The Image of the Turk in Europe from the Declaration of the Republic in 1923 to the 1990s: Proceedings of the Workshop Held on 5-6 March 1999, CECES, Bogaziçi University 9781463230074

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The Image of the Turk in Europe from the Declaration of the Republic in 1923 to the 1990s

Analecta Isisiana: Ottoman and Turkish Studies

A co-publication with The Isis Press, Istanbul, the series consists of collections of thematic essays focused on specific themes of Ottoman and Turkish studies. These scholarly volumes address important issues throughout Turkish history, offering in a single volume the accumulated insights of a single author over a career of research on the subject.

The Image of the Turk in Europe from the Declaration of the Republic in 1923 to the 1990s

Proceedings of the Workshop Held on 5-6 March 1999, CECES, Bogazi§i University

Edited by

Nedret Kuran Bur§oglu

The Isis Press, Istanbul

preSS 2010

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2010 by The Isis Press, Istanbul Originally published in 2000 All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of The Isis Press, Istanbul. 2010

ISBN 978-1-61143-135-3

Printed in the United States of America

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements

Nedret Kuran Buryogiu

9

Introduction

Nedret Kuran Burijoglu

11

I. The Image of the Turk in Northern European Countries Belgium Ural Manyo

Johan Soenen Herman De Ley

Turks in Europe: from a Garbled Image to the Complexity of Migrant Social Reality The Image of Turkish Literature in Flanders Imagining the Muslims in Belgium: "Enemies from Within" or "Muslim Fellow-Citizens"

21 37

55

Norway §ehnaz Tahir Ernel Türker

"The Man from East-West" Reviews of Turkish Literature and Turkey's Image in Norway in the 1990s

67

United Kingdom Filiz £ali§lar Yeni§ehirlioglu Christopher Brevvin

The Image of Turkey in British Newspapers: A Case Study of Musa's and Sarah's Love Story The Image of the Turk in Europe

87 93

II. The Image of the Turk in Central European Countries Germany Regine Erichsen

Scoundrel or Gentleman ? The Image of the Turk and the German Cultural Mission in Turkey during World War 1.

109

6

l'A B L E

Hanne Straube

Images of Turkish Migrant Workers: In G e r m a n y they are Foreigners, in Turkey they are Almancilar

M. Nail Alkan Yiiksel Pazarkaya

Karin E. Ye§ilada

Kadriye Öztürk Ali Osman Özlürk

OF

CONTENTS

Das Bild der Türkei in der deutschen Presse (1960-1997) Vom Komparsen zum Protagonisten: Das Bild des T ü r k e n in der zeitgenössischen deutschen Literatur.... " G e t ü r k t " o d e r nur " A n d e r s " ? Türkenbild in der türkisch-deutschen Satire Das Bild der türkischen Frau in Werken der türkischen Autorin Aysel Özakin ... Zur Funktion des Türkenmotivs in der deutschen populären Volkskunst im 19. Jahrhundert. Eine ethnologische Betrachtung

143 157 189

205

223

235

Austria Wolfgang Mastnak

The Austrian View of Turkey and the l urk: An Attempt to analyse a nearly unapproachable Phenomenon

249

Czech and Slovak Republics Charles Sabatos

Views of Turkey and "The Turk" in 2 0 t h - c e n t u r y C z e c h and Slovak Literature

263

III. The Image of the Turk in Balkan Countries Romania Mirela-Luminita Murgescu Elena-Natalia lonescu

The T u r k in R o m a n i a n History School books (19th-20th Centuries) The Image of the Turk through the Translations made into Romanian

275 289

l'ABI. K O F C O N T HN T S

7

Macedonia Kala Kulavkova

From Simplification to Paronomasia : The Rc-Scmantization of the Paradigm of the Turk in Macedonian Literature ...

295

Bulgaria Roumen Yanovski Iordanka Bibina

The Image of the Turks in the Bulgarian Press The Image of the Turks in Bulgarian Literature and Painting

311 337

Greece Lily Hamourtziadou Bulcnt Gokay

Christina Rougheri

Angels and Demons - Constructions and Representations of the Enemy Image in Greece and Turkey Contemporary Greek Nationalism: The Image of the Turks in the Greek Press (1994 -1998)

397

415 4.31

List of Contributors

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This book is the outcome of an extensive research project that was launched by Nedret Kuran-BurQOglu at the Centre for Comparative European Studies ( C E C E S ) of Bogazii^i University in 1997. Thirty European and American scholars and researchers have contributed to it with twenty-two articles based on research and their expertise on the topic. Without their enthusiasm and co-operation, this project could not have been realized. I have e n j o y e d working with them and am indebted to them for their valuable contribution. This book could not have been completed without substantial personal and institutional support. For that I am grateful to B o g a z i f i University's Research Fund for the financial support given to the research project, which m a k e s up the basis of this book. T h o u g h it was a moderate support it was precious, as it has given the first thrust to the project. 1 am personally grateful to Prof. Dr. Hugo Dyserinck, who held two lectures on Imagology in Istanbul in 1997 for the first few participants of the project. These served to set up the theoretical framework of the project. My thanks are due to Mr. Martin Fryer and the British Council, to Dr. Ted Lagro and the Historical and Archaeological Institute of the Netherlands in Istanbul, as well as to Mr. Steve Austen at Felix Meritis Foundation in A m s t e r d a m , as they invited me to give lectures on "The Image of the Turk in Europe," upon the feedback of which I got the inspiration for this project. In the same context, I would like to thank K e e l e E u r o p e a n R e s e a r c h Unit, K E R C at K e e l e University, and its members, Prof. Michael Waller, Dr. Bulent Gokay, Mr. Christopher Brewin, and their guests Prof. Dr. Filiz Yeni§ehirlioglu and Dr. Kate Fleet for the organization of a Workshop on the subject of this project through which we got the opportunity to discuss the subject together with the Ph D students at K E R C and got further feedback for the project. I would also like to thank my other colleagues and friends, Mr. Panayote Elias Dimitras, Dr. Mehmet Rifat Giizel§en, Dr. Regine Ericksen and my former student and present colleague Ms. §ehnaz Tahir, who helped me by sharing their ideas with me. They helped to give shape to the whole concept of the project during the preparation of the first flyer, which w a s later sent out to the other contributors of the project. My special thanks are due to all the co-ordinators of the project who helped me in setting up our network and finding partners from various countries of Europe through the perspectives of w h o m the book has gained its cross-cultural, multilayered and interdisciplinary character, envisaged in the research project.

10

NHDRHT

KIJRAN

BURgOGLlJ

For the realization of the third W o r k s h o p of the project at Bogazi^i University held in March 1999, in which the articles of this book were presented by the co-ordinators, I am grateful to the E u r o p e a n

Cultural

Foundation, to Dr. Riidiger Stephan and Mrs. Odile Chenal for the grant they gave to the project, without which the project could not have been completed. This W o r k s h o p added a further dimension to the issue by providing an international scientific arena for the participants of the project as well as for the academics, students, representatives of different cultural institutes, media experts and policy makers to discuss these articles prior to their publication. In this respcct I would like to extend my sincere thanks to Mr. Aydin Sezgin, Director of the Prime Minister's Head O f f i c e for the Press, Publication and Information for the support he gave to the Workshop. I would also like to thank Mr. Ambassador Giindiiz Aktan, Director of T u r k e y ' s Economical and Social Research Foundation (TESEV), and Mr. Orhan Silier, Secretary General of T u r k e y ' s Economical and Social History Foundation as well as Bogazi^i University Foundation, Turkish Airlines, and Mrs. Ok§an Atasoy, the Director of the Translation Council for the support they gave to this Workshop. I am also grateful to the participants of the panel, Dr. Bengt Kundson, the Cultural Attache of Sweden, Prof. Dr. H. Dyserinck from R W T H , Aachen, Ambassador Pulat Tacar, Dr. Ferhat Kentel from IMV, and to Dr. Sedef Koray from Z T S , Essen for their valuable comments. Furthermore, my very sincere thanks are due to my assistant Dr. Fsra Esen Lagro and a group of translation students without whose perfect voluntary aid we couldn't have organized the Workshop. I w o u l d like to express my i n d e b t e d n e s s to my f r i e n d s Sylvia Zeybekoglu, Prof. Dr. Peter Bendixen and Mrs. Alexandra Grandel who have patiently read all the articles and helped me in editing the texts of this book. S o m e words of gratitude are due to Mr. Yiicel Dagli w h o helped m e in converting the texts which had been prepared in different operating systems. Finally, I would like to thank my dear husband §ener Bur^oglu who has shared my great enthusiasm in the project as well as showed understanding while I was going through quite a tough time during the realization of this project.

Nedret Kuran Bur^oglu Director of T h e Centre f o r C o m p a r a t i v e E u r o p e a n Studies ( C E C E S )

INTRODUCTION

The research project, entitled, "The Image of the Turk in Europe from the Declaration of the Republic in 1923 to the 1990s" on which this book is based, was launched at the Centre for Comparative European Studies, at Bogazi^i University, in 1997. The project had taken its shape, however, over a long period of time prior to 1997, while I had been investigating the historical account of the "Image of the Turk in Europe from 11 to 20 Century." I was then curious about the ontology and the evolution process of that image and its turning points in history and was trying to decode the complex web of socio-cultural, religious and political relationships that had been instrumental in the creation and transformation of that image. Another issue I was focusing upon in my research was the investigation of the nature of the media that had been used for disseminating that image throughout those nine centuries in Europe. I had been consulting a variety of sources, that ranged from the literary to the visual. These included history text books, travel accounts, novels, short stories, proverbs, photographs, illustrations and paintings of the artists who had been representatives of various Orientalist schools in Europe and newspapers as well as scholarly research done on this subject. I had also been giving lectures on this subject, both at home and abroad, at institutions that were interested in my subject. I was able to get feedback from the discussions I had with the audiences of these lectures. Like most of the other researchers of our day who are interested in such concepts as "identity," "alterity," "the Other," "image of the Other," "distortion and manipulation of the image," "centre and margin/periphery," and as a person who has been doing imagological research for some time, I had also read the articles and books of Edward Said, Frantz Fanon, Homi K. Bhabha, Julia Kristeva, Jacques Lacan, Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, Zygmunt Baumann, Hugo Dyserinck, Stuart Hall, Jiirgen Habermas, ant others,' and had thus an ample idea about the theoretical basis of the issues I had been investigating. However, I was also very well aware about the complexity of the t™ : ~ ' U " J 1 — J — "linking of broadening it to a larger research project in which scholars from different disciplines and from different

Suggested readings in this context can be found at the end of the Introduction.

N KD R H T

12

KURAN

B URC OG LU

countries could take part and bring in the knowledge and expertise of their own fields of study, as well as look at this theme f r o m the perspectives of their own country, which the interdisciplinary and cross-cultural nature of the complex topic would necessitate. T h e disciplines that c a m e to my mind in relation to the analysis of this topic were initially comparative literature, especially i m a g o l o g y . semiotics, history, history of art, a n t h r o p o l o g y , sociology, social psychology, communication and media studies, translation studies, political science and minority studies. Thus I decided to prepare a flyer with the guidelines of the project that I had in mind and appeal to the representatives of these fields in European countries. The network was set up within a f e w months time. The period to be studied within the f r a m e w o r k of the project was last seventy-five years of the Republic. The starting point was set as 1923, i.e. the date that is considered to be the milestone of T u r k e y ' s modernization period, which also overlaps with the country's Westernization movements. Although it had been clear right at the beginning of the project that setting up temporal limits would not be appropriate for such a theme that has a continuity and should thus not be fragmented, it was nevertheless necessary to do it in order to achieve at least a certain kind of parallelism among the research done by various scholars within this multidisciplinary project. However, the partners of the project were very well aware that these boundaries would be kept flexible within their research and some scholars have indeed devoted a large part of their texts to times prior to 1923, as they f o u n d it crucial for explaining their point in their essays. The

reason

why

the last s e v e n t y - f i v e y e a r s w e r e c h o s e n

for

investigation in this research project also partly stems from the questions that I had received during m\ lectures, both in Turkey and abroad, on "The Image of the Turk from 11 th to 20 t h Century." These questions had focused on three main issues: 1) the paradigm shift that c a m e with the modernization of Turkey, 2) The increase of the Turkish population in Europe that started with the migration of the Turkish "guest" workers to Europe and 3) Turkey and the EU relationships. In my lectures I had mentioned the Declaration of the Turkish Republic in 1923 by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk as a turning point within the history of the Image of the Turk in Europe, but had not gone into detail as to how this turn within the Turkish life-world had been received by each European country and to what extent this enormous change within Turkey affected the Image of the Turk in those particular countries. The inevitable result of this was a b o m b a r d m e n t of q u e s t i o n s . T h e a u d i e n c e s wanted to k n o w

whether

democratization, secularization and modernization of this nation had had a great impact on the reception of the Turk in Europe, and if so, to what extent;

I N T R () D [J 0

whether d i f f e r e n c e s could between countries that had Empire and other European between the representation European countries.

TION

13

be observed in terms of reception of the l urk previously been under the rule of the Ottoman countries; and whether there was a relationship of the new Turkey and its reception by various

The second issue that came up during these discussions was the case of the Turkish migrants in particular European countries. Some questions related to this topic were as follows: " H o w did the migration of the Turkish workers to certain European countries, particularly to Germany, Holland, Belgium and France, affect the Image of the Turk in those countries?" "Did the close interaction between these people, i.e., a particular - initially to a great extent uneducated group of people - section of the Turkish nation and that of those host countries have a negative or a positive impact on the existing image of the Turk in those countries?" "How do the migrants identify themselves, howare they received in the host countries and how are they received in the country they had left and where/in which m e d i u m can the reflections of these receptions and their respective effects on human feelings be observed?" The third issue that had drawn the attention of the audiences of the lectures was the question related to T u r k e y ' s entry to the European Union. People wanted to know to what extent the historical and/or the current Image of the Turk in Europe could influence the decision of the Europeans and of course what role the press and media play in creating, t r a n s f o r m i n g and manipulating the I m a g e and the m e d i a ' s e f f e c t s on the d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g mechanisms of our day. The last one was, and still is, a topical issue that is being discussed in Turkey and abroad in various circles. Our team of researchers f r o m ten European countries, i.e., Belgium, Norway, U.K., G e r m a n y , Austria, Czech and Slovak Republics, Macedonia, Romania, Bulgaria and Greece have investigated in their research these and many other questions that could c o m e to mind within the context of the "Image of the Turk in Europe" during the last seventy-five years and have written their articles with a supranational objective point of view, which you will find in this book. T h e fact that they were experts in different scientific fields coming from different European countries with d i f f e r e n t scientific traditions, they have naturally brought in views and evaluations of their own disciplines. This has given the project its interdisciplinary, multilayered and cross-cultural character. It has also produced a polyphonic flavour. During the editing phase of the book, the multiplicity of the articles has been taken into consideration. Thus in order not to harm the individual styles of the authors, alterations have been kept to a minimum. The articles have been grouped under countries and their respective geographical positions in Europe.

14

\ 1.1) H I I

KU R A N

BURÇOGLIJ

W h i l e I d o not w a n t to claim that this is an e x h a u s t i v e s o u r c e book based on empirical data, I believe that it includes v a l u a b l e e v a l u a t i o n s and insights based on scientific research and a n a l y s e s which can p r o v i d e useful m a t e r i a l f o r f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h on the f i e l d , as well as f o r

comparative

interdisciplinary studies. As all of these articles h a v e revealed, " I m a g e s " are c o m p l e x p h e n o m e n a that should be handled with care. T h e y are d i f f i c u l t to a n a l y s e , they are m u l t i l a y e r e d and m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l . F u r t h e r m o r e , they are " a p p u r t e n a n c e s to authority and identity," as H o m i K. B h a b h a has claimed in his b o o k , entitled The

Location

of

Culture,

a n d " m u s t n e v e r be r e a d

mimetically as the a p p e a r a n c e of reality." ( B h a b h a 1997: 51) I believe that the articles in this book will in this context a l s o serve to raise a c o n s c i o u s n e s s in h u m a n minds by pointing at stereotyped, biased and manipulated images and their detrimental e f f e c t s on international, intercultural r e l a t i o n s in p a r t i c u l a r and on h u m a n r e l a t i o n s in g e n e r a l and will thus contribute to the peace in the world.

Suggested Readings A d e l s o n , Leslie. 1994, " O p p o s i n g O p p o s i t i o n s : T u r k i s h G e r m a n Questions in Contemporary German Studies," German Studies Review 17. pp. 305-330. Adorno, T. W. and Horkheimer, M. 1944, Dialectic of the Enlightenment, New York : Social Studies Association. A k s o y , Nazan. 1996, Bati ve Baçkalari (The West and the Others.) Istanbul: Diizlem Yayinlari. A m i n , Samir. 1988 / 1993, Avrupamerkezcilik - Bir ideolojinin Elesjtirisi (L'eurocentricisme Critique d'une idéologie), transi, by Sert, Mehmet. Istanbul: Ayrinti Yayinlari. B a k h t i n , M.M. 1981, The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays by M.M.Bakhtin. edt. by Holquist, Michael. Austin: University of Texas Press. B a r t h e s , Roland. 1957 / 1976, Mythologies, transi, by Annette. Lavers. New York: Hill and Wang. Bassler, Moritz, (edt.) 1996, New Historicism Literaturgeschichte als Poetik der Kultur (mit Beitraegen von Stephen Greenblatt, Louis Montrose u.a.) Frankfurt: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag GmbH. B a u m a n n , Zygmunt. 1992, Intimations of Postmodernity.London: Routledge. B e a u v o i r , Simone de. 1952, The Second Sex. transi, by H. M. Parshley. New York: Knopf. B e k e m a n s , Léonce, (edt.) 1995, Culture: Building Stone for Europe 2002 ..Reflections and Perspectives. (The Bruges Conferences, College of Europe.) Brussels: Kuropean Interuniversity Press. B e n h a b i b , Seyla. (edt.) 1996, Democracy and Difference Contesting the Boundaries of the Political. Princeton University Press. B e n j a m i n , Walter. 1969, Illuminations, transi, by John, Hans. New York: Schocken Books.

I NT RODIK' T IO N

15

B e r k l a y , Ali & Hamdi Can Tunccr. (edt.) 1998, Tarih Egitimi ve Tarihte "Öteki Sorunu (History Education and the Question of the "Other" in History.) Proceedings of the 2nt^ International History Congress. 8-10" 1 June 1995. Turkey's Economical and Social History Foundation: Yurt Yayynlary. B h a b h a , Homi K. 1994 & 1 9 9 7 , The Location of Culture. London: Rout! edge. 1993 & 96, Postmodern

Ethics.

Oxford:

Blackwell

Publishers. 1996, Thinking Sociologically. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. B r e u e r , Ingo & Arpad A.Söller.(edt.) 1996, Der fremde Blick Perspektiven interkultureller Kommunikation und Hermeneutik.(Ergebnisse der DAAD Tagung in London, 17-19Juni 1996). Wien: Studien Verlag. B r i n k e r - G a b l e r , Gisela, (edt.) 1995, Encountering the Other(s)(Studies in Literature, History and Culture).Ncw York, Albany: State University of New York Press. C h a m b e r s , Iain. 1994 & 1995, Migrancy, Culture, Identity. London and New York: Routledge. Derrida, Jacques. 1978, Writing and Difference. Chicago : IJniv. of Chicago Press. D e u t s c h - T ü r k i s c h e s S y m p o s i u m 1998, Grenzfall Europa-Avrupa'nm ince Eçiginde. Hamburg: Hdition Körber Stiftung. Dolltaç, Dilek. 1999, Postmoderniz.m.-.Tratt§malar ve Uygulamalar. Istanbul: Telos Yayinlari. D y s e r i n c k , Hugo. 1981, Komparatistik. A a c h e n e r B e i t r a e g e zur Komparatistik. Bonn: Bouvier Verlag. i 988, "Zur Entwicklung der komparatistischen Imagologie," Colloquium Helveticum. Nr. 7. Frankfurt: Peter Lang Verlag. 1992, Komparatistik und Europaforschung, Bonn: Bouvier Verlag. ] 9 9 5 : "The comparative study of literature and the problem of national and cultural identity. An imagological vision," in Bekemans, Léonce (edt.) 1995, Culture: Building Stone for Europe 2002 Reflections and Perspectives. (The Bruges Conferences, College of Europe.) Brussels: European Interuniversity Press. Eralp, Atila. (edt.) 1997, Türkiye ve Avrupa Batililaçma, Kalkinma, Demokrasi (Turkey and Europe Westernization, Progress, Democracy.) Istanbul: imge Kitabevi. F a n o n , Frantz. 1991, Black Skin, White Masks. London: Pluto Press. F o u c a u l t , Michel. 1972, The Archaeology A.H.Sheridan, London: Tavistock.

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1984, Theorie Diskussion: Hermeneutik und (Discussion with Jürgen Habermas). Frankfurt: Suhrkamp. 1994, Postmodernizm, islam ve Us (Postmodernism :

Reason and Religion)

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NBDRhT

16 G r a m s c i , Antonio.

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York: Harper and Row. 1992, Beyond

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ve Kültürel Istanbul:

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17

I N I R O D 11 C I' I O N

The Image of the Turk in Europe in retrospect (forthcoming book) L a c a n , Jacques. 1978, The Four Fundamental Concepts of PsychoAnalysis. transi, by Alan Sheridan. New York: W.W.Norton. L a n d o w s k i , Hric. 1997, " Q u ê t e s d ' i d e n t i t é , c r i s e s d ' a l t é r i t é , " in Multiculturalism: Identity and Otherness-Multiculturalisme: Identité et Altérite'. Istanbul: Boga/.içi University Press. L a r r a i n , Jorge. 1994, Ideology and Cultural Identity. Polity Press. Leerssen, Joep., Syndram, K. IJ. (edt.) 1992, Europa Provincia Mundi-Essays in Comparative Literature and European Studies offered to Hugo Dyserinck on the Occasion of his Sixty-Fifth Birthday. Amsterdam-Atlanta : Rodopi. L e e r s s e n , Joup. 1998, "Literary history, cultural identity and tradition," in Comparative Literature today: Theories and Practice, pp. 389-397. Paris : Champion. L e i t c h , Vincent B. 1992, Cultural Criticism, Literary Theory, Poststructuralism. New York: Columbia University Press. L e s k e & Budrich. 1995, Das Bild der Auslaender in der Öffentlichkeit. Kssen: Zentrum für Türkeistudien. L e w i s , Bernard. 1995, Cultures in Conflict Christians, Muslims and Jews, in the Age of Discovery. Oxford University Press. L e w i s , Reina. 1996, Gendering Orientalism Race, Femininity, Representation. London: Routledge. M e c k l e n b u r g , Norbert. 1987, "liber kulturelle und poetische Alteritaet, Kultur-, und literaturtheoretische Grundprobleme einer interkulturellen Germanistik (1987)" M e i j e r , Roel. (edt.) 1999, Cosmopolitanism, Identity and Authenticity in the Middle East. Surrey: Curzon Press. M o r l e y , David & Kevin Robins. 1995, Spaces of Identity: Global Media, Electronic Landscapes and Cultural Boundaries.London: Routledge. N o c h l i n , Linda. 1988, Women, Art, and Power and Other Essays. New York: Harper and Row Publishers. 1989 & 1994, The Politics of Vision. London: Thames and Hudson. P i p p i n , Robert B. 1991 & 1995, Modernism as a Philosophical Problem. Oxford: Blackwell. R u t h e r f o r d , J. S.Hall, et. al. 1999, Kimlik -Community,

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(Identity

transi, by Saglamcr, Irem. Istanbul:

Sarmal Yayinevi. S a i d , Edward. 1978 &1994, Orientalism. New York: Vintage Books. 1981, Covering Islam-How the Media and the Experts determine how we see the Rest of the World. New York: Pantheon Books. 1994, Culture and Imperialism. New York: Vintage Books. 1994, Representations of the Intellectual. New York: Vintage Books. Teraoka, Arlene A. 1996, EAST, WEST, and Others:The Third World in Postwar German Literature. University of Nebraska Press. T h o m p s o n , John B. 1981, Critical Hermeneutics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tateshine-Symposien Literatur und K u l t u r h e r m e n e n t i k , 1996, Beiträge der 1994-1995, hrs. von der Japanischen Gesselschaft für germantik, München-. Fudicium.

18

NKDRHT

T o m l i n s o n , John.

KU R A N

1991, Cultural

BURCOGLU

Imperialism

- A Critical

Introduction.

London: Pinter Publishers. T o y n b e e , Arnold J.

1958, Kultur

am Scheidewege

(Civilization

on

Trial.)

Frankfurt Ullstein Taschenbücher-Verlag GmbH. Turner, Bryan S. Globalism.

1994

&

1997,Orientalism,

Postmodernism

U z u n , Ertugrul, et.al. (edt.) 1994. Die neue Rolle der Türkei zwischen Asien.

and

London and New York: Routledge.

Berlin: Babel Verlag.

Europa

und

I. The Image of the Turk in Northern European Countries

Belgium Norway United Kingdom

Ural Manço Centre for Sociological Studies, Brussels University, Belgium.

TURKS IN EUROPE: FROM A GARBLED IMAGE TO THE COMPLEXITY OF MIGRANT SOCIAL REALITY

Introduction 'Do you know Turkey?' is the question blazed across a poster put out by the Turkish Ministry of Tourism and Information touting the country's tourist attractions. Turks complain readily that they are known little or wrongly abroad. This advertising slogan is revealing. Like the country that they started leaving for Western Burope in the early 1960s, the immigrants themselves are victims of the same lack of knowledge, even though they account for a quarter of the non-EU nationals living in the European Union. We have deliberately chosen not to discuss the countless misunderstandings, areas of ignorance, even feelings of mutual repulsion that have stained centuries of relations between the Turkish world and Europe and, beyond them, between Islam and the West. Rather, we shall underline briefly some aspects of the Hawed image of Turkish immigrants that is usually sent out by the media and received by European public opinion. We shall touch upon the evolutionist and especially Eurocentric sociological theories that have played a major role in creating this social image. Finally, in the last section of this article we shall try to correct the picture, which is only a partial reflection of the complexity of immigrant social reality. However, before anything else we must set out a certain number of facts that define the socioeconomic, demographic and cultural structures of the population of Turkish immigrant descent in Europe, for today's truncated social image of Europe's Turks stems from a cursory analysis of these facts.

22

URAL

MANfO

Structural Aspects of the Turkish Immigrant Community in Europe Not counting the tens of thousands of illegal immigrants whose very clandestinity places them outside the statistics, there are currently more than three million immigrants, descendants of immigrants, and naturalised citizens and political refugees from Turkey in Western Europe. This is the largest nonEuropean immigrant group in the Union. Although its members are found in practically every Member State, Germany alone harbors two-thirds of the community. While the socio-economic and cultural problems experienced by the various Muslim immigrant groups in Europe are similar, the Turkish immigrants differ from other Muslim immigrants, primarily from North Africa, by the following: a later phenomenon 2 ; rural origins; geographical concentration, family-based structure; preservation of the native language; lack of economic qualifications; and the creation of community organizations. Economic exclusion; cultural marginality, which is asserted notably by the persistence of ethnic family traditions, such as the code of honour and finding a spouse from one's parents' village; the widespread lack of mastery of the host country's l a n g u a g e ; and the clustering in u n d e r p r i v i l e g e d n e i g h b o u r h o o d s that are highly ethnically structured (shops, c a f e s , associations, mosques, etc.) are structural factors that reflect the development of strong community ties seen within this population. The severe problems of socio-economic integration with which Turkish immigrants and their descendants arc faced are well known. The young people have high academic failure rates and are often relegated to vocational education. Most of those who have jobs are unskilled workers, while the community's unemployment rate is well above that affecting the 'indigenous' European population. 3 The largest number of Turkish immigrant workers is to be found in Germany, of course, followed by the Benelux countries, France, Austria, and Switzerland. Germany took in an influx of men alone between 1961 and 1973. This was followed by the massive arrival of their families up until about 1981. Elsewhere in Europe the purely male migration took place from 1965 to 1974. Family reunifications were likewise spread over the period up until and

' F o r an overview of Turkish immigration to Europe see Kastoryano, 1986; B i n s w a n g e r & Sipahioglu, 1988; Ôzcan, 1989: Sen, 1990; Bozarslan, 1992; Manço & Manço, 1992; Migrations Société, 1992; Cahiers d'Études sur la Méditerranée orientale et te Monde Turco-iranien, 1992; d e Tapla, 1994; Manço, 1994: Kastoryano, 1995; Doomerijk, 1995; de Tapia, 1995; Cahiers d'Études sur la Méditerranée orientale et te Monde Turco-iranien, 1996. 2

T u r k e y signed its first labour export agreement with the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y in October 1961. This agreement was followed by similar agreements with the Netherlands, Belgium, and Austria in 1964. France in 1965, and Sweden in 1967. 3

I n 1996 the unemployment rate among the EU's Turks was 25.9% c o m p a r e d with an 11% u n e m p l o y m e n t rate for the entire population (Source: Turkish Ministry of Labour and Social Security, 1997: 3).

T U R K S

IN

K U K O P H

23

including the first half of the '80s. As a result, Europe's Turkish population consists mostly of families, with almost total m a l e / f e m a l e parity. 1

The

Turkish Diaspora in Hurope is growing steadily. For Western Burope as a whole, it rose from 1, 988 million in 1985 to 3, 034 million in 1996 (2, 944 million in the EU countries). This is a 52.6% increase over one decade. There are two explanations for this growth. First of all, despite the limits set by the host countries, immigration f r o m T u r k e y is continuing through marriage. Indeed, many young people continue to respect the custom of wedding someone from their parents' native village, and in many cases the spouses even belong to the same family. Inter-ethnic marriages are rarer a m o n g the Turks than a m o n g other immigrant groups f r o m the M u s l i m world. 2 Secondly, the Turkish community in Europe has a birth rate of about 2.6% per year (this is higher than the 2.3% birth rate in Turkey). This high birth rate gives rise to another d e m o g r a p h i c consequence, namely, young population, a third of which is under 18 years of age. More than 8 0 % of these young people have been born and schooled in Europe. T h e i m m i g r a n t s consist almost exclusively of rural folk, most of w h o m had never lived in a town for any extended period of time prior to emigrating. What is more, these people had never co-existed with a European culture or language before emigrating since, unlike the other countries of emigration in the Muslim world, Turkey was never colonised. In the host countries, these peasants-turned-workers tend to settle in clusters according to their localities of origin. T o the extent possible, people from the same village or the members of a family will settle close to each other. So, one quarter of the Turkish immigrants over 18 who live in Belgium was born in A f y o n Province. There is a similar concentration of Turks from notably Karaman Province in the Netherlands. The Turks living in Sweden come primarily from Kulu (Konya Province), while 6 0 % of Denmark's Turkish immigrants come from the Kurdish areas of South-east Anatolia. Family ties (akrabalik) and regional ties (hem§erilik) are still just as strong. The community lifestyle and resulting social control are still largely intact among Turkish immigrants. The traditional family hierarchy is reproduced as well to a great extent, notably through marriages in the native villages. These alliances can be interpreted as a partial but constant renewal of the first generation of immigrants.

' F o r example, 45.3% of Germany's Turkish population are women. The rates are 46.4% in the Netherlands and 4 8 . 8 % in Belgium (Source: Turkish Ministry of Labour and Social Security j1 9 9 7 : 1 0 , 4 4 , 7 8 ) . The spouses in half of the 13, 659 marriages registered by the Turkish consular authorities in. Germany, France, the Netherlands, Belgium and Austria in 1996 w e r e both Turkish nationals (Source: Turkish Ministry of Labour and Social Security, 1997: 11,46, 79, 94, 121).

24

URAL

MANfO

T h e geographic concentration and c o n c o m i t a n t G e r m a n i c cast of Europe's Turkish immigrants are noteworthy. W e have already pointed out that two-thirds of the Turkish colony is in Germany. Europe's German-speaking countries

(Germany,

immigrants.

Austria

and

S w i t z e r l a n d 1 ) harbor 7 4 % of these

2

What is more, 35% of the 2.014 million Turks living in Germany are settled in North Rhineland-Westphalia (Nordrhein-Westfalen). Close to 1/4 ( 2 3 . 1 % ) of Europe's Turkish immigrants thus live in this G e r m a n state. However, the prize goes to Berlin which, with its 136, 4 0 0 Turks, hosts all by itself close to 5 % of the Turkish immigrants in Europe. This pattern of concentration is seen in other countries as well. Thus, 6 4 % of the Turkish population in the UK live in Greater London, half of Sweden's Turks are in Stockholm, while half of Denmark's Turks live in Copenhagen. Close to one -third (32%) of Austria's Turkish immigrants live in Vienna and a quarter of France's Turks live in and around Paris. As for Belgium, close to one-fourth of the country's Turkish immigrants live in five of the Brussels-Capital Region's 19 boroughs, namely, Schaerbeek, Saint-Josse. City of Brussels, Anderlecht, and Molenbeek. Finally. 21% of the Turks who have settled in Switzerland live in the canton of Zurich. T u r k i s h p o p u l a t i o n in t h e m a i n E u r o p e a n h o s t c o u n t r i e s i n

Host country

1996^.

Population of Turkish origin in thousands 2, 014.3

(66.4%)

261

(8.6%)

Netherlands

260.1

(8.6%)

Austria

142.2

(4.7%)

Belgium

119.0

(3.9%)

Switzerland

79.4

(2.6%)

United Kingdom

58.2

(1.9%)

Sweden

35.7

(1.2%)

Denmark

35.7

(1.2%)

Italy

15.0

(0.5%)

Germany France

Norway Total (Western Europe)

10.0

(0.3%)

3, 034.5

(100%)

' 9 / 1 0 of Switzerland's Turks live in ¡he German-speaking cantons. ^Comparison with North African immigrants: 7 0 % of the 2.5 million immigrants f r o m Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia w h o have settled in Europe live in French-speaking countries (France, French-speaking part of Belgium, and French-speaking cantons of Switzerland). •'Source: Turkish Ministry of Labour and Social Security, 1997: 3.

T U R K S

IN

HIIRO P H

25

Turkish immigrants' children everywhere in Europe grapple with major educational problems and the majority are 'stuck' in vocational education, even though the level of instruction is tending to rise across the board and their educational performance is improving slowly. A constant in all of the host countries is that the national or regional language is not mastered sufficiently by a large enough proportion of the population. However, the situation seems to be changing in the second and third generations, where the young people often speak Turkish less well than the languages of the countries in which they were born. However, the overwhelming majority of families continue to speak Turkish at home. The immigrants f r o m Turkey c o m e from a country that is characterised by a certain linguistic homogeneity, despite its many minorities. So, young T u r k s have little difficulty understanding the press, radio and television broadcasts, films, and songs of their 'home country.' The Turkish language's resiliency is due in part to the simplicity of its syntax. W h a t is more, Turkish is written in Latin characters, unlike Arabic, for example, and does not suffer f r o m a radical dichotomy between a spoken language of the people and scholarly written language. The persistence of Turkish is helped by an abundance of written and audio-visual media. 1 T h e direct consequence of poor schooling is the lack of vocational qualifications. Europe's T u r k s s u f f e r greatly f r o m this. T h e majority of Europe's working Turks have precarious low-paying unskilled jobs. They are over-represented in metal engineering, industrial and office cleaning, building, public works, and the garment industry. In most cases, the children follow in their parents' footsteps. The number of young people of Turkish immigrant stock who have taken degrees in higher education is still rather small. 2 These socio-professional characteristics marginalise the Turkish community on the labour market. 3 The difficulty of getting work has encouraged some immigrants to set up their own businesses. T h e T u r k s ' g e o g r a p h i c c o n c e n t r a t i o n , their community lifestyle, in which a Turkish shopkeeper is always preferred over other shopkeepers, and the low cost of family labor have allowed some businesses to flourish. However, these originally modest undertakings are

' l l s i n g a dish antenna, it is possible to pick up 12 Turkish TV stations, 8 of them private, as well as F M radio stations. Moreover, Turkey's main public television network, T R T - I N T , and a private station, E u r o s h o w , have been broadcast by the cable in parts of G e r m a n y and the Benelux for several years. Three major national dailies began to be distributed in Europe in the early '70s and six national dailies are currently available in Europe's major cities. 2

O n l y 6.4% of the 18/25-year-olds of Turkish descent in G e r m a n y in 1996 were students. In Belgium this rate was even lower (4.4%), according to the 1991 census. In contrast, more than 30% of the 18/25-year-olds in these two countries are in higher education. Even in Turkey, 17.6% of the 20/25-year-olds were enrolled in higher education in 1996. 3

I n Germany, for example, the 1996 gross national product per T u r k was D M 33, 674 versus DM 42, 760 for native Germans (Goldberg, Ulusoy and Karaka§li, 1998: 21).

26

URAL

M A N Q O

increasingly attracting a non-Turkish clientele. The development of a class of businessmen in Europe increases the complexity of the Turkish immigrant population's social stratification while giving it a new d y n a m i s m . H e n c e f o r w a r d , a T u r k i s h p o p u l a t i o n p l a g u e d by s o c i o - e c o n o m i c marginalisation co-exists with a small class of businessmen that has the wind in its sails. The percentage of self-employed people and employers among the working Turkish immigrant population rose f r o m 3 % in 1985 to 5.2% in 1996. 1 More than a dozen organizations of Turkish immigrant employers have been created since 1990. Turkish immigrants seem to have developed a community logic that shares several features with the minority integration model that reigns in the English-speaking world, regardless of the host country's immigration policies and prevailing philosophy of integration. With regard to Turkish immigrants, talking about c o m m u n i t y life is t a n t a m o u n t to talking about dense c o m m u n i t y ties confined to the island-like space of a working-class neighbourhood. Europe's Turkish immigrants appear to cultivate their difference. They are in the process of weaving a unique cross-border Diaspora identity in terms of its magnitude and demographic weight. The idea is to maintain and expand formal group ties through federations of associations and extensive cultural, political and commercial ties with the country of origin. At the same time, Turkish nationals abroad are encouraged by a very active diplomatic corps and religious and media structures to acquire the nationality of their country of residence and create Turkish economic interest groups and electorates in Europe. The long-term aim is to create an economic and intellectual elite capable of playing the role of an ethnic lobby along the lines of the North American model so as to influence relations between Turkey and the European Union, which Turkey has been applying to join since the '60s. Islam is by far the most important mark of belonging and identity in the Turkish immigrant community, even though many other such ties exist. Turkish immigrants' attachment to the many facets of their native culture is not weakened by living in Europe. This population has recreated in Europe all of the social, political, religious, and ethnic cleavages of Turkey by setting up a true w e b of immigrant associations, f r o m local associations and local mosques to Europe-wide federations. 2 The largest and best organized of these

No fewer than 57, 900 self-employed persons and heads of companies of Turkish origin were working in Europe - 42, 000 in Germany, 4, 700 in the Netherlands, 3, 500 in France, and 2, 000 in Austria - in 1996. The total investments of these entrepreneurs in Germany stood at DM 8.9 billion and their total turnover was DM 36 billion. They employed an estimated 186, 000 people. (Sources: Turkish Ministry of Labour and Social Security, 1997: 50, 82, 97, 109 138- Goldberg Ulusoy & Karakaraka§h, 1998: 21). 2

For more details about these Turkish immigrant organizations in Europe see Man?o, 1997.

TURKS

IN

HIIROP H

27

federations are of an Islamic bent (the Milli Gorii§ movement, 1 lor example). These organizations have become large networks catering to specific clienteles, to w h o m they o f f e r social, cultural, religious, educational, and commercial services across Europe. T u r k i s h i m m i g r a n t o r g a n i z a t i o n s play an u n d e n i a b l e role in the formation of identities and opinions, as well as in setting up the more or less stringent social control that reigns in this c o m m u n i t y . These associations seem at

first

g l a n c e to limit the process of the e m a n c i p a t i o n of its

components, especially young people and women. Actually, in a considerable number of cases they prevent isolation, excessive marginality, and juvenile delinquency. T h e y channel social discontent and the fear of assimilation towards ideological or religious certainties, thereby meeting the search for identity and a positive self-image, the need for appreciation and recognition that is expressed by this population. T h e Turkish population throughout Europe thus appears to be a socio-economically weakened group that seeks to give substance to a certain retreat within the community.

Source of a truncated Image of Turkish Immigrants There is not a shadow of a doubt that scientific studies of immigration influence native public opinion about immigrants and their descendants. In generating socially legitimated discourse, the social sciences participate perhaps unbeknownst to the researchers - in forming the ways we see and appreciate immigration-related deeds. Given its dependence on its philosophical and ideological underpinnings, research on immigration is thus an important factor in the social construction of Turkish immigrants' image in Europe. Now, according to sociological holism, i.e., the unavoidable paradigm of the intellectual field that is specialised in immigration, immigrant populations are integrated into European society by the younger generations' adopting

T h e C o l o g n e - b a s e d federation Islam T o p l u m u - M i l l i Gorii§/Islamische G e m e i n s c h a f t - Milli G o r t i § ( I s l a m i c C o m m u n i t y - D e n o m i n a t i o n a l V i s i o n ) is b e l i e v e d t o h a v e a n a u d i e n c e o f s o m e 3 0 0 , 0 0 0 (Milliyet, 2 . 8 . 1 9 9 6 . Istanbul). T h e federation's m e m b e r s and their families, w h o l i k e w i s e benefit f r o m the federation's services, thus a l l e g e d l y account for a tenth o f Europe's T u r k i s h p o p u l a t i o n ! In 1 9 9 5 t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n h a d 7 9 1 l o c a l c h a p t e r s t h r o u g h o u t E u r o p e a n d a n n o u n c e d 112, 3 2 3 d u e s - p a y i n g m e m b e r s ( M a n £ o , 1997: 122). T h i s organization m a y be c o n s i d e r e d the o f f i c i o u s i m m i g r a n t s ' branch o f the I s l a m i c political party f o u n d e d by f o r m e r P r i m e M i n i s t e r N . E r b a k a n i n 1 9 7 0 . T h e m o v e m e n t , w h i c h w a s k n o w n a s t h e W e l f a r e Party f r o m 1 9 8 3 t o 1 9 9 8 , h a s b e e n b a n n e d t h r e e t i m e s s i n c e its c r e a t i o n ( i n 1 9 7 1 , 1 9 8 0 , a n d J a n u a r y 1 9 9 8 ) . It h a d b e c o m e t h e l e a d i n g p o l i t i c a l f o r c e i n t h e c o u n t r y b y t h e t i m e o f t h e l a s t g e n e r a l e l e c t i o n s , i n D e c e m b e r 1 9 9 5 , w h e n it g a r n e r e d 2 1 % o f t h e v o t e . S o , a f t e r a b r i e f s p e l l in p o w e r i n a c o a l i t i o n g o v e r n m e n t ( f r o m J u l y 1 9 9 6 t o J u n e 1 9 9 7 ) , it h a s o n c e m o r e b e e n b a n n e d b y t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n a l C o u r t i n A n k a r a f o r i n f r i n g i n g t h e s e p a r a t i o n o f R e l i g i o n a n d S t a t e . T h e party h a s already r e - e m e r g e d u n d e r a n e w n a m e , the Virtue Party ( F a z i l e t Partisi). F or m o r e a b o u t this m o v e m e n t see Sunar & Toprak, 1983; Mardin, 1989; f a k i r , 1994; and Heper, 1997.

28

URAL

M A N f O

E u r o p e a n s o c i e t y ' s v a l u e s a n d b e h a v i o r p a t t e r n s in a linear p r o c e s s . In o t h e r w o r d s , the s u c c e s s i v e g e n e r a t i o n s c o n f o r m m o r e and m o r e to the host society. 1 I n t e g r a t i o n is d e f i n e d as t h e o b j e c t i v e l y m e a s u r a b l e p a r t i c i p a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s of f o r e i g n origin in the s o c i o - e c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e s a n d l e g i t i m i s e d cultural a n d political i n s t i t u t i o n s of t h e n a t i v e s o c i e t y . A c e r t a i n n u m b e r of social p h e n o m e n a m a y be taken as i n d i c a t o r s of this gradual a s s i m i l a t i o n , e.g., the rise in " m i x e d " ( i n t e r - e t h n i c ) m a r r i a g e s and d e c l i n e in birth rate; i n c r e a s e d m a s t e r y of t h e h o s t s o c i e t y ' s l a n g u a g e a n d b e t t e r s c h o o l a t t e n d a n c e a n d p e r f o r m a n c e ; a better position on the s o c i o - e c o n o m i c l a d d e r ; an i n c r e a s e in the i n d i v i d u a l ' s a u t o n o m y f r o m t h e o r i g i n a l c o m m u n i t y ; a n d a d e c r e a s e in religious practice. T h e s e indicators are s u p p o s e d to illustrate the d i s a p p e a r a n c e of e t h n i c a n d r e l i g i o u s i d e n t i t y . A c c o r d i n g l y , t h e i m m i g r a n t

community

a l l e g e d l y declines f r o m generation to generation in parallel with the e m e r g e n c e of i n d i v i d u a l s w h o h a v e b e e n

"emancipated" f r o m their

communities.

P a r a d o x i c a l l y , the individual asserts h e r / h i m s e l f by b e i n g s w a l l o w e d u p by t h e host s o c i e t y . Sociological

holism

proposes

a model

of i n t e g r a t i o n

that

goes

t h e o r e t i c a l l y f r o m tradition t o w a r d s W e s t e r n m o d e r n i t y and f r o m m a r g i n a l i t y t o w a r d s s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n . In t h e m i n d s of h o l i s t i c r e s e a r c h e r s a n d , b y e x t e n s i o n , p u b l i c o p i n i o n , tradition and m o d e r n i t y o f t e n a p p e a r t o be r e f e r e n t s with set, i m m u t a b l e c o n t e n t s that i m p o s e t h e m s e l v e s o n m i g r a n t social actors' wills and d e t e r m i n e t h e latter's b e h a v i o r a n d a t t i t u d e s . T h e h o l i s t i c p a r a d i g m a c t u a l l y o f f e r s a tool f o r m e a s u r i n g t h e g r a d u a l n o r m a l i s a t i o n of i m m i g r a n t g r o u p s ' social practices. G r a n t e d , t h e a b o v e - m e n t i o n e d i n d i c a t o r s d o m e a s u r e t h e living c o n d i t i o n s of i m m i g r a n t s and their c h i l d r e n , but one t h a t is f o r g e d in a l a n g u a g e f i l l e d w i t h p o l i t i c a l c o n n o t a t i o n s . T h i s is t h e d e f i n i t i o n of i n t e g r a t i o n t h r o u g h i n d i v i d u a l a s s i m i l a t i o n 2 in w h i c h all r e s p o n s i b i l i t y lies solely o n the i m m i g r a n t s ' s h o u l d e r s , w h i l e the h o s t society t a k e s it u p o n itself to j u d g e w h o is 'well integrated' and w h o is not. W h e n E u r o p e ' s T u r k i s h c o m m u n i t y is m e a s u r e d by the y a r d s t i c k of its t e n d e n c y t o w a r d individual a s s i m i l a t i o n u s i n g t h e a b o v e - m e n t i o n e d or o t h e r i n d i c e s , t h e result is r a t h e r p o o r c o m p a r e d w i t h t h e 'ratings' of t h e B a l k a n , e v e n N o r t h A f r i c a n , M u s l i m g r o u p s w i t h w h i c h it is r e g u l a r l y c o m p a r e d in continental E u r o p e . C o n s e q u e n t l y , T u r k s h a v e a rather p o o r i m a g e in all of the

' s e e , for example, H o f f m a n n - N o w o t n y , 1986; Mehrlander, 1988; Todd, 1994; and Tribalat, 1996.' 2 T h i s definition says nothing about the phenomena of which immigrants and their children, even if they are naturalised, are the victims, e.g., the unequal social rights of natives and immigrants; the non-recognition of i m m i g r a n t s ' political rights; and various m e c h a n i s m s of unequal opportunities or academic and social exclusion (notably the n u m e r o u s f o r m s of f o r m a l or informal discrimination and ethnic segmentation of the labour market).

T l'RKS

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countries in which they have settled. When it c o m e s to discussing the problems with which Muslim immigrants are grappling, holistic sociological d i s c o u r s e can lead the E u r o p e a n m e d i a to reason in t e r m s of social maladjustment, even

cultural

incompatibility.

S o , in the early

'80s

i m m i g r a n t s f r o m Southern Europe (Italians, Spaniards, P o r t u g u e s e , and Greeks) were put forward as 'good immigrants' versus the 'bad immigrants' from the Muslim world. The same scenario seems to be in vogue today, at the end1 of the '90s, especially in the French-speaking parts of Europe, where political leaders and social scientists believe they see the long-awaited beginning of the process of assimilation of North African immigrants, even though huge problems of all kinds have yet to be resolved. In contrast, they express regret concerning the non-assimilability of the Turks who have settled in their countries'. Consequently, the image of the Turk that lurks in the subconscious of European public opinion, teachers, social workers, health professionals, and politicians is but too classic. At best it is one of sordid reality; it often verges on (deprecating) caricature. The Turkish male trails his North A f r i c a n counterparts when it comes to integration. He is thus backward and more often 'fundamentalist,' violent, uninterested in his children's education other than religious instruction, exploits social benefits, moonlights, and has close ties with 'Mafia networks.' He retreats readily into his ghetto and deliberately refuses contact with the society that was so kind as to take him in. The portrait painted of the Turkish female is no better: She is illiterate, blindly submissive to her parents or her husband's family, must cover her head under the assumed pressure of her entourage, is the victim of arranged marriages, is the victim of family violence assumed to be the rule, and is unable to take control of her own fate. She thus must be helped to 'rise up against the patriarchal domination to which she is subject.' 2 The Turkish community's image does not depend solely on the will to integrate or assimilate what observers believe they do or do not detect in the community's behavior. Europeans also discover the Turks who live near them indirectly, through the prism of international current events. It is true that the European press contains a larger number of articles on events in Turkey than on Turkish immigrants' problems. The chronic instability of Turkish politics, 'threatened moreover by Islamic fundamentalism,' the country's disheartening human rights situation, the interminable Kurdish problem, the insoluble issue of Cyprus, 'occupied by the Turkish army,' and the Gordian knot of the GreekT u r k i s h dispute, m e m o r i e s of the ' A r m e n i a n g e n o c i d e ' of

1915, the

strengthening of the Mafia and stepped-up drug traffic towards Europe, and the

' S e e for example Haut Conseil á l'lntégration, 2

1995: 67-68.

L e s t h a e g h e & Surkyn, 1995; Manijo & M a r ^ o , 1995.

30

URAL

MAN£ O

European Union's refusal to consider Turkey eligible to apply for membership are all themes that crop up with a certain regularity in the press. The way they are covered by European journalists is deliberately alarmist, sometimes simplistic, and not always impartial. Until the early '80s some European dailies had their Athens correspondents cover Turkish news! T h e situation has i m p r o v e d slightly since then. I n f o r m a t i o n professionals have striven to improve their knowledge and understanding of this country, which is becoming more and more important on the international scene. However, the image of Turkey and Turks that is disseminated by the European press is still too often negative, sometimes unjustly so. This situation has a certain influence on the way people perceive immigrants from Turkey. Public opinion about Turkish immigrants is thus built on negative prejudices that have no objective ties with the daily lives of these immigrants and their offspring.

Approaching the Complexity of Immigrants' Social Reality Although the integration model developed by the holistic paradigm holds sway in intellectual circles, it has difficulty allowing for the daily influences over and complexity of immigrants' identity building. In-depth observation and analysis of immigrants' social practices and identity constructs using more qualitative investigation methods that are closer to comprehensive (Weberian) or interactionist sociological currents might complement the holistic paradigm's conclusions most advantageously and help overcome its weaknesses. A comprehensive sociological approach strives to discover the sense that the actor gives to his conduct and the aim he is seeking. Studying the reasons that underlie an individual's actions also enables one to highlight the many daily social uses of community identities. As social actors, immigrants are not just subject to the host society's laws, which dictate the pathway to assimilation, generation after generation. Immigrants and their children also implement integration strategies, invent composite lifestyles and ways of thinking. The results are syncretic social practices and patchworks of identity that reflect daily demands, specific needs, future aspirations, and the surrounding socio-economic context (18). Thus, for example, some areas of social life may change quickly, to converge with local behaviors in the space of a single generation. In other areas, on the contrary, 'ethnic' codes of conduct may be guarded jealously for generations. However, most often mixed social practices, which are legitimised by both the modernity of the host society and traditions one's roots, will be implemented. Attachment to what are considered traditional values and an enhanced demand for individual autonomy often co-exist in the same individual. There is always

T UR KS

IN

H CROPH

31

a gap between what is seen as cultural ties and what use immigrants make of them. T o illustrate some syncretic social practices that have been legitimised by both Turkish-Islamic traditions and Western modernity, we shall consider the functions of the Muslim associations that have been created by Turkish immigrants. These numerous social organizations, which are ideological and organizationally disparate, are often decried and denounced as hotbeds of Islamic activism in both Europe and Turkey. However, the various categories of Turkish immigrants that have helped set up such community organizations and are thus labelled 'Islamic activists,' i.e., the first-generation men and their sons, women, spouses, daughters-in-law, and daughters, are not driven by the same commitment and do not necessarily seek the same type of legitimisation. Since Turks seem to retreat into their Turkish identities and refuse the individual assimilation mode), it would be interesting to e x a m i n e the rationales for their social practices. What, from a comprehensive sociological perspective, docs their 'clinging' to an Islamic identity, which is expressed most often through membership in one of the Muslim organizations created by the immigrant communities themselves, mean to the immigrants and their descendants? T h e creation of c o m m u n i t y o r g a n i z a t i o n s by E u r o p e ' s T u r k i s h immigrants has two sources of legitimacy and many purposes. Rather than being prompted by 'tradition' or the will to preserve what is considered their cultural roots, the creation of such organizations, be they local or continental, seems to be proof of acceding to 'modernity.' Had they not left their Anatolian villages, these immigrants would probably never have been active in creating such socio-political organizations now heading towards bureaucratisation, whether Islamic or not. This is the first time that these peasants-turnedmigrants find themselves in the position of social actors by contributing to the existence of such associative movements. Moreover, these associations are always founded as non-profit associations in line with the host country's laws. In their local activities they comply with the principles of participatory management that are required by the various national laws. All the immigrant Islamic organizations are first of all the handiwork of the first-generation men, who have fallen prey to a sharp fall in social status. T h e s e men, w h o have little instruction, often do not speak the host country's language, and are on the lowest rung of the socio-economic ladder, are currently often on unemployment or disabled. In the best of cases they have reached retirement age. For most of these men, the desire to observe Islamic precepts and religious practices strictly is a defensive assertion of identity.

They

are seeking to re-establish lost authority over their w i v e s

and children. They advocate moralising solutions to the

problems

that

are

URAL

32

M A Ng O

undermining the s e c o n d generation's lives. T o this end, the fathers are c a l l i n g upon the religious s t a f f o f their o r g a n i z a t i o n s to take on a s o c i a l a c t i o n role for which they are not a l w a y s prepared. T h e y o u n g m e n are drawn t o w a r d s M u s l i m i m m i g r a n t o r g a n i z a t i o n s through sports and social a c t i v i t i e s . S p o r t is o n e o f the rare w a y s for t h e s e young p e o p l e , w h o are plagued by m a s s i v e s c h o o l failure and social e x c l u s i o n , to a c h i e v e r e c o g n i t i o n and e n h a n c c their s e l f - e s t e e m . T h e s e o r g a n i z a t i o n s e n a b l e the y o u t h s to m e e t o u t s i d e the h o m e without w o r r y i n g their parents, w h o c o n s i d e r the I s l a m i c a s s o c i a t i o n s to be an alternative to h a n g i n g a b o u t in the street, c a f e s , and penn\ a r c a d e s or b e i n g c a u g h t up in prostitution, drugs and d e l i n q u e n c y . T h e y afford y o u n g people a space in which they may e x p r e s s their p r o b l e m s or f e e l i n g s a m o n g s t t h e m s e l v e s and certainly m o r e freely than is p o s s i b l e at home. T h e s e o r g a n i z a t i o n s provide these y o u n g p e o p l e , w h o in any e v e n t d o not h a v e easy a c c e s s to 'indigenous' social structures that w o u l d o t h e r w i s e f a c i l i t a t e their i n t e g r a t i o n , with e n h a n c i n g s o c i a l i s a t i o n . F i n a l l y , o n e s h o u l d not u n d e r e s t i m a t e the solidarity and i n f o r m a t i o n n e t w o r k s that d e v e l o p around these organizations and can in a certain n u m b e r o f c a s e s lead to jobs. Through

the legitimacy conferred

upon t h e m

by p a r t i c i p a t i n g

in

a s s o c i a t i o n s and pious a c t i v i t i e s , ( y o u n g ) w o m e n a c c e d e - o f t e n f o r the first t i m e - to p u b l i c l i f e and an a p p r e c i a b l e f r e e d o m o f m o v e m e n t f o r t h e traditional s o c i e t i e s f r o m w h i c h they c o m e . T h e w o m e n students try to use their I s l a m i c a c t i v i s m as an a r g u m e n t v i s - a - v i s their parents in o r d e r to d e l a y marriage

and

complete

their

studies.

The

women's

branches

of

such

a s s o c i a t i o n s are p l a c e s for i n f o r m a l e x c h a n g e s b e t w e e n p e o p l e in the s a m e social

situation. Given

immigrant

women,

organizations

the g e n e r a l l y

low level

the a w a r e n e s s - r a i s i n g

work

of instruction that

is not w i t h o u t i n t e r e s t . It is c o n d u c t e d

is d o n e

of

most

by

these

in s u c h a r e a s

as

h o u s e h o l d h y g i e n e , diet, c h i l d - r e a r i n g , s e x u a l i t y , c o n t r a c e p t i o n , and, last but not l e a s t , t h e u n f o u n d e d n c s s o f m a c h o attitudes in the f a c e o f c l e a r l y 'prow o m e n ' I s l a m i c precepts that have been o b s c u r e d by tradition. T h e e x i s t e n c e o f such m e e t i n g places deli\ers m a n y w o m e n f r o m isolation and solitude. T h e c o n t r i b u t i o n to the f o r m a t i o n o f an I s l a m i c identity o r , to put it m o r e c o n c r e t e l y , b e l o n g i n g to a M u s l i m i m m i g r a n t o r g a n i z a t i o n d o e s not h a v e the s a m e m e a n i n g f o r the m e m b e r s o f t h e t h r e e

above-mentioned

c a t e g o r i e s . O n the c o n t r a r y , the r a t i o n a l e is s p e c i f i c to e a c h

category.

B e l o n g i n g to I s l a m is d e f i n i t e l y p r i m o r d i a l , but the v a r i o u s c a t e g o r i e s o f i m m i g r a n t s use their a f f i l i a t i o n with a r e l i g i o u s a s s o c i a t i o n f o r m u c h m o r e than s i m p l e religious d e v o t i o n , even ( ' I s l a m i c f u n d a m e n t a l i s t ' ) revolt against a W e s t e r n s o c i e t y o f d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and e x c l u s i o n . T h e y try to e x p l o i t t h e l e g i t i m a c y procured by such m e m b e r s h i p to d e v e l o p strategies to b e c o m e part o f society or e n h a n c e their s e l f - e s t e e m .

TURKS

IN

33

E U R O PH

Conclusions A s w e h a v e seen, individual integration and p r e s e r v i n g a c o m m u n i t y life are not necessarily contradictory aims. T h e integration of i m m i g r a n t s in a host society is not necessarily linear. It does not a l w a y s o c c u r s i m u l t a n e o u s l y in all spheres of public and private life. Similarly, a person of foreign descent d o e s not n e c e s s a r i l y h a v e rigid ties with h e r / h i s c o m m u n i t y or the host society. On the contrary, these ties may he flexible and reveal differentiated and p r a g m a t i c integration strategies. A c c o r d i n g to the interactionist sociological a p p r o a c h , the individual a s s e r t s h e r / h i m s e l f by b u i l d i n g a p r a g m a t i c and s t r a t e g i c ' p a t c h w o r k ' identity. W h e r e a s s o c i o l o g i c a l h o l i s m c o n s i d e r s the e t h n i c c o m m u n i t y to be an o b s t a c l e to integration, interactionist s o c i o l o g y sees it to be a resource to be used to allow negotiated, appreciated inclusion in the host society. B e y o n d the s o c i o - e c o n o m i c marginalisation that derives f r o m a general fragilisation of the w e a k e s t social strata of E u r o p e a n society, c a u g h t as they are between e c o n o m i c globalisation and social deregulation, s o m e categories of M u s l i m i m m i g r a n t s in E u r o p e are s h o w i n g s i g n s of i m p l e m e n t i n g social p r a c t i c e s to i m p r o v e their i n t e g r a t i o n in s o c i e t y w h i l s t p r e s e r v i n g their c o m m u n i t y a n d r e l i g i o u s ties. T h i s is e s p e c i a l l y t r u e of t h e

Turkish

c o m m u n i t y , which has f o s t e r e d a m a z i n g c o m b i n a t i o n s and practices, notably with respect to e d u c a t i o n and e m p l o y m e n t , that tend to c o n s t r u c t s y n c r e t i c l i f e s t y l e s a n d w a y s of t h i n k i n g that m a k e use of both t h e o p p o r t u n i t i e s a f f o r d e d by the host c o u n t r y , notably t h r o u g h s c h o o l i n g , and c o m m u n i t y solidarity. T h e s e are innovative integration projects that consist in c o n n e c t i n g the logic of collective cultural identity to that of individual s o c i o - e c o n o m i c a s s i m i l a t i o n , of getting c o n s e r v a t i v e a t t i t u d e s and a s s i m i l a t i v e a t t i t u d e s to converge. By f o c u s i n g m o r e on the study of immigration in c o m p r e h e n s i v e or interactionist t e r m s , sociological d i s c o u r s e will not only c i r c u m s c r i b e this c o m p l e x social reality m o r e a c c u r a t e l y , but will also a v o i d b e c o m i n g the s c i e n t i f i c j u s t i f i c a t i o n of the u n f l a t t e r i n g s t e r e o t y p e s of e n t i r e i m m i g r a n t c o m m u n i t i e s that are taking shape in Europe's c o m m o n imagination.

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Johan Soenen H o o g e r Instituut voor V c r t a l e r s en T o l k e n , University of A n t w e r p e n , B e l g i u m .

THE IMAGE OF TURKISH LITERATURE IN FLANDERS

Preface This article focuses on Turkish novels and short stories, excluding children's literature and poetry, except for a f e w references. Moreover, it is mainly concerned with modern Turkish literature, i.e. literature published after the declaration of the Turkish Republic in 1923. Ottoman literature is only referred to in the form of traditional fairy tales and legends, and introduced as a means of comparing past and present literature. In this article, the concept of Turkish

literature

is to be understood as

the literary writings of all Turkish authors. This means that no distinction is made between writers residing in Turkey or those living in Western Europe as either migrants or exiles. In recent years, the question has arisen as to whether the works of authors of Turkish origin which have either been written or published in German, Dutch, English, for example, can still be considered as part of Turkish literature. Without giving a verdict on this point of controversy, this article includes the so-called "migrant writers" in the study of the image of Turkish literature in Flanders. In the creation of this image, the contribution of migrant writers may sometimes be far greater than that of their faraway colleagues in Turkey. With regard to the title, The Image of Turkish literature

in Flanders,

it

should be noted that this article is based on the inventory of works of Turkish authors which are available in Dutch translation in Flemish public libraries. These authors (and their works) are listed in the appendix.

38

JOHAN In c o m p i l i n g

this

SOHNEN

list, K u r d i s h

literature

has

been

left out

of

c o n s i d e r a t i o n , as it d o e s not, strictly s p e a k i n g , b e l o n g t o T u r k i s h literature. M o r e o v e r , no K u r d i s h literature exists in D u t c h translation. 1 H o w e v e r , a u t h o r s of K u r d i s h o r i g i n w h o w r i t e in T u r k i s h and h a v e been translated into D u t c h , such as Ya§ar K e m a l , are naturally included in this study.

Turkey on the Map of Literature It g o e s w i t h o u t s a v i n g that the i m a g e of m o d e r n T u r k i s h l i t e r a t u r e in Flanders

primarily d e p e n d s on the T u r k i s h

books available

in

Dutch

t r a n s l a t i o n . H o w e v e r , F l e m i s h r e a d e r s are e a s i l y c o n f u s e d by t h e u n c l e a r g e o g r a p h i c a l b o u n d a r i e s of Turkish l i t e r a t u r e , as e v e n p u b l i s h e r s s e e m to d i s a g r e e o n the location of T u r k e y on the m a p of literature! 2 S o m e a n t h o l o g i e s (cf. List of Turkish Anthologies

of short

stories,

authors

in Dutch

Translation

m o d e r n T u r k i s h literature u n d e r Asian literature, or, m o r e l i t e r a t u r e f r o m the F a r East. T h e a n t h o l o g y Korte en Latijns-Amerika

/

a p p e n d i x at t h e end of this a r t i c l e ) c l a s s i f y verhalen

specifically,

uit Afrika,

Azie

(1978), for instance, incorporates Turkish literature -

r e p r e s e n t e d by O r h a n K e m a l ' s s h o r t s t o r y De bevalling

/ Dogum

- in its

c h a p t e r o n A s i a , t o g e t h e r with India, I n d o n e s i a , T h a i l a n d , T a i w a n , B u r m a , a n d North Korea. T h e section "Asia" of the a n t h o l o g y Onverkend Afrika,

Azie

en Latijns-Amerika

gebied:

literaturen

uit

(1988) includes authors from Thailand,

Indonesia, India, Palestine, Malaysia, the Philippines, and... T u r k e y . T h e i n t r o d u c t i o n t o this w o r k d e f i n e s its s u b j e c t as T h i r d W o r l d l i t e r a t u r e . A c h a p t e r f r o m the novel of Krdal O z , Je bent gewond

/ Yarahsin

c o n s t i t u t e s the

Turkish contribution. T h e a n t h o l o g y of v e r s e Stem

van alarm,

stem

van vuur ( 1 9 8 1 ) 3 a l s o

c l a s s e s T u r k e y u n d e r "Asia," t o g e t h e r w i t h L e b a n o n , S y r i a , P a l e s t i n e , Iraq, I r a n , P a k i s t a n , and I n d i a . In this c a s e , it is e m p h a s i s e d that t h e c o l l e c t i o n c o n s i s t s of socially c o m m i t t e d poetry f r o m T h i r d W o r l d c o u n t r i e s . T u r k i s h

' A n intriguing study of Kurdish literature by Martin van Bruinessen is available in Dutch: " D e Koerden van Turkije en hun literatuur", in Traditie en modernisme in de Turkse literatuur, Den Haag: N B L C , 1985, p. 4 7 -65. 2

T h e same language is spoken in Holland and Flanders (Dutch); these regions f o r m a c o m m o n literary market. Consequently, publications of translated Turkish literature can be purchased and read in both countries. The largest annual book fair takes place in Antwerp. ^Stem van alarm, stem van vuur. Geengageerde poezie uit Latijns-Amerika, Afrika en Bussum, Den Haag, Brussel: Het Wereldvenster, 1981.

TURKISH

LITFRATURK

IN

FLAN D KR S

39

poets included in this anthology arc Fa/.il Hiisnii Daglarca, Nazim Hikmet, and Sezer Sennur. However, Korte verhalen

uit Afrika,

Az,ie en Latijns-Amerika,

Part 2

(1985) classes T u r k e y ' s location somewhat differently, namely in "North Africa and the Middle Fast", together with Egypt, Tunisia, and Iraq. Turkey is represented by Samim K o c a g o z ' short story De wereld

van hoop /

Umut

DUnyasi. Contrary to the publications listed above, the anthology Stemmen van schrijfsters

uit het Midden-Oosten,

uit

de schaduw,

verhalen

Turkije

Noord-Afrika

(1986), clearly refers to Turkey as a separate area. However, it

en

must be noted that in its preface, Turkey is considered to be part of the Middle Hast, together with a n u m b e r of A r a b countries, namely Morocco, Algeria, Kgypt, Tunisia, Lebanon, Kuwait, Iraq, Syria, and Palestine. Turkish short stories in this anthology are Vraag jij het / Sen de sor, by Adalet Agaoglu, Een treinreis

/ Bir tren yolculugu

by Erendiz Atasii, Verhaal

in dyktisu by Nezihe Meri^, and De vreugde sevinci

die verdriet

van Tan / Tan'

kan geven /

Zulmet

by Sevgi Soysal. In exception to all other literary anthologies, the Flemish editor Eugene

Van Itterbeek compiled a volume, Dichters

en Dichtkunst

uit Europa

1950-

1980 (1980), 1 in which Turkey is clearly considered to be part of Europe, and represented by a number of poems by Tahsin Sara9. It is apparent that it is not clear to everybody where Turkey belongs on the literary globe! The fact that the majority of Dutch and Flemish publishers locate Turkey in the Far East and not in Europe, is undoubtedly a legacy of the scarce availability of translated Turkish literature to 19th and early 20th century Western European readers, which was limited to ancient fairy tales and legends. T o those readers, in particular the average reader, Turkish literature belongs to the world of the Thousand and One Nights, the Arabic world, and the world of Islam. Today, this one-sided view is still held by many readers (including those in Flanders) because, from the 60s up until the 90s, Turkish fairy tales and legends in Dutch translation continued to be published and read, and were made available through public libraries (where they were naturally classified under "Turkey"). 2

' E u g e n e Van Itterbeek (ed), Dichters en Dichtkunst uit Europa 1950 - 1980, Nederlandstalige Btoemlezing Poeziefestival 1980. Leuven: Leuvense Schrijversaktie, 1980. 2 C f . '"Appendix" at the end of this article: List of Turkish authors in translation, available in Flemish public libraries / Turkish fairy tales and legends.

40

.1 O H A N

S O H N H N

In addition, there are the numerous and immensely popular adaptations for children, which are used not only for entertainment, but also for didactic and pedagogical purposes. The larger than life fairy tale heroes and legendary figures (for example Keloglan and Nasrettin Hoca) may serve as examples to children facing all sorts of problems in life. There are even some bilingual editions in Dutch/Turkish available. 1 All this keeps alive the traditional view of Turkish literature as pertaining to the realms of oriental magic, good and evil spirits, magic mirrors, and flying carpets. Incidentally, this opinion is reinforced by the works of a number of modern Turkish authors who continue to be strongly influenced by the tradition of oriental fairy tales: Nazim Hikmet, Ya§ar Kemal, Sadik Yemni, and Bekir Yildiz, among others, belong to this group of writers. 2 It is noteworthy that the two works of Turkish literature which have been translated the most and are most widely read in Europe, are both very much like fairy tales, namely the novels Memed and The Legend of Ararat by the well-known Nobel Prize candidate Ya§ar Kemal. Memed is a popular hero defending the cause of the powerless poor; The Legend of Ararat can be seen as a fairy tale for grown-ups - a moving love story laced with magical and folkloric elements.

Political and Social Themes From what has been said above, it can be concluded that in the past, the Turkish literary image was pre-eminently dominated by the oriental tradition of fairy tales and legends. Turkey, Persia, and the Arab countries are perceived by the cultured reader as a mixed literary area where mutual influences shape the literary scene. To the average reader, the geographical delimitation is not quite as clear, and, as has been shown, even Dutch and Flemish editors of

' A d a p t a t i o n s for children in Dutch translation, cf. - U f u k Koba§, Nusreddin

Hodja, achterstevoren

- Huseyin Giiney & Lummie Barelds, Nasrettin bilingual DutchATurkish. - Yiicel Feyzioglu, Keloglan en broeder adelaar 2

loch de goede kant op (1987) Hoca, volksverhaleri

uit Turkije

(1982), 4 vol.,

(1986).

AS an illustration we refer to the following books (cf. "Appendix")-.

- N. Hikmet, Het verliefde wolkjc ' Sevdah bulut and Allem Kallem! - Y. Kemal, Memed / ince Memed and De legende

Allem Kallem:

van Ararat / Agridagi

bir

efsanesi.

- S. Yemni: De amulet / Muska. - B. Yildiz: De onsterfelijke

popidier

/ Olumstiz

Kavak.

In addition we can refer to the children's stories of F. H. Daglarca and V. Ongoren.

masal.

TURKISH recently published

L I T E R AT URK

IN

FLANDHRS

Turkish anthologies tend to situate

41

Turkey in m a n y

different parts of the world, either close to Taiwan, Thailand, India, Kuwait, Palestine, or somewhere in North Africa, Europe, etc. These widely opposing views c o m e as no surprise, since the 20th century publishers of Turkish literature pay little to no attention to the precise geographical location of Turkey. In contrast, a lot of attention goes to the political and social situation of the Turkish Republic. T h e likelihood of Turkish authors being translated d e p e n d s on the themes their works deal with. Novels deemed interesting for translation are those which deal with the issues c o m m u n i c a t e d to the world through the media, after the military coups of 1971 and 1980, and since T u r k e y ' s struggle for acceptance into the European Union. Public opinion focused its attention on T u r k e y ' s problems, especially in those Western European countries which saw a sudden influx of large numbers of Turkish migrants and political refugees - victims of their country's political and/ or social climate. This explains the sudden increased interest, particularly in German- and Dutch-speaking countries, in Turkish authors, who through their work protest against the current political and social climate in Turkey. This resulted in a boom in translated Turkish works in the last quarter of the 20th century in the above named countries. With regard to Dutch translations, this is clearly demonstrated by the inventory List of Turkish authors (adult fiction) in Dutch translation (cf. "Appendix"). Before 1980, apart from Turkish fairy tales, legends, children's stories, and poetry, only three novels (by Y. K. Karaosmanoglu in 1938, Nazim Hikmet in 1967, and Ya§ar Kemal in 1978) and one short story (by Orhan Kemal in 1978) were translated from Turkish. Of course, it must be taken into account that both these genres onlystarted to appear gradually in Turkish literature after Atatiirk's efforts to orientate the newly founded republic (1923) towards the West. Novels and short stories were genres practically non-existent in Ottoman literature.

JOHAN

42

SOF.NHN

So, before 1980, a mere four works of prose were translated over a period of almost half a century! Between 1980 and 1989, however, no less than 39 Turkish novels and collections of short stories were published in Dutch translation, and another 36 between 1990 and June 1998. From the previously mentioned List of Turkish authors one can deduce which type of author receives preference for translation into Dutch. Many of the listed authors have at some stage been political prisoners, and/or have seen their work banned in their homeland as a result of their critical attitude towards the state, police, and armed forces. Nazim Hikmet, Feride Qi^ekoglu, Aziz Nesin, Hrdal Oz, Sevgi Soysal, and Duygu Asena all belong to this group of writers. For similar reasons, others were persecuted or otherwise thwarted, as they campaigned for freedom of speech, human rights, and democratic reforms. Also central to their protests was the military interference in politics, the violent solution to the Kurdish problem, police terrorism, and exaggerated bureaucracy. Many of these writers went either voluntarily or were forced into exile: Yucel Feyzioglu (Germany, 1972), Nedim Gursel (France, 1973), Aysel Ozakin (Germany, 1980), Fakir Baykurt (Germany, 1982), Ahmet Sefa (Holland, 1985), Ya§arKemal (Sweden, 1995), e t a l . However, some emigrated for economic or professional motives: Emine Sevgi Ozdamar (German). 1965), Fehmi Ozkok (Holland, 1969), Halil Giir (Holland, 1975). Belonging to this group of emigrated writers are some female authors who, amongst other causes, campaigned for the sexual liberation of women, and who, for prevailing Turkish standards, were considered too radically or militantly feminist. They, too, sought refuge in the West, amongst them the previously mentioned Duygu Asena, Aysel Ozakin, and Sevgi Soysal. In some respects, the Paris-based Kenize Mourad, who in 1987 wrote a quasihistorical novel, De la part de la princesse morte, based on the life of her mother, Princess Selma, granddaughter to the last Ottoman sultan Murat V, can also be included in this group of feminist writers, as can Guner Kuban. The latter emigrated to Holland, where her novel De kleur van de liefde (= The Colour of Love) caused somewhat of a scandal (as it did in Turkey), since it defended free love and lesbian relationships.

T U R K I S H

I . I T H R A T U R F ,

IN

F L A N

D H R S

43

After studying the list of authors whose works are available in Dutch translation (see "Appendix" to this article) it becomes clear that publishers and translators (and consequently readers, too?) have a distinct preference for Turkish novels which could be labelled as alternative, socially committed, progressive and militant. Incidentally, this could also be said about a number of novels by writers who have not emigrated and whose works have been translated into Dutch, for example Hrendiz Atasii, Adalet Agaoglu, Tezer Ozlii Kiral, Samim Kocagoz and Nezihe Meriij. The translation business continues to show the same preference for works dealing with political and social problems when it comes to the youngest generation of writers (i.e. post-1980), who under the military regime saw the introduction of a considerable number of economic and political reforms. This might explain the success of writers such as Latife Tekin (born 1957) and Orhan Pamuk (born 1952). Latife T e k i n ' s novel Bloemheuvel

/ Berci

Kristin

Qop

Masallari

poignantly describes the typical and social tensions of urban life, i.e. life in the big city. In the past 5 years three major novels by Orhan Pamuk have been translated; these are all centred around the clash between the old, traditional values and those of new modern Turkey - and its subsequent problems! Pamuk has received wide critical acclaim both in the Netherlands and Flanders for his literary qualities and moreover is admired for his courageous defence of Ya§ar Kemal, when the latter was accused of provocation. Pamuk himself adopted an equally bold position on the Kurdish issue. (Another member of the youngest generation is Nedim Gursel, who will be discussed later on in this article.) Besides the preference for authors who tend to paint a one-sided and negative picture of Turkey (from a European viewpoint), there is also a preference for novels which paint a negative picture of the lives of Turkish and other migrant workers in their European adoptive countries. Naturally, these novels are written by "migrant writers," 1 and deal with the various problems which migrants are faced with: homesickness, displacement, a loss of cultural identity, conflicts between generations. Some authors protest against all sorts of political and social wrongs suffered by the migrant community:

' T h e terms " m i g r a n t w r i t e r " and " m i g r a n t l i t e r a t u r e " are not a c c e p t e d by all a u t h o r s concerned. H o w e v e r , as has been stated in the Preface, we do not intend to take part in this discussion.

44

.1 0 H A N

S O F N F . N

u n e m p l o y m e n t , social isolation, racism and the uncaring egotism of the capitalist West. A large proportion of this so-called migrant literature is published in the language of the host country where these writers reside. 1 Migrant writers w h o s e work, in various degrees, deals with the situation of migrants, are Fakir B a y k u r t ( G e r m a n y ) , Ya§ar (^¡«¿ekdemir (Holland), Renan Demirkan (Germany), Emine Sevgi O z d a m a r (Germany), Gaye Hi9yilmaz (Switzerland), Aysel Ozakin (Germany/United Kingdom), Aras Oren (Germany), §inasi Dikmen (Germany), Fehmi Ozkok (Holland), Sadik Yemni (Holland), Ahmet Sefa (Holland), Ye§im Ya§ar Ternar (Canada), et al.

The Powerful Influence of Publishing Houses From the above it can be concluded that over the past 25 years the Netherlands and Flanders have seen an impressive boom in translated Turkish literature. 2 Strikingly, this boom in translation is vigorously promoted by various associations, organisations, and particularly publishers, which in a word can be called progressive: the> all feel very strongly about fundamental democratic rights. In 1980, for instance, two volumes of poetry by the Moscow-oriented Nazim Hikmet were published, by the Flemish communist society for culture "Masereelfonds," and the socialist "Turkse Arbeidersvereniging in Nederland" (The Hague), respectively. De "Derde

Spreker

Serie"

of the two progressive Dutch publishing

h o u s e s "Het Wereldvenster" and " A M B O " presents various (previously mentioned) anthologies of Third World literature f r o m countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, its editors state in a number of prefaces "that these anthologies constitute a direct confrontation with the daily reality as it is experienced

in

many

countries:

famine,

malnutrition,

oppression,

imprisonment, terrorism, torture, war," and... "that they (hope to) add to the growing popularity of writers, who have each in their own way expressed their

' T h e ' ' A p p e n d i x " includes translations of books which were not originally written in Turkish, though in G e r m a n , French, or English. Others (e.g. by Fehmi O z k o k , Halil Gur, and Sadik Yemni) were published directly in Dutch. 2 C f . note 2 p. 38.

TURKISH

LITERATURE

IN

FLANDERS

45

anger and disgust, as well as their joy and sense of humor," and... "that these anthologies intend to reveal s o m e of the soeial and political realities of a particular country or region." "Hct Wereldvenster" additionally publishes Stemmen

uit de

schaduw,

which compiles short stories by female authors from the Middle Hast, Turkey, and North A f r i c a , dealing with w o m e n ' s liberation and expressing their political, social and individual problems. " A M B O " f u r t h e r m o r e publishes the "Antiracisme-Reeks," counted Aysel O z a k i n ' s Ik voel mij hier niet thuis / Gurbet, Aras

Oren's

Niks

politie

alsjeblief

/ Bitte

nix

Polizei

which

Yavrum..., amongst

and its

publications, which were strongly critical of host country G e r m a n y ' s capitalist society. Both publishing houses receive support from NOVIB (The Hague) and N C O S ( B r u s s e l s ) 1 f o r the a b o v e - m e n t i o n e d publications, and it may be obvious that the publications concerned are not just published for motives of literary quality, but also because of their progressive and critical content. Having brought out some 20 titles in recent years (mainly literature but including some children's books), Dutch publisher De Geus is undoubtedly one of the most p r o d u c t i v e publishers of Turkish literature in D u t c h translation. Its titles are brought onto the Belgian m a r k e t by E P O , the Antwerp based publishing house. A quick glance at the list of authors selected for translation reveals De G e u s ' progressive character. (Incidentally, the word ' g e u s ' itself m e a n s 'protestant, contestant'!) Besides two of the already-mentioned communistleaning Nazim H i k m e t ' s major works {De Romantici / Ya§amak gtizel §ey be karde$im, a novel, and the splendid epic poem Mensenlandschappen / Memleketimden insan Manzalari), De Geus has also published Aziz Nesin's satirical masterpiece about T u r k e y ' s stifling bureaucracy, De man die niet leefde / Ya§ar: Ne Ya§ar Ne Ya$amaz, and in addition three m a j o r works by Ya§ar Kemal, which are centred around the clash between old and modern Turkey: Memed, mijn havik / Ince MemecP-, Ook de vogels zijn verdwenen / Ku§lar da gitti, and Het lied van de duizend stieren I Binbogalar Efsanesi.

NOVIB is the acronym for "Nederlandse Organisatie voor Internationale betrekkingen"(The Hague); NCOS is the acronym for "Nationaal Comité voor Ontwikkelingssamenwerking" (Brussels). The 1991 reprint of the first Dutch publication of Memed (Amsterdam).

in 1981 by publisher Elsevier

46

JO H A N

SÖHNEN

De G e u s also publishes so-called "migrant literature,"1 which mostly e m p h a s i s e s t h e p r o b l e m s of s e c o n d g e n e r a t i o n m i g r a n t s ( s u c h as c o n f l i c t s b e t w e e n p a r e n t s and o f f s p r i n g , d i s o r i e n t a t i o n , d i f f i c u l t i e s w i t h i n t e g r a t i o n , etc.): R e n a n D e m i r k a n , A r a s O r e n , E m i n e Sevgi O z d a m a r , Giiner K u b a n , a n d Halil Giir. Its w i d e r a n g e of titles, its e x c e l l e n t selection of h i g h l y a c c o m p l i s h e d T u r k i s h w r i t e r s and not least, the f o r t u i t o u s and f o r t u n a t e p u b l i c a t i o n in 1984

of Halil Giir's Gekke Mustafa en andere verhalen (Crazy Mustafa and other tales),

h a v e m a d e D e G e u s o n e of t h e p r i n c i p a l o r i g i n a t o r s of the 1980 to

1990s b o o m in translation, w h i c h has already been m e n t i o n e d . W i t h his d e b u t novel " C r a z y M u s t a f a , " Halil Giir, not b e i n g a b l e to f i n d a T u r k i s h p u b l i s h e r f o r his w o r k , w a s o n e of the first T u r k s living in a D u t c h - s p e a k i n g c o m m u n i t y to p u b l i s h in D u t c h . H e a c h i e v e d

immediate

s u c c e s s and d r a w i n g u p o n his o w n e x p e r i e n c e a s a o n c e - i l l e g a l i m m i g r a n t s l e e p i n g u n d e r A m s t e r d a m ' s b r i d g e s , c o n v e y e d to D u t c h r e a d e r s in p l a i n l a n g u a g e , the t r a g e d y of a m i g r a n t ' s life. U n d o u b t e d l y , "Cra/.y M u s t a f a " , with several reprints and n o w a v a i l a b l e in an a b r i d g e d v e r s i o n , h a s helped to d r a w attention to T u r k i s h m i g r a n t s , a n d p o p u l a r i s e d T u r k i s h l i t e r a t u r e both in H o l l a n d and F l a n d e r s , w h e r e G i i r ' s n o v e l s are n o w w i d e l y a v a i l a b l e t h r o u g h p u b l i c libraries. In p a s s i n g , i t ' s i n t e r e s t i n g t o n o t e w h a t Halil G i i r s a y s a b o u t h i s " g e o g r a p h i c a l " situation within T u r k i s h literature: "I d o not w a n t t o return t o E a s t e r n T u r k e y , w h e r e 1 w a s b o r n ; n o r t o I s t a n b u l , w h e r e I w a s a s t u d e n t of a r c h i t e c t u r e . T h i s is b e c a u s e I d o n ' t c o n s i d e r myself a typical T u r k i s h w r i t e r : I a m n o t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of T u r k i s h c u l t u r e , h o w e v e r I d o r e p r e s e n t 2, 5 0 0 , 0 0 0 T u r k s in W e s t e r n E u r o p e . " S i n c e this s t a t e m e n t in 1988, t h e n u m b e r h a s g r o w n to o v e r 3 million T u r k s in 1998. 2 L o o k i n g at o t h e r p u b l i s h e r s , b e s i d e s t h o s e a l r e a d y m e n t i o n e d , it b e c o m e s a p p a r e n t that T u r k i s h literature in D u t c h translation is p r e d o m i n a n t l y b r o u g h t o n t o the m a r k e t by small p u b l i s h e r s ( i n c l u d i n g literary a s s o c i a t i o n s ) a n d only m a r g i n a l l y by the larger, established f i r m s . T h e s e s m a l l e r f i r m s ( t o o m a n y t o list h e r e ) o f t e n h a v e o n e t h i n g in common

with their l a r g e r c o u n t e r p a r t s ; t h e i r p r o f i l e is a l t e r n a t i v e , idealistic,

literary, and socio-politically c o m m i t t e d , usually leftist. T h i s m e a n s

' c f . notes

1, p p . 4 3 a n d 4 4 .

^ I n t e r v i e w in t h e d a i l y n e w s p a p e r " T r o u w , " 1 5 . 0 9 . 1 9 8 8 .

they

TURKISH

LITERATURE

IN

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47

show a preference for critical and militant authors, w h o back in T u r k e y were/are considered controversial. The larger more established firms publish titles which are either of outstanding literary quality and/or are bound to be a commercial success. Akif Pirinçci's excellent literary crime novels, for instance, written in German, are p u b l i s h e d by A r b e i d e r s p e r s ( A m s t e r d a m / A n t w e r p ) , while Bert

Bakker

( A m s t e r d a m ) p u b l i s h e s those of Sadik Y e m n i , who writes in Dutch. Arbeiderspers also represents the previously-mentioned Orhan Pamuk, who has received several national and international awards and prizes. Ya§ar Kemal, internationally known Nobel Prize candidate, saw the Dutch edition of De legende

van Ararat I Agridagi

Efsanesi

(1978) and Memed

/ fnce

Memed

(1981), first published by Elsevier Manteau (Amsterdam/Antwerp). Nedim Giirsel similarly soon found a well-known Dutch publisher for his work, namely Meulenhof (Amsterdam). Born in 1951 in the south-east of Turkey, and currently living in Paris where he teaches at the Sorbonne University, Giirsel is considered one of the most important representatives of the youngest generation of new Turkish literature, especially since the publication in 1975 of Uzun Siïrmiïç Bir Yaz, a sensational collection of short stories. T h e French edition, Un long été à Istanbul,

appeared in 1980, published by the prestigious firm "Gallimard."

This was the cue for Meulenhof to have it translated into Dutch; Een zomer in Istanbul

lange

( 1984) became a great success and since then other major

works by Giirsel have been published. N e d i m Giirsel o w e s his success in F l a n d e r s (as well as in the Netherlands and other West European countries) not only to the literary and stylistic qualities of his works, but also to their t h e m e s (including the elimination of the radical left in T u r k e y after the military coup in 1971), which has led to increased European interest in T u r k e y ' s political and social affairs amongst the reading and general public.

Conclusions W h e r e a s in the past Flemish readers (and perhaps their European neighbours) used to equate Turkish literature with the fairy tale world of the Orient, nowadays, and more especially, since the military coup in 1971, they are presented with a totally different image, owing to increased media attention to Turkish issues and the 1980 to 1990s boom in translation of Turkish literature.

48

.1 0 H A N

S 0 H N H N

With regard to the Ottoman era, even publishers were not quite sure how Turkish fairy tales were to be classified geographically. In contrast, the average reader today is fully aware of the location of Istanbul, Ankara, or the Kurdish region, and the underlying socio-political s i g n i f i c a n c e of these geographical notions. T o Flemish readers, modern Turkish literature is a reflection of a world of harsh realities, and brutal current affairs, as well as the existing opposition to it. Based on the works available in Dutch translation, 1 the majority of Turkish authors are considered to be their c o u n t r y ' s living and breathing conscience. Indeed, they describe and/or condemn directly and realistically all aspects of Turkish society, which they are vehemently opposed to: the undemocratic intervention of the armed forces, police terrorism, imprisonment and torture for ideological reasons, censorship, unfair employment practices, bureaucracy, the social oppression of w o m e n , the s u f f e r i n g of the urban working-class. No sooner are certain forms of injustice either eradicated, proved to be short-lived, or drastically improved, than new negative aspects surface or old ones reappear. Whichever way you look at it, Turkish writers are never short of material to keep busy as 'the defenders of justice and democracy.' In this way, authors earn their reputation f o r u n c o m p r o m i s i n g principles, being stubborn, and having ample fighting spirit. This reputation is reinforced by the fact that many of them are willing to risk imprisonment, torture or exile for their beliefs. Turkish literature, particularly the sort which since the 1980s and 90s has become available to the Dutch-speaking public, is a fighting literature, commenting on political and social issues, and realistic in character. W e can ask o u r s e h e s whether the historical reputation of Turkish soldiers being fearless fighters might have subconsciously induced the idea that therefore Turkish authors, too. must be fearless fighters. The image of militancy and protest is incidentally confirmed by writers of Turkish origin w h o l i \ e in Western Europe, the so-called migrant writers, w h o condemn in German, French, and Dutch, the situation in their land of origin, as well as the abuse suffered by migrants in their respective host countries,

i.e.

racism,

i s o l a t i o n , and

social,

political,

and

cultural

discrimination.

'Several spot-checks have found that all translations included in the " A p p e n d i x " are available in several Flemish public libraries. What is missing in one library can be found in another.

J OH AN

SOHNHN

49

Imagological studies have shown that the image perceived of foreigners, countries, and cultures (including literature) tends to be o n e - s i d e d , stereotypical, caricatural, incomplete, and lacking in objectivity. We can ask ourselves whether the image of militancy and protest of Turkish literature is correct. Has it not been 'exaggerated' as a result of the latent political conflict, which for years now has dominated European and Turkish relations? Could Europe indeed only be interested — including through literature — in the negative aspects of the actual Turkish system? How can we be sure that the people who decide which authors are to be translated or not, first and foremost publishers and translators, make informed and objective choices? For is it not true historical factors influence the selection to a great extent; as for instance the constant bombardment of the public by the Dutch and Flemish media, with images and stories focusing on T u r k e y ' s political corruption, human rights violations, and Mafia practiccs, which consequently now largely determine Turkey's image. Literature of a more peaceful character, or with a purely artistic objective, may not have sufficient opportunity to be translated. Reprints of Turkish fairy tales and translations of stories for children do not counterbalance the interest of the public in those novels which merely confirm what has already been conveyed through newspapers and television. Media attention to Turkish issues has been a decisive factor in the translation boom in Flanders and the Netherlands during the last quarter of the 20th century, which in turn has reinforced the predominant image of modern Turkish literature as being one of crusade and protest.

APPENDIX List of Turkish authors (adult fiction) that are accessible in Flemish public libraries in Dutch translation: (Children's books are only included — and marked with an asterisk — when there is a reference to them in the article.)

J 0 HAN

50

SÖHNEN

Novels and Short Stories Agaoglu, Adalet

1986

Asena, Duygu

1991 1993 1995

Atasii, Krendiz

1986

Baykurt, Fakir

1982 1981 1987 1983

Baycili, Sevtap Q^ekdemir, Ya§ar

1998 1992

C^ekoglu, Feride

199(1

Daglarca, Fazil H.

1979

Demirkan, Renan

1992

Dikmen, §inasi

1986

Feyzioglu, Yiicel

1985 1986

GürHalil

1984 1986 1988 1990 1993 1995 1997

Giirsel, Nedim

1984

Vraag jij het (cf. A n t h o l o g i e s ) (Sen de sorlYüksek Gerilim) De vrouw heeft geen naam (Kadinin adi yok) Er is geen liefde (Astinda a$k da yok) Helden zijn altijd mannen (Kahramanlar hep erkek) Een treinreis (cf. Anthologies) (Bir Tren YolculugulKadinlar da vardir) De vredestaart: verhalen (Bari§ Qöregi: Hikayeler) Ates Ali (1981) *(Ate$ Ali) Sakardja, de haan *(Sakarca) Een kinderverhaal * (Bir £ocuk Öyküsü) De Markov keten Druppels in de mensenzee Damlalari)

(Insan

Selinin

Ze mögen niet op de vlieger schiefen (Ugurtmayi vurmasinlar) De walvis an de mandarijn * (Balina He Mandalina) Zwarte thee met drie klontjes suiker (Schwarzer Tee mit drei Stück Zucker) De andere Turk: satirische verhalen (Wir werden das Knoblauchland schon schaukeln: Satiren) Ugultu (Ugultu) Keloglan en broeder adelaar *(Keloglan ile Kartal Abi) Gekke Mustafa en andere verhalen Mijn dappere moeder * De hemel bleek grauw: verhalen Een kind vliegt door de nacht * Mijn grote oma * Gekke Mustafa en andere verhalen (abbreviated edition) Een steen aan een draadje * Een lange zomer in Istanbul (Uzun Sürmü$ Bir Yaz)

J OHAN 1986

De konijnen van de commandant Tav^anlari )

1989

De eerste vrouw: novellen (Kadmlar Kitabi: Oyküler) De storm * (Against the Storm) De bevroren waterval * (The Frozen Waterfall) Het verliefde wolkje en andere sprookjes * (Sevdali Bulut) Allem Kallem: een sprookje * (Allem Kallem: bir masal)

HiQyilmaz, Gaye

1991 1995

Hikmct, Nazim

1984 1986 1967&95 1995

Karaosmanoglu, Yak up Kadri Kemal, Orhan Kemal, Ya§ar

1938&82 1978 1981 1991 1988 1978&1990 1996

Kocagöz, Samim Kuban, Giiner Meri^, Nezihe Mourad, Kenize Nesin, Aziz

Öngören, Vasif Oren, Aras

De

romantici

(Ya§amak

(Komutunin

giizel

§ey

bc

karde^im) Mensenlandschappen (1995) (epic p o e m ) ( M e m l e k e t i m d e n Insan Manzaralari) Ankara (Ankara) De bevalling (cf. Anthologies) Memed (Ince Memed) Memed, mijn havik (Ince Memed) De gewraakte zeeman (Deniz küstii) De legende van Ararat (Agridagi Efsanesi) Ook de vogels zijn verdwenen (Huflar da gitti)

Het lied van de duizend stieren (Binbogalar Efsanesi) soguk 1985&86 Kille nachten (Qocuklugumun Geceleri) De wereld van de hoop ( c f . A n t h o l o g i e s ) 1985 (Umut Dünyasi /Ahmet'in Kuzulari) De kleur van de liefde 1993 Verhaal van Tan (cf. Anthologies) (Tan'in Öykiisü) 1986 Uit naam van de dode prinses (De la part de 1988 la princesse morte) (Saraydan Sürgüne) De Vetersymfonie (Potinbagi Senfonisi) 1990 Yasar, de man die niet leefde (Ya$ar ne ya^ar ne ya§amaz) 1992 Herinneringen van een balling (Bir Sürgünün Andari) Het ware sprookje, of hoe de sprookjes de 1995 wereld inkwamen * (Masalin Asli) Niks politie asjeblief (Bitte nix Polizei) 1984 1997

Kiral, Tezer Oziti

SOKNHN

1988

J 0H A N

52 Oz.Brdal.

Özakin, Aysel.

1988

Je bent gewond ( Yaralisin)

1988

Je bent gewond (ci. Anthologies) (Yaralisin) Het jonge meisje en de dood (Ceng Kiz ve Ölüni) Ergens anders onderweg (Das Lächeln des Bewußtseins) Ik voel mij hier niet thuis (Gurbet, Yavruin...) Het blauwe masker (Mavì Maske) Selo wil een huis kopen *(Selo will ein Haus kaufen) Taal van de Bergen (The journey of a singleminded girl) Het leven is een karavanserai, heeft twee deuren, door de ene kwam ik erin, door de andere ging ik eruit (Das Leben ist eine Karawanserai, hat zwei Türen, aus einer kam ich rein, aus der anderen ging ich raus) Moedertong (Mutterzunge) Ach Groningen, Groningen (verhalen en gedichten)

1985 1986 1987 1989 1991 1994

Özdamar, Emine S.

1993

1996 Özkok, Fehmi

SOENHN

1987 1989

Pamuk, Orhan

1993 1995 1998

P i r i n ^ i , Akif

1990 1995 1996 1994

Sefa, Ahmet

1982 1989

Soysal, Sevgi

1986 1986

Tijd van de paarse

seringen

(verhalen en

gedichten) De witte vesting (Beyaz Kaie) Het huis van de stilte (Sessiz Ev) Het zwarte boek (Kara Kitap) Felidae: een bloedstollende kattencrime (Felidae) Francis: Felidae II:een katachtige roman (Felidae II) (German title) Het eindigt altijd in tränen (Tränen sind immer das Ende) De romp (Der Rumpf) Chaos (a selection of short stories) (Karga§a) Dagboek van mijn zoon (Oglumun Giincesinden Oykiiler) Een bezoekdag en andere verhalen (Bari§ adii Qocuk) De vreugde die verdriet kan g e v e n (cf. A n t h o l o g i e s ) (Zulmet SevincUBari$ adii Qocuk)

TURKISH

LIT KRAIT1RK

IN

FLAN D HR S

Tekin, Latife

1991

Bloemheuvel Masallari)

Ternar, Ye§im Y.

1993

De verhuizing: Halley's Comet)

Yemni, Sadik

1987

De ijzeren snavel:

1991

De geest van de brug:

1993

De roos van

Yildiz, Bekir

1994

De ridders

1995

De amulet

(1991 )(Berci

verhalen

53

Kristin

Qöp

(Orphaned

by

verhalen vertelling

Amsterdam

van

Amsterdam

(Muska)

1996

Detective

1985

De huwelijksfirma

Orhan en het vermiste

1982

De onsterfelijke

(Evlilik populier

meisje

§irketi) * (OlitmsUz

Kavak)

Turkish Fairytales and Legends Het kristallen

Serail:

oud-Turkse

vertellingen

(edt. E.S. K a m p h o e v e n e r )

(Delft: Gaade, 1957) De wapenfeiten van de onnavolgbare M o e l a Nasroeddin (edt. Idries Shah Sayed) (Katvvijk aan zee: Servire, 1977) De grappen

van de ongelooflijke

Moela Nasroeddin

(edt. Idries Shah Sayed)

(Katvvijk aan zee: Servire, 1981) Nasrettin

Hoca:

volksverhalen

uit Turkije

(edt. H. Giiney and L. Barelds)

(Wildervank: Dekker&. Huisman, 1982) * Volkssprookjes en legenden uit Turkije ( Rijswijk: uitg. Elmar, 1980) Nasreddin Hodja, achterstevoren toch de goede kant op (edt. U f u k Koba§) ('s Turkse

Hertogenbosch: Aldus, 1987) * sprookjes (Rijswijk: uitg. Elmar, 1990) (reprint of "Volkssprookjes en l e g e n d e n uit T u r k i j e " ) - Turkse sprookjes en legenden (Utrecht/Antwerpen: Uitg. Spectrum, 1969)

Anthologies of Short Stories Körte

verhalen

uit Afrika,

Azie

en Latijns-Amerika

(Baarn, Den Haag,

Brüssel: Het Wereldvenster, 1978) Incl. "De bevalling" ("Dogum") by Orhan Kemal. Körte

verhalen

uit Afrika,

Azie en Latijns-Amerika

2 (Baarn, Den Haag,

Brüssel: Het Wereldvenster, 1985) Incl. "De wereld van de hoop" ("Umut Dünyasi") by Samim Kocagöz.

54

JOHAN

Onverkend

gebied:

literatuur

SOENEN

uit Afrika, Azie en Latijns- Amerika

(Brüssel:

NCOS, 1988)Incl. a chapter of "Je bent gewond" ("Yaralisin") by Erdal Oz. Stemmen uit de schaduw: verhalen van schrijfsters uit het Midden-Oosten, (ed. Djüke Poppinga, Johan de Bakker en Turkije en Noord-Afrika Richard van Lecuwen) (Houten: Het Wereldvenster, 1986). Incl. a short story by Agaoglu, Adalet "Vraag jij het" ("Sen de sor"), - Atasii, Hrendiz. "Hen treinreis" ("Bir Tren Yolculugu") - Meri$, Nezihe. "Verhaal van Tan" ("Tan'in Öyküsü"), Soysal, Sevgi. "De vreugde die verdriet kan geven" ("Zulmet Sevinci") Poetry Daglarca, Fazil H.

1977

Gür. Halil Hikmet, Nazim.

1986 1994 1981 1980/81

1984 1995 Oren, Aras.

1989

Hollandse kwatrijnen en andere gedickten (Flamanca Dörtlükler ve ba§ka purler) Verdachte sta op (Samih ayaga kalk) Wakker het vuur niet aan Turkse gedichten (a selection by the "Masereelfonds") Turkse gedichten in de Nederlandse taal van Nazim Hikmet (a selection by the "Turkse Arbeiders Vereniging in Nederland" - Den Haag) Brieven aan Taranta-Babu (TarantaBabu'ya Mektuplar) Mensenlandschappen (epic poem) (Memleketimden Insan Manzaralart) In den vreemde is ook een thuis (Gurbet degil artik)

Poetry Anthologies - Dichters en dichtkunst uit Europa 1950-1980: Nederlandstalige bloemlezing Europees poeziefestival 1980 (red. Eugeen van Itterbeek) Cahier n u m m e r 2 3 (Leuven: Leuvense Schrijversaktie, 1980).Incl.poetry by Sara?, Tahsin (3 poems). - Ik luister naar Istanbul: zes moderne Turkse dichters (Amsterdam: Meulenhoff, Amsterdam, 1988). Incl. poetry by Anday, Melih Cevdet (14 poems), Daglarca, Fazil Hiisnii (15 p o e m s ) , Kanik, Orhan Veli (20 poems), Necatigil. Behcet (13 poems), Rifat, Oktay (14 poems), Taranci, Cahit Sitki (14 poems) - Stem van alarm, stem van vuur. Geengageerde poezie uit Latijns-Amerika, Afrika en Azie (Bussum, Den Haag, Brussel: Het Wereldvenster, 1981). Incl. poetry by Daglarca, Fazil Hiisnii (2 poems), Hikmet, Nazim (2 poems), Sennur, Se/.er(l poem)

Herman De Ley D i r e c t o r of t h e C e n t r e f o r I s l a m in E u r o p e ( C . I . E . ) , U n i v e r s i t y of G h e n t ,

Belgium.

IMAGINING THE MUSLIMS IN BELGIUM: "ENEMIES FROM WITHIN" OR "MUSLIM FELLOW-CITIZENS"?

Introduction 1. E v e r y o n e ,

by n o w , is f a m i l i a r with the thesis of

Samuel

H u n t i n g t o n , p r o f e s s o r at Harvard U n i v e r s i t y , of the c o m i n g "clash of civilisations".1

Starting from the view that conflict, in our world, frequently

arises a l o n g cultural

"fault-lines"

that w e r e historically

established,

Huntington calls for Western vigilance vis-à-vis the threat emerging from the combined forces of Islamic and C o n f u c i a n i s t civilisations. C o m m u n i s m having been defeated, the "clash" with the new contenders is looming, in his view, if not already going on at the border-lines. 2 T h e M u s l i m world in particular appears as if it is heading for a confrontation with the West: Islam, as Huntington puts it, has bloody borders. 3 T h e Bosnian war, which was d e n o u n c e d by m a n y as a case of d o w n r i g h t anti-Muslim g e n o c i d e , was according to Huntington, j u s t the kind of violent "border clash"

that is

confirming his view - the front zone between the two opposing blocs here being located on the European continent itself. Huntington's alarmist rhetoric, of course, can be seen — and by many Muslims usually is seen — as just a continuation of the age-old Christian hostility to Islamic religion and thought. In the W e s t itself it is often perceived as an understandable response to the threat of Muslim invasion that goes back to the early Middle Ages. W e would make a mistake, though, if we u

i

=~

Jjd

not

p a y attention to the peculiarities

of modern anti-Islamism in the West. 4 This modern hostility to Islam and to

' S e e S. P. Huntington, "The Clash of Civilisations?" (1993). 2

T h e so-called "red peril", i.e. Communism, having disappeared, the "yellow peril" of Asia and the "green" one of Islam have thus been fused in Huntington's idea of the "clash". On this use of colours by European thought in order to construct its identity, see M.A.E1 Jabri, "Choc des civilisations ou conflit d'intérêts?" (1997), p. 327. 3 F o r a succinct but outstanding critical discussion of H u n t i n g t o n ' s thesis as applied to the relationship between "Islam and the West", see Brian Beedham (1994).

^ F . Halliday, Islam and the Myth of Confrontation. (1996), p. 161.

Religion

and Politics

in the Middle

East.

56

H H R M A N

D H

L H Y

M u s l i m s w a s f i r s t c r e a t c d d u r i n g t h e 19th c e n t u r y . It w a s c l o s e l y l i n k e d , a t that time, to the n e w l y created racial theories as well as to E u r o p e ' s humanist

sciences, and

as such

it is still f u l l y a c t i v e t o d a y , w i t h

new the

c o n s t r u c t i o n of E u r o p e a n unity. T h e p e r s i s t e n t r e f u s a l , f o r e x a m p l e , by a s i g n i f i c a n t n u m b e r of B e l g i a n p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s t o g r a n t t h e r i g h t t o v o t e t o s o c a l l e d "non-E.U.

citizens"

— i.e. m o s t l y r e s i d e n t s o f T u r k i s h o r M a g h r e b i a n

o r i g i n — is t h e r e t o p r o v e it. 2. " B u t c h e r of

Hellenism:"

in s u c h u n f l a t t e r i n g t e r m s I s l a m

was

s t i g m a t i z e d by o n e o f t h e l e a d i n g m a s t e r s of m o d e r n c l a s s i c a l p h i l o l o g y : t h e G e r m a n s c h o l a r , T h e o d o r M o m m s e n ( 1 8 1 7 - 1 9 0 3 ) . 1 E i g h t y y e a r s e a r l i e r , in 1814, another

"founding

father"

of the s a m e classical s t u d i e s ,

Barthold

N i e b u h r (1776-1831), already called for a European war against Islam.2 T h e s e a n d o t h e r G e r m a n s c h o l a r s c e r t a i n l y d i d n o t s t a n d a l o n e in t h e i r a n t i - I s l a m i s m . Their French colleague, Ernest Renan (1823-1892), the f a m o u s freethinker and f o u n d e r of S e m i t i c p h i l o l o g y , w a s a m a t c h f o r t h e m in h i s r h e t o r i c s o n t h e unbridgeable opposition European

between

Islam and A n c i e n t Greek

— and

thus

— " r a t i o n a l i t y . " R e n a n , it is t r u e , d i d c o n t r i b u t e t o a k i n d o f

rediscovery

of

Muslim

philosophy

( f a l s a f a ) with his f a m o u s b o o k

on

A v e r r o e s . - ' A t the s a m e time, t h o u g h , he p r o p a g a t e d a kind of philological v e r s i o n of t h e " t h e o r y o n r a c e " that w a s d e v e l o p e d by h i s c l o s e f r i e n d , C o m t e de Gobineau.4 R e n a n , i n d e e d , h a v i n g lost his Christian faith, m a d e p h i l o l o g y into a n e w k i n d o f " r e l i g i o n . " In d o i n g t h i s h e w a s i n s p i r e d by t h e p h i l o s o p h y of R o m a n t i c i s m , viz. T h e belief t h a t ( 1 ) e a c h n a t i o n o r c u l t u r e p o s s e s s e s its o w n p a r t i c u l a r "spirit"

or nature;5 (2) that this nature coincides with the specific

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of its l a n g u a g e ; a n d ( 3 ) t h a t a s a c o n s e q u e n c e t h e s t u d y of language

is t h e r o a d

t o all

"truth."

In

1 8 5 5 , in h i s w o r k

linguistics, he c o n c l u d e d that J e w s a s well as M u s l i m s

' i n his Römische

Geschichte.

were

on

Semitic

insurmountably

V (1894), p. 611.

2As for Niebuhr's view of the science of history, in his opinion, "race... was the primary base on which all history is founded and the first principle according to which she has to operate " (thus in a letter). His belief in the "Aryan race" not only made him call for a war against Islam: in his academic lectures he also defended European colonialism in general. In his opinion, "European domination meant support for science and literature, just as for human rights: to prevent the destruction of a barbaric power would mean an act of high treason against intellectual culture and humanity". See the quotations in Martin Bernal, Black Athena (1991), pp. 304-306. 3 "Averroes et t'Averroisme" (Paris 1852; 18612). But Averroes, or better: Ibn Rushd (born in Cordoba in 1126; he died in 1198, in Marrakech), anachronistically was made into a forerunner of Renans own (anti-religious) rationalism. "Averroes, the free-thinker," is a spectre that today still haunts some academic circles in the West. 4 S e e his notorious essay, "The Inequality of Human Races," 1853-55. Joseph Arthur, Comte de Gobineau (1816-1882) is described in encyclopedies as a "French orientalist, diplomat and philosopher". 5 E.g. Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803), with his ideas on "the nation" ("das Volk"), as the "source of all truth" See e.g. A.Hourani, Islam in F.uropean thought (1992), p. 25.

I M A (! I N I N G

T H H

M U S L I M S

IN

B H L G I U M

57

inferior to the so-called Aryans. 1 In his inaugural speech of 1862, at the Collège de France, as well as in his confcrence of 1883, at the Sorbonne, on "Islamistii

and Science,"

he proclaimed that Islam, because of its fanaticism

and d o g m a t i s m was by its essence incapable of rationalism, science or philosophy. "Islamism"

as a religion could very well contain "nice parts, " so

he said, but to human reason it only had proved to be obnoxious. The future for mankind, as a consequence, lay with "Aryan" Europe - on one condition, though: that the Semitic element in European culture (i.e. Christianity) as well as the theocratic power of Islam would be destroyed. 2 3. The 19th century, besides being the age of the so-called humanist sciences (philology, comparative linguistics, history, history of religions, etc.), was at the same time the age of European colonialism.-' Since colonial expansion was "the background

of all relations

with Islam in the

nineteenth

century, " traditional anti-Islamism was rationalised by leading academics into an ideological legitimation of E u r o p e ' s colonial w a r s . 4 Its culminating construction was the concept of the so-called "homo islamicus"

- a racist

stereotype which is even today upheld in some academic circles. 5 It was also strengthened by bourgeois nationalist ideologies, with their c o m m o n myth of an originally monocultural European civilisation: the myth, that is, of a "white" and "Christian" Europe, heir to the equally "white" civilisation of the Ancient Greeks. This self-image, of course, was and is a kind of self-deceit: f r o m a cultural as well as ethnical point of view, historical Europe always was (and always will be) characterised by a plurality of traditions; it was and always will be the product of immigrations. Greek mythology, quite rightly therefore, portrayed "Europe," who was abducted by the Olympian God Zeus in the guise of bull, as the daughter of a Phoenician, i.e., a Palestinian king. From their very beginnings, M u s l i m religion and culture were a formative component in Europe's civilisation process. This went hand in hand with Hellenic, Christian, Jewish and secular traditions. Muslim philosopher Ibn Rushd (Averroes), a citizen of Cordoba, was as much a "European" as was ' f o r Renan. see Hourani, o.c., pp. 28-29; E.W. Said, Orientalism (1991), Ch. 2, 'II. Silvestre de Sacy and Ernest Renan: Rational Anthropology and Philological Laboratory", pp. 123-148; also A. Merad, L'Islam contemporain (1992), pp. 40-42). 2

For "Aryanism", see L. Poliakov, The Arxan Myth: a history of racist and nationalist ideas in Europe (1974). -3 In 1855, at the Conference of Berlin, European colonial powers divided the African continent among themselves. 4 N . Daniel, Islam and the West (19932), p. 327. See also M. Rodinson, The Western ¡mage and Western Studies of Islam (19742), p. 49; R. Ballard, Islam and the Construction of Europe (1996). 5

C f . Rodinson, o.c., p. 48: "In the Middle Ages, the Oriental had been regarded as a fierce enemy, but never the less on the same level as Western man; in the eighteenth century Enlightenment and the resulting ideology of the French Revolution the Oriental was, underneath his disguise, essentially a human being; now he became a creature apart, imprisoned in his specificity, an object of condescending praise. Thus the concept of homo islamicus was born, and is still far from being overthrown".

58

HHR M A N

D E

LEY

the Christian theologian. Thomas of Aquino. The Mesquita in Cordoba, the Alhambra of Granada, the bridge of Mostar (now destroyed, alas), the Selimiye Camii of Edirne... they all belong to "Europe's" cultural heritage as much as do the Parthenon of Athens or the Early Renaissance painting by Van Eyck, "The Adoration of the Lamb", in Ghent. So, we should indeed, I believe, "make a case for speaking of European civilisation as the Jewish-ChristianMuslim civilisation."' However, upon the 17th centuries, all traces cleansed." Surely, a form centuries public European Europe.

creation of the Spanish nation-state in the 16th and of a public Islam in the West were "ethnically of crypto-Islam was living on, but for a couple of Islam was restricted to South-Eastern and Central

Muslims in Belgium Today I. In the second half of this century, post-war decolonisation and most of all the massive immigration of laborers from the Mediterranean countries once again turned Islam into a Western European reality. In these closing years of the century Islam in South-Eastern Europe is more than ever cornered into a defensive position. 2 In the core countries, however, of the European Union Muslims are counted in the millions (actually, they are estimated at 9 or ten million, i.e. roughly the same number as in Eastern E u r o p e ) , a n d Islam is engaged in a process of institutionalisation in the midst of secularized societies. Christianity, actually, in Western societies is more and more receding to the countryside, whereas Islam is manifesting itself as an urban phenomenon: Muslims as well as their mosques are concentrated in the towns and the symbolic attributes of Islamic faith and culture are becoming more and more conspicuous in this urban environment. A s a consequence, more than ever before Europe is becoming a space were Islamic, Christian, Jewish and secular traditions come together "to fight, support and fertilize each other"? When we would accept the thesis of Huntington, this would mean that the "battle line" between the West and Islam is no longer located between the continents or between different parts of the European continent, but is actually

' T . Gerholm & Y.G. Lithraan, The New Islamic Presence in Western Europe (1988), "Introduction." p. 2: "One could make a case for speaking of European civilisalion as the Jewish-Christian-Muslim civilisation ". 2 Even its future survival seems at stake: after Bosnia, Kosovo is presently the next "stop" in the anti-Muslim "cleansing" process. See the contributions on Eastern Europe in: G. Nonneman, T. Niblock & B. Szajkowski (edt.), Muslim Communities in the New Europe (1996). •'See P.S. van Koningsveld, "Islam in Europe", in: OEMIW, vol. II, p. 290. ^Gerholm & Lithman, op. cit., p. 1.

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running through our very towns and societies in Western Europe itself. Are we heading then, after a phase of international "clashes" (Iran, the Gulf War), for a kind of "civil war" in Western society itself? Moreover, are the "Muslims" in our societies, i.e. the Turks, the Moroccans and the others, naturalized or not, correctly imagined, as right-wing extremist parties would have it, as "the enemies from within"? And are they, thus, eventually to be driven out again just as the Moriscos in Spain were, at the beginning of the 17th century? 1 There is no denying that there are indeed signs that would superficially seem to confirm such a bellicose reading e.g., the riots and confrontations between Muslim youngsters and the police, which on a more or less regular base break out in our towns. Just a few days ago, 2 for example, this was the case in the (small) Flemish town of Lokeren; it made the Catholic Mayor of Lokeren declare a regime of "zero tolerance." Or, taking a still more conspicuous example: the "iron wall" that was built in Anderlecht (Brussels), dividing (i.e. protecting) the "white" part of the town f r o m its poorer, "muslim" part (the so-called Kuregem district). Already, a new racism is legitimizing this progressive polarization between the so-called autochtonous population and the so-called immigrants, 3 not only in Belgium but in other European countries as well. This new racism, which is actually accompanying the construction of the European unity, can be identified as anti-Muslimism.4 While it is being constructed along the self-same lines as anti-Semitism was in the Thirties, 5 this new European racism is based on the ethnicisation of cultural, i.e. religious differences between "Europeans" and "Muslims". It operates by identifying "Turk" and "Muslim", "Moroccan" and "Muslim", and generally "immigrant" and "Muslim". As Fred Halliday formulates it, 6 "it involves not so much hostility to ¡slam as a religion (...) but hostility to Muslims, to communities of peoples whose sole or main religion is Islam and whose Islamic character, real or invented, forms one of the objects of prejudice." Feeding on this anti-Muslimism and fuelling it at the same time, right-wing extremist parlies are exploiting the situation in Belgium as well as in other countries of the E.U., in order to destabilize democracy 7 . ' F o r this "expulsion model," as a typical European "logic of racism," européen ou la fabrication du "sous-blanc" (1998), p. 182. 2 M y contribution was written in the second half of June 1998. 3

see A. Rea, Le

racisme

Actually, most of these youngsters were born here, as second or third generation immigrants

e term " a n t i - M u s l i m i s m " was introduced by Halliday (1996), p. 160, in order "to signify... a diffuse ideology, one rarely expressed in purely religious terms, but usually mixed in with other rhetorics and ideologies... " 5

S e e Marc Swyngedouw, IM construction 107-130.

du "péril immigré"

en Flandre

1930-1980(1998)

DD

^Halliday, I.e. 7 T h e strength of racist feelings in many countries of the E.U. was openly displayed with the opinion poll that was organized by the European Commission, at the closing of the "European Year against Racism", see: Racism and Xenophobia, Eurobarometer Opinion Poll, nr. 47.1, presented in Luxemburg, 18-19 December 1997. T h e Belgians, on most of the questions, scored the highest figures: all in all, 55% of the questioned Belgians recognized being "racist" (48% in France, 4 2 % in Austria). For an analysis of the figures, see the contribution of A n d r e a Rea (1998b).

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Nevertheless, there are also more positive signs that could point into another direction, viz. that of a democratic society willing to really assume its cultural and ethnic pluralism. This implies of course that there be put an end to all discrimination against Muslims, and also that Muslim inhabitants, especially youngsters, get the chance to contribute to the social developments of their country. 2. The number of Muslim inhabitants in Belgium - i.e. of people either having an immigrant Muslim background and/or considering themselves Muslim (converts included) - is growing fast. Of course, actual figures arc necessarily inaccurate, for (a) the criterion of nationality is becoming less and less relevant as people originating f r o m Muslim countries progressively acquire Belgian nationality; and (b) the definition of Muslim identity has inevitably many nuances, going f r o m strictly practising believers to laics and agnostics. 1 In the early nineties, the total number of people in Belgium with a Muslim cultural background was estimated at 285.000 2 - i.e., more than 2.5% of the total population. At this m o m e n t , the number is going beyond the 350,000. Approximately a third of the total n u m b e r is of Turkish origin. Roughly 50% of this Turkish population is living in Flanders, 2 5 % is living in Brussels and another 25% in Wallony. C o n c u r r e n t l y with this d e m o g r a p h i c g r o w t h , there has been a proliferation of mosques and Islamic prayer-halls. Most of them have been founded on mono-ethnical, i.e. national, and mono-denominational grounds, and almost all of them are expressive of a "masculine IslamIn these final years of the 20th century, Belgium c o u n t s s o m e 2 4 0 places of Islamic worship: slightly more than a third of them, i.e., 81, are "Turkish." Of the Turkish mosques more than two thirds are presided over, or at least controlled by the Directorate of Religious Affairs of the Turkish government (Diyanet tgleri Ba§kanligi), while some 25 of them are controlled by the so-called fundamentalist Milli Gorii$. Taken together with the Arabic mosques (the larger number of which is of Moroccan affiliation), all this has resulted in an infrastructure of Belgian mosques "with a density that is almost comparable with that of the countries of origin."4

' F o r a typology into four categories, see Shadid, W.A.R. & P.S. van Koningsveld, Religious Freedom and the Position of Islam in Western Europe (1995), p. 3. See also F.Dassetto & G. Nonneman, Islam in Belgium and the Netherlands: Towards a Typology of 'Transplanted' Islam (1996), pp. 187-217. Figures taken from Shadid & Van Koningsveld (1995), p. 3. 3 A.Bastenier, Islam in Belgium: Contradictions and Perspectives (1988), p. 136, w h o sees "a tendency for the masculinisation of the places of worship under the conditions of immigration". ^Bastenier, op. cil., p. 135.

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3. Whatever the precise figures may be, it is undeniable that Islam has b e c o m e "a widely embraced, collective reality in the midst of Belgian society."' Quantitatively, moreover, it represents the second largest religious d e n o m i n a t i o n of the c o u n t r y ; 2 or to put it otherwise: Islam is the largest minority religion in Belgium, far outnumbering Protestants, Jews, and others. T h e settlement of a large Muslim population in Belgium being an irreversible social phenomenon, the major question that had (and has) to be faced by a society that considers itself to be democratic and pluralist, is the one concerning the social place and space on the cultural scene that one is willing to concede to these cultural and ethnic minorities. Will one actually allow these new segments of o n e ' s population to maintain - be it in interaction with their European secular environment - their collective

cultural and religious

identity? At last, this would be in accordance with the basic human rights that are upheld by the Belgian Constitution and by the international treaties that Belgium has signed. Or will one demand, out of irrational fear for the future survival of the secular state (if not of "the West"), that Muslims accept a kind of privatisation or secularisation of Islam - something that, for the great majority of them at least, would be t a n t a m o u n t to d e m a n d i n g that they abandon their religion? 3 Clearly, the fact that Turkey constitutionally presents itself as a secular state, is of little practical relevance to Turkish people living in Belgium, the great mass of them having emigrated from the rural regions of Turkey. 4. There is no denying that, f r o m the perspective of basic human rights, the Belgian state made a good start when in 1974 (19th July) - i.e. almost a quarter of a century ago, already - it passed a law granting Islamic worship the same status as that accorded to religions historically established in the country: Catholicism, 4 Protestantism and Judaism. 5 The immediate and most spectacular effect of this official recognition was the introduction (since 1975-76) of the teaching of Islam in public schools, on the same basis as the other religions. At present, there are about 7 0 0 M u s l i m teachers giving Islamic instruction in both primary and secondary schools, their (modest)

'Bastenier, op. cil., p. 133. 2

T h e largest one, in principle at least, being Roman Catholicism: the official number of Belgian Catholics is 8 million, but these figures are fictitious, for they are based on the institutionally still privileged position of the Church (all Belgians counting "by birth" as Catholics). Bastenier, op. cit., p. 142. 4

B u t , as we already said, Catholicism, in the aftermath of the cleaning up of the effects of the French Revolution, was and still is allowed a special, privileged status, in comparison with all other denominations in Belgium. ^Since then, Orthodox Christianity and Humanism as well have been given the same status as the other "recognized" religions.

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salaries being paid by the Belgian state. 1 The persisting deficiencies in their pecuniary and professional status are imputed to the absence of a representative body for the whole Belgian Muslim community. This representative body is required by the law, and should at least f o r matters concerning the so-called temporalities function as an analogue of the "head of cult" of the Catholic community. The law of 1974 also allowed for financial provisions to be made for the costs of the infrastructure (the construction and maintenance of places of worship) and the "personnel" of the cult (e.g., the salaries and pensions of the Imams). The importance of these religious "engagements" by the Belgian state - which is officially a secular state based on the principle of separation between "church" and "state" - is measured when one considers that in this way the Belgian Catholic Church is annually receiving a total provision of no less than about 10 billion Belgian Francs. This sum is paid, of course, by the Belgian tax-payers - that is by non-Catholics, e.g., by Muslims, as well... As for Islamic worship, this kind of advantageous treatment, although provided for by the law of 1974, has still not yet been put into effect. So, for a quarter of a century, Muslim inhabitants have financially contributed to a system they themselves have been excluded from. T h e reason for this unhappy state of affairs is officially the same one as that for the deficiencies in the status of the Islamic teachers: viz. that it requires the identification of a Muslim authority, an issue which until this m o m e n t , f o r a lot of reasons, had remained unresolved. 5. T h i s f i n a n c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n

against

Belgian M u s l i m s

was

accompanied, all these years, by violations against the basic rights of religious freedom which in principle are guaranteed by the Belgian Constitution, e.g., the right to be buried according to your philosophical or religious faith. Generally, Muslims in Belgium as yet did not have the possibility of burying their beloved ones in the cemetery of their own place of residence. The same goes for religious rights at school, in prison, in hospital- e.g., the right to eat food that is prepared according to your religious prescriptions; the right of safeguarding yourself against violations of your physical integrity - e.g. by wearing a head-scarf and modest dress; the right to celebrate your religious feasts, etc. These infringements must be taken together with the usually negative coverage of Islam by the press and the other media; the regular conflicts in schools (e.g. around the scarf - "the war of the veils," as it was called in France); the systematic stigmatizing of Islamic values and symbols as being obstacles for a smoothly integration of Muslim immigrants; and, of

' O r , being more precise: by the c o m m u n i t i e s (the Flemish, the W a l l o o n and the G e r m a n ) m a k i n g up the Belgian federal state. O n e should notice, though, that public education, in Belgium, reaches only about 25% of the total school population - almost all the rest having been appropriated by so-called "free", i.e. catholic institutions (which are paid by the state as well).

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coursc, the many forms of "daily racism" being perpetrated by officials, for example by members of the police force, etc. Put together, all these facts contribute to make the relationship between the majority and the Muslim minority a disturbed one. It goes without saying that this situation puts a heavy pressure on the peaceful coexistence between the different communities, and, as a consequence, on the democratic and pluralist future of Belgian society as well. A few months ago, actually, a report was published presenting the results of a research project conducted at the German university of Bielefeld. It concerns the attitudes among German youths of Turkish origin between 15 and 21 years of age. The results are alarming. These youngsters, according to the director of the project, Prof. Dr. Wilhelm Heitmeyer, are becoming more and more "fundamentalist," i.e. they are more and more prone to use violence on religious grounds, because they are experiencing difficulties while trying to integrate into society. The reason, though, for the disturbing findings is not religion, i.e. Islam. It is rather European society itself which, according to Prof. Heitmeyer, is thwarting that process of integration. Not only Turkish youngsters in Germany, indeed, are confronted with this problem, but Muslim immigrants in all the countries of Europe. These youngsters should be full members of our society, but in reality they are constantly feeling expelled and rejected. 1 It should be clear by now that the refusal of Western secular society to allow immigrants from Muslim countries, especially the youngsters of the second and third generation, to express their Muslim identity - e.g., by refusing Muslim girls and young women the right to wear a head-scarf at school -, is one of the reasons why the relationship between non-Muslim majority and Muslim minority is worsening.

Epilogue Luckily, there are also signs of a more positive attitude. The Belgian government, for one, has recently accepted a proposal for the organisation of elections for a representative council of the Belgian Muslim communities. Once put into place at the end of 1998, this council - i.e., the new "Executive of the Muslims of Belgium" - will offer at least the perspective that the institutional (and financial) situation of Belgian Islam one day will be finally regularized. Also most recently, a new law has been accepted on burial places.

' F o r a survey of the situation of Muslims in the countries of the E.U., see also the contributions in W.A.R. Shadid and P.S. van Koningsveld ( 1 9 % ) .

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M u s l i m sections in local c e m e t e r i e s (till n o w a l m o s t inexistent) will b e c o m e a real possibility f r o m n o w on. Still, equality of t r e a t m e n t at the institutional level, if e v e r realized, does not s u f f i c e to e n a b l e Islam to d e v e l o p its spiritual and social potential within a secularized society - in the first place, but not e x c l u s i v e l y , f o r the benefit of the youngsters of the second and third generation. T h e r e f o r e , it will n o t be e n o u g h

to r e d u c e a n t i - M u s l i m i s m

and racism to a

marginal

p h e n o m e n o n . Besides taking the necessary social measures (in o r d e r to reduce e.g. t h e high u n e m p l o y m e n t f i g u r e s a m o n g the i m m i g r a n t p o p u l a t i o n ) , an e f f i c i e n t anti-racist policy requires the introduction of a w h o l e set of m e a s u r e s in the cultural d o m a i n as well: e.g., in the media, but most of all in education. For instance, in the s e c o n d a r y schools (Use), A r a b i c and T u r k i s h should be introduced as optional l a n g u a g e s for all pupils; the history and culture of the Mediterranean countries of origin and the history of i m m i g r a t i o n s in B e l g i u m and E u r o p e should r e c e i \ e a place in o u r s c h o o l s ' curricula; a c o m p a r a t i v e history of religions should be o f f e r e d , etc., etc. T h e final goal should be the "interculturalisation" of Belgian society at large. At the level of intellectual culture, an i m p o r t a n t c o n d i t i o n f o r really " e m b e d d i n g " Islam in W e s t e r n society is that a p r o g r a m of I s l a m i c studies should be introduced at university level. At this m o m e n t m o r e than 3 5 0 . 0 0 0 M u s l i m s (or p e o p l e with a M u s l i m b a c k g r o u n d ) live in B e l g i u m and their n u m b e r is growing. If the y o u n g e r generations are not provided with an up-todate k n o w l e d g e of their religion and of their cultural heritage, they will lack the intellectual tools required to create a place of their o w n in Western society. F o r m a n y d e c a d e s , now , the process of M u s l i m integration in o u r s e c u l a r societies has been going on. M u s l i m y o u n g s t e r s should get the c h a n c e to contribute to social d e v e l o p m e n t s in a c o n t e x t w h e r e their Islamic identity is r e s p e c t e d . T h i s m e a n s taking u p their social responsibilities as f u l l - f l e d g e d Muslim

citizens

in a society which is theirs as well.

Islam is a universal as well as a E u r o p e a n religious tradition. F o r the sake of M u s l i m s , but also for that of E u r o p e a n society in general, its study s h o u l d b e f r e e d f r o m the h i s t o r i c i s t and c o l o n i a l s h a c k l e s of a c a d e m i c O r i e n t a l i s m . T h e e d u c a t i o n and training of alims,

or M u s l i m s c h o l a r s , as

experts on the Q u r ' a n , the hadith and other sources of Islam will enable Islam to d e v e l o p c o n c e p t s of r e s p o n s i b l e c i t i z e n s h i p on t h e b a s i s of

ijtihad,

e s p e c i a l l y if this t r a i n i n g a l s o a i m s at a t h o r o u g h u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e p r e v a i l i n g social c i r c u m s t a n c e s in E u r o p e . E u r o p e a n M u s l i m s , it should be said, whatever their ethnic affiliation, are actually playing an a c t i v e role in this

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process of cultural and social interaction, by creating - or co-operating to create - new a c a d e m i c institutions. 1 Within the space of an a c a d e m i c d e p a r t m e n t and on the basis of an allround c u r r i c u l u m ( w h i c h includes training in the relevant cultural and social sciences) M u s l i m scholars will be e q u i p p e d with the specific k n o w l e d g e and skills required to deal a d e q u a t e l y with the c o n c e r n s of M u s l i m s living in E u r o p e a n societies. A s f o r their strictly religious

training a n d r e c o g n i t i o n ,

M u s l i m graduates will of c o u r s e turn to their o w n religious c o m m u n i t y (as is the case for their Catholic, Protestant, H u m a n i s t and other colleagues). On a basis of equality with graduates of other creeds and world views, M u s l i m a c a d e m i c graduates, men and w o m e n , will be able to pursue a public career of i m a m , teacher, spiritual councillor, etc. provided as they will be with s p e c i f i c skills and expertise, they will take care of their c o - b e l i e v e r s and of o t h e r f e l l o w - c i t i z e n s : the elder, the sick, the y o u n g e r , etc. T h u s , they will contribute positively and decisively to the realisation of a better integrated and more h a r m o n i o u s European society.

References Bastenier, Albert (1988), "Islam in Belgium: Contradictions and Perspectives," in: Gerholm & Lithman, pp. 133-143. Ballard, Roger (1996), "Islam and the Construction of Europe," in: Shadid & Van Koningsveld (1996), pp. 15-51. Beedham, Brian(1994), "A Survey of Islam. Not again, for heaven's sake!" in: The Economist

(Surveys), August 6th 1994.

Bernai, Martin (1991), Black Civilisation,

Athena.

The Afro-asiatic

vol. 1: The Fabrication

of Ancient

Roots

of

Classical

Greece,

1785-1985.

London. Daniel, Norman (1992), Islam and the West. The Making of an Image. Oxford. Dassetto, F. & G.Nonneman (1996), "Islam in Belgium and the Netherlands: Towards a Typology of 'Transplanted' Islam," in: Nonneman, Niblock & Szajkowski, pp. 187-217. El Jabri, Mohamed Abed (1997), Choc des civilisations ou conflit d'intérêts?, in: M.Dureûas (éd.), Xoc de civilitzacions

(Barcelona), pp. 324-331.

Gerholm, T., & Y.G. Lithman, edd. (1988), The New Islamic Presence

in Western

Europe. London.

Examples of this are: the Universidad Islámica Internacional Averroes de al al-Andalus (in Cordoba); the recent creation of the Islamic University of Rotterdam, in the Netherlands-, the creation of a Centre for Islam in Europe, at the University of Ghent (Belgium), which is staffed by Muslims and non-Muslims.

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Halliday, Fred (1996), Islam in the Middle

East.

D H

and the Myth

L E Y

of Confrontation.

Religion

and

Politics

I .ondon.

H o u r a n i , A l b e r t (1992), Islam

in European

Thought.

Cambridge.

H u n t i n g t o n , Samuel P. ( 1 9 9 3 ) , " T h e C l a s h of C i v i l i s a t i o n s ? " , in: Foreign summer Koningsveld,

Affairs,

1993. P.

Sjoerd

Encyclopedia

van

(1995),

of the Modern

"Islam

Islamic

in

Europe",

in: The

Oxford

World (ed. J.L. E s p o s i t o , N e w Y o r k &

O x f o r d 1995), vol. II, pp. 2 9 0 - 2 9 6 . M e r a d , Ali (1992), L ' I s l a m c o n t e m p o r a i n . Que sais-je?,

Paris.

N o n n e m a n , G . & T. N i b l o c k & B. S z a j k o w s k i , e d d . ( 1 9 9 6 ) , Muslim in the New Europe.

P o l i a k o v , L. ( 1 9 7 4 ) , The Aryan Europe,

Communities

Reading. Myth:

a history

of racist

and nationalist

ideas

in

London.

Rea, A n d r e a , ed. ( 1 9 9 8 a ) . I m m i g r a t i o n et R a c i s m e en Hurope. T e x t e s d e L a u r a Balbo, Didier Bigo, Jean Cornil, T o m a s H a m m a r , Cathie Lloyd, Räthzel,

Andrea

(Interventions),

Rea,

Marc

Swyngedouw,

Michel

Nora

Wieviorka.

Brussels.

R e a , A. ( 1 9 9 8 b ) , Le r a c i s m e e u r o p é e n ou la f a b r i c a t i o n du " s o u s - b l a n c " , in: R e a ( 1 9 9 8 a ) , pp.

167-201.

R o d i n s o n , M a x i m e ( 1 9 7 4 2 ) . " The W e s t e r n I m a g e and W e s t e r n S t u d i e s of I s l a m , " in: .I.Schacht & C . L . B o s w o r t h (edt.), The Legacy

of Islam

( O x f o r d ) , pp. 9 -

62. Said, E d w a r d W . ( 1 9 9 1 ) , Orientalism.

Western

Conceptions

of the Orient.

Penguin

Books. S h a d l d , W . A . R . & P.S. van K o n i n g s v e l d Position Acquisition

of Islam

in Western

of Equal

Rights.

( 1 9 9 5 ) , Religious

Europe.

Opportunities

Freedom and

Responses

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the the

Kampen.

S h a d i d , W . A . R . & P.S. van K o n i n g s v e l d , e d s . ( 1 9 9 6 ) , Muslims Political

and

Obstacles

to the Presence

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Europe.

Margins. Kampen.

S w y n g e d o u w , Marc, La conslruction du "péril i m m i g r é " en F l a n d r e 1 9 3 0 - 1 9 8 0 , in: R e a ( 1 9 9 8 a ) , pp.

107-130.

Sehnaz Tahir - Emel Tiirker Dept. of T r a n s l a t i o n and Interpreting, Bogaziçi University, T u r k e y Dept. of C o m m u n i c a t i o n , University of O s l o , N o r w a y .

"THE MAN FROM EAST-WEST" Reviews of Turkish Literature and Turkey's Image in Norway in the 1990s

This paper studies the reception of three Turkish novels in Norwegian translation as reflected through reviews and interviews published in Norwegian national and local dailies and magazines. It will discuss the image of Turkey and the Turk conveyed by these articles and will attempt to reveal a possible general pattern. T h e novels chosen for the present study are Orhan Pamuk's The White Castle - Beyaz Kale (Det Hvite Slottet translated by Trude Falch, published in N o r w a y in 1991), The Black Book-Kara Kitap (Svart Bok, translated by Bernt Brendemoen, published in Norway in 1994) and A h m e t A l t a n ' s The Private History of Solitude -Yalnizhgin Ozel Tarihi (Ensomhetens Private Historie, translated by Ayfer Erbaydar and Alf Storrud, published in Norway in 1996). Surely the image arising from these articles is not representative of the ideas and the feelings of the whole of the Norwegian population, but since the Norwegian public is known for its keenness on reading, it can be argued that s o m e part of t h e i r i m a g e of T u r k e y and the T u r k s is f o r m e d / reinforced/modified through the material they read. A brief look at the reviews and interviews carried out with Altan and Pamuk already gives us hints as to how Turkey is viewed by the literary and journalistic circles in Norway. There are two themes that can be pursued through these articles. One of these is the historical theme which presents readers a rough historical background of T u r k e y ' s o n g o i n g attempts at integrating with the West, depicting a story which starts in the pre-republican era and involves issues such as secularisation and modernisation. Through these reviews and interviews a specific image of Turkey emerges. Although quite consistent, this is not a uni-dimensional image. Rather it focuses on Turkey's in-between position and its century-old journey f r o m East to West. Turkey is often presented as an Oriental Moslem country and is taken as the antithesis of the West. Yet the reviews and interviews also mention an "identity crisis" that places Turkey at the cross-roads of the West

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T (J R K H R

and the Orient (thus the title of this study), bringing forth its attempts at defining a hybrid yet unique national identity. Another theme which appears in certain papers and magazines is the political

theme, which portrays Turkey as an anti-democratic country which

routinely violates human rights and which places a heavy emphasis on the Kurdish question. Needless to say, these themes often exist side by side in the material studied; some of the pieces present us with both of the themes as will be shown below. These themes are created not only by the journalists, but also by the two Turkish authors who are interviewed for the Norwegian press. What the reader has is a blend of pre-existing issues and convictions the Norwegian journalists bring with them to the interview with new ideas voiced by the Turkish authors. At times, the authors confirm and reinforce the existing views, while at other times they are able to give new direction to the interviews with their statements adding different dimensions to the themes mentioned above. T h e questions asked during the interviews point at the interaction between the domestic Turkish agenda and the Norwegian agenda on Turkey. The Kurdish question,

modernisation

as well

as threats

to

f u n d a m e n t a l i s m , i.e. popular questions a m o n g Norwegian journalists, are issues that are very m u c h under discussion in today's T u r k e y .

While

journalists ask these questions they especially welcome Pamuk's digressions and are willing to f o l i o « the new paths the author leads them, even if these force them to step into new terrain. For the purposes of this project, thirty-nine reviews and f i f t e e n interviews were studied. The material w a s mainly obtained through the publishers of the three novels and include all written material that appeared in the Norwegian press on these novels at the time this study was prepared. All sources are in Norwegian and the English translations are by the authors of the present study.

Approaches to "Image" Since this study is on the "image" of Turkey and the Turk, it is fitting to start with a definition of what "image" is, or rather what it is taken to mean in this paper. Although a term used widely in our daily discourse, "image" is not a concept that can easily be defined. S o m e detailed studies on the topic prefer to j u m p right into their argument without giving an exact explanation of what they mean by "image". For instance, two books on the image of the T u r k that have recently come out in T u r k e y do not feature any definition (Spohn 1996; Millas 1998). What is c o m m o n to them is the fact that they see

" T H H MAN

FRO M

HAST-WEST

69

the f o r m a t i o n of the i m a g e of the "other" within a n e g a t i v e c o n t e x t .

The

i m a g e itself need not a l w a y s be n e g a t i v e , but the c o n t e x t that is a s s o c i a t e d with the "other" (the T u r k ) is usually a p a i n f u l and v i o l e n t o n e ( S p o h n 1996:144; Millas 1998:69). J o h a n S o e n c n s u g g e s t s that the field of s t u d y n a m e d

"imagology"

originates f r o m a negative view of countries and nations o t h e r than one's o w n . He d e f i n e s "imago" as "the popular but mostly one-sided or incomplete notion a person has of other nations, countries, cultures" (Soenen 1997:126). Yiiksel K o c a d o r u a d d s a d i f f e r e n t d i m e n s i o n to this perspective and e m p h a s i s e s the deliberate aspect of image creation. He writes, imaj kimya laboratuvarinda yapilan deneyler gibi ii/.erinde 9 a h j i l a n , ijlenen ve yapay olarak ortaya 9ikartilan bir olgudur. Olugturulan bu imaj (ki her§ey ve herkes hakkinda olumlu veya olumsuz imaj olu§turulabilir) daha sonra imaji olugturanlar tarafmdan ózellikle basin-yayin, "bilim " ve sanat yollanyla geni§ kitlelere aktanhr, onlara uzun vadede kabul ettirilir ve bundan uzun vadede (jikar elde edilir (Kocadoru in Óztürk 1997:10). Image is a phenomenon that is worked on, processed and artificially formed just like an experiment in a chemical laboratory. The creators of the image (and it is possible to create positive or negative images about anything and anyone) then disseminate it to a large mass through especially the media, "science " and art, achieve acceptance in the long run and have their interest served (Kocadoru in Óztürk 1997:10). It w o u l d be naive to suggest that i m a g e s are not m a n - m a d e , yet seeing image-creation as a fully deliberate and artificial e f f o r t equally falls short of capturing certain aspects of this interesting p h e n o m e n o n . In m a n y cases it is d i f f i c u l t to talk a b o u t a direct i m a g e / i n t e r e s t relationship. I m a g e s that may have been f o r m e d d e l i b e r a t e l y in t h e past m a y b e c o m e q u i t e i n d e p e n d e n t creatures t h r o u g h time. T h e idea of intentionality is important and helps us not t.o lose track of t h e o r i g i n s of s p e c i f i c i m a g e s , yet at the s a m e time it i n t r o d u c e s a static v i e w . O n c e c r e a t e d , i m a g e s start c i r c u l a t i n g and a r e r e p r o d u c e d in f o l k tales, w o r k s of art and n o w a d a y s t h e m e d i a . Y e t this reproduction entails resistance and v a r i a t i o n s rather than resulting in e x a c t replicas of the original i m a g e . T h i s is w h a t m a k e s i m a g e s s u c h c o m p l e x p h e n o m e n a and f r e e s t h e m f r o m r e m a i n i n g uni-dimensional and one-sided. Studies on the i m a g e of the T u r k p r o v e that this i m a g e is not a static one. In his b o o k on the i m a g e of the T u r k in Ilias V e n e z i s ' w o r k s , H e r k ü l M i l l a s s h o w s h o w this i m a g e displays a dual character. In s o m e of Venezis' w o r k s T u r k s are positive (and even m o r e positive than Greek) personalities, on the other hand, his view of the Turks in a historical perspective is rather negative: Turks have caused great suffering and pain for Greeks. He ends up creating two "others," a current

a n d positive o n e as o p p o s e d to a historical a n d negative

one (Millas 1998:68-70). Spohn looks at the historical i m a g e of the T u r k in

§ HHNAZ

70

f AHIR

E MEL

T II R K E R

Germany and comes up with two different perspectives. One is the image of the violent Turk to be feared and fought against, while the other is the image of the Oriental and exotic l urk (Spohn 1996:141-145). In fact, the images of the "other" that circulate in a specific country probably tell more about that country's self-image than any real characteristic of the "other." Ann Helene B. Skjelbred writes, "The classification of another ethnic group can be seen as structural opposition to a classification of one's own where the characterization of the self and the own group seems to be a silent assumption" (Skjelbred 1990: 67). This is something that needs to be borne in mind in all image studies. In the reviews and interviews we have studied, it is impossible to talk about a single, one-sided image of the Turk. A s the upcoming sections will demonstrate, images of the Turk and Turkey travel between the East and the West, between s h o w i n g T u r k e y as a c o n f u s e d child of m o d e r n i s m and westernisation to presenting it as a regular violator of human rights. So the kinds of images that we will be talking about are in no way "one-sided.'" Yet they are in any case "incomplete," since w h o can really make a claim for completeness in any representation? Historically, Norwegians have had a certain image of the Turk, which w a s rather negative. Ann Helene B. S k j e l b r e d gives an a c c o u n t of this historical image as it appears through Norwegian folk narratives (Skjelbred 1990). In 19th-century popular narratives, Turks were called "Turks with a snout," since it was believed that T u r k s had mouths like the pig's snout. Narratives further attribute cannibalism to Turks and Turks appear as figures feared for their cruelty. This image has inevitably been transformed today, considering that many Norwegians have daily contact with some of the ten thousand Turks living in the country. A s is the case in most of Western Europe, many of the Turks in Norway work in low-skill jobs and hold a lower s o c i o - e c o n o m i c position. Coupled with news of political instability and human rights violations in Turkey, this has probably led to the formation of a new image of the Turk, perhaps less fearful this time. This study will look at the kind of image that emerges through reviews of Turkish literature from the 1990s and will hopefully play a role in setting one of the pieces of the image-puzzle in place. First let us take a look at the kind of image of the authors that these reviews and interviews create.

On Pamuk and Altan Turkish literature is not much known in Norway and Ya§ar Kemal is the first name that is associated with Turkish literature. Many journalists and

" T H H MAN

K R C) M

EAST-WFS T

71

critics writing about Pamuk and Allan mention Kemal in their introduction and take him to be the representative of the Turkish social realist novel against w h i c h they place Orhan

Pamuk as a "postmodernist"

introduction to his review of The Black

Book,

writer.

In the

Jan Askelund writes about

Orhan Pamuk, Han var eit brot med den tyrkiske landsbyromanen og den politisk orienterte litteraturen (Kemal), og har avf0dd mengder av essays og kommentarer i heimlandet (Askelund in Stavanger Aftenblad, 9.4.1994). He was a break from the Turkish rural novel and political literature (Kemal) and has given rise to many essays and reviews in his homeland (Askelund in Stavanger Aftenblad, 9.4.1994). Again on The Black Book John Stanghelle writes, Denne hyllesten til historien (...) er et sa fargesterkt fascinerende brudd med landsbyromantradisjonen at det ikke er rart at forfatteren er blitt utskjelt som postmodernist etter denne totalromanen (Stanghelle in Vart Land, 10.3.1994). This acclaimed story (...) is such a colourfully fascinating break with the rural novel tradition that it is not strange that the author has been called a postmodernist after this novel (Stanghelle in Vart Land, 10.3.1994). In fact, Orhan Pamuk's authorship is tackled in a much more detailed way than Ahmet Altan's in these reviews and interviews. This may have to do with the fact that The Black

Book contains a long afterword by the translator

focusing on the literary and cultural background of the novel. The information given about Altan's person and authorship is limited to the facts that he is Cetin Altan's son, has worked as an editor and a journalist and has been persecuted for his works (Lundemo in Adresseavisen, Aftenposten Morgenbladet,

2 4 . 7 . 1 9 9 6 ; Horgar in Adresseavisen, 19.7.1996; Myrbakk in Rana Blad,

28.11.1996; Ottesen in 5 . 9 . 1 9 9 6 ; G o d 0 in 27.8.1996).

While A h m e t Altan is confined within the political sphere, Orhan Pamuk is presented (and presents himself) as a milestone in Turkish literature, both in terms of style and content. In reviews of especially The Black Book, it appears as though the development of the Turkish novel consists of two stages: Pre-Orhan Pamuk (Ya§ar Kemal) and Orhan Pamuk. In his review of The Black Book Knut I. R0dst0i writes: "Svart Bok" forarsaket stor oppstandelse da den kom ut i Tyrkia i 1990, og representerer if0lge forlaget et vannskille i tyrkisk litteratur. Orhan Pamuk ble den som tok skrittet ut i den farlige, "postmoderne" verden, som v e s t l i g e f o r f a t t e r e har b e s u n g e t siden 6 0 - a r e n e (R0dst0l in Fcedrelandsvennen, 26.9.1994). Black Book caused great excitement when it came out in Turkey in 1990 and according to the publishers, represents a break in Turkish literature. Orhan Pamuk was the one who stepped into the dangerous "postmodern" world which Western authors have glorified since the 60s (R0dst0l in Fcedrelandsvennen, 26.9.1994).

S I II \

72

\ /

Orhan Pamuk Dagbladet he says,

T A H i R

H M K L T (l R K H R

r e i n f o r c e s this c o n v i c t i o n

in his i n t e r v i e w s .

To

Romanen er et merkverdig, vestlig fenomen som er ganske nytt i tyrkiske sammenheng. Tyrkiske I'orfatterc har fors0kt i rundt 150 ar a mestre romanformen. Stort sett har de laget sosialrealisme, landsbyfortellinger, historier om den vanligc mann. Jeg er til sammenlikning mer urban, intellektuell og mer vanskelig a sette i has (Wandrup in Dagbladet, 9.3.1994). 1'he novel is an odd and western phenomenon which is rather new in the Turkish context. Turkish authors have tried to master the novel form for around 150 years. In general, they have created social realism, village stories, stories on the ordinary man. In comparison, I am more urban, intellectual and more difficult to categorise (Wandrup in Dagbladet, 9.3.1994). S o m e r e v i e w s and i n t e r v i e w s i n c l u d e s o m e historical

background

i n f o r m a t i o n on T u r k e y h e l p i n g to p l a c e it within a certain socio-political c o n t e x t . S u c h i n f o r m a t i o n o f f e r s us c l u e s as to h o w the j o u r n a l i s t s v i e w T u r k e y . T h e f o l l o w i n g section will present h o w the T u r k i s h history reflects through the reviewers' descriptions of the novels and the general information given by the reviewers and the authors.

On Turkish

History

O b v i o u s l y , the t h e m e s of the n o v e l s that are dealt with h e r e set t h e f r a m e w o r k f o r the historical information given in the reviews and interviews. H o w e v e r , at times, the re\ ¡ewers and the a u t h o r s step beyond this f r a m e w o r k and refer to the history of both the O t t o m a n E m p i r e and the T u r k i s h Republic in order to explain facts and build connections between them. Interestingly, the N o r w e g i a n journalists view the history of T u r k s as a w h o l e c h a p t e r w i t h o u t any breaks and present a historical continuity b e t w e e n the O t t o m a n E m p i r e and

the Turkish

Republic.

Here are s o m e

examples

illustrating

this

phenomenon. T h e time and setting given in O r h a n P a m u k ' s The White Castle

is 17th

or 18th C e n t u r y in T h e O t t o m a n E m p i r e , in Istanbul. A m o n g t h e f o u r t e e n reviews and interviews published in the N o r w e g i a n newspapers and j o u r n a l s on O r h a n P a m u k ' s The Ottoman

Empire"

Arbeiderbladet, Aftenposten,

White (Falch

Castle, in

only f o u r r e f e r to the setting as "The

Aftenposten,

0 7 . 1 0 . 1 9 9 1 ; A y d i n in Mosaikk,

23.10.1991;

Larsen

in

0 1 . 0 2 . 1 9 9 2 ; U t h a u g in

23.10.1991) and the o t h e r t w o refer to it as, "Istanbul at the end

of the 17th C e n t u r y " ( O b r e s t a d in Stavanger

Aftenblad,

0 9 . 1 0 . 1 9 9 1 ) or

" I s t a n b u l in t h e early t i m e s " ( S t e m l a n d in Aftenposten,

03.10.1991).

O n e of t h e m calls the setting as " C o n s t a n t i n o p l e " ( S t r a n d in Tidende,

Bergens

T HI:

MAN

FROM

HAS T - W H S T

73

8.11.1991). In seven reviews the time and setting are given as "Turkey in the 17th or 18th C e n t u r i e s . " F o r us T u r k s , it is i n t e r e s t i n g to o b s e r v e that N o r w e g i a n s r e f e r to T h e O t t o m a n H m p i r e as " T u r k e y " (e.g., in the 17th C e n t u r y ) , w h i c h turns out to be a c o m m o n w a y of referring to the O t t o m a n E m p i r e . Both in N o r w a y and in E u r o p e " T u r k e y " has been used as a term referring historically to the geographical area (especially Asia M i n o r ) w h e r e T u r k s live, also under the O t t o m a n Empire. 1 Orhan P a m u k ' s second book, which w a s translated f r o m T u r k i s h into N o r w e g i a n by B e r n t B r e n d e m o e n (the first translation of the book into any f o r e i g n l a n g u a g e ) w a s w a r m l y w e l c o m e d by the N o r w e g i a n press. M a n y r e v i e w s and i n t e r v i e w s w e r e p u b l i s h e d and s i n c e this w a s his s e c o n d book published in N o r w a y the press reacted enthusiastically. Even though the setting is again Istanbul the time is d i f f e r e n t f r o m The White Castle. In the reviews and interviews, it is given as "Istanbul of today" o r " E u r o p e a n side of Istanbul in the 80s". S o m e of the r e v i e w s also g i v e information a b o u t the history of the city of Istanbul which is, as presented in t h e s e articles, the main c h a r a c t e r of the book. In Nationen reviewer Agnete 0 y e writes, Det dreier seg om en nostalgi, en lengsel etter det tapte, som Istanbul blir det handfaste symbolet pa. Byen er etterhvert blitt sa vestliggjort at innbyggerne slites mellom Vestenskommersialisering og lengselen etter det mystiske Istanbul: Konstantinopel og Bysants ( 0 y e in Nationen, 1 1.4.1994). It is about a nostalgia, longing for the lost one, as Istanbul becomes the concrete symbol for it. The city has become so Westernized that the inhabitants are worn out between the commercialism of the West and the longing for the mysterious Istanbul: Constantinople and Byzantium ( 0 y e in Nationen, 11.4.1994). Yet not all r e v i e w s stress continuity, s o m e touch upon the transition f r o m the e m p i r e to the republic. For instance Geir IJthaug writes, Romanens mest slaende bilde pa denne spindelvevovergrodde menneskedukkene i antall fyller hemmelige katakomber under symbol for sufi-ordenene som Ataturk Aftenposten, 09.3.1994).

glemte kultur er kanskje de tyrkiske drakter som i stort Istanbul, som ogsa kan v s r e forb0d i 1925 (Uthaug in

The novel's most striking picture of this forgotten culture is maybe the mannequins covered by spider web, wearing Turkish costumes who in large numbers fill the secret catacombs under Istanbul, which can also be a symbol for the Sufi-order which Ataturk prohibited in 1925 (Uthaug in Aftenposten, 09.3.1994).

' W e w o u l d like t o t h a n k B e r n t B r e n d e m o e n f o r c l a r i f y i n g this point.

74

§ HH N A Z

i A H i R

HMH L

W h i l e d e s c r i b i n g the p r e - r e p u b l i e a n

T 0

period

RKHR

in I s t a n b u l ,

Uthaug

c o m m e n t s on Atatiirk's social, religious and political r e f o r m s in T u r k e y . S u m m a r i z i n g the novel he writes, C c l a i s p o p u l a r i t e t s k y l d c s at han f o r m i d l e r det g e n u i n t t y r k i s k e og islamskc, den kulturen som r e f o r m a t o r e n Atatiirk kastet ut s a m m e n med sultanen og haremene ( l l t h a u g in Aftenposten, 09.3.1994). Cclal's popularity is due to the faet that he mediates between the genuine Turkish and Islamic, the culture that the reformer Atatiirk abolished together with the Sultan and the harem (Uthaug in Aftenposten, 09.3.1994).

T e r j e S t e m l a n d ' s interview with O r h a n P a m u k on The

White

Castle

also problematises this important episode in Turkish history I T y r k i a star en positivistisk-sekulcer tradisjon sterkt blant intellektuelle, uaktet f r e m v e k s t e n av islamsk f u n d a m e n t a l i s m e , som er de f a t t i g e og underprivilegertes oppr0r. Pamuk e r k j e n n e r seg til d e n n e tradisjon, s o m for0vrig var sentral under dannelsen av det moderne Tyrkia. M e n ogsa her er det et rom for tvisyn. I 1926 fikk man det som kalles hatt-revolusjonen. Det vestlige fikk sterk symbolkraft, og na var det pa tide a d r o p p e fezen som hodeplagg (Stcmland in Aftenposten, 03.10.1991). In T u r k e y there is a s t r o n g p o s i t i v i s t i c - s e c u l a r t r a d i t i o n a m o n g t h e intellectuals despite the growth of Islamic f u n d a m e n t a l i s m , which is on the rise a m o n g the poor and the u n d e r p r i v i l e g e d . P a m u k a c k n o w l e d g e s this tradition, which also existed during the establishment of m o d e r n T u r k e y . H o w e v e r , there is also place for duality here. In 1926 the so-called Hat R e v o l u t i o n w a s i n t r o d u c e d . Since w h a t w a s W e s t e r n attained s t r o n g symbolic power, it was time to get rid of the fez as headgear (Stemland in Aftenposten, 03.10.1991).

T h i s type of information given in the r e v i e w s and interviews is mostly a b o u t t h e r e f o r m s i n t r o d u c e d by Atatiirk in relation to c h a n g i n g the n e w Republic's orientation f r o m the East towards the West. T h e reviews and interviews p u b l i s h e d in the N o r w e g i a n press a b o u t A h m e t A l t a n ' s book The

Private

History

of Solitude,

on t h e o t h e r h a n d ,

mainly describe the storx and refer to T u r k i s h history in o r d e r to elaborate on the characters of the book and their life stories. S o m e of the information given in the r e v i e w s and interviews a b o u t the history of T u r k e y reflects a continuity between T u r k e y ' s past as an e m p i r e and its p r e s e n t as the T u r k i s h R e p u b l i c o r i e n t e d t o w a r d s W e s t e r n c u l t u r e and technology . T h e reason for this impression of continuity m a y be linked to the history of the T u r k i s h p e o p l e ; e v e n t h o u g h the r e g i m e a n d b o r d e r s h a v e c h a n g e d p e o p l e are the s a m e : they a r e T u r k s . Y e t in c a s e s w h e r e this impression of continuity is sacrificed f o r an a c c o u n t of the T u r k i s h r e f o r m s ,

THH

MAN

FROM

bAST-WHS T "

the i n f o r m a t i o n given s e r v e s to p r e s e n t a g r e a t e r p r o b l e m a t i c

75 regarding

T u r k e y ' s liminal position b e t w e e n the E a s t and the W e s t a n d its e n s u i n g identity crisis.

"Kipling was wrong. East is not East and West is not West." . . . t h e y a r e in e s s e n c e constructs, " says P a m u k to O s c a r H e m e r in an interview ( H e m e r in Samtiden

Nb. 4, 1996). A l r e a d y in 1991, w h e n he m a d e

his literary debut in N o r w a y with The White Castle,

P a m u k reacted against a

categorical East/West division and asked in one of his interviews, Hva er tyrkisk kultur? Den islamske? Den sentralasiatiske? Arven fra det pre-ottomanske riket, fra grekerne? Er den middelhavskultur eller asiatisk? Jeg tror ikke det finnnes noen "ren kultur" noe sted (Mosnes in Dagbladet, 3.10.1991). What is Turkish culture? The Islamic? The Central Asian? The heritage from the pre-Ottoman Empire times, from the Greeks? Is it Mediterranean or Asian? I don't believe there is "pure culture" anywhere (Mosnes in Dagbladet, 3.10.1991). Y e t w h i l e t a l k i n g a b o u t this b o o k , he h i m s e l f m a k e s a categorisation and places T u r k e y in the East. H e says to Aftenposten,

similar

0stlig filosofi bygger pa historier og allusjoner, vestlig pa begreper. I Vesten er ens identitet naermest noe hellig, en f0dselsgave. Denne hellighet ivaretas livet igjennom ved det du har gjort, utrettet. I 0sten er identiteten ikke sa enestaende. Den konstitueres f0rst og fremst gjennom hva du har unnlatt a gj0re, hvilkc ofre du har bragt, at du ikke har handlet som allc andre. Derfor er det vestlige begrepet "privatliv" noksa meningsl0st i 0stlig tekning (Stcmland in Aftenposten, 3.10.1991). Eastern philosophy is based on stories and allusions, Western philosophy is based on concepts. In the West one's identity is almost sacred, an inborn gift. You take care of this sacred thing your whole life through the things you do and perform. In the East identity is not so special. It is formed through things you have not done, through the sacrifices you make and through the fact that you have not acted like everyone else. Therefore, the Western concept of "private life" is somewhat meaningless in Eastern thinking (Stemland in Aftenposten, 3.10.1991). In another interview, he m a k e s the s a m e division: De veletablerte tyrkerne gj0r som dere i vest; lukker 0ynene for arbeiderklassen. Tyrkere har en tendens til a venne seg til a bli undertrykket (Strand in Bergens Tidende, 18.11.1991).

76

§ H H N A /.

T A H t R

EM EL

TU

RKER

T h e well-off Turks do just like you in the West; they close their eyes to the working class. The l urks have a tendency to get used to being oppressed (Strand in Bergens Tidende. 18.11.1991).

Later he tells Oscar Hemer that he comes from "the most westernised part of the most westernised town in the most westernised country in the Islamic world" (Hcmer in Samtiden Nb. 4, 1996). So although he attempts to fight the simplistic East/West categorisation, he cannot escape these very concepts he calls "constructs." Interestingly, another Turk, a Turkish resident in Norway, also makes the same division and comfortably places Turkey in the East in his review of The White Castle:. Vestens f r a m g a n g pa det vitenskapelig plan har imponert tyrkerne. De tok teknologien. Men mod teknologien k o m dens kultur. Det f 0 r t til en slags u n d e r l e g e n h e t hos 0 s t e n s f o l k o v e r f o r vesten. D e t er n o e som f o r t s a t t eksisterer, og det er nettopp det psykiske aspekt Orhan Pamuk er interessert a ta opp i sin bok "Det Hvite Slottet" (Aydin in Mosaikk, 1.2.1992). T h e progress of the West in the scientific field has impressed Turks. They took the technology. But with the technology c a m e its culture. It led to a kind of inferiority in Eastern peoples vis-a-vis the West. It is s o m e t h i n g that still exists and in the "The White Castle" Orhan P a m u k is interested in tackling this psychological aspect ( A y d i n in Mosaikk, 1.2.1992).

Among the articles, there is an interesting example of this perspective, this time not verbal but visual. In his review of The White Castle Per Bang refers to Carl Jung and presents an analysis of the novel not so much based on the East/West conflict, like many others do, but on the encounter between a man and his shadow, on an individual's search for his identity (Bang in Dagens Nceringsliv, 2.12.1991). Yet interestingly (and this may be a deed of the editor's rather than Bang's) this piece is complemented by a photograph from the Grand Bazaar: An elderly carpet seller looking into the camera in front of oriental carpets and an Ottoman fountain surrounded by the endless bustle of a bazaar. Ahmet Altan's The Private

History

of Solitude

is also seen under a

similar light by some of the reviewers: a story from a far-away and exotic culture. Bitte E0rland comments: G j e n n o m romanen "Hnsomhetens private historie" far en som leser ogsa et bilde av den tids l yrkia, det o s m a n s k e riket, med sin eksotiske kultur og tradisjoner, sa annerledes enn det vi k j e n n e r f r a var vestlige kulturkrets (F0rland in Agderposten, 29.7.1996). T h r o u g h the novel " I he private history of solitude," the reader gets picture of T u r k e y as well as the O t t o m a n E m p i r e , with its exotic culture and traditions, that is quite d i f f e r e n t f r o m w h a t w e k n o w in our w e s t e r n civilization (F0rland in Agderposten, 29.7.1996).

" T H H MAN

F R 0 M

H \ S I

WIS T

77

Similarly, an a n o n y m o u s reviewer writes, Ahmet Altan har skrevet en annerledes bok fra et annerledes land mod en annerledes atmosfiere og tenkemâte, men med et tema som angâr oss allé: ensomheten (in TD-Bladet, 07.1996). Ahmet Altan has written a different book from a different country with a different atmosphere and mentality, but with a topic which concerns all of us: solitude (in TD-Bladet, 07.1996). With its mystical a t m o s p h e r e , its a c c o u n t of a man's search for his wife through the Istanbul of the past, present and f u t u r e , Orhan P a m u k ' s The Book

Black

is o n e b o o k that m a k e s the E a s t / W e s t d i s c u s s i o n i n e v i t a b l e . In the

reviews and interviews, there arc t w o terms that are used rather f r e q u e n t l y and they r e v e a l

the a p p r o a c h

adopted

by t h e r e v i e w e r s

towards

Turkey:

"smeltedigel" ( m e l t i n g pot) and "gate" ( m y s t e r y ) . T h e first term r e p r e s e n t s T u r k e y as t h e m e e t i n g p o i n t of Hast a n d W e s t , w h e r e a s t h e s e c o n d o n e e m p h a s i s e s T u r k e y ' s "Oriental" and exotic f a ç a d e . T h e s e t w o terms are used in the titles of s o m e of the reviews: "Tyrkisk smeltedigel" (Turkish melting pot Avisa

Trondheim,

14.3.1994; Haugesunds

Avis,

4 . 3 . 1 9 9 4 ) , "Stor r o m a n f r a

gâtenes by" (Great novel f r o m the city of mysteries - Dagbladet,

19.3.1994),

"Pâ reise i t e g n e n e s tusen gâter" (Travelling a m o n g the t h o u s a n d mysteries of the signs, Aftenposten,

9.3.1994). T h e novel is received as an identity search

by a l m o s t all of the critics and m a n y take it as T u r k e y ' s search f o r a national identity. Y e t between the lines, T u r k e y is still presented as an exotic culture, a country with an Oriental identity. F o r instance, Liv Rilser interprets the novel as an attempt to find cultural roots, to establish a cultural identity on the part of T u r k e y , but can't help giving her review the exotic touch with the "spice" m e t a p h o r . She r e a d s The Black

Book

as a j o u r n e y into t h e u n k n o w n and

writes: Râd til den som begir seg ut pâ reisen: Vent deg ikke at ting er som er vant til, at fortellinger har en slutt, maten smaker som hjemme og folk er som naboen. Grin ikke pâ nesa av krydder du aldri har smakt f0r. Reis uten bagasje, lettskodd, men med âpent sinn. Da vil du fâ opplevelser du ikke har hatt maken til og inntrykk som setter seg fast i bevisstheten. Garantert (Rilser in Vdrt Land, 10.3.1994). Advice to those who will set out on the journey: Don't expect that things will be like you are used to, that stories have an end, food tastes like it does at home and people are like your neighbour. Do not look down on spices you have never tasted before. Travel without luggage, with light shoes but with an open mind. Then you will experience things you have never seen before and impressions that settle firmly in your consciousness. Guaranteed (Rilser in Vdrt Land, 10.3.1994).

78

§ E H N A Z

I A H 1R

E M E L

TU

RKER

The Identity of a Melting pot It is n o c o i n c i d e n c e t h a t m a n y r e v i e w s a n d i n t e r v i e w s

problematise

T u r k i s h i d e n t i t y . T h e t w o n o v e l s b y P a m u k a r e s e e n a s a t t e m p t s at c a p t u r i n g t h e c o m p o n e n t s of a T u r k i s h i d e n t i t y . H o w e v e r , t h e f a c t t h a t T u r k e y is s e e n a s a m e l t i n g p o t d o e s n o t m a k e it a c o u n t r y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a p o s i t i v e c u l t u r a l o r s o c i a l d i v e r s i t y . R a t h e r , T u r k e y is p r e s e n t e d a s a c o u n t r y t r o u b l e d by its s e a r c h f o r a n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y , n o t o n l y by N o r w e g i a n c r i t i c s b u t a l s o b y t h e a u t h o r h i m s e l f . H e r e is a n e x c e r p t f r o m a r e v i e w b y S v e i n I v e r s e n . T h e t i t l e of t h e r e v i e w is " T y r k i s k s m e l t e d i g e l " ( T u r k i s h m e l t i n g p o t ) : T y r k i a som er delt m e l l o m E u r o p a og A s i a , er g e o g r a f i s k det m e s t n s r l i g g e n d e m u s l i m s k e land. Et stort land s o m g j e r n e vil r e g n e s som vestlig samtidig som det er a r v t a g e r av Det o s m a n s k e rikets kultur og institusjoner (Iversen in Avisa Trondheim, 14.3.1994). T u r k e y , which is divided between E u r o p e and Asia is geographically the nearest M o s l e m c o u n t r y . It is a large country w h i c h w o u l d rather be considered Western while it is an heir to the Ottoman Empire's culture and institutions (Iversen in Avisa Trondheim, 14.3.1994). A n d l a t e r in the r e v i e w , I v e r s e n t o u c h e s u p o n t h e n e g a t i v e c o n s e q u e n c e s of t h i s " m e l t i n g p o t " q u a l i t y : Eller en kan velgc a tolke romanen som en fortelling om en person som 0 n s k e r a f i n n e sin egen identitet, og o v e r f 0 r e d e n n e s0ken til en n a s j o n s o m i dag mer enn gang splittes m e l l o m 0sl og vest m e d det k u r d i s k e problemet som et verkende sar (Ibid.). Or one can choose to interpret the novel as a story about a person w h o wishes to find his own identity and to transfer this search into a nation's search which todav more than ever is split between East and West with the Kurdish problem as an aching wound (Ibid.). I n d e e d , t h e s e a r c h f o r i d e n t i t y is s e e n in n e g a t i v e t e r m s in all t h e r e v i e w s a n d i n t e r v i e w s . S o m e call t h i s a n " i d e n t i t y c r i s i s , " o n e c r i t i c u s e s t h e t i t l e " i d e n t i t y o u t of b a l a n c e " f o r h i s r e v i e w of The Samhold,

White

Castle

( L u n d in

28.12.1991). A g n e t e 0 y e relates this identity p r o b l e m to the

d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of a s e n s e of b e l o n g i n g . In h e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , The Black

Book

creates continuity within chaos, a c o n t e x t within a disintegrated city: Det dreier seg om en nostalgi, en lengsel etter det tapte, som Istanbul blir det h a n d f a s t e s y m b o l e t pa. B y e n er etter hvert blitt sa v e s l i g g j o r t at i n n b y g g e r n e slites mellom V e s t e n s k o m m e r s i a l i s e r i n g og l e n g s e l e n etter de mystiske Istanbul: Konstantinopel og Bysants. Samtidig flettes T y r k i a s politiske virkelighet inn i f o r m av historier om unntakstilstander, angiveri og militsere reginu-r. Pa d e n n e m a t e n oppstar en v e k s l i n g m e l l o m nytt og gammelt som kretser rundt lengselen etter det som ikke er: det f o r g a n g n e

THH

MAN

F R O M

HA S T - W H S T "

79

Istanbul p a den ene siden, den v e s t l i g e H u r o p a pa d e n a n d r e . F o r f a t t e r e n s y n e s a ville si at d e n i d e n t i t e t s o p p l 0 s n i n g k a r a k t e r e n e o p p l e v e r , hviler pa en o p p l 0 s t t i l h 0 r i g h e t s f 0 l e l s e , en sa sterk lengsel etter a bli en a n n e n eller n o e a n n e t , at selvets k j e r n e blir borte ( 0 y e in Nationen, 11.4.1994). It is a b o u t a n o s t a l g i a , a l o n g i n g a f t e r the lost t h i n g s of w h i c h Istanbul b e c o m e s the t a n g i b l e symbol. T h e city has gradually b e c o m e so w e s t e r n i s e d that the citizens are split between the West's c o m m e r c i a l i s a t i o n and the l o n g i n g a f t e r the mystical Istanbul: C o n s t a n t i n o p l e and B y z a n t i u m . S i m u l t a n e o u s l y , T u r k e y ' s political f a c t s are w o r k e d in t h e f o r m of martial law, i n f o r m e r s a n d military g o v e r n m e n t s . T h i s w a y an e x c h a n g e b e t w e e n the n e w and the old takes p l a c e and this s u r r o u n d s the l o n g i n g a f t e r that w h i c h is not: on the o n e hand the b y g o n e Istanbul a n d on t h e o t h e r the W e s t e r n E u r o p e . T h e a u t h o r a p p e a r s t o say that the loss of identity the c h a r a c t e r s e x p e r i e n c e is b a s e d o n a d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of t h e s e n s e of b e l o n g i n g , on a l o n g i n g a f t e r b e c o m i n g s o m e b o d y or s o m e t h i n g else so strong that the self itself d i s a p p e a r s ( 0 y e in Nationen, 11.4.1994). In his i n t e r v i e w s , O r h a n P a m u k d o e s n o t like t o g o i n t o t h e i d e n t i t y question, or rather, he stresses that this question has g o n e stale f o r T u r k e y a n d that, t h e i s s u e n e e d s t o b e r e f o r m u l a t e d w i t h a f r e s h p e r s p e c t i v e .

In

his

interview with O s c a r H e m e r , P a m u k f o r m u l a t e s this as f o l l o w s : H v e r t eneste s p 0 r s m a l s o m diskuteres i dette l a n d e t relateres f e i l a k t i g til s p 0 r s m a ] o m i d e n t i t e t , d e t vil si s p 0 r m a l e t o m 0 s t , v e s t , t r a d i s j o n m o d e r n i t e t . Dette f i k k j e g etter hvert langt o p p i halsen. B 0 k e n e mine er m a t e a b e k j e m p e h e l e s p 0 r s m a l s s t i l l i n g e n p a - i Svart Bok k a n s k j e pa mer humoristisk m a t e ( H e m e r in Samtiden Nb. 4, 1996).

et og en en

E v e r y s i n g l e q u e s t i o n w h i c h is d i s c u s s e d in this c o u n t r y is w r o n g l y c o n n e c t e d to a q u e s t i o n of identity, in other w o r d s to a q u e s t i o n of Hast, W e s t , tradition a n d m o d e r n i t y . I h a v e h a d e n o u g h of this! M y b o o k s are a way to f i g h t this w h o l e p r o b l e m a t i c - in The Black Book p e r h a p s in a m o r e h u m o r o u s way ( H e m e r in Samtiden Nb. 4, 1996). P a m u k b e l i e v e s t h a t a n y s e a r c h f o r " p u r e " i d e n t i t y is d o o m e d t o f a i l a n d that t h e r e c a n b e n o i n d e p e n d e n t i d e n t i t y a s s u c h . In r e p l y t o a q u e s t i o n on i d e n t i t y in a n i n t e r v i e w , h e r e a c t s as f o l l o w s : Dette er et sentralt - og g a m m e l t - s p 0 r s m a l i T y r k i a , bade p a den politiske og littera:re scenen. For h v e m er vi? A s i a t e r ? E u r o p e r e ? M u s l i m e r ? Eller rett og slett tyrkiske b o r g e r e ? Stiller du dette s p 0 r s m a l e t i T y r k i a , f a r du ulike svar, o g n o e n vil vaere redd f o r s e l v e s p 0 r s m a l e t . M e n j e g h a t e r o r d e t identitet, j e g m e n e r s p 0 r s m a l e t o m identitet er f a l s k ( S t a n g h e l l e in Vart Land, 10.3.1994). T h i s is a central - and old - q u e s t i o n in T u r k e y , b o t h in t h e political a n d literary scenes. S i n c e w h o are w e ? A s i a n s ? E u r o p e a n s ? M o s l e m s ? Or simply T u r k i s h citizens? If y o u ask this q u e s t i o n in T u r k e y y o u will get d i f f e r e n t answers and s o m e will be afraid of the question itself. B u t I hate the word

80

§HHNAZ

TAHlR

-

EMEL

TURKER

identity, I think the question of identity is a false one (Stanghelle in Vart Land, 10.3.1994). T h e identity q u e s t i o n is heavily stressed in the r e v i e w s of P a m u k ' s b o o k s and interviews carried out with him. T h i s m a y be d u e to the s p e c i f i c literary f e a t u r e s of P a m u k ' s b o o k s . T u r k e y as a c o u n t r y in s e a r c h of an identity, travelling between t w o poles, mainly c a u s e d by its liminal position b e t w e e n E a s t and W e s t , b e c o m e s the principal i m a g e c o n v e y e d by t h e s e articles. H o w e v e r , t h e r e v i e w s of The

Private

History

of Solitude

and

i n t e r v i e w s with Altan give out a d i f f e r e n t i m a g e . The T u r k i s h i m a g e that e m e r g e s through these articles is not one that is troubled by an identity search. T h e word identity is not much mentioned in these articles, with the exception of o n e ( L u n d in Samhold,

19.7.1996). T h e y h a v e m o r e e m p h a s i s on t h e

political character of the author as m e n t i o n e d earlier and present T u r k e y as a nation that has set itself a clear c o u r s e , no matter h o w a n t i - d e m o c r a t i c this course may be.

A Political I m a g e A s mentioned earlier, interviews carried out with O r h a n P a m u k h a v e e m p h a s i s e d P a m u k ' s literary q u a l i t i e s and his a u t h o r s h i p . H o w e v e r , t h e reviews written on The Private

History

of Solitude

and interviews c o n d u c t e d

with A h m e t A l t a n c o n c e n t r a t e m a i n l y on t h e political past of the a u t h o r , p r o b a b l y d u e to Altan's personal political stance and his s t a t e m e n t s to t h e press. Interviews with him i n f o r m the reader that o n e of his b o o k s w a s burned because of its pornographic e l e m e n t s and that he has been jailed several t i m e s b e c a u s e of his political views. H e r e is a typical e x a m p l e f r o m o n e of the reviews, Han er en av Tyrkias mest oppr0rske forfattere og blir i sine tre rettssaker tiltalt for oppr0r. for a ha fornasrmet haeren og for a ha fornaermet regjeringen. Han satt i fengsel pa grunn av en artikkel om Tyrkias behandling av kurderne. En av hans hittil fire romaner ble inndratt og restopplaget brent fordi boken ble ansett som pornografisk (Lundemo in Adresseavisen, 28.11.1996). He is one of Turkey's most defiant authors and the three court cases opened up against him charge him with rebellion and with insulting the army and the government. He has been to prison because of an article on Turkey's treatment of Kurds. One of his four novels was withdrawn from sales and the unsold stock was burnt because the book was found to be pornographic (Lundemo in Adresseavisen, 28.11.1996).

" T H H MAN

FROM

RAST-WE S T

81

A h m e t Altan himself discloses similar information to the j o u r n a l i s t s , as for e x a m p l e to Mikael G o d 0 in Morgenbladet,

while introducing his career

as a journalist, author and n e w s p a p e r editor in Turkey. A h m e t Altan is introduced as "den o p p o s i s j o n e l l e tyrkiske f o r f a t t e r e n " (the oppositional T u r k i s h writer). His book is presented in a review by Lund as a b o o k that g i v e s "...glimt f r a f o r o s s f r e m m e d a r t e t k u l t u r i stort o g sarmmensatt land pa grensen m e l l o m vest og 0st, na fortsatt preget av politiske m o t s e t n i n g e r og en 0 k e n d e m u s l i m s k innflyttelse". ["... a g l i m p s e f r o m , f o r us, an exotic culture in a big and c o m p l e x country on the b o r d e r of the Hast and the W e s t , still d o m i n a t e d by political contrast and an increasing Islamic influence.") A h m e t Altan is faced with m o r e political questions w h e n c o m p a r e d to i n t e r v i e w s with O r h a n P a m u k . M a n y of t h e s e q u e s t i o n s h a v e to d o with f r e e d o m of speech in T u r k e y , probably d u e to his political past. M o s t of the r e v i e w s of A h m e t A l t a n ' s w o r k s and i n t e r v i e w s

with him are p a c k e d with

i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t his political past and his v i e w s on t h e c u r r e n t political situation in T u r k e y . For i n s t a n c e W a n d r u p i n t r o d u c e s A h m e t A l t a n in his review of The Private

History

of Solitude

as follows:

I Tyrkia hjelper det ikke a v s r e blant landets fremste forfattere. Snarere tvert imot; en tyrkisk forfatter har sverdet over nakken straks han setter seg til skrivemaskinen. Han vet aldri om det han skriver vil vekke en eller annen form for reaksjon hos myndighetene. -Men dette kan man ikke ga omkring og tenke pa hele tida, sier Ahmet Altan... (Wandrup in Dagbladet, 03.11.1996). In Turkey it does not help to be among the country's pioneering writers. Almost on the contrary, a Turkish writer has the sword over his neck as soon as he sits down by the typewriter. He never knows whether the thing he writes will raise this or that type of a reaction in the authorities. -But you cannot wander around and think about this all the time, says Ahmet Altan... (Wandrup in Dagbladet, 03.11.1996). In another review, where H a u s s (in Nationen, The Private

History

of Solitude,

28.10.1996) writes about

h e m a k e s an interesting c o m m e n t a b o u t

"political violence" in Turkey. H e talks a b o u t "Hiisrev Bey," o n e of the main characters in the book, and his being a contract killer w h o used to work for an intelligence service. Later, he opens a parenthesis and c o m m e n t s "Leseren kan ikke u n n g a a t e n k e at politisk void er savisst ikke noe helt nytt f e n o m e n i T y r k i a . . . " ["The r e a d e r c a n n o t a v o i d t h i n k i n g that political v i o l e n c e is certainly not a new p h e n o m e n o n in Turkey..."]

82

§ E H N A Z

TAHÎR

E M E L

T Û R K E R

In an interview wilh L u n d e m o , A h m e t Altan says that he c a n n o t stop writing and d e s c r i b i n g the t h i n g s he sees. In T u r k e y , he s a y s , c h i l d r e n are b e i n g killed every d a y 1 and he c a n n o t tolerate this. He sees his political i n v o l v e m e n t as a natural o u t c o m e of the current state of a f f a i r s in T u r k e y . At the end of the interview he makes an optimistic remark about Turkey, Tyrkia vil endre scg. Det vil si; verden vil endre Tyrkia. V e r d e n kan ikke akseptere en nasjon som er en blodpropp i verdens blodoml0p. Dessuten er vi - 1 6 million tyrkerc- og vâr j o r d , en skatt som tilh0rer verden. Verden tilh0rer verden, og om hundre âr har vi ingen grenser lenger. Det som skjer nâ er bare nasjonalismens siste k r a m p e t r e k n i n g e r f 0 r den d0r... ( L u n d e m o in Adresseavisen, 28.1 1.1996). Turkey will change. 1 mean, the world will change Turkey. The world cannot accept a nation that is a blood clot in the world's bloodstream. Also, we, 16 million Turks and our land which is a treasure, belong to the world. T h e world belongs to the world, and within hundred years we will not have any borders any longer. What is happening now is simply the last s p a s m s of nationalism before it dies... ( L u n d e m o in Adresseavisen, 28.11.1996).

A l t h o u g h A h m e t Altan is referred to as an "oppositional" a u t h o r , he does not act in an "oppositionary" m a n n e r b e f o r e the N o r w e g i a n j o u r n a l i s t s . H e a p p e a r s to be c o n f i r m i n g t h e a l r e a d y e x i s t i n g v i e w s t h r o u g h

his

statements. T h i s a p p r o v i n g attitude is absent in Orhan P a m u k . O r h a n P a m u k is presented as m o r e of a literary f i g u r e than a political o n e . T h i s is the i m p r e s s i o n he w o u l d like to c r e a t e as h e s a y s t o an i n t e r v i e w e r , "Jeg er o v e r h o d e t ikke spesielt glad i â d i s k u t e r e politikk. J c g f o r e t r e k k c r â snakke om litteratur." ( H e m e r in Samtiden,

0 4 . 1 9 9 6 ) |"I d o not

like d i s c u s s i n g politics at all. I p r e f e r talking a b o u t literature."] L i k e w i s e , in an interview he gives to the l e f t - w i n g Klassekampen

he m a k e s clear that he

d o e s not l i k e m i x i n g politics with l i t e r a t u r e and r e f u s e s to w r i t e in a politically authoritative way ( K l a s s e k a m p e n , 0 9 . 0 3 . 1 9 9 4 ) . T h r e e years prior to this interview he is faced with a n o t h e r political question by a j o u r n a l i s t w o r k i n g f o r the s a m e paper. T h e t o n e of this i n t e r v i e w is m u c h

more

political. It includes questions on the K u r d s and the alleged A r m e n i a n massacre in T u r k e y . At o n e s t a g e P a m u k is a s k e d to e x p r e s s his o p i n i o n

about

allegations that the T u r k i s h a r m y used p o i s o n o u s gas against K u r d s . O r h a n P a m u k reacts with "skepticism" as the interviewer says and replies, Riktignok er ikke tyrkiske militaere og det politiske établissement g u d s beste barn. Jeg er helt f o r â kritisere brudd p â menneskerettighetene skarpt nâr det kan dokumenteres. Men denne giftgaspâstanden - som for0vrig er

'The interview claims that every day 30-40 children are killed in Turkey, we take this as a typing error. Elsewhere in the same interview there is another mistake and the population of Turkey is indicated as 16 million instead of 60.

" T H H MAN

FROM

HAS I -WHS T

83

f0rste gang jcg har h0rt - oppfatter jeg som spekulasjoner. Jeg var sj0l i de kurdiske omradene pa begge sidcr av grensa mellom Tyrkia og Irak i april i ar, og inntrykkene derfra har jcg skrevet artikler om. Det virker hell usansynlig pa meg at noe slikt skal ha skjedd (Fjermeros in Klassekampen, 4.10.1991). The Turkish military and the political establishments are indeed not angels. 1 am in favour of severely criticising the human rights violations when they can be documented. But 1 take this claim about the poisonous gas - which I have in fact heard for the first time- as a speculation. [ myself visited the Kurdish areas on the both sides of the border between Turkey and Iraq in April this year, and I have written articles with the impressions I got from there. It sounds totally impossible to me that something like that may have happened (Fjermeros in Klassekampen, 4.10.1991). An interesting observation here is that Fjermeros does not follow up Klassekampen's argument and claim about the issue of the so-called "use of poisonous gas against the Kurdish people in the Eastern part of Turkey." Fjermeros does not even attempt to defend or explain Klassekampen's claims on this particular subject, on the contrary he reports what Orhan Pamuk says and keeps silent. This is quite unusual for a left wing newspaper which is known for being quite critical against such issues. O r h a n P a m u k seems to be o p e n i n g up n e w problematics in f r o n t of the journalists' eyes, not exactly d e f e n d i n g T u r k e y but displacing t h e m f r o m their f o r m e r positions and encouraging them to adopt fresh perspectives. Aftenposten

p u b l i s h e d an i n t e r v i e w c o n d u c t e d with O r h a n P a m u k

t o g e t h e r with three o t h e r writers, S a l m a n R u s h d i e , S l a v e n k a D r a k u l i c and David G r o s s m a n in S w e d e n with the p e r m i s s i o n received f r o m the S w e d i s h R u s h d i e - c o m m i t t e c . In this interview P a m u k says that the fight f o r f r e e d o m of s p e e c h and the f i g h t against the religious f u n d a m e n t a l i s m s h o u l d not be handled together. Den som betrakter Tyrkia utenfra, tror kanskje at kampen for ytringsfriheten og kampen mot den religi0se fundamentalismen ma ga hand i hand. Men uansett hvor underlig det kan virke, er de helt adskilt. Det ene forutsetter aldeles ikke det annet (in Aftenposten, 14.2.1996). The person who looks at Turkey from outside probably thinks that the fight for freedom of speech and the fight against religious fundamentalism must take place together. However, no matter how strange it may seem, they are totally separate. One does not presuppose the other ( A f t e n p o s t e n , 14.2.1996). A s e v i d e n t in t h e a b o v e e x a m p l e s , the political situation in T u r k e y attracts quite a lot of attention in N o r w a y . Even though the n o v e l s in question bring n o specific political issues to the a g e n d a , P a m u k and A l t a n were still asked questions a b o u t Turkish politics. T h e t w o authors d i f f e r in t e r m s of their

84

THH

MAN

FROM

EAST-WEST

a p p r o a c h d u r i n g the i n t e r v i e w s . A l t a n a p p e a r s to r e i n f o r c e t h e p r e - e x i s t i n g v i e w s w h i l e P a m u k is m o r e critical of t h e s e v i e w s a n d t a k e s u p a l t e r n a t i v e arguments.

Concluding Remarks T h e t o p i c s t a k e n u p by the r e v i e w s and i n t e r v i e w s a r e not f o r e i g n to T u r k e y . It will be realised that t h e s e topics a r e t h o s e that are v e r y m u c h u n d e r d i s c u s s i o n in t o d a y ' s T u r k e y . T h e identity q u e s t i o n h a s b e e n o n t h e a g e n d a s i n c e the 19th c e n t u r y and it s e e m s u n l i k e l y that it will be r e s o l v e d in a n y w a y in the near future. T h e K u r d i s h issue, t h e h u m a n rights violations a r e a l s o c u r r e n t i t e m s on Turkey's a g e n d a . A l t h o u g h N o r w e g i a n j o u r n a l i s t s a s k certain q u e s t i o n s based o n their p r e - e x i s t i n g i m p r e s s i o n s and p e r h a p s b a s e d o n the political inclination of their p a p e r s ( q u e s t i o n s that r e p e a t e d l y c o m e u p a r c t h o s e o n the K u r d i s h q u e s t i o n , r e l i g i o u s f u n d a m e n t a l i s m in T u r k e y , h u m a n rights v i o l a t i o n s ) p e r h a p s O r h a n P a m u k , m o r e than A h m e t A l t a n m a n a g e s to set t h e t o n e of m o s t of the i n t e r v i e w s w i t h h i s s t a t e m e n t s o n t h e c u r r e n t s i t u a t i o n in T u r k e y . In c a s e s w h e r e t h e p r e - e x i s t i n g v i e w s are c h a l l e n g e d , N o r w e g i a n j o u r n a l i s t s d o not f o l l o w u p their a r g u m e n t s and s i m p l y report the a n s w e r s t h e y r e c e i v e , in o t h e r w o r d s , t h e y d o not s t r i v e t o h o l d t h e p r e e x i s t i n g i m a g e s in tact. T h e r e v i e w s and i n t e r v i e w s p u b l i s h e d o n O r h a n P a m u k and A h m e t Altan a n d t h e i r n o v e l s r e f l e c t an i m a g e of T u r k e y t h a t is rather c o m p l e x . T u r k e y is both an oriental c o u n t r y and a m o d e r n nation, p l a c e d f i r m l y o n the p a t h of w e s t e r n i s a t i o n by Atatiirk. It is b o t h a h u m a n r i g h t s v i o l a t o r a n d an heir to t h e c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e of t h e O t t o m a n E m p i r e and B y z a n t i u m . It is a c o u n t n w h e r e o n e s h o u l d travel w i t h "light s h o e s a n d an open mind". In c o n c l u s i o n , o n e c a n c l e a r l y say t h a t t h e r e is n o s i n g l e , u n i f o r m i m a g e of T u r k e y and the l urk that e m e r g e s f r o m the r e v i e w s a n d i n t e r v i e w s on t h e t h r e e n o v e l s . T h e material used in this s t u d y r e c o n f i r m s t h e d y n a m i c a n d c o m p l e x n a t u r e of i m a g e s .

BIBLIOGRAPHY List of Reviews and Interviews On The Black Book Amadou, Christine: "En vaskeekte orientaler?" in Klassekampen, 9.3.1994, Oslo. Askelund, Jan: "Den komplette roman fra Tyrkia" in Stavanger Aftenblad, 9.4.1994, Stavanger. "Den politiske roman" in Klassekampen, 9.3.1994, Oslo.

!> H H N A Z

H M Hl,

TAHiK

T Ü R K KR

Horgar, Fartein: "Krcvende f r a Tyrkia" in Adresseavisen, Iversen,

Svcin:

"Tyrkisk

smeltedigcl"

in

85

14.4.1994.

Avisa

Trondheim,

14.3.1994,

Trondheim. Iversen, Svein: "Tyrkisk smeltedigcl" in Haugesunds

Avis, 4 . 3 . 1 9 9 4 , H a u g e s u n d .

Jensen, Kjell Olaf: "Kode Uten n0kkel" in Arbeiderbladet, Jensen, Kjell Olaf: 15.3.1994,

" O g s â en r o m a n

9.3.1994, Oslo.

b0r g j 0 r e s f o r s t â e l i g " in

Larsen, Turid: "En visjon om Istanbul" in Arbeiderbladet,

9.3.1994, Oslo.

M o e n , H a r a l d O l a v : "Ny s t e m m e f r a T y r k i a " in Telemark 19.3.1994,

Dagbladet,

Oslo. Arbeiderbladet,

Skien.'

Nielsen, Ingrid: "En moderne svartebok?" in Bergens

Tidende,

Otçu, Önder: "Det falske Istanbul" in Klassekampen,

14.3.1994, Oslo.

0 y e , Agnete: "De store fortellingers tid" in Nationen, Rilser, Liv: "God reise!" in Vdrt Land,

14.3.1994, Bergen.

11.4.1994, Oslo.

10.3.1994, Oslo.

R0dst0l, Knut I.: "Tyrkisk identitetskrise" in Fœdrelandsvennen,

26.9.1994.

Stanghelle, John: "Identitet? Jeg hater det ordet" in Vdrt Land,

10.3.1994, Oslo.

S t e m l a n d T e r j e : "I P a m u k s litteraere kraftfeit" in Aftenposten, Ullrnann, Linn: "Stor roman fra gâtenes by" in Dagbladet, Uthaug, Geir: "Pâ reise i tegnenes tusen gâter" in Aftenposten, W a n d r u p , Fredrik: "Roman med fotnoter?" in Dagbladet,

White

9.3.1994, Oslo.

13.3.1994, Oslo.

Wardrup, Fredrik: "En dykkerferd til Istanbul" in Dagbladet, On The

9.3.1994, Oslo. 19.3.1994.

9.3.1994, Oslo.

Castle

Aydin, Süreyya: "Det Hvite Slottet" in Mosaikk, 1.2.1992, Oslo. Bang, Per: "Jeget og skyggen" in Dagens Nceringsliv, 2.12.1991, Oslo. E l d s v â g , T e r j e : " E v e n t y r om 0st o g vest" in Adresseavisen, 10.10.1991, Trondheim. Fjermeros: "Tyrkisk d o b b e l t g j e n g e r " in Klassekampen, Horgar, Kaare: "Det hvite slottet" in Dagen, Hultengreen, Harald:

"Roman

4.10.1991, O s l o .

17.12.1991, Bergen.

med o p p r i n n e l s e hos en s l a v e " in

Sarpsborg

Arbeiderblad, 28.11.1991, Sarpsborg. L.H.: "Roman f r a Tyrkia" in Agder, 19.2.1992, F l e k k e f j o r d . Larsen, Turid: "Jeg vil bevege hjertene" in Arbeiderbladet, 7.10.1991, Oslo. Lund, Vilhelm: "Identitet pâ avveie" in Samhold, 28.12.1991, Gj0vik. Mosnes, T e r j e : "Mannen f r a 0st-vest" in Dagbladet, 3.10.1991, Oslo. O b r e s t a d , T o r : "Tyrkisk e v e n t y r f o r t e l l a r " in Stavanger Aftenblad, 9.10.1991, Stavanger. Stemland, T e r j e : "En âpenbaring av en tyrkisk r o m a n " in Aftenposten, 3.10.1991 Oslo. Strand, T r o n d : "En ubehagelig identitetskrise" in Bergens Tidende, 8.11.1991, Bergen. Uthaug, Geir: "Den uhândgripelige fatalisme" in Aftenposten, General

Interviews

with

Orhan

23.10.1991, Oslo.

Pamuk

H e m e r , Oscar: "Oscar Hemer i S a m t a l e med O r h a n Pamuk" in Samtiden, Î996, Oslo. "Kunstnere i Krig" in Aftenposten, 14.2.1996, Oslo.

Nb

4

86

§ E H N A Z

O n The

Private

History

I A H IR of

E MEL

T II R K K R

Solitude

D i e s e n , T o v e : "Frittalcndc tyrkere om y t r i n g s f r i h e t " in Aftenposten 03.11.1996,

Morgen,

Oslo.

F0rland, Bitte: "Ensomhet og kjaerlighet" in Agderposten,

29.7.1996, Arendal.

G o d 0 , Mikael: "Kjaerlighet i ensomhetens tid" in Morgenbladet, "Gylendal i J u n i . . . " in Morgenbladet,

19.7.1996, Oslo.

31.5.1996, Oslo.

Hauss, Michael: "Kjaerlighetens umulighet" in Nationen,

28.10.1996, Oslo.

Horgar, Partein: "Skadeskutte erotomane" in Adresseavisen,

5.9.1996, T r o n d h e i m .

Larsen, Turid: "Ensomhet og erotikk pä tyrkisk" in Arbeiderbladet,

26.06.96,

Oslo. LU: "Bok" in Dagbladet,

13.2.1997, Oslo.

Lund, Wilhelm: "Utfordrende sj0nnlitteratur" in Samhold,

19.07.1996, Gj0vik.

L u n d e m o , T r y g v e : "Kjierlighet og d0d i T y r k i a " in Adresseavisen,

28.11.1996,

Trondheim. Mo, Arne: "Ein roman ä vende tilbake til" in Dag og Tid, 23.1.1997, Oslo. My: "Bok" in Dagbladet,

18.7.1996, Oslo.

M y r b a k k , Stein Arve: "Dyktig tyrkisk" in Rana Blad, 27.8.1996, M o i Rana. O t t e s e n , Sven Johs: "KjGa:.i< sagte man. also bei Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Die Kunde vom berühmten, fernen Großvater, dazu einige Teppiche und Messinggefäße aus dem alten Konstantinopel haben dazu beigetragen, daß ich später für die ersten Türken meines Lebens ungleich mehr Neugier und Respekt außrachte als etwa für Italiener und Jugoslawen." Sten Nadolny: >Wir< und >Die< - Erzählen über Fremde. In: Paul Michael Lützeler (Hg.), a.a.O. S. 65-74. Zitat: 5.66. 4 Ebda, S. 68: "Gewiß, die Begriffe >Türkei< oder >Orient< klangen mir auch Ende der sechziger Jahre noch angenehm und verheißungsvoll, dennoch war es eher Zufall, daß in einer Charlottenburger Spelunke, in der ich ab 7970 meinen Kummer über das bösartig-miefige Ende der Studentenbewegung ertränkte, ein Türke der freundlichste, geschichtenreichste und unternehmungslustigste Gast war. ich nenne ihn hier vorsichtshalber einmal >HalukKflyBoeHHH5i nepwofl - In: npeaciaBaTa 3a "apyrasi". , CTp. 202-207. / "The concept of New Turkey in Bulgarian Society in the Interwar Period". 7 Ibidem, p. 207.

T H E I M A G K O F T H K T U R K S IN B I J I X I A R I A N L I T E R A T U R E A N D P A I N T I N G

339

generations through their reproduction in history textbooks. 1 Consequently the history literature in the schools that proved to be a very important factor l'or the building and transmission of the national myths was also a main factor in the maintenance of national stereotypes. This is why it is important to study the textbooks of the Balkan nations. In 1997, the project 2 on "The Image of the "Others" in History Textbooks" involving a group of Bulgarian historian and sociologists resulted in a Conference at the beginning of March 11, 1998 and the publication of a miscellany, "The Image of the "Other". 3 It helps to outline the dynamics of the national stereotypes in the Balkans. During the Conference the possibility of c o m m o n textbooks being written by a Balkan team of scholars had been discussed as well. Soon after the Conference, the Bulgarian media spread a scandalous story, replete with request from the opposition for the resignation of the Minister of Education because he "was going to destroy the Bulgarian national identity" by discussing the possibility of a common Bulgarian - Turkish history textbook being written. 4 It is a c o m m o n peculiarity in Balkan textbooks, for national identity to be linked to the image of the "others" in somewhat "organic" way - the Balkan nations usually strengthen their "image of selves" (auto stereotypes) in opposition to the "other" which is usually an "enemy" and rarely - an "ally". The typical case is that of the Turks - they appear as a c o m m o n "historical e n e m y " f o r the rest of the Balkan nations. T h e image of the T u r k s is extremely dominated by the syndrome of the "centuries old e n e m y " not only on the level of the cultural and historical prejudices, but on the level of reflexive historical knowledge as well. T h a t "deformation" is preserved not only with respect to about in Medieval, but also Modern times. 7 4 % of school students associated Turkey with the "state that had dominated the Balkans from the 15th century onwards." 7 5 % considers "cruelty" and "warmongering" as intrinsic characteristics of the Turks. That traditional concept of the Turks proves to be the most widespread one a m o n g students, especially those who have higher cultural and educational competence. 5

' O f course, they are not the only means of forming the stereotypes - the media and other factors of modem communication are also quite important. ^It » a s realized by "Balkan Colleges Foundation" and financed by PHARE Program. ^See note 2. 4

Bibina, I. Metamorphosis of CLIO: National Identity And History Education on The Balkans. (Paper, delivered on Third FULBRIGHT Conference on Education And Civil Society In The Post- Totalitarian World, Sofia, 13-17 May 1998. 5 Ibidem. See also the social survey of KaHyuieB, M., MHKHMOBa, H HHKojioBa, CB. CbfieBa: BbjirapcicaTa HcTopmi B KomeKCTa Ha MeXflyBajiKaHCKHTe BaaHMOfleftcTBHft (pemaBaHe Ha HcropimecKH KaaycH). In: "OgpasbT Ha flpymn...", cTp. 2. "Bulgarian History in the Context of Inter-Balkan Relations. Solving The Historical Casuses".

340

I OR D A N K A

BIBINA

In c o m p a r i s o n to B u l g a r i a n , stories that are m o r e or less neutral are t h o s e f o u n d in M a c e d o n i a n t e x t b o o k s . T h e y f o l l o w the fall of t h e B a l k a n s under the O t t o m a n rule, present a cleaned up picture of c o e x i s t e n c e between "free m o u n t a i n o u s peoples with timar-sipahi's

feudal system and the processes

of Islamization in three g e o g r a p h i c a r e a s , but "out of t i m e " , tells a b o u t the f o r m s of resistance to the O t t o m a n s . T h e m a i n peculiarity of the texts is the "lack" of events. A n obv ious aim is to trace the c o m m o n M a c e d o n i a n cultural space during the times w h e n the state did not exist. 1 The images of the T u r k s in S e r b t e x t b o o k s are s i m i l a r to o t h e r s - the c o n c e p t of the T u r k as an "oppressor" prevails, and it is strengthened by the story how Christian children were turned into janissaries.

T h e e m p h a s i s is m a d e on the b a c k w a r d n e s s and

decline of the O t t o m a n e c o n o m i c and political system, and on a n a r c h y in its rule. T h e i m a g e of the T u r k s is built in contrast to the i m a g e of the f r e e d o m f i g h t i n g Christian peoples. T h e y all h a v e the c o m m o n tragic f a t e of being c o n q u e r e d by the T u r k s . 2 T h e f o c u s in R o m a n i a n t e x t b o o k s is invariably on the resistance against them and on the struggle of R o m a n i a n Principalities f o r i n d e p e n d e n c e . This is the reason for detailed description of O t t o m a n history. T h e r e are much m o r e direct descriptions of T u r k s in R o m a n i a n t e x t b o o k s than of o t h e r Balkan peoples. T h e d o m i n a t i n g i m a g e is that of p e r m a n e n t d a n g e r and threat to the Principalities and Central E u r o p e a n states. T h e T u r k s are presented as "conquerors." T h e terminology used in regard to the expansion of the O t t o m a n E m p i r e c o n t r i b u t e s to the b u i l d i n g of that i m a g e . O n e c o u l d " i m a g i n e " the O t t o m a n c o n q u e r o r s t h r o u g h such w o r d s as " c o n q u e r i n g , " "occupying," "attacking," "capturing," "battles," "wars," "siege," "aggression," " e x p a n s i o n i s t i c a s p i r a t i o n s . " 3 T h e O t t o m a n T u r k s are presented as a p o w e r that ruins the original civilization of the c o n q u e r e d peoples and i m p e d e their d e v e l o p m e n t . The O t t o m a n E m p i r e "drains the treasurers of t h e R o m a n i a n P r i n c i p a l i t i e s through the wars, p l u n d e r s and t a x e s . " 4 T h e p i c t u r e s of the O t t o m a n cruelties toward subjugated Balkan peoples also persist in the body of the text with e x a m p l e s of the massacre of the population of C o n s t a n t i n o p l e in 1453 partially "slaughtered." partially lead into slavery. T h e "devshirme"

or

so-called "blood tax" w a s especially cruel because Christian children had been taken f r o m their families and brought up in hate of their peoples and loyalty to the sultans. T h e pillage, r o b b e r y and d e v a s t a t i o n are o t h e r a s p e c t s of the T u r k i s h way of fighting underlined in the t e x t b o o k s . 5 Generally speaking, the

^KajibOHCKH, A TpH yqeMHHKa n o HCTopHfl OT Peny6JMKa MaKeflOHH«. - In: "OSpastT Ha apyrHH...", CTp. 36-39./Three history textbooks in the Republic of Macedonia/. ^ApHayaoB, B O S p a a t T Ha "flpyrnsi" Ha BajiKaHHie B cpbScKHTe yqefiHHUH n o HcrropHii. - In: O S p a s t T Ha " f l p y r a s . CTp 58-59./The image of the "others" in Serbian history textbooks/. ^MJiaaeHoBa, n. 06pa3l>T Ha TypuHTe B pyMbHCKHxe yqeMHHUH n o HCTopHfl - In: 06pa3"bT Ha " f l p y r a a .", c i p Textbooks". 4

Ibidem, 112-113.

5

l b i d „ 114-115.

112. "The Image of the Turks in R o m a n i a n

History

THE; IMAGK O F T H K T U R K S IN BUI (iARIAN LITKRATURK A N D PAINTING

34 J

i m a g e o f the T u r k s in R o m a n i a n t e x t b o o k s i s n e g a t i v e . 1 T h e p e r i o d o f Ottoman domination

in G r e e k t e x t b o o k s is c h a r a c t e r i z e d a s a p e r i o d

of

" s l a v e r y " and c o n d i t i o n s in the E m p i r e a s b e i n g " m u c h m o r e cruel than under V e n i c e " . 2 W h i l e d e s c r i b i n g the state s y s t e m in O t t o m a n E m p i r e , t h o u g h (he e x p r e s s i v e i d i o m s are a v o i d e d , the main i n f l u e n c e is c r e a t e d by the illustration to the m a t e r i a l s , e s p e c i a l l y r e g a r d i n g " b l o o d t a x . " T h e c o n n o t a t i o n related to the T u r k s is n e g a t i v e a l s o in the l e s s o n on R u s s i a n - T u r k i s h W a r s a n d G r e e k r e v o l t s . T h e T u r k i s h reaction w a s c a l l e d " f i e r c e r e v e n g e . " D e s p i t e o f e f f o r t s to m a k e the p r e s e n t a t i o n m o r e m o d e r a t e , the c o n t e x t is totally n e g a t i v e w h i l e d e s c r i b i n g the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n r e v o l u t i o n o f 1 8 2 1 - 1 8 2 8 .

The T u r k s a r e

o p e n l y p o i n t e d a s ' e n e m y " a n d the a u t h o r s s t r e s s e d the f a c t , that a f t e r the r e v o l u t i o n o f 1 8 2 1 , the m o t t o " N o T u r k to r e m a i n in M o r e a a n d w h o l e w o r l d " c o u l d not l e a v e the C y p r u s G r e e k s i n d i f f e r e n t . 3 In the c o n t e x t o f the e v e n t s o f 1 9 0 9 a n d Y o u n g T u r k ' s p o l i t i c s , the G r e e k t e x t b o o k s r e p r e s e n t e d

"Turkish

n a t i o n a l i s m a s a t y p i c a l T u r k i s h c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , that is o n e c o n n e c t e d to the " p o l i t i c a l o p p r e s s i o n o f the A r m e n i a n s " . G e n e r a l l y , the s t r e s s is on the a s p i r a t i o n f o r " T u r k i s a t i o n " o f d i f f e r e n t n a t i o n a l i t i e s in late O t t o m a n E m p i r e . The r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f the T u r k s in the p o s t - W o r l d W a r I p e r i o d w a s a highly n e g a t i v e one. H o w e v e r the d e s c r i p t i o n s a n d attributes are a v o i d e d ; here it is not the d i r e c t w o r d s s o m u c h a s it is the s e m a n t i c s o f w h i c h i l l u s t r a t i o n s a n d d o c u m e n t s are l o a d e d . In a n y c a s e , the i m a g e o f the T u r k s " c a n not b e r e m o v e d f r o m the i m a g e o f e n e m y . " 4 In this c o n t e x t it is not s u r p r i s i n g that there is no m o r e n e g a t i v e an i m a g e in the B a l k a n s than that o f the T u r k s . T h i s brief s u r v e y o f the m o s t recent B u l g a r i a n p u b l i c a t i o n s related to the s u b j e c t u n d e r s t u d y m a y s e e m t o o p e s s i m i s t i c . H o w e v e r , o n e s h o u l d r e a l i z e that national s t e r e o t y p e s e m e r g e a n d e v o l v e in historical t i m e a n d are h e n c e s u b j e c t to f r e q u e n t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s , rather than b e i n g s o m e kind o f immutable " genetic" inheritance of a certain community. T h e d y n a m i c s of c r e a t i n g " i m a g e s " d e p e n d s m o r e on the historical m o m e n t , the i n f l u e n c e o f the political situation a n d c o n c o m i t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t s . T h i s b r i e f s u r v e y o f m o s t recent B u l g a r i a n p u b l i c a t i o n s related to the s u b j e c t under s t u d y m a y s e e m too p e s s i m i s t i c . H o w e v e r o n e c o u l d r e a l i z e that the national s t e r e o t y p e s e m e r g e a n d e v o l v e in historical time and a r c h e n c e s u b j e c t to f r e q u e n t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s , rather than b e i n g s o m e kind o f i m m u t a b l e " g e n e t i c " i n h e r i t a n c e o f certain c o m m u n i t y . T h e d y n a m i c s o f c r e a t i n g " i m a g e s " d e p e n d s m o r e on the historical moment,

the

influence

of

the

political

situation

and

concomitant

developments.

'ibid., 116-117.

2

BejiKOBa, C., OSpasbT Ha "apyrHfl" B rpl>UKHTe yqaSHHiw no HCTopws 3a rHMHa3Ha;tMfl

Kypc. - In: 06pa3"bT Ha " a n y ™ « . . ", d p . 90-94. "The Image of the "Others" in Greek History Textbooks". 3 Ibidem, pp. 93-94. 4 Ibid. pp. 98-99.

342

I O R D A N K A

B I B I N A

Il was important to present the literary or "written" sources that shaped the image of the Turks in order to explore the same subject "visualized" in other media - e.g. the painting. This is the first attempt to look for the visual idioms of expression of the notions and stereotypes of the Turks in Bulgarian society. And, of course, the present work can not fully exhaust the question. Further and more detailed observations and analyzes are necessary for a better interpretation of the subject. It is necessary to outline the main stages through which Modern Bulgarian art passed by from the initial stages to now. In its 120 years Bulgarian painting has undergone a varied and complex development. Immediately after the establishment of the new Bulgarian state in 1878, Bulgarian artists focused their efforts on building up a new idiom of imagery in painting by adopting and making sense of European models, techniques and styles that had not existed in their previous art tradition. Genre painting had a special place in the works of the first generation of post-Liberation artists. The subjects, types and exact ethnographic details of these fin de siècle compositions are kind of pictorial "windows" through which one could peep in at village taverns, noisy market places, harvest works, folk dances, etc. Most of those scenes disappeared within a few decades of the new century and have already been almost forgotten. It was accomplished through the efforts of its founders - the first generation of artists that worked during the transitional period between two centuries. It is characterized by remarkably intensive cultural interaction. For the first lime in centuries, the intellectual expression, literary platforms and artistic practice in the Balkan countries became synchronous with the Western European philosophical and aesthetical movements. To a great extent the unified current prevailed till the end of the 19th century, at which time Bulgarian paintings began to reflect the influence of various artistic currents and became much more diverse. The new generation of artists approaches an art that has taken steps toward mastering the experience of European aesthetical and art practice. Outstanding talents such as Nikolay Pavlovic (1835-1894), who was educated at the Vienna Art Academy and graduated in Munich: Stanislav Dospevski (1823-1878), who studied the Moscow School of Art, Sculpture and Architecture and graduated from the Saint-Petersburg Art Academy, Hristo Tsokev (1847-1883), also a student at the Moscow School of Art, Sculpture and Architecture, Dimitâr Dobroviè (1816-1905) who spend long years of his life and obtained his art education in Italy, as well as the self-educated artist Georgi Danèov ( 1846-1883), broke with traditionalism of iconography and dictates of the church and established the foundation of a modem and secular Bulgarian art. 1

' b o j k k o b , ATaHac. B"bjirapcKOTO H a o S p a s H T e m o H3KycTBO./Bulgarian Fine Art/. Vkônz 1988, vmj7 363-364. There are a lot of other studies on their life and creativity in Bulgarian academic literature, however it is not possible to cite them here, for there is a long list of titles.

T H B IMACiH ( ) F THK I I IRKS IN BUI XiARIAN I J T E R A T U R H AND PAINTING

The

b e g i n n i n g o f the 2 0 t h c e n t u r y

343

m a r k e d a new s t a g e in

the

d e v e l o p m e n t o f B u l g a r i a n painting. T h e striving f o r a modern idiom in painting, which apparent in the second generation o f B u l g a r i a n artists, was supported by the ideas o f recreating, through the media o f painting, the varied and uniquely individual emotional world o f the personality. The portraits o f ladies were widely represented during this period in the painting o f leading artists like Nikola

Michaylov,

Stefan

Ivanov,

Elena

Karamihaylova.

All

created new i m a g e s , e m b e d d e d in a gentle meditativenesss, s o m e t i m e s even sentimental. The idiom o f painting and plastic language a l s o underwent a change. Colors became softer and more airy; the color scheme was subdued and the separate planes in the picture merged into one another smoothly. T h e s e new qualities are most clearly apparent in landscape painting which flourished in a remarkable way in the first decade o f the century. In 1 9 1 9 an artist's society was founded and given the n a m e Izkustvo

(Native

Art).

Rodno

T h e artists united in it applied different methods o f

painting but all o f them were guided by the wish to build up an art that would be national in form and content. T h e i r efforts were directed toward the creation o f typical and generalized images of B u l g a r i a n s who expressed the p e o p l e ' s national spirit. T h e c h a n g e s in the world outlook of Bulgarian artists b e c a m e artistically integrated in the process o f building up a national decorative style. T h e new trends were given a finished artistic and plastic e x p r e s s i o n in the

works of Sirak Skitnik, {van Milev, Nikolay Raynov. In the 1920s Dimitrov-The

Master

Vladimir

began to f o r m his own s p e c i f i c " m a s t e r l y " style and

artistic idiom. In his striving to c r e a t e a g e n e r a l i z e d national i m a g e

of

B u l g a r i a n s , he build up an ideal t y p e - s y m b o l o f all what was g o o d and beautiful in the Bulgarian mentality. A s we would see further, he also reached universal c o s m i c values o f humanism. During the 1 9 3 0 s the art o f painting was widened both in thematical s c o p e and idiom o f expression and techniques. T h e r e is no theme, no subject and no genre, which the artists of this decade did not touch upon. Artistic life was distinguished by a variety unprecedented up to that time and was brought into being by striking creative talent o f Zlatyu

Boyadjiev,

Tsanko

Lavrenov,

Decko Uzunov, ¡van Nenov, Kiril Tsonev, Stoyan Venev and others. All these masters o f the brush possessed a unique creative individuality and each built up his specific pictorial and plastic idiom. T h e special concern to social problems is apparent in the works o f the artists unified in the S o c i e t y o f N e w Artists ( 1 9 3 1 ) . In developing their individual plastic search artists like Stoyan and Nenko

Balkanski

Sotirov

openly used art in the struggle f o r social transformations

in the society s o m e t i m e s in a very revolutionary w a y . '

'More than 200 canvas are shown in the collection of works in Bistra Rangelova's Album Bulgarian Art from the Liberation (¡878) up to 1944. See: HauHOHajma xyaomecTBeHa rajiepHS. BTuirapcicaTa xtHBoriHC 1878-1944. Vkonz 1988. Many more works have been observed in the albums and catalogues of other galleries, personal catalogues, catalogues from the individual or group exhibitions, studies on the creativity of most outstanding artists or academic research on the trends in Bulgarian art and its history, etc.

344

I ORDANKA

B I B I NA

After 1944, when socialist rule was introduced in the country, the total ideologisation of the spiritual life and culture and the doctrine of "socialist realism" imposed its negative impact over the works of art, literature, science, critics, etc., by c o n f i n i n g creativity to some narrow clichés. Ideological barriers closed the horizons of Bulgarian art and to a great extent isolated it f r o m the trends developing all over the world. T h o u g h s o m e artists were blamed and rejected by official critics as "bourgeois" and, for that reason, "decadent", it did not mean however, that nothing considerable has been created during the last 50 years. Numbers of talented artists have continued their creative efforts and have left a profound impression on Bulgarian art. S o m e have received considerable state support, especially in monumental arts. In last few decades the representatives of the "medium" generations such as Leviev,

Dimitar

Kirov, Ivan Kazakov,

Svetlin

Roussev,

Keazim

Isinov

loan have

been working in their unique manner, in different genres and styles that hardly could be unified in a common school. Alongside with them, many others have also attracted the interest and love of the public with their gripping works displayed at personal or so called Common Yearly Exhibitions of the Union of Bulgarian Artists. 1 An analysis of hundreds of works of Bulgarian artists shows that the images of Turks could be found relatively rare in comparison to the enormous quantity of academic and popular literature, devoted to the Turkey and to the elements of the Turkish culture. 2 However, we cannot underestimate the much stronger impact of visual images on the broader public because, on the one hand, they often have been reproduced on a somewhat large-scale and mass way in contrast to readings, especially in textbooks of history and literature. On the other hand, they appeal to emotions and to feelings, than to the rational logic, making it easier to create psychological moods and notions or strengthen previously shaped stereotypes and m y t h s , as we will see f u r t h e r on. Furthermore, "historical memory" and common concepts of Bulgarian society coinciding with its aesthetical expectations inspired this kind of painting. Observations reveal that it is also hard to discern a separate a "Turkish" or "Oriental" theme, as w as the case in European art. Istanbul was depicted in s o m e l a n d s c a p e paintings, h o w e v e r the c e n t u r i e s 4 o n g c o m m o n history penetrated almost in e v e n part of Bulgarian life. It is not surprising, that most often the image of the Turks appears in historical genre. 3

' T h i s section of time (1944-1990) is still to be studied separately by the Bulgarian scholars of art in the new post-totalitarian period in order to re-evaluate both the p h e n o m e n a and the contributions of the individual artists. Up to today there has been no summarizing and evaluating work yet. 2 F o r details see: Bibina, J. Turkish Culture In Bulgarian Literature. - In: Et. Balk., 1995, N. 1, 19-34. 3

H e r e it is not possible to trace every stage of the development of the genre. It is worthy to mention however, that the roots of historical genre are in iconography and church frescos. T h e genre appears when e m a n c i p a t i n g f r o m the religious tradition and steps d o w n f r o m the monastery frescos to the canvas.

THKIMAGH OK I HH I'l /RK.S IN Bl II XiARIAN I JTKRATl /RE AND PAINTIN(', 345 Stanislav

Dospevski

(1823-1877)

is the first who has tried to reform

traditional iconography, as was the case with other "reformers" of 1860s, he was unable to advance the vanguard of modern trends and thus was unable to completely r e m o v e himself from the religious painting. S o m e t i m e s he is ahead of his own time; sometimes he steps backward repeating the c o m m o n practices of the old icon-painting of traditional schools. He dreams of creating a figure composition based on an historical theme, to create with the brush our Bulgarian History in the same way as all enlightened peoples have." 1 The artist was obsessed by the national revolutionary enthusiasm during the peak years of Bulgarian Revival marked by the ideals and struggles for liberation from the Ottoman Empire. However, he had never found time nor opportunity to realize his dream and took his last breath in Mehtaphane prison in Istanbul, where he was put for participating in the protest campaign after the massacres that followed the April Uprising in 1876. A decade earlier, in 1864, St. Dospevski had painted the walls of his new house with a few large figurative and landscaped compositions. Bulgarians during that time had a c o m m o n spiritual aspiration to travel to "faraway and fairy-lands" and a passion for "exotic geography" that marked the numerous landscapes creeping into the Rila, Chirpan, Teteven, Koprivshtitsa monasteries and proudly appearing in the houses of the rich in S a m o k o v , Bansko, Plovdiv, K a r l o v o . 2 On these mural paintings o n e can see cities, ports, lakes, m o s q u e s , castles - all elements that show the curiosity of Bulgarians and their desire to experience the whole world. One of the images painted by the artists is St.-Petersburg, while the other is Istanbul. There are a lot of similarities between murals in Bansko, Teteven or Rila - the same picturesque walls, small and big boats, and rich houses. It is difficult to say whether he would like to present the city of Istanbul, where he frequently traveled, or just to represent the idea of great centres of the world with all peculiarities challenging the imagination. In any case, the role of t h o s e first f r e e i m p r o v i s a t i o n s

m a d e by the

local

"landscapists" put their creativity on the academic backgrounds and thus formed the foundations of the Bulgarian secular painting. W e can not separate the development of painting f r o m the c o m m o n a t m o s p h e r e and the s p e c i f i c spiritual uplift marked by

revolutionary

e n t h u s i a s m . T h e struggle for liberation f r o m the centuries-old

Ottoman

dominance had been the main source of inspiration for the all functionaries of that time - a time noted in history as being the most romantic period of National Revival. Printing, j o u r n a l i s m and every aspect of spiritual and creative activity d e v e l o p e d in that milieu of extremely high emotional fervor arising out of the ideas of national revolution. The ideas of European

'3axapneB, B. CTaHHCJiaB flocnescKH CoHfl, 1971, 32-33. ^For details see: Boshchow, A. Die Bulgarische Volkskunst, Verlag A. Bongers, Reichlinghausen, 1972.

346

IORDANKA

BIBINA

Enlightenment and contact with European thoughts, education, art and social order prepared the soil and social frame of mind for the rapid changes that ultimately lead to the forming of the national idea, national ideal and national state. The revolutionary trend in Bulgarian graphics during that period was obsessed by the ideal of the "pure and sacred Republic" and by the broadened horizon of the rising Bulgarian intelligentsia. By that time, Europe already had its Goya, Daumier, Gavarni, and political thought had established their rights to be regarded as a separate artistic genre. The images created by the Bulgarian political graphics was inspired and developed in accordance to European achievements though much could be desired with respect to the plastic realization. Nonetheless, that kind of painting was very well accepted by all social groups of Bulgarian community seeking a new, visual source of inspiration for their revolutionary dreams and tasks. The most characteristic form was lithography which came via Wallachia and reached the houses of Bulgarian traders in Russia, Austria and other lands, spreading the glorious images of the Past and new slogans of the rising rebellion. The lithography played the s a m e role for the a w a k e n i n g of the Bulgarian national consciousness as the history written by the Paisii, 1 the starting spiritual point in Bulgarian Revival. It severes painting from the canons of the painting and aesthetic of iconography of the Church. Most frequently explored in lithography were the images of the glorious and victorious Bulgarian Kings of the First and Second Bulgarian Kingdoms, which should suggest the filling of national pride from the previous greatness of the nation. The others were built upon some common plots of Bulgaria, Bulgaria's Yoke. Bulgaria's Hope, Bulgaria's Dream for Liberation, Bulgaria's Awakening From the Slavery Sleep, the battles of revolutionary groups - cheta's - against the Turks, etc. 2 Most of them disappeared and only few remained as a memory of the time. Their common characteristic is naivete, unorganized and loose composition, with droughts reflecting a lack of s c l f - c o n f i d e n c e . Often they were compilations from foreign models adapted to the ideas corresponding to the agitation of the minds. They were allegorical and symbolic in nature, but indeed enjoyed the admiration, love and great popularity among the people, especially in the 1860s and 1870s. The image of the Turks or more correctly, the Turkish state, persist in all of them, though sometimes in an "invisible" way, more as a suggestheness than as a visualization. The most expressive symbol of it is a crescent.. It is a sign of "other" - a foreign faith, imposed by the "conquerors" and thus became 'hateful." Usually it is small and placed in deep back plan of the composition. Its remoteness in the same way as its being placed on a broken Hag also should impose on the audience the idea of

^BOKKOB, AT. BbjirapcKaTa H c r o p f m e c i e a XHBonHC, BTopa uacT. CO$HH, 1978, v m j 7 77./ Bulgarian Historical Painting, Part II, f r o m the National Revival to 1944/'. T h e first graphic stamps appeared earlier, in 1839 with the image of the last Bulgarian king, Ivan Shishman. W e have examples of black and white lithographs and coloured ones. 2 O n e of the most popular authors among them was N. Kleparski.

T H E I M A G E O L T H L T U R K S IN B I J I j G A R I A N L I T E R A T U R E A N D PAINTINC. 3 4 7

the weakness of the "enemy". Bulgaria is represented allegorically as a young w o m a n , that is in full "blossom" and in the peak of her power. She simply has to awaken and to free herself from chains on her feet. The motif of chains as an allegory or symbol of "slavery" appears as a very stable element even in later paintings (we will trace it further in the study). Its roots are undoubtedly in folklore. T h e angels or other symbols of Christianity also persist in the paintings as an expression of the hope that "Our God is with us!" or may be in a contraposition to the crescent. 1 Though such lithographs were criticized for their naive aesthetics

by r e v o l u t i o n a r y

n e w s p a p e r s 2 , they

were

enthusiastically accepted by the broad public and have been reproduced many times.

Other symbols and allegories related to the attributes of Bulgaria and Bulgarians also persist -lion, crown, but they will not be considered since our aim is to trace the image of the Turks (as group image, individuality, or as more c o m m o n concept of "Turkish state" or generally speaking, "Turkishness"). ^"Svoboda" (independence) newspaper in an issue of 1870, expressed its sorrows thai tire graphic "The Dream of Bulgarians for Liberation in 1854" was compiled from the "plot of an Italian picture with the same story".

1. Nikalay

Pavlovh h. The Hope of Bulgaria. Lithography. 1877. National Art Gallery.

THE IMAGE O F T H E Tl JRKS IN BUI XiARIAN IJTERATURE AND PAINTING 3 4 9

2. Nikolay

Pavlovich.

Bulgaria divided by the Berlin Congress.

1881. National Art Gallery.

Lithography.

3. Konstantin

Rusovich.

The Revolutionaries' Dream for Liberation of Bulgaria in

1854. Colour Lithography. 1854.

T H K I M A G E O F T H K T U R K S IN B U U i A R I A N I J T E R A T U R H A N D P A I N T I N G

351

The most significant representative of revolutionary Bulgarian graphics was Henrich

Dembitski

(1830-1906).

He arrived in Wallachia as a Polish

immigrant after the revolution of 1863. It is here that he dedicated his life to Bulgarian revolutionary immigration, especially along with Hristo Botev. published a lot of graphics in the Bulgarian i m m i g r a n t press Budilnik,

He

{Japan,

etc.) there and in Romanian publications. While Dembitski is

considered to be a founder of the Bulgarian political caricature we know only a little about his life. 1 Dembitski focused mainly on historical revolutionary matters. Bulgarian lithography makes a real leap forward with the advent of his works. T h e y were highly professional even when considered f r o m our contemporary perspective and reflected modern aesthetic trends. The masterly composition, the self-confident and firm drought, successful typification and refined details distinguished them from the previously too symbolic samples. One of the most interesting lithographs is The Suicide

of the Angel

Kanchev

(1874). The young revolutionary surrounded by the Turkish zaptiyeh

turns the

pistol to himself desperate to accept death but not captivity. T h e image of one of the national heroes is quite s u c c e s s f u l . T h e r e is s o m e theatricality, histrionics in the motions and expressions of the Turks, however as a whole the artistic merits are not excessive. The realistically painted landscapes and some elements of genre painting contributed to the success of the author. T h e other lithography devoted to the struggles of the Bulgarians for their liberation is The Second Battle of Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karaca (1869). T h e r e is much more conventionality in it. In the first place, the incongruities in perspective contributed to that impression. T h e Turks are in the foreground and their closest ranks are mixed with Bulgarian rebels though the last is supposed to be hundreds of meters up the hills. Both groups are in the same scale. The foreground and background seem intertwined. Though the battle is in the "mountain," which is associated with the folkloric symbol of "protector" to the traditional heroes - hayduts, the foreground is constructed as if it were part of a city landscape. This effect falls under the apparent visible influence of the E u r o p e a n political and revolutionary engraving of those decades. It imposes a panoramic perspective, with allegory and installation appearing as something absolutely normal. 2

'See:

CH^üHOBCKa,

T.

HOBH flaHHH B b x y

TBopiecTBOTO

Ha

XeHpHX FLEM6HUKH,

xyfloxecTBeHMAT CbTpyaHHK Ha XpHCTO BoTeB/New data on the works of Henrich Dembitski/. In: HsBecTH Ha 6"b;irapcKOTO H c r o p i m e c K o a p y « e c T B o , KH. XXII-XXIV, 1948, CTp. 112 HCJI.,

BOHCKOB, A.

B"bJirapcKaTa

peBOJiIOUHOHHa

rpaifwKa /The Bulgarian

Revolutionary Graphics/, CoijjHfi, 1958.; MaspoflHHOB, H . H3KycTBOTO HHa BbJirapcKOTO B"b3pa>KflaHe/The Art of Bulgarian Revival/, 1957. O BO>KKOB, AT. B"bJirapcKaia H d o p v m e c K a acHBonnc .., c. 90.

IORDANKA

352

4. Heinrich Dembitski.

B1BINA

The Second Battle of Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karaca.

Lithography. 1869.

T h e images of Turks are created in a schematic way and with some theatrical effect, to a great extent in logical opposition to the images of Bulgarian heroes. The emotional moods of Turks are recreated in an elementary way - their faces suppose to express cruelty, anger or other presupposed "negative" qualities of their national character. They brandish their swords but some of them have already fallen dead or wounded. The existence of the "sword" is more a symbolic detail and persists almost in every painted or graphic work where we can find "historically" depicted images of the Turks. This element is used to recall the Bulgarian historical myth of "We have been

T H H I M A G H O F T H H T l IRKS IN B i l l / ¡ A R I A N U T B R A T U R H A N D P A I N T I N G

353

slaughtered for five centuries." 1 The other group of T u r k s has guns, but they look more like they have been on parade then in battle. T h e rebels, or

cetniks,

are at the top, their faces are inspired by the bright ideal of f r e e d o m . On Lhe flag is the slogan of the National Revolution Liberty

or Death. Everything in

the lithography is subordinated to that "opposition" between the fighters for freedom and the "enslaver", in that period of fierce struggles it is difficult to expect an attitude other than pure contraposition. In the w o r k s of Dembitski

w e h a v e f o r the first time,

though

conditional, personified images of the Turks - they are soldiers or zaptiehs

-

the armed force of the Ottoman State and it is through this quality the slate itself symbolized. T h e y are embellished with some stereotypical characteristics that have been introduced into the mass consciousness as being "typically T u r k i s h " - c r u e l t y , "otherness" in regard to dress, habits and religion. D e p i c t i n g the details in dresses and c o s t u m e s of the "Orient"

became

something c o m m o n to a lot of European painters. And it is not surprising to find a kind of "ethnographic" curiosity in their paintings. It is in dissonance with the main idea of recreating the t w o fighting groups and strengthening theatrical effects. T h e whole scene however, is seen as in opposition to the different causes - "the j u s t , " in the case of the fighter and the "unjust" when referring to the centuries old historical "enemy". In this sense the lithography f u l f i l l e d its f u n c t i o n - to inspire the spirits of B u l g a r i a n s striving f o r Liberation. W h e n this ideal was realized in 1878, the Third Bulgarian K i n g d o m (still a Principality) started to f o r m its institutions and to establish a new administration and personnel. The reality of establishing the foundations of the state, a l o n g with the p r a g m a t i c spirit of both, the old and n e w l y risen entrepreneurial groups to a great extent dampened the idealism and enthusiasm of previous decades. T h e wealthy who financially supported the paintings and publications now w i t h d r e w , giving priority to the n e w "ideals". '"Money making" became their main philosophy and objective. Thus, the 1890s remain in history a time of the "profit hunting" (or as the author of the most beautiful satire of the time, Aleko Konstantinov, expressed with a Turkish word, the time of "kelepircilik"). careerism, political partisan struggles, etc. Art had fallen into the background. During debates on the opening of a High School of Art, s o m e M e m b e r s of P a r l i a m e n t suggested the creation of a " D y e i n g School" as more suitable to the Bulgarian needs than an Art Academy. In any

' \ V e w o u l d r e t u r n t o it f u t h e r o n . S e e : J I o p n , B. Pa3c"B»FLEHHA

B t p x y HceopiecKHfl

MHT

" n e T B e K a HH K J i a x a " , / D i s c o u r s e o n t h e h i s t o r i c a l m y t h " T h e y b u t c h e r e d u s f o r f i v e c e n t u r i e s " . - I n : HCTOPHMECKO 6 1 > f l e i u e , KH. 1, 1 9 9 7 , 9 2 - 9 9 ; MYTAIFWHEBA, B, HJIKOH PA3RT»KFLEHHFL OTHOCHO

KJiaxa",

pa3cl»KFLEHHFLTA

Ha BepHap JlopH Bbpxy

HCTOPMIECKVIII MHT

"net BeKa

/ S o m e a r g u m e n t s vs. B e r n a r d Lory's thesis c o n c e r n i n g the historic m y t h of

been butchering us f o r f i v e centuries"/.- In:

HH

"They've

HCTOPMIOCKO 6 t a e m e , KH. 2 , 1 9 9 7 , 7 5 - 8 1 .

354

IORDANKA

B I B I NA

case, "The State Art School" was established in 1896, mainly because of the acute needs of education. During the previous decade, a number of foreign art teachers had been invited to Bulgaria and taught in the schools. Gradually the situation became more favorable for the art creators. The newly established institutions of the state were interested in painting and art works that could increase their prestige and command respect. The organizer of the Trade Shows and Exhibitions such as the traditional Plovdiv fairs and other similar events tried to present themselves as highly cultural and educated ones, at least as equally "civilized" as their European contemporaries. For instance, at the First Agricultural and Industrial Exhibition (1891), a special art section was organized. In 1896, a respected Izkustvo (Art) M a g a z i n e started being published. Meanwhile, the artists sent to European art schools and academies with state stipends started to return by the end of the 19th century. All that created a good atmosphere and conditions for such artists as Ivan Mrkvicka, Anton Mitov, Boris Shatz and others. Historical genre, however, was not influenced hy those positive trends. The artists created their works mainly in genre painting, putting at the center the figure of Bulgarian peasant. They created his image with a lot of love and sympathy towards his habits, customs, dresses trying to "discover" both typical national characters and lasting virtues. These pictures matched also the taste of the Maecenas who were just few in number. The dreams for the national greatness continued to live and remained a source of inspiration for the historical painting of one of the main figures of Bulgarian academic art - Nikolay Pavlovic, since the Berlin Conference Bulgarian lands remained divided. South Bulgaria had become divided into three autonomous entities known as Eastern Roumelia, Trace and Macedonia. While they had historically been considered as belonging to the "Bulgarian Body" they had been returned to Ottoman Empire. The struggles for the liberation of those lands had not stopped and in 1885, the Union of Eastern Rumelia with the Bulgarian Principality was proclaimed. The victory of the Bulgarian troops in the subsequent Serbo-Bulgarian War boosted feelings of national pride. In the complex internal political situation of intrigues and other difficulties, they were unable to could not receive an open and state-supported aesthetic platform that could attract more considerable attention to historical painting. Therefore, the historical works created in the period between 1878 and 1912 were limited in number. Paisiy, Under the Yoke Cycle, Kurdjalis' times, created by I. Mrkvicka, Slaughter by Hristo Stanchev, Circassian atrocity over the Bulgarians in 18761 by G. Antonov, the allegorical composition of Nikolay PavloviC, Bulgaria Divided by Berlin Conference and Union with Eastern Rumelia, Georgi Danchov's picture, The

1 A c c o r d i n g to the Svetlina (The Light) m a g a z i n e , this w o r k p r e s e n t e d in t h e b a c k g r o u n d t h e b u r n i n g B u l g a r i a n village a n d a "wild h o r d e of C i r c a s s i a n s r u n n i n g with h u m a n h e a d s stacked on their pikes. In the f o r e g r o u n d , on the r o c k s a p e a s a n t f a m i l y that has tried to f i n d shelter but has j u s t m e t its horrible death. - Cn "CBeTJiHHa", 1893, KH. XII. CTp. 2 8 3 - 2 8 4 .

T H E I M A G H O F T H H T U R K S IN B U I / i A K I A N L I T E R A T U R E A N D P A I N T I N G

Liberation

of Bulgaria,

355

including others. Ivan A n g e l o v c a m e closer to

historical painting and created a f e w works with similar plots hut with different, elegiac and philosophical approaches. Somewhat later, he made The Widows of Batak and At the Grave of the Killed SoldierThe

social climate,

however, bred an apathy and a lack of c o n f i d e n c e on the part of artists 2 Furthermore, and the efforts of those who believed that this genre has not been totally drained could not always obtain sufficient support. The interest in historical painting to some extent was strengthened by the building of the monumental church Alexandar Nevski, started in 1882. T h e idea was to bind historical m e m o r y with the "liberating" mission of Russia and to have the biggest Orthodox Church in the Balkans.^ Alongside Russian painters Bulgarian masters like Ivan Mrkvcka, Anton Mitov, St. Ivanov, N. Marinov, N. Petrov, G. Jeljazkov worked on the scenes and plots of Orthodox iconography and patriotic motifs - Conversion to Christianity of King Boris /, The Slaying of Patriarch Evtimiy among others. H o w e v e r they have t w o m a j o r shortcomings that prevent them f r o m being f r o m being considered as important steps in the evolution of national a r t . The first is that they are in concordance with the official cannons of the Church. T h e other is that they are aesthetically related to the influence of the old tradition and subordination to the norms of religious academism and cold conventionality of the Christian symbolism that took place in the European art at the previous s t a g e . 4 T h e f r e s c o e s are s o m e t h i n g m i d w a y between epic c a n v a s e s of Vasnetsov and religious paintings of Nestorov but without having either the fiery or monumental character of the former, or philosophical depth and clarity of the lasts. 5 Specificity in them w a s sought not through the versatile characteristics of the images, but though concrete and bilateral drought of the religious c o m p o n e n t s of the canon and voluntarily ornamentation that had begun to flood into the Bulgarian art by that time. Similar to this is the aesthetic of Anton M i t o v ' s The Slay of Patriarch Evtimiy.6 With the same subject is the later painting of Boris Angelushev. "The Slaying of Patriarch Evtimiy ":

' T h e y are abstract in character. In "widows," two young ladies remain at the threshold of the church peering at the heap of skulls to which a priest is pointing. It creates complex feelings and philosophical thoughts about death, suffering, impulses of life and melancholy that come of strange meeting between self-sacrifice and duty. The other painting related more to the very intimate thoughts on the tragic personal fate of the artists. Both works are in the private collection of Prof. Georgi Bogdanov. ^BajiacqeB, r . HcTopmiecKHTe KapTHHH y Hac 4;ty49.j7 1771,27.111.1909.

/Historical paintings in our country/ - d7

•'in 1885 a project of the Russian architecture academician, Ivan Bogoljubov, was approved but he died before the realization due to the delay after coming of the "Russophobes" to the power and the selection of new Prince. In 1897, a new author - Russian Prof. Alexander Pomerantsev was invited. During the first decade of the 20th century an impressive group of Russian painters also attended to the painting works in this famous monument, creating a lot of its frescoes. OXKOB, AT. BbjirapcjcaTa Hcropjmecica..., cTp •'Ibidem. 6

lbid.

148.

356

I O R D A N K A

5. Anton

Mitov.

T h e Slav oi Patriarch

B I B I N A

6. Boris

Angalushev.

T h e Slay of

Evtimiy. Mural f r o m the A l e k s a n d a r

Patriarch Evtimiy. Draught. ( N o date.

Nevski C h u r c h in S o f i a . 1913.

but the artists historical w o r k s are f r o m the 4 0 s .

T h e pseudo realistic treatment of the plastic form preserves s o m e historical authenticity only in the frames of church canons despite there being some realistic details in the composition. T h e works of other artists in smaller churches show however, that a similar kind of liaison with historical truth in many cases proves to be if not totally fruitless, at least very unstable. The images in the composition also consist of the victim and e x e c u t o r in opposition. The last Bulgarian Patriarch is on his knees in the same way as the fall of the state. The attributes of his glory and power as a spiritual leader of Bulgarians are together with him on an "earth" that looks like a theatrical decoration. There is already a nimbus of saints around the head of victimized Patriarch. His is looking up to G o d , in whom he seeks to find strength to meet with dignity, the tragic fate - his own and that of his people. His whole figure is an expression of the noble suffering in the name of state and faith. T h e images of the Turks are not equally interpreted. The executioner's f a c e expresses a "cruelty " and "mercilessness" of the "butcher" though in theatrical idioms. He is with a sword in his hands ready to make his blow. In contrast to the Patriarch w h o dressed in solemn ceremonial religious garb, that is reflective of his position and nobility, the Turk is half-dressed. This detail is meant to create unpleasant sensations and allusion to the lack of respect in the conqueror even to the holy elder and saintly man of the conquered people. The other figure of the Turk on the backside of the f r e s c o is totally different. Though it possesses the outer signs of belonging to the " e n e m y ' s camp," it is created in some biblical sense even with notability on the face, pose and dress. Such approach to the matter to some extend was consciously sought by some authors in order to "build bridges to the National Revival" and through it - to

TI-II I M A G K O F T H K T l IRKS IN Bl II JG A R I A N L I T H R A T l IRE A N D P A I N T I N G

357

the Medieval models openly borrowing "ready" themes and plots (subjects), costumes, ornaments and painterly idioms. The practical realization of those efforts however lead to the negative attitude of contemporary society to their works. This was due to the fact that the society had already lost its affinity to the conventionalities and specific charm of the old plastic system and started to believe in the values of the real life. Even the "Patriarch" of Bulgarian literature, ¡van Vazov,

whose novel Under the Yoke marked the Bulgarian

consciousness for the whole century,' after visiting the Rila Monastery in 1891, sadly evaluated romantically colored but naive works of Revival painter of towns of Samokov and Bansko: " all spiritual and didactic scenes and all holy p h a n t a s m a g o r i a of exalted Christian mysticism are m a r k e d by its lifelessness, monotonous and fixed imprint." He stressed that this painting in the n o r m s of O r t h o d o x y , constantly bound to Byzantine "formulas," in contrast to the Western - Rome, which inherited classical myths of old Greek art, " has extremely conventional, frozen, holy character; it is static, finished, not able both to progress or to decline. It is remarkable how Orthodoxy also affected in such unfavorable way other kinds of arts in the East, condemned them being stock-still, monotonous and lacking in originality." 2 This opinion is shared by other influential men of that time. The key figure in the formative stage of Bulgarian fine arts was that of Ivan Mrkvicka (1856-1938), Czech by origin but "Bulgarian in thought, aspirations and ideals," in the words of contemporary critics. He c a m e to Bulgaria after three years of education in Prague and one year in Munich. During that time a lot of other foreign artists crossed the country hoping to find exotic themes or, permanently settled there, lead by their altruism and love of Slavic peoples under the wide spread ideas of Slavic solidarity. His energy and hard work helped him in a short time to be able to obtain the predominant share of state ordered paintings - both secular and religious. He created a variety of canvases where one could see picturesque bazaar scenes, national habits and customs, compositions on the walls of Sofia Agricultural Bank, vignettes on the thank you letters to the Russian emperor, illustrations 3 and portraits of high ranking religious and state individuals or droughts of local men and w o m e n f r o m the villages in their striking national costumes. His mastery grew in time and his brush became more flexible and touching

' W h a t is not a historical fact. The Turks exiled patriarch Evtimiy to Monastery of Bachkovo, when he died in old age. 2

T h e novel also became an inspiring source for artists who recreated the images and scenes from the famous Bulgarian fictional works, such us the figure of the one of the most loved heroes -Borimedkata, collective image of rebels participated in the April Uprising, etc. Ivan Vazov himself does not have a bad feeling toward the Turks, he was a real intellectual with a broad and democratic outlook and after a trip to Istanbul immediately after Young Turk Revolution, wrote a paper full of sympathy towards them. %a30B, HBaH. BejiHKaTa P h j i c k s nycTHHHJi - HsSpatra npoHSBeaeHH» b yeTHpn roMa, CO$H5I, 1950, T. IV, c t p 50,

358

l O R D A N K A

B I B I N A

and ultimately reaching an open c o m p r o m i s e with the vibrations of impressionistic influences. Mrkvicka was most attracted by the genre painting. He not only used the academic techniques learned from such Check genre painters as Mikolach Alech and Joseph Manes, but was also influenced by the spirit of popular Huropean painting with its great number of didactic, ethnographic and piquant details. He also applies some impressionistic discoveries but never stresses purely plastic problems. He is stronger in underlining the ritualism and decorative loveliness of costumes thus emphasising a more ethnographic task. What is clear is that the artist came to Bulgaria not only to create, but with an ambition to be an educator of Bulgarians. During this period, he dominated the whole artistic life in the country, first, as a one of the professors in the State School of Art (Academy) and then as its director (1896-1909). He was also a member of juries of international exhibitions, a member of all state commissions and councils, a participant in world congresses, etc. Though there are very antithetical evaluations' of his creativity and pedagogical activity, he devoted about 40 years of his life to the Bulgarian art. He also contributed to the development of historical genre. In a report to the executive board of the Academy of Art in 1914 , the artist listed the works that he considered to be the most important. A m o n g them are Refugees, Moon Night (after the visit of the Turks), The head of the father. Preparation (Ba§ibozuk), In Macedonia, Martyrs, Paisii Hilendarski. Some of them have been exhibited many times. Some others have been lost. Perhaps the most interesting in the sense of plastic solutions is Refugees or Kurdjalis Times, a very important period that has left deep traces in historical memory of the nation because of its being associated with long lasting violence and atrocity. The French author B. Lory and Bulgarian professor V. Mutafchieva , on the pages of "Historical Future" recently discussed this matter. Bernard Lory believes that the late 19th century European processes and the French revolution, in particular, did not find a response in Bulgaria. The anarchy caused by Kurdjalis prevented Bulgarians f r o m adopting the French revolutionary ideology. At the same time, the Kurdjalis' atrocities left such a lasting impression on the Bulgarian mind that even modern Bulgarians tend to identify the entire history of Ottoman rule with bloodshed and violence of the Kurdjali period. However. V. Mutavchieva points at the occurrence of a number of phenomena that links Bulgaria with the intellectual and political climate of contemporary Western Europe. Contrary to the Lory's suggestions, she underlines that Bulgarians were not isolated from the processes taking place on the European continent. I do agree with the fact stressed by V. Mutafchieva, that there a lot of modern Bulgarian studies dedicated to that

' F o r instance, illustrations accompanying the novel of I. Vazov Under the Yoke. 1 will not discuss them separately here, hoping to deepen the study of the subject later on.

THBIMAGHOFTHHTl'RKS IN BIJIXiARIAN LITERATURE ANDPAINTING

3.59

problem, which have demonstrated the parallelism of the processes in the "center" of Europe and its South-eastern "periphery." However, I certainly would support B. L o r y ' s in his position that c o m m o n public o p i n i o n , c o n c e p t s and i m a g e s are built more on the myth of "Five centuries of slaughtering" than on the objective academic studies of modern Bulgarian historians or other scholars. And it is not surprising since general public is rarely a w a r e of academic developments but rather f o r m s its opinions and concepts on the basis of "secondary" sources, myths and art works a m o n g them, that are much more easily accepted by feelings and emotion when compared to efforts involved in scientific argumentation. In the most paintings having historical themes, we see the reflections of the myth, revived later on by the events during the April Uprising, and Batak Massacre, in particular. This is valid for the Mrkvicka's

paintings, as well. His works are

directed mainly to the emotions and are inspired by his love for the Bulgarian people and his full solidarity with all pains in their tragic fate. The sufferings that result from the violence and atrocities against the Bulgarians are the main theme of his works. They are some kind of confession of his passionate love for the "Slavic brothers," something related to the widely spread "Slavic idea." In his large-scale pictorial "stories," the elements of folklore and epics, dense psychology and some religious piety are mixed together for one p u r p o s e - to pass ethic judgement on the unbelievable outrages of human cruelty. He draws figures of suffering the foreground; the victims of the crime against humanity are always at the center of his attention and assume priority in his plastic task. Perpetrators, or Turks, are in the background of the paintings, or are totally missing from the composition. Though often they are not "physically" present in the scenes, their image is built by the consequences of awful actions , i.e., through some "after-effect". The plastic interpretation of the artist results in his a b a n d o n i n g sober authenticity while trying to add d i m e n s i o n s to his thoughts, e m o t i o n s , artistic conclusions through the canonization of the heroes into sacred entities. He links the peoples f r o m humble village homes to the heavenly spheres and looks for answers to the eternal fight between "Good" and "Evil" in the spirit of Christian values. The miracle he created in addition to his didactics put the realities of genre painting in the background and directed the humanism of artists into the stream of religious abstractedness. He used to appeals to the imagination of the spectator, w h o s e cultural and religious identity would actively participate in the r e f i n i s h i n g of the suggestive concepts. It is not difficult to presuppose what kind of images could

create a t e r r i f i e d c o n s c i o u s n e s s

strengthen

by e m o t i o n a l

and

psychological factors and, of course, by the stereotyped notion. Thus, the image of the Turks built in an associative way, is again, that of "merciless", "cruel" killer, brutally destroyed the lives of the peoples, a kind of "infidel" or "Evil" in the Christian lands.

360

O R D A N K A

B I B I N A

In the historical paintings of Mrkvicka, it is possible to trace these peculiarities in his art. In Kurdjalis Times he gave up of his love of the ethnographic details and created the scene in a general psychological and emotional plan. The sufferings of the Bulgarians are c o m m o n , so he put the accent not on the action, but on the mood, on the dramatics expressed in the situation of the whole group of figures. The latter are static, but this actively contributes to the suggestion of the drama. T h e faces of refuges are grouped together diagonally, starting from the bottom right extending into the depth of the picture of the burdening village. They are in coloured contrast to the sky all in ferrous flames on ochre and brown backgrounds. Thus, the orange and red tones enhance the dramatic effect of the scene which is itself built on more general contrasts - between the mass of the people: and the desolation of the plain, open country, between semi-darkness and the fiery reflections in the sky. Here the artist doesn't ignore the role of coloring and proves that he can master the laws of plenerism and reach the harmonization between all components of rhythm and plastics.

7. Ivan Mrkvicka.

K u r d j a l i s T i m e s . A b o u t 1897.

In his other works we can find a similar approach. Under the Yoke cycle gather the inventions that Mrkvicka weaves into the tragic chronicle of Bulgarians' history. Those works do not connect with concrete events or react to them. These heroes are common peoples with our names .whose individual drama is represented as an episode in the tragic fate of the nation.

362

i O R D A N K A

B I B I N A

We see a father driven mad because of being helpless to save his daughter who has been violated and killed. Her naked body is on the floor as if still in the throes of death. The light from above turns into a radiance that divides the composition diagonally creating a shadowy connection with the celestial world. The worldly suffering is over and the angels, bright and calm, come down promising eternal glory and peacefulness. It is the same as in all baroque painting of coronations or tortures. The T u r k s again have not be presented "physically" in this painting, Nevertheless the horror of w h a t happens produces within the spectator a feeling of fear and hatred towards them makes a spectator to feel fair and hate to them. The negative emotional effect it has is even stronger than if they had been depicted as "monsters". Nocturne

of Horror

9. Ivan Mrkvicka.

is resolved in the same way.

N o c t u r n e of H o r r o r (no date).

THE IMAGEOFTHE TURKS IN BULGARIAN LITERATURE AND PAINTING 363

10. ¡van Mrkvicka. Under the Yoke (no date) A mother is bent over the dead body of her daughter or daughter-in law. It is not within her p o w e r to help her or to c h a n g e the i r r e m e d i a b l e , she has lost e v e r y t h i n g that had given her life m e a n i n g . She is c r u s h e d by the grief that has c o m e to her as disaster. H e r destiny in a very i m p r e s s i v e w a y reflects the destiny of p e o p l e w h o c o m e together and share the s a m e d r a m a - both that of the individual a n d that of t h o u s a n d s within the w h o l e nation O n e c a n n o t find here the scenes of mass executions, blood f l o o d s or the s m o k e of burning villages. Only the cold light licks the headscarf of the old w o m a n falling upon the white bed sheet w h e r e the naked body of the violated y o u n g w o m a n lies. T h e b o d y of h e r y o u n g child is an essential c o m p o n e n t of this h o r r i b l e "nocturne." T h e h a p p i n e s s and the f u t u r e h a v e been killed in this u n h a p p y h o m e at t h e v e r y b e g i n n i n g . H e r e t h e T u r k s are t h e m i s s i n g

element,

associating h o w e v e r not only with the violence and atrocity, but also with the sign of death itself. T h e artists' suggestion m a d e in this w a y is m o r e p o w e r f u l than any techniques.

364

IORDANKA

BIBINA

Christo Stancev (1870-1950)^ who studied in Florentine Academy of Art and later on in the Munich Academy added to the historical theme of "Turkish Yoke" with his Slaughter (1907). 2 This work is an exception within his creative tendencies that are in general marked by a proclivity to genre painting and influenced by Secession and Boecklin's works. It is probably the case that the poetry and life of prominent Bulgarian poet Pejo Yavorov influenced this painting.- 1 However some sign of Mrkvicka's historical canvas can be traced with respect to the idea and plot. 11. Christo Stanchev.

Slaughter (1907).

It is a story of a whole Bulgarian family that has been slaughtered in their home by the Turks. They have already gone, but behind them has been left horrible tragedy and death. The pain of the tragedy could be felt in darkness of tones resembling the common grave. A dog mournfully howling to the sky as he sits under the threshold framed by the brightness coming from the door, is the only survivor. The light enters the place of drama from this point in a way that is similar to the way Mrkvicka's perspective bring the body of the most innocent victims - violated women - to the foreground. The suggestions are close to those in previously mentioned works of others, so is the "missing" but strongly shaped image of the Turks as a visual reflection of the myth "We have been slaughtered for five centuries". The young Bulgarian bourgeoisie growing up with the ideals of the National Revival did not give up its desire to see its new social status in more a romantic and heroic light. This social stratum wished to strengthen its increase self-confidencc and to suggest through the means of art their new political roles and new military power in a heroic and romantic manner. The Prince also makes efforts to follow the traditions of European courts and together with the leaders of the army started to look for the talented artists to fulfil the task of serving the army with their art. Because of the lack of confidence in local authors, the court circles preferred to invite foreigners. Thus, in period between 1885 and World War I, a number of them lived and worked in Bulgaria in order to create the kind of art that their maecenas consider important-officious in character and representative of state battle

' A d m i r a t i o n and rejection of his works persist not only in the critics of different generations, but even in the writings of one the same persons. Usually he w a s accused of playing the most significant role in the lack of training of Bulgarian painters. T h e younger generation that fought against him, with the passage of the time came to realize that they were actually fighting against the academism and rendering c o m m o n p l a c e n e s s of genre painting in the n a m e of "new" art. New art, w h i c h has been prepared under the new conditions, new searches, new plastic problems but within the context of what was created earlier, includes the heritage of Mrkvicka. BejiMycTaKOB, JIioBeH XpHCTO CTamieB, Co$nst, 1955. ^It disappeared in 1930. T h e last owner, Pavel Genadiev, sold it to the Central Committee of the Macedonian brotherhood, after which the work's traces w a s missed.

l i l i : I M A G B O F T H H TURKS IN B U I / J A R I A N LITERATI IRK A N D PAINTING

painting. O b v i o u s l y , it could

have led to a p p r o a c h e s that were

365

not

differentiated from the aesthetic views of pompous academism. Fortunately, some of the foreigners were not indifferent to the influences coming from the European art that had developed after the second half of the 19th century and brought to Bulgarian fresh art and modern aesthetic impulses. Meanwhile, they were interested in the life of Bulgarian society and managed to b e c o m e integrated within it. The first, to develop battle themes in Bulgarian art after the Liberation, was Antoni

Piotrovski

(¡853-1924).

He c a m e to country after the Serbo-

Bulgarian War in 1885 as a correspondent and illustrator to the great European magazines "Graphic" and "Illustration. His attitude to the war and love of the Bulgarian peoples drew the attention of the public in the capítol and that of Prince Alexander Batemberg. The Prince invited him to Sofia as a Court artist and as an official annalist of the battle glorious battle by the young Bulgarian army. Before that Antoni Piotrovski

had received his education in Krakow and

then in Munich, he traveled a lot and worked in Western Europe and in Paris. The thematic scope of his works is very broad - he was fond of genre painting connected with the life of Polish peasants, but often included allegoric and fantastic elements and created a lot of landscapes and portraits. Artists

have

managed to preserve his versatility and multi-facetedness reflected in his overall creativity. For instance, while w o r k i n g on the motifs of SerboBulgarian w a r , he won an award in Berlin in 1893 f o r his f a n t a s t i c composition Nymph and

Satyr.

After coming to Bulgaria, he attended all battles crossing front lines together with Bulgarian army. His droughts are combined with detailed notes on every battle and by themselves are a valuable source for historical studies of the War. 1 He worked on them during the period between 1885 and 1889 which resulted in a cycle that includes the main m o m e n t s of the War. In post-war period he traveled a lot in Bulgaria visiting the cities of Plovdiv, Rouse, Tarnovo, Belogradéik etc., studying the national types and preparing great number of droughts. Perhaps it is by that time that he plans to design a great picture devoted to the tragedy of Batak. Which he was able to bring to fruition in 1892. The composition Batak Slaughter appeared in the Art Section of Plovdiv agricultural and industrial exhibition and was immediately bought by the National M u s e u m . Later, in 1948 it passed to the National Art Gallery. Andrey Protic, art critic and historian of Bulgarian art, highly praised it and writing: "... this painting reveals the Barbarism of the conquerors with such power and such emotion that only the most devoted patriot among Bulgarian artists could reveal with." 2

'BCUKKOB, AT. BbJirapcKaTa HcropimecKa..., cip.163. They are preserved in the National Gallery of Art.

2

366

10RDANKA T h i s w o r k r e s e m b l e s the Mrkvicka's

BIBINA p a i n t i n g with regard to t h e

subject. T h e artist reereated a night scene on the banks of Old River that is the final accord oi' the tragedy.

11. Antoni Piotrovski.

Batak Slaughter. 1892.

D e e p in the picture is the f r i g h t e n e d b u r n i n g village with f l a m e s striking the sky. On the bright spring sky is a "frightened" crescent. A c r o s s the river, on its banks are the bodies of m a n y violated and killed w o m e n and girls. C l o s e to t h e m is the g r o u p of perpetrators of the c r i m e Circassians and ba§ibozuks, which in fact m i g h t not be T u r k s in t e r m s of ethnicity, but a s s o c i a t e d , in the p u b l i c c o n s c i o u s n e s s , with the " T u r k i s h c r u e l t y " and s u f f e r i n g s of the "Yoke". 1 heir images are d e s i g n e d in contrast to that of the victims - the m o r e terrifying are the bodies of slaughtered w o m e n , the m o r e u n a b a s h e d are the "butchers." T h u s , they appear not only as killers, but also as cold-blood killers of innocent and w e a k victims. Here w e could f i n d p e r h a p s f o r t h e f i r s t t i m e in B u l g a r i a n p a i n t i n g - or, m o r e c o r r e c t l y , in p a i n t i n g h a v i n g a Bulgarian t h e m e . - the f a c e s of the T u r k s that had p r e v i o u s l y been d e p i c t e d in very schematic and e l e m e n t a r y w a y and never as a real h u m a n s . N o w , t h e y a r e i n d i v i d u a l i z e d , realistically p o r t r a y e d , with f u l l d e t a i l s of expression, dress, and poses e v e n t h o u g h their silhouettes are blended in with t h e night d a r k n e s s . T h e light of t h e f l a m e s m a k e s the line of their f a c e s standout their turbans, f e z ' s and girdles more picturesque.

THKIMAGKOF THHTURKS IN BULXJARIAN IJTHRATURE AND PAINTING 367 If the right side of the painting were to be c o v e r e d , this group w o u l d look like the detail of a genre painting. T h e ba§ibozuk

in the bright turban

seated with his back to the spectator, his neighbour, the others c o u n t i n g the stolen m o n e y s , the central g r o u p of T u r k s , including the T u r k i s h w o m a n on the left side of the picture are what constitutes the T u r k i s h presence in the painting. All those i m a g e s are characterized in such a way as if they were on some Oriental market place. In my o p i n i o n , as we will see, d i f f e r s f r o m the e v a l u a t i o n s of the c o n t e m p o r a r i e s , t h e s e i m a g e s by t h e m s e l v e s hardly could hardly s u g g e s t f e e l i n g s of horror or hate. O n l y the c o n t e x t p r e s u p p o s e d the a d d i n g of a negative connotation to them. H o w e v e r , it is quite o b v i o u s that the w a y in which the group of T u r k s is created is linked more to the genre painting and as such remains s o m e w h a t "unnatural" in the c o m m o n context of the works. T h e a r g u m e n t that t h e i r c o l d - b l o o d n e s s s t r e n g t h e n s the n e g a t i v e e f f e c t of p e r p e t u a t e d villainy is not c o n v i n c i n g . T h e " a b s e n c e " of T u r k s in the paintings of Mrkvicka is much m o r e impressive and suggestive as an artistic and plastic effect. T h i s interesting peculiarity of "missing" i m a g e might be due to the fact, that most of the paintings h a v i n g the t h e m e "slaughtering" were created by foreigners w h o had never really seen the faces of the Turks in situations such as those they c o m p o s e d . It is difficult to a n s w e r the question w h y not a single Bulgarian artist of the time created a w o r k depicting the " f a c i a l " image of the T u r k s as a "violators" or "killers". It may be a result of a d e e p p s y c h o l o g i c a l "trauma" in the national c o n s c i o u s n e s s of B u l g a r i a n s . W h a t e v e r other reason there may be behind I am not ready to find out at the present. It might be worthy of further research. T h e subject treated in this way, resembles the n u m b e r of works created by the imitators of French Romanticism. In this sense the picture is a kind of delayed e c h o of the "Walpurgis-night" of those f a m o u s p s e u d o romantics that m a d e visible to the society all the heart-breaking c r i m e s of h u m a n beings. T h e y w e r e striving to create t e r r i f y i n g spectacles, r e p l a c i n g the realistic dramatic e f f e c t of their predecessors with theatrical effects, luxurious interiors, a lot of blood and b o d i e s of white w o m e n ( R o s h g r o s s , H e n r y - R e n o and others). It might be that similar canvas had a decisive influence on Piotrovski during his travels in Europe, when the ideas of academized p s e u d o historicism still e n j o y e d c o n s i d e r a b l e success. For the d e v e l o p m e n t of Bulgarian art, however, it could be considered a progressive step, because previous work with such a theatrical m i s e - e n - s c e n e and such an unusual p a i n t i n g and artistic s t r u c t u r e did not exist. T h i s is h i n t e d at by his d e s i r e to stress the "bioodthirstiness" through the o m i n o u s f l a m e s and reflections that drew out of the darkness the naked and s e m i - n u d e bodies in a horrible scene. A similar function is played by the illumination, used not only as a decorative element but as an i m p o r t a n t m e a n s of e x p r e s s i n g the main idea - g r a n d i o s e fire destroys at the s a m e time exposes. Its gleam cuts through the d e n s e darkness and "gathers" the hands and breasts. Thus, the truth c o m e s to light and can not be denied.

368

lORDANKA

BIBINA

By that time the suggestiveness of this work matched the feelings of the Bulgarian intelligentsia and had the effect of shocking the society. Ivan Vazov,

who had just visited Batak, where he had seen the bone-vault of the

victims, was astounded when saw this painting at the Plovdiv exhibition. Expressing his emotions, he wrote that the painting is "strikingly alive, expressive, perfect in intention and brilliant in realization". 1 He thought that the painting revealed 'one of the most ugliest moments in our new history," he nevertheless accepted that the " impression coming from the lighted up bodies, whose sufferings had beneficially been stopped by death, is something different." The Seri of the reproduction of Piotrovski's

works was published

and distributed by Svetlina (Light) magazine during 1893-1896. The success of the Batak

Slaughter

reproduction in 1896 a m o n g the broad public was too

great to allow the underestimation of this work even though it had not been painted by a "Bulgarian" brush. During the 1890s another outstanding artist entered the Bulgarian artistic life. He was Jaroslav Vechin ( 1 8 6 0 - 1 9 I 5 ) . 2 Czech by origin, he also gained the recognition of being the one of the best Bulgarian artists whose creativity reveals " the true Bulgarian nature and the true Bulgarian soul". 3 T h o u g h the subjectivity and romantic admiration in these evaluations are sometimes mixed with a critical attitude, they reflected the objectivity of the place and the role of Vechin in Bulgarian art. He understood very well the needs of Bulgarian public and managed to lead the new generation of artists striving for the new and modern idioms of expression, new t h e m e s and problematic to new artistic horizons. Artists such as Atanas Mihov, Vladimir Dimitrov-The Master, Aleksander Bojinov, and Elisaveta Konsulova-Vazova started their artistic careers at his studio and always considered him as their "spiritual father." His works helped them to discover the "secrets" of the plener, the poetic aspects of the landscape and the techniques of pictorial texture. His first works were mainly in genre painting and he continued to create pictures in the same manner even after coming to Bulgaria ("In the forestry", "Threshing", Ploughman", etc). His images are colorful, earthly, picturesque, but they differ considerably f r o m what Mrkvieka did, mainly because he liberated himself from the ethnographical perspective, treated the picture more freely and managed to add more complex artistic expression to space and figures.

' A H f l p e B n p o T i m , B o g a n Ha HapoflHHS My3aR M C o $ H 5 i / A n d r e y Protic, A l e a d e r of the National M u s e u m in Sofia/, C o $ H f l , 1922, CTp. 2 2 8 229. ^Ba30B, HBaH. H36paHH npoHSBefleHHfl B MeTHpn TOMa, Cotjmfl, 1950. ^ H e studied f o r a while in Paris and in 1890 w e n t to M u n i c h , w h e r e he worked in the studios of Carl von Piloti and Josef Brand. T h e last was f a m o u s also as a " M u n i c h School of Polish Art".

THKIMAGHOFTHKTURKS IN BHIXiARIAN IJTHRATIJRH AND PAINTING 3 6 9 T h e s e q u a l i t i e s of his talents attracted the attention of high military o f f i c i a l s in B u l g a r i a and he w a s invited to d i f f e r e n t m a n o e u v r e s , i n c l u d i n g t h o s e related to the 25

A n n i v e r s a r y of Shipka

epopee

(battles) d u r i n g the

O t t o m a n - R u s s i a n W a r in 1877-1878. T h u s he started to create great c a n v a s e s with battle t h e m e s , parades troops on m a n o e u v r e s , etc. and in 1904 w a s given the official h o n o r a r y title of "Artist of the Ministry of W a r . " In his paintings f r o m the period of 1898-1912 the m a n o e u v r e s b e c a m e the main subject. T h e high military circles w a n t e d him to represent t h e m in full s u m p t u o u s n c s s as an "historical event" and to m a g n i f y them in full "glory." T h e y also asked for the full or even "photographic" r e s e m b l a n c e . T h i s i m p o s e d the limitations of the f o r m a l i t y , h o w e v e r , the talented artist m a n a g e d to o v e r c o m e the official c h a r a c t e r s , f a l s e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n a t u r e of t h a t s u b j e c t s a n d t h r o u g h

the

compositional versatility of the artistic solutions in his paintings, to interpret t h e m with great m a s t e r l y and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . U s i n g the a c h i e v e m e n t s of i m p r e s s i o n i s m , he treated in a n e w w a y tonality, a c c e n t u a t i n g its d e n s i t y , intensity, richness and especially on the c h a n g e s under the i n f l u e n c e of the airy milieu and the transition of the tones into s e m i t o n e s and n u a n c e s . For this, the l a n d s c a p e d b a c k g r o u n d s w e r e c o n s i d e r e d to be a starting point in the development of the Bulgarian landscape genre.' T h e s e p a i n t i n g s of Vechin

gained a great p o p u l a r i t y a n d r e c o g n i t i o n

a m o n g the a r t i s t i c c i r c l e s in E u r o p e . H o w e v e r they w e r e v o i d of d e e p e r emotional impulses. It w a s a relatively u n e v e n t f u l time w h e n the B u l g a r i a n s w e r e e n g a g e d in b u i l d i n g their n e w state and n e w society. G e n r e painting, p o r t r a i t s , i n t i m a t e i n s i g h t s into t h e s p h e r e of i n d i v i d u a l ' s f e e l i n g s a n d e x c i t e m e n t s attracted the attention of artists. In a time of rapid social c h a n g e and modernization of society and state, s o m e artists depicted the last preserved m o m e n t s of the old, traditional, patriarchal style of life that had been to a great e x t e n t m a r k e d by " O r i e n t a l i s m " . T h e y p a i n t e d p i c t u r e s q u e b a z a a r s , a n d c o m m e r c i a l streets as they had existed in O t t o m a n times, m o s q u e s , motley c r o w d across the streets of t o w n s that l o o k s like villages, e t h n o g r a p h i c a l l y c h a r a c t e r i z e d c o s t u m e s of p e o p l e , etc. H e r e , in the l a n d s c a p e and g e n r e paintings w e can find the images of their " o w n " Turks, i.e. "Bulgarian Turks." T h e y a r e on t h e streets and bazaars of S o f i a , K a r l o v o , P l o v d i v and o t h e r towns. In this sense, they are an "organic," impartial c o m p o n e n t of the cities a n d t o w n s that till the f i r s t d e c a d e s of t h e 20 t h c e n t u r y p r e s e r v e d patriarchal a t m o s p h e r e and picturesqueness of the "Orient".

'BfcjirapcKH r b p r o B c o n BGCTHHK, 6p. 21, 29.1.1990.

their

370

l O R D A N K A

B I B I N A

THHIMAGBOFTHKTURKS IN BUIIJARIAN LITKRATURK AND PAINTING 371 Josiph Oberbauer 1 was one of them. Born in Austria, in 1889 he came to Bulgaria and participated in the project of the reconstruction and urbanization of this still "oriental" city. His professional engagements introduced him to ancient ruins and old buildings, the churches, mosques and bazaars. As a scholar from the Munich Art school of the second half of 19lh century, when realistic depiction of reality had become a form of naturalism, he created almost documentary paintings of what was Bulgaria's capital at the end of 19th and beginning of 20th centuries. The rich collection of his works is a valuable source on the history of the city, as far as a lot of buildings he depicted no longer exist. In this sense, they could be a very useful visual insight to all scholars of city culture on the Balkans during that period. In the paintings of Oberbauer, there is a soft and bright linearity that makes him very close to kind of thinking of the common people. The artist did not impose his ideas, but managed to achieve a long-lasting artistic impact and a feeling of veracity. He created a realistic picture of everyday life in Sofia during the last two decades of the 19th century.

13. Nikola Tanev.

Karlovo (town).

'npoTHM, AHflpeB. IleTfleceT ro/]HHH CbJirapcKO MicycTBO. /50 years of Bulgarian Art/, CoifHii, 1934.

372

IORDANKA

15. Jo sip Oberbauer.

BIBINA

A Wheat Market. (No date)

I HK IMAGE OFTHE TURKS IN BUIXiARIAN LITERATURE AND PAINTING

16. Josip Oberbauer.

Banya bashi Camii Bazaar. (No date)

373

374

IORDANKA

17. Josip Oberbauer.

BIBINA

Tavern.

!901.

T h e last painting is an expression of e v e r y d a y c o m m u n i c a t i o n s between the colorful populace of t h e city. T h e a t m o s p h e r e in T a v e r n is that to w h i c h later on V l a d i m i r D i m i t r o v - T h e M a s t e r w o u l d r e f e r in his letters with a strangely c o m p i l e d , but very precise "Turkish" w o r d - " z i y a f e t l a f m u a b e t " . G e n e r a l l y s p e a k i n g , this is w a r m n e s s in inter-individual and social relations that strongly divided "East" f r o m the "West." It w a s the w a r m n e s s that the hero of H a l i d e Edip, a f o r m e r catholic m o n k , Peregrini, w a s looking f o r in the T u r k i s h world. T h e a t m o s p h e r e in the T a v e r n reveals a n o t h e r p h e n o m e n o n that of a natural mixing of the d i f f e r e n t ethnic g r o u p s in one, still traditional, Bulgarian society after the Liberation. It could be traced also in s o m e proverbs, f o r instance in one saying, "the d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n B u l g a r i a n s and T u r k s is s a m e like that of the layers of an onion". T h e O t t o m a n heritage also persisted in those paintings w h e r e a lot of m o s q u e s w e r e depicted. T h e interest in t h e m continued in the f o l l o w i n g years of wars, w h e n a lot of artists w e r e sent to the f r o n t lines in order to recreate the m o m e n t s of t h e battles - we f i n d t h e m in ex-provinces of the E m p i r e - in droughts f r o m S k o p i j e , Ohrid and other places. S o m e citations of S c h o p e n h a u e r , Ibsen, etc. can b e f o u n d in t h e paintings of s o m e artists expressed through the specific cult of the tombs. T h e y used to be T u r k i s h c e m e t e r i e s (in w o r k s of V l a d i m i r D i m i t r o v - t h e M a s t e r a n d H r i s t o Berberov):

THBIMACjHOFTHK TURKS IN BM/.ARIAN LITKRATl JRE AND PAINTING 37.5 The idyllic scene of traditional life was broken with the beginning of the wars - first the Balkan wars, then World W a r I, which ended with the Versailles system of peace treaties, and was called "The national catastrophe" for Bulgaria. T h e Balkan W a r gave a boost to historical painting in the country that paralleled patriotic enthusiasm and the wave of nationalistic feelings. The war was supported by broad public opinion as a "War for the Liberation of the rest of Bulgarian lands". The artists participated in the events and gathered an impressive volume of materials and impressions that were devoted to a lot of works on the Balkan war. 1 Jaroslav Mitov created their The Balkan as Taking

the Turkish ford.

work of Alexander

Mutafov

Vechin

and

Anton

War cycles. Others created compositions such

On the Papaz

Tepe, Bulair

Flag, etc. T h e last

represents a compromise between exalted feelings

and a persisting naïveté in plastic solution. At the center is an image of the Turkish soldier with the flag in his hands, but the fight to take the flag of the "enemy's" army is clear - the soldier is surrounded by the Bulgarians. On the left side, is the similar scene and d e e p in the picture is the attacking and closing Bulgarian army. In the foreground is the group of dead Turkish and Bulgarian soldiers. W i t h all those c o m p o n e n t s the painting is a banal commonplace of those battle canvases that had already become boring to the European public and had begun to be put in the depot's of the galleries. The artistic failure is symptomatic not only for these works, but for the works of the great number of artists that had entered the battle painting for the first time and had therefore lacked experience. Thus, they were unable to find the most impressive point of view, but "slid" to the external ostentation and pure "literary" subjects. T h e y lacked e x p e r i e n c e in practising

multi-figural

compositions and made only droughts and sketches- not great canvases or panoramas. Only a few of them - Jaroslav Master

and to s o m e extent, Simeon

Vechin, Velkov,

Vladimir

Dimitrov

-

The

succeeded in attaining broad

artistic audience. O n e of the best works of Vechin is the painting, The

Retreat

of the Turks at Ljule Burgas ( 1914). In the words of some reporters, the retreat was a disordered escape of confused, hungry, suffering crowds. In this work, the artist depicts the defeat of enemy army in this aspect: as a tragedy of people without any triumphant exaltation. He captures the events across a whole spectrum. W h a t was enough for him to see was the controversial dimension of the events

' F o r his w o r k s and b i o g r a p h y see: C o i f m s B a K B a p e j i m e Ha 0 6 e p 6 a y e p . COIJMJI, 1983. ( S o f i a in the vvatercolours of O b e r b a u e r ) .

376

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and to interpret not only the zeal for vietory on the part of the Bulgarians, but also the misfortunes of the Turkish soldiers. T h a t is why his c o m m e n t is more humanistic and philosophic than militaristic. The horrible path of the war is strewn with victims. In the foreground lay killed horses and buffalo. On the right side is an abandoned cart from which a dead Turkish soldier is hanging. He is with the last damn of the war, frozen on his face is his last utterance- cursing the war- unheard by anyone. Close to him is another still living soldier w h o is moaning in the mud. His fear and hopeless desperation fills the space from the muddy earth soils to the cloudy sky. The atmosphere and everything else has become imbued with his pain and suffering. It mingles with the troops, ammunitions, gun-carriages and the bodies of horses and humans scattered along the deep and muddy grooves. Figures of running soldiers can be seen in the background against the sorrowful colors of the sky. It is not by c h a n c e that no images of the "persecutors" or winners are present. The accent is not on the battle won, but on the mass sufferings and destructive forces of the war that ruined lives and nature. Thus, the center of the suggestiveness in the painting is the figure of Turkish soldier towards whom the spectator feels sympathy. It is through his image that the artist passes a public verdict on the war. A n d through the complex of components he builds up an image of the war- finishing with philosophical and ethic reflections on the values of life and death and thoughts of "peace" and "war." This is why the critics highly respected his Balkan

War

cycle and wrote that Vechin had created " an epopee on our soldiers and petty officers, not a eulogy to the generals, similar to what Anton Von Werner had done for Bismarck, Moltke and the generals during the French-Prussian war. It makes obvious the democratic nature of his personality." 1

' T h e r e are a lot of paintings and draughts of places in Turkey, which the Bulgarian troops passed or there were battles, like Adrianople, Ljule-Burgas, Bolair, Ayvaz Baba, the M o s q u e of Sultan Selim, T h e Sea of M a r m a r a , etc. They are only the backgrounds to the sketches of B u l g a r i a n soldiers or o f f i c e r s and might be studied separately, for instance, w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k of the theme of "Balkan W a r in the B a l k a n Paintings". A s a w h o l e , so-called "military painters" appointed to the army during the war, brought a deep dissatisfaction to the high ranking army leaders. This was mainly because they w e r e pacifistically disposed and the "glorious victories" impressed them less than blood of the war victims. In addition to that, they interested in landscapes and genre paintings and created a lot of beautiful impressionistic paintings and fewer true "battle" paintings.

THE IMAGE OF THE TURKS IN BUIjCJARIAN LITERATURE AND PAINTING

377

A similar attitude can be seen in a man who may be considered one of the greatest Bulgarian artists- Vladimir Dimitrov-The Master (¡882-1960).

18. Vladimir

Dimitrov-

The Master.

Self-portrait. 1923.

He strove to derive the truth of history from the eyes of the soldiers and of the endless bloody roads of war. There are groups of soldiers and officers, landscapes, compositions and oil sketches, a confused collection of different techniques, but all connected by the penetrating insight of the artist. The horrible scenes of the war conflict with his belief in "Good,'' formed under the influence of philosophy of "tolstoism." The paintings of Vladimir Dimitrov became a vigorous cry against war in Bulgarian art of that time. Even a "small" detail - a body of a dead soldier lying face down on the rocky hills, in the paintings of the Master gave rise to a sense of unbelievable tragedy that concerns all people. It captures the immensity totally covering the image of the war. His face is drawn by suffering of the captive peoples, by the cruel absurdity of mass killings, by the with the clenched fists of soldiers and the silent perplexity in their eyes. In series of droughts The Master depicted the war as an all-embracing horror.

378

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19. Vladimir Dimitrov-The

BIBINA

Master. The horrors of the war (No date). Draught.

T h e r e are no victors and no v a n q u i s h e d . T h e p e o p l e a r e equal in their pain. T h e M u s l i m and the Christians, T h e T u r k s and B u l g a r i a n s are equally struck d o w n by the malady of the war. In his d r o u g h t s w e see the c o m m o n tragedy of f a t h e r s w h o have lost their sons, w o m e n w h o h a v e lost their h u s b a n d s , girls w h o h a v e lost their families, the long, a l m o s t endless string of r e f u g e e s w h o h a v e lost their h o m e s . H e d e p i c t e d with all his c o m p a s s i o n the f i g u r e s of T u r k s m o u r n i n g f o r their relatives, the T u r k s leaving their h o m e s with w o m e n and children walking with heads bowed d o w n into the uncertainty of the future. T h e r e is not any sign of hostility t o w a r d the T u r k s ; f o r h i m , they a r e not "enemies," but the people m o w e d d o w n by o n e the s a m e "Evil" - t h e w a r . T h e r e is n o hate to the "centuries old e n s l a v e r " in the w o r k s of Dimitrov-The

Master,

Vladimir

n o trace of any historical m y t h , but only the d e e p and

sincere love for man- a true h u m a n i s m that o v e r c o m e s any prejudices. 1

'ripoTHM, AHflpefi. flpocjiaB BeiUHH (no cjiyqatt nocTtpTHaTa My H3;io>K6a), /Jaroslav Vechin. On the occasion of his posthumous exhibition/', Co$H«, Mafi, 19Z0

THKIMAGBOFTHKTURKS IN BULGARIAN IJTERATURK AND PAINTING 379

20. Vladimir Dimitrov-The Master. The horrors of the war (No date). Draught.

380

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B1BINA

The Master has never been satisfied with only the outer appearance of the visible things. He looks for the more universal, more cosmic meanings in his works. The artist saw man as the "eternal source of life," and man and nature according to him were equally the offsprings of the never failing universal activity. That is why his paintings became very much like microcosms, created by artists. They pulsate with the powerful rhythm of unceasing renovation, becoming a vivid symbol of universal creative energy. Istanbul became a source of inspiration for the artistic and plastic search for the realization of this philosophy through the most modern means of 20 t h century art. Istanbul cycle is one of the most interesting that gives expression to the Master's search for eternal and non-transitional values.' The works in the cycle were created during his 6 month stay - from April to October, in Istanbul, in 1926. 2 His Maecenas, John Oliver Crane financed this trip of Vladimir Dimitrov. It was two years after the unsuccessful American experience, 3 when the artist took the way to the exotic world of the Orient. Orient, that had a very special appeal for him. He strongly believed, that on account of fate, history, manners and customs, as well as mentality, Bulgarians at the beginning of the century were still closer to Eastern civilizations than to Western Europe or the New World. Most likely, artists tend to look in the Orient for features that distinguish it from Modern European civilization - the Orient's ancient exotic, mosques, hodhjas, imams, covered women, picturesque bazaars, men in fezes, all its noisy crowds. He probably expected to be in the very heart of the Orient, since he had already seen the former provinces of the centuries-old empire during the Balkan war. 4 In his early drawings, we can find the streets, peoples, mosques in cities of Skopie or Ohrid, places near the Bolair, etc. that still preserved their "Oriental" perspective.

' F o r deeper evaluation of the place of Vladimir Dimitrov - The Master in Bulgarian art see: KojieB, 6

H

ABpaMOB, n

KoueBa.

BJiaflHMHp

flHMHTpoB-MafiCTopa.

M a f t c r o p a H HeroBOTO BpeMe

CO$HH,

1974,

282

cTp.,

HJI ;

CotjJHSt 1 9 8 9 , 5 0 7 C T p . , HJT.

2

l t is a subject of a separate article for the "Melange" miscellany in honor of Prof. M. Kiel. % i s first visit to Istanbul was in 1909 with a group of students from the School of Fine Arts on the invitation of their T u r k i s h c o l l e a g u e s and in o c c a s i o n of the 1 st A n n i v e r s a r y of Constitutional Parliamentarian Regime (tkinci Me§rutiyet). ^ T h e details are given in: Bibina, I. Istanbul cycle in the paintings of Vladimir Dimitrov- T h e Master. (Manuscript delivered for "Melange" miscellany).

THHIMAGH OFTHKTURKS IN BIJIJGARIAN IJTERATIJRE AND PAINTING 381

21. Vladimir Dimitrov-

The Master. Bayazicl. Graphics. 1926.

W h e n he arrived to Istanbul in April 1926, he hoped to find and deepen t h e i m a g e of t h e " O r i e n t " in his f u t u r e w o r k s . H o w e v e r , he w a s quite disappointed when he f o u n d a totally d i f f e r e n t T u r k e y - that of M u s t a f a Kemal Atatiirk, w h o had begun to d o a w a y with b a c k w a r d n e s s of the ruined O t t o m a n E m p i r e and to turn it into a modern E u r o p e a n country. By the t i m e of arrival of T h e Master, "europeanization" as a process had advanced alongside with the K e m a l i s t r e f o r m s , t h o u g h m o r e intensive and visible in the E u r o p e a n than in t h e A s i a n part of t h e c o u n t r y . In a letter to a f r i e n d V l a d i m i r D i m i t r o v c o m p l a i n s that he is d i s a p p o i n t e d b e c a u s e he has not been able to find the "Oriental characters" he had been looking for. "Everything is "westernized" and there is nothing Oriental. Even the i m a m s call to prayer with caskets on their heads." 1 Nevertheless, the artist recognized t h a t " here is a labyrinth and neverending material for painting." 2 A c t u a l l y , the M a s t e r b r o u g h t f r o m Istanbul w o r k s that created a real s e n s a t i o n in a r t i s t i c c i r c l e s in S o f i a . T h e y w e r e w a t e r - c o l o u r s h a v i n g an a m a z i n g h a r m o n y of colorings and original in t h e m e and content. Every single

! H e was assigned as a "military painter" to the Bulgarian army, as many other artists were. T h e Ottoman Turkish government during the wars applied this practice as well. ^Letter to the Bulgarian poet Nikolay Liliev, dated 9 June 1926.

382

I O R

D A N K A

B I B I N A

one of them was a remarkable achievement of the art of painting. 1 At the beginning of May 1927, The Master was ready to deliver about 80 works to Crane in Prague. Before going there, he agree with his friends and admirers to show them his new works. Today very few of those works have been preserved and we "know" them only through the description of the contemporaries of the artist. 2 The improvised exhibition was in a small room at the house of his friend PaveI Georgiev. The news about the "Istanbul exhibition" of Vladimir Dimitrov-The Master, spread like wildfire within amongst the artistic circles in Sofia and for few days a long procession passed by the small house that was full of the great and unforgettable works of the artist. The success of the exhibition was sensational. T h e elite of Sofia had been struck by the spectacularly fiery colors. Rven from what was left in Bulgaria of those works one could imagine their impact on the intellectuals, artists and critics. One of his most remarkable works is the "Orient," a bazaar and ancient bookstore in Istanbul. The rays of sun can be seen coming through the windows, leaving luminous spots as they strike the eaves and on groups of people in conversation on both sides of the street; at the center is a figure of a man deep in thought. We can easily sense the heaviness of the thoughts with which he was burdened. The whole picture is made by using a new, velvet water-colour technique. Other works are called "Prayer," "Working," "Port of Istanbul." The latter consists of peoples and goods, masts and sails, city and sea, lights and darkness, mixed in such picturesque manner that it imposed a vivid impression of tense anxiety of life and ebullient motion. City at night which is a sacred Benares, a strange scene full of mystics and devotional spirit. The other is the Covered Bazaar with the yellow sun, penetrating through the upper glass panes. Next to them are small oil landscapes of the Janissary Museum, Byzantine walls. St. Sofia, the Bagdat kiosk, the Bosporus at night under enchanting phosphorous lights, colonnades in the mosque and old cypresses. According to critics, "Everything is new, made with an absolutely new technique, all in the same breath.

'BjiaflHMKp flHMHTpoB-Maiicopa P a a r o B o p H , nHCMa, cnoMeHH M a s t e r . ( C o n v e r s a t i o n s , letters and m e m o i r e s ) . V k a n z 9 1972, c. 31. 2

Vladimir Dimitrov - The

T h e exhibition of s o m e w o r k s (about 15) b r o u g h t by J o h n C r a n e to B u l g a r i a was s h o w n in 1980 in S o f i a . It h a d a d e e p impact on the public, d e m o n s t r a t i n g the great talent of the a u t h o r . D u r i n g his earlier visit in 1974 J. C r a n e e x p l a i n e d to t h e p u b l i c that a lot of the M a s t e r ' s w o r k s had been lost d u r i n g t h e W o r l d W a r II. ( A c c o r d i n g to the local n e w s p a p e r "Zvesda" /Star/ of 25.1.1974). • W n f l H M H T p o B , EM. HoBHTe KapTHHH Ha M a f l c T o p a (The N e w pictures of the Master). - In: PasBHi-op, 6 p . 260, 21 Mad 1927.

THH IMAGK OF THH TURKS IN BUI XiARIAN IJTHRATURE AND PAINTING

383

The Istanbul struck Vladimir Dimitrov with its beauty, treasures, historical m o n u m e n t s and the magic of being placed on t w o continents between two seas. He was impressed by picturesque quality of the city, by lurid red light of the rising sun and golden sunsets, flashing over the sea, beach, and peoples. The artist was overwhelmed by noisy and dynamic crowds, by the strange mixture of "Europeanness" and "Orientalism," by Muslim faith and strong beliefs of the people praying all day and everywhere, and by the countless m o s q u e s and minarets cutting through the horizontal lines of seashores and exotic romantics. In one word, Istanbul awakened his creativity, stirred up within him new energy, new and unknown feelings, philosophy, t h o u g h t s and insights. By t o u c h i n g that d r e a m - l i k e city, the M a s t e r demonstrated himself as being one of the greatest Bulgarian water colorists. 1 The technique of water coloring assumed a different power in his Istanbul cycle. It contained f e w themes - the B o s p o r u s , the covered bazaars, the mosques, the cemeteries; but they were varied not so much in manner of composition as in the coloring and new approach to form. T h e brilliant reds, yellows, greens, blues and purples create a sense of the "sounds of wild Oriental music, like drums played on bayrams,...

earthy and passionate, as a

whole f u g u e of the Orient." 2 When friends expressed their astonishment at the unusual and absolutely new techniques, the M a s t e r j u s t smiled under his prophet-like beard and his eyes shone with charms of the secrets never revealed: "What techniques are you talking about? There is no such a thing You look at life and the puzzles it represents. M y palette was poor when I tried to make those wonderful covered bazaars with the purest tones but I can never match the power of the nature alive"-' The very interesting peculiarity of the aesthetics, creativity and view of life of the Master is that he did not drew what his eyes saw, but what his own concept and idea was of the Orient. This was despite the progressive pace of modernization in Turkey under the Kemalist reformist movement and policy of rapid changes in the society, despite the personal impression of "westernized life." Though he might accept the necessity of the reforms and respect them as a modern man, as an artist he considered it to be non-sense to depict the Orient without its unique exoticness or an Orient that has been turned into a place which could be seen anywhere in the modern urbanized world. And when

^KOHMeBa, Mapa. BjiaflHMHp flHMHTpoB-MaBCTopa. Coijma, 1981, CTp. 40-43. The other outstanding Bulgarian watercolourist mentioned by the authoress is Nikola Marinov. 2 '•BJiaBHMitp. flHMMTpoB-MaflCTopa. Pa3roBopn, nHCMa, cnoMeHH. (Conversations, letters and memoires). Coijmfl, 1972. c. 64-65. •'ibidem.

384

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BIBINA

r e a l i t y d i d n ' t m e e t his e x p e c t a t i o n s , his i m a g i n a t i o n a d d e d t h e " m i s s i n g " a s p e c t s . In his Istanbul

cycle,

the artist i m p l a n t e d the m o t i f s that his c r e a t i v e

will d e s i r e d , t h e s y m b o l s of a n a n c i e n t c i v i l i z a t i o n - h o d j a s w i t h

arms

o u t s t r e t c h e d to the s k y - an e c s t a s y of p r a y e r , M u s l i m s l y i n g p r o n e in t h e a n t e r o o m of m o s q u e s ; c o v e r e d M u s l i m w o m e n , f r o z e n in grief as they p r a y e d a m o n g t h e c r o o k e d s t o n e s in the c e m e t e r y ; l a n d s c a p e s of t h e B o s p h o r u s , with its i n n u m b e r a b l e m i n a r e t s ; c o v e r e d b a z a a r s , w h e r e in m y s t e r i o u s

semi-

d a r k n e s s , veils and t u r b a n s flit past, p i c t u r e s q u e b a z a a r s in the full g l o r y of Eastern beauty.

22, Vladimir Dimitrov-The

Master,

The Bosphorus. 1926. Water-colour

(Privately owned).

THE IMAGH OF THH TURKS IN BUIjGARIAN LITERA'TURK AND PAINTING

385

The c o n s t r u c t i v e stability of the art s p a c e in the w o r k s of V l a d i m i r D i m i t r o v is s t r e n g t h e n e d a l s o by t h e g e n e r a l i z e d t r e a t m e n t of the f o r m s r e p r e s e n t i n g architectural or h u m a n f i g u r e s . E v e r y t h i n g is so d e n s e l y and synthetically " m o u l d e d " , that f o r m s a c q u i r e a m o n u m e n t a l

imprcssiveness.

T h e artist s u c c e e d s in not b r e a k i n g it up, w h i c h has the e f f e c t of g i v i n g tectonic accent even to c l o u d s and water. T h e y look as if they h a v e been m a d e of s u b s t a n c e that o t h e r o b j e c t s d e p i c t e d h a v e as a result, t h e w a t e r - c o l o u r w o r k s in Istanbul

cycle

c r e a t e a s t r i k i n g i m p r e s s i o n c o m i n g f r o m the

primordial p o w e r of this strange world w h e r e e v e r y t h i n g a p p e a r s as having d e s c e n d e d f r o m a c o m m o n s u b s t a n c e a n d p u l s a t e s in a u n i v e r s a l c o s m i c r h y t h m . T h e artist " d e s t r o y s " o r d i n a r y m a t t e r and t u r n s it i n t o p r i m a r y s u b s t a n c e , m a k i n g both n a t u r e - "stones, trees and hills"- and m a n e q u a l l y d e a d . 1 T h e y v i b r a t e together: m a n lives f o r c e n t u r i e s with the stones, sea, boat, a n d visa verse. In the city of m o s q u e s , the m a n p r a y i n g t o Allah g r o w s up as a m i n a r e t that is looking for God. T h e m i n a r e t s look like the prayers f r o m times i m m e m o r i a l , with arms stretching to the sky. T h e artist stands in f r o n t of a "new world that w a s or would be or exists s o m e w h e r e at this present moment."2 M o s t critics a n a l y z i n g the Istanbul

cycle of the Master, f r e q u e n t l y used

a m e t a p h o r i c l a n g u a g e , in w h i c h t h e c o s m o g o n i c a l

terms assumed

important place. T h e y used to describe the e f f e c t of the w o r k s as mysterious mystical.

These

an or

w o r d s really reflected the s i g n i f i c a n t a s p e c t s of the a r t i s t ' s

w o r l d v i e w . W h i l e creating those i m a g e s , he w a s l o o k i n g f o r w h a t he had a l w a y s been striving - f o r the Eternal. He a l w a y s tries to recreate reality in the f o r m of the eternal a n d u n a t t a i n a b l e a s p e c t s that lay b e h i n d its e p h e m e r a l a p p e a r a n c e . W h e n he is d r a w i n g a part of reality, he is trying to feel the "entity" of the c o s m o s . W h e n painting a landscape, he strives to transmit the r h y t h m of the universe. W h e n creating a portrait, he "portrays" a m a n in his universality. T h i s a t m o s p h e r e of universality that fills u p the p a i n t i n g s in Istanbul

cycle,

has the e f f e c t of m a k i n g t h e m go b e y o n d t h e merits of the

local m o t i f s a n d f o r c e d the critics to explain its irresistible f o r c e to m a k e cosmogonical

comparisons-

to t a l k a b o u t

"primordial

essences"

and

"metaphysical secrets." In his d r a w i n g s of Istanbul, T h e M a s t e r m a n a g e d to c r e a t e s o m e t h i n g which w a s u n k n o w n in Bulgarian graphic art of the time- a synthesis of lines, v o l u m e s , c h i a r o s c u r o , t h r o u g h his d y n a m i c , p a r a l l e l e d a n d m o n o t o n o u s but masterly strokes organized

seemingly

in c u b i s t s t r u c t u r e s .

That

synthesis, in the s a m e w a y that appeared in his painterly w o r k s , e m b u e s them with m o n u m e n t a l impression that the f o r m s by t h e m s e l v e s might not have. In

^HpaK-CKHTHHK. MaHcTopa (The Master) - In: 3jiaTopor. 1929, KH. 2-3. c. 77. 2

Ibidem.

386

I O R D A N K A

B I B I N A

some pcncil drawings, such as "Praying Muslims" or "Bazaar," his desire to simplify the composition was so great, that he abstracted of all the details of the motives. Even more - he gave up the use of the stroke in order to save only the main silhouette of the forms underlined by the very thick, smooth and unbroken contour. Those drawings look as if they had been made not by a painter, but by a sculptor.

23. Vladimir

Dimitrov-

The Master.

A T u r k i s h w o m a n with a child. 1927. National

Art Gallery.

T h e Master complained that he did not create anything that could be considered seriously, that "except the expenses there is nothing on the table" and that he has looking for "something", but could find "nothing". However, his works created in Istanbul prove to be an incredibly happy burst of his powerful talent. The works of Istanbul

cycle marked a very important period

in his artistic creativity. At the same time, this cycle is considered to be a one of the greatest achievements of the Bulgarian culture. T h o s e who had the chance to see the whole collection at the "Istanbul Exhibition" cannot forget the impression the paintings made on them and tried to express their delight in poetic idioms:" My eyes have been dazzled by this crazy game of colors I

THKIMAGKOF I'HHTURKS IN BUJjGARIAN IJTERATURK AND PAINTING 3 8 7 r e m a i n a w e - s t r u c k , u n a b l e , not able to say a w o r d , in silent e c s t a s y . T h e m o n u m e n t a l e s s e n c e of the f o r m s and c o l o r s d e e p l y p e n e t r a t e d my soul, f o r e v e r o b s e s s i n g my mind. N o w , a f t e r m o r e than 30 years, I still r e m e m b e r and see them in my m e m o r y if it w a s only yesterday." 1 Every e l e m e n t in t h o s e paintings p r o v e s the u n i q u e n e s s of Istanbul cycle in the creativity of the Master. T o a great extent, t h e y remain distinct and s e p a r a t e a m o n g his previous or f u t u r e w o r k s in their r e p r e s e n t a t i o n the "other" side of existence. O n e which w a s m o r e linked to the "divine" than to the "worldly". T h e inspiration that c a m e to the artist in Istanbul, "opened" the c h a n n e l in his creativity t h r o u g h w h i c h he b e c a m e c l o s e r to "eternal" and "inaccessible" values. A s T h e M a s t e r himself used to repeat "great art is a troubled thing, o n e life is n e v e r e n o u g h t o master the c r a f t " 2 W i t h o u t h a v i n g had the w o r k s of Istanbul cycle, h o w e v e r , w e would n e v e r h a v e had the full idea of the M a s t e r s ' achievements. S o m e t h i n g very important would h a v e been missed.

24. Vladimir Dimitrov-

The Master dressed as Muslim believer.

Photography.

It is p o s s i b l e t o c o n c l u d e that t h e r e a r e at least t w o levels on w h i c h the "concepts and i m a g e s " of the T u r k s in Bulgaria are f u n c t i o n i n g . O n e of t h e m is a strongly i d e o l o g i z e d and m y t h o l o g i z e d historical m e m o r y . It i n f l u e n c e d the artistic w o r k s that h a v e been created mainly in the genre of historical 'Bj7a^iiMnp flHMMTpoB-MailcTopa. PasrOBopn, nHCMa, cnoMeHH. Vladimir Dimitrov Master. (Conversations, letters and memoires). CocjiHa, 1972, c. 65.

"Ibidem.

The

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388

BIBINA

painting. Its roots can be traced to the immediate aftermath of the Liberation of Bulgaria in 1878 and builds upon previous traditions of lithography. The first Bulgarian artists, some of them of Slavic origins, developed it during the initial stages of Modern Art at the "threshold" between 19th and 20 th centuries. As one may expect, the "Turkish slavery" is the focus of those paintings. Their subjects were built upon some key historical moments that were deeply rooted in Bulgarian "autostereotype." T h e drama of the defeat of the Bulgarian state by the T u r k s in 14 th century, the tragedy of lost independence, the suffering brought by the "blood tax" and other restrictions imposed during the Ottoman dominance, Bulgarian Awakening, the April Uprising of 1876 and its subsequent crushing peak moments in the Ottoman-Russian War such as the Sipka Battle, the hanging of the national hero Vassil Levski, and others have been among the main themes of those works. The image of the Turks built upon a mythological basis has also been negatively expressed through art. This image has been symbolized in paintings in the f o r m of a cruel and merciless conqueror, bearing a sword in his hand. The "folklorism" involved in the creation of the image of the Turk proves to be very strong. Some subjects of the paintings are drawn directly from folklore, as it is in case of Chains

of Slave,

Devshirme

(Blood

Tax),

Three

etc. The myth that "they have

butchered us for five centuries" remains still alive in the consciousness of Bulgarians and it is very difficult to overcome.

25. Boris Angelushev.

The hanging of Vassil Levski. 1942.

THKIMAGH OFTHE TlIRKS IN BlIIXiARIAN IJTKRATURE AND PAINTING

389

Only such great disasters as w a r s created a new, broader outlook to the Turks. W i t h i n o n l y a f e w d e c a d e s a f t e r l i b e r a t i o n , B u l g a r i a n a r t i s t s d e m o n s t r a t e d t h e i r h u m a n i s t i c attitude t o w a r d the p r o b l e m s of " w a r " a n d "peace." For t h e m , there are no "enemy T u r k s , " no " B u l g a r i a n heroes," no "defeated," no "winner." W a r is a great tragedy that ruins e v e r y b o d y ' s lives. People are j u s t s u f f e r i n g victims of war. T h e other level at which the i m a g e of t h e T u r k s is f u n c t i o n i n g is that of e v e r y d a y life - e v e r y d a y c o m m u n i c a t i o n s and links. In s o m e w o r k s at the b e g i n n i n g of the c e n t u r y , o n e c o u l d f i n d t h e i m a g e s of " o w n " , "Bulgarian T u r k s " . T h e y a r e o r g a n i c e l e m e n t s of t h e t o w n s that still p r e s e r v e d their patriarchal a t m o s p h e r e , traditionalism and p r e - m o d e r n i t y , the picturesqueness of "Oriental" mixture of peoples and habits. T h e rich artistic heritage of V l a d i m i r - D i m i t r o v - T h e Master, revealed a n o t h e r B u l g a r i a n a t t i t u d e , t h o u g h still m o r e l a t e n t , t o w a r d t h e "other." Believing in "goodness" and love a m o n g p e o p l e s e a r c h i n g the m o r e universal links between m i c r o and m a c r o c o s m s could be an important potential for the better u n d e r s t a n d i n g and t o l e r a n c e b e t w e e n p e o p l e . Istanbul cycle of the M a s t e r is an i n s p i r i n g s o u r c e of that p h i l o s o p h y . It is o n e that c o u l d h e l p o v e r c o m e the n e g a t i v e i m p a c t of the historically s t e r e o t y p e d i m a g e s of the T u r k s in the Bulgarian c o n s t i o u s n e s s - i n a w a y similar t o w h a t w a s d o n e by great thinkers and creators like Vladimir Dimitrov - The M a s t e r with his broad humanistic views on the relations between the H u m a n , Nature and G o d .

26. Hodja. (Imam). 1927. Water color. Kjustendil District Art Gallery.

390

I O R D A N K A

B I B I N A

28. Istanbul Port. 1927. W a t e r color. National Art G a l l e r y .

30. Atatürk, Ivan Petrov.

392

lORDANKA

32. Atatürk, Ivan

BIBINA

Petrov.

M i l IMAGE OF THH Tl IRKS IN BLII XiARIANI JTERATl JRE AND PAINTING 3 9 3

33. Turkish Stamps, Hristo

Lozev.

Lily Hamourtziadoii - Biilent Gôkay Keele E u r o p e a n R e s e a r c h C e n t r e ( K E R C ) , Keele University, U.K.

ANGELS AND DEMONS-CONSTRUCTIONS AND REPRESENTATIONS OF THE ENEMY IMAGE IN GREECE AND TURKEY

...."History...is not a detached and impartial source which unilaterally shapes human sentiments. Social developments naturally influence feelings and views, but history itself is in turn a f f e c t e d by popular beliefs and prejudices. Present-day Greek-Turkish relations can best be understood not through an abstract c o n c e p t of history-as-destiny, but by p r o b i n g into ideology, into the motives and the beliefs... both of the peoples and of the governments. Greeks and Turks have been educated to become antagonists and opponents. For generations they have been fed with aggressive ideologies, with prejudices against the other side, with one-sided information and with historical distortions and exaggerations." 1 Millas goes on to stress the m e a n s by which such distortions are achieved. On the one hand, "the basic belief which is impressed upon pupils is that they belong to a superior nation. Such notions as equality a m o n g nations and peoples, or that civilisation can derive f r o m the interaction of different cultures, are not to be f o u n d in these textbooks." On the other h a n d , "superiority is always relative, and requires that the other party be discredited. T o enhance the claims of one nation to be civilised, the past, the ancestry and the 'character' of its neighbour are proclaimed barbaric. Past events are fabricated, or exaggerated, or evaluated by anachronistic modern standards, without any historical context or understanding." M o r e o v e r , severity and harshness shown in ancient times or more recently are used to "prove" the continuous and characteristic brutality of the n e i g h b o u r i n g nation. T w o categories of e v e n t s are then left out: "our" ugly d e e d s , and "their" praiseworthy acts. Myths and narratives are, in f a c t , widely used f o r nation-building purposes, and are an indispensable tool of nationalism and nationalist thinking. Myths about ourselves and about others, narratives that shape our identity and contrast it to "theirs" can explain beliefs, motives and acts. But

'Heraklis Millas, 1991."History Textbooks in Greece and Turkey", History Workshop Spring , p. 23.

Journal,

396

LILY

only partially.

HAMOl

RTZIADOU

-

Bl'U.HNT

(¡OKAY

U n d e n i a b l v . there are creations and constructions, but the leap

to the statement "everything is created and constructed" is a great o n e a n d , w e will argue, a w r o n g one. The tendency in the last 3 0 years or s o is to talk very generally a b o u t c r e a t i o n s and i n v e n t i o n s , of " w o r l d - a s - t e x t " , of " t r u t h - a s - t o o l " , a n d of c o n s t r u c t e d m e a n i n g s , w h i c h in turn c o n s t r u c t reality in o u r " p o s t m o d e r n world". T h e process of "deconstruction" that started with Foucault and Derrida has led to a reconsideration of our largely accepted beliefs in fixed identities and single truths, constituting nationalism's main a d v e r s a r y . T h e purpose of this paper is to question such generalisations.

1. C r e a t i n g t h e " O t h e r " W h a t is c r e a t e d , a n d w h a t is not c r e a t e d ? C a n w e o n l y s p e a k of c o n s t r u c t i o n s and fictions? W h o is the o t h e r ? Can a n y o n e be the Other, the e n e m y ? Is the e n e m y i m a g e all there is, or are there actual e n e m i e s ? If the world is a text open to interpretation, with n u m e r o u s p o s s i b l e c r e a t i o n s and c o n s t r u c t i o n s , as this c o n f e r e n c e s u g g e s t s , can there be r o o m f o r n o n h e r m e n e u t i c t r u t h s ? T h a t is, d o e s the p o s s i b i l i t y of h e r m e n e u t i c

truth

categorically and necessarily rule out o b j e c t i v e and actual truth, such as the e x i s t e n c e of an actually hostile and d a n g e r o u s O t h e r , an a r m e d a n d lifethreatening f o e ? T o what extent can the existence of a real d a n g e r be attributed to fictions, i m a g e s and subjectivities? H o w f a r can a r m i e s of h u m a n beings, f i g h t i n g , killing and d i s e m b o w e l l i n g e a c h o t h e r , be d e s c r i b e d in t e r m s of "alternative and competing discourses"? Nationalists tend to think of their o w n nation as pure. T h e "people" are a tribe, a single ethnic g r o u p with a c o m m o n l a n g u a g e , h i s t o r y , c u l t u r e , religious beliefs, pattern of education and a single unified territory . W h e t h e r it is an actual c o m m o n a n c e s t r y and centuries-old tradition expressing f u n d a m e n t a l truths about its m e m b e r s , or a myth or device serving other p u r p o s e s , the idea of nations has taken root in the c o n s c i e n c e of their m e m b e r s , r e s u l t i n g in w h a t is c a l l e d " n a t i o n a l i s m " by its c r i t i c s , a n d "patriotism" by its defenders. A s is the case with n a t i o n a l i s m , certain beliefs w e r e c u l t i v a t e d and m a n i p u l a t e d in o r d e r to serve v a r i o u s p u r p o s e s , m a i n l y the c l a i m to selfd e t e r m i n a t i o n . Central to t h e s e b e l i e f s w a s t h e n o t i o n of t r u t h - e t h i c a l , historical, political- a truth w h o s e validity lay b e y o n d the b o u n d a r i e s of the group of people that w e r e ready to fight f o r it. T h u s the "truth" c o n c e r n e d the nation, yet was not defined or restricted by its boundaries. It was seen as truth,

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regardless of its "national" character; it was the truth about the nation. This truth was then used to justify acts of violence against the "enemy" nation. Nations, as Jonathan Glover believes, are products of nation-states, rather than the other way around. 1 Like Anthony Smith, he sees the nation as being grounded on myths. 2 What those myths are largely about is differences: differences in self-perception and identity, and in the perception of others; differences in what they treat as true and in where they believe their loyalties to lie. It is those differences that define who they believe themselves to be and shape their beliefs about others. And it is those beliefs that form the basis for their actions. What exactly are the differences between Greeks and Turks? Are they so great? Religion apart, Greek and Turkish cultures are very similar. From cuisine to proverbs, to jokes, to vocabulary, to customs, to traditions based on 5 0 0 years of c o m m o n past. It can be argued that Greeks and Turks are more similar than they are different. It appears that the emotions stirred up within c o m m o n a l i t y are m o r e violent than those aroused by pure and radical difference. Freud explains this paradoxical relation between narcissism and aggression; it is precisely because the differences between groups minor that they must be expressed aggressively. The less substantial the differences, the more they struggle to portray those differences as absolute. And thus they form narratives which, according to postmodern thinkers, are not and cannot be objectively true, corresponding to an external reality that one can c o m e to know. T h e only truth they possess is hermeneutic truth. Foucault writes of a network of texts making up "practices that systematically form the objects of which they speak." 3 W e should speak of texts rather than facts. P o w e r is implicated in all knowledge systems, such that notions like reason or truth are the products of specific historical circumstances. Derrida refuses to see the knower as a given, but instead as another construction of language and culture. 4 T h e knower is always caught up in a language and m o d e of thinking which d o e s not interpret the world, but constructs it. It is necessary, he says, to interrogate naive ideas of reference that envisage a straightforward matching-up between language and the world "outside". His m e t h o d is d e c o n s t r u c t i o n , s u s p e n d i n g or subverting the most commonplace ideas of referential truth, for there is no drastic opposition

'Jonathan Glover, 1997. "Nations, Identity and Conflict", Mckinn, R. And McMahan J. (Eds), The Morality of Nationalism, Oxford University Press. 2 A. Smith, 1992. Ethnicity and Nationalism, E.J. Brill. 3 D.C. Hoy, 1992., Foucault, A Critical Reader, Blackwell. 4

D . Wood (ed), 1992. Derrida: University Press, 1987.

A Critical Reader,

Blackwell, C. Norris, Derrida, Harvard

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between "the real world of empirical self-evidence and the secondary meanings that are placed upon it by thought, language or textual representation". According to this v iew, then, words like "danger," "threat," "evil," "enemy," etc. only have secondary meaning, bestowed on them by subjects, and depending on the point of reference. One nation's hero is another nation's war criminal. Something is dangerous or threatening only when a subject perceives it as such, and only with reference to that subject. The same applies to "enemies." In a way, postmodernists claim, they are artefacts. There are no objective dangers or enemies. W e wonder if the) would also claim that there are no real dangers or enemies, existing outside our minds and our interpretations, in the real world, threatening or exterminating real people. G e o f f r e y Warnock said "it is a bad thing to be tortured or starved, humiliated or hurt; it is not an opinion: it is a fact." Not only are there real dangers in the world, not only have the T u r k s repeatedly behaved in a dangerous (often lethal) way towards the Greeks and vice versa, not only have they been enemies of each other (non-constructed, real enemies), but each nation has actively contributed through its actions to its being branded a "dangerous enemy." It is their actions that made them so. They are each other's enemies because they behave as such. Their enemy status is not an artefact, is not a figment of our imagination, and it is definitely not a matter of interpretation. When real blood is spilt, when humans are persecuted, degraded and threatened w ith the presence of an army, then the facts really do speak for themselves. How have then the Greeks and the Turks become enemies? At the end of the thirteen century a Turkish group of warriors established itself in north-west Anatolia. The name Ottoman derives f r o m that of the prominent leader Osman or Othman of this group. The expansion of their power was rapid, with great conquests made in the Balkans. They took Adrianople first in 1360 and then in 1371 after a major victory on the Maritsa River. Thessaloniki was acquired in 1387. 1 But the real historical hostility between Greeks and Turks started when Ottoman Sultan Mehmet II rode his grey into Constantinople on late T u e s d a y a f t e r n o o n , 29 M a y 1453. A monastic scribe in Crete wrote next month that "there never has been and never will be a more dreadful happening." 2 From then on, the Turkish rulers of the Ottoman Empire kept the Greek lands and people under their control

^Barbara Jelavich, 1990. History of the Balkans, 2

I n Alan Palmer, \992.The

Vol.1, pp. 30-31 .Cambridge University Press.

Decline and Fall of the Ottoman

Empire,p.

1, London: John Murray.

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almost until the twentieth century. The twentieth century has never been free of the Greek-Turkish conflict. A s it opened, the Cretans and peoples of northern Greece were seeking to liberate themselves from the last restraints of the old empire. They succeeded between 1908 and 1913. At the end of the First World W a r , Greek troops occupied large areas of what is now mainland Turkey. But the Greek forces were over-extended and were unable to contain the armies of Turkish national movement led by Atattirk. In 1922 Smyrna fell to the Turkish troops. Although relations improved a little in the inter-war years, Greece was subject to intense internal strains as it accommodated the hundreds of thousands of refugees who had to move country as a result of the e x c h a n g e of populations decided at the Lausanne peace c o n f e r e n c e which followed the end of fighting in Anatolia. There was a period of calm for a generation, during and after the Second World War. The Cyprus problem ended this optimism, and has plagued many governments since then. A s it is clear f r o m the above brief historical overview, there has been resentment between Greeks and Turks. The Greek is "the Other" for the Turks, and the T u r k for the Greeks. Throughout the centuries-long experience of living t o g e t h e r in c o n f l i c t the e n e m y i m a g e was created through

the

d e m o n i s a t i o n of the neighbouring nation, and this i m a g e has been reconstructed at every new stage of conflict and hostility in this turbulent part of the world. It is tempting to see today's prevailing resentment between Greeks and Turks as a construction and fiction based on this history of restructuring the enemy image. Yet, haven't the Greeks and Turks really threatened each other to justify the creation of this image? Hasn't the 400-year-long Ottoman-Turkish rule over the Greek lands fed and strengthened the image of the Turk as "the Other", the enemy, in the Greek popular mentality? Hasn't the invasion of Anatolia by the Greek army in 1919 provided the Turks with a real reason to see their invaders as "their enemy?" This history of 500 years of existence side by side is full of wars and atrocities by one side against the other in Turkish-Greek relations. The Turks acted many times in a hostile and threatening way, and the reaction of the Greeks to this was naturally not friendly either. They were each other's enemy not only in their imagined world, but also in the real sense of the word as far as the experience of the ordinary Turks and Greeks were concerned. Almost all Greeks, and many Turks of today's modern states have at least a grandparent who either fought against the neighbouring country or suffered as a result of that country's policies.

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A consistent feature in the relation between Greece and Turkey has been the Greek government's policy since the early 1960s of reciprocating treatment meted out by the Turkish authorities against Greeks w h o remained in Turkey, under the Lausanne Treaty. T h e small Greek c o m m u n i t y in T u r k e y has drastically declined in numbers in the face of the government's policies of denial and harsh treatment of minorities. The Greek government's repressive measures, in relation to the Muslim c o m m u n i t y of Western Thrace, often matched those of the Turkish. The legacy of the homogeneous nation-state ideology has thus hampered relation between the two countries.

2. Educated Nations For generations, Greeks and l u r k s have been fed with aggressive ideologies, with prejudices against the other side. Each new generation has been educated with the images of hostility and resentment. Every Greek child learns who the enemy is and how this e n e m y , the savage barbarian Turk, treated the civilised Greeks horribly all though the centuries. Every Turkish child has learned how untrustworthy the Greeks are, how viciously they undermined the Turkish Empire in the past, and how terrible their treatment of the minority Turks in Greece today is. T h i s educational practice naturally generates its own increasing momentum. Yet, is it based on fictions? Yes, the school history textbooks are biased, they tend to ignore the positive aspects of the neighbouring nation's history, and the everyday human contact between the two. What they narrate, however, is also true, based on actual experience, perhaps not the whole experience, but an important part of it. What is really at work here? A couple of things, actually. The most obvious is the fact that these narratives are essential in the creation of nations and in their continuing survival. A nation needs the Other, to define itself, to take pride in itself and to continue to do so. The Other cannot cease to exist, if the nation is to survive, though it can be replaced by a variety of other nations. That is, the Other is not always and necessarily a particular nation. In the case of the Greeks, however, the main Other has always been the Turkish nation. 1

' A s f o r the Turks, ihe Greeks have not always been the main Other. Because the Ottoman Empire was for centuries entangled with a multitude of other powers, and it was the Russians for centuries. Russian-Turkish relations inherited a long tradition of rivalry in the lands of the Ottoman Empire. Later after the Russian Revolution, although Turkey and the Soviet Union cooperated in the 1920s and 30s. following the Second World War years tradition hostility was re-established between two countries.

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Another issue at work here is what is called the "reparations argument." This is an argument used to justify the existence and methods that nations use to survive and j u s t i f y their actions. This sees nationhood as a means of rectifying historical grievances, righting old wrongs. According to this, then, the nation pulls together to not only identify their Other, but to punish it for its w r o n g d o i n g , whether past or present. O n e might wish nations could overcome this desire to avenge their ancestors, especially when the wrong took place way back in history. However, it would be a mistake to also claim that no wrongdoing ever takes place, that it is all fictional. T h a t the Greeks were under Ottoman rule for 4 0 0 years is a fact. That they also suffered the disadvantages of the conquered is another understandable fact. That 100 years after their liberation they again suffered death and injustice through war and inter-ethnic conflict in the hands of their old conquerors is not a fiction either. That 50 years later the Turkish army invaded Cyprus and killed and drove out the Greek Cypriot population is also a fact which didn't do much to refute the belief that the Turks were the Greek Other. And what happens when the Other continues to threaten? What if it continues to be an object of fear? That is, what is a nation to think or do, when another nation is behaving aggressively still? Claiming that they are a "constructed Other" seems totally false. It not only ignores all the empirical evidence, but it actually does great injustice to the injured party. If somebody is running towards me carrying a knife with the clear intention of stabbing me, then is it my fault or mistake to c o m e to think that this is an enemy who is trying to hurt me? Is it my misperception to think him evil and vicious? And would I be showing myself to be intelligent if I thought his being a danger to me w a s all a construction, a fiction, and so stood there doing nothing? I think "stupid" or at least "naive" would be better descriptions of me. It is certainly true that perceptions of the Other can be and often are exaggerated. The idea of Turks being monsters, for example, is one that is very c o m m o n a m o n g Greek children, and one that is encouraged by their educators. Any positive or simply human quality they possess is carefully omitted f r o m their education, and any possibility of the Greeks having done w r o n g is similarly never entertained. Myself being a product of Greek education, I had to memorise -not study or discuss or read critically- a whole book (1987-88) on the Greek-Turkish war that ended in 1922. I had to memorise the whole thing. All the descriptions of the brave Greeks who, in keeping with the reparations argument, were distributing justice by avenging their forefathers. They did this by killing Turkish people, of course, though that was never mentioned. What was mentioned, and what I had to memorise, was their courage, honour, virtue, as well as how far into Anatolia the Greek army managed to get eventually. The defeat and subsequent retreat of the Greek

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army was narrated in the most gruesome and dramatic way, closely followed by the massacre and persecution of the Greek population living in Turkey. It is obviously and grossly one-sided, naturally. Yet not false. The fact that these things did take place is something that I also know from my grandparents who all came from Turkey. And they were the people that were afraid the most, when it came to Turks, than any others I know. Their fear was based not on constructions or images, but on their own experience of them.

Greek Education In contemporary approaches the nation is perceived not as a natural and stable entity, but as a historical phenomenon, which in its present form is a product and outcome of the nationalist "one nation one state," whose aim is the political emancipation of the nation. Common ancestry, language, religion and tradition have been called upon to provide the basis for national identity, as we understand it in modern societies. Essential to the production and reproduction of national identity, after the creation of the nation-state, is the centralised state education system. The nation-building process does not end with the fulfilment of the original nationalist aim, i.e., with the creation of the nation-state. T h e "national education," which in modern societies also takes the f o r m of "citizen education," is a necessan condition for the reproduction of national identity, and its central mechanism is the national school system. The Greek education system, which is particularly centralised, does not simply base teaching on a unique text for every subject, but actually defines very strictly the conditions of its production and its content as well. School books are not produced in the same way in all countries. In Greece a special law defines what a school book is, how it is produced, who approves it, as well as how it is to be published and distributed to students. In practice, the writing and general production of the teaching material, for a particular subject of a particular grade, is undertaken by authors appointed by the Ministry of Education, to undertake this particular task. They are given detailed guidelines concerning the contents of the books, both for the students' and the teacher's books. In every case, each text has to follow closely the detailed guidelines that the Ministry of Education provides. In fact, the Ministry of Education controls the whole procedure and supervises the writing and production of the texts throughout. Every subject in every grade has a unique textbook for the students, as well as one for the teacher, which is produced in the above way and is delivered to them for free.

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1'hc system of production of school books in Greecc is the most centralised in Europe. (The other countries in which the production of school books is so centralised and state-dictated are Algeria, Egypt, Vietnam, the former USSR, China, Mexico and Syria.) This unique textbook then expresses the ideological and political will of the state. The teacher's book is of a strictly "leading" nature, leaving no space for initiative. The teacher is not meant to go beyond the book. In both books, the exercises, the questions, the illustrations and captions, together with the national celebrations and class decorations, the repetition of the national ideological stereotypes from the mouths of the teachers, strengthened by their own comments, emphasis and the addition of the emotional dimension, all these "frame" ethnocentricity. The "truth" provided cannot be questioned or doubted, and is both the beginning and the end of the cognitive process.

Time, History a n d National Identity The ethnocentric content of every school system is the product of a general historical and cultural framework that formed and defined through time the self-image of a national group and its relations with the various national "others." As Bhabha wrote, the "Other" is never outside or beyond "us", but emerges dynamically from the cultural speech, when we think we are speaking in the most private way "amongst ourselves." 1 In the language of books national identity is overwhelmed by the symbolic weight of the past, which becomes the point of reference against which everything is assessed: the present, the past, the self, the others. "History" tells of and establishes threat, either f r o m the direct aggressive action of the "less civilised" and therefore inferior neighbours (especially the Turks), w h o represent the prime suspects and are the reversed image of the national self; or from the indirect self-serving influence of the "more civilised" and powerful, and therefore superior, "Europeans." The history told also portrays the resistance to this threat, as it tells of the heroic acts and the patriotism of the ancestors, stressing the cultural continuity and raising national homogeneity to the level of a great virtue and precondition of preservation. What is missing, due to a selective memory, is any reference to differences within the "national body" in different historical periods, religious, ethnic, social differences, and any mention of the conflict among the different groups. ' h . K . Bhabha, 1990. The Nation and Narration,

T h e University of Chicago Press.

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The past is the means by which the weakness of the present is cured.

The Threatened National Identity The Greek national identity is experienced as if it was under threat. The need and desire for positive self-assessment is important for one's personal, social and national identity. A group cannot ensure the continuation of a positive self image (on the part of the individual that belongs to that group), unless it can distinguish itself from other groups. In other words, identity is founded on the continuous comparison with other groups. A "threat" can destroy the feeling of continuity, the preservation of the "special character" and the self-regard of the group. When a threat to identity is perceived, strategies to combat it are set into motion. One great threat to identity is that which springs from belonging to a group that cannot be positively assessed compared to other groups. Belonging to an inferior group imposes a negative self-assessment to the members, and so a negative identity. A common strategy employed to combat threats is denial. A typical example of this is the denial of the significance, the power, the extent and the status of the Ottoman Empire. There is also a total absence of references to the civilisation and the arts of the Ottoman Empire, as well as of the Turkish Republic. There is also a characteristic denial of any Turkish or Balkan influence on contemporarv (¡reek culture. What is shown is intense narcissism: an excessive preoccupation with the self, to the point of exclusion of outside reality. History school books in Greece evidently imply that the histories of other nations are of less importance than that of the Greek. The narcissistic attitude is a defence against feelings of weakness and loss of control, status, power and sense of belonging -losses that threaten identity

History Textbooks The frequent use of "Turkey" in the place of "Ottoman Empire" is a kind of concealment of the power and magnitude of the Ottoman Empire (3rd grade of secondary school).' Four centuries of Ottoman rule, according to this book, did not affect "Hellenism." The only influence the books admit to are that of the Renaissance, of the Enlightenment, and of the French Revolution.

' v . Sfyroeras, 1991. Istoria Neoterikai Synchroni ¡History, M o d e r n and C o n t e m p o r a r y ! , Organisation for the Publication of Educational Books.

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A c c o r d i n g to the history book of the sixth grade of primary school, 1 the Enlightenment influenced all nations, including the Greeks, whose love of knowledge was strengthened, as was their longing to liberate themselves. In the s a m e book, the "Turkish yoke" is given the blame for the failure of "Greece" to f o l l o w E u r o p e a n progress, which identified with Western economic growth and modernisation. The Ottomans are the only ones who are presented as having threatened the Greek national identity and homogeneity, as their long rule endangered the existence of "Hellenism." The frequency of the references to the Ottomans is due largely to the great weight and space given to the Greek revolution in history books. These hostile national "Others," who are without fail described and referred to only in relation to the crimes they committed and the suffering they put the Greeks through for four centuries, fall victims to underestimation. The book of the sixth grade of primary school makes the point very clearly: "The Turks are mainly concerned with military matters, and so have not been able to flourish in trade, science and literature". This is followed by an exercise for the students to show that the phrase "The Turks were involved in artistic and literary pursuits" is wrong. In the history book of the third grade of secondary school, the only positive references to the Ottomans and the Turks are the areas of military power and fighting capabilities, to stress how difficult it was for the Greeks to fight against them and gain their freedom, and also how understandable it was that the Greek army was often defeated: "The revolution was hard work, as the Ottoman Empire had a large army and plenty of equipment" (162). "The all-powerful army reached Mesologgi" (177). "The Turkish army, perfectly prepared and numerically stronger. .." (272). "The well-organised counter-attack of K e m a L . t h e storm that was the Turkish army..." (323).

D. Mêlas, D. Aktypis, A. Velalidis, M. Kaila, T. Katsoulakos, G. Papagregoriou, and K. Horeanthis, 1992. Sta neotera chronia: lstoria ektis demotikou [In the more recent years: History for the 6th grades of primary schools|. Organisation for the Publication of Educational Books.

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Both books, when describing the period from the fall of Konstantinople to the Greek liberation, consistently use the terms "slavery" and "yoke", and the perpetrators of the unjust acts are the "Turks" (the link and identification with modern day Turks simply has to be made). In the primary school book we read: "...the submission

to the Turks in 1453" (7)

"...the Turks made some allowances, "Turkish occupation" (36).

the so-called privileges..."

(31)

In the secondary school book of the third grade the most frequently encountered term is "Turks," and then "Turkish rule, Ottoman rule, Ottoman domination, Turkish state. Ottoman state, Turkish administration". The term "Ottoman Empire" is hardly ever used, and when it is mentioned it is usually in connection with its relations with other states or governments. With reference to the Greeks the term is only used when the difficulty of their struggle for independence is stressed. The Ottomans are the only national "Others" who are sometimes called "enemies," and they are the only ones for whom the contemptuous "Turkish mob" is used (157, secondary school book).

Turkish Education In Turkey, too, the interpretation of history in a particular way has been a crucial tool for nationalists in propagating their ideologies. Towards the end of the 1920s, the writing of history was high on the agenda in Turkey due to the perceived need for new history textbooks. The result was the "Turkish History Thesis," which was effectively launched at the First Turkish Historical Congress in Ankara in 1932. The thesis was a combination of a reaction against perceived European perceptions of the Turks as an inferior race, and the need for nation building along the lines of Gellner's paradigm (whereby the state propagated a single "high" culture which superseded previous "low' ones). In this new interpretation, the Western elaboration of a special relationship between the civilised West and the barbarian Turk found powerful acceptance, and the Ottoman period was thoroughly discredited. Pre-Ottoman and mostly mythical aspects of Turkish identity were stressed. It was claimed that the Turks were the descendants of the founders of ancient civilisations in Anatolia, Egypt and the Aegean. "The Turks, w h o brought civilisation to the whole world, had already founded great civilisations in their fatherland, Central Asia,

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in various periods...(but there had been discontinuity) due to climatic reasons, namely drought." 1 By such means, the new regime was aiming at two goals: to wean the Turkish people away from their old sense of identity and to lead them towards the civilisation to which, in the Kemalist mind, only the West belonged, and to present to the Western world a new Turkey shaped in its own image. One major aspect of the Turkish national identity, however, remained the same: identifying their Other in the negative references to the Greeks. In order to assess the superiority of the Turkish nation in this new republican Turkish nation-building process, the old foe still provided the most convenient Other to the modern Turk. The school children of the Turkish Republic keep learning that the Greeks are indeed "barbaric tribes," who invaded the region which is called Greece today. In doing so they devastated the region and pitilessly killed the native people". 2 They are also taught that during the rcccnt years of the Ottoman Empire the Greeks acted with extreme cruelty and "killed the Turks without pity." 3 Furthermore the Turkish school children also learn that in 1821, "the Greeks showed by their actions that they are capable of killing without mercy even the babies in their cradles." 4 The various ways of depicting the Other are, of course, biased and full of omissions and exaggerations. Yet most of the events cited in Turkish and Greek school textbooks about the Other are not false. The archives are full of atrocities committed even during the recent Turkish-Greek war of 1919-1922. There were numerous accounts of massacres and atrocities on both sides that vary little apart f r o m the numbers involved and the techniques employed in various horrifying incidents.- 1

3. Nationalism and the Narrative of Respect W e have already identified a major driving force behind "constructions": nationalism. Nationalism is not necessarily bad, destructive and manipulative. Neither is partiality to co-nationals. O n e might f a v o r another, as Jeff McMahan claims, for "agent-relative" reasons, without implying that anyone

' a . Inan, M. T. Biyikoglu, S. Rifat, Y. Ak9uraoglu, R. Galip, H. C. g a m b e l , S. M. Arsal, S. Giinaltay, and Y. Ziya, 1930. Turk Tarihinin Anahatlari,

Istanbul, p. 403.

2

F . Samr, T. Asal and N. Ak§it, Sosyal Bilgiler, Fourth Grade, p. 191.

3

F . Samr, T. Asal and N. Ak§it, Sosyal Bilgiler, Fifth Grade, p. 152.

4

F. Samr, T. Asal and N. Akjit, Sosyal Bilgiler, Fifth Grade, p. 64. ^B. Gokay (ed), 1997. British Documents on Foreign Affairs, America, Part II, Series B, Vol.29, pp. 7, 8, 9, 13, 15, 23, 24.

University Publications of

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is owed partiality by virtue of some objectively superior moral worth.' W e are not all morally equidistant from one another -a person's moral status vis-a-vis a particular moral agent may depend not just on the intrinsic properties that determine this person's objective moral worth, but also on the ways in which he or she is related to the agent. Thus co-nationality is an understandable, excusable and legitimate basis for partiality, and not necessarily destructive. In fact, for all the good it gives individuals (security, identification, stability etc.) national partiality must be accepted as an inevitable aspect of arrangements necessary for the good human life. Moreover, this involves special duties a m o n g co-nationals, in their relations with one another and in each one's relations to the nation as a whole. A s far as the nation is concerned, it is a trans-historic entity and one's benefactor, and there are duties one owes to it in consequence. So one has "duties of gratitude" to one's nation ("The limits of national partiality"). The trouble is though that the nation-building process always involves the systematic over-evaluation of the self and the systematic devaluation of outsiders. This practice makes mutual respect impossible. Respect involves an appreciation of the other nation for its own sake, it sees the other group as worthy of preservation and exploration. It involves an element of humility, a recognition that our group may need to learn f r o m its "competitor", and a willingness to acknowledge that you can see how a reasonable person would belong to the other group. Yet Greek and Turkish education has made this very difficult. And Greek and Turkish atrocious acts have rendered it impossible. T h e "enemy images" that nationalism has constructed in both countries are only part of the explanation and are only partly to blame. Yes, perhaps w e should like ourselves a bit less and others a bit more. But -and this is more importantstop committing acts of aggression against each other. It is those acts that make us enemies. What about those narratives though? What is their role in all this? H o w do they figure in our understanding not only of ourselves but also of the past? ' T h e relation of my past experience to the one I am now having is not that the f o r m e r causes the latter, but that the former has meaning for me now. Its f u n c t i o n is not to cause present c o n s c i o u s n e s s but to be f o r present consciousness.

An e f f e c t is not a w a r e of its various c a u s e s , but a

consciousness is aware of and thus accumulates its past experiences and proceeds in light of t h e m . -

' R . McKinn and J. McMahan (eds). Wl.The Morality of Nationalism, F . Olafson, cit. D Carr, 1986; D. Carr, Time, Narrative and History, 1986.

2

Oxford University Press. Indiana University Press,

A N G KL S AND

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409

T h e i m p o r t a n c e of the past is thus m a d e evident, in helping to construct the narratives that shape identity through notions of authenticity and continuity. While doing so, the past itself is given a 'new' meaning. So this is a relationship that works both ways and seems circular: the past is bestowed special meaning by the present, while the present is, at the same time, understood with reference to the past. In other words, the past acquires meaning through being used to define the present, and the present uses the past to define itself yet defining that past in the process. Each one is seen in light of the other, and each one needs the other to give it special meaning. Such historical narratives help explain and understand d i f f e r e n t ideologies and actions. They help explain human behavior. Human behavior is usually explained in terms of 'reasons', so the question naturally arises of whether and how such an explanation differs from one which assigns causes. The term 'understanding' over "explanation' is normally preferred when dealing with human action, because understanding an action involves k n o w i n g not what caused it but what justified it, either in general or in the eyes of the agent. National and historical narratives, addressing the past and using it to identify present, d o so in order to justify the present as well. That is, the past is there to j u s t i f y present beliefs about oneself, about others, and about the way those others should be treated. A s Olafson says, in the course of an action, an agent has 'intentional access to past events and a capability for, logically cumulative description of subsequent events in the light of such past events'. On its most basic level, the past is used to distinguish one's group from another's, for it is crucial for the construction of national identity that the group is shown to be separate and distinct f r o m all others. Those past events are a l w a y s the 'right' events, i.e., those that fit into present perceptions of oneself and of others. v W e can sum up the notion of historicity', writes David Carr in Time, Narrative, and History 'by saying that what the individual is thus a function of his or her place in a historical setting. This is not a straightforward affirmation of the sort that might be made by a historical determinist, w h o calls the individual a "product" of history or the inevitable result of historical forces. Instead it is a phenomenological assertion about what the individual is "for himself'. It means that the individual's self-understanding of himself passes through history'. 1

Communities do not live in a vacuum, and do not relate to each other in an a-temporal manner. They do not recognise each other in any natural or instantaneous way. T h e y organise themselves in relation to the rest of the world and project themselves over time. The group looks backwards to its own ' d . Carr, Time, Narrative and History, p. 115

410

LILY

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BULENT

GOKAY

origins in the i n d i v i d u a l ^ of its members, it looks forward to the carryingout of its c o m m o n tasks and it projects its own continued existence as the condition for its continued activity' (Carr, p. 148). A community engages in the continuous process of composing and recomposing its own autobiography. Every such c o m m u n i t y is faced with the constant possibility of its own 'death', and it must see to its own self-maintenance as a goal of primary importance. Common experience often leads to common action conceived as part of a c o m m o n project. The group derives its meaning from the project, while the project derives its meaning and validity from the particularity of the group. So the project is both explained by and explains the particularity or special character of the group; moreover, the project also helps justify the beliefs and actions of the group, which in turn justify the project. 'Stories are lived before they are told' says Mac Intyre 2 , that is, to act is to live out the account which is part of the action itself. 3 And vice versa, I would add. For the act/account, event/narrative relation works both ways. Each is part of the other: the account of an act is lived as part of the act, yet the act itself also determines the specific account of it. Narratives serve to make sense of the experience and actions of their authors and their readers, focusing their attention in certain directions and guiding their actions towards certain goals. Yet events also form their own narratives and aid the interpreter in their characterisation. This is the essence of stories being lived before they are told: the story is lived through the events, the actions and their impact. Cruelty is also lived, as are enmity, poverty, injustice and oppression. They are lived as they are practised, and the\ help construct their own narratives. So it would be better to say that narratives make sense of events that have helped to construct them. The study of nationalist and historical narratives reveals one central feature: relativity. All is constructed, defined, or simply understood it terms of what it is not. "Nationalism is negativity; nationalism is a negative spiritual category because it thrives on denial and by denial. W e are not what they are. W e are the positive pole, they the negative. Our values, national,

nationalist,

have no function except in relation to the nationalism of those others: we are nationalists, but they are even more so; we slit throats (when we must) but they do too and even more: we are drunkards, they are alcoholics; our history

j'D. Carr, Time, Narrative and History, p. 148. Maclntyre, After Virtue, p. 197. Carr, Time, Narrative

and History, p. 70

ANGHLS

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411

is proper only in relation to their; our language is pure only in relation to theirs. Nationalism lives by relativism'. So writes Danilo Kis. 1 Now nationalist narratives differ f r o m historical ones in that historical narratives are said to be more concerned with discovering and telling the truth about their subject-matter. Nationalism, on the other hand, is first and foremost paranoia' resulting from envy and fear, according to Danilo Kis. As such, it is only interested in promoting and maintaining its nationalist project. Which is what Greek and Turkish 'history' books seem to be doing. So are they not history books after all? Arc they 'nationalist books'? Or 'pseudohistory' books? Admittedly, the past is often manipulated for political and other (more praise-worthy) reasons, but its importance in the constitution of the present and the planning of the future is so great that the truth about the facts of the past is worth-discovering. And it is worth-discovering for everyone, especially for the nationals concerned. We are, after all, morally responsible for the narratives we choose to believe. What are we to conclude then? The importance of narratives is obvious; they help build national identity, they locate ethnic groups in time and space, they identify obvious Others which often serve as enemies, they provide both security and a healthy sense of insecurity that keeps a nation on guard, and they reveal some truth about themselves and the world. These narratives are strengthened by narratives of others. Nothing feeds a group's nationalism more than the nationalism of another group, especially in action. The two feed each other and survive through one another's semi-truths and hostility. But people truly perceive each other as enemies when they behave like enemies, for no myth can convince like reality. It might be argued here that it is because of those narratives that aggression takes place, that it is precisely those narratives that lead to "enemy' acts, by creating convincing "enemy" images. Narratives do play a large role, as we have seen, in enabling us to identify 'enemies' without any great e f f o r t on our part. Yet we all make choices in what we believe. If the narratives were built by rational agents, they can be de-constructed too by agents just as rational. So if we have the ability as rational humans to construct such stories, then we also have the ability to approach them critically and reject them, if w e find them to be unreliable, or unjust. We all have a choice of narrative, in the end. And to aid us in our choices we have a plethora of other narratives. But, most of all, we have eyes and ears that reveal to us directly w h o our enemies really are. Yes, school books have a lot to answer for, but they cannot be blamed entirely for the fact that we are still enemies.

'On Nationalism' in R. Ali and L. Lifschultz (eds), Why Bosnia? Writings on the Balkan War, p.

127.

Christina Rougheri G r e e k H e l s i n k i M o n i t o r l'or H u m a n R i g h t s , G r e e c e .

CONTEMPORARY GREEK NATIONALISM: THE IMAGE OF THE TURKS IN THE GREEK PRESS (1994 -1998)

In this article we are dealing with the i m a g e o f the T u r k i s h p e o p l e in the G r e e k press. T h e G r e e k - T u r k i s h d i s p u t e s and their perception f r o m the Greek point o f view are our primary focus. W e then e x a m i n e the way in which the Greek p r e s s is f r a m i n g these disputes and reproduces the G r e e k national myths. Within this f r a m e w o r k , in the s e c o n d and third part of the article, we present the v a r i o u s e l e m e n t s that constitute the overall n e g a t i v e picture o f T u r k s in the G r e e k p r e s s . W e d i s p l a y a s e r i e s of g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s and an a b u n d a n c e o f stereotypes: T u r k s are portrayed a s imperialists, barbarians and non Europeans. W e then try to e x a m i n e how and to what extent the negative i m a g e o f the Turkish state influences and determines the i m a g e o f the T u r k i s h p e o p l e . In order to sustain our f i n d i n g s w e p r o v i d e - n u m b e r o f indicative citations f r o m the period 1994 - 1998. A d d i t i o n a l l y to these predominantly negative references, w e include a number of dissenting v o i c e s which form the exception to the rule. Our main c o n c l u s i v e statement is that the media in both countries play an important role in r e p r o d u c i n g and r e i n f o r c i n g n e g a t i v e stereotyping. In this way m e d i a not only d e f i n e the publicly a c c e p t a b l e w a y s of interpreting and resolving the Greek-Turkish disputes. Moreover, they leave governments

on

both

sides

with

no

great

latitudes

for

diplomatic

manoeuvring. In this article w e will f o c u s on the i m a g e of T u r k s in the G r e e k press. A s a primary s o u r c e , we used the projects of m e d i a monitoring, on positive and n e g a t i v e i m a g e s o f T u r k e y and the T u r k s , throughout the years 1994 1 9 9 8 . 1 Our goal will be to e x a m i n e the dominant picture of T u r k s in the

The projects that have been used as the primary source of this article are: a) International Helsinki Federation (IHF) Media Monitoring Project of Hate Speech in the Balkans for the period from August 1995 to May 1996. S e e Mariana Lenkova (ed.) "Hate Speech in the Balkans" ( E T E P E : 1998) b) "Balkan Neighbours" Media Monitoring Project, co-ordinated by the A c c e s s Association in S o f i a , Bulgaria. The project covered the period from 1994 - 1998 and a great number of countries in the Balkans: Albania, Bulgaria, Greece, Macedonia, Romania, Turkey. For the Greek part, the media monitoring was carried out by Greek Helsinki Monitor. A great numbtt of persons contributed to the completion of the aforementioned projects. I would like to express my gratitude to all these people who participated in the effort.

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Greek press and explain it within the framework of the actual Greek-Turkish relations. Turkey, as a neighbouring country to Greece, attracts the interest of the Greek mainstream press 1 and has an extensive coverage. In fact, Turkey enjoys a far more extensive coverage, compared to the rest of the countries in the wider Balkan neighbourhood. Moreover, Turkey seems to be granted with the most negative coverage 2 In order to shed light on the reasons behind this predominantly negative presence of the Turkish people in the Greek press, one should take under consideration a number of significant parameters. Perhaps the most important of these parameters is related to the general geographical, historical and socio-political context in which both countries were formed as nation-states and developed their antagonistic relations.

La) Greek-Turkish Relations: Greek-Turkish Disputes The Greek-Turkish relations have been through numerous periods of high tension. In this respect, they are common as much as exceptional. Strained relations between neighbouring countries are quite frequent, even today, in the wider Balkan periphery. Greece and Turkey are only one of the examples. However, Greek-Turkish relations are quite exceptional for the actual international standards of promotion of stability and intergovernmental co-operation; co-operation which is supposed to be built upon two columns: economy and politics. "Short reckoning makes long friends." However, paradoxically enough, this principle has never been the case of Greece and Turkey. Heading towards year 2000 the two neighbouring countries are still far from settling their bills. Their participation in a number of international organizations and institutions 3 has not really prevented them from challenging the ends of each other's endurance. All pending bills (quite many and quite important) between the two countries reflect the burden of a historical, side by side, problematic co-existence of almost half a millennium, dating back to the

' H e r e the term "mainstream press" refers to a wide spectrum of newspapers of general interest (nonspecialized press) and of pan-hellenic range. Mariana Lenkova. "Positive and Negative Stereotypes of Internal Minorities and Neighbouring Peoples in the Greek Press (April - September 1997)", Balkan Neighbours Newsletter (Sofia: Access Association 1997), n. 6: 45 •'in 1947, Turkey and Greece were joint beneficiaries of the T r u m a n Doctrine as well as the Marshall Plan. (...) Along with other nations, they w e r e both m e m b e r s of the Organization f o r Economic Cooperation and Development. In 1950 they became joint members of the Council of Europe and, in that s a m e year, each contributed military contingents to the Korean conflict. T w o years later they w e r e admitted as m e m b e r s of N A T O . In 1954 T u r k e y and G r e e c e designed the Balkan Defense Pact" | V a m i k D. Volkan, N o r m a n Itzkovitz, Turks and Greeks: Neighbors in Conflict (England: Eothen Press, 1955): 124 |

THH IMAGH

OF THH T U R K S

IN THK

GRHHK

PRESS

415

fall of C o n s t a n t i n o p l e by the O t t o m a n s in '1453. T h e d e f e a t of the G r e e k s in A s i a M i n o r in 1922 p u t a d e t e r m i n a t i v e e n d to the G r e e k n a t i o n a l i s t i c aspirations to territorial e x p a n s i o n to the other e d g e of the A e g e a n Sea. T h e s i g n a t u r e of t h e L a u s a n n e T r e a t y in 1923, i n c o r p o r a t i n g an e x c h a n g e of p o p u l a t i o n s b e t w e e n the t w o countries, w a s c o n s i d e r e d to be at that t i m e a p r o m i n e n t i m p e d i m e n t to f u r t h e r " l a r g e - s c a l e e t h n i c d i s p u t e s w h i c h c o u l d e a s i l y h a v e e r u p t e d in t h e f o l l o w i n g y e a r s " . 1 A s a result, f o l l o w i n g the signature of the L a u s a n n e Treaty as well as the 1930 treaties, "both T u r k s and Greeks hoped that peace and tranquillity would c o m e as they lived side by side as n e i g h b o u r i n g countries". 2 H o w e v e r , that has proved to be far f r o m reality as outstanding issues h a v e remained unsolved even until today. "The inability of the peace m a k e r s to f o r e s e e the f u t u r e i m p o r t a n c e of the A e g e a n Sea's waters, a i r s p a c e and c o n t i n e n t a l s h e l f " 3 w a s d e c i s i v e f o r the f u t u r e of t h e t w o neighbouring countries and the stability in the wider region. T h e f i g h t i n g o v e r the A e g e a n Sea and the delimitation of the G r e e k territorial waters reached its peak t w i c e d u r i n g the last twenty y e a r s . S i n c e 1974, C y p r u s f o r m s integral part of the list of p e n d i n g bills b e t w e e n t h e t w o c o u n t r i e s . F i n a l l y , the minorities that the L a u s a n n e Treaty e x e m p t e d f r o m the general e x c h a n g e of p o p u l a t i o n s n e v e r seized to be perceived as "hot spots | t h a t | could a l w a y s be fanned into open f l a m e s " 4 . This perception has been reinforced d u r i n g the last y e a r s "with t h e n e w e m p h a s i s on m i n o r i t y r i g h t s that g o e s b e y o n d the protections provided by existing treaties". 5 D u r i n g t h e last t w e l v e y e a r s , G r e e c e and T u r k e y h a v e been t w i c e brought to the verge of war. T h e first incident took place in 1987 w h e n G r e e c e begun, outside its territorial waters of 6 miles, explorations in the A e g e a n Sea in search of petrol. G r e e c e a r g u e d that this area w a s u n d e r its s o v e r e i g n t y . T u r k e y replied b a c k by s e n d i n g its o w n v e s s e l s in the d i s p u t e d area. T h e s e c o n d , very recent, crisis took place in J a n u a r y 1996 o v e r the I m i a / K a r d a k rocky islets. A c c o r d i n g to the existing international treaties t h e s e t w o islets belong to Greece. T u r k e y , taking a d v a n t a g e of the lack of any explicit mention on the G r e e k s o v e r e i g n t y o v e r these islets in the d o c u m e n t signed by both parts, tried to c h a l l e n g e the status q u o . In both c a s e s it w a s d u e to the immediate interference of United States that n o armed conflict took place.

Ibid., 121. W i t h respect to numbers, the L a u s a n n e Treaty provided for the e x c h a n g e of approximately one million Greeks from Anatolia to T h r a c e and four hundred thousand Turks f r o m within Greece to Turkey. However, the Greek population of Istanbul (almost one hundred thousand) and the Muslim inhabitants of Western Thrace (one hundred thousand, as well) were exempted f r o m the obligatory exchange. It is worthwhile mentioning that the Lausanne Treaty, unlike the case of "Greeks" in Istanbul, did not make a similar reference to the ethnicity of the exempted population in West Thrace. ^Vamik D. Volkan, Norman Itzkovitz, Turks and Greeks: Neighbours 3

I b i d „ 122

4

I b i d . , 122

5

in Conflict:

121.

Ibid., 122. Similar are the conclusions made by Panayote Elias Dimitras regarding the recently g r o w i n g interest on minority issues, e x p r e s s e d by m a n y h u m a n rights n o n - g o v e r n m e n t a l organizations, as well as international g o v e r n m e n t a l institutions d u r i n g the last decade. |Panayote Elias Dimitras, "The Minority Rights Paradox", Warreport (Bulletin of the Institute for War and Peace Reporting), n. 5 8 (February - March 1998): 64]

416

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R O U G H K R I

l.b) The Greek Official Position over the Greek-Turkish Disputes W i t h the e x c e p t i o n of the d e l i m i t a t i o n of t h e c o n t i n e n t a l s h e l f , t h e G r e e k state r e f u s e s to a c c e p t the e x i s t e n c e of a n y o t h e r u n s e t t l e d bill w i t h T u r k e y . 1 In r e s p e c t to the limits of territorial w a t e r s , G r e e c e c l a i m s t h a t , a c c o r d i n g to t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l L a w a n d t h e r e s p e c t i v e c o n v e n t i o n s , is f u l l y e n t i t l e d to e x p a n d its limits f r o m six t o t w e l v e m i l e s in t h e A e g e a n S e a . a d d i n g t h a t T u r k e y has already e x e r c i s e d this right in the B l a c k S e a , a l t h o u g h it h a s n o t yet signed t h e international treaties. D e s p i t e the f a c t that T u r k e y has o f t e n t i m e s w a r n e d G r e e c e that the e x t e n s i o n of its territorial w a t e r s f r o m 6 to 12 m i l e s w o u l d be a r e a s o n f o r w a r , G r e e c e acts as if this right is practically valid, a c c u s i n g Turkey of i m p e r i a l i s m and o f f e n s i v e policy t o w a r d s the G r e e k s t a t e . 2 S i n c e t h e limits of territorial w a t e r s are d e t e r m i n i n g t h e r a n g e of air s p a c c a n d the F I R line, u n d e r the s a m e p e r s p e c t i v e , the latter d o not c o n s i s t i s s u e s in a b e y a n c e b e t w e e n G r e e c e a n d T u r k e y . A s f o r t h e r i g h t s of t h e T u r k i s h m i n o r i t y in T h r a c e . G r e e c e c o n s i d e r s the issue non existent, c l a i m i n g that the L a u s a n n e T r e a t y d o e s not p r o v i d e f o r a n y " T u r k i s h " m i n o r i t y in the G r e e k territory and attributing to T u r k e y intentions of c r e a t i n g e t h n i c t e n s i o n s b e t w e e n the t w o states.

l.c) The Greek Press: Dragon of the Position of the Greek State It is in t h e light of t h i s p e r c e p t i o n of p e n d i n g i s s u e s t h a t t h e G r e e k p r e s s p o r t r a y s b o t h Turke_\ and T u r k s . D e s p i t e t h e e x i s t i n g p l u r a l i s m in the G r e e k m e d i a s p e c t r u m , surprisingly e n o u g h , w h e n it c o m e s to t h e G r e e k a n d the T u r k i s h reality, t h e r e are n o m a n y i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . W i t h rare e x c e p t i o n s a n d , i r r e s p e c t i v e l y of political a n d i d e o l o g i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n s , 3 the G r e e k p r e s s a c c e p t s and p r o p a g a t e s t h e G r e e k p e r s p e c t i v e , w i t h o u t e v e n g i v i n g t h e f l o o r to the o t h e r side. In this respect, t h e G r e e k press c o n f o r m s with the G r e e k e t h n o national(ist) myths. In the o n g o i n g struggle b e t w e e n the "good and the evil",

' C y p r u s is officially an issue to be solved, primarily, among Greek-Cypriots, Turkish-Cypriots and the international community. 2 " B y considering the Aegean continental shelf a mere prolongation of the Anatolian coastline, Turkey wishes to divide the Aegean Sea by a median line running between the two countries, thus placing most of the Greek islands within its territorial waters. The Turkish position has, not surprisingly, alarmed all Greeks w h o believe that T u r k e y harbors expansionist aims in the A e g e a n and that the Greek islands are the immediate target. Such fears have been reinforced not only by the Turkish occupation of northern Cyprus, but also by the existence of an "Aegean A r m y " deployed at Turkey's Aegean ports and boasting the second largest fleet landing craft in N A T O " [John C. Loulis, Greece Under Papandreou: NATO's Ambivalent Partner (Institute for European Defense and Strategic Studies. 1995): 191 3

" I t is essential to understand that, since 1974, all G r e e k g o v e r n m e n t s , w h a t e v e r their ideological orientation or their specific a p p r o a c h to f o r e i g n policy, have subscribed to a consensus over what they have regarded as the "Turkish threat" flbid., 19[

I H K

IMAC! K OF

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Greeks are always on the side of the good. The Greek press rarely challenges this perception by questioning the foundations of the Greek national myth.' In this way, the press not only creates but also imposes an agenda of publicly acceptable ways of interpreting and resolving the Greek-Turkish disputes. This rarely conciliatory attitude of the Greek newspapers leaves the Greek government with no great latitudes for diplomatic manoeuvring of the situation. A s we will see in much more detail in the following pages, the leading image of Turkey (and as a consequence 2 of the Turkish people) is that of an unprincipled adventurer. Unfriendly, almost aggressive, Turkey, not only undermines the territorial integrity of Greece but also, endangers security in the wider area. Based on its geostrategic importance, Turkey shows disrespect towards international law, without regard to any values and principles.^

II) Portrait of a Nation 2.a) "Turks are Ottomans" Greek historic, cultural, linguistic and religious continuity is almost never challenged. T h e s a m e principle stands p a r t l y 4 for its enemy. Modem Turkey is seen as a continuation of the Ottoman Empire and 'Turks as

' t h i s attitude (and always in the "claustrophobic" f r a m e of ethno-nationalism) could, to a great extent, be attributed to a feeling of fear; "fear to be accused of treason, of patriotic disloyalty, of national apostasy. (...) In the meantime, fear transforms national pride into the narcoric of chauvinism. T h e political culture of dialogue withers away" [Adam Michnik, "Dignity and l-ear: A Letter to a Friend" in Richard Captan, John Feffer, eds. Europe's New Nationalism. State and Minorities in Conflict (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1 9 9 6 ) : 19| ^Within the f r a m e w o r k of ethno-nationalism, the identification of a state (in this case Turkey) with a particular nation (the Turkish nation) is almost immediate and unconscious. In general, ethnonationalism tries to realize the principle of "one ethnic group, o n e state". For a more elaborated overview of ethno-nationalism, Valery Tishkov, "Post-Soviet Nationalism" in Richard Caplan and John Feffer eds. Europe's New Nationalism. States and Minorities in Conflict: 2 3 - 4 1 ^ln this light, dialoguing with Turkey is considered to be almost a sin: "The existence of fertile soil for dialogue is impossible in a country, which only recently refused to renournce the threats of using violence as m e a n s for negotiation in a text of the European Union. (..) T h e Grreek government tries to c o m e to an understanding with an international agitator who, resting on its geopolitical position, considers that it will ensure forever international tolerance and support of its violations. A n d all this only because it appears to be on the one hand, the guardian of the Middle East and the Persian Gulf and on the other, warrantor for the transportation of petroleum f r o m the ex-socialist democracies of the Soviet Union to the Mediterranean"(AP. 5/6/1997). 4 I deliberately used the word "partly" since, for the majority of the G r e e k press and history textbooks, the Turks, in the years preceding the O t t o m a n rule in the Balkans, are generally presented as a mass of people, coming to Europe, with the worst possible intentions, from what would be called the "Asian nowhere." In this light, T u r k s are presented as a foreign body to E u r o p e and in pure contradistinction to the Greek national myth: Greeks are presented as having an indigenous, everlasting and glorious presence in both Europe and the actual Greek territory: "The origin of the Turks is clearly Asian. Their remoter ancestors seem to have been the horrible Huns, whose invasions destroyed Asia and Europe, so much that their n a m e rest in history as a symbol of abysmal barbarism and disaster" (V. 6/4/1997).

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"synonym" of the Ottoman invaders and conquerors of Southern Europe, "incorrigible Asian people which, for some 500 years, had given the worst e x a m p l e of a conqueror in the Balkans" (N. 22/7/1994), "champions of slaughtering and persecuting people" [statement made by retired general C. Frangos, (N. 8/4/1994)|. a nation "which even today behaves according to primitive instincts, like a few centuries a g o when masses of their blood-lust conquerors knocked on the gates of Europe" [opinion of a reader (EL. 2/10/1996)]. Consequently and, taking also under consideration t h e . o n e dimensional coverage of the Greek-Turkish disputes by most of the Greek press, "the tension in Greek-Turkish relations is entirely blamed on the T u r k i s h side. T h e situation a p p e a r s to be clearly one w h e r e T u r k e y successfully sells its aggressive policy, while Greece merely defends itself. 1 Thus, the Turks are portrayed as anything but well-disposed neighbours: "the T u r k s d o not use the Greek retreats in order to look for s o m e kind of conciliation but in order to further promote their positions to our detriment" (E.T. 17/9/1998). "The Turkish political scene does not leave much room for the Greek Turkish relations to come out of the swamp where there have been bogged since last year. A s long as the Ecevit logic is prevailing, 1 don't think that we may expect anything" (K. 23/9/1998). "Everyone knows that Greece does not follow an aggressive policy. On the contrary, it is continuously defending and excusing itself' (ETH. 3/9/1998). While such descriptions are more c o m m o n of the right-wing press, they can be also f o u n d in m o r e moderate newspapers. The Greek nation is presented in Greek school text books "as the victim of other parties' actions, endlessly resisting against aggressors, in an attempt to maintain its national self determination. This image seems to legitimize negative appreciations of other nation-states, even if they are totally absent from the books, and this strongly sustain ethnocentric conceptions and attitudes". 2 Within the last 20 years, all kinds of depreciative qualifications and hostile statements of other nations have been eliminated from Greek school textbooks. Nevertheless, to a great extent, they remain ethnocentrically focused, providing " a reading of history in which Greek people are always in the d e f e n s e " . 3 Even without derogatory adjectives for the "others", Greek school textbooks succeed in propagating the ideals of a culturally superior

' N a f s i k a Papanikolatos, Permanent and Changing Stereotypes of Internal Minorities and Neighbouring Peoples in the Greek Press (1994 - 1998J, unpublished text, available on the Greek Helsinki Monitor and M i n o r i t y Rights Group - Greece web site: http://www.greekhelsinki.gr 2 A n n a Frangoudaki and Talia Dragonas, "Greece Between Tradition and Modernity in Search of an Equal Place in the European T a x o n o m y of Peoples" in Magne Angvik, Bodo V o n Borries eds., Youth and History. A Comparative European Survey on Historical Consciousness and Political Attitudes among Adolescents: 307 3 lbid., 307

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Greece. U n d e r this prism, one can wonder: h o w f a r the s a m e ideals are in fact propagated by this section of the Greek press which is rich in "hate speech"? 1

2.b) "Turks are Imperialists" T u r k s are portrayed

in r e s p e c t to t h e O t t o m a n l e g a c y , as it is

perpetuated in G r e e k history t e x t b o o k s and the m e d i a c o v e r a g e of the actual G r e e k and T u r k i s h relations. T h e y are intransigent, unreliable, i m p u d e n t l y provocative, aggressive, expansionists, driven by their frustrated m e g a l o m a n i a and their inferiority s y n d r o m e s . T h e i r aim is to restore the O t t o m a n E m p i r e . Moreover, Turks a r e presented as the "spoiled favorites" of the foreign decision m a k i n g and international policy centres, which look f a v o r a b l y on T u r k e y as a p r o m i n e n t m a r k e t and g e o s t r a t e g i c ally, at the e x p e n s e of G r e e k interests: "Even t h o u g h K e m a l tried to c h a n g e them, to E u r o p e a n i z e t h e m , the T u r k s remain deeply T u r k i s h ! Not that as individuals they lack any virtues. H o w e v e r , as an o r g a n i z e d state, they are p r e s e n t e d as d e s p o t i c , a u t o c r a t i c , r u t h l e s s a r r o g a n t and a n t i - d e m o c r a t i c . D u e to t h e i r i n f e r i o r i t y c o m p l e x they a r e s u s p i c i o u s of the o u t s i d e w o r l d , (especially of the w e s t e r n e r s ) o c c a s i o n a l l y servile, but o f t e n insolent a n d d e m a n d i n g . T h e W e s t a n d T u r k e y a r e t w o d i f f e r e n t worlds. T h e W e s t k n o w s it, but gives priority to its o w n interests. S o t h e p r o b l e m is o u r s a n d w e get r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s to deal with o u r n e i g h b o u r on o u r o w n , as if this were possible." (AP. 7 / 1 0 / 1 9 9 7 )

2.c) "Turks are Barbarians. "They have nothing to do with Europe, they are not Europeans " 2 U n d e r the very s a m e prism. T u r k s are pictured as a m a s s of uneducated, "desperately l o o k i n g f o r their cultural identity people, d e m o n s t r a t i n g all the m o r e f r e q u e n t l y t h a t t h e y a r e i g n o r a n t of h i s t o r y " ( A . T .

22/9/1997),

"barbarians of A n a t o l i a " ( A T . 7 / 9 / 1 9 9 5 ) , "slayers of people" (E.T. 8/2/1996). In contrast to G r e e k s w h o enlightened E u r o p e and the w h o l e world with their ( s u p e r i o r ) c u l t u r e , by p r o p a g a t i n g the v i r t u e s of d e m o c r a c y , T u r k s a r e portrayed as not having any culture o r love of progress and respect of h u m a n rights: "If E u r o p e is c o n n e c t e d or united in the c o n t e x t of its institutions by c o m m o n civilization, which constitutes a synthesis of the G r e e k and the

'Nafsika Papanikolatos defines hate speech as "a very precise discriminatory and selective vocabulary which tries to legitimize negative things about all those who are not "us", those who are the "others". Hate speech relies upon derogatory and depreciative qualifications aiming at minimizing and even more, humiliating tlhe distinct others. |Nafsika Papanikolatos, "hate speech: (reproducing the opposition between the national "self" and the "others", in Mariana Lenkova, ed, "Hate Speech" in the Balkans (Athens: International Helsinki Federation, ET'F.PE, 1998): 10) ^Statement made by the bishop of the island of Zakynthos, Chrysostomos (EL. 2/10/1996)

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Roman spirit as well as that of Christianity, and if all this is Europe of today and tomorrow, then Turkey, in the way she is structured, has no place in Europe. (...) It is indisputable that she is neither a democratic state nor a state of law. On the contrary, she oppresses, she exterminates minorities and all opponents on her territory. while she carries an imperialist policy" (statement by academic Ch. Gialourides. (EL. 30/3/1997)] "The good of democracy is unknown in our neighbouring country in the sense that it is understood by us. Since 1923, the Turks have always been enjoying a democracy of the tanks or a democracy under the guardianship of the military (AP. 20/7/1997) "Turkey may attempt to appear as a European country, the Americans and the Europeans may shut their eyes before Ankara's extreme Islamist positions, on many occasions, however, they cannot shut their eyes before the Turkish brutalities." (A.T. 7J8f 1997) Within this context, Greeks are by definition Europeans, while Turks are anything but Europeans. Moreover, they can never be(come) Europeans, simply because they do not deserve the European identity. 1 "The presence of the Turks in Europe is connected to a long lasting subjugation of the people, by means of thefts, tortures, blood, rapes, kidnapping, death and languish." (E.T. 7/4/1997) "One of the main reasons for the psychic loss of Ankara is the fact that it is conscious of the Greek superiority. Greece is not only a member of Europe. It is Europe. And without its consent, Ankara will never be able to pass the threshold of Europe." (E.T. 4/12/1997) In addition, and in complete contradistinction to the Turks, the European identity seems to be taken for granted by Greeks. From the Greek perspective Europeanness relies upon an existing, stereotypic evaluation of Western European civilization "as having special quality of culture". 2 In this light, the carriers of the European civilization become also carriers of a permanent and diachronic superiority. However, this is "a belief that inferiorizes all other than European cultures, but also the countries considered belonging to the "south" of Europe"} Since Classical Antiquity is very

' w h e n T h e o d o r a s Pangalos, Minister of Foreign Affairs at that time, made a statement in 1997 about the "Europeaness" of Turkey, the follow-up w a s a series of reactions in the Greek press which, on behalf of the Greek nation, condemned the deeply "offensive" position that "if Turkey has no place in European history, neither does Greece." (EL. 5/4/1997) T h i s very s a m e statement w a s m a d e at a time when the Islamist party was, still, in power and there were discussions, both inside and outside T u r k e y , about the decline of "secularism," in f a v o u r of "theocraticism". This was actualy the first time that a representative of the Greek state, at such a high level, made favourable comments about the European nuance of the Turkish identity. T h e following is and indicative example of the reactions expressed, mainly, by the right-wing (and pro-opposition) press: "(we will not even comment on the assimilation of the t w o countries, of which, one stood as the infinite source of a splendid civilization and the teacher of Europe, while the other w a s throughout time and throughout the continents a slaughterer, a vandal, frostrator." (V. 6/4/1997) ^ A n n a Frangoudaki and Thalia Dragonas, "Greece B e t w e e n T r a d i t i o n and Modernity, in Search of an Equal Place in the European Taxonomy of Peoples": 309 3 I b i d „ 309.

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highly appreciated in the international scholarly field, seen as one of the c o n t r i b u t i n g e l e m e n t s to the f o r m a t i o n of the E u r o p e a n identity, it automatically becomes "the emblem distinguishing Greek people from their "southern" and "oriental" inferiority, rendering them equal m e m b e r s of the alleged superior European "family." 1 In practice, the denial of the Turks' "Europeanness" can be detected in the attitude of a great part of the Greek press in respect to Turkey's joining of the European Union. Despite the fact that the entrance of T u r k e y into the "European club" is considered to be in favor of Greek national interests, a n u m b e r of n e w s p a p e r s keep on dealing with the issue as an u p c o m i n g "national catastrophe", which has to be prevented: "We are a nation which is slowly dying. A n d if w e continue in this pace, in fifty years we will be a species under extinction. Whereas Turkey has a population explosion. And it will need no war in order to re-occupy the whole of Greece. Because, simply, the perspective of its admission into the European Union exists. Which means the right to free settlement for millions of Turks in the European region which will be called "Greece" but only in the geographical meaning of the word. Not any more in the ethnological meaning. (...) If the Turkish political leadership did not have so many internal problems to consider necessary for it to preserve a Greek-Turkish tension for internal c o n s u m p t i o n , T u r k e y would neither threaten nor provoke Greece. On the contrary, it would do everything in its power in order to persuade that it is eligible to be included in the next phase or even in the phase after the next, in the European enlargement. And to exploit the advantage of f r e e movement and settlement. In order to also swallow, in the most painless as well as a safe manner, Thrace and our islands and Greece as a whole." (A.T. 13/9/1997) "We cannot accept a free movement - as it will inevitably be the case - of Asiatic and semi-barbarian populations, even if it is in the form of cheap work force from Anatolia to the Greek islands and also to the Greek hinterland, something which wilt result in a graduate change of the native population to the extent that the other peoples will be informed about Greece from school or from historical books." (A.T. 15/9/1997)

III) Portrait of a Country 3.a) Turkey equals to Turks: Source of Generalizations and Stereotyping T h e negative image of Turkey in the Greek press is very much based on a spectrum of generalizations, which reinforce the impression that all Turks (as individuals) are one and the same: "How come the Turks, all the Turks, are the same, without this slightest difference existing between the rulers and the 'ibid., 309.

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ruled, the religious and the non religious; all of them are uncivilised, stupid, fanatical M o h a m m e d a n s , fundamentalists, slayers of Greeks (ellinofagoi), blood-thirsty Orientals w ho have just c o m e out of their caves and who have been incapable of developing any art, after so many centuries of history. (...) Yes - the barbarians. Yes - the fundamentalists. They consider their cultural heritage, in other words, a constitutive element of their life and an aspect of their history, a building constructed by the hands of 'faithless ", the hands of "time i m m e m o r i a l " enemies." (K. 2 7 / 6 / 1 9 9 7 ) In this case of arbitrary generalizations made (or assumed) about the Turks on the basis of Turkey's image as a country, the whole defines its parts and not vice versa. Another application of this reversed mathematical principle and side-effect of ethnonationalism is that "evil Turkey equals to evil Turks" but not "to evil Kurds" who, j u s t like ethnic Turks, are citizens of the very same country. On the contrary, Kurds are very much appreciated and presented as traditional friends of Greece.

3.b) "Un/Pseudo-Democratic Turkey" Although there is a number of Athenian newspapers like "Avghi" and, to a lesser degree and in a more controversial way, "Eleftherotypia", trying to present an alternative image of both, the Turkish state and the Turkish people, the prevailing image of Turkey remains the same. Turkey is a state with no respect for human rights, a pseudo-democracy with an unprecedented deficit of democracy, a country having "a PH.D in repressing and finally annihilating minorities" [statement by Deputy Minister of D e f e n s e N. K o u r i s , (K. 3/9/94)]: "How many heads did they cut off in 1997? There is a good question. How many young Kurds did they kill in cold blood? How many Kurd women did they rape? (A.T. 12/5/1997). "Yesterday, showing its extremely antidemocratic face once more. Turkey proceeded to deport foreigners who "dared" touch upon the Kurdish issue publicly and, at the same time, it escalated the battle to deal with the "Islamic threat" with arrests of demonstrators who were protesting against the attempted abolition of the religious schools" (K. 61911997). "Turkey is a country which is very far from being called a "state of law". (AJ state which does not remind us of the Ottoman Empire but still d r e a m s of it. A state which does not even deserve to be classified as underdeveloped" (EL. 28/5/1997). "The present day Kemalist Turkey cannot endure the consequences of democratication. Respect for human rights and observance of the rules of parliamentary democracy is not compatible with the structure of the modern Turkish State. If Turkey became democratic it would disintegrate" (N. 17/4/1998).

THH

IMAGH

OF

THH

TURKS

IN

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It is interesting at this point to stress that the focus of the Greek press on the "human and minority rights record" of Turkey does not derive from a pure sincere interest. The emphasis on the "human rights deficit" of the country coincides with a concealment of the human rights problems in Greece itself. This proves clearly the motivation behind the insistence over the level of democracy in Turkey. It constitutes more an effort to expose and condemn the undemocratic behavior of the Turkish state, rather than an expression of real sensitivity over the disrespect of international law. Similarly to history school books, which are characterized by an elaborated selection of topics, media, quite often, present a similar degree of news selection. Human Rights is one of the most frequent victims of media agenda-setting and one of the most manipulated topics. The report of the International Helsinki Federation, published in 1997, happened to be covered by the Greek press, in such a way, that the public could justifiably get the impression that this report concerns only Turkey and no other country, let alone Greece itself. T o the extent that "national identity is characterized by a complex dialectic of remembering and f o r g e t t i n g " 1 in general, the Greek press as much as the Greek textbooks, seems to comply with this norm. The frequently unstable interior political and economical situation of Turkey is presented as a potential threat to the peace in the wider area. Media frequently reinforce the image of an unpredictable and dangerous Turkey by instigating sentiments of fear and panic in the public. "An Asian country under racial, religious, economic purification, in which an irreversible negative evolution has started and will harm Europe directly" [statement made by the Cypriot diplomat, P. Voskarides. (K. 29/4/1994)1 "We are dealing with a Turkey of 60 million citizcns; with a very low income per capita; with an 80% inflation; with corrupt political leadership and with generals, who decide and order everything, because one secret decree of the National Security Council gives the generals the right to crush all the laws and all the international agreements and treaties." (E.T. 29/12/1997)

3.c) Turkey is suffering Identity Crisis The political instability of Turkey seems to be attributed, to a great extent, to an ongoing identity crisis. Turkey is presented as trying hard to keep things between the lines and c o m p r o m i s e identity elements which are incompatible. Secularism and theocraticism, Islam and non-fundamentalism, Eastern-Oriental culture and aspirations of entrance in the European Union, democracy and the leading role of the army. "Turkey is a huge hell, its system

'Thalia Dragonas and Anna Frangoudaki. "National Identity among European Adolescents":

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is an uncontrolled monster. 1 (AP. 6/10/1996) "The Turkish pseudo-democracy which is supervised by the military leadership playing a guarantor's role, is staggering. (...) The Turkish system of the so-called Kemalism has been led to an impasse. It will be able to survive only by means of civil or military coup d' etats, and this does not help in any way the "European orientations" of Ankara." (K. 15/S/1998) "It is exactly the structure of Turkish society and its crippled political system which close in upon the country. (...) The military establishment has imposed the regime for suppression of people's freedom in order to safe guard the secular character of the state. And this is exactly what reinforces the Islamic movement." (ETH. 22/5/1998)

3.d) "Turkey equals to Hitler's Germany" In addition, parallelisms with Hitler's Germany are also used, within the same context, to stress the imperialist as well as megalomaniac (and illconsidered) behavior of Turkey. Turkey is "a threat and a huge burden not only for us and her neighbours, but for the whole humankind (..) something worse than (..) Nero and Hitler" (statement made by the Kurdish leader A. Ocalan. (A. 23/9/1995)] In addition " Turkey functions like Hitler in the 1930s towards Central and Eastern Europe, with a structural expansionism, and an appeasing way which reinforces this aggressiveness." (EL. 24/8/1997) "Nazism Kemalism, similarities in foreign policy. (...) This policy, the policy of national cleansing and expansion which had been followed by Turkey in our region with the consent and backing of the western press and the tolerance of the western governments. The T urkish expansionist policy, however, will harm first of all the Westerners, as was the case also with Hitler's Germany." (AP. 29/9/1997) "It is about a state which since the beginning of the 20th century and by means of a lot of crimes and genocide, violates human rights, often surpassing Nazi Germany in ferocity. At present it is at the highest point of world unreliability and aversion" [letter to the editor, K. 28/5/1998). These parallelisms of Turkey with Hitler's Germany have a very strong effect upon the Greek audience, resulting from the years of the Nazi occupation "which caused a lot of suffering and destruction, a comparatively very high number of victims and was combated by one of the most important resistance movements in Europe." 1

' A n n a Frangoudaki and Thalia D r a g o n a s , " G r e e c e Between Tradition and M o d e r n i t y , in Search of an Equal Place in the Huropean Taxonomy of Peoples": 305

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3.e) Personification of Turkey T u r k e y , on v a r i o u s o c c a s i o n s , is p r e s e n t e d

through

the

images

p e r p e t u a t e d a b o u t its leadership. T h i s p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n is m a i n l y 1 being built upon important f i g u r e s of the political and military elites of the country like the Prime

M i n i s t e r or t h e

P r e s i d e n t of t h e T u r k i s h

Republic.

This

personification leads to a n u m b e r of generalizations which present a distorted i m a g e of both the c o u n t r y and its p e o p l e . D i s t o r t e d , in the s e n s e that this picture is very static and o n e - d i m e n s i o n a l . T h e negative i m a g e of w e l l - k n o w n p e r s o n a l i t i e s of t h e political and military e s t a b l i s h m e n t of t h e c o u n t r y is transferred upon the entire Turkish population. T h i s personification processes, p r o d u c e s and reinforces the already existing t e n d e n c y f o r generalizations and s t e r e o t y p i n g . "On a w a r f o o t i n g ! (filler n o w w a n t s 3 . 0 0 0 i s l a n d s ! ! ! " (A.T. 6 / 2 / 1 9 9 6 ) , "We will a n s w e r (...) T s o u l l e r " [slight c h a n g e of f i l l e r ' s n a m e to m a k e a connotation with the Greek word "tsoula" m e a n i n g "hussy" in G r e e k ] , (A.T. S / 2 / 1 9 9 6 ) , "The A m e r i c a n s fell in love with f i l l e r but they w a n t to screw us; go to hell, you perverts!" ( A P . 5 / 2 / 1 9 9 6 ) , "Do you k n o w h o w the T u r k s n a m e d the exercise they have been doing in the A e g e a n since yesterday 9 1 2 / 2 / 1 9 9 6 ) ? "Constrictor"! I a m not k i d d i n g ! That's h o w t h e y call it! A n d then, a m 1 to b l a m e for s a y i n g that t h e T u r k i s h w o m a n T s o u l e r is t a m a m ITurkish f o r "just right" | m a d e f o r the O t t o m a n bed? Since w h e n you see her you think of orgies with constrictors. W e l l , don't y o u ? . " ( E T H . 13/2/1996) "The P r i m e M i n i s t e r of the t i m e of the T u r k i s h invasion into C y p r u s , Mr. Ecevit, threaten us. O u r p r o b l e m with the T u r k s is related to the p r o b l e m of virility. If w e s h o w them our masculinity, they will s h o w s us their b e h i n d s . If w e s h o w t h e m o u r b e h i n d s , they will s h o w us their m a s c u l i n i t y . T h a t w a s said by Mr. A . I o a n n i d e s , j u r i s t and special a d v i s o r to HI. V e n i z e l o s . T h e T u r k s k n o w the "tsarouhi" and the ' f u s t a n e l l a " , they d o not k n o w a n y t h i n g a b o u t t h e pen, the w o r d , the h u m a n b e h a v i o r " [letter f r o m D. B i k o s . (E.T. 4 / 4 / 1 9 9 7 ) ) T h e sexual connotations of homosexuality and prostitution, used in m a n y of t h e s e c i t a t i o n s , are p e r c e i v e d , by a great n u m b e r of c o n s e r v a t i v e G r e e k s , as " a n o m a l i e s " a n d , in this c o n t e x t , can only r e i n f o r c e t h e already existing negative stereotypes a b o u t Turkey and Turks.

3.f) Dissenting Opinions Into this " f a r r a g o " of p r e d o m i n a n t l y negative r e f e r e n c e s a b o u t both T u r k e y and T u r k s , there are s o m e dissenting voices that should be mentioned. T h e s e alternative voices are c o m i n g m a i n l y f r o m the c e n t e r - l e f t politically orientated m e d i a . Q u i t e often they stress the important role played by the

' Q u i t e often the name used for the personification of Turkey is "Attila", which was the name of the two Turkish operations in Cyprus.

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European media and the institutions of public education in the formation of an a priori negative image about our neighbours. Some even recommend that the media can play a different role and help in the transformation of this negative i m a g e s to m o r e positive ones. T h e s e voices do not only attempt to ded e m o n i z e Turkey and the Turks. They also criticize the ongoing negative stereotyping of "Turkishness" in the name of electoral political consumption. "Before we even began to be taught history, the state-made version of history anyway, before we even decided as Olympiakos fans that our eternal enemy is Panathinaikos fans (and vice-versa) we have been seized by the unshakeable conviction that our eternal national enemy is the Turk, despite the fact that much more often we used to hear about the - fresh as yet - evils inflicted by the Germans and the Italians." [P. Boukalas, (K. 20/7/1997)] "As early as in our primary school years we are used to prejudices a n d , of c o u r s e , to ignorance, which later on leads to the scientifically unacceptable fallibility of speaking and acting without knowing." (N. 71711998) "When speaking of our own lost fatherlands, we forget the lost fatherlands of the others. In Turkey, hundreds of thousands of refugees arrived not only from Greece (but also from all Balkan countries." (V. 13/9/1998) "It seems that our love for history does not include love for its lessons. The recent reactions by patriots show that after the diplomatic defeat and the unpleasant word "Macedonia", we went into the second round, This time we are not dealing with the Gypsy-Skopjans, but with the eternal enemy of the race. If the government plans to find a solution to the Greek Turkish question, which will be supported by the international community and which will do away with the mutual suspicion, 1 hope id will do it courageously and promptly. Some people have already begun this process with the Afyon Karahisar." (EL. 14/12/1997)

IV Conclusion The portrait of Turkey in the Greek press is anything but flattering. T h e Greek press, in its majority, cannot really claim an objective and cool coverage of the Greek Turkish relations. This is becoming far more evident in the periods of high political and diplomatic tension between the two countries. The Turkish media follow more or less the same track. During the days of the Imia/Kardak crisis, "most media in the two countries engaged in extreme hate speech and war mongering". 1 However, the Greek media proved to be far more aggressive towards the other side, compared to the Turkish ones. 2 In both

Panayote Elias Dimitras, "Special Section: the Imia/Kardak story. The apotheosis of hate speech: the near-success of (Greek and Turkish) media in launching war", in Mariana Lenkova ed., "Hate Speech" in the Balkans: 66. 2 Ibid., 66. For a more detailed overview of the Greek press, Greek Helsinki Monitor, Positive and Negative Stereotypes of Internal Minorities and Neighboring Peoples in the Greek Press: (monthly reports from October 1996 61t September 1998 and six-month reports: October 1996 March 1997, April 1997 - September 1997, October 1997 - March 1998), available at the Greek Helsinki Monitor and Minority Rights G r o u p - G r e e c e web site: http://vvww.greekhetsinki.gr. Also. Mariana Lenkova ed., "Hate Speech" in the Balkans: 43 - 80.

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cases, m e d i a s e e m to be p l a y i n g a crucial role in t h e f o r m a t i o n of t h e public's p e r c e p t i o n of G r e e k - T u r k i s h relations. T h i s p e r c e p t i o n u n d o u b t e d l y d e p e n d s u p o n t h e w a y in w h i c h t h e r e s p e c t i v e m e d i a a r e c o n s t r u c t i n g a n d d e c o n s t r u c t i n g e v e n t s i n v o l v i n g t h e t w o c o u n t r i e s . T h u s , o n e m a y a r g u e that to a c e r t a i n e x t e n t t h e m e d i a d e t e r m i n e t h e p u b l i c l y a c c e p t a b l e w a y s f o r r e s o l v i n g all p e n d i n g issues b e t w e e n t h e m . M e d i a d o not s i m p l y r e p r o d u c e , p e r p e t u a t e , r e c y c l e and r e i n f o r c e the e t h n o c e n t r i c p e r s p e c t i v e of e a c h side's u n i q u e reality. M o r e o v e r , they p r o v i d e fertile soil f o r the cultivation of a series of s t e r e o t y p e s , m a k i n g it d i f f i c u l t , e v e n for t h e m o s t w i l l i n g g o v e r n m e n t s , to deal w i t h t h e G r e e k - T u r k i s h d i s p u t e s a n d i m p r o v e t h e b i l a t e r a l r e l a t i o n s , w i t h o u t t h e f e a r of an i m p o r t a n t political cost. In o t h e r w o r d s , w i t h o u t the f e a r that t h e y m i g h t be b e t r a y i n g the national m y t h s .

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1995, ( E n g l a n d : Eothen Press) G u i d e t o

newspapers' Apogevmatini

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5 1.603 c o p i e s Adesmeftos 48.452 Eleftheros

Typos

(A.T.): e v e n i n g c o n s e r v a t i v e daily of an a v e r a g e circulation of

copies, Typos

( E . T . ) : e v e n i n g c o n s e r v a t i v e d a i l y of a n a v e r a g e of 6 5 . 3 1 4

c o p i e s . (All of t h e t h r e e a r e r i g h t - w i n g a n d q u i t e n a t i o n a l i s t

Athenian

newspapers). Ethnos ( E T H . ) : e v e n i n g d a i l y , c e n t e r - l e f t a n d r a t h e r n a t i o n a l i s t of an a v e r a g e c i r c u l a t i o n of 58.681 copies. Eieftherotypia

(EL.):

evening

daily, center-left with occasional

nationalist

o v e r t o n e s of an a v e r a g e circulation of 8 4 . 5 5 3 copies. Kathimerini

(K.): m o r n i n g d a i l y , c e n t e r - r i g h t and mildly nationalist of an a v e r a g e

c i r c u l a t i o n of 4 3 . 1 2 1 c o p i e s .

' T h e d a t a in r e s p e c t to t h e c i r c u l a t i o n r a t e s are f r o m 1997.

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(E.): evening daily, center-left wilh occasional nationalist overtones of

an average circulation of 50.284 copies. Ta Nea (N.): evening centrist and mildly nationalist daily of an average circulation of 99.474 copies. To Vima (V.): Sunday newspaper, centrist and mildly nationalist of an average circulation of 100.000 copies.

LIST OF THE CONTRIBUTORS

Nail Alkan: PhD in Political Science, Assistant Professor at the Political Science Dept. of Ankara University. Deputy Director of European Community Research Centre at Ankara University, Turkey. Iordanka Bibina: PhD in Cultural Studies and Turcology. Researcher at the Institute of Balkan Studies, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia, Bulgaria. Translator. Lecturer at the Schuman Institute in Bulgaria. Christopher Brevvin: MA in History and Political Science, Senior Lecturer at Keele European Research Centre ( K E R C ) , Keele University, U.K. Filiz Caliglar-Yenigehirlioglu: PhD in History of Art. Professor at the Dept. of History of Art at Hacettepe University, Ankara, Turkey. Former Mustafa Kemal Fellow at Cambridge University, U.K. Herman De Ley: Professor of Ancient and Medieval Philosophy, and Arabic Philosophy at the University of Ghent. Director of the Centre for Islam in Europe (C.I.E), Belgium. Regine Erichsen: PhD in Psychology. Researcher at the Institute for the Theory and History of Medicine, Essen, Germany. Bulent Gokay. PhD in History and Political Science. Lecturer at Keele European Research Centre (KERC), Keele University, U.K. Lily Hamourtziadou: Political Scientist. PhD Student at the Dept. of Political Science at Keele University, U.K. Elena-Natalia Ionescu: PhD in Turcology. Researcher at the Institute of South-Eastern European Studies and Translator in Bucharest, Romania. Kata Kulavkova: PhD in Comparative Literature. Poet. Writer. Professor at the Faculty of Philology, Dept. of General and Comparative Literature at St. Cyril and M e t h o d i u s University of Skopje, Macedonia.

432

C ONTRIBUTORS

Nedret Kuran-Burçoglu: PhD in Turcology. Comparatist and Translation Scholar. Professor at the Dept. of Translation and Interpreting at Bogaziçi University. Deputy Director of the Centre for European Studies (CES), Ex-Director of the Centre for Comparative European Studies (CECES), Istanbul, Turkey. Ural Manço: Sociologist. Researcher at the Centre d' Etudes Sociologiques des Facultés Universitaires Saint Louis, Brussels, Belgium. Wolfgang Mastnak: PhD in Music Education; PhD in Music Therapy; PhD in Transcultural Education. Professor at the University of Music and Drama at Munich, Germany. Mirela Luminita Murgescu: PhD in History. Professor at the Faculty of History, Bucharest University, Romania. All Osman Ôztiirk: PhD in German Language and Literature. Associate Professor at the Dept. of German Education at Selçuk University, Konya, Turkey. Kadriye Ôztiirk: PhD in German Language Education. Assistant Professor at the Dept. of German Language Education at Anatolian University, Eski§ehir, Turkey. Ytiksel Pazarkaya: PhD in German Language and Literature and Philosophy. Free lance Essayist. Poet. Translator. Editor. Bergisch Gladbach, Germany. Christina Rougheri: Social Scientist. Expert in Minority Helsinki Monitor for Human Rights, Greece.

Studies.

Charles Sabatos: MA in Czech and Slovak Literature. PhD Student at Washington University at Seattle, U.S.A. Lecturer at the Dept. of English Language and Literature at Yeditepe University, Istanbul, Turkey. Johan Soenen. Professor of Imagology and the Honorary Director of the Institute of Translation and Interpreting (HIVT), Universitair Centrum, Antwerpen, Belgium. Hanne Straube: PhD in Historical Ethnology. Lecturer. Researcher in Cultural Anthropology at Cultural Sciences Institute, Essen, Germany. §ehnaz Tahir: MA in Communication Studies. PhD Student at the Dept. of Translation and Interpreting at Bogaziçi University. Interpreter. Lecturer in Interpreting and EC Affairs at Bogaziçi University, Istanbul, Turkey.

433

C O N T R I B If T 0 R S Emcl Türker: MA in Communication Studies. Lecturer University, Norway.

at

Oslo

Roumen Yanovski: Social Scientist. Expert in Communication Studies and the Media. Researcher at ACCESS Association in Sofia, Bulgaria. Karin Emine Ye§ilada: BA in German, English and Italian Languages and Literatures. PhD Student at Marburg University on Intercultural German Studies, Germany. Lecturer of German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD), at the German Education Dept. of Marmara University, Istanbul, Turkey.