introduction  9 possible to consider Saʿid as representing al-Ghitani himself. In 1966, al-Ghitani was imprisoned for six months because he spoke out and expressed opinions against the regime, and that experience has permeated this novel and others.11 Another central character in the novel is Sheikh Abu al-Suʿud, who like al-Zayni, is a historical figure (died in 1523). The Sheikh enjoyed great respect in the circles of the Mamulkian regime (Al-ʿAkri N.D.: 166–167; Ibn Iyas 1984: vol. 4, 127). Mehrez sees this novel as one of the most important literary works in the Arab world in the 1970s, “the jewel in the crown of al-Ghitani’s works” (Mehrez 1994: 94). The novel reflects the technique of returning to the past in order to criticize the present, and thus avoiding censorship. Al-­Ghitani’s al-Zayni is a metaphor for ʿAbd al-Nasir, whose stay in power after the defeat of 1967 parallels al-Zayni’s stay in power after the O ­ ttoman conquest. Similarly, Mamluk Egypt with its network of spies symbolizes the police state during ʿAbd al-Nasir’s reign. In both instances, there was a corrupt administration whose leaders came from the military.12 It is also possible to interpret the novel as a psychological analysis of the mechanisms of power at all times and in all places (Van Leeuwen 1995: 105). The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood (Waqaʾiʿ harat al-Zaʾfarani)13 This novel, published in 1976, also deals symbolically with the issues of power and oppression. The events take place in Cairo in a small, ­lowerclass neighborhood at the beginning of the 1970s. The mysterious Sheikh ʿAtiyya casts a spell of contagious impotence, which at first affects only the men of the neighborhood but then slowly spreads to the rest of the world. The spell serves ʿAtiyya to impose a system of law whose purpose is to create equality and to wipe out the class system: that is, to establish an ideal world. The theme of impotence is the axis around which the events of the novel revolve. This theme can be interpreted literally as sexual impotence or metaphorically as political impotence. According to Badawi, Al-Ghitani showed considerable courage in choosing this theme, since it is a taboo subject in Arab society, both from a sexual perspective and as a vehicle for expressing political criticism (Badawi 1993: 171). The uniqueness of the novel lies in the way it examines relationships between residents living in a microcosm of Egypt and the world at large, while at the same time examining relations between the people and a government that forces its doctrines upon them. Al-Ghitani’s Quarters (Khitat al-Ghitani) This novel was written between 1976 and 1980. Like the two other al-Ghitani novels mentioned above, it deals with power systems. The

10 Introduction events take place in an unnamed state known only as al-Khitat (the plural of khitta, which means “quarter”).14 The most important building in al-Khitat is the building of the al-Anbaʾ (“The News”) newspaper, the center of power and influence.15 The Chief Editor of the newspaper is known only by his nickname – the Master (al-ʾUstadh) – and he is the axis around which the events revolve. The Master is an absent/present character in the novel. He is charismatic and mysterious, manipulating people through fear and through the ability to impose his will on them. All the characters in the novel are connected directly or indirectly to the newspaper and the Master. The Master and his people distribute their version of “reality” and “history” and in this way, they in fact run the state. Throughout the novel, there is a close connection between the media and the security authorities. The best expression of this is the appointment of an editor of the newspaper – named al-ʿInani – as the head of the security services. As the plot progresses, the state deteriorates. The Master disappears following a military defeat and his place is taken by his corrupt ­successors – al-Tanukhi, al-Hilali, and Magdi Ramzi. They take measures that turn the citizens into strangers in their own land, and at their peak, Ramzi makes a peace agreement with the sworn enemies of the state. Following these measures, a mass exodus to the desert develops, where an alternative community flourishes and engages in fighting the authorities. The leaders of the new community are Sulayman, Ilyas, al-Khadir, ʿAwf al-Watidi, and Khalid Husayn. Although the time period of the novel is not specified, various signs that al-Ghitani scatters throughout hint that al-Khitat symbolizes Egypt in the period after the 1952 Revolution: the newspaper symbolizes the centralist regime, and the Master symbolizes ʿAbd al-Nasir. Those signs include the Great Dam (which represents the Aswan Dam, the High Dam), the defeat in the Lightning War after which the Master disappears (paralleling the 1967 War after which ʿAbd al-Nasir began to decline), and the signing of a peace agreement with the sworn enemies. The narrator levels open criticism of the peace agreement and it is possible to see this as clearly relating to the peace treaty that al-Sadat signed with Israel, a treaty that aroused the anger of al-Ghitani and most of the intellectuals in Egypt. ʿAlaʾ al-Aswani (1957–) The Yacoubian Building (ʿImarat Yaʿqubiyan)16 This novel, published in 2002, tells the story of several characters from different social classes whose lives revolve around the Yacoubian building in the center of Cairo (a building that actually exists). The events take place in 1990–1991 against the background of the first Gulf War in which Egypt joined the coalition forces headed by the United States.

Introduction  11 In the novel, conflict takes place between Taha al-Shadhili, a member of the lower class, and the security authorities, as well as between the Hagg Muhammad ʿAzzam and the state’s leaders.17 Like the 2006 movie directed by Marwan Hamid that was adapted from the novel, the work is considered provocative because one of its heroes is homosexual and the subject of homosexuality receives extensive treatment. In addition, the novel contains social, religious, and political criticism of events in Egypt. It implies that the Free Officers Revolution failed to fulfill its promise to care for the lower class and to change the social order in Egypt. On the religious level, the novel criticizes corruption among senior religious figures who deliver formal legal opinions in favor of those who support them financially or in favor of the regime. The political criticism centers on the sadism of the security officers toward prisoners and the assault on human dignity in prisons. It also centers on electoral fraud and the corruption of the ruling establishment led by the President. On a personal level, the novel deals with the breakup of family ties. Chicago (Shikagu)18 This novel, published in 2006, relates the story of Egyptian doctoral students and lecturers from the Department of Histology at the University of Illinois. One of the central characters is Nagi ʿAbd al-Samad, a dissident who is kept under constant surveillance by Safwat Shakir, the chief of Intelligence in the Egyptian embassy, and by Ahmad Danana, the Chair of the Egyptian Students’ Association in the United States and an agent of the Bureau of Investigation for National Security. Although the events take place in the United States, through the characters, the narrator describes the political and social situation in Egypt, especially with regard to racism against Copts (which is encouraged by the regime), the lack of democracy, and the oppression of dissidents even when they are overseas. Additional themes included in the novel are the clash between tradition and modernity and between Arab and Western civilizations, the hypocrisy of people who present themselves as religious, and criticism of American society. Similar to The Yacoubian Building, the common denominator among all the characters is their inability to preserve the stability of the family unit or to build a family.

Literature and Reality As stated above, this volume discusses literary works that touch on the prevailing reality in Egypt from the end of the 1940s through the first decade of the 21st century. These works are considered political novels in that political ideas play a central role or that the political environment is the main field of action in the novel. In Howe’s opinion, the task of the political novel is twofold: to expose the shortcomings of the existing

12 Introduction political order and to identify the best way to overcome them (Howe 1967: 95). The Western political novel first appeared following the ideological struggle between capitalism and socialism against the background of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. The subject is the place of the individual in society and man’s fate in the shadow of modern regimes (Hamdawi 2007: 8; Scheingold 2010). The Arab political novel deals primarily with relations between individuals and the regime and the way in which the main character or characters perceive the reality of their lives. The central themes in it are the suppression of human rights, political prison, torture, social and economic corruption, alienation, and a call for democracy. Writers of political novels criticize the current reality and try to envision the future (Hamdawi 2007: 8). According to Berger and Muhammad, there is a true connection between literature and reality, but it is not sufficiently clear, as the study of this relationship is still in its infancy. This connection between art and life arises especially in the modern world, where art is not intended for aesthetics but rather aspires to represent and criticize the nature of life (Berger 1977: 202, 213; Muhammad 1994: 5). One of the reasons for the difficulty in connecting between literature and reality is that authors create their own world, which both they and they readers consider to some extent a real world while ignoring the connection between this fictitious world and the changing world of the readers throughout the generations (Berger 1977: 205). Over the years, most critics and researchers have assumed that literature in a sense reflects society since literature is part of culture and its milieu and can only be created in a social context. Therefore, literature may serve as a social document depicting customs, opinions, and ideas and teaching about the history of the society in which it is written and facilitating understanding of different social types and classes, as evident in the works of Dickens and Tolstoy (Wellek and Warren 1965: 121–123; Rockwell 1974: 186; Berger 1977: 103). Samah Idris believes that the Arab novel, no less than the Western novel, has always dealt with sociopolitical “truth” (Idris S. 1992: 19). The close connection between Arabic novels and the sociopolitical reality in which they were written is one of their main attractions (Ibid.: 15–16). According to ʿAtiyya and Ridwan, the Arab novel presents modern life from several angles, exposing political trends and expressing aspirations and political issues such as the denial of freedom in the Arab world that political writing is unable to deal with directly. Novels that present characters who are persecuted for political reasons not only reflect the reality in Arab states but also condemn political oppression in all its forms. Using this oppositional framework, the Arab novel calls for freedom and for a better future (ʿAtiyya 1981: 12, 17; Ridwan 2002: 4). Under the yoke of censorship, the Arab novel

Introduction  13 takes the place of the paralyzed press, doing so via indirect artistic techniques. Protest literature and the institution of censorship teach how fiction can influence reality. The institution of censorship exists because rulers believe that literature is not intended only for amusement, but rather influences public opinion, values, and societal behavior (Rockwell 1974: 29, 42).19 Various researchers – both Western and Arab – argue that not only does literature represent social reality, it is also an agent of social change shaping people’s view about what does exist and what should exist, especially with regard to norms, values, and personal and interpersonal conduct. Authors are not only influenced by the society in which they create, they also influence it since people are likely to model their own personal worldview on the patterns of fictional heroes. 20 ʿAtiyya, an Arab literary critic, maintains that the Arab novel is an agent of sociopolitical change, arguing that it fulfils a role identical to that played by Russian literature in Czarist Russia wherein the strong social and political critique of the regime contained in the literature led to the Revolution. ʿAtiyya brings the example of the novel Return of the Wind (ʿawdat al-ruh, 1933) by Tawfik al-Hakim (1898–1987), which helped form ʿAbd al-Nasir’s views and which in turn influenced the Free Officers Revolution (ʿAtiyya 1981: 10–12, 85). According to al-Faysal, one of the important tasks of novels that deal with political prisons in the Arab world is to arouse reader opposition (al-Faysal 1994: 290). By contrast, Massad expresses reservation about the influence that novels and short stories have in the Arab world. In his opinion, their influence is limited mainly to the intelligentsia, whereas drama, television, and films have much greater influence on the masses. However, literary works that have been adapted to film and television do have a greater influence than usual since they reach a wider audience (Massad 2007: 271–272).

Some Remarks regarding Egyptian Prose Fiction since the 1952 Revolution The writers whose works are discussed in this book belong to different generations of Egyptian literature; some are more established, and some are younger. The revolution of July 1952 heralded a new political epoch, arousing great hopes for social justice, freedom, and political pluralism. Declarations by the new regime’s leaders received widespread support among many young left-wing intellectuals. Most of the novels of the 1950s were written with a patriotic point of view – authors vilifying the enemies of Egypt and pointing out obstacles in the way of progress. The typical hero of those novels is motivated by aspirations for individual fulfilment and is politically committed and interested in changing external reality. While rejecting some of the predominant values in

14 Introduction society and sometimes acting against the authorities, the heroes of the 1950s novels have not yet lost their sense of belonging. One of the eminent characteristics of these novels is a clear presentation of the themes stemming from the involvement of the hero in the external reality (Hafez 1976: 70–71). The end of the 1950s saw a new stage in the development of Egyptian literature, a stage born of disillusionment with the Revolution and its unfulfilled promises as evidenced in the corruption of ʿAbd al-Nasir’s regime and its heavy suppression of opponents. The authors’ responses to this situation were influenced by modern Western novels with their focus on absurdity and alienation. This new stage in the Egyptian novel is marked by Mahfuz’s Children of Our Neighborhood, which allegorically concerns itself with the search for social justice and the existence of God (Kilpatrick 1992: 253–254). Alongside Mahfuz, the most prominent of the authors of the 1960s, arose a new generation of young writers. Like him, they were also influenced by the Western novelistic techniques of Proust, Joyce, Kafka, Faulkner, and Camus, whose writing styles synchronized with the depiction of Egypt’s changing sociopolitical reality. Fiction now focused on presenting alienation, disillusionment, oppression, and loss of freedom. The young writers were influenced by the theater of the absurd and the existentialist literature. They challenged traditional literary conventions such as that of the omniscient narrator or reporting from a single point of view, chronological sequencing, or a close-ended plot. Adopting new literary conventions from the West, the young Egyptian writers blurred the line between reality and imagination. In addition, they made wide use of myths, folklore, and Arabic literary heritage. In their best works, some of the writers mix modern techniques derived from the West and demonstrate creative use of the classical Arab tradition (Hafez 1976: 71–72; Badawi 1993: 158, 258). In contrast to the heroes of the 1940s and 1950s, who in their commitment to socialist or nationalist ideals aspire to change the face of society with certainty that they can achieve this, the heroes of the later novels are anti-heroes, lacking confidence and emasculated. They have lost their sense of direction and are not able to rule their own fate or that of their nation. Since reality had ceased to be clear, the writers focus on their inner world and on analyzing their feelings and tendencies (Hafez 1976: 71–72; Badawi 1993: 159). These changes came about following a new sensitivity that flowered in a changing social, political, and cultural atmosphere. The new sensitivity is presented in different forms and levels in Egyptian novels from the 1960s, most of which belong to the realist stream. The defeat in the 1967 War exposed the failures of the Revolution for all the world to see, and the new literary generation gathering around critic Idwar al-Kharrat (1926–2015) and Gallery 68, the magazine for literature and culture, expressed their revolt against the establishment

Introduction  15 in all its forms in addition to articulating their own values and styles. These authors, known as “the young writers” or “the writers of the ‘60s,” turned Gallery 68 into a literary declaration of a generation that defined itself as fatherless. Among the writers were critics such as ­Sabri Hafiz and Idwar al-Kharrat himself, poets like ʿAbd al-Rahman al-Abnudi (1938–2015), and writers such as Yahya Al-Tahir ʿAbdallah ­(1938–1981), Magid Tubya, and Gamal al-Ghitani. Many of them became the literary lions of their generation (Badawi 1993: 159). One of the defining characteristics of these authors is the use of allegory, which enabled criticism of the regime while evading censorship. They adopted Aesopian language, similar to the language that served Russian authors to expose the power mechanisms and to ridicule the regime.21 According to Loseff (1984: 230), the Aesopian authors and the ideological censors are engaged in a never-ending game, a kind of ritual. The reader finds it cathartic to discover the internal content of the text, and in doing so experiences a victory over the oppressive authority. Although it is possible to discern several generations in Arabic literature, in the opinion of al-Aswani there is only one literary g­ eneration – the generation of the 1960s (ʿAbd Al-Mawgud 2010). The writers of this generation and their successors also functioned as historians of al-­Sadat’s reign and heavily criticized his policies in their works. The economic openness, the peace treaty with Israel, and the subordination to the United States and the West constituted the background for many of their novels (Abu ʿAwf 1997: 244). Even in the postmodern era of globalization and information saturation, the writers and the artists of the 1960s are the best at expressing the lack of stability that shapes the Egyptians’ course of life, their dreams, and their moments of crisis (Abu ʿAwf 2002: 303).

Outline of the History of Egypt from the Last Years of the Monarchist Regime to the Beginning of the 21st Century In order to understand the reality in Egypt during the time frame that the literary works refer to, i.e., from the end of the monarchy to the early years of the 21st century, it is worth providing a sketch of the history of modern Egypt. The history of modern Egypt begins with Napoleon’s invasion in 1798, which opened the door to European entanglement in the country. Withdrawing in 1802, under pressure from Great Britain and the Ottoman Empire (which had ruled Egypt since 1517), the French left in their wake a country divided among competing forces. Muhammad ʿAli, an Albanian by origin and commander of the A ­ lbanian forces in the service of the Ottoman governor, exploited the situation and, in 1805, seized power and became the governor of Egypt. Ruling until 1848, he was received ambivalently by the Egyptians. While he made Egypt an independent state de facto and promulgated many reforms, he was

16 Introduction nevertheless seen as the forefather of the foreign, hated dynasty, mainly because of Faruq, the last king of Egypt, who ruled from 1936–1952. Projects initiated by Muhammad ʿAli’s successors, such as the digging of the Suez Canal, left Egypt buried under heavy debt and led to European – mainly British – intervention in Egypt’s affairs. This intervention culminated in the English conquest of Egypt in 1882 (Hopwood 1993: 9–11). King Faruq’s rule stood in the shadow of the Anglo-Egyptian Agreement of 1936, which although it gave formal independence to Egypt, allowed British troops to remain along the Suez Canal. From a socioeconomic perspective, the monarchic regime was perceived as corrupt because of large class gaps and the feudal system – state lands were owned by few, headed by the Royal Family (Vatikiotis 1986: 291–343). The years 1945–1952 were characterized by political instability, worker strikes, violent student demonstrations that called for cancelation of the 1936 Agreement, and acts of sabotage against British forces. One of the causes of unrest was Israel’s defeat of Egypt in the 1948 War. All these upheavals were accompanied by murders and assassinations of public figures, ministers, and prime ministers − a campaign spearheaded by the Muslim Brotherhood (Ibid.: 358–364). The Free Officers Revolution of 1952 occurred, among other reasons, because the monarchic regime had lost control and the civil establishment showed weakness vis a vis the military establishment (Ibid: 371). The Free Officers were a small group of officers who joined together based on the belief that Egypt needed to free itself from the British occupation and to replace the corrupt regime. Although the dominant figure in the group was Gamal ʿAbd al-Nasir, following the Revolution, General Muhammad Nagib was appointed President. But, in fact, ʿAbd al-Nasir led the state and eventually took over as President in 1954, serving in that role until his death in 1970. The Revolution brought with it great promises of social justice and the establishment of a parliamentary regime, but from its very beginning ʿAbd al-Nasir sought to establish a police state (Beattie 1994: 71, 83). In the early 1950s, the regime won the approval of wide sectors of the population because it deposed the monarchy, which was perceived as foreign rule, and enacted a series of reforms and initiatives designed to benefit the lower classes. Many people supported the regime because of its appeal to patriotic feelings. There was also widespread willingness to sacrifice freedom for a higher standard of living (Ibid.: 101, 129). As one of the founding fathers of the Non-Aligned Movement, ʿAbd al-Nasir was popular in Egypt as well as in the Arab world (Hopwood 1993: 44); his popularity reacehd its height in 1956, following his political victory over Britain, France, and Israel in the Sinai Campaign and the withdrawal of British troops from Egypt. His pan-Arab discourse was received with adulation by the masses in the Arab states, although those states under the influence of either the West or the Soviet Union

Introduction  17 expressed reservation. From the middle of the 1950s on, ʿAbd al-Nasir lived with the constant fear that the West and Arab states were trying to assassinate him. He suffered from paranoia and relied more and more on his intelligence and security services, even though this created serious consequences for his internal policies (Beattie 1994: 116, 118). During his reign, there were mass arrests of Marxists and members of the Muslim Brotherhood. Detainees were tortured in prison, sometimes until death. The regime’s struggle against its opponents and their ideologies was part of the contest for hegemony in Egypt (Ibid.: 129–131, 193). At the beginning of the 1960s, ʿAbd al-Nasir nationalized the press, the financial sector, the factories, and even small businesses in order to strengthen his control over the state. Even before the defeat in the 1967 War, voices against corruption in the upper echelons, the severe repression, and the struggling economy had begun to be heard. However, when ʿAbd al-Nasir announced his resignation immediately after the 1967 defeat, millions demonstrated calling for him to reconsider. The 1967 defeat exposing the “Emperor with no clothes” turned out to be the breaking point in the relationship between the intellectuals and the regime. Alongside the shame, it became clear that the regime’s promises of a brighter future had no basis in fact. 22 Al-Sadat succeeded ʿAbd al-Nasir and came into power in 1971. Shortly afterward, he purged the top echelons of the regime who had been loyal to his predecessor. These purges were called “the Corrective Revolution” (thawrat al-tashih). His opponents claimed that he was selling Egypt to the United States (Beattie 2000: 62–76). Following the 1973 War, in 1974, al-Sadat presented the Open Door Policy (al-infitah). This policy opened the Egyptian market to both imports from abroad and foreign investment and was intended to improve the economic situation of Egypt through privatization. In practice, the new policy created high inflation, brought about a noticeable rise in unemployment, encouraged corruption (including by al-Sadat’s relatives and cronies), deepened class divisions, and flooded the Egyptian market with foreign luxury goods – most of which were beyond the reach of many Egyptians (Ibid.: 140, 146, 149–159, 277). Donors and investors exploited the economic distress to dictate changes in policy in exchange for continued aid. Thus, global powers obtained a footing in Egypt’s internal political processes (Hinnebusch 1988: 58–59, 68). During these years, al-Sadat began a process of de-Nasserization, that is, a campaign to stain the legacy of ʿAbd al-Nasir and to blame him for the ills of Egypt. Al-Sadat acted to damage his predecessor’s image so as to strengthen his own. ʿAbd al-Nasir was characterized as the one who had led Egypt into its bad situation while al-Sadat was characterized as the one who had saved the country (Ibid.: 61–64). Nevertheless, al-Sadat later on behaved toward his opponents similarly to ʿAbd alNasir, and he likewise fostered a cult of personality (Ibid.: 64).

18 Introduction In protest against the failure of the Open Door Policy and the high cost of living, workers flooded the streets demonstrating in 1975–1976. Al-Sadat blamed the communists for the disturbances. In fact, whenever al-Sadat spoke of communists, he meant dissidents (Beattie 2000: 159–160, 196, 209, 213). In 1977, dozens of people were killed in the food riots that broke out when the government abolished its food subsidies. Following the riots, al-Sadat imposed heavy punishments on the rioters and silenced his opponents through referenda, whose results were fraudulently manipulated in his favor. All this concentrated more power in his hands, strengthening his control over the citizenry: there was no longer any democracy (Ibid.: 207–210, 213, 278). In the same year, al-Sadat visited Jerusalem in preparation for the peace treaty with Israel. The treaty, isolating Egypt in the Arab world, pushed it into the arms of the United States as a de facto protectorate. Within Egypt, opposition to the peace treaty unified the regime’s opponents. For them, a peace accord with Egypt’s historic enemy went hand in glove with the failed economic policies and the centralized rule ­(Hinnebusch 1988: 68, 76; Beattie 2000: 76, 234, 244, 260–279). The anti-democratic steps taken by al-Sadat during the last years of his rule and his draconian use of force against his enemies led to his delegitimization. Almost all segments of society rose up against him. Many were pleased with his assassination in 1981, as his era had aroused longing for the days of ʿAbd al-Nasir (Beattie 2000: 279). Al-Sadat’s vice-president Husni Mubarak took his place and served as president until the People’s Revolution of 2011. Mubarak’s stated policy was a synthesis of what he considered good in the policies of ʿAbd al-Nasir and Al-Sadat. However, in practice, corruption characterized his rule from the start. One of its expressions, electoral fraud, was intended to ensure the victory of his ruling party and to make opposition ineffective. Another expression of the corruption was institutionalized bribery. Recipients of bribes saw these as an inseparable part of their monthly salaries, and those giving the bribes considered them part of their regular expenses. 23 Galal Amin defines Egypt during Mubarak’s rule as a “soft state”, a term coined by the Swedish economist and sociologist Karl Gunnar Myrdal at the end of the 1960s to describe third world countries. In a soft state, corruption is a way of life and bribery exists in the three ­powers – executive, legislative, and judicial. Elites can ignore the law since their power protects them from it, while other groups need to pay bribes in order to circumvent the law. Everything is for sale, benefits are given to those in power, and they, in turn, appoint relatives to positions of influence. In addition, people strive to achieve positions of influence so that they can be leveraged for personal gain. Mubarak’s Egypt was also a totalitarian state that renewed many of ʿAbd al-Nasir’s restrictions on personal freedom (Amin 2011: 7–8, 38, 147).

Introduction  19 From a socioeconomic perspective, the class divisions worsened during Mubarak’s period. Religious fervor and extremism also increased. At the end of the 1980s and at the beginning of the 1990s, secret or illegal opposition – some of it violent – grew. Many religious extremists were imprisoned. The regime felt threatened by the growth of religious extremism and tried to suppress it. Prisoners were tortured and demonstrations were halted, sometimes with use of live fire. 24 On the international level, one of the central events of Mubarak’s era was participation in the multinational force that went to liberate Kuwait in 1990 under the aegis of the United States, with Egyptian units taking part in fighting the Iraqi army (Hopwood 1993: 192). Among the Egyptian population, there was a feeling of alienation from Mubarak, in part because all his efforts were concentrated toward keeping himself in power. Therefore, he did not try to take a different path than that taken by al-Sadat. In addition, he endeavored to make his son Gamal the successor to the Presidency. According to Amin, at the end of his rule, the President acted as a King (Amin 2011: 142–145, 147–157).

Notes 1 Translated by Philip Stewart as Children of Gebelawi (London: Heinemann, 1981). All the translations in this book are by the author. 2 Translated by Roger Allen as Karnak Café (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2007). 3 According to al-Hamamisi, it is possible that the story of Zaynab is drawn from an actual event. Al-Hamamisi tells of a female member of the Muslim Brotherhood who was arrested and raped in order to force her to provide information (al-Hamamisi 1976: 122–123). According to Mahfuz, the events are based on true events, and the character of Safwan is based on Hamza Al-Basyuni, who was the commander of the Military Prison in the time of ʿAbd al-Nasir (al-Naqqash 1998: 245). 4 The name of the village, in Modern Standard Arabic, is al-Qurna; however, in the dialect of the locals the Q is pronounced as G. The novel is based on actual events. See Elad (1989: 169, n. 4). 5 Regarding the name of the novel, if we read the title in Colloquial Egyptian Arabic in one breath (hikaytu), it is possible to understand it as “his story” or “his matter.” Perhaps the nickname was given to him because those around him wondered about his way of life. The narrator himself once asks Zuhdi: “What is the story of Tu, Zuhdi?” (Ghanim 1987: 16). 6 Translated by Catherine Cobham as The Black Policeman (In Rings of Burnished Brass and Other Stories. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1990). 7 The Political Police (al-bulis al-siyasi) is a security apparatus that had two functions after the Second World War: to protect the monarchic regime from attempts to overthrow it and to protect the British forces stationed in Egypt against terror attacks by Egyptians. 8 Support for this idea can be found both in the fact that Idris himself was arrested in the 1950s some years before he wrote the novella and that the novella was written in 1959 but its publication was forbidden until 1962 (alQitt 1980: 144).

20 Introduction 9 Translated by Mary St. Germain and Charlene Constable as The Committee (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2001). 10 Translated by Farouk Abdel Wahab as Zayni Barakat (Cairo, New York: American University in Cairo Press, 2004). 11 Al-Ghitani (2007: 111–113, 247, 522, 572–576, 592, 595–597). 12 Mehrez (1994: 100, 103), Van Leeuwen (1995: 94), Starkey (1998: 253), Starkey (2001: 259); in contrast to Starkey and Mehrez, al-Ghitani denied that al-Zayni is a metaphor for ʿAbd al-Nasir. According to him, the novel comes out against oppression in general and tells the story of an opportunistic character (Fallah 2007). 13 Translated by Farouk Abdel Wahab as The Zafarani files (Cairo, New York: American University in Cairo Press, 2009). 14 The novel’s title indicates that al-Ghitani relies on the genre of khitat in Egyptian historiography that was developed in the Middle Ages. Writing history in the form of khitat is an encyclopedic project about the place the historian writes about. The style of this genre is similar to that of a chronicle. 15 The choice of a newspaper as the center of power and authority is not coincidental. Salah Nasr (1920–1982), the head of the Egyptian Mukhabarat apparatus from 1957–1967, compared the intelligence apparatus to a large newspaper: the reporters are like agents who collect information, and the editors are like analysts. A newspaper is distributed to consumers in the general public as information is distributed to consumers in the upper echelons (Imam 1999: 65–66). 16 Translated by Humphrey Davies as The Yacoubian Building (New York: Harper Perennial, 2006). 17 Hagg is an honorific title for a man who has made a pilgrimage to the city of Mecca. 18 Translated by Farouk Abdel Wahab as Chicago (New York: Harper ­Perennial, 2007). 19 Jacquemond points out a paradox concerning censorship of literature. The logic behind censorship laws is that “the greater the audience that can be reached by the means of the distribution chosen, the greater is the censorship” (Jacquemond 2008: 39). Since books reach the smallest audience – the elite – censorship hardly concerns itself with them and thus they enjoy the greatest freedom. However, paradoxically, any interference in the publication of books is the most noisily contested (Ibid.: 39–42). 20 Wellek and Warren (1965: 102), Barakat (1977: 2–3), Rockwell (1974: 4, 6, 29, 42, 61, 65), Berger (1977: 186). 21 The term Aesopian language (also Aesopic language) was coined by Mikhail Saltykov-Shchedrin (1826–1889) to describe the language of dissident political writing. It is a form of literary disguise for the purpose of avoiding censorship. The term is named after Aesop, the Greek fabulist from the 6th century B.C.E., who is sometimes thought to have been expressing political ideas through his fables. Aesopic language forces the reader to read between the lines and to interpret the hints and allusions planted by the author in order to discern the true intention beneath his words (Cuddon 1999: 10). 22 Beattie (1994: 155–156, 175, 183–184, 211, 214–215). 23 Hopwood (1993: 184–187), Ayubi (1991: 238–239), Amin (2011: 21, 38, 42). 24 Amin (2011: 65–100, 121–131, 187), Ayubi (1991: 233), Hopwood (1993: 188).

1 The Authority Figures

The Authority figures in the above-mentioned novels fall into two main categories: civilian officials and security officials. Civilian officials have license to decide the fate of the populace under their jurisdiction. They are on the top of a pyramid of power, be it the State or a small neighborhood that serves as microcosm of Egypt (such as the al-Zaʿfarani neighborhood). Senior officials are a sub-group of civilian authority figures whose power is derived from those above them on the pyramid. In certain cases, the division between civilian and security officials is blurred − civilians may fill security functions and security officials may fill civilian functions. This blurring is especially prominent in Ibrahim’s The Committee, where the committee is made up of military and civilian figures whom the hero cannot distinguish from each other. In his first meetings with the Committee, he thinks that this is a combined committee – “civlitary” (madanʿascariyya, a combination of the words madaniyya – civilian – and ʿaskariyya – military) (Ibrahim 2004: 86) – since most of its members wear civilian clothes. However, in the last meeting, he sees that most of them are wearing uniforms and therefore raises two other possibilities: the members of the Committee are military personnel, some of whom wear civilian clothes, or they are civilians who sometimes wear uniforms. The hero has the impression that there is meaning to the change in clothing, with the dress of the officials revealing the intention of the Committee to take either a soft civilian line or a hard military one.1 Ahmad Danana in al-Aswani’s Chicago is indeed the Chair of the Egyptian Students’ Association in the United States, but he also serves as a security agent whose role is to identify dissidents among his fellow students. In other stories, a security official sometimes fills a civilian function like Zakariyya in al-Zayni Barakat, who serves as Al-Zayni’s deputy. The opposite situation is that of a civilian who is appointed to a top security position, such as the journalist al-ʿInani in al-Ghitani’s Quarters. After the disappearance of the Master, he is appointed Head of the Security Directorate of the state known in the novel as al-Khitat.

22  The Authority Figures

How Authority Figures Obtain Their Positions Authority figures obtain their high positions either by virtue of their personalities or by being appointed by their superiors. The first type includes possession of a charismatic personality, exercising power, or being a compromise candidate. To this type belong the Master in al-­Ghitani’s Quarters, Saʿdallah and Qadri in Children of Our Neighborhood, and Sheikh ʿAtiyya in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood, while Al-Zayni Barakat in al-Zayni Barakat, the successors to the Master in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, Ahmad Danana and Safwat Shakir in ­Chicago, ʿAbbas al-Zanfali in The Black Policeman, and Kamal al-Fuli in The Yacoubian Building are examples of the second type. Returning to the charismatic type, The Master, the most influential figure in al-Khitat, takes over the place of the founder of the al-Anbaʾ newspaper, the most important institution in the state (and the one that gives birth to the policy designers of the state in the post-Master’s era). From that moment on, the newspaper is attributed only to the Master and his original staff, among them Zayid al-Tanukhi, first his deputy and then his successor. The strongest evidence of the Master’s power in al-Khitat is the fact that he is the only person in the state whom the Security Directorate is forbidden to interrogate on any matter. Saʿdallah becomes the fetewwa (local bully) of the al-Gabalawi neighborhood by fighting his way to the position. A person gains the status of fetewwa by harassing innocent people and imposing himself by force on one of the quarters of the neighborhood. He then collects taxes from the working people and lives idly, except for his bullying. If a fetewwa succeeds in overcoming the bullies of the other quarters, he becomes the fetewwa of the entire neighborhood. 2 Saʿdallah’s partner in running the neighborhood is Qadri, the endowment manager in charge of distributing the endowment’s funds to the residents of the neighborhood.3 The residents appointed Qadri to his position as a compromise following a neighborhood civil war over the distribution of endowment funds. Sheikh ʿAtiyya in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood is the only figure whose authority does not come from belonging to a governing body. The Sheikh rules the neighborhood and dictates the residents’ manner of living by virtue of the holy aura that envelops him and his supernatural powers.4 There is a common denominator in the appointed authority figures – both civilian and security officials: the threat they pose to those under their authority, whether they be prisoners undergoing interrogation or the citizenry in general. Security officials climb the career ladder by virtue of their cruelty, while civilians receive appointments to senior positions by virtue of their corruption or their lack of skill or suitability with regard to the scope of the position. It is as if they had been appointed to damage and destroy in the service of those who give them the power

The Authority Figures  23 to rule. Al-Zayni Barakat and al-Ghitani’s Quarters demonstrate this very clearly. Al-Zayni Barakat, a relatively anonymous Qadi (Muslim religious judge) begins his path through the top administrative ranks of Mamluk Egypt as muhtasib after Sultan Qansawh al-Ghawri, who ruled from 1501–1516, chooses him to replace the cruel ʿAli ibn Abi al-Gud.5 Over the years, the Sultan appoints al-Zayni first as Governor of Cairo and later – when the Sultan goes to war against the Ottomans – entrusts to him the affairs of the Sultanate, making him the most powerful man in Egypt, more powerful even than Tumanbay, who eventually becomes the last Mamluk Sultan (ruling from 1516–1517). Sultan Qansawh, who thinks that al-Zayni is the best man for the job, does not know that his appointee is thoroughly corrupt and had already ensured the position for himself through bribery. In contrast to the ­Sultan, the Master in al-Ghitani’s Quarters deliberately appoints unsuitable persons to senior positions. Al-Tanukhi becomes his deputy because he is suspected of forgery, and al-Hilali, the newspaper’s Culture Editor, was previously a paid applauder at sound recording studios. The positions that these two hold at the newspaper serve as jumping-off points for senior leadership positions in the State. Following the great military defeat in the Lightning War against the enemies from the North, the Master disappears and al-Tanukhi takes over as Editor-in-Chief. About ten years after the defeat, al-Tanukhi is in charge of the spacious Seventh Quarter, in which both the state’s only port and its most important institutions are located. He is appointed by virtue of his sordidness: as a condition for his appointment, he urinates on his mother’s grave each week for all to see. At about the same time, al-Hilali is appointed Supervisor of the First Suburb. The state leaders who live in the Far-Flung Suburb (al-­dahiya al-naʾiya) at the edge of al-Khitat are pressing for his appointment due to a recommendation by the Security Directorate, which stresses not only his intense hostility to the regime’s opponents, the ʿAgam, (literally “not Arabs”; in the novel, they represent the communists), but also his ignorance, his apathy regarding the defeat, and the fact that he always adapts his opinions to the official government line.6 Al-Hilali successfully passes the test for this position after proving his complete ignorance of Arab culture, Western culture, and history: Shakespeare is for him a German journalist; Ahmad ʿUrabi, the ­Egyptian army officer who led the revolt against the British in 1882, is a Sudanese fava bean merchant; Huda al-Shaʿrawi, the champion of women’s rights in Egypt, is a famous madam. He has never heard of Napoleon. Al-Hilali appoints Professor Magdi Ramzi as his deputy, who later on dismisses al-Hilali from his position. The narrator of al-Ghitani’s Quarters does not explain the background of Ramzi’s appointment nor how al-Hilali and Ramzi first met, as the two are polar opposites: al-Hilali is an ignoramus while Ramzi is an expert on nuclear biology and a master

24  The Authority Figures of languages. Among the leaders of al-Khitat, Ramzi is the only one who is not connected to the newspaper. Another example of a person promoted to a senior position without meeting the formal requirements is Danana in Chicago, the Chair of the Egyptian Students’ Association in the United States – a position that serves as a springboard to senior positions in the State service. Danana is a doctoral student in the Department of Histology at the University of Illinois, but in fact, his academic level is low and his English is not sufficient for his studies. When he studied medicine at the University of Cairo, he obtained his degrees due to his connections with members of the security services who pressured his teachers to award him high marks. As an agent in the Bureau of Investigation for National Security, he brought about the arrest of many students during the First Gulf War.7 Two other security officials whose rise on the career ladder can be attributed to the benefit they bring to the regime at the expense of their victims’ suffering are al-Zanfali in The Black Policeman and Shakir in Chicago. Shawish (Sergeant) ʿAbbas al-Zanfali, an officer in the Political Police during the Royalist period, was a fetewwa (bully) in his village until joining the army. After his service, he joined the police and was soon promoted to the Prime Minister’s security staff. Later the Prime Minister moved him to the Political Police, and there he was put in charge of the torture of political prisoners.8 In the case of Liwaʾ (Major General) Safwat Shakir, his rise in rank is due to his efficiency and cruelty. ­Shakir, a member of the General Intelligence Service (the body in charge of the war on terror), is the Head of Intelligence in the Egyptian Embassy in Washington, the last stop on his way to a seat in the cabinet. Shakir began his path in the security services as an officer in the Central Criminal Investigations Department. He developed more efficient methods for breaking down prisoners and forcing them to confess to deeds they did not commit and consequently rose in rank. Unlike those mentioned above, al-ʿInani – the head of the Security Directorate in al-Ghitani’s Quarters – is not originally a member of the security services. Like al-Tanukhi and al-Hilali, he is also an “alumnus” of the newspaper, where he served as the Crime Page Editor and also covered the activities of the Security Directorate. Apparently, his first job paves his way to the top echelons of the security establishment. In addition, he heads “the Institute for the Exposition of Secrets,” which is responsible for selling state secrets to foreign elements. Like Shakir, who climbs the career ladder of the security establishment by virtue of his skills, Member of Parliament Kamal al-Fuli in The Yacoubian Building makes his way up the political establishment. Al-Fuli has been a politician since the days of ʿAbd al-Nasir, and he is among the few who have continuously kept their seats in Parliament over more than thirty years. He is omnipotent in the ruling party, the person

The Authority Figures  25 in charge of organizing elections, and the go-to-guy for government officials’ dirty work (among other things he forces important figures who are out of favor to resign).

Prominent Physical Features, Characteristics, and Practices Two prominent characteristics of authority figures are mystery and sadism. The sadism is expressed in the methods of torture they choose. In some instances, the sadism that an authority figure exhibits toward those who are defined as enemies of the regime stands in inverse proportion to the kindness he exhibits toward family and acquaintances. Some authority figures are even comedic. Most of the authority figures are described negatively, but there are notable exceptions, such as an officer and two policemen in There Is a Man in Our House. The three are Egyptians who were assigned to guard Ibrahim Hamdi in the hospital before he escapes to Muhyi’s home. The police officers are described as patriots who identify with the prisoner rather than with the monarchic regime that has appointed them to guard him. Implicitly, they are doing their duty by force of command, not because of their belief in the rightness of their commands. Magdi Ramzi in al-Ghitani’s Quarters is also an exception with regard to his background. Although not stated explicitly, it can be assumed that the authority figures, in light of the sensitive senior positions they hold, are Muslim. As for Ramzi, it is implied that he is Christian (his father and his wife’s father frequently meet in church). In addition to his religion and the fact that he does not come from the newspaper staff, he has also never served in the army and so clearly did not participate in the Lightning War that ended in al-Khitat’s ignominious defeat. Security officials are described as people of frightening appearance. One means of sowing fear in the hearts of those who stand before them is their feigned kindness. The primary characteristics of “the These” are their bulging eyes and sticky smiles. This sort of smile, accompanied by a solicitousness intended more to frighten than to calm, is the hallmark of Muhammad Hammam and Mahmud al-Dabbagh, senior officers of the Political Police in There Is a Man in Our House and the jailer in the prison of al-Zayni Barakat. According to al-Ghitani’s Quarters, the display of artificial concern is a requirement for being an officer in the security services (al-Ghitani, 1991: 228). Nagi ʿAbd al-Samad in Chicago believes that all State security officials have uniform facial features: “the same sticky cold shine to their skin, the same cruel, dead eyes and grim faces, tight and filled with bitterness” (al-Aswani 2007: 403). This description fits the security officials in various works including Al-Zanfali in The Black Policeman, Khalid Safwan in Karnak, and Shakir in Chicago.

26  The Authority Figures The mystery surrounding authority figures is found both in the works of al-Ghitani and in Ibrahim’s The Committee. In al-Ghitani’s novels, the mystery is apparent in the absence of a clear physical description of the authority figure, his unknown biography, and the supernatural powers that people attribute to him, apparently in consequence of the difficulty in figuring out his character. Thus, even though al-Zayni Barakat and Zakariyya ibn Radi – Zakariyya is the chief of the Mamluk Sultanate’s secret agents in al-Zayni Barakat 9 – enter a crowd of people, no one can give a description of them. In contrast to al-Zayni, Zakariyya, and the senior officials of al-­K hitat in al-Ghitani’s Quarters (about whom the narrator excludes physical descriptions), Sheikh ʿAtiyya in The Chronicles of the al-­Zaʿfarani Neighborhood is described in meticulous detail: an old man with rickets whose height is like that of an eight-year old boy and whose general appearance is like an aborted, hardly mature fetus. The elders of the neighborhood remember the Sheikh as one of the figures of their youth (even then he was old), but they do not know whether he was born in the neighborhood or settled there after wandering the world. Al-Zayni and ʿAtiyya remain unknown even to the security authorities. Zakariyya knows less about al-Zayni than he knows about each of the common folk. Similarly, the name of the Sheikh does not appear on any list of religious figures “for the last 100 years” (al-Ghitani, 1985a: 152–153). Also unknown is the real name of the Master in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, and no one even knows when people began using this epithet in addressing him or speaking about him.10 In the works of al-Ghitani and in Ibrahim’s The Committee, there is a connection between the mystery surrounding authority figures and the fear that they cast on those under their dominion. In The Committee, the authority figure in the State is the Committee before which many are called to appear to answer questions and to await a ruling, even though it is not a court. Evidence of its authority can be found in the fact that the Committee grants each person who appears before it a paid leave from work until a decision is made in his/her case. Despite this, the Committee does not officially exist and complete secrecy surrounds the names of its members and their professions. The only authority figures who combine fearsomeness with charisma are al-Zayni Barakat in al-Zayni Barakat and the Master in al-­Ghitani’s Quarters. Al-Ghitani, the author of these two novels, highlights the frightening element of the authority figures’ stares. Al-Zayni’s gaze is described as penetrating from the skull to the heart, wherein it is able to discover a person’s hidden hopes and true feelings. As for the Master, no one is capable of looking into his eyes without immediately looking away (a young editor once wet his pants when the Master glared at him). While al-Zayni and the Master are both described as frightening, at the same time they are charismatic and arouse admiration. Al-Zayni has

The Authority Figures  27 but to wave his right hand to quiet the multitudes listening to his speech, and some say that if he wants, he has the power to cause people to cry. It is possible that one of the means he uses to win people’s hearts is his language: he gives speeches in the colloquial language, contrary to the norm of his time.11 The Master has a radiant personality that attracts his interlocutors with beautiful words, an inexhaustible reservoir of parables and stories, and wide erudition. Among the authority figures in al-Khitat, Magdi Ramzi is the only one whose wide intellectual horizons can compare to the Master’s. The supernatural elements attributed to the authority figures are related to knowledge of the occult. Sheikh ʿAttiya is gifted with prophetic ability that allows him to identify newborns over whom the danger of death hovers and to guess in advance the reasons for which residents come to seek his assistance. Al-Zayni Barakat is deemed as one who knows the secrets of the stars and who had connections to the world of the spirits even before he was appointed as muhtasib. A similar mystical aura surrounds the Master, who has at his disposal visible and invisible means to obtain information. The workers at the newspaper believe that he is omniscient: “Each crawling of an ant gets to the Master” (al-­ Ghitani 1991: 97). While no supernatural power is attributed to the Committee in Ibrahim’s The Committee, one of the few known details about its methods is that the Committee has special means to know everything about those who appear before it. The omniscience of authority figures, their omnipresence, and their ability to influence public opinion and cause people to disappear as if they had never existed are common motifs in the works of the authors of the 1960s generation. These works describe a totalitarian regime, and their key word is “control” after Orwell’s 1984: control over information, consciousness, and people. The means of establishing this control is the police state. In Tubya’s The These, there is even a tangible expression of this kind of police state in the description of the state of Aybut, in which the events of the novel take place. An agent of “the These” explains to the hero that in the past, “in the backward ages,” towns came into being around water sources or transportation centers, “but in our modern age, towns come into being around police stations. At first, the police station comes and once security prevails in the empty area surrounding it, houses are built and after that towns come into being” (Tubya N.D: 113). The authority figures aspire to know everything about those under their dominion. Zakariyya in al-Zayni Barakat maintains detailed files on each and every locale in Egypt and on all its residents, poor and upper class equally. The files on the senior figures in the Sultanate, for example, include details such as their moods, their habits (including their sexual habits), their tendencies, and the events of their lives, both joyous and sad. The authority figures employ different means to obtain information

28  The Authority Figures and to control the consciousness of the people. Thus, for example, in alZayni Barakat’s letter of appointment as muhtasib, the Sultan charges him with the task of protecting the public from swindling and cheating and empowers him to invade the people’s privacy. While It is not clear what information al-Zayni is charged with finding, it is evident that he has been given authority to obtain it by any means at his disposal, and from here it is but a short distance to the overriding power that descends into tyranny. Striving to obtain information by any means is the guiding principle of Zakariyya, as well as the head of “the These” and al-ʿInani in al-­Ghitani’s Quarters. Zakariyya and the head of “the These” envisage their agents as serving as the eyes and the ears of the regime, and as such they interpenetrate even the thoughts, wishes, and waking dreams of the people.12 Al-ʿInani’s agents are empowered to search anyone, including his heart and conscience, prior to being suspected of anything. From the perspective of “the These,” everyone is a potential suspect. Reading thoughts makes it possible to suppress the individual’s aspirations prior to crossing the line from thought to action. It also serves as a tool for keeping the individual in constant fear not only from the secret police but even from himself, lest a “wrong” thought passes through his mind. Under this external and internal siege, the person has no other choice than succumbing to the dictates of the regime. Both Zakariyya and the head of “the These” share similar goals, but each has a different set of agents. Zakariyya’s network, called “The Association of Secret Agents (niqabat al-bassasin)” as if it were a guild, consists of thousands of diverse agents from all ages and strata of society: men, women, small children whose task is to report on their parents, criminals, preachers in mosques, students and teachers at al-Azhar University, and folk artists such as café poets. In addition, all the heralds of the Mamluk Sultanate, the official mouthpiece of the Sultan, are ­Zakariyya’s subordinates.13 Similarly, the term “the These” in the state of Aybut describes security officials of all kinds and also intellectuals. According to rumors, every second intellectual cooperates with “the These.” A joke is told in the novel that once two intellectuals sat together, one asking the other if he was with “the These,” and when the other answered in the negative, the first one said: “if that’s the case, it must be me!” (Tubya N.D.: 11). Another point of similarity between “the These” and Zakariyya’s security apparatus and the Security Directorate of al-Khitat is the presence of agents lurking around every corner. Regarding the makeup of the agents, there is similarity between the security apparatuses of Zakariyya, “the These,” and the General Intelligence Service under Mubarak’s rule, as described in Chicago: The General Intelligence Service operates lecturers in universities, members of the media, and senior officials in the ruling party and the government.

The Authority Figures  29 By controlling the cultural agents and the official media, the various security apparatuses are able to shape public consciousness to the needs of the regime. Likewise, the Master in al-Ghitani’s Quarters uses his widely influential newspaper to make trivial matters important and important matters trivial: the newspaper covers new songs and soccer games in depth while hiding failures on the battlefield. To convince readers in al-Khitat and the world of the distorted reality that the newspaper reports, the Master instructs editors to repeat the same sentences over and over: “If we make an effort, even the most rational man among the rationalists can believe the most irrational things” (al-Ghitani 1991: 65). Al-Hilali continues the direction of the Master as Supervisor of the First Suburb. He begins an extensive media campaign to convince the public that the ʿAgam were once the rulers of al-Khitat. He blames them for all the troubles and disasters of al-Khitat, for the great defeat, and for the damage done by the Great Dam, whose construction began in the time of the Master and was the crown jewel of all the projects in the State. Al-Hilali hints that the leaders of “the First Republican Era” are responsible for the infiltration of the ʿAgam into senior positions, an infiltration that casts a heavy shadow over their loyalty to the State.14 This begins the delegitimization of the “First Era,” placing indirect responsibility for the rule of the ʿAgam on the Master. The people of the First Suburb wonder when the ʿAgam ruled (since the ʿAgam have been prisoners for as long as anyone can remember), but through al-Hilali’s propaganda campaign, the people become convinced that his claims are correct. Paradoxically, al-Hilali, who is fighting the ʿAgam – who represent the communists – acts like Stalin in the Soviet Union, who made frequent changes to the party line and forced the communists to change their deepest beliefs (Orwell 1968a: 513). Control over consciousness is also achieved by limiting the freedom of cultural agents and supervising cultural consumption in general. This means that the authority figures impose ignorance upon the population. In The These and in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, the imposition of ignorance alludes to one of the ruling party’s slogans in 1984: “Ignorance is power.” “The These” suppress the freedoms of intellectuals because they influence the makeup of public opinion and because of their knowledge, which “the These” fear. They persecute the intellectuals until they emigrate from Aybut, become silent, or are driven insane. They enforce ignorance and even cause scientists to doubt science and thus create backwardness in the State. This suppression fits into the agents’ contempt of reading and books. In al-Ghitani’s Quarters, the illiterate al-Hilali forbids listening to music, reading, and writing in the First Suburb. Ramzi continues in this path after he succeeds al-Hilali. In addition to suppressing intellectuals, the Master’s successors turn all intellectual activity either into an offense against State security or a vice crime. The words “conspiracy,” “spying,” and “prostitution” take

30  The Authority Figures on new meanings: conspiracy is now research or writing an article; spying is resorting to foreign sources, and prostitution is evaluating an artistic work or advocating for it. The Security Directorate in al-Khitat controls public consciousness by means of the questions asked at the checkpoints scattered all over (these checkpoints supervise what goes on in each area, follow suspects, and investigate the past of every new important figure who enters the State or is mentioned in it). Security officials ask passers-by why humans walk upright while animals do not and how one must behave when an official convoy passes. According to al-Simadi (1992: 102), the answers to these two stupid questions show that the individual must be ignorant of all that relates to human dignity and freedom and that one must submit completely to the symbols of authority. The goal is to humiliate the individual, causing him to feel the tyranny of the government thereby. In this way, the Security Directorate acts to suppress any kernel of thought of revolt. An additional means of controlling consciousness is by distorting vocabulary. One of the projects attributed to al-ʿInani during tenure as Head of the Security Directorate is “the project to mix up terms”. This project is intended to empty words and ideas of their content until they cease to reflect their original meaning: concepts from the field of medicine serve in the field of engineering, expressions of the ʿAgam serve to express the opposite of their worldview, friends are described in ways once used to describe enemies, and praise is heaped upon the enemies just because they are enemies. As for controlling people, in the state of Aybut in The These there is a common saying: “Each person has a button” (Tubya n.d.: 47), a reference to the buttons on the desk of the head of “the These” by means of which he controls each and every citizen by placing an agent to supervise him. Thus, the citizenry is under perpetual surveillance. Another method of controlling people is through disappearances. The disappeared include those suspected of opposing the regime as well as total innocents. According to the doctrine of al-Zayni and Zakariyya in al-Zayni Barakat, sudden disappearances of people wreak terror in the hearts of the populace and make them wonder who will be next. Al-Zayni and Zakariyya operate secret underground prisons in which they make people disappear without a warrant. Zakariyya’s prisoners are mostly common people who have been jailed for petty crimes such as stealing or cursing the leaders of the Sultanate on the streets. Among the prisoners there are those whose existence is forgotten. Similar to what happens in Mamluk Egypt, the prisoners in al-­K hitat are not registered upon entering the gates of the central prison, so officially they cease to exist. In the state of Aybut, when a person is suspected of damaging state security, an agent of “the These” takes him on a journey through all the police stations in the country to prove his innocence. As a rule, this journey is designed to make the person

The Authority Figures  31 disappear. In Chicago, Shakir is capable of silencing dissidents by kidnapping people abroad and secretly bringing them to Egypt. One of his great achievements is suppressing Egyptian opposition in Paris by kidnapping a well-known author who is greatly admired in French circles. After receiving permission from the French Intelligence to act on French soil, Shakir’s men kidnapped the novelist, put him in a box, and sent him back to Egypt. Fearing a similar fate, members of the Egyptian opposition became silent for a long time. Cruelty is another feature of authority figures. They are cruel to their victims not only out of a belief that they are thereby serving the State but also out of pure sadism. The authority figures enjoy causing physical and emotional suffering to helpless political prisoners under their dominion. Some do not stop at causing pain but seek to humiliate the prisoner, to crush his dignity and sometimes even to change his personality. The authority figures use different methods of torture, physical and psychological. These methods include prison conditions that place the political prisoner constantly on alert for what is to come, rape of the prisoner, and threats of rape of female family members.15 Samah Idris maintains that torture is part of state repression of the right of dissent. Torture represents the tyranny of the state, with the prisoner’s body being used to strengthen its political authority (Idris S. 1992: 194). According to the testimony of the narrator in The Story of Tu (who has a significant role as a character in the novel), the fear of being psychologically broken in prison is itself sufficient to silence intellectuals like him who would ordinarily speak out against the government. The narrator himself is unable to come out against torture and against the acts of murder that people like Zuhdi commit in the prisons. He is not afraid of death but rather of the methods of torture whose purpose is to destroy the individual’s personality and turn him into a living corpse. The Master believes that the Head of the Security Directorate needs to be cruel by nature. In his eyes, al-ʿInani is suitable to be in charge of security matters and of causing suffering because he is endowed with “the cruelty of a murderer, the guile of a thief, and the skill of an executioner” (al-Ghitani 1991: 149). Indeed, in the course of his work at the newspaper, al-ʿInani so likes to mistreat others that sometimes he sends congratulatory telegrams to people whose loved ones have just died or, upon hearing a report of a case of murder, he forgets his own name out of excessive joy. When a dissident arrives in prison (like the prison of Zakariyya in al-Zayni Barakat or that of the Political Police in There Is a Man in Our House), he is placed in a dungeon that is too low and too narrow for him to stand up straight or turn around. The jailors make sure to cover the floor with water in order to force the prisoners to stand all day long. In the prison cells of al-Zayni a lamp burns all day long, giving off a sound that drives the prisoners out of their minds.

32  The Authority Figures Those entering the gates of the various prisons endure physical or psychological torture. The two kinds of torture have a dual purpose: to demonstrate the torturer’s superiority over the dissident and to break his spirit, thereby ensuring that he will not repeat his actions. In certain cases, torture serves as an instrument by the torturer to vent his frustrations and even becomes an end in itself, a mere means of entertainment. The sadism of the torturers is expressed by way of the torture itself. Each of them derives pleasure from the torture in his own fashion. ­Zakariyya likes to cause suffering; therefore, he tortures and murders on the basis of suspicions built on rumors only. Nevertheless, he does not consider himself an executioner. Al-Zanfali in The Black Policeman is described as the cruelest of the torturers of the political prisoners during the time of the monarchy, particularly in his invention of cruel and effective methods of causing pain. He beats people not only to make them confess but also to destroy them physically and psychologically. While torturing, he becomes ecstatic, so that his colleagues have difficulty in rescuing his victims from his hands. Shawkat in The Story of Tu is expert at receiving new detainees in the prisons (in particular, intellectuals) in the 1950s, during the period of ʿAbd al-Nasir. He is in charge of a unit of “wild beasts” whom he personally trained to humiliate new prisoners and break their spirits immediately upon their arrival. This process is called the “welcoming party” and includes blows with batons, stripping prisoners of their clothes, and shaving of their heads.16 Shawkat enjoys seeing men emasculated as a result of beatings, humiliation, or sexual assault. Apparently, he desires this because of his homosexuality. Hijazi, who studied the psychology of oppressed people in underdeveloped societies, explains the emotional background of the sadism of security officials from the lower classes, of al-Zanfali’s type. He maintains that in crushing helpless people’s dignity, security officials from lower classes vent their frustrations over being oppressed. They project their suffering, be it from their superiors or from society, onto their victims, and thus delude themselves that they have escaped the bonds of their low social status (Hijazi, 2005: 129–131). This assertion seems to be correct in the case of Shawkat, who as a homosexual, has an orientation that is considered loathsome in Arab society. While Zakariyya, al-Zanfali, and Shawkat aspire primarily to causing physical suffering, al-Zayni Barakat and Safwat Shakir (Chicago) seek to break the soul without breaking the body. These two are considered pioneers in improving the process of extracting confessions. They develop methods to minimize the level of pain while at the same time increasing the suffering of their victims and causing them psychological damage. Thus, a person who has passed through their hands is released from prison with PTSD.17 Al-Zayni uses methods of torture that he calls “revealing the truth” (Al-Ghitani 1985b: 134). He does not touch the body of the tortured; rather, he tortures others before their eyes and even

The Authority Figures  33 kills family members in front of them. At the end of the process, tortured people’s stares are fixed forward with their tongues sticking out like a dog. They become like a broken vessel and lose their humanity. Shakir also considers torture as a means and not a goal and, therefore, invents a new method to extract confessions from prisoners: instead of bodily torture, such as electric shock or anal rape with a baton, which may cause the death of the suspect, he brings a female relative of the suspect into the interrogation room and instructs his men to strip her. While his men are sexually harassing the woman, Shakir threatens the victim that if he does not confess they will rape her in front of his eyes.18 He does not voice an explicit threat but rather uses cynical language, which increases the effectiveness of the method. After his men strip the woman, Shakir slowly looks her over, and then says to the suspect nonchalantly: “You’re such a smart-ass. Your wife is very beautiful. Isn’t it a pity you leave her starved for sex and engage in politics?” (al-Aswani 2007: 301). Or he says: “Indeed your mother is old, but after we have stripped her and seen her naked, we’ve discovered she’s good for sex. An old hen makes good broth” (Ibid.). In response, the prisoner cries, curses, or begs for mercy. After he calms down, Shakir threatens in a low voice that sounds to the prisoner like “the whisper of Satan,” that either he speaks or Shakir will let his officers have sex with his wife. He further adds: “You need to thank me that I’m about to show you a porn movie for free!” (Ibid.).19 Using this method, the prisoners collapse and confess to anything that is asked of them. Many confess to belonging to several organizations at the same time or sign a blank page on which Shakir writes whatever confession he wants. In the al-Gabalawi neighborhood in Children of Our Neighborhood, there is no torture, but the residents absorb blows for all to see. The fetewwa of each quarter pressures the residents under his authority when they are unable to pay him the taxes. If a person dares to complain to the fetewwa of the neighborhood, the latter beats him and then returns him to the fetewwa of the quarter for “re-education.” If he dares to complain to the manager of the endowment, the manager beats him together with all the fetewwat of the neighborhood. “Re-education,” i.e., uprooting the urge to oppose the regime from a person’s spirit, is also Zakariyya’s objective, influenced by the methods of al-Zayni. Zakariyya admires these methods, and he adopts them. His motto is that upon entering his domain, a person’s life is divided in two. His new life begins when he leaves with the same name, while in fact he is another person. For Zakariyya, the psychological breaking of a person begins even before imprisonment: he discovers the weak points of the intended target and applies pressure to them. In prison, Zakariyya brings the prisoner to the point of a nervous breakdown step by step. He has various ways to do that, such as demonstrating kindness towards the prisoner, which makes him suspect this is a trick to anesthetize his senses and to kill

34  The Authority Figures him suddenly. The prisoner’s eyes are blindfolded, keeping him in constant expectation of the next blow that may fall on him at any moment, for the expectation of torture hurts more than the torture itself. At the end of the process, the prisoner is released from prison a living corpse, without any will power of his own. Zakariyya’s technique causes the prisoner’s nerves to weaken because of the thoughts of what awaits him and not because of what actually happens to him. Al-Zayni also influences Zakariyya regarding the purpose of torture: Zakariyya destroys the spirit of the dissident in order to turn him into a puppet by the time of his release, to dictate his very thoughts and actions. The personality of the dissident changes, and he becomes an instrument in the hands of Zakariyya, that is, he becomes one of his agents. Van Leeuwen (1995: 95–97) sees parallels between the way Foucault presents power and three basic methods by which Zakariyya functions: a

Punishment: Foucault speaks of the passing of punishment from the body to the mind over time (Foucault 1995: 3–31), and Zakariyya moves from physical torture to psychological torture that does not leave a mark but does damage the mind. b Hierarchy: According to Foucault, the different forms of discipline enacted on the body and the mind help to maintain hierarchy in society – categorizing and dividing individuals into ranks, classes, and functions, etc. (Foucault 1982: 222–224). Zakariyya divides the population into categories so as to ease his choice of methods of manipulating people (for him, nothing threatens the social order more than a person who breaks hierarchical barriers, as al-Zayni did when he was first appointed). c Supervision: According to Foucault, supervision is achieved by creating a file on each person in order to identify deviance and threats to the established order (Foucault 1995: 195–228). Zakariyya maintains surveillance of the population by means of his archive and through the huge number of spies from all levels of society. The methods mentioned above are used while the person is in prison. Al-Zayni, in addition to his innovations in the field of torture, uses an original method for the execution of his predecessor, ʿAli ibn Abi alGud, which further demonstrates al-Zayni’s cruelty. After a period of psychological torture, al-Zayni takes ʿAli to be executed while dancing: ʿAli dances along al-Zayni’s procession route and the public is called upon to beat him whenever he stops dancing until he finally dies. 20 In light of these descriptions of cruelty, Nagi in Chicago wonders about the essence of security officials’ being: By God, are they humans like us? Were they ever innocent children? How can a person’s work be limited to beating people and torturing

The Authority Figures  35 them? How can the one who tortures a human being eat, sleep, have sex with his wife and play with his children?! (al-Aswani 2007: 402–403) It seems that Zakariyya answers Nagi’s questions. Within the walls of his home, Zakariyya is a sentimental man who loves children, nature, and beauty. The face of his baby son causes him to forget the faces of those he tortures, even if he cruelly killed them just minutes before. Sometimes he wakes his son from sleep in order to play with him. He crawls on all fours imitating voices of animals to his son’s laughter, which makes him feel elated. Zakariyya also loves the flowers, trees, and birds in his garden. He does not understand how a person can do something as cruel as hunting birds. His greatest love is Wasila (the meaning of the name is “a means of achieving something”), a sixteen-year-old European slave girl whom he acquired several weeks before al-Zayni’s appointment. Before purchasing her, Zakariyya verified that she was indeed European in order to be sure that no Emir had planted her as a spy. Also, al-Zanfali, the “black policeman,” is a different man outside of work: sociable, loves to laugh, and is popular with a crowd. By virtue of his close ties with the Prime Minister, his home is always filled with visitors. Opposing the intimidating authority figures are others whose appearance and mannerisms shine a ridiculous, almost comic, light upon them. The President in Chicago, for example, acts like a king, while his endeavors to look younger than his seventy-five years by wearing heavy makeup, a wig, and undergoing plastic surgeries make him look like a grotesque character. The narrator even compares the President to an embalmed mummy. 21 His character is also presented in a ridiculous light through his speech. The street language in which he speaks stands in contrast to the image of an omnipotent ruler exalted over the people. This comedic ridiculousness is depicted in the familiar manner in which the President addresses Manawi, the commander of the Republican Guard (familiarity is a sign of trust and love on the President’s part). Manawi is among the few who have the President’s complete trust and, with it, the doubtful honor of putting up with his crude jokes, whether about his eating habits or his sexual prowess. Thus, for example, the President jokes about his declining sexual prowess over the years: “One sees that you have reached your expiration date, O, Manawi!” (al-­Aswani 2007: 416). 22 Similar to the President, Kamal al-Fuli in The Yacoubian Building tends to leave a confused impression on his interlocutors. He is smart, witty, and has a captivating presence, but also arouses disgust. There is striking dissonance between his senior position and his grotesque physical appearance: he is fat with a sagging belly, his hair is overly dyed, his face is red and rough, his expression is haughty and malevolent, his tie is always loose, and the colors of his clothing evoke disgust because

36  The Authority Figures they are mismatched. By contrast, Danana in Chicago takes extra care with his dress, so that he is always dressed in a full suit and his every appearance indicates self-importance. But precisely because of this, he seems not to belong to his surroundings: “as if he had just come out of a magic lamp or a time machine, or as if he were a theater actor who had suddenly decided to go out on the street in costume” (al-Aswani 2007: 65–66). Al-Fuli and Danana both resemble the President in the dissonance between their public status and their manner of speech, which is compared to a vulgar woman who gesticulates while speaking. Danana also tends to chatter, gossip, and use feminine terms of endearment, such as “my soul” and “love of my heart” (Ibid.: 150). In general, Danana is the comic figure in Chicago, as indicated in his off-key manner of speech when giving an academic presentation at the university. Instead of the subject that his doctoral advisor set for him, he veers off topic as if at a political rally: Dear colleagues, believe me, the problem is not with the research methods. Research methods are numerous and found in abundance, praise God. I want us to speak today about the idea at the base of the research method. Within each one of us is a particular idea about the method. It is up to us, and I repeat, up to us, to be open and honest with each other for the future of science, for our children and our grandchildren. (Ibid.: 202–203) There are also comic aspects to al-Tanukhi in al-Ghitani’s Quarters. Al-Tanukhi is described as a man lacking in boundaries and softness: nasty, despicable, unreliable, and misanthropic. His nastiness is expressed in the coffee he makes for his guests, who include important figures from al-Khitat, as well as those from outside it, who come to strengthen connections with the newspaper. Instead of using water, al-Tanukhi urinates into the pitcher and despite this, the guests – who do not know what he has done – are enthusiastic about his coffee. Only for the Master does he make real coffee, because he senses that the latter is aware of his deeds. 23 Another example is his treatment of his articles. Al-Tanukhi knows that his writing shapes public opinion, but he also knows that he writes rubbish to satisfy the government. Thus, after he finishes an article in which he praises the Great Dam for being the jewel in the crown of the regime’s enterprises, he passes his penis over it as a sign of disrespect for what he wrote. As for Shawkat from The Story of Tu, there appears to be a contradiction between his appearance and behavior and his sexual identity. Since he is responsible for use of force it would be expected that he would be a bully used to giving beatings, but in fact his body is feeble and lacking

The Authority Figures  37 fitness. He fills a “masculine” role while at the same time he is an avowed homosexual. According to Zuhdi, the prison warden who knows him well, Shawkat has a rare talent for organizing people and training them. It is possible that Shawkat’s colleagues respect him despite his homosexuality by merit of his talents, his charisma, and his cruelty. While Shawkat’s sexual orientation is known to those around him, there are only whispered rumors of homosexuality concerning al-­Zanfali in The Black Policeman. The rumors arise after the fall of Prime Minister ʿAbd al-Hadi and the subsequent investigation of the crimes committed during his reign of terror. The newspapers spread these rumors when al-Zanfali’s misdeeds are exposed. Deviant sexual behavior like that of Shawkat is considered a grave sin in Arab society, a transgression of the laws of moral conduct. Yet it seems that similar transgressions in the areas of morality and public trust are not foreign to other authority figures, as the case of al-Zayni shows: bribery paves his way to the top echelons of power. Most of the authority figures exploit their status in order to derive benefits while trampling on those who are under their authority. Their corrupt actions prove that the regime is not only tyrannical but also corrupt. Al-Fuli in The Yacoubian Building is in charge of falsifying election results in favor of the ruling party. He covers up his corrupt actions with trickery, including indirectly bribing the most senior politicians. He holds security reports and secret dossiers on politicians’ deviant behaviors and uses them as blackmail or to destroy their political careers. Danana in Chicago is greedy, and in satisfying his love of money, he breaks the law. Egyptian law concerning student exchange programs prohibits Egyptian students from working in the United States, but Danana finds a part-time job with a substantial salary that he forwards to a special bank account in Egypt. Furthermore, as the Chair of the Students’ Association, it might be assumed that he would set an example of adherence to the rules of research ethics, but in falsifying his research results he puts his own status in jeopardy. Shakir in Chicago exploits the distress of prisoners’ wives (mostly of the lower classes) to satisfy his lust. As a rule, his men reject the wives’ requests to improve their husbands’ conditions of detention, some of whom have been detained for years without trial. But the beautiful looking wives are referred to Shakir who invites them to his apartment where he sleeps with them as he does with prostitutes. No woman has ever refused him. For him, sexual relations are a means to humiliate women. He never kisses the women and barely speaks to them, lest they think they are his equals. Lust also characterizes Ramzi in al-Ghitani’s Quarters. Unlike Shakir, Ramzi is married, but he cheats on his wife at every opportunity. In his case, from his deeds during his tenure as Supervisor of the First Suburb, it seems that unfaithfulness to the wife is connected to disloyalty to the state.

38  The Authority Figures In Zakariyya of al-Zayni Barakat, there is an additional kind of corruption connected to the way he fills his role. All people, no matter their status, are a potential intelligence target for Zakariyya. Zakariyya does not even hesitate to undermine the Sultan. But there are exceptions: Zakariyya knows that a senior Emir is a traitor who spies for the Ottoman Empire; nevertheless, he prefers to ignore the Emir’s treason because he intends to blackmail him (later on the Emir becomes the Commissioner of the Ottomans in Egypt and al-Zayni and Zakariyya continue in their positions under him).

Worldviews, Aspirations, and Visions The worldviews, aspirations, and visions of some of the authority figures expose other aspects of their personalities. In addition to their desire for unlimited rule over the lives of those under their authority, they are motivated by opportunism, hatred of the Other, and the desire to do irreparable damage to the State. It is possible to discern two approaches to filling a security role. One is that of al-Zayni and Zakariyya in al-Zayni Barakat; the other is that of Zuhdi in The Story of Tu. Al-Zayni and Zakariyya, in their positions as senior officials in the highest echelons of the regime, direct their attention to the stability of the regime as a whole, while Zuhdi, who serves in the Prison Service, limits himself to the narrow domain of the prison. The doctrine of al-Zayni and Zakariyya mainly concerns security and is based on the need to prevent a popular uprising against the regime by accumulating intelligence on all strata of the population, including officials of the Sultanate. Placing themselves above the regime, the two aim to be the ones pulling the strings. From their point of view, the ends justify the means, as they consider themselves to be working only for the sake of heaven to bring about justice. Moreover, their deeds are consistent with Islamic law. In order to preempt danger before it occurs, they seek to keep track of newborns by giving them identity numbers instead of names, thus turning them into numbers. Zakariyya prophesies to himself that in the future all people will have a complete compartment in the security apparatus that will summarize their life from birth until death, including thoughts and dreams. He hopes that the day will come when his secret agents will be able to identify instigators while still in their mothers’ wombs and thus prevent a man from impregnating a woman who would carry such a child: “Thus he will uproot evil before its roots sprout” (al-Ghitani 1985b: 93). For example, a great secret agent could have saved Pharaoh and his army from drowning by foreseeing Moses’s future and preventing his birth. Zakariyya dreams of a police state that includes a thought police, but some of his musings and expressions raise the possibility that his dream

The Authority Figures  39 is even bigger: that the heads of the security apparatuses will function like God in terms of their omniscience. In all matters relating to methods of collecting information, he admires the model of God who is found everywhere and whose agents, the angels, report to him on the good and bad deeds of each and every person and, upon a person’s death, interrogate him in his grave. 24 In Zakariyya’s opinion, this is an extremely efficient mechanism for policing the world. Similarly, at a secret international conference of spymasters, he prophesizes about the ability to extract the truth from interrogatees’ organs: “I see a day when organs will be extracted from a human body to be asked about what they did, and they will not be able to deny [it]” (Ibid.: 233). His words are an allusion to a Quranic verse regarding the heretics who arrive in Hell: “Today we seal their mouths, and their hands address us and their feet bear witness to what they have been amassing” (36/Yasin: 65). 25 The manner in which Zakariyya fills his role testifies to his view that every person is assumed to be guilty and no evidence is required to make that person disappear in prison or to torture him to death. Regarding torture, the technique that al-Zayni uses on his predecessor, ʿAli ibn Abi al-Gud, causes Zakariyya to change his outlook on physical torture and causing pain. Instead of killing people by the thousands, he makes it his goal to change the hearts and minds of those who incite the masses against the regime’s leaders, thus precluding any possibility of popular revolt. In his eyes, each person is a fortified target whose weak points must be penetrated as though they were tumbledown castles in his soul: Once I penetrate leisurely, infiltrating silently, without making a sound inhaling or exhaling, I suddenly spread out my catapults, take my positions, launch my poisoned spears, draw my swords, and attack all at once, surround, set fire, destroy, turn buildings into ruins, a settled place to a wilderness, a feeling of safety to despair, hope to slaughtered failure. (Ibid.: 231) Zuhdi in The Story of Tu does believe in physical torture, but he maintains that one should not beat a prisoner out of agitation. After all, a prisoner is contemptible, he is nothing, and beating him makes the prisoner equal to the interrogator. Moreover, the beating is an acknowledgment that the prisoner has gotten the better of the interrogator and has found his weak points. The death of a prisoner during torture testifies to the interrogator’s inexperience, which in Zuhdi’s opinion is a more grievous crime than causing death. The most important thing for him is “expertise,” that is, to torture a man and even bring him to the point of death without actually causing his death and without leaving any physical signs on him. Zuhdi seemingly does not want the prisoners to die, but it seems that this “mercy” stems from the fact that it is impossible to kill everyone. This is

40  The Authority Figures evident in his admiration of Hitler for the extermination of prisoners in the crematoria in order to subdue them and thus enforce ideal order and discipline. Zuhdi would like to implement this method in Egypt where, according to his way of thinking, anarchy reigns. Another expression of Zuhdi’s way of treating prisoners is found in the “welcoming parties.” Zuhdi believes that they are crucial in breaking the spirit of prisoners, especially when it comes to intellectuals. In his opinion, these arrive at the prison determined to challenge the guards, and therefore they are likely to influence other prisoners or to cause junior officers to wonder about the justness of the arrest. From here it is but a short distance to facilitating prisoner escapes. Zuhdi does not consider the “welcoming parties” to be cruel; rather, he considers them as a part of his profession. From his point of view, there is no difference between them and the hazing undergone by new recruits to fraternities at universities in the West. These two kinds of rituals share a common logic – to shock the spirit of the people being inducted and to initiate them into a new life. Zuhdi views the conflict between prisoner and jailer as a battle of wills. He sees a need to humiliate the prisoner and to break his will so as to turn him into putty in the hands of the jailer. Conversely, the jailer ceases to fear the intellectual prisoner after he sees him naked, on his knees, and screaming that he is a woman. Authority figures in al-Zayni Barakat, al-Ghitani’s Quarters, and The Yacoubian Building put their own best interests and the maintenance of their personal status first and foremost. This is true not only when the regime’s ideologies change but also when the rule itself changes. The Master in al-Ghitani’s Quarters and al-Zayni are even willing to serve a foreign rule as long as they are allowed to stay in their positions. The Master believes that one’s only concern is himself, and to that end, one must quash values of love of homeland, loyalty, and ethical values without the slightest hesitation. For him, “there is no such thing as that which is called ‛homeland’. This is an illusion created so that people will die for it” (al-Ghitani 1991: 183). He instructs his staff at the newspaper in opportunism and teaches them to adapt themselves to every situation for the sake of the newspaper’s survival. For example, if the ʿAgam whom he hates with all his heart succeed in ruling al-Khitat, then the editors will have to be ʿAgam in word but not in their hearts. Similarly, Zakariyya in al-Zayni Barakat believes that in the case of conflict among the emirs over rule in the Sultanate, the head of the security apparatus must support the strongest party. This is because he works for justice only, and the symbol of justice is the Sultan’s throne, not the person sitting upon it. Al-Tanukhi and al-Hilali in al-Ghitani’s Quarters act according to the directives of the Master and often switch loyalties when serving in senior positions. Al-Tanukhi, the Master’s deputy at the newspaper, flatters the leaders of the First Republican Era in his articles, but later on, consonant with the prevailing mood of the three succeeding Republican Eras,

The Authority Figures  41 readjusts his attitude. Al-Tanukhi vociferously attacks the leaders of the First Republican Era, since by then their legitimacy has been completely destroyed. Unlike al-Tanukhi, who changes his opinions according to his personal interests, al-Hilali has neither backbone nor independent opinions; rather, he is always imitating his colleagues in order to discover what the official line is and how to align himself with it. The frequency with which al-Tanukhi changes his opinions and suits the rulers and the prevailing moods parallels al-Fuli’s changes of ideology in The Yacoubian Building. Al-Fuli, a sworn socialist during ʿAbd al-Nasir’s time, becomes one of the most enthusiastic supporters of privatization and a free economy when the state moves from socialism to capitalism. While al-Tanukhi, al-Hilali, and al-Fuli demonstrate opportunism in order to survive under different political regimes, al-Zayni throws his loyalty to the Mamluk government overboard when he agrees to serve a foreign rule, that of the Ottoman Empire, after the conquest of Egypt. In doing so, he implements the doctrine of the Master precisely, surviving the conquest as if nothing had happened. Another quality characterizing authority figures is hatred for the Other. This quality is especially prominent in the Master, al-Tanukhi, al-Hilali, and Zuhdi, who all share a common hatred of the ʿAgam (i.e., the communists). The first three exploit their power to conduct media campaigns against the ʿAgam. The Master sees them as his worst enemies and fights them in al-Khitat and beyond. Under his rule, the newspaper publishes news items and articles condemning them – how they terrorize populations in different places around the world and destroy families. His goal is to prove that their principles are foreign both to al-Khitat and to the good qualities of its residents. Al-Tanukhi, in his turn, blames them in his articles for seeking to rule the world in order to spread poverty, hunger, and destitution. When al-Hilali is appointed as Supervisor of the First Suburb, he puts the blame for all the disasters of the State on the ʿAgam. Zuhdi feels special hatred for communists and sees them as scowling, bespectacled, and unbelievers who drink liquor. He abhors the way they speak as well as their vague ideas and their poisonous and evil looks. Zuhdi believes that communists are lascivious, espouse licentiousness, and that their thoughts are dedicated to the corruption of the youth. He does not understand how wealthy young men from large families turn into communists and even calls upon the government to confiscate their families’ property. Zuhdi Seemingly abhors communists only because of their external appearance and their way of life, not because of their ideology. But between the lines hides the main reason he hates them – the fact that they call for the nationalization of property of capitalists like himself, for he owns agricultural lands that bring him great wealth. As a former senior officer in the revolutionary socialist regime of ʿAbd

42  The Authority Figures al-Nasir, Zuhdi ironically is not willing to sacrifice his own property on the altar of socialism. His hatred of communists is so great that he has more respect for the murderers, drug dealers, and thieves that populate the prisons than for the communists. The visionaries among the authority figures are the Master in al-­Ghitani’s Quarters and the engineer in The Mountain. Both have ambitions for the future of the State. The engineer aspires to improve Egypt by upgrading the living conditions of those in the periphery (and simultaneously to make a name for himself around the world). A polar opposite, the Master plots to destroy al-Khitat. In light of the deeds, thoughts, and vision of the Master, he may be the one according to the vision of a prominent religious figure who sows evil and concentrates within himself all the evil found in this world and the next − so much so that he delays the Redemption. Just as “the These” abhor intellectuals, reading, and books, so the Master hates anyone who works at the newspaper who has a vast education. Even though he himself is someone a man with broad horizons, he does not want his staff to acquire knowledge lest they get new ideas or see where he is leading them and what he is planning for the country. Opining that knowledge connects time periods, he strives to create chaos by disconnecting the present from the past and the future, thereby turning honor into shame, grandeur into disgrace, and virtue into abomination. When Ramzi succeeds al-Hilali as Supervisor of the First Suburb, he follows in the Master’s footsteps, maintaining that true history is the present moment. The Master prophesies that a day will come when the culture of al-Khitat will be extinct: ignorance will take the place of education, the archeological treasures of the State will be put up for auction, and the most ancient temples will be dismantled for export. As a result of the annihilation of education and culture, the people will turn into robots who are enthusiastic about all things equally and move easily from one situation to its opposite. He envisions that in the future, civil wars will be fought everywhere, slavery and exploitation will flourish, and there will be no more calls for justice and equality. Similarly, the enemies from the North will become brothers, and anyone who does not display kindness towards them will be hung in public for all to see and fear (in his time, anyone who comes in contact with them is hung following a showcase trial). People and values will then change: betrayal will take the place of loyalty, despised spies will be regarded as saints, and low, despicable people will receive decorations and medals. The Master has already secretly sown the seeds that will bear rotten fruit: And until the time comes, many will not be able to know what my specific goals are, and that I am addicted to death, slaughter the values and exceed every limit. By no means! They will never get to the bottom of my mind. (al-Ghitani 1991: 111)

The Authority Figures  43 He promises himself that when he reveals his intentions and releases the restraint upon all evil, it will not be possible to stand in his way. The damage will be irreversible. Even if the physical building of the newspaper is destroyed, its spirit will last, since the Master has brainwashed the people without their sensing it. The Master disappears following the great defeat, 26 and from his hiding place, he says to himself that matters will get worse and worse until alienation holds sway in human society, dreams dissipate, and hearts are emptied: Then they will relate all that has happened to him. If they say to destruction: “Who is your ally?” The destruction will relate itself only to him [to the Master]; he is its image, he is its head, and everything else is the tail. The elements of evil strengthen his hand; the forces of decay support him. His steps are mighty as long as poverty, ignorance, and illness flourish. Therefore, he must not be sad. (Ibid.: 240) In the Master’s opinion, his future vision will come to pass “soon,” thanks to his loyal soldiers who are dispersed throughout al-Khitat. One of them is al-Tanukhi. The Master knows that al-Tanukhi will succeed him and will begin the process of privatizing al-Khitat. And indeed, al-Tanukhi, together with al-Hilali, Ramzi, and al-ʿInani, work to carry out the Master’s vision in its entirety. The engineer in The Mountain diametrically differs from the Master in that he believes that his deeds are intended for the good of Egypt and in particular for the good of the people of the mountain, toward whom he has a patronizing stance. He is proud of the fact that the model village project he is about to build will change the lives of primitive people. For him, this project can be the first step toward turning Egypt into a heaven on earth. The model village is the engineer’s life work. His reputation hangs on it; from his point of view, the project must succeed because failure would be a scandal of international proportions and the reputation of Egypt would be mortally wounded. For this reason, he clings to it even after the conflict between himself and the people of the mountain is made public. He is not willing to give up on the goal of forcing the people of the mountain to give up their traditional, barbaric way of life in preference for a Western, more modern and cultured lifestyle.

Harming Subjects to Please Foreign Interests Another expression of the heartlessness and the cruelty of the authority figures is their preference for foreign political, economic and cultural interests over the interests of the State and its residents. In both al-Zayni Barakat and al-Ghitani’s Quarters, al-Ghitani creates a linkage between damaging the State and its residents for the sake of foreign interests and

44  The Authority Figures treason. Thus, though al-Zayni Barakat is dismissed from all his positions at the beginning of the Ottoman invasion of Egypt, he soon returns to assume his position as muhtasib by virtue of his close relations with a Mamluk Emir who betrays the Sultanate and is appointed as the ­Ottoman governor of Egypt. Al-Zayni’s first order upon recovery of his office is to replace the Mamluk currency with Ottoman currency, a move that has an adverse effect upon the economic situation of the residents. 27 The Master’s vision regarding the destruction of al-Khitat is, in fact, an action plan, for the Master is not just a theoretician but also a man of action. In order to pass on his ideas to the younger generation, he sets up a network of schools (from preschool to elementary school) where alongside the official curricula there are programs to teach hypocrisy, narcissism, and the principles of treason. The Master’s use of his schools corresponds to Althusser’s analysis of the Educational Ideological State Apparatus, which serves as one of the government’s tools for maintaining its ideology. In this regard, the Master’s successors use the Repressive State Apparatus in order to redesign the state’s ideological apparatuses in keeping with his aspirations. 28 One of the first steps the Master takes to realize his vision is to cause the disappearance of a young engineer who travels to the Western Desert with the aim of making it bloom. As with regard to opportunism, here also his successors follow in his footsteps: al-Tanukhi and al-Hilali destroy all kinds of flora and gravely damage agriculture. Their deeds bring them great prestige, and al-Tanukhi is even awarded one of the highest decorations granted by the leaders of the state – “The Order of Failure, First Class.” In addition, al-Tanukhi sells concessions to mine natural resources to foreign companies in return for lucrative commissions. Because of his actions, a large part of the desert near the First Suburb becomes a disposal site of radioactive waste from Europe and the United States. 29 Al-Hilali realizes the Master’s vision by narrowing the horizons of the people when he runs a campaign against culture. He demolishes cultural institutions and, in their place, erects giant department stores, parking lots, and public restrooms. He prohibits cultural activities and places strict limits on the reading of books. A staff under the direction of Ramzi prepares lists of forbidden books, whose possession or acquisition is a crime. Al-Hilali also prohibits the study of history and changes the approach towards it: historical victories are now seen as defeats, the heroes of the past are considered criminals and traitors, and enemies from all periods are rehabilitated. Following his steps, the public blames the leaders of the First Republican Era for starting the Lightning War that ended in the great defeat. It seems that the defeatism al-Hilali seeks to instill in the younger generation is designed to cause the populace to humbly accept all dictates of foreign investors and to willingly welcome their enemies in future.

The Authority Figures  45 The Master envisions that in the future the archaeological treasures of the State will be sold. Accordingly, al-Hilali establishes the Directorate for Smuggling Antiquities whose role is to export antiquities on behalf of the State with the goal of erasing the history of al-Khitat. 30 Those who hide antiquities in order to thwart their export are charged with “stealing antiquities,” and the CIA assists in locating these “thieves.” The attitude towards exporting antiquities and preserving them indicates the reversal of meanings that takes place during al-Hilali’s time. “Smuggling antiquities,” a term that once indicated criminal activity, now denotes legal government activity, while the term “theft of antiquities” receives a new meaning of illegal activity – no longer stealing for profit but rather an ideological crime against the government. Hence, it is evident that the authorities are aware that their patterns of activity are criminal, but they do not see anything wrong in it. Indeed, destroying al-Khitat justifies the means. Another step taken by al-Hilali is the opening of local markets to imported luxury goods. Despite the difficult economic situation, expensive imported goods displace cheap local goods. Al-Tanukhi and other leaders of al-Khitat consider the economic consequences as signs of prosperity.31 Following his steps in the Suburb, al-Hilali says to himself: “they likened his head to a block, and he managed to turn the Suburb into something similar to it” (al-Ghitani 1991: 310). Al-Tanukhi and al-Hilali function like technicians who carry out the Master’s vision by following the operating instructions left behind by their spiritual father. Ramzi, on the other hand, pours life into the dry instructions, adding a touch of his own in order to destroy not only the country but also its spirit. Even though he did not know the Master, it seems that he is his truest disciple and follower. Ramzi elaborates on al-Hilali. Not satisfied with selling only concrete objects, he opens a campaign to sell abstract objects, such as al-Khitat’s historical periods and its literary and artistic masterpieces from all periods. He even sells mornings and afternoons. Periods that are sold are completely erased from the history of al-Khitat, and those who acquire them also receive all the antiquities from the period they have bought: pyramids, temples, churches, and mosques (the Israeli Knesset also endeavors to seize the opportunity to purchase scraps of history for itself). Literary works become the exclusive property of their purchasers. Ramzi is the one who carries out the last stage in the destruction of al-Khitat, bringing the Master’s vision to complete realization. He begins the process of emptying the country of its inhabitants in favor of foreigners and nullifies the citizenship of the remaining locals, thereby turning natives into foreigners in their own land. Within the program of mass exportation of every object, even little girls and boys are exported overseas after having been castrated. Moreover, men and women are sold to an American company as guinea pigs. According to the official

46  The Authority Figures propaganda, this is a new service offered by al-Khitat to human civilization, with thousands of citizens offering to sell their organs or to be guinea pigs. In fact, the Security Directorate kidnaps people in order to sell them. It is possible to see a parallel between the exporting of people and Lukács’s idea of objectification (reification). According to this idea, in a capitalist society people become objects or commodities (Lukács 1967: 83–222). At the height of the civil war, Ramzi, in consultation with senior officials in the Far-Flung Suburb, decides to bring its enemies into the State in order to help the government suppress the uprising, since the enemy army is the strongest in the region. He maintains that the historical enmity towards them should be considered passé since the war casualties have already been forgotten, and therefore there is no point in speaking about avenging them. Likewise, he sees no reason for returning the territories the enemies captured back to al-Khitat, since his generation is not responsible for losing them; the generation of the founding fathers is responsible. His relation to the enemies earns him the highest state decoration: “The Sash of the Greatest Treason” (other high decorations in al-Khitat include “Order of Treason – First Class Spy”, “Badge of Destruction”, “Gold Medal in Bribery”, etc.). The welcoming ceremony for the enemies includes flying their blue and white flags and publicly displaying pictures of their leaders. From the stage, Ramzi rhapsodically describes their entrance into the First Suburb in a military parade to cheering crowds. He opens with these words: Now the flags bearers are approaching [with] the enemies’ flags, the same flags that were flown above our posts at the outskirts of al-­ Khitat in each defeat that befell us. These are the flags whose hate we were unjustly nursed on. Here they are flying in our skies. From where I stand I see orphaned children, innocent faces that do not know the hatred of the past, waving flags. We chose them carefully: each one lost a father, a mother, or a breadwinner in a bombing or in battle. (al-Ghitani 1991: 421) Ramzi further praises the enemy army units for the losses they caused to the residents of al-Khitat and the crowd shouts: Long live our enemies! Long live our murderers! Long live those who humiliated us! Long live the humiliation! Let the disgrace continue!. (Ibid.) At the climax of the ceremony, the crowd shouts: “Long live the enemies’ armies! Let al-Khitat fall! Let al-Khitat fall!” (Ibid.: 423). From

The Authority Figures  47 the square where the ceremony is conducted, the enemy army goes out to fight the insurgents, and thus the enemies become the controllers of al-Khitat. The situation deteriorates so profoundly that according to rumors, the Master from his hiding place says that only a series of supernatural events can revert the situation to its former state. Just as it is possible to find parallels between the Master and ʿAbd al-Nasir, there are parallels between al-Tanukhi, al-Hilali, and Ramzi and al-Sadat, with the three of them symbolizing the Egyptian President at different stages of his rule, and together they compose a literary silhouette of him. The parallels are reflected in the rise to prominence from lower-class origins, the relation to the prior authority figure, the internal and economic policies, and above all, the peace with the sworn enemies. While the leaders of al-Khitat work against the population in order to satisfy foreign superpowers and wealthy foreigners, the princess and the engineer in The Mountain try to make the people of the mountain move to the model village following foreign ideals. The engineer establishes the model village on behalf of the government, at the initiative of the princess and with the approval of the Ministry of Education. The engineer builds the village under Western inspiration, apparently for people who value Western culture. For example, he builds a mosque inside the school under the influence of schools he knows of in England. The Western influence upon him is so great that on a tour of the village, he tells the narrator that this is a church, although immediately he corrects himself.

How Authority Figures See Themselves and How Others See Them In most instances, there are differences in points of view regarding the way authority figures see themselves and how they are viewed by others. An exception is Ibrahim’s Committee, where the external point of view is actually given by its members, who claim that the Committee serves only the principles of moral and the values of religion and freedom. They maintain that against the Committee “forces of evil” raise a multitude of accusations: they resort to sadism and demagoguery, making people disappear, assassinations disguised as suicides or road accidents, and involvement in military revolutions, inter-community struggles, and small wars in the Arab world. According to the Committee’s rivals, it seems that the Committee endeavors to project its power not only inside Egypt but also toward and within other countries, perhaps in order to shape their regimes to the Committee’s liking and make them consent to its hegemony. The disparity in the images, in the manner Ibrahim presents it, parallels the gap presented by al-Ghitani between the claims of al-Zayni and Zakariyya regarding their adherence to Islamic law and their actions in practice. In both instances, the gap reflects the disparity between official government propaganda and its actual practice.

48  The Authority Figures As for the way the authority figures see themselves, although ­Zakariyya in al-Zayni Barakat is jealous of God, he does not see himself as a god. In contrast, some of the authority figures do see themselves as having unlimited power and even as gods in miniature. This image points to the fact that they do not expect to be challenged since challenging them is forbidden. Shakir in Chicago treats the women who have sex with him in exchange for leniency for their husbands, “as if he were a god who receives sacrifices from his servants without paying too much attention to them” (al-Aswani 2007: 308). He is well aware that he enjoys almost godlike power in the eyes of his victims: He decrees, and there is no going back on his decree, he enacts the decree of fate and does not submit to it. He determines, by word or by hint, the fate of an entire family for generations to come. (Ibid.: 304) The Master in al-Ghitani’s Quarters considers himself a god who determines not only the fate of his people, but also the laws of nature. In his hidden thoughts, he sets a goal of changing personality structures, uprooting the consciences from men’s hearts, and reversing the workings of the world so that fish die in water and prosper on land, etc. He also aspires to overrule universal law, such as the law of time, so that he can bring evil to people while he alone is secure. Though Zuhdi in The Story of Tu does not see himself as God, he does analogize between torturers in this world and the tortures of Hell when expressing disdain for the rights of prisoners and their entitlement to humanitarian treatment. From what he tells the narrator, it appears that he sees his men as an extension of the Angels of Destruction: Even in the prison that our Lord Almighty has prepared for the criminal infidels, has he promised them humanitarian treatment? Have you read the descriptions of the tortures they endure, the burning spears and fire that roasts them? So why do we deceive ourselves and say that we have to give humanitarian treatment to prisoners? This is naive talk. (Ghanim 1987: 58–59) As stated above, while Zakariyya does not consider himself to be God, he does deem himself to be the highest authority in the Sultanate. When he thinks that the Sultan is acting against him in assisting al-Zayni, he considers the possibility of deposing the Sultan and installing another Sultan on the throne. The information that Zakariyya works to obtain is intended not necessarily for ensuring state security, but to ensure that he retains his position. This is manifest in the affair of Shaʿban, the

The Authority Figures  49 beloved servant of the Sultan. Zakariyya, who suspects that the Sultan is homosexual, kidnaps and imprisons Shaʿban to investigate the matter. When Shaʿban refuses to reveal the nature of his relationship with the Sultan, Zakariyya’s patience cracks and he rapes him. Zakariyya does not lose hope to solve the mystery enveloping the relationship until the night he is informed that his superior, ʿAli ibn Abi al-Gud (al-Zayni’s predecessor), has been arrested. Following the arrest, Zakariyya fears for his own fate and decides to wipe out all his prisoners so that none can testify against him. Shaʿban is buried alive, and the only witness to the murder is ­Zakariyya’s own faithful servant. Zakariyya, it seems, does not recognize the hierarchy of power in the State: as head of the security apparatus, he is supposed to be subject to the Sultan. Nor is he the only senior security official who extends the prerogatives of his position. Shakir in Chicago bluntly expresses the relationship between the head of state and the senior members of the security services: The Security rules Egypt, not any other body. With a single word from me, I can move the President of the republic as I please. I can make him change his route from one place to another or to leave his palace and sleep in another palace, according to my decision. One report from me can destroy the future of any senior official in the state! (al-Aswani 2007: 409–410)32 However, in the close circle of the President, there are those who do, in fact, see him as a god. This attitude is demonstrated during the President’s visit to the Egyptian consulate in Chicago. When an Egyptian photographer dares to ask the President to move slightly to fit into the frame of the picture, it arouses the President’s anger. The Head of Ceremony throws the photographer out with curses, kicks, and screams: “All of Egypt moves, and the President stands firm in his place!” (Ibid.: 425). The feelings that authority figures arouse both in the public and in their close circles can be divided into fear and fear diluted by admiration. In The Yacoubian Building, Al-Fuli’s public image is negative, as his name is linked to corruption because of his involvement in falsifying elections. Yet, in government circles, he intimidates senior politicians and others after having already publicly humiliated ministers and highlevel civil servants who aroused his disapproval when they said things not to his liking or tried to expose his corruption. Danana in Chicago enjoys similar power. The Egyptian students are in fear of him, as the flattery by which they seek to please him indicates. They see him as a boss more than as a fellow student, since he is older than them and his serious appearance gives him the image of a Director General of a ministry. He rules all aspects of their lives ex officio, and it is in his power to curtail their studies and send them back to Egypt.

50  The Authority Figures Despite this, when his advisor discovers that he has falsified his research, Danana becomes a joke among the students. In addition, there are some security officials whose names terrify the public: al-Dabbagh in There Is a Man in Our House, Safwan in Karnak, al-ʿInani in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, and Shawkat in The Story of Tu, of whom even the men who work with him are afraid, including Zuhdi. Zuhdi knows that if a political change accompanied by dismissals and arrests should occur, Shawkat would be ecstatic if the opportunity to be cruel to one of his colleagues or their superiors presents itself. Al-Zanfali, the “black policeman,” becomes infamous during the last years of the Monarchy due to his cruelty. Symbolizing all the calamities that befall his generation – the arrests, the reign of terror, and the armed struggle − there are still those who think he is impressive and seek to be close to him. The Prime Minister enjoys introducing him to guests from abroad. The guests are impressed with his physical size and muscles, and women sigh at his appearance. During the years of his police service, his house is filled with visitors who seek his favor and present him with requests for work or promotions. Al-Zanfali is hated by the general public and admired by his acquaintances, while Zakariyya in al-Zayni Barakat actually succeeds in improving his public image and becoming an admired man. Zakariyya may be the authority figure with the most demonic image, since in the eyes of the people a mythic aura of Satan on earth surrounds him: Even if the Speaker of Time appears, even if he comes from the Kaʿba with his golden sword unsheathed in his hand, Zakariyya will stand up to him, will prevent him from entering the land, will seize him and throw him in al-Maqshara [prison]. (al-Ghitani, 1985b: 209)33 However, upon becoming an imam in a mosque, thanks to al-Zayni, people kiss his hand for luck and blessing. Al-Zayni even succeeds in convincing the public that Zakariyya is a defender of justice. While Zakariyya’s image undergoes metamorphosis, other authority figures, al-Zayni, Sheikh ʿAtiyya in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood, and the Master, instill confusion and controversy in the way they are perceived. After his appointment as muhtasib, al-Zayni takes a series of steps in order to exploit public satisfaction with the dismissal of his predecessor and represents himself as the perfect man for the job: modest, justice seeking, and full of integrity. In an unprecedented step, he goes to the Sultan and begs him in tears to release him from the yoke of this position which is greater than his merits: I am a poor servant; I cannot stand being master of any man. I hope that my life will end in security and peace, far from matters of rule

The Authority Figures  51 and rulers. My entire desire is to rest in peace without being troubled by people’s curses or the anger of an unjustly treated person whom I ignored and did not exact justice for him from the one who wronged him. (Ibid.: 40–41) Al-Zayni wins the hearts of the common people through his declarations and his deeds after creating the impression of an official determined to preserve their rights, even at the cost of conflict with the highest authorities. The people become convinced that justice guides his feet and that he fears only God. He is perceived as someone who knows what bothers them, someone who is accessible despite his high status, and a gentle soul who shudders at evil deeds and is revolted by torture. In his first procession, he is greeted with song and dance in the streets. Another expression of the admiration demonstrated toward him by the public is the lynching carried out by the masses of three young men who claim that al-Zayni is initiating raids of government troops on the homes of innocent people so that he can present himself as the one who passes new laws to protect the public from the troops. The admiration for al-Zayni is derived from two sources: First, the public who are bent under the yoke of tyranny wish for someone who will miraculously save them. Unlike the enfeebled public, this savior is depicted as all-powerful. The savior is also a paragon of virtue in the eyes of the public (a side effect of this situation is that the savior becomes a dictator) (Hijazi 2005: 45, 121). The second reason for the admiration is that the public does not know that behind the scenes, al-Zayni acts in complete contradiction to his declarations: he buys his position with bribes, tortures his predecessor, accumulates tremendous assets, and uses threats to collect taxes. Alongside al-Zayni’s widespread public popularity, a few dissenting voices try to present a different picture, but his admirers work to silence them. During his first procession, an older woman stands in front of al-Zayni and shouts: “You wicked man, son of a wicked woman!” (al-­Ghitani 1985b: 63). Upon hearing her cries, the mob turns on her, and she disappears as if the ground had swallowed her. Apparently, the woman is murdered at al-Zayni’s instruction. There are others like her who from the outset do not believe his words; they do believe that he is no different from other tyrannical authority figures. Among the residents of the al-Zaʿfarani neighborhood, Sheikh ʿAtiyya simultaneously arouses admiration and fear. They see in him a miraculous figure with supernatural powers. The residents believe that demons serve him and that he is gifted with magical powers that are both effective and destructive, such as the power to make a woman pregnant alongside the power to turn people to stones. They mainly fear him, for he is also suspected of reading minds.

52  The Authority Figures The Master is also a controversial character, but the differences of opinion regarding him break out only after his disappearance. During the rule of his successors, some people exempt him from responsibility for the State’s decline on the grounds that he is not the one who is carrying out his ideas; according to them, circumstances are at fault. Others maintain that he would have had no satisfaction from the decline that began after him. However, most citizens maintain that the Master and his newspaper are the ones who laid the foundations for the State’s decline. Al-Zayni, Zakariyya, Sheikh ʿAtiyya, and the Master are controversial figures within their own country, while the engineer in The Mountain is admired throughout the world but hated by the people of al-Gurna, who are the potential beneficiaries of the project on which he labors. The model village arouses the interest of engineering and art magazines around the world, as well as the interest of artists. The people of alGurna, on the other hand, react with hostility to the project and oppose it with all their force. Disparity in the lofty image also exists in the case of the princess in The Mountain, who works to establish the model village and places it under her sponsorship. Here it is not a matter of fear versus admiration, but rather of civil servants’ attitude toward her versus the attitude of common people: the princess casts fear in the hearts of civil servants, while the common folk disparage her and gossip about her sexual practices.

Interactions among Authority Figures The relationships among authority figures are characterized by mutual loathing and competition over authority. Al-Ghitani depicts authority figures as persons who have disputes amongst themselves based upon jealousy, honor, and responsibilities. In al-Zayni Barakat and al-­Ghitani’s Quarters, the hostilities are interpersonal, while in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood, the struggles are between two security apparatuses – the Department of Fighting Destructive Ideas, which works against communism, and the Department of Fighting Religious Fanaticism, which works against the Muslim Brotherhood. Al-Aswani in Chicago and Mahfuz in Children of Our Neighborhood describe relationships in which one authority figure imposes his authority upon another who, while abhorring this situation, is prevented by fear from challenging it. In al-Ghitani’s Quarters and al-Zayni Barakat, there is tension between senior authority figures and their underlings who defame their superiors to higher up authorities in an attempt to discredit them. In these two novels, it takes a long time before the underlings come to the prudent realization that for their own betterment it is wise to accept the power of their superiors and to cooperate with them. The Master

The Authority Figures  53 high-handedly rules the newspaper, and no one dares to challenge him publicly. Al-Tanukhi, who sees himself as the future Editor-in-Chief, tries to undermine the Master by reporting the Master’s plans to the Security Directorate of al-Khitat. He informs them that the Master does not identify with the policies of the government. The paradox is that the Master accepts al-Tanukhi to work at the newspaper and begins to trust him only after the Security Directorate suggests absorbing him into their ranks. Apparently, even then the Master is aware of the relationship between his deputy and the Directorate and knows that al-Tanukhi will betray him in future. Al-Tanukhi’s lack of loyalty is viewed as desirable by the Master, since the latter’s goal is to spread this “value” throughout al-Khitat. Al-Tanukhi defames the Master only after the Master’s disappearance. He publicly states that the Master has caused indescribable damage to al-Khitat, surreptitiously supported the leaders of the Royal Era, and spread bad characteristics throughout the state. Al-Tanukhi wipes out all mention of the Master’s tenure at the newspaper and forbids mention of the Master’s name in the building. Another faithful servant who changes his ways is al-ʿInani, one of the chosen, who knows the Master’s will and ambitions and who shares both his view of the ʿAgam and his opposition to the large projects. However, Following the Master’s disappearance, al-ʿInani disparages him publicly, saying that the level of the newspaper has risen after the Master had damaged it for decades. Although the two make haste to deny the Master, they continue to follow in his footsteps. The Master sees al-Tanukhi as the perfect hypocrite who adapts himself to each period and “licks the leaders’ plates.” And indeed, in the Fourth Republican Era, al-Tanukhi adopts the beliefs and opinions of the Master. In a symbolic way, he is the one who removes the cover from the statue of the Master at the ceremony in which the cornerstone of the Institute for the Exposition of Secrets is placed, for he himself has become a traitor to al-Khitat following his destructive measures. Al-ʿInani, for his part, executes parts of the Master’s vision, particularly in the area of relations with the enemies and the meaning of treason, since as head of the Institute for the Exposition of Secrets, he delivers the secrets of al-Khitat to the highest bidder. Another expression of the new consensus between al-Tanukhi and the Master is that al-Tanukhi changes his mind about the Great Dam, whose damage becomes clear during al-Tanukhi’s tenure as the one in charge of the Seventh Quarter. Al-Tanukhi initiates a campaign against all those involved in constructing the dam (a move that later on leads to the civil war) and thus closes the circle in his relations with the Master. The prophecy of the Master, according to which al-Tanukhi will follow in his footsteps, comes true. As long as the Master rules the roost, there are no conflicts between al-Tanukhi, al-Hilali, and al-ʿInani. Only after he disappears and the

54  The Authority Figures three are appointed to senior positions in al-Khitat do conflicts break out among them over jealousy and authority, until Ramzi threatens to push them all to the margins. Al-ʿInani, the head of the Security Directorate, serves as the axis around which machinations among them revolve; he is the address for al-Tanukhi’s complaints about al-Hilali and Ramzi. It is possible to see the struggles among the four as intergenerational struggles between the old guard of the rulers of al-Khitat and the younger generation, embodied in the character of Ramzi, who by degrees removes them from his path and becomes the one who has the final say. Al-Tanukhi, al-Hilali, and al-ʿInani are mainly occupied with talking and reacting to Ramzi’s actions, while he, ignoring his rivals to the leadership, initiates, innovates, and forces them to respond until they are no longer able to stand in his way. Throughout al-Hilali’s tenure as Supervisor of the First Suburb, al-­ Tanukhi feels that he is al-Hilali’s inferior, for previously he had been al-Hilali’s superior. Al-Tanukhi is jealous of al-Hilali’s education, thanks to which al-Hilali publishes the list of forbidden authors. Al-­Tanukhi suspects that because of his education, al-Hilali is secretly one of the ʿAgam and requests that al-ʿInani surveil him. In response, al-ʿInani throws al-Tanukhi out of his office and refuses to acknowledge his dictates. Al-ʿInani’s behavior as well as al-Hilali’s high status in the eyes of the leadership cause al-Tanukhi to suspect that he is about to be replaced. Al-Tanukhi’s feelings of inferiority in relation to al-Hilali are derived from the fact that at the newspaper, al-Hilali had to accept al-Tanukhi’s authority, and now the tables are turned. However, when he digests the change, he willingly accepts al-Hilali’s suggestion to become an author or playwright since he fulfills all the requirements of the law of giving licenses to write. It seems that he does not mind engaging in intellectual activities like one of the ʿAgam as long as he receives recognition and honor. Al-Hilali himself harbors feelings of jealousy and inferiority toward Ramzi, his deputy. Al-Hilali understands that the latter is about to take his place when Ramzi sells his doctoral degree in exchange for foreign currency, claiming that the degree has become a mark of shame for him after all the “accomplishments” that have been achieved. That same day, a senior official in the Far-Flung Suburb calls to ask al-Hilali why poets and writers are not excited by the sale of the degree and why do they not compose new literary works in honor of it. It seems that only then does alHilali realize that the Far-Flung Suburb prefers Ramzi over him, a realization that indirectly contributes to his decline in health and eventual death. Ramzi’s ascent poses a new challenge to al-Tanukhi, since the threat to his position is now more concrete than it was during al-Hilali’s days. During the civil war, al-ʿInani hints to him that he and the senior leaders of his generation should resign in order to make way for Ramzi and members of the younger generation. Al-ʿInani even says laughingly that Ramzi is the only one whom he fears.

The Authority Figures  55 Al-Tanukhi, who now finds himself in competition with Ramzi, a man twenty years his junior, tries to find a way to Ramzi’s heart, but Ramzi ignores him. The anger and sadness that overcome him lead him to conclude that he must invest all his strength in his own personal survival and ignore the difficult situation in al-Khitat following the civil war. He decides to do something outrageous that will return him to the spotlight and so goes to a buffer zone between the First Suburb and the Seventh Quarter in a belly dancer’s outfit and starts to dance. The show is intended to publicly condemn a young man who was caught with a sum of money that he wanted to send to his blind mother. Al-Tanukhi announces that he will not permit a young man like this to stay in al-Khitat since his loyalty to his mother contradicts formal religious legal opinions. Accusing the young man of attempting to rock the foundations of al-Khitat, al-Tanukhi announces that his funds will be confiscated. The crime of the young man, loyalty to his mother, is indeed a basic religious commandment, but he transgresses the new religious rules that are being set up in al-Khitat according to the spirit of the times. The authorities are creating a new religion whose values contradict the old. Here also, the Master’s vision regarding the death of the old values is coming true. Al-Tanukhi’s plan bears the desired fruit: the act brings great satisfaction to the people of the Far-Flung Suburb, with al-ʿInani changing his attitude towards al-Tanukhi. He blesses al-Tanukhi and considers the move to be a new and original way to publicize decisions. Al-ʿInani even regards the dance performance as an act of bravery. Al-Tanukhi’s status rises because he proves that the older generation is indeed capable of carrying out difficult tasks. He gains additional prestige when he exploits Ramzi’s initiatives to sell history as well as literary and artistic works. Becoming a painter, an author, and a poet by virtue of his money, al-Tanukhi acquires works of art including the Cairene Trilogy by Mahfuz (thereby becoming its author). Despite this, he suffers from depression in light of Ramzi’s continued success in degrading the culture. At the height of the civil war, al-Tanukhi and al-ʿInani cooperate with each other, and together they launch an urgent call to the Master to return and save the day. Al-ʿInani does not stop at words but calls out seven armies to fight the rebels. In a counter move, Ramzi calls for opening the gates of al-Khitat to the enemy who has the nearest, strongest army. For the first time, al-ʿInani is terrified of Ramzi, fearing that such a bold unprecedented step will grant him leadership of al-Khitat. In order to block Ramzi, al-ʿInani claims first rights to “openness toward the enemies” as the one who permitted them to operate and even to spy in al-Khitat. However, al-ʿInani fails as the Far-Flung Suburb awards Ramzi the highest decoration of treason. 34 The people of the Far-Flung Suburb order al-Tanukhi to assist Ramzi in organizing the welcome ceremony for the enemies. Al-Tanukhi

56  The Authority Figures understands that his time has passed and that he must either obey Ramzi or leave al-Khitat. The public support for Ramzi towards welcoming the enemy into the state brings about al-Tanukhi’s insanity and death. Of the three former leaders of the newspaper, only al-ʿInani does not die following power struggles with Ramzi. In the case of al-Zayni and Zakariyya in al-Zayni Barakat, the two abhor each other and compete for hegemony in the Mamluk Sultanate until they understand that their common interests oblige them to make a pact of cooperation so as to maintain their status before the defeat by the Ottomans and especially after it. In this case too, their cooperation comes at the expense of the public. The two are original, innovative, and visionary in all that concerns “the rule of justice” as they interpret it. Together, they create a two-headed regime whose goal is to rule the lives of the citizenry as a jailor rules over his prisoners and to make the lives of the people empty by controlling their thoughts. They act as de facto rulers by virtue of their dominance in the Sultanate. Although Zakariyya is omnipotent in the Sultanate, when al-Zayni is appointed muhtasib, Zakariyya finds himself powerless in the face of alZayni’s two contradictory moves – buying his position with money and then publicly refusing to accept it. Zakariyya cannot explain the contradiction between these two moves: “From what clay was this Barakat formed? Has the Antichrist appeared in disguise? Could he have come into the world without Zakariyya knowing? How?! How?!” (al-Ghitani 1985b: 39).35 Deciphering al-Zayni’s personality and intentions becomes Zakariyya’s top priority; even the most sensitive security issues are nothing compared to this. The new muhtasib threatens to make Zakariyya redundant as al-Zayni operates heralds who answer only to him and declares the establishment of his own unit of secret agents. When Zakariyya realizes that al-Zayni, unlike his predecessor, acts according to his own will, not only refusing to cooperate with him, but also abrogating his own areas of authority, he sees al-Zayni as a threat both to his own position and to the function of spymaster in general. In addition to his fear of losing the monopoly on information, ­Zakariyya is jealous of al-Zayni and fears him. His jealousy is driven by the fact that he himself would like to have at disposal several apparatuses of secret agents, but he knows that the Sultan would destroy him if he tried to realize this; and suddenly, al-Zayni is about to fulfill his wish and no one stops him. He fears that one of al-Zayni’s agents will infiltrate his home or office. Moreover, from the time that he is apprised that al-Zayni and the Sultan have a close relationship, he begins to suspect that the two are plotting against him. Zakariyya acts against al-Zayni on two levels in order to meet this threat. He spreads rumors about a collusion between al-Zayni and his predecessor intended to harm the people, and behind the scenes, he

The Authority Figures  57 incites street riots in order to show that al-Zayni is not capable of properly filling his role and defending the public. Following these moves, alZayni announces that he has decided to keep Zakariyya in his position and to appoint him as his deputy. The two meet for the first time only two years after al-Zayni’s appointment as muhtasib. Until that time, their interaction is limited to the daily reports that Zakariyya sends al-Zayni. Al-Zayni initiates the first meeting because despite his pronouncements, he has failed to locate the property of his predecessor. Believing that Zakariyya knows where it is, he demands that Zakariyya disclose the location or else he will publicly reveal that Zakariyya murdered Shaʿban. Zakariyya recognizes al-Zayni’s distress, but he himself is stressed because al-Zayni has shown his ability to discover Zakariyya’s deepest secrets. While not responding to the threat, Zakariyya makes up his mind to eliminate al-Zayni. A week after this visit, al-Zayni returns to Zakariyya, but this time as an apprentice to a master, expressing admiration for Zakariyya’s information gathering tactics and requesting to increase cooperation with him. He leaves papers with Zakariyya in which he explains his strategy of how to control the people’s lives under the guise of justice. Adopting alZayni’s doctrine, Zakariyya improves his tarnished public image, going from being despised to being admired. The praise that al-Zayni pours upon Zakariyya during this same meeting still does not dissuade Zakariyya from planning to eliminate him. Yet he begins to appreciate him and to recognize in him an equal and even believes they are meant for each other. Zakariyya’s subsequent feelings toward al-Zayni fluctuate from abhorrence to admiration, especially after Zakariyya discovers that his beloved slave Wasila is alZayni’s agent (having established her in Zakariyya’s home several weeks before his being appointed muhtasib, a testament to al-Zayni’s ability to plan long-term moves). Regretting that he is forced to torture Wasila to death, the discovery is seared in his brain as the greatest trauma of his life. As Wasila’s name indicates (“a means of achieving something”), she was al-Zayni’s means to gain incriminating information on Zakariyya in order to blackmail him. Thus, al-Zayni did to Zakariyya exactly what Zakariyya planned to do to the Sultan with Shaʿban. Just a few weeks before the defeat, Zakariyya learns that al-Zayni led him astray regarding the existence of his spy network, which appeared to be a mere illusion. Knowing that he was taken in is the real hurt. Despite the abhorrence he feels toward al-Zayni, Zakariyya admires his originality and learns from his methods. His respect for al-Zayni and, especially, the awareness that his own life depends upon the life of his opponent bring Zakariyya to save al-Zayni’s life twice – once from the emirs who are intimidated by al-Zayni’s power over the Sultan and a second time from Sheikh Abu al-Suʿud, who is about to kill him because of his corrupt deeds. 36 Nevertheless, Zakariyya acts out of pure

58  The Authority Figures self-interest: it is possible that one day he will be in a similar situation from which only al-Zayni can save him. Moreover, Zakariyya knows that al-Zayni would prefer to hang than to be saved by him. The cooperation between the two comes to a climax at the time of the Ottoman conquest. Zakariyya then brings the archive of his apparatus to al-Zayni’s secret headquarters and finally abandons his desire to eliminate him. It is possible that his decision to forgive al-Zayni, in the end, comes from their mutual interdependence, but it is also possible that it comes from his understanding that his opponent is a more sophisticated version of himself.

Notes 1 There are several interpretations regarding the nature of the Committee. In Guth’s opinion, it symbolizes al-Sadat’s regime (Guth 1992: 133–134), and there is support for this in the conflict between the hero and the Committee. In ʿUbayd’s opinion, the members of the Committee represent the ruling elite of Egypt (ʿUbayd 2001: 67). In contrast to the proposition that the Committee represents an Egyptian phenomenon, al-ʿAlim raises two other possibilities: the first, that the Committee is a foreign government with a presence in Egypt; the other, that the Committee is a foreign intelligence body, maybe even American (al-ʿAlim 1985: 148). Idris also believes the Committee represents Arab and foreign intelligence services (Idris S. 1992: 244). 2 The fetewwa is the protector of local interests (Badawi and Hinds 1986: 641) and in fact serves as a miniature version of the ruler – a source of pride outwardly and of misery internally (Mahfuz 1991: 452, 471; N.D.a: 108). 3 The position of the manager of the endowment is the most important position in the locale where the neighborhood happens to be situated (between Mount al-Muqattam in the east and ancient Cairo) (Mahfuz 1991: 18). 4 The background of the belief in the power of Sheikh ʿAtiyya is the widespread beliefs in holy persons among large segments of Egyptian society, mainly among its lower classes. As a rule, these holy persons are believed to have the ability to heal disease either by means of amulets or by reciting verses of the Quran (al-Simadi 1992: 114). Al-Ghitani gives expression to these beliefs in The Book of Revelations (Kitab al-tagaliyyat) and in My Public Diaries (Yawmiyyati al-muʿlana). In these two works, al-Ghitani tells of events involving an actual miracle worker named Sheikh ʿAtiyya (al-Ghitani 2007: 400, 547; 1992: 224–225). Apparently, this person is the model on which al-Ghitani based the fictional character of the same name. 5 The function of the muhtasib (al-hisba) was to supervise the trade in the markets and to ensure that it was fair, to see to it that people behaved according to Islamic codes of public morality and fulfilled their religious obligations, and to implement discriminatory measures against the Dhimmi (Jews and Christians). In addition, the muhtasib was responsible for maintaining the city infrastructure (Talbi-Cahen 1986: 485–489). 6 The great defeat parallels the Egyptian defeat in the 1967 War. The disappearance of the Master and his replacement by al-Tanukhi parallels the death of ʿAbd al-Nasir (in 1970) and his replacement by al-Sadat. The Seventh Quarter seems to parallel northern Egypt between Alexandria and the Nile Delta, including Cairo. This is the only quarter mentioned in the novel. The First Suburb seems to parallel Cairo. Other than this, no other

The Authority Figures  59 numbered suburbs are mentioned. The Far-Flung Suburb is the residence of the leaders of al-Khitat (al-Ghitani 1991: 194). The ʿAgam symbolize the communists, dissidents who have been influenced by “foreign ideas.” The Master is the one who gave them this name, even though they were born in al-Khitat (Ibid.: 11). They are considered “other” because of their ideas, as were the ʿagam considered in relation to Arabs over the generations (Mehrez 1994: 74). 7 The Bureau of Investigation for National Security (mabahith ʾamn al-dawla) was the largest internal security body in Egypt until the 2011 revolution. Its role was to monitor opposition elements. Since the 2011 revolution, it has been replaced by Homeland Security (al-amn al-watani). 8 The narrator does not reveal the identity of the Prime Minister, but from his hints, it is possible that the Prime Minister is Ibrahim ʿAbd al-Hadi. The narrator hints about “the political event that shocked the entire country” that was the start of a reign of terror (Idris Y. N.D.: 13–14). He refers to the years 1947–1948 (Ibid.: 13); therefore, it is possible that he is talking about the assassination of Prime Minister Mahmud Fahmi al-Nuqrashi by a member of the Muslim Brotherhood in 1948. Following the event, ʿAbd al-Hadi was appointed Prime Minister (Vatikiotis 1986: 363–364). 9 Zakariyya’s role parallels that of the head of internal and external security apparatuses in the modern era. Just as it is possible to find a parallel between al-Zayni Barakat and ʿAbd al-Nasir, it is possible to find similarities between Zakariyya ibn Radi and Zakariyya Muhyi al-Din (1918–2012), who established the secret police under ʿAbd al-Nasir and served as an inspiration to those who operated the police state apparatus in the 1960s (Idris S. 1992: 194). Al-Simadi maintains that Zakariyya ibn Radi’s apparatus of secret agents is a metaphor for the internal security apparatuses during the period of ʿAbd al-Nasir (al-Simadi 1992: 99). 10 There is an internal contradiction in the novel regarding the fact that the Master’s name is unknown, for the masthead of the newspaper notes him as its founder (al-Ghitani 1991: 206). 11 The exceptional use that al-Zayni makes of the colloquial language parallels the language in the speeches of ʿAbd al-Nasir. His use of Colloquial ­Egyptian Arabic was an innovation that captured the hearts of the masses. 12 There is a basis in reality for the perception that the agents serve as the eyes and ears of the government. This is how Salah Nasr refers to them (Imam 1999: 83). 13 There is a similarity between Zakariyya’s apparatus and the security services in Egypt in the 1960s. In addition to the vast number of personnel, tens of thousands of poor and working-class people were recruited to establish the wide monitoring network, “Eye of the City” (ʿayn al-madina). In addition, the security apparatuses made use of sophisticated equipment for listening, eavesdropping, and long-distance photographing. They learned the various modes of operation from experts who were brought in from East Germany (Idris S. 1992: 162, n. 1). 14 The Great Dam is called al-khazzan al-kabir, and it seems to symbolize the Aswan Dam, which is also called the High Dam (al-sadd al-ʿali). The Aswan Dam was built from 1960–1970 during ʿAbd al-Nasir’s Presidency. Although providing electricity and regulating the water level of the Nile so as to prevent flooding and drought, it caused damage to the environment and to agriculture. Regarding the “Republican Eras,” the narrator notes four such, and they seem to relate to periods during the reigns of ʿAbd al-Nasir and al-Sadat: the First Era seems to parallel the years 1952–1970 (the years

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24

25 26

of ʿAbd al-Nasir’s reign); the Second Era parallels the years 1970–1973 (the years in which al-Sadat was established in power); and the Third Era parallels the years 1973–1977 (the 1973 War with Israel and the Open Door Policy). According to this division, the Fourth Era parallels the years 1977– 1980 (the peace treaty with Israel). The various methods of torture are characteristic of totalitarian regimes, such as South American countries in the 1970s (Allodi and Randall 1985: 62–63, 68–69; Stover and Nightingale 1985: 10). In his autobiography Diary of al-Wahat [Prison] (Yawmiyyat al-wahat) Ibrahim describes a “party” like this as part of a personal experience he went through with his communist comrades (Ibrahim N.D.: 28–30). For PTSD caused to victims of torture, see, e.g., Herman (1992: 383). ­Herman describes behavioral disorders in people who have passed through torture similar to those attributed to al-Zayni, Zakariyya (when he adopts al-Zayni’s methods), and Shakir, as depicted below. A similar description of interrogation methods like those of Shakir appears in Ibrahim’s novel Dhat (1992: 302. Dhat is the heroine’s name). The description appears within quotes from the press regarding the socioeconomic situation in Egypt during President Mubarak’s tenure. Shakir’s words are conveyed in Colloquial Egyptian Arabic, even though the language of the narration is Modern Standard Arabic, as are most of the dialogues. Additional examples of the use of the colloquial in dialogue are the President’s words to the commander of the Republican Guard and the greetings exchanged between the President and Danana (Danana’s words are even spoken in a rural dialect, testimony to his origins) (al-Aswani 2007: 416, 422–423). This method seems to be an invention of al-Ghitani, since according to Ibn Iyas, ʿAli was sentenced to death by hanging (Ibn Iyas 1984: Vol. 4, 275). The narrator does not mention the President’s name, but it is clear that the reference is to Husni Mubarak in light of hints he plants regarding the President’s age and his physical appearance, in addition to the reference to his predecessor who was murdered. It is worth paying attention to the disparity al-Aswani creates between ­Shakir’s manner of speech in Egyptian Colloquial Arabic and the President’s manner of speech. Shakir’s manner of speech is intended to emphasize his cruelty, while the President’s language serves to ridicule his character. It is possible that al-Ghitani uses this anecdote to hint at the rumors of the poisoned coffee that al-Sadat made for ʿAbd al-Nasir. According to those rumors, his coffee caused ʿAbd al-Nasir’s death (ʿAbd al-Latif 2010; Haykal 2010). According to the Islamic faith, two angels accompany a person everywhere he goes; one sits on his right hand and records his good deeds, and the other sits at his left hand and records his bad deeds. At his grave, two other angels, Munkar and Nakir, await him and interrogate him to confirm that he is a believing Muslim. If he is a believer, he can go to Heaven; and if not, he will be sent to Hell. The angels who document a person’s deeds are mentioned both in the Quran (50/Q: 17–18) and in the commentaries of the Quran. On Munkar and Nakir, see Wensinck-Trittom (1986: 186–187). The translations of the Quranic verses are taken from Alan Jones’s translation of the Quran into English (Jones 2007). It seems that the Master’s disappearance is a metaphor for ʿAbd al-Nasir’s death in 1970, which was mainly caused by failing health following the defeat in the 1967 War (Beattie 1994: 184, 210).

The Authority Figures  61 27 Ibn Iyas presents the change of currency in a more complex manner than it appears in al-Ghitani’s novel: al-Zayni refuses at first to announce the change of currency because of the economic impact it has on the public. He obeys the Ottomans only after they threaten to flog him (Ibn Iyas 1984: Vol. 5, 214). 28 See, for example, Althusser (1971: 141, 143, 145, 148–150, 154–155). Althusser distinguishes between two types of state apparatuses: the Repressive State Apparatus (RSA) and the Ideological State Apparatus (ISA). The RSA includes the institutions of the government, the administration, the army, the police, the prisons, etc. Its purpose is to ensure the political conditions that perpetuate the capitalist relations of exploitation through various means of oppression (from use of brutal physical force to commands and interdictions). The ISA includes, inter alia, the educational ISA, which in its turn includes schools both public and private (there are also ISAs for communications, culture, etc.). They all fulfill a common function: to promote the dominant ideology that maintains the interests of the ruling class. The ISA shares an identical goal with the RSA, but in a manner that achieves the obedience of the citizenry through their own free will. That is to say, the ISA creates a situation in which a person feels that he freely chooses what is in fact imposed upon him by the State or the society by subordinating him to the ideology of the ruling class. 29 Haykal (1988: 323–324) writes that al-Sadat suggested to Bruno Kreisky, the Chancellor of Austria between 1970–1983, to store Austria’s nuclear waste in the Eastern Desert as a first step toward Egypt’s entry into the nuclear era. The plan, which aroused turmoil in Egypt, collapsed because the Austrian public opinion was against establishing nuclear power stations in Austria. 30 Haykal (1988: 319–323) accuses al-Sadat of giving valuable and unique antiquities to visiting dignitaries. 31 This move echoes the Open Door Policy (al-ʾinfitah) that al-Sadat presented in 1974. This policy was intended to attract foreign investment and to improve Egypt’s financial situation. In practice, this policy encouraged corruption and deepened economic disparity in society (Beattie 2000: 146, 159, 207–209, 277). 32 In his book ʿAbd al-Nasir al-muftara ʿalayhi wal-muftari ʿalayna (ʿAbd al-Nasir who was reviled and who reviled us), Anis Mansur (1924–2011) writes that Salah Nasr (the head of the Mukhabarat apparatus during ʿAbd al-Nasir’s rule) used to brag in front of his female friends of his ability to change the location of the President’s lodging at will and once even demonstrated this to entertain them (Mansur N.D.: 205–206). 33 The term “Speaker of Time” is connected to the belief system of the Ismaʿili sect. In the Ismaʿili faith, it parallels the Mahdi of Sunni Islam, the Hidden Imam of the Twelver Shiʿa, and the Messiah in Judaism. See, e.g., Madelung (1997: 198–206), Lévi-Provençal (1986: 1230–1240). 34 The dispute between al-ʿInani and Ramzi regarding welcoming the enemies calls to mind al-Sadat’s peace initiative with Israel and its connection to his economic policy. Al-ʿInani dubs Ramzi’s move “openness towards the enemies” (al-ʾinfitah ʿala al-ʾaʿdaʾ) (al-Ghitani 1991: 417). This expression echoes al-Sadat’s Open Door Policy. It is possible that by this linkage, al-Ghitani wants to say that al-Sadat’s political and economic moves were intertwined and brought about the destruction of Egypt. Additional reference to the political reality at the time in which al-Ghitani’s Quarters was written appears in Ramzi’s preference for the army of the enemies over the

62  The Authority Figures seven armies next to al-Khitat. It seems that this preference is an allegory for al-Sadat’s abandonment of pan-Arabism in favor of the idea of “Egypt first,” wherein he broke off connections with Arab states in favor of peace with Israel. 35 “Antichrist”: In the original, the Arabic term is al-masih al-daggal, the false messiah whose appearance signals Judgment Day. He will appear for a limited period of time before Judgment Day and will let licentiousness and tyranny rule in the world until the Mahdi subdue him and all the people of the world then embrace Islam (Abel 1991: 76–77). It is possible that al-Ghitani uses the expression al-masih al-daggal as a code to say that al-Zayni is not just another senior official, but rather a ruler in the full sense of the word. According to Snir (2000: 177), in Arabic literature, nearly every ruler is described as a false messiah, although often this image in not intended to describe a particular leader, but rather a collective image of tyrannical leaders. 6 As for al-Zayni’s arrest by Abu al-Suʿud, see the discussion below concern3 ing the confrontation between the Sheikh and al-Zayni. In Idris’s opinion, the covert internal struggle between al-Zayni and Zakariyya and between al-Zayni and the emirs is reminiscent of the political atmosphere of frequent plotting and conspiracies that characterized ʿAbd al-Nasir’s rule in the 1960s (Idris S. 1992: 163).

2 The Individuals Who Come into Conflict with Authority Figures

Social Background, Education, and Occupation The individuals who confront the authority figures come from all walks of life. They are intellectuals and academics, such as the hero of The Committee and Professor Muhammad Salah in Chicago; villagers, such as the people of al-Gurna in The Mountain; members of the lower class, such as the students Ismaʿil and Zaynab in Karnak and ʿArafa in Children of Our Neighborhood; members of the middle class, such as Muhyi Zahir in There Is a Man in Our House; and even members of the upper class, such as the millionaire Hagg ʿAzzam in The Yacoubian Building. Those coming into conflict are Muslims, with the exception of the hero of The These, who is implied to be a Copt. On the one hand, most of those who come into conflict with authority figures are unknown to the wider public, such as the future leaders of the alternative community in al-Ghitani’s Quarters. On the other hand, there are influential public figures such as Sheikh Abu al-Suʿud in al-Zayni Barakat, who is a religious jurist and a spiritual leader. ʿAzzam is also a known personality: a millionaire and a member of parliament. Another figure close to government is the journalist Qindil al-Azhari in al-Ghitani’s Quarters. Qindil is a senior publicist at the al-Anbaʾ newspaper who serves as a kind of spokesman for al-Khitat’s authorities. Though involved in confrontations with the authorities, Abu al-Suʿud, ʿAzzam, and Qindil are also well connected to them. There is also a wide age range of those involved in confrontations, from the high school graduate Taha in The Yacoubian Building to Abu al-Suʿud, who according to rumors has passed the age of one hundred. The students can be divided into two main groups: those who study law and those who study medicine. In the first group are Ibrahim, Muhyi, and Ismaʿil al-Sheikh in Karnak. In the second group are Shawqi in The Black Policeman, Hilmi in Karnak, Ismaʿil Husayn in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, and Nagi in Chicago. Those with expertise in medicine include also Professor Salah, the lecturer in the Department of Histology at the University of Illinois, and ʿArafa. While an expert in healing diseases, infertility, and impotence, ʿArafa is not a physician in the usual

64  The Individuals sense since he trained with a sorcerer. ʿArafa, the man of science, is portrayed as a sorcerer, apparently because in the premodern era (the period in which the events of Children of Our Neighborhood take place) scientific powers were considered witchcraft and scientists were perceived as sorcerers (Russell 1996: 42–43). The protagonists mostly act alone except for the people of al-Gurna, who confront the princess and the engineer as a group, as do the residents of the al-Zaʿfarani neighborhood (who confront Sheikh ʿAtiyya) and the future leaders of the alternative community in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, who confront the Master’s successors. The common denominator among them other than their belonging to the lower classes is that they are from the margins of society: al-Gurna is situated in the periphery, far away from the central government, and the al-Zaʿfarani neighborhood is a tiny neighborhood, made up of only eight houses. Al-Watidi, al-Khadir, Ilyas, and Khalid (Ismaʿil’s brother) are junior employees at al-Anbaʾ: al-Khadir is a veteran printer, Khalid assists the information clerk, and al-Watidi is a journalist. Al-Watidi comes to the paper after the Master sees him in a club where he works either as a wrestling trainer or an office boy and decides to add him to the staff.1 Among his other tasks, he is responsible for organizing meetings, trips, weddings, and funerals. About Ilyas, all that is known of him is that he disappeared in a mysterious way during the Master’s time after an evening out with his friends. Another key figure, Sulayman, becomes famous only at the time of the conflict. 2 The population of the village of al-Gurna is more or less homogenous. They earn their livelihood mainly by trading in Pharaonic antiquities and selling replicas of antiquities to the tourists. An exception is Sheikh Talabawi, the only literate person in the village, who studied in the city of Asyut and lives there most of the year. He sees himself as a townsman. In the al-Zaʿfarani neighborhood, the residents are all lower and middle class and despite this, there are class divisions among them. Thus, for example, the richest man in the neighborhood is Husayn al-Haruni, the shopkeeper (nicknamed “Radish Head”) who inherited houses and a grocery store from his father. Some of the other residents are civil servants such as Sayyid Afandi al-Takarli, ʿAtif Guda, Hasan Anwar, and Tahun Gharib. On the lower end of the class scale is ʿUways, who makes his living at the bathhouse. Some of those who actively oppose the government have families. It is possible to assume that they know that their activities may endanger their families, and despite this, they continue on the path of conflict. While most of those who confront authority figures are men, in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood, the women set the tone and urge the men to confront Sheikh ʿAtiyya when the conflict reaches its peak.

The Individuals  65

Personal Traits A wide variety of personality traits characterizes the various protagonists. Most of these are positive or are such that their negative qualities do not include the desire to hurt others. However, in the al-Zaʿfarani neighborhood, there is a concentration of people with negative qualities including those who desire to hurt those around them. By knowing the personality traits of some of the characters – both positive and negative – it is possible to identify the potential for conflict between them and the authority figures. This is particularly true regarding characters who are bestowed with courage, bravery, or talent for leadership or characters who are certain that it is in their power to overcome any obstacle put in their path. Ibrahim in There Is Man in Our House and Saʿid in al-Zayni Barakat demonstrate courage in that they save others in distress. Ibrahim does this out of loyalty to his friends, endangering his own life in demonstrations against the British in order to save those of his friends. Saʿid saves a woman from a soldier who wants to kidnap her. ʿArafa in Children of Our Neighborhood is also described as a brave man. Nagi in Chicago and al-Khadir in al-Ghitani’s Quarters are willing to help those in distress out of motives of social sensitivity and altruism. Nagi stands up for marginalized people whom life or societies have treated cruelly. Al-Khadir is concerned with the welfare of the newspaper workers: he heals serious wounds, gives a loan to one of his colleagues, and on one occasion, searches for hours for the lost son of one of the workers until he succeeds in returning him to his father. The altruism of ʿAzzam in The Yacoubian Building is expressed in his generous donations to the needy that emanate from deep religious belief. Paradoxically, he is at the same time morally corrupt. In order to satisfy his sexual urges without committing adultery (and thus violate a central religious commandment) he marries a second wife – Suʿad, a divorced woman raising her son – and does this without his wife’s knowledge and with the forced consent of his sons. Before the wedding, he puts conditions upon Suʿad warning her that if she breaks them, he will divorce her. One of the conditions is forbidding her to become pregnant. 3 Al-Khadir and Ibrahim, both gifted with charisma and leadership qualities, have great influence on those around them. Al-Khadir uses his charisma to settle quarrels. Ibrahim operates behind the scenes. He is by nature a quiet and reserved young man who takes care to avoid the spotlight. Nevertheless, he takes upon himself the practical side of the revolt against the British and proves to be a resourceful planner and executor. Ibrahim is not a leader, but his influence permeates into all the levels of leadership, and by virtue of his charisma, he always has the last word. In addition, he is able to maneuver his comrades into reaching the conclusion he wishes while at the same time causing them to believe that they are the ones who have initiated it. Thus, he never forces his will on

66  The Individuals others. Like him, ʿAzzam is also the one to have the last word, but in contrast to Ibrahim, when ʿAzzam speaks to those around him, he displays a sense of his superiority. The generation of Ibrahim, Saʿid, and Nagi – high school graduates and students – is the generation that demonstrates independent thinking and challenges social norms. Saʿid, for example, is considered exceptional among the students at al-Azhar because of his tendency to express opinions that differ from those of his colleagues, especially in political matters. Nagi stands out among the Egyptian students in his department, including Danana: he is the only one who is not religiously observant; on the contrary, he sometimes drinks wine. In addition, Nagi breaks social and religious conventions when he engages in a romantic relationship with a Jewish girl. Taha in The Yacoubian Building also refuses to observe the unwritten rules regarding relationships between classes. His father is the porter of the building, and when Taha replaces him, he does not relate to the residents as a servant to his masters but rather as a clerk to his bosses. In addition, he behaves toward the residents’ children as an equal, reminding them that despite the class differences, he is still their schoolmate. Ibrahim and Zaynab in Karnak and ʿAbd al-Hamid, Muhyi’s cousin in There Is a Man in Our House, challenge their parents’ authority. ­Ibrahim’s father forbids him from being involved in politics, but Ibrahim violates this prohibition and works against the British without his ­father’s knowledge. Zaynab, who loves Ismaʿil, plans to marry him against the will of her mother, who wants to marry her off to a rich man from her surroundings. In the end, her mother surrenders to Zaynab’s rebellious will. In the case of ʿAbd al-Hamid, his disobedience toward his parents is described negatively. Since birth, he never obeyed his parents and stole food out of naughtiness. As an adult, he continues to throw off all restraint, having sex with prostitutes and smoking hashish. In general, ʿAbd al-Hamid is the antithesis of Ibrahim in his desire to highlight his talents – his sharpness, cleverness, smooth tongue, and congeniality. In his opinion, he is smarter than everyone else. This trait also characterizes the hero of The Committee, who boasts about his vast knowledge and his ability to analyze macroeconomical processes. As opposed to those who break conventions and project confidence in their abilities, there are others who are non-belligerent. Ibrahim and Nagi are actively involved in political life to the point of endangering themselves, while Muhyi – in whose home Ibrahim finds shelter when fleeing from the British – is by nature a coward and distances himself from all involvement in politics, consonant with his father’s orders. Another person about whom it can be assumed that he avoids taking risks is Ismaʿil Husayn in al-Ghitani’s Quarters. He is a gentle soul who has never taken part in a fight. In certain instances, there is a gap between the physical strength of an individual and/or the way he sees himself and the way he acts in society

The Individuals  67 or in opposing authority figures. This gap gives the impression that the individual is not interested in any conflict. ʿArafa, for example, projects self-confidence and pride, but when the people of the al-Gabalawi neighborhood insult him for being a bastard, the son of an unknown father, he is indeed offended, hiding his pain in self-mockery. Ilyas and al-Watidi are large, strong men, so much so that al-Watidi is able to drag a wagon with his teeth, but they are not violent. Ilyas is the moving spirit among his friends and is known for his sense of humor, while al-Watidi is gifted with a noble spirit and the ability to sense the distresses in others. In general, he is obedient by nature. Al-Watidi feels lucky to join the newspaper since the new job improves his social status. However, he is witness to things that arouse his fury, and he is compelled to remain silent about them. On his mother’s advice, he sacrifices his individuality on the altar of social status so that he will not have to return to the club where he will be treated as a doormat. Inside the al-Zaʿfarani neighborhood it is difficult to find similarities between husbands and wives. Instead, partners from different families share the same characters regarding dependence upon the mother, aggressiveness, self-importance, and having a submissive nature. “Radish head” and al-Takarli have developed dependence upon their mothers since childhood. Their mothers even decided for each of them whom he should marry. “Radish Head” is an ugly filthy miser, 137 cm tall, living with his old mother in the same house in which he was born. He does nothing without telling her and marries Farida only after asking her permission. Al-Takarli is fatherless and, for his sake, his mother refuses to remarry. As a child, she dressed him in girl’s clothing, calling him “Samira” for fear of the evil eye. Until the age of sixteen, he used to sleep by her side. His mother is the one who asked the hand of Ikram, his wife, for him.4 Al-Takarli and Buthayna, the wife of ʿAbduh Murad (a public transport driver), are depicted as violent and aggressive. Buthayna terrorizes the neighborhood through resorting to physical and verbal violence in her quarrels with other women. Her vocabulary of curses and abusive words is the richest in the neighborhood. As for al-Takarli, even though he has a soft voice, this is only a disguise to the cruelty inherent in him. He is capable of killing everyone who, in his opinion, is attempting to harass his wife in the street. At home, when he is furious, he loses his mind to the degree that he breaks the dishes, eats the smithereens, and bites the carpet. This cruelty is also expressed in his thoughts about women. While walking the street, he imagines himself skewing the women passing by. In his eyes, women are whores, and he calculates their value according to the price they can charge for their favors. His conduct indicates that he has the Oedipus complex: his close relations with his mother castrated his masculinity so much so that he has to compensate for its loss by resorting to aggressiveness.5

68  The Individuals Salam and Hasan are full of self-importance. The seventy-five years old Salam boasts about his past as a former employee of the royal family, from the princess’s bodyguard to the master chef and the King’s confidant when depressed. As al-Watidi in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, Hasan also suffers at his work. He hates his boss because the latter does not appreciate him, and therefore Hasan prays for God to harm him. The reason for this hatred might be the fact that Hasan’s colleagues gain promotions due to their academic degrees. As a non-academic employee, Hasan feels inferior to those with academic education and has a grudge against them. In order to cope with frustrating reality, he finds refuge in the world of imagination. Hasan is fond of military literature and imagines himself as an army commander. In his thoughts, he analyzes the humiliations meted out by his boss in military terms, equating them with defeats on the battlefield that force him to retreat with his head held high. Hasan comforts himself with the fact that Hitler, whom he admires to the hilt, suffered much heavier defeats but never surrendered. Alongside escaping to imagination, Hasan is a paranoid. His paranoia is expressed in his fears regarding his younger son, Samir. One day Hasan finds a letter addressed to Samir, in which he is required to write a thousand times the phrase “In the name of God, the most gracious, the most merciful.” A friend of Hasan’s tells him that the letter was sent by an Islamic opposition organization in order to recruit Samir. Consequently, Hasan cannot sleep at night, fearing that Samir is about to be arrested, and every noise in the neighborhood sounds to him as the footsteps of those coming to arrest him. Moreover, he always checks on Samir to verify that he is the one sleeping in his bed, that he was not replaced by a double. Just as Hasan moves between reality and fantasy, so Farida (“Radish Head’s” wife) moves between maturity and childhood. Even though she is a married woman, she blends in with the girls and boys in the neighborhood and takes part in their games. As opposed to the negative traits of Buthayna and al-Takarli, Ikram and ʿAbduh are depicted in a positive light because of their weakness. The short and poor-looking ʿAbduh has, indeed, military background from the 1948 War, but he is not violent by nature. Sometimes he even seems to be afraid of the neighborhood’s boys, who tend to tease him. Ikram is a gentle soul and weeps at the sight of beggars or when listening to a sad story. Before her marriage to al-Takarli, she is depicted as passive and keeping silent in her family. ʿAtif and Rawd, the academic and the divorcée, are depicted quite positively because of their misery. Each of them loses his faith in the opposite sex following a personal crisis that occurred before the spell was cast. ʿAtif’s sweetheart betrays him with his best friend, and since then, he has only sporadic relationships with young women. Rawd, ʿAtif’s partner, divorced her husband because he used to humiliate her and did

The Individuals  69 not support her and their infant son. She was on the brink of starvation and, until she came to the neighborhood, she was forced to have sex with men in exchange for money. While it is true that Rawd in so doing was unfaithful to her husband and violated religious laws (as an adulteress), she did not do so for pleasure but rather out of necessity, in the absence of another way to support herself and her infant. Like Rawd, ʿUways also violates a religious commandment when he has homosexual intercourse, but like her, he is forced to support himself through sex. ʿUways is not homosexual; on the contrary, he desires Farida (the wife of “Radish Head”) and Umm Yusuf (the wife of Tahun). He comes to work at the bathhouse after the more orthodox ways of making a living are blocked following his attempted rape of a woman.

Worldviews, Stances Regarding Authority Figures, and First Contact with Them The political views of those who confront authority figures are a central component of their worldviews. In addition to political views or opinions regarding regimes and authority figures, some characters have a formulated worldview also regarding religious belief and even about life in general. With regard to religious belief, Taha in The Yacoubian Building and Nagi in Chicago are two opposites. Taha believes that a complete belief in God requires observing all religious duties, and he tries to impose his views regarding the woman’s duty to dress modestly on his sweetheart Buthayna. Nagi, on the other hand, considers religious belief a matter of the heart, between man and God. He is also religiously tolerant, since he does not see any harm in establishing a relationship with a Jewish girl (he separates between hostility toward Israel and Zionism, and respect for Judaism as a religion). ʿAbd al-Hamid in There Is a Man in Our House sees himself as antithesis of Muhyi with regard to receiving education and pursuit of diplomas. He believes that formal education in less important than sharpness, by which man can find a job with a respectable salary. He despises diplomas and lives to enjoy life. Support for the regime and the authority figures is characteristic of the lower class, which adopts the ideology of the regime with complete faith. Moreover, there are lower class members who support authority figures in order to win their approval. In the al-Zaʿfarani neighborhood, Sheikh ʿAtiyya’s followers are the women (before they feel the spell’s repercussions) and those with a low level of education who ask him to prepare amulets for protecting their children from evil eye. Some of them believe that he has the power to assist in having children. As opposed to them, the upper-class and educated al-Takarli and ʿAtif, the people of progress and realism, do not know him or anything about him.

70  The Individuals Saʿid in al-Zayni Barakat demonstrates blind support for an authority figure, ignoring signs indicating that the object of his support is not whom he pretends to be. Saʿid admires al-Zayni and at the same time hates ­Zakariyya. In his eyes, al-Zayni is a paragon of virtue while ­Zakariyya is evil incarnate. Saʿid is one of many who are captivated by the public image that al-Zayni has created for himself, a fighter for justice who acts fearlessly even against the favorites of the regime. His appointment so fills Saʿid with a complete sense of security that he permits himself to speak openly against Zakariyya, in the hope that al-Zayni will dismiss the head of the security apparatus and put an end to his oppressive measures. Al-Zayni’s image causes Saʿid to forget the fear that nested in his heart when al-Zayni was appointed muhtasib, that he might turn out to be crueler than his predecessor. After al-Zayni is appointed muhtasib, Saʿid ignores a significant sign that al-Zayni is indeed following in his predecessor’s footsteps by not dismissing Zakariyya as Saʿid had wished. Al-Zayni’s expression of confidence in Zakariyya surprises Saʿid, but it fails to tarnish al-Zayni’s image in his eyes. On the contrary, he sees alZayni as Zakariyya’s victim: How, how, how can he agree that Zakariyya ibn Radi continue to be his deputy? He surrounds the office of muhtasib with the greatest of secret agents, the most talented at sowing terror and fear in the building blocks, the crevices, the small mosques, on the sleeping pillows and the minarets, and in the floors of the prayer niches. (al-Ghitani 1985b: 107) Saʿid’s musings concerning the nature of the relationship between ­ l-Zayni and Zakariyya grow stronger in light of the fact that Zakariyya a continues to act as usual without al-Zayni stopping him. Saʿid becomes perplexed by the possibility that al-Zayni is satisfied that Zakariyya is now his deputy. Gradually, Saʿid begins to regret his optimism when his teacher and mentor Sheikh Abu al-Suʿud sent him to bring al-Zayni to him to convince him to take the position. Saʿid was captivated then by al-Zayni’s charms because al-Zayni treated him like an equal and asked him to talk about himself. Saʿid felt close to al-Zayni, and it did not occur to him that the latter was not really interested in him at all, but rather in seeking the support of another member of the common folk who would surely tell his friends of the meeting and thus increase the circle of ­al-Zayni’s supporters. That Saʿid is of no importance for al-Zayni is evident when Saʿid enthusiastically marches alongside al-Zayni’s first procession and even stands close to him, but al-Zayni does not even notice. Ismaʿil and Zaynab in Karnak are faithful to ʿAbd al-Nasir’s regime and believe in his socioeconomic doctrine. The school where Ismaʿil studied was established by virtue of the Revolution, so he is considered one of the Revolution’s distinguished children. Qindil in al-Ghitani’s Quarters

The Individuals  71 is loyal to the Republican Era in his every fiber, as one who used to be a sworn enemy of the Royal Era. He and al-Watidi are among the Master’s followers. The Master brings al-Watidi to the newspaper with the intention of removing the good qualities in his soul so that al-Watidi can fit into the core of the new al-Khitat the Master intends to build. At the meetings of the editorial staff, al-Watidi stands behind the Master as his bodyguard. Qindil and al-Watidi share the same hostility toward the ʿAgam. ­Qindil writes articles condemning them, and when he finds his son with Darwin’s The Origin of Species, which is defined as an ʿAgam book, he almost strangles him in his anger and burns the book even though the authorities permit owning it. Al-Watidi believes the ʿAgam are an evil that must be guarded against. He fears them and imagines them as frightening creatures. Yet he has never encountered them. Just as the two are loyal to the regime against the ʿAgam, so ʿAbd al-Hamid in There Is a Man in Our House sides with the police against patriots like Ibrahim. Talabawi in The Mountain is an example of the second type of person who wants to receive approval from authority figures. Contrary to the majority of villagers, he supports moving to the model village. In his opinion, it would be better if the people of al-Gurna would go and live in the village, for then the princess and the engineer would be satisfied with them. This opinion is based on his own experience: he once met the princess at a hotel and presented her with a poem he had written in her honor, and in exchange, she gave him a tidy sum of money. Talabawi believes that the people refuse to move to the model village because they are ignorant and cut off from civilization. He supposes that by staying on the mountain, they will bring destruction upon themselves. Therefore, he considers them crazy. His attitude toward his fellow villagers is reminiscent of the way the engineer views them, and hence it is possible that as an educated man and a man of the big city, Talabawi also considers the move to the model village as a value in itself while ignoring the needs of the residents. The loyalty of the public figures who are connected to authority figures is not free of the desire for personal advantage, i.e. for money or prestige. These figures have status and influence with the public at large and within political circles. Some of them act as intermediaries between the people and the authorities. There are also those who exploit their wealth or influence in order to get into politics, leveraging their status to increase their fortune. Abu al-Suʿud in al-Zayni Barakat, while neither expressing support for nor opposition to the regime, is, nevertheless, involved in national politics. Public leaders and intellectuals call upon him as a spiritual authority who might be able to convince al-Zayni to accept the position of muhtasib. He apparently has reservations regarding al-Zayni’s manifestations of righteousness, seen by his whisper to those who entreat him to speak to al-Zayni: “O God, appoint as our rulers the best of us, and do not appoint as our rulers the worst of us” (al-Ghitani 1985b: 48).

72  The Individuals Nonetheless, succumbing to the pressure, he summons al-Zayni. Following their meeting, al-Zayni tells the audience at his first public speech that he has taken upon himself the burden of the position only after the Sheikh convinced him to do so (while behind the scenes he had already secured the position by bribery). In contrast to Abu al-Suʿud, who seems to have been dragged into involvement in politics, ʿAzzam in The Yacoubian Building desires the role of politician connecting himself with national politics on both the spiritual and material levels. On the spiritual level, ʿAzzam is completely dependent upon Sheikh al-Samman, a famous religious jurist and the head of an Islamic charity association. In addition to his religious roles, al-Samman also fills a political role – he serves as a tool of the government in giving a religious imprimatur to the war against Iraq following its conquest of Kuwait (this was highly controversial since Egypt was joining the Christian armies of the West against a Muslim Arab state). ʿAzzam makes personal and professional decisions only after consulting the Sheikh. On the material level, ʿAzzam turns to Kamal al-Fuli to help him get elected to the People’s Assembly, considering a political seat a potential springboard for acquiring huge profits. Al-Fuli requests one million Egyptian Pounds in order to assure ʿAzzam of victory in the elections. According to him, the sum is not going into his own pocket; he is only the middleman. ʿAzzam tries to verify that the payment will indeed ensure his victory, and at this point, al-Fuli pretends to be insulted: “Shame on you, Hagg! You are speaking with Kamal al-Fuli, with thirty years experience in parliament. No candidate in Egypt can succeed if we don’t will it, that’s how it is” (al-Aswani 2005: 119). Al-Fuli requests the full sum in advance via a fictitious transaction between ʿAzzam and himself. ʿAzzam has no choice but to agree. Al-Fuli indeed keeps his promise and ensures that ʿAzzam wins the election. Those who oppose the regime, whether in word or deed, are loyal to the State; their only desire is to improve the life of the people through democratization, freedom, and social justice. In certain instances, authority figures treat the opposition as though they were enemies of the State, as shown in the treatment of the ʿAgam in al-Ghitani’s Quarters. They suffer persecution and torture even though they are patriots. They demonstrate their patriotism during the Lightning War as they come out of prisons and fight at the front. Some of the dissidents belong to defined ideological streams, most of them left-wing. Hilmi in Karnak and Tu’s father are communists. The latter serves as a senior member of a communist workers organization. Although the ideologies of Shawqi in The Black Policeman and the hero of The Committee are not explicitly stated, various hints point to their place on the political spectrum. The narrator in The Black Policeman admires Shawqi as one of the leaders of the “confused generation” (al-gil al-haʾir). The narrator and

The Individuals  73 al-Zanfali also belong to this generation. While a university student, Shawqi was among the leaders of a certain political stream and was arrested after “that political event that shocked the entire nation” (Idris N.D.: 13). Assuming this refers to the assassination of Prime Minister al-Nuqrashi, after which his successor conducted a campaign of arrests and torture of the Muslim Brotherhood, perhaps Shawqi is a member of the Muslim Brotherhood. The hero of The Committee is an intellectual, apparently a socialist in his views, since he believes that al-Sadat’s Open Door Policy harms the local economy and that capitalism creates alienation in Egyptian society. The motto of the activists among the dissidents is the faith shared by both Shawqi and the narrator in The Black Policeman – even though their political stands are opposite – that Divine Providence has sent them to “save our country and change the fate of our people fundamentally and forever” (Ibid.: 11). The hero of The These is on a similar mission: to fix a distorted situation. Pondering the ways of the world, he is curious to know why it is impossible to change them and takes it upon himself to research how these ways were formed. The activists do not fear to anger the authorities. Ibrahim in There is a Man in Our House and Nagi in Chicago operate in different time periods (Ibrahim at the time of the monarchy and Nagi in Mubarak’s time), yet the two are ideologically similar. Ibrahim hates King Faruq, the ministers, and the public leaders because in his opinion, they bow to the British. Nagi believes it is necessary to overthrow Mubarak’s corrupt regime – which in his opinion is nearing its end anyway – and to establish a democratic one. He maintains that the police state in Egypt in particular and in the Arab states in general exists due to the aid given by the United States to the Arab dictators. Ibrahim and Nagi make the good of the people and the State their primary goal. The only ideology that motivates Ibrahim is active opposition to the British presence in Egypt out of a strong patriotic feeling. Captivated by the sentiment of the people, he abhors the British, even though he does not get to the root of the conflict between Egypt and Britain. Ibrahim’s first encounter with the authorities takes place at his initiative. While still a high school student, he participates in revolts against the British police. In the case of Nagi, the security authorities are those who initiate the first contact. During the First Gulf War, Danana brings about his arrest and the arrests of many of Nagi’s colleagues. Nagi is tortured in prison. The authorities instruct Cairo University to block his academic progress, so he is forced to move to Chicago to continue his studies. From his challenge to Danana and Shakir, it appears that even in exile he is prepared to fight for his principles and the arrest and other difficulties that the authorities put before him do not break his spirit. While the ideologies of Ibrahim and Nagi do not change, ʿArafa in Children of Our Neighborhood is forced to change his principles in the face of the reality that is revealed to him in the al-Gabalawi neighborhood.

74  The Individuals Upon his coming to the neighborhood, he advocates non-violence and sees his purpose in life as benefiting mankind. But the tyranny of the fetewwat on the one hand and the groveling attitude of the people toward them on the other lead him to conclude that it is necessary to overthrow their tyrannical rule by force. In his eyes, surrender to tyranny is an unforgivable crime. This view is strengthened when the fetewwa of one of the quarters threatens to steal his sweetheart – later his wife – and harms her father, who had criticized that fetewwa. ʿArafa does not want to be a powerful, rich authority figure who lives a lazy life, but rather to benefit people as much as he can. He gets satisfaction from healing the ill and from what he calls the “magic” – ­producing medicines. ʿArafa believes in the “magic” as a most powerful tool, which gives mighty powers to the one who controls it and against which the batons of the fetewwat are nothing. ʿArafa sees two aspects to the “magic”: one that will bring relief of sickness and social ill and will develop the neighborhood and provide livelihood for its residents, and another, an aggressive aspect, that will make it possible to develop the weapons to defeat the fetewwat. He creates an equivalence between freedom and scientific progress, seeing no benefit in the people’s nostalgia for the past or their pinning their hopes on al-Gabalawi (God), whose existence he doubts. On the contrary, he believes that science (the “magic”) is equal to God’s power and serves as the key to a better life. Like Ibrahim and Nagi, ʿArafa identifies the problems of the residents of the al-Gabalawi neighborhood as deriving from the heavy hand of Qadri and the fetewwat. He knows the solution to their distress, and it is in his hands. Another kind of dissidents believes in the need for change but sees no value in struggle, which in their eyes is doomed because they are convinced that the power differential between themselves and the authority figures is too large. Typifying this view are the hero of The Committee, Muhyi in There is a Man in Our House, Hanash (ʿArafa’s brother), and Salah in Chicago. These last three could be photographic negatives of Ibrahim, ʿArafa, and Nagi. The hero of The Committee is full of complaints about the lack of democracy in Egypt, the backwardness that prevails in all fields, and the abdication on the part of intellectuals of their mission. He disparages the leaders of the Arab world and sees them as submissive servants of the  United States and Israel. In his evaluation of the authority figures in the Arab world, it is possible to see how he views the Committee, despite its might: “Some people, including me, believe that membership in it is proof of the depletion of the well of talent and of utter failure” (Ibrahim 2004: 15). While criticizing the situation in Egypt and in the Arab states, he does nothing to improve it or even to suggest a solution, as if it is a given that it is not amenable to change. It seems that his passivity derives from fear of angering the authorities in light of his past as a political prisoner.6

The Individuals  75 Muhyi is a patriot who believes that the presence of the British in Egypt must be brought to an end, but his is a passive form of patriotism influenced by his father, who loathes all political involvement out of concern for the well-being of his family. Unlike Ibrahim, Muhyi believes that demonstrations are a waste of time and that engaging in politics is nothing but youthful folly. Just as Muhyi differs from Ibrahim on the question of political activism, Hanash differs from ʿArafa. Hanash believes that ʿArafa needs to stay out of the internal politics of the neighborhood, believing that only the fetewwat can be rich and powerful. Like ʿArafa, Salah devotes himself to science, but contrary to ʿArafa, he cleaves to the theoretical, neutral aspect of it. He sees no value in active involvement in a process of change and relates to the given situation as if it were a decree from Heaven. Thirty years before the events described in Chicago, he argues this point with his beloved Zaynab, an activist who believes that demonstrations can change the State and bring about democratization. When a confrontation between security forces and striking students at Cairo University threatens to become violent, Zaynab is prepared to suffer blows for her principles while Salah returns home.7 The gap between Zaynab’s activism and Salah’s quietism signals the end of their relationship, and they part with shrill accusations against the background of his decision to leave for the United States and to continue scientific research. Even though thirty years have passed since their parting, the image of Zaynab continues to accompany him. The relationship between ʿArafa and Hanash is equivalent to the relationship between Salah and Zaynab. In both instances, the activist dissidents cannot make peace with reality and are willing to take their fate into their own hands, even at the price of violent conflict, while the ones closest to them are defeatists who are willing to give up without a struggle.

The Hopes, Aspirations, and Fears of Those Who Confront Authority Figures The hopes and aspirations of those who confront authority figures vary from the personal to the public to the universal – from hopes and dreams of creating a worldwide utopia to hopes for realizing personal desires. Tahun in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood makes a secret plan for ending the class structure and creating an ideal world even before Sheikh ʿAtiyya casts his spell to achieve a similar goal. According to Tahun’s plan, the poor of the world need to unite in order to excavate a giant underground network of tunnels that will be used for housing a base for nighttime raids on the homes of the rich and storehouses for stolen property. The rich, who will gradually be relieved of their property, will then join the residents of the tunnels. After the people of the tunnels gain control of the treasures of the whole world, they will come out into the light and establish a world without money, class differences, poverty,

76  The Individuals or disease. Tahun has detailed drawings and pamphlets explaining his “tunnel theory.” Khalid in al-Ghitani’s Quarters and Saʿid in al-Zayni Barakat have hopes that mix the public with the personal. Khalid always contemplates a plan to defeat the enemies from north of al-Khitat and to expel them from the territories they have conquered. On the socio-economic plane, his aspirations are reminiscent of Tahun’s plan. Khalid sees himself as one able to help those in need and dreams of improving the situation of the poor by stealing from the rich. Thus, he will merit eternal life even if he is wounded or killed in action. On the personal plane, he dreams of finding work that will enable him to help pay off his father’s debts, buy basic foodstuffs, and retire. But when Khalid joins the ʿAgam in order to fulfill his dreams, his father, paradoxically, is fired. Saʿid’s public hopes are mixed with a personal hope through his love for Samah, the daughter of a relative from the upper class who is close to the authorities. Despite their class differences, Saʿid sees his future with Samah in Cairo, where young women are not kidnapped, poor people are not imprisoned, and petty criminals are not cruelly punished for minor offenses. He is certain that if only Samah would be with him, he would have superpowers. Saʿid creates a connection between Samah and a utopian world, for only there can justice displace injustice and a man of his class can marry a young woman of hers. Despite this, he is realistic about his love for her and aware that for him, Samah is more of a mirage than a real being. Along with his wish to marry Samah, in his waking dreams he arouses the masses of the poor from their slumber and reproves the ruling elite for their unjust deeds. Another of his dreams is to see Zakariyya impaled on a pole at the gates of Cairo, but he does not dare to let his thoughts pass his lips from fear of Zakariyya and his agents. His dreams explode when al-Zayni appoints Zakariyya as his deputy and al-Zayni’s image begins to crack. Then the awareness dawns that he has wasted his days on a hopeless love and that a new social order in which lovers of different social classes can marry will never arise. Nevertheless, his sensing of her presence every time he visits her father’s home gives him strength. Similar to Saʿid, Rawd in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood dreams of happy days with ʿAtif as they go out publicly together as partners. However, like Saʿid, she believes that this is a hopeless dream. Taha in The Yacoubian Building has a twofold personal dream – to escape his caste and to live happily beside his love, Buthayna, his neighbor who comes from a poor family like his. His childhood dream is to be a police officer, and toward that end, he studies diligently, does grueling workouts, and collects details about entrance exams for the Police Academy. As one from the lower class who is discriminated against, he understands that the surest path to improving his status is to join the ranks of the government authorities. He believes that as a police officer,

The Individuals  77 he would be able to ensure his economic and personal future, together with Buthayna. The two plan to marry when he finishes his studies at the academy. In his mind, Taha sees himself walking proudly in an officer’s uniform, arousing awe and living with Buthayna in a wealthy neighborhood. Dreams of status and money are not only relegated to the lower class. Even the millionaire ʿAzzam in The Yacoubian Building, a man who seemingly lacks for nothing, aspires to increase his wealth and attain public influence. Immediately after being elected to the People’s Assembly, ʿAzzam begins to plan how he will exploit the publicity afforded by his new role in order to implement business deals that will turn him into a billionaire. Then he will be one of the country’s mightiest men and maybe even a government minister. Hasan in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood was unable to acquire an academic education and, as compensation, pins his hopes on his sons Samir and Hassan. He himself has already determined their future – Samir will be an engineer and Hassan, a famous doctor. In his imagination, he sees himself boasting of Hassan to his acquaintances and his superiors at work when they ask him to assist in getting medical treatment by Hassan. Al-Takarli sets a goal to accumulate wealth from pimping Ikram out, and by the time the spell is cast, he manages to accumulate about a third of the planned amount (about the relationship between al-Takarli and Ikram, see below). ʿUways’s big dream is more modest – to buy a pushcart in order to sell the children ice cream, hummus, and fortune cookies. He hopes that the revenue will help him to rent a room and to travel to his village; there he will marry one of his female cousins. Another of Hasan’s aspirations, which is also found in Tu, has the sinister aspect of personal fulfillment at the expense of others. Hasan is sure that Hitler is not dead, but lives in hiding in Egypt in an old-age home from where he plans to reestablish his army in preparation for global domination. Hasan believes that his idol will come to know that he is one of his followers and will cruelly execute his boss. This faith, coupled with his rabid imaginings, point to a pattern of flight from reality in difficult situations. While Hasan defines his boss as his enemy, Tu does not reveal the identity of his enemy. When obliquely speaking to the narrator of The Story of Tu of the game of chess: “What draws my attention to chess is the story of ‘checkmate’. There is no doubt I will be happy when I say to my opponent: ‘checkmate’” (Ghanim 1987: 8), the narrator wonders aloud whether Tu does not actually need the chessboard in order to say checkmate. In response, Tu’s face changes and his smile vanishes. He gives the narrator a long look and turns back to his business. In light of the mystery surrounding the identity of the opponent, one can only assume that the policemen responsible for the murder of his father are among those Tu loathes, since he tends to tease and humiliate policemen.

78  The Individuals Alongside aspirations and hopes, there are also fears. Concurrent with thoughts of being the key player who will deter the cruelty of the authorities toward the common folk, Saʿid contemplates the moment that one of Zakariyya’s secret agents will lay a hand on his shoulder and arrest him. Foreseeing his future, he expects that agents will follow him until at one terrible moment one of them will bring him to Zakariyya’s prison, and there he will be tortured, imprisoned, and forgotten forever.

How Those Who Confront Authority Figures Are Perceived by Those Surrounding Them; Interrelationships among Themselves and between Them and the Authority Figures The two protagonists with the highest social status are Abu al-Suʿud in al-Zayni Barakat and ʿAzzam in The Yacoubian Building. They are both publicly known figures in Egypt, though each has a different image. Common folk attribute to Abu al-Suʿud the ability to control demons (he himself boils with anger when people attribute miracles to him). The rumors surrounding ʿAzzam are that he has accumulated his wealth through drug dealing and his commercial interests are merely fronts for money laundering. Despite these rumors, ʿAzzam is known by the nickname The Millionaire Sheikh, which points to a sense of esteem and righteousness in the eyes of those who thus refer to him. ʿAzzam and Abu al-Suʿud – the first because of his wealth and the second because of the holy aura surrounding him – attract various needy people to themselves. Those who come to ʿAzzam request material assistance, while those who come to Abu al-Suʿud request spiritual aid. ʿAzzam is the lord of the street on which the Yacoubian Building sits, and people turn to him to serve as an arbiter of disputes. Similarly, Abu al-Suʿud’s home serves as a place of pilgrimage for wandering dervishes, heads of Sufi orders, and various needy people. ʿAzzam obtains public influence upon joining the ruling party and when his young son is appointed as deputy to the Attorney General. Evidence of the public status of Abu al-Suʿud is found in the public leaders who turn to him after it has been made known that al-Zayni has refused to accept the role of muhtasib. The heads of guilds, poets, neighborhood leaders, and dignitaries congregate at his home, claiming that the Sheikh is the only one capable of convincing al-Zayni to retract his refusal. Al-Khadir in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, Saʿid in al-Zayni Barakat, and Ibrahim in There Is a Man in Our House are all admired by those around them. In Ibrahim’s case, the admiration also comes from those supposed to be his rivals. People love al-Khadir, and while at the newspaper, he is not the oldest worker, yet all the workers listen to him. As for Saʿid, the students at al-Azhar cherish him for his inclination to help others and defend the helpless against the emirs’ soldiers. People say that if Saʿid were

The Individuals  79 as strong as a wrestler, no soldier would have dared stealing even from a girl. Ibrahim is considered the leader behind the scenes both at school and the university, and his colleagues see a hero in him. Even the police officers who guard him while in hospital treat him with honor. Nawal, Muhyi’s younger sister, admires him as a noble and shy gentleman. Conversely, opinions of ʿAbd al-Hamid, Muhyi’s cousin in There Is a Man in Our House, are negative. ʿAbd al-Hamid is considered by his family to be incompetent for his consecutive failures in the matriculation exam. None of them have faith in him because of his smoking hashish and his connections with prostitutes. From their point of view, he is worthless, irresponsible, and immoral, a man who would sell them – his family – for pennies. Nevertheless, Muhyi’s older sister Samiya is in love with him because he is different from Muhyi – he is brave, sharp-tongued, and challenges conventions and parental authority. ʿAbd al-Hamid sees her as his future wife, even though both his father and her father oppose the idea of him marrying her. Opinions about Tu are divided. The first impression he makes on those coming in contact with him is of an odd bird. However, people who know him well are captivated by his charm and have the impression that he is good hearted to the point of stupidity. The views regarding other characters can be divided according to views from the place of living or the ideological circle and views from family members or close friends. Thus, while ʿAzzam in The Yacoubian Building, ʿArafa in Children of Our Neighborhood, Tu’s father, and Salah in Chicago are all admired outside their homes, those closest to them value neither them nor their ideologies, despise them or even abandon them and betray their memories. ʿAzzam, when alone or in the company of men, is an impressive figure: rich, supports the needy, and God-fearing. On the other hand, Suʿad’s point of view gives a different picture – that of a repulsive person, drunken with lust, and having a disgusting body. This gap may explain the discrepancy between his outside and his inside, between his public image and his moral-political corruption hiding behind this image. It is also possible that the dichotomy between religiosity and corruption stems from the fact that ʿAzzam believes that his spiritual mentor al-Samman will legitimize for him all his deeds, both legitimate and illegitimate, for the Sheikh serves both power and wealth. Tu’s father is a well-known and respectful figure in communist circles around the world. However, Tu believes that his father betrays his family and disgraces them when he is arrested and the security personnel break into their house, conducting a humiliating search. Tu even reacts indifferently to his father’s death because the father used to quarrel with his mother, and Tu and his brothers were victims of those quarrels. Nevertheless, as a result of the murder, Tu is shocked and becomes a stutterer.

80  The Individuals The Egyptians living in Chicago respect Salah and call him “the mayor of Chicago” due to his long residence in the city (al-Aswani 2007: 56), while in Egypt Zaynab disparages him for his unwillingness to participate in the struggle to change the State. When he notifies her that he has decided to leave for the United States, she accuses him of being a coward and abandoning the country when it needs people like him the most. Even more so, she sees his leaving for the United States an act of treason, for he is placing himself in the service of the greatest enemy of Egypt, Israel’s arms supplier. The case of ʿArafa is reminiscent of the Salah’s, but with a reversal of roles between the protagonist and his beloved. On his arrival in the neighborhood, ʿArafa is the object of intense mockery for being illegitimate; but as his recognition as a healer grows, his public image as well as his status in his neighborhood and other neighborhoods improves. Nevertheless, just as Zaynab condemns Salah for avoiding active struggle, so ʿAwatif, ʿArafa’s beloved, does not value his desire to become involved in the internal politics of the neighborhood. In her opinion, he busies himself with matters that other men do not care about − the neighborhood, the status of the fetewwa, the endowment and the way it is being run, and the future in general − instead of thinking about earning a living. The paths of some of the protagonists cross even before they come into conflict with the authorities, and these encounters show additional aspects of their personalities or emphasize other previously unknown personality traits. The various literary works feature three kinds of interrelationships among protagonists: relationships between teachers and students, among fellow students, and among residents of the same defined area. The pairings Abu al-Suʿud and Saʿid in al-Zayni Barakat and Salah and Nagi in Chicago have a teacher-student relationship. Ibrahim and Muhyi in There Is a Man in Our House, as well as the three protagonists of Karnak, are colleagues at the university. The relationships between Abu al-Suʿud and Saʿid and Salah and Nagi are relationships between an enthusiastic younger generation and a disillusioned older generation. They both sympathize with their students but other than that prefer to stand aside as observers. Abu al-Suʿud is the spiritual guide of Saʿid, who frequents the Sheikh’s house each evening. Saʿid opens his heart to the Sheikh and requests his counsel. The Sheikh’s house is the only place where Saʿid feels safe from Zakariyya’s agents. Abu al-Suʿud, for his part, sees Saʿid as one of his many children spread throughout the world. Saʿid frequently complains to the Sheikh about the severe punishments Zakariyya imposes for petty crimes and Zakariyya’s unjust deeds. But the Sheikh seems to be a quietist: he accepts Zakariyya’s deeds with resignation and even justifies the punishment of three innocents on the grounds that he heard that they reviled Zakariyya.

The Individuals  81 Even though it is not stated directly, it seems that Saʿid is disappointed in the Sheikh in light of the gap between the expectations he has of him and the indifference that the Sheikh displays to the reality outside the walls of his house. Saʿid expects him to utilize his status to fight on behalf of the helpless. He experiences disappointment with the Sheikh’s unwillingness to oppose Zakariyya. Saʿid is convinced that the Sheikh is gifted with magical powers that would enable him to stand up to the spymaster. Salah in Chicago speaks to Nagi in a similar vein during their first meeting. Listening uncomfortably to Nagi’s story about the role that Danana played in Nagi’s arrest, Salah says that even if Nagi is correct, it is better for him to forget the incident, since he needs to devote himself entirely to science and leave the political struggles he had in Egypt behind him. Nagi’s activism contrasts with Salah’s passivity regarding the struggle for democracy in Egypt. The arguments between them expose something else – the fact that Nagi is Zaynab’s ideological twin. Like her, he is an activist who confronts the regime and is willing to pay the price for it. In one of these arguments, Salah reproaches Nagi that he is in the United States only for the sake of science. If Nagi wants to declare a revolution, then he should return to Egypt. It seems that Salah’s anger comes from the fact that he recognizes Zaynab’s words coming out of Nagi’s mouth. Common to the pairings Saʿid and Abu al-Suʿud, Nagi and Salah, and Ibrahim and Muhyi is the gap between the desire to participate in fashioning the State and the desire to keep a distance – in differing degrees – from active involvement. Ibrahim and Muhyi, who are the same age, do not fundamentally disagree about ending the British presence in Egypt; they only disagree on the amount of active involvement required to accomplish it. Muhyi admires Ibrahim and sees him a patriotic hero, while Ibrahim sees Muhyi as no less a patriot than himself despite his passive stance toward national issues. He knows that students like Muhyi cannot be heroes; nevertheless, he is sure that they will not refuse to take part in heroic actions if forced by circumstances to do so. While Ibrahim and Muhyi are mere acquaintances, the three protagonists of Karnak are friends. Ismaʿil and Zaynab are even engaged, and they both often borrow books from Hilmi’s library. Despite their engagement, Zaynab keeps some distance from her lover as expressed in her hiding the real reason for her unwillingness to have sex with him before getting married – avoidance of accusations of licentiousness. Instead, she tells him that the reason is an oath she made to her father. Zaynab believes that Ismaʿil will never forgive her if she has sex with him, even if he claims otherwise. The novels The Mountain, The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood, and al-Ghitani’s Quarters describe conflicts between groups of people and authority figures. However, in al-Ghitani’s Quarters,

82  The Individuals the connections among the protagonists become established only after the conflict between them and the Master’s successors breaks out. The Mountain depicts interrelationships among the leaders of al-Gurna village as well as the interrelationships between them and the villagers. The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood depicts the interrelationships among the residents of the neighborhood. The leaders of al-Gurna are the three decision makers who regulate the excavations to locate antiquities and treasures in the Pharaohs’ graves found on the mountain: The ʿumda (Head of the Village), ­Husayn ʿAli, and a French woman who lives in the mountain and acts as middlewoman between the people of the mountain and the antiquities traders. The three, along with Talabawi, play a role in the conflict with the government over moving down to the model village. The ʿumda has total control over his people. In addition to his ability to impose an equal division of the treasures and the profits from the antiquities, he has a magical influence that encourages the villagers to stay on the mountain and renew the excavations, even after years of disappointments or disasters. Husayn ʿAli enjoys a special status in al-Gurna as the most influential figure among the young due to the fact that his father, who was the right-hand man of the ʿumda, and his sister, who was the ʿumda’s wife, both perished in an excavation. Since that tragic event, the ʿumda treats Husayn like a son, and for a period of time, Husayn even serves as the acting leader of the village. Husayn has a romance with the French woman until the ʿumda hints that she is unfaithful and marries him off to Talabawi’s sister. Talabawi is at odds with Husayn and the ʿumda because of the class and educational differences between them. The French woman loses her mind when Husayn leaves her and hurriedly quits the mountain. While nearly all the people of the mountain are united in their determination not to move to the model village, most of the people in the al-Zaʿfarani neighborhood are not united and quarrel with one another interminably. Their interrelationships, both among neighbors and between husbands and wives, seem to be the background against which the Sheikh ʿAtiyya casts his spell. In addition to jealousy over class divides (as between Hasan and ­ʿAtif), the women argue loudly and, within their homes, are usually the more dominant partner. The only couple who are on harmonious terms based on pure love are ʿAtif and Rawd – the academic and the divorcée. Since they are not married, the people of the neighborhood see their relationship as sinful. The fights among the women are the best show in the neighborhood due to the treasury of curses and exchanges of blows. The most violent and rude of the women is Buthayna, who also beats and tyrannizes her husband ʿAbduh. In general, she needs him only for

The Individuals  83 daily sexual intercourse and to provide for her livelihood. In fact, she fills the role of the man of the house. In a similar manner, Tahun, who in his work as an engine driver is literally “in the driver’s seat,” is driven at home by his wife, Umm Yusuf. By holding the key to the house, she maintains her control over him. Al-Takarli is the opposite example – a husband who rules his wife, Ikram. He pimps her out to men from Egypt and other countries in exchange for money and food. This way he makes a living “from the labor of her vulva” (al-Ghitani 1985a: 100). Al-Takarli himself has never had sexual intercourse with her; he deflowered her with his finger. Ikram accepts his whims since she does not want to return to her family where she would be a servant. Yet she establishes a special connection with a student who comes to visit her when her husband is absent. The relationship between “Radish Head” and his wife Farida seems to be perfect from the beginning. From Farida’s stories to her neighbors, it is clear that she is happy with her marriage and her personal life, for her husband gives her everything she wants, even making exceptions to his well-known stinginess. However, not all is perfect. Their two daughters, who do not physically resemble him, do not respect him. They treat him like a stranger and Farida always has to mediate between them. Apparently, he is not their biological father. Farida is unfaithful to him just as Ikram is unfaithful to al-Takarli (Farida’s behavior after the spell is cast proves this). In addition, “Radish Head” is unable to impose his will on his wife. The lukewarm relationship between “Radish Head” and his daughters is similar to that between Hasan and his sons, Hassan and Samir. Neither of Hasan’s sons follows the path that he has outlined for them, even though the rift between the sons and their father is hidden. Samir is homosexual, and Hassan finds in Rummana – a released political ­prisoner – a father figure to admire.8 There are unanimous sentiments in the neighborhood toward ʿUways, al-Takarli, and Ikram on the one hand and Hasan and Rummana on the other hand. ʿUways is regarded as a negative figure because of the rape he was involved in. Al-Takarli and Ikram are considered arrogant because of the distance they keep from the others in neighborhood. The women, who used to gossip about Ikram, know that she is a prostitute. While it is true that Hasan has follies and thoughts that can be seen as madness, he is still considered one of the sober-minded people in the neighborhood. The most admired figure in the neighborhood is ­Rummana, and from him, Hassan learns the principles of communism. In the eyes of the residents, Rummana is a man’s man by virtue of the fact that he challenged the government and was imprisoned for it. Tahun, who views him as sharing his ideology, even reveals to Rummana his “tunnel theory.”

84  The Individuals

Notes 1 The two possibilities regarding the role of al-Watidi in the club come from a contradiction in the narration (al-Ghitani 1991: 39, 95). 2 Al-Khadir (literally: the Green Man) and Ilyas parallel Elijah the Prophet in the Jewish tradition. In the Muslim tradition the two are considered to be immortal, supernatural creatures and even a kind of protective angels during times of trouble. Therefore, they have an honored position in mysticism and in popular beliefs. The Quranic image of Sulayman is based in large part on the character of King Solomon in the Bible and the Jewish Midrash. Like Solomon, Sulayman is also considered to be the wisest of men, a righteous ruler and the possessor of esoteric knowledge as well as supernatural powers. Control of demons is also attributed to him (Wensinck [G. Vajda] 1986: 1156; Wensinck 1990: 902–905; Walker [P. Fenton] 1997: 822–824). In the conflict, the three receive superpowers and behave in a manner consistent with the mystical aspects connected with the characters after whom they are named. This suggests that al-Ghitani chose these names intentionally from the outset. In Khalid, it is possible to see the image of al-Ghitani himself: the names of his family members are identical to the names of the author’s family members (al-Ghitani 2007: 394, 428), and Khalid’s biography is similar to al-Ghitani’s, who was arrested in the time of ʿAbd al-Nasir because of his political ideas and worked as a journalist (Hammuda 2007: 157). In addition, in The Book of Revelations, the narrator notes the name of Khalid as one of the names that he is likely to be called, alongside the name Saʿid – the name of the hero in al-Zayni Barakat (al-Ghitani 2007: 520). 3 In the terminology of religious law, ʿAzzam’s marriage to Suʿad is termed zawag al-misyar, which means a marriage of visits. The word misyar in the dialect of the Gulf States denotes visit, and here the meaning is visits of the husband to his wife. In a marriage of this sort – regarding which Islamic legists disagree among themselves as to whether it is ethical – the wife agrees to give up religious rights, such as the rights to accommodation and spousal support. The couple live separately and meet from time to time in order to satisfy their sexual needs (ʾal-Mansur 2008: 131). 4 Regarding dressing al-Takarli in girl’s clothing and giving him a girl’s name, al-Ghitani’s mother did the same with two of his brothers (al-Ghitani 2007: 543, 653). 5 For this aspect of the Oedipus complex, see for example, Plummer (1975: 124, 126–127), Paul (2000: 494–496). 6 The narrator refers to the imprisonment using the term mihna (test), probably denoting imprisonment during the period of ʿAbd al-Nasir (Ibrahim 2004: 60; al-Ghitani 1997: 145, 247). It is possible that there is an implied reference here to the imprisonment of Ibrahim himself in 1959–1964. In ­Islamic history, the term, denoting inquisition, refers to the move that ­Caliph al-Maʾmun (who ruled from 813–833) made to impose his theological convictions upon the Muslims (Hinds 1993: 2–6). 7 This event took place in January, and it is possible that the reference is to the student riots of January 1972. The background was al-Sadat’s speech, in which he explained why he had not kept his promise to turn 1971 into the decisive year against Israel (Tawfiq and al-ʿArabi 1999). 8 “Rummana” is actually a nom de guerre. His real name is Mansur Sulayman, which appears throughout the novel only in security reports. The Narrator, as well as the residents, refers to him only as Rummana.

3 The Background of the Conflicts between Individuals and Groups and Authority Figures

Conflicts Initiated by Individuals The works that present conflicts initiated by individuals against authority figures depict the reasons for their struggles as usually related either to serving the good of society or to personal interests. The struggle for the society comes from both ideology and recognition that the authority figures are oppressing the public; therefore, it is necessary to become free of their yoke, even by use of force. The struggles for personal interests revolve around honor and money. Nagi in Chicago and Ibrahim in There Is a Man in Our House challenge authority figures out of concern for the future of Egypt and aspiration to free the Egyptian people, even though they are both aware that they endanger not only their own freedom but their lives. The two oppose the regime for ideological reasons: Nagi is among those calling for democracy during Mubarak’s time and seeks his removal from power, while Ibrahim opposes the British presence in Egypt during the last years of the royal era. Ibrahim’s abhorrence for the British begins while still in high school. His participation in a brawl between British soldiers and Egyptian peddlers crystallizes his political consciousness, actuating the decision to become a fidaʾi, a fighter who sacrifices himself for a cause. In order to expel the British from Egypt, he establishes a secret association whose goal is to assassinate British soldiers. Nagi, who lives in Chicago, has been a dissident since his student days at Cairo University, when Danana had him arrested. In Egypt, he suffered because of his political stance and was blacklisted from academic advancement, but even torture under arrest did not break his spirit, nor did it cause him to abandon his beliefs. Now in Chicago, he finds two kindred spirits in the figures of Professor John Graham, an American, and Karam Daws, an Egyptian Copt. Nagi, who needs a thesis advisor, is referred to Graham by Professor Salah. In Graham’s home, Nagi meets Daws. Although the three come from different societies and backgrounds, they all have a common denominator: resentment of the establishment that has personally oppressed each of them, each in his own State.

86  The Background of the Conflicts Graham, who belongs to the 1960s generation of flower children in America, was imprisoned for participating in violent demonstrations against the Vietnam War and the capitalist system. Now he preaches against globalization, which in his opinion is the new form of imperialism. Daws, a top heart surgeon, is one of the leaders of the Coptic community in the United States. He emigrated from Egypt in the 1970s after being prevented from advancement due to religious prejudice. Even before Nagi and Daws are introduced, Shakir, as if foreseeing the future, instructs Danana, the Chair of the Egyptian Students’ Association in the United States and a security services agent, to follow their activities. ­Shakir suspects that Daws is inciting the Copts against Egypt and its President, and from Nagi’s file he learns that he is a troublemaker. Danana’s first step against Nagi is to isolate him from his fellow Egyptian students by presenting him as both a communist and an atheist. Labeling someone as a heretic is, according to Nagi, a common method of the Bureau of Investigation for National Security to turn a dissident into an outcast. At a meeting of the Students’ Association, Danana draws Nagi into an argument about sending a congratulatory telegram to the President in honor of his visit to Chicago. During the visit, the students are to renew a pro forma pledge of allegiance to the President. Nagi refuses to sign the telegram, stating that during the President’s rule, the levels of corruption, poverty, and unemployment have all increased. Danana then accuses him of being a communist and says that there is no place for him in the Students’ Association, whose members are all observant Muslims. When Nagi continues to argue, Danana retorts that even if Nagi sees negative aspects of the President’s regime, it is still his “religious duty” to obey him (al-Aswani 2007: 130). Danana further claims that there is a consensus among religious jurists, according to which Muslims are required to obey a Muslim ruler even if he oppresses them.1 Nagi challenges this assertion, causing Danana to accuse him of heresy. When Danana puts the issue of sending the telegram to a vote, everyone but Nagi votes in favor. On the way back to the dorms, a student warns Nagi about Danana, but Nagi ignores him. A few days later, Nagi suggests to Daws that they take advantage of the President’s visit to make an active stance against what is happening in Egypt. He plans to prepare a manifesto that demands democratization and the renunciation of power on the part of the President and then to gather signatures of Egyptians in Chicago and to read it to the President through the media. Nagi does not delude himself that the President will accede to the demands, but he sees it as an influential step that will be “a slap in the face to the Egyptian regime” (Ibid.: 288). Graham volunteers to take part in their effort. Nagi is optimistic about the move, having once read an article in which it was asserted that revolutions in Egypt always break out as a complete surprise and precisely when it seems that the Egyptians have

The Background of the Conflicts  87 accepted their oppression. Accepting the credibility of this claim, Nagi proudly tells himself: Here I’m doing something small on behalf of my fellows who are being beaten, dragged and their dignity trampled in the streets of Cairo; fellows who are arrested and go through cruel torture only because they expressed their opinions. Tomorrow we will embarrass the Egyptian regime in front of the whole world! In front of the cameras and the representatives of the world press, a man will stand who will speak in the name of the Egyptians in Chicago and demand that the President relinquish power and implement democracy. There won’t be any news item more important on the news agencies! (Ibid.: 325) While the conflicts in the cases of Ibrahim and Nagi are purely ideological, an intermixture of personal and ideological motives characterizes both the conflict between Abu al-Suʿud and al-Zayni Barakat and the one between ʿArafa and the fetewwat and Qadri (in Children of Our Neighborhood). Both Abu al-Suʿud and ʿArafa decide to act when the tyranny of the authority figures reaches their doorstep, and each one also acts to improve his own image – Abu al-Suʿud his public image and ʿArafa his self-image. The Sheikh’s response to al-Zayni’s deeds can be divided into its passive and its active phases. As long as al-Zayni does not directly wrong him, he withdraws into himself in despair that he has no remedy for the situation and closes himself off in a catacomb, an act that can be interpreted as a flight from responsibility to right the injustice al-Zayni has created. Only when al-Zayni begins to malign the Sheikh and stain his good reputation does the Sheikh rouse himself to action. The Sheikh digs his catacomb in order to shut himself off from the outside world in which al-Zayni cooperates with Zakariyya and breaks his promise to act on behalf of the public. Abu al-Suʿud finds himself helpless in the face of the blind cruelty and rampant evil under the rule of al-Zayni and Zakariyya. This cruelty is revealed to him in particular when the henchmen of the two senior officials arrest Saʿid. Abu al-Suʿud considers Saʿid a martyr, and his arrest shakes him up, but instead of protesting against it, he wants to disappear from the face of the earth. The catacomb is also the Sheikh’s refuge from the clamor of the people to do something, since it was the Sheikh who is primarily responsible for al-Zayni’s rise to power. Abu al-Suʿud abandons his passivity only after he learns that his reputation is at stake. His followers tell him how al-Zayni besmirches his good name throughout Egypt: he raises prices and arrests people while presenting himself as simply following the orders of his mentor, Abu al-Suʿud, the one who placed him in charge of

88  The Background of the Conflicts the country and the people. Consequently, Abu al-Suʿud senses that alZayni has disgraced him and sinks into depression owing to his central part in the meteoric rise of the muhtasib. In light of the cynical use al-Zayni is making of his name, the Sheikh decides to come out of the catacomb and act. He summons al-Zayni to him immediately after he hears of his deeds. Unlike Abu al-Suʿud, ʿArafa was never passive. In his worldview, tyrannical rule must be eradicated from the al-Gabalawi neighborhood, so its residents may realize their latent potential for their own good as well as for the good of humanity. He seemingly has a personal motive to act against the fetewwat since they raped his mother, but he promised her on her deathbed not to seek revenge. However, personal and ideological motives mix when he himself is threatened by the fetewwat and he is no longer able to abide by his promise. The first practical step that ʿArafa takes toward destroying the institution of the fetewwa is to develop an explosive bottle. Shortly after he and Hanash test the bottle, one of the fetewwat gives him just cause to put his ideas into action. This fetewwa, al-Santuri, murders ʿAwatif’s father (ʿAwatif is ʿArafa’s sweetheart) because the man cried out condemning al-Gabalawi for his helplessness against the fetewwat and dared to curse al-Santuri himself. The murder, and especially the fact that al-Santuri could take the life of someone without receiving punishment, inflames Arafa’s desire to avenge his mother’s honor. His love for ʿAwatif adds an additional aspect to this desire: to destroy the fetewwat, not for the sake of revenge but to enable the people of the neighborhood to live in peace. During the funeral procession, al-Santuri’s henchmen beat ʿArafa and threaten him with murder if he does not leave ʿAwatif. Nevertheless, ʿArafa marries her while completely aware of the repercussions that will follow this step, both for himself and for the neighborhood. His wedding nearly ignites a war between al-Santuri and another fetewwa who takes ʿArafa under his protection. Al-Santuri’s threat brings ʿArafa to take a further step to destroy the institution of the fetewwa: believing that al-Gabalawi has in his possession the code to subdue the fetewwat − a kind of master-spell − he decides to sneak into his house, something that no man has dared even consider. While he doubts that the ancient ancestor has stayed alive until this time, he is still willing to endanger himself for the sake of possibly meeting him. When ʿArafa steals into the house in the still of night, he reflects on the glory he will merit as one of the heroes of the neighborhood. But instead of reaching his goal, he inadvertently causes the death of al-­ Gabalawi and leaves the house feeling that he is a sinner. He realizes that while seeking the power that would enable him to fight criminals, he himself has become a criminal, one even worse than the fetewwat. Yet the episode in the great house teaches him that he must rely only on the “magic,” which even al-Gabalawi did not have.

The Background of the Conflicts  89 Similar to Nagi, ʿArafa is warned against confronting the fetewwat by those close to him, but he closes his ears. Thus, for example, Hanash urges him not to use the explosive bottle against the fetewwat lest both he and ʿArafa be killed before they have the chance to harm them. He also tries to convince ʿArafa to give up his plan to marry ʿAwatif. However, ʿArafa chooses the path of conflict with the fetewwat, and the death of al-Gabalawi only increases his determination to destroy them. Since al-Gabalawi’s death ends the possibility that he will ever send emissaries, ʿArafa hopes that by virtue of his weapons, his courage, and his original thinking, he will not just continue the path of his predecessors, but will be a fitting substitute for al-Gabalawi himself and even more than that, as he says to Hanash: A word from our ancient father was sufficient to move the good among his descendants to act unto death. His death is stronger than his words; he compels the good son to do everything, to take his place, to be him. You understand? (Mahfuz 1991: 503) The words that Mahfuz puts in ʿArafa’s mouth echo the approach presented in Nietzsche’s The Gay Science and in Camus’s The Rebel: having killed God, man must become God in order to be worthy of the greatness of the act of murder (Nietzsche 1977: 120–121). With the death of God, man should change the ways of the world and fix it. Deification of the human race is necessary after the metaphysical revolution to ensure the well-being of all and thus to unite the world (Camus 1951: 138). ʿArafa, a man of science, doubts the existence of al-Gabalawi – who is analogous to God – until paradoxically his death proves that the ancient ancestor indeed existed. Since ʿArafa is the one who caused his death and the subversion of the order of the neighborhood, he takes it upon himself to fix the situation and to restore order. The conflict between ʿAzzam and both al-Fuli and the President in The Yacoubian Building is not about ideology but about money. It is not enough that ʿAzzam pays for his own election to the People’s Assembly; the President demands to become a silent partner in ʿAzzam’s businesses. ʿAzzam is drawn into a conflict that he could have avoided if he had wanted to, but his pride does not permit him to withdraw. Alongside the financial issue, ʿAzzam refuses to make peace with the fact that he is not omnipotent and that he must submit to a power greater than himself. This refusal is in itself a challenge to the ruling authorities. Sometime after ʿAzzam’s election to the People’s Assembly, al-Fuli brings up a new demand. In addition to the money he has already received, he demands a nice chunk of the expected income from ʿAzzam’s

90  The Background of the Conflicts franchise car dealership; in his words: “We want a quarter” (al-Aswani 2005: 207). ­ʿAzzam is shocked and questions whom he means by “we.” Al-Fuli answers: I mean that I speak in the name of the Big Man [al-ragul al-kabir]. The Big Man wants to be your partner in the franchise and to receive a quarter of the profits. And you know, when the Big Man asks, he must get it. (Ibid.: 208) “The Big Man” of whom al-Fuli speaks is the President. ʿAzzam outwardly accedes to the request, but he is not willing to submit and determines to find a solution that will prevent his exploitation. In the first months after receiving the franchise, ʿAzzam clears giant profits, far more than anticipated, and donates thousands of Egyptian Pounds to charity in order to honor God for his beneficence. At the same time, he avoids meeting with al-Fuli until forced to. On his way to the meeting, he prepares himself for trouble. At the same time that ʿAzzam is informed of the President’s desire to be his partner in the profits, another trouble befalls him. Suʿad has become pregnant despite their prior agreement, and she insists on having the baby. On the advice of Sheikh al-Samman, ʿAzzam forces Suʿad to have an abortion and then divorces her. He gets rid of her “like a man shakes off a few crumbs of dust that have stuck to the front of his elegant suit with two fingers, and continues walking as if nothing has happened” (Ibid.: 276). ʿAzzam’s way of dealing with the challenges from al-Fuli to Suʿad shows that he thinks himself omnipotent and that he is used to having matters under his control. Furthermore, he believes that the right to steal is his and his alone. He crushes Suʿad as though he is lord and master over her and at the same time refuses to accept the “rules of the game” according to which there is also a powerful authority over him, one who considers ʿAzzam’s property his own. The above individuals enter all these conflicts with awareness, with complete consciousness of what is before them. They are also the ones who initiate the conflicts. ʿAbd al-Hamid in There Is a Man in Our House is an exception. His conflict with Hammam, the head of the Political Police, occurs precisely because he tries to avoid such a conflict. The family of ʿAbd al-Hamid, who supports the regime, sees him as an opportunist without a conscience. He is caught in a circle of mistakes that get the whole family, especially Muhyi, into trouble. On the first day that Ibrahim stays with Muhyi’s family, ʿAbd al-­ Hamid comes to visit and runs into Ibrahim. Identifying him as a wanted man with a price on his head, ʿAbd al-Hamid takes advantage of the discovery to extort a promise from Muhyi’s father to give Samiya to him in marriage (Samiya is his beloved and Muhyi’s older sister). If the father

The Background of the Conflicts  91 refuses, he will turn Ibrahim and the whole family in by informing on them that they cooperate with Ibrahim. Having no choice, the father submits with the intention of breaking his pledge as soon as Ibrahim leaves the house. ʿAbd al-Hamid is aware of the revulsion his stipulation has aroused; therefore, he tries to appear the patriot within the household. However, once outside the house, he is determined to take revenge on the family for the way they have treat him: he intends to marry Samiya and to take the five thousand Egyptian Pounds reward for turning in Ibrahim. In his opinion, Muhyi’s father behaves stupidly by not turning Ibrahim in for the reward money: There are five thousand pounds before his uncle, but he is too proud to take them. What an idiot! Why is he too proud to take them? Patriotism! But what has patriotism got to do with it? Ibrahim Hamdi will certainly be arrested in the end. If not today, then tomorrow, and his uncle’s patriotism will in no event be able to save him. The matter isn’t patriotism, it’s five thousand pounds! Who will get them? If he doesn’t take them, someone else will take them, and he deserves them more than anyone. (ʿAbd al-Quddus 1997: 161) ʿAbd al-Hamid fantasizes about getting rich from the reward and then living happily ever after with Samiya. But his fantasy falls apart when he discovers to his surprise that Ibrahim has left the house without his knowledge. ʿAbd al-Hamid feels tricked and mainly frustrated by the fact that the family has offended his pride by proving that he is not as sharp as he imagined. Consequently, he loses his head, and out of desire to save something of his hopes even at the price of losing his family, he calls Hammam, apprising him that he has information that will lead to Ibrahim’s arrest. But as the meeting with Hammam approaches, he undergoes a change of heart and makes things up on the spot, knowing that he is putting himself in danger. Hammam recognizes that ʿAbd al-Hamid is lying but pretends to believe him. This makes ʿAbd al-Hamid think that he has succeeded in getting out of the mess he has created. However, upon realizing that he is being followed by plainclothes policemen, he learns once again that he is not as sharp as he thought, this time because of his own mistakes. In trying to escape the men following him, ʿAbd al-Hamid makes a second error, for he does not know that attempting to escape is proof of guilt from the police’s point of view. His suspicious behavior alerts al-Dabbagh, Hammam’s deputy, to investigate his affairs. Al-Dabbagh searches ʿAbd al-Hamid’s home and then decides to search Muhyi’s house as well. From his perspective, this is merely a procedure. He does not expect to find anything.

92  The Background of the Conflicts Muhyi’s father desires to get his son away from involvement in politics by any means, but when al-Dabbagh comes to their home, politics has come knocking on their door in full force. Neither al-Dabbagh nor Muhyi know that one of Muhyi’s notebooks contains a hidden piece of paper on which Ibrahim started to write a letter apologizing to the police officer on whose watch he escaped.

Conflicts Initiated by Authority Figures Various works describe how authority figures initiate abuse of individuals by arbitrarily arresting innocent persons or by making arrests based on suspicion that someone is a member of the opposition or engaged in activities against the regime, or for similar reasons. The regime does not recognize neutrality towards itself – neutrality equals opposition; therefore, sometimes it is enough that an individual is not a clear supporter of the regime to be considered a dissident. Another form of abuse is torture out of pure sadism. An example of arbitrary arrest is that of Shawqi in The Black Policeman, which occurs during a wave of mass arrests. The narrator does not state it plainly, but it is possible that the novella is referencing the arrests of members of the Muslim Brotherhood following the assassination of Prime Minister al-Nuqrashi in 1948. The Political Police break into the Faculty of Medicine and arrest Shawqi and his associates. The direct cause of the conflict between Shawqi and al-Zanfali, the “black policeman,” is not given. Perhaps Shawqi is demanded to turn in other activists, since he and some of his colleagues are given the opportunity to be released to complete their medical exam. In an unexplained manner, Shawqi passes the test and receives his medical certification, though it is unclear how he managed to study for the exam. Other arbitrary arrests, either for no reason or for trivialities, are described in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, Karnak, and The These. In the first two novels, authority figures look for a pretext to harass none other than those who support the regime, as proven by the case of Qindil in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, a journalist who acts as a mouthpiece for the regime. During the period between the Master’s disappearance and the great defeat, the police arrest Hamdi, Qindil’s son, because of his support for the ʿAgam. During Hamdi’s imprisonment, the officer in charge of the ʿAgam prisoners permits Qindil to see his son and bring food on condition that he convince Hamdi to renounce his principles. Qindil fails in this mission, a breaking point for him, and he winds up cursing and disavowing his son. Like the rest of the ʿAgam prisoners, Hamdi gets out of prison to enlist in a special unit that fights in the Lightning War. With the war’s end, Hamdi is declared missing. As a result, Qindil loses all connection with reality due to his sense of loss and his regret that he renounced his son.

The Background of the Conflicts  93 For him, the Master still lives and acts, and he does not discern that changes have taken place in the First Suburb under al-Hilali’s administration, including the prohibition to listen to songs. One day, while sitting on a bench, Qindil takes out a small tape recorder and listens to a song from the war days. As he chastises himself for his overly strict treatment of Hamdi, a security patrol car detects the forbidden song and arrests him. In Karnak, Ismaʿil and Hilmi are arrested three times and Zaynab twice, even though the three are admirers of ʿAbd al-Nasir’s regime. The arrests of Ismaʿil and Hilmi exemplify how the regime invents enemies out of nowhere, even among its loyal partisans. Loyalty to the regime does not make one immune from arrest. Ismaʿil does not engage in any political activity, but because he once donated a piaster toward the building a mosque, his name is recorded on a blacklist as a member of the Muslim Brotherhood. This is the excuse for his first arrest. Because of him, Hilmi is also arrested, and Zaynab is interrogated and quickly released. Afterwards, the three are arrested on suspicion of communism. 2 These accusations of membership in such opposing ideological streams point to the arbitrariness of the arrests. If in the first instance they were arrested by accident, the second time makes it clear that the security services feel compelled to find the three guilty of something. The events of the second arrest lead to third arrests of Ismaʿil and Hilmi. The hero of The These is also arrested based on suspicions rather than deeds. The ostensible reason for his arrest is the presumption of Aybut’s government that he is going to carry out an illegal act against state security. However, in the course of a conversation with one of the prisoners, he comes to understand that his real “crime” is that while not opposing the regime, he also did not actively support it, and therefore he is considered its enemy. The hero himself believes that all his troubles result from reading in an Aybutian book that the Earth orbits the sun in a counterclockwise direction. In his opinion, this is a bad omen since he assumes that the relation between time and space should be harmonious, not oppositional. Therefore, he sets a goal to find a way to remedy the situation. Although seemingly engaged in scientific research, it appears that the regime of the Digam (the ruler of Aybut) sees in the hero’s endeavor to reconcile the conflict between the Earth’s movement and that of the hands of the clock an aspiration to change the ways of the world, and among them, the ways of the regime. In addition, the Aybutian regime takes care to provide the masses with entertainment that disables their instinct to think. The hero threatens to arouse this instinct from its slumber and cause an increase in questioning. This is unwanted by the regime, as it might lead to questioning why the current order is in place and not some other order that might be more suitable to the people. In other words, the hero threatens the regime as he endeavors to reveal that anesthetizing the people’s consciousness, together with scientific backwardness, result in perpetuating the dictatorial regime.

94  The Background of the Conflicts The hero’s investigations draw the attention of the agents of “the These” since, from the outset, he wants to use state media to call for the public to assist him in fixing the conflict between the movement of the hands of the clock and that of the Earth. Some agents imply that the hero is claiming that Aybut is a backward state, one that moves against time rather than with it. Fleeing from the agents, the hero arrives at a soccer stadium exactly at the moment when the game is stopped because of an argument about overtime. Tens of thousands of noisy fans, divided into two camps, crowd the stands. In trying to explain to the fans – in pantomime, since the noise is deafening – the issue that concerns him, the hero incites a riot. He then flees the stadium, perplexed. When he stops, an agent of “the These” appears and explains to him that because of his pantomimed movements, the fans thought that he was expressing an opinion about the overtime issue. The agent brings serious accusations against him: You incited a riot among the crowd on the soccer field and tried to cause them to think! […] I accuse you of this: you provoked strife and contention among the football fans, who are peaceful creatures seeking nothing but entertainment that does not tax the mind. 3 (Tubya N.D.: 32) According to Dahbur (2006), the hero infuriates the regime by his performance at the stadium because he tries to turn the attention of the fans to the issue of time. He is likely to cause them to discover that their country is backward, moving in the opposite direction of time. Following this event, the hero holes up in his apartment and decides to cease his efforts to awaken the people to think for themselves. However, on his first day of his seclusion, he is arrested by “the These” on suspicion of intention to carry out an illegal act against the state.4 Against Ismaʿil, Khalid’s brother in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, there are not even suspicions that would justify conflict with the Security Directorate of al-Khitat. Ismaʿil’s entire crime is that he acts against the authorities, who aspire to turn the residents of al-Khitat into ignoramuses whose only objective is to become the unskilled servants of the foreigners, and thus to bring about the destruction of al-Khitat. Sometime after studies for advanced degrees at the universities have been canceled, the Security Directorate summons Ismaʿil to advise him to cease developing a cure for bilharzia. An agent who completely rejects the value of scientific research says that in light of the new order that has been established in al-Khitat, only foreigners who are considered more experienced in scientific research will be in charge of planning, and the residents of al-Khitat will be in charge of implementation. Another agent asks cynically: “And who said we want to put an end to bilharzia?” (al-Ghitani 1991: 363). Terrified as he is, Ismaʿil does not listen to them.

The Background of the Conflicts  95 From the point of view of the authority figures, the reason for abusing an individual can be his refusal to be humiliated by them, just as Tu’s ­father (in The story of Tu) refuses to be humiliated by Zuhdi and Shawkat. They both consider him an exception since he devoutly preserves his dignity and personality and does not let them smash his self-image in the process of suppressing his opposition to the regime. For this reason, he is given special “treatment.” Tu’s father arrives at Zuhdi’s prison with a large group of important political prisoners. Shawkat oversees the “welcoming party” with Zuhdi observing the proceedings with pleasure. Shawkat reaches orgasm at the sight of his “wild beasts” beating the prisoners mercilessly in order to force them to strip. When even the strongest prisoners are subdued and forced to bow down and shout at the top of their lungs that they are women, Zuhdi suddenly spots Tu’s father standing fully clothed and calmly looking at what is happening as if he does not belong there. He does not appear fearful or worried. In the eyes of Zuhdi, the man is stupid because he does not understand the power differential between himself and the security officials: if he would just think for a moment about the results of his actions, he would understand that Shawkat’s men will make him regret that he was ever born. Shawkat notices Tu’s father only when Zuhdi tells him it is time to end the “party.” Seeing Shawkat’s astonishment, Zuhdi understands that the Tu’s father’s life has come to an end. Zuhdi prepares himself to enjoy the man’s collapse following powerful blows and at the same time to take revenge on him for his attitude. Zuhdi impatiently looks forward to the clash between Tu’s father and Shawkat, having no intention to intervene. For him, the anticipated confrontation between them is like a battle of giants between two boxers or a game of the season in soccer. He has neither the intention nor the ability to stop it.

The Factors That Lead Individuals and Groups to Fight Back against Authority Figures Some novels describe the process that causes individuals and groups to come out against authority figures. Sometimes authority figures push individuals into a corner, leaving them no choice but to challenge them. The idea that when authority figures harm an individual he is likely to rise against them appears in classical Arabic literature, for example in the collection of allegorical animal fables Kalila wa-Dimna, which contains advice to rulers on the conduct of affairs of state. 5 According to one piece of advice, even people who are easygoing by nature – from whom no danger to the rulers is to be expected – are likely to harm their rulers if they are excessively unjust toward them: “[…] A person who is naturally easygoing, is like a cold coral which when rubbed too much becomes hot and harmful” (Baydaba N.D.: 75). In these novels, authority figures threaten to rob individuals of their homes, their dignity, their

96  The Background of the Conflicts freedom, or their dreams of a better future, and the individuals’ response is to refuse to submit and to fight back. By harassing people who are no danger to the State’s security, for no apparent reason, authority figures create dissidents. In some cases, this resistance becomes so strong that it poses a danger to the foundations of the regime. Al-Zayni Barakat, The Yacoubian Building, and The Committee depict how the authority figures turn the protagonists – Saʿid, Taha, and the unnamed hero, respectively – into active dissidents of their regimes. Saʿid and Taha support the regime, and Taha even wants to be part of it. They pin their hopes on the authorities both for their own social advancement and the common good, but their hopes are disappointed when they discover that the authorities have deceived them. The hero in The Committee, by contrast, is a former member of the opposition. The background of the conflict between Saʿid and Taha and the authorities is personal. In the case of Saʿid, the authority figures Zakariyya and al-Zayni seek revenge for Saʿid’s insult to Zakariyya’s honor and in order to silence his demands for social justice, while Taha finds himself ostracized by the regime’s representatives and concludes that they harass him because of his low social status. Saʿid’s trust in al-Zayni cracks when al-Zayni appoints Zakariyya as his deputy, but he discovers the m ­ uhtasib’s true colors only when he turns to him to complain about a merchant who has established a monopoly. Al-Zayni promises to have Zakariyya look into the matter, but in fact, does nothing against the merchant. Thus, Saʿid understands that al-Zayni and Zakariyya are in consort. In light of al-Zayni’s betrayal of his trust, Saʿid is torn between his desire to act on his own against the injustice he perceives and his fear of Zakariyya. Although willing to be punished for his actions, even if it means his expulsion from al-Azhar University and losing his chances of employment, the fear of losing his freedom and being tortured stops him, just as it does Muhyi in There Is a Man in Our House. Saʿid trembles with fright whenever he hears Zakariyya’s name. Being one of the few who know all about Zakariyya’s network of agents, Saʿid assumes that there are hundreds of pages in Zakariyya’s dossier on him. He wants to postpone the moment when Zakariyya decides to focus on him, following an event that would justify this; it does not occur to him that the security authorities would shine a spotlight on him just because of words he once said in a moment of anger. Saʿid’s assumption has a basis in fact, for Zakariyya does keep reports about him, written by one of his fellow students and other agents. From these reports, Zakariyya knows that since al-Zayni appointed him as his deputy, Saʿid has rudely cursed him in public. The insult to Zakariyya’s honor – not Saʿid’s opinions or the information Saʿid has gained about the agents – is what makes him into an important object of surveillance. One of the reports reveals to Zakariyya Saʿid’s great love for Samah. ­Zakariyya’s response to this report shows the cooperation between himself

The Background of the Conflicts  97 and al-Zayni, for he passes the report on this seemingly minor issue to al-Zayni in advance of their joint action against Saʿid. It seems that ­Zakariyya finds Saʿid’s love for Samah the weak spot through which he can break Saʿid’s defenses. With Taha, there is also a connection between authority figures shattering his dream and his conflict with them. Taha joins the opponents of the regime when his dream of becoming a police officer is lost. True, Taha contributes to the destruction of his own dream by writing on the admissions form to the Police Academy that his father is a clerk, not a porter. Having impressed the admissions committee via his statements about his desire to serve the homeland, the chair of the committee leads him to believe that he is likely to be accepted, but when he finds out that Taha has falsified information about his father’s profession, he disqualifies him. Taha feels humiliated, convinced that he was disqualified not because of the fraud but because of his social status – and precisely in the place that he did not expect to find class prejudice. He writes a complaint to the President and asks him to rectify the injustice, but his complaint is rejected. The regime blocks the way to realizing his dream and thus makes clear to him that it does not want him to deviate from his caste. Forced to change plans, he begins his studies at the Faculty of Economics and Political Science at Cairo University. There he starts on a path that is counter to the path he had desired. Since the wealthy students avoid having any contact with the poor students, Taha befriends students of his caste who are Islamists from al-Gamaʿa al-Islamiyya (“The Islamic Group”).6 He is gradually drawn into the organization. One of his new friends introduces him to Sheikh Muhammad Shakir, one of the leaders of the organization, and Taha becomes one of his closest loyalists. Taha’s dream to have a family with Buthayna collapses just like his dream to become a police officer. She leaves Taha because of the religious radicalization he undergoes and because he is too poor to support her. Under the influence of Sheikh Shakir, Tana becomes convinced that he must concentrate on the struggle against the regime. The Sheikh requests that he participate in a mass demonstration at the university and entrusts him with the Covenant of Islamic Action (mithaq al-ʿamal al-­ islami, one of the fundamental documents of al-Gamaʿa al-Islamiyya). The Sheikh promises Taha that it will banish the evil thoughts that are bothering him. Later, the document is brought up as incriminating evidence against him. After the demonstration, Taha is tasked with writing posters and pasting them on the walls of the university. That same night, he is arrested with the posters in his home. The conflict between the hero and the Committee in The Committee begins when he appears before it. The reason for the summons, never explicitly stated, might be the hero’s negative opinion of the Committee’s members or the situation in Egypt under the Open Door Policy. The hero prepares for his appearance before the Committee for a full year.

98  The Background of the Conflicts In addition to enriching his general knowledge, he reads books on topics consonant with his worldview: foreign interests in Arab states and the thirst of Arab rulers for blood as well as biographies of outstanding historical personages and groundbreakers and revolutionaries in the fields of science, philosophy, and politics. A common thread to all their lives is that they go against the mainstream and have an impact beyond the boundaries of their own countries. The Mountain and al-Ghitani’s Quarters depict the processes that groups undergo leading up to their conflicts with the authorities. In both novels, authority figures endeavor to compel those whom they rule to change their way of life. The background to the conflict between the people of al-Gurna and the central government during the reign of King Faruq exists on a number of planes: the clash between the periphery and the central government in which the authorities display a total lack of understanding of the citizens’ needs, the conflict between regional identity and foreign influences, and the conflict between simplicity and progress. The princess and the engineer are cut off from the Egyptian people – she is cut off from the people, and he is cut off from the ­Egyptian culture. Hence, the model village that is set up is influenced by imported Western style and does not conform to the beliefs and customs of the people of the mountain. Those people are devoted to their simple cave-dwelling way of life, which has been passed down from generation to generation, far from a place that seems to them like a graveyard. The root of the conflict between the people of al-Gurna and the government is government anger over the plunder of Pharaonic treasures by the people of al-Gurna and their successful smuggling of the treasures out of the country. From the perspective of the people, theft of antiquities is a source of income, while in the eyes of the government, it is a crime against the State. About fifteen years before the events occurring in the novel, the Ministry of Education established a research committee to examine ways to handle the theft of antiquities. The committee reaches to the conclusion that it is necessary to move all the people away from the mountain and proposes building a model village for this purpose. Along with stopping the theft of antiquities, the model village has another purpose – to “civilize” the people of the mountain. Though the move to the model village is intended to improve the quality of life of the people of the mountain, they refuse to uproot themselves because they still dream of their personal enrichment by selling vast accumulations of Pharaonic treasures, and there is no means of supporting themselves in the new village. Above all, they are unwilling to change their way of life. They cling to the caves in which they dwell, dreaming of a swift ascent from the status of peasant to that of nobility. They prefer their dreams over reality. The narrator in The Mountain remarks that the model village is indeed planned as a luxury project and has a great deal of knowledge

The Background of the Conflicts  99 invested in it, but no one in the government ever considered how the residents would occupy themselves in the new village nor how they would earn their livelihoods.7 Knowledge and progress are precisely the reasons for this ineffective solution. Disregard for the people’s needs is also expressed in matters related to their culture. For example, they are required to live in the domed houses built for them with no consideration for their beliefs. If the engineer had consulted them, he would have known that a domed building is unfit as a dwelling for the living because it is regarded as a tomb. There is similarity between the conflicts in The Mountain and al-­ Ghitani’s Quarters: both take place in the south, in the periphery of state power where law enforcement is perfunctory. In both cases, the protagonists are marginalized people: the people of al-Gurna and a large part of the community that flourishes in the far south of al-Khitat, the area of the uninhabited places (al-khalawi, apparently the plural form of khalwa, an isolated place). The people of al-Gurna have dwelled in their village for generations. In contrast, the community in the uninhabited places is a community of immigrants. By excommunicating citizens and persecuting individuals and groups, the rulers of al-Khitat incite most of the population against themselves and turn them into their enemies, since they do not leave the people any option for refuge other than fleeing to the uninhabited places in the far south. It is an area without suitable conditions for human life, and running away there means certain death. The narrator calls the uninhabited places “home of immigration” (dar higra) (al-Ghitani 1991: 351), an expression that clearly creates a parallel between Prophet Muhammad’s flight from Mecca to Medina, the Hijra, and the flight of some of al-Khitat’s citizens to the uninhabited places. This creates another parallel between the infidels from whom the first Muslims fled during the time of the Prophet and the authorities of al-Khitat. A possible conclusion from these parallels is that the purpose behind mass flight is to fight the authorities – just as the first Muslims fought the infidels – in order to wage holy war, jihad. The term jihad is in fact used by the narrator to describe the war of the people of the uninhabited places against the authorities of al-Khitat (Ibid.: 410). Both the Hijra and the flight to the uninhabited places in the novel are intended to preserve life so as to establish the core of a new community. In the uninhabited places, an alternative framework to the State, whose purpose is to restore what the Master and his successors have destroyed, does indeed arise. This is an ideal community, without class disparities, one in which members of the lower classes are the leaders. The conflict between the people and the central government is made up of a series of conflicts that the Master and his successors impose on the individuals and groups in al-Khitat. These conflicts lead to the formation of the community that struggles against the Master’s successors in order to restore conditions in al-Khitat to their former status. In the

100  The Background of the Conflicts background of the initial conflicts lies the pressure that the authority figures apply on the population in order to suppress all opposition to their power. They do not act against people who actually endanger state security, but against those whom they think might be a possible danger to the regime. In addition to arresting innocents – the standard ­procedure – the authority figures engage in mass killings, including that of babies, as the story of Sulayman’s birth shows. During the Master’s era, Sulayman was saved from a mass poisoning of babies in the area he lived in, initiated by the Security Directorate following a report that claimed that a baby had been born in that area who would abolish the injustice prevailing in the country. That baby is Sulayman. This incident demonstrates how the Security Directorate of al-Khitat not only detects dissidents, real or imagined, but also predicts who will become a dissident while still in utero, as per the vision of Zakariyya in al-Zayni Barakat. The story of Sulayman’s birth contains a motif present in all three monotheistic religions, that of a man who is marked as a savior while still a newborn and his smuggling out of reach of the authorities who seek to destroy all babies born in the region. This motif gives the character of Sulayman supernatural, legendary qualities in addition to the affinity between his character and that of King Solomon of the Bible or Sulayman in the Quran. Sulayman’s parents smuggle him to the far south of al-Khitat, where his father places him in the hands of his brother who lives in a village on the border of the uninhabited places. As an adult, Sulayman leads immigrants to the uninhabited places, providing them with food from the populated areas. Of the workers of the al-Anbaʾ newspaper, al-Khadir and Khalid are arrested on charges of belonging to the ʿAgam, while al-Watidi becomes a victim of direct emotional abuse from the Master. Al-ʿInani, the Crime Page Editor at that time, is the one who unjustly incriminates al-Khadir, and consequently, the Security Directorate arrests him. In spite of the torture he endures, al-Khadir refuses to curse the ʿAgam and save his skin by doing so. He does not submit even when the interrogators try to pressure him by reminding him of the difficult situation of his mother, wife, and son. Although not one of the ʿAgam, he subjects himself to torture because the interrogators’ demands oppose his values. Acquaintance with imprisoned members of the ʿAgam brings al-Khadir to identify with their ideology, which seeks to improve the situation of poor people like him. After his release, he arrives at the uninhabited places, and there the circle is completed: al-ʿInani the journalist caused the arrest of al-Khadir the simple worker, and al-ʿInani the head of the Security Directorate is forced to contend with al-Khadir, now the leader of the new community. Khalid, in contrast to al-Khadir, is arrested because he actually does belong to the ʿAgam. He has been arrested seven times by the age of

The Background of the Conflicts  101 thirty-five. The fact that he served at the front during the Lightning War does not assist him. Like al-Khadir, he also suffers torture without submitting to his interrogators. To him, his suffering is nothing in comparison to the destruction of the First Suburb brought about by al-Hilali. At the start of Ramzi’s term as head of the First Suburb, Khalid is a lonely man without family or friends. As life in al-Khitat is insufferable, he leaves for the uninhabited places. Al-Watidi is also drawn into a conflict imposed on him during the Master’s era, this time by the Master’s psychological abuse and not the interrogations of the Security Directorate. Exploiting his inherent obedience, the Master attempts to change al-Watidi’s character. He tries to destroy al-Watidi’s personality in two ways: first, he distances him from his mother by forcing him to marry a female journalist at the newspaper who abuses him (al-Watidi’s loyalty to his mother annoys the Master greatly); second, he forces him to harass his elders, one of whom is al-Khadir’s mother. Al-Watidi is told to destroy her livelihood because she goes out to work peddling instead of her daughter-in-law, al-Khadir’s wife. The Master considers her concern for her daughter-inlaw forbidden loyalty and a personal challenge to him. Following these events, al-Watidi is attacked by pangs of conscience over his weak character. However, he continues to suffer and obey even after al-Tanukhi takes over the Master’s place as Editor-in-Chief. Al-Tanukhi demands that al-Watidi spread rumors among the workers that the imprisoned al-Khadir has informed on some people. Al-Watidi does so even though he likes al-Khadir. One of the explanations for al-Watidi’s conduct may be the emotional distress brought on by living with his abusive wife. Out of grief, he turns into a kind of robot that follows orders at home and at the newspaper. Hijazi (2005: 49), in discussing people in al-Watidi’s position and their behavior toward authority figures, opines that people who are subject to oppression and whose futures are uncertain live in constant tension over the harm that authority figures may inflict on them. This tension is likely to cause outbursts of anger toward the authority figures. Since these people fear the consequences of these outbursts, they double their effort to suppress their energies by submitting. According to Milgram, who has studied obedience and disobedience to authority figures, many people tend to carry out the instructions of authority figures whose authority they perceive as legitimate, no matter how cruel, because they strive to please them. There are those who assuage their consciences by telling themselves that in their minds they oppose the orders. From their point of view, they are only following orders, and they put the responsibility for their actions on the authorities in charge.8 The turning point in al-Watitdi’s relationship to authority figures is related to his son Nadir and the example the latter presents regarding the question of how to face them. One day, al-ʿInani summons al-Watidi to

102  The Background of the Conflicts inform him that Nadir has been arrested. Nadir is accused of being one of the greatest enemies of al-Khitat not only because he is a key figure in the ʿAgam, but also because he is a leading opponent of al-Tanukhi’s campaign against the Great Dam. Al-ʿInani demands that al-Watidi force his son to reveal the names of his associates as a condition for his release, even though the Security Directorate already knows their identities and is in fact is holding them in solitary confinements in cells adjacent to Nadir’s. This is a recurring motif in prison literature, where interrogators know everything about the political prisoners and the organizations they belong to. Despite this, they need a confession in order to break the organization from within. From the regime’s point of view, the content of the confession is not as important as the act of confessing (al-Faysal 1994: 145). When al-Watidi brings al-ʿInani’s demand to Nadir, Nadir’s curt response is: “Shame on you, Dad!” (al-Ghitani 1991: 355). These words strike al-Watidi like a blow because his son’s fidelity to his principles exposes his own weakness. His son’s rebuke reveals to him that he no longer has any place in al-Khitat, so he flees to the uninhabited places. There, al-Watidi goes through a process of soul searching and becomes filled with hatred for the Master and his successors. He hopes that Nadir will never reveal the names of his companions, even at the price of his life. As opposed to the above instances in which the background of the conflict is clear, with Ilyas it is difficult to determine which came first – ­harassment by the Security Directorate or his challenge to the government. The difficulty derives from the obfuscation surrounding Ilyas during the period between his sudden disappearance during the Master’s era and his appearance in the uninhabited places. A short time after al-Hilali establishes the Directorate for Smuggling Antiquities, a mysterious giant appears, and the Security Directorate finds a superficial similarity between Ilyas and the giant. His appearance bothers the Directorate, and they make several failed attempts on his life. The giant receives public approbation due to his skillful evasions of these attempts to eliminate him. The public also identifies the giant with Ilyas, apparently because he disappears at the same time that the antiquities disappear from al-Khitat and Ilyas is known for hiding antiquities. The government defines this as an act of terror. Al-Khadir, al-Watidi, and Khalid are among the first immigrants to the uninhabited places, perhaps along with Ilyas, who together with alKhadir and a-Watidi comprise the ruling triumvirate of the new community. Multitudes arrive in their wake after a campaign of mass arrests that al-Tanukhi and al-ʿInani conduct against all those who took part in establishing the Great Dam or even expressed enthusiasm for it. Nearly one hundred thousand people are arrested. One reason for the mass arrests is that the dam reminds people of other, better times. However, the main reason is that all those targeted express devotion to extinct values such as solidarity and helping the poor, which are now serious crimes under the Master’s successors.

The Background of the Conflicts  103 Since most of those who established the dam are from the far south, the campaign of arrests dovetails with the actions of the Security Directorate against its inhabitants. These people challenge the dictates of the Master’s successors because they are strong enough to maintain their independence against the central government. At the height of their activities, al-ʿInani orders a closure of the region, a kind of preparatory step to extermination of the inhabitants. The day after the order is given, the builders of the dam flee to the uninhabited places, and in their wake, masses flee, a flight that reaches its climax at the start of the peace process with the enemies. Many cannot abide this peace since memory of the harsh defeat is still fresh in mind. They flee in haste, leaving money, workplaces, and children behind. Sulyaman disappears after guiding al-Khadir to the sources of life that are located in the heart of the desert, and then al-Khadir becomes the undisputed leader of the new community.9 Al-Khadir fills the hearts of the immigrants with optimism. He encourages them to renew al-Khitat as in days of old and instructs those with knowledge of various fields to pass their knowledge on to others. He requests that Khalid reenact the events of al-Khitat’s history that were erased from the curriculum. Al-Watidi is al-Khadir’s right-hand man, supervising food, medicine, and weapons that arrive from al-Khitat and abroad. Ilyas is in charge of the skilled workers. The immigrants tell miraculous stories about Sulayman, al-Khadir, and Ilyas, attributing wondrous powers to them. Those attributed to Sulayman allude to those of Solomon/Sulayman in the Bible and the Quran. Among other things, it is said that he knows the language of animals and that he can fly. About al-Khadir it is told that his mother gave birth to him at the age of sixty and that he carries a small charm under his skin that protects him from harm. Ilyas is said to be fluent in the ancient languages of al-Khitat as well as foreign languages, even though he is illiterate. Al-Watidi and Ilyas develop superpowers in the uninhabited places, with al-Watidi gaining the ability to see great distances even at night and to drag a tank with his teeth and Ilyas the ability to hear grains of sand collide with the rocks on stormy nights. Hijazi suggests a psychological explanation for the superpowers that the leaders of the new community gain: when a person is completely helpless against tyrannical authority, his only hope lies in a miraculous salvation, be it a mythic hero or the superpowers that he will one day gain. This is a childish hope, yet it is the only thing that keeps him alive (Hijazi 2005: 120–121, 144).10

Stepping Back at the Last Minute: Factors That Cause Individuals and Groups to Retreat from Conflict Some of the relationships between individuals and authority figures do not reach a stage of confrontation because one of the parties retreats at

104  The Background of the Conflicts the last minute out of fear of the power confronting him or other reasons. Relationships of this sort are described in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood and Chicago. In both novels, impotence is an essential component. As a means of control, Sheikh ʿAtiyya causes impotence in the residents of the neighborhood using a spell that he casts upon the males,11 while Salah suffers from impotence some time before deciding to challenge the President. His impotence seems connected to his quietism regarding all sorts of political activity. The sexual impotence symbolizes his political impotence. In al-Zaʿfarani, ʿAtiyya functions both as the authority figure in the neighborhood and as a challenger to the government operating outside it. In both instances, the background to the desire for confronting him – on the part of the residents and security services alike – is the spell. Under the shadow of the spell, ʿAtiyya forces the residents to change their lives from top to bottom, while at the same time removes the neighborhood from State control. Al-Simadi makes a connection between the new community in al-Ghitani’s Quarters and the al-Zaʿfarani neighborhood: both cases describe people who cut themselves off from government authority. The community in al-Ghitani’s Quarters barricades itself in the far south while in the al-Zaʿfarani neighborhood the Sheikh cuts the neighborhood from the State authorities with the threat of the spell. In addition, in both novels there is a connection between supernatural powers and the desire to create a new and better world (al-Simadi 1992: 176–178). In my opinion, this analogy can be extended to The Mountain since the people of al-Gurna are also remote from governmental authority. In addition, all three works describe conflicts of collectives with authority figures. The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood is exceptional in that the conflict is not only between the Sheikh and the government but also between the residents and the Sheikh. While Sheikh ʿAtiyya forces change on the residents of the al-­ Zaʿfarani neighborhood, Salah in Chicago would like to live his life over again and therefore sets off on a path of confrontation with the President. Approaching age sixty, married to an American woman, and with no children, Salah comes to the conclusion that he has lived his life on the wrong track. This awareness along with memories of Zaynab (his beloved) lead him to a serious psychological crisis at the height of which he is attacked by impotence. His impotence symbolizes his fear of joining Zaynab in her struggle and the failure of their relationship in addition to his empty life in America, which has lost its taste apparently because of this same original sin – his abandonment of Egypt for the comfortable life in the United States when the dissidents needed people like him. His past, especially the separation from Zaynab, pursues him. Thirty years after their parting, her insult that he is a coward still burns in his psyche. He believes her accusation could serve as the caption for his life.

The Background of the Conflicts  105 The weight of the past leads Salah to cut himself off from his wife. In order to compensate himself for the missed opportunities in his life, he takes to reliving his past each night in the basement of his home: putting on the clothes in which he arrived in the United States, watching ­Egyptian movies from the 1960s, and listening to old songs. This makes him feel like someone who travels in a time machine back to his real life. Under the burden of his nostalgia, Salah decides to renew his connections with his old friends as another way to resurrect his past. The endpoint of the journey to the past is Zaynab, now a senior clerk in the Ministry of Finance. From their first phone conversation, it arises that Zaynab, who was willing to sacrifice her future for her principles, has succeeded in both her professional and personal life, while Salah, who thought only of his personal well-being and career advancement, has failed in his personal life. He who fled the struggle has lost all taste for life. That same conversation completes Salah’s secret nighttime world, and he continues to phone Zaynab to tell her about himself trying to clarify whether she still sees him as a coward. His insistence on digging into old wounds does not interest Zaynab. Yet she implies that even though her struggle did not bear fruit, at least she has fulfilled her obligation to Egypt by not running away. Her insinuation hurts Salah deeply. It is possible that the magical world that Salah has built for himself in which he feels like the hero of a fairy tale, alongside his disconnect from reality and his desire to turn back time, factors into giving him the courage to make the decision to challenge the President. His arguments with Nagi – the mirror image of Zaynab – apparently also increase his desire to fix the mistakes he made thirty years ago. Eager to remove the shame of cowardice and to give meaning to his life, he responds enthusiastically to Nagi’s suggestion to read the proclamation against the President. He senses that fate has given him a path to salvation from his suffering. The day before the event, he phones Zaynab to tell her that he will prove to her and to the world that he is not a coward. While Salah endeavors to change the parameters of his life only, ʿAtiyya strives to establish a new world order that will begin in the al-­Zaʿfarani neighborhood. Theorists like Tahun and Rummana develop theories and dream of a perfect socialist world, but he is a doer who acts to realize what socialism could not achieve. Yet the utopia that the Sheikh promises can only be entered by passing through dystopia. With no advance warning, ʿAtiyya casts his spell and summons fourteen men to explain to the residents of the neighborhood how their lives are about to change. Among the men are ʿUways, ʿAtif, “Radish Head,” al-Takarli, and Hasan Anwar and his sons. At this same meeting, ʿAtiyya updates the men about the new situation: the impotence that they suffer will spread throughout the world as a preparation for steps he will announce in due time. The Sheikh emphasizes that there is no point in arguing with him; the residents must carry out his instructions. He forbids

106  The Background of the Conflicts the people of the neighborhood to come to his house and appoints ʿUways as his liaison and herald. He passes his instructions on through ʿUways while giving his teachings to chosen residents, whom he summons to him. ʿAtiyya’s instructions require the residents to change their habits. He tells them when to go to sleep, when to wake up, when to eat their meals, and what they may eat. He forbids all forms of fighting and threatens terrifying punishments to anyone who disobeys. Conversely, he pledges that residents will enjoy security if they follow his orders. The residents find the instructions strange and therefore do not immediately follow them, with some coming out against them publicly, while others rebel in secret. However, it is difficult to oppose the Sheikh, for that only increases his anger. Even those who only mentally dissent make an effort to remove opposition from their minds for fear that the Sheikh is a mind reader. This fear stems from rumors of his power to change the shape of anyone who violates his instructions or who dares to act against him. At the center of the Sheikh’s teaching is the idea that “the one who was promised to humanity has appeared after many eons of hiding behind the veil of might [sitar al-ʿizza]” (al-Ghitani 1985a: 183).12 The Sheikh is referring to himself, for according to him he had since the beginning of time longed to see people cooperating, and now he is about to realize this hope. He is not a messenger of a new religion, since the changes he plans to make in mankind and the world do not touch the essence of the religions and beliefs. Denying men and women the ability to reproduce − if only temporarily − indeed causes him great suffering. However, this is the only measure that can shock people into obeying him and allowing him to guide them to utopia – to a world without war or social, racial, or economic disparity. Since history has proven that science cannot change the nature of man or fix his ways, a miraculous action is necessary – a critical attack on the consciousness of humanity, threatening the very existence of the human race. Only a dire a situation like this will create the mentality required to impose justice and abolish inequality. The Sheikh indeed wants people to be united and happy. Paradoxically, it is precisely sexual satisfaction – which the Sheikh denies them – that opens the way to feelings of brotherhood and love (Hijazi 2005: 197). The Sheikh chooses Salam to be “The First Warner” (al-mundhir al-ʾawwal) or “Messenger of the Covenant Number 1” (rasul al-mithaq raqm (1)) (al-Ghitani 1985a: 185).13 His function is to issue a warning when the instructions are violated or to calm the situation when disagreements break out (Salam, who is seventy-five years old, likes to boast about the days when he worked in the service of the royal house and was a confidant of the King). Salam is intended to be one of seven Warners, whom the Sheikh will choose from all mankind. In fact, this is an additional step in the disconnection between the Sheikh and the residents. Henceforward, he conveys even his own teachings not through himself, but through Salam.

The Background of the Conflicts  107 Salam summons ʿAtif, Tahun and “Radish Head” to him to deliver the Sheikh’s message of love: ʿAtiyya loves the residents of the neighborhood with a strong, everlasting love and was concerned about their lives even before they came into the world. The residents of the neighborhood will always have a special status, since they were the first to obey his orders. While in the long term, ʿAtiyya plans to bring about world harmony, yet in the short term, the spell is creating havoc in the neighborhood, limiting the freedom of the residents and hurting them. The spell isolates the neighborhood and turns it into a giant prison. It also hurts the livelihood of some the residents. The only couple in the neighborhood who benefit from the spell are ʿAtif and Rawd. Their love is strengthened, and the two cease hiding their relationship and go out together in public. The spell breaks up three marriages: ʿAbduh runs away from Buthayna because he can no longer satisfy her sexually, Ikram leaves al-Takarli for her lover, and Farida leaves “Radish Head” for the private teacher of one of their daughters. Ironically, the breakup of these families takes place after the Sheikh issues an order that all blessings should be replaced by one sentence: “This is the time of flight” (hadha zaman al-firar) (Ibid.: 115–116). This is how the Sheikh explains the uniform blessing that is going to be spread around the world: The time of flight from era to era, from situation to situation. Fate is no longer under the rule of hope, of weak wills and wasted efforts, which destroy periods of life and wipe out generations after generations. By virtue of the speed of the flight, hopes will be realized, and dreams will become real. The eras in which man has been frozen in his ways have passed. The time of movement, of change, of flight from the impossible to the possible – has begun. (Ibid.: 116) One of the women of the neighborhood, who piously follows the Sheikh’s orders, suggests a counter interpretation. In her opinion, times were decadent even before the spell, so she justifies changing the blessing, pointing out that this is a time of flight from love, from good, and from faithfulness. An additional ironic perspective on the new blessing is the proximity of the blessing to the flight of Samir – Hasan’s beloved son – from his house and from the neighborhood. It is as if the Sheikh is placing an imprimatur on his flight and on the rift between the son and his parents and between husbands and wives – all in preparation for the new order that the Sheikh is seeking to create in the neighborhood. Samir’s flight signals the most traumatic event in the neighborhood following the onset of the spell, for in its wake Hasan loses his mind. Samir flees home because he refuses to obey his father, who instructs him to follow the orders of the Sheikh. The act of flight signals a breaking point for Hasan, who discovers that everything he has done

108  The Background of the Conflicts for his son has gone down the drain. Under the influence of his books on military history, he ceases to distinguish between reality and imagination, and in his insanity, he perceives Samir’s rebellion to be like that of an enemy breaching his positions. In his mind, he becomes a “Führer” whose enemies are massing for an attack against him under ʿAtiyya’s command. He even buys a uniform from “Radish Head” and appears in it each day on the porch of his house, thus violating the Sheikh’s order regarding uniform hours of sleep. Hasan reaches the height of madness after being fired from his job following the most recent order of the Sheikh, which grants the residents the opportunity to choose anew how they will live their lives. As a preparatory step to the reinstitution of the right to choose, the Sheikh commands the residents to leave their homes; from now on, houses with odd street numbers will be allocated to males and houses with even street numbers to females. In his madness, Hasan sees himself defeated both by the Sheikh and by his boss. Deciding to surrender, he goes to the police station, and there, to the laughter of the police officers, he undresses, introducing himself as “Retired Field Marshal and High Commander of the Allied Forces Against Corruption Hasan Anwar” (Ibid.: 263). From there he is taken into forced hospitalization. With Hasan’s hospitalization, ʿAtiyya’s most recent order causes unrest in the neighborhood. The women begin to challenge the Sheikh and condemn the men who stand around with their arms folded, claiming that nothing worse than what has already happened can befall them. The women’s words find a sympathetic ear: Tahun tells Hassan that no intelligent person can get used to the new orders and that if the silence continues, all the families in the neighborhood will be broken. As stated above, the Sheikh challenges the State authorities who deal with the spell by writing intelligence reports and establishing committees. A plethora of reports from the various security apparatuses working in the neighborhood present their fixed ideas. On the one hand, they know that something supernatural is happening in the neighborhood, identifying the Sheikh ʿAtiyya as the one and only authoritative figure in it; on the other hand, the security apparatuses insist on placing responsibility for the events on the residents of the neighborhood, because these apparatuses are unable to deal with the supernatural aspect of the Sheikh’s rule and with the neighborhood’s disassociation from the State and its institutions. They prefer “to look for the coin under the lamp.” In light of the difficulties to digest what has happened, it is possible to say that The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood shows how security authorities in Egypt know very well how to oppress people, but not how to suppress ideas. While it is true that the Sheikh has imposed impotence on the neighborhood’s men, it becomes clear that the authorities are no less impotent than they are.

The Background of the Conflicts  109 The neighborhood draws the attention of the authorities when government officials avoid entering it as a result of the spell. Police officers are also afraid to even gossip about or mock the Sheikh. The State loses control of the neighborhood, and it turns into a separate entity not subject to the State. In the end, the security authorities succeed in finding an informant in the neighborhood, promising to quickly heal him, a promise that is unfounded. Following the informant’s reports, a top-­ secret memorandum attributing the spell to the Sheikh determines that his ideas and instructions constitute a harm to State’s authority, a threat to the values of the society, an infringement of the freedom of others, and a destruction of the foundations and structures (the memorandum was written by the Force of Excellent Security or the Department of Fighting Destructive Ideas and is submitted to the head of the Division of Exclusive Security). However, the authors of the memorandum also determine that Rummana has a recognizable influence on the Sheikh and that he is involved in what is happening while acknowledging that he is concealed in his room and no one outside the neighborhood visits him. Rummana is a suspect only because he is a known communist. Another security body, the Department of Fighting Religious Fanaticism, finds a suspect of its own when the father of one of the residents, a former plainclothes policeman who has a conflict with his son, accuses the son of membership in the Muslim Brotherhood and actions against the State. Even though follow-up reports reveal that the son is not even religious, the Department of Fighting Religious Fanaticism claims that the Sheikh’s teachings include several of his ideas, among them fanaticism and incitement against the regime and the State. The government comes to the conclusion that the Sheikh is the sole source of the events only when the foment in the neighborhood against him increases. However, fearing to confront the Sheikh themselves, the Supervisor of Highest Security suggests that they enlist the assistance of the neighborhood residents in capturing him. This suggestion exposes the helplessness of the security authorities in the face of stronger forces than themselves: they lack both the intellectual ability to confront the Sheikh’s ideas on the philosophical plane and the courage to act. Used to creating their own enemies − the so-called dissidents and the imaginary agents of foreign countries14 − and suppressing them, they are helpless when facing the Sheikh’s supernatural powers that are his means of realizing his ideas.

Notes 1 Danana’s claim can be explained by what Zaynab says to Salah regarding the religious radicalization in Egypt: What is prevalent now in Egypt is not true religiosity, but collective clinical depression accompanied by religious symptoms. What has made the

110  The Background of the Conflicts matter worse is that millions of Egyptians worked for many years in Saudi Arabia and returned with Wahhabi ideas. The regime helped the spread of these ideas since they support it […]. (al-Aswani 2007: 381) The Wahhabi school of thought encourages political quietism by forbidding revolt against the ruler even if he is unjust (Haykel 2009: 48–50). 2 The Muslim Brotherhood was made illegal in 1953 against the background of ʿAbd al-Nasir’s fears of the organization’s popularity among the public, of its penetration into the ranks of army officers, and of its paramilitary force. Communists were also perceived as enemies of the regime, even though the regime presented itself as socialist. 3 Soccer fans: in the original, the word is written al-kurawiyyin, which also means inhabitants of Planet Earth, since it comes from the noun kura – globe, ball. When this noun appears with the definite article (al-kura), its meaning is the Earth. Hence, it seems that the agent’s words apply to all human beings. 4 According to al-Saʿdani (1986: 158), since the beginning of the 1960s, when the government wants to incriminate someone, the authorities accuse him of attempting a coup. 5 The collection Kalila wa-Dimna (named after two jackals) belongs to the genre of mirrors for princes. It was originally written in Sanskrit and translated into Persian. In the 8th century, it was translated from Persian into Arabic by Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ. 6 Al-Gamaʿa al-Islamiyya is a terrorist organization whose goal is to impose Islamic rule on Egypt. In the 1990s, the organization was responsible for terror attacks against Egyptian soldiers and police officers as well as tourists. 7 The name of the narrator is identical to the author’s name, Fathi Ghanim (Ghanim 1959: 10). According to Elad, even though the novel was the product of the personal experience of Ghanim as an investigator for the Ministry of Education who was in fact sent to the actual village of al-Gurna, the narrator in The Mountain is “a fictional Fathi Ghanim” (Elad 1989: 170). 8 Milgram (1974: 2–6, 8, 10, 146–147; 1965: 75). 9 Sulayman takes al-Khadir on a journey exactly as al-Khadir does with ­Moses according to the Quran, 18/al-Kahf: 60–82. Sulayman’s condition is that al-Khadir not ask him the meaning of the wonders that will be revealed. Al-Khadir, exactly like Moses in the Quran, cannot resist the temptation, and therefore Sulayman leaves him. 10 According to Hijazi, this hope makes a person passive because he expects a savior to arrive at any moment. Dependence upon a leader who will appear all of a sudden and change reality for the better in the blink of an eye characterizes peoples of third-world countries who rest their hopes in military coups. Herein lies the danger for these peoples: the savior-leader turns from commander who leads the masses into a mythic hero who merits a cult of personality, and the masses relate to him as a child relates to a parent. However, when the leader fails to fulfill the expectations placed upon him and nevertheless insists on staying in power and continuing with measures that led to failure, then he becomes a tyrant. Consequently, the masses are filled with despair alongside hope for a miraculous savior unless they come to the understanding that they, and they only, can make change by their own actions (Hijazi 2005: 120–122). 11 An active sex life is a symbol of freedom. Therefore, constricting it is a means to tighten control over a person (Hijazi 2005: 197).

The Background of the Conflicts  111 12 This term echoes the Sufi term hijab al-ʿizza (veil of might), which is one of several veils that prevent Allah from being seen by human beings (Ibn ʿArabi 1985: Vol. 1, 42; Vol. 5, 78). Al-Ghitani’s use of the term implies that the Sheikh considers himself to be God, as is also indicated by his appointment of messengers to spread his doctrines (see below). 13 The term rasul al-mithaq (“Messenger of the Covenant”) is ambiguous. The covenant mentioned here may refer to the primordial covenant that Allah made with humankind at the dawn of creation when they acknowledged his oneness and sovereignty, as stated in the Quran, 7/al-ʾAʿraf: 172 (­Böwering 2001: 466). It may also refer to the covenant that Allah made with the prophets. This covenant obliged the prophets to believe each other’s message concerning the truth of Islam and to make a covenant with their people, in which they are to believe in Allah’s prophets and messengers. This type of covenant is stated in Quran, 3/ʾAl ʿImran: 81 (al-Tabari 2000: Vol. 6, 557–559; Vol. 20, 213). Hence, the “Messenger of the Covenant” may be the Sheikh’s equivalent to the Prophet Muhammad. The word mundhir (“warner”) is the active participle of the verb andhara (“to warn”), of which the synonym nadhir (“warner”) is also derived. In the Quran, nadhir is synonymous with rasul (“messenger”). Its opposite is bashir, mubashshir (“bearer of good tidings”). As an epithet, the word mundhir is especially used in connection with Noah, the great warner before the Deluge, and the Prophet Muhammad. The Quran mentions that Muhammad is the first warner sent to his people (Wensinck 1993: 845. And see also Robinson 2006: 459–461). 14 The security authorities suspect that Hasan Anwar and a certain man whose trade is ironing clothes are foreign agents: Hasan because of his appearance as a mysterious general coming from a hostile country and the other man because he is obsessed with India and therefore attributes everything strange to its inhabitants (though he has never been there).

4 The Conflicts Development, Outcomes, and Consequences

Conflicts Initiated by Individuals People who confront authority figures, especially senior authority figures at the top of the regime’s pyramid, face powers much greater than they themselves possess. Although aware that their chances of success are small, some nevertheless are full of optimism and have confidence in their own abilities to win, at least at the onset. Ibrahim in There Is a Man in Our House expresses this confident attitude thus: Maybe this was the secret to his victory over them. He had felt that he was equal to them, equal to the government; as a matter of fact, he was stronger than the government. Challenging the government took nothing more than intelligence as if he were playing chess, where neither of the players has any weapon that the other does not possess. (ʿAbd al-Quddus 1997: 106–107) Ibrahim is the only protagonist who conducts the conflict from start to finish without the authority figures succeeding in changing his plans. He is the master of his fate all along the way. Most of the other protagonists lose the initiative at a certain point and are forced to submit. The obvious outcome of the conflicts initiated by individuals is the victory of the authority figures. In some cases, the victory is clear-cut and definitive, as in the cases of Nagi in Chicago, of Abu al-Suʿud in al-Zayni Barakat, and of ʿAzzam in The Yacoubian Building. In other cases, the victory is short lived. Other than Abu al-Suʿud and ʿAzzam, both public figures, all the protagonists lose their freedom, and some their lives. But even in death, a spark of optimism persists, as demonstrated by Ibrahim’s case in There Is a Man in Our House. Ibrahim is killed, but the cause for which he struggled defeats the royal regime and brings about the Officers’ Revolution. He is the only protagonist who succeeds in realizing the goal for which he initiated the conflict. The author, ʿAbd al-Quddus, presents his character as a model of the perfect patriot: a man willing to sacrifice his life for the good of the public, for a politically independent state, and an egalitarian society. In his challenge

The Conflicts  113 to the socio-political order, Ibrahim is one of the harbingers of the Free Officers’ Revolution. When Ibrahim sets out to confront the British soldiers and the Egyptian authorities, he is clearly in an inferior position. First, he is part of a very small group of revolutionaries; and second, he permits himself only to harm British soldiers and Egyptian collaborators, not the Egyptian police: “Something in him refuses to kill an innocent Egyptian, something stronger than himself, stronger even than his well-being and his life” (Ibid.: 387). In his opinion, Egyptian policemen are innocent because they are only following orders. Nevertheless, Ibrahim wrestles with the question of whether taking the lives of the British and their collaborators is murder. He convinces himself that he is not a murderer but a lone fighter in a “noble war” against the entire British army occupying Egypt. Hafiz explains the justification of murder in the novel through the idea of the conflation of political assassination with national liberation struggle. The separation between the patriot “self” and the colonialist “other” makes it easier for the author to strengthen the stance of the character who justifies murder (Hafez 2002). Ibrahim’s secret organization assassinates British soldiers until he decides to start eliminating collaborators. He believes that this strategy will arouse the people to rebel against the regime, and consequently the British will be forced to leave Egypt. Ibrahim takes it upon himself to assassinate ʿAbd al-Rahim Shukri, who is known as a traitor acting in the interest of the British.1 During the pursuit, Ibrahim is arrested, and to escape the death penalty that awaits him, he feigns a critical illness and is hospitalized under Egyptian police guard. Gaining the trust of his guards, he escapes without their notice. The assassination of Shukri turns him into a hero in the eyes of the public. Ibrahim sees Muhyi’s house as a temporary refuge where he can stay until establishing contact with his friends in order to sail from ­Alexandria to France. Although knowing that there is a reward on Ibrahim’s head and the threat of three years imprisonment for aiding his flight or withholding information about his whereabouts, Muhyi’s father agrees to shelter him for four days. Upon leaving the house, Ibrahim has the opportunity to flee Egypt for good and with it the conflict with the security authorities, but since he prefers the good of the country to his own good, his principles lead him to his death. During his short stay in Muhyi’s house, Ibrahim recruits Muhyi and Nawal, Muhyi’s younger sister, to help him make contact with his friends. These friends smuggle him to Alexandria, but Ibrahim decides to stay in Egypt, and they return to Cairo. In Cairo, Ibrahim changes safe houses and plans additional actions against British soldiers. At one point, he even comes out of hiding and kills a British soldier. Just as he decided to enter a new phase of resistance to the government by assassinating traitors, Ibrahim now decides to escalate the struggle

114  The Conflicts by starting a revolution that will topple the royal regime and put an end to both corruption and the British occupation. From his hiding place, he conducts the moves to recruit people to assist him and his friends in bringing about the revolution and seizing power. However, unwilling to sit with his arms folded, he plans to infiltrate a British army camp on his own, despite the small chance of getting out alive. ʿAtiyya explains Ibrahim’s willingness to commit suicide as emanating from his lack of political consciousness. This, together with repulsion of all ideological activity and his preference for action, mark him not as a leader but as a martyr who is willing to pay with his life for the cause (ʿAtiyya 1981: 138–139), just as he put himself in danger when he saved his friends in the demonstrations against the British occupation. Inside the army camp, Ibrahim succeeds in destroying vehicles and causing casualties among British soldiers. During the chase after he has been discovered, he is shot and wounded. Ironically, it is not the British but an Egyptian police officer who kills him. Outside the camp, Ibrahim finds himself facing an Egyptian police officer pointing his gun at him. Ibrahim knows that the officer would not understand his position, nevertheless he tries to touch the officer’s heart by pleading in his thoughts: “Oh brother, let me go. I’m rebelling on your behalf. If you search your heart, you’ll find that my revolution is your revolution” (ʿAbd al-Quddus 1997: 387). Ibrahim points his gun at the officer, but his principles do not allow him to shoot him. By contrast, the officer does shoot and kill. Ibrahim dies with a smile knowing that the process he started has ignited the fires of revolution and that Egyptians will expel the British from the country. Externally, Ibrahim creates the impression that he is fearless and has no doubts about his actions. However, in the course of the confrontation between himself and the security services, his apprehensions are exposed. He roils in self-torture over the damage he causes his relatives and others he encounters on his path. Aware of the consequences for the police officer on whose watch he fled the hospital and for Muhyi and ʿAbd al-Hamid after their arrest, Ibrahim blames himself for selfishly bringing harm upon those closest to him. The torture of Muhyi and ʿAbd al-Hamid fills him with despair, but this gives way to anger, for Muhyi – the simple innocent bystander – represents in his eyes the entire nation, which supports him and suffers because of him. Ibrahim feels a need to prove to Muhyi and his family that he is worthy of their faith and the torture they endure for his sake. In the course of planning his final act, Ibrahim torments himself about the pain he has caused his parents, especially since his father’s dream of his becoming a judge will never be realized. Comforting himself that his father can still be proud of him, he asserts: Judges and government ministers die just as the people die, and then the people forget them and their fathers. But he will die as a shahid

The Conflicts  115 [martyr], and the people will never forget him. He will give his father an unforgettable remembrance. This is the only recompense he can give to his father, a remembrance in which he can take pride before the people. (Ibid.: 367) Although ʿArafa in Children of Our Neighborhood does not have the public acclaim nor the base of supporters that Ibrahim has, he is just as confident about his ability to bring about change. His first step in putting an end to the era of the fetewwat and replacing al-Gabalawi is to assassinate Saʿdallah, the neighborhood fetewwa. He believes that this will cause a war of succession among the fetewwat in the process of which they will all kill each other. ʿArafa has good intentions, just as he had good intentions when he infiltrated al-Gabalawi’s home, but once again, he only makes the situation worse and turns Qadri (the manager of the endowment) into the sole ruler by removing his partners to the neighborhood leadership. Intending to oust Qadri as well, ʿArafa finds that he himself has become a tool of the Machiavellian endowment manager, an instrument to perpetuate his rule. Qadri discovers that ʿArafa is the one who murdered Saʿdallah and also forces him to admit responsibility for the death of al-Gabalawi. He blackmails ʿArafa by threatening to allow the people of the neighborhood lynch him for both deaths. ʿArafa has no choice but to reveal the secrets of his weapons and to place himself under Qadri’s aegis. Qadri, whose appetite for power and his own personal wellbeing are more important to him than the deaths of Saʿdallah and al-Gabalawi, uses `Arafa to secure the neighborhood under his authority. In light of the new situation and at ʿArafa’s request, Hanash prepares a secret notebook with instructions for the preparation of the explosive bottles and learns the craft of “magic” in order to carry on ʿArafa’s work in the event of his death. Meanwhile, Qadri wipes out the fetewwat and their supporters’ camps using ʿArafa’s explosive bottles. Following this move, one of ­Qadri’s men announces that a time of security both for people and property is coming, an announcement that bestows upon Qadri the admiration of the residents of the neighborhood. They are not yet aware of his plans. Just as ʿAwatif and Hanash had envisioned, Qadri puts ʿArafa in a similar position to that of the fetewwa of the neighborhood. This he does by ensconcing ʿArafa’s family in the fetewwa’s residence, thus imprisoning them in a gilded cage surrounded by hate and jealousy. Due to ʿArafa’s upgraded economic status, the people of the neighborhood whose lives he had wanted to improve have become his biggest critics and harshest detractors, especially since ʿArafa’s responsibility for the deaths of al-Gabalawi and the fetewwat has been made public. Qadri deprives ʿArafa not only of his independence but also of his will power. He changes his personality, turning him from a rebel into

116  The Conflicts a spineless man lacking in character. ʿArafa now experiences boredom, fear, despair, a feeling of sin, and the need to forget the hopes of the past. Living luxuriously in Qadri’s house like one of his family, he develops an addiction to hashish in the attempt to escape reality. His unfaithfulness to ʿAwatif causes her to leave him. ʿArafa is caught up in a complicated situation due to his ambitions and his mistakes, but actually, Qadri – his jailor – is the one who shows him the path to salvation when he mentions al-Gabalawi in one of their nighttime conversations. Qadri suggests that ʿArafa develop a spell against death, and when he asks what ʿArafa would do if he succeeded, ʿArafa, in a slip of the tongue, responds that he would resurrect al-­Gabalawi. Qadri responds with indifference: “That’s your business; you’re the one who murdered him” (Mahfuz 1991: 535). Qadri’s remark signals the nadir of ʿArafa’s situation: forever will people mention him in the same breath as the murder of the ancient ancestor. The only way out is to exonerate himself. Indeed, ʿArafa does achieve rehabilitation when a female servant of al-Gabalawi clears him of all responsibility for his death, informing him that upon his death al-Gabalawi was pleased with ʿArafa (ʿArafa is sure that the meeting with the servant actually took place, while Hanash contends that he imagined it under the influence of the drugs he took in Qadri’s home). This quasi-realistic vision opens the eyes of ʿArafa, the realist, and arouses him to break loose from his chains. The man who did not believe in al-Gabalawi draws inspiration from the servant’s words and remembers his true purpose – to overthrow Qadri’s rule and to return freedom to the people of the neighborhood. He decides to flee the neighborhood in order to return even stronger. Only then may he fulfill his mission and resurrect al-Gabalawi. ʿArafa believes that if he succeeds in resurrecting the ancient ancestor, it will pave the way to immunize all humanity from death. ʿArafa and Hanash try to flee the neighborhood together with ʿAwatif. Hanash escapes, but ʿArafa and ʿAwatif are caught. However, before his capture, ʿArafa tosses away the secret notebook lest it fall in the hands of his pursuers. Qadri commands his men to bury ʿArafa and ʿAwatif in the desert alive. In his last moments, ʿArafa understands that his own fear of death is what caused him to put himself under Qadri’s wing and lose everything. Nevertheless, even on the verge of death, he does not lose hope in being resurrected. He feels that when he arises again, he will cry out to everyone in the neighborhood: “Do not be afraid, fear does not stop death, it stops life. You, the children of our neighborhood, are not living, and life will not be possible for you so long as you are afraid of death” (Ibid.: 546). These thoughts are like a last will and testament that ʿArafa was not able to deliver to the people of the neighborhood. It seems that this will is meant for people like Saʿid in al-Zayni Barakat and Muhyi in There Is a Man in Our House, whose fear prior to the conflict binds them

The Conflicts  117 and prevents them from making a stand against the oppressive authority figures. These words are also consonant with Milgram’s assertion that tyrannical rule is perpetuated by people who do not have the courage to act on their convictions (Milgram 1974: 146). Unlike ʿArafa, Nagi in Chicago is not afraid to confront the regime. He does not think only of himself and his future like the other Egyptian students in Chicago, but is determined to reform his country, even if that means sacrificing his mother and his sister on the altar of his idealism. In composing the manifesto and beginning the campaign to gain signatures for it, he declares war on the Egyptian regime. Feeling strong and confident about his mission, he finds Shakir waiting for him in his apartment. Shakir has come to persuade Nagi to cancel his initiative. At first, he uses rational arguments and, afterwards, resorts to threats. Seeing that Nagi is proud of his devotion to the cause and willing to sacrifice his future for it, Shakir attacks him from the point of view of a security official who is expert in the reality of Egyptian lives, in contrast to an intellectual who hovers amid theories. According to Shakir, the Egyptians are not interested in democracy nor are they ready for it; they are interested in three things only: religion, their livelihoods, and their children. Only if the government prevents their religious observance will the people rise up. His viewpoint is similar to Danana’s stance in arguing with Nagi, and hence it is possible to understand that the regime is aware of its injustices and does not feel the need to curtail them because of its religious legitimation. Refuting Shakir’s claims, Nagi defeats him in the argument. Shakir becomes angry and warns him: “You’re playing with fire! […] If you don’t revoke this manifesto, you can’t begin to imagine what I’ll do to you!” (al-Aswani 2007: 358). The threat makes no impression on Nagi even though Shakir warns him that his presence in the United States does not protect him from punishment. Nagi’s tranquility is disturbed only when Shakir threatens to harm his mother and his sister. Before Nagi leaves, Shakir reveals to him that he has videos of him having sex with his Jewish girlfriend. This particular threat spurs Nagi into action. On the advice of Daws, he convinces Salah to read the manifesto before the President. In addition, Nagi organizes a demonstration outside the building where the manifesto will be read to the press. His struggle ends in complete failure. Not only does Salah have a panic attack at the moment of truth, at night the FBI arrests Nagi on suspicion of involvement in planning terror attacks against Americans in the United States. The arrest is based on Egyptian intelligence, and it seems that Shakir, exploiting the sensitivity of the American security services after the events of September 11, is behind it. Because of this sensitivity, the American security services are prepared to trample human rights for the sake of state security. Thanks to the cooperation between the two security apparatuses, terror suspects are extradited to

118  The Conflicts Egypt, where it is permissible to extract confessions by torture, and then sent back to the United States. Apparently, Nagi is sent back to Egypt to become one of those same prisoners whose release he wanted to demand from the President. By virtue of his public status, it would seem that Abu al-Suʿud in al-Zayni Barakat has the greatest chances of success in confronting authority figures. However, he fails because he does not take into consideration the special circumstances in which he tries to punish al-Zayni, and thereby influence internal politics. He decides to confront al-Zayni during an especially sensitive time period, less than a month after the defeat of the Mamluks. At that time, al-Zayni is de facto ruler of Egypt, but when he arrives at the Sheikh’s residence, the Sheikh behaves not like a religious figure but rather like a secular authority figure and shouts at him: “You dog! Why do you oppress the Muslims? Why do you rob their property and ascribe to me things I didn’t say?!” (al-Ghitani 1985b: 243). A shocked al-Zayni tries to run away, but the Sheikh’s men surround him and beat him in the head with their shoes. After this, the Sheikh imprisons al-Zayni in his house and intends to execute him within days. Just when it seems that the Sheikh has succeeded, for the last Mamluk Sultan, Tumanbay, decides to hang al-Zayni, Zakariyya convinces Tumanbay that leaving al-Zayni alive will increase the stability of his throne. At the same time, Zakariyya sends his agents to legitimize this step in the eyes of the public. During Tumanbay’s short reign, al-Zayni is dismissed from all his positions, but after the Ottomans have been installed, he is reinstated in his position as muhtasib and serves the new rulers. In his conflict with al-Fuli and the “Big Man,” ʿAzzam in The Yacoubian Building finds himself in a situation similar to that of Suʿad, his second wife: helpless, frightened, and deprived of all independence. He realizes that at the top of the regime pyramid stands a man who uses Mafia-like methods to blackmail him and get rich at his expense. When ʿAzzam finally meets al-Fuli after futile attempts at eluding him and avoiding paying the “tax” on his profits, he continues in his efforts to buy time so as not to pay by pretending that he is not afraid. Only when al-Fuli threatens to remove him from parliament he does he swear to fulfill his part of the deal and begs to meet with the “Big Man” in order to explain the situation himself. Some weeks later, ʿAzzam is taken to a meeting with the “Big Man” in his palace. He does not get to meet him face-to-face; ʿAzzam only hears his voice emerging from an unknown source in the meeting room. The “Big Man,” for his part, can see and hear ʿAzzam. The voice casts terror upon him, but nevertheless ʿAzzam tries to reduce the “Big Man’s” share in the “partnership.” His request angers the “Big Man,” who maintains that the percentage in question is a fixed one for all the large business owners and the payment assures them of protection from harm. To convince ʿAzzam once and for all that he has no choice but to pay, the

The Conflicts  119 “Big Man” resorts to blackmail him with threats. A file is placed before ʿAzzam containing reports from various security bodies stating that he is involved in the heroin trade. According to the “Big Man,” the investigations against ʿAzzam are now suspended, but they can be reopened at any time, consequently destroying him. Another document in the file is the partnership agreement between the two of them. The “Big Man” leaves it to ʿAzzam whether or not to sign. The narrator of The Yacoubian Building does not reveal if ʿAzzam submits to the “Big Man’s” demand. However, taking into ­consideration the danger involved in refusing, it seems that he does submit. In ­ʿAzzam’s humiliation, there is a kind of poetic justice in light of how he ­mistreated Suʿad. Just like the demeaning agreement he forced upon her, ­dispossessing her of control of her own body, so the President imposes a ­humiliating agreement on ʿAzzam, dispossessing him of control of his wealth and his future. In contrast to these deliberately instigated conflicts, the conflict between Muhyi and ʿAbd al-Hamid and the senior officials of the Political Police in There Is a Man in Our House emerges by mistake. ʿAbd al-Hamid accidentally initiates conflict with Hammam and al-Dabbagh. Muhyi enters the conflict as a man who is afraid of prison, but paradoxically, it is in prison that he challenges al-Dabbagh and knowingly puts himself in danger of torture and extended incarceration. ʿAbd al-Hamid, just as he challenged Hammam when the latter lied to him, continues to challenge him as an interrogee. He further distinguishes himself as one of the most violent prisoners toward the guards. The conflict opens with the sudden appearance of al-Dabbagh at the family home in order to conduct a search. While searching Muhyi’s room, Muhyi takes the courage to ask for a search warrant so as to prove that he is not afraid of the authorities. Responding with scorn, al-Dabbagh states that the law exists only in the textbooks of the Faculty of Law but not in the field. During the search, al-Dabbagh discovers the letter of apology that Ibrahim began to write to the officer on whose watch he fled the hospital. As a result, al-Dabbagh instructs his men to conduct a violent search and to arrests Muhyi and ʿAbd al-Hamid. Al-Dabbagh is convinced that the two cannot stand up to an extended interrogation and will confess to sheltering Ibrahim. Al-Dabbagh interrogates Muhyi while Hammam interrogates ʿAbd al-Hamid. However, in contrast to al-Dabbagh’s expectations, even under pressure of beating, Muhyi refuses to admit guilt and sticks to his position. From his point of view, confessing violates his principles. In his cell, Muhyi suffers further torture, reminiscent in some measure of the torture methods of al-Zayni and Zakariyya in al-Zayni Barakat. In order to prevent him from sleeping, and thus to cause his nerves to fray, a prison guard turns the key in the lock without opening the door and flickers the lightsr on and off. These tortures still do not break him. Al-Dabbagh, frustrated

120  The Conflicts that he is unable to incite Muhyi against his cousin, the one responsible for his imprisonment, nor get any clue as to Ibrahim’s whereabouts, orders his men to empty the cell and flood it with water. With no bed to lie on, Muhyi faints from exhaustion. He falls onto the wet floor and is thrown into mortal danger. His treatment illustrates the contempt for human life of the prison authorities. From the point of view of Hammam and al-Dabbagh, Muhyi’s death will only be an unfortunate event if he dies before confessing. The prison doctor, who is in league with them, hospitalizes Muhyi, falsifying the reason for the hospitalization in order to cover up the tortures he went through. Muhyi is returned to prison shortly after Ibrahim’s death. The depiction of the course of the conflict already shows that Muhyi is victorious over al-Dabbagh by virtue of his stubbornness. Al-Dabbagh thinks it will be easy to break him and – to his surprise – discovers how tough Muhyi is. However, Muhyi is not the only one who challenges the prison authorities. Following Ibrahim’s death, the prisoners are permitted to leave their cells after weeks of solitary confinement. They turn their gathering into a loud social event and collectively agree to continue Ibrahim’s struggle upon their release. At this same gathering, a melee breaks out between prisoners and guards. Muhyi is not involved, but ʿAbd al-Hamid turns out to be the most violent prisoner. Because of the melee, the prisoners are returned to isolation. The prisoners’ joy in meeting one another indicates that the extended solitary confinement has not broken their spirits. On the contrary, the death of Ibrahim only strengthens their resolve to complete his mission and to bring about a revolution. The only ones who emerge victorious in their conflict with authority figures are Muhyi and ʿAbd al-Hamid. The immediate outcome of the conflict between them and Hammam and al-Dabbagh is their release. The two do not confess despite their suffering in prison; on the contrary, their willpower subdues Hammam, al-Dabbagh, and their men. In terms of the impact of the conflicts upon the surroundings, it is possible to distinguish between the cases of Abu al-Suʿud and ʿArafa and that of Ibrahim. The defeat of Abu al-Suʿud and ʿArafa creates a situation that is worse than the one that existed before the conflict, whereas the death of Ibrahim is one of the causes of the 1952 Revolution. Ironically, Abu al-Suʿud contributes to creating an unbreakable bond between the authority figures he confronted, Zakariyya and al-Zayni, with al-Zayni now owing his life to Zakariyya, the head of the security apparatus. This bond ensures their control over the populace even under foreign rule. With regard to ʿArafa and his conflict with Qadri, his struggle fails in the short run, and he dies a tragic hero and a hated man with no one to continue his work. Fear of Qadri silences the residents of the neighborhood, and because of ʿArafa, they can no longer hope for the beneficence of the ancient ancestor. Yet, in the long run, ʿArafa threatens Qadri’s supremacy through the notebook in which he deposited his thoughts.

The Conflicts  121 Some time after his death, ʿArafa’s name is cleared and the people of the neighborhood elevate him above all of al-Gabalawi’s disciples. Following the new faith in ʿArafa, the residents abandon their old faith in al-Gabalawi. With his death, the ancient ancestor ceases to be the address for dreams, and ʿArafa takes his place as the one capable of resurrecting him, on the one hand, and of saving the neighborhood, on the other hand. ʿArafa’s death is the very thing that creates widespread base of support for his ideas against Qadri, whose status in the neighborhood begins to decline. The residents discover a new resource – the hope that Hanash will succeed in using ʿArafa’s weapons against the manager of the endowment – since over time rumors have spread throughout the neighborhood that Hanash found ʿArafa’s notebook and will complete what ʿArafa started and even take revenge on Qadri. The rumors grow stronger with the disappearance of a few young men from the neighborhood. Some claim that these men have joined Hanash in his hiding place and that he is training them for the day of salvation. Qadri and his men, seized with panic, begin a reign of terror, but the residents of the neighborhood continue to hold onto hope. Whenever they are harmed, they say: “Inevitably oppression will end, and night will become day. We shall certainly see in our neighborhood the fall of tyranny, the dawn of light and wonders” (Mahfuz 1991: 552). Both ʿArafa and Ibrahim are defeated and lose their lives, but their ideals win out over the regime and awaken the hope of victory. Thus, the revolution that Ibrahim worked for occurs just a few years after his death, and he himself becomes a myth. Muhyi sees in him a link in the long chain of heroes of modern Egypt, the last of whom is Gamal ʿAbd al-Nasir. ʿAtiyya defines Ibrahim as a bullet that hit its target in the campaign against the British occupation (ʿAtiyya 1981: 139). The conflict between Ibrahim and the Political Police affects not only his parents, but also Muhyi’s family, whom he draws into involvement in his struggle. Ibrahim’s parents are marginal characters in the novel; all that is known about their reaction to his arrest is that they mourn it as if he had already been sentenced to death. The four days that Ibrahim spends in Muhyi’s house change the course of the family members’ lives and also impact Ibrahim himself. His presence creates the conflict between Muhyi, ʿAbd al-Hamid, and the Political Police and also establishes a romantic connection between Nawal, Muhyi’s younger sister, and himself. Ibrahim’s love for Nawal causes him to cast off his former stereotypes of young women, and he treats her as he would to any of his fellows in the secret association. Nawal serves as the contact person to his friends outside, and in so doing, she challenges her parents’ authority and the social norms since she meets with Ibrahim’s male friends without being escorted by a male family member. Ibrahim dreams of marrying Nawal and living a quiet life of tranquility with her. When he plans to carry

122  The Conflicts out a revolution, he tells himself that this is the only way he could unite with her under one roof. In this way, he connects the public interest, as he understands it, to his personal interest in overthrowing the regime. This is similar to the connection that Saʿid in al-Zayni Barakat makes between living together with Samah and utopia. Ibrahim arouses contradictory feelings in Muhyi’s family: they are angry with him while he stays in their home and admire him once he leaves. It is possible to see this as an admiration from afar, which exists only as long as he does not endanger those with whom he comes into contact. In this regard, they perhaps represent wide swaths of Egyptian society on the brink of the Revolution: those who want a revolution but are waiting for heroes who will take it upon themselves to carry it out. Muhyi’s father sees Ibrahim as an impudent young man who forces himself on the family and puts them in danger. Despite this, and disagreeing with the assassination of Shukri, he opens his home to him. The father hosts Ibrahim out of pity, but also because he is a patriot and in his heart of hearts apparently supports his actions. Even though Ibrahim is a burden to the family, the father, upon his departure, sincerely wishes him success, since now Ibrahim’s well-being is inextricably tied to the well-being of his household. He feels like someone who has fulfilled his duty in the best possible way and is proud to have saved a patriotic hero. Ibrahim’s death is a tragedy for the family, Nawal especially. Only Muhyi’s mother sees the bright spot in his death: the chance that Muhyi might be released from prison. The father, on the other hand, is actually willing to sacrifice his son’s freedom for Ibrahim’s life. He now wholeheartedly supports the revolution. Nawal identifies with Ibrahim’s goals, even though he did not reveal them to her. She hates the corrupt royal regime whose emissaries murder not only heroes like Ibrahim, but also the emotion of love. Nawal loses her joy in life. The experience matures her, and even though she is the youngest in the family, they consider her as the wisest. Two years later, because of the social obligations of ­Egyptian society, she marries, but her heart is still with Ibrahim. The impact of the conflict upon Muhyi and ʿAbd al-Hamid concerns the change that comes over the two of them and their families as they become part of Ibrahim’s circle, the circle of those involved in activities against the regime, and are imprisoned because of it. The cousins go through a metamorphosis in prison. In fact, the two benefit from their experience in prison, as hard as it was. They develop political consciousness and willingly involve themselves in patriotic political activity. At the same time, each one finds new meaning in his life and changes the path he was on before imprisonment. Thus, for example, ʿAbd al-Hamid begins to believe in formal education and ceases to rely only on his cleverness. By virtue of the change that comes over him, he wins over Samiya and her family grows to like him. He achieves the happiness he had longed for. Muhyi learns that there are more important things in life than an

The Conflicts  123 academic career, like the coming revolution. Abjuring his passivity, he becomes the theoretician of the revolution. His involvement in formulating the doctrine behind the revolution is the climax of his release from the chains his father had placed upon him to keep him out of politics. His emancipation from his father’s authority occurs together with the State’s deliverance from the chains of the royal regime. When the revolution breaks out, Muhyi feels that he and his family have contributed to it that he himself has a part in creating “the new hero” (i.e., ʿAbd al-Nasir). Muhyi’s father also undergoes an ideological change and looks forward to the revolution that will overthrow the regime that harassed his son; he is even willing to take on an active role similar to his hiding of Ibrahim. He is proud of himself and Muhyi for contributing to the revolution. Following Ibrahim’s death, Muhyi’s father feels that he and millions of others have played a significant part. This thought fills him with pride over Muhyi’s arrest. The arrest causes him to respect his son and to see him as a hero. In his eyes, post-prison Muhyi is the other man in the family, his equal. The father’s state of mind corresponds to the manner in which Muhyi and ʿAbd al-Hamid are seen by Ibrahim’s friends and their colleagues in prison. The two who previously refrained from politics and feared prison and any contact with the Political Police now become heroes in the eyes of activist dissidents like Ibrahim and his men.

Conflicts Initiated by Authority Figures When authority figures initiate abuse of individuals, knowing that these individuals are innocent, they find it hard to admit that they have committed any wrongdoing and to release them. In Karnak and The These, for example, authority figures are not only unwilling to release innocent individuals from their grip, they abuse them simply to punish them for crimes they did not commit. From their point of view, the individual must be guilty of something and if by chance he is not guilty of anything, even then he is destined to suffer. Examples of arbitrary arrests for seemingly ridiculous reasons are the arrests of Ismaʿil and Qindil, two of the protagonists in al-Ghitani’s Quarters. Ismaʿil is arrested for continuing to develop a vaccine for bilharzia that will benefit the citizens of al-Khitat. His case exemplifies the explicit contempt shown by the security officers for those under their control. The security officers arrest him in the street together with his fiancée, the daughter of a respected professor at the university, and even at this stage they admit that there is no reason for the arrest. Nevertheless, Ismaʿil is taken to a sealed room where he is seated with hands tied. The head of the Security Directorate, al-ʿInani himself, comes to mock him for his research and right after that his staff carry out a gang rape of his fiancée in front of Ismaʿil. From time to time, a doctor comes in to

124  The Conflicts verify that she “is still fit.” The imprisonment and torture continue for four days, during which time she is raped by no less than 365 policemen. By contrast, Qindil is arrested because he does commit an actual “crime” according to al-Hilali’s laws – listening to an old song in a public place. A security patrol detects the forbidden song and arrests him, not taking into account his connection to al-Hilali, the Supervisor of the First Suburb. Al-Hilali himself does not give any consideration to his former newspaper colleague, nor does he take into consideration the fact that Qindil’s son was killed in battle while defending the State. Because he committed a crime for which there is no absolution, Qindil is sentenced to death with no right of appeal. The sentence does not faze him, seemingly because after the death of his son, he has become indifferent to his surroundings. Another protagonist who is not upset by his impending death is Tu’s father in The Story of Tu. The conflict between him and Shawkat, who is in charge of “welcoming” the prisoners, begins when Shawkat addresses him in the feminine, as one would address a little girl, and asks him his name. Not receiving a response, Shawkat lands a resounding slap on Tu’s father’s face. The man stoically bears the blow. He does not retreat nor indicate any intention to fight off a new blow. He shows no sign of fear but simply continues to stare back at Shawkat, who loses his temper and lands more blows on Tu’s father’s face. The man maintains his cool demeanor as if Zuhdi, Shawkat, and their men were non-existent. Zuhdi, the prison warden, sees his indifference as a challenge to the authorities. From his point of view, they must break the man or other prisoners will lose their reverence toward the representatives of the regime and a riot will inevitably ensue. Such a riot will not only put their lives in jeopardy, but also their careers. Shawkat, who believes that he is in a life and death duel with Tu’s father, commands him to say that he is a woman, and upon realizing that the man will continue to stand his ground, he calls out the “wild beasts.” Even their presence does not intimidate Tu’s father, who continues to refuse the order to undress. When Shawkat shouts “tear him apart!” (Ghanim 1987: 53), the beating begins. Tu’s father dies standing up straight with his eyes open. Shawkat is unable to digest that the man died without his being able to prove to him that he is not a man. Shawkat insults his men shouting at them to lift the body, but his “wild beasts” retreat in dread, and even he does not have the strength to approach the corpse. According to the narrator, the father dies upright, having sacrificed his soul on the altar of his principles. The father understands that beautiful ideas – communism, socialism, and social justice – have no value without working to realize them; his willingness to die pours content into them. Torture to the point of death and rape of a fiancée also appear in ­Karnak. The conflict between the three friends and the senior officer Safwan shows the tyranny of the regime toward imaginary enemies from within at a time when the State suffers defeat by the real external enemies. The

The Conflicts  125 regime invests most of its efforts in internal oppression, in defending itself against imaginary dangers while neglecting to defend itself from the actual enemy. Safwan represents an approach of the State security services according to which everyone is suspected of being a dissident. His conduct shows that obsession over security is just an excuse to exert power over the population, supporters and dissidents alike. In addition, it seems that securing the regime or what goes under the rubric of “state security” is but an excuse to justify the existence of the security services. The three friends are arrested at the same time. Ismaʿil is held in a cell for a few days until he is brought before Safwan. Seized with terror, ­Ismaʿil expresses his happiness that now he is before the person in charge. In response, he receives a blow from behind, and Safwan commands him to answer only when asked. In this first encounter, Safwan accuses Ismaʿil of membership in the Muslim Brotherhood and when Ismaʿil denies this, he receives another blow and faints. In the second encounter, Safwan informs Ismaʿil that there has been a mistake, and he is released. Sometimes, he claims, mistakes are made, but everything is done for the sake of protecting the State. Zaynab and Hilmi are arrested because of their friendship with ­Ismaʿil. Zaynab wonders why they have been arrested for they are loyal to the regime. Safwan cynically responds that ninety-nine percent of the regime’s enemies claim this. Zaynab is released in two days, with no harm having been done to her, and Hilmi is released with Ismaʿil. While during the first arrest Safwan admitted that a mistake had been made, after the second arrest, he is certain that Ismaʿil is guilty. In order to force him to confess, Safwan threatens to rape one of his female family members. As mentioned earlier, Shakir in Chicago uses an identical method, and this suggests that the methods of torture do not change with time, from the period of ʿAbd al-Nasir (to which Karnak relates) to the period of Mubarak (to which Chicago relates). 2 In this second time, Ismaʿil is arrested as he leaves Hilmi’s house, and Zaynab and Hilmi are arrested with him. Again, Ismaʿil waits a long time in his cell until being brought before Safwan. This time Safwan accuses him of joining the communists – because Hilmi is in fact a communist, but Ismaʿil is not – and he does not accept Ismaʿil’s word that he is loyal to the regime. Ismaʿil prefers not to respond to the accusations since he does not know what to say. In light of his silence, Safwan brings Zaynab into the room and threatens Ismaʿil that if he does not confess he will command that she be raped. Under these circumstances Ismaʿil does confess that he is a communist and is returned to his cell without being tortured. After Ismaʿil confesses his guilt, Zaynab is again brought to Safwan’s office, where he instructs one of his men to rape her while he enjoys the sight. It is possible that Zaynab is raped because she courageously objects to Ismaʿil’s being forced to confess under threat. Unlike Ismaʿil, Hilmi is tortured. One day, Ismaʿil is taken to see him hanging by his

126  The Conflicts feet, unconscious. The guard, noticing Ismaʿil’s nausea, asks sarcastically: “Inhumane, isn’t it? And the murderous dreams that you guys dream, are they humane?!” (Mahfuz N.D.: 64). Safwan wrings a confession out of Ismaʿil, rapes Zaynab, and tortures Hilmi, even though he knows that this time too the three are innocent. About six months after their arrests, he releases Hilmi because he does not belong to any organization or party and informs Ismaʿil that he is released because it turned out that his visit to Hilmi was without criminal intent. Before releasing Ismaʿil, Safwan makes him an offer he cannot refuse – to be his informant. Ismaʿil has no choice but to agree and Safwan adds: This is what we ask of you: you go to a colleague who will guide you to the level path. But I want to remind you that we are a power that dominates everything, that nothing is concealed from it, rewarding friends and punishing traitors so that others will see and fear! (Ibid.: 67) Safwan’s words “who can guide you to the level path” allude to the Quranic verse: “Perhaps my Lord will guide me to the level path” (Quran 28/ al-Qasas: 22). In this statement, Safwan creates a parallel between God and the officers of the security services: like God, they are omnipotent, omniscient, and maintain a system of rewards and punishments. Alongside the similarities between Safwan and Zakariyya in al-Zayni Barakat regarding the desire to imitate God’s omnipotence, Safwan also maintains a network of informants whose function is to follow each other. When he releases Zaynab, he makes her the same offer that he made ­Ismaʿil, and she also becomes an informant. She is asked to follow Ismaʿil, her fiancé, neither knowing that the other has been recruited to inform on them. In the same encounter, Zaynab shouts at Safwan that she has lost everything and that she does not believe the regime is pleased with his actions. Sawfan, unperturbed, replies that protecting the regime is more important than the few mistakes he and his colleagues might make. On the third occasion, only Ismaʿil and Hilmi are arrested, and they are imprisoned for a longer time than previously. They meet with ­Zaynab at Hilmi’s apartment, where Hilmi reveals his plan of promulgating a secret leaflet against the regime that has harmed him. Ismaʿil tries in vain to convince him to tear up the leaflet. While wrestling with his conscience as to whether to turn his friend in so as to save Zaynab and himself, Zaynab informs on Hilmi. She believes that she is protecting Ismaʿil, since in her report she writes that he opposed Hilmi’s plan, but she is wrong. Failing the test that Safwan put to him, Ismaʿil is arrested, receives one hundred lashes, and is thrown in solitary confinement, much to Zaynab’s surprise. Ismaʿil is released following the 1967 defeat, at which time Safwan himself is arrested. Hilmi, however, dies under interrogation.

The Conflicts  127 Karnak presents two different aspects of the release from the authorities’ grip: Hilmi, though murdered, is free at last from his pangs of conscience over his submission and humiliation, for he continued to struggle against a power greater than his even as a prisoner. On the other hand, Zaynab and Ismaʿil submit and therefore are sentenced to prolonged psychological suffering, not only because of their prison ordeal but also because they flagellate themselves for Hilmi’s death. Of the three of them, perhaps Hilmi’s is the most fortunate fate. Similarly to Hilmi, Shawqi in The Black Policeman is an ideological opponent of the regime who is also arrested and imprisoned without trial. Shawqi is one of the victims of al-Zanfali, “the black policeman,” who once tortured him in the District Building from dawn to dusk, an incident that became widely known as an example of al-Zanfali’s cruelty. During the torture, Shawqi received blows, lashes, baton blows, and was also burned. It is not clear whether the torture took place on the same day or whether it was spread out over time. The hero of The These is caught in a paradox: on the one hand, the agents of “the These” know everything about him, including what goes on in his mind, and thus they are able to know whether he is plotting against the regime or not; on the other hand, they demand that he prove his innocence. From this set-up, it is clear that their starting point is that everyone is guilty from the outset, as one of the agents says to the hero at the moment of his arrest: “Everyone is guilty of something, and every charge has its proofs” (Tubya N.D.: 34). When the hero is brought before the head of “the These,” he imperiously demands to know by what right he was arrested and what he is accused of. The head of “the These” responds indifferently, saying that they do not know exactly what he is guilty of, only that he is considered a suspect. In order to prove his innocence, the head of “the These” sends him on a journey to all the police stations of Aybut, accompanied by an agent whose task is to collect the certificates of good conduct given at every station. If it turns out that he is not wanted at any police station, they will let him go anywhere he wants. The statements of the head of “the These” seemingly indicate that the hero has a chance of being released. However, a slip of the tongue, intentional or unintentional, by the agent accompanying him spells out that in the end he will be found guilty. The agent assures the hero: “So long as you are under my control, I am responsible for your life until you are imprisoned.” A moment later he adds mockingly: “Or until you are released” (Ibid.: 87). The hero finds reinforcement for the agent’s words in the testimony of a retired judge whose hobby is travelling the length and breadth of the State by train. The judge has seen people like the hero accompanied by agents many times before, and they have always traveled in one direction only. He has never encountered people on the return journey. The hero realizes that he is but one of many who have

128  The Conflicts been forced to make the journey to prove their innocence. During the journey, he sees for himself many like him, men and women, a sight that demonstrates the regime’s abuse of its citizens and the enormous resources that the State is prepared to invest in neutralizing imaginary threats from people like himself. It turns out that all residents of Aybut are under suspicion. The journey – during which the hero considers fleeing but the agent suppresses his intention by reading his mind – is intended to wear out the hero and cause him to despair, as the bureaucracy at the police stations demonstrates. At each police station, there are four officers on duty who serve six-hour shifts. The hero needs to get a certificate of good conduct from each and every officer before being able to obtain the official stamp of the station (each signature is proof of his innocence only for the quarter of the 24-hour day that the signer’s signature has validity). Since he is forced to spend nights at the stations, he is put in a holding cell with many other prisoners, all claiming to be innocent. At Station Number 40, which marks the departure of the hero and the agent from the capital city of Aybut, the hero must get certificates of innocence not from the police officers – the humans – but from the animals. He is required to stand in a line-up facing the station commander’s dogs. The dogs are trained to detect only the innocent since, according to the station commander, the guilty are far too numerous. Each dog is trained to detect a different kind of innocence: from theft to murder to thought crimes. The hero passes through several line-ups, in each one a different dog jumps on him identifying him as innocent. The hero and the agent travel by train to the most remote corners of Aybut, at the end of which there is an endless desert. In these places, the railway is single-track only. From the last train station, they finally arrive at the last police station. The hero is already thinking of his freedom and clearing his name, while planning how he will take revenge on the head of “the These” by publicly exposing his deeds and the deeds of all those with bulging eyes. At this point, it becomes clear that the agent’s prior slip of the tongue was, in fact, a prophecy: to his horror, the hero discovers gravestones next to the station. According to the agent, all those who came before him were given the choice of staying at the ­station or returning. Because of the long, exhausting journey there, all of them – of their own free will – preferred to stay. The implication is that the hero will also stay and live out his days at the station. It is possible to summarize the conflict between the hero and “the These” in the words of a prisoner from Police Station Number 40: You know what my mistake was? I opposed them out of the idealism of an intellectual who sees more than one side to truth – the black, the white and what is in between, while they fought me out of the logic of ‘whoever is not with us is against us’ and ‘the ends justify

The Conflicts  129 the means.’ Behold: because of this, they didn’t recoil from using any and all filthy methods against me! (Tubya N.D.: 78) The prisoner and the hero both see themselves as idealists who approach reality objectively. Conversely, the government finds this approach a threatening. Therefore, it goes to great lengths to get rid of intellectuals whose questions and investigations may jeopardize its existence. Unlike other authority figures, “the These” do not use torture to break their victims. They exhaust their opponents, and thus already during the course of his journey, the hero regrets that he ever set out to research the connection between the rotation of the hands of the clock and the ­counter-rotation of the earth. In Karnak and al-Ghitani’s Quarters, there is a connection between the cruelty of the authority figures and the damage that they or external forces cause the State. In Karnak, “enemy of the State” Ismaʿil al-Shaykh sits in jail while Egypt is defeated in the 1967 War. Yet, it is possible to assume that Safwan, who is responsible for Ismaʿil’s arrest, did not intend to cause damage to the State. By contrast, in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, al-ʿInani and his men in the Security Directorate do intend to harm the population when they arrest Ismaʿil Husayn. Not only do they delay his research, he flees overseas with the information necessary for developing the bilharzia vaccine. The Security Directorate defeats Ismaʿil while at the same time increasing the damage that the policies of the Master’s successors are causing to al-Khitat. In Karnak, the arrests of the three friends leave their mark not only on themselves but also on Qurunfila, the proprietress of the café that the students frequent, as well as on its patrons. Qurunfila loves Hilmi, and the announcement of his murder brings her to the verge of insanity. In addition, Safwan himself becomes a casualty of his own cruelty. Imprisoned but managing to survive, he becomes the center of attention at the café, even though he no longer has his former authority. The first two arrests of the threesome spark controversy between café patrons who oppose violating the rule of law on behalf of the regime’s representatives and others who believe that the welfare of the regime is the highest good and that the regime arrests dissidents only. Those who justify the regime claim that because the Revolution has not yet ended, there is no choice but to sacrifice individual freedom and law, even for an extended period. Meanwhile, supporters of the rule of law lament that people are imprisoned and tortured without trial. In their opinion, this has no justification, for thirteen years after the Revolution the regime should have been stabilized. News about the third arrest is received with indifference, as it is now routine. As for the narrator, while he still believes in the justice of the regime’s conduct following the first arrest, by the second arrest he understands that he was mistaken. His attitude toward the

130  The Conflicts regime is twofold: while abhorring the terror that the regime casts on the one hand, he still admires he regime’s achievements on the other. The prison experiences of the protagonists of Karnak change their personalities and weaken their faith in the regime. Another side effect of their arrests is the severing of ties between Ismaʿil and Zaynab. The common denominator among the three protagonists is the masks they now wear following the first two arrests to hide their suffering, apathy, and alienation. Hilmi returns from the first arrest a shadow of his former self. Not only has he lost his joie de vivre, he is short-tempered and likely to explode over any trivial matter. 3 The first arrest does not destroy Ismaʿil and Zaynab’s faith in the regime. Ismaʿil still believes that the security services operate behind the backs of the heads of State. Hilmi, by contrast, completely loses faith in the State. Despite their suffering during their second arrest, Ismaʿil and Zaynab retain a basic faith in the regime and in the principles of the Revolution. Ismaʿil, who has a guilty conscience due to his being recruited as an informer and the double life this role forces him to lead, continues to ascribe injustice to the security services alone. Yet, because of the corruption and cruelty of the security officers, his enthusiasm for the Revolution wanes. The distinction that Ismaʿil makes between the heads of State and the security services parallels Saʿid’s between al-Zayni and Zakariyya in al-Zayni Barakat. This distinction finds its expression in reality in the debate among Egyptian intellectuals in the 1970s regarding whether ʿAbd al-Nasir knew about the torture that the security services were conducting during his reign (Idris S. 1992: 163). Ismaʿil’s feeling of alienation increases as a result of the change that takes place in Zaynab, whose fear and shame regarding her prison rape do not allow her to reveal this sordid detail to her fiancé. Still believing in the Revolution, she blames herself not only for what happened to her but also for all the regime’s crimes because she still does not recant her belief in the principles of the Revolution. Therefore, she decides to punish herself in the most drastic way, since in her eyes she has become a spy and a whore: she prostitutes herself to the merchant who has been chasing after her, to Zayn al-ʿAbidin ʿAbdallah, a corrupt government official, and to the regular patrons of the café. In Milson’s analysis of the novel, Safwan and Zayn al-ʿAbidin ­ʿAbdallah represent the regime with ʿAbdallah symbolizing ʿAbd al-Nasir while Qurunfila and Zaynab symbolize Egypt (Milson 1999: 139, 141–142, 242). Accordingly, Egypt (Zaynab) falls into the hands of the ruler ­(ʿ­Abdallah) after his security services (Safwan) break her spirit. This hypothesis, therefore, contradicts the distinction made by Ismaʿil regarding the separation between the leader and the security services, who after all act in consort, even against the regime’s supporters. Zaynab sees her informing on Ismaʿil – the only man she has ever loved – as an unforgivable sin. However, precisely by allowing him to have sexual

The Conflicts  131 relations with her – her original way of confessing her prison rape – their love dies. Ismaʿil and Zaynab carry their suffering in their hearts when they are released from their second arrest and turn their criticism of the regime onto themselves. Hilmi, on the other hand, places the blame on the regime, as he becomes an activist distributing leaflets against it. Zaynab has the impression that the third arrest destroyed Ismaʿil more than the two prior ones. This time he does lose his faith in the regime, though he still maintains his loyalty to the legacy of the Revolution. Zaynab’s stance is identical: despite the defeat in the 1967 War, she participates in the mass demonstrations calling upon ʿAbd al-Nasir to revoke his resignation. In the following War of Attrition (1967–1970), Ismaʿil considers joining the fedayeen who infiltrate Israel so that he can rehabilitate the debased image of the Arab, which has been weakened ­following the defeat in the 1967 War. According to Samah Idris, ­Zaynab’s participation in the demonstrations and Ismaʿil’s hope of joining the Fedayeen movement established by ʿAbd al-Nasir following the defeat do not come from complete loyalty as much as from the desire to overcome the defeat or return to the legacy of the Revolution that has been distorted. Support for ʿAbd al-Nasir does not stem from faith in him or the Revolution as much as it stems from his being the keeper of the national pride’s flame (Idris S. 1992: 91, 94). Sawfan, the one responsible for the sufferings of the three and many others, pays a heavy price for his victimization of innocents. After the defeat, he is imprisoned, and his property confiscated. Upon his release three years later, he requires medication for his frayed physical condition. At the end of the novel, Safwan finds his way to the café, aware of his negative image in the patrons’ hearts and minds. But he is not afraid; on the contrary, he succeeds in arousing sympathy for himself and even clears his name. At what seems to be the autumn of his life, he declares that he has repented and abandoned the principles that guided him when he supervised the torture. From his first appearance in the café, Safwan presents himself as a victim of circumstances who shares the fate of those he tortured. Before leaving, he summarizes his life with these sentences: Innocence in the village; Patriotism in the city; Revolution in the dark; A seat of unlimited power; An eyepiece that exposes the facts; A living organ that has died; A hidden bacteria teeming with life. (Mahfuz N.D.b: 108)

His words imply that he was a true patriot whose position corrupted him as it gave him unlimited power and omniscience. Safwan claims that he himself is victim. He was a patriot against the British occupation,

132  The Conflicts a supporter of the Free Officers’ Revolution, and a very powerful man when he became an intelligence officer whose task was to force political prisoners to confess their clandestine activities. Once he was a lover of humanity, but his conscience slowly became corrupted as he obtained political and security authority. Even though his conscience may be dead, there is still a seed of good in him that has not been snuffed out (Idris S. 1992: 193). It appears that his own incarceration made him repent because it enabled him to see things from the victims’ point of view. If prior to his imprisonment he believed that he was serving the Revolution, his prison experience has informed him of what deprivation of freedom means. He now condemns all forms of tyranny and adopts a new faith – human rights. The patrons of the café are captivated by Safwan’s charm and political acuity. Some of them now say that he was not responsible for his crimes nor was he the main person instigating them. Only Qurunfila angrily protests the clearing of his name. In his last appearance at the café, Safwan declares that he has become a new man, that he has learned a lesson from his previous life. Now he repudiates tyranny and murderous violence and espouses the need to respect human rights. In Karnak, the authority figure is a casualty of his own cruelty; the State is the one giving him a taste of his own medicine. The Black Policeman and The Story of Tu also show that harming the individual backfires at the authority figures; but, in these two novels, it is the individual who takes revenge on his torturers, either by himself or through his son. The security officials al-Zanfali and Zuhdi demonstrate cruelty to their victims when they are at the height of their power. They do not imagine that a day will come when the tables will be turned: the victim will become the torturer, not necessarily by use of force but by creating the impression that he is about to use force, and the torturer will find himself helpless in the face of his former victim. Thus, Zuhdi, who was responsible for the murder of Tu’s father, dies in fear of Tu, and al-­ Zanfali loses his mind when Shawqi comes to his home and forces him to face the results of his actions. The Black Policemen exhibits another side effect of the conflict initiated by the authority figures: the torture creates identification between torturer and victim. Yusuf Idris contends that the torturer destroys not only the soul of the tortured, but also his own, becoming his own victim. True, Zuhdi and Shawkat subdue Tu’s father, but at the same time, they seal their careers. Zuhdi does not imagine that he will ever be too weak to cope with his fear of the son of the man whose murder he oversaw. It is as though the father takes revenge through his son, while the narrator in The Story of Tu himself fills a central role in the plot. Similar to the cover-up done by the prison doctor in There Is a Man in Our House regarding Muhyi’s condition, Zuhdi receives a report from the pathologist that Tu’s father died from a heart attack. Despite his

The Conflicts  133 efforts to hide the murder and silence the witnesses by moving them to other prisons, dozens of complaints are presented against him and Shawkat to the prosecution. In addition to the complaints, senior officials in the regime receive incriminating pamphlets in the mail, causing an investigation to be opened, following which Shawkat is sent to a disciplinary hearing and fired. He then turns to a new career after a millionaire from one of the Gulf States takes him under his wing and offers him work in the import/export business. He then moves to live a pleasant life in Geneva but misses the authority he enjoyed in the Prison Service. Zuhdi also falls from grace and is forced to retire, apparently following the defeat in the 1967 War (reminiscent of Safwan’s fate). Zuhdi, however, feels a grave injustice has been done him since his career was destroyed while the communists – who were previously accused of destructive activities – have risen to power, and their ideals have spread throughout the country. Finding himself in a strange world where the ruling concepts are now opposite, his own he feels inconsequential. It is not clear whether Zuhdi feels remorse regarding the murder. He tells the narrator that after all, he was following orders, and even takes pride in causing the death of a senior communist. However, he confesses that on his pilgrimage to Mecca, he asked forgiveness from God for the deed, and he feels that God forgave him. The narrator doubts the request for forgiveness. The conflict between Tu’s father and the authorities exposes other aspects of the struggle between authority figures and those who oppose them: the effort to wipe out every trace of their existence after their death, including making their families hate and repudiate them. Yet, in The Story of Tu, the authority figures fail to realize their goal. After the father’s death, the security authorities raid the family’s home, confiscating all the man’s papers and photographs and leaving the family only with memories. Newspapers write nothing about his death. The regime completely wipes out the father, turning him into an “unperson” as in Orwell’s 1984. However, despite the efforts of the regime, not only is the father not forgotten, Zuhdi himself is forced to remember him when standing in silence at a memorial for his victim at an international conference in Europe. Tu does renounce his father following his arrest and death, but only pro forma. In fact, he bears a grudge against the police for their search of his home and argues with them at every opportunity. Zuhdi, who meets Tu by accident, takes him under his wing out of self-interest – he believes that in exchange for the kindness he bestows upon Tu, God will watch over his only son, who abandoned him when he left for Canada. Zuhdi finds Tu a job in a bridge club that he frequents and treats him like a son. He denies that he looks after Tu in order to find release from his guilt about Tu’s father, but the narrator does not believe it. In addition, when out of curiosity he asks Zuhdi what Tu’s story is, the narrator

134  The Conflicts becomes aware of the man’s fear. In response, Zuhdi shouts at him in pain: “Don’t cause trouble for no reason!” (Ghanim 1987: 16). Upon the narrator’s insistence to know what trouble he is talking about, Zuhdi changes his tone and responds with a dry laugh: “What trouble can this boy cause? He is nothing, a zero” (Ibid.: 17). Yet a special connection is woven between the man responsible for the murder and the son of the murdered man. Their closeness comes to a climax after Zuhdi’s first heart attack when he tells Tu about his role in the murder. Up to this point, he had hidden this episode of his life out of fear that Tu would seek revenge. But Tu feels sorry for Zuhdi and assists him in his house twenty-four hours a day. Zuhdi, for his part, trusts him so much that he gives him a key to his apartment. The narrator begins to take an active part in the events that lead to the death of Zuhdi, since in his eyes Zuhdi is a criminal who must be brought to justice. Afraid to confront him directly − even though Zuhdi no longer holds any official position − he finds in Tu an apt instrument for punishment. Even before Tu tells him that Zuhdi has revealed his secret to him, the narrator senses “strange and evil forces” (Ibid.: 104), which bring him to reveal the secret to Tu so that he will avenge his father’s blood. The narrator is aware that if Tu murders Zuhdi, the murder will be blamed on him as he incited Tu to commit the act. After Zuhdi’s second heart attack, the narrator takes advantage of the former warden’s helplessness by hinting that Tu might well murder him if left alone by his side. Despite Zuhdi’s pleas, the narrator goes to fetch the doctor, leaving Zuhdi alone. Because of the narrator’s hints, Zuhdi now sees in Tu the angel of death, and his fear causes his death when he tries to flee from Tu. When the narrator returns with the doctor, Tu accuses him of murder. The narrator tries to clear his conscience by reminding himself of Tu’s desire to say “checkmate” to his enemy. However, he knows that Tu is right because Tu was truly concerned about Zuhdi’s welfare. After Zuhdi’s corpse is removed, Tu apologizes for blaming the narrator. Zuhdi’s death closes the circle that began with the murder of Tu’s father. According to ʿId, Providence is also involved in Zuhdi’s end. When his son left him, it was a portent from heaven that he must make amends both for his cruelty and for causing Tu and his father to be separated. However, because Zuhdi did not understand the sign, his end came while Tu was at his bedside. Hence, ʿId conjectures that it is indeed possible that Tu murdered Zuhdi even though he did not want or intend to (ʿId 1999: 102–103). In The Black Policeman, both Shawqi (the tortured) and al-Zanfali (the torturer) undergo a psychological and physical metamorphosis following the torture episode, one because of the torture he underwent and the other because of the torture he inflicted. The change is so deep that their acquaintances and relatives no longer recognize them. According to al-Qitt, the novella serves Yusuf Idris to argue that torturers destroy

The Conflicts  135 their own souls along with those of the tortured (al-Qitt 1980: 335).4 Al-Zanfali causes himself greater damage than he causes Shawqi. Although he breaks Shawqi’s spirit during detention, he at the same time sows the seeds of his own death. His cruelty is a boomerang that comes back to him, as one of his neighbors says to her friend when she sees him biting his own flesh: “Human flesh, my dear – whoever tastes it never forgets the taste. He will continue to bite, even if he can’t find any but his own flesh” (Idris Y. N.D.: 87). These words are consistent with Hijazi’s premise about sadistic torturers: The greater sadist’s cruelty, the more it points to his fear of self-inflicted violence that will eventually destroy him. The sadist is actually a masochist who denies his masochism by causing damage to others (Hijazi 2005: 88). The first series of confrontations between Shawqi and al-Zanfali during his detention change Shawqi’s personality so utterly that he becomes a misanthrope and a sadist (Ibid.: 41). Al-Zanfali turns Shawqi into a kind of reflection of himself. The final confrontation between them exposes the brute that Shawqi has become when his own higher instincts are mixed with those of his torturer (Idris S. 1992: 185). The identification between torturer and tortured is revealed after Shawqi is released. The lashes he bore make him oblivious to his present surroundings, sometimes even completely disconnected from them. In addition, Shawqi, the former leader, loses his vitality and is now passive and insecure.5 Al-Zanfali, in turn, sinks into a long depression, and upon returning to his home, he seems broken and shattered like a man who has been beaten. His turbulent nightmares cause him to cry out in his sleep. Shawqi leaves prison as a castrated creature, while al-Zanfali is stricken by impotence following the suffering he has caused prisoners like Shawqi. Loss of masculine potency is a kind of symbolic result of the deeds he perceived as heroic. In addition, both men acquire deep hatred for the other side and enjoy inflicting cruelty on those under their mercy. As a doctor in the District Health Office, Shawqi is in a position of power. He has a mean and cruel attitude toward those who come to the office, especially police officers requesting sick notes. This callousness also characterizes al-Zanfali; he refuses to listen to his friends who express compassion toward the political prisoners whom he considers to be enemies of the State. The two men who previously inspired admiration are now objects of revulsion. Shawqi, who had once been lionized by his doctor friends as a leader and fighter in their student days, becomes a chronic liar, cheater, and kleptomaniac. Al-Zanfali becomes an angry, short-tempered man, daily cursing, insulting, and quarrelling with neighbors and passers-by. Furthermore, he treats his wife violently and acts like a predator. At a certain point, he turns his violence upon himself. It is possible to find a psychological explanation for Shawqi’s violent behavior in Hijazi’s writing: a man like Shawqi, who have undergone

136  The Conflicts torture, projects the violence that was done to him onto others. By oppressing those near to him, he creates the illusion that he has been released from his humiliation. For him, the world becomes like a jungle. However, violence toward those around him is only a short-term solution. In the end, the oppressed man has no option but to turn the violence toward the source of the oppression (Hijazi 2005: 52–54). This is indeed how Shawqi behaves upon meeting al-Zanfali many years after his prison experience, although this time he is the one in the position of power. As al-Zanfali’s deteriorates psychologically, Shawqi shows signs of rehabilitation. When finding al-Zanfali’s file at the District Health Office, he takes it upon himself to give his torturer a medical exam in his home in preparation for his release from the police. Upon entering al-Zanfali’s room, Shawqi is filled with vitality, to the point where it seems to the narrator that the old Shawqi been resurrected. Contrast to the confrontation in prison, this time the two switch roles: Shawqi is in the position of power and opposite him on his sickbed lies the weakened al-Zanfali. Not only is the room turned into a prison cell, but also to the policeman the former prisoner becomes a threatening figure, and he curls up on his bed in fear. At the start, Shawqi behaves like an ordinary doctor who is concerned with the health of the patient, but al-Zanfali does not respond to his questions. In light of his disregard, Shawqi berates him: Don’t act stupid! Don’t pretend you have forgotten! Don’t you remember the cell? Don’t you remember the five o’clock lashes? Don’t you remember the ninth floor? Don’t you remember the batons? Don’t  you remember the whip? Don’t you remember the blood? Where did you put your whip? Where are your shouts, you wild beast? Where is the steel sole of your shoe? Where is your palm? Where are your fingers? Where is the fire? Look at me and start talking and shouting! Shout like you used to! Let me hear your voice! Shout, you policeman! You black! Look at me and speak up and shout! Don’t pretend you forgot, otherwise I’ll make you remember, I’ll remind you immediately! (Idris Y. N.D.: 79–80) At the climax of the confrontation, the identification between Shawqi and al-Zanfali is as complete as the role reversal. Shawqi shows al-­ Zanfali his back covered with scars from the excessive lashes and continues to shout at al-Zanfali that he should never forget what he did to him. Gradually Shawqi’s voice turns into an animal wail similar to al-­Zanfali’s moaning. The signs of torture on his back are intended to expose al-Zanfali’s inhumanity to his wife, the narrator, and the reader. Even more so, the reference to al-Zanfali’s dark deeds is Shawqi’s therapeutic tool for turning memories of defeat into stories of resistance and heroism (Idris S. 1992: 190).

The Conflicts  137 Shawqi’s wailing casts terror upon al-Zanfali. Curling up in fear and shrinking before him, al-Zanfali proves that Shawqi is the more powerful man. Shawqi, still shouting and wailing, even climbs on al-Zanfali’s bed to pursue his enemy. Al-Zanfali also begins to wail, but his is a wail of supplication. He starts barking and chewing his wife’s hand as she tries to calm him. At the height of his outburst, al-Zanfali bites his own hand. Neighbors who have rushed in turn their heads away in pity, and only Shawqi continues to look at the spectacle with sick pleasure. His sadism is equivalent to al-Zanfali’s when he tortured him. The brief confrontation between Shawqi and his torturer raises hope in the heart of the narrator that he can restore the former Shawqi. However, over time he understands that Shawqi “will never return to be a human being like us” (Idris Y. N.D.: 86). But still there is hope for Shawqi’s rehabilitation. Following the last confrontation, it seems that he begins a healing process by writing a research paper on torture and how it is a double-edged sword in the hands of the torturer – harming others causes oneself long-term psychological damage. Samah Idris believes that Shawqi is not the only one who engages in a healing process in his desire to make public what he endured behind closed prison doors. Ismaʿil and Zaynab in Karnak also use their stories of torture as therapeutic tools to help them achieve balance. When those who have been damaged are prepared to speak about their tragedies, their stories become stories of human dignity, not stories of helplessness and humiliation. They restore the world they lost and their dignity as they exchange the weakness of their bodies with the power of words (Idris S. 1992: 191–192).

Individuals or Groups Fighting Back against Authority Figures According to al-Zayni Barakat, The Yacoubian Building, and The Committee, when the individual loses his sense of meaning in life and feels that he has arrived at a dead end, he sees a need to commit a radical act to take vengeance on the authority figures for the situation he is trapped in, even if it is clear to him that it is bound to end badly. This is the situation of Saʿid in al-Zayni Barakat, Taha in The Yacoubian Building, and the hero in The Committee. The novels The Mountain and al-Ghitani’s Quarters present conflicts between collectives and authority figures as ones in which unwanted outcomes for the authority figures prevail, while the outcomes for the collectives themselves are inconclusive. In The Mountain, the principles of the people of al-Gurna prevail over the engineer and the princess and they stay on the mountain, while in al-Ghitani’s Quarters the entire country and its population are destroyed following the civil war. Superfluous harm caused to individuals is the common theme running through al-Ghitani’s Quarters, al-Zayni Barakat, The Committee,

138  The Conflicts and The Yacoubian Building, harm so extreme that the individuals concerned rebel against and sometimes even murder the authority figures. In this way, it is the authority figures who are responsible for inciting subversion against themselves. Saʿid in al-Zayni Barakat, Taha in The Yacoubian Building, and the hero in The Committee find themselves in conflict with authority figures who not only deny their freedom, but also lead them on paths as they see fit and treat them like manipulatable puppets. Al-Zayni and Zakariyya have in store for Saʿid a miserable life in the dystopian world that they rule, Salih Rashwan expropriates Taha’s ownership of his own body, and the Committee abuses the nameless hero by forcing him to accept its intrusions to his privacy. Saʿid is not an enemy of the regime, but the regime (represented by al-Zayni and Zakariyya) treats him as if he were. Hence, it is possible to say that the regime invents its own enemy. Saʿid becomes the main target for al-Zayni and Zakariyya precisely at the time when the ­Mamluk Sultanate is on the verge of war with its actual enemy, the Ottoman ­Sultanate. It seems that al-Zayni and Zakariyya invest more energy in oppressing and psychologically abusing Saʿid than they do in defending the Sultanate from external attack because Saʿid’s developed sense of justice might cause an insurrection among the people against the regime. The case of Saʿid is another proof that al-Zayni and Zakariyya are serving their own best interests, rather than those of the State. The two trap Saʿid in a process that tempts him to challenge their authority, thus giving them an excuse to imprison him and warp his personality. When Saʿid takes up the challenge, it is because he knows that there is nothing left for him, no hope and no future. He accepts their challenge with the clear knowledge that he will pay a heavy price. It is difficult to determine whether the psychological abuse of Saʿid is done according to a prepared plan or whether it is an improvised experiment that lays the foundation for Zakariyya’s approach to suppressing dissidents. Either way, there is an accord between Zakariyya’s speech at the international conference of spymasters and Saʿid’s psychological destruction up until his imprisonment, during his imprisonment, and after his release. Al-Zayni and Zakariyya act in concert, relishing the harm they cause Saʿid, and they enjoy hurting his feelings. The cruelty starts when alZayni marries Samah to the son of one of the country’s dignitaries, thus shattering Saʿid’s own dream of marrying her. Along with this dream, his dreams of a utopian world and improving his social status are also destroyed. On the night of the wedding, Saʿid loses his mind and cannot find rest. Sheikh Abu al-Suʿud likens him to “a chicken whose slaughter is incomplete” (al-Ghitani 1985b: 182). That night is seared in his consciousness as the night on which, “he was offered as a sacrifice, but Gabriel – peace be upon him – did not redeem him” (Ibid.: 212). The

The Conflicts  139 trauma is so great that he compares himself to the son of Abraham at the moment of the binding, but unlike the son, the angel does not save him from the knife.6 When Zakariyya tells al-Zayni that he instructed his agents to call out Samah’s name and that Saʿid practically went crazy, al-Zayni bursts out laughing. The two seem to be aware that from Saʿid’s point of view, the agents are sullying the name of his beloved. Another means they use to disturb Saʿid’s peace of mind is by summoning him to appear before the commander of the secret agents of Cairo several times. Saʿid is an important conversation item between the al-Zayni and Zakariyya, even when it seems they should have more important issues to talk about, as Egypt is in a perilous economic situation due to tensions with the Ottoman Sultanate and the treason of some senior emirs. The two treat Saʿid like one of Egypt’s biggest enemies while a war with the real enemies is on the doorstep. From their point of view, Saʿid – who represents the people – is more dangerous than the Ottoman Empire precisely because he threatens their seat of power. They do not see anything wrong with sacrificing the State in order to maintain their positions. Samah’s marriage demonstrates to Saʿid the complicity between the injustice reigning in the State and the personal injustice being done to him, both of which can be attributed to al-Zayni and Zakariyya. The two wear the guise of righteousness, pretending to be pious, god-fearing men who even lead prayers in the mosques, and Saʿid would like to expose their true faces in public. He even likens them to the angels of punishment mentioned in the Quran (zabaniya), who send sinners to Hell.7 Saʿid cannot promote his thoughts in public. Zakariyya’s agents, who do not hide from him, paralyze him, causing him to lose his independence of thought. He hesitates to participate in the political discussions of his colleagues. They speak without fear about treason in the upper echelons of government, while he is the only one who fears to speak his mind and even wonders whether al-Zayni and Zakariyya have damaged his conscience and his tongue by poisoning his heart. His colleagues’ lack of sympathy only strengthens his feelings of helplessness, for even while speaking freely about what is happening in the Sultanate, Saʿid knows that they fear to criticize the real authority figures – al-Zayni and Zakariyya. Those who are supposed to be intellectuals whose mission is to express the public mood have become in Saʿid’s eyes emasculated men who will beget future generations of emasculated men. While the process of breaking Saʿid begins before his arrest, the fracturing of Taha occurs after his detention. Taha is arrested because of his membership in a radical Islamist organization, which he joined as a result of his rejection by the regime. With his arrest, the circle that was drawn when he appeared before the Admissions Committee of the Police Academy begins to close. Taha finds himself once again in front of police officers, this time, though, under interrogation. If the first committee

140  The Conflicts sullied his honor because of his class status, now Salih Rashwan violates it by ordering his rape. Taha is an idealist who wants to serve the regime and to be part of it, but the regime shatters his dreams and treats him like a dangerous terrorist, with the rape making the conflict between Taha and the regime personal. Determined to avenge his humiliation, he is transformed from a man who wanted to serve the regime into a terrorist. The circle once again is complete. The arrest and torture of Taha, which take place during Mubarak’s regime, include elements that appear in There Is a Man in Our House and The Story of Tu, proving that the Egyptian security services do not change their stripes over the course of different administrations since the royal regime. The heads of State change, but the methods remain the same. Taha is arrested during a campaign of arrests against Islamic activists. When he arrives at the detention facility after a mass roundup of Islamic activists, he and the other detainees receive a “welcoming party” similar to that inflicted by Zuhdi and Shawkat; but in addition to the beatings, police officers set dogs upon the prisoners. In the holding room, Taha suffers blows until Rashwan asks the officers to cease. Rashwan, presenting himself as empathetic to Taha’s situation, threatens that if Taha does not confess, he will be beaten to death and buried on the spot: You’re no match for us, Taha. We’re the government. Are you a match for the government, Taha? Did you see what trouble you’ve got yourself into? Listen, son, do you want me to let you go now? Do you want to go to your folks? Your mom and dad are surely already worried about you. (al-Aswani 2005: 214–215) Rashwan continues using the tone of voice of a concerned father. Like al-Dabbagh in There Is a Man in Our House, he plays the role of “the good cop,” speaking kindly and asking the interrogee for details about the organization he belongs to. And just like al-Dabbagh, it is a mask that hides cruelty. Rashwan begs Taha to save himself and speak – since the Covenant of Islamic Action in his possession already betrays his membership in the radical organization. Taha adamantly states that he knows nothing, in spite of the intense pain he endures. In light of Taha’s unwillingness to cooperate, Rashwan gives his men the signal to continue beating him, and one of them inserts a rod up Taha’s anus. Taha tries to resist, but there are too many officers upon him. During his detention, the officers repeat this act nine more times. Similar to Shawkat’s conduct in The Story of Tu, the officers call Taha by a feminine name and, under cruel torture, force him to adopt this name to their raucous laughter, as if they were watching a comedy film.

The Conflicts  141 The abuse that the hero of The Committee goes through is neither psychological nor violent, but a humiliation and denial of his freedom. This humiliation is evident from his first meeting with the Committee, when its members treat him like a plaything that must do their bidding. After some time, one of the members of the Committee is stationed in the hero’s apartment in order to surveil him. This Committee member acts like the apartment owner, not a guest. Most of the time, the hero obeys the orders of the Committee members in the hope that it will rule in his favor. Sometimes he challenges it between the lines in a way that preserves his self-respect and at the same time is not meant to anger the Committee. The hero, similar to the hero of The These, challenges the regime by seeking knowledge. In The Committee, seeking knowledge means identifying the corrupt apparatuses that preserve the regime. The hero does not endanger state security, but exposing the corruption endangers the regime, since he is liable to publicly expose the hidden connections between wealth and power. The knowledge he has obtained gives the hero a sense of power, but it also brings about his end. The novel shows how the pursuit of knowledge in a totalitarian state is frustrating from two aspects: first, the individual discovers how weak he is in the face of political and economic corruption; second, when the individual discovers what the regime does not want him to discover, he can expect to be harassed, whether he publishes his discoveries or not. Knowledge is indeed power, but the lack of it guarantees a long life. In his first meeting with the Committee, the hero is required to expose himself in the full meaning of the word and to express complete submission. A member of the committee who is of short stature and whose revulsion for the hero is apparent asks him to dance, and the hero breaks out in an energetic belly dance. Another member requires him to prove that he is not homosexual, and the hero is forced to take off his trousers and underwear and bend over. The same Committee member inserts his finger into his buttocks and reports to the Chair that the hero is indeed homosexual. The hero is aware that in agreeing to be humiliated in this way, he has violated his own principles of self-respect. Later on, he is asked to speak about globalization in the 20th century and demonstrate his historical knowledge while still naked from the waist down. Despite his bareness before the Committee – both in the metaphorical and physical sense – and being completely at their mercy, he nevertheless has the feeling that he can return blow for blow. Therefore, in the course of his talk on Egypt at the end of the 20th century and Pharaonic Egypt, he interweaves an implied criticism of the ways the regimes deliver the State into the hands of multinational corporations and Israel, thus making them the real owners of the country. At the end of his talk, the Chair releases him to his home and tells him that they will notify him when the decision in his case is made.

142  The Conflicts Similar to The These, here also the authority figures give the individual the feeling that he will soon be free from their yoke. They do this to keep him in continuous suspense until his indictment for a real crime is handed down. For several months the hero does not leave his house, waiting in suspense for the decision. However, instead of a decision, he receives the mission to write a research paper on the most brilliant Arab personality of our time. He decides to research the mysterious man nicknamed the Doctor, who is credited with having great influence in Egypt and throughout the Arab world. The hero learns that he has chosen a sensitive topic, which might be a challenge to the Committee. The Doctor is well connected to the corridors of power and wealth in Egypt in particular and the Arab world in general. In addition, he fills a pivotal role behind the scenes in trade, weapons deals, and the political machinations of the Middle East. The Doctor serves as a link between local consumers in Egypt and foreign investors. He is an opportunist who changes ideologies and loyalties according to the government line and leverages his connections in order to accumulate wealth.8 Because of his sensitive position, a hidden hand has made sure to obliterate anything that has been written about him in the newspapers. In his investigations, the hero is gradually prevented from accessing archives and even the National Library. He manages to find details about the Doctor only in marginal magazines. Just as in his appearance before the Committee, where the hero let himself be humiliated while gently criticizing the government, here too he fears antagonizing the Committee with his research but at the same time wants to shine a light on the corruption of the Doctor and the damage he is causing the Egyptian economy. His fear of angering the Committee is proven correct when its members arrive at his apartment in order to dissuade him from continuing his research. While seemingly he is free to choose whether to accede to their request or not, he becomes aware that it would be better for him to change his subject if he wants the Committee to rule in his favor. In order to ensure that he chooses another less controversial subject, the short Committee member stays to live with him until the Committee decides his fate. The hero dare not object when the members of the Committee take with them all the material he has collected. The presence of the short man in his apartment limits the hero’s freedom and disturbs the routine of his life, for the short man accompanies him to the bathroom, showers with him, and sleeps beside him in his bed. When the hero protests this invasion of his privacy, the short man meanly replies that one who occupies himself with public matters loses his right to privacy. At night, the hero ceases to check whether the windows and the door are locked because his greatest danger is now living inside his own home. His feeling of wretchedness increases as he loses hope of ever enjoying happiness. Gradually, the hero begins to treat the

The Conflicts  143 short man as if he is the real master of the house and the short man, in turn, accepts this role reversal as if it is natural. He even forbids the hero to leave the house to buy food supplies. In The Mountain, the people of al-Gurna find themselves in a kind of chess game with the engineer and the princess as the asymmetric balance between themselves and the government forces prevents armed struggle with casualties. This contrasts to the situation in al-Ghitani’s Quarters where a real civil war between the people of the uninhabited places and the Master’s successors takes place. According to the narrator in The Mountain, the clash between the people of the mountain and the proponents of the model village is “a dangerous clash between honest, naive and confused humaneness and successful, superficial and anxious civilization” (Ghanim 1959: 95). He asserts that the culture of the people of the mountain is more profound than the empty modern culture represented by the engineer. He defines the long-lasting battle between the engineer and the ʿumda of al-Gurna as a struggle between a man of the big world and a sly elder whose only weapons are his instincts and the wisdom of his forefathers. This conflict is unique in comparison to the other conflicts in that there are no casualties. This is a conflict between the willpower of the engineer and the princess and that of the people of al-Gurna, led by the ʿumda and Husayn ʿAli. The conflict between the people of the mountain and the engineer has four distinct stages: 1 The engineer uses the “divide and conquer” technique to entice the people of the mountain to settle in the model village. 2 For the dedication of the model village by the princess, women who work with the engineer humiliate the people of the mountain and the situation nearly deteriorates into armed conflict between the people of the mountain and the police. 3 The ʿumda confronts the princess while she is intoxicated; 4 Husayn turns over a rail cart and sets fire to the storehouse in the model village. The engineer appoints a man from al-Gurna to be the contractor in charge of construction, and he in turn employs men from al-Gurna to build the model village whenever they become frustrated in their search for the treasure. However, instead of attracting the people of al-Gurna to the model village, the contractor does the opposite. His greed leads to a conflict between himself and Husayn and the ʿumda. Following this conflict, the ʿumda compels the people not to make their homes in the village. The preparations for the dedication of the village expose the engineer’s contempt for the people whom he is supposedly aiding by establishing the village. The preparations also reveal the balance of terror between

144  The Conflicts the villagers and the police forces. From the engineer’s point of view, the people of the mountain are meant to be extras at the dedication ceremony whose centerpiece is the princess. However, they decide not to take part in the ceremony following a great humiliation – women who work with the engineer round some of them up with the help of the police and wash them as if they were horses. The engineer is furious at the refusal to participate in the ceremony and orders the police to bring all the residents there by force, not only to be washed but also to welcome the princess with song and dance. When the police realize that the people of the mountain intend to use live weapons against them, they retreat. Both they and the engineer want to avoid a battle on the day of the princess’s visit. On the advice of the police commander, peasants from another region serve as replacements for the people of the mountain. In addition, the police force is doubled in order to prevent conflict between the people of al-Gurna and their stand-ins. The fear of conflict is almost realized because the people of the mountain want to attack the model village during the ceremony, but the ʿumda, who opposes this move, instructs them not to do so until he talks to the princess and returns. According to ʿId, the replacement of the people of the mountain with “imported” extras reflects the complete disconnect that exists in large, backward societies between the heads of the regime pyramid and what is really happening at the bottom of the social pyramid. This gap is evident from the dedication event, where its organizers make sure to show that the situation of the subjects is excellent (ʿId 1999: 13). ʿId also notes the difference in approaches of the engineer and the ʿumda in dealing with the crisis. The engineer’s insistence upon sending in the police to bring the people of the mountain by force is the practical application of irrational state authority that relies on power and aspires to extract obedience from its citizenry. By contrast, when the ʿumda rebuffs the pressure from the people of the mountain to attack and destroy the model village, he behaves as a leader who cares about his people and fears endangering their lives. At the same time, he exhibits sound judgment and demonstrates bravery in his attempt to resolve the problem diplomatically with the princess (Ibid.: 12–13). The ʿumda’s hope to convince the princess to cancel the plan to settle the people in the model village evaporates when he finds her drunk. The two have a dialogue of the deaf, which makes the ʿumda realize that the government is neither aware of nor attentive to the needs of the people of al-Gurna. The dialogue is a failure not only because the princess does not understand the dialect he speaks – the dialect of Upper Egypt – but also because she treats the ʿumda like a clown and even offers him whiskey after he finishes speaking. The ʿumda feels that the princess is mocking him, so he angrily rebukes her, grabbing her by the shoulder. He contends that a short visit is not enough to understand the needs of the people and connects

The Conflicts  145 her licentiousness to the underlying goal of the model village, which is to make his people violate the religious commandments and drink alcohol. Before he leaves, the ʿumda threatens to spill the blood of the engineer’s people if they spend the night in this place. The threat has its effect and everyone – including the engineer – retires far from the model village. The conflict in The Mountain seems like a conflict of threats with verbal or practical responses to these threats, more than it is a conflict of actions and counter-actions. In the conflict between the contractor and Husayn and the ʿumda, each of the two sides intimidates the other. Upon the French woman’s return to the mountain, she passes through the model village and threatens the engineer to blow up the generator, proclaiming herself as the protector of the people of the mountain and the protector of humanity in general against a declining and “corrupt civilization” (Ghanim 1959: 151). She tells the people of the mountain that the engineer threatened to bring in the police to move them to the model village by force. In reaction to the threat, Husayn turns over a rail cart and sets fire to the storehouse in the model village. This is the only violent action in the novel. In al-Ghitani’s Quarters, the conflict between the people of the new community and the government is conducted almost entirely on a military plane, with each side seeing the other as the enemy. Throughout the fighting, the people of the uninhabited places rely on themselves, while al-ʿInani and the residents of the Far-Flung Suburb enlist the help of armies and intelligence services of other countries, among them the United States and Israel. Not only does the government seek the aid of the enemies against its own people, but whenever the new community established in the uninhabited places succeeds, the government acts more harshly toward the al-Khitat residents still under their rule. While publicly the government of al-Khitat denies that opposition even exists, a manifesto published by al-ʿInani is viewed as an admission that such opposition thrives. Magdi Ramzi, the senior authority figure in al-Khitat, is furious at the Directorate for Smuggling Antiquities for failing to protect an ancient Roman temple that was dismantled and disappeared. In response, al-ʿInani publishes the manifesto, emphasizing not only the success of his gangs in destroying personal security in al-Khitat but also the proliferation of heartlessness, death of values, flowering of selfishness, and the growth of prostitution throughout the State. According to him, the broad base of al-Khitat has already been vitiated, and all that is left is a minority of noble souls who still cling to ethics and history and call in secret for dignity and loyalty. This small, persecuted handful can in no way stop the decline. Despite their inferiority in numbers and military strength, the people of the uninhabited places, under the command of al-Khadir, Ilyas, and al-Watidi, launch an offensive against the forces of al-ʿInani and the foreigners. Al-Khadir’s men almost succeed in reaching al-ʿInani, but

146  The Conflicts they miss him. The building of the al-Anbaʾ newspaper is burned to the ground, and no one mourns. On the opposite side, al-ʿInani’s men begin to fire upon all the quarters of al-Khitat and to conduct mass arrests. An indication to the strength of the new community and of al-Watidi in particular, is al-ʿInani’s plan to suppress the attack: putting Nadir, al-­ Watidi’s son, on display in the middle of the Seventh Quarter and threatening to execute him if al-Watidi does not turn himself in. If al-Watidi appears, he will receive a sum of foreign currency that will allow him to leave al-Khitat together with his son. Al-ʿInani’s plan fails because al-Watidi is willing to sacrifice his son despite his personal pain. Some days after Nadir’s murder, al-Watidi takes revenge upon the foreigners, with his fortitude becoming an example to his men. Al-ʿInani realizes that his enemies are stronger than he is, so his morale deteriorates in light of their achievements and, especially, in light of their growing self-confidence. In the course of the fighting, the rulers of al-Khitat come to understand that they are fighting against ghosts. Even the enemy army invited in by Ramzi is unable to locate the people of the uninhabited places. The enemies claim that all the stories about the new community are mere lies intended to instill false hope in al-Khitat. This prompts the unified enemy command to reach an agreement with the nuclear states, which allows them to disperse their nuclear wastes in the uninhabited places. Saʿid in al-Zayni Barakat, Taha in The Yacoubian Building, and the hero in The Committee seek to exact revenge for the harm done to them by the authority figures. Feeling that they have been mutilated to such an extent that their lives are not worth living, these three protagonists are prepared to sacrifice their lives and challenge the authority figures, since only that can restore their self-respect and their control over their own fate, if only momentarily. About two years before the Ottoman conquest, al-Zayni gives a speech at al-Azhar mosque in which he pretends to be an upright man concerned only with establishing justice and abolishing taxes. While alZayni continues his smooth talking, Saʿid sobers up from the illusion created by the muhtasib and discovers the true face of al-Zayni through his own personal experience. Saʿid realizes that al-Zayni and Zakariyya are two sides of the same coin. Al-Zayni’s speech demonstrates to Saʿid his personal tragedy and that of the whole country: tyrannical forces have taken over, and there is no stopping them. Recalling the woman who shouted at al-Zayni in his first procession and who was apparently murdered, he urges himself to say what she said. Saʿid imagines himself to be like one of the first followers of Islam who were tortured to death by idolaters for adhering to their new monotheistic faith. Saʿid prepares to follow in their footsteps by holding fast to his truth: What is left for him to cling to? A time whose Imam is al-Zayni, its Sheikh is Zakariyya, its custodians are the spies, and its secretary is

The Conflicts  147 ʿAmr ibn al-ʿAdawi.9 He shall cast out the elderliness that has come too early; he shall recover his youth; he shall remove the heated blade from his tongue. (al-Ghitani 1985b: 212) Saʿid shouts at al-Zayni that he is a liar, willing to pay with his life for this and even to die by torture. Al-Zayni does not believe what he hears and continues with his speech. However, Saʿid’s outcry encourages others to overcome their own paralyzing fear, and to Saʿid’s surprise, they join in his shouts. Following this incident, Saʿid is imprisoned in Zakariyya’s secret prison on charges of inciting the public against the authorities. He sits in prison for more than two years and is released some time after the Ottomans have defeated the Mamluk’s army. In his speech at the international convention of spymasters, a few weeks before the defeat, Zakariyya brings up Saʿid as an example of a dissident who, following the breaking of his spirit in prison, undergoes a process that turns him into a secret agent for the regime. At the climax of Saʿid’s psychological torture, Zakariyya’s men destroy his image of the purity of Samah by forcing him to watch her having sexual intercourse with her husband. According to Zakariyya, the sight of his beloved making love made Saʿid feel as though the sky had fallen on him and his hair turned white. Van Leeuwen (1995: 100–101) argues that this scene turns Saʿid into a machine without free will and a tool under Zakariyya’s total control. Saʿid, knowing the nature of his crime, is able to prepare himself for punishment. Taha, on the other hand, does not understand what crime he is being so cruelly punished for since from his point of view, he is not a terrorist but a devotee of Islam. Therefore, he wonders whether his commitment to his faith is a crime. The sexual assault he has experienced makes him feel less than a street dog, and only his faith in God prevents him from committing suicide. Another difference between the two cases is that with Saʿid, the idea of revenge seems to be a spur of the moment decision, while Taha needs two weeks to decide what is the best way to take revenge in order to compensate for his helplessness and punish those responsible for the deed. Taha does not fear death because he is already dead, murdered in prison by the police officers. He wishes to die a martyr in the struggle against the regime and to enter Paradise. Therefore, he convinces Sheikh Shakir to take him to the Islamists’ training camp in the desert. The opportunity to take revenge on Rashwan, the officer who brutalized him, comes about a year after arriving at the camp when he goes on a mission to assassinate him with two other people. In fact, the identity of the target is revealed to Taha only upon arriving at the neighborhood where he lives. This is not a suicide mission, as the plan includes an option to abort the mission and instructions about how to return to the camp.

148  The Conflicts Taha’s mission is to delay Rashwan until his comrades can shoot him, but upon recognizing the officer, Taha loses his head and takes off after him. Rashwan is startled, and Taha’s comrades shoot him. Standing over his enemy and watching him die with his own eyes, Taha is killed by Rashwan’s bodyguards. Saʿid and Taha use different ways to take revenge for the harm done to them, in accordance with their abilities. Thus, Saʿid challenges the authority figures using words, while Taha uses deeds. By contrast, the hero of The Committee has the ability to challenge the authority figures with both words and deeds, but he does not do so: he is willing to challenge them with deeds, but not with words. After murdering the short man, he has the opportunity to accuse the Committee of all the injustices it is responsible for, but he does not embrace this opportunity. He is prepared to take responsibility for the murder and to pay with his life, but something inside him stops him from standing up bravely against the Committee and expressing his thoughts aloud. The hero’s actual challenge, to the short man in particular and the Committee in general, comes upon discovering that his guest carries a gun. The hero fears that the short man will kill him if he insists on continuing his research. Just as Saʿid recalled events from Islamic history, this potential threat reminds the hero of The Committee of instances in which he adhered adamantly to his principles despite the harsh blows he received and the dangers that lay in store for him. These memories prompt him to stab the short man to death as a preventive measure. Like Tu’s father and Saʿid, he is prepared to pay with his life for his principles, and like some of the other protagonists who initiate conflicts with authority figures (such as Ibrahim in There Is a Man in Our House), he feels a sense of strength accompanied by tranquility and optimism just before committing the act. His self-confidence is so great that his statement of defense before his third and last meeting with the Committee is actually a strong indictment of it. In this meeting, an atmosphere of mourning prevails in the hall due to the murder of the short man. Floral wreaths sent from heads of State – ­including those of the United States and Israel – presidents of multinational corporations, agents of foreign companies, and the most brilliant doctors of the Arab world, among them the Egyptian Doctor,10 all adorn the hall. The hero plans to challenge the Committee, but when it is his turn to speak, he gets cold feet, even though it seems that he has nothing to fear since his guilt is preordained. Instead of accusing the Committee, he confesses his own guilt, asking the Committee to take into consideration his past as a non-violent man and pacifist. However, here, as in the first meeting, he voices a criticism between the lines. Thus, for example, he implies that the Committee and the short man are responsible for the murder because they prevented him from continuing his research. In

The Conflicts  149 addition, he cynically relates to the murder of the short man claiming self-defense: “What I did concerning your colleague – or, to be more accurate, to his chest – was nothing but the natural reaction of a simple man in a situation of self-defense” (Ibrahim 2004: 91). The members of the Committee are convinced that the hero had accomplices involved in the conspiracy to commit the murder. In light of his insistence that he acted alone, they impose the most severe punishment – to eat himself. The violent actions of Taha and the hero of The Committee lead to their deaths, just as, when the people of the uninhabited places in al-Ghitani’s Quarters are defeated in the civil war, al-Khadir is killed and Khalid swallows poison in captivity. By contrast, when Husayn in The Mountain threatens small-scale violence in a way that carries the threat of violence on a larger scale, he succeeds in removing the evil decree placed upon the people of al-Gurna. Husayn’s action symbolizes the victory of the people of the mountain over the engineer and the government. An interesting detail in this victory is that the engineer pays the people for their work in building the village, but in the end they refuse to live in the very houses they built. The government retreats from the project of the model village and the plan to settle the people of the village there. The narrator sees in their victory proof of the preordained failure of every project established under the cloak of reform whose real reasons are personal interests, mistaken ideas, or efforts to imitate Europe and the United States. The Mountain, al-Zayni Barakat, al-Ghitani’s Quarters, The Committee, and The Yacoubian Building present the consequences of the actions or moves for both the individuals and the State in which they act, as divided into two extremes: either its complete defeat or complete victory. Saʿid in al-Zayni Barakat represents the extreme of complete defeat, while the people of al-Gurna in The Mountain represent the extreme of complete victory. Al-Zayni and Zakariyya break Saʿid, whom they consider a greater threat than the Ottomans, while Egypt is being overrun by the Ottomans – a trope demonstrating the connection between the breaking of the individual and the defeat of the State. As for the people of al-Gurna, they refuse to change and leave their living place; instead, the regime is changed. Here, it is possible to find a connection between their challenge to the royal regime and the Free Officers Revolution, which overthrew that regime. The Mountain depicts a micro-situation that reflects the macro-scale gap between the government and its subjects, which was the background of the revolution and one of the reasons for it. The narrator of The Mountain is an official representative of the government, and yet he creates a special connection with the villagers of alGurna and gains their trust. From his experience with them, it appears that they are not dissidents by nature; rather, the royal regime turns them into such when it tries to force them to uproot themselves from their native habitat without providing a solution to their problems. The regime,

150  The Conflicts embodied by the engineer and the princess, alienates them and thus loses control over them. This is evident from the ʿumda’s feeling following his conversation with the princess: the government is not their government since it is only concerned with forcing its authority upon them. The revolutionary regime is welcomed by the ʿumda, as shown by his heartfelt embrace of ʿAbd al-Nasir when he comes to visit a region near the mountain together with the President of Indonesia. The two have a common language since the new government is Egyptian and Arabicspeaking, whose goal is working for the good of the common people. By contrast, the former royal government spoke a foreign language, privileged foreigners over Egyptians, and felt superior towards them. With regard to Saʿid, at the beginning of al-Zayni Barakat, a Venetian traveler remarks about Cairo after the defeat and before the conquest, saying: “I see Cairo now like a blindfolded man, lying on his back, waiting for a hidden fate” (al-Ghitani 1985b: 14). This description is also applicable to Saʿid, linking his situation with the situation of all Egypt. The Saʿid who comes out of prison is not the same man who entered. Torture breaks his spirit and turns him into an emotionless robot in the service of the regime, just as Zakariyya wanted. Worse than that, even as a robot, Saʿid is aware of what is happening to him, but he cannot turn back the wheel of time. He is stricken with bodily and spiritual impotence, for Zakariyya’s men have extirpated his willpower. Saʿid comes out of prison suspicious of everyone and everything, having lost his sexual desire and his joy of living. He is indifferent even to the fateful events of the defeat and the impending occupation. Saʿid knows that he is being followed everywhere he goes and that he will be followed until his dying day. Alongside his constant fear of further torture, it turns out that his torturers implanted in him the feeling that he is a wayward son in order to cause him to develop a dependency upon them: “They are making an effort to mend his ways and fix him. Doesn’t a father beat his children, treat them cruelly?” (Ibid.: 251). His release from Zakariyya’s prison places him in a still worse prison – the prison of fear. In this prison, the jailers are inside his mind and supervise his thoughts. His body has been released, but not his spirit, and he still fears his torturers.11 Saʿid cuts himself off from his fellow students and ceases to participate in their discussions in order not to express any opinion. He refuses to speak even with himself for fear that “they” can read his thoughts. Therefore, Remembering the prison interrogations and the screams of those being tortured, he immediately tells himself that these are only bad dreams, not things that actually happened. Saʿid fears that “they” are liable to understand “that he imputes to them atrocities that never happened. Yes, they didn’t happen, they didn’t happen” (Ibid.: 252). The best example of Saʿid’s situation is the authorities’ request to spy on his mentor Abu al-Suʿud. The commander of the secret agents enjoins:

The Conflicts  151 “We are asking for your help, Saʿid. You are close to us, you are one of us, you belong to us” (Ibid.: 274). The words “you belong to us” (ʾinta btaʿna) are the only words in the novel in Colloquial Egyptian Arabic, not in Modern Standard Arabic. It seems that the use of the colloquial here emphasizes the fact that Saʿid is no longer an independent man, but the property of Zakariyya’s apparatus. Following the imprisonment of a close friend and the disappearance of Abu al-Suʿud, Saʿid is left with no shoulder to lean on. This brings about the complete breakdown of his spirit, for the Sheikh was the only one who could lift his morale at moments of personal and State crisis. Saʿid says to himself: “Ah, they have destroyed me and obliterated my fortresses!” (Ibid.: 277). These words reflect back to Zakariyya’s “catapults,” “poisoned spears,” and “swords” spoken of at the spymasters’ conference and indicate that Saʿid’s personality is now a ruin. Zakariyya’s plan comes to completion. Between the extremes of both the villagers of al-Gurna and Saʿid, the end of the other protagonists is indeed tragic, but there is still some tiny spark of relief. Taha in The Yacoubian Building and the hero of The Committee die with a sense of victory. Following the defeat of the new settlement in the uninhabited places in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, the first signs of optimism and hope regarding the restoration of al-Khitat begin to surface. According to Massad, Taha, in his death, restores his damaged manhood. The price is high – his life – for if not for his death, he would have had to live with the stain of sexual deviance following his prison rape (Massad 2007: 402). Whether he wanted revenge in order to restore his manhood or to repay Rashwan for the suffering he caused, after he succeeds in getting even with Rashwan and is shot, he dies with a sense of tranquility, with sounds of far off voices ringing in his ears: “Bells, hymns and chanting hums reverberating and approaching as if they are welcoming him into a new world” (al-Aswani 2005: 343). In contrast to Taha, the hero of The Committee, though angry at himself, finds a way to vent his frustration and to carry out his sentence with a sense of victory. Before surrendering, he takes small vengeance in the form of a cassette in which he states his opinions plainly. He carries out his sentence with the conviction that one day people like him will be victorious over the regime and change its character by challenging it over and over again. The tape recorder is a therapeutic tool for him, much as is writing for Shawqi in The Black Policeman. Standing in front of the tape recorder as if it were the Committee,12 the hero opens his speech thus: From the beginning, I made an inexcusable mistake. My obligation was not to stand before you but to stand against you, since every noble effort in the world must be directed toward your destruction. (Ibrahim 2004: 119)

152  The Conflicts In his talk, he sketches the process by which tyrannical rule in Egypt and other third world countries (Guth 1992: 149) will pass from the world: if the current Committee is destroyed, a new committee will arise in its place, and corruption will have its way with this new committee as well; then there will be no option but to destroy that committee too. However, with this turnover, the ability of individuals like him to confront the Committee will increase. He regrets that he will not live to see it, but he is confident that this day will come to pass. Therefore, he does not regret his fate. At the end of his speech, a sense of tranquility overcomes him, and as the sun rises, he begins to eat himself.13 The tranquility leading up to the hero’s death is characteristic of one who has reconciled himself with his defeat and fate as his life approaches its end. This is evident from the hero’s description of the serenity that flows over the aged guard at the Committee hall (al-ʿAlim 1985: 143–144; Guth 1992: 147). This serenity “flows over those who wave a white flag when they find themselves at the end of the road. Then they retreat from the din of life and the struggle that takes place over their external, ephemeral manifestations” (Ibrahim 2004: 7). It is possible to understand the punishment of the hero’s eating himself in a number of ways: – The Open Door Policy gave birth to rampant capitalism creating a “dog eats dog” atmosphere without the regime’s intervention. The hero experiences this twice himself when trying to fight on behalf of the weak and suffers defeats. Once when riding a bus, he stands up to a thug who sexually harasses one of the female passengers. No one comes to his aid, and the thug breaks his arm. Another time he stands up to a doctor at a government hospital. The doctor who prefers to provide treatment in his private clinic takes sums from his patients that are larger than what they would have been required to pay at the hospital. The hero rebukes the doctor for abandoning the patients, for his greed, and for his exploitation of the weak and insists on receiving free service. In response, the doctor refuses to treat him and throws him out of the clinic. – The punishment meted out by the regime hints at what the regime expects from dissidents: to destroy themselves with their own hands, thus leaving the regime free to pride itself on its clean hands. – For a frustrated man, there is no other choice but to eat himself, since there is no possibility of fixing the situation; he will always lose against the authority figures. – Guth suggests another possibility: throughout the novel, the hero wants to be a different person, no longer a revolutionary intellectual, so as to successfully adapt to the new society that has emerged with the Open Door Policy. Having failed in this, he executes the Committee’s sentence. He imposes this punishment on himself for

The Conflicts  153 his weakness and helplessness: not only is he unable to remain a revolutionary intellectual opposing the regime, he also cannot adapt to the mood of the modern era. This is the tragedy of mediocrity. The hero is torn between the activism of his past as a dissident and his current passivity and weakness. Only by murdering the short man does he restore the flavor to his life. After that, he reverts to being as he was in the past, and therefore he is willing to accept his sentence. (Guth 1992: 142–143) Al-Ghitani’s Quarters presents an apocalyptic vision of the fate of the State following the victory of the government over those attempting to resurrect the State. Annihilation reaches its climax when the sea covers the land, an allusion to the Deluge wreaked by God in the Bible and the Quran. Al-Ghitani seems to be saying that tyranny, exploitation, corruption, and rampant capitalism have so thoroughly decimated the country that there is no alternative but to erase every trace of the State and begin from scratch. Following their victory in the civil war, the authorities of al-Khitat exile the residents, spreading them all over the world so that they can no longer meet. The country becomes desolate. The enemies, who treat the country as if it were now theirs, pump out the Nile and remove the rich topsoil from the fields in order to make the deserts of their own countries bloom. Then the sea rises and covers everything. Thus, the vision of the Master is realized, and the end comes to al-Khitat with no possibility of restoration. Ramzi, however, is satisfied: “In any case, the plan to sell for a good price succeeded and some of its notables profited. It is better this way than naturally disappearing in the future for free” (al-Ghitani 1991: 427). Although the country is destroyed and the residents exiled, hope of returning to al-Khitat remains in the people’s hearts along with the hope of restoring the nation. According to different stories, the uninhabited places were not destroyed, and some of the heroic fighters are still there. All that is left of al-Khitat is the “Annihilation Square” (sahat al-­fanaʾ). In this square, senses become null and memories are awakened. Upon entering the square, one does not recognize one’s own parents, even when speaking to them. The Annihilation Square seems to be a way station between this world and the next, on the verge of Judgement Day (in the Quran (22/al-Hajj: 1–2; 80/ʿAbasa: 33–36), one of the signs of Judgement Day is the complete disconnect between parents and children). Optimism continues into the world to come, where the authority figures regret their deeds and a heavenly voice declares that the leaders of the community in the uninhabited places did not die and never will. The main sentiment characterizing those in the Annihilation Square – both the authority figures and those who opposed them – are sorrow for the time that has passed and regret for not having done enough to

154  The Conflicts prevent the deterioration from the outset, mainly by stopping the Master or even killing him. However, while the sorrow of Khalid and al-Watidi is authentic, the regrets of al-Tanukhi and al-ʿInani seem pathetic, for as rulers of al-Khitat, they milked the country of everything they could, and only on the verge of Judgment Day do they regret their deeds. It is interesting that neither the Master nor Ramzi appear in the Annihilation Square, as if they have no regret nor see the need for soul-searching and repentance. Al-Ghitani’s Quarters ends on an optimistic note. However, it seems that this optimism relates only to the future of the fictional al-Khitat, not necessarily to present-day Egypt. Toward the end of the novel, the narrator turns to the residents and announces good tidings: the wretched residents of al-Khitat are beginning to slowly restore the dry land using the topsoil, the antiquities that were hidden away are undamaged, and al-Khadir, Ilyas, and Sulayman are not dead. He calls upon the people to see for themselves that al-Khitat is flourishing and secure. According to Mehrez, this hopefulness alludes to the Apocalypse: al-Khadir, Ilyas, and Sulayman are a variation of the Mahdi or the Hidden Shiʿite Imam who is to return before Judgement Day to establish justice (Mehrez 1994: 71). However, this optimism is shattered by the novel’s closing lines: “Help! Help! Help!” (al-Ghitani 1991: 439). These shouts are identical to those of the narrator (Ibid.: 426) and perhaps are intended for the present, which in al-Ghitani’s view – voiced by the narrator – is very bleak.

Retreat on the Verge of Conflict Salah in Chicago and the residents of the al-Zaʿfarani neighborhood stop themselves before confronting the authority figures. Although they are the ones attempting to initiate the confrontation, they retreat from it at the last minute without the authority figures intervening in their decision. On the other hand, when the security apparatuses surrounding the al-Zaʿfarani neighborhood decide to confront Sheikh ʿAtiyya, they are not dependent only upon themselves, but also upon the residents of the neighborhood, since the security officials are afraid to enter the plague-stricken neighborhood to confront him. They acknowledge that the Sheikh is even stronger than they are. Salah does not try to confront the President, but himself and his lifelong fears. However, fear is stronger than he is, as Graham analyzes of Salah’s initial agreement to Nagi’s plan: “Sometimes one tries to overcome his fear but fails” (al-Aswani 2007: 433). Salah arrives at the Consulate filled with the will to read the manifesto proclaiming the rights of the Egyptian people to democracy and freedom, which is to be broadcast to the entire world. Like Saʿid in al-Zayni Barakat, he does not care what happens afterwards, envisioning himself as a hero whose name will be on everyone’s lips and written into the annals of history. However,

The Conflicts  155 at the moment of truth, he changes his mind, and instead of reading the manifesto, he reads his original speech praising the President on behalf of himself and the Egyptians living in Chicago. At the end of his speech, he stumbles back to his chair. In the al-Zaʿfarani neighborhood too, the residents who intend to confront ʿAtiyya retreat precisely at the decisive moment. At the height of the dissent fermenting against the Sheikh, Tahun calls upon the people to dig tunnels under the Sheikh’s house in order to break into the house and eliminate the effect of the spell. Exploiting the opportunity, the security authorities call upon the residents to break into the house, catch ʿAtiyya, and turn him in. In response, a delegation (that includes Tahun and ʿAtif) leaves the neighborhood and announces to the security forces that the residents see the events as an internal matter. They themselves will take care of their issues with the Sheikh and will not allow any intervention by external elements. The security authorities’ attempt to enlist the residents to arrest the Sheikh demonstrates the impotence of the State apparatus against the more powerful mystical force. Apparently, they do not act by themselves because each and every one of them fears being harmed by the spell. In this way, ʿAtiyya causes them to think only of themselves and thus prevents them from acting as a united front against him, as the security apparatuses act against dissidents. In fact, the government’s fear of the Sheikh marks the passing of rule from the State and its apparatuses into the Sheikh’s hands. Thus, the Sheikh formally becomes ruler of the country. In light of the fact that confrontation between ʿAtiyya on one side and the security apparatuses and the residents on the other did not take place, it is possible to analyze the relationship between the Sheikh and the security apparatuses – representing the central government – on several different levels: The residents, used to having an authority make decisions for them, are afraid of being free. Obedience to the omnipotent and all-­ knowing Sheikh gives them a sense of power by making them part of his power, which looks after them.14 b Mystical power is the only power that is able to stand up to government tyranny. The authorities do not know how to deal with this kind of power; moreover, they fear it. c The residents of the neighborhood are a closed group facing an external threat. Outside the group is the enemy – the source of danger and evil. The group provides them security and a sense of belonging and togetherness. Even though the residents do not live harmoniously, in the face of the oppressive State’s desire to intervene in their lives, they prefer to unite around the Sheikh, who is their leader against the State apparatus. a

156  The Conflicts d Just as Sheikh ʿAtiyya symbolizes the ruler, so the neighborhood symbolizes the State. The security forces encircling the neighborhood can be likened to an external force, even a superpower, trying to oppress a small, stubborn State. This State defies conventions and therefore is forced to cope with pressures from the superpower and interference in its internal affairs. However, the proud residents refuse to be dominated by external forces, even if their ruler is not to their liking. They prefer to suffer under their own ruler than too see him ousted by foreigners, if only for the sake of feeling that their State is independent.15 Salah’s psychological state deteriorates dramatically following the debacle of the President’s visit. For three days he does not eat, sleep, or go to work, which causes the university to threaten to fire him. On the third day, he shoots himself with his own gun. Just as he fled Egypt and ran from conflicts, so it is possible to see in his last deed the ultimate flight from reality. The main reason for his suicide may not be his failure to overcome his fear, but rather his failure to recreate himself, having lost his last chance to turn back time and be worthy of Zaynab’s admiration. In the al-Zaʿfarani neighborhood, the consequences of the lack of confrontation between the Sheikh and both the residents and the security authorities are not clear, but it seems that the opportunity to stop the spell from spreading is lost. The unwillingness of the residents to confront ʿAtiyya, as well as the government’s fear of him, brings about the spreading of the spell and the Sheikh’s ideology throughout the world. Furthermore, The Sheikh acquires many supporters by virtue of the message he carries. Unlike the tragic end of Nagi and Salah in Chicago, The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood ends with the promise of a better future and worldwide reformation. In one of the districts of India, a “second Warner” quotes sections from the Sheikh’s views before a crowd of demonstrators. He then announces to the “Zaʿfaranicized” (al-muzaʿfarin) that following the first blow of impotence, chaos will reign, but afterward all humanity will be satisfied. He proclaims that everything is going to change, faulty situations will be put aright, and a day will come when justice will prevail: Farewell to the old times, to the eras of straying from the right path, of distortion of facts, of starvation to death, of miserable love, of failed hopes, of repressed desire, of tortured promises, of tyrannical regimes, of relative justice, of complicating the plain and making the simple difficult. The wait will not be long at all, for now the time of the spell has begun so that the world will change! (al-Ghitani 1985a: 278)

The Conflicts  157 Despite the enticing promises, it is hard to avoid the impression that the tyranny of the Sheikh is no different from other tyrannies, such as that of the Soviet Union, whose ideology spread around the world and was accepted by many as a new religion. However, underneath the idealistic proclamations lay suppression of individual freedom and institutions like the thought police, which were ostensibly intended to ensure the fulfillment of the promises but actually served as tools to perpetuate the rule of the minority over the masses. Orwell writes that a totalitarian state is, in fact, a theocracy in which the ruling class has to position itself as infallible in order to retain its status (Orwell 1968b: 63). This may be the reason that al-Ghitani deliberately chose the character of a religious leader who endeavors to impose a totalitarian regime without anyone being able to challenge him and undermine his position.

Notes 1 According to ʿAtiyya (1981: 137), the assassination is based on an actual event, in which the pro-British Minister of the Treasury Amin ʿUthman was murdered. A secret group, one of whose members was Anwar al-Sadat, murdered ʿUthman in 1946 (Mitchell 1993: 59). 2 About using this method of extracting confessions in reality, see Beattie (1994: 129–130). 3 These symptoms are characteristic of torture victims who have suffered prolonged physical and psychological trauma (Allodi and Randall 1985: 14–15, 65, 69; Stover and Nightingale 1985: 10). 4 This argument is supported by research about the effects of torture on torturers. See, for example, Costanzo and Gerrity (2009: 194). 5 Passivity, helplessness, lack of initiative, and loss of confidence are characteristic PTSD (Herman 1992: 384). 6 The story of the Binding appears in the Quran, 37/al-Saffat: 99–107, but does not give the name of the son who is bound. Commentators on the Quran argued over whether it was Isaac or Ishmael who was the one to be sacrificed. According to al-Tabari (2000: Vol. 21, 72–79), it is Isaac. Others maintain that it is Ishmael (see, e.g., al-Baydawi N.D.: 356). There are also commentators who bring up both possibilities without deciding (see, e.g., al-Baghawi 1987: 565–566). According to Paret, the question of the identity of the son remains open (Paret 1997: 184). 7 Regarding the angels of punishment, see Quran 96/al-ʿAlaq: 18. Galal alDin al-Hamamisi, who writes about events that took place in prisons during ʿAbd al-Nasir’s rule, also uses this term to describe the authority figures (al-Hamamisi 1976: 123). 8 In Samah Idris’s opinion, the Doctor’s character mixes Egyptian and non-Egyptian personages, such as ʿUthman Ahmad ʿUthman (1917–1999), one of the prominent contractors in the Arab world; the son-in-law of al-­ Sadat and Minister of Housing during his rule ʿAdnan al-Khashuqji (1935–), a Saudi billionaire and arms dealer whose business dealings are surrounded by mystery; and Yusuf al-Sibaʿai (1917–1978), a senior officer and intellectual who served as the Minister of Culture under al-Sadat (Idris S. 1992: 118, n. 3. See also Guth 1992: 136, 139 n. 54). ʿUbayd believes that the Doctor symbolizes the ruling class in Egypt, i.e., the military personnel who

158  The Conflicts conducted the Officers’ Revolution and who took control of the State and changed its internal and external policies. These figures exploited the Revolution and the economic legislation that followed it in order to become wealthy. The Doctor’s character serves as a vehicle to criticize the Officers’ Revolution and the opportunism and the selfishness of those involved in it. Instead of fighting imperialism, they colluded with it, which led to the destruction of the local economy, the public morale, and Egypt’s potential for development (ʿUbayd 2001: 79). According to al-ʿAlim (1985: 150, 154), the Doctor represents all the evils of the Open Door Policy, which brought about the destruction of Egypt and the deterioration of its industry by subordinating it to foreign elements – commercial companies as well as foreign states. 9 ʿAmr, a fellow student of Saʿid at al-Azhar University, is an agent in ­Zakariyya’s apparatus. 10 The list of persons who have sent their condolences suggests the possibility that the short man symbolizes al-Sadat. 11 Fear of one’s torturers even after release from prison characterizes political prisoners suffering from PTSD. Hence, it is possible that Saʿid has PTSD (Herman 1992: 384–385). 12 The hero speaks into the recorder, inspired by lines from the last complete poem of Vladimir Mayakovsky (1893–1930), “Past One O’clock”, which he wrote a short time before committing suicide: “I hope, I believe, never will come to me shameful common sense […] In such moments, I want to rise and call out to the ages, to history, to the universe” (Woroszylski 1971: 524–525). Mayakovsky’s tragedy reminds the hero of his own (Ibrahim 2004: 119). 13 It is possible to understand his eating himself not only literally. Guth (1992: 141, n. 62) notes the Egyptian Colloquial Arabic phrase kal fi ruhu – “to simmer (with pent-up anger etc.)” (Badawi-Hinds 1986: 29). Al-ʿAlim, who argues that the hero does not eat himself at the end of the novel, notes another Egyptian expression: ʾakhadha yaʾakulu nafsahu – “he started eating himself” (meaning one who regrets his action and does profound soul searching). That is to say, the sense of helplessness, defeat, and humiliation overwhelms the hero so much that his thoughts are not free for anything else. He gives up on continuing the conflict, choosing defeat of his own free will, and is satisfied with his isolation, surrender, and passivity (al-ʿAlim 1985: 164–165). 14 For an analysis regarding the attachment of the individual to the authority, see Fromm (1981: 21–22). 15 See also Hijazi (2005: 112–113).

Conclusions

This book sought to explore cases in which a conflict between individuals and authority figures breaks out, as those cases are depicted in Egyptian prose fiction written since the Free Officer’s Revolution of 1952 to the last years of President Mubarak’s tenure. The discussion of the various conflicts encompassed the characteristics of those involved in the conflicts, both authority figures and individuals, as well as the background of the conflicts, their development, their outcomes, and their consequences. Although the works under discussion were written during different periods under three Presidents, with some works referring to ­Egyptian regimes prior to that of the Free Officers, they show that the various governments are not so different with respect to their treatment of dissidents. Violations of individual privacy and methods of torture, especially sexual torture by damaging the masculinity of the political prisoner, characterize all of them. Sexual torture is manifested in several ways: forcing a man to adopt a feminine name, raping a female relative in front of a man’s eyes, and raping a man. This characteristic appears in al-Zayni Barakat, The Story of Tu, The Committee, The Yacoubian Building, and Chicago. In this context, it is interesting that three of the cruelest fictional perpetrators of torture are either open or latent homosexuals: Shawkat in The Story of Tu, al-Zanfali in The Black Policeman, and Zakariyya in al-Zayni Barakat (yet the connection between sexual tendencies and cruelty needs further research). These works present a complex picture of the conflict between individuals and authority figures, especially the impact of the conflict upon the authority figures themselves. A study of the conflicts also gives insight into the authority figures’ understanding of loyalty – can citizens be loyal to the State alone or must they be loyal to the regime first and foremost? In addition, this study reveals the authors’ own perspectives with respect to the regimes. In general, the authority figures differentiate between loyalty to the State and loyalty to the regime. From their point of view, an enemy is anyone not publicly avowing loyalty to the regime or anyone upholding an ideology opposed to that of the regime, even if that person is a patriot

160  Conclusions who is willing to sacrifice his life for the sake of the homeland, like ­ halid and the Agam in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, for example. This attiK tude explains authority figures’ preference for the welfare of the regime over that of the State and their obsession with oppressing citizens even while the State is at war with a powerful external enemy who is dangerously close to victory. This obsession creates a paradox, as shown in Mahfuz’s Karnak and al-Ghitani’s al-Zayni Barakat. While in the midst of war, authority figures do not act against the real enemies of the State, but rather against their own supporters or those who at least do not act against them. Thus, authority figures invent “enemies” from within and sometimes even create their own enemies, as shown in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, The Committee, and The Yacoubian Building. In fact, the real danger to the welfare of the State comes from the tyrannical regime, not from external enemies. Al-Zayni Barakat shows how authority figures put their own good above that of the State while acting to ensure their own political survival even under foreign rule. In al-Ghitani’s Quarters, the Security Directorate murders countless newborn babies in order to ensure that none of them mature into the hero who will put an end to the prevailing injustice in al-Khitat/Egypt under the current regime. There are clear power differentials between individuals and authority figures. Some of the authority figures see themselves as having godlike omnipotece; some are even capable of suppressing thoughts of challenging them in individuals’ minds. The individuals are at a definite disadvantage – whether they initiate the conflict or whether they are unwillingly drawn into it. Perhaps the very readiness of dissidents to challenge authority figures from an inferior position, as well as their mental capacity to overcome the fear of authority figures, make them admired by the people. Ibrahim in There is a Man in our House fans the flames of the Revolution. At the same time, Muhyi and ʿAbd al-Hamid become heroes in the eyes of their prison mates. The residents in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood consider Rummana, the former political prisoner, a hero. In al-Zayni Barakat, the woman who challenged al-Zayni during his first procession inspires Saʿid to do the same. According to the prisoner whom the hero of The These encounters, “it is they who give life an acceptable flavor, for they are the salt of the earth” (Tubya N.D.: 73). The main conclusion of this book is that in spite of the clear power ­differential – as described in the various literary works – Authority figures may crush the individuals, but their victory in only ephemeral. In a fictional conflict, the harm suffered by the individuals frequently boomerangs against the authority figures. A malevolent oppressor is likely to be arrested or even meet his death at the hands of his victim or those of his relatives. The time between harming an individual and the revenge may be short or long, as in the cases of The Committee’s hero, Taha

Conclusions  161 in The Yacoubian Building, and Tu’s Father. Sometimes, the authority figure loses his mind and inflicts harm upon himself, as The Black Policeman demonstrates. Thus, in certain cases, the victim’s death or his suffering at the hands of the authority figure does not indicate defeat but rather the beginning of the authority figure’s own downfall. When a large group coalesces to stand up to the authorities, as happens in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, it does have a chance of overpowering them. However, the conclusion that rises from this novel is that unity is not enough to overcome the regime, superpower is also needed. This proclivity is even more salient in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood, where the security authorities do not dare to confront ʿAtiyya with his mystical power but instead urge the neighborhood residents to overthrow him. The need for superpower to overcome oppressive authority figures demonstrates how small the chances are for an individual or group to overwhelm the authority figures. Overcoming the authorities is wishful thinking, possible only in fairy tales – the domain of superheroes – not in reality. Ghanim and al-Ghitani raise different arguments regarding conflicts between large groups and authority figures. Al-Ghitani, in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, maintains that large-scale resistance leads to the destruction of the whole country, mainly because of the authority figures’ actions and counter-actions. By contrast, Ghanim – through the narrator’s voice in The Story of Tu – argues that in order to reform Egypt and establish justice, the killing of one specific perpetrator (Zuhdi) is not sufficient. Rather, “there is a need for a tremendous action which will be done by thousands and then millions of people who believe in it” (Ghanim 1987: 109). Ghanim is optimistic that millions of Egyptians acting together will be able to defeat authority figures like Zuhdi. Al-Ghitani, though pessimistic, raises the possibility that only after the country has been totally destroyed − as occurred in al-Khitat – can it be resurrected. Two questions arise from the conflicts discussed here: the first is whether confrontation with authority figures is futile and the other is whether in real life, authority figures would improve the treatment of those under their authority upon considering the bitter fate of their fictional counterparts. In other words: would authority figures change their ways knowing that their hardline stances inevitably boomerang? Can the reading of literary works like al-Ghitani’s Quarters, The Committee, and The Yacoubian Building bring actual authority figures to reconsider their malicious actions against the populace they govern? After reading such literary works, will they try to reform themselves in order to prevent the revolutions that will depose them and put them in a position similar to that of their victims, if not an inferior one? The first answer that comes to mind in relation to the question of futility of confrontation is that there is no possibility of changing the ways of the authority figures. However, sometimes a person can no longer

162  Conclusions tolerate their actions, either because his worldview is different from theirs or because they have personally harmed him. He then feels obligated to confront the authority figures, knowing that the consequences will be severe. In this case, the act of resistance is usually the dissident’s last, his final expression of freedom, after which he will be silent forever. The answer to the second question is outside the framework of this book. However, it is worth mentioning here the argument made by al-Ghitani (stated in the Introduction) regarding the fact that President Mubarak could have benefited from reading Egyptian literature and accepting the criticism embodied in it in order to maintain his office or to honorably step down (ʿAbd al-Wahhab 2011).1 The literary works discussed in this book present different approaches of authors to the consequences of conflicts between individuals and authority figures on the regime in particular and the State in general. Al-Ghitani, Ibrahim, and al-Aswani, for example, present the viewpoint that in the conflict between repressive regimes and their citizens, superfluous brutality against those who are not even involved in politics can cause them to rise up, thereby jeopardizing the very existence of the regime, as actually happened Egypt in 2011. Yusuf Idris presents a picture in which the authority figure winds up hurting himself through his own sadism. In Mahfuz as well as in al-Ghitani, one finds criticism of ʿAbd al-Nasir for his war against fictitious internal enemies while ignoring Egypt’s real external ones. Here, again, it seems that a tyrannical regime endangers the State more than external enemies do. In some novels, one can discern between the lines the authors’ views regarding political responsibility for the violation of human rights – is it the heads of the regime or only the autonomous security officials? While Mahfuz is evasive regarding ʿAbd al-Nasir’s guilt for the torture that occurred during his rule, al-Ghitani and al-Aswani directly blame Egypt’s presidents. In Karnak, Mahfuz puts the blame on the security officials who seem to have acted without the president’s knowledge. By contrast, in al-Zayni Barakat and in al-Ghitani’s Quarters, al-Ghitani blames ʿAbd al-Nasir for security service directives that harm even supporters of his regime. In al-Ghitani’s Quarters, al-Ghitani accuses al-Sadat, whose crimes, he contends, were even greater than ʿAbd al-Nasir’s not only because of his continuation of the repressive treatment of dissidents, but also because he caused the ruin of Egypt. In both The Yacoubian Building and Chicago, al-Aswani does not stop at criticizing Mubarak for governmental corruption and for backing security service abuse of citizens calling for democracy in Egypt, but questions the senile Mubarak’s fitness to lead Egypt. The connection between al-Aswani’s criticism of Mubarak and his insistence upon retaining his position of power even when his chances had dwindled to nothing is apparent. In 2011, the masses toppled Mubarak as an expression of their discontent with his regime’s human rights violations, among other things. This

Conclusions  163 only shows how authority figures who harm the public will cause it to rise up and remove them from power. In light of this connection between literature and reality, it is possible to say that while literature cannot prophesy, it can powerfully reveal the scope of possibilities inherent in a perverse political situation. *** Al-Aswani’s two novels discussed in this volume, The Yacoubian Building and Chicago, belong to the genre that since the 2011 revolution is described as “Resistance Literature” (adab al-muqawama). This genre heralded the coming political and sociological change and has become more and more prolific after Mubarak’s fall. The Resistance Literature since the turn of the 21st century differs from the political literary works discussed in this volume in that up until the 1990s, most of the novelists have resorted to allegory and symbolism in order to hide their criticism of the regime and thus avoid censorship or even arrest. Since the 1990s, writers have been voicing their criticism more boldly (e.g. al-Aswani). As for the political literature since 2011, some writers go beyond direct criticism to forecast future developments in the political structure of Egypt, e.g. Muhammad Salmawi’s Butterfly Wings (Agnihat al-farasha, 2011), ʿIzz al-Din Shukri Fishir’s The Exit Door (Bab al-khurug, 2012), and Muhammad Rabiʿ’s ʿUtarid (named after the hero’s last name, 2016). It is possible that the new approaches are influenced by the new media and its platforms, such as Facebook and blogs, which provide them more freedom to express their thoughts and ideas. Nevertheless, this literature should be further researched with regard to its themes, styles, techniques, and writers.

Note 1 In this context, a famous classical Arabic saying, “You acted justly, so you became safe and then you could sleep [peacefully]” (al-Thaʿalibi 2003: 77), is pertinent. The statement is attributed to a Persian prisoner of high rank who was brought in front of Caliph ʿUmar ibn al-Khattab (ruled between 634 and 644) while the latter was asleep on his whip in a mosque. The prisoner was astonished that the ruler who conquered the Persian Empire would allow himself to sleep unprotected, except for his whip.

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Index

ʿAbdallah, Yahya Al-Tahir 15 ʿAbdallah, Zayn al-ʿAbidin 130 ʿAbd al-Hadi, Ibrahim (former Egyptian Prime Minister) 37, 59n7 ʿAbd al-Hamid 66, 69, 71, 79, 90–91, 114, 119–123, 160 ʿAbd al-Nasir, Gamal 2–7, 9–10, 13–14, 16–18, 19n3, 20n12, 24, 32, 41, 47, 58n6, 59n9, 59n11, 59–60n14, 60n23, 60n26, 61n32, 62n36, 70, 84n2, 84n6, 93, 110n2, 121, 123, 125, 130–131, 150, 157n7, 162 ʿAbd al-Quddus, Ihsan 5, 122 ʿAbd al-Samad, Nagi 11, 25, 34–35, 63, 65–66, 69, 73–74, 80–81, 85–87, 89, 105, 112, 117–118, 129, 154, 156 al-Abnudi, ʿAbd al-Rahman 15 Abraham 139 Abu al-Suʿud 9, 57, 62n36, 63, 70–72, 78, 80–81, 87–88, 112, 118, 120, 138, 150–151 Adham (the Mahfuzian parallel for Adam) 4 Admissions Committee 97, 139 Aesopian language 15, 20n21 ʿAgam 23, 29–30, 40–41, 53–54, 59n6, 71–72, 76, 92, 100, 111 al-Ahram 13 Alexandria 58, 113 ʿAli ibn Abi al-Gud 23, 39, 49 ʿAli, Husayn 82, 143, 145, 149 ʿAli, Muhammad 15–16 al-ʿAlim, Mahmud Amin 58n1, 158n13 Althusser, Louis 44, 61n28 Amin, Galal 18 ʿAmr ibn al-ʿAdawi 147, 158n9 al-Anbaʾ (newspaprer) 10, 22, 63–64, 100, 146

Angels of punishment (zabaniya) 139 Annihilation Square (sahat al-fanaʾ) 153–154 Antichrist (al-masih al-daggal) 56, 62n35 Anwar, Hasan 64, 68, 77, 82–83, 105, 107–108, 111n14 ʿArafa 4–5, 63–65, 67, 73–75, 79–80, 87–89, 115–117, 120–121; “magic” 74, 88, 115 Aswan Dam (al-sadd al-ʿali, the High Dam) 10, 59n14 Al-Aswani, ʿAlaʾ ix, 1, 10, 15, 21, 52, 60n22, 162–163 Asyut 64 ʿAtif Guda see Guda, ʿAtif ʿAtiyya, Ahmad Muhammad 12–13, 114, 121, 157n1 ʿAtiyya (Sheikh) 9, 22, 26, 50–52, 57n4, 64, 69, 75, 82, 103–108, 154–156, 161; spell 9, 68–69, 75, 77, 82–83, 104–105, 107–109, 155–156 Austria 61n29 ʿAwatif (ʿArafa’s beloved) 80, 88–89, 115–116 Aybut (state) 8, 27–30, 93–94, 127–128 al-Azhar University 27, 66, 78, 96, 146, 158n9 al-Azhari, Qindil 63, 70–71, 92–93, 123–124 ʿAzzam, Muhammad 11, 63, 65–66, 72, 77–79, 84n3, 89–90, 112, 118–119 Badawi, Mohammed Mustafa 9 Barakat, al-Zayni 8–9, 20n12, 21–23, 25–28, 30–35, 37–41, 44, 47–48, 49–52, 56–58, 59n9, 59n11, 60n17, 61n27, 62n35, 62n36, 70, 72, 76,

174 Index 78, 87–88, 96–97, 118–119, 120, 130, 138–139, 146–147, 149, 160 al-Basyuni, Hamza 29n3 Berger, Morroe 12 The Black Policeman 7, 22, 24–25, 32, 37, 63, 72–73, 92, 127, 132, 134, 151, 159, 161 The Book of Revelations (Kitab al-tagaliyyat) 58n4, 84n2 Britain 5, 15–16, 73; British presence in Egypt 5, 16, 19n7, 23, 65–66, 73, 75, 81, 85, 113–114, 121, 131, 157n1; the Anglo-Egyptian Agreement 16; occupation 16, 114, 121 Buthayna (Taha’s beloved in The Yacoubian Building) 69, 76–77, 97 Buthayna (wife of ʿAbduh Murad in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood) 67–68, 82, 107 Butterfly Wings 163 The Cairene Trilogy 55 Cairo 5, 8–10, 23–24, 58n3, 58n6, 76, 87, 113, 139, 150 Cairo University 73, 75, 85, 97 Camus, Albert 14, 89; The Rebel 89 Canada 133 Chicago (novel) 11, 21–22, 24–25, 28, 31–32, 34–37, 48–49, 52, 63, 65, 69, 73–75, 79–81, 85, 104, 112, 117, 125, 154, 156, 159, 162–163 Chicago (the city) 49, 73, 80, 85–87, 117, 155 Children of Our Neighborhood 4, 14, 22–23, 52, 63–65, 73, 79, 87, 115, 116 the “confused generation” (al-gil al-haʾir) 72 Covenant of Islamic Action (mithaq al-ʿamal al-islami) 97, 140 The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood 9, 22, 26, 50, 52, 64, 75–77, 81–82, 104, 108, 156, 160–161 The Committee (novel) 7, 21, 26–27, 63, 66, 72–74, 96–97, 137–138, 141, 146, 148–149, 151, 159–161 the Committee (governmental body) 7, 21, 26–27, 47, 58n1, 74, 97, 138, 141–142, 148–149, 151–152 Communism and communists 6–7, 18, 23, 29, 41–42, 52, 59n6, 60n16, 72, 79, 83, 86, 93, 109, 110n2, 124–125, 133

al-Dabbagh, Mahmud 25, 50, 91–92, 119–120, 140 Danana, Ahmad 11, 21–22, 24, 36–37, 49–50, 60n19, 66, 73, 81, 85–86, 109n1, 117 Daws, Karam 85–86, 117 decorations (in al-Khitat): Badge of Destruction 46; Gold Medal in Bribery 46; Order of Failure, First Class 44; Order of Treason – First Class Spy 46; Sash of the Greatest Treason 46 the Deluge 153 Dhat (a novel by Sunʿ Allah Ibrahim) 60n18 Diary of al-Wahat [Prison] (Sunʿ Allah Ibrahim’s autobiography) 60n16 Digam (ruler of Aybut) 8, 93 Diyab, Zaynab (in Karnak) 5, 19n3, 63, 66, 70, 81, 93, 125–127, 130–131, 137 the Doctor 142, 148, 157–158n8 the Eastern desert 61n29 Educational Ideological State Apparatus 44, 61n28 Egypt 1–11, 13–19, 19n7, 21, 23, 27, 30–31, 36, 38, 40–41, 44, 47, 49, 58n1, 58n6, 59n7, 59n13, 60n18, 61n29, 61n31, 61–62n34, 72–75, 77–78, 80–81, 83, 85–87, 97–98, 104–105, 108, 109n1, 110n6, 113, 118, 121, 128, 130, 139–142, 149–150, 152, 154, 156, 157–158n8, 160–163 the Egyptian Students’ Association in the United States 11, 21, 24, 37, 86 Elijah 84n2 the engineer (in The Mountain) 6, 42–43, 47, 52, 64, 71, 98–99, 137, 143–145, 149–150 The Exit Door 163 the Far-Flung Suburb (al-dahiya al-naʾiya) 23, 46, 54–55, 59n6, 145 Farida (wife of Radish Head) 67–69, 83, 107 al-Faysal, Samar Ruhi 2, 13 Fetewwa, fetewwat (local bully/ bullies) 5, 22, 24, 33, 58n2, 74–75, 80, 87–89, 115 the First Suburb 23, 29, 37, 41–42, 44, 46, 54–55, 58n6, 93, 101, 124

Index  175 Fishir, ʿIzz al-Din Shukri 163 Foucault, Michel 34 France 16, 113 Free Officers Revolution (the 1952 Revolution) ix, 1, 3, 5, 10–11, 13–14, 16, 70, 112–113, 120, 122, 129–132, 149, 158n8, 159–160 al-Fuli, Kamal 22, 24, 35–37, 41, 49, 72, 89, 90, 118 Gabal (the Mahfuzian parallel for Moses) 4–5 al-Gabalawi 4–5, 73, 88–89, 115–116, 121 al-Gabalawi neighborhood 4, 22–23, 67, 73–74, 88, 115 al-Gamaʿa al-Islamiyya (“The Islamic Group”) 97, 110n6 Gallery 68 14–15 Geneva 133 Ghanim, Fathi 6, 110n7, 161 Gharib, Tahun 64, 69, 75–76, 83, 105, 107–108, 155 al-Ghitani, Gamal ix, 1, 8–10, 15, 20n12, 20n14, 26, 47, 52, 58n4, 60n20, 60n23, 61n27, 61n34, 62n35, 84n2, 84n4, 111n12, 153–154, 157, 160–162 al-Ghitani’s Quarters 9, 21–26, 29, 36–37, 40, 42–43, 48, 50, 52, 61n34, 63–66, 68, 70, 72, 76, 78, 81, 92, 94, 98, 104, 123, 129, 137, 143, 145, 149, 151, 153–154, 160–162 globalization 7, 15, 86, 141 Graham, John 85–86, 154 the Great Dam (al-khazzan al-kabir) 10, 29, 36, 53, 59n14, 102 Guda, ʿAtif 64, 68–69, 76, 82, 105, 107, 155 al-Guhayni, Saʿid 8–9, 65–66, 70, 76, 78, 80–81, 84n2, 87, 96–97, 116, 122, 130, 137–139, 146–151, 154, 158n9, 158n11, 158n11, 160 the Gulf States 84n3, 133 al-Gurna (al-Qurna) 6, 19n4, 52, 63–64, 71, 82, 98–99, 104, 110n7, 137, 143–144, 149, 151 Guth, Stephan 58n1, 152, 157n8 Hafiz, Sabri 6, 15, 113 al-Hakim, Tawfiq 13 Hamada, Hilmi 5, 63, 72, 81, 93, 125–127, 129–131

al-Hamamisi, Galal al-Din 19n3, 157n7 Hamid, Marwan 11 Hamdi (son of Qindil in al-Ghitani’s Quarters) 92–93 Hamdi, Ibrahim 5, 25, 63, 65–66, 71, 73–75, 78–81, 85, 87, 90–92, 112–115, 119–123, 148, 160 Hammam, Muhammad 25, 90–91, 119–120 Hanash 74–75, 88–89, 114–116, 121 al-Haruni, Husayn: see Radish Head Hasan Anwar see Anwar, Hasan Hassan son of Hasan Anwar in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood) 77, 83, 108 Haykal, Muhammad Hasanayn 61n29, 61n30 Herman, Judith Lewis 60n17 the Hidden Imam 61n33, 154 Hijazi, Mustafa 32, 101, 103, 110n10, 135 Hijra 99 al-Hilali 10, 23–24, 29, 40–45, 47, 53–54, 93, 101–102, 124 Hilmi Hamada see Hamada, Hilmi Hitler (Adolf) 40, 68, 77 homosexuality 11, 32, 37, 49, 69, 83, 141, 159 Howe, Irving 11 human rights 2, 12, 117, 132, 162 Husayn ʿAli see ʿAli, Husayn Husayn, Ismaʿil 63–64, 66, 94, 123, 129 Husayn, Khalid 10, 64, 76, 84n2, 94, 100–103, 149, 154, 160 Ibn Iyas, Muhammad ibn Ahmad 60n20, 61n27 Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ, ʿAbd Allah 120n5 Ibrahim Hamdi see Hamdi, Ibrahim Ibrahim, Sunʿ Allah: 7, 21, 26–27, 47, 60n16, 60n18, 84n6, 162 Ideological State Apparatus (ISA) 61n28 Idris, Samah 2, 12, 31, 58n1, 62n36, 131, 137, 157n8 Idris, Yusuf 7, 19n8, 132, 134, 162 Ikram 67–68, 77, 83, 107 Ilyas 10, 64, 67, 84n2, 102–103, 145, 154 impotence 9, 63, 104–105, 108, 134–135, 150, 155, 156 al-ʿInani 10, 21, 24, 28, 30–31, 43, 50, 53–56, 61n34, 100–103, 123, 129, 145–146, 154

176 Index India 111n14, 156 Indonesia 150 the Institute for the Exposition of Secrets 24, 53 Iraq 72 Isaac 157n6 Ishmael 157n6 Islam (religion, law, history) 38, 47, 58n5, 60n24, 61n33, 62n35, 84n3, 84n6, 111n13, 146–148 Ismaʿil Husayn see Husayn Ismaʿil Ismaʿil al-Sheikh see al-Sheikh, Ismaʿil the Ismaʿili sect 61n33 Israel 10, 15, 18, 60n14, 61–62n34, 69, 74, 80, 84n7, 131, 141, 145, 148; the enemies from the North 23, 42, 76; Knesset 55; welcoming ceremony in al-Ghitani’s Qaurters 46–57, 49, 55 Jacquemond, Richard 20n19 Judaism 61n33, 69 Judgment Day 62n35, 153–154 Kafka, Franz 7, 14; The Trial 7 Kalila wa-Dimna 105, 110n5 Karnak 5, 25, 50, 63, 66, 70, 72, 80–81, 93, 123–125, 127, 129–130, 132, 137, 160, 162 al-Khadir 10, 64–65, 78, 84n2, 100–103, 110n9, 145, 149, 154 Khalid (Husayn) see Husayn, Khalid al-Kharrat, Idwar 14–15 al-Khashuqji, ʿAdnan 157n8 khitat (genre) 20n14 al-Khitat 10, 21–30, 36, 40–47, 53–56, 59n6, 62n34, 63, 71, 76, 94, 99–103, 123, 129, 145–146, 151, 153, 154, 160–161 King Faruq 2, 6, 16, 73, 98 Kreisky, Bruno 61n29 Kuwait 19, 72 Lebanon 4 Leeuwen, Richard Van 34, 147 Loseff, Lev 15 Lukács, Georg 46 he Mahdi 61n33, 62n35, 154 Mahfuz, Nagib ix, 4–5, 14, 19n3, 52, 55, 89, 160, 162 Mamluk Egypt 8–9, 23, 26, 28, 30, 41, 56, 118, 138, 147 al-Maʾmun 84n6 Manawi (commander of the Republican Guard in Chicago) 35

Mansur, Anis 61n32 al-Maqshara (prison) 50 Massad, Joseph A. 13, 151 the Master 10, 21–23, 26–27, 29, 31, 36, 40–45, 47–48, 50, 52–53, 55–57, 58–59n6, 59n10, 60n26, 64, 71, 82, 92–93, 99–103, 129, 143, 153–154 Mayakovsky, Vladimir 158n12 Mecca 133 Mehrez, Samia 9, 20n12, 154 Messenger of the Covenant (rasul al-mithaq) 106, 111n13 mihna (test, inquisition) 84n6 Milgram, Stanley 101, 117 Milson, Menahem x, 4, 130 Ministry of Education 47, 98, 110n7 model village 6, 43, 47, 52, 71, 82, 98, 143–145, 149 Moses 4–5, 38, 110n9 The Mountain 6, 42–43, 47, 52, 63, 71, 81–82, 98–99, 104, 110n7, 137, 143–145, 149 Mubarak, Gamal 19 Mubarak, Husni i, 1–3, 18–19, 28, 60n18, 60n21, 73, 85, 125, 140, 159, 162–163; the “Big Man” 90, 118–119; as referred to in Chicago 35 Muhammad (Prophet) 99, 111n13 Muhammad, Fatima Yusuf 12 muhtasib 23, 27–28, 44, 50, 56–57, 58n5, 70–71, 78, 88, 96, 118, 146 Muhyi al-Din, Zakariyya 59n9 Muhyi Zahir see Zahir, Muhyi Munkar and Nakir 60n24 al-Muqattam (mountain) 58n3 Mursi, Muhammad 1 the Muslim Brotherhood 1, 16–17, 19n3, 52, 59n8, 73, 92–93, 109, 110n2, 125 Murad, ʿAbduh 67–68, 82, 107 My Public Diaries 58n4 Myrdal, Karl Gunnar 18 Nadir (son of al-Watidi in al-Ghitani’s Quarters) 101–102, 146 Nagi ʿAbd al-Samad see ʿAbd al-Samad, Nagi Nagib, Muhammad 16 Napoleon 15, 23 Narrator (in The Story of Tu) 19n5, 31, 77, 124, 132–134, 161 Nasr, Salah 20n15, 59n12, 61n32 Nawal (Muhyi’s younger sister) 79, 113, 121–122

Index  177 Nietzsche, Friedrich 89; The Gay Science 89 Nile 59n14, 153 Nile Delta 58n6 the Non-Aligned Movement 16 al-Nuqrashi, Mahmud Fahmi (former Egyptian Prime Minister) 59n8, 73, 92

Qindil see al-Azhari, Qindil al-Qitt, ʿAbd al-Hamid ʿAbd al-ʿAzim 7, 134 Quran, references to 4, 39, 58n4, 60n24, 60n25, 84n2, 100, 103, 110n9, 111n13, 126, 139, 153, 157n6, 157n7 Qurunfila 129–130, 132

objectification (reifcation) 46 The Origin of Species 71 Orwell, George ix, 8, 27, 133, 157; Nineteen Eighty-Four ix, 27, 133 the Ottoman Empire 8–9, 15, 23, 38, 41, 44, 56, 58, 61n27, 118, 138–139, 146–147, 149

Rabiʿ, Muhammad 163 Radish Head 64, 67–69, 83, 105, 107–108 Ramzi, Magdi 10, 23–25, 27, 29, 37, 42–47, 54–56, 61n34, 101, 145–146, 153–154 Rashwan, Salih 138, 140, 147–148, 151 Rawd 68–69, 76, 82, 107 Repressive State Apparatus (RSA) 44, 61n28 Republican Eras 40, 59–60n14; First Republican Era 29, 40–41, 44; Fourth Republican Era 53, 71 Return of the Wind 13 Rifaʿa (the Mahfuzian parallel for Jesus) 4–5 Royal Era 71 Rummana (Mansur Sulayman) 83, 84n8, 105, 109, 160 Russian literature 13 Ruz al-Yusuf 6

Paris 31 People’s Assembly 72, 77, 89 Pharaohs 6, 38, 64, 82, 98, 141 the Police Academy 76, 97, 139 police state 8–9, 16, 27, 38, 59n9, 73 political novel and political writing 11–12, 20n21 power, manifestations of: control 8, 27–30, 56–57, 82, 104, 110n11, 120; godlike power 39, 48–49, 111n12, 126, 160; penetration of thoughts etc. 28, 38, 56, 160; police stations 27, 30, 127–128; super natural powers 22, 26–27, 47, 51, 84n2, 100, 104, 108–109; surveillance 38, 56 the princess (in The Mountain) 6, 47, 52, 64, 68, 71, 98, 137, 143–144, 150 prison and detention 2–3, 6–7, 11–13, 17, 19n3, 25, 30–34, 37–40, 42, 48, 72–73, 78, 92, 95, 107, 119–120, 122–124, 127, 131–132, 135, 137, 139– 140, 147, 150–151, 158n11, 160; covering-up crimes done to prisoners 120, 132–133; extracting confessions 33, 100, 102; interrogation 5, 7, 33, 39, 60n18, 100–102, 119, 126, 139–140, 150; torture (see torture techniques) “welcoming party” 32, 40, 95, 124, 140 prison literature 2–3, 6, 102 PTSD 32, 60n17, 157n5, 158n11 Qadri 22, 74, 87, 115–116, 120–121 Qansawh al-Ghawri 23 Qasim (the Mahfuzian parallel for Muhammad) 4–5

Saʿdallah 2, 22, 115 al-Sadat, Anwar 3, 6–8, 15, 58n1, 58n6, 157n1, 157n8, 158n10; 59–60n14; accusation of giving antiquities to visiting dignitaries 61n30; Corrective Revolution 17: delegitimization 7, 18, 162; de-Nasserization 17; “Egypt first” 62n34; Open Door Policy 7, 17, 61n31, 61n34, 73, 152, 158n8; parallels between al-Sadat and al-Tanukhi, al-Hilali, and Ramzi 47; peace preaty with Israel 10, 61n34; rumors of making poisoned coffee for ʿAbd al-Nasir 60n23; suggestion to store nuclear waste in Egypt 61n29; Visit to Jerusalem 18; riots 18, 84n7 Safwan, Khalid 5, 19n3, 25, 50, 124–126, 129–133 Saʿid al-Guhayni see al-Guhayni, Saʿid Salah, Muhammad 63, 74–75, 79–81, 85, 104–105, 109n1, 117, 154, 156 Salam (First Warner/Messenger of the Covenant Number 1 in The

178 Index Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood) 77, 106–107 Salmawi, Muhammad 163 Saltykov-Shchedrin, Mikhail 20n21 Samah (Saʿid’s sweetheart) 76, 96–97, 122, 138–139, 147 Samir (son of Hasan Anwar in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood) 68, 77, 83, 107–108 Samiya (Muhyi’s older sister) 79, 90–91, 122 al-Samman (ʿAzzam’s spiritual mentor) 72, 79, 90 Saudi Arabia 110 security apparatuses: Association of Secret Agents (niqabat al-bassasin, in al-Zani Barakat) 28; Bureau of Investigation for National Security (mabahith ʾamn al-dawla) 11, 24, 59n7, 86; CIA 45; Department of Fighting Destructive Ideas (in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood) 52, 109; Department of Fighting Religious Fanaticism (in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood) 52, 109; Directorate for Smuggling Antiquities 45, 102, 145; Division of Exclusive Security (in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood) 109; “Eye of the City” (ʿayn al-madina) 59n13; General Intelligence Service 24, 28; FBI 117; Force of Excellent Security (in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood) 109; Homeland Security (al-amn al-watani) 59n7; Mukhabarat (Intelligence) 20n15, 61n32; Political Police 7, 19n7, 24–25, 31, 90, 92, 119, 121, 123; Security Directorate (in al-Ghitani’s Quarters) 21–24, 28, 30–31, 46, 53–54, 94, 100–103, 123, 129, 160; “wild beasts” (in The Story of Tu) 32, 95, 124 the Seventh Quarter 23, 53, 55, 58n6, 146 Shaʿban (the Sultan’s beloved servant) 48–49, 57 al-Shadhili, Taha 11, 63, 66, 69, 76–77, 96–97, 137–140, 146–149, 151, 160 al-Shafiʿi, Shuhdi ʿAtiyya 7 Shakespeare 23

Shakir, Muhammad (extremist Sheikh in The Yacoubian Building) 97, 147 Shakir, Safwat 11, 22, 24–25, 31–33, 37, 48–49, 60n17, 60n18, 60n19, 60n22, 73, 86, 117, 125 al-Shaʿrawi, Huda 23 Shawkat (police officer in The Story of Tu) 6 32, 36–37, 50, 95, 124, 132–133, 140, 159 Shawqi 7, 63, 72–73, 92, 127, 132, 134–137, 151 al-Sheikh, Ismaʿil 5, 63, 66, 70, 81, 93, 125–127, 129–131, 137 the Short man (in The Committee) 142–143, 148–149, 153, 158n10 Shukri, ʿAbd al-Rahim 113, 122 al-Sibaʿai, Yusuf 157n8 al-Simadi, Maʾmun ʿAbd al-Qadir 30, 59n9, 104 Solomon 84, 100, 103 the Soviet Union 16, 29, 157 Speaker of Time (natiq al-zaman) 50, 61n33 The Story of Tu: 6, 19n5, 31–32, 36, 38–39, 48, 50, 77, 95, 124, 132–133, 140–159, 161 Suʿad (second wife of Hagg ʿAzzam) 65, 79, 84n3, 90, 118–119 Suez Canal 26 Sulayman 10, 64, 84n2, 100, 103, 110n9, 154 Sunni Islam 61n33 Taha al-Shadhili see al-Shadhili, Taha Tahun Gharib see Gharib, Tahun al-Takarli, Sayyid Afandi 64, 67–69, 77, 83, 84n4, 105, 107 Talabawi (The Mountain) 64, 71, 82 al-Tanukhi, Zayid 10, 22–24, 36, 40–41, 43–45, 47, 53–56, 58n6, 101–102, 154 There Is a Man in Our House 5, 25, 31, 50, 63, 66, 69, 71, 73–74, 78–80, 85, 90, 96, 112, 116, 119, 132, 140, 148, 170 The These (novel) 8, 27, 29–30, 63, 73, 92–94, 123, 127, 141–142, 160 the These (security apparatus) 8, 25, 27–30, 32, 94, 127–129 Torture techniques: beating 32, 34, 39, 95, 124, 135, 140; breaking the person’s spirit 24, 32–33, 40, 73, 85, 124, 129–130, 135, 139, 149–151; burning lamp 31; consistent

Index  179 expectation of torture 31, 34; dancing to death 34; flickering light 119; flooding the cell with water 31, 120; forcing a feminine name on a male prisoner 124, 140, 159; killing family members 33; rape of a female relative 5, 19n3, 31, 33, 123–126, 159; rape of a male prisoner 31, 33, 49; rape using a rod or a baton 140, 151; “re-education” 33; “revealing the truth” 32 Tu 6, 48, 77, 79, 132–134 Tu’s father 6, 79, 95, 124, 132–134, 148, 161 Tubya, Magid 8, 15, 27 Tumanbay 23, 118 Twelver Shiʿa 61n33, 154 ʿUbayd, Firas 58n1, 158n8 ʿUmar ibn al-Khattab 163n1 ʿumda (head of the village in The Mountain) 82, 143–145, 150 Umm Yusuf (in The Chronicles of the al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood) 69, 83 the uninhabited places (al-khalawi) 99–103, 143, 145–146, 149, 151, 153 unnamed hero (The Committee) 7, 21, 58n1, 63, 66, 72–74, 96–97, 137–138, 141–143, 146, 148–149, 151–153, 158n12, 158n13 unnamed hero (The these) 8, 27, 63, 93–94, 127–129, 141, 160 the United States 10–11, 15, 17–19, 21, 24, 37, 44, 73–75, 80–81, 86, 104–105, 117–118, 145, 148–149 Upper Egypt 6, 166 ʿUrabi, Ahmad 23 ʿUtarid 163 ʿUthman, Ahmad ʿUthman 157n8 ʿUthman, Amin 157n1 ʿUways 64, 69, 77, 83, 105–106 the veil of might (sitar al-ʿizza) 106 hijab al-ʿizza 111n12 Wahhabism 110n1 Warner/s (mundhir) 106, 111n13, 156 Wars: civil war (al-Ghitani’s Quarters) 42, 46, 53–55, 137, 143, 149, 153; Jihad 99; First Gulf War 10, 24, 73; the Lightning War 10, 23, 44, 72,

92, 101; the Sinai Campaign (1956) 16; the Vietnam War 86; War of Attrition 131; the 1948 War 16, 68; the 1967 War 5, 9–10, 14, 17, 58n6, 60n26, 126, 129, 131, 133; the 1973 War 17, 60n14 Wasila (Zakariyya’s slavegirl) 35, 57 al-Watidi, ʿAwf 10, 64, 67–68, 71, 84n1, 100–103, 145–146, 154 the Western Desert 44 The Yacoubian Building 1, 10–11, 22, 24–25, 37, 40–41, 49, 63, 65–66, 69, 72, 76–79, 89, 96, 112, 118–119, 137–138, 146, 149, 151, 159–163 al-Zaʿfarani Neighborhood 21, 51, 64–65, 67, 69, 82, 104, 154–156 Zahir, Muhyi 5, 15m 63, 66, 69, 74–75, 79–81, 90–92, 96, 113–114, 116, 119–123, 132, 160 Zakariyya ibn Radi 8, 21, 26–28, 30–35, 38–40, 47–50, 52, 56–58, 59n9, 59n13, 60n17, 62n36, 70, 76, 78, 80–81, 87, 96–97, 100, 118–120, 126, 130, 138–139, 146–147, 149–151, 158n9, 159 al-Zanfali, ʿAbbas Mahmud 7, 22, 24–25, 32, 35, 37, 50, 73, 92, 127, 132, 134–137, 159 zawag al-misyar (a marriage of visits) 84n3 Zaynab (Salah’s ex-girlfriend in Chicago) 75, 80–81, 104–105, 109n1, 156 Zaynab Diyab see Diyab, Zaynab (in Karnak) Al-Zayni Barakat (novel) 8, 21–23, 26–27, 30, 38, 40, 43, 48, 50, 52, 56, 65, 70–71, 76, 78, 80, 84n2, 95, 100, 111, 116, 118–119, 122, 126, 130, 137–138, 146, 149–150, 154, 159–160, 162 Al-Zayni Barakat (protagonist) see Barakat, al-Zayni Zionism 69 Zuhdi (prison warden in The Story of Tu) 6, 19n5, 31, 37–41, 48, 50, 95, 124, 132–134, 140, 161 the 2011 revolution 1, 18, 59n7, 162–163