The Idea of Reform: Its Impact on Christian Thought and Action in the Age of the Fathers [Reprint 2014 ed.] 9780674184077, 9780674334793

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THE IDEA OF REFORM Its Impact on Christian Thought and Action in the Age of the Fathers

THE IDEA OF REFORM Its Impact on Christian Thought and Action in the Age of the Fathers

GERHART B. L A D N E R PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN F O R D H A M UNIVERSITY

САМВКЮСЕ, MASSACHUSETTS HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

1959

© Copyright, I9Í9, by the President and Fellows of Harvard College

Distributed in Great Britain by Oxford University Press, London

Publication of this book has been aided by a grant from the Ford Foundation Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 59-61^9 Printed in Great Britain

Uxori dilectissimae decennis laboris consorti patientissimae

PREFACE

In the past ten years, since the subject of this book was first outlined, the importance of the idea of reform—of what it is and of what it can achieve—has certainly not become smaller. Perhaps the origin and early history of this idea can act as a reminder of what is expected of human beings ; because reform originally was so closely related to man's image-likeness to God, it was less violent than revolution and less haphazard than revivals and "responses" of various kinds. Even today one can be sufficiently optimistic to believe that the reform of man remains the hope of man. While the present volume deals with the idea of reform in the age of the Fathers and its influence on the earliest manifestations of Christian monasticism, successive volumes could profitably describe the continuing life of the idea in the earlier and later Middle Ages, when renovation of Empire, Church reform, and perfection of the whole Christianitas were among the dominant aspects of reform ideology.

My debt of gratitude to persons and institutions who have helped me in divers ways during the period of the preparation and writing of this book is very great. The major part of the work was carried out while I was a Member of the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton ( 1 9 4 9 - 1 9 ^ 1 ) and a Guggenheim Fellow ( 1 9 ^ 0 - 1 9 5 1 ) . To the Director of the Institute for Advanced Study, Dr. Robert Oppenheimer, and to its Faculty, especially to Professor Erwin Panofsky and Professor Homer Thompson, as well as to the Secretary General of the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation, Mr. Henry Allen Мое, go my wannest thanks, likewise to the University of Notre Dame, who gave me leave of absence in the years 1949 to 1 9 ^ 1 , and in particular to the Rev. Fathers Philip S. Moore, C.S.C., Academic Vice-President, and Thomas T. McAvoy, C.S.C., Chairman of the Department of History. vii

VIH

PREFACE

The unique possibilities of an exchange of ideas between scientists and humanists at the Institute for Advanced Study led to the vsrriting of the methodological Excursuses I, II, and IV. I am extremely grateful to Dr. Robert Oppenheimer, who kindly read Excursuses I and II, and to Dr. Kurt Godei, who did the same for Excursus IV. I hope that I have profited from their criticisms. I am very grateful to Professor Herbert Bloch for his reading of the entire manuscript and for important suggestions and kind assistance from which this book has benefited in many ways. To Professor W e m e r Jaeger I express my deep gratitude for the very helpful personal interest which he has taken in the book, which in its interpretation of the history of reform may, I hope, not lack a genuine relationship to his studies on the Greek and Christian paideia idea. The history of ideas cannot in practice be separated from the histories of philosophy and theology in the stricter sense. For their exceedingly valuable advice in this respect I am sincerely grateful to Professor Jacques Maritain, who read portions of the book when it was in its beginnings, to Professor Etienne Gilson, and to the Rev. Father Robert Gleason, S.J. Father Gleason was kind enough to read the whole manuscript and I wish to thank him very much also on this occasion for his comments and criticisms. I owe much to stimulating discussions with two unforgettable scholars and friends. Professor Emst Robert Curtius and Professor Theodor Emst Mommsen. I also gratefully acknowledge many helpful suggestions by other friends and colleagues, above all by Professor Ernst Kantorowicz, whose many-sided illuminating works and ideas were never far from my mind in the writing of this book, furthermore by Dom Anselm Strittmatter, O . S . B . , Professor Stephan Kuttner, Professor Erwin Panofsky, Professor Harold Chemiss, Professor John Olin, and by my late brother. Dr. George Ladner. I alone am responsible, of course, for the book's deficiencies. Finally, very special thanks are due to Fordham University for encouraging this work in every possible way, particularly to the Rev. Father Edwin A. Quain, S . J . , former Academic Vice-President, through whom I was enabled to participate in the International Augustinian Congress at Paris in 19^4, and to the Rev. Fathers J . Franklin Ewing, S . J . , Director of Research Services, and Edward F.

PREFACE

IX

Clark, S.J., Academic Vice-President, for their approval of a generous grant in connection with the preparation of the manuscript for print. In reading the proofs and in preparing the index I had the intelligent, conscientious, and much appreciated assistance of one of my students, Mr. John W . Hodges. To Harvard University Press, and especially to Mrs. W . S. Mallory Lash, I wish to express my gratitude for the care and patience spent on the publishing of this book.

The texts quoted in the notes reproduce the spelling (but not punctuation and capitalization) of the editions used, except that in Latin texts " i " is always substituted for " j " and " v " for " u " when it is a consonant. For the Latin Fathers the editions used are, whenever available to me, those given preference in Dom Eligius Dekkers' Clavis Tatrum Latinorum.

G.B.L. Scarsdale, New York August 18,

1959

CONTENTS INTRODUCTION

I

PART VARIETIES

OF

RENEWAL

CHRISTIAN CHAPTER I.

ONE

DISTINCTION

IDEOLOGY

IDEA

OF

OF

THE

AND

THE

REFORM

IDEA

OF

REFORM

FROM

O T H E R IDEAS OF R E N E W A L 1.

9

COSMOLOGICAL RENEWAL IDEAS

IО

2 . VITALISTIC RENEWAL IDEAS

16

3 . MILLENARIAN RENEWAL IDEAS

27

4.

THE IDEAS OF CONVERSION, OF BAPTISMAL REGENERATION, AND OF PENANCE IN THEIR RELATION TO THE IDEA OF REFORM

C H A P T E R II.

DEFINITION

OF THE IDEA OF R E F O R M

PART THE CHAPTER I. NOLOGY

EARLY

3^;

TWO

CHRISTIAN

IDEA

OF

REFORM

P R E - C H R I S T I A N , B I B L I C A L , A N D PATRISTIC T E R M I OF R E N E W A L A N D R E F O R M

C H A P T E R II.

THE

PAULINE

IDEA

OF

39 REFORM

AND

RELATED

SCRIPTURAL CONCEPTS C H A P T E R III.

THE

IDEA

49 OF

REFORM

IN

GREEK

CHRISTIAN

T H O U G H T OF THE PATRISTIC P E R I O D 1.

63

THE RETURN TO PARADISE

63

2 . THE RECOVERY OF MAN'S LIKENESS TO GOD 3.

32

83

BASILEIA

CHAPTER I V .

THE

107 IDEA

OF

REFORM

T H O U G H T BEFORE S T . A U G U S T I N E

IN

LATIN

PATRISTIC 133

xii

CONTENTS

CHAPTER V .

S T . A U G U S T I N E A N D THE D I F F E R E N C E

BETWEEN

THE R E F O R M IDEAS OF T H E C H R I S T I A N EAST A N D W E S T

1. 2. 3. 4. ς. 6. 7.

Innocence and Reform Creation, Formation, Reformation The Image of God in Man Time Number The Ages of the World and of Man Civitas Dei

CHAPTER V I .

T H E IDEA OF R E F O R M IN THE E A R L Y

15^3

i j3 167 1 203 212 222 239 CHRISTIAN

LITURGY

2 84

CHAPTER V I I .

THE

IDEA

OF

REFORM

IN

EARLY

CHRISTIAN

C A N O N L A W AND SACRAMENTAL T H E O L O G Y

298

1. Renewal of the Canons 2. The Problems of Rebaptism, Reordination, and Penance

298 303

PART THREE MONASTICISM AS A VEHICLE OF THE CHRISTIAN IDEA OF REFORM IN THE AGE OF THE FATHERS CHAPTER I.

MONASTICISM

AS

THE

EXEMPLARY

CHRISTIAN

W A Y OF L I F E

1. The Question : ' ' What Shall I Do ?" 2. Virginity 3. Contemplation and Charity CHAPTER II.

M O N K S , PRIESTS, CONVERSI

1. Hermits, Coenobites, Clerics 2. St. Augustine's Conception of the Monastic and the Clerical Life 3. Postbaptismal Conversi in the West from the Fourth to the Sixth Century 4. St. Augustine's Program of Education and Its Relation to the Ascetic Reform Ideal

319

320 322 330 341

341 3jo 366 3J3

CONTENTS CHAPTER III.

THE

TRANSMISSION

OF

Xiii AUGUSTINIAN

MONAS-

TICISM TO EARLY MEDIAEVAL E U R O P E

378

1 . THE INFLUENCE OF THE AUGUSTINIAN RULE

378

2. MONASTIC LIFE OF CLERICAL COMMUNITIES IN THE POSTAUGUSTINIAN AGE

38 J

3. VARIATIONS OF THE AUGUSTINIAN REFORM IDEA IN THE PRINCIPAL MONASTIC MILIEUS OF THE LATE ANCIENT WEST

EXCURSUS I. EXCURSUS II.

T H E DEFINITION OF AN IDEA

427

METAHISTORICAL PRECONCEPTIONS

EXCURSUS III.

402

433

SOME PATRISTIC DISTINCTIONS CONCERNING

ETERNITY, A E V U M , AND TIME EXCURSUS I V .

443

POINTS OF C O N T A C T BETWEEN ST.

AUGUSTINE

AND M O D E R N MATHEMATICS AND SCIENCE

449

1 . FORMATION-REFORMATION AND INFORMATION

449

2. T I M E

4ÍI

3 . NUMBER

4Í4

4.

4Í9

GENESIS I AND 2 AND EVOLUTION

EXCURSUS V . ECONOMIC

ST.

AUGUSTINE'S

ORDER

ATTITUDE

TO

THE

SOCIO-

OF HIS TIME AND A RECENT B O O K

DONATISM

ON 46 3

ABBREVIATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

469

ADDENDA

491

INDEX

493

INTRODUCTION

The history of man can be seen as a sequence of new beginnings. Such a view in fact underlies in one way or another almost all historical interpretation, be it based on the belief in cyclical recurrence or in conversion and redemption, in decline and fall or in corsi and ricorsi, in progress and evolution or in challenge and response, in

rebirth

and reform or in revolution. It is not surprising that early Christendom should have impressed its ovra character on the universal idea of renewal and that specific Christian expressions of it should have had an appreciable influence on subsequent developments in civilization ever since. For Christianity is a great religion of renewal where sin and death are overcome by divine redemption and resurrection.^ From a Christian point of view the life, death, and revival cycles of nature and their evocations and representations from time immemorial in the rituals and the myths of sacrifice and rebirth are intimations of Christ's death and Resurrection and of the consequent redemption of the universe.2 But while pre-Christian and Christian renewal ideas do not lack connecting links, there are essential differences; these ' See 2 Cor. s · ^ S ^^· ' 'And Christ died for all ; that they also who live, may not now live to themselves, but unto Him who died for them, and rose again. . . . If then any be in Christ a new creature, the old things are passed away, behold all things are made n e w . " Cf. in general K. Prümm, S.J., Christentum als Neuheitserlebnis (Freiburg i. В., 1933). 2 These cosmic aspects of what might be called the praeparatio evangelica idea, in a sense which goes far beyond the title of Eusebius of Caesarea's famous work, were formulated at least as early as Clement of Rome's Letter to the Corinthians, also in Theophilus' Ad Autoljrcuw and Tertullian's De resurrectione mortuorum—see below, p. 1 3 3 , n. i—and as recently as Dom Odo Casel's "Mysterientheologie," see, for instance, his essays, collected under the title Das christliche Kultmysterium, 2nd ed. (193Î). For pre-Christian conceptions of the redemptive enactment of death and resurrection by god, hero, king, especially in the ancient east and in the Greek mysteries, see the survey of modem scholarship in H. Weisinger, Tragedy and the Paradox of the Fortunate Fall (Michigan State College Press, 19Î3) ; the author in a highly original way tries to demonstrate the continuity between preChristian redemptive sacrifice and the even greater results of man's^iix culpa (see below, pp. 146-147) in the Christian dispensation (his denial of the uniqueness of these results is another matter). For a brief general introduction to Graeco-Roman and late antique oriental mysteries see H. R. Willoughby, Pagan Regeneration (Chicago, 1929).

THE IDEA OF R E F O R M

must be determined with particular regard to the Christian idea of reform which has no true equivalent in pre-Christian times. It will be important also to touch briefly upon the relation between early Christian-mediaeval and modem ideas of renewal and reform. In modem times the term and idea of reform are applied to the renewal and intended improvement of many things, more often however of social entities and of institutions than of individuals. The origins of the Christian idea of reform on the contrary are related to the core of evangelical and Pauline doctrine on the human person: to the experience of its newness in Christ. Scriptural μβταμόρφωσις-τφΐmatìo, άνακαίνωσις—Γβηοναίίο, mean personal reformation, renovation toward that image-likeness of man to God (κατ εικόνα καΐ ¿μοίωσιν Θΐοΰ, ad imaßinem et similitudinem Dei) which according to the Book of Genesis (i :2б f.) had been received by man in creation, but had become impaired through sin. And yet, in spite of the personal, individual character of the Christian idea of reform it became effective as a supra-individual force at a relatively early date, above all, but not exclusively, in monasticism. The crucial initial moments in this process occurred in Late Antiquity and in the earliest Middle Ages or more exactly in the patristic period ; they occurred in different forms in the Christian east and west and were followed, especially in the west, by a long series of developments and variations of the idea of reform and of related renewal ideas. It is common usage among historians to speak of monastic reforms and Church reforms, of imperial and Roman restorations and renovations, of Theodosian, Anglo-Saxon, Carolingian, Byzantine, Ottoman, Twelfth Century Renaissances, of Proto-Renaissances and PreReformations. Are all these manifestations of a tendency toward renewal of the same order or are they heterogeneous ? How far is one justified in distinguishing biblical-patristic " r e f o r m " or "renovation" not only from pre-Christian but also from other Christian renewal ideas ? Especially, what is the relation of reform to baptismal regeneration on the one hand and to the Renaissance idea on the other? Furthermore, what were the structure and dynamics of reform in a society that was Christian at least in intention ? How was it possible to seek at the same time the Kingdom of God, not of this world, and to strive for improvement of this world ?

INTRODUCTION

3

If the idea of reform is made the center of the present book, this is done from the conviction that the belief in man's reformation toward his original image-likeness to God (lefoimatio or renovatio ad imaginem Dei) was of central importance for early Christian and mediaeval thought and life. This volmne will describe the early history of that conception in the patristic age down to the sixth century, з It is hoped to show in later studies that the idea persisted and that its reality went far beyond the purely ideological realm. True, the terminology did not always remain the same; but the key terms of reJormatio-Tenovatio and imago or similitudo Dei were never lost, though their scope was extended and their meaning enriched. A few examples from the Middle Ages will confirm this. Such terms were used, for instance, by Gregory the Great when he advocated the manumission of slaves and referred to the original liberty of man, which should thus be reformed;* the same formula was later to appear in protection or exemption charters for monasteries, their liberation from all external domination being considered as meritorious as the freeing of slaves.® In the early Carolingian age the doctrine of the image of God to which men's minds are to be reformed stands behind Alcuin's hope that a renewal of wisdom and knowledge has actually begun in Charlemagne's empire.® In the eleventh century Gregory VII, when he consoles a leader of the Patarian movement who had been mutilated in the Milanese struggle for Church reform, praises the increase of sanctity ' The Benedictine and Irish monastic reforms will only occasionally be touched upon in the present volume, since they are of epochal importance for the next, properly mediaeval, phase in the history of reform. *Epist.

V I , 1 2 , MGH, Epist. I, 390 £f. : Cum redemptor noster totius conditor creaturae

ad hoc propitiatus humanam voluit camem adsumere, ut divinitatis suae gratia, disrupto quo tenebamur capti vinculo servitutis, pristinae nos restitueret libertati, salubriter agitur, si homines, quos ab initio natura liberos protulit et ius gentium iugo substituit servitutis, in ea qua nati fuerant manumittentis beneficio libertate reddantur. ® See, for instance, Louis V I of France for Cluny, 1 1 1 3 , Bibhotheca 1 6 1 4 ) Í 3 0 (cf. Recueil des chartes de l'abbaye

Cluniacensis (Paris,

de Cluny, edd. A . Bernard and A . Bruel [Col-

lection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France] V [Paris, 1 8 9 4 ] i s s > no. 3 9 o î ) : . . . caritas Dei . . . indutus hominem, pristinae libertati hominem restituit et imaginem quae depressa erat reformavit. « C f . Alcuin, Exposìtìo in Psalmos penitentiales,

PL С , Í 7 4 C : . . . imago Dei ad quam

reformamur in mente . . . , and Epist. CLXXII, MGH, Epist. IV, Karol. Aevi П, 2 8 ^ : . . . totius sapientiae decus et salutaris eruditionis omatus . . . renovari incipit.

4

THE IDEA OF R E F O R M

o f t h e i n n e r m a n w h o is r e n e w e d f r o m d a y t o d a y ' i n s p i t e o f b o d i l y "diminution":

t h e i m a g e o f G o d has b e c o m e m o r e b e a u t i f u l r e g a r d -

less o f i t s e x t e r n a l f o r m . « In t h e t w e l f t h c e n t u r y S t . B e r n a r d o f C l a i r v a u x s p e a k s o f t h e e n t r y i n t o m o n a s t i c l i f e as a r e f o r m a t i o n w h i c h is modelled after a Christian's of the

first

same century a Cistercian

r e f o r m , baptism,® and at t h e monk

sketches

the

whole

turn

history

o f m o n a s t i c i s m as a s e r i e s o f r e f o r m s . A l s o , S t . B e r n a r d a n d l a t e r S t . Bonaventure,

when

they formulate a n e w

mystical

theology

of

the

western w o r l d , use the old terminology of man's r e f o r m to the image and

likeness

of

encyclopaedia

God

and

so

of mediaeval

does

Vincent

knowledge

of

and

Beauvais

wisdom.^^

i n his

great

In t h a t

age,

h o w e v e r , the individual and monastic realizations o f the idea o f r e f o r m had already b e g u n to expand into a n e w c o n c e p t i o n of r e f o r m of the C h u r c h and of Christian societ) . ' Cf. 2 Cor. 4 : 1 6 . ® Gregory V n to the priest Liutprand, l o j g , JL 497^, f r o m Landulfus Junior sive de S. Paulo, Historia Mediolanensis,

ed. С .

Castiglioni, in L. A .

Muratori, Rerum Itahcarum

Scriptores V , 3 (Bologna, 1934) 478 : . . . integritas quidem corporis tui diminuta est, sed interior h o m o qui renovatur de die in diem (cf. 2 C o r . 4 : 1 6 ) magnum sanctitatis suscepit incrementum : forma visibilis turpior, sed imago D e i . . . in diminutione iucundior, in turpitudine pulchrior. C f . my article, " T w o Gregorian L e t t e r s , " Studi Gregor. V ( i 9 í 6 ) 221 ff. ' De praecepto et dispensatione, 17 ( í 4 ) , PL C L X X X I I , 889В f. : . . . praeeminens universis vitae humanae generibus huiuscemodi conversatio professores et amatores suos angelis similes, dissimiles hominibus facit ; imo divinam in homine reformat imaginem, configurans nos Christo instar baptismi. Et quasi denique secundo baptizamur. . . . '^^> Exordium magnum Cisterciense 10, PL C L X X X V , 1007 A f. (with regard to the Cistercian reform) : . . . cum . . . nec spes ulla restaurationis uspiam arrideret, omnipotens Deus . . . dum medium silentium tenerent omnia Spiritum Sanctum suum de secretis coelestibus a regalibus sedibus (cf. W i s d o m 1 8 : 1 4 and Introitus, Dominica infra Octaram Nativitatis [Missale Romanum]) misit in corda quorundam fratrum qui in coenobio quodam degebant quod in Burgundiae partibus situm Molismus vocatur, and ibid. 1009C f. : . . . sicut . . . nascente Christo . . . mundus . . . pignus redemptionis novae, reparationis antiquae, felicitatis aetemae suscepit, sic in diebus istis novissimis . . . Deus eiusdem gratiae suae seminarium plantavit in e r e m o Cistcrciensi. " C f . Bernard of Clairvaux, De gratia et libero arbitrio (Similitudinem

divinae

imaginis

in

nobis

reformari

10, PL CLXXXII, 1018 В f.

per

Christum);

Bonaventure,

Itinerarium mentis in Deum, 4, 4, Opera Omnia V (Quaracchi, 1891) 3 0 7 : . . . per reformationem imaginis per virtutes theologicas et per oblectationes spiritualium sensuum et suspensiones excessuum efficitur spiritus noster hierarchicus, scilicet purgatus, illuminatus et perfectus.

For Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum doctrinale I, 9, cf. A . L. Gabriel,

O.

Praem., The Educational Ideas of Vincent o/" Beauvais (Texts and Studies in t h e History of Mediaeval Education IV, N o t r e Dame, 19^6) 13 ff. 12 See b e l o w , pp. 277 and p. 423 f. ; cf. my article " E r n e u e r u n g , " to appear in RLAC.

INTRODUCTION

ς

That an idea of reform existed in the early Christian and later periods is then an abundantly and unambiguously documented fact. What exactly this idea was can emerge only from the study of the historical sources. Nevertheless it is necessary before following the course of the historical idea of reform through time and space to attempt a preliminary definition through distinction from other terms and ideas of renewal. The considerable fluctuations within renewal terminology would make it impossible without a provisional point of reference to class some of these ideas as ideas of reform, others as not. In studying ideas termed, for instance, reformatio, renovatio, restauratio, regeneratio, a historian consciously or unconsciously must measure these terms against preliminary concepts based on his general knowledge of the various forms of renewal ideas including that of reform. Thus only are the terms which occur in the sources classified according to their relevance to the subject matter dealt with, thus only is the linking of terms to ideas initiated. Usually, in historical study, this process of thought is not brought out into the open. To do so is to recognize the existence of a methodological problem of the definition of historical ideas; see Excursus I.

PART ONE VARIETIES OF RENEWAL IDEOLOGY AND THE CHRISTIAN IDEA OF REFORM

CHAPTER I DISTINCTON OF THE IDEA OF REFORM FROM OTHER IDEAS OF RENEWAL

A definition of the reform idea which may serve as point of reference for a study of the history of that idea in early Christian and subsequent times must be based on quite obvious specific differences between any idea of reform and other representative types of renewal ideology. For the idea of reform is a variant of the more general idea of renewal. The renewal idea itself is more specific than the wider and more general concepts of this kind such as alteration, change, becoming. These concepts do not necessarily imply that emphasis on the relationship between the old and the new in the irreversible process of time which is presupposed in all renewal ideas ; even less do they bear the special marks of the reform idea among which the most evident are the notions of reassertion and augmentation of value. The idea of reform may be considered as essentially Christian in its origin and early development. It is true that adxunbrations of the reform idea are not lacking in non-Christian renewal ideology, especially in Greek and Roman literature. Yet such occurrences are of relatively minor significance as compared to the massive importance of the idea in Christian thought it will therefore be sufficient to refer to them as antecedents or parallels of Christian reform terminology and ideology when occasion arises.^ Other types of renewal ideas were on the whole of greater prominence and consequence in pre-Christian Antiquity. The more important of these ancient ideas, most of which survived or reappeared in various transformations and in concomitance with the ι In this connection see, for instance, p. 4 7 , n. 6 1 , on the significant absence of the reform idea proper—as distinct from the idea of conversion—from Plato's thought. ^ Cf., for instance, pp. 4 0 - 4 1 , on Seneca's and Pliny the Yoimger's moral and political use of the term reformatio and on the application of reform terminology to Roman legal and institutional ideology by the great jurists of the second and third centuries. 9

IО

V A R I E T I E S OF R E N E W A L I D E O L O G Y

reform idea in the Christian ages, must now be described and distinguished from the idea of reform. The idea of reform must be confronted also with the most relevant fundamentals of Christian renewal ideology. I.

C O S M O L O G I C A L R E N E W ^ A L IDEAS

A first group of renewal ideas other than the idea of reform may be classified as cosmologica!. It includes the theories elaborated in Antiquity about the perpetual cyclical recurrence of identical or similar situations and events. Such theories are rooted in a widespread archaic mentality which attempts to " d e n y " the relentless course of time by a belief in ever new b e g i n n i n g s a n d yet, as early as ^OO B.C. Alcmaeon of Croton had recognized that the reason for man's physical death is just his inability to link beginning to end.2 Not all cyclical renewal ideas of Antiquity® conceive of renewal as a sequence of periodic destructions and restorations of the universe followed by the return of identical situations, events, and persons. The interpretation of Heraclitus' doctrine of eternal flux in this sense originates only from the Stoics.* Empedocles,® Plato,® Aristotle,' Polybius® envisaged cosmic or historical cycles, but these cyclical correspondences are only generic ones. Of the greatest importance for ancient cosmological renewal ideology is the conception of the reXeos èviavTÓs, which first appears in Plato's Timaeus.^ The length of this perfect "world year" is defined by the simultaneous occurrence 1 See M. Eliade, Le mythe de l'éternel retour (Paris, 1949). 2 Fragm. 2, Diels, Vorsokratiker l, 2 i j . ' For a cursory survey, also for the survival of these ideas in the Middle Ages, see P . A . Sorokin, Social and Cultural I^namics II (New York, 1 9 3 7 ) 3 1 Í - 3 7 9 , based in part on P. Duhem, Le système du monde (reprinted Paris, 19^4) and also on L . Thomdike, History of Magic and Experimental Science (New York, 1 9 2 3 — ) ; for the ancient and early Christian period in particular see H. Meyer, " Z u r Lehre von der ewigen Wiederkunft aller Dinge," Beiträge zur Geschichte des christlichen Altertums und der byzantinischen Literatur: Festgabe Albert Ehrhard . . . (Bonn, Leipzig, 1922) 3^9 ff. * Cf. J . Bumet, Early Greek Philosophers, 4th ed. (London, 1948) i j S ff. ' Fragms. 1 7 and 30, Diels, Vorsohatiker I, 3 1 Í ff. and 3 2 ^ . • Statesman 269 ff. ; Laws 6 7 7 A . ' De generatione et corruptione 3 7 7 f . ; Metaphysics XII, 8, 1 0 7 4 В ; cf. W . Jaeger, Aristotle (Oxford, 1948) 1 3 0 ff., on the doctrine, contained in the fragments from On Philosophy, that truth returns periodically. ' Histor. VI, 4 4 ff. and sj.

' Timaeus 39D.

DISTINCTION O F IDEA OF R E F O R M

11

of the completions of the eight heavenly revolutions, that is to say, those of the moon, the sun, the five planets then knovm, and the heaven of fixed stars. Perhaps, already the Pythagoreans, and in any case the Neopythagoreans, expected that the beginning of a new world year would bring about a general renewal of the world. The Stoics linked it to their doctrine of cosmic destruction and renewal through ¿κπνρωσις according to S e n e c a the Babylonian priest of the Hellenistic period, Berossus, taught the periodical recurrence not only of conflagrations but also of deluges Plato himself had knovm of cataclysmic as well as of fiery upheavals of the universe.^^ It would seem, however, that the Stoics' dogma of identical repetition of the same, after an ίκ-πύρωσίζ, owes less to the doctrine of the great world year than to their belief that the cosmic elements, after various transformations and after return to the imity of the primitive divine fire, will again form the same pattern, "so that there will be again Socrates and Plato and every man, with their friends and fellow citizens, sharing the same opinions, meeting the same persons, engaged in the same business, and that there will be restored (άποκαθίστασθοα) also every city, village, and countryside: this restoration (άποκατάστασις) to happen not once but often, in fact boundlessly and endlessly." In such terminology the expression άποκατάστασις has become a technical term of cosmological renewal; in Christian renewal ideology it will assume further meanings. If the great world year played only a secondary role in Stoic natural philosophy, it was all the more essential to the Roman Neopythagoreans of the late republican and imperial period: a new magnus annus was to renovate the whole c f . E. Zeller, Die Philosophie der Griechen I, i, 6th ed. (Leipzig, 1 9 1 9 ) Í49 f., sì s ^^ Eq>^rosis already in Zeno, v. Arnim, Stoic.

Veter. Fragm. I, i j , fragm. 9 8 ; for its

connection with the great world year see Arius Didymus, v. Arnim Π, iSg f., fragm. ^99, and Nemesius, De natura hominum 38, v. Arnim Π, igo, fragm.

6l¡.

^^ Naturales quaestiones Ш, 29. Cf. P. Schnabel, Berossos und die habjlonisch-hellenistische Literatur (Berlin, 1923). Timaeus 22 f. The question of the priority of Greek or of Persian and Indian ideas concerning periodical catastrophes of the world cannot be discussed here; cf. J. Bidez, Eos ou Platon et l'orient (Bruxelles, 194^) 82 ff., also Eliade, Eternel retour, 167 ff. Nemesius, op. cit., 38, v. Arnim. Cf. Origen, Contra Celsum IV, 68, v. Arnim II, 190, fragm. 626, Alexander of Aphrodisias, In Aristot. analyt. pi., v. Arnim II, 189, fragm. 624, Tatian, Adversas Graecos ς, v. Arnim I, 32, fragm. 109. See below, Part T w o , Chapter I and Chapter ΙΠ, i.

I 2

VARIETIES OF R E N E W A L I D E O L O G Y

world and to break the chain of reincarnations.^'' Under Neopythagorean influence, Virgil in his Fourth Eclogue foimd the greatest poetical expression of ancient cosmological renewal ideology, not without combining it with the idea of the Golden Age and with vitalistic renewal ideas : Ultima Cumaei venit iam carminis aetas ; magnus ab íntegro saeclorum nascitur ordo. Iam redit et virgo, redeunt Saturnia regna ; iam nova progenies cacio demittitur alto. Tu modo nascenti puero quo ferrea primvmi desinet ac toto surget gens aurea mundo casta fave Lucina; tuus iam regnai Apollo. Teque adeo decus hoc aevi, te consule inibit, Pollio, et incipient magni procedere m e n s e s . More or less explicit formulations of the world year doctrine and of the idea of eternal recurrence are found also in Cicero's Somnium Scipionis, in the third century grammarian Censorinus,2" and in the interpretation of the Timaeus passage mentioned above in Ps.Plutarch, Be fato.^^ Stoic cosmological renewal ideas may have influenced the Latin Asclepius, which perhaps dates from the fourth century and may be derived from a Greek original of the third; the translator's phrase: haec enim mundi (^reygenitura (or (^novaygenitura)·, cunctarum гфгтайо rerum bonorum et naturae ipsius sanctissima et religiosissima restitutio^^ may be influenced by Christian terminology, but has little relation to Christian ideas of regeneration or reform. 1 ' Cf. J . Carcopino, Virgile et le mystère de la IV' Eglogue, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1 9 4 3 ) 84 f. The idea of reincarnation or metempsychosis itself is not a renewal idea in the proper sense. Fourth Eclogue 4 - 1 2 . See also Aeneid VI, y4s п., for the interruption of reincarnations at the tum from one world year to the next. 1» De re publica VI, 2 1 , 23 ff.

See P. Boyancé, Etudes sur le songe de Scipion (Limoges,

1 9 3 6 ) 160 ff. De die natali Х\Ш, 21 See p.

и.

IO.

De fato 3 (Í69). Asclepius ΠΙ, 2б a, Scott, Hermet. I, Я4б; cf. the edition by Nock, with French translation by Festugière, Corp. Hermet. Π, 3 3 1 , where the reading genitura is adhered to. It is in any case clear from the context that the passage refers to " r e b i r t h " ; for the relation to cosmological renewal, which nevertheless exists, see the commentary of Scott, Hermet. Ш, 1 7 7 ff.

DISTINCTION OF IDEA OF R E F O R M

I 3

The idea of eternal recurrence could be combined with the myth of a Golden Age at the beginning of history, which in Greece first appeared in Hesiod where it had only the vaguest connection with the notion of cyclical r e t u r n . L a t e r however, for instance, in Virgil's Fourth Eclogue the two ideas clearly appear together.25 The myth of successive ages of decreasing excellence—in Hesiod they are the ages of gold, silver, brass, of the heroes, and of iron—also appears in Indian and Persian sources of the syncretistic period and may be of old-Iranian origin. At first these ages apparently were conceived as purely historical; they also were of the same number as the four Hesiodic metals (not coimting Hesiod's age of heroes) ; later, under the influence perhaps of Hellenized Babylonian astrology, the Mazdaist priests of Asia Minor, Cumont's so-called mages hellénisés or Maguséens,^^ transformed this conception into that of a planetary world week of seven cosmologica! and historical ages. Each of these seven ages stood under the ascendency of a planet, as did the seven periods of individual human life, and it was a planet which gave its name to each age as to the days of an ordinary week. Since Saturn was the first and the Sun the last in4he sequence,^7 the Golden Age could be conceived of as the return of the age of Saturn, heralded by the still present age of the sun god. Thus Virgil could say in the Fourth Eclogue: redeunt Saturnia regna and iam regnai Apollo.^^ Hesiod, Worb and Days 1 0 9 - 2 0 1 . The only suggestion of a cyclical idea is found in Hesiod's wish to be bom if not before then after the end of the last and worst (iron) age (v. i 7 i ) . See also Aeneid VI, 7 9 1 ff., for Augustus as bringer of a new Golden Age. For Hesiod's myth in Ovid see Metamorphoses I, 89 ff. 2» For this whole complex of ideas see F. Cumont, " L a fin du monde selon les mages occidentaux," Rer. hist. rei. СШ ( 1 9 3 1 ) 29 ff., and J . Bidez and F. Cumont, Les mages hellénisés I (Paris, 1 9 3 8 ) 1 3 1 ff., 2 1 8 ff. Cf. also R. Reitzenstein and H. H. Schaeder, Studien zum antiken Synkretismus aus Iran und Griechenland (Studien der Bibliothek Warburg VII, Leipzig-Berlin, 1926) Partl/Π: " V o m Töpferorakel zu Hesiod," especially 4 í

ff.,

where also the most important Indian sources, not discussed by Cumont, are given. For Hesiod and the Golden Age, see also the recent discussion between H. C. Baldry, " W h o Invented the Golden A g e , " Classical Quarurly, Ages,"

Jour. Hist. IdeasXVn

A g e s , " ibid.

New Ser. Π ( i 9 í 2 ) 83 ff., "Hesiod's Five

( t ^ s O SS3 f·. J · G. Griffiths, "Archaeology and Hesiod's Five

109 ff. Cf. R. Eisler, "Metallurgical Anthropology in Hesiod and Plato and

the Date of a 'Phoenician Lie', " Isis X L (1949) 108 ff. Cf. Cumont, " F i n du monde" 48 ff., S4 ff· See Virgil, Fourth Eclogue 6 - 1 0 . The syncretistic series of planetarian gods from Kronos (Saturn) to Helios (Sol or Apollo) which stands behind these Virgilian verses (cf. Carcopino,

14

V A R I E T I E S OF R E N E W A L I D E O L O G Y

In spite of contaminations with cyclical cosmology the Magusean hebdomadal scheme, in which the number of related metals was likewise increased to seven, differs in important respects from the doctrine of the great world year. Instead of eternal recurrence of planetary conjunctions and corresponding recurrent cosmic and historical situations the idea of the great world week envisaged only one succession of planetary ascendencies, each to last a thousand years. After its completion a definitive eschatological renovation of the world would take place, bringing about an eighth age of the heaven of fixed stars, to which the seventh or sim-millennium is only a prelude (to be followed directly by an interlude allowed to the powers of evil).^» This conception, enriched by Jewish and Early Christian apocalyptic elements, was to become the basis of the chiliastic or millenarian renewal idea which is fundamentally different from that of eternal recurrence.®® The connecting link between the two conceptions of the world year and the world week is the idea of the Golden Age, the characteristics of which the seventh millennium retains to some extent. The Hesiodic and Indo-Persian scheme of four or five ages also survived on the historical noncosmical level. In conjunction with the metal myth it appears as the idea of the succession of four world e m p i r e s i n late classical historians from the second century B.C. Virgile ¡o ff., for Virgil's substitution of Apollo for Sol under Neopythagorean and Magusean influence) is different from the sequence of both the official pagan Roman and the Christian order of week days. About Saturday as the first and Sunday as the second day of the Roman week and for Sunday as the first day of the Christian week even before Constantine the Great of. F. J. Dölger, " D i e Planetenwoche der griechisch-römischen Antike und der christliche Sonntag," Ant. u. Chr. VI ( i g j o ) 2o2 ff. See also below, Part Two, Chapter V , 6. Cf. Cumont, " F i n du monde" 46 f., ¡6 f., 70 f. : some elements of this conception are found in Origen (Celsus), Contra Celsum VI, 22, GCS, Orig. II, 92, who refers in this connection to the mysteries of Mithras; Lactantius, Divinae imtitutiones VII, 2 3 - 2 6 , CSEL XIX, 6 s s depends in part on the Ps.-Hystaspes, i.e., indirectly on Magusean sources (cf. also Bidezand Cumont, Mages hellénisés Ï, 2 1 7 ff., and Lactantius' citations from Hystaspes, quoted ibid. II, 364 ff.). ä» See below. Part One, Chapter I, 3. Cf. Eduard Meyer, Ursprung und Anfänge des Christentums II (Stuttgart, Berlin, 1 9 2 1 ) 189 f f . ; idem., Hesiods Erga und das Gedicht ron den fünf Menschengeschlechten (Kleine Schriften II, Halle, 1924) i j ff.; J. W . Swain, " T h e Theory of the Four Monarchies: Opposition History under the Roman Empire," Class. Philol. X X X V (1940) i ff. Meyer and Swain discount a possible connection between Hesiod and the Indian and Persian myths, whereas Reitzenstein and Schaeder, ^nhetismus ¡jy ff., think that Hesiod was dependent on early forms of the latber; see also the article by Griffiths, quoted in n. 26. For the idea of the

DISTINCTION OF IDEA OF REFORM

I ς

to the third century a.d.,®^ ¡n the Book of Daniel,®® and in Christian commentaries on the latter. The most influential identification of the four world empires was that with the monarchies of the Assyrians (or Babylonians), Persians (or Medes), Macedonians, and Romans, which we find, for instance, in Pompeius Trogus and in St. Jerome.®* In the Middle Ages this succession scheme was developed in the theory of the so-called translatio imperii (transfer of the Roman Empire from one people to another) and of a corresponding translatio studii (transfer of wisdom and knowledge).®® In such conceptions, too, an idea of eternal renewal can be implied, in conjunction, for instance, with the ideology of eternal Rome.®® The recurrence idea in its most extreme form, the conception of an eternally cyclical and numerically repetitive renewal of the cosmos and of a cosmologically determined renewal of humanity, was of course essentially incompatible with the rectilinear and chronologically limited Christian view of history®'' and with the Christian approach to the problems of causal determination, contingency, human freedom, and divine predestination. Yet modified in various ways, it did four world empires see also C. Trieber, " D i e Idee der vier Weltreiche," Hermes XXVÏÏ (1892) 321 ff., and T. E. Mommsen, "St. Augustine and the Christian Idea of Progress," Jour. Hist. Ideas XII ( 1 9 Í 1 ) 346 ff. The most important among them was Pompeius Trogus, who wrote in Augustus' time; cf. Swain, "Four Monarchies" 16 ff. 33 Dan. 2 : 3 1 ff. and 7 : 1 ff. Jerome, Comment. in Danielem 2 : 3 1 ff. and 7 : i ff., P i X X V , 526 f., 5^2 ff. ; also his translation of the chronological "canon" of Eusebius world chronicle, GCS, Euseb. VII, and ed. (cf. Swain, "Four Monarchies" 19 ff.). For ancient and Byzantine identifications of the fourth world empire with Macedón rather than Rome see Swain, "Four Monarchies," and M. V. Anastos, "Political Theory in the Lives of the Slavic Saints Constantine and Methodius," Harvard Slavic Studies Π ( i 9 î 4 ) 17 ff. See now P. van den Baar, Die kirchliche Lehre der Translatio Imperii Romani. . . (Analecta Gregoriana LXXVIII, Roma, 1956), and W. Goetz, Translatio Imperii (Tübingen, i g i S ) , also Anastos, "Political Theory" 22 ff., and for the translatio studii E. Gilson, La philosophie au moyen âge, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1947) 193 f., E. R. Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. W. R. Trask (Bollingen Series XXXVI, New York, 1953) 29, 384 f., H. Grundmann, "Sacerdotium—Regnum—Studium," Arch. Kult. Gesch. XXXIV ( i 9 í i ) 8, 13 f. 3« Cf. below, Part One, Chapter I, 2. 3 ' Cf., for instance, Origen, Contra Celsum IV, 67 f., V, 20 f. GCS, Orig., I, 337 f., II, 21 ff.; idem., be principas3, 4, GCS, Orig. V, 1 1 9 ; Augustine, be civitate Dei XII, 14, Corp. Christ., Ser. Lat. XLVIII, 369. See also R. Niebuhr, Faith and Historjr (New York, 1949) .6, 21.

I6

VARIETIES OF R E N E W A L IDEOLOGY

s u r v i v e t h e e n d o f p a g a n i s m , e s p e c i a l l y in c o m b i n a t i o n w i t h c e r t a i n vitalistic and millenarian r e n e w a l ideas.'® T h e idea o f r e f o r m d i f f e r s f r o m all c o s m o l o g i c - d e t e r m i n i s t i c r e n e w a l ideas t h r o u g h its e l e m e n t

2.

offreedom.^^

VITALISTIC R E N E W A L IDEAS

V i t a l i s t i c r e n e w a l ideas in t h e w i d e s t sense o f t h e t e r m a r e f o u n d e d u p o n a n a l o g i e s w i t h t h e r e p r o d u c t i o n and g r o w t h o f h u m a n life and o f l i f e i n g e n e r a l . S u c h a r e t h e idea o f R e n a i s s a n c e and t h e idea o f evolution;

t h e l a t t e r lies o n t h e w h o l e

outside the scope of

this

study—^but s e e t h e r e m a r k s in E x c u r s u s I V , 4 . T h e R e n a i s s a n c e i d e a , i t is t r u e , is n o t w i t h o u t c o n n e c t i o n w i t h that o f spiritual r e g e n e r a t i o n 1 and e v e n w i t h that o f r e f o r m . ^ T h e r e m o t e c o m m o n r o o t s l i e n o d o u b t in v e r y a n c i e n t ideas o f r e d e m p t i v e sacrificial

d e a t h a n d r e b i r t h . з T h e m o s t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c trait o f t h e R e n a i s -

s a n c e idea is at a n y r a t e t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f r e b i r t h o r r e n e w e d g r o w t h " The most important of these modifications in the early Christian age itself is that of Origen; Origen's adaptation and Augustine's complete rejection of ancient recurrence ideology are well contrasted by H. Meyer, "Ewige Wiederkunft" 368 ff. Origen's idea of periodical apocatastasis or restoration of the world will be discussed more fully below, Part Two, Chapter III, i . Modified ideas of this general type are found also in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. For the idea of the Golden Age in the early Christian period and its combination with the biblical Paradise see G. Boas, £sjays on Primitirism and Related Ideas in the Middle Ages (Baltimore, 1948) and below, Part Two, Chapter Ш, i . " For the ' 'shortcomings' ' of the myth of eternal recurrence and of the Golden Age (and to some extent even of the nostalgie du paradis) see the excellent remarks of M. Eliade, Traité des religions (Paris, 1949) Chapters 1 о and 1 1 ; cf. also H. de Lubac, S. J . , Catholicisme : Les aspects sociaux du dogme, 4th ed. (Paris, 1947) 107 ff. I Koniad Burdach and his school, the principal representatives of a trend which W . K . Ferguson, The Renaissance in Historical Thought (Boston, New York, 1948) 329 ff., calls "the revolt of the medievalists" against an autonomous concept of the Renaissance, have gone too far in derivmg the Italian Renaissance altogether from late ancient, early Christian, and mediaeval ideas of spiritual regeneration; see Burdach's great work Vom Mittelalter zur Rrformation (Berlin, 1 9 2 1 - 1 9 3 9 ) and his essay "Sinn und Ursprung der Worte Renaissance und Reformation," Reformation Renaissance Humanismus, 2nd ed. (Berlin, Leipzig, 1926). Similarly, the study of F. Heer, " D i e 'Renaissance'-Ideologie im frühen Mittelalter," Mitt. Inst. Öst. Gesch. Forsch. LVII (1949) 23 ff., which contains much interesting material and some excellent interpretations, does not always sufficiently distinguish between "Renaissance" ideas and the ideology of reform. ' Cf. below, p. 23, n. 27.

' See Introduction.

DISTINCTION OF IDEA OF REFORM

17

or return of vital values in an individual, community or institution, in a nation or in humanity as a whole ; this is a quasi-biological revival •which has no longer a direct relation to sacrifice. One finds this conception long before the Italian Renaissance, for instance, in the Augustan^ and Theodosian eras,® and all through the Late Roman and * Beside Virgil's Fourth Eclogue with its mixed cosmologica! and vitalistic connotations (cf. below p. 21, n. 20) see, for instance, Horace, Carmen ¡acculare í8 : . . . neglecta redire virtus; idem, Ars poetica 70: Multa renascentur quae iam cecidere cadentque/quae nunc sunt in honore vocabula . . . ; Livy, Histor. VI, i : . . . ab secunda origine (i.e., after the destruction by the Gallic invaders) velut ab stirpibus laetius feraciusque renatae urbis; idem, ibid. Ш, 9, i : . . . res Romana in antiquum statum rediit; cf. also ibid. XXVI, 41, 22-24, XXIV, 4 i . 3· ' C f . , for instance, Claudian, De bello Gildonico 17-27, and especially 208 ff., Koch, 38 f. and above all 44: . . . adilavit Romam meliore iuventa. Continuo redit ille vigor seniique colorem mutavere comae. . . . See also Claudian, In Rußnum I, ¡o ff., Koch 12 (of Theodosius as victor over the Furies) : Heu nimis ignavae quas luppiter arcet Olympo, Theodosius terris. En aurea nascitur aetas. En proles antiqua redit . . , (dependence on Virgil's Fourú Eclogue is here obvious). See furthermore Prudentius, Contra fymmachum Π, 656 ff., CSEL LXI, 271 (of Rome under Theodosius): . . . sub quo senium omne renascens deposui vidique т е а ш flavescere rursus canitiem : nam cum mortalia cuneta vetustas inuninuat, mihi longa dies aliud parit aevum quae vivendo diu dìdici contemnere ñnem. See also ibid. 1, 541 if., CSEL LXI, 239: Denique nec metas statuit nee tempora ponit, Imperium sine fine docet, ne Romula virtus iam sit anus, norit ne gloria parta senectam (with this cf. Virgil, Aeneid I, 287 ff.). See finally Rutilius Namatianus, De redita suo e Roma in Galliam Narbonensem I, 137 ff., Vessereau and Préchac 9 : Quae restant nullis obnoxia tempora metis, dmn stabant terrae, dum polus astra feret. Illud te reparat quod cetera regna resolvit : ordo renascendi est crescere posse malis (cf. again Aeneid I, 287 ff., see also С. Pascal, "Una probabile fonte di Rutilio Namaziano," Graecia Capta [Firenze, i g o j ] 163 ff., for possible dependence upon the famous oration in praise of Rome by Aelius Aristides, the Greek rhetor, second century A. D.). Most of the texts cited are discussed by Curtius, European Literature 104.

18

VARIETIES OF RENEWAL IDEOLOGY

M i d d l e A g e s , in connection w i t h the belief in the eternal life and e v e r repeated rejuvenation of R o m e and w i t h the so-called R o m a n Renovatio idea.® Because the r e f o r m ideas o f the great Fathers of the late fourth and early fifth c e n t u r y , w h i c h this b o o k w i l l study in some detail, stood out against the spirit of the so-called

"Theodosian

Renaissance,"

w h i c h n o t a f e w of them vigorously o p p o s e d , ' it w i l l be w e l l to insert h e r e a f e w c o m m e n t s on this phase in the history of vitalistic renewal ideas. T h e o c c u r r e n c e of a vitalistic renewal ideology and Renaissance terminology w a s neither the reason f o r the formulation of the c o n c e p t of a Theodosian Renaissance n o r does this term designate m o r e than ' In general see F. G. Moore, " O n Urbs Aetema and Urbs Sacra," Trans. Amer. Philol. Ass. XXV (1894) 34 ff., W. Gementz, Laudes Romae (Rostock, 1918), M. Vogelstein, Kaiseridee-Romidee und das Verhältnis von Staat und Kirche seit Konstantin (Historische Untersuchungen Vn, Breslau, 1930), especially Excursus ΠΙ, W. Rehm, Der Untergang Roms im abendländischen Denken (Leipzig, 1930), E. Pfeil, Die fränkische und deutsche Romidee des frühen yWiíteíaítej-s (München, 1929), P. E. Schramm, Kaiser, Rom und Renovatio (Studien der Bibliothek Warburg XVn, I and 2, Leipzig, Berlin, 1929), F. Heer, " 'Renaissance'-Ideologie," E. K. Rand, The Building of Eternal Rome (Cambridge, Mass., 1943), W. Paatz, "Renaissance oder Renovatio?," Beiträge zur Kunst des Mittelalters (Berlin, 19Î0) 16 ff. Tibullus, Carmina II, Î , 23, seems to have been the first to speak of the urbs aeterna, and already the coins of Galba's faction show the legend Roma renascens. Dreams of the eternity and of the rebirth, restitution, reparation, renovation of Rome, coupled with Golden Age ideology, determined the official and semiofficial propaganda of the pagan and later of the Christian Empires for many centuries. This well-known fact can nowhere be verified as easily as on the coins. See, for instance, J. Gagé, " L e «Templum Urbis» et les origines de l'idée de «Renovatio»," Mélanges Franz Cumont I (Annuaire de l'Institut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales et Slaves, Université Libre de Bruxelles, IV, i , Bruxelles, 1936) i j i ff., H. Mattingly, "Felicium temporum reparatio," The Numismatic Chronicle and Journal of the Royal Numismatic Societj, Ser. V, ΧΙΠ(ΐ933) i82 ff., idem, The Cambridge Ancient History XII (Cambridge, 1939) 713 ff· ·• Appendix on Sources 2: Coins, P. L. Strack, Untersuchungen zur römischen Reichsprägung des zweiten Jahrhunderts, 3 vols. (Stuttgart, 1931-37). It is characteristic of the link which exists between Roman renovatio ideology and vitalistic renewal ideas that Constantine the Great used one of the mystical pagan names of Rome, "Flora," in Greek translation: "Anthusa," for Constantinople (cf. V. Burch, Mjth and Constantine the Great [Oxford, 1927] 76 ff., A. Alföldi, The Conversion of Constantine and Pagan Rome [Oxford, 1948] 114), thus connecting his new capital, the second Rome, with the flowering of the first (cf. W. Hartke, Römische Kinderkaiscr [Berlin, i g j i ] 298 ff., on the Floralia). For the ideology of the "Second Rome," related to that of the translatio imperii (see above, p. i j ) , cf., for instance, F. Dölger, "Rom in der Gedankenwelt der Byzantiner," Ζ. Ki. Gesch. LVI (1937) i ff., W^. Hammer, "The Concept of a New or Second Rome . . . , " Speculum XIX (1944) s° ff·. E· H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies (Princeton, 1957) 82f. ' Cf. pp. 2¡i-2¡6,

for Augustine's rejection of a renewal ideology centered in Rome.

D I S T I N C T I O N OF IDEA OF R E F O R M o n e aspect of the Theodosian age.

The modem

19

term

"Theodosian

R e n a i s s a n c e " is b a s e d a b o v e all o n t h e e v i d e n c e o f a s t r o n g c l a s s i c i s t t r e n d in t h e h i s t o r y o f a r t d u r i n g t h e reigns o f T h e o d o s i u s the

Great

a n d h i s s o n s w h i c h p r o d u c e d w o r k s o f g r e a t b e a u t y s u c h as t h e s i l v e r missorium

of

Theodosius

the

Great,

the

Symmachorum-Nicoma-

c h o r u m d i p t y c h , a n d t h e S t i l i c h o d i p t y c h . ® In l i t e r a t u r e a n d t h o u g h t , too, the " T h e o d o s i a n

Renaissance"

t h u s u n d e r s t o o d is c h a r a c t e r i z e d

b y a g e n u i n e affinity t o classical A n t i q u i t y , similar in this r e s p e c t , p e r h a p s h i s t o r i c a l l y n o t u n r e l a t e d , t o Italian R e n a i s s a n c e It

is

eminently

platonic

circle

Symmachus,

represented of

and

Vettius Virius

by

the

Agorius

Nicomachus

m i l i e u o f M a c r o b i u s ' SaturnaliaAmong

Roman

and

humanism.®

Neopythagorean-Neo-

Praetextatus, Flavianus,^"

Quintus which

Aurelius forms

the

t h e c o n c e r n s o f t h e s e last

d e f e n d e r s o f p a g a n i s m a n d its i n t e g r a l c u l t u r e w e r e t h o s e r e v i s i o n s o f t h e classical authors t o w h i c h w e o w e m u c h o f w h a t w e possess R o m a n l i t e r a t u r e . ^ ^ In o n e o f its a s p e c t s t h e n , t h e a g e o f t h e dosian

Renaissance"

prolongs

earlier fourth century

of

"Theo-

attempts

at

a

' Cf. R . Delbrueck, Die Consulardiptychen und verwandte Denkmäler (Berlin, 1929), especially 28ff., where these works are placed in the historical background here discussed. See also K . Weitzmann and S. Schulz, " Z u r Bestimmung des Dichters auf dem Musendiptychon von Monza," Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts X L I X ( 1 9 3 4 ) 128 f f . , especially 1 3 2 f f . , 1 3 Î ff. For the classicist character of the imperial portraits around 400 see Delbrueck, Spätantike Kaiserportraits yon Constantinus Magnus bis zum Ende des Westreichs (Berlin, Leipzig, 1 9 3 3 ) . See further J . Kollwitz, Osträmische Plastik der Theodosianischen Zeit (Berlin, 1 9 4 1 ) . Cf. finally the comprehensive essay by E. Garger, " Z u r spätantiken Renaissance," Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien, Neue Folge, VlU ( 1 9 3 4 ) I f f . , where the persistence of the Theodosian Renaissance element through fifth-century art down to the era of Theodoric and Justinian I (paralleled in literature by figures like Apollinaris Sidonius and Ennodius of Pavia [cf. below, pp. 369 f. and 3 7 i ] ) is also traced. ' On the possibility of this relation see below, p. 2 3 , n. 27. 1 " On these representatives of " t h e last pagan revival in the w e s t " see now above all H. Bloch, " A New Document of the Last Pagan Revival in the W e s t , " Harv. Theol. Rev. X X X V n i ( i 9 4 i ) 199 f f . , where most of the older literature is cited. 11 Macrobius, Saturnalia, ed. F. Eyssenhardt, 2nd ed. (Leipzig, 1893). For Macrobius see P. Courcelle, Les lettres grecques en occident: De Macrobe à Cassidore, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1948). Cf. Bloch, "Pagan R e v i v a l , " also idem, review of E. A. Lowe, Codices Latini Antiquiores IV, in Speculum X X V ( 1 9 Í 0 ) 279. See also H. Usener, Anecdoton Holderi (Bonn, 1 8 7 7 ) 28 ff., E. Lommatzsch, "Literarische Bewegungen in Rom im vierten und fünften Jahrhundert," Zeitschrift für vergleichende Literaturgeschichte, Neue Folge, X V (1904) 1 7 7 ff., L. Traube, Einleitung in die lateinische Philologie des Mittelalters (ed. P. Lehmann, Vorlesungen und Abhandlungen von Ludwig Traube, ed. F. Boll, Π, München, 1 9 1 1 ) 1 2 4 f. 2 -t-T.I.R.

20

VARIETIES OF RENEWAL IDEOLOGY

revival rather than at a Christianization of pagan civiHzation, attempts in which the senatorial aristocracy of the city of Rome played an important r o l e ; i 3 in another it continued Constantinian renewal ideas and especially a Christianized " p o l i t i c a l " reform ideology in which the Kingdom of God and the Roman Empire were more or less fused —Ambrose and Prudentius followed to some extent the tracks of Eusebius of Caesarea—an ideology which was definitely overcome only by St. Augustine. In a recent study on the philological roots of the Renaissance idea, J . Trier has shovra^® that the metaphorical meaning of renasci (rinascita) is not necessarily " t o be r e b o m , " but may be " t o grow again," the metaphor being taken from the realm of the horticulturist and forester, from tree life, where the " d a m a g e " done by cutting (pruning) results in new growth, in a "Renaissance." One might add that renasci is thus closely related to revirescere ( " t o grow green again," " t o grow strong, young again," " t o reflourish") and to reviviscere ( " t o r e v i v e " ) , both terms frequently used by Cicero, also to reßorescere ( " t o blossom again"), found, for instance, in Plinyi® and in Silius Italicus.i' Trier's thesis that the modern as well as the Roman Renaissance concept originated from the meaning given to renasci by Roman writers de re rustica in the widest sense is however convincing only up to a point. For both in Christian and in non-Christian Latin mystery language renasci and related expressions could, just as regenerari-regeneratio, be used in the sense of a spiritual rebirth, with Beside Bloch's article cf. especially A . Alföldi, A Festival

of Isis in Rome under the

Christian Emperors of the IVth Century (Dissertationes Pannonicae, Ser. II, VII, Budapest, 1 9 3 7 ) , idem. Die Kontorniaten, ein verkanntes Propagandamittel

der stadtrömischen Aristokratie in

ihrem Kampf gegen das christliche Kaisertum (Budapest, 1 9 4 2 - 1 9 4 3 ) , idem, A Conflict of ¡deas in the Late Roman Empire:

The Clash between the Senate and Valentinian I (Oxford, 1 9 ^ 2 ) ; see

furthermore below, pp. 1 4 7 - 1 5 0 , about the affair of the Altar of Victory. I am much indebted to Professor Bloch for clarifying in correspondence with me the rather ambiguous concept of the "Theodosian Renaissance" ; the pagan revival trend is, of course, far from being the only one characteristic of the Theodosian age. For these developments see below, Part T w o , Chapter III, 3 , Chapter IV, Chapter V , 7. "J. (1950)

Trier, " Z u r Vorgeschichte des Renaissance-Begriffs," Arch. Kult. 4Í

ff.

(also in:

Holz:

1 4 4 ff.)· 1« Naturalis Historia XVIÜ, 4 3 . "

Punicor. X V , 7 4 1 .

Etymologien

aus dem Niederwald

Gesch. XXXIII

[Münster-Köln,

1952]

DISTINCTION OF IDEA OF REFORM connotations w h i c h

c o u l d range all the w a y f r o m vegetativere

c o s m o l o g i c a ! r e n e w a l . Renasci

and regenerado

2I to

c o u l d , f o r instance, b e

felt as equivalent t o the G r e e k η α λ ι γ γ € ν € σ ί α , ^ ' and e v e n as related to άτΓοκατάστασίΐ.^ο T h a t vitalistic r e n e w a l ideas are n o t e x c l u s i v e l y o f a vegetative k i n d can b e seen a b o v e all f r o m the w i d e s p r e a d and e v e r - r e c u r r i n g m y t h of the m i r a c u l o u s b i r d p h o e n i x , w h o is r e b o r n f r o m his ovra ashes. H e r e the c o n n e c t i o n w i t h c o s m o l o g i c a ! r e n e w a l i d e o l o g y is quite obvious, since a c c o r d i n g to the m y t h the life-span of the p h o e n i x corresponds t o c o s m i c periods w h i c h v a r y all the w a y f r o m the apparent d i u m a l c o u r s e o f the sun around the earth t o the great w o r l d year.^^ For a much more profound interpretation of classical and Christian vegetative renevt^al symbolism—as it appears, for instance, in the well-known relationship between the paradisiacal trees and the Cross, but also in the motifs of the mandragora and the willow tree—see H. Rahner, S. J . , Griechische Mythen in christlicher Deutung (Zürich, 194^) 92 ff., 314 ff., 382 ff. Cf. шу article "Vegetation Syinbolism and the Renaissance Concept," to appear elsewhere. Cf. below, p. 33. See also R. Newald, "Renatae Litterae und Reformatio," Hist. Jb. L X X I ( I 9 Í I ) 137 ff. Cf. above, p. 1 1 . For Virgil's Fourth Eclogue in particular see pp. 1 2 - 1 3 , cf. the cosmological interpretation in Servius' commentary to v. 4, ed. G. Thilo, Serra grammatici qui feruntur in Vergila Bucolica et Geórgica Commentarn (Leipzig, 1887) 4 i , also Servius to V. 34, Thilo, loc. cit., 49, where a relation to the apocatastasis of the universe is explicitly established. For the combination of vitalistic and cosmological renewal ideas in the Fourth Eclogue and for the derivation of the Augustan renewal term saeculum (as in Horace's Carmen saeculare) from serere, to sow, see Nilsson, article "Saeculares ludi," in PW, RE, Reihe Π, II (I, г), 1708 and 1697. For Apuleius see below, p. 40, for the Latin Asclepius above, p. 12. For the phoenix myth see J. Hubaux and M. Leroy, Le mythe du Phénix dans les littératures grecque et latine (Bibliothèque de philosophie et lettres de l'Université de Liège LXXXn, 1 9 3 9 ) , with a thorough discussion of the sources such as Herodotus Π, 7 3 , Ovid, Metamorph. X V , 391 ff., Tacitus, Annales ΥΙ, 2 8, Pliny, Natur. Hist. Χ, 2, Ps.-Baruch 6-8, Tertullian, De resurrectione 1 3 , Lactantius, Carmen de ave Phoenice, Claudianus, Phoenix, the Phjsiologus; the authors also deal with renewal ideas connected with other great birds, such as the griphon and the eagle; for the latter's role in Christian renewal ideology according to Ps. 1 0 2 ; ^ : . . . Renovabitur ut aquila iuventus tua, cf. below, pp. 3 1 4 - 3 1 Í . Cf. also J . Lassus, " L a mosaique du Phénix provenant des fouilles d'Antioche," Fondation Eugène Piot : Monuments et mémoires publiées par l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-litres XXXV ( 1 9 3 8 ) 8 1 ff. ; A. J. Festugière, " L e symbole du Phénix et le mysticisme hermétique," ibid. ΧΧΧνίΠ ( i 9 4 i ) 1 4 7 ff.; D. Levi, Antioch Mosaic Pavements I (Princeton, 1 9 4 7 ) 2^3 ff., 3 î i ff. ; C.-M. Edsman, Ignis Divinus (Skrifter . . . Vetenskap-Societeten i Lund . . . XXXIV, Lund, 1949) 178 ff. (with important remarks on the relation of the phoenix myth to the Stoic cosmological ideology of ecpjrosis, cf. above, p. 1 1 ) , and now the illuminating chapter "Phoenix" in Kantorowicz, Tiro Bodies 38^ ff.

22

VARIETIES O F R E N E W A L

IDEOLOGY

T h e m o s t t y p i c a l o c c u r r e n c e s o f v i t a l i s t i c r e n e w a l ideas are f o u n d , of course,

in the age w h i c h

is still c a l l e d

the

Renaissance.22

It

is

p o s s i b l e t h a t t h e Italian h u m a n i s t s o f t h e late f i f t e e n t h a n d e a r l y s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y w h o applied the rebirth c o n c e p t to their o w n age w e r e influenced n o t "Theodosian" t e r m renasci study

by

only b y

L i v y and the

other

Augustans,

but

also

p o e t s s u c h as R u t i l i u s N a m a t i a n u s w h o h a d u s e d

by the

i n a p r e g n a n t m e a n i n g . T h i s w a s t h e thesis o f an e r u d i t e K.

Borinski,24

which

however

connected

Machiavelli's

Renaissance c o n c e p t t o o exclusively w i t h the rediscovery of Rutilius Namatianus'

poem,

whereas

Machiavelli's

relation

to

the

Augustan

a u t h o r s , t o L i v y , f o r i n s t a n c e , m u s t h a v e b e e n at least e q u a l l y i m p o r t a n t . I n M a c h i a v e l l i ' s History

of Florence

t h e l i f e o f t h e n a t i o n s is s e e n

as a s u c c e s s i o n o f c y c l e s e a c h o f w h i c h t u r n s f r o m virtù political

excellence)

through peace

and

quiet to

(civic

disorder and

ruin

w h e n c e n e w o r d e r is b o m . ^ e In a f a m o u s c h a p t e r o f t h e Discourses the First Decade

of Livj

verso il principio,

rivocare

. . . rinascesse)

on

M a c h i a v e l l i discusses t h e n e c e s s i t y o f p e r i o d i c a l l y

r e n o v a t i n g states a n d n a t i o n s b y a r e t u r n t o t h e i r b e g i n n i n g s

che Roma

and

al segno),

so t h a t t h e y m a y b e r e b o m

(riduzione (e.g.:

t o n e w l i f e a n d n e w virtù.^^

Dante in this respect, too, stands at the threshold of the n e w age, for instance, in his conception of a vita nova. Cf. Kantorowicz, Two Bodies 484, where it is said that Dante built up " a doctrine of purely human regeneration which was not identical with the doctrine of Christian regeneration—though the one did not need to contradict the o t h e r . " See above, p. 17, n. s · K . Borinski, " D i e Weltwiedergeburtsidee in den neueren Z e i t e n , " Sitz. Ber. Bayer., Philos.-philol. u. hist. Klasse 1919, i , i ff. See the examples from Livy and Horace quoted above, p. 17, η. 4. Cf. Trier, "Renaissance-Begriff" 1^9, also Borinski himself in his review article "Politische Symbolik des Mittelalters imd werden der Renaissance: Anmerkungen und zusätze zu Konrad Burdach: Rienzo und die geistige Wandlung seiner z e i t , " Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie X L V i n (1920) 460. ä· Machiavelli, Istorie Fiorentine, V , i ; also I, 39 : antica virtù rinata; I, 31, about the impact of Cola di Rienzo upon Italy: vedendo come Roma era rinata. . . . Cf. Machiavelli's Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio I, 2, dependent on Polybius' Histories, especially VI, 9, IO, that is to say, on his conception of recurrent cycles of political constitutions, which again are related to ancient cyclical cosmology. See also Discorsi II, proem, where the scheme of the succession of world empires is transformed into that of a migration of virtù from one people to another. Discorsi sopra Ια prima deca di Tito Livio Ш, i . O n e other possible contact between Machiavelli and an author of the "Theodosian Renaissance" may be mentioned in passing. The ancient source of the Machiavellian terms ridurre (riduzione) al segno, ritirare al segno, ritornare al segno—the latter only in a trivial meaning, in the comedy Clizia (Opere, edd.

DISTINCTION OF IDEA OF REFORM

23

The Renaissance idea of spontaneous rebirth is qualified by the explicit reintroduction of an over-arching divine providence in Vico's concept of ricorso. Vico's ricorso is the first stage of a new cycle of human history and, formally, corresponds to Machiavelli's riduzione verso il principio. But Vico abandoned all remnants of the idea of cosmological determination and of the identical repetition inherent in such variants of vitalistic renewal ideology. A ricorso, such as the Middle Ages, is for him both primitive barbarism and the first phase of an entirely new civilization.®® G. Mazzoni and M. Casella [Firenze, 1929] 690); cf. E. W. Mayer, Machiavelli's Geschichtsauffassung und sein Begriff virtù (München, Berlin, 1 9 1 2 ) 77, n. i—have, as far as I know, never been ascertained. These expressions must originate in military language. Now, the metaphor vacare ad signa, i.e., " t o call to the standards (to arms)," occurs in Claudianus' Panegyricus Manlio Theodora Consuli 174 ff., Koch 134, where this philosopher addresses iustitia thus: . . . Agrestem dudum me, Diva, revertí cogis et infectum longi rubigine ruris ad tua signa vocas. . . . Did Machiavelli know these verses? It is interesting also that Theodorus who became consul in 398, returning to the service of the state from philosophical rural solitude, had earlier been one of the transmitters of Platonic wisdom to St. Augustine and also one of his human models in the Cassiciacum period. De beata vita (CSEL ЬХШ) is dedicated to him, cf. I, i-s, loc. cit., 89 ff. (That Augustine considered Theodorus' return to public life as a betrayal of higher ideals is supposed by Courcelle, Lettres grecques 126 ff., on the strength of Confessiones ΥΠ, 9, 13, Skutella 1 3 7 , but hardly with sufficient reasons; the text does not mention Theodorus and may refer rather to Porphyry; cf. J . J . O'Meara, The Young Augustine [London, etc., 19^4] i l ¡ f.) Revocare ad signum could also be used in a Christian sense: Cassian, Conlationes I, 4, 4 (CSEL ХШ, :o) uses the phrase for recall to the Kingdom of God. For revocare see below, p. 46. It may finally be mentioned in this connection that Machiavelli used the phrase ritirare verso il suo principio for the renewal of the Church by St. Francis of Assisi and St. Dominic, thus coming close to an ideology of reform ; cf. Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio Ш, i . ' ' For other ideological aspects of the Italian Renaissance see J. Huizinga, " L e problème de la Renaissance," Revue des œurs et conférences XL, 1 (1938—39) 163 ff., 301 ff., f 2 4 ff., 603 ff. (also in Wege der Kulturgeschichte [München, 1930]); T. E. Mommsen, "Petrarch's Conception of the 'Dark Ages,' " Speculum ΧΥΙΠ (1942) 226 ff.; E. Panofsky and F. Saxl, "Classical Mythology in Mediaeval A r t , " Metropolitan Museum Studies IV ( 1 9 3 2 - 1 9 3 3 ) 228 ff. ; E. Panofsky, "Renaissance and Renascences," Kenyan Review VI (1944) 2oi ff. ; J . Seznec, The Survival of the Pagan Gods: The Mythological Tradition and Its Place in Renaissance Humanism and Art, trans, from the French by Barbara F. Sessions (Bollingen Series XXXVIII, New York, I 9 Í 3 ) ; also my review article in Traditio X (1914) 178 ff. For Renaissance theories on historical cycles, on the Golden Age, and on world empires see H. Weisinger, ' 'Ideas of History during the Renaissance, ' ' Jour. Hist. Ideas VI (i 94i) 426 ff. The final version of Vico's main work, La Scienza Nuova, was published in 1744 (modern

24

VARIETIES OF RENEWAL IDEOLOGY

In order to emphasize the distinctness of the idea of reform from vitalistic renewal ideas, it may be helpful to refer briefly to two modem expressions, one philosophical and one historical, of a vitalistic concept of renewal: to Bergson's principle of élan vital^^ and to Toynbee's sequence of challenge and response. It is characteristic of these antimaterialistic forms of vitalistic renewal ideas that they pass somewhat abruptly from instinctive and unconscious development to mystical transfiguration, so that rational finality recedes into the b a c k g r o i m d . 3 2 In Bergson's philosophy the intermediate sphere between the infrarational (the biological and social-collective) and the suprarational (the mystical) is thus to some extent lost sight of; the realm of ethics, of human morality, freely oriented towards ends, "vanished into thin air."®® But this intermediate sphere is inseparable from what we call reform.®^ Arnold Toynbee's spiritual kinship to Bergson is evident and clearly stated by himself.3® He too has a well-founded, but perhaps somewhat excessive, critical edition by F. Nicolini, 3rd ed. [Bari, 1942], English translation by T . G . Bergin and M . H. Fisch [Ithaca, N . Y . , 1948]; see also the English translation of V i c o ' s Autobiographj by the same authors [Ithaca, 1944], with a good introduction on V i c o ) . The idea of an élan vital, formulated by Henry Bergson in his Evolution créatrice, first published in 1907, has been resumed by him twenty-five years later in Les deux sources de la morale et de la religion. Arnold J. Toynbee, A Study of History (Oxford, 1 9 3 4 - Í 4 ) , especially, I, 271 ff., II, I ff. For Bergson's rejection of rational finalism as w e l l as of mechanism in favor of an élan vital which tends toward "une imprévisible création de forme" see Evolution créatrice, 77th ed. (Paris, 1948) 39 ff., especially 4 5 , and Les deux sources de la morale et de la religion, f 8 t h ed. (Paris, 1948) 118 f. For his relative disparagement of intellect and rationality—^not a necessary but an actual consequence of his fundamental intuitions—and for the resulting radical distinction between static (institutionalized) religion and dynamic religion (mysticism) see Les deux sources 222 ff., and, especially, 2^2 ff. Cf. Jacques Maritain, " T h e Bergsonian Philosophy of Morality and R e l i g i o n , " Ransoming the Time (New Y o r k , 1941) 92 ff. ; see also R . Niebuhr, The Nature and Destiny of Man (New Y o r k , 1949) 37 f. Recognition of the importance of the intermediate ethical sphere is the key to the thought of Albert Schweitzer, but he in turn does not do full justice to what he calls "super-ethical

(self-perfecting) mysticism,"

i.e.,

to the contemplative l i f e ; see his

Philosophy of Civilization (New Y o r k , 19Í0) I, Chapter I V : " T h e W a y to the Restoration of Civilization," and П, Chapter X X V : " T h e Ethic of Self-Devotion and the Ethic of SelfPerfecting." " Cf. Toynbee, Study HI, 118 f . ; 232.

DISTINCTION OF IDEA OF R E F O R M

2 ζ

distrust of institutionalism in civilization. The "mechanicalness of mimesis," understood in the sense of uninspired imitation, the "intractability of institutions," the "idolization of an ephemeral institution" or " t e c h n i q u e " are for him among the most important causes of the breakdown of civilizations.®® And the remedy is a "transfiguration," a "palingenesia," which is the mystical continuation of that same vital response which had brought about the genesis and growth of a civilization.®' In an apparent paradox, but not without deeper consistency, Toynbee considers the concrete cultural phenomenon which is called the Renaissance, and similarly other Renaissances, as " n e c r o m a n t i c , " artificial ghost raisings of dead cultures by living ones ; they are not, therefore, in his view true revivals—except as it were accidentally; he does admit that in the fifteenth-sixteenth century European Renaissance " a springlike outburst of fresh vitality" was associated with " t h e renaissance of [the] dead antecedent culture" of Greece and Rome.®® Only this "spring-like outburst" then would correspond to a genuine challenge-response sequence in Toynbee's sense or to a vitalistic renewal concept, whereas the other, " n e c r o m a n t i c , " component of Renaissance movements, though deprecated by Toynbee, may in fact contain authentic elements of reform, as defined in this book.®® The present study is imdertaken on the assumption that there is reform which is neither merely response (perhaps because there are evil, hybris, and sin, which are more than challenge) nor sterile return ^4bid.

IV, 1 1 9 f f . ; 1 3 3 £f.; 303 f f . ; 4 2 3 if.

Ibid. V , 27 ff. ; 390 ff. ; VI, 149 ff. ; 169 ff. For late pagan and early Christian meanings of the term jraAiyyeveata see below, pp. 40 and j o f. With Toynbee's views compare those of F. S. C. Northrop, The Meeting of East and West (New York, 1947) 4^8 ff. in the chapter on " T h e Criteria of Cultural R e f o r m , " where a synthesis of the "aesthetic" (biological and mystical) and the "theoretic" (scientific and technological) components of man's nature is postulated. ä® For Toynbee's conception of Renaissances see Studjr IX, i ff. ; cf. also ibid. 4 f., VIII, 97 ff., VI, 49 ff., for his distinction between Renaissance and archaism. For the " n e w " and the " o l d "

component in the

fifteenth-sixteenth

century Renaissance, according to

Toynbee's view, see ibid. IX, 148. " I hope to show in a later volume that the so-called Carolingian Renaissance and other phases of western civilization, dealt with in Toynbee's chapters on Renaissances, are far from being adequately characterized in categories of necromancy and ghost raising or in those of challenge and response.

26

VARIETIES OF R E N E W A L I D E O L O G Y

to a dead past.*® It will also be foxmd that there are fruitful religious categories of " m i m e s i s " {Χριστομίμ-ησίζ, ìmitatio Christi)*'^ as well as productive sociological ones: to use an expression of Tarde's, there is a logique sociale of i m i t a t i o n tj^g inventive, quasi-creative elements in history could not survive without their being repeated over and over again. This is a part, especially, of every religious e x p e r i e n c e ^ ^ and is related again to the repetitive character of sacrifice: Since human being cannot be preserved But w h e r e dark sacrifice repeats itself. ^^

Contrary to all vitalistic renewal ideas, the idea of reform implies the conscious pursuit of ends. Whether reform be predominantly contemplative or active, its starting point is the element of intention rather than of spontaneity, urge, or response.*® In spite of the distinctness of the ideas of reform and rebirth their terminologies can sometimes merge with one another. This is particularly true of terms expressing a "revival"—even in modern English " r e v i v a l " can have connotations of " r e f o r m " as well as of "rebirth." Cf. J. Maritain's remarks on Toynbee in his On the Philosophy of History (New Y o r k , I 9 Í 7 ) 1 7 · i f · ; ill this book Maritain suggests several axiomatic and typological formulae (functional and vectorial laws of history) which are considerably deeper than those advocated by Toynbee, for instance, the latter's law of challenge and response. Maritain's conception, incidentally, of a law of " t w o - f o l d contrasting progress" (pp. 43 ff.), i . e . , of "degradation" on the one hand and of "revitalization" on the other (p. 46) is not without relation to the idea of reform. See also J. Daniélou, S.J., Essai sur le mystère de l'histoire (Paris, : 9 í 3 ) 236 ff., where P. Daniélou illustrates a conception of ambivalent historical progression similar to that of Maritain by an analysis of St. Gregory of Nyssa's doctrine of άκολονθία; cf. ibid. 37 on hybris and on renewal through purification. This is recognized also by Toynbee in his remarks on St. Francis of Assisi and on other saints and reformers, Studj IX, 149. ^^ Cf. G . Tarde, Les lois de l'imitation,

2nd ed. (Paris, i S g j ) ; idem, La logique sociale

(Paris, i S g i ) ; idem. Les transformations du pouvoir (Paris, 1899). See, for instance, Kierkegaard's Repetition, trans. W . Lowrie (Princeton, 1946); cf. F. H. Heinemann, " O r i g i n and R e p e t i t i o n , " Review of Metaplasias IV ( i g s o - i g j i ) 201 ff. ^^ Stefan George, Der Stern des Bundes : Da menschenwesen sich nur dort erhält W o sich das dunkle opfer wiederholt. The phenomenon of reform, especially the element of intention in renewal, is, it would seem, not sufficiently stressed in the otherwise so interesting w o r k of A. L. Kroeber, Configurations of Culture Growth (Berkeley, Los Angeles, 1944).

DISTINCTION OF IDEA OF REFORM

27

3 . M i L L E N A R I A N R E N E W A L IDEAS

A third group of renewal ideas, sometimes combined with those of the first and second groups, may be defined as messianic-millenarianutopían, or more generally as ideas of absolute or total perfection. Christian millenarism is the expectation of a thousand years of bliss at the end of, but still within, history.^ The millennium could be conceived of in a material or in a spiritual manner, but was to be in any case a reign of peace and overflowing blessing. St. Irenaeus^ is the most important among the early Fathers ^ who on the strength of Apocalypse 2 0 : 1 - 6 ff. expected that at the end of history Christ and His saints would reign on earth for a thousand years, the devil being fettered during that time. One source of this idea is the late Jewish messianic hope which oscillated between political utopia and apocalyptic transcendence,* another is oriental-Hellenistic cosmology, the millenarian aspects of which were, about the time of Christ, fused with Jewish messianism. In the tracks of such Jewish-syncretistic speculations® the Christian millenarists combined the Magusean 1 See pp. 1 3 - 1 4 for the connection between world ages and world cycles, between the Golden Age and the millennium. The literature on millenarism (chiliasm) and on the ancient and early Christian division of world history in historical and meta-historical ages (cf. also below, Part Two, Chapter V , 6) is very extensive. I mention only H. Gelzer, Sextus Julius jyricanus (Leipzig, 1898) 24 if. ; V. Ermoni, " L e s phases successives de l'erreur millénariste," Revue des questions historiques L X X ( 1 9 0 1 ) 353 ff. ; L. Gry, Le millénarisme dans ses origines et son développement (Paris, 1904); A . Wikenhauser, " D i e Herkunft der Idee des tausendjährigen Reiches in der Johannes-Apokalypse," Rom. Quart. X L V (1937) i f f . ; J . Daniélou, S.J., " L a typologie millénariste de la semaine dans le christianisme primitif," Vigil. Christ. II (1948) i ff. ; idem, " L a typologie de la semaine au IV« siècle," Recb.'ssc. rei. X X X V (1948) 382 ff. ; B. Botte, O.S.B., "Prima Resurrectio: Un vestige du millénarisme dans les liturgies occidentales," Rech.'s théol. a. m. X V (1948) j ff. For the decree of the Congregation of the Holy Office against millenarism of July 2 1 , 1944, see Acta Apostolicae Sedis X X X V I (1944) 212 ; cf. P. Gilleman, S . J . , in Nour. rev. théol. L X V n (194^) 847 ff. ; J . Huby, S . J . , Mystiques paulinienne et johannique (Paris, 1946) 226 ff. ^ Adversus haereses V , 28, 3, V , 34 f . , 36, Harvey Π 402 f . , 4 1 9 ff. ' Such as Ps.-Barnabas, Papias, St. Justin, Tertullian, St. Methodius, St. Victorinus of Pettau, Lactantius, Commodianus. ^ Cf. W . Bousset, Die Religion des Judentums im späthellenistischen Zeitalter, 3rd ed. by H. Gressmann (Tübingen, 1926) 259 ff.; also E. Schürer, Geschichte des jüdischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi, 4th ed., Π (Leipzig, 1907) S79 ff· ® Cf. Wikenhauser, "Tausendjähriges R e i c h " 2 f . , and Daniélou, "Semaine dans le christianisme primitif" 3, especially for the idea of the millennium in the Slavonic Enoch

28

VARIETIES OF RENEWAL IDEOLOGY

seven-millennial world week® with the seven days of Genesis i , with Apocalypse 20 f., and also with Psalm 89:4: " F o r a thousand years in thy sight are as yesterday which is past' ' and with the Second Letter of Peter 3:8 : " . . . one day with the Lord is as a thousand years and a thousand years as one day." They thus arrived at a conception of history as the succession of six millenniums (corresponding to the six days of creation), to be completed by a seventh millennium of abimdance, rest, and peace on earth (identified with the millennium of Apocalypse 20 and corresponding to God's Sabbath, illogically contaminated at times with the idea of the Golden Age, which already Virgil had seen both as a returning first and as a perfecting seventh age).' This seventh age was to be followed—after a last onslaught of Satan—^by the Last Judgment, the resurrection of the bodies, and by an eighth "ageless age" which is eternity.® The great religious and social role of early Christian millenarism and of the fervent expectation of the imminence of the second coming of Christ connected with it is an imdeniable fact,® however little its spirit may have had in common with that of the Gospels. Origen and the Cappadocians had rejected m i l l e n a r i s m , b u t it was above all its reinterpretation by St. Augustine, his identification of the millennium of Apocalypse 20 (during which the devil is prevented from exercising his full power) with "ordinary" Christian history in the sixth age, which meant a momentous "revirement' ' of Christian thought important also for the Augustinian doctrine of reform. Nevertheless, millenarism survived in the Middle Ages, especially in connection with the ineradicable belief in the coming of

3 3 , 1 (longer redaction). T h e text of the Slavonic Enoch has not been sufficiently ascertained to permit a decision as to w h e t h e r the eighth day here symbolizes the beginning of a n e w c y c l e of millennia or a final timeless a g e ; see the t w o different translations by G . Bonwetsch. Abbondi.

Gött.,

N.

Philol.-Hist. Klasse, N e u e Folge, I, 3 (1896) 3 1 , and idem,

Texte и. Untersuch. X L I V , 2 (1922) 31 ; for other translations, cf. Wikenhauser, "Tausendjähriges R e i c h " 3. « See above, pp. 1 3 - 1 4 . ' See above, p. 13. ' F o r the eighth age, see above, p. 14, and Daniélou, "Semaine dans le christianisme p r i m i t i f " 3, 7 and 10. » See the remarkable pages in E. Buonaiuti, Storia del Christianeslmo I (1942) 82 ff. 1» See, for instance, O r i g e n , De principiis Π, i i ,

2, GCS,

Orig. V , 184 ff. ; Gregory

Nazianzen, Carm. Π, I: De seipso X X X , 1 7 7 - 1 8 0 , PG Χ Χ Χ Υ Π , 1 2 9 7 . 11 See p.

231.

D I S T I N C T I O N O F IDEA O F R E F O R M

29

a savior-ruler at the end of history.i^ While such ideas did not radically alter the Augustinian " c l i m a t e " of the earlier mediaeval vv^est, Joachism and its ideological progeny really undid St. Augustine's transformation of early patristic millenarism without exactly returning to the latter. The Calabrian abbot Joachim of Flora (died 1202) and his follovv^ers conceived of a third age of spiritual perfection by applying to history a trinitarian scheme. An ultimate age of the Holy Spirit, corresponding to the sabbatial seventh age of the older tradition, vi^ould follow in terrestrial history upon the relatively imperfect ages of the Father (pre-Christian times) and the Son (Church history).^^ Joachimite hopes, prophecies, and anticlerical attacks continued through the later Middle Ages, through the Renaissance and Reformation, and beyond. In religious and secularized forms, the idea of three historical stages, of a third age of perfection, remained consciously and unconsciously a very important element in modem and even recent intellectual history.^* See the survey given in my article " E r n e u e r u n g , " to appear in RLAC; F. Kampers, Die deutsche Kaisetidee in Prophetie und Sage (München, 1896); idem, Vom Werdegang der abendländischen Kaisermystik (Leipzig, 1924); E. Sackur, Sifyllinische Texte und Forschungen (Halle, 1898); Rzach, articles " S i b y l l e n " und "Sibyllinische O r a k e l , " P W , RE, Reihe II, IV (II, 2) 2 0 7 3 - 2 1 8 3 ; C . Erdmann, "Endkaiserglaube und Kreuzzugsgedanke im 1 1 . Jahrhundert," Z. Ki. Gesch. LI (1932) 384 ff. ; W . Meyer, " D e r Ludus de Antlchristo und über die lateinischen R y t h m e n , " Sitz. Ber. Bayer, Philos.-philol. Klasse, 1882, i , i ff. (also in Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur mittellateinischen l^thmik I [Berlin, 19OÍ] 136 f f . ) ; E. Kantorowicz, Kaiser Friedrich II. (Berlin, 1927) 460-478 and 629 ff., Erg. Bd. (1931) 207 ff. and 2 i i ; H. Grundmann, " D i e Papstprophetien des Mittelalters," Arch. Kult. Gesch. XIX (1928) 77 f f . ; F. Baethgen, " D e r Engelspapst," Schriften der Königsberger Gelehrten Gessellschaft, Geisteswiss. Klasse, X , 2 ( 1 9 3 3 ) ; Burdach, Mittelalter zur Reformation Π, i , 604 ff. Joachim's trinitarian theology of history also uses and alters a patristic-mediaeval typological division of world history into three ages : ante legem (before Moses), sub lege (from Moses to Christ), sub gratia (after Christ). For Joachim and Joachism see above all H. Grundmann, Studien über Joachim yon Floris (Leipzig, 1927), and idem. Neue Forschungen über Joachim ron Fiore (Marburg, 19^0); also E. Benz, "Joachim-Studien" I-IU, Z. Ki. Gesch. L (1931), LI (1932), LÜI (1934), and idem. Ecclesia Spiritualis (Stuttgart, 1934); K . Löwith, Meaning in History (Chicago, 1949) Chapter 8 and Appendix I : ' ' M o d e m Transfigurations of Joachism' ' ; furthermore the illuminating pages in E. Przywara, S.J., " D i e Reichweite der Analogie als katholischer G r u n d f o r m , " Scholastik X V (1940) 339 ff., i o 8 ff., and in M . - D . Chenu, O . P . , " L e d e m i e r avatar de la théologie orientale . . . , " Mélanges Auguste Pelzer (Université de Louvain, Recueil de travaux d'histoire et de philologie. Ser. ΙΠ, Fase. X X V I [Louvain, 1947]) i í 9 ff., especially 1 6 2 - 1 6 4 ; finally M. W . Bloomfield, "Joachim of Flora: A Critical Survey of His Canon, Teachings, Sources, Biography and Influence," Traditio ΧΠΙ (19^7) 249 ff.

30

VARIETIES OF R E N E W A L IDEOLOGY

Other important perfectionist renewal ideas are those of Utopia, of revolution, and of continuous progress. The term and concept Utopia, taken from Thomas More's novel of that name, is of too late an origin to be of concern to this study, but revolution and progress, though eminently modem ideas, stretch their roots to very ancient times. For the purpose of distinction, it is sufficient to recall a few basic facts. The term revolution is of astronomical origin, derived from the revolution of the heavens,^® and therefore not without connection with the idea of cosmic cycles and with the cataclysms (fires or deluges) which were thought to accompany the transition from one world year to the next.^® The concept of revolution was not applied to social and historical change until the period of transition from the Middle Ages to the R e n a i s s a n c e . T h e r e is no doubt that the assumption of a relation between sidereal and terrestrial social revolution was an appreciable element in the ideological background even of the English Glorious Revolution and the Great French Revolution.i® To posit revolution as the dominant idea in the movement of European history is however to confuse revolution and reform.i® The former idea is distinguished from the latter by the inherent belief in the possibility of violent, total, and definitive improvement of human destiny. The idea of progress can be part of many different world views. There can be progress, alternating with decline, in a cyclical and deterministic conception of history. But freedom, spiritual ascent, Cf. Copernicus, De rerolutíonibus сотрогит coelestium ( 1 ^ 4 3 ) . 1 ' See above, pp. 1 0 - 1 2 . 1 ' S e e Matteo Villani, Cronica I V , 89, ed. Firenze, i 8 2 í , vol. Π, 28^: revoluzione fatta per i cittadini di Siena . . . ; K , 3 4 , voi. I V , 209 : . . .

. . . la subita il reame de

Francia in tanta rivoluzione e traverse . . . ; cf. E. Rosenstock-Huessy, Out of Autobiography

of Western Man ( N e w York, 1 9 3 8 ) ςοο,

A . Hatto,

Revolution:

"'Revolution':

An

Enquiry into the Usefulness of an Historical T e r m , " Mind LVIII ( 1 9 4 9 ) i o 2 and i i o ff. 1® Rosenstock-Huessy, Revolution 1 8 8 , 340 ff. ; idem. Die Europäischen Revolutionen (Jena, 1 9 3 1 ) 7 ff. 1» This is very evident in Rosenstock's treatment of the Middle Ages and their reforms. See Revolution

48 j :

" T h e nations of the Western world were called into being by

five hundred years of clerical revolution" ; also pp. i i 6 ff., Chapter X : " T h e Revolution of the Holy S e e . " Rosenstock's confusion of reform and revolution leads him to such remarkable statements as " T r u e action is not responsible to so-called ethics" (^Revolution 7 2 1 ) . This is not to deny that there is a grain of truth in Rosenstock's ideas,

DISTINCTION OF IDEA OF REFORM

3 I

and the return of creatures to God can also be conceived as progressive steps. In this sense as well as in other more material respects the idea of reform is an idea of progress. Since the Enlightenment, how^ever, and especially since its alliance with the biological idea of evolution in the nineteenth century, the idea of progress has acquired connotations of continuity, irresistibility, and all-inclusiveness which are lacking in the concept of reform.20

As compared with all absolute or total perfectionist renewal ideas the idea of reform, at least in so far as it has preserved essential elements of its earliest Christian origins, is characterized by the belief both in ineradicable terrestrial imperfection and in a relative perfeaibilitj^^ the extent of which is unforeseeable. That belief in progress which until the more recent past was so characteristic of the modem era was strikingly expressed by Spencer, when he said that the ultimate development of the ideal man was logically certain, that progress was not an accident but a necessity and that, civilization being a part of nature and all of a piece with the development of the embryo or the unfolding of a flower, man must become perfect. Cf. Herbert Spencer, Social Statics (reprinted New York, 1883) 79 f. For the idea of progress in general see J . Delvaille, Essai sur l'histoire de l'idée de progrès jusqu à la fin du XVlll' siècle (Paris, 1 9 1 0 ) ; J . B. Bury, The Idea (^Progress (American edition with introduction by С. Α. Beard, New York, 1 9 3 2 ) ; The Idea of Progress: A Collection of Readings, selected by J . F. Teggart, revised edition with an introduction by G. H. Hildebrand (Berkeley, Los Angeles, 1949). For Christian thought on progress see E. Dupreel, Deux essais sur le progrès (Bruxelles, 1928); Christopher Dawson, Progress and Religion (London, 1929); E. Mounier, " L e christianisme et l'idée de progrès," Progrès technique et progrès moral (Rencontres internationales, Genève, Paris, 1947) 181 f f . ; G. Thils, Théologie des réalités terrestres U: Théologie de l'histoire (Bruges, Paris, 1949). Cf. also Part Two, Chapter ГУ on Tertullian, Cyprian, Ambrose, and Part Three, Chapter Ш, 3, on Vincent of Lérins. Bury's belief that the defender of the doctrine of original sin must reject the doctrine of perfectibility (Idea of Progress 2 6 i ) is correct only with regard to absolute perfection, not with regard to relative perfectibility. Yet, too comprehensive ideologies of decline and decay could lead to destruction of Christian reform ideology; cf. p. 2^2, n. ^7.

32

VARIETIES O F R E N E W A L I D E O L O G Y

4.

T H E IDEAS O F C O N V E R S I O N , O F B A P T I S M A L

REGENERATION,

AND OF PENANCE IN T H E I R RELATION TO THE IDEA OF R E F O R M

The ideas of religious conversion and of individual spiritual regeneration through baptism are closely connected, but not identical, with the Christian idea of reform. They may within Christianity be considered as the all-important foundations of the reform idea^ and yet they are distinct from it, though the terminologies can at times be the s a m e . ^ Baptismal regeneration is instantaneous and nonrepeatable since in it the Christian shares in the one death and Resurrection of Christ, which are the fimdamental facts of all Christian belief in the renewal of man. The idea of reform on the contrary contains as an essential element multiplicity involving prolongation and repetition, and the ceaselessly repeated sacrifice of Christ in the sacrament of the altar may perhaps be seen as the exemplary cause and the vivifying center of Christian reform, even though in the age of the Fathers this meaning was not yet very often formulated explicitly, except in the liturgy itself.® Conversion* may be prebaptismal, and such it was and is in the case of the conversion of Jews and pagans to Christianity, or postbaptismal, in which case it is closely related to penance. Essentially, postbaptismal as well as prebaptismal conversion is a unique experience, but examples of repeated conversions after a "reversion" are not un1 See Part T w o , Chapter II, of this study. It may be added that in Christianity death and resurrection are the eschatological end terms of all conversion, regeneration, and reform; also, purification of the soul—see below, pp. 91 ff., 294 ff.—may have to be continued in Purgatory (on the Christian and non-Christian religious and ideological background of this continuity, see C . - M . Edsman, Le baptême de/eu [Acta Seminarli Neotestamentici Upsaliensis IX, Leipzig, Uppsala, 1940]). ® See, for instance, p. 1 3 Í , nn. 1 3 f., for reformari as baptismal regeneration and as conversion. ä But see below, p. 98, n. ¡ g , for Gregory of Nyssa and p. 280 f. and 3 1 1 for Augustine ; for the liturgy see below, p. 294 f. See also below, Part T w o , Chapter V , 7, for the role in the history of the reform idea of the doctrine of the ecclesiological Body of Christ, which again is of course closely linked to that of the eucharistie Body of Christ (cf. H. de Lubac, S.J., Corpus Mysticum, 2nd ed. [Théologie ΠΙ, Paris, 1947]). * For the biblical term and concept ¿татроф-^-сотегзю and the Platonistic origins of the term, see also below, pp. 49 f.

DISTINCTION OF IDEA OF REFORM known.

In t h e e a r l y

Christian period penance

too

33 was at

first

non-

repeatable, b u t b y t h e end of the f o u r t h c e n t u r y , at the latest, original While

strictness then

had

baptism

begun

is t h e

to

first

give and

way

to

a

foremost

milder

this

practice.®

sacramental

basis

of

Christian r e f o r m , postbaptismal conversion and penance m a y b e indisp e n s a b l e n e w starts i n t h e l o n g process

o f reform.®

T h e r e is a v a s t a m o u n t o f t h e o l o g i c a l , p s y c h o l o g i c a l , a n d h i s t o r i c a l l i t e r a t u r e o n c o n v e r s i o n ' and t h e r e are d o g m a t i c , c a n o n i s t i c , liturgical, and historical w o r k s on the sacraments of baptism and of penance and o n p r e - C h r i s t i a n ideas o f spiritual r e g e n e r a t i o n o r rebirth.® B u t l i t t l e has

reality

of

r e f o r m , e x c e p t i n s o f a r as i t is t r e a t e d as a p a r t o f t h e d o c t r i n e

been

written

on

the

religious

roots

of

of

justification and sanctifying g r a c e in C a t h o l i c Primitive

Protestantism

had

on

the

the

idea and

dogmatics.®

whole

not

much

use

for

a

« See b e l o w , Part T w o , Chapter ΥΠ, 2. ' From the fourth to the sixth century, especially, the term comersio was often used for a Christian's turning away f r o m w o r l d l y life and also for entry into the monastic l i f e ; see b e l o w , Part T h r e e , Chapter Π, 3. ' For the idea of conversion in pagan and Christian Antiquity see A . D . N o c k , Conversion : The Old and the New Religion from Alexander the Great to Augustine of Hippo ( O x f o r d , : 9 3 3 ) ; idew, " C o n v e r s i o n and A d o l e s c e n c e , " in Piscicuh F. J. Dölger ι6ς i f . ; G . Bardy, La conversion au christianisBie durant les premiers siècles (Paris, 1949) ; G . Misch, A Historj of Autobiography in ^ntiquiiy (Cambridge, Mass., i g j i ) ; H. Pinard de laBoullaye, article " C o n v e r s i o n , " DSpir, fase. X I V - X V , 2224 ff. See also A . H. Dirksen, C . P P . S . , The New Testament Concept of Metanoia (Diss., Catholic University of A m e r i c a , Washington, D . C . , 1932) and the r e c e n t article by Y . M.-J. Congar, O . P . , " T h e Idea of C o n v e r s i o n , " Thought ΧΧΧΙΠ ( i 9 í 8 ) S ff- C f . b e l o w , pp. 49 ff. ® For the latter see the remarks above, p. ΠΑΛΙΓΓΕΝΕΣΙΑ

(Neutestamentliche

12 and pp.

Abhandlungen Χ Υ Π ,

16 ff. j,

See also J.

Münster,

1937).

Dey, Dey

shows that in pagan Graeco-Roman and in Jewish thought the idea of individual spiritual regeneration is m u c h rarer than is often assumed and that on the w h o l e it lacks the ethical element characteristic of the Christian concept of rebirth (Tit. 3 : s, etc.). In most cases the pre-Christian concept of palingenesia concerns cosmology and metempsychosis, though in Apuleius' Isis mysteries (see b e l o w , p. 40) there is a slight spiritual overtone and in the famous Libellas XÍII (Hermes Trismegistus on Rebirth) of the Corpus Hermeticum, Scott, Hermet. I, 238 f f . , also N o c k and Festugière, Corp. Hermet. Π, 197 f f . , a definite conception of spiritual regeneration; cf. Festugière, La révélation d'Hermès Trismégiste IV (Paris, 19S4) 2 i é f . , 264, 267. For the rest Α . H a m a c k ' s Die Terminologie der Wiedergeburt und verwandter Erlebnisse in der ältesten Kirche (Texte u. Untersuch. XLII, 2, Leipzig, 1 9 1 7 ) is still of great value. C f . also V . Iacono, "La ΠΑΛΙΓΓΕΝΕΣΙΑ ( 1 9 3 4 ) 369 ff·

' See b e l o w , pp. í 9 ff.

in S. Paolo e nell' ambiente p a g a n o , " Biblica X V

34 religiously

VARIETIES OF RENEWAL IDEOLOGY founded

idea

of

repeated

reforms;

the

Reformationi®

s e e m e d t o b e a u n i q u e a n d final c o l l e c t i v e c o n v e r s i o n .

Only

later,

P r o t e s t a n t r e f o r m e r s s a w that it c o u l d b e c o m e n e c e s s a r y t o p r o c e e d " e v e n t o t h e r e f o r m i n g o f t h e R e f o r m a t i o n i t s e l f . " ^^ The Protestant term "reformation" is, of course, still the early Christian term leformatio. Needless to say, Luther first meant to reform the Church, not to break away from it. Milton, Áreopagitica (first published, ¡6¡¡; Everyman's Library edition, 1927) 3 2 : " N o w once again by all concurrence of signs, and by the general instinct of holy and devout men . . . God is decreeing to begin some new and great period in this Church, even to the reforming of Reformation itself . . . " (in part quoted by Rosenstock, Revolution 362). It is interesting to see that William James treats of "saintliness" as a continuation, as it were, of conversion and as a pragmatically verifiable leaven of civilization, although he does not use the concept of reform. See William James, Varieties of Religious Experience (New York, 1902), Lectures X I - X V . Cf. below, pp. Í 9 - 6 1 , about the relation between reform and sanctification in Catholic doctrine. For the relation between the reform idea and heretical or sectarian ideologies see, for instance, the remarks below, pp. 162 ff. and 2¡8 S., on Pelagians and Donatists; also below, p. 25^2, n. í 7 , on connections between the ideology of reform and that of decline.

CHAPTER II DEFINITION OF THE IDEA OF REFORM

On the basis of the distinctions made, the idea of reform may now be defined as the idea of free, intentional and ever perfectible, multiple, prolonged and ever repeated efforts by man to reassert and augment values pre-existent in the spiritual-material compound of the world. This definition, however, requires two important qualifications. First: its role is that of a provisional conceptual tool only (see above, p. s), which may not always fit the historical material exactly. Various types of renewal ideas did, of course, mix and blend with the idea of reform. Second: granted the possibility of defining the idea of reform and of studying and describing it as a historical fact, as a phenomenon essentially Christian in origin and early development, it does not follow implicitly that the idea corresponds to a reality. That it often does not is no serious problem, but whether it ever does is a question whereby the terms contained in the definition are transposed from the history of ideology to that of preterideological existence. Is there possibility at least of spirit besides matter, of value besides indifference, of liberty besides determination, of final besides efficient causality, of relative perfectibility besides the absolute, of multiplicity besides unity; in short, is there possibility of reform besides changelessness and besides other types of renewal and change ? No cogent answer can be expected from the historical sources alone. In basing this study on an affirmative answer the author is conscious of certain metahistorical preconceptions which are made explicit in Excursus II. There are few in any case who would deny that some of the great events which truly transformed history ultimately depended on changes, often only slight and subtle, in the realm of ideas. It is not unreasonable to expect that the idea of reform, because of its content, may have played a particularly important part in historical change. 3Î

PART TWO THE EARLY CHRISTIAN IDEA OF REFORM

CHAPTER I PRE-CHRISTIAN, BIBLICAL, AND PATRISTIC TERMINOLOGY OF RENEWAL AND REFORM

The early Christian idea of reform is of biblical or more exactly of Pauline origin. A study of its beginnings must be preceded by a survey of the terminology used to express it.^ In pre-Christian usage the verb reformare itself, w^hich occurs earlier than the noun reformatio, did not at first clearly express the reassertion or augmentation of value characteristic of the reform idea. The first occurrence of reformare seems to be in Ovid's Metamorphoses, where it once refers to a miraculous physical transformation

"backward,"

that is to say, to the xmdoing of a previous change,^ and another time to sudden rejuvenation of an old man for one day.® Reformare thus may be an О vidian adaptation of the late Greek term μΐτθίμόρφωσι·5 the ideological background of which is in Ovid distinctly cosmologica!.* 1 It is not intended here to make a full terminological study of the origms of reformare, reformatio, and related expressions, and of their Greek equivalents. Such a study, though interesting and desirable in itself, would be out of proportion with the main scope of this book, which is the history of ideas rather than of terms—and even the treatment of the biblical and patristic idea of reform will have to be selective rather than exhaustive. The remarks on the terminological foundations of the reform idea which follow are based in part on the materials of the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae and of the Oxford Lexicon of Patristic Greek, which is in preparation. I wish to express my gratitude to the Director and staff of the Thesaurus Bureau in Munich, and especially to Dr. Lumpe, who compiled for me a list of all Thesaurus entries for the words reformo, reformatio, гепото, renovatio, tran^rmo, transformatio, transfiguro, transßguratio. Whenever this material has been my source, the fact is noted by the symbol ThLL. Similarly, I am greatly indebted to the staff of the Lexicon of Patristic Creek, especially to Father B. Krivocheine, for allowing me to consult their files at Oxford in I 9 Í 4 . My use of this material is indicated by the symbol IPG. Finally, I have to thank Professor André Grabar of the Collège de France for his kindness in procuring copies ofcertain entries in D. Lenfant, O . P . , Concordantiae Augustinianae (PÌTÌS, 1656-166;), a work which is not available in America. ^ Ovid, Metamorphoses XI, ^ Ibid. DC, 399. * Cf. the last book of the Metamorphoses, also the beginning of Book I. For the use of the term μ(ταμόρφωσ4 in Greek literature, see, for instance, Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca Histórica IV, 8 1 , on the metamorphosis of Actaeon. 39

40

THE EARLY CHRISTIAN IDEA OF REFORM

Reformation is distinguished by the prefix re-, signifying directedness toward the past, from the term and concept of transformation, which is basically alteration or change, though it can connote varying degrees of novelty. For transformation, Ovid like Virgil has the term transformare,

a literal translation of μίταμορφοΰν.

Valerius Maximus

uses the

verb гфгтаге

Ovid's

contemporary

for the restoration

of

Athens by Themistocles after the defeat of Xerxes.® About a century later one meets гфгтаге

and гфгтайо

in the Metamorphoses of Apuleius,

both in the first of the two Ovidian meanings® and in the sense of transformation pure and simple.' It is clear, therefore, that at least from the middle of the second century A . D . гфгтайо

could signify

alteration, with or without emphasis on newness, as well as return to a condition of the past. Meanwhile the term had begun also to express an element of value and improvement, originally absent from the strict meaning of both гфгтаге

and transformare.

Seneca and Pliny the

Younger were, it appears, the first to speak of moral, educational, and political гфгтайо.^

A little later the great jurists of the Antonine and

' Valerius Maximus, Factotum et dictorum meworabiliuni VI, j . Externa 2 : C u m . . . ruinas patriae in pristinum habitum reformaret. . . . C f . К . Burdach, " S i n n und Ursprung der W o r t e Renaissance und R e f o r m a t i o n , " Ифгта1юп Renaissance Humanismus, 2nd ed. (Berlin, Leipzig, 1926)

¡6.

' A p u l e i u s , Metamorphoses Ш, 23, XI, 13, XI, 16. Apuleius in speaking of Lucius' reformation f r o m an ass into a man through the p o w e r of Isis and through his initiation into the service of the goddess uses not only the terms гфгтаге, modo (ibid.

XI,

reformatio, but also renatus quodam

1 6 ) ; cf. R . Reitzenstein, Die hellenistischen Mjsterienreligionen,

3rd ed.

(Leipzig, Berlin, 1927) 39 f . , 262 f f . , on the close relation b e t w e e n reformare, renasci, and kmdred terms in Apuleius and other documents of late antique mystery cults and mystical moods,

also

J.

Dey,

ΠΑΛΙΓΓΕΝΕΣΙΑ

(Neutestamentliche

Abhandlungen

XVH,

5,

Münster, 1937) 98 ff. See above, p. 12, on the Latin Asclepius and cf. Claudian, Phoenix 1¡,

40 f f . , ¡o f f . , K o c h 234 f . , w h e r e гфгтаге,

figura,

redux forma, renasci, mutata melior procede

are all used for the rebirth of phoenix f r o m his o w n ashes; cf. above, p . 2 1 , and

b e l o w , p. 140. It w i l l be seen later that in Christendom, t o o , " r e f o r m , "

"recreation,"

" r e n o v a t i o n , " and " r e b i r t h " or " r e g e n e r a t i o n " are at times used interchangeably, w h i l e at other times the terms are distinct f r o m one another. ' A p u l e i u s , Metamorph. Ш, 24 f . ; XI, 27 and 30. T h e ThLL lists about a dozen other occurrences in Apuleius of гфгтаге and reformatio in one or the other of the t w o meanings. ' S e n e c a , Ad Lucilium Epist. VI, 6 ( j S ) , 2 6 : a reformatione m o r u m ; ΠΙ, 4 ( 2 i ) , Respice aetatem eius iam duram et intractabilem : non potest reformari, tenera

i:

finguntur;

X V , 2 (94), JI : Pueri ad praescriptum discunt . . . imitari iubentur proposita et ad illa reformare chirographum . . . (ThLL). Pliny the Younger, Pane^rjncuí ^3, i : . . . corruptos depravatosque mores principatus parens noster reformet et corrigat ; idem, Epist. VIH, 12, I : literarum iam senescentium reductor ac reformator (quoted by W . Rehm, Der Untergang

T E R M I N O L O G Y OF R E N E W A L A N D R E F O R M

41

Severan periods seem to have initiated the application of the term reform to the sphere of legal and institutional improvement.® Thus Q . Cervidius Scaevola says of a testator who has changed his will: non a tota volúntate recessisse videri, sed ab his tantum rebus quas rejormasset'^^ and Ulpian speaking about contracts states; nam si potest res tolli, cur non et reformar! ut quodammodo quasi renovatus contractus videatur.^''· The Latin N e w Testament terms which principally shaped the Christian idea of reform in the west are to be foimd above all in the Epistles of St. Paul. In the early Latin versions ("Vetus

Latina,"

patristic quotations, Vulgate) of the Epistle to the Romans ( 1 2 : 2 ) , the Second Epistle to the Corinthians ( 3 : 1 8 ) , and the Epistle to the Philippians ( 3 : 2 1 ) , reformari and гф)гтаге have served to translate the Greek μΐταμορφοΰσθαι

and the synonymous

μΐτασχηματίζ^ιν.^^

While the Vulgate has rejormamini in Rom. 1 2 : 2 , transformamur in 2 Cor. 3 : 1 8 , rejormabit in Phil. 3 : 2 1 , the Cod. Claromontanus^ of the Latina"

¡tala")

hzs rejormamini in Rom. i 2 : 2 , гфгтатиг

"Vetus

in 2 Cor.

3 : 1 8 , 1 ^ transßguravit in Phil. 3: 2 1 T h e testimony of early patristic texts is somewhat different a g a i n . S o , for instance, St. Cyprian has transjormemini in Rom. 1 2 : 2 ; ^ ^ Tertullian has transßgurari,

St. Hilary

Roms im abendländischen Denken [Leipzig, 1930] i j ) . Still without the terra reformare, Horace, Carmin. IV, l í , 1 2 : the age of Augustus veteres revocavit artes; Livy, Histor. X X X I X , 41 : priscos mores revocare; also Suetonius, Augustus 24. ' However, already the Res gestae diri Augusti 8, ¡ (ed. J . Gagé [Paris, 1 9 3 Í ] 86), without using the word reformare, had stated: . . . , μΐταατοιχ^ιοΰΐ', μίταποίοΰν, and similar words, do however appear as characteristic terms of Greek patristic renewal ideology and not infrequently express a true concept of reform; see, for instance, Cyril of Alexandria, In Isaiam 4 f , 9 f. and 1 1 f., PG LXX, 961В f. and 9éíB f. (LPG), idem, Homilia paschalis 10, 4, PG LXXVII, 62^С-628А (LPG), idem, In Joannis evangelium П, loc. cit. See E. Zeller, Die Philosophie der Griechen Ш, i , jth ed. (Leipzig, 1923) f. The concept of άποκατάστασις is connected with that of the periodical renewal of the world through fire (άκπνρωαιί) or other means. See also p. 1 1 . Cf. Lenz, article "Apokatastasis," RLACl, i i o f f . , A . M é h a t , "«Apocatastase»," Vigil. CArírt.X(i9í6)igôff. In Matthew 1 2 : 1 3 , however, άπίκατΐστάθη (Vulgate: restituía est) is used for Jesus' healing of a withered hand. See below, p. 142, about St. Hilary of Poitiers' use of the word reformare in his comments on Matthew 1 2 : 1 3 . " See below, pp. 76 ff. 28 See below, pp. ι;6 ff.

44

THE EARLY CHRISTIAN IDEA OF REFORM

Related to the scriptural άηοκατάστασις λαιώσασθαι

τά πάντα eV τ ω Χριστώ

πάντων

is the

άνακΐφα-

of Ephesians ι : i o (Vulgate: in-

staurare omnia in Christo),

which forms the basis of

doctrine of άνακΐφαλαίωσις

(recapitulatio)

As to the terms àvaveovv, άνακαινοΰν-άνακαίνωσίζ

St. Irenaeus'

and their Latin

equivalents renovare-renovatio, they are of great importance for the genesis of both the western and the eastern Christian reform idea. In pre-Christian Latin renovare and renovatio are at least as old as Cicero and w e r e very often used by him, by Livy, and by other classical and postclassical authors in various senses of renewal: renovare bellum, foedus,

auspicia, memoriam, gloriam, dolorem, etc. Y e t in the

Epistles to the Ephesians ( 4 : 2 3 ) , to the Colossians ( 3 : 1 0 ) , and to Titus (3:5·), and in the Second Corinthians ( 4 : 1 6 ) , the terms renovari and renovatio,^'' w h i c h translate άνανΐοΰσθαι,^^ άνακαινοΰσθαι,^^ and άνακαίνωσις,

mean a far reaching renewal of the w h o l e nature of

man, a meaning w h i c h does not seem to occur in the pre-Christian usage of renovare. The w o r d novus itself, in pre-Christian Latin, w h e n it is not used in a merely temporal sense, often has a pejorative rather than an ameliorative quality.®® This shade of meaning survives most definitely in the terms innovare and innovatio, w h i c h in post-classical and mediaeval Latin not infrequently, though by no means always,®* signify innovation in the sense of inferior novelty and disturbance of an old t r a d i t i o n . O f the t w o Greek words for " n e w " — v é o s and καινός—the

second had a more qualitative than temporal character

and could be used in the sense of a better because n e w e r quality;®® in Hellenistic

Greek véos h o w e v e r

"approximates in meaning to

" See below, pp. 68 f. Most witnesses of the Vetus Latina have h e r e the same terms as the Vulgate, but some of the early Fathers use innovare instead (cf. Sabatier, Bibliorum Versiones Ш, 8oi and 839). For innovare in a pejorative sense see immediately below. An old w o r d , found, for instance, in Thucydides. Equivalent to the classical Greek word. For instance, in novus homo, res novae. See n. 30, above. See also the Vulgate for Ps. ¡0:12: spiritum rectum innova in visceribus meis, cf. below, p . n. 13. So already Cicero, Oratio in L. Pisonem 36, 83 : quo te modo ad tuam intemperantiam, scelerate, innovasti? " S e e , for instance, the Pseudo-Platonic dialogue Axiochus 370E: yéyova Kaivós. I owe this reference to Professor Harold Cherniss. See also Corpus Hermeticuw, Libellas XIII, i la, Scott, Hermet. I, 246 : ο καιι^[ΐ] yevó/ievoì υπό τον 0eoû . . .

T E R M I N O L O G Y OF R E N E W A L A N D R E F O R M

κ α ι ν ό ? . " S t . Paul used both veos and καινός and their derivatives to express the fundamental renovation of man who becomes a " n e w m a n , " a " n e w creature" (καινή κτίσιζ, nova creatura), through Christ. Latin norus and renovare in the Pauline spiritually ameliorative sense therefore seem to be New Testament Graecisms.ss The Vulgate also translates Old Testament Greek renewal terms such as άνακαιvt'Çctv in this sense; see, for instance. Psalm io2: ς: Renovabitur ut aquilae iuventus tua, a beautiful formulation of the renewal idea, which was not neglected by theology and liturgy.з» It will be shown in the next chapter that the terminology of "renovation" in the Epistles to the Ephesians (4:23), Colossians (3:10), and in the Second Corinthians ( 4 : 1 6 ) is closely related to the reform idea in its most extensive meaning, whereas in the Epistle to Titus (3 : ς) άνακαίνωσις is specifically linked to παλιγγΐνΐσία, baptismal regeneration;*® μ€ταμορφοΰν, άναμορφονν, transformare, гфгтаге, too, can be used in patristic literature in a more specific sense, for the beginning or the end of the whole process of reform: for baptism and for the resurrection. The renewal terms discussed are the ones which will be encountered most frequently in the study of the reform idea in the patristic age. Other terms, pre-Christian and patristic, such as àvaKoXeîv,^^ " A . D . Nock, " N o t e s on Ruler-Cult, I - I V , " jour. Hellen. Stud. XLVID (1928) For the idea of " n e w n e s s " in early Christianity in general, see K . Priimm, S.J., Christentum als Neuheitserlebnis (Freiburg i. В., 1933); Hamack, Wiedergeburt l o i ff., 13^ ff. See also E. R . Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. W . R . Trask (Bollingen Series X X X V I , N e w Y o r k , 19Í3) i j i ff., and J. de Ghellinck, S.J., "Neotericus, n e o t e r i c i , " Arch. Lat. M. Ae. X V (1940) 113 ff., for the late-antique Graecism neoíerici (from vewrepoi), used to distinguish the " m o d e m " writers from the " a n c i e n t s " ; modernus appears only in the late fifth century and, in the late ancient period, on the whole means contemporary rather than novel, cf. W . Freund, Modernus und andere Zeitbegriffe des Mittelalters (Neue Münstersche Beiträge zur Geschichtsforschung IV, Köln, Graz, 19 sj). " For renewal ideology in the Psalms see below, p. ¡2 ; for its influence on the Fathers and the liturgy, below, pp. 80, 3 1 2 , 3 i 4 f . a n d 29J. The motif of the eagle's rejuvenation is related to cosmological and vitalistic renewal ideas, especially to the phoenix myth (cf. above, p. 2 1 , n. 21), but can be transferred to reform ideology (cf. pp. 3 1 4 f.). К . Burdach, "Renaissance und Reformation" 30, goes too far in simply identifying the Pauline terms of " r e b i r t h " and " r e n o v a t i o n " - " r e f o r m " ; see the following section of this chapter. Cf. Ps.-Dionysius Areopagita, De divinis nominibus i, 3, PG Ш, Í89B f. : . . . των . . . àmmmóvrwv

. . . άνάκλησίί те καΐ àvaaraais • · · (LPG). It is not always easy to t e l l whethe

the prefix ava- means ' 'again' ' or ' 'upwards. ' '

4б

T H E E A R L Y CHRISTIAN IDEA OF R E F O R M

άναλαμβάνΐΐ,ν,

άναβφάζΐΐν,

άνακτίζΐΐν,** reßcere,

άναχαλκεΰει,ν,*^

επανορθοΰν,

recreare,*^

κατορθοΰν,*^

corripere,

corrigere,

restituere, and άνακΐφαλαιοΰν,

άναστοι,χ€ΐοΰν,^^

άναπλάσσΐΐν,

revocare,*^

reparare,^''

restaurare,*^

emendare^''are

akin to

άποκαθιστάναι,

recapitulare,

in that they often stress the

reassertion of old values, the regaining of a pristina fortuna,

the return

to a status pristinus.^^ Though the act of reassertion may itself introduce an element of novelty, and even of betterment, s 2 these elements are weaker in such terms than in àvaveow,

άνακαινοΰν,

renovare;

in

this latter term the concept of newness is of greater force than even the eminently retrospective prefix re-. Nevertheless, newness can be ^^ C f . , for instance, Cyril of Alexandria, Commentar, in Sophoniam prophetam 44 (3, 16 f.), PG L X X l , 1 0 1 6 D f. : . . . (Christ) τψ άνθρωπου φύσιν άναμορφων els κοινότητα

ζωηι

και

άναχαλκινων

πωΐ

καΐ

άναβφάζίται

eli

το àtr' αρχής.

Trpòs το ¿ν άρχαΐ;

...

Tò Sé άνακίφαλαιονμοΌν

άναλαμβάν€ταί

(LPG).

Cf. Cyril of Alexandria, Homilia paschahs 1 0 , 4, PG LXXVII, 6 2 ^ 0 ff. : . . . tis то τη! αφθαρσία! άναστοιχΐΐούμενον

καύχημα . . . {LPG).

Both expressions are found, for instance, in Athanasius; c f . G . Müller, S . J . , Lexicon Athanasianum (Berlin, i g j l ) . For the penitential-educational meaning of iiravópOwats in connection with ποιδβία in 2 Tim. 3 : 1 6 cf. below, p. 60 and p. 3 1 3 , n. 38. For the patristic use of ¿πανορθονν in a wide sense of reform see, for instance, Ps.-Basil of Seleucia (perhaps Proclus of Constantinople), Oratio X X X I X , 4, PG L X X X V , 436B (IPG). For κατορθοΰν cf. the text from John Chrysostom, below, p. 1 2 7 , n. ^4. C f . , for instance, Ambrose about recall to Paradise, below, p. 144, n. j g , and Augustine on the recall of creation to God, below, pp. 167 ff, and in connection with the reform of man, below, p. i j S , n. 1 3 , p. 1 7 0 , n. 1 1 . C f . , for instance, Ambrose in connection especially with penance, below, p. 1 4 2 , n. Í 3 , and with the repair of the human condition, below, p. 1 4 3 , n. ¡4, Augustine in connection with penance, below, p. 3 1 2 , n. 3 3 . For examples from the liturgy, see below, p . 2 8 i , n. ς. For these two terms see, for instance, Augustine with reference to the resurrection, below, p. i í 8 , η. 1 7 , and in conjunction with the idea of man's reformation, below, p. 3 1 2 , n. 33. For corripere, corrigere, emendare see below, pp. 3 1 3 and 4 1 4 f . , in connection with Augustine's and Caesarius of Aries' penitential use of these terms. "See

Suetonius,

Nero 4 0 :

pristinae

fortunae

restitutionem;

idem,

Augustus

31:

Annum . . . ad pristinam rationem redegit; Curtius Rufus, De rebus gestis Alexandri Magni V, I, 8: pristinam reparasse fortunam; Ulpian, in Digest 4 3 , 2 1 , i : reficere est quod corruptum est in pristinum statum restaurare ; cf. also Fortuna Redux in inscriptions and on coins. See Suetonius, Vespasianus 17 : restituere in melius.

T E R M I N O L O G Y OF R E N E W A L A N D R E F O R M

47

imderstood as identity or equivalence of a new condition with a perfect original state ; it will be seen that such is often the case in Greek patristic reform ideology.®® Only the term тфгтаге, and to some extent its Greek equivalents άναμορφοΰν, μ€ταμορφοΰν, etc.,®^ can contain the connotations of newness and improvement and those of old goodness in equal strength: in Teformare-iejoimatio, especially, the prefix re- points toward the previous existence of the constitutive components of a substance or event while forma infers their being organized and consolidated toward new shape and "firmness." This synthetic meaning is found above all in тфгтаге in melius ^^ (corresponding Greek terms are άνκμορφονν els то ά/χείνω®' or μεταττλάττΐυν em то αμεινον,^^ άπϊ το βελτίον μ€τακόσμησΐ5 and also in renovare in melius: ® ® these phrases signify not merely change to the better (as in μεταβάλλίΐν ¿πΐ то βελτιον,^^ em то β4λτιον μετάθεσις,^^ ' ' But see below, pp. 64 f . , nn. j п . , and pp. 72, 143 £f., 230 f . , on the conception that the possession of the Kingdom of God is more than return to Paradise, a conception which is found in not a few of the Greek Fathers as well as in the west. For the occurrence of the idea of " r e f o r m to the b e t t e r " in the early Christian east and, more often, in the west, cf. immediately below and above all, p. 87, n. xg, and p. 1 6 1 , n. 23. Cf. above, p. 42 f . , η. 23. ^^ Forma and ßrmus are etymologically connected; Sanscrit: dhat-. character of the term reformare cf. also F. Delekat,

For this double

"Reformation, Revolution und

Restauration, drei Grundbegriffe der Geschichte, ' ' Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche XLDC (I9í2)

89.

First occurrence, perhaps, in Tertullian; see below, pp. 134 f. Cf. Virgil, Aeneid I, 281 and XI, 426 : in melius referre. So Cyril of Alexandria, In haiam 4 1 , 9 f . , PG L X X , 961B f. (iPG). 68 Ibid. 4 Î , 11 f., PG L X X , 9 6 Í B f. (LPG). So Basil, De Sancto Spirita XIX, 49, PG XXXII, i Í 7 B f. ; cf. b e l o w , p. 80, η. -ji.

Cf.

also Gregor)' Nazianzen, Oratio X L , 7 , in sanctum baptisma, PG X X X V I , з б ^ С : Μ λ λ ' шапер ουκ ovraç νπέστησΐν,

ovrcüs ίητοστάνταζ άν€πλασ€ι πλάσιν

ôctoTcpav τ€ και τη? ττρώτηζ

ύφηλοτίρωι. β" See below, pp. i í 6 ff., about St. Augustine's use of this phrase. See Plato, Republic 38 i B : im то βΐληόν те καΐ κάλλιον μίταβάλλΐΐν

iavróv. It is rather

significant that this is said of God per impossibile. In this connection it is w e l l to recall the illuminating remark of W . Jaeger, Paideia, trans. G . Highet, II, (New Y o r k , 1943) 237, that Plato's

"reform"

of

old-Greek

παί&ΐία

expressly

excludes all

"progress"

of

the good, which is an unchangeable norm. This no doubt explains that, while the concept of conversion—a turning about toward the idea of the good (cf. below, p. 49, n. 2 ) — has Platonic roots, there does not seem to exist a Platonic antecedent of the concepts of personal renewal and reform, which express a combination of new and old values. «2 Cf. Polybius, Histor. I, 3 j .

48

THE EARLY CHRISTIAN IDEA OF REFORM

irpòs τον αμΐίνονα melius,^^

[jSi'ov]®® o r προς

то κρεΐττον

ά λ λ ο ί ω σ ι ? , ® ^ mutare

in

e t c . ) , b u t r a t h e r i m p r o v e m e n t o n t h e basis o f a r e t u r n t o

o r i g i n a l p e r f e c t i o n , w h i c h thus m a y e v e n b e t r a n s c e n d e d . See Philo, De Ábtahamo 3, 1 7 , Cohn and Wendland IV, ς, about τον ówò xeipovos βίου προ! τον άμιίνω μεταβάλλοντα: this corresponds to μΐτάνοια, cf. below, pp. 49 f. ·* See Gregory of Nyssa, De perfictione, Jaeger, Greg. Njss. Opera VIII, i , 2 1 3 , there connected however with the phrase em то θΐίότΐρον μεταποιονσηί • ' S e e Tacitus, Histor. I, ^o; of. in melius rerti: often in Livy; in meliusßectere mentem: Seneca, Hercules furens 1064.

CHAPTER II THE PAULINE IDEA OF REFORM AND RELATED SCRIPTURAL CONCEPTS

Conversion of

from

evil

mind-repentance

to

good

{етатрефе^-етатроф^),

(μετανο^ΐν-μ^τάνοια),

are a c c o r d i n g

to

change the

T e s t a m e n t essential c o n d i t i o n s f o r t h e a c c e p t a n c e o f C h r i s t ' s a n d f o r a C h r i s t i a n w^ay o f l i f e . connected

with

one

another

Έπι,στροφή

in

the

New

teaching

and μ ΐ τ ά ν ο Μ are as

well

as

New

in

closely

the

Old

Testament. ^ In t h e b i b l i c a l t e r m of

conversion

Plato's concept

from

Republic—is

¿ιτιστροφή

darkness still

μΐτάνοΜ,

clearly

too,

Christian terminology,3

the to

Platonic

light—as

d i s c e r n i b l e . 2

originated

and

in

Platonist

the The

famous word

independently

concept myth

and

from

of

ethical Jewish-

b u t in t h e B i b l e it has an e m p h a t i c a l l y

peni-

t e n t i a l m e a n i n g w h i c h is, t o say t h e least, n o t v e r y s t r o n g in t h e earlier

1 F o r t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t , see, f o r instance, L u k e 17 : 4 : τον άνθροιπον ¿κ χοόί, ¿ιιαγανησαι. Si ίδατι, αίξησαι 8« Πνίνματι, παώαγωγησαι Si ρήμαη els υίοθΐοίαν καί αωτηρίαν àytms «τολαΐϊ καηυβύνων. Ινα Sij, τον γηγΐνη els άγιον καΐ imvpáviov μeτaπλάσas ек vpoaßaoews άνβρωπον, éKeán¡v την OeiKyv μάλιστα ηληρώστι φωνψ· "Ποιήσωμΐν άνβρωπον κατ elxóva καΐ καθ' όμοίωσιν ^μων" (Gen. 1: 26). Kai 8η yeyovev et non exureris, sanaris et non doles, reformaris et non dissolveris, ictum mortis non excipis et resurgis. See also Epist. LXXVI, ad Irenaeum 14, PL X V I , 1318B, where Ambrose comments upon the Epistle to the Ephesians and speaks of renorari per gratiam sacramentorum. " See De lacob I, 6, 21, CSEL ΧΧΧΠ, 2, i8 : Facta est mihi culpa mea merces redemptionis, per quam mihi Christus advenit . . . fructuosior culpa quam innocentia . . . ubi superabundavit peccatum, superabundavit et gratia; Explanatio Psalmi XXXIX,

20, CSEL

LXIV, 12 ς: Felix ruina quae reparatur in melius ; De institutione virginis XVH, 104, PL X V I , 346A: Amplius nobis profuit culpa quam nocuit: in quo redemptio quidem nostra divinum munus invenit; Expositio in Evangelium Lucae Π, 4 1 , CSEL ΧΧΧΠ, 4, 64: Plus igitur. Domine lesu, iniuriis tuis debeo quod redemptus sum, quam operibus quod creatus sum. Non prodesset nasci, nisi redimi profuisset. The most famous and beautiful formulation of the doctrine is that in the great Exultet hymn of the Holy Saturday liturgy: . . . nihil enim nobis nasci profuit nisi redimi profuisset. . . . О certe necessarium Adae peccatum quod Christi morte deletum est. О felix culpa quae talem ac tantum meruit habere redemptorem . . . .

Following the late Cardinal Mercati's suggestions in Paralipomena Ambrosiana con

alcuni appunti sulle benedizioni del cereo pasquale (Studie e Testi ХП, П, Roma :904) 36 fF., D o m В. Capelle, O . S . B . , " L " E x u l t e t ' pascal, oeuvre de saint A m b r o i s e , " Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati I (Studi e Testi CXXI, Città del Vaticano, 1946) 219 ff., has made a strong case for Ambrosian authorship of the Exulut (cf. also Myrtilla Avery, " T h e Relation of Saint Ambrose to the 'Exultet' H y m n , " Studies in Art and Literature for Belle da Costa Greene [Princeton,

I9Í4] 374 f f . ) ; but see the opposite views of D o m M. Huglo,

O.S.B.,

LATIN PATRISTIC IDEAS OF REFORM BEFORE ST. AUGUSTINE

I47

was in itself and in its consequences, was nevertheless to lead him to his highest possibilities: such was God's plan of salvation. While some of the Greek Fathers had pointed to the superiority of the eschatological Kingdom of Heaven over the "archeological" and eschatological Paradise, none of them seems to have emphasized as strongly as St. Ambrose the fact that even the pre-eschatological reform by Christ of the Paradise of innocence in man's soul must result in a "superabimdant" augmentation of the gratia naturae.^ Through this doctrine St. Ambrose contributed essential elements to the history of the idea of reform in the west where that idea was to include many aspects supplementary to a mere return—even to a return to Paradise.69 Apart from the development of formal doctrines, different mental attitudes are here involved. In the case of St. Ambrose his opposition to an ideology of mere return became evident on a lesser level in his famous controversy with Symmachus of the year 384 concerning the restoration of the Altar of Victory in the Curia of the Roman Senate, desired by the pagan senatorial aristocracy.'" It is true that in certain "L'auteur de VExulm pascal," Vigil. Christ. VII (1953) 79 ff., and of Dom В. Fischer, O.S.B., "Ambrosius der Verfasser des österlichen Exultet?," Archiv JÜT Liturgiewissenschaft II ( i 9 í 2 ) 61 ff. These two learned Benedictines, not quite convincingly in my opinion, ascribe the Exultet hymn to an unknown author who followed the Gallican rite. For the survival of the doctrine o f f e l i x culpa in early modern times, see A. O. Lovejoy, "Milton and the Paradox of the Fortunate Fall," in his Essajrs in the History oj¡deas (Baltimore, 1948) 277 ff. In this connection, see H. de Lubac, S.J., Surnaturel (Paris, 1946), for the history of the concept "supranatural." P. de Lubac, however, does not seem to consider that root of the concept which is found in the superabundant grace of Rom. ¡ 1 2 0 and was developed by St. Ambrose. ·" St. Jerome is in this respect closer to the Greek Fathers, when he repeatedly characterizes the ideal Christian life—the virginal life and especially that of the monks in the desert—as paradisiacal. See, for instance, Epist. XIV, ad Heliodorum monachum, 10, CSEL LIV, 60 : Infinita heremi vastitas terret ? Sed tu paradisum mente deambula . . . ; Epist. ХХП, ad Eustochium 19, CSEL LIV, 169 : Eva in paradiso virgo fuit: post pellicias tunicas (cf. Gen. 3 : 2 1 , see pp. 77 and 176) initium nuptiarum. Tua regio paradisus. Serva quod nata es . . . ; Epist. XXXIX, ad Paulara de morte ßlesiUae, 4, LIV, 302 : . . . in lesu vero . . . per quem paradisus est apertus mortem gaudia prosequuntur. . . . Of the more recent literature on this episode cf. J . R. Palanque, Saint Amhroise et l'empire romain (Paris, 1933) 118 ff., 129 ff., 222, 277 ff., j i o , ^36, J. Wytzes, Der Streit um den Altar der Viktoria (Paris, 1936), L. Malunovicz, De ara Victoriae in curia Romana quomodo certatum sit (Wilno, 1937), H. Bloch, " A New Document of the Last Pagan Revival in the West," Harr. Theol. Kev. XXXVIII ( i 9 4 i ) 214 ff. In 393 an ephemeral restoration of the 6+T.I.R.

148

T H E EARLY CHRISTIAN IDEA OF R E F O R M

respects A m b r o s e was m o r e subject to the religious-political

atmos-

p h e r e o f t h e T h e o d o s i a n a g e t h a n a J e r o m e o r A u g u s t i n e a n d a b o v e all s o m e w h a t closer to the Eusebian i d e o l o g y of " i m p e r i a l " r e f o r m . So, f o r i n s t a n c e , i n his i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f P s a l m 4 ^ : 10 h e s a w R o m e as t h e t r u e f u l f i l l m e n t o f t h e A u g u s t a n pax Augustine

commenting

Christian

Romana,''^

whereas

o n t h e same P s a l m v e r s e w a s t o stress

that

a f t e r t h e C h r i s t i a n i z a t i o n o f t h e E m p i r e w a r s w e r e still b e i n g w a g e d , e v e n o n a larger scale than b e f o r e , and that o n l y those w h o t h a t all s t r e n g t h is f r o m

God

are b e y o n d all t e r r e s t r i a l

recognize

struggles.'^

Y e t w h e r e t h e e s s e n c e o f C h r i s t i a n i t y w a s at s t a k e , as i n t h e affair o f t h e A l t a r o f V i c t o r y , A m b r o s e w a s as s i n g l e - m i n d e d as a C h r y s o s t o m o r an A u g u s t i n e . ' ®

altar actually took place under the pagan emperor Eugenlus whose rise and fall w e r e shared by Symmachus' friend Virius Nicomachus Flavianus (for him see above, p. 19), then the leader of the pagan party in Rome. Theodosius, after his victory over Eugenius, removed the altar, but it seems that the statue of the goddess Victoria

remained

untouched

(Malunovicz 104 ff., cf. the review of Palanque, in Rer. hist. eccUs. X X X V [1939] 298; earlier authors must be corrected accordingly). A b o u t 404, shortly before Symmachus' death, the incident had in any case still enough actuality to move the most brilliant of the early Christian poets, Prudentius, to write a poem in refutation of paganism and in the form of a reply to Symmachus ; see his Contra Sjrmmachum, CSEL LXI (also edited and translated into French with commentary by M. Lavarenne, Prudence III [Paris, 1948]); on Prudentius see below, p. 370. Ί Ambrose, Explanatio Psalmi XLV,

21,

CSEL LXIV

344: . . . in

exortu

ecclesiae

potestatem Romani imperii toto orbe diffudit et dissidentium mentes terrarumque divortia donata pace composuit. Didicerunt omnes homines sub uno terrarum imperio viventes unius Dei omnipotentis imperium fideli eloquio confiteri. " A u g u s t i n e , Enarr. in Ps. XLV, c . 13 (v. 10), Corp. Christ., Ser. Lat. X X X V m , î 2 7 f · : . . . sunt adhuc bella, sunt inter gentes pro regno, inter sectas, inter Judaeos, paganos, christianos, haereticos, sunt bella, crebrescunt bella. . . . Quando autem nos Dominus suscipit, numquid inermes dimittit? Armât nos, sed aliis armis, evangelicis, veritatis, continentiae, salutis, spei, fidei, caritatis. Cf. E. Peterson, Der Monotheismus als politisches Problem, reprinted in Theologische Traktate (München, i g j i ) 9 i ff., T . E. Mommsen, " S t . Augustine and the Christian Idea of Progress," Jour. Hist. Ideas XII (1951)

346 ff., 363 ff.

" For the famous clash between Ambrose and Theodosius himself after the dreadful massacre in the Hippodrome of Thessalonica see, for instance, Palanque, Ambroise 227 ff., H. V. Campenhausen, Ambrosius von Mailand als Kirchenpolitiker (Arbeiten zur

Kirchenge-

schichte X n , Berlin, Leipzig, 1929) 236 ff. In spite of certain deficiencies of Theodosius' character—he was hardly the ideal Christian ruler of Ambrose's funeral oration, De obitu Theodosii oratio, CSEL LXXHI, 369 ff. (cf. О . Seeck, Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken Welt V [Berlin, 1913] 170 f f . ) — t h e great qualities of this emperor both as a ruler and as a man must not be forgotten. He had utterly unshakable faith in the truth of his Catholic religion, as he proved for instance in the greatest crisis of his later reign, the battle of

L A T I N P A T R I S T I C IDEAS O F R E F O R M B E F O R E ST. A U G U S T I N E

149

S y m m a c h u s had b o l s t e r e d his a r g u m e n t f o r restoration and p u b l i c s u p p o r t o f the c u l t o f V i c t o r y b y m a k i n g Roma herself

defend

this

r i t e because o f its a n t i q u i t y . ' ^ A m b r o s e ' s Roma r e p l i e s : I do not blush, in my protracted age, to be converted together with the whole world. It is certainly true that no age is too late for thorough instruction. Let rather old age blush if it cannot amend itself. N o t maturity of years, but of morals (cf. Wisdom 4 : 8 f . ) is praiseworthy. There is nothing shameful in passing to better things. . . A n d t h e r e is m o r e : But the rite of the elders, he (i.e., Symmachus) says, must be preserved. Yet, how if everything has thereafter progressed to the better ? The world itself, which had first grown together in a tender orb through the forcing together of the elemental seeds in the void or still lay in the confused horror and darkness of the yet unfinished w o r k [of creation], did it not afterwards, in the clear separation of heaven, sea, and earth, receive the forms of the things through which it appears more beautiful . . . ?'® Here

Ambrose's

conception of the formative improvement

o f an

originally u n f o r m e d c r e a t i o n is n o t e w o r t h y ; this idea, f o r e s h a d o w e d in w e s t e r n C h r i s t e n d o m already b y Tertullian,^^ w a s to b e d e v e l o p e d Fluvius Frigidus against Eugenius and Arbogast, where everything seemed to be lost. He also possessed a sort of magnanimous humility in repenting and repairing his faults. W e may believe St. Ambrose, when he said: Dilexi rlrum, " I loved the m a n " (cf. De abita Theodosii oratio 33 ff., CSEL LXXIII, 388 f.). Above all, Theodosius finally seems to have accepted Ambrose's principle that even the Christian Emperor was a son of the Church, and as such in, not above, the Church, especially not in matters of doctrine and morals. That most of Ambrose's episcopate fell under the reign of Theodosius may in part explain the saint's relative optimism with regard to the Christian Roman Empire. For Theodosius' religious policy cf. also W . Ensslin, " D i e Religionspolitik des Kaisers Theodosius d. G r . , " Sitz. Ber. Bq^'er., Philos.-Histor. Klasse, 1 9 Î 3 , ì ( 1 9 Í 3 ) , Bloch, "Pagan R e v i v a l , " il}

n. ς6.

Q . Aurelias Symmachus, Relatio Ш, 9, MGH, ΛΛ VI, i , 282. Ambrose, Epist. XVIII, 7, PL X V I , l o i j A : Non erubesco cum tote orbe longaeva converti. V e r u m certe est quia nulla aetas ad perdiscendum sera est. Erubescat senectus, quae emendare se non potest. Non annorum canities est laudata, sed morum (cf. Wisdom 4:8 f.). Nullus pudor est ad meliora transiré. . . . " Ibid. 23, PL XVI, 1020B: " S e d m a i o r u m , " inquit, "servandus est r i t u s . " Quid quod omnia postea in melius profecerunt? Mundus ipse, qui vel primum coactis elementorum per inane seminibus tenero orbe concreverat vel confuso adhuc indigesti operis caligabat horrore, nonne postea distincto coeli, maris terrarumque discrimine rerum formas, quibus speciosus videtur, accepit? " See above, p. 1 3 1 ·

I ξΟ

THE EARLY CHRISTIAN IDEA OF REFORM

much more fully by St. Augustine.''® The tenor of Ambrose's refutation of Symmachus asserts progress, understood in a Christian way, against the exaltation of a status quo merely on the strength of its antiquity.^® L e t them say, then, that all things should have stayed in their beginnings, that they dislike a w o r l d , once covered w i t h darkness, because it n o w shines in the splendor of the sun. A n d h o w much m o r e pleasing is it to have driven out the darkness of the mind than that of the body, to see the radiance of faith break forth than that of the sun ! In sum the primaeval condition of the w o r l d and of all things has changed, so that it may be succeeded by the old age of a venerable mature faith. L e t those w h o are disturbed about it blame the harvest because fertility comes late. . . . N o w our harvest is the faith of the minds, the grace of the Church is the harvest of the merits, w h i c h f r o m the origin of the World flourished in the saints, but [only] in this last age spread among the peoples, so that all w o u l d realize that the faith of Christ has not stolen into unprepared minds. . .

In his controversy with Symmachus who still hoped for the renovation of pagan Roma aeterna Ambrose stands against a Rome ideology which was fundamentally cosmologica! and vitalistic.®i Ambrose's progressive Christian Rome idea, linked to his ideology of reform in general, amounts to a vindication of Christ's " I am Alpha and Omega, the first and the last, the beginning and the e n d " (Apoc. 2 2 : 1 3 ) against a merely human claim " F o r my end is my beginning' '—whether this end be Symmachus' ancestral Rome or an Origenist apocatastasis.^^ " See below, pp. 167 ff. " Cf. J. Straub, "Christliche Geschichtsapologetik in der Krise des römischen Reiches," Historia I ( 1 9 Í 0 ) í 4 , for interesting references to old-Roman antecedents of the persuasion, also found in Tertullian, Cyprian, and Amobius (see above, pp. 136 ff., pp. 138 f . , and pp. 139 f.), that antiquity is not in itself a value: especially Tacitus, Annales Xi, 2 4 : . . . omnia . . . quae nunc vetustissima creduntur nova fuere . . . Inveterascet hoc quoque et quod hodie exemplis tuemur inter exempla erit. Ambrose, Epist. X V f f l , 28 f . , PL XVI, 1 0 2 1 A f. : Dicant igitur in suis omnia manere debuisse principiis; mundum tenebris obductum, quia splendore solis illuxerit, displicere. Et quanto gratius est animi tenebras depulisse quam corporis fideique iubar emicuisse quam solis. Ergo et mimdi sicut omnium rerum primaeva mutarunt, ut venerabilis canae fidei sequeretur senectus. Quos hoc movet, reprehendan! messem quia sera fecunditas est. . . . Ergo et messis nostra fides animorum est, ecclesiae gratia meritorum vindemia est, quae ab ortu mundi virebat in sanctis, sed postrema aetate se diffudit in populos, ut adverterent omnes non rudibus animis irrepsisse fidem Christi. . . . See above, p. 18, and below, pp. 2 î 4 f. See above, pp. 73 f.

L A T I N P A T R I S T I C IDEAS O F R E F O R M B E F O R E ST. A U G U S T I N E If A m b r o s e t o o r e a d i l y p e r h a p s a p p l i e d his c o n c e p t i o n o f p r o g r e s s through

Christianity

to the

Christian

Roman

Empire,®® h e at

least

d i d n o t g o as far as E u s e b i u s a n d his spiritual d e s c e n d e n t s i n e x t o l l i n g t h e t e r r e s t r i a l Basileia o f C o n s t a n t i n e o r his s u c c e s s o r s as t h e a c t u a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e c e l e s t i a l one.®* If t h e r e w a s s u c h a r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o n e a r t h , i t w a s in e v e r y m a n a n d in t h e C h u r c h ; in t h e C h u r c h m o r e t r u l y than i n t h e E m p i r e t h e r e l i v e s t h e i m a g e o f G o d a n d m o d e l o f m a n w h i c h is C h r i s t : F o r w e are all b y spiritual g r a c e a n o i n t e d to the kingship and p r i e s t h o o d o f G o d . 86 B u t i n t h e C h u r c h I k n o w o f o n e i m a g e , t h a t is t h e i m a g e o f t h e i n v i s i b l e G o d , o f w h i c h G o d said: " L e t us m a k e m a n to o u r image and l i k e n e s s "

(Gen.

1 : 2 6 ) , t h a t i m a g e o f w h i c h i t is w r i t t e n t h a t C h r i s t is " t h e b r i g h t n e s s o f H i s glory and the

figure

o f His s u b s t a n c e "

(Hebr.

1 : 3 ) . In t h i s i m a g e I s e e t h e

F a t h e r , s i n c e t h e L o r d Jesus H i m s e l f s a i d : " H e t h a t s e e t h m e , s e e t h t h e F a t h e r also"

(cf. John

1 4 : 9 ) . . . . T h e C h u r c h is G o d ' s , i t m a y c e r t a i n l y n o t

be

adjudged to Caesar, because the temple of G o d cannot b e Caesar's law court. T h i s is s a i d w i t h a l l h o n o r t o t h e e m p e r o r a n d n o b o d y c a n d e n y i t . F o r w h a t is m o r e h o n o r a b l e t h a n t h a t t h e e m p e r o r s h o u l d b e c a l l e d s o n o f t h e C h u r c h ? . . . F o r , t h e e m p e r o r is w i t h i n t h e C h u r c h , n o t a b o v e t h e C h u r c h . . . 83 See above, p. 148, n. 7 1 , and cf. T . E. Mommsen, ' 'Augustine' ' 366 ff., also Peterson, Monotheismus 9 i ff. Y e t while recognizing Ambrose's overoptimism one must still distinguish between the exaltation of the Rome idea as such (the claim of eternity by an essentially unchanged Rome), which Ambrose did not accept, and the ideology of the Christianization of Rome and of Christian progress to which he adhered. The idea that the Roman Empire of Augustus and its peace served as a preparation for the coming of Christ can be found not only in Ambrose, Prudentius, and Orosius (for the latter cf. T . E. Mommsen, "Aponius and O r o s i u s , " 104 ff.), but also in such nonimperialistic authors as John Chrysostom, Cyril of Alexandria, and Leo the Great (some material in Peterson, Monotheismus). Prudentius' argumentation against Symmachus (cf. above, p. 148, n. 70) was similar to that of Ambrose, though contaminated somewhat more strongly with " T h e o dosian Renaissance" ideology; see the texts quoted above, p. 17, n. j , also Contra Sjmmachum t, j o é ff., CSEL LXI, 238. β-· Cf. above, p. 122. Ambrose, De mysteriis 6, 30, PL X V I , 4 1 Í B : . . . omnes enim in regnum Dei et in sacerdotium ungimur gratia spiritali (quoted by R . Frick, Die Geschichte des Reich-GottesGedankens in der alten Kirche his zu Origenes und Augustin [Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft VI, Glessen, 1928] 118 f . , and by Niederhuber,

Reich

Gotus 80). ^ ' A m b r o s e , Sermo contra Auxentium de hasilicis tradendis 32, PL X V I , l o j g D f .

(with

reference to the incident of the tribute money of Matthew 22 : i 7 ff.): Sed in ecclesia unam imaginem novi, hoc est imaginem Dei invisibilis, de qua dixit Deus: "Faciamus hominem

I £2

THE E A R L Y CHRISTIAN IDEA OF R E F O R M

This courageous attitude, epochal in the history of "Church-state relations," was, it is true, to usher in new problems which were to become typical for western Christendom. Even though St. Ambrose himself has shown on at least one occasion that not only statesmen but also ecclesiastics can overstep their boimds,®^ there can be no doubt that he contributed not a little to the Church's defence of the freedom of the spirit. Together with St. Augustine and St. Cyprian he was to become a model for the great Church reform of the age of St. Gregory VII in his rejection of mere oldness and in his opposition to a whole " m y s t i q u e " of restoration which could be detrimental to true reform. ad imaginem et similitudinem nostram" (Gen. i :26), illam imaginem de qua scriptum est, quia Christus "splendor gloriae et imago substantiae eius" (Hebr. i :з). In ista imagine Patrem cerno, sicut dixit ipse Dominus Jesus: " Q u i me videt, videt et Patrem" (John 1 4 : 9 ) . . . . Ibid. 3 Î f . , PL X V I , 1 0 6 1 A f. : . . . Ecclesia Dei est, Caesari utique non debet addici, quia ius Caesaris esse non potest Dei templum. Quod cum honorificentia imperatoris dictum nemo potest negare. Quid enim honorificentius quam ut Imperator ecclesiae Alius esse dicatur. . . . Imperator enim intra ecclesiam, non supra ecclesiam est. . . . Cf. Niederhuber, Reich Gottes 84 η. 4 (to Apologia prophetae David I, 1 7 , 82): " I n der Sache besteht zwischen dem 'Reiche Gottes' und der 'Kirche Christi' kein Unterschied." The last quoted famous sentence of Ambrose is all the more remarkable if compared with the likewise well-known utterance of his older contemporary, Optatus, Bishop of Mileve in North Africa, who tried to justify his appeal to the state's power against the Donatists ; cf. De schismate Donatistarum Ш, 3, CSEL X X V I , 73 f. : Non enim respublica est in ecclesia, sed ecclesia in república, id est in imperio Romano . . . ubi et sacerdotia sancta sunt et pudicitia et virginitas quae in barbaris gentibus non simt et si essent tuta esse non possent. ® Ό η the occasion of the burning of the Synagogue of Callinice, when he insisted on the impunity of the culprite; cf. v. Campenhausen, Ambrosius 231 f f . , 2 7 4 f . , Palanque, Ambroise 205 f f . , H. Berkhof, Kirche und Kaiser (Zollikon, Zürich, 1947) 90 f f . , 172 ff. Ensslin, "Theodosius" 60 ff., does not discuss the questionable aspects of Ambrose's action.

CHAPTER V ST. AUGUSTINE AND THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE REFORM IDEAS OF THE CHRISTIAN EAST AND WEST

I.

I N N O C E N C E AND R E F O R M

The reform doctrine of the Greek Fathers envisaged the possibility of man's return to a condition of integrity and innocence corresponding to that of Adam in Paradise before his fall and characterized by the recovery of his original similarity to God. This doctrine was rooted deeply in that of the Incarnation of Christ which at least since the fourth century was to Greek Christians the most important dogma of all. Perhaps it might be said that in the event and effect of the Incarnation they saw more clearly that the God-Man had remained God than that He had become man. Among the inexhaustible meanings of the Incarnation they stressed above all the fact that because God had become man and yet remained God, every man participating in the God-Man could reestablish in himself the original God-likeness of the human race. As compared with the deep absorption in the mysteries of God's Incarnation and man's deification, the redemptive act of Christ crucified was not, perhaps, always felt or expressed with the same poignancy which it had in Holy Scripture or which is found in the documents of the times of persecution^ and which it was to regain in western Christendom not least through the influence of St. Augustine.^ Where the Passion and Crucifixion stand in the center of theology 1 In this connection, see Dom Odo Casel, O.S.B., " A r t und Sinn der ältesten christlichen Osterfeier," Jahrbuch für Liwrgiewissenschaft XIV (1938) i ff., on the great changes which in the fourth century occurred in the Easter liturgy, which in the first three centuries had been centered as much in the Passion as in the Resurrection of Christ. 2 This comparison between eastern and western Christendom is a generalization not of absolute but of relative validity; see also p. 107, n. 93, and below, p. i s s , n. 9. For the following, cf. О. Scheel, Die Anschauung Augustins über Christi Person und Werk (Tübingen, Leipzig, 1901), especially 274 ff., 284 ff. ; Scheel too has seen that in Christ's work of salvation the Greek considered more His Incarnation and Augustine more His Passion. IÍ3

I Wν γ€γον€ν ij δι^οΎραμμίνη των ανθρώπων τταράδοσίί, τά μβν παραιτούμενη Ζηθΐν των αμαρτημάτων^ τά Ьс αζιαφόρως αίρονμ4νη· καΐ κατά μέν τίνων σφοδρών άγανακτΐΐν προσποιούμενη^ οΐον φόνου και μοιχείας και των τοιοντων· τά δέ otîSc φίλης γονν ¿πιτιμησεως άξια κρίνουσα^ οίον οργην η XotSopíav η μεθην η πλΐονεζιαν και όσα τοιαύτα^ καθ* ών απάντων και άλλαχοΰ eSoj/cc την αντήν άπόφασιν ο iv Χριστώ ΑαΛών Παΰλοζ, είττων ότι **ot τά τοιαύτα ττράσαοντεζ άξιοι θανάτου είσιν** (cf. Rom, 1 : 3 2 ) . See also ibid. 4, XXXI, 6 6 1 A f. : Ευρίσκω τοίνυν, άναλαβών τας θείας γραφάς^ εν τη παλαιά και καινή Ζιαθηκη, οΰτε τω πλήθει των άμαρτανομενων οΰτε εν τω μεγεθει των αμαρτημάτων» εν μόνη Se τη παραβάσει ούτινοσοΰν προστάγματος σαφώς κρινομενην την προς Θεον άπείθειαν και κοινόν κατά πάοης παρακοής той θεοΰ το κρίμα. . . . Cf. Dom David Amand (de Mendieta), L'ascèse monastique de saint Basile (Maredsous, 1948) ¡¡2 ff. See also Holl, Enthusiasmus 270 f . , for Gregory of Nyssa. For Augustine see Adam, Sündenvergebung 143 f f . : ch. 4, § 1 4 : " D i e neue Einteilung der Sünden," and idem, Kirchenbusse 72 ff. : ch. 3 : " D i e Einteilung der Sünden." See, especially, Augustine's Speculum 29, CSEL ΧΠ, 199 f. : nonnulli putant tria tantum crimina esse mortifera: idolatriam et homicidium et fomicationem. . . . Quasi non sint mortifera crimina quaecumque alia . . ., quae a regno Dei séparant . . . ; cf. also Sermo CCCLI, 3, 3 ff., P I X X X I X , 1 5 3 7 ff. ; Sermo ССЬХХУШ, 1 2 , 1 2 , P I XXXVIII, 1 2 7 3 . " Already Origen had spoken of the possibility of repeated, though probably not yet of sacramental repeated, penance for " c o m m o n " sins, by which he means sins which are not of the utmost gravity; see In Leviticum, homil. X V , 2, GCS, Orig. VI, 489: . . . si forte aliqui . . . lapsus acciderit, semper est recuperandi facultas . . . si nos aliqua culpa mortalis invenerit, quae non in crimine mortali, non in blasphemia fidei, quâe muro ecclesiastici et apostolici dogmatis cincta est, sed vel in sermonis vel in morum vitio consistât. . . . In gravioribus enim criminibus semel tantum poenitentiae conceditur locus ; ista vero communia, quae frequenter incurrimUs, semper poenitentiam recipiunt et sine intermissione redimuntur (quoted by Galtier, Paenitentia 248, § 295 ; cf. Latko, Penànce 1 1 s ff·)·

IDEA OF R E F O R M I N E A R L Y C A N O N L A W

3 I 1

This is particularly true for the east. Ever since St. Basil, eastern coenobites had to reveal their secret sins and faults to a monastic spiritual director who was not necessarily a

p r i e s t

^ 8 and gradually the

same type of spiritual direction and of supervision of penance came to be exercised by the monasteries with regard to laymen also. In the west the development is in some respects the same, in others different. The differences are bound up with the relationship of monasticism to the Church at large, which is not quite the same in the Christian east and west. St. Augustine, for instance, is no less inspired by the monastic-ascetic ideal than St. Basil or St. Gregory of Nyssa, but he made it fructify more directly for episcopal concerns of pastoral c a r e ; ® ® he was followed on this path later by St. Gregory the Great. W i t h regard to the spiritualization of penance Augustine is in unison with the Greeks,®! whose conception of Christ as the great physician and of penance as medicine he further develops, but he stresses ascetic perfection less and elementary satisfaction for guilt more than they.®^ " For Basil's introduction of obligatory confession in his monasteries, see Holl, Enthusiasmus 261 ff. ; for the ascetic spirituality, which forms the background of Basil's doctrine of penance, see Amand, Ascése 164 ff. " C f . also above, p. i 2 i , n. 47. But see Holl, Enthusiasmus 3 1 2 f f . , also 274 ff. and 326 ff., for the fact that non-monastic public ecclesiastical penance did never completely disappear from the Greek Church and for the other one that, with the consolidation of the sacramental character of penance under western influence after the union of 1 2 7 4 , monastic influence upon confession and penance was curtailed, though not abolished. Cf. H. Delehaye, S . J . , "Byzantine Monasticism," in Ryzantium, edd. N . H. Baynes and H. St. L. B. Moss (Oxford, 1948), especially, 163 f. See below, pp. 3 1 0 - 3 6 5 . ggg p. 3 1 0 and this page. For the therapeutic connotations of the early Christian concepts of penance and conversion and of reform and salvation and for their peculiar development, according to St. Augustine, toward the central idea of Christ, the medicus humilis, see R . Arbesmann, O . S . Α . , " T h e Concept of 'Christus medicus' in St. Augustine," Traditio X (19^4) i ff. Cf. also Adam, Sündenvergebung, especially, 4 3 - 4 9 , and ibid. 3 1 - 4 2 for guilt and satisfaction. Augustine also saw the eucharistie sacrament as life-restoring medicine, first, because it stipulates and presupposes previous conversion, regeneration, reform, penance, second, because the ever repeated participation in the sacrifice of Christ is for Christians a "daily b r e a d " which gives them the spiritual health and strength for further progress in their reformation toward God. Cf. К . Adam, Die Eucharistielehre des hl. Augustin (Forschungen zur christlichen Literatur-und Dogmengeschichte VIII, 1 , Paderborn, 1908), where Adam, for instance, quotes (p. ι;6) Augustine's Sermo C X X X I , i , PL XXXVIII, 7 2 9 : . . . de corpore ас sanguine suo dédit nobis salubrem refectionem. . . . Illud manducare refici est; sed sic reficeris ut non deficiat unde reficeris. . . . Manduca vitam, bibe vitam. . . . See also G . Lecordier, La doctrine de l'eucharistie chez saint Augustin (Thèse, Université de Strasbourg, Faculté de Théologie Catholique, Paris, 1930).

3 I2

T H E E A R L Y CHRISTIAN IDEA OF R E F O R M

E v e n b e f o r e h e w a s f o r c e d in his s t r u g g l e w i t h t h e Pelagians t o

em-

phasize t h e insufficiency o f t h e h u m a n w i l l and t h e p r i m a r y n e e d divine grace, endangered

Augustine k n e w spiritual

only too well about the

condition,

in

this

terrestrial

of

permanently

life,

of

every

baptized Christian. H e therefore attributes relatively m o r e importance to the ever-present therapeutic exigencies of postbaptismal conrersio

o r тфттайо^^

corrective

than to divine assimilation and perfection.®*

A u g u s t i n e ' s late a n t i - P e l a g i a n t r e a t i s e De correptione

et gratia

confirms

t h e g e n e r a l n a t u r e o f his t e a c h i n g o n penance®® b y d e v e l o p i n g a t h e o r y of a d m o n i t i o n and censure w i t h i n t h e d o c t r i n e of grace and verance.®®

Writing

to

the monks

of Hadrumetum,

who

perse-

apparently

b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e i r s u p e r i o r s s h o u l d o n l y p r a y f o r t h e m , so t h a t t h e y m i g h t obtain t h e grace of o b e d i e n c e , rather than admonish and censure

" S e e Enarr. in Ps. СП, ί , Corp. Christ., Ser. hat. X L , I 4 í 4 f · (quoted by Arbesmaim, " 'Christus medicus' " 20): . . . (to Ps. l o l i j - j : " . . . sanat oirmes languores tuos . . . Q u i redimit de corruptione vitam tuam . . . Renovabitur sicut aquilae iuventus t u a " ) . . . . Non enim cessavit vocare aut vocatum neglexit instruere aut instructum cessavit perficere aut perfectum neglexit coronare. Quid dicis? Quia es peccator? Convertere et accipe retributiones istas. . . . Post remissionem peccatorum corpus informum geris . . . adhuc quibusdam perturbationibus etiam ipsa anima quatitur . . . adhuc in periculis tentationum versatur. . . . Languor est: " s a n a t " et "omnes languores t u o s " . . . . Magni sunt, inquies: sed maior est medicus. . . . Deus fecit corpus tuum, Deus fecit animam tuam; novit queniadmodum recreet quod creavit, novit quemadmodum reformet quod ipse formavit. . . . See also Enarr. in Ps. LXXVIII, 4, Corp. Christ., Ser. Lot. X X X I X , i i o i : . . . multos paenitentia reparavit. . . . Paenitentis enim vox est : " E t a delicto meo munda me' ' (Ps. j o : 4) et " C o r mundum crea in me, Deus, et spiritum rectum innova in visceribus m a i s " (Ps. í o : i 2 ) . That the remedial aspects of postbaptismal reform v^ere generally emphasized in the west can be seen very clearly f r o m the studies of C . Vogel, La discipline pénitentielle en Gaule des origines à la fin du VU' siècle (Paris, 19^2) and " L a discipline pénitentielle en Gaule des origines au I X ' siècle. Le dossier hagiographique," Kev. se. rei. X X X ( í 9 í 6 ) i éF., Ií7ff. T h e question whether and in h o w far Augustine and his age considered penance repeatable is answered in the affirmative by Adam, Sündenvergebung i¡i f f . : ch. 4, § 1 ^ : " D i e Wiederholbarkeit der Privatbusse." The opposite view is held, not convincingly in my opinion, by B. Poschmann, for instance, in a note to Augustine's Epist. CLIII: see Poschmann's anthology, S. Aurelii Augustini episcopi Hipponensis textus selecti de paenitentia, Flor. Patr. XXXVIII, 36, n. i . It is probable that in Christian Antiquity relapsi in the sense of lapse after public penance w e r e not admitted again to penance by the Church ; but this did not necessarily apply to those whose sins did not require public penance ; cf. Galtier Paenitentia 2 6 7 - 2 7 4 ; cf. also the text from Origen, quoted above, p. 310, n. 27. For Augustine's doctrine in De correptione et gratia of the perseverance of the elect as opposed to the corruptible innocence of Adam see above, p. 49.

IDEA OF REFORM IN EARLY C A N O N LAW

3I3

t h e m , Augustine points out that they misunderstand the relationship between divine grace and human effort; on this occasion he says:®' . . . you must be admonished and censured (compiendus^^ es) also for the reason that you do not want to be. For, you do not wish to have your vices demonstrated to you, you do not want them to be pricked so that you may suffer useful pain and look for a physician. You do not want to be shown to yourself, lest seeing yourself deformed (dejoimem) you may wish for one who will reform you (reformatorem), and may submit to him in order not to remain in that shameful state. H e r e the connection between Augustine's concepts o f r e f o r m and of exhortation t o penance is very clear. At other times, he stresses m o r e the relationship between penitential and baptismal conversion. So he describes in Sermo XCVIII the change of mind which must precede the acceptance o f ecclesiastical penance and forgiveness o f sins as a resurgere and reviviscere, terms reminiscent not only o f eschatological, but also of baptismal terminology.з» Augustine, De correptione

et gratia

j , 7, PL XLIV, 9 1 9 : . . . etiam propterea corri-

piendus es, quia corripi non vis. N o n vis enim tibi tua vitia demonstrari, non vis ut feriantur fiatque tibi utilis dolor quo medicum quaeras. Non vis tibi tu ipse ostendi, ut cum deformem te vides reformatorem desideres eique supplices ne in illa remaneas foeditate. This thought is carried further in the following paragraph, s , 8, XLIV, 920: Tunc autem correptione proficit homo, cum miseretur atque adiuvat qui facit, quos voluerit, etiam sine correptione proficere. Sed quare isti sic, illi aliter atque alii aliter diversis et innumerabilibus modis vocentur ut reformentur, absit ut dicamus iudicium luti esse debere, sed figuli. The term and concept corripere is very important in the history of penance, especially for the controversial origins of private penance (see in particular Augustine's

Sermo

L X X X n , PL XXXVIII, and the works of Adam, Poschmann, and Galtier, quoted above, p. 309, n. 24). The Christian concept of correptio, with its link to ecclesiastical penance, is of biblical origin. See Matthew 1 8 :

ff. : Si autem peccaverit in te frater tuus, vade et

corripe (ΐλ^γξον) eum inter te et ipsum solum. . . .

Si autem te non audierit, adhibe

tecum adhuc unum vel duos. . . . Q u o d si non audierit eos, die ecclesiae. . . . In 2 T i m . 3 : 1 6 the corripere of the Vulgate translates ίττανόρβωσκ, a setting right or correcting, and is followed by erudire, which is a translation of woiSeia, a term so replete with educational connotations (for the relation between paideia

and reform in general cf. above, p. 46, and

especially, pp. 60 f., with reference to W e r n e r Jaeger's Ραίώια and other works of his). The basic meaning of corripere is that of reproof and admonition. Nevertheless, the boundary line to censure and even punishment is not a sharp o n e ; see, for instance, Augustine, Contra lateras Petiliani Ì1, S¡, 189, CS£I LII, 1 1 7 : Quisquis igitur in ecclesia non invenitur, iam non interrogetur, sed aut correctus convertatur aut correptus non conqueratur; see also b e l o w , p. 414, for the use of corripere by Caesarius of Aries. Augustine, Sermo XCVIII, 6, 6, PL XXXVIII,

Nonne post obiurgationes, post

increpationes dimittuntur homines cogitationibus suis et incipiunt secum volvere quam

314

T H E E A R L Y CHRISTIAN IDEA OF R E F O R M

Both in the early Christian east and west the relationship between penance and the ideology of renewal in general is very close^® (whether penance be linked more closely to baptism or to postbaptismal reform). This can be seen, for instance, from patristic exegesis of Psalm lo2 : a beautiful verse in which renovation of the soul is compared to an eagle's r e j u v e n a t i o n . T h e Fathers in their interpretations are here largely dependent upon the Phjsiologus, a work in which age-old animal lore has become part of Christian symbolism, especially in illustration of man's struggle against the p a s s i o n s . ^ ^ j ^ g Phjsíologus exists in several Greek recensions and was translated into Latin and many other languages. From it the Fathers received not a few stories about animals and among them various legends of the eagle: it was believed, for instance, to suffer in its old age from increasing heaviness of its wings and from blindness, also to be threatened by starvation because of the growing projection of its upper mandible over the lower, which finally would prevent it from opening its beak.*® Beside the phoenix legend,** to which, too, the Phjsiologus devotes a chapter, it was no doubt Ps. l o i : ς which encouraged the divers redactors of the Thjsiologus to spin their tales around the eagle's supposed rejuvenation and to make the great bird enter upon a new cycle of life by burning its heavy plumage, by curing its sight through plunges into a fountain which rises toward the sun, malam vitam gérant . . . ? Deinde displicentes sibi mutare vitam instituunt. Resurrexerunt isti; revixerunt quibus displicet quod fuerunt, sed reviviscentes ambulare non possunt (this is a reference to the Gospel story of Lazarus [John i i : 4 4 ] , who after having been resuscitated by Jesus had to be freed from his funeral shroud before he could walk). Haec sunt vincula ipsius reatus. Opus est ergo ut qui revixit solvatur et ire permittatur. Hoc officium discipulis dedit quibus ait: " Q u a e solveritis in terra, soluta sunt et in c o e l o " (Matthew 1 8 : i 8 ) . C f . , for instance, the apocatastasis terminology of penitential reconciliation in the Apostolic Constitutions, cited above, p. 76, n.

¡ς.

" Ps. 102 : í : Renovabitur ut aquilae iuventus tua; cf. above, p. 2 1 , n . 2 1 , a n d p. 4 Î . Cf. above, p. 2 9 s , for the use of this verse in the liturgy, also p. 4 2 3 , n. 9 3 . See above allB. E . Perry, article "Physiologus," P W , R £ X X , i ( X X X I X ) , 1 0 7 4 ff., also E . Peterson, " D i e Spiritualität des griechischen Physiologus," Byz. Ζ. X L V I I ( 1 9 Î 4 ) 6a J . Hubaux and M . Leroy, Le mythe du Phénix dans les littératures grecque et latine

п.,

(Biblio-

thèque de la Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres de l'Université de Liège L X X X I I ,

1939)

1 3 6 ff., A . Grillmeier, S . J . , Der Logos am Kreus (München, i g j ô ) 8i ff. A s recognized already by F. Lauchert, Geschichte des Physiologus (Strassburg, 1 8 8 9 ) 1 0 , the beak-and-starvation motif can be traced to Aristotle, Historia animalium IX, 3 2 , 6 1 9 , 16 ff. ** Cf. above, pp. 21 and 1 3 4 .

IDEA OF R E F O R M I N E A R L Y C A N O N L A W

3 I ς

by breaking its cumbersome beak on a rock. While one recension of the Pbjsiologus and patristic texts dependent on it interpret the eagle's bath in the well and the shedding of the old plumage in the sense of baptismal renovation, with a clear allusion to the putting off of the old and the putting on of the new man according to Eph. 4: 22 ff. and Col. 3 : 8 f f . , the beak-and-rock variant of the eagle story according to the Thysioloßus tradition symbolically identifies the rock on which the eagle breaks its beak as faith, the beak's excessive protuberance representing sinfulness, and connects the whole process of the rejuvenation with penance and with man's renewal in general.^® The chapters which follow, on monasticism as a principal means of realizing the idea of reform, will further elucidate the relations between penance and various aspects of Christian renewal ideology ; conversion to a monastic or quasi-monastic way of life was often part of the penitential renovation of a Christian. Among the three main variants of the eagle story which are found in Sbordone's three main recensions of the Greek Phjsiohgus two are of importance in the present context : one in the first recension, c. 6, F. Sbordone, Physiologus (Milano, etc., 1936) 11 ff., where the emphasis lies on the cure of the eagle's old eyes and old wings—the " o l d m a n " — b y means of the sun of justice and of the baptismal bath, the other in the so-called Byzantine recension, c. 8, Sbordone, 1 9 1 f f . , where the rejuvenation of the eagle includes the breaking of the " e x c e s s i v e " beak on the rock of orthodox faith and where the fountain and the sun are interpreted as the tears and fervor of repentance. Augustine knew this variant of the Phjrsiologus story about the eagle (perhaps already extant in Latin translation), for he used it in his Епатг. in Ps. CII, 9, Corp. Christ., Ser. Lot. X L , 14^9, where the rock however is Christ and the eagle's rejuvenation an intimation of man's resurrection; in Епатг. in Ps. LXVl, ID, Corp. Christ., Ser. Lat. X X X I X , 867 f . , this rejuvenation is simply a symbol of man's renovation through Christ.

PART THREE MONASTICISM AS A VEHICLE OF THE CHRISTIAN IDEA OF REFORM IN THE AGE OF THE FATHERS

CHAPTER I MONASTICISM AS THE EXEMPLARY CHRISTIAN W A Y OF LIFE

Both in the Christian east and in the Christian west and ever since the very beginnings of Christianity, reform v»ras regarded as an important and indispensable supplement to prebaptismal conversion and to baptismal regeneration. In a Church which had become very big and very mixed the ever present need for individual and social reform had to be satisfied through special members and organisms within the whole of the Church's body. This is not to say that postbaptismal conversion to an ascetic and quasi-monastic life had not existed much earlier than the Church's external victory in the fourth century.^ Nevertheless, the origins of Christian monasticism in the strict sense coincide approximately with the moment in the history of the Church in which she was confronted by the new tasks and dangers resulting from her having become a power not only in the spiritual, but also in the material order ; ^ and from that time onward those who in one way or another followed the monastic, the "religious," way of life, 1 For premonastio Christian asceticism, see, for instance, M. Viller and M. OlpheGalUard, article " A s c è s e , Ascétisme Ш: L'ascèse chrétienne," in DSpir I, 960 ff. It seems hardly necessary to enter here upon the problem of how far late ancient pagan and Jewish asceticism influenced the beginnings of Christian asceticism and monasticism. The character of the latter is in any case so well defined that one is justified in treating it as a phenomenon sui generis, regardless of undoubted, but secondary, external influence. A good survey of the problem is found in K , Heussi, Der Ursprung des Mönchtums (Tübingen, 1936). Much light has recently been shed on pre-Christian Jewish asceticism by the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls; cf., for instance, M. Burrows, The Dead Sea Scrolls (New York, IS s s ) . For late antique pagan Greek asceticism and its relation to early Christian asceticism, see the judicious remarks of W . Jaeger, Two Hediscovered Works of Ancient Christian Literature: Gregory of Njrssa and Macarius {Leiden, 1 9 Í 4 ) 70 ff. ' Heussi, Mönchtum 1 1 0 ff., goes, I believe, too far in denying that monasticism was in part a reaction against worldliness in the Church. He is right, however, in stressing (pp. 67 ff.) that only with the increasing strength and the more secure position of the Church did and could the ascetics leave the ordinary Christian communities for the desert. 319

320

M O N A S T I C I S M AS A VEHICLE OF R E F O R M

were the principal agents of reform in the Christian world. This must not be misunderstood. The monks went to the desert not only because they sought a moral perfection which was hard to attain in the world. Their desire was rather to lead already on earth that radically Christian life of which the perpetual praise of God by the angels and saints in heaven is the great prototype.® It was seen in previous chapters that the early Christian reformation of man to the image of God far transcended the ethical sphere and was meant to lead him to deification through the unitive contemplation of God in and through His Son and to the building of the divine Kingdom and City among men. Monasticism was eminently and concretely directed toward these two goals which ideally were those of every Christian. The following chapters are focused on those aspects of asceticism and monasticism which have a special bearing upon the development of the ideology and reality of reform. I.

THE QUESTION: " W H A T SHALL I

DO?"

When the rich yoimg man had asked Jesus: "What good shall I do that I may have life everlasting?"^ and had assured Him that he had kept all the commandments of God, Jesus finally answered: "If thou wilt be perfect, go sell what thou hast and give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasures in heaven; and come follow m e . " ^ These counsels of perfection include voluntary poverty and followership of Christ. The first counsel is clear cut, the second contains many things. What exactly did "follow m e " mean or what was the best way to follow Christ ? That this question was not easily answered can be seen from the ever-repeated plea of the early monks to their spiritual superiors: "What shall I do? Give me a w o r d . " ® They had ' For the rita angelica see below, p. 326, n. 1 7 , and cf. Agnès Lamy, "Bios Angelikos," Dieu rivant VU (s.a.) 66. 1 Matthew 1 9 : 1 6 ; cf. Mark 1 0 : 1 7 , Luke 1 8 : 1 8 . 2 Matthew 19 : 21 ; cf. Mark 1 0 : 2 1 , Luke 1 8 : 2 2 . ® See Apophthegmata patrum, PG L X V , passim; Vitae patrum V ; Verba seniorum, PL LXXIII, 8 i j ff., passim. For the status quaestionis concerning the various versions of the Apophthegmata patrum and related collections of sayings of the Desert Fathers, such as the Senuntiae patrum. Historia monachorum. Historia Lausiaca, etc., see Heussi, Mönchtum 1 3 3 ff., H. Dörries, " D i e Vita Antonii als Geschichtsquelle," Nachr. Gött., Philol.-Histor. Klasse, 1949, 1 4 , 3 7 3 ff., n. 24 (with discussion of the older studies by Bousset, Reitzenstein, etc.).

MONASTICISM AS T H E EXEMPLARY C H R I S T I A N W A Y

32I

taken the counsel of poverty very seriously and in a radical reaction against both the opulence and the misery of late ancient city civilization, Christian as w^ell as pagan, had withdrawn to the deserts of Egypt, Palestine, Syria. But there their troubles had not come to an end, they had only been brought into focus more sharply.* The coping with the fundamental urges of human nature became now of immense importance to them. The control of hunger and thirst,® sleep® and sexual desire,'' and of all the subtle motions of the soul connected with these urges and their control provoked a sophistication of asceticism which matched the sophistication of some of the excesses of late ancient society. Personal sin, or at least the lack of personal virtue, even laxity in its more pardonable forms, were recognized as the root of all social evils. The prostitute, especially, became one of the symbols of both personal and social deficiency.® And yet it was not so that even the most heroic acts of continence and abnegation with regard to the natural instincts could be considered sure means to any degree of perfection. For they could be accompanied by vicious thoughts, words, and acts, of malevolence, pride, and despair, and by the specific enemy of the monks, acedia or tedium of life.® No wonder then that the early monks asked so often: " W h a t shall I do ? " and that the answers of the great Fathers of monasticism, as they survive in the Apophthegmata Patrum and in other collections of their sayings, constitute an elaborate code of ascetic * Cf. Apophthegmata patrum: De abbate Theodora Phermensi 2, PG L X V , 1 8 8 B : Φυσα ¿y гф σχήμαη

ίχω

¿βΒομηκοντα ίτη καΐ oiSè μίαν ήμίραν fSpov άνάπαυσιν. . . .

' See, for instance, Jerome, Vita S. Hilarionis

11,

PL XXIII, 33 f., for the aniazing diet

of this hermit. ' Vitae patrum V : Verba seniorum IV, 3, PL LXXIII, 8 6 ^ А : Sufficit monacho si dormierit unam horam, si tamen pugnator est. ' Cf. Heussi, Mönchtum 226 ff. The famous account, however, of St. Anthony's temptations in his Vita by St. Athanasius constitutes according to Dörries, " V i t a Antonii," a conscious idealization, with the purpose of extolling the true Christian's Christ-inspired power against death-bearing demonic forces; but see also L . v. Hertling, S.J.,

"Studi

storici antoniani negli ultimi trent' armi," Antonius Magnus Eremita,

(Studia

Anselmiana XXXVIII, Roma, 1 3 5 6 ) 13 ff., andB. Steidle, O.S.B., "«Homo Dei Antonius»," ibid.

148 ff.

' See the series of lives of saints (Mary, Thais, Pelagia, Mary of Egypt) who had been prostitutes, but were converted, in Vitae patrum I, PG LXXIII, 6 f i D ff. ' See, for instance, Cassian, Institutiones X : De spirita acediae, CSEL X V n , 1 7 2 ff. ; cf. G . Hardy, article " A c e d i a , " DSpir I, 166 ff., A. Vögtle, article " A c e d i a , " Л Ы С I, 62 f.

322

MONASTICISM AS A VEHICLE OF R E F O R M

practice and monastic behavior. Before monasticism could become a transforming force for the Church as a whole the Christian individual in almost complete seclusion, a conscious deserter in the desert, writhdravm not only from society, but also from the Church, not only from ecclesiastical organization, but at times even from the bond of the liturgy,^® solus ad solum,^^ alone with God, had to work out his own salvation as an example for all times. 2.

VIRGINITY

The greatest and essentially the most difficult monastic remmciation was the giving up of marriage, that is absolute continence or virginity.^ In the Gospel of St. Matthew Christ's recommendation of virginity is As a rule, the Egyptian hermits assembled on Saturday and Sunday for the liturgy; see, for instance, Historia monachorum 23, 3, ed. E. Preuschen, Palladius und Rufinus (Glessen, 1897) 84, 11. 7 ff., also the Latin translation by Rufinus, c. 22, PL XXI, 444C ff. (cf. now A. J. Festugière, " L e problème littéraire de l'Historia m o n a c h o r u m , " Hermes LXXXII ['9íí] ff·); these hermits might, however, withdraw into absolute solitude for years— cf. Athanasius, Vita S. Antonii 14, PO XXVI, 8646—and receive holy communion from visiting priests—cf. Historia monachorum i j i , Preuschen 69, 11. 16 ff., and Rufinus' translation, PL XXI, 434A—or consume the consecrated host alone—for this latter practice, see Basil, Epist. х е ш , PG XXXII, 484В f., where, it is true, Basil does not speak of hermits in particular, but of monks in general. For the liturgical practice of the Egyptian coenobia as well as of the settlements of hermits see Dom С. Butler's edition of The Lausiac History of Palladius II (Texts and Studies VI, 2, Cambridge, 1904) 207 ff., n . ^3 ; also R. Reitzenstein, Historia Monachorum und Historia Lausiaca (Göttingen, 1916) 188 f., Heussi, Mönchtum i86. This formula or similar ones occur both in the Latin and the Greek versions of the sayings of the Desert Fathers; see, for instance, Apophthegmata patrum: De abbate Aionio 1, PG LXV, 1 3 3 A : Eînev ó äßßSs 'AXwvios· " Eàv μη е'тгц iv TÍj карЫа αντοΰ άνθρωπο! ότι (('Εγώ μόνος καΐ ό 0eòì ¿σμίν ¿ν τω κόσμω», οΰκ Ifei άνάπαυσιν." Cf. also the text printed by F. Nau, "Histoires des solitaires égyptiens (ms. Coislin 126, fol. 1^8 f f . ) , " Rerue de Vorient chrétien XII (1907), 401 no. 89: ^Ηρα^τηθ-η γέρων ποίον Sei eivai τον μόναχον, /caí eînev "Eàv lis κατ ίμί μόνος προς μόνον." Cf. the Latin version in Dom Α. Wilmart, O.S.B., " L e recueil latin des apophtegmes," Rev. bén. XXXIV (1922) 196, n. i : Inquisitus senex, cuius modi deberet esse monachus, respondit : Si quantum in me est, solus ad solum. In a different sense, both metaphysical and mystical, the formula was used also by Plotinus, Bnnead VI, 9, 11 : Φυγη μόνου προς μόνον, cf. J. Maréchal, S.J., Etudes sur la psychologie des mystiques II (Museum Lessianum, Sect. Philos. XIX, Bruxelles, Paris, 1937) 49 ff. : " L e 'seul à seul' avec Dieu dans Γ extase d'après P l o t i n , " and E. Peterson, " H e r k u n f t und Bedeutung der ΜΟΝΟΣ ΠΡΟΣ MONON-Forme\ bei P l o t i n , " Philologus LXXXVIII (1933), where also the earlier history of the phrase is discussed. 1 In the New Testament—^for instance. Acts 2 4 : 2 1 , Gal. 1 : 2 3 , i Cor. 7 : 9 — ¿γκράταα, ¿γκρατΐύίσβαι can be understood both as absolute continence and as chastity (the Vulgate has castitas in Acts 24: 2 j , se continere in i Cor. 7 : 9 , and both continentia and castitas in Gal.

MONASTICISM AS THE EXEMPLARY CHRISTIAN W A Y

323

separated from the exhortation to follow Him only by His promise of the Kingdom of Heaven to such who are like little children.^ Also in refuting the Sadducees' pseudo-problem concerning the resurrection of the woman who had had seven husbands He spoke of the difference between "the children of this vvorld who marry and are given in marriage" and "the children of the resurrection" who "shall neither be married nor take wives" and who cannot "die any more: for they are equal to the angels and are the children of God." ® In the Apocalypse of St. John, the Lamb of God, Christ, stands on Mount Zion (in the heavenly Jerusalem) adored by those "who were not defiled with women: for they are virgins. These follow the Lamb whithersoever He goeth."* In the First Letter to the Corinthians St. Paul made it very clear that he considered marriage good, but virginity better. The reason he gives is that the time left to mankind before the end of the world has become very short and that the unmarried can make the best use of it, being solicitous only "for the things that belong to the Lord," while the married man "is divided" between his wife and God, and so the married woman between God and her husband.® The term virgin (nápOevos) was used both for men and women by St. Paul ® and by the early Fathers. But soon it came to be used chiefly for women who had dedicated their virginal lives to God. This development is connected with the application to virginity of the Pauline doctrine of the Church as the bride of Christ. In the Letter to the Ephesians Paul had compared a husband to Christ and a wife to the S:i}). The Greek Fathers as a rule used the term ¿γκμάταα in the sense of absolute continence or virginity; see the treatise on virginity, attributed to St. Athanasius, De Yirginitate 24, ed. E. v. d. Goltz (Texte u. Untersuch. XXIX, i g o i ) í 9 (for the probable inauthenticity of the treatise and for genuine Athanasian texts on the virginal life see now M. Aubineau, S.J., " L e s écrits de saint Athanase sur la virginité," Rev. ascét. туя. XXXI [ ' 9 í í ] 140 ff·)· The name of the sect of the Encratites, who wanted to make virginity obligatory for every Christian, is derived from ¿укратеш, understood in this sense (cf. G. Bareille, article "Encratites," in DThC V, i, 4 ff.). See also K. Müller, Die Forderung der Ebelosigheitfür alle Getauften in der alten Kirche (Sammlung gemeinverständlicher Vorträge und Schriften aus dem Gebiet der Theologie und Religionsgeschichte CXXVI, Tübingen, 1927)· 2 Matthew 1 9 : 1 1 ff. ä See Matthew 2 2 : 2 3 ff·. Mark 1 2 : 1 8 ff., Luke 20 :2y ff. ^Apoc. 1 4 : 4 .

' I Cor. 7 : 2 i f r ·

· i Cor. 7 : 2^ ff.

3 24

M O N A S T I C I S M AS A V E H I C L E O F

REFORM

Church,' but in the Second Corinthians he also had spoken of the Church of Corinth as " a chaste virgin" whom he had espoused to Christ.8 Bridal metaphors for the relationship between Christ and His Church, between Christ and the Christian soul, are of the essence of all Christian mysticism. But it is clear that they will apply especially to the God-dedicated virginal woman who has no other bridegroom than Christ. Tertullian seems to have been the first to make such comparisons.^ Origen soon f o l l o w e d . E v e r since, the mystical marriage with Christ has been the highest aspiration open to a Christian woman, the priesthood being the prerogative of men. But is not, according to Christian doctrine, motherhood an equally great glory of the female sex, since its exemplar is the Mother of God ? Furthermore, had not God said to man: "Increase and multiply, and fill the earth . . . " ? " The first question was answered in the sense that both in Mary, the virginal mother of Jesus, and in the Church, the bride of Christ and the mother of Christians, virginity and motherhood are indeed identic a l . ^ ^ W i t h regard to the second question, however, if referred to individual Christians, the consensus of the Fathers was that the world was now full enough and that therefore the command to multiply physically was superseded or had to be understood in a spiritual sense. Thus St. Cyprian could say that the true fecundity of the 'Eph. Í:22ft·. ' 2 Cor. II : 2. ' See, for instance, De virginibus yelandis i6, 4, Corp. Christ., Ser. Lat. Π, I 2 2 j : Nupsisti enira Christo, illi tradidisti camem tuam, illi sponsasti maturitatem tuam . . . (a similar passage is found already in De oratione 22, 9, Corp. Christ., Ser. Lat. I, 271). Cf. P.-Th. Camelot, O . P . , Virgines Christi (Paris, 1944) ς} ff. (also in Vie spir. L X X [1944] 30 ff., H O ff.).

See Origen, In Genes., homil. Ш, 6, GC5, Orig. VI, 47,11. 8 ff. (of Christ and the Church) ; ibid. X , 4, CCS, Orig. VI, 98, 11. 4 ff. (of Christ and the soul). "Gen. 1:28. ^^ For Mary as virgin and mother see, for instance, Ambrose, De virginibus II, a, 6 - 1 8 , Cazzaniga 36 ff. For the Church see ibid. I, 6, 31, Cazzaniga 1 6 : Sic sancta ecclesia immaculata coitu, fecunda partu, virgo est castitate, mater est prole. . . . See also immediately below. See, for instance, Tertullian, De exhortatione castitatis 6, i ff., Corp. Christ., Ser. Lat. II, 1023 f . ; Cyprian, De habitu virginum 23, CSEL ΠΙ, 203 f . ; Jerome, Epist. XXII, ad Eustochium 21, CSELLW, 1 7 1 ff.

MONASTICISM AS T H E E X E M P L A R Y C H R I S T I A N W A Y

ς

Church lay in its bringing forth a great number of virgins. ^^ St. Methodius could hold that Genesis 1 : 2 8 adumbrated the spiritual increase of the Church, the virgins being the mates of the Divine Logos and the less perfect Christians the children. Methodius in this connection develops a threefold typological parallelism, which contains

ele-

ments of postbaptismal ascetic as well as of baptismal and of basic soteriological renewal ideology. For, the shaping of Eve from Adam's side prophetically foreshadows the origin of the Church from Christ's side wound and this again points to the rebirth of the soul in baptism which recapitulates the passion and death of Christ. Adam's sleep and Christ's death are mystically conceived as ecstasies and the side of Adam, the side of Christ, have become types of the Holy Spirit: in the symbolic death of baptismal palingenesia

the life-giving force of the

Spirit, typified by Adam's rib and Christ's side wound, initiates the great renewal (άνανεωσι?, άνακαι,νισμός,

άναπλάσσειν)

of man, whose

soul, if it strives for perfection with all its strength, will then, as a new and better Eve, become the virginal bride of Christ, the same Christ in whom and from whom it was reborn.^® See СургЫп,

De habitu virginum 3, CS£Z. ΠΙ, 189 : nunc nobis ad virgines sermo est. . . .

Flos est ille ecclesiastici germinis . . . D e i i m a g o respondens ad sanctimoniam Domini. . . . Gaudet p e r illas adque in illis largiter floret ecclesiae matris gloriosa fecunditas, quantoque plus copiosa virginitas numero s u o a d d i t , gaudium matris augescit; see also ibid. 2 3 , CSEL ΠΙ, 204, to I C o r . I Î : 47 f. : hanc imaginem [eius qui de cáelo est] virginitas portât. Methodius, Symposium Ш, 8, 70 £f., GCS, Method. €t? XpLOTOV άνηκόντισ€ та κατά τον *Α8άμ. Οντως τήζ σαρκ05 τ^ν ¿κκλησίαν σνμφωνησαί

£f. : 'OBev о άποστολοί (ύβυβόλω!

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yeyovévai, ^s δ^ χάριν . . . κατηλθεν ό Λόγος

προσκολ-

ληθτισόμζνος тд γνναικί (i.e., to the Church) καΐ νττνωσζ την €κστασιν τον πάθονς. . . . Ταύτη γάρ καΐ τό **αν^άν€σθ€ καΐ πλτιθννεσθζ^' κάλλος και ττληθος ανξανόμΙνης

(cf. Gen. ι ; 2 8) πληρούται

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32б

MONASTICISM AS A VEHICLE OF REFORM

T h e r e w a s n o d o u b t , a b o v e all, that C h r i s t H i m s e l f a n d t h e g r e a t e s t o f saints, M a r y , J o h n t h e B a p t i s t , J o h n t h e E v a n g e l i s t , a n d m a n y o t h e r s , h a d l i v e d i n t h e v i r g i n a l state. In o r d e r t o f o l l o w a n d i m i t a t e C h r i s t , t h e r e f o r e , it w a s b e s t t o d o t h e s a m e . A l s o , f r o m C h r i s t ' s w o r d that after the r e s u r r e c t i o n m a n w i l l no l o n g e r m a r r y and w i l l b e equal to t h e angels

o n e c o u l d p l a u s i b l y c o n c l u d e that v i r g i n i t y d e d i c a t e d t o

G o d c o u l d lead c l o s e t o a n a n g e l i c state o f life e v e n o n e a r t h . In j u s t i f y i n g v i r g i n i t y S t . J e r o m e says that C h r i s t w a n t e d angels o n e a r t h w h o t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e angels i n h e a v e n w o u l d a d o r e H i m . S t . A t h a n a s i u s , S t . A m b r o s e , a n d S t . L e o t h e G r e a t , t o o , s p e a k o f t h e v i r g i n s as o f angelic beings and according to St. G r e g o r y of Nyssa ascetics and m o n k s s e e k t h e a n g e l i c life e v e n o n e a r t h . Oi Sc areXets Iti καΐ άπαρχόμΐνοι els σοττηρίαν rwv μαθημάτων ώδινονται καΐ μορφοΰντοα, шаттер μητράσι irpòs των τΐλΐΜτίρων, ίστ' αν άποκυηβίντΐ! ΌΗ'αγ€ννηθωσιν fis μίγΐβοί και KOXXOS àptTÌjs, καΐ ττάλιν αί κατά προκοττην ¿κκΧησία και οίτοι yeyovoTeï « î ΐτίρων τόκον ύιτουργήσωσι τίκνων και άνατροφην. . . . For this whole passage, see M. Bonwetsch, " D i e Theologie des Methodius von Olympus," Abhandl. Gott., Philos.-Histor. Klasse, Neue Folge VU, i (1903) 14, and the annotated translation of H. Musurillo, S.J., St. Methodius, The Symposium (Ancient Christian Writers XXVII, Westminster, Md,, 19^8) 6s loo £f. Cf. J . Farges, Les idées morales et religieuses de Méthode d'Olympe (Paris, 1929) 137 ff., J. C. Plumpe, Maur Ecclesia (Catholic University of America Studies in Christian Antiquity V , Washington, D . C . , 1943) I I I ff., J . Daniélou, S . J . , Sacramentum Futuri (Paris, i g j o ) 37 if., also H. Rahner, S . J . , "«Mysterium Lunae» Π : Die gebärende K i r c h e , " Ζ. kath. Theol. LXIV (1940) 71 ff. Methodius' sleep and death mysticism about Adam, Christ, and the Church had been anticipated to some extent by Tertullian, De anima 43, 10, Waszink 60: Si enim Adam de Christo figuram dabat, somnus Adae mors erat Christi dormituri in mortem, ut de iniuria perinde lateris eius vera mater viventium figuraretur ecclesia. Cf. Daniélou, Sacramentum Futuri, for the continuation of these ideas by Hilary of Poitiers and other western Fathers. 1 · See Matthew 22 : 23 ff. IMÒ

Jerome, Epist. XXII, ad Eustochium 2 1 , CSEL LIV, 173 : Statim ut Filius Dei ingressus est super terram, novam sibi familiam instituit, ut qui ab angelis adorabatur in caelo, haberet angelos et in terris; cf. Adversus lovinianum I, 36, PL ХХШ, 273A. See also Athanasius, Apologia ad Constantium imperatorem 3 3, PG X X V , 640 : . . . ΐΐκόνα TÌjs των àyyéXaiv óyiÓTT/Tor . . . ¿ni yfjs rfjv napBeviav, cf. Camelot, Virgines 31 ; Ambrose, De rirginibus 1 , 8 , ¡ 2 , Cazzaniga 27: Castitas (in the sense of virginal continence) etiam angelos fecit . . . , cf. the immediately preceding and following parts of ch. 8 ; Gregory of Nyssa, De instituto Christiana, Jaeger, Greg, tfyss. Opera VIH, i , 70, 1. 1 9 : . . . τον των άγγίλων èm ríjs yíjs ζηοίσθΐ βίον. For John Chrysostom cf. above, pp. 126 f . , for Leo the Great and the liturgy see p. 288, n. 20. Many more patristic examples of the belief that the virginal, the ascetic, the monastic life is angel-like might be adduced. Cf. for instance Evagrius Ponticus (Ps.-Nilus), Deoratione 1 1 3 , PG LXXIX, 1 1 9 2 D (cf. I. Hausherr, S . J . , " L e traité de l'oraison d'Evagre le Pontique (Pseudo N i l ) , " Rev. ascét. myst. XV [1934J 1 4 4 f . ) : 'laiyyekos γΙνΐτοΛ μοναχός Siò ríjs άληβοΰς προοΐυχη!. See also Lamy, "Bios angelikos," Steidle, "«Homo Dei Antonius»" 173 ff., J. Leclerq, O.S.B., La vie parfaite (Turnhout, Paris, 1948) 19 ff.

M O N A S T I C I S M AS T H E E X E M P L A R Y C H R I S T I A N W A Y

327

From another point of view, virginity was close to martyrdom through which Christians gave their lives for Christ's sake. The early Christian hierarchy of values recognized the fact that beside life itself there is in the natural order of the world nothing higher than the physical and spiritual union of love. T o give it up could be a preparation and even a substitute for martyrdom.^® For all these reasons virginity came to be considered as eminently helpful in the reformation of the image of God in man. The Greek Fathers, especially, connected virginity with the assimilation of man to God. So, for instance, in an Ascetica! Discourse attributed to St. Basil of Caesarea the author in speaking of the recovery of the lost likeness to God through the overcoming of the passions {¿павеш) says that virginity is an ally of those who wish to achieve this aim.^® The author of the treatise On the True Integritj of Virginity, probably Basil of Ancyra, bases the praise of virginity on the conception that if imcorrupted it will make man similar to incorruptible God. The virgin will experience even on this earth a rapture to the Paradise of the third heaven as did St. Paul.20 St. Gregory of Nyssa in his book On Virginity, which is such a characteristic docimient of Greek patristic reform ideology,^^ asserts that the incorruption and purity of virginity have their prototype in the Trinity itself, in the passionless generation of the Son and the incorruptible purity of the Spirit. As a consequence of the Incarnation of God in the Virgin Mary the power of virginity is so great that it can be at the same time with the Father in heaven and attend to the salvation of man on earth ; it can bring God down to communion with human life and give man wings of desire for heaven ; thus See Athanasius, De íncarnatione 48, PG X X V , 181B, where virginity and martyrdom are linked together; see also Methodius, Symposium УШ, I2 f., 203 f., GCS, Method. 96 ff. Many other examples are cited by E. E. Malone, O . S . B . , " T h e Monk and the M a r t y r , " Antonius Magnus Eremita, 3 5 6 - 1 9 5 6 (Studia Anselmiana XXXVIII, 19Í6) 201 ff. Sermo ascéticas i f . , PG XXXI, 872A (St. Basil's authorship is improbable, according to Amand, Ascése XXVI) : El oiv Sta τή; άτταθ^Ιας την ίΐκόνα τον θ ί ο ΰ πάλιν άναλαμβάνομΐν . . . ταύτης γΐνωμΐθα ríjs anovSys, Лоте μηδΐνι πάθΐΐ μη8ΐνοτ€ καταΒυναστίυβψαι ήμων την φνχην , . . Τή; Si τοιαύτη! σπονίης avvípyós «στιν у napOevía. . . . ^^ Basil of Ancyra, De vera virginitatis integritate 2, PG X X X (appendix to the works of St. Basil of Caesarea) 67 2B: Méya μίν γαρ . . . παρθενία, τψ άφθάρτφ β ε ω . . . ¿ξομοιοΰσϋ Τον άνθρωπον. Ibid. 66, X X X , 804Β: reference to 2 Cor. 1 2 : 3 . Cf. Camelot, Virgines

¡gl.

For the attribution of the treatise to Basil of Ancyra, see F. Cavallera, article "Basile d ' A n c y r e , " in DSpir I, 1283. Cf. above, pp. 76 f.

328

MONASTICISM AS A VEHICLE OF REFORM

it becomes a link (συν8€σμός) which assists man in attaining familiarity with God.22 In the treatises on virginity written by the Latin Fathers, such as the ones by Tertullian, Cyprian, and Ambrose, already mentioned, and above all in Augustine's De Sancta Virginitate one finds comparatively little of this assimilation ideology, but together with the ubiquitous topos of the vita angelica^^ a simple insistence that the virginal life is an imitation of that of Christ and His Mother, a full dedication to God. In De sancta Virginitate St. Augustine comments on the words of St. J o h n , t h e virginal Apostle, about the virgins who follow the Lamb of God wheresoever He goes : Where do we believe this Lamb to go whither none dares or is able to follow Him except you (i.e., the virgins)? . . . To what pastures and meadows? Where, I believe, [His] pastures are joys, not the vain joys of this world . . . nor the joys, which in the Kingdom of God itself will be had [even] by those who are not virginal, but such as will be distinct from all other joys. The joy of the virgins of Christ will be of Christ, in Christ, with Christ, after Christ, through Christ, because of Christ. . . . Go toward these [joys], follow the Lamb, because the flesh of the Lamb is in truth virginal. . . . Rightly do you follow Him through virginity of heart and flesh whithersoever He goes. For Gregory of Nyssa, De yirginitate, Cavamos, in Jaeger, Greg. Nyss. Opera УШ, i , 2 ^ 3 : . . . €1* JTarpi παρθ€νίαν ΐνρίσκ€σθαί τω καΐ Ylòv €χοντι. και Βίχα πάθους γίννήσαντι, . . . Καί πάλιν τό ίσον -παράδοζον Yiòs διά -παρθΐνίαζ νοονμ€νοζ. *Ενθ€ύΐρ€Ϊταί he ωσαύτως και тд του άγιου Πνεύματος φυσική кол άφθάρτω καθαρότητι· τό γαρ καθαρόν καί άφθαρτον όνομάσας άλλω ονόματι την παρβΐνίαν (σημανας. . . . Ibid. 2^4: · · · ( Л е divine nature) την ζωψ ίχαρίσθη, iva καταβληθΐΐσαν την άνθρωπίνην φΰαιν ύττο της ¿μπαθοΰς Ζιαθίοΐως, ωσπ€ρ τινά χΐίρα την της καθαρότητας μΐτουσίαν ορίξασα, ττάλιν όρθώστι και προς τά άνω βλίπ(ΐν χΐφαγωγηση. Aià τοΰτο γαρ οΐμαι και την πηγην της αφθαρσίας αύτόν τον Κύριον ημών Ίησονν Χριστόν μη Sià γάμου eloeXûcîv «y τον κόσμον. Ινα ¿vSeí^eTai Sià του τρόπου της èvavθρωπήσΐως το μίγα τούτο μυστηριον, ότι Θεού παρουσίαν καί «ίσοδον μόνη καθαρότης 'ικανή ¿στι 0€ξασθαι^ ην άλλως ουκ €στι προς άκρίβ^ιαν πάσαν κατορθωθηναι, et μη παντ€λώς τις ¿αυτόν των της σαρκός παθημάτων άλλοτριωσ£ΐ€ν, 'Οπ€ρ γαρ év τη άμιάντω Μαρία γ€γον€ σωματικώς . . τοΰτο και ¿πι πάσης φυχης κατά λόγον παρθεν^υοΰσης γίνΐται, . . . Ibid. Έπ€ΐ οΰν τοσαύτη €στι της παρθενίας η Βυναμις, ώς καΐ ev τοις ούρανοΐς παρά τω ΠατρΙ των ττνευμάτων μ€ν€ΐν . . . /cat της ανθρωπινής σωτηρίας ¿φάπτ€σθαι^ τον μίν Θζον Si €αυτης προς την του ανθρωπίνου βίου κοινωνίαν κατάγουσα, τον Ьс άνθρωπον èv ¿αυτη προς την TWV ουρανίων ¿πιθυμίαν πτΐροΰσα και oiovcl συνόζσμός τις γινομένη της ανθρωπινής προς τον Θεόν οικ€ΐώσ€ως . . . , τις αν ΐυρεθΐίη όύναμις λόγων συνανίΌυσα τω μεγεθει του θαύματος; cf. Jaeger, Rediscovered Works 24 ff. Cf. above, p. 326, η. i j . Apoc. 1 4 : 4 (Vulgate): Hi sunt qui cum mulieribus non sunt coinquinati; virgines enim sunt. Hi sequuntur agnum quocumque ierit. . . .

MONASTICISM AS THE EXEMPLARY CHRISTIAN WAY

329

what is to follow if not to imitate ? . . . Him [Christ] each follows in that in which he [or she] imitates Him. And not in so far as He is the One Son of God by whom all things are made, but in so far as He is the Son of Man did He show what must be imitated in Him. And many things in Him are offered to all for imitation, but the virginity of the flesh not to all. For those in whom it has already been brought about that they are not virgins, cannot bring it about that they be virgins. May, therefore, the rest of the faithful, who have lost the virginity of the body, follow the Lamb, not whithersoever He goes, but as far as they can. . . . But lo, that Lamb walks on the virginal path. How will those go after Him who have lost what they can in no manner receive back? You then go after Him, [you] His virgins. You go after Him even there (i.e., to the realm of virginity), for because of this one thing (i.e., virginity) you [may] follow Him whithersoever He goes. For we can exhort married people to follow Him to every other gift of sanctity, but not to the one which they have irreparably lost. It seems clear then that f o r St. Augustine those w h o lead the virginal life, those w h o can f o l l o w Christ w h e r e s o e v e r H e goes, those w h o already in this " t e r r e s t r i a l mortality meditate the heavenly and angelic life,"

are the citizens par excellence of the C i t y of G o d , w h i c h had

Augustine, De sancta virginitate i-j-i^, CSEL XLI, 264-266: Quo ire putamus hunc agnum, quo nemo eum sequi vel audeat vel valeat nisi vos? . . . In quos saltus et prata? Ubi credo sunt gramina gaudia; non gaudia saeculi huius vana . . . пес gaudia qualia in ipso regno Dei ceteris non virginibus, sed a ceterorum omnium gaudiorum sorte distincta: gaudia virginum Christi, de Christo, in Christo, cum Christo, post Christum, per Christum, propter Christum. . . . Ite in haec, sequimini agnum, quia et agni caro utique virgo. . . . Merito eum sequimini virginitate cordis et carnis quocumque ierit. . . . Hunc in eo quisque sequitur in quo imitatur: non in quantum ille Filius Dei est unus, per quem facta sunt omnia, sed in quantum Filius hominis, quia oportebat, in se praebuit imitanda. Et multa in ilio ad imitandum omnibus proponuntur, virginitas autem carnis non omnibus; non enim habent quid faciant ut virgines sint, in quibus iam factum est ut virgines non sint. Sequantur itaque agnum ceteri fidèles, qui virginitatem corporis amiserunt, non quocumque ille ierit, sed quousque ipsi potuerint. . . . Sed ecce ille agnus graditur itinere virginali. Quomodo post eum ibunt, qui hoc amiserunt quod nullo modo recipiunt? Vos ergo, vos, ite post eum, virgines eius; vos et illuc ite post eum, quia propter hoc unum quocumque ierit sequimini eum. Ad quodlibet enim aliud sanctitatis donum, quo eum sequantur, hortari possumus coniugatos praeter hoc quod inreparabiliter amiserunt. For an analysis of Augustine's treatise see J. Heerinckx, O.F.M., "Divi Augustini tractatus «De sancta virginitate»," Antonianum VI (1931) 37 ff. Augustine, De sancta virginitate 24, CSEL XLI, 260 : . . . caelestem et angelicam vitam in terrena mortalitate meditantes. . . . It is not vt^thout interest that Augustine does not speak of angel-likeness in the strict sense, but of meditation of the angelic life; see also Confissiones XIII, 19, Skutella . . . : perfectorum, sed nondum sicut angelorum.

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MONASTICISM AS A VEHICLE OF REFORM

been diminished by the fall of the rebel angels, but is being replenished by the elect.«' The Roman liturgy and St. Leo the Great fused western and eastern Christian thought on virginity and bound it up with the ideology of regeneration and r e f o r m . C h r i s t , Leo says, was bom from a virgin, so that virginity, which could not be preserved in generation, would now become a thing capable of imitation through rebirth in Christ.2» 3.

CONTEMPLATION AND C H A R I T Y

The difference between eastern and western patristic ideas of reform is reflected also in two distinct attitudes toward asceticism and toward the monastic life. The Greek conception of assimilation to God, as vision of God through the purified soul which thus returns to its original Paradise,^ favored the contemplation of God even over an active life of charity for God and man, which seemed to flow more naturally from the Augustinian idea of the reformation of the Trinitarian image in the soul through memory, intelligence, and love.« The very subtle differences involved are not absolute contrasts. It must never be forgotten that in practice something of each attitude was contained in the other. It has recently been pointed out that in the Christian east too the emphasis on contemplation is not equally strong everywhere and at all times. Love for God, imitation of God, dedication to God could be translated into a life of prayer, of charity to one's fellow man, and of renunciation of self without any conscious attempt to experience practically, without any intention to circumscribe theoretically, the vision of God on earth.® As was seen in an earlier chapter,^ the blending of Greek philosophical speculation on the contemplative (theoretical) and the active " Cf. above, pp. 239 f., 282, η. IÍ6. as See above, p. 288. Leo the Great, Sermo XXII, 2, PL LIV, 196A : . . . ut virginitas quae in aliis non poterai salva esse generando, fieret et in aliis imitabilis renascendo (aliis-aliis is untranslatable). 1 See above, pp. 63 ff. and 83 ff. a ggg above, pp. 196 ff. ' C f . A. J . Festugière, "Ascèse et contemplation," Vie spìr., Supplément, 1939, December, l ô j f f . (also in L'enfant d'Agrigent [Paris, i g j o ] ) , I. Hausherr, S.J., " L e s grands courants de la spiritualité orientale," Orientalia Christiana Periodica Ι ( ΐ 9 3 ί ) 1 1 4 ff-, idem, "L'imitation de Jésus-Christ dans la spiritualité byzantine," Mélanges Cavallera 231 ff. See also above, pp. i j j f. * See above, pp. 98 ff., nn. 6 1 - 6 3 .

MONASTICISM AS THE EXEMPLARY CHRISTIAN W A Y

33 I

(practical or political) life with Christian scriptural thought was the work of the School of Alexandria, above all of Origen, whose ideas were most deeply developed by Gregory of Nyssa and most effectively popularized among the monks by Evagrius Ponticus. Origen seems to have been the first also to interpret the New Testament story of Martha's active concern for Jesus and of her sister Mary's quiet attention to His word, for which she received higher praise,® as signifying the higher value of the contemplative life,® Nevertheless, the πράξις or ιτρακηκ^ φιλοσοφία of the Greek and oriental Fathers and ascetics does not correspond to practical life in the modem sense, but only to those activities which are directly conducive to that catharsis which is indispensable for the higher stages of the ascent to God. It is very important to realize that their thought on the active and the contemplative life does not conceive of the former as a life of action directed toward the world outside the soul. For Origen, for Evagrius, and for eastern Christian asceticism and monasticism in general the πρακτική consists in the struggle against vice and for virtue; this alone can prepare for Oeœpla or θεολογία or θεογνωσία, which comprise the true understanding of God's works and word, and ultimately the vision of God through similarity with Him.' In this conception the active or practical life does not refer to action, understood in the ordinary meaning of the word, although such activity may be good in itself. Even to actions of charity which are definitely Christ-like and apostolic it seems to apply only indirectly.® Eastern Christian doctrine on the contemplative and active life is therefore eminently ascetic and monastic and this can still be felt strongly from the account given of it by the great transmitter of eastern ' Luke 1 0 : 3 8 - 4 2 . ® See Origen, In Lucam, fragm. XXXIX, GCS, Orig. IX, 2ς1; Commentary to the Gospel of St. John, fragm. LXXX, GCS, Orig. IV, ¡4-7 •• Ernep Se σνμβολόν can Μαρία μά> του θίωρητικοΰ βίου, Μάρθα S¿ τοΰ πρακτικού. . . . ' See the references and bibliography above, pp. 99 f., nn. 61 and 63. ® See, for instance, Evagrius Ponticus, Rerum monachalium rationes 3, PG XL, 1 2 Í 3 D , on hospitality toward visitors to the monastery, which is deprecated with a reference to Martha and Mary in Luke 1 0 : 38 ff. ; also Evagrius, Cencuriae I, 1 1 , Frankenberg ¡ j , where he says that though those who engage in such activities will rule in the world to come, those who even now "acquire spiritual bodies," i.e. strive for the contemplation of God, already βασιλΐΰουσιν ίν rots γ€νομ(νο4 αΙώσιν, that is to say, possess the Kingdom even on earth ; cf. above, p. 11 2, n. 13, for the full text.

3 32

MONASTICISM AS A VEHICLE OF REFORM

monastic spirituality to the west in the age of St. Augustine, St. John Cassian, whose dependence on Evagrius Ponticus was very close.® He treats both kinds of life in the sense of monastic "sciences" or "disciplines" (religionis disciplina or piojessio or scientia, as opposed to other scientiae, disciplinae, and аПе5)Л° Though among the ways in which the πρακτική is carried out Cassian can include the life of the hermits, who "adhere to God most intimately through the science of solitude, " i ^ hermits are above all bent upon theoria {contemplatio Dei) and therefore not the true representatives of praxis; these are the coenobites who live in communities of monks, in monasteries.^® But he also knows other forms of the active life : the care of strangers in hospices (such as the xenodochium of Macarius of Alexandria) and of the sick, intercession for the poor and oppressed, the teaching of Christian doctrine, alms giving.^* While Cassian follows Evagrius and the Greek ' See S. Marsili, O . S . В . , Giaranni Cassiano ed Evagrio Politico (Studia Anselmiana V, Roma, 77 ff·; O . Chadwick, John Cassian (Cambridge, 19Í0) 82 ff. For Evagrius see also above, pp. 9 8 - 1 0 0 . See Cassian, Conlationes XIV, 1 , 3 , CSEL XIII, 398 f. : . . . religionis nostrae disciplina atque professio . . . duplex scientia . . . : prima πρακτική, id est actualis, quae emendatione morum et vitiorum purgatione perficitur ; altera βίωρψική, quae in contemplatione divinarum rerum et sacratissimorum sensuum cognitione consistit. ^^^ Ibid. XIV, 4, I ff., CSEL ΧΠΙ, 400 f. : Haec igitur ηρακηκη . . . erga multas professiones studiaque dividitur. Quidam enim summam intentionis suae erga heremi secreta et cordis constituunt puritatem, ut in praeteritis Heliam et Helisaeum nostrisque temporibus beatum Antonium . . . familiarissime Deo per silentium solitudinis cohaesisse cognoscimus. 12 See Conlationes, Praefatio 4, CSEL XIII, 4. Ibid. XIV, 4, 2, CSEL XIII, 400 : Quidam erga institutionem fratrum et pervígilem coenobiorum curam omnem studii sui sollicitudinem dediderunt. . . . For identification of the coenobitic with the active and of the hermitic with the contemplative life see Conlatio X V n i : De tribus generibus monachorum, especially XVIII, 4, 2, CSEL XIII, ^ 0 9 : . . . anachoretarum, qui prius in coenobiis instituti iamque in actuali conversatione perfecti solitudinis elegere secreta . . . ; also ibid. XIX : De fine coenobiotae et beremitae, especially XIX, S f., CSEL ХШ, ¡42 f. Cassian's distinction between the practical or actual coenobitic and the theoretical or contemplative hermitic life is connected with his conception of three abrenuntiationes in Conlationes ΙΠ, 6, CSEL ХШ, 73, the first being corporalis and involving aversion from the world and, conversion to the monastic life, the second, since it consists in rejection of former habits and vices, corresponding to actualis conversano, which is eminently coenobitical, the third, which detaches the mind from all present and visible things, leading to contemplation, which is eminently hermitic; for the relation between the terms and concepts conversio and comersatio, see below, pp. 34^ f. Ibid. XIV, 4, 2 f., CSEL ΧΠΙ, 400 f. : Quosdam xenodochii et susceptionis pium delectat obsequium, per quod etiam in praeteritis Abraham patriarcham et Loth Domino placuisse et nuper beatum Macarium . . . , qui xenodochio ita apud Alexandriam praefuit,

M O N A S T I C I S M AS T H E E X E M P L A R Y C H R I S T I A N W A Y tradition in setting M a r y ' s theoria

o r contemplatio

actúale

quamvis

part,

divina,

laudabile

t h e summum

high above

opus,^^

333

o r principale

that of Martha,

his c o m b i n a t i o n

bonum above

of monastic

of the

ascesis

vv^ith a m e d l e y o f n o n - m o n a s t i c o c c u p a t i o n s u n d e r t h e h e a d i n g o f a c t i v e o r practical life does constitute a transition b e t w e e n Christian A n t i q u i t y a n d t h e M i d d l e A g e s as vi^ell as b e t w e e n t h e C h r i s t i a n east a n d west.^® A l s o , his

conception

of

the

θίωρητικη,^''

while

derived f r o m

the

m y s t i c a l t r a d i t i o n o f t h e G r e e k F a t h e r s , d o e s n o l o n g e r c o m p r i s e all a s p e c t s o f t h e i r t h o u g h t . Cassian d i s t i n g u i s h e s t w o d e g r e e s o f corresponding b o t h to the distinction b e t w e e n the literal a n d t h e spiritual ( t r o p o l o g i c a ! , a l l e g o r i c a l , a n a g o g i c a ! )

understanding

o f H o l y S c r i p t u r e a n d t o t h a t b e t w e e n t h e φυσική

^.nd t h e

as d e f i n e d b y

with

Evagrius;^®

moreover,

he

agrees

θβωρία,

(historical)

the

βιολογική, latter

in

ut nulli eorum, qui solitudinis secreta sectatl sunt, inferior sit credendus. Quidam eligentes aegrotantium curam, alii intercessionem, quae pro miseris atque obpressis inpenditur, exsequentes aut doctrinae instantes aut elemosynam pauperibus largientes inter magnos ас summos viros pro affectu suo ас pietate viguerunt. Conhtiones I, 8, 3, CSEL XIU, i j ; see also ibid. ХХШ, 3, i , ХШ, 6 4 2 ; cf. above, p. 331, nn. 6, 8, for Origen and Evagrius. le Marsili, Cassiano n o f . , and Chadwick, Cassian l o j f . , perhaps, do not sufficiently consider that Cassian does not always exactly follow Evagrius' conception of the πρακτική ; this emerges clearly from a comparison for instance, of the Evagrian texts referred to above, p. 3 3 1 , n. 8, with Conlationes XIV, 4, CSEL ΧΠΙ, 400 f . , and the continuation ibid. XIV, j - 7 , XIII, 401 ff. The text Coniationes I, 10, j , XIII, 17, quoted by Marsili, Cassiano, i n , contrasts the practical with the theoretical life and not the πρακτική as self-improvement with the πρακτική, as charitable w o r k s ; of the latter Cassian says significantly (Conlationes I, 10, 4, XIII, 1 7 ) : . . . opera pietatis ac misericordiae necessaria sunt in hoc tempore, dum adhuc inaequalis diversitas dominatur ; quorum ne hic quidem expectaretur operatio, nisi inopum, indigentum infirmorumque pars maxima redundaret, quae iniquitate hominum facta est. . . . It remains true, of course, that Cassian does not approve of w o r k for others which would involve the monk in a nonmonastic way of life ; see Conlationes ХХШ, 3 ff., XXIV, 9 and 13, CSEL ΧΠΙ, 677 ff., 683 f. and 688 ff., quoted by Chadwick, Cassian l o i f. Cf. also above, p. 78, for Basil the Great's attitude. See Marsili, Cassiano 2¡ ff., on Cassian's terminology and conception of contemplation, also 23 f. on image-likeness, assimilation, imitation, perfection, and 38 ff. on the relation between active and contemplative life. See Conlationes XIV, 8, i , CSEL XIII, 404: . . . βΐωρητικη

vero in duas dividitur

partes, id est in historicam interpretationem et intelligentiam spiritalem. . . . Spiritalis autem scientiae genera sunt tria: tropologia, allegoria, anagoge (of which the first, since it is moralis explanatio, belongs both to the actualis or πρακτική and to the theoretica; cf. H. Caplan, " T h e Four Senses of Scriptural Interpretation . . . , " Speculum IV

[1929]

282 ff., H. de Lubac, S.J., "«Typologie» et «allégorisme»," Recb.'ssc. rei. XXXIV [1947] 180 ff., idem, " S u r un vieux distique: La doctrine du «quadruple sens»," Mélanges Cavallera

334

MONASTICISM AS A VEHICLE OF REFORM

identifying the highest summit of deœpla but there

is in

his

writings

w i t h contemplative prayer ; ^ ®

relatively

little

speculation

on

the

deification of m a n . ® ® St. A u g u s t i n e ' s teaching on the vita activa and the vita contemplativa^^ differs m o r e f r o m that of the G r e e k s than Cassian's, though the distinction b e t w e e n the t w o lives is sharply formulated b y Augustine, too, f o r instance, in his w o r k On the Consensus of the Evangelists (about 4 0 0 ) : . . . because two virtues are set before the human soul, one active, the other contemplative, the first the road, the second the goal, and because through the first one toils so that the heart is purified for the vision of God and in the second he is at rest and sees God: [therefore] the first is contained in the precepts for the practice of the temporal life, the second in the doctrine of sempiternal life beyond. And therefore the first [kind of virtues] works, the second rests, because the former consists in the purgation of sins, the second in the light of the purified. And therefore in this mortal life the first exists in the working out of good habits (in opere bonae conrersationis),

the second

rather in faith and, in a very few, in some partial vision of the unchangeable truth as "through a glass in a dark manner" (i Cor. 1 3 : 1 347 ff.). See on the other hand Conlationes I, ig, i , CSEL XIII, 2¡: Contemplatio vero Dei multifarie concipitur. Nam Deus non sola inconprehensibilis illius substantiae suae admiratione cognoscitur, quod tamen adhuc in spe promissionis absconditum est (this corresponds to Evagrius' βιολογική),' sed etiam creaturarum suarum magnitudine . . . pervidetur (corresponding to Evagrius' φυσική) ; see also the other Cassianic and Evagrian texts quoted and discussed in Marsili, Cassiano ill fl. On this point, see Hausherr, " L e traite de l'oraison d'Evagre le Pontique (Pseudo Nil)," Rev. ascit. myst, XV (1934) 34 ff., 1 1 3 ff., and Marsili, Cassiano I 4 ì f f . , Chadwick, Cassìan 141 ff. ®® This has been noted also by Chadwick, Cassian 148, who, ibid. 88, remarks on the fact that even the mere act of translation into Jjitin was bound to remove certain aspects of Greek ascetic and mystic ideology. On the question, whether or not and in what sense Cassian considered the vision of God possible in this life, see Marsili, Cassiano 61 ff., and for the problem in general, see above, pp. 102 f., η. 73. Particularly important is the continuation of the text from Conlationes I, i¡ (quoted above, n. 18), CSEL ΧΙΠ, 26, where Cassian qualifies the impossibility of seeing God and remaining alive (Ex. 3 3 : 20) by applying it to the man who still lives for the world and for terrestrial desires. See in general F. Cayré, A.A., La contemplation augustinienne, 2nd ed. (Bibliothèque augustinienne, Paris, 19Í4). " Augustine, De consensu erangelistarum I, ¡, 8, CSEL XLIII, 7 f. : . . . cum duae virtutes propositae sint animae humanae, una activa, altera contemplativa, illa qua itur, ista qua pervenitur, ilia qua laboratur, ut cor mundetur ad videndum Deum, ista qua vacatur et videtur Deus : illa est in praeceptis exercendae vitae huius temporalis, ista in doctrina vitae illius sempitemae. Ac per hoc ilia operatur, ista requiescit, quia ilia est in purgatione

MONASTICISM AS THE EXEMPLARY CHRISTIAN WAY

335·

He goes on to explain that the three evangelists of the synoptic Gospels—Matthew, Mark and Luke—have related chiefly the deeds of Christ and those vi^ords of His which were most valuable for this present life, whereas St. John, flying as an eagle over the clouds of human infirmity, gazes with the sharp and steadfast eyes of the heart upon the light of imchangeable truth. In this text both the influence of Greek conceptions and their development in Augustine's ovm thought are perceptible. Both ways of life are seen in terms of virtue, with the vision of God as the ultimate aim. But active virtue is clearly extended to cover all temporal life, whereas the apex of contemplation is considered as something quite exceptional and in any case incomplete on earth. Augustine's thought on the active and the contemplative life can be studied also in his Sermons, in connection with his exegesis of the Gospel episode of Martha and Mary, which had been paradigmatic in this respect also for Origen, Evagrius, and Cassian. Christ had said to Martha: Martha, Martha, thou art careful, and art troubled about many things, but one thing is necessary. . . . St. Augustine begins his interpretation by saying that Jesus' words admonish us that there is a certain one thing (unum aliquid) toward which we should tend while we label· in this multitudinous world. But we still tend [toward it] like pilgrims, not yet dwelling in it ; still on the road, not yet in our fatherland, still in desire, not yet in fruition. Nevertheless, let us tend [there] and let us do so without laziness and interruption that we may some time arrive there. peccatorum, ista in lumine purgatorum. A c per hoc in hac vita mortali illa est in opere bonae conversationis, ista vero magis in fide et aput perpaucos per speculum in enigmate (cf. I Cor. 1 3 : 1 2 ) et ex parte in aliqua visione incommutabilis veritatis. See also ibid., CSEL LXIII, 8, and Contra Faustum XXII, j î ff., CSEL X X V , i , 64^ ff., for Leah and Rachel as types of the active and contemplative lives, For Augustine's doctrine of the vision of God see above pp. 190 ff. De consensu evangehstarum I, 6, 9, CSEL XLIII, 9 f. Luke 1 0 : 4 i f. Augustine, Sermo CIII, i , i, PL X X X V I I I , 6 1 3 : Verba Domini nostri lesu Christi . . . admonent nos esse unum aliquid quo tendamus, quando in huius saeculi multitudine laboramus. Tendimus autem adhuc peregrinantes, nondum manentes ; adhuc in via, nondum in patria; adhuc desiderando, nondum fruendo. Tarnen tendamus et sine pigritia et sine intermissione tendamus, ut aliquando pervenire valeamus.

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M O N A S T I C I S M AS A V E H I C L E O F R E F O R M

The task (c^cium) of Martha as well as that of Mary are good, but that of Mary is better. Why ? Because one thing is necessary, that highest one, the one in which the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit are one. . . . True, our God is a Trinity. The Father is not the Son, the Son is not the Father, the Holy Spirit is neither the Father nor the Son, but Spirit of both. And yet these three are not three Gods, not three almighties, but one almighty God, the Trinity itself one God. "But one thing is necessary." And He does not lead us to this one, except if we many are of one heart. This text shows that for Augustine the goal of contemplation is not so much assimilation to God the Father through Christ and the Holy Spirit, but rather union with the whole one Trinity. The road goes from and through multitudinous active life to unified contemplative life. Martha, too, occupied as she is in her many meritorious ministrations, seeks through them nothing but rest in God. That this is so, St. Augustine says, becomes evident as soon as one realizes that in heaven there will no longer be the stranger, the hungry, the thirsty to be cared for, no longer the warring to be placated, the dead to be buried. All this will not be there. What will be there? That which Mary elected as the better part even on earth: the Word of God. Ibid. 3, 4, PL X X X V n i , 6 1 4 f . : Quia unum est necessarium, unum illud supernum, unum ubi Pater et Filius et Spiritus Sanctus sunt unum. . . . Certe Trinitas est Deus noster. Pater non est Filius, Filius non est Pater, Spiritus Sanctus пес Pater est nec Filius, sed amborum Spiritus : et tarnen ista tria non tres dii, non tres omnipotentes, sed unus Deus omnipotens, ipsa Trinitas unus Deus : quia unum necessarium est. A d hoc unum non nos perducit, nisi multi habeamus cor unum. See also Sermo Guelferbyt. XXIX, Morin, Aug. Sam. (Misceli. Agost. I) Í43 ff. (Sermo C I V , Lambot, Aug. Serm. Sei., Strom. Patr.etMed. I, i 4 f f . ) ; Sermo CLXIX, 14, 17, P I X X X V m , 925 f. ; Sermo C L X X I X , 3, 3 to 6, 6, Ρ Ι Χ Χ Χ Υ Ι Π , 967 ff. Sermo CHI, s, 6, PL Х Х Х У Ш , é i j : Caeterum tu, Martha, pace tua dixerim, in bono ministerio benedicta, pro isto labore tuo mercedem quaeris quietem. Modo occupata es circa multum ministerium, pascere vis mortalia corpora, licet sanctorum : numquid, cum veneris ad illam patriam, invenies peregrinum quem suscipias hospitio, invenies esurientem cui panem frangas, sitientem cut potum porrigas, aegrum quem visites, litigantem quem concordes, mortuum quem sepelías ? Omnia ista tibi non erunt : sed quid ibi erit ? Quod Maria elegit . . . hoc ibi erit plenum atque perfectum, quod hic elegit Maria: de illa mensa opulenta, de verbo Domini, micas colligebat. . . . See also the distinction between the active and the contemplative life, carried out in terms of the difference between the Apostles Peter and John, in Augustine's In Johannis evangehum tractatus C X X I V , ¡ ff.. Сотр. Christ., Ser. Lat. X X X V I , 6 8 í ff. For the rest see the excellent essay by A . - M . la Bonnardière, " M a r t h e et Marie, figures de l ' é g l i s e , " Vie spir. L X X X V I (1952) 404, where also the other antithetical types of the active and contemplative life such as Leah and Rachel, etc., are considered.

MONASTICISM AS THE E X E M P L A R Y CHRISTIAN W A Y

337

Once again the antithesis between the divine and the earthly is expressed in terms of unity and multiplicity, a terminology so characteristic of St. Augustine.28 It is obvious that this manner of thinking will grant relatively more to the active life than can be allowed to it when the concepts of similarity and dissimilarity are used antithetically. Ordered multiplicity (number) can have relative value, dissimilarity cannot.29 From these premises Augustine's position with regard to the evaluation of the active and the contemplative life and more specifically with regard to the relationship between monasticism and the Church at large can be understood. The close connection between Augustine's monastic ideal and his ideas on reform emerges clearly f r o m his life and w o r k . His very conversion in the garden outside Milan was insolubly bound up with his hearing for the first time of Christian monasticism as a radical program of Christian life.®® It was the example thus given which threw him into the inner crisis which lead to his moral liberation. From that day onward monasticism was f o r him, too, the perfect f o r m of Christ i a n i t y . O n the other hand, many of Augustine's writings eloquently express his conviction that the true contemplative life, which is a life f o r God, must flow over into a life of love f o r man, must issue above all into the apostolic effort of bringing others to the love of God. The City of God, he says, is concerned with man's choice between the different ways of life only in so far as it matters h o w much each takes f o r himself by love of truth (amore veritatis), how much he gives to others by duty of love (officio caritatis).^^ But none must be in leisure (otiosus) in such a way that in that leisure he does not ponder what is useful for his neighbor or be so active (actuosas) that he does not seek out the contemplation of God. . . . Love of truth (caritas veritatis) therefore seeks holy leisure ; necessity of charity (necessitas caritatis) accepts just business. . . . And yet, the delight in truth must not thus be given See above, pp. 2 1 2 £f. See above, p. 188, n. 8, about Augustine's concept of the regio dìssìmilitudims. See Confessiones VIU, 6, 14 f f . , Skutella 1 6 4 ff. ; cf. below, p. 3 1 4 . See below, pp. 3 1 3 ff. " De civitate Dei XIX, 19, Corp. Christ., Ser. Lat. XLVIII, 686.

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M O N A S T I C I S M AS A V E H I C L E OF R E F O R M

up altogether lest that sweetness

[of truth] be taken a w a y and lest that

necessity [of charity] b e c o m e oppressive.®® O n earth then there w i l l necessarily b e conflict, but a fruitful conflict,

b e t w e e n contemplation and the service for others.

F o r if the minister [of G o d ] is n o t on fire w h e n he preaches he does not set afire h i m to w h o m he preaches.®^ I f o r m y part . . . like it b e t t e r to l e a m than to teach. In this sense w e also are admonished b y the A p o s t l e James w h e n he says: " A n d let every man be s w i f t to hear, but s l o w to s p e a k " (James i : 1 9 ) . T h e sweetness of truth then should invite us to l e a m , the necessities of charity should f o r c e us to teach. Y e t in this connection it is rather to be wished that this necessity through w h i c h man teaches something to man may pass a w a y and w e may all b e c o m e the disciples of G o d (docibiles

Dei) ; though w e really are this [already] if w e

learn those things w h i c h appertain to true p i e t y , even w h e n a man seems to teach t h e m . ® ® A n explicit application of Augustine's teaching on action and contemplation to the relation b e t w e e n monastic and nonmonastic Christian l i f e is f o u n d i n t h e l e t t e r h e w r o t e as a b i s h o p t o t h e a b b o t a n d m o n k s of Capraria. Ibid., XLVIII, 686 f. : Nec sic esse quisque debet otiosus ut in eodem otio utilitatem non cogitet proximi, nec sic actuosus ut contemplationem non requirat Dei. . . . Quam ob rem otium sanctum quaerit caritas vçritatis, negotium iustum suscípit nécessitas caritatis . . . ; sed пес sic omni modo veritatis delectatio deserenda est ne subtrahatur illa suavitas et opprimât ista necessitas. Augustine here anticipates the later concept of the " m i x e d l i f e " which is both active and contemplative. His terminology is dependent on Varrò and through him on the Cynic elaboration of the contrast between the contemplative and the active ways of life in the sense of a distinction of three ways, the third being ex utroque compositum; see De ciritate Dei X I X , 19, Corp. Christ., Ser. Lat. XLVIII, 686: Unde illam quam Varrò adhibuit ex Cynicis differentiam, si nihil turpiter atque intemperanter agat, omnino non curat. Ex tribus vero illis vitoe generibus, otioso, actuoso et ex utroque composito, quamvis salva fide quisque possit in quolibet eorum vitam ducere et ad sempiterna praemia pervenire, interest tamen quid amore teneat veritatis, quid officio caritatis inpendat. Augustine, Enarr. in Ps. CHI, sermo II, 4, Corp. Christ., Ser. Lat. X L , 1493 : Nisi enim ardeat minister praedicans, non accendit eum cui praedicat. ' ' Augustine, De octo Dulcitii quaestionihus, quaest., 9, 3, 6, P I X L , 160 f. : Ego enim . . . plus amo discere quam docere. Nam hoc admonemur etiam dicente apostolo lacobo: " S i t autem omnis homo velox ad audiendum, tardus autem ad loquendum" (James 1 : 1 9 ) . Ut ergo discamus, invitare nos debet suavitas veritatis; ut autem doceamus, cogere necessitas charitatis. Ubi potius optandum est, ut transeat ista necessitas qua hominem docet aliquid homo, et simus omnes docibiles D e i ; quamvis et hoc simus, cum ea quae ad veram pietatem pertinent discimus, etiam quando illa docere videtur homo.

MONASTICISM AS THE EXEMPLARY CHRISTIAN W A Y

339

When we think of your tranquility which you have in Christ we, too, though involved in variegated and arduous labors, rest in your charity. For we are one body under one head so that you, too, are busy (negotiosi) in us and we are at rest (otiosi) in you [in accordance with St. Paul's teaching on the Church as the Body of Christ (i Cor. 12:26)]. He therefore asks for their prayers; for his own are often weakened by the darkness and the tumult of secular activities into which he as a bishop is drawn to such an extent that he can hardly breathe. But you, brethren, we exhort in the Lord t h a t . . . if the Church, your mother, should desire your help you do neither accept it with avid elation nor reject it in bland slothfulness, but obey God with a humble heart. . . . And do not prefer your state of rest to the necessities of the Church. For if none of the good were willing to minister to her who gives birth you would not find any way in which you could be bom (that is to say, rebom by the Church).^e On other occasions Augustine gave further reasons why even in the monastic state full peace and rest are impossible. True, the desert is full of servants of God who if they had liked it among men would not have fled there. And still, even in the desert, others will congregate around the man who wants to be alone, will seek the desert with him, will affect his way of life. Charity will oblige him to allow these to stay with him. Thus he will still be with others among whom there will be those who will try his patience. For in any congregation there will be bad men with whom it is necessary to bear, as Christ bore even with Judas. Thus certain virtues of the active life which are needed by Christian society in general, by the whole terrestrial Church, are after all required also in the monastic state. 3« Augustine, Epist.

XLVffl, i f . ,

CSEL X X X I V , 2, 137 f . : Quando quietem vestram

cogitamus, quam habetis in Christo, etiam nos, quamvis in laboribus variis asperisque versemur, in vestra caritate requiescimus. Unum enim corpus sub uno capite sumus, ut et vos in nobis negotiosi et nos in vobis otiosi simus. . . . Admonemus ergo et petimus et obsecramus . . ., ut nostri memores sitis in sanctis orationibus vestris . . . ; nostras enim sauciat et débilitât caligo et tumultus saecularium actionum . . ., ut vixrespirare possimus, credentes tamen quod ille (that is to say, God) . . . perseverantes nos in eo ministerio, in quo conlocare dignatus est cum promissa mercede, adiuvantibus orationibus vestris ab omni angustia liberabit. Vos autem, fratres, exhortamur in Domino, ut . . . si qua opera vestra mater ecclesia desideraverit, nec elatione avida suscipiatis nec blandiente desidia respuatis, sed miti corde obtemperetis. . . . N e c vestrum otium necessitatibus ecclesiae praeponatis cui parturienti, si nulli boni ministrare vellent, quo modo nasceremini non inveniretis. 12+T.1.R.

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MONASTICISM AS A VEHICLE OF REFORM

F o r you cannot be separated f r o m the human kind, as long as you live among men.3' S u c h a r g u m e n t s a r e e v i d e n c e that f o r A u g u s t i n e t r u e m o n a s t i c i s m is c o e n o b i t i c a l ,

not hermitical,

a n d also that it is a p o s t o l i c o r ,

in

m o d e m t e r m i n o l o g y , m i x e d rather than p u r e l y contemplative. S o m e t h i n g o f this A u g u s t i n i a n a t t i t u d e s u r v i v e d in t h e t r u l y c h a r i table spirit of the early mediaeval w e s t e r n m o n k s — i n St. Severin, for instance®®—and

this s p i r i t n o d o u b t h e l p e d i n c o n v e r t i n g t h e

b a r i a n t r i b e s a n d in t h e o f t e n q u i t e as a r d u o u s task o f

bar-

preserving

Christianity among the R o m a n s . ® ' See Augustine, Enarr. in Ps. LIV, 9, Corp. Christ., Ser. Lat. XXXIX, 663 f. : Unde enim putatis . . . servis Dei impleta esse deserta? Si bene illis esset inter homines, recederent ab hominibus? Et tarnen quid faciunt et ipsi? Ecce elongant fugientes, manent in deserto (cf. Ps. 54: 8): sed numquid singillatim? Tenet eos caritas, ut cum multis maneant: et de ipsis multis exsistunt qui exerceant. Quia in omni congregatione multitudinis necesse est, ut inveniantur mall. Deus enim . . . novit . . . necessarium esse nobis, ut feramus malos. . . . Quo iturus es, quo volaturus, ubi requieturus ? . . . In quo deserto ? Ubicumque fueris, congregabunt se ceteri, desertum tecum petent, affectabunt vitam tuam, tu repellere non potes societatem fratrum, miscentur tibi etiam mali, adhuc tibi exercitatio debetur. . . . Non enim a genere humano separatus esse poteris, quamdiu in hominibus vivis. Adtende potius consolatorem illum Dominum et regem, imperatorem et creatorem nostrum creatura etiam inter nos; adtende quia duodecim suis miscuit imum quem pateretur (i.e., Judas). See abo Enart. in Ps. XdX, 9, Corp. Christ., Ser. Lat. X X X I X , 1 3 9 8 : Sed quo se separaturus est christianus, ut non gemat inter falsos fratres . . ., and the rest of this sermon. For the great apostle of late fifth century Noricum, St. Severin, see now the remarkable book by F. Kaphahn, Zwischen Antike und Mittelalter (München, s.a.) 92 ff., also I. Zibermayr, Noricum, Baiern und Österreich (München, Berlin, 1944) 41 ff., R . Noll's introduction to his reprint of Mommsen's edition with German translation of the Vita S. Sererini : Eugippius, Das Lehen deshL Severin (Linz a.D., 1947) and E. К. Winter, " T h e Byzantine Millennium of Vienna," Medieyalia et Humanistica X (19^6) 7 ff., where more special Severin studies by the author are quoted. Cf. below, p. 382, n. 18. " Cf. also below, pp. 3 Î 9 - 3 6 Î , about Augustine's synthesis of monasticism and the clericate.

CHAPTER Π MONKS, PRIESTS, CONVERSI

I,

HERMITS, COENOBITES,

CLERICS

The epochal role of St. Pachomius as the founder of coenobitical monasticism has been rightly stressed in recent times.^ Nevertheless, it remains true that St. Basil the Great laid even deeper spiritual foundations for the common life of monks, as distinct from hermitical monasticism.2 His reasons for valuing and propagating the ideals of community monasticism were much the same as diose given later by St. Augustine under different circumstances:® . . . Christ's precept of charity does not permit the individual to consider [only] what appertains to him. . . . . . . if all we, who are united in the one hope of our calling,* are one body with Christ as our head and are all of us members of one another, ® if then we were not joined together by union in the Holy Spirit in the harmony of one body, but if each of us should choose to live in solitude and would not serve the common good in a manner pleasing to God but would be fulfilling his own passion of self-satisfaction—^how then could we, split off and separated, save the relation and assistance of members to one another or the submission to our head who is Christ ? . . . Consider further that the Lord was not satisfied with instruction by word alone, but so as to transmit to us clearly and exactly the example of humility in the perfection of charity girded Himself and washed the feet of the disciples. Whom, therefore, will you wash, to whom will you minister, compared to whom will you be the lowest, if you live alone ? . . . An arena for combat, a good path of progress, a continual discipline, and a practicing of the Lord's commandments: all this is the dwelling together of brethren in a community. This kind of life has as its goal the glory of God according to the precept of our Lord Jesus Christ who has said: "So let your ^ Cf. H. Bacht, "L'importance de l'idéal monastique de s. Pacôme pour l'histoire du monachisme chrétien," Rer. ascét. myst. X X V I ( i g j o ) 309 ff. ' Cf. also above, pp. 1 2 6 f.

^ See below, pp. s j j ff.

« C f . Eph. 4 : 4 .

« C f . I Cor. 1 2 : 1 2 . 341

342

MONASTICISM AS A V E H I C L E O F R E F O R M

light shine b e f o r e m e n that they may see y o u r good w o r k s and g l o r i f y y o u r Father w h o is in h e a v e n "

(Matthew i : i 6 ) ;

[this life] maintains also the

character traits of the saints w h o s e history the A c t s [of the Apostles] relate and about w h o m it is w r i t t e n : " A n d all they that believed w e r e together and had all things c o m m o n "

( A c t s 2 : 4 4 ) and again: " A n d all the multitude of

believers had b u t one heart and one soul ; neither did anyone say that aught of the things w h i c h they possessed w a s his ovra, b u t all things w e r e c o m m o n unto t h e m " ( A c t s 4 : 3 2 ) . 6 It w o u l d s e e m t h a t t h e i n n e r m o t i v e s o f B a s i l ' s p r a i s e o f c o m m u n a l a s c e t i c i s m w e r e c o n n e c t e d n o t o n l y w i t h his h i g h e r e v a l u a t i o n o f t h e l i f e o f c o e n o b i t e s as c o m p a r e d t o t h a t o f h e r m i t s . D o m J . has s h o w n ^

that the ascetics of Asia

Minor,

Gribomont

s u c h as E u s t a t h i u s

of

S e b a s t e , w h o m Basil r e g a r d e d as h i s m a s t e r i n t h e a s c e t i c l i f e , a n d a t first e v e n B a s i l h i m s e l f , w e r e n o t y e t m o n k s a n d o r g a n i z e r s o f m o n a s t i c i s m in the sense of St. A n t h o n y a n d S t . P a c h o m i u s , b u t r e p r e s e n t e d a m o v e m e n t o f m o r e g e n e r a l r a d i c a l r e f o r m w h i c h d e m a n d e d o f all Christians fullest adherence to the evangelical-apostolic w a y of life. ' This whole text is contained in Basil's Longer Rules. See Regulae fusius tractatae VII, i , PG X X X I , 92 8 D f . : . . .6 rrjs άγαττης τοΰ Χριστοΰ λόγοί ούκ èmrpiiKi то íSiov OKomîv ίκαστον. . . . Ibid. ΥΠ, 2, X X X I , 929^* καΙ πόντε?, οΐ év μια ¿λπίΒι τηζ κλησίως ιτροσ· ληφθέντα, (V σωμά ίσμΐν, κ€φαλψ ίχοντίς τον Χριστόν, ό Se Kaßels αλλήλων μΑλη, ¿αν μη «V σνμφωνίαζ irpòs èvòs σώματος άρμολογίαν €v ΙΤνενματί αγίω σνναρμοσθώμ€ν, €καστο5 Bè ημών την μόνωσιν αίρηται, μη κατά το (ύάρΐστον τω вей wpòy то Koivij συμφέρον τη οικονομία Βονλίνων, άλλα το Ιδιον της airapeaKtias ττάβοί νληροφορων ττω; δυνάμεθα άπίσχισμένοι και διημημένοι σώζΐΐν την των μΐλων Trpòs άλληλα σχέσιν те καΐ ίττηρΐσίοα/ η την ύττοταγην npòs την κεφαλήν ήμων ήτις ¿στιν Ö Χριστός ; Ibid. VII, 4, X X X I , 9 3 3 A f f . : 'Ιδού γαρ ¿Κύριος δι'ΰττερβολήν φιλανθρωπίας ούκ ήρκέσθη τη ¿κ τοΰ λόγον διδασκαλία μόνον, άλλ' ωστΐ ακριβώς και ¿ναργως ήμΐν παραδοΰνταιτό νηόδίίγμα της ταπεινοφροσύνης èv τη τΐλΐιότητι της αγάπης, αύτός περιζωσάμενος €νιφ€ τους πόδας των μαθητών. Τίνα ούν άπονίφεις, τίνα θεραπεύσεις, τίνος έσχατος εση, αύτός καθ' εαυτόν διάγων; . . . Στάδιον οΰν αθλήσεως και προκοπής εύοδία καΙ διηνεκής γυμνάσια και μελετη των τοΰ Κυρίου εντολών και επί το αυτό κατοίκησίς εστι τών αδελφών' σκοπόν μεν έχουσα τήν δόζαν τοΰ Θεοΰ κατ' εντολήν τον Κυρίου ημών Ίησου Χριστοΰ ειπόντος* 'Όντω λαμφάτο το φώς υμών εμπροσθεν τών ανθρώπων οπως ιδωσιν υμών τα καλά εργα και δοζάσωσι τόν Πατέρα ΰμών τον εν τοις ούρανοΐς" (Matthew j : 16)· χαρακτήρα δε σώζουσα τών έν ταΐς Πράξεσιν Ιστορουμενων αγίων περί ων γεγραπται· ' 'Πάντες δε οι πιστεύοντες ^σαν επί το αύτό και είχον άπαντα κοινά" (Acts 2 : 4 4 ) " και πάλιν "Τοΰ δε πλήθους τών πιστευσάντων ήν ή καρδία και ή φυχη μία- καΐ ούδε εις τι τών υπαρχόντων αύτφ ελεγεν ίδιον εΐναι, αλλ' ήν αύτοΐς άπαντα κοινά" (Acts 4 = 32)· See also Dom David Amand (de Mendieta), L'ascèse monastique de saint Basii« (Maredsous, 1948), 1 2 0 , 1 2 2 , 1 2 4 , 1 2 7 , 128 ff. ' J . Gribomont, O . S . B . , " L e monachisme au IV® s. en Asie Mineure: de Gangres au Messalianisme," Stud. Patr. II, 400 f f . , and idem, " L e s Règles Morales de saint Basile et le Nouveau Testament," Stud. Patr. Π, 4 1 6 ff.

M O N K S , PRIESTS, C O N V E R S I

343

It may be recalled that only a little later St. John Chrysostom tried to reform the Christian societies of Antioch and Constantinople from the same basis ; he failed, probably because he attempted to reach out too far beyond the ascetic sphere of influence.® But with Basil the ascetic ideal remained foremost and gradually assumed those more institutionalized monastic forms with which w e are familiar from the printed text of his ascetical writings.® Nevertheless, the less strictly monastic origins of his asceticism make it more easily understandable that he linked his coenobitical idea to the primitive Christian community of Jerusalem, the Church of the Apostles. From St. Basil onward the derivation of coenobitical monasticism from the community of the Apostles was at any rate an important element of early Christian and mediaeval monastic ideology, i ® John Cassian, for instance, in his eighteenth Conference gives an elaborate historical sketch of the development of monasticism which is centered in the topos of apostolic origins: . . .the disciphne of the coenobites has its origins in the times of the preaching of the Apostles. . . . The whole Church was then in such a condition as can be found now only with difficulty in a very few, in monasteries (coenobiis).^^ After the death of the Apostles, Cassian continues, the faithful began to become less fervent, not least because of the influx of converted pagans. The belief then arose that concessions made to the weakness of the latter held good for all Christians. But those in whom the apostolic fervor was still alive remembered that pristine perfection. They left their cities and the company of those who ® See above, pp. 1 2 ^ - 1 3 0 . ' For successive stages in the corpus of Basil's ascetical writings and for the manuscripts which represent this development cf. J . Gribomont, O . S . В . , Histoire du texte des Ascétiques de s. Basile (Bibliothèque du Muséon X X X I I , Louvain, i g j a ) 3 2 3 ff. ^i· As such it appears already In a work of John Chrysostom, still belonging to his early, monastic, phase (cf. above, p. 1 2 6 , n. j i ) ; in a development inverse to that of Basil, Chrysostom was later to hold up the life of the Apostles as a model for the whole Church ; see above, p. 1 2 8 . ^^ Cassian, Conlationes XVIII, i , i f., CSEL ХШ, Í09 f. : Itaque coenobiotarum disciplina a tempore praedicationis apostolicae sumpsit exordium. Nam talis extitit in Hierosolymis omnis ilia credentium multitudo, quae in Actibus Apostolorum ita describitur . . . (there follow quotations from Acts 4 : 3 2 , 2:45-, 4 : 3 4 f . ) . . . . Talis, inquam, erat tunc omnis ecclesia, quales nunc perpaucos in coenobiis invenire difficile est. Cf. also Institutiones VII, 1 7 , C S E I X V I I , 140 ff.

344

MONASTICISM AS A VEHICLE OF REFORM

believed that the negligence of a relaxed life was allowed to them and to the Church of God. They began to dwell in suburban and more hidden places and to practice privately and for themselves what they remembered to have been instituted by the Apostles for the entire body of the Church generally. . . . Gradually, in the course of time, these, segregated from the crowd of believers, were named monks (monachi) tion to an isolated (singularis)

or μονάζοντας

from

their obliga-

and solitary life, since they abstained from

marriage and had separated themselves from the company of their relatives and the way of life of the world. As a further consequence, they were called coenobites (coenobiotae) from their common life and their cells and dwelling places coenobia. This alone, therefore, was the oldest genus of monks, which is the first not only in time, but also in grace. . . From the number of these perfect men and from this most prolific root as it were there came forth later the flowers and fruit of the anchorites or hermits. Conlationes ХУШ, ς, 2 ff., CSEL ХШ, j i o f. : Sed cum apostolorum excessu tepescere coepisset credentium multitudo, ea vel maxime quae ad fidem Christi de alienigenis ас diversis gentibus confluebat, а quibus apostoli pro ipsis fidei rudimentis et inveterata gentilitatis consuetudine nihil amplius expectabant nisi " u t ab inmolaticüs idolorum et fornicatione et suffocatis et sanguine" (cf. Acts 1^:29) temperarent, atque ista libertas, quae gentibus propter inñimitatem primae credulitatis indulta est, etiam illius ecclesiae perfectionem, quae Hierosolymis consistebat, paulatim contaminare coepisset et crescente cotidie vel indigenarum numero vel advenarum primae illius fidei refrigesceret fervor, non solum hi, qui ad fidem Christi confluxerant, verum etiam illi, qui erant ecclesiae principes, ab illa districtione laxati sunt. Nonnulli enim existimantes id, quod videbant gentibus pro infirmitate concessum, sibi etiam licitum, nihil se detrimenti perpeti crediderunt, si cum substantiis ac facultatibus suis fidem Christi confessionemque sequerentur. Hi autem, quibus adhuc apostolicus inerat fervor, memores illius pristinae perfectionis discedentes a civitatibus suis illorumque consortio, qui sibi vel ecclesiae Dei remissioris vitae negligentiam licitam esse credebant, in locis suburbanis ac secretioribus conmanere et ea, quae ab apostolis per universum corpus ecclesiae generaliter meminerant instituta, privatim ас peculiariter exercera coeperunt: atque ita coaluit ista, quam diximus, discipulorum, qui se ab illorum contagio sequestraverunt, disciplina. Qui paulatim tempore procedente segregati a credentium turbis, ab eo quod a coniugiis abstinerent et a parentum se consortio mimdique istius conversatione secemerent, monachi sive μονάζοντίί a singularis ac solitariae vitae districtione nominati sunt. Unde consequens fuit, ut ex communione consortii coenobiotae cellaeque ас diversoria eorum coenobia vocarentur. Istud ergo solummodo fuit antiquissimum monachorum genus, quod non solum tempore, sed etiam gratia primum est quodque per annos plurimos inviolabile usque ad abbatis Pauli vel Antoni duravit aetatem : cuius etiam nunc adhuc in districtis coenobiis cemimus residere vestigia. Ibid. XVin, 6, I, ХШ, j i i : De hoc perfectorum numero et, ut ita dixerim, fecundissima radice sanctorum etiam anachoretarum post haec flores fructusque prolati sunt. . . .

M O N K S , PRIESTS, C O N V E R S I In t h e f o l l o w i n g Conference

345

Cassian discusses t h e e n d a n d v a l u e

of

b o t h the coenobitical and the anchoretic or hermitical life. T h e essence o f t h e l a t t e r state h e calls h e r e theoretica

puritas,

t h a t p u r i t y w h i c h is

t h e presupposition f o r t h e vision o f G o d and f o r t h e u n i o n of the m i n d w i t h Christ. W i t h regard to the f o r m e r , he mentions especially

the

full renunciation of the m o n k ' s o w n w i l l , that mortification and c r u c i fixion

o f t h e w i l l w h i c h is i n s e p a r a b l e f r o m t h e c o m m u n a l

l i f e , w h i c h is h e r e s i g n i f i c a n t l y c a l l e d conrersatio actualis.^^

communis

monastic

rather than

T h o u g h Cassian d o e s n o t m e n t i o n i t h e r e , i t is q u i t e c l e a r

t h a t i n t h e m o n a s t i c w a y o f l i f e t h e h i g h e s t g r a d e : theoretica

puritas

t h e h e r m i t ' s c o n t e m p l a t i o n , and t h e second highest g r a d e : actualis

o r communis

o r t h e practical life of t h e c o e n o b i t e s , can f o l l o w

o n l y a f t e r a first s t e p , conversio rersio, ions.

converti

or

conversatio

t o m o n a s t i c i s m , has b e e n t a k e n .

i n t h i s sense o c c u r i n t h e Conlationes

o n several

In C a s s i a n ' s t i m e t h e s e w o r d s as w e l l as t h e e x p r e s s i o n

Con-

occasconversas

are j u s t b e g i n n i n g t o a s s u m e t h e m e a n i n g o f m o n a s t i c o r n e a r - m o n a s t i c reform t e r m s . I n

Cassian's

third

Conference

there

is c l e a r

corres-

p o n d e n c e b e t w e e n t h e t h r e e steps o f c o n v e r s i o n , p r a x i s , t h e o r i a , a n d Ibid. XIX, 8, 3 f . , ХШ, J42 f. : Finis quidem coenobiotae est omnes suas mortificare et cnicifigere voluntates ас secundum evangelicae perfectionis salutare mandatum nihil de crastino cogitare. . . . Heremitae vero perfectio est exutum mentem a cunctis habere terrenis eamque quantum humana inbeciUitas valet sic unire cum Christo. . . . Ibid. XIX, 9, i f . , ΧΙΠ, Í43 f. : . . . in utraque professione per omnia consummatum invenire difficile est, quia nec anachoreta άκτημοσννψ,

id est contemptum ac privationem materialem rerum,

пес coenobiota theoreticam ad integrum potest adsequi puritatem . . . (vi^ith the exception, however, of some great monks of w h o m it could be doubted штат in ilia heremitica pmitate an in ista conrersatione communi magnanimitas eorum mirabilius aptaretur). For the term conversatio communis see immediately below. i^See especially Conlationes XXIV, i , 3, ХШ,

and 13, 4-6,

ХШ, 689 f. I cannot

agree w i t h F. Friedrich, O . S . B . , "Conversatio M o r u m : Das zweite Gelübde des Benediktinermönches,"

Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner-Ordens und seiner

Zweige LIX (1941) 224 ff., when he asserts that Cassian never spoke of conrersio, always of conversatio ; it is true that the evidence of the manuscripts and the sense of the text should often have led the editor of the Conlationes in CSEL to choose conrersatio rather than conrersio in establishing the text. 1 · Cf. L. T h . A . Lorié, S.J., Spiritual Terminology in the Latin Translations of the Vita Antonii (Latinitas Christianorum Primaeva XI, Nijmegen, i g i s )

94 S.

As well

knovra,

the

increasing vogue of the term conrersio in the sense of monastic conversion brought about the substitution of conrersio for conversatio in crucial parts of the Rule of St. Benedict at least since the eighth century. Cf. D o m С . Butler, O . S . B . , Benedictine Monachism (London, etc., 1924) 134 ff, D o m С . Chapman, O . S . B . , Saint Benedict and the Sixth Century (New Y o r k , etc., 1929) 207 ff., D o m J. McCann, O . S . B . , Saint Benedict (London, 1938) 149 ff.

34б

MONASTICISM AS A VEHICLE OF REFORM

the three monastic abrenuntiationes

of w h i c h the first means a renouncing

of the " w o r l d " w i t h its riches and opportunities, the second a r e nouncing of all evil habits and inclinations of b o d y and m i n d , the third a renouncing of everything present and visible in concentrated desire for the invisible celestial things t o come.^'' These Cassianic texts n o t only show an adaptation to monastic ref o r m i d e o l o g y o f such basic Christian concepts as conversion and contemplation, b u t also significantly c o m b i n e the idea o f the practice of virtues (coDversatio

actualis,

in the t e r m conversatio

-πρακτική)

communis.

pression are scriptural conversatio, l i f e , " i ® and the communia

w i t h that of t h e c o m m o n life

T h e elements of this composite e x meaning in m o s t instances " w a y of

of the A c t s of the Apostles, meaning c o m -

m u n i t y of goods and of life.^® W h i l e one part of this combination, conversatio,

was to b e c o m e of utmost importance for Benedictine m o -

nastic r e f o r m ideology, since the Rule oj St. Benedict v o w s demands conversatio

morum,

" a life of v i r t u e , "

w h i c h m a y b e designated as vita

communis,

in one of its three the other part,

essential already f o r St.

Basil's c o n c e p t i o n of t h e c o e n o b i t i c life, also f o r m e d the core of t h e monastic idea of St. Augustine, w h o , furthermore, as a bishop e x t e n d e d the ideal of the c o m m o n life to his c l e r g y . 1 ' See ConlationesUl, 6, CSELXm, 73 f., and cf. above, p. 332, n. 13. 18 Of special importance for ascetic-monastic and mystical ideology is the Pauline text Phil. 3:20: nostra autem conrersatio (ττολίηνμα) in caelis est. See, for instance, Ambrose, De yirginitate lo, j g , Cazzaniga 28: . . . te docuit quemadmodum in caelo stare possis, cum dicit: "Nostra autem conversatio in caelis est," conversatio morum, conversatio factorum, conversatio fidei (quoted by Friedrich, "Conversatio Morum" г ss)· Cassian, Conlationes Ш, 6, 4, CSEL ХШ, 74, has a non-Vulgate translation for πολίτίυμα : municipatus instead o( conversatio (cf. also Tertullian, De corona 13, 4, Corp. Christ., Ser. Lat. Π, 1061); this is of interest in connection with the development of western ciyitas Dei ideology ; cf. p. 247, n. 40. Where Cassian uses the term conrersatio, he derives it no doubt from other scriptural texts, e.g. i Tim. 4 : 1 2 , Hebr. 1 3 : 7 , i Peter 3 : i (where conrersatio is translation of άναατροφη). See above, p. 343, n. 11. Benedict! Regula gS, 26, Linderbauer 64; see also ibid. ¡8, 2, Linderbauer 63. For the meaning of the term cf. Friedrich, "Conversatio Morum" 200 ff., where the older studies of Abbot I. Herwegen and Dom Rothenhäusler are discussed; see also Ph. Schmitz, O.S.B., article "Conversatio (conversio) morum," DSpir, fase. XIV-XV, 2206 ff., and P. Hörger, O.S.B., "«Initium Conversationis»," Benedictas, der Vater des Abendlandes, S47-t947 (München, 1947) 213 ff. Cf. Ph. Oppenheim, O.S.B., "Mönchsweihe und Taufritus: Ein Kommentar zur Auslegung bei Dionysius dem Areopagiten," in Misceli. MoMberg I, 259 ff., for the relation between monastic and baptismal renewal.

M O N K S , PRIESTS, C O N V E R S I

347

In the closely related Sermons C C C L V and C C C L V I , On the Life and Behavior of His Clergj,^^ St. Augustine quotes at length and discusses fully the entire text from the fourth chapter of the Acts of the Apostles,22 in which the life of the primitive Christian community of Jerusalem is described. These sermons, apart from the fact that they are among the most personal and stirring monuments of the saint's preaching, are very interesting also because they show how the Bishop Augustine used the example of apostolic Jerusalem to impose the monastic way of life on the clergy of his Church. They mark an event of prime importance in the history of monasticism: they are documents of the "monastization" of the clergy. In order to appreciate this development, which will be studied in the next chapter, especially from these sermons and from some other writings of St. Augustine, it is necessary to realize clearly that early monasticism, whether coenobitical or hermitical, was essentially a monasticism of lay people, that is to say, of men not in clerical orders ^^ and of consecrated virgins or nuns. This can be seen from every page of the lives and histories of the early monks. Whether intentionally or merely as a matter of fact, this state of affairs was to some extent a reaction against increasing worldliness in the Church, the clergy not excluded.^^ A change came with some of the great bishops of the late fourth century who had been monks before they accepted, often very reluctantly, the responsibilities of the priesthood and the episcopate, which were " See below, pp. 3 Í 9 - 3 6 1 .

^^ Acts 4 : 3 1 - 3 j .

Cf. H. Bacht, S . J . , " D i e Rolle des orientalischen Mönchtums in den kirchenpolitischen Auseinandersetzungen um Chalkedon ( 4 3 1 - Í 1 9 ) , " in Das Konzil ron Chalhedon, edd. A . Grillmeier, S . J . , and H . Bacht, S . J . , II (Würzburg, 1 9 Í 3 ) 300 ff., L. Ueding, " D i e Kanones von Chalkedon und ihre Bedeutung für Mönchtum und K l e r u s , " ibid. ^ 7 3 . The percentage of priests and clerics in fourth and fifth century eastern Christian monasteries, though not negligible (cf. Bacht, "Orientalisches Mönchtum" 3 0 1 ff.), remained relatively small. O n the other hand see below, p. 3 4 8 , for the establishment of a semi-clerical status of the monks by the Council of Chalcedon. See, for instance, Jerome, Epist. X I V , ad Heliodorum, 9, CSEL LIV, gj f., where he warns of the dangers of the clerical state and says: Non omnes episcopi episcopi. . . . Probet se unusquisque et sic accedat. Non facit ecclesiastica dignitas Christianum. . . . Cf. the text from Cassian, quoted above, p. 3 4 4 , η. 1 2 ; see also his famous sentence in Inaitutiones XI, 1 8 , CSEL XVII, 203 : . . . haec est antiquitus patrum permanens nunc usque sententia . . . omnimodis monachum fugere debere mulleres et episcopos. Neuter enim sinit eum, quem semel suae familiaritati devinxerit, vel quieti cellae ulterius operam dare vel divinae theoriae per sanctarum rerum intuitum purissimis oculis inhaerere. 12*

348

MONASTICISM AS A VEHICLE OF REFORM

particularly grave and complex in that period. Basil of Caesarea is one of the first in the east and one of the most imposing of these ascetics on episcopal thrones who tried to maintain as far as possible a monastic way of life even as bishops. And yet, St. Basil's monasteries were for lay men; clerics within a monastic community were to remain exceptions for a long time to come. Only a short time after St. Basil, another monk and bishop, St. John Chrysostom, in his widely read work On the Priesthood presupposes that a monk is not ordinarily a priest and indeed sets the priest and bishop high above all other members of the Church, even above the monks. The distinct functions of monks and clerics were in any case recognized and maintained at least theoretically in the west as well as in the east, notwithstanding the western tendency toward "monastization" of the clergy, which will be discussed more fully later. ' 'For different is the cause of the monks from that of the clerics," says St. J e r o m e . The monastic legislation of the Council of Chalcedon treats the monastic state as semiclerical, as distinct from both the clerical and the lay condition. Ps.-Dionysius the Areopagite continued the glorification of both priests and monks. There is no longer any question but that the priesthood has the higher and the episcopate the highest rank in the ecclesiastical hierarchy, which in its entirety tends toward the familiar terminus of Greek patristic thought: the deification (θ^ωσις) of man, consisting in his assimilation (όμοίωσκ) to, and union (βνωσις) with. See above, p. 126. Cf. Jerome, Epist. XIV, ad Hehodorum, 8, CSEL LIV, SS'· Sed alia . . . monachi causa est, alia clericorum. Council of Chalcedon, canon 4, Schwartz, Acta Concil. Occam. II, I, 2, I J 9 ( 3 í í ) :

Oí άληβώι καΐ eíXiKpivws τον μονηρτ) μ^τίοντΐ! βίον τηΐ ηροσηκούζτη; άξιοΰοβωσαιι ημηΐ· £π«δή δί птеу τω μοναχικω κΐχρημενοι νροσχημαη ras те ¿κκλησίας καΐ τα πολιτικά διαταράττουσι πράγματα πΐριιόντ^ί ά^ιαφόρως èv ταΐ; πόλίσιν, ού μην αλλά και μοναστήρια ¿αυτοΐι συνισταν ¿πιττβ€νοντ€ς, €So^€V μηδίνα μ€ν μηδαμον οικο8ομ€Ϊν μ·φΐ συνισταν μοναστηριον η ΐύκτήριον οίκον παρά γνώμην τον τηζ πόλ^ωζ ¿πισκόπου, TOVS δέ καθ* Ικάστην πόλιν και χώραν μονάζοντας υποτΐτάχβαι τψ ¿πισκόπφ και την ήσνχίαν άσπάζ€σ6αι και προσ^χίΐν μόνη τη νηστ^ι949) 36 ff.: "Devons nous essayer de remonter plus loin que l'atome primitif? Notre pensée peut-elle s'approcher, prise de vertige, de ce fond de l'espace-temps, de cet instant qui n'avait pas d'hier parce qu'hier il n'y avait pas d'espace?" Cf. Augustine, Confessiones X n , 7 , 7 , Skutella 298 : . . . e t ideo de nihilo fecisti caelum et terram, magnum quiddam et parvum quiddam . . . (caelum here refers to the realm of spirit and terra to unformed matter, cf. above, pp. 167 ff.). 11 Cf. G. Gamovsr, The Creation of the Universe (New York, 19^6) 21 ff., ff. Beside Wiener, cf., for instance, C. F. v. Weizsäcker, The Historj of Nature (Chicago, >949) 7 i f f · ! especially the following passages on pp. 8 7 - 9 2 , which are quoted here in extenso because of their obvious relevance for an Augustinian conception of " f o r m " and " r e f o r m " : "Visible form is not the only kind of order. . . . The gain in thermodynamic probability of the state brought about by [the] conversion [of energy into heat] is so immense that the small loss of probability connected with the formation of regular forms [negentropy !] is negligible in comparison. . . . A form is an improbable state because it is a kind of order. The Second Law [of thermodynamics] allows us to conclude from the existence of the form that something still more improbable has existed in the past, an energy, namely, capable of producing this form. . . . The end always is heat death. Most of the time, however, it consists not in a dissolution of forms, but rather in their hardening. From the moment on when no more energy is converted, forms can neither originate nor decay. . . . Decomposition is already a sign of new life, though of a lower order. All life

4^2

EXCURSUSES

of time: every now is only a precariously held island in time's allconsuming stream which rushes on to the end.^ All three Augustinian insights in the problem of time, namely, first: that physical and psychological time are distinct from each other, second: that time for man has a more privileged character than space, and third: that time is irreversible, play a considerable role in modem science and philosophy, though in a different way and clearly without direct dependence on St. Augustine. The irreversibility of time seems to be connected somehow with the increase of entropy in the world.^ While the elementary laws of physics, especially quantum physics, affirm an absolute symmetry between past and future and thus seem to exclude the irreversibility of time, this becomes different as soon as the physicist includes in his observations large numbers of events and the statistic probability of their occurrence. In other words, as soon as the elementary physical event is taken out of its isolation, it becomes clear that the course of the world as a whole imposes upon it an irreversible direction. Thus it would seem that the psychological-biological arrow of time corresponds to the condition of the entropy-bound world of inanimate nature, taken in its entirety.® Our effort at coping with this situation, however, constitutes an element of negentropy.* While then the in the universe, on a large scale or small, is the evolution of forms of ever greater differentiation, enclosed between the original chaos and the hardening of the e n d . " See also the attempt at a synthesis of cosmological and of biological "organization" and order by François Meyer, Problématique de l'évolution (Bibliothèque de philosophie contemporaine, Logique et philosophie des sciences, Paris, 19^4), where the author utilizes and modifies Frantappié's concept of "syntropy" ; cf. furthermore H. F. Blum, Time's Arrow and Evolution, quoted this page, n. 2. ^ See above, Part Two, Chapter V , 4. ® Cf. H. F. Blum, Time's Arrow and Evolution, 2nd ed. (Princeton, igss) and passim. ä Cf., for instance, C. F. v. Weizsäcker, The History of Nature (Chicago, 1949) 4 7 - Í 9 , A . Grünbaum, " T i m e and Entropy," American Scientist ХЬШ ( ΐ 9 ί ί ) SS° * Cf. О. Costa de Beauregard, "Quelques aspects de l'irréversibilité du temps dans la physique classique et quantique," Revue des questions scientifiques . . . ( 1 9 Í 2 ) 1 8 1 : " . . . la flèche du temps biologique et psychologique représente une adaptation de la vie aux conditions dans lesquelles elle se trouve, en un point de la pente de la courbe de l'entropie voisine d'une fluctuation exceptionelle : sous peine d'être impossible, et même inconcevable, la vie est obligée d'explorer cette pente dans le sens qui fait croître l'entropie." I am greatly indebted to M. de Beauregard for his remarks on the subject in conversation and

ST. A U G U S T I N E A N D M O D E R N MATHEMATICS A N D SCIENCE

distinctness of psychological and of physical time is a fact, they are not altogether separate entities. Similar observations can be made with regard to the relation between time and space. Here again, the greater significance of time for the soul, so well pointed out by St. Augustine, is not without connection with physical facts. Modern physics illustrates the situation by an hourglass figure, symbolizing the double light cone of past and future, formed by the reception and emission of a light signal ; the wide angles between the cone of the past and that of the future indicate that because of the finite and supreme velocity of light there are no simultaneous present-points which would lie on one horizontal line running through the here-and-now ; only the one here-and-now point, where the cones meet, is the present, all other events may have been accessible in the past or may become accessible in the future, but in the present they are "absolutely e l s e w h e r e . T h u s every here-and-now has an immense past and future, but its present is limited to one point in space; with regard to every here-and-now time has the edge over space. Perhaps, Augustine felt this obscurely, when in a passage of De musica, where he does not speak of psychological but of physical time, he says that the temporal numbers are superior to the spatial ones.® Yet, in spite of the fact that in the macrocosmic space-time continuum physical time corresponds to psychological time through its irreversibility and through its very inseparability from any perception of space, it is only psychological time which for St. Augustine is a fulcrum of reform. Perhaps, it is not without significance that Augustine himself has not used the hourglass or double cone figure as a symbol of time, though it would at first glance seem to correspond so well to his conception of time as the precipitation of the future through the narrow gorge of the present into the depth of the past.' Actually, in his attempt to correspondence. See also B l u m ' s excellent discussion, Time's Arrow and Evolution

198-202,

I Í 4 f . , of the ultimate validity of the second law of thermodynamics and of temporal irreversibility in biological evolution in spite of possible short term reversals on a small scale due to mutation and natural selection. ® T h e expression is that of A . S. Eddington, The Nature of the Pfysical

World ( N e w Y o r k ,

C a m b r i d g e , 1 9 2 9 ) 4 8 . F o r the hourglass figure see also H . W e y l , Philosophj of Mathematics and Natural Science (Princeton, 1 9 4 9 )

102.

' See above, p . 2 2 0 . ' T h e hourglass figure is used in this sense by H . E i b l , Augustin und die Patristik ( M ü n c h e n , 1923) 326.

4Í4

EXCURSUSES

overcome temporal as well as spatial distentio through extentio-intentio toward God, Augustine is necessarily led to absorb the cone of the future into an already present concentration upon eternity; cf. Confessiones IV, I I , 1 6 , Skutella 66: . . . et fluxa tua reformabuntur . . . et constringentur ad te (cf. above, p. 2 i 2 , n . 40). More than the hourglassshaped double light cone of modern physics, the single ascending and converging cône du temps of the late P. Teilhard de Chardin's biologically and suprabiologically oriented universe, culminating in a spiritualized humanity, would seem today to possess genuine affinity to Augustine's concepts of time and space.® A conception of psychological and historical time, similar to that of St. Augustine, has in fact become a commonplace ever since Bergson's famous essays, and even more since the emergence of phenomenology» and "Gestaltpsychologie." Even though from an Augustinian point of view physical space-time is itself ' ' f o r m , " it is justifiable to call psychological time " f o r m e d t i m e " par excellence.Psychological time is formed on a higher level; in Augustinian terms it is a time of reform, which can conquer the mundane spatio temporal disgregation and distraction and to some extent even temporal distension through its intention toward etemity.^^

3.

NUMBER

The Augustinian conception of a universe ascending from formless matter to spatiotemporal order and to temporal and supratemporal life of the human soul is reflected also in Augustine's doctrine of numbers. Multiplicity as such is opposed to form and order, but number is not; on the contrary, it is the very form through which ' See P. Teilhard de Chardin, S.J., "L'esprit nouveau et le cône du temps," Psyche X (i9 j j ) = Numéro spécial: Textes de Piene Teilhard de Chardin, pp. 48 ff. • C f . M. Heidegger, "Sein und Zeit I , " Jahrbuch für Philosophie und phänomenologische Forschung \ΤΠ (1927) i ff., O. Becker, "Mathematische Existenz: Untersuchungen zur Logik und Ontologie der mathematischen Phänomene," ibid. УШ (1927) 439 ff., especially 637 ff., 660 ff. 1® See S. Strasser, Seele und Beseelus (Wien, i g j j ) 2 1 Í ff. : "Geformte Zeit als beseelte Zeit." 11 See above, pp. 209 ff.

ST. AUGUSTINE A N D M O D E R N MATHEMATICS A N D SCIENCE

c r e a t i o n , always p r o n e to relapse t h r o u g h formlessness t o w a r d

455

the

nothingness f r o m w h i c h it w a s d r a w n , can maintain itself in b e i n g . T h e r e is an ascending h i e r a r c h y o f n u m b e r s in e v e r y t h i n g that is, f r o m c o r p o r e a l to spatial, to t e m p o r a l n u m b e r s , and h i g h e r u p to t h e n u m b e r s o f reason and to the spiritual n u m b e r s o f the a n g e l s ; o n l y w h e n the soul turns t o the highest n u m b e r s , can it b e t r u l y r e f o r m e d . ^ On

these p r e m i s e s ,

however,

a difficult question arose f o r

St.

A u g u s t i n e as f o r m a n y thinkers b e f o r e and after h i m ; h o w , if n u m b e r s are an e l e m e n t o f the divine o r d e r w h i c h tends t o w a r d u n i t y , can t h e r e b e an infinity o f n u m b e r s ? In this r e s p e c t A u g u s t i n e anticipated the p r o b l e m s o f the m o d e m dispute o v e r the foundations o f m a t h e m a t i c s w h i c h d e v e l o p e d o u t o f G . C a n t o r ' s set t h e o r y . C a n t o r himself was clearly conscious o f this anticipation and h e rightly a d d u c e d a famous t e x t f r o m De civitate Dei XII, 19 in s u p p o r t o f his t h e o r y o f actually infinite (transfinite) numbers.^ St. A u g u s t i n e ' s t e x t reads as f o l l o w s : . . . while [numbers] are singly finite, they are collectively infinite. Does God, therefore, not know numbers on account of this infinity; and does His knowledge extend only to a certain height in numbers while of the rest He is ignorant ? . . . The infinity of number, though there be no numbering of infinite numbers, is yet not incomprehensible to Him whose understanding is infinite. And thus, if everything which is comprehended is defined or made finite by the comprehension of Him who knows it, then all infinity is in some ineffable way made finite to God, for it is comprehensible by His knowledge. . . . God, whose knowledge is simply manifold and uniform in its variety, comprehends all incomprehensibles with so incomprehensible a comprehension that, though He willed always to make His later works novel and unlike what went before them, He could not produce them without order and foresight nor conceive them suddenly but by His eternal foreknowledge.® ^ See above, Part T w o , Chapter V , j . ® G . Cantor, Gesammelte Abbandlungen, ed. E. Z e r m e l o (Berlin, 1932) 403 £f., n. 3 to 4 0 1 . ' A u g u s t i n e , De civitate Dei XII, 19, Corp. Christ., Ser. Lot. XLVIII, 3 7 î f . (the relevant text in its entirety): . . . [Numeros] quippe infinitos esse certissimum est; quoniam in quocumque numero finem faciendum putaveris, idem ipse, non dico uno addito augeri, sed quamlibet sit magnus et quamlibet ingentem multitudinem continens in ipsa ratione atque scientia numerorum non solum duplicar! verum etiam multiplicari potest. Ita vero suis quisque numerus proprietatibus terminatur, ut nullus eorum par esse cuicumque alteri possit. Ergo et dispares inter se atque diversi sunt, et singuli quique finiti sunt, et omjies

4^6

EXCURSUSES

Similarly, Augustine comments on Psalm 1 4 6 " G r e a t

is our

Lord, and great is His power: and of His wisdom there is no number" in the following manner : W h o can explain this? . . . Is sand numbered? F o r us not, but for G o d yes, for H i m the hairs of our head are numbered (cf. Matthew 1 0 : 3 0 ) and the sand is numbered. W h a t e v e r infinite, therefore, this w o r l d contains, though it is infinite f o r man, nevertheless, is not so f o r G o d — i n fact it is numbered not only f o r G o d , but also f o r the angels. . . . His understanding is beyond all those w h o count by numbers, it cannot be numbered by us. A n d w h o shall number number itself? W h a t e v e r is numbered, is numbered by number . . . but number cannot be numbered in any w a y . W h a t is it then in G o d f r o m w h i c h and in w h i c h H e made all things. H e to w h o m it is said: " . . .

thou

hast ordered all things in measure, and number, and w e i g h t " ( W i s d o m 1 1 : 2 1 ) ? O r w h o can number or measure or weigh that very number, measure, and weight in w h i c h G o d ordered all things ? . . . Let human voices be silent, let human thoughts be at rest; to the incomprehensible they must reach not as if understanding, but only as if participating: f o r w e shall be partakers (cf. Hebrews 3 : 1 4 ) . . . . A n d of what shall w e be partakers, as if there w e r e parts infiniti sunt (already in De musica I, ii, PL ХХХП, 1094, Augustine had said : Namque ista vis numero inest, ut omnis dictus finitus sit, non dictus autem infinitus ; later in De Trinitate XI, 8, 11, PL X L n , 994: Dicimus enim innumerabilia non solum infinita, sed etiam quae ita finita sunt, ut facultatem numerantis excedant). Itane numéros propter infinitatem nescit omnes Deus et usque ad quandam summam numerorum scientia Dei pervenit, ceteros ignorât ? Quis hoc etiam dementissimus dixerit ? Nec audebunt isti contemnere numéros et eos dicere ad Dei scientiam non pertinere, apud quos Plato Deum magna auctoritate commendai mundum numeris fabricantem. Et apud nos Deo dictum legitur: "Omnia in mensura et numero et pondere disposuisti" (Wisdom 1 1 : 2 1 ) ; de quo et propheta dicit: " Q u i proferì numerose saeculum" (Is. 40: 26) et Salvator in evangelio : " C a p i l l i , " inquit, "vestri omnes numerati sunt" (Matthew 1 0 : 3 0 ) . Absit itaque ut dubitemus quod ei notus sit omnis numerus, "cuius intellegentiae," sicut in psalmo canitur, "non est numerus" (Ps. 1 4 6 : 6 ) . Infinitas itaque numeri quamvis infinitorum numerorum nullus sit numerus, non est tamen inconprehensibilis ei cuius intellegentiae non est numerus. Quapropter si quidquid scientia conprehenditur, scientis conprehensione finitur: profecto et omnis infinitas quodam ineffabili modo Deo finita est, quia scientiae ipsius inconprehensibilis non est. Quare si infinitas numerorum scientiae Dei qua conprehenditur esse non potest infinita: qui tandem nos sumus homunculi, qui eius scientiae limites figere praesumamus dicentes quod, nisi eisdem circuitibus temporum eadem temporalia repetantur, non potest Deus cuncta, quae facit, vel praescire, ut faciat, vel scire, cum fecerit? Cuius sapientia simpliciter multiplex et tmiformiter multiformis tam inconprehensibili conprehensione omnia inconprehensibilia conprehendit, ut quaecumque nova et dissimilia consequentia praecedentibus, si semper facere vellet, inordinata et inprovisa habere non posset, nec ea provideret ex proximo tempore, sed aeterna praescientia contineret.

ST. A U G U S T I N E A N D M O D E R N M A T H E M A T I C S A N D S C I E N C E

457

in G o d ? W h o then can explain h o w the many may be partakers of the O n e w h o is simple ? * C a n t o r 5 was of the opinion that A u g u s t i n e ' s v i e w corresponded to his o w n

theory of actually infinite n u m b e r s , whereas O r i g e n ' s

con-

ception of numerical infinity corresponded only to the potentially infinite.®

A n d indeed Augustine seems to suggest that the infinity of the

s e t o f all finite w h o l e n u m b e r s , w h i l e i t c a n n o t b e e n c o m p a s s e d b y t h e h u m a n m i n d , is a w e l l - d e f i n e d , c o m p l e t e d q u a n t i t y f o r G o d . In t h e r e is n o c o n t r a s t b e t w e e n i n f i n i t y a n d i m i t y , b e t w e e n a n d m u l t i p l i c i t y , cuius formis.''

sapientia

simpliciter

multiplex

God

simplicity

et uniformiter

multi-

In his c o r r e s p o n d e n c e w i t h C a r d i n a l F r a n z e l i n C a n t o r f u r t h e r

e x p l a i n e d that the actually infinite n u m b e r s b e l o n g to t h e realm creation, w h e r e a s t h e eternal absolute and u n c r e a t e d infinity of stands a b o v e b o t h a c t u a l i n f i n i t y , w h i c h is f o r m e d , i m m u t a b l e , p l e t e , a n d p o t e n t i a l i n f i n i t y , w h i c h is " i m p r o p e r "

infinity,

of

God com-

because

m u t a b l e a n d a u g m e n t a b l e o n principle.® ^ Ausgustine, Enarr. in Ps. C X L V I , 1 1 , Corp. Christ., Ser. Lot. X L , 2129 f. : . . . "Magnus Dominus noster et magna virtus eius, et intellegentiae eius non est numerus" (Ps. 146 : j ) . Quis hoc exponat ? . . . Numquid est numerus arenae ? Nobis non est, D e o est, cui capilli capitis nostri numerati sunt (cf. Matthew 10:30) et arena numerata est. Quidquid ergo infinitum mundus iste complectitur, etiamsi homini, non tamen D e o , parum dico Deo, angelisnumeratum est. "Intellegentiae eius non est n u m e r u s . " Excedit orones numerarios intellegentia eius, numerari a nobis non potest. Ipsum numerum quis numeral ? Numero numerantur quaecumque numerantur . . . numeri non potest esse numerus, numerari numerus nullo pacto potest. Quid ergo est apud Deum unde fecit omnia et ubi fecit omnia, cui dicitur: " O m n i a in mensura et numero et pondere disposuisti" (Wisdom

11:21)?

Aut quis ipsam mensuram et ipsum numerum et ipsum pondus, ubi Deus omnia disposuit, aut numerare potest aut metiri aut appendere ? . . . Conticescant humanae voces, requiescant humanae cogitationes ; ad incomprehensibilia non se extendant quasi comprehensuri, sed tamquam participaturi : participes enim erimus (cf. Hebr. 3 : 1 4 ) . . . .

Et cuius rei

participes erimus, quasi partes sint apud D e u m aut per partes dividatur Deus ? Quis ergo explicat quomodo sint participes unius simplicis multi ? . . . ' 'Intellegentiae eius non est numerus." ' Cantor, Gesammelte Abhandlungen 402 f. ° Origen, De principas Π, 9, i , GCS, Orig. V , 164 f . : . . . non enim, ut quidam volunt, finem putandum est non habere creaturas, quia ubi finis non est, пес conpraehensio ulla vel circumscriptio esse potest. Quodsi fuerit, utique nec contineri vel dispensari a Deo quae facta sunt poterunt. Naturaliter nempe, quidquid infinitum fuerit, et inconpraehensibile erit; cf. Cantor, Gesammelte Abhandlungen 403; see also the parallel Greek and Latin fragments in Koetschau's edition, GCS, Orig. V 164, note. ' See above, p. 4 í 6 , η. з . ® Cantor, Gesammelte Abhandlungen 399 f.

4^8

EXCURSUSES

From this point of view, time contrary to number does not belong to the realm of the actually infinite : the very limitless openness of its finite extension makes it only potentially or improperly infinite.® From the point of view, however, of the intuitionist school of modern mathematics, opposed to that of Cantor, the whole realm of mathematics, especially infinity, also the actually infinite, contains, in itself as a fundamental phenomenon, time; the actually infinite, in particular, comes into existence only in " h u m a n " time by the free and successive selection of the parts of which it is made up.^® The Augustinian conception of time includes both these aspects: on the one hand, when time will have come to an end, it will clearly emerge as finite ; on the other hand, for man, time is conducive to the eternal numbers, which dwell with God just as the angels and saints, though just as the latter they are not coetemal with God because created. As well known. Cantor went far beyond the actually infinite set of the natural numbers and in a sense consolidated Dedekind's attempt at bridging the gap or at analytically explaining the relationship between natural numbers and the mathematical continuum (of real numbers).ii Here the Augustinian point of view is transcended, since for Augustine numbers had their ultimate existence beyond the only form of the continuum which he envisaged, which was spatial and temporal continuity. For Augustine, as for Plato, the natural numbers in their ® C f . C a n t o r , Gesammelte Abbandìungen

401.

^^ See L . E . J. B r o u w e r , " I n t u i t i o n i s m and F o r m a l i s m , " Bulletin of the American Mathematical Socie^

XX (1913-1914)

Monatshefte für

Mathematik und Phjsik

Existenz . . .," Jahrhuchfür

8 i f . , idem,

" M a t h e m a t i k , W i s s e n s c h a f t und S p r a c h e , "

X X X V I ( 1 9 2 9 ) 1J3 f . , O . B e c k e r ,

"Mathematische

Philosophie und phänomenologische ForschungWUl (iglj)

6 4 2 , 660,

668 f f . , 7 í 8 f. See

Cantor,

Abhandlungen

"Grundlagen

einer

allgemeinen

Mannigfaltigkeitslehre,"

Gesammelte

i6¡ ff., especially 192 : " S o m i t b l e i b t m i r nichts anderes ü b r i g , als m i t H i l f e

d e r . . . definierten r e e l l e n Z a h l e n b e g r i f f e einen m ö g l i c h s t r e i n a r i t h m e t i s c h e n Begriff eines Punktkontinuums zu v e r s u c h e n . " Science ( P r i n c e t o n ,

Cf.

H.

W e y l , Philosophy

of Mathematics

1949) s°> S. C . K l e e n e , Introduction to Metamathematics

and

Natural

(New

York,

T o r o n t o , 19^2) 30. F o r the paradoxes o r antinomies w h i c h arose f r o m the arithmetization of analysis ( i . e . , of the mathematics of real n u m b e r s ) and of C a n t o r ' s general set t h e o r y r e l a t e d to i t , s e e , f o r instance, K l e e n e 36 ff. ; also K l e e n e 46 ff. and ^3 ff., f o r the reactions of intuitionism and of H i l b e r t ' s f o r m a l i s m , and 204 ff., f o r K . G ö d e l ' s " m e t a n í a t h e m a t i c a l " solution (in his famous p a p e r " Ü b e r f o r m a l unentscheidbare Sätze d e r Principia M a t h e matica und v e r w a n d t e r Systeme I , " Monatshefu für •73 ff·)·

Mathematik und Physik Х Х Х У Ш [ 1 9 3 1 ]

ST. AUGUSTINE A N D M O D E R N MATHEMATICS A N D SCIENCE

45-9

ordered multiplicity remained a m o r e direct revelation of divine unity than appears in the unity of a spatial or temporal continuum (or in the mathematical continuum of real, but irrational numbers).^^

4.

GENESIS I A N D 2 A N D E V O L U T I O N

As compared to Philo and St. Basil the novelty of Augustine's as w^ell as of Gregory of Nyssa's interpretation of creation lies in the fact that for these t w o Fathers the " s e m i n a l " powers or reasons are effective not only in the reproduction in time of a species through its individuals, e.g. in the g r o w t h of a plant from seed to fruit, but w i t h regard to species themselves. According to Gregory of Nyssa all things, even all the works of the " s i x d a y s , " w e r e created simultaneously only in their logoi spermatikoi, to make their successive appearance in time later ; according to Augustine this is true especially of all living things, the various species of the vegetable and animal realms: though mentioned separately in the six-day-account of the book of Genesis, they w e r e really all created simultaneously, but only in their rationes seminales ; according to both Gregory and Augustine this is true also for man as a psychosomatic being, in w h i c h respect he is the temporal realization of his seminal reason w h i c h had been created outside of time.^ For Plato and G r e e k mathematical speculation on these matters see P . - H . M i c h e l , De Pjthagore à Euclide ( C o l l e c t i o n d'études anciennes publiée sous le patronage de l'Association Guillaume Budé, Paris, i g î o ) . 1 See above, Part T w o , Chapter V , 2. It should b e noted that the Septuagint uses the term yévos and the Vulgate (usually) genus f o r that w h i c h today is called a biological species (rather than genus). F r o m Augustine's De Genesi ad litteram it is evident that he, t o o , interprets genus as biological species (see, f o r instance, De Genesi ad lituram Ш, 11 CSEL XXVIII, I , 7 i ) ; in fact, he uses species and genus indiscriminately (see, f o r instance. De Genesi ad lituram

V I , 14, X X V f f l , i ,

189, also ibid.

V , 23, X X V n i ,

i,

167). M u c h of

Augustine's argument concerning simultaneous creation in rationes causales or seminales is based on G e n . 2 : 4 - j , w h i c h in the old Latin version used b y Augustine (and not essentially different in this case f r o m the Vulgate) reads: H i e est liber creaturae caeli et terrae c u m factus est dies, fecit Deus caelum et terram et o m n e viride agri antequam esset super terram et o m n e f e n u m agri antequam e x o r t u m est . . . ; cf. De Genesi ad litteram V , i f f . , and especially 4 f f · , C S £ i X X V i n , i , 137 f f . , 142 ff. Actually the H e b r e w t e x t is translated m o r e c o r r e c t l y as f o l l o w s : " T h i s is the story of the heavens and the earth at their creation. W h e n the Lord G o d made the earth and the heavens, there was not y e t any field shrub on the earth nor had the plants of the field sprung u p . . . , " cf. В. V a w t e r , C . M . , A Path through Genesis ( N e w Y o r k , Ι 9 ί ί ) f o , also G . y . Rad, Das erste Buch Mose: Genesis Kapitel i-iì,

9, 2nd e d .

(Das A l t e Testament D e u t s c h , Neues G ö t t i n g e r B i b e l w e r k , II, Göttingen, i g f o ) j S . 16—T.I.R.

4бо

EXCURSUSES

D o these patristic v i e w s suggest the possibihty o f e v o l u t i o n , a f t e r the c o m p l e t i o n o f creation, of n e w species f r o m o l d e r ones, t h r o u g h the a g e n c y of s e c o n d a r y causes? G r e g o r y of N y s s a ' s and A u g u s t i n e ' s theories about creation have b e e n i n t e r p r e t e d in the sense o f an e v o lutionary d o c t r i n e b y s o m e theologians of the nineteenth and t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s . 2 W i t h r e f e r e n c e to such interpretations it has b e e n r i g h t l y said that the seminal reasons are " p r i n c i p l e s o f rather than n o v e l t y . " ®

fixity

and stability

B u t this does n o t necessarily m e a n that in

their realization in t i m e s e c o n d a r y e v o l u t i o n a r y causes cannot have p l a y e d a r o l e , m u c h as t h e y d o , f o r instance, in the d e v e l o p m e n t o f an individual plant f r o m its seed. It is t r u e that n e i t h e r G r e g o r y o f N y s s a n o r A u g u s t i n e did envisage t h e evolution o f o n e species f r o m another.*

Augustine's

exegetical

purpose,

especially,

was

only

to

m a k e understandable the appearance in t i m e , subsequent to the initial timeless instant o f simultaneous c r e a t i o n , o f the various species, each o f w h i c h has a seminal reason of its o v r a . ® B u t h e does attribute t o the liquid e l e m e n t , f o r instance, a c o n t r i b u t o r y r o l e in the e m e r g e n c e of 2 Cf., for instance, J . A. Zahm, C.S.C., Evolution and Dogma (Chicago, 1896), H. de Dorlodot, Le darwinisme au point de vue de l'onhodoxie catholique (Bruxelles, Paris, 1921), E. C. Messenger, Evolution and Theology (New York, 1932). ® J . O'Toole, C.S.C., The Philosophy of Creation in the Writings of St. Augustine (Washington, D.C., 1944) 83; cf. E. Gilson, introduction à l'étude de saint Augustin, 3rd ed. (Paris, 1949) 271 ; against an interpretation of Augustine's thought in the sense of evolutionary transformism also H. Meyer, Geschichte der Lehre von den Keimkräften von der S toa bis zum Ausgang der Patristik nach den Quellen dargestellt (Bonn, 1914) 184 ff., H. Woods, S.J., Augustine and Evolution (New York, 1924), P. Schepens, "Num S. Augustinus patrocinatur cvolutionismo?," Gregorianum VI (192^) 216 ff. For the position of Gregory of Nyssa see L. Rebecchi, "L'antropologia naturale di San Gregorio Nisseno," Divus Thomas XLVI (Piacenza, 1943) especially 309 ff.; cf. my article, quoted above, p. 176, n. 27. For the relation of patristic and late ancient thought in general to evolution ideology cf. also W. Zimmermann, Evolution (München, 19Í3) 63 ff. A fortiori there can, of course, be no question of biological evolution doctrine in the book of Genesis itself; cf. Vawter, Genesis j i f. *For Augustine cf. С. Boyer, S.J., " L a théorie augustinienne des raisons séminales," Misceli. Agost. Π, 79ί ff. See Augustine, De Genesi ad litteram IX, 17, CSEL XXVIU, i , 291 : Unde fit ut de grano tritici non nascatur faba vel de faba triticum, vel de pecore homo vel de homine pecus. P. Boyer, "Raisons séminales" 817, rightly suggests, however, that Augustinian metaphors should not always be taken at their face value; also, the image used by Augustine in the text quoted is actually that of birth and has no direct relevance for the problem of evolution. ® Cf. Boyer, "Raisons séminales" 814 ff.

ST. A U G U S T I N E A N D M O D E R N MATHEMATICS A N D SCIENCE

46 I

plants from the inanimate earth.® On Augustinian premises evolution of one species from another would not seem to be excluded, even though Augustine did not strictly consider it. Such evolution would mean realization of each original ratio seminalis through the agency or at least with the cooperation of secondary natural causes. As far as man is concerned, Augustine expressly says that at the stage represented by Gen. 1 : 2 6 ff. Adam's body was created only in its seminal reason and that it actually appeared only at the stage represented by Gen. 2 : 7 . ' ' Yet he also emphasizes that the actual appearance of the human body described in Gen. 2 : 7 in terms of formation from earth was a purely divine act in which no other than the divine nature operated.® No theory of evolution which posits even purely physical continuity between man and animal can, therefore, appeal to the cosmological and anthropological doctrines of St. Augustine himself.® Under the impact of the facts ascertained by modem genetics and, especially, by the study of heredity and mutation some modifications of Darwin's theory of evolution do however come rather close to the Augustinian conception of the origin and history of life in general. If it is assumed that the origin of new species cannot be explained by natural selection alone, but presupposes impredictable mutations, « See De Genesi ad litteram V , 7, XXVIII, i , i j i ; cf. Boyer, "Raisons séminales" 803. ' See above, p. 183. « See De Genesi ad litteram IX, i ^ , XXVUI, i , 287 f . , a text which deals chiefly with the creation of Eve, but incidentally also with that of Adam. ' Cf. P. Galtier, S . J . , "Saint Augustin et l'origine de l'homme," Gregorianum XI (1930) 20 f. Cf. T. Dobzhansky, Genetics and the Origin of Species, 3rd ed. (New York, 1 9 Í 1 ) 7 8 : " . . . the discovery of the origin of hereditary variation through mutation accounts for the presence in natural populations of the material upon which selection acts" ; T. H. Morgan, The Scientific Basis of Evolution (New York, 1932) 13 о f. : ' 'The implication in the theory of natural selection, that by selecting the more extreme individuals of the population the next generation will be moved further in the same direction, is now known to be wrong. . . . Without this postulate, natural selection is impotent to bring about evolution. On the other hand, if variations arise, owing to genetic factors (mutants) that transcend the original limits, they will supply natural selection with materials for actual progressive changes. . . . Natural selection may . . . be invoked to explain the absence of a vast array of forms that have appeared, but this is saying no more than that most of them have not had a survival value. The argument shows that natural selection does not play the role of a creative principle in evolution" ; see also G. G. Simpson, The Meaning of Evolution (New York, 1953) 98, F. Meyer, Problématique de l'évolution (Paris, 1 9 1 4 ) ί ΐ ff., Η. F. Blum, Time's Arrow and Evolution, 2nd ed. (Princeton, 19a) 192 ff.

4б2

EXCURSUSES

then the idea of evolution seems less incompatible with Augustine's conception of lationes seminales which combine creational origin and evolutionary novelty of species. Any newly emergent species could then be conceived as novel not with regard to God's original plan, but with regard to previous species It must be remembered, of course, that within a Christian world view the human soul falls outside any evolutionary process and was created directly by God according to His image and likeness without any cooperation of secondary causes. This soul, created at the stage of Gen. 1 : 26, was and still is joined by God to the human body in an act corresponding to Gen. 2 : 7 . Thus a completely new form of life was brought about in the creation of man and is still brought about in " e v e r y man that cometh into this w o r l d " (John 1 : 9 ) . Human life is an " e m e r g e n t " on an unprecedented level of evolution because it is open toward spiritual developments which in Christian terms are comprised in the reformation of man. There is no incompatibility between such an Augustinian conception and a view such as that of C . F. v. Weizsäcker, The Historj of Nature (Chicago, 1949) I 3 i f. : " I n order to come into existence at all, every organic form must be physically possible. Darwinism presupposes that possibility . . . the monkey has existed potentially since the beginning of the world, because the laws of physics which have been in force since then permitted its existence. The forms that have arisen show how immeasurably rich in possibilities nature has always been. And the marvel of an actual form is hardly less than the marvel of a simple law containing in itself the possibility of this form, and of countless other forms besides."

EXCURSUS V ST. AUGUSTINE'S ATTITUDE TO THE SOCIOECONOMIC ORDER OF HIS TIME AND A RECENT BOOK ON DONATISM

St. Augustine did not envisage a reform of the socioeconomic order as such. In fact, since the Christianization o f the Roman Empire not one of the Fathers seems to have doubted that it v^^as possible to be a good Christian regardless of the fact that the framework of Roman society had remained basically the same ; nor did any of them expect a universal change of economic and social conditions to result from the preaching of Christian morality. The existence above all of w^ealth and poverty was taken for granted ; the only thing that mattered from the Christian point of view sub specie aeternitatis was a man's attitude toward these phenomena. W h i l e in conformity with the Gospel a poor man was considered to have the better chance to enter into the Kingdom o f Heaven, the merit o f a rich man who gave much or all of his possessions away was esteemed all the higher. While riches as such were not condemned, certain vices, such as avarice, pride, and above all injustice, were recognized as their almost regular concomitants. Luxury was thought of as a danger to the soul of him who enjoyed it and as a deprivation of the poor who could have benefited directly from the substance thus spent. The Fathers did not expect a general disappearance of social injustice on earth any more than they could hope for the complete extirpation of sin before the end of the world. Yet this attitude of resignation with regard to human society as a whole was coupled with uncompromising insistence upon obedience to the Christian law for the individual; if realized fully such obedience would imperceptibly merge into sanctity. Just as every man was expected to fulfil the divine commandments, so also the road to greater perfection was open to every one. Men and women were advised to take this road ; if they did so they had to 463

464

EXCURSUSES

give up all individual possessions as a part of conversion to the monastic state or at least they must lead an ascetically frugal life in the world and practice almsgiving or make donations to the Church, the great trustee for the poor. These generalities had to be recalled,^ prior to any evaluation of a remarkable recent book. The Donatisi Church, by W . H. C . Frend,^ w^hich both materially and methodologically has a bearing on the history of the idea and reality of reform in the Augustinian age. Illuminating as the book is on many aspects of Augustine's relation to Donatism, it does not seem to do full justice to his o w n ideas of reform in so far as they touch on the social and economic facts with which he was confronted. D r . Frend has used much of the geographical, archaeological, and historical evidence n o w available on pre-Roman, Roman, and early Christian North Africa® and has demonstrated that Donatism was at home above all on the frugal rural High Plains of Southern Numidia and Mauretania with their barely romanized Libyan population, whereas Catholicism remained strong among the upper and middle classes of the Roman cities of the Mediterranean coast and the adjoining river valleys. O n e might follow the author further, when he stresses Augustine's cooperation and social solidarity with the Roman officials and the great senatorial landowners (in so far as they w e r e Christians or at least friendly to Christianity) and when he surmises that the Bishop of Hippo, w h o hardly knew the strongholds of the Donatists on 1 See, f o r instance, I. Seipel, Die wirtscbaftsetbischen Leben der Kircbenräter (Theologische Studien der Leogesellschaft XVIII, W i e n , 1907), E. Troeltsch, Die Soziallehren der christlichen Kirchen und Gruppen (Gesammelte Schriften I, third e d . , Tübingen, 1923) chapter I. Much useful material is found also in the t w o books by O . Schilling, Reichtum und Eigentum in der altkircblicben Literatur (Freiburg i. В . , 1908) and Die Staats- und Soziallebren des hl. Augustinus (ibid.,

1910), though the interpretation of patristic texts is at times slightly

colored by the influence of c o n c e p t s w h i c h belong to a later phase of C h u r c h history. For John Chrysostom's somewhat special position among the Fathers, his relatively optimistic attitude w i t h regard to a possible reform of the w h o l e socioeconomic

order

through

Christianity, see above, pp. 127 £f. ^ W . H . C . Frend, The Donatisi Church : A Movement oJProtest in Roman North ^rica ( O x f o r d , I9Í2)· ® See also the still more recent w o r k of C h . Courtois,

Vandales et VJaique

(Paris,

i 9 S î ) i w h i c h contains very important sections on Roman and Berber N o r t h A f r i c a ; see Courtois I 3 Í ff. for the Donatists and the Catholic C h u r c h of N o r t h Africa.

ST. AUGUSTINE'S ATTITUDE TO THE SOCIOECONOMIC O R D E R

465

the High Plains, had no real conception of their socioeconomic background and deceived himself when he thought that they could be converted by debates and treatises. It is true that Augustine finally appealed to the state's power and that nevertheless, and in part for that very reason, neither he nor African Catholicism in general were lastingly successful in the struggle against Donatism. Yet, in spite of the fact that in an emergency situation, where Augustine felt the fate of the Catholic Church in North Africa to hang in the balance, he went so far as to advocate legal suppression and consciously abandoned his earlier principles of toleration,* Frend's view of Augustine as an exponent of an alliance between ecclesiastical leaders and the imperial government, on the basis of "maintenance of the social status quo" and of " t h e romanized landowning interest," ® stands in contradiction to all that w e know about Augustine's fundamental beliefs concerning the relationship between the Church and the Empire.® As far as the socioeconomic contrast between Donatists and Catholics is involved, Frend loyally lists numerous utterances by Augustine against the exploitation of the poor by the r i c h ' as well as others which take not only inequality of socioeconomic status but also slavery for granted. While he is probably right in asserting that for Augustine the existing socioeconomic system was inviolate,® since it was legal,® it is hardly possible to link Augustine's admiration of saints who had been rich and had given up their wealth to an attitude of social conservatism and complacency.!® On the contrary, one might argue (as I have tried to d o ) ! ! that the ascetic self-denial and voluntary poverty of not a few • See the good discussion of this question in the book by F. van der Meer, repeatedly mentioned, Augustinus der Seelsorger (Köln, 1 9 Í 3 ) 1 1 4 ; cf. also Courtois 1 3 6 ff. ® Frend, Donatisi Church 3 2 7 and 329. • Cf. above, pp. ιςι

ff.

' S e e also H. Rondet, "Richesse et pauvreté dans la prédication de saint Augustin," JUr. ascét. myst. X X X ( 1 9 Î 4 ) 201 ff., 2 1 2 ff. ' Frend, Donatist Church 330. • Referring to Augustine's Contra Gaudentium I, 19, 20, CSEL LIII, li¡, Frend, Donatist Church 3 3 0 , asserts that for Augustine ' 'a slave's relation to his master was divinely ordered, ' ' but the text speaks only of laws, not of divine or natural law; the contrary would be surprising, since the consensus of patristic opinion considered slavery a consequence of sin and not a part of the original lex divina or naturae. Frend, Donatist Church 3 2 8 . ^^ See above, pp. 366 ff.

4б6

EXCURSUSES

of the wealthy Roman aristocrats of Augustine's time and circle w e r e among the best things which that age had to show. It is true that these rich and noble conversi were not very numerous and that the Church did not demand a complete renouncing of wealth, however strongly it counseled and praised such abnegation, however much it considered wealth in itself as vanity. If one assumes, as Frend does, that Augustine's and the Catholics' relative solidarity with the prevailing socioeconomic order was a principal cause of their failure in lastingly converting the Donatists, whose revolt was both social and religious, then it should also be admitted that the problem transcends the case of Donatism and extends to the whole relationship between wealth, culture, and religion. Though the Fathers themselves had comparatively little interest in external and material manifestations of a Christian culture, such as, for instance, the beautiful church mosaics of Rome or Ravenna, which for us are incomparable expressions of the early Christian spirit, but rather deprecated all splendor, it should be realized that even in a spiritual and intellectual event of such great consequence as the consummation of Augustine's conversion by baptism the retreat of Cassiciacum, provided for him by the generosity of his wealthy friend Verecimdus, played its role. Similarly, Jerome's translation of the Bible would hardly have been accomplished, had not Paula established and maintained the monastery at Bethlehem where it was carried out. If then one believes in the value ad maiorem Dei gloriam of the great achievements of the human spirit, it seems impossible to ignore the testimony of history which would suggest that even a Christian culture cannot exist without accumulated wealth (not necessarily i n d i v i d u a l ) . ^ ^ д ц such considerations must, of course, from a Christian point of view recede into the backgroimd as compared first with the exigencies of social justice and second of ultimate spiritual perfection. With regard to the latter, Frend is surely mistaken when he says: "Social inequalities were maintained in . . . monast e r i e s , " that is to say, in the African monasteries of Augustine's time.i® This overlooks two important facts: first, that there were f e w In this connection cf. the excellent remarks of S. B. Clough in his book The Rise and Fall of Civilization. An Inquiry into the Relationship between Economic Development and Civilization (New York, etc., i g j i ) . Frend, Donatisi Church 328, n. j .

ST. A U G U S T I N E S A T T I T U D E T O T H E S O C I O E C O N O M I C O R D E R

467

things which concerned Augustine more than absolute absence of individual property in his monasteries and even among the clergy of his cathedral, and second, that the scarce privileges granted to monks who had come from an upper class milieu were granted only in a spirit of charity in order to make the transition from one life to another not too hard.^* On a special occasion Augustine rejected a travesty of the monastic life where senators would work with their hands, while artisans were idle, and where farmers would indulge themselves, while former landowners had given up all their luxuries.i® And yet, while he would consider it an injustice, if the rich were humbled only to make the poor p r o u d , h e does not leave the shadow of a doubt that in the monastery, as in the world, those who need and have least in material advantages are truly the richest.^^ Generally, one might well hold, in accordance with Karl Mannheim's theory of a sociology of knowledge, that "every point of view is particular to a certain definite [sociological] situation" i®—in Augustine's case that of the Roman upper middle class of late ancient North Africa—without doubting, nevertheless, that a man of the intellect and faith of Augustine was able largely to control his social conditioning and to absorb, formulate, and act upon, transcendent truths. 19 ^^ See Regula S. АидияШ (ad servos Dei) ¡ , Arbesmann and Hümpfner, Liber Vitas Jratrum 496 ff. ; also De opere monachorum 2 1 , î j ff., CSEL XLI, ¡jo ff. Cf. above, p. 3 6 3 , η. See the quotation from De opere monachorum 2ς,

jo.

3 3 , p. 3 6 3 , η. 7 o ; cf. Regula S.

Augustini ¡ and 2, Arbesmann and Hümpfner 496 and 4 9 ^ . De opere monachorum i ¡ , 3 3 . Regula S. Augustini ¡ , Arbesmann and Hümpfner 4 9 7 : Illos aestiment ditiores qui in sustinenda parcitate fuerint fortiores ; melius est enim minus egere quam plus habere. K. Mannheim, Ideologe and Utopia, trans. L. Wirth and E . Shils (New York, Harvest Books, reprint of 1 9 3 6 edition) 89 f. Only after this Excursus was written, did I become acquainted with H . - J . Diesner, Studien zur Gesellschaßslehre und sozialen Haltung Augustins (Halle [Saale], 1 9 Í 4 ) . The author, without knowing Frend's Donatist Church, comes to somewhat similar conclusions. However interesting some of his observations, his evaluation of Augustine's attitude toward both the upper and the lower strata of the North African population seems to me to be quite erroneous, because it presupposes and does not prove that Augustine must always be a friend of the rich.

ABBREVIATIONS and BIBLIOGRAPHY

A.

Aug. Mag. Cottineau, Répert. OACL DBibl DHGE DSpiT DThC Heil. Überlief.

JL

LPG Mélanges Cavallera Mélanges Halphen Misceli. Agost. Misceli. Isidor. Misceli. Mercati Misceli. Mohlberg Pisciculi F. J. miger

DICTIONARIES

AND

MISCELLANEOUS

Augustinus Magister (Congrès International Augustinien, Paris, 2 1 - 2 4 Septembre 1954) 3 vols. L. H. Cottineau, O.S.B., Répertoire topo-bibliographique des abbajes et prieurés (Macon, 193^—). Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie (Paris, 1907—). Dictionnaire de la Bible (Paris, 1 8 9 5 - 1 9 1 2 ) . Dictionnaire d'histoire et de géographie ecclésiastique (Paris, 1912—). Dictionnaire de spiritualité . . . (Paris, 1932—). Dictionnaire de théologie catholique (Paris, 1909-J0). Heilige Überlieferung (Beiträge zur Geschichte des alten Mönchtums und des Benediktinerordens, Erg. Bd., Münster, 1938). Regesta Pontißcum Romanorum ab Condita Ecclesia ad Annum post Christum'NatumMCXCVIIl, ed. Ph. Jaffé, 2nd ed. by W. Wattenbach, S. Loewenfeld, etc. (Leipzig, 1885-88) 2 vols. Lexicon of Patristic Greek. Mélanges oJÍerts au R. P. Ferdinand Cavallera . . . (Toulouse, 1948). Mélanges d'histoire du mojen âge dédiés à la mémoire de Louis Halphen (Paris, 1 9 5 1 ) . Miscellanea Agostiniana : Testi e Studi pubblicati a cura dell'Ordine Eremitano di S. Agostino nel XV centenario della morte . . . (Roma, 1 9 3 0 - 3 1 ) 2 vols. Miscellanea Isidoriana (Roma, 1936). Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati (Studi e Testi CXXI-CXXVI, Città del Vaticano, 1946). Miscellanea Liturgica in Honorem L. C. Mohlberg (Bibliotheca "Ephemerides Liturgicae," XXII-XXIII, Roma, 1948—). Pisciculi : Studien zur Religion und Kultur des Altertums Franz Joseph Dölger zum sechzigsten Geburtstage dargeboten = Ant. u. Chr., Erg. Bd. I (1939). 469

47 о Potthast

PW,R£

RLAC Studies Α. M. Friend Studi Greg. Stud. Fatr.

Texte и. Untersuch. ThLL ThWbNT Varia Variorum WattenbachLevison

ABBREVIATIONS A N D BIBLIOGRAPHY

Regesta Pontißcum Romanorum inde ab A. post Christum Natum MCXCVm ad A. MCCCIV, ed. A. Potthast (Berlin, 1 8 7 4 - 7 5 ) 2 vols. Paulys Real-Encjclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, Neue Bearbeitung, edd. G. Wissowa, etc. (Stuttgart, 1894—). Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum (Stuttgart, 1950—). Late Classical and Mediaeval Studies in Honor of Albert Mathias Friend, Jr. (Princeton, 1956). Studi Gregoriani per la storia di Gregorio VII e della riforma Gregoriana (Roma, 1947—). Studia Patristica : Tapers Presented to the Second International Conference on Patristic Studies . . . , Oxford, ipsS (Texte u. Untersuch. LXIII-LXIV, Berlin, 1957). Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen iiteratur (Leipzig-Berlin, 1883—). Thesaurus Linguae Latinae. Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament (Stuttgart, 1933—)· Varia Variorum : Festgabe für Karl Reinhardt (Münster, Köln, 1952). Wattenbach-Levison, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter: Vorzeit und Karolinger (Weimar, 19£2—). B.

Abhandl. Gott. Amer. Jour. Philol. Anal. Boll. Anal. Praem. Année théol. aug. Ant. и. Chr. Anz. Gött. Anz. Wien Arch. hist, doctr. litt. m. a. Arch. Kult. Gesch. Arch. Lat. M. Ae. Bfz. Z. Class. Philol.

PERIODICALS

Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Abhandlungen (Göttingen). American Journal of Philologj (Baltimore). Analecta Bollandiana (Bruxelles). Analecta Praemonstratensia (Averbode). Année théologique augustinienne (Paris). Antike und Christentum (Münster i. W . ) . Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen (Göttingen). Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Anzeiger (Wien). Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littéraire du moyen âge (Paris). Archiv für Kulturgeschichte (Berlin, Leipzig). Archivum Latinitatis Medii Aevi (Bulletin Du Gange) (Paris). Byzantinische Zeitschrift (Leipzig). Classical Philology (Chicago).

ABBREVIATIONS A N D B I B L I O G R A P H Y

471

Ephemerides Liturgicae (Roma). Harvard Theological Review (Cambridge, Mass.). Historisches Jahrbuch. Im Auftrage der Görresgesellschaft . . . herausgegeben (München). Jour. Hellen. Stud. Journal of Hellenic Studies (London). Jour. Hist. Ideas Journal of the Historj of Ideas (Lancaster, Pa., New York). Jour. Theol. Stud. Journal of Theological Studies (London). Mitt. Inst. Öst. Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung (Wien). Gesch. Forsch. Münch, theol. Ζ. Münchener theologische Zeitschrift (München). Nachricht. Gött. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Nachrichten (Göttingen). Nouv. rev, théol. Nouvelle revue théologique (Tournai). Rech.'s sc. rei. Recherches de science religieuse (Paris). Rech.'s théol. a.m. Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale (Louvain). Rev. ascét. mjst. Revue d'ascétique et de mystique (Toulouse). Rev. hen. Revue bénédictine (Maredsous). Rev. hihl. Revue biblique (Paris). Rev. ét.'s aug. Revue des études augustiniennes (Paris). Rev. hist. eccUs. Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique (Louvain). Rev. hist, et philos, Revue d'histoire et de philosophie religieuse (Strasbourg). rei. Rev. hist. rei. Revue de l'histoire des religions (Paris). Rev. Pol. Review of Politics (Notre Dame, Ind.). Rev. sc. rei. Revue des sciences religieuses (Strasbourg). Ric. Rei. Ricerche Religiose (Roma). Rom. Quart. Römische Quartalschrift (Freiburg i. В.). Sacr. Erud. Sacris Erudiri (Steenbrugge, etc.). Sav. Z. R, Gesch. Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte (Weimar). Sitz. Ber. Bajer. Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte (München). Sitz. Ber. Preuss. Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichu (Berlin). Sitz. Ber. Wien Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Sitzungsberichte (Wien). Theol. Stud. Theological Studies (Woodstock Md.). Trans. Amer. Philol. Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Ass. Association (Lancaster, Pa., etc.). Trans. R. Hist. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (London). Soc. Ephem. Liturg. Harr. Theol. Rev. Hist. Jb.

472

Vie spit. Vigil. Christ. Z. kath. Theol. Ζ. Ki. Gesch. Z. neutest. Wiss.

ABBREVIATIONS A N D BIBLIOGRAPHY

La vie spirituelle (Paris). Vigiliae Christianae (Amsterdam). Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie (Innsbruck). Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte (Stuttgart), Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft . , (Giessen). C.

EDITIONS AND

TRANSLATIONS

AA. SS.

Acta Sanctorum (Antwerp, etc., 1 6 4 3 — ) .

Arbesmann and Hümpfner, Uber Vitasfratrum

Jordani de Saxonia Ordinis Eremitarum S. Augustini Liber Vitasfratrum, edd. R . Arbesmann, O . S . Α . , and W . Hümpfner, O . S . A . (Cassiciacum I, American Series, N e w York, 1 9 4 3 ) , Appendices В and С : Regula Sancti Augustini Episcopi.

Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta, ed. H. v. Arnim (Leipzig, V. Arnim, Stoic. Veter. Fragm. 1903—24) 4 vols. Die Grossen Ordensregeln, ed. H.-U. v. Balthasar (Menschen V. Balthasar, Grosse Ordensregeln der Kirche VIII, Einsiedeln, Zürich, Köln, 1948). Bannister

Missale Gothicum I, ed. H. M. Bannister (Henry Bradshaw Society LH, London, 1 9 1 7 ) .

Barlow, Martini Bracar. Opera

Martini Episcopi Bracarensis Opera Omnia, ed. C. W . Barlow (New Haven, 19^0).

Beck, E. Beck, O . S . B . , Ephraems Hymnen über das Paradies Ephraems Н_утпеп (Studia Anselmiana X X V I , Roma, 1 9 ^ 1 ) . über das Paradies The Works of St. Patrick, trans. L. Bieler Bieler, Works of St. Patrick Christian Writers XVII, Westminster, Md.). Bihlmeyer, Apostol. Väter

(Ancient

Die Apostolischen Väter, ed. K . Bihlmeyer, I (Tübingen, 1924).

Bruns, Cánones Apostolorum et Conciliorum Saec. IV, V, VI, VII, ed. Can. Apost. et Concil. H. T . Bruns (Berlin, 1 8 3 9 ) 2 vols.

ABBREVIATIONS A N D BIBLIOGRAPHY

473

Burkitt

The Book of Rules oj Tjconius, ed. F. С. Burkitt (Texts and Studies III, I, Cambridge, 1894).

Cazzaniga

S. Atnbrosii Mediolanensis Epìscopi De Virginibus Libri Tres, ed. J . Cazzaniga (Corpus Scriptorum Latinorum Paravianum, Torino, etc., 1948).

CIL

Corpus Inscriptionum Latinatum (Berlin, 1863—).

Cohn and Wendland

Philonis Alexandrini Opera Quae Supersunt, edd. L. Cohn and P. Wendland (Berlin, 1 8 9 6 - 1 9 3 0 ) 7 vols.

Corp. Christ., Ser. Lat.

Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina (Tumhout, 1 9 5 3 — ) .

CSEL

Corpus Scriptorum 1866—).

Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum

(Wien,

Daniélou

Grégoire de Njsse, La rie de Moïse, ed. and trans. J . Daniélou, S.J., 2nd ed. (Sources chrétiennes I bis, Paris, ΐ9ςς).

Denzinger, Enchir. Sjmb.

Η. Denzinger (С. Bannwart), Enchiridion Sjmbolorum, beßnitionum et Declarationum de Rebus Fidei et Morum, 2 ist— 23rd ed. by J . B. Ilmberg, S.J. (Freiburg i. В., 1937).

Diels, Vorsokratiker

Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, ed. and trans. Η. Diels, 6th ed. by W . Kranz, I (Berlin, 19^2).

Dindorf

Themistii Orationes . . . , ed. W . Dindorf (Leipzig, 1832).

Férotin, Liber Ordinum

Le Liber Ordinum en usage dans l'église wisigothique et mozarabe d'Espagne du cinquième au onzième siècle, ed. M. Férotin, O.S.B. (Monumenta Fcclesiae Liturgica V , Paris, 1904).

Férotin, Liber Sacramentorum

Le Liber Mozarabicus Sacramentorum et les manuscrits mozarabes, ed. M. Férotin, O.S.B. (Monumenta Ecclesiae Liturgica VI, Paris, 1 9 1 2 ) .

Finaert and Thonnard

Saint Augustin, La musique, edd. and trans. G. Finaert, A . A . , andF.-J. Thonnard, A . A . (Bibliothèque Augustinienne. Oeuvres de saint Augustin, Sér. I, VII, Paris, 1947)·

Flor. Tatr.

Florilegium Patristicum (Boim, 1 9 1 1 — ) .

474

ABBREVIATIONS A N D B I B L I O G R A P H Y

Frankenberg

Evagrius Tonticus: Centuriae (Problemata Prognostica), trans, f r o m the Syriac W . Frankenberg, Abhandl. Gött., Philol.histor. Klasse, Neue Folge, XIII, 2 (1912).

Funk, Didascal. et Const. Apostol.

Oidascalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum, ed. F. X. Funk (Paderborn, i j o j ) 2 vols.

Funk,

Patres Apostolici, ed. F. X. Funk, I (Tübingen, 1901).

Patres Apostol. Garvin

The Vitas Sanctorum Patrum Emeretensium, ed. J. N . Garvin, C.S.C. (Catholic University of America Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Latin Language and Literature XIX, Washington, D . C . , 1946).

GCS

Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte (Berlin, Leipzig, 1897—).

Harvey

Sancti Irenaei Episcopi Lugdunensis Libros Quinqué adversus Haereses ed. W . W . Harvey (Cambridge, 18^7) 2 vols.

Jaeger,

Gregorii Nysseni Opera, ed. W . Jaeger, I-II (Berlin, 1921), VIII, I (Leiden, 19^2).

Greg. Nyss. Opera Grammatici Latini, ed. H. Keil (Leipzig, 18ss) 7 vols. Keil, Gramm. Lat. Koch

Claudii Claudiani Carmina, ed. J. Koch (Leipzig, 1893).

Lambot, Aug. Serm. Sei., Strom. Tatr. et Med. 1

Sancti Aurelii Augustini Sermones Selecti Duodeviginti, ed. C. Lambot, O.S.B. =Sironia£a Patristica et Mediaevalia 1 (Utrecht, Bruxelles, 1950).

Linderbauer

5. Benediai Regula Monasteriorum, ed. B. Linderbauer, O.S.B. (Flor. Patr. XVII, 1928).

Low^e

The Bobbio Missal, Text, ed. E. A. Lowe (Henry Bradshaw Society LVIII, London, 1920).

ABBREVIATIONS A N D BIBLIOGRAPHY

47Í

Mansi, Condi.

Sacrorum Condliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio, ed. G. D. Mansi (Firenze, 17^9-1927).

MGH

Monumenta Germanìae 1826—). Auctores Antiquissimi Concilia Epistolae Leges

AA Condi. Epist. Leg.

Histórica

(Hannover-Berlin,

Mohlberg

Sacramentarium Veronense, ed. L. C. Mohlberg, O.S.B. (Rerum Ecclesiasticarum Documenta Cura Pontificii Athenaei Sanati Anselmi de Urbe Edita, Fontes I, Roma, I9i6)

Morin, Augustini Serm., Misceli. Agost. I

Sanai Augustini Sermones post Maurinos Repertos, ed. G. Morin, O.S.B. = Misceli. Agost. I

Morin,

S. Caesarii Opera Omnia, ed. G. Morin, O.S.В., II (Maredsous, 1942).

Caesar. Arel. Opera Moxon

The Commonitorium of Vincentius qf Lerins, ed. R. S. Moxon (Cambridge, 1 9 1 5 ) .

Mynors

Cassiodori Senatoris institutìones, ed. R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford, 1937).

Nock and Festugière, Corp. Herrn,

Corpus Hermeticum, ed. A. D. Nock, trans. A.-J. Festugière, O.P. (Collection des Universités de France . . . Association Guillaume Budé, Paris, 1945) 2 vols.

Otto,

Corpus Apologetarum Saeculi Secundi, ed. J . C. T. Otto, VIII (Jena, 1861).

Corp. Apologet. TG PL Preuschen

Patrologia Graeca, ed. J . P. Migne (Paris, 1 8 ^ 7 - 1 9 1 2 ) . Patrologia Latina, ed. J . P. Migne (Paris, 1844-1890). E. Preuschen, Palladius und Ri^nus (Giessen, 1897), with edition of the Historia monachorum.

47б Sabatier, Bibliorum Versiones Sanders

Schulte

ABBREVIATIONS A N D BIBLIOGRAPHY

P. Sabatier, O.S.B., Bibliorum Sacrorum Latinae Versiones Antiquaelll (Reims, 1743). Beati in Apocalipsin Libri Ouodecim, ed. H. Α. Sanders (Papers and Monographs of the American Academy in Rome VII, Roma, 1930). S. Johannis Chrjsostomi de Inani Gloria et de Educandis Liberis, ed. F. Schulte (Programm Gaesdonck DCXXVII, Münster, 1 9 1 4 ) .

Schwartz, Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, ed. E. Schwartz (Berlin, Acta Condì. Oecum. Leipzig, 1 9 1 4 — ) · Scott, Hemet.

Hermetica, ed. W . Scott (Oxford, 1 9 2 4 - 3 6 ) 4 vols.

Skutella

S. Aurelii Augustini Confessionum Libri Tredecim, ed. M. Skutella (Leipzig, 1934).

Spicil. Casin.

Spicilegium Casinense Complectens Analecta Sacra et Profana III, I (Monte Cassino, 1897).

Srawley

The Catechetical Oration of Gregorj of ΉJrssa, ed. J . H. Srawley (Cambridge Patristic Texts, Cambridge, 1903).

Stewart and Rand, Boethius: The Theological Tractates, edd. and trans. H. F. Boeth. Theol. Tract. Stewart and E. К. Rand (Loeb Classical Library, London, Cambridge, Mass., 1946). Terzaghi, Sjnes. Cfren. Hjmni Synes. Cjren. Opuscula

Sjnesii Cjrenensis Hymni et Opuscula, ed. N. Terzaghi (Scriptores Graeci et Latini Consilio Academiae Lynceorum Editi, Roma, 1939-44) 2 vols.

Vessereau and Préchac

Rutilius Namatianus: Sur son retour, edd. and trans. J . Vessereau and F. Préchac (Collection des Universités de France . . . Association Guillaume Budé, Paris, 1933).

Warner

The Stowe Missal, ed. G. F. Wamer (Henry Bradshaw Society XXXI-XXXII, London, 1 9 0 6 - 1 9 1 5 ) .

ABBREVIATIONS A N D B I B L I O G R A P H Y

Waszink

477

Quinti Septimii Florentis Tertulliani De Anima, ed. J. H. Waszink (Amsterdam, 1947).

Wilson

The Gelasian Sacramentarj : Liber Sacramentorum Romanae Ecclesiae, ed. H. Α . Wilson (Oxford, 1894).

Wordsworth and J. Wordsworth and H . J . White, etc.. Novum Testamentum White, Domini Nostri Jesu Christi Latine II (Oxford, 1 9 1 3 - 1 9 4 1 ) . Novum Testamentum

D.

STUDIES C I T E D IN

ABBREVIATION

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ΠΡΑΞΙΣ

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478

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ABBREVIATIONS A N D BIBLIOGRAPHY

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488

ABBREVIATIONS A N D BIBLIOGRAPHY

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ABBREVIATIONS A N D BIBLIOGRAPHY

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ADDENDA Page 1 3 , η. 26: For the Golden Age see also J . G. Griffiths, " D i d Hesiod Invent the Golden A g e , " Jour. Hist, ¡deas XIX (19^8) 91 ÍF. Page 6ς, η. 6, and pages 78 f. : For St. Ephraem's Hymns on Faith and on Paradise cf. now Dom E. Beck's edition and German translation in Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium CLIV f. and CLXXIV f., Scriptores Sjri LXXIII f. and LXXVIII f. (Louvain, 1 9 s ς , i 9 í 7 ) ; for Ephraem's conception of the return to Paradise see also I. Ortiz de Urbina, S.J., " L e paradis eschatologique d'après saint Ephrem," Orientalia Christiana Periodica X X (I9Í4) 476 if. Pages 83 ff. : For Greek patristic thought on the recovery of man's likeness to God see Hilda-C. Graef, "L'image de Dieu et la structure de l'âme d'après les pères grecs," Vie spir., Suppl. V (19^2) 331 ff. Pages 84 f. : For St. Irenaeus' doctrine of man's image-likeness to God see also the important article by E. Peterson, "L'immagine di Dio in S. Ireneo," La Scuola Cattolica LXIX ( 1 9 4 1 ) 46 ff. Page 1 1 2 , n. 1 3 , and page 3 3 1 , n. 8: For control of Frankenberg's retranslation of Evagrius Ponticus' Centuriae from the Syriac to the Greek see now the new edition and French translation by A. Guillaumont, Les six centuries des Kephalaia Gnostica d'Evagre le Pontique, Patrologia Orientalis XXVIII, I (Paris, 19^8). Pages 1 3 6 - 1 3 9 and pages 4 0 9 - 4 1 2 : For the early Christian concept of tradition cf. J . N. Bakhuizen van den Brink, "Traditio im theologischen Sinne," Vigil Christ. XIII (19^9) 6ς ff. Page 160, η. 22: For Theodore of Mopsuestia cf. also J . L. McKenzie, S.J., "Annotations on the Christology of Theodore of Mopsuestia," Theol. Stud. XIX ( i 9 f 8 ) US ff. Page 188, n. 8 : For the Regio dissimilitudinis see also P. Courcelle, "Tradition néo-platonicienne et traditions chrétiennes de la 'Région de dissemblance' (Platon, Politique 2 3 7 d ) , " Arch. hist, doctr. litt. m. â. XXXII (19^7) ξ ff. Pages 3^0 ff. : For St. Augustine and monasticism see also Α. Trapé, О.S.Α., "San Agustin y el monacato occidental," N. Dominguez-del-Val, O.S.Α., "Cultura y formación intelectual en los monasterios agustinianos de Tagaste, Cartago e Hipona," La Ciudad de Dios CLXIX ( i 9 í 6 ) 404 fif., 42^ ff. ; and other articles in the same volume. Page 4 1 9 , n. 81 : For Junilius see also M. L. W . Laistner, "Antiochene 17 + 1.0.R.

491

492

ADDENDA

Exegesis in Western Europe during the Middle A g e s , " Ηατν. Theol. Rev. X L (1947) 23 ff· Pages 420 f., nn. 83 fF., and page 448, nn. 24 f. : For the probability of the authenticity of Boethius' De ßde catholica cf. W . Bark, "Boethius' Fourth Tractate, the So-Called De ßde catholica," Haiv. Theol. Rev. X X X I X (1946) a ff. In his new edition of Boethius' De consolatione philosophiae, Сотр. Christ., Ser. Lat. XCIV, i (19^7), L. Bieler, in the preface, follows Rand's last opinion as well as those of Bark and of Dom. M. Cappuyns in accepting the authenticity of De ßde catholica.

INDEX Index references to footnotes often refer also to the appertaining text. The following abbreviations of authors' names, etc., are used in addition to conventional scriptural abbreviations : Ambrose: Ambr.

b i d o r e of Seville : Isid.

Athenagoras: Athenag.

John Chrysostom: John Chrys.

Athanasius: Äthan.

Lactantius: Lact.

Augustine: A u g .

Marius V i c t o r i n u s : Mar. V i c t .

Boethius: Boeth.

Methodius: Method.

Caesarius of Aries : Caesar. A r e l .

Origen: Orig.

Cassian: Cass.

Pelagius: Pelag.

Cassiodorus: Cassiod.

Prosper of Aquitaine: Prosp. Aquit.

C l e m e n t of Alexandria : C l e m . A l e x .

Prudentius: Prudent.

Constantine: Const.

Ps.-Dionysius : Ps.-Dion.

Cyprian: Cypr.

Sacramentarium Gelasianum: Sacram. Gelas.

Cyril of Alexandria : C y r . A l e x .

Sacramentarium Veronense: Sacram. Veron.

Ephraem: Ephr.

Salvianus: Salv.

Eusebius of Caesarea : Euseb.

Suetonius: Sueton.

Evagrius Ponticus: Evagr. Pont.

Synesius: Synes.

Fulgentius of Ruspe : Fulg. Rusp.

Tertullian: T e r t .

Gregory Nazianzen: G r e g . Naz.

Themistius: Themist.

Gregory of Nyssa : G r e g . Nyss.

Ticonius: Ticon.

Hilary of Poitiers : Hilar. Pict.

Vincent of Lérins : V i n e . L e r .

Irenaeus: Iren.

Kej Χριστιανισμό;

ίστι

rljs Bfias φΰσίωί

Phrases

μίμησκ,

Christianity is an imitation of the divine

nature (Greg. N y s s . ) : 91 Christus veritatem se, non consuetudinem cognominavit ( T e r t . ) : 138 n.28 Cor unum et anima una in Deo (Acts 4 : 3 2 , Augustinian R u l e ) : 3 Í 9 n . j a ; 384; 38^ n . 3 0 ; cf. also 126 n . f i , 128 (John C h r y s . ) ; 342 (Basil); 343 n . i i

(Cass.)

Deus qui humanae substantiae dignitatem mirabiliter condidisti et mirabilius reformasti (liturgical p r a y e r ) : 284 Ego creavi, ego recreo; ego formavi, ego reformo; ego feci, ego r^cio ( A u g . ) : 19 j n.28 Fiunt, non nascuntur christiani ( T e r t . ) : 13^ 'ISoù γαρ η ßaoiXeia του Θίοΰ ¿VTOS ύμων ¿στιν, Ecce enim regnum Dei intra vos est (Luke 1 7 : 2 1 ) : 107 Imaginem in nobis Dei deformare potuimus, reformare non possumus ( A u g . ) : 194 η . 2 4 Λίή σνσχηματίζΐσθΐ

τω αΙώνι τούτψ,

άλλα μΐταμορφοΰσθΐ

TJ¡ άνακαινώσα

του voós. Et

nolite conformati buie saeculo, sed reformamini in novitate sensus veltri ( R o m . 1 2 : 2 ) : 53 η. 19 Nihil innovetur nisi quod traditum est (Stephen I ) : 1 3 9 ; 298

493

494

INDEX

Όμοίωσίί θΐφ κατά το δυνατόν (Plato) : 8 3 'Opos ¿ari τηι ανθρωπινή! μακαριότητα! ή irpÒ! το Oeíov όμοίωσΐ!, The definition of human beatitude is the assimilation to God (Greg. Nyss.): 90 Ποιήσωμαι άνβρωπον κατ èiKova ^μετφον και καθ' όμοίωσιν, Faciamas hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem nostiam (Gen. i : 26): j j n.30 Praesens non habet spatium (Aug.) : 203 Renoyahitur ut aquílae iuventus tua (Ps. 1 0 2 : ¡ ) : J 2 n. 1 4 ; 295; 3 1 4 η.41 Sexta aetate mens humana renoretur ad Imaginem Dei, sicut sexta die homo Jactas est ad imaginem Dei (Aug.): 236 η.41 Θίόνγΐνίσβαι (Basil): 80; 106 Unde ista Dei civitas . . . rei inchoaretur exortu rei progrederetur excursa rei adprehenderet dehitos fines, si non esset socialis rita sanctorum (Aug.) : 240 n . j

Abbas, Abbates (heads of clerical communities) : 388 ; 390 Abbot-bishops, Abbot-priests, Irish: 397 Abraham: l o j (Greg. Nyss.); 142 (Philo, Ambr.); 332 n . i 4 (Cass.) Abrenuntiationes, monastic: 332 n . 1 3 , 346 (Cass.) Absoluteness: 3 5 ; 436 Absolution (see also Reconciliation): 304: imposition of hands ; 3 1 0 : repeatable Abstraction: 430 Acaunum (Saint-Maurice d'Agaune), monastery: 383 n.24 Acclamations, imperial and conciliar (see aho Laudes, Councils): 299; 301 Accurare (see also fxcui-ijre) : 4 1 2 n . j o (Vine. Ler.) Acedia: 321 Actaeon : 39 n.4 Actio: 2 3 Í n . 3 7 : et inullectus (male and female) (Aug.) Active life (see also Πράξι!, Conrersatio) : 99 n.61 (Alexandrians); 33of. ; 332 (Cass.); 334 n . 2 2 : virtus actira (Aug.); 3 3 i f . (Luke 1 0 : 38-42, Aug.); 3 3 7 f f . : and charity; 3 4 5 : conrersatio actualis, communis (Cass.) Actualis, Actuosus (see also Πρακτική, Conrersatio): 332F. η . i o , 3 4 í f . (Cass.); 337 (Aug.) Adam (see also Man, Anthropos) : j y : choic, psychic, and pneumatic, first and last (second), earthly and heavenly (i Cor.

11:44-49); î6f.: mysticism; ¡7: Kadmon; 70: innocence; 7 3 ; 76, l o j : image-likeness; 7 7 ; 79 n . 6 7 ; 80; 86 n . 1 2 ; 9 7 ; 109: ruler of earth; 1 4 6 ; 1 ^ 3 ; i j 6 - i i 9 , 1 6 3 , 2 6 í : earthly and heavenly, soul and body, immortality and death (Paul, Aug.); 1 6 7 ; 1 7 7 : sin; 248; 32^: sleep, ecstasy (Method.); 409; 461 Adoptive Sonship of God: 146 (Ambr.); 1 9 4 : deification (Aug.) Aelius Aristides (d. c. 189): 17 n . j Aequalis, Aequalitas (see also Equality): 187 n.6, I 9 Î n . 2 7 : and similis, similitudo (Aug.); 2 1 3 n . i : Trinitarian (Aug.) Aeternitas, Aeternus (see also Eternity, Aion) : 180; 444ff. ; 44i: saecula aeterna, aeternitas saeculorum (Jerome) ; 448 (John Scot Erigena) Aeriternitas : 180 Aerum (see also Aion, Tempus, Aeternitas): 180; 446f. : tempora aeterna (Aug.); 447 : and angels ; 447f. (Thomas Aquinas) ; 448 : tempora aeterna (Alcuin) Άγαλμα (see also Effigy, Image) : 1 1 1 ; 1 1 4 n . 2 i : ίμφυχον (Clem. Alex., see also Νόμο! ϊμφυχο!); 123 n.42 : ίμπνουν (Synes.); 128 η.60: children (John Chrys.) Ages (see also Golden Age, World Ages, Life Ages): 1 3 ; 27 n.i ; 28 n . j ; 29; 73 ; 222-238 (Aug.); 267 n . 1 1 6 Agnellus, St., Neapolitan abbot (second half 6th cent.): 379 n . 7 ; 381 n . 1 7

49 ί

INDEX Agrippinus, Bishop of Carthage (first half 3rd cent.) : 30Í 'AtSios (Ilpoauónos), (Greg.

Nyss.);

Άίδίότης:

l o j f . П.88

444 (Plotinus,

Greek

Fathers); 448 (Boeth.) Time, Eternity): Alcúnos:

9, 62: 247 n.42; 9, 6s: 232 n.31; 9, 66: 116 n.28 ; De bono mortis: 12, ^3 : 14s Ч.61 ;

Aion (see also Aerum, Aeriternitas, Saeculum, Αιών,

De Abraham II: 142 n.49; i, 3: 142 n . f i ; 2, s·· 142 n . i i ; 3, 9: 143 n . i i ;

De ^Je; 111,12 : 116 n.28; V,I2: 116 n.28;

io¡{.

η.88

(Greg.

Nyss.); 203 n.3 (Euseb.); 228 n.20

Defugasaeculi:

2, ^-9, 11-12,

(Basil); 443 (Plato); 444: μί^ων;

De Helia et ieiunio: lì,

444:

De lacob: 1,6, 21: 146 η.67;

saeculum •, 44^;

446;

447:

angels: mXm αιώνιοι (Ps. 23: 7-9, Greek Fathers); 448 (Ps.-Dion.);

SSSJ·-

247 n.42; 84/. : 146 n.66 ;

De institutione virginis: XVII, 104: 146 n.67;

228; 443 (Plato); 443: Zervan, Alexan-

Deloseph: 7, 39: 44i n . i j ;

drian god ; 444 : gnostic alones

De Isaac vel anima: 8, 79: 143 п.^б;

Άκολουθΐΐν,

'Ακόλουθοι,

'Ακολουθία:

2б

η.40, 77 n.í8, 92 η.39 (Greg. Nyss.); 8ί n . i i : followership of God (Clem. Alex.); 103 η.74: 0еЛ (Greg. Nyss.) Alaric I, King of Visigoths (d. 410): 248 Alcmaeon of Croton (с. ¡oo B.c.): 10 Epist.: CLXIU: 448 η.26; CLXXII: 3 n.6; CCLVIU: 401 n.6i; Expos, in Ps. penit. : 3 n.6 Alexander the Great: 113 η. 17; 248 Alexander II, Pope (d. 1073): 388 n.6 Alexandria, School of: 70; 99 n.6i; 24^; 331 'Αλλοίωσίί irpòs TO KpfÎTTOv: 48 η.64, i6if. η. 2 8 (Greg. Nyss.) Άλλοτριοΰν: 328 η.22: τταθημάτων (Greg. Nyss.) Alpha and Omega (see also Begiiming and end, End like begiiming); 68 (Apoc. 22 : 13); 69 n.26; 134 n.8; ΐ£ο Alypius, St., friend of St. Augustine, Bishop of Thagaste (late 4th, early jth cent.): 3Î4; 356 n.39 Ambrose, St., Bishop of Milan (d. 397): 20; 6s n.6; 8s; 134; 142; 143-147: return to Paradise,^/ix culpa; 1 4 7 - i i o : and Symmachus; i48f. n.73, i j i f . : Theodosius the Great, Christian Empire ; 2 2 í ; 226; 229; 247f. : ciritas Dei; 326; 328; 3Í2; 3Î3; 372; 403; 410; 44Í; prophetae Darid:

1,14,

n.8s;

De Nabuthae: 3 (12), s

(2iff.)> '3

(i6): 130 n.63; De obitu Tbeodosii oratio:

148 n.73;

33ff.: 149 n.73; De paradiso: 1, S'· НЗ 0.57; 4, 24:

Alcuin (d. 804): 3; 448;

Apologia 146 n.66 ;

De mysteriis: 6, 30: i j i

66:

143 n . í 7 ; 3, 12: I4í n.63; De sacramentis: U,6, 17: 134 n.4; De Tobia: 130 n.63; De rirgìnibus: 1,6, 31: 324 n.12; 11,2, 6-18 : 324 n.12 ; De virginitate: 10, S9'· 346 n.i8; Epist. XVIII,7: 149 n . 7 ì ; 23: 149 n.76; 28f. : IÍO n.80; XXIX,2o: 248 n.46; XLIV,j: 229 n.24; i2f. : 232 n.3i ; 16: 227 n.19; XLV,3: I4Í n.63; i s : 14s n.64; LXin,66, 7 i f f . : 3i2 n . i i ; 104: 362 n.61, 248 n.47; LXXI,3f., 8: 144 nn.i9f. ; 9: 144 n.61; LXXVI, 14: 146 n.66 ; Explan. Pî.:l,i4: 231 n.29; XXXVn,2 : 22ì n.14; XXXIX,2o: 146 n.67; XLV,io, 21: 148 n.71; XLVU,if.: 227 n.19; 17: 228 n.19; Expos. Erang. Lucae: Π,4ΐ : V,27: 236 n.41 ; V , 6 i : 144 n.6j, 231 n.29; V , i i 2 , i i j : VII,234: 143 n.i4; Vni,23: X , i 2 i : 14s n.61;

146 n.67; n.6i, 146 i4s n.62; 22s n.i4;

Expos. Ps. ex Vili: 12, 7 : 44Í n . i j ; 14, 42: I4Î n.64; l ì . 3 ì : 248 n.4i; 2i, j : 142 n.ì3, 248 n.44; Hexameron; Ш,11, 47: 183 n.42 ;

49 6

INDEX

Ambrose, St.—œntd. Sermo 11,3 : i 4 i n.62 ; Sermo contra Auxentium de basilicis tradendis: 32: i ^ i n.86; s j f . : i j i n.86 Ambrosiaster (second half 4th cent.): 264 n.106 Ambrosius Autpertus. See Autpertus Άμάνων. See Άναμορφοΰν, ΜΐταβάΧΚαν, Μΐταπλάσοΐΐν. Amor (see also Caritas, Love): 197; 199; 2 0 1 : Trinitarian analogies (Aug.); 337: reritatis (Aug.) Amplification : Amplificare: 4 1 1 η.46 (Vine. Ler.); 298 : councils Amputare: 301 η . 1 3 (Council of Rome, 499) Άναβαίναν,Άνάβασκ: 8о η.70 (Basil); 104 η . 8 ί , I об η. 8 8 (Greg. Nyss.) 'Αναβίβαζαν: 46 n.42 (Cyr. Alex.) ΆναβΙωσκ: 8 о : resurrection (Basil) Άναχαλκ€ύαν: 46 n.42 (Cyr. Alex.) Άνα&ρομη: 8i n.76: tts оттер TJI» h άρχαΐί (Cyr. Alex.) 'Aváyíiv: 6ς η. 6 : Trpòs μείζονα τιμήν (John Chrys.); 76 n.s6 (Greg. Nyss.); 349 η. 29 (Ps.-Dion.) Άναγ^ννάν: 86 η . ΐ 2 (Clem. Alex.); 32íf· η . I i (Method.) Άνακαινοΰν, Άνακαίνωσκ, 'Ανακαίνιζαν, Άνακαα/ισμόί: 43 п-^З (Ps.-Dion.); 44! 4 ί : and παΧιγγΐν€σία (Tit. 3 ^ î ) i ί ι ; 8of. (Basil, Cyr. Alex.); 92 n.38 (Äthan.); 1 6 1 ; 3 2 Í (Method.) Άνακαλ(ΐν, Άνάκλησΐ5:(Ps.-Dion.); 291 П.30 (Greek liturgy) Άνακίφαλαιοΰν, Άνακ^φαΧαίωσις (see also Instaurare, Recapitulation) : 44 (Eph. i : 10); 46; 69 (Iren.) Άνακομίζαν: 8o η.74 (Cyr. Alex.) Άνακτίζαν: 46 n.44 (Äthan.); 80 n.72 (Greg. Nyss.) Άνακυκλ€ΐν: 2 28 η.2о (Basil) Άναλαμβάναν: 46 π.42 (Cyr. Alex.); ICI η.67 (Greg. Nyss.); 120 n.38 (Euseb.); 327 n.19 (Basil?) Άναλάμπαν: loi η.67 (Greg. Nyss.) Άναμάσσίσβαι: 86 n.i2 (Clem. Alex.) Άνάμνησί!, Recollection: 2 0 1 : Platonic

Άναμορφοΰν, Άναμόρφωσΐ!: 4-2Í· n.23 (Greg. Naz., Cyr. Alex., Ps.-Dion.); 4 í ; 47 n . î 7 : ets то άμίίνω (Cyr. Alex.); 81 η . 7 ί : to image of Christ (Cyr. Alex.) 'Avavtovv, 'Avavéœots, Άναν^ωμα, Άνανΐάζαν: 43 > 44 (Thucydides) ; 80 η. 74 (Cyr. Alex.); 104 n . S j (Greg. Nyss.); 12of. Ш 1 . 3 6 , 39: and Constantine the Great (Euseb.); 299 (Council of Constantinople, 3 8 1 ) ; 3 2 i (Method.) 'AvaTterccwmai: i22 n.41 (Euseb.) 'Αναφοίτησα: 81 n.76: îIs TO άνω (Cyr. Alex.) 'Αναπλάσσαν (Άναπλάτταν) : 46 n.44 (Äthan.); 47 n.í9 (Greg. Naz.); j ; n . í 3 : «s то if àpxrjs σχήμα (Greg. Nyss.) ; 80 η.74 (Cyr. Alex.); 325 (Method.) Anastasis (see also Resurrection) : 'Aváaraais: 4S n.41 (Ps.-Dion.); 228 n.20: of Christ (Basil); 7 Í (Greg. Nyss.) Anastasius IV, Pope (d. i i í 4 ) : З88 η.6 Anastasius Sinaita, St., abbot on Mount Sinai (d. c. 700) : Viae dux adrersus Acephalos: 7 : 80 n.73 Άναστοιχαονν, 'Αναστοιχΐίωσιε: 46 η.43, 81 n . 7 î (Cyr. Alex.); 124 η . 4 ί (Greg. Nyss.) Άναστρΐφαν, 'Αναστροφή: ^3 η . 2 ι : conversatio (Eph. 4 : 22); 228 n.20: revolving of weeks, of aion (Basil) ; 346 n. 18 : conversatio (i Tim. 4 : 12, Hebr. 1 3 : 7, I Peter 3 : i) 'AvaT€^etv: 1 1 4 П . 2 6 (Orig.) Anatolius of Alexandria, St., Bishop of Laodicea (middle 3rd cent.) : Ilepl δίκάδοί . . . ; 217 η. 13 'Ανατροφή: 326 η . i j (Method.) Άνατνπονν: $2 n.38 (Äthan.); 102 n.69 (Greg. Nyss.) Anchorites. See Hermits Angelic life (see also Vita angelica) : 80 n.70 (Basil) ; 124 n.46 : king, body politic ; I26f. n . i j : priest, lay man (John Chrys.); 288 n.20 (Sacram. Veron.); 320; 326ff. : virginity, monasticism (Äthan., Greg. Nyss., Jerome, Leo the Great); 329f. (Aug.)

497

INDEX Angelology: i8o: scholastic; 447: Thomistic Angels (see also Vita angelica, Virginity): 126: priesthood (John Chrys.); 296 n . í 2 : and liturgy; 323 : virginity, monasticism; 326 (Äthan., Greg. Nyss., Ambr., Jerome, Leo the Great) ; Augustine: 1 7 8 : caelum caeli; 1 7 9 : cognitio diurna and vespertina; 180: aerum; 181; i83f. ; 22if. : numeri rationales, rationes aeternae; 239, 2 4 1 : civitas Dei; 2 7 7 ; 4 í í f . , 4 í 8 : numbers Anglo-Saxon Church : 399f. 'Amévai: 104 η.8^·, io6 η.88 (Greg. Nyss.) 'ЛуоЗоу; io2f. nn.73, 7 Î (Greg. Nyss.) "Ανω (see also Άναφοίτησκ): io4 п.8^: ¿m та άνω φορά, ι об η. 88: ¿πΐ το ανωrepov Uval, 328 η. 2 2 : προ; τά άνω βλίπαν (Greg. Nyss.) Anselm, О . Praem., Bishop of Havelberg, later Archbishop of Ravenna (d. i i í 8 ) : 413; Dialogi: I: De unitale fidei et multiplicitate vivendi: 424 η.93 Άνθ(ΐν: I20 п.зб (Euseb.) Anthemius, Emperor (d. 472): 370 η.20 Anthony, St. (d. 3 í 6 ) : 332 n . i i (Cass.); 3 4 2 ; 3 J 4 : and Augustine Anthropos (see also Man, Adam): ς6; ς-y Anthusa (Constantinople): 18 n.6 Άνημίτάστασίί: 123 η.42 (Synes.) Antioch, School of: 160 n.22 Antiquity, of truth, of error (falsehood) (see also Vetustas) : Antiquitas: 301 η. 1 1 (Council of Rome, 46 ¡); 4 1 0 : criterion of orthodoxy (Vine. Ler.) ; I36ff. (Tert.); I38f. (Cypr.); i39f. (Amobius); i j o (Ambr.) Apatheia : Άπάθαα: i i i (Clem. Alex.); 3 2 7 ; 99; 1 1 2 ; 1 6 0 ; 327 n . 1 9 (Basil?) Άφομοίωοιί. See Homoiosis Apocalyptic: 27; 108 Apocatastasis (see also Restitution, Restoration) : Άττοκαθιοτάναι, 'Αττοκαβιστάναν, Άποκατάστασίί: 1 1 (Nemesius) ; 2 1 ;

4 2 ; 43 (Matt. 1 7 : I I , Mark 9 : 1 2 , Acts i : 6, 3 : 2 1 ) ; 4 4 ; 46; 7off. (Clem. Alex., Orig., Greg. Nyss.); 120 n.36 (Euseb.); i 2 4 n . 4 i (Greg. Nyss.); 1 4 2 ; 7 iff. (Orig.); 7 j : anastasis (Greg. Nyss.); 76 η.ςς: baptism (Greg. Naz.), reconciliation (Apostolic Constitutions) ; 76f. : return to Paradise, recovery of image-likeness (Greg. Nyss.); 80 (Cyr. Alex.); i i j ; 124 n . 4 i (Greg. Nyss.); 142 (Matt. 1 2 : 1 3 ) ; I ¡o; I ¡4.; 160 n.22 ; 1 7 1 n . 1 2 ; 229: ogdoas (Greg. Naz.); 'Αποκατάσταση νάντων (Acts 3 : 2 1 ) : 44; 73f·; 176; 'Αποκατάατασίί els то αρχαΐον: 43 ; j6, 93 n.41 (Greg. Nyss.); 123 n.42; ιςβ Apocrypha of Old Testament: 6¡ η.6 ΆτιοκαθαΙραν (see also Καθαίραν): 93 n.41 (Greg. Nyss.); 122 n.41 (Euseb.); 349 n.29 (Ps.-Dion.) Άποκλύζΐΐν: l o i n.67 (Greg. Nyss.) Apollinaris Sidonius, St., Bishop of Clermont (middle ith cent.): 19 n . 8 ; 369^ Apollo: 12 ; 13 n.28 Aponius (early j t h cent.?): 131 n.66: ruler as reformer and as vicar of God ; In Cant. Cantic.: 1 3 1 n.66 Apophthegmata patrum: 320 n . 3 ; 321 n . 4 ; 322 n.i I

Άποηληρονν. See Πληρούν Άπορρυντίΐν: io2 n.64 (Greg. Nyss.) Apostles in Jerusalem (see also Vita apostolica. Vita communis): 283 (Acts 2 : 44. 4 : 32) Apostolic Constitutions: Π,4ΐ, 2 and 4, П.^б, 4, Vin,9, 3, Í and 10, V m , i o , 14: 76 n.ss Apostolic life (see also Vita apostolica. Common life of clergy) : 283 (Acts 2 : 44, 4 : 32); 340: monasticism (Aug.); 342: generally Christian (Basil) ; 342f. : origin of coenobitical monasticism (Basil, John Chrys., Cass.); 3 J 1 n . 6 : Martin ofTours (Sulpicius Severus); 362, 364f. (Aug.); 389

Apostolici: 364: heretical Άποστρΐφ^α·: 49 η. I (Ez. 3 : 1 9 , Acts 3 : 26)

INDEX

498 'AvoreXelv. See ТеХеЬ Appropriations, Trinitarian: 213 Apringius, Bishop of Beja (middle cent.)

6th

Comment, on Apoc.: 260 n.93 ; 262 Apuleius (middle 2nd cent.): 33 n . 8 ; 4 0 ; MetamoTph.: Ш , 2 з : 40 η . 6 ; Ш,24£. : 40 n . 7 ; XI,13 and 1 6 : 40 n . 6 ; Х 1 , 2 з : 296 n . í 4 ; XI,27 and 30: 40 n.7 Arbitrium (see also Liberum arbitrium): 405 n . 1 4 : and grace (Cass.); 407 n.20 (Faustus of Riez); 408 η. 2 8 (Fulg. Rusp.) Arcadius, Emperor (d. 408): I2 2f. n.42 'Αρχή, Άρχαΐο!. See 'Αναδρομή, Άναπλάσσ««", 'Атгокатаатаач, Έπανάγαν, 'Enavépxcadm, Μάζων, Pristinus Άρίτη (see also Πρακτική, Θΐωρητική, Virtue, Politeia): 91 π . 3 4 ; 99 п.бз (Philo); 121 nn.39f. : βασιλική (Euseb.) Arianism: 96 Aristotle: 1 0 : cycles; 122 n . 4 ; 20ξ: t i m e ; De caelo: 1,9, 2 7 9 A : 2 o i n . i 2 ; De gener. et corrupt.: ì j j i . : 10 n . 7 ; Εώ. Nicom. : Ι,ιβ'., lo^sff. : i o o n . 6 3 ; 1,4, 1096A 34f. : 117 n . 3 2 ; n , i f . , iio3f. : 1 о о п . б з ; Х , 7 , 1177: ioon.63; Metapbjrs.: V I , i , 1026A: ΧΠ,Β, 1 0 7 4 C : IO n . 7 ; Ptysics; ΐ ν , Ι Ι ,

22OA:

100 n . 6 3 ;

Gregory of Nyssa: 90: human beatitude; 9 i f f . : purification; góff. : soul as m i r r o r ; 97, 102: vision of God Assyrian. See Empires Athanasius, St., Bishop of Alexandria (d. 373): 46 n . 4 4 ; 89: image-likeness; 90: Trinitarian doctrine; 9 2 ; 9 5 ; 9 7 : purity, soul as m i r r o r ; 295; 326: angelic life; 3 6 Í ; 4 4 7 ; Apologia ad 33: 326 n . 1 7 ;

Constantium imperatorem:

De incarnations: 4 8 : 327 n. 1 8 ; 1 4 : 92 n.38; Oratio contra gentes: 2 : 89 η . 2 7 ; 2 and 8: 97 п . S T , Vita S. Antonii: 321 n . 7 ; 1 4 : 322 n . i o Athanasius ( ? ) : De Yirginitate: 24: 323 n . i Athenagoras of Athens (second half 2nd cent.): n o ; Supplicatio pro Christianis: 18: ito п.ς Athenais-Eudoxia, Empress (d, 460): 371 n.23

2OIN.I2

Arithmology (see also Numbers): 217 Amobius (early 4th cent.): 1 3 9 ; Advenus nationes: IV,23^, 11,66: n.37

Assimilation to God (see also Reasslmilation, Homoiosis, Image-likeness): 76 n . î 6 (Greg. Nyss.); 82; 83 (Plato); 86 n . 1 3 ; 87 n . 1 9 ; 88f. ( O r i g . ) ; 106; i i i ; 1 1 8 ; 1 3 6 ; 160; 190; 293f.; 3 1 2 ; 3 2 7 : virginity; 330; 348 (Ps.-Dion.); 405: Semi-Pelagianism; 420 n.84 (Boeth.);

Augere:

144

η.60

(Ambr.);

2o2

n.î4

140

( A u g . ) ; 287 n . i j (Sacram. Gelas.) Augustine, St., Archbishop of Canterbury

A r t : 218 : corporeal numbers ; 218 n. 18 : inferior to nature (Plato, Aug.) Ascesis :

(d. 607-609): 399; 400 П.60 Augustine, St., Bishop of Hippo (d. 430): 16 n . 3 8 ; 20; 28; 29; 86; 99 n . 6 2 ; 107 n . 9 3 ; 1 1 2 ; 130; 1 3 3 ; ' З 8 ; 1 4 1 ; 148; i j o ; 1^2; I Í 3 - I Í Í : redemption; i j f i 1 6 2 : renoratio in melius; 1 6 2 - 1 6 7 : Pelagianism; 1 6 7 - 1 8 ^ : creation, formation, reformation; 1 7 8 - 1 8 1 : angels; 1 8 1 - 1 8 4 : seminal reasons; 1 8 ^ - 1 9 0 : image and likeness; 1 9 0 - 1 9 7 : vision of God, deification, sanctification; I 9 í f . : Crede ut inteUigas; 1 9 7 - 2 0 3 : Trinitarian analogies; 201-211 : memory; 203-212: t i m e ; 2 1 2 - 2 2 2 : number; 222-231: world ages; 232-238: life ages; 2 3 9 -

"Αακησις (see also Exercitatio) : 136: and φνσΐί·, 128 n . 6 o : ίξασκ€Ϊν ΐΐκόνας, αγάλματα, i . e . , children (John Chrys.) ; 90 n.30; 1 3 6 : and nature; 333 (Cass.) Ascetic(s), Asceticism: 78 (Basil); 90 n.30; 11 о ; 112 : Greek Christian ; 282 n. i ί 6 ; 319 n . i : pagan and Jewish; 3 2 1 ; 3 3 1 : eastern Christian; 342: communal; 343 (Basil); 371 n . 2 3 : σπουβοίοι, φιλόπονοι Asclepius, Latin. See Corpus Hermeticum Asellus, Spanish priest (6th cent.): 394

INDEX

283: ciritas Dei; 249-2^6: Roman Empire; 2i7f. : Manicheeism, Platonism; 2f8f. : Donatism; 2^9-263: Ticonius; 264-266: Paul; 2 67f. : regnum Dei; 268-270: corpus Christi; 270-281: ecclesia; 287; 288; 306-308: sacramentai validity ; 310-313 : penance ; 32 8f. : virginity; 334-340: active and contemplative lives; 341; 346; 347; 3ίο; 3Í3-3Í6: monasticism; 3í6-3í9: Augustinian

Rule;

3í9-36í:

vita

com-

38Í;

389;

of clergy; 366; 368; 371; 373; 373-377: doctrina Christiana, education;

munis

378;

379;

381;

382;

384;

390; 39Î; 393; 39Í n.43; 397; 402; 403-412: Semi-Pelagianism ; 413; 414; 417; 421; 440; 443-448: aerum, etc.; 449-462 : modem mathematics and science; 463-467 : socioeconomic order; Adversas académicos:

3^3 ;

Augustinian Rule: 379-38^: influence; 386; 389; 402 n.64; 416; 417; Regula

i:

ad servos Dei:

3^9

п.^2,

384 η. 28, з8^п.зо; 2: 362 η. 6ι, 363 η.70, 467 n.ij; 3: 382 η.20; s: 363 η.70, 467 π.Η, 467 η.ΐί, 4^7 η.17; y: 414П-61, 41Í η.62; Ordo

(Disciplina)

monasterii

(by

Alypius?): 3Í7; 3^8; 381; 41^ n.63; 3: 376 n.io; 4: 383 n.23; 10: 383 n.23; Confessiones :

1,14,

23:

170

n.ii;

111,7 : 170 n. 10; IV, 8, 13: 210 n.31; 8, I3f.: 3Í3 n.14; 10, is: 210 n.32; 11, 16: 212 n.40, 4Í4; I I , 17: 211 n.33, 211 n.3î; 13, 20: 218 η.18; i6, 31: 170 η.11; ν,ιο, 2o: 168 n.4; 12, 22: 170 η.11; VI,i4, 24: 371 n.23; 16, 26: 170 n.ii; VII,6, 8: 170 n.ii; 8, 12: i8i n.46; 9, 13: 23 n.27; 10, 16: 188 n.8; 12: 170 n.io; 21, 27: 170 n.12; VIIl: 3Í3 n.ii; 2, з£Г. : 171 η.12; 4, g: 170 n.ii; 6, I4ff.: 337 n.30, 314 n.27, 371 n.23; 6,IÍ: 3Í2 n.12; IX: 3ί3π.ΐί; 6,14: iSj n.46; X,8, 12: 202 Π.Ϊ4; 8, 14: 202 n.í3, 202 n.í4; 8, i j : 202 n.í4; 24. 3Î: 202 n.î4; 27, 38: i8í n.46, 237 n.44; 29, 40: 210 п.30; 30, 17*

499 41: 2o2 n.i4; 30, 42: 202 n.î4; XI,ij, 18: 203 n.2; i¡, 20: 203 n.3; 21, 27: 203 n.3; 23, 29f.: 207 n.21; 23, 30: 204 n.i; 26: 204 n.i; 27, 34: 203 n.3; 27, 36: 204 n.6; 27f.: 203 n.4; 28, 37: 203 n.3, 208 im.23f.; 28, 38: 208 n.2i; 29, 39: 210 n.30; 30, 40: i8î n.46; XII,2: 168 n.2; 7, 7: 4^1 n.io; 7, 7-9, 9: 168 n.4; I I , 12: 181 n.38; 12: 178 n.32; 12,9: 178 n.32; 12, i¡: 181 n.38; ij, 21: 181 n.38; 16, 23: i8j n.46; XIII,2-f: 169 n.7; s, 6: 202 п.^2; i2, 13: 171 n.13; 13, 14: 172 n.ij; 19: 329 n.26; 19, 24: 282 n.ii4; 34, 49: 172 im.i6f.; 21, 30: 282 n.iji; Contra Cresconium:

3 9 : 308 η . 2 0 ;

U,ii,

Contra duas epist. Pelagian.

n.18;

Contra Faustum Manich.

:

IV,23 : 226

: V , 9 : 366 n.79 ;

XII,8: 22Í n.13, 236 n.41; XXn,i2fr.: 33î n.22; XXIV,2: 1^8 n.17; Contra

Gaudentium:

Contra lulianum: Contra

litteras

Contra

secund.

1,19, 2 0 : 4 6 5

V , 6 o : 367 Petiliani:

n.9;

n.j;

1,6,

7:

308

n.20; ΙΙ,Ί, II: 308 n.21; II,8f, 189: 313 n.38; Iuliani

respons.

imperfect,

176 n.27 ; VI,27: 163 n.33; VI,37: 163 n.33; opus: ÌY,37:

De haptismo:

ΙΠ,6, 9 :

138 n . 3 1 ;

9,12:

139 n.36; IV,9, 13: 2î9 n.8i; IÍ, 22: i6jn.39;V,i2, 14: 308 n.20; VI,2, 3 : 272 n.133; 3, s: 272 n.133; 4, 6: 308 n.20; 27, ¡7: 271 n.129; νΐΐ,ίΐ, 99: 273П.133; De beata rita: De

catechizandis

3^3; I,i-j: 23 n.27; rudibus:

7,

11:

271

n.129; 17. 28: 179 n.3i; 19, 31: 26i n.ii I ; 20, 36: 266 n.i II ; 20, 36f. : 242 n.ii; 21, 37: 266 n.iii; 22, 39: 22^ n.13, 236 n.41; 23, 43: 36s n.79; 2i, 48: 271 n.129; 27, i4f.: 271 n.129; De civitate Dei: I,Preface: 2^1 n.í4, 2SS n.74, 263 n.103, 273 n.136, 276 n.i4î; i j : 242 n.ii, 249 n.ji; 3^: 270 n.I2i, 270 n. 128, 271 n. 130; 11,14: 2J7 n.82; 19, 21 : 2;ο n.î2; 29: 242 n.i^; IV,7: 2i3 n.6i; V,24: 256 n.77; 2if.:

ςοο

INDEX

Augustine, ìs6

St.—contd.

n.j8;

46f.; 374П-3; 3 ' . 4 8 - ί ο : 3 7 4 п . з ;

Vili,24:

272 n . 1 3 3 ;

X,i-2o:

2 6 9 n . 1 2 3 ; 6 : 269 n . 1 2 4 , 2 8 1 n. 1 5 3 ; 403 n.3 ; X I , 1 :

242 n.i I ; 6:

9: 179П.33; 18: 2 o 6 n . i i ; 26: 192 n . 1 9 ;

29:

180 n.36;

14:

207 n.22 ;

30:

187П.3, 223

n.j;

XII, 1 4 : I f n. 3 7 , 7 2 n. 3 9 ;

i j : 208 n.22 ;

16:

1 8 0 n . 3 8 , 208 n . 2 2 ;

17: 446

19:

4ss;

20:

44Í

i6:

ìjs

n.144;

п.з;

XIV,8:

160

n.16;

n.21;

23:

24:

n.19;

ΧΙΙΙ,ΙΙ: 176

173

203 176

n . 2 7 ; 2 6 : 1 7 7 n . 2 8 ; 28 : 2 4 0 n . 7 ; X V , I : 2 4 0 n . 3 , 241 n.8, 241 n.9, 241 n . i o ;

26:

27Í n.144;

242

XVI,2:

272

n.133;

XVIII,29: 279

27s

n.iii;

n.144;

ΧΙΧ,ϊ:

271

240 η . ί ;

n.32,

338

n.33;

21-24:

ХХ,3:

278

n.149;

7:

4:

269П.120;

ii:

22i

n.130, 19:

337

249

n.ji;

n.ii;

7-9:

2 3 1 n . 2 9 ; 9 : 2 i 9 n.S¡,

267 n . 1 1 6 ,

273

n.137;

272 n . 1 3 3 ;

19:

271

11:

269 n . 1 2 0 ,

n.129,

n.i2o;

278

XXII,i:

n.iio;

239 n.2,

n.83;

18:

ΧΧΙ,ι:

269

240 n.4,

267

n.iii,

420

n.ii3;

1 9 : 2 1 8 n. 1 8 ; 3 0 : I Í 9 n . 1 9 ,

n.18, 230 n.28, 273

242

39. í 8 :

n.16,

281 227

n.136;

373 n.3;

6off. : 3 7 4 n . 4 ;

39. Í 9 : 44:

34f.,

374П.3;

374 n.3;

222 n . i ;

40,

ni,3off.,

42fF. : 2 6 0 n . 8 8 , 2 6 0 n . 9 1 ; 3 2 , 4 í : 2 6 1 n.99; 37. í í :

269 n . 1 2 0 ; I V , I ,

i:

374

n . í ; I, 2 : 3 7 6 n . 9 ; 4, 6 : 3 7 í n . 7 ; 1 2 , 2 7 :

374 n.6; 17, 34: 374 n.6; 24, S3·· 374 n.7, 402 n . 2 ;

n.27;

n.20,

n.ii; 26:44in.i6;XVII,2o:

Í2f.: 3 7 4 П . 3 ; 38, s6: 214П.3,

De dono perseverantiae : 21, ¡ ¡ :

411

n.42;

De fide, spe, et caritate ad Laurentium. See Enchiridion ; De Genesi ad litteram: I,i : 168 n.4; 2f., 4:

169 n . 7 ; 4 :

1 7 3 n . 1 8 ; 6 : 202

n.i2;

n , 8 : 168 n.4, 179 n.33 ; ΙΙΙ,ιι : 4 Í 9 n.i ; 20: 173 n.19; 22: 173 n.20; IV,24:

179

n.36; 26:

180 n . 3 6 ; 3 2 :

33:

177 n.30,

183 n.42; V,iff. : 182

180 n.36;

n.40,

4 Î 9 n.i ; 3: 177 n.30; 4 : 182 n.40; 177 n.30; 4ff.: 4 Í 9 n . i ; 179

n.33,

n.6;

17:

S:

183

n.43;

n.40; 7: ¡¡6

i82

n.40,

177 n.30; 3.6:

184 n.44;

17:

n.32, 7:461

>77

n.30;

VI,3,

s-

182

1 4 : 4 i 9 n.i ; 2off.: n.if;

2s:

iì8

191

n.16;

27:

189

n.ii;

VII,22,

24:

173

n . i 7 ; l , i , 8 : 3 3 4 n.22 ; 1,6, 9 : 3 3 Í n . 2 3 ;

n.19;

24:

183

n.43;

IX,ij:

11,4, 1 3 :

17:

De consensu evangelistarum : I , ì : 22ì

n.14;

De correptione et gratia : î , 7 : 3 1 3 η. 3 7 ; ί,

8: 313 n.37;

34f. : I Í 9

1 2 , ЗЗ:

·ί9 n.ig;

12,

IÍ7

241 n . g ; XI, 4 0 :

iî8 n.i8; XII,27:

191

ς:

i68 n.4; 1 3 : 2 1 1

n.34;

De Genesi contra Manich.: 1,23, 3 Í - 4 1 :

De diversis quaest. LXXXIII: n.110;

XLIV:

238

X X X V , 2:

n.4I;

XLVI,2:

22Î Π.13;

1,23,

2Í-3Í,

1 8 0 n . 3 6 ; L I , 2 : 1 8 8 П . 1 0 ; 3f. : 1 8 8 П . 1 0 ;

238 n.46; 1,23, 4 1 : 23Í

188

n.7;

LVIII,2f. :

22Ì

n.13,

232

n.31; LXIV,2: 26ìn.iio; LXVN,4:

189

n.ii;

218

LXXII:

446 n.i8;

LXXVIU:

n.18;

De diversis quaest. ad Simplicianum 1, q. 2,2 : 196 n.31 ;

Prologue:

373

n.2; 1,1, 1 : 3 7 4 η . ί ; 4, 4 : 367 n . j ;

23Í n.36; I,2i,

43:

De gratia Christi et de peccato originali : II,21, 24:

i6i

n.38;

De gratia et libero arbitrio: 403 ; De haeresibus: 40: 364 n.74; 11,17:

196

163:

184

Π.13;

n.3;

167:

374

п.з;

n.3;

i6, 2 í : 2 1 7 η . 1 6 ; 28, 4 2 : 3 7 4 П . З ;

29?·,

17:

n.31;

234n.36,

n.37;

f,

18,

232

D e i i b e r o a r b i t r i o : 3 ì 3 ; I , i 1 4 : 2 6 i n . i IO ;

De doctrina Christiana: 213 n.i;

43:

I.23. 39: 233 n.34; 1,23, 4of.:

4:

11,12,

n.8;

240 η . ί ,

De Genesi ad litteram liber imperfectas : 2^4

n.69 ;

j:

461

174 n.21, 460 n.4; Χ Ι , ΐ ί :

n.18;

n.20;

De divinatione daemonum: X , I 4 :

26I

24:

178

23: 4Í9 n.i;

173 n.20;

nn.i2f.;

j:

17-22,

196 n . 3 3 ;

20: 24:

377

n.33; n.4i,

79-133: i8i

i84n.4i,

n.i;

219 164!!.:

204 n . 8 ;

Demagistro: 201 n.48 ; 3 Í 3 ;

171:

n.21; 214 214

INDEX De moribus ecclesiae catholicae; 1,31-33

:

£01 n.76, 197 n.38, 213 n . i ; X I , I , i :

iSj

3 i 8 n . 4 3 ; 1 , 3 1 , 6í£f.: 3SS n . 2 9 ; 1 , 3 1 ,

n . i ; i , 8 : 188 n . i o ; 8, 1 2 : 4 i 6 n . 3 ;

6 7 : 3 8 4 n . 2 8 ; 1 , 3 3 , joñ.

XIV,6, 8: 213 n . i ;

: 3ss n . 2 9 ; 24: 2 1 4

De moribusManichaeoruni:U,ii, n.i, 214 n.3;

11,

1 4 : 201 n . i i ;

1 2 , I i : 198 n . 3 9 ;

· >98 n . 4 0 ; 1 7 ,

2 3 : 199 n . 4 1 ; 1 9 , 2 i : 1 9 9 n . 4 2 ; X V , 3 ,

De musica: 3 5 3 ; 1,9, 1 5 : 2 i f n . 6 ;

11:

i : 1 9 7 n . 3 8 ; 8, 1 4 : 2 o o n . 4 i , 2 0 1 n . 4 7 ;

4 í 6 п - з ; I I , 1 8 : 216 n.8; 12, 1 9 : 216

9, 1 6 : 200 n . 4 i ; 2 1 , 4 1 : 82 n . 7 6 , 200

n.ii;

n.44, 2 1 3 n . i ;

12, 20-22: 214 n . i ; 12,

20-26:

2 1 6 n . 1 2 ; V I , 3 , 4 : 2 1 9 n . 2 3 ; 4, 6 : 2 1 9

De rera religione: 26, 48 : 2 3 Ì п . з 8 ; 2 6 4

n . 2 3 ; 4, 7 : 2 1 9 n . 2 i ; 8, 2 2 : 2 1 9 n . 2 3 ;

n . i o 8 ; 26, 4 9 : 2 3 i n . 3 9 , 236 n . 4 0 , 264

I I , 29: 2 2 o n . 2 i ; I I , 33: 2 1 9 η . 2 2 ; 12,

n . 1 0 8 ; 27, i o : 2 6 i n . 1 0 8 ; 42, 7 9 : 221

3 4 : 2 2 0 η . 2 6 ; 1 3 , з8 : 2 i 8 n . i 8 ; 1 4 , 4 4 :

n.28;

2 1 1 η . 3 4 , 220 η . 2 ί , 2 2 1 n . 2 8 ; 1 7 , ¡ j :

Enarrationes in Ps. ; 4 1 9 n . 80 ; V I , i : 1 9 4

221 n . 2 8 ; 17, í 8 : 219 n.20, 220 n.28,

n . 2 4 ; I X , 7 : 2 1 1 n . 3 4 , 446 n . 1 7 ; 1 2 : 2 7 2

2 2 1 n . 2 8 , 222 n . 2 9 ;

n . 1 3 0 ; X X V I , Enarr. 1 1 , 1 9 : 2 i 2

De nuptiis

et concupiscentia:

Ι,ΐί:

367

De octo Dulcitii

3,

quaest.:

338

6:

De opere monachorum:

356 n . 3 6 ;

3^8;

362 n . 6 3 ; 3 6 Í n . 7 7 ; I , 2 f . : 363 n . 6 8 ; 7 , 8ff.: 363 n . 7 1 ; I i , i 6 f f . : 363 n . 7 1 ; 1 6 , 1 7 : 363 n . 6 7 ; 1 6 , 1 9 : 3 6 i n . 7 8 ; 1 7 , 363 n . 6 9 f . , 3 8 4 n . 2 8 ;

21,

2iff.:

363 n . 7 0 ; 2 i , 3 2 : 3 6 4 n . 7 3 ; 2S,

33:

363 n . 7 0 ; 29, 3 7 : 3 6 4 П . 7 2 ; De ordine: 3 í 3 ; Π, 1 1 , 3 4 : 2 i 8 η. 1 8 ; I I , i 8 , 47ff. : 2 1 8 η . 1 8 ; Π , ι 8 , 4 7 - 1 9 . ί ΐ : 2IÍ η.7; De peccatorum meritis et remissione . , . : 1,9, gff. : 163 n . 3 2 ; 1 , 3 0 , j 8 : 1 6 4 n . 3 8 ; n,7,

9:

16s

n.39;

De perjectione iustitiae hominis: Х У Ш , 3 9 : i6s n.39; De praedestinatione

sanctorum:

14,

27:

410 n.42; De quantitate animae: 3 Í 3 ; 3 : 207 n. 19 ; Í , 9 : 2 0 Î n . i o , 2 1 9 n . 2 3 ; 8, 1 3 - 1 2 , 2 1 : 2 1 9 n . 1 9 ; I 3 f . : 207 n . 1 9 ; 1 4 , 2 4 : 220 n . 2 6 ; 32 : 207 n . 1 9 ; 3 3 , 7ofi'. : I i i 11.9; De sancta virginitate:

De Trinitau: n.41;

12,

Ii:

14:

189 n . i o ; X L V , i 3 :

I9Î

n.28;

n.io; XLIX,2:

148

XLVIII,ii:

189

19Í n.27; LIV,3:

189

n . i o ; 9 : 340 n . 3 7 ; 22 : 4 1 0 n . 4 2 ; L X I : 266 n . i i i ; 8 : 276 n . 1 4 6 ; L X I V , 2 : 242 n. 1 1 ;

LXVI, 10:

31Í

n.4i;

LXX,

Sermon II,6f. : 1 9 3 n . 2 2 ; Ь Х Х Ш , 6 : п.уб;

LXXV,3:

312

n.33;

189 n . 1 2 ;

2ς6

LXXVIII,4:

LXXXVI,6:

242

n.ii;

Χ α ΐ , ι : 236 n . 4 i ; X C V i n , 4 : 268 n . 1 1 7 , 272 n . 1 3 3 ; 1 4 : 2 i i n . 7 2 ; X C I X , 9 : 340 n.37;

C,i2,

13:

n.131; Cn,í:

272 n . 1 3 1 ;

13:

272

312 n.33; 9: 315 n . 4 i ;

С Ш , Sermon 1,8 : 1 7 6 n . 2 7 ; Sermon 1 1 , 4 : 338

n.34;

CXXIX,i:

CXXVII,ií: 189 n . i i ;

232

n.31:

СХХХП,6:

283

n . i i 9 ; C X X X V I : 266 n . i i i ; C X L n , 7 : 199 n . 4 3 ; C X L V I , i i : 4 i 7 n . 4 ; 1 4 : 1 8 9 n.12;

CXLVII,4:

2i4n.68; 13: Enchiridion Laurentium):

367 n . i ;

CXLIX,?:

2i4n.69;

(De flde, spe, et caritate

ad

3 7 6 n . i i ; 29(9): 240 n . 4 ;

22, 3 7 : 1 9 0 n . 1 3 ;

n . 3 9 ; 104(28): i i 9 n . 2 0 ; 1 1 1 ( 2 9 ) : 273

IV,4, 7: 2 2 i n.13,

236

193 n . 3 2 ;

193

13,

18:

1 9 3 n . 3 2 ; V , 8 , 9 : 2 1 3 n . i ; 9, 1 0 : 2 1 3 VIII:

n.72;

i 6 ( i i ) : 268 n . 1 1 7 , 2 7 3 n . 1 3 4 ; 6 2 ( 1 6 ) :

329

n . 3 2 ; 13, 1 8 - 1 4 , 1 9 : 193 n . 3 2 ; I i , 20: n.i;

2i2

XXXVHI,

n.26;

24:

2 7 - 2 9 : 329 n . 2 i ; De spirita et littera:

i ü η.ιο;

7 : 209 n . 2 6 ; 9 : 2 3 7 n . 4 2 ; X L I , 7 f . : 1 9 2 n.20; XLn,6:

n.3i;

n.i7;

Enarr. П, Sermon П , 6 :

n.i7; ΧΧΧνΠ,27:

n.i;

20:

X X X , 12,

197 n . 3 8 ; VIII,10,

14:

82

273

n.i3i,

278

n.148;

64(17):

166

n.134; Epist.:

XLVIII,if.:

339 n . 3 6 ;

LV,9,

1 7 : 227 η . 1 8 ; 1 3 , 2 3 : 227 η. 1 8 ; 1 4 , 2 í : I i i η . i o ; L X : 3 6 Ì η . 7 8 ; ι : 362 η . 6 4 ; X C I I : 376 η . ι ι ; 3 : 192 n . 1 9 ; X C I I I , i o ,

Í0 2

INDEX

Augustine, St.—contd. 3 8 : 308 n . 2 0 ; X C I X : 376 n . i i ; C I , 2 : 222 n . i ; C X X I I : 2 ì 3 n . 6 3 ; C X X X : 376 n . i i ; C X X X I : 376 n . 1 1 ; С Х Х Х Ш : 368 n . 9 ; C X X X V I I , I 7 : 268 n . 1 1 7 ; C X X X V n i : 368 n . 9 ; I , s- 206 n . i j ; 2, I O : 249 n . i i ; 3, 1 7 : 2^0 n . i 3 ; C X X X I X and CXLIII : 368 n.9 ; CXLIII,6 : 176 n . 2 7 ; C X L V n : 376 n . i i ; 1 3 , 3 i f . : 1 9 1 n . 1 8 ; 2 6 : 190 n. 1 6 ; C L : 376 n. 1 1 ; CLI,8: 3 6 8 n . i i ; C L X V I , 1 , 4 : 2 0 7 η . 1 9 ; 2, 4 : 221 η . 2 8 ; CLXXVII, 9»· = i S S n . i o ; C L X X X V , 10, 4 4 : 306 n . 1 7 ; C L X X X V I H : 376 n . i i ; C X C I X , 10, 3 s : 2 î 3 η . 6 4 ; 1 2 , 4 é : 2 í 3 n . 6 4 ; 1 7 : 231 η.29; CCXI: 3f6 п.39; 3í7 η.40; Exposition of Romans: 1 9 : 166 η . 3 9 ; In Johannis epist. ad Panhos tract. : II, i о : 2 1 2 η.38 ; In Johannis evang. tract. : ν ΐ , ι ο : 2í4 n . 7 0 ; I X , 6 : 236 n . 4 1 ; X X I X , 6 : 196 n.33; Χ Χ Χ Ι , ί : 212 n.39; Χ Χ Χ ν ί Π , ι ο : 2 1 1 п.зб; XXXIX,4: 213 n . i ; XL,9: 189 n . t i ; C X X I I , 6 : 2 2 ^ п . 1 4 ; C X X I V , i f f . : 336 n . 2 7 ; Quaestiones in Heptat.: V , 4 : 186 n . 2 ; Retractationes: Ι , ι ο , 4 : ιοη n . i 8 , 221 n.28, 222 n . 2 9 ; 2 j , 4 4 : 238 Π.47; 2 i , S 2 : 188 1 1 . 7 ; 2 i , 68: 189 n . i i ; II: 27s n . 1 4 3 ; JO, 3 : 189 n . i i ; 69, i : 273 n.136, 27Î n.143; Sermo de urbis excidio: 6ff. : 2^3 η . 6 1 ; Sermones: I V , 1 1 , 11: 271 η.130; XLIII,3, 4 : 1 9 4 η.24, 196 η . 3 2 ; LXXXI,9: 2í3 n . 6 i ; L X X X I I : 313П.38; L X X X i n , 6 , 7 : 2 2 í n . 1 4 ; X C V , 2 : 22^ n . 1 4 ; XCVin,6, 6: 3 1 3 n.39; Cni,i, i : 3 3 Í n . 2 í ; 3, 4 : 336 n . 2 6 ; S, 6 : ЗЗ6 n . 2 7 ; C I V : 336 n . 2 6 ; C V , 6 , 8: 2^3 n . 6 1 ; 7, 1 0 : 2SÍ n.7s; C X I V , i : 22^ n . 1 4 ; C X V I I I , i : 196 n . 3 3 ; C X X V , 4 : 2 2 í n . i 3 ; C X X X I , i : 3 1 1 n . 3 2 ; CLXIX, 1 4 . 1 7 : 336 n . 2 6 ; i j , 1 8 : 166 n . 3 9 ; CLXXIX,3, 3-6, 6: 336П.26; CXCIV,3: 187 n . 3 , 190 n . 1 6 ; C C L V , 6 : 2 1 1 n . 3 7 ; CCLIX,2: 2 2 4 η . I I , 2 2 í n . i 3 , 226η.18, 236П.41; CCLXXVin,i2, 12: 310П.26; C C C L I , 3 : 166 n . 3 9 ; 3, 3 f f · : 3 ' ° " - 2 6 ;

C C C L V : 3 í 6 , 3 í 8 , 389f.; C C C L V , 2 : 3 í í n . 3 2 , 3 Î 9 n.so, 3 f 9 n . j i , з б о п . ^ з ; 6 : 3 6 o n . í 4 ; C C C L V I : 3 í 6 ; 3^8; 3 8 9 f . ; i : 361 n . f 6 ; 3 - i í : 361 п . ^ 7 ; 1 4 : 361 n . j S ; C C C L X n , 2 8 , 29: 190 n . 1 6 ; CCCLXVI: i 6 í n.39; Sermones ßibl. Casin.: 1 , 1 3 3 : 2 j 3 n . 6 2 ; Sermones Guelferbyt.: X X I X : 336 n . 2 6 ; Sermones Mai: XIX, 2: 14Í n.6i; XCIV,3£f.: 2 2 6f. n . 1 8 Soliloquia: 3 Í 3 n . 2 4 ; Speculum: 29: 3 1 0 n.26 Augustinian Rule. See Augustine, Augustinian Rule Augustínians. See Canons Regular of St. Augustine, Hermits of St. Augustine Augustus, Augustan : 1 з п . 2 ^ ; i j n . 3 2 ; 1 7 ; 4 1 n.8 ; 41 n.9 ; Res gestae divi Augusti: 8 , í : 41 n.9 Aulus Gellius (middle 2nd cent.) : Noctes Atticae: 1 4 , i , 2 7 : 183 n.42 Aurelianus, St., Metropolitan of Aries (d. í í i ) : Regula ad monachos: 381 n . 1 3 ; 4 6 : 387 n . j , 392 n.28 Regula ad virgines: 381 n . 1 3 Ausonius (d. 394): 369 n . 1 6 (see also Paulinus of Nola, Carm. X and XI) Αντοαγαβόν (Plato, Orig.), Αύτοάνβρωποζ (Aristotle), Αύτογη (Plotinus), Αντολόγο; (Orig.), Αυτοονσία (Plotinus), Αντοαωκρατήΐ (Plotinus), Αύτοθΐόί (Orig.) : 89 Π.24; 1 1 7 n.32 Αυτοάληθαα: I i j ; 1 1 7 n.32 (Grig.) Autobasileia (see also Basileia) : Αύτοβασιλΐία: i i j , 1 1 6 , 1 1 7 n.32 (Orig.); 1 1 7 (Orig.); 1 1 8 ; 242 ΑυτοΖικοΜαννη: i i j (Orig.) Αύτοΐξούσιο; (see also Free will): 1 1 7 n.32 Autokrator : Αυτοκράτωρ (Αύτοκρατης) : i i j í . n.32 : ßaaiXevs; 1 0 7 ; 1 1 7 n . 3 2 : basileus Αύτοσοφία: i i j ; 1 1 7 n.32 (Orig.) Autpertus, Ambrosius, Abbot of S. Vincenzo al Volturno (d. 784): Comment, on Apoc.: 260 n.93

INDEX Av^ávfiv, Αυξησί! (see also Έτταυξάναν): 102 η.73 (Greg. Nyss.); i 6 i f . ή . 2 8 : eV Toîs άγαβοΪ! (Greg. Nyss.); 32^ п.2^ (Gen. 1 : 28, Method.) Auxerre. See Germanus, Bishop of Auxerre; St. Cosmas and St. Damian of Auxerre; St. Germain of Auxerre Avertere: 1 7 0 n . 1 1 , i 8 j n . 4 6 , 2 J 3 n . 6 i , 403 n.3 (Aug.) Avitus, St., Bishop of Vienne (d. f i 8 ) : 302

Í03

19, 49= 47 n . í 9 , 80 n.72, 1 6 1 n . 2 í ; 27, 66: 22f n . 1 4 , 228 n . 2 0 ; Epist.: Х С Ш : 322 n. 1 0 ; Hexaemeron: homil. 11,8: 22^ n . 1 4 , 228 n.20; Homil. in dirites: 130 n.63 Homil. in illud Lucae: I2,i8 : 130 n.63 ; Homil. in Ps. XIV: 130 n.63 ; Х Х Х И л 447 n . 2 2 ; Regulae fusius tractatae: 11,3 '· ^93 n.42 ; V , i f . : 78 n . 6 1 ; V I , i f . : 78 n . 6 i ; V U , i , Vn,2,VU,4:342n.6;XXXVni:78n.6i; Babel, tower of: 254 n.70 (Gen. 1 1 : i f f . , LI-LIII: 41 í n . 6 3 ; Aug.) Basil of Caesarea ( ?) : Babylon, Babylonians : 1 j : world empire Epistola XLn,4f. (Nilus of Ancyra Î): (see also Empires) ; 242 : confusio (Aug.) ; 3 Í 2 n.9; 243 n.24, 262 : city of evil (Apoc. 1 4 : 8, Liturgy ojSt. Basii: 293 ; etc.); 2 i i : Rome (Jerome); 2 î 6 (Aug.) Sermo Aiceticus: if. : 327 n. 1 9 ; Baptism (see also Rebirth, Regeneration, Basileia (see also Autobasileia, Regnum, Palingenesia, Rebaptism) : 4 ; 3 2 ; 3 3 ; 4^ ; Kingdom) : JO ; Í I ; Í3 : burial and resurrection with BaotXtia: 107 (Matt. 6: IO, 1 3 : 38ίϊ., Christ (Col. 2 : 1 2 ) ; ¡9; 60; 6 1 ; 70: Mark 8: 3 9 ) ; 1 0 8 ; 1 1 0 : Roman entry into Paradise (Orig.); 76 n . ^ j r Empire (Athenag.); 1 1 2 , 1 1 7 : tÌSos άποκατάστασιί (Greg. Naz.); 86 (Clem. (Clem. Alex.) ; 1 2 1 : Constantine Alex.); i 3 i f . (Tert.); 1 6 4 : Pelagians; (Euseb.); 122 n.42 (Themist.); i6¡: a n d r e f o r m ; 224, 226f. n . i 8 , 229: 6 3 : heavenly; 109, 1 1 8 , 1 2 2 : heavenly, eight, ogdoas, Easter Sunday (Aug., terrestrial (Orig., Euseb.); I 2 i f . : of Ambr.); 304ff. : heretical, schismatic, Constantine (Euseb.); 1 2 ^ ; 129 (John rebaptism; 325 (Method.); 4 1 4 (Caesar. Chrys.); i j i ; 244; 248: Hellenistic; Arel.) 267 : Constantinian-Eusebian ; 283 n. 157 ; Barbarian invasions : 301 420: Byzantine, Ostrogothic; BamXda Θΐοΰ: 1 0 7 ; io8 n . i (Luke 1 7 : Basil, Bishop of Ancyra (middle 4th cent.) 2 1 , Mark 8 : 3 9 ) ; 1 1 4 ; 1 1 8 (Orig.); 267; (?): ΒασιΧΐία των ουρανών ι ούρανον: loy De vera virginitatis integritate: 2, 66: (Matt. 4 : 1 7 ) ; " ί (Matt. í : 3 , ю, 327 n.20 Orig.); 122 n.42 (Themist.) Basil the Great, St., Bishop (Metropolitan) Basileus (see also King, Emperor, Autoof Caesarea (d. 379): 7 8 ; 79f. : Holy krator) : Spirit; 9 i , n . 4 3 ; 103 ; 106 : Θ ά ν γ ^ α θ α ι . ; BaatXcvs: 1 1 8 n.3 2 : title; 121: 1 2 6 ; 127 n . í j ; 130 n . 6 3 ; 1 6 1 ; 1 7 4 ; Constantine (Euseb.); 122 n.42 2 0 Í - 2 0 7 , 228: time and eternity; 3 1 0 (Themist.); 123 n . 4 2 : Aeiroupyos 3 1 1 : penance; 3 2 7 ; 3 4 1 - 3 4 3 : coeno(Synes.) ; 420 n.83 (Homer, Boeth.) ; biticalmonasticism; 346; 348; 351 ; 3 í í ; 107, i i 7 f . n . 3 2 : autokrator 36Í; 381; Adyersus Eunomium: 1 , 2 1 : 206 n . 1 3 ; Basilica (-ae): 3 8 7 ; 387 n . 6 : Roman; 388: St. Martin of Tours, St. Hilary of II : 444 n. 1 1 ; Poitiers, St. Rémi of Reims, St. GerDe ìudìcio Dei: 4,7 : 3 1 0 n . 2 6 ; main of Auxerre, St. Denis; 388 n . 8 : De Spiritu Soneto: 9 , 2 3 : 80 n.70, 106 Arezzo ; 399f. : Roman, Anglo-Saxon η · 9 2 ; I i , 36: 8 0 η . 7 1 ; i 6 , 3 8 : 4 4 7 η . 2 2 ;

£04-

INDEX

Beatific Vision: 6 í n.6; 191 Body (see also Corporeal, Corporeality): Beatus, Spanish priest and monk (d. 798) : 84 : and soul, flesh and spirit (Iren.) ; 173, 183 (Gen. 2: 7, Aug.); 176 (Gen. 3 : 2 1 , In Apoc.: 260 n.93; VII,I, 4ff., IX,3, Greg. Nyss.); i83f. : and soul (Aug.) 1 0 - 1 2 , X , i , 2 - 4 : 262 n . i o i Body of Christ (see also Carpus Christi) : Beauty (see also Form, Number): 2 1 8 : Ecclesiological : 32 n . 3 ; 6 1 ; i i ^ f . ; corporeal, numerical (Cicero, Aug.); 1 1 8 ; 242; 256; 261 (Ticon.); 267; 220: spatial, temporal (Aug.); 220 n.25: 268ff. (Paul, Aug.) ; 268 n. 1 1 8 : and body infima pulchritude (Aug.); 238 п.4^: politic ; iumma pulchritudo, temporalis pulchrltudo (Aug.) Eucharistie: 32 n . 3 ; 269 Bede, the Venerable, St., (d. 73^): 231 Boethius (d. ^24): 420; 4 2 1 ; 440; 448; n.29; De consolatione philosophiae : 440 n. 18 ; I, pros. 4, 38f. : 420 n.84; I, pros, ¡i Explan. Apoc.: 260 n.93; l U i i J · ^62 420 n.83; III, metr. II,34ff. : 420 n.84; n . i o i ; in,18 : 262 n . i o i in, metr. IX: 420 n.84; Ш, pros. 10, Beginning and end (see also Alpha and 23ff. : 420 n.84; IV, metr. VI: 420 n.84; Omega): 73 (Apoc. 22: 1 3 , i : 8, 2 1 : 6) V, pros. 6, 4 : 448 П.24; V, pros. 6, 1 4 : BfXrUüV. See Μ€ταβάλλ€ΐν, Μ^τακόσμησα, 448 n . 2 i ; MtraOfOis Benedict, St. (d. c. S47)'· 37«; 3 8 1 ; 3 8 i ; 388; 422; Rule ojSt. Benedict (Regula S. Benedicti): 3 4 Í n . 1 6 ; 346 n.20; 384; 386; 393; 4 1 6 ; 23: 41J: n.63; 2 3 - 2 í : 4 1 Í n.64; 28: 4 1 Í n.63; 3 3 : 38Í n.30; 33f.: 391 n.24; 34: 3 8 j n.30; 4 1 : 78 n.61 ; 48: 78 n . 6 1 ; SS - 38Í n.30; í 8 , 2: 346 n.20; í 8 , 26: 346 n.20; 60, 62: 387 n.4 Bernard of Clairvaux, St. (d. 1 1 Í 3 ) : 4 ; 230 n.28;

De fide catholica: 420 nn.83f. ; De Trinitate: Preface: 420 n.83; 4, 72fr.: 448 n . 2 î Bonaventure, St. (d. 1274): Itinerarium mentis in Deum : 4, 4 : 4 n. 1 1 Boniface, St., Archbishop of Mainz (d. j s \ ) · Epist.: so: 301 n. 14 Boniface II, Pope (d. Í 3 2 ) : 413 Braga. See Martin of Braga, Fructuosus of Braga Braulio, St., Bishop of Saragossa (d. 6^1):

De praecepto et dispensatione : 17 (í4): 4 n.9; De gratia et libero arbitrio ; i о : 4 η. 1 1 Berossus, Babylonian priest (first half 3rd cent. B.c.): 1 1 Bible. See Holy Scripture Bios (see also Active life, Contemplative life); 98 n . 6 1 : πολιτικοί, πρακτικοί, θεωρητικοί Birth (see also Nasci, Growth): 87: of Christ in heart of man (Orig.) Bishops (see also Monk-bishops): 347 n.24, 3Î2 n.9: and monks (Jerome, Cass., " B a s i l " ) ; 348f. : perfect among perfecting, i.e., sanctifying (Ps.-Dion.); 3 j o n. I : vs. monks bivium ("Pythagorean"): 266 n.i 12 Blesilla, St., disciple of St. Jerome (d. 387):

394; Vita S. Aemiliani: 28, 34: 394 n.37 Bride of Christ : 87: soul (Orig.); 239 n . i : sponsa: Church (Aug.); 32 3f. n. 1 0 : Church, soul (Paul, Tert., Orig.); 325: soul (Method.) British Church: 398 Byzantium: 82; 107; 131

371

Caelum caeli (see also Angels): i68f., 179, 181 n.38 (Aug.) Caesarius, St., Bishop (Metropolitan) of Aries (d. Í42): 260 n.93; 262; 38of. : monastic rules; 389; 392 n.27; 393; 413 ; 4i4f. : penance ; 416 ; 421 ; Ad sanctimoniales epist.: 11,2 : 372 п.2^; Expos, in Apoc.: 260 n.93; 2^2 n . i o i ; X V : 262 n . i o i ;

INDEX Caesarius, St.—contd. Regula monachorum: ^ji n . í í ; 381 n . 1 3 ; 4 1 Î n.63; Regula sanctorum rirginum: 381 n. 1 2 ; 1 3 , 1 2 : 4 1 Í n . 6 4 ; 1 3 , 24: 4 1 4 n . 6 1 ; IS'· 4 1 Í 26: 4 1 S n.62, 4 1 Í n . 6 3 ; 3 2 : 4 1 Î n.62; 3 3 : 4 1 Í n . 6 2 ; 34, recapitulatio 6s : 4 1 ^ n . ô j ; 4 6 : 41 í n.62 ; 47, recapitulatio 48f. : 4 1 6 n.66; 6 2 - 6 j : 4 1 6 n.66; Sermones: Ι , ι : 421 n . 8 7 ; 1 , 1 3 : 421 n . 8 7 ; 1 , 2 0 : 421 n . 8 7 ; X V , 3 f . : 4 i 4 n . î 8 ; L V I , 3 : 372 n . 2 i ; L X X X V I . i : 421 n.87; C X I V , 2 : 421 n . 8 7 ; CLI,2: 4 1 4 n.6o; C C X X V , 3 : 4 1 4 n.60 Caesaropapism : 1 2 4 n . 4 i Cagliari: 391 : Fulgentius of Ruspe Callinice, Synagogue of: ι ς 2 n.87: Theodosius and Ambrose Canon(s) (see also Κανών): 298-303: conciliar renewal; 389, 391 n.21: cononum regula, etc. : liturgical, juridical, vita canonica, communis Canon law: 297; 2 9 8 - 3 1 Í ; 389 Canonical life. See Vita canonica Canónicas, canonici (see also Vita canonica): 39of. n . 2 1

Canons Regular of St. Augustine: 386; 388 n.6 ; 401 n.61 ; 402 n.64 Canterbury, Christ Church: 400 n n . j g f . Cappadocian Fathers: 28; 8 1 n . 7 6 ; 9 8 ; 12s Caritas (see also Charity, Amor, Veritas): 268 n . 1 1 7 : vinculum caritatis (Aug.); 3 3 7 : o^cium and nécessitas caritatis, caritas reritatis (Aug.) Carolingian: 2 : Renaissance; 3 : renovation of sapientia and eruditio (Alcuin) ; 4oof. : monastic reform, vita canonica Cassian, John (first half j t h cent.): 23 n . 2 7 ; 1 : 6 n . 2 8 ; 3 3 2 - 3 3 J : active and contemplative lives; 3 6 Î ; 3 8 1 ; 384; 404-408 : Semi-Pelagianism ; 4 1 3 ; Conlationes: Preface 4 : 332 n . 1 2 ; 1,4, 4 : 23 n . 2 7 ; 8, 3 : 333 n . i j ; 10, 4 : 333 n . 1 6 ; 10, í : 333 n . 1 6 ; I i , i : 3 3 4 П . 1 8 ; Ш,6: 332 n . 1 3 , 346 n . 1 7 ; 6 , 4 : 3 4 6 П . 1 8 ; Xin,8, 3f. : 4 0 Í n . 1 3 ; 1 3 . 1 : 4 0 Í η · ΐ 4 ;

SOS Χ Τ ν , ι , з : 332 n . i o ; 4 : 333 n . i 6 ; 4, i f f . : 332 n . i i ; 4, 2 : 332 n . 1 3 ; 4, 2f. : 332 n . 1 4 ; Î - 7 : 333 n . 1 6 ; 8, i : 334 n . 1 8 ; XVin,4, 2 : 332 n . 1 3 ; s, i f · : 343 n . i i ; s, 2ff.: 344 n . 1 3 ; 6, i : 344 n . 1 3 ; X l X , 8 f . : 332 n . 1 3 ; 8, 3 f · : 3 4 Í n . 1 4 ; 9. i f · : 3 4 Í η · ΐ 4 ; ΧΧΠΙ, 3ff. : 333 n . i 6 ; 3 , 1 : 333 n . i i ; Χ Χ ί ν , ι , з : 3 4 ί η . ΐ ΐ ; 9 :

333 n . i 6 ; 1 3 : 333 n . 1 6 ; 1 3 , 4 - 6 : 3 4 Í n.ii; institutions: 1 1 , 1 3 : 296 Ti-ss; Υ Π , 1 7 : 343 n . i i ; X : 321 n.9; XI, 1 8 : 347 n.24 Cassiciacum: 170 n . 8 ; 2 8 3 ; 3 Í 3 - 3 Í J Cassiodorus (d. c. ¡So) (see also Vivarium) : 368; 4 1 7 - 4 1 9 ; 4 2 1 ; 4 2 2 ; Commenta Psalterii: 4 1 9 n.8o; Complexiones in Apoc. : 260 n.93 ; De orthographia: Preface: 422 n.90; Institutiones: 1 , 1 0 : 4 1 9 n . 8 i ; 1 , 2 1 , 2 : 422 n . 9 1 ; 1,30, i : 421 n.86; 1,32, 3 : 4 1 8 n.76; II: 422 n . 9 1 ; II, Conclusion 7 : 419 n.78; Variae: 1,28: 4 1 8 n . 7 i ; I I I , 3 i : 4 1 8 n.77 Castigare, Castigatio: 4 1 4 n.6i (Caesar. Arel.); 4 1 6 η.68 (Martin of Braga) Cataclysms (see also Deluges): 30 Catastasis (see also ApocaUstasis) : Κατάσταακ: i6o n . 2 2 : vov (Evagr. Pont.) ; 160 n.22 (Theodore of Mopsuestia) Cathair. See Ciyitas Catharsis (see also Καθαροί, KaBapórqs; Καβαίραν; Purification; Purity): 294; 331 ; 349 η.29 (Ps.-Dion.) Causae aeternae. See Rationes aeternae Causae primordiales (see also Rationes seminales): 1 7 4 n.21 Causality (see also Determinism, Freedom) : 3 Í , 4 3 6 : efficient and final Celibacy of clergy: 3^2 n. 1 0 : east and west; 385 Celsus, philosopher and anti-Christian polemist (c. 180): 1 4 η . 2 9 ; i i 6 Censorinus, grammarian (first half 3rd cent.) : De die natali: XVIII,ii : 12 Challenge and response: i ; 24; 2s

ςο6

INDEX

Change (see also Mutare, Τροπή) : g ; 3 ί ; 39; 4 ° ; 8ο; ι 6 ι ; 178: temporal; l o s , гот. and t i m e ; 2 1 0 ; 2 1 1 ; 2 1 2 ;

43í;

4 3 6 ; 4 3 7 ; 441 Change of life, of mind. See Mutatio vitae, Metanoia, Conversion Changelessness : 3 i Χαρακτήρ (figure, image): 100, l o i

(Greg.

Nyss.) ; 1 1 1 (Clem. A l e x . ) Xápis (see also Grace) : 80 : πρώτη of Adam (Cyr. A l e x . ) Charity (see also Caritas, Love) : í 3 η. i 8 ; 1 1 2 ; 129 η . 6 0 : neighbor (John Chrys.); 1 9 1 : assimilation to God ( A u g . ) ; 196: faith, hope ( A u g . ) ; 2^8; 330-340: and contemplation ; 3 3 7ff. : active and contemplative lives; 341: coenobitical monasticism (Basil); 385, 4 6 7 : Augustinian monasticism Charlemagne (d. 814): 3; 4 2 3 ; Alcuini Epist.: C C X L V I I : 401 n . 6 i ; Capitularía: L X X I , i 2 , L X X n , i 2 : 400 n.61 Chastity, Castitas (see also Continence) : 3 2 2 n. I (Acts 24: 2 J, Gal. í : 23); 324 η. 12 : Mary (Ambr.) ; 327 η. 17 : angelic (Ambr.)

paradisi instar ( C y p r . ) ; 233, 324: bride of Christ (Eph. i : 2 2 f . , 2 C o r . 1 1 : 2 , see also Male and female), sixth age; 239-283: and civitas Dei ( A u g . ) ; 246: Communion of Saints; 2¡6; 1S9'· essentially City of G o d ; 2 6 1 : Body of Christ ( T i c o n . ) ; 267 (Matt. 1 3 : 29f.); 270: social: liturgical, juridical; 2 7 1 : contains mali et fleti as well as just of O l d Testament and some pagans; 272ff. : often identical with City of G o d ; 2 7 3 : House, Temple, City of God, heavenly C h u r c h ; 2 7 7 : " C h u r c h r e f o r m , " reform in C h u r c h ; 279: saints; 2 8 1 ; 324: mother; 339 (i C o r . 1 2 : 2 6 , A u g . ) ; 423 : Church reform (Gregory VII) ; 46^ : and Empire (Aug.) C i c e r o : 1 2 ; 20; 4 4 ; 177 n . 2 9 ; 249; De re publica: 1,2^: 249 n . j o ; V I , 2 1 , 23ff. : 12 n . 1 9 ; Oratio in L. Pisonem: 36, 89: 44 n . 3 i ; Orator: 21, 69: 3 7 4 П . 6 ; 29, l o i : 374 n.6; Tusc.: I V , 3 i : 218 n . i 8 Circumcelliones: 283 n. 159

Chiliasm, Chlliastic. See Millenarism XiTÛiVÎS &€ρμάτ4'οι. See Tunics of skin (Gen.

Citizens (Citizenship) of Heaven (see also Cives, Civitas, Politela): 161 (Basil); 244 n . 2 j (cf. Eph. 2 : 19); 24îf. η. 34 (Clem. A l e x . ) ; 247 n.42 (Ambr.)

3:21) Christ. See God Christianitas : 424 Christianization. See Empire Christians : 1 1 3 : kings (Clem.

City(-ies) (seealso Polis, Civitas): 129 n.61 : soul, esp. of child (John Chrys.) ; 247 : of refuge (Gen. 1 6 : 6ff., Philo, A m b r . ) ; 248: heavenly: Church ( A m b r . ) ; 2 í 3 n.61 : citizens, not walls (Aug.)

Alex.) ;

I27ff. : perfection for all (John Chrys.) Christomimesis, Christomimetes (see also Logomimesis, θίομιμησία. Mimesis, Imitation) : Χριστομίμησί!, Μίμησί! and Μιμητήί Χριστον: 2 б ; 1 3 1 : Paul; igs η . 9 ; 121 ; 131 n . 6 8 : Paul, emperors Χρόνοι (see also Tempus, Time, A i o n ) : 203 n.3 (Euseb.); 443 (Plato); 44^: irpo χρόνων αΙωνίων (Tit. i : 2) Church (see also Ecclesia, Corpus Christi, Civitas Dei): 70, 292: Paradise (Iren. O r i g . , Ephr., liturgy); I23f., i j i f . : and Christian Empire (Euseb., A m b r . ) ; 136:

City of God (see also Civitas Dei, Heavenly Jerusalem, House of God, Temple of God, Ecclesia; T w o cities): 238; 2 4 1 : peregrinans (see also Peregrinati) ; 241, 239-283, 402 ( A u g . ) ; 279: society of angels and e l e c t ; 329: virginal life; 3 3 7 : contemplation, action; 3 6 1 : socialis vita sanctorum (Aug.); 362 n.62 : sancti (Salv.); 364, 3 7 7 : monastic life ( A u g . ) ; 4 1 4 (Caesar. Arel.) City of the W o r l d , of the Devil (see also Earthly city, Civitas terrena): 241, 2J9 (Aug.) Cives (see also

Citizens

(Citizenship)

of

INDEX

ςο7

Heaven): 277: of cívitas Dei on earth Stremata : I, J , 38, 6f. : i i o n . 6 ; 24, ¡8, (Aug.); 4 1 4 n.60: of Heavenly Jerusai f f . : 1 1 2 n . i i ; 24, i j 8 , 2ff.: 1 1 3 n . 1 7 ; lem, angels and saints (Caesar. Arel.); 24. I Î 9 . if··· " 3 n . 1 8 ; 2ς, ι6;: ii2 418f. : religiosi (Cassiod.) η. 16 ; 2б, 167, 3 : 1 1 4 η . 2 j ; 28, 176, ι : Civitas (see also Politela, Cives, Civitas Dei) ; 99 п.бз; 11,4, 2: и з η . 1 9 ; 4> 239-283 (Aug.); 24of. : mystical term; 3f. : 1 1 3 η.20; 4, ι8, 4= 1 1 3 η·21 ; 4> ΐ9> 242 : multitude, concord ; 248 : Christ1 : 1 1 4 η . 2 ί ; ΐ> iff· · 1 1 2 η. 1 6 ; 19, ian; 249, 2-¡¡: respublica; 2 j o : aeterna·, 97» ι : ι ι ο > 22, 1 3 1 , 6: 8f η · ΐ ο ; 2ς6; 268; 28ο: redeemed; 420 n.83: IV,6, 3 ° . i f f · : 8 ^ п . 1 о ; 8, 66, ι : ι ι 6 superna (Boeth.) η.29; 26, 172, i f . : 2 4 ί η . 3 3 ; V , i 4 , 94. Civitas (Irish: cathair): 398 iff. : 8 J η. 11 ; V I , i , 2, 4 : 70 η . 3 ί ; 9 : Civitas Dei (see also Civitas, City of God) : I I I η . I i ; I I , 84, 6: 223 n.7; 14, 108, Civitas Dei: 1 3 2 ; 239-283 (Aug.); 1 : 24Í n.33 ; VII,3, 16, j : m η.8; з, 2 4 1 : angels and elect; 248 n.4

3 4 293 η . 4 4 ; Μψ 'Ιανουάριο;: 291 η . 3 2 ; Missale Ambrosianum Duplex: ι8ς n.4; 290 η . 2 3 ; 2 9 4 П . 4 6 ; Missale Gothicum: 290; Missale Romar)um: Introitus, Dominica infra Octavam Natiritatis: 4 n. i о ; Ordo: 284; Canon: 294 η.47 ; Oratio (Collect), Dominica Decima Tertia post Pentecosten: 60 n.^j;

Mone's Masses: 290; Ordo of the Mass: 284; Πατηκοστάριον: 292 n n . 3 J , 3 7 ; Sacramentarium Gelasianum: I,^: 2 8^ n . 2 , 294 n . 4 6 ; 1 , 1 7 : 2 9 Í n . j i ; 1 , 3 8 : 287 n . i i ; 1 , 4 4 : 293 n . 4 i ; 1,98: 2 9 1 n . i o ; 1 , 1 0 3 : 288 n . 2 0 ; 1 1 , 1 3 : 2 9 4 П . 4 7 ; 11,18 : 293 n . 3 9 ; 11,60: 2 9 Í n . j i ; Ш, 2 6 : 293 n . 4 i ; Sacramentarium Gregorianum: 2 8^; Sacramentarium Leonianum. See Liturgy, Sacramentarium Veronense; Sacramentarium Veronense (Leonianum) : 286; 1 9 4 : 292 n . 3 9 ; 8 9 1 : 2 9 Î n . j i ; 9 2 3 : 288 n.20, 293 n . 4 î ; 1 0 4 1 : 2 9 J η . ί ο ; 1 1 0 4 : 288 n.20 ; 1207 : 294 η . 4 7 ; 1 2 3 9 : 284 и· I ; >249: 287 n . 1 8 ; I 2 j 8 : 28i n . j ; Stowe Missal: 290; 293 n . 4 i TpupSiov: 291 n . 3 2 ; 292 n . 3 4 Liutprand, priest of Milan (second half i ith cent.): 4 n.8 L i v y : 2 2 ; 4 4 ; 48 n . 6 j ; Histor.: in,9, 1 : 17 n . 4 ; V I , i : 17 n . 4 ; X X I V , 4 i , 3 : 17 n . 4 ; X X V I , 4 i , 2 2 - 2 4 : 17 n . 4 ; X X X I X , 4 i : 41 n.8 Λογικόν. See Φιλοσοφία Logikos. See Man Logoi Spermatikoi, Λόγοι (ΟύσΙαι) σπερματικοί, γεννητικοί (see also Ανναμι; σττΐρματική, Αΰναμις ζωτική, Rationes seminales. Seminal reasons): i j s η . 2 3 (Greg. Nyss., Plotinus, Philo); 4^9 Logomimesis (see also Christomimesis, Mimesis, Imitation): 8 7 ; i2of. (Euseb.); 13 If. Logos. See God, Christ Loth: 332 n . 1 4 (Cass.) Louis VI, King of France (d. 1 1 3 7 ) : Charter for Cluny, 1 1 1 3 : 3 n . j Louis IX, St., King of France (d. 1 2 7 0 ) : 1 3 2 Love (see also 'Epœs, Amor, Caritas) : n o ; I97f. n . 3 9 , 2oo> Trinitarian analogies (Aug.); 240: two loves, two cities (Aug.); 3 3 7 f f . : active and contemplative lives Ludi saeculares. See Saeculum Luke, St. : 33Í:

INDEX Luther: 34 η . i o Lydus, John (first half 6th cent.) : De magistratibus populi Romani : I, з£. : Ii8 η.32; De mensibus: 111,4: 217 п. 1 4

Macarius of Alexandria (4th cent.): 332 Macedonians. See Empires Machiavelli : 2 2 ; 2 3 ; Clizia ; 22 η. 2 7 ; Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio: 1 , 2 : 22 n.26; Π, Proem: 22 n . 2 é ; ΙΙΙ,ι : 22 η . 2 7 ; Istorie Florentine: 1 , 3 1 : 22 n . 2 6 ; 1 , 3 9 : 22 n . 2 6 ; V , i : 22 n.26 Macrohius (c. 400) : In somnium Scipionis: I.y, 1 1 : 223 n . 7 ; Ι , ί , I Í - I 8 : 223 n . 7 ; Saturnalia : 19 η. 1 1 Mages hellénisés. See Maguseans Magnus annus. See World year Magusean(s): i3f. nn.2 8f. Male and female (see also Church): 173 (Gen. 1 : 2 7 , 2 : 22, Aug.); 176 n.27 (Greg. Nyss.); 2 3 3 : Christ and Church (Eph. Î : 2 2ff., Aug.) ; 2 3 Î n. 3 7 : intellectus et actio (Aug.) Mali et fleti (see also Church): 2 7 1 , 2 78f. (Aug.) Man (see also Adam, Anthropos, Imagelikeness) : Ideal man and generic man: ¡ y η.47 (Philo); Inner (interior) man: 4 n.7, ¡4 n . 2 7 , 60 (2 Cor. 4 : 16); j o ; 1 9 1 , 237, 264 (Aug.); Outward (external) man: (2 Cor. 4 : 16); 264 (Aug.); New man and old man: ^зГ. (Eph. 2 : i4ff., 4 : 2 i f f . , Col. 3 : 9 ) ; 141 n.47 (Hilar. Pict.); (Rom. 6 : 6 , Aug.); 237, 2 64f. (Aug.); 3 1 Í (Pbysiologus) ; Earthly and heavenly (see Adam) : 86 (Clem. Alex.); 264 (Aug.); Logikos : 89 : image of Logos (Orig.) Mandeans : ¡ j Μανία 3 Í 3 (Plato)

Í29

Manicheans, Manicheeism: ¡ j ; 2Í7; 2í8; 4Í0 Manual of Discipline. Scrolls"

See

168 n . 4 ;

"Dead

Sea

Manual labor. See Work Marcella, St., disciple of Jerome (d. 4 1 0 ) : 371 Marcellinus, Tribune, friend of St. Augustine (d. 4 1 3 ) : 249; 2 Í I ; 368; 371 Marcus Aurelius, Emperor (d. 180): 1 1 0 Marius Victorinus (d. 362): 177 n . 2 9 ; Comment, in Epist. ad Ephes. : 1,4: 171 n . 1 2 ; I , 23 ; 1 7 1 n . 1 2 ; Comment, in Epist. ad Galat. : 4, 1 9 : 1 7 1 n.12; De Trinitate: hymni: 1 , 3 : 82 n.76; ΠΙ: 82 n.76, 1 7 1 n . 1 2 Mark, St.: 3 3 j Marmoutier, monastery: 3^1 n.7 Marriage, renunciation of: 77 (Greg. Nyss.); 322f. (Matt. 1 9 : i i f f . , 2 2 : 23£f., Apoc. 1 4 : 4 , I Cor. 7 : 2 i f f . ) ; 344

(ass.)

Martha and Mary (see also Active life. Contemplative life) : 3 31 (Luke 1 0 : 3 8 42); 333 (Cass.); 3 3 i f . (Aug.) Martin, St., Metropolitan of Braga (Dumium) (d. Í 7 9 ) : 3 9 4 - 3 9 6 ; 4 1 6 ; De correctione rusticorum: 4 1 6 n.68; i : 422 n.88 Martin, St., Bishop of Tours (d. 397): 3 5 0 ; 3 i i : apostolic life (Acts 4 : 3 2 , 34); 394; 3 9 Í ; 398; 400 n.61 Martyrdom: 3 2 7 : virginity Mary, the Blessed Virgin: 3 2 4 : virginity and motherhood ; 3 2 6 ; 328 Mary. See Martha and Mary Μαθηματική, Physico-mathematical (see also Φυσική): loo η.63 (Plato, Aristotle) Matter: 1 3 ^ : Hermogenes (Tert.); 168, 1 7 8 : spiritual and physical, corporeal (Aug.) Matthew, St. : 33^ Mature, Maturity, Maturescere: i49f. (Ambr.); 4 1 2 n.49 (Vine. Ler.) Maximus the Confessor, St. (d. 662): 1 1 6 n.2S

INDEX

Í30 Measure,

Mensura,

214 (Wisd.

Modus:

11:

21, A u g . ) ; 2 I J n.6 (Aug.); 216 n . 8 :

Mark 9 : 2 ) ; Í 4 n.24 (2 Cor. 3 : 1 8 ) ; 92

Medes. See Empires Medicus.

See God, Christ

Μάζων

(see also η.88:

io6

n.39:

Άνάγΐΐν.,

¿ei

των

42 n. 2 2 : Transfiguration of Christ ; 43 ; 4 Í ; 4 7 ; i 3 " - 1 9 (Rom. 1 2 : 2, Matt. 1 7 : 2 ,

(Aug.)

revocare

41 : reform (Rom. 1 2 : 2 , 2 C o r . 3 : 1 8 ) ;

Έπαυξάναν)

μειζόνων

:

(Greg.

αρχή

Nyss.)

toward sin (Greg.

Nyss.);

70 η . 3 ί (Clem. A l e x . )

Μ^ταμοσχΐΰαν:

Metanoia,

Μΐτανοίΐν,

(see also

Μετάνοια

Melania,the Elder (d. с. 41 о): 371 ; 372 n . 2 í

Change of Mind, Repentance,

Melania, the Younger, St. (d. 439): 371

sion) : 49 ; ÍO n . 4

Melas, St., Bishop of Rhinokurura

(late

4th cent.): 3Í2 Melior,

i n melius

Mutare,

in

Reparare in

Reßcere,

Renovare

melius,

melius,

Commutare, Instaurare,

Referre,

melius,

in

See

Flectere,

Proßcere,

formare

Verti

meliora).

Crescere,

in

melius.

Restituere,

Vita

Re-

Transire,

melior

Memory ; 192

Alex.) Μΐταποΐΐΐν

n.2o

θΐιότΐρον):

(Aug.);

197,

2oif. :

Trini-

98 n . í 9 (Greg. Nyss.) 49 η. 2 (Plato)

2of.); 4 2 ; 4 3 ;

Nanctus): 393 n.32 27 :

millenarian

(Jewish-Hellenistic expectations) n.6i

47 п.б2 (Polybius)

TO ßfXnov:

n . 3 i (Clem. A l e x . )

-jo

122 n.41 (Euseb.);

MeOimavai:

124 n . 4 i

n . i ^ : virginity;

npòs

:

tm τον

то

βίληον

MeOopios:

αμ,ΐίνω

Ιβίον]

Μΐτοικίζαν: Miles

το κρείττον (Clem.

18)

A l e x . ) ; 80, 161 η . 2 ί (Basil); 162 η.28

Militia

¿irí

Ш,8,

Symposium:

7off. :

32^

n.ij;

V i n , i 2 f . , 2o3f. : 327 n.18

(Philo) η.38:

im

(see also Dialectic): 9 i ; 96

Metempsychosis (see also Reincarnation) :

renewal ideas; j i : Israel; 108 : kingdom

ηι

3:

Methodius, St. (d. c. 3 1 1 ) : 27 n . 3 ; 3 2 i f .

Messianism :

47

Phil.

resurrection

(Greg. Nyss.)

Messalians: 362 n.6s

(Plato); 48 η . 6 3 :

(Plato,

12 n . 1 7 ; 33 n.8

Merida, Church of St. Eulalia (see also

Μ€ταβάλλ(ΐν:

41

Î3 n . 1 9 :

(Phil. 3 : 2of.)

Μΐτατιθέναι:

Messianic,

8 ο

(see also Metamorphosis,

420 n.83 (Boeth.); 450 Trinitarian analogies (Aug.)

П. 6 4 ,

Μΐτασχηματίζΐΐν

Μΐταξύ

173 Π.19 : man (Aug.); 1 9 7 f . n n . 3 8 f . :

48

Метаатрёфеавш:

time (Aug.); 219 η.23 : numbers (Aug.);

(Greg. Nyss.)

96 n . 4 9 : man (Greg. Nyss.) -ji

Christi:

n.38 (Clem. A l e x . )

3 6 ^ (2

Christi

Cor.

(Christiana,

10:4,

divina,

1

Tim.

i :

clericatus)

(see also Monasticism, Clericate): 365,

Metahistorical preconceptions:

jf;

433-

442

368 (Aug.) Millan (Aemilianus) of Cogolla, St. (d. ^74) :

Μΐτακόσμησίζ: βίληον

то

Μΐταστοιχ^ιοΰν:

Μ(τάβΐσις

Μΐταβολη:

(tVÌ

п . 7 2 , i 6 i f . n.28 (Greg. Nyss.)

tarian analogies ( A u g . ) ; 2озГ., 2о8, 2i i :

Mens:

(Cyr. A l e x . ) ; 86 n . i 2 (Clem.

Transfiguration): 1 9 7 - 1 9 9 , 2oif. n . í 4 (Aug.);

Memoria:

Conver-

(Μεταπλαττ«^) : 47 n . ^ S : em

Μίτανλασσαν TÒ άμΐΐνον

(ad

Conrertere,

122

n.42 : of souls by king (Themist.)

47

П.^9,

8о,

i 6 i

:

еш

то

(Basil)

Metals (see also Golden Age, W o r l d ages) : 13 (Hesiod); 14 (Maguseans) Metamorphosis, (see also

Transforma-

tion, Transfiguration) : 2 ; 39 : ( O v i d ) ; 40:

tranformare

nium):

27-31:

millenarian

renewal

ideas; 66 n . i j ; 69 (Iren.); 140 (Lact.);

Μ^ταμόρφωσις,Μΐταμορφοΰν

Μΐτασχηματίζίΐν,

394 Millenarism, Millenarian (see also Millen-

reformare

(Ovid, Virgil);

224; 224f., 230, 231 n.29 (and A u g . ) ; 231 n. 29· (and A m b r . ) Millennium(s) (see also W o r l d ages):

14:

seventh (Magusean); 2 7f. : metahistorical

INDEX

Í3I

( A p o c . 20: i f . ) ; 28 (Ps. 8 9 : 4 , 2 Peter

3ÍO : c l e r i c a t e ; 348 : semi-clerical (Coun-

3:8);

meta-

cil of Chalcedon) ; 349f. :

η.29:

( P s . - D i o n . ) ; 3 ^ 0 - 3 6 5 : fusion w i t h cleri-

66;

140

historical

n.41 : seventh,

(Lact.);

224;

231

historical ( A m b r . , A u g . )

cate, esp. by Augustine; 3^2

Milton, John

nn.iif.:

A m b r o s e ; 3 í 3 - 3 í 6 : Augustine's " M o n astic itinerary' ' ; 3 3 i f . : and priesthood,

Areopagitíca : 34 η. 11 ΜΙμημα (see also Mimesis, Imitation) : l o o f . n . 6 7 : of G o d (Greg. Nyss.);

121:

of

Mimesis (see also Christomimesis,

Logo-

36^:

Benedictine,

militia

Celtic;

Christi;

378:

38^-402:

and

post-Augustinian ;

387-390:

Gallic, Prankish; 3 9 i f . : N o r t h African, Fulgentius of Ruspe; 392f. : Lérins; 3 9 3 -

mimesis, Imitation) : Μίμησκ:

episcopate; clericate:

heavenly kingdom (Euseb.)

S j n . i o : άκων (Clem. A l e x . ) ;

3 9 6 : Spanish, Gallegan; 3 9 4 : vita melior;

86f. : of G o d , of Christ ( C l e m . A l e x . ,

3 9 6 - 3 9 9 : Irish, British; 399f. : Anglo-

O r i g . ) ; 91 n . 3 3 : of divine nature:

Saxon

definition

of

Christianity

(Greg.

Monk(s) (see also Rulership, Angelic life) :

Nyss.) ; 123 n.42 : emperor (Synes.) ;

1 2 4 ! . : true kingship; 1 2 6 : king, angels

131 : emperor as Christomimetes ;

(John Chrys.) ; 347!?. : lay, clerical ; 347

1Ц

n.24,

n.9:

Χριστού

(Isaias,

Syrian

Monophysite abbot) ; 2^:

hieraticized

mechanical;

26:

religious,

socio-

logical Μιμητηί

(Jerome,

bishops; 349: perfect among perfected, i . e . , sanctified; mysterion of monastic

Χριστοΰ (see also Christomimetes) :

ordination

(Ps.-Dion.);

3io-36f:

Minucius Felix (end 2nd c e n t . ) : 1 3 3 ; 13^; Octavius: i , ς:

Ι 3 ί n . 1 4 ; 34, 9 :

134

(metaphor):

clerics

exempt

from

manual

work;

386ff. : and clerics: distinct in theory Monk-bishops: 347f. ;

n . 3 ; 34, I I : 133 n . i 45

(2

Cor.

3:18);

Augustine of Canterbury : 399;

9 6 - 9 8 , l o i , 1 9 0 : soul (Greg. N y s s . ) ; 97

Augustine of Hippo : 3 j o f f . ;

( Ä t h a n . ) ; 1 8 6 : and image ( A u g . ) ;

Basil of Caesarea: 3 4 8 ; 3 î o f . ;

190;

200 : vision of G o d ( i C o r . 1 3 : 1 2 , A u g . ) ; 200 n . 4 i (Aug. and G r e e k Fathers)

Eulalius of Syracuse: 391 n . 2 3 ; Eusebius of V e r c e l l i : 350 n . 4 ; 3 i i ;

M i r r o r of princes : 122 n . 4 2 : for Arcadius (Synes.)

3S2; Faustus of Riez : 408 ;

M i x e d life (see also A c t i v e life. C o n t e m plative l i f e ) : 338 n . 3 3 ; 340 ( A u g . )

Fulgentius of Ruspe : 3 9 i f . ; 408 ; Martin of Tours : 3 i o f . ;

Modus. See Measure Monachi:

and

clerics (esp. in A u g . ) ; 362 : w o r k ; monk-

131 : Paul

Mirror

352 n . 9 : and bishops

Cass., " B a s i l " ) ; 347f., 3 1 0 - 3 5 2 : monk-

Melas of Rhinokurura : 3 í 2 ;

3 4 4 : μονάζοντα

(Cass.);

388:

at basilicae

Paulinus of Nola : 3 j o Móvos TTpòi μόνον: з 2 2 η. 11 (Desert Fathers ;

Monastic rules. See Rules, monastic

Plotinus)

Monasticism (see also Monk-bishops, Cleri-

Montanism, Montanists: 1 3 7 ; 304 η . 2 ; 309

cate) : 2 ; 3 : protection, exemption ; 3

Moral, Moralism. See Ethics

n.3:

Μορφονν:

Benedictine,

Irish;

4:

series

of

r e f o r m s ; 33 n . 6 : conversion; 28: w o r k ; 1 2 7 : coenobitical vs. hermitical (Basil);

326 η . i j :

irpòs των τ ε λ κ ο τ φ ω ν

(Method.) Moses:

102

η.73,

io¡:

vision

of

God

130, 282 n . i í 6 , 283 ( A u g . ) ; 3 1 9 - 3 4 0 :

( G r e g . Nyss.);

exemplary Christian way of l i f e ; s i g f . :

( C l e m . A l e x . ) ; 1 1 4 n . 2 j : νόμο;

origins;

(Philo, C l e m . A l e x . ) ; 191 : vision of G o d

337-340

(Aug.);

341-346:

hermitical, coenobitical; 3 4 7 : lay; 3 4 7 18*

(Aug.)

1 2 2 : royal

philosopher ίμφνχοί

Í32

INDEX

M o t h e r h o o d : 324/. : Mary, C h u r c h ( A m b r . , Cypr., Method.) M o t i o n , M o v e m e n t , Motio, Motus (see also Κίνησκ): ijS n . 3 2 , i8of. n.38 ( A u g . ) ; 2os, 207: a n d t i m e ( A r i s t o t l e , A u g . ) ; 214 n . 3 , 2 I J n . 6 , 216 n . 8 , 220 n.28 (Aug.)

2 7 8f. : of i n i q u i t y ,

mysterium

294 : liturgical ; 349 : m a k i n g of a m o n k M y s t i c i s m , M y s t i c a l : 24 n . 3 2 ; ¡6: n . 3 8 : προκοπαΐ 78,

104,

μυσηκαί

106

Nyss.);

M o v e m e n t . See M o t i o n

Christian;

M u l t i p l e , M u l t i p l i c i t y , M u l t i t u d e : 35·, 4 3 í : c r i t e r i o n of r e f o r m ; 61 ; 202, 2 1 0 : t i m e ; 2 1 8 , 4 Í 4 , 4 Î 9 : a n d unity : n u m b e r ( A u g . ) ; 242: civitas ( A u g . ) ; 33iff.: active life ( A u g . ) ; 420 n . 8 3 ( B o e t h . )

a n d l i t u r g y ; 326 n . i j ( M e t h o d . )

Municipatus (see also P o l i t e u m a , Conyersatio) : 247 n . 4 0 : in caelis ( T e r t . [Phil. 3 : 20]); 346 n . 1 8 (Cass. [Phil. 3 : 2 0 ] ) Mutare, Mutatio, Mutabilis, Mutabilitas (see also Commutare, Permutatio) : 40 n . 6 : melioT figura ( C l a u d i a n ) ; 48 п . б ^ : in melius ( T a c i t u s ) ; 139 n . 3 3 : p e j o r a t i v e ( C y p r . ) ; 178 n . 3 2 , i8of. n . 3 8 , 214 n . 3 : m u t a b i l i t y ( A u g . ) ; 200 n . 4 i : deforma (obscura) injormam (lucidam) ( A u g . ) ; 308 n.20: conversion (Aug.); 375 n.7. (Rutilius N a m a t i a n u s ) ; 406 n . 1 7 ( P r o s p . A q u i t . ) ; 408 n . 2 9 : w i l l (Fulg. R u s p . ) Mutare restem (commutatio vestimentorum) (see also Exuere restem; Commutare habitum, mores; Demutare vitam): 372 n.2j: m o n a s t i c , lay conversi (Caesar. A r e l . ) Mutatio vitae (see also Demutare vitam. Change of l i f e ) : 194 n . 2 4 , 374, 377 ( A u g . ) ; 2 3 Í n . 3 9 : in aeternam vitam ( A u g . ) ; 3 1 4 n . 3 9 , 374, 377, 4 0 2 (Aug.) M u t a t i o n , b i o l o g i c a l : 461 Mysteries: i n.2: Greek; 14 n . 2 9 : M i t h r a s ; 33 n . 8 , 40 n . 6 : Isis; ¡ i : Graeco-Roman, syncretistic ; 296: ancient M y s t e r y , M y s t e r i o n : i n . 2 ; 20 : language of ; 1 6 7 ; 2 1 3 : T r i n i t y ; 237: of h i s t o r y ;

112:

and

(Clem. Alex.);

(Greg.

individual

Mundare (see also P u r i f i c a t i o n ) : 334 n . 2 2 (Aug.)

Adam,

A n t h r o p o s ; 6 7 ; 68 n . 2 0 : s h a m a n i c ; 71

Motus (Motio) Vitalis (see also I n t e n t i o n , Virtus (Vis) Vitalis): 22of. n.28 ( A u g . )

M u l t i p l i c a t i o n of m e n : 324/.: spiritual increase ( G e n . 1 : 2 8 , T e r t . , Cypr., Jerome, Method.)

iniquitatis

(2 Thess. 2 : 7 , A u g . ) ; 284: e u c h a r i s t i e ;

Greek iss

supra-individual; Christian; n.72:

82: 110,

190,

324: 294:

Hermetic;

Naassenes: S7 Nanctus

(Nunctus),

abbot

( m i d d l e 6 t h c e n t . ) : 380 Nasci (see also Φ υ σ ί ί ) : 135

at

Merida

(Tert.);

339

n . 3 6 : r e b i r t h (Aug.) N a t u r e , N a t u r a l , Natura (see also Φυσά) : 94 η . 4 3 : a n d s u p r a n a t u r a l ; 136 : a n d ascesis Ν(άζαν: i 2 o n . 3 6 (Euseb.) Negentropy: 449; 4^2 N e m e s i u s , Bishop of Emesa (с. 400) : De natura hominum: 38: 11 n n . i i , i j N e o p l a t o n i s m , N e o p l a t o n i s t s : 96 n . j o ; i 6 9 f . n . 8 ; 171 n . 1 2 ; 1 9 3 ; 221 n . 2 8 : motus Vitalis; 4 1 9 : 444f. : àiSiórqs, αιών N e o p y t h a g o r e a n s (see also Pythagoreans) : I i f . : w o r l d y e a r ; 14 n . 2 8 ; 217 n . 1 3 , 223 n . 4 : arithmology and number symbolism; 3^4 n.2 j Neos (see also Καινός, Norus) : 4 4 f . N e w (see also Kmvós, Novus) : 44 N e w beginnings : i ; i о N e w c r e a t u r e : i n . i ; 4 í ; ¡ i ; í 4 n.28 (2 C o r . s- 1 7 ) ; 199 n.43 ( A u g . ) ; 406 n.17 (Prosp. Aquit.) N e w Heaven a n d N e w E a r t h . See Heaven N e w m a n . See M a n N e w T e s t a m e n t . See H o l y S c r i p t u r e N e w n e s s (see also N e w ) : 2 : in C h r i s t ; 8 2, 161 n . 2 4 : c r e a t i o n . C h r i s t i a n dispensation N i c o m a c h u s , V i r i u s Flavianus (d. 394): 1 9 ; 148 n . 7 0 N i g h t of t h e soul. See D a r k n e s s Nilus of A n c y r a , St. ( d . c. 430). See Basil of Caesarea ( ?), Epistola XLII

INDEX Ninian of Candida Casa ( W h i t h o m ) , St., Apostle of Southern Picts (probably с. j o o ) : 398 Nisibis, School of: 419 n . 8 i Νόμοί ΐμφυχοί (see also Άγαλμα ίμφυχον) : 113 η.21, ι ΐ 4 η . 2 ί (Philo, Clem. Alex.); 122 n.42 (Themist.) N o r t h African C h u r c h : 378f.: Vandal persecution, exile, emigration Notitia: 197 n . 3 8 : Trinitarian analogies (Aug.) Nova creatura. See Καινή /слоту. New creature Novatians: 306 Novatianus: Roman priest. Antipope (middle 3rd c e n t . ) : 304 NoYus, Novitas (see also Innovation, Renovation): 4 4 ; 237 n.42 (Aug.); 410 (Vine. Ler.) Numbers (see also Arithmology, Harmony, Forms ; Days, Ages) : Numeri: 2¡s n . 6 , 219, 221: rationis, sapientiae, rationales, intellectuales (Aug.) ; 219 n.23 : recorJabiles(Aug.); 212-222 (Aug.); 214 (Wisd. 1 1 : 2 1 , Is. 4 0 : 2 6 ) ; 214 n . 3 : and f o r m s ; 2 i i f . : and infinity ; 216f. : decadic structure ; 219, 222: of wisdom; 219 n . 2 2 : numeri sanitatis; corporeal, psychological, rational: of space, of t i m e ; 2 2 2fT. : of days and ages (Aug., e t c . ) ; 4 Í 4 - 4 Í 9 : Augustine and m o d e m mathematics ; O n e and t w o : 216 : not numbers ; T h r e e : 216; 217, 223: Trinitarian; F o u r : 216; 217, 223: cosmic; Six : 2 2 3 : perfect ; Seven (see also Hebdomas) : 2 2 3 : rest (see Sabbath); 2 2 J - 2 3 0 : time, history; Eight (see also Ogdoas) : 2 2 3 : plenit u d e ; 224: Resurrection, baptism; 22ς2 3 0 : eternity, eighth day, Sunday, Easter ; T e n : 2 i 6 f . (Aug., Euseb.)

Objectivity and subjectivity: 4 3 7 ; 4 4 i f . Ogdoas (see also Numbers, Eight; Days, Eighth; Easter; Hebdomas): 2 2 6 - 2 2 9 : Easter, Resurrection, eternity

Í33

Old man. See Man Old Testament. See Holy Scripture Oldness. See Antiquity, Vetustas Όμοιος κατ ουσίαν: 90 : Trinitarian t e r m (rejected by Äthan.) Όμοιότη; (see also Homoiosis, Likeness): 83; 91, 94f· n.43 (Greg. Nyss.) 'Ομοίωμα (see also Homoiosis, Likeness): 8 3 ; 91. 94f· n.43 (Greg. Nyss.) Όμοίωσΐ!. See Homoiosis 'Ομοούσιο! (see also "Ομοιο! κατ ούσίαν): 84 (Valentinians) ; 90 : Trinitarian t e r m (Äthan.) Optatus, St., Bishop of Mileve (second half 4th cent.) : De schismate Donatistarum ; Ш , з : n.86 Optimism and pessimism: 4 0 3 : intellectual optimism and ethical pessimism (Aug.); 4 0 8 : ethical optimism (Faustus of Riez) O r d e r : 178 n.32, 210, 2 1 2 : temporal (Aug.); 2i4ff., 4 Í 9 : numerical (Aug.); 4Î0 Ordination (see also Reordination): 304 (Cypr.); 3 0 i f . : heretical, schismatic; 307f. (Aug.); 349: monastic (Ps.-Dion.) Ordo canónicas. See Vita canonica Ordo monasterii. See Augustine, Augustinian Ruh Ordo renascendí. See Renasci Origen, head of School of Alexandria (d. 2 Í 3 - 2 Í 4 ) : 16 n . 3 8 ; 2 8 ; 4 3 ; j o - j s : apocatastasis, end like beginning. Paradise ; 8 4 - 8 9 : image and likeness, imitation of G o d ; 9 0 ; 9 1 ; 9 3 ; 94 n . 4 3 ; 9 6 ; 9 7 ; 9 8 ; 103; 104; 106; 1 1 4 - H 8 : Kingdom of God, autobasileia ; 128; 143; I Í 4 ; i í 6 ; I Í 7 n . 1 4 ; 164 n . 3 6 ; 166; i j S i 186; 187; 190; 22¡·, 230 η . 2 8 ; 242; 2 4 Í - 2 4 7 : heavenly polis in soul, in C h u r c h ; 324; 331; 3 3 í ; 361;; 4 4 7 ; 4Í7; Contra Celsum: IV,30: 88 n . 2 o ; 67f. : I Í n . 3 7 ; 6 8 : 11 n . i i ; V,2of. : i j n . 3 7 ; VI,22: 14 n . 2 9 ; 6 3 : 117 n . 3 2 ; V i n , 6 8 : 116 n . 3 0 ; 7 0 : 117 n . 3 0 ; 7 2 : 73 n . 4 3 ; 7 í : 116 n . 2 9 ;

Í34

INDEX

Origen—contd. De oratione: 11, 4 : 87 η . 1 7 ; 1¡: us n . 2 8 ; 2 f , i f r . : 1 1 4 П . 2 6 ; 2 í , 2 f . : 7411.49; De principas: 1,6, 2 : 73 n . 4 2 ; Π , ι , i : 73 n . 4 J ; 3. «ff·: 72 n . 3 9 ; 3, 4 : i í n . 3 7 , 73 n . 4 í ; i, 6: 71 n.40; 9, i : 4 í 7 n . 6 ; I I , j : 28 η. 1 0 ; I I , 6: j l n.40; ΙΠ,ί, з : 72 n.39, 6: 87; 6, i : 88 n . 2 0 ; 6, 3 : 73 n.41 ; In Cant. Cantic.: 87 η . i j ; Prologue: 99 n . 6 3 ; I : 246 n . 3 6 ; In Eplst. ad Roman. : 99 п.б2 ; 162 п. 29 ; I V , í : 88П.20; V , 8 : 166 n . 4 1 , i g i n . ^ j ; In Exod. : homilía VI, j : 89 n.2 ; In Genes.: homíhae: I , I 2 : n.ji; 1 , 1 3 : 7 í n . j i , 88 n . 2 1 ; Ш,6: 324 η . i o ; Χ , 4 : 3 2 4 П . 1 0 ; ХШ,4: 91 n.36, 92, 93 n.40, 1 1 4 n.26 ; In Jeiem.: homìliae: 1 , 1 3 6 : 74 n.^o; I X : 246 n . 3 7 ; In Jesum Nave: homilía ХШ, i : 246 n.38 ; In Joann.:U,i: 1 1 7 n.32 ; 11,3, 89 n . 2 4 ; X r a , 3 7 : 73 n . 4 3 ; X X X n , 2 7 , 1 7 : 97 n . i 4 ; Fragm. L X X X : 3 3 1 n . 6 ; In Judices: homilía V , j : 246 n . 3 í ; In Lerit.: homilíae: V I , 2 : 1^7 η. 1 4 ; νΐΠ,4: l i s η . 1 4 ; Χ ν , 2 : з ю η.27; In Lucam: homílía Vili: 89 η. 2 3 ; Fragm. X X X I X : 3 3 1 n . 6 ; In Matth.: X I I , 1 4 : js n . j i ; X I V , 7 : I I J n . 2 7 ; XII,i8f. : I i 4 n . j ; X V n , 2 4 : 2ì2 n . i 7 ; Selecta in Genesim: 70 n . 3 3 ; 1^7 n . 1 4 Originai sin (see also Sin): 31 n . 2 1 ; s9 n . 4 9 ; 64; 78; I i 8 f . ; 1 7 6 ; i 8 8 f . ; 449 Orosius, Spanish priest (d. after 4 1 8 ) : i j i n.83 Orthodoxy: 41 off. : quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus credítum (Vine. Ler.) Όρβοΰν: 127 η · ΐ ί (John Chrys.); 328 η.22 (Greg. Nyss.) Ostrogoths: 4 1 7 ; 420 Otium, Otiosus (see also Contemplative life) : 338f. nn.33, 36 (Aug.) Ovid : 13 n. 2^ ; 39 : first known occurrence of гфгтаге ; 40 ; Metamorphoses: I,89ff. : 13 п . 2 ^ ; IX, 399: 39 п . з ; X I , 2 í 4 : 39 n.2

Pachomius, St., Abbot of Tabennisi (d. 346): 3 4 1 ; 3 4 2 ; 381 Paenitere, Paenitentia (see also Penance) : 166 n . 3 9 : tanquam in fundamento: baptism (Aug.); 304 n.3 (Cypr.); 3 6 7 : conversio; 4 1 Í n . 6 î (Caesar. Arel.) Παώαγίογΐΐν: 86 n . i 2 (Clem. Alex.) Paideia (see also Erudire, Έπανόρθωσκ) : IJmSeia: 47 η . 6 1 ; 6o; 3 1 3 n . 3 8 ; 6of. n . f 6 (2 Tim. 3 : 1 6 ) ; 90 n . 3 0 ; 3 1 3 n.38 IlaiSevais: 123 n.43 : imperial (Euseb.) Painter, Painting (metaphor; see also Sculptor [metaphor]); 9 iff. (Orig., Äthan., Greg. Nyss.); 128 (John Chrys.) Παλί,νΒρομίΐν: 77 n . î 8 (Greg. Nyss.) Palingenesia (see also Rebirth, Regeneration) : Παλιγγΐνίσία: 2 i ; 4 ^ : baptismal (Tit. 3 : i ) ; 3 2 Í n . i i (Method.); 2 í ; 33 η . 8 : cosmology, metempsychosis; i o f . n . 8 : baptismal (Tit. 3 : i ) , eschatological (Matt. 19:28); 32^: baptismal (Method.) Palladius, Bishop of Helenopolis, later of Aspona (d. c. 430): Historia Lausiaca: 322 n . i o Pammachius, Roman senator (d. c. 409): 37if. nn.23-3i Papias, Bishop of Hierapolis (early 2nd cent.): 27 n.3 Paraclete. See Holy Spirit Paradise (see also Heaven, Kingdom of God): 16 n . 3 9 ; 64ff. : terrestrial, heavenly; 6s n.6, 66 n . i j : Pre-Paradise (Ephr.) ; 66f. : voyages, visions ; 67 (Dante); 67f. : rapture (2 Cor. i 2 : 2 f f . ) ; 67ff. : archeological, eschatological, mystical; 69f. : spiritual (Iren., Alexandrians, etc.); 70: Church; 7ofF. : άποκατάστασί! (Alexandrians, Greg. Nyss.); 72, 143 n . í 8 : auditorium vel schola animarum (Orig.); 766f. (Greg. Nyss.); 78f. (Ephr.); 80: and Holy Spirit (Basil); 1 0 8 ; 1 0 9 ; i i j ; 143 n . j S : habitacula, promptuaria (IV Esdras 7 : 3 2 , Ambr.); 1 ^ 3 ; I Í 9 (Aug.); 231 n . 2 8 ; 244; 3 2 7 : virginity; 3 3 0 ; 392, 4 1 3

INDEX

SÌS

п.ц:

paradisus Lerinensis (Reverentius) ;

to

409;

412

μίμησις;

(Vine.

Ler.);

414

(Caesar.

A r e l . ) ; 4 1 9 η . 7 9 (Cassiod.); Return

to

Paradise:

Fathers); j6i.,

and

63-82

11411.4;

third

(Greek

(Greg. N y s s . ) ;

heaven loj

rulers ;

191,

24î:

Augustine;

147

civitas

160

(Aug.);

162

n.28

(Phil.

Paradise; 3:i3f·)·.

131:

μιμητης

86: io8f. :

Χριστοΰ;

1 S 6 : earthly and heavenly A d a m ;

1 3 4 η . 8 ( T e r t . ) ; 136 η.20 ( C y p r . ) ; 1 4 3 (Ambr.);

and

rapture;

170

264fî. :

Dei;

270;

and 271

160,

n.12:

and

Augustine's n.30;

278:

229

mysterium iniquitatis; 323: virginity; 3 2 7 ;

( A m b r . ) ; 230 n . 2 8 ; 24^; 288f. (Mozar-

362f. : and ministry ( A u g . ) ; 3 6 5 : miles

(Greg. Nyss.); abic

liturgy);

167;

226 ( A u g . ) ;

29if.

(Greek

liturgy);

411 Parochia (Paruchia): 398: Irish monastic

Nisibis (middle 6th c e n t . ) : 4 1 9 n.81

Participation 89 : and assimilation ( O r i g . ) ; ιος:

Christi Paul of Persia, Nestorian Metropolitan of

in G o d ( G r e g . Nyss.); 421

n.84

(Boeth.)

Paul

of

Samosota,

heretical

Bishop

Paula, St., disciple of St. Jerome (d. 404):

Paschasius, disciple of St. Martin of Braga (second half 6th cent.) : 39^ n.42

3 7 1 ; 466 Paulina, daughter of Paula, w i f e of Pam-

Passion of C h r i s t : 1 ^ 3 - 1 1 6 (Greek Fathers and A u g . ) ; 32^ (Method.)

machius ( s . v . ) : 371 n.23 Paulina, correspondent of Augustine:

Passion oj St. Perpetua and St. Felicitas:

6¡{.

Passions (see also Apatheia) : 11 of. : rule over ( C l e m . A l e x . ) ; 1 1 7 n . 3 2 : independence f r o m : true rulership (Euseb.) ; 163 : conquest of (Evagr. P o n t . , Pelag.) =

m e m o r y of the past (Aug.)

Paulinus (of Bordeaux?) ( j t h c e n t . ) : Sententia Paulini ad monachos de paenitentia: 367 n.8 n.6;

3io;

368 n . 1 2 ;

369; 3 7 1 ;

Carm.: X : 369 n . i 6 ; X I : 369 n . i 6 ;

Simil. I : 244 n . 2 7 ;

X X V : 370 n . 1 8 ; X X X I , I 3 3 f . :

Mandatum 6 : 266 n . 112

Χ Χ Χ Π : 370 n . 1 8 ;

Pataria: 3

Epist.:

Patria (see also Πατρί;,

Fatherland) : 247

n . 4 1 , 4 1 4 П . 6 0 : Paradise ( C y p r . , Caesar. 336 n . 2 7

(Aug.);

418

n.76:

caelestis (Cassiod.); 420 n.83 (Boeth.) 3 9 7 ; 398

XXIV,9:

n.77,

ουράνιο;

(Greg.

σύστημα

πατρίδος,

Fatherland):

Nyss.);

116

πατρίς

76:

n.29: (Orig.,

Epist. ad Diognetam) VÎOS,

187 n . 4 ;

n.17;

XXVin,6:

XXIX,i2:

372

Pauperes: 388 : at basilicae Peace

(see also Pax Romana;

καινός; ςο : baptismal

Jerusalem:

242: civitas ( A u g . ) ;

C h u r c h ( A u g . ) ; 4 1 8 : and war

2Î4: (Theo-

doric, i . e . , Cassiod.) Pelagianism, 163;

í 3 f . : r e f o r m vs.

369

n . 2 i ; Х Х Х П . з : 369 n . i 2

Visio pads):

(see also Patria,

rebirth;

2^6

n.6;

Pax Romana. See R o m e ; Empire, Roman

Patrick, St., Bishop of the Irish ( j t h cent.) :

Paul, St. : 4^ :

372;

4 1 7 ; 423 n . 9 2 ;

Pastor Hermae :

Uarpís

371

n.23 ; 376 n . i I

Paulinus, St., Bishop of Nola (d. 4 3 1 ) : 6ς

Past, Praeteritum (see also T i m e ) : 208:

Arel.);

of

A n t i o c h (till 2 7 2 ) : 306

164;

Pelagians: 166 n . 3 9 ;

iss

n.io;

167; 312;

162; 403;

404

conformity,

Pelagius (d. 4 2 3 - 4 2 9 ) : 42 ; 162 ; 163 ; 2 í 8 ;

old and n e w man, r e f o r m according to

404; Epist. ad Demetriadem: 2 - 8 : 164 n.36

image of G o d , o u t w a i d and inner m a n ; SS : Christ image of G o d , man's imagelikeness; í 6 f . : Anthropos m y t h ; j S f . ; 60: day-by-day renovation, παι&άα;

66-69,

77f->

ΐπανόρθωσις,

^0S·

rapture

Penance

(see also Paenitere,

Repentance,

Conversion, Satisfaction, Reconciliation, Curare) : 3 2f. ; 6 1 ; 12^: canonical; 142 n . í 3 ( A m b r . ) ; 166 n . 3 9 , i 7 i f .

(Aug.);

INDEX Penance—contd. igS: Donatists; 294, 2gs (liturgy); 2g6i., 3 0 4 : second baptism, baptism of tears ; 3 0 3 - 3 i j ; 3 0 9 : nonrepeatable (capital sins); зодГ. : public, private; 310 n . 2 7 : repeatable (Orig.); 3 1 1 : perfection, satisfaction (Greek Fathers, Aug.) ; 311 n . 2 9 ; public or monastic in Greek Church; 3 i i f f . nn.32, 3 7 : medicine, therapy (Aug.); 312 n.33 (Ps. 1 0 2 : 3 - i , Ps. s°· 4 . 12); 3 1 Ì n . 3 i : repeatable (Aug.) ; 312f. : admonishment and censure (Aug., see also Corripere); 315 (Phjsiologus) ; 3 6 7 : and conrefsio: 4 i 4 f . (Caesar. Arel.) Peregrinari, Peregrinus, Peregrinano (see also iSeviT€t«): 67 n . 1 7 ; 236 n.41 : forma peregrina (Ambr.) ; 241 : City of God on earth (Aug.) ; 243 (2 Cor. ς : 6 - 8 ) ; 247 n.40 (Tert.); 247 n.41 (Cypr.); 247 Π.42 (Ambr.); 2 j o п . ^ з , 27of. n.128, 273 n . 1 3 4 (Aug.); 279 n . i ^ i : ecclesia (Aug.); 336 n.27 (Aug.) Perfectibility: 31, 35, 4 3 5 : criterion of reform Perfection (see also TfXeiv, Counsels of perfection): 27, 3 5 : absolute; 2 9 ; 3 1 ; 71 (Clem. Alex.); 74 (Orig.); 7 8 ; 8 s 8 8 : ¿μοίωσι; (Clem. Alex., Orig.); i27f. : of Church (John Chrys.); 142; i 6 i f . : limitless (Greg. Nyss.); 282 (Matt. 19: 21, Aug.); 3 i i f . : and penance; 3 2 0 : counsels; 3 2 1 ; 343f. : apostolic, coenobitical ; 3 4 9 : bishops, monks (Ps.-Dion.) ; 406 (Faustus of Riez) ; 466 Perflcere, Perfectas, Perfectio: 141 n.47 (Hilar. Pict.); i 6 i n . 3 9 , 199 n.42 (Aug.); 23Í n.39: forma (Aug.); iS; n . j (Sacram. Veron.); 289 n.22 (МогагаЫс liturgy); 293 n . 4 j (Sacram. Gelas.); 312 n . 3 3 , 336 n.27 (Aug.); 343f. n . 1 2 , 3 4 Í n . 1 4 (Cass.); 409 n.32 (Fulg. Rusp.); 411 n.42 (Aug.) ; 412 n.49 (Vine. Ler.) Πίριαγωγη:

49 η. 2 (Plato)

Πίρισπασμός (see also Distension): (Ecclesiastes 8 : 16) Перштрсфеавт: 49 η.2 (Plato)

20¡

Permutatio (see also Mutare): j j s n-7 (Hilar. Arel.); 411 η.46 (Vine. Ler.) Persecutions: 108; 1 1 8 ; 120 n . 3 6 ; 1 ^ 3 ; 3 0 3 ; 304 (Decían); 307 (of Diocletian) Persecutores: 2^8 n . 8 4 : Donatism Perseverance: ι$9, 3 i 2 (Aug.) Persians: i3f. n.31 : world ages; i j : world empire (see also Empires); 113 n.17: lust for domination Pervertere, Perversas: 170 η. 11, I93f. n.22 (Aug.); 416 n.19 (Eutropius of Valencia) Pessimism. See Optimism and pessimism Peter, S t . : 108 Peter Damian, St., Cardinal Bishop of Ostia (d. 1072): De divina omnipotentia . . . : 6, 8 : 4 4 0 η. 18 Petrarch : Familiar.: IV,i : 202 n.j:4 Philo (first half ist cent.): ¡6; S7 n . 4 7 ; S j ; 8 6 ; 96 n . i o ; 9 8 ; 99 n.63 ; 103 n . 7 6 ; 1 1 2 ; 114; 142; I 7 Í ; 2 o í ; 2 4 7 ; 2sy n.82; 444; 4 Í 9 ; De Abrahamo: 142 n . j o ; 3, 1 7 : 48 n.63 ; De decalogo: 7, 2 7 : 217 n . 1 4 ; De fuga et inventione: 17, goff. : 247 n.42 ; De migratione Abrabami: 142 n . j o ; 27, I Í 0 : 142 n . ì 2 ; De opificio mundi: 13, 43f. : lyi n . 2 3 ; l i , 4 7 : 2 1 7 П . 1 4 ; 3off., Sgff.: 2 2 6 П . 1 7 ; 30, 8 9 - 4 2 , 1 2 7 : 232 n.31 ; De posteritate Caini: 4, 13: ίος η . 8 7 ; De somniis: 2£ο: 246 η.37> De specialibus legibus: 11,21 if. : 223 η.7 ; De vita Mosis: 1,28, 1 6 2 : 113 η.21, 114 n . 2 î ; n , i f f . : 112 n . i j ; 11,4: 113 n.21 ; Legum Allegar.: l , i j , ¡7· 99 n.63 Φιλόπονοι (see also Ascetics): 371 n.23 Philosopher-king: 109 (Plato); 1 1 2 - 1 1 4 : Moses (Philo, Clem. Alex.); 117 n . 3 2 ; 121 n . 4 0 : Constantine (Euseb.) Φιλοσοφία (see also Πρακτική, θ^ωρητικη): 99 п.бз : λογικόν, ηθικόν, φυαικόν (Philo) Phoenix : 2 1 : vitalistic renewal ideology ; 40 n.6 (Claudian); ¡ 2 n . 1 4 ; 134 (Tert.,

INDEX e t c . ) ; 140: imperial ideology, resurrect i o n ; Ì14 (ffysiologus) Φυσ4(η(-όν), Phjrsica (see also Φιλοσοφία, θΐωρία. Θεωρητική, Μαθηματική): 99^· п . б з (Philo, Clem. Alex., Orig., Evagr. Pont., Plato, Aristotle); 333^ η.18 (Evagr. P o n t . , Cass.) Thysiologus: 314; 6 : 3 1 Í n . 4 i ; 8 : 3 1 Í n . 4 i ΦΰσΐΓ (see also Nature, Nasci): 13^ Piety: 8 6 : Christ-centered ( O r i g . ) ; 110: gnostic (Clem. Alex.); 2^0: Roman (Aug.); 2S0, 3 3 8 : true (Aug.) P b i a n u s , husband of St. Melania the Younger (s.v.) (d. c. 4 3 1 ) : 371 Planets, Planetary (see also Days, W e e k , W o r l d ages): 13; 14; 6 6 : spheres Plato: 1 0 - 1 2 : world year; 47 n . 6 i ; 4 9 : conversion; 83 n . 3 : ομοίωσις вей; 86 n . 1 3 ; 9 Í , 100 η . 6 3 : dialectic(al) ; 1 1 2 114: philosopher-king; 122 n.42 ; 211 n . 3 4 : t i m e ; 2 í 7 ; 296: purity; 3 î 3 : épais, μανία; 443 : αΙών, xpóvos; 4í8 ; Laws:66jA: 10 n.6 ; 667Ef. : 2 i 8 n . i 8 ; 7i6B£f. : 8 í n.11 ; 903E: 41 n . i 2 ; 9 0 6 E : 41 n . 1 2 ; Meno: 82ff. : 2oi n . 4 9 ; Parmenides: 132D: n . 4 6 ; 148: g j n.46; Phaedo: 67B: 296 п . ^ з ; Republic: 381B: 47 n . 6 i ; Í 0 7 B : 117 η . 3 2 ; í i 8 C f f . : 170 η . 8 ; í i 8 C - D : 49 n.2; í 2 í C : 4 9 n . 2 ; í32B:49n.2; í4oA: 117 n . 3 2 ; í 9 7 f f . : I I I η . 1 0 ; 613A: 8з п.з; Sophist: 2 3 j D - 2 3 6 A : 2 i 8 n . i 8 ; 2 Í 9 : 9S n.46; Statesman: 2f9Af. : 113 n . 1 9 ; l ó ^ f f . : IO n . 6 ; Theaetetus: i76Af. : 80 n . 7 0 (Basil), 83 n . 3 , 8 i n . i i (Clem. Alex.); Timaeus: 22f. : 11 n . 1 4 ; 30B: 221 n . 2 8 ; 3 í A : 214 n . 2 ; 3 7 D : 211 n . 3 4 , 220 n . 2 f , 443 n . 2 ; 3 9 D : 10 n . 9 ; 4 9 - Í I : 168 n . 4 ; í 2 f . : 206 η.13 Platonism, Platonic, Piatonist (s,-ic), Platonizing: ¡ j · , 74 (Orig.); 8 i f . n . 7 6 : Christian; 8^ (Clem. Alex.); 9^:

Í37

dialectic; 112; 167, 193 (Aug.); 201: άνάμνησί!; 213; 243 n . 2 s ; 2^4 n . 6 7 ; 2 í 8 ; 3 Í 3 : Cassiciacum dialogues; 4 1 9 ; 4 4 4 : eternity, time Platonopolis: 283 η. 1^7 Plenitude, Plenitude (see also Fulness, Grovi-th): 61 η.61 : Christ, C h u r c h ; 212 n . 3 9 : of time (Gal. 4 : 4 , Aug.); 2 2 3 : eight (see also Numbers) Πληρούν, Πλήρωμα: 74 n.49 : of Scripture (Orig.); 86 n . 1 2 : Scripture, will of Father, image-likeness (Clem. Alex.) ; 103 n . 7 i : desire for God (Greg. Nyss.); I 7 Í n . 2 i and 2 0 6 : Pleroma of human race (Greg. Nyss.); 212 n . 3 9 : χρόνου (Gal. 4 : 4 ) ; 32J n . i j : αύξάνΐοθΐ και •πληθννίοθΐ (Gen. 1 : 2 8 , M e t h o d . ) ; 349 η . 3 0 : άττοπληροΰν (Ιΐραρχίαν) (Ps.-Dion.) Pliny the Elder: 20; Naturalis Historia: ХУШ,43 : 2o η.16 Pliny the Younger : 40 ; Epist.: V i n , i 2 , 1: 40 n.8 Panegyricus: ^3, i : 40 n . 8 Plotinus (d. 270): 9 2 f . : purification; 104; 182; 194; 2o6f.: t i m e ; 221 n . 2 8 ; 283 n . i í 7 : Platonopolis; 444f. : sempiternity, eternity; Enneads: 1,4: 117 n.32 ; 6, j : 92 n . 3 9 ; 6, 9 : 93 n . 4 2 ; 11,3, i 6 f . : I 7 Í n . 2 3 ; n i , 7 , 3 : 4 4 Í n . 1 2 , 448 n . 2 4 ; 7, s- 4 4 Í n.12 ; 7, 8 : 207 n. 20; 7, 11: 207 n . 17 ; IV,3, 11: 97 n . í í ; 4, 16: I 7 Î n . 2 3 ; Î . 7 : 97 n . j i ; V , i , 6 : 170 n . 8 ; 3, 9 : 97 n . í 6 ; 6, j : 103 n . 7 i ; VI,2, 2 2 : 97 n - i f ; 7, I I : 117 n . 3 2 ; 8, 12: 117 n . 3 2 ; 9, 11: 322 n . i i Πνΐΰμα. See Spirit, Holy Spirit Poimandres. See Corpus Hermeticum Polire. See Filing, Polishing Polis (see also Civitas, City of God) : Πόλίζ: 244: of world, of God (Pastor Hermae); 24^ : Church (Clem. Alex., Orig.), soul ( O r i g . ) ; 275 n . 1 4 4 : and (κκλησία; 129; 132: of G o d ; 244: social c o n c e p t ; 247 n . 3 9 : heavenly, ecclesiastical (Ps.D i o n . ) ; 248: G r e e k ; 2 ^ 6 ; i s j

Î38

INDEX

Politela (see also Polis, Republic) : TJoAiTtía: 80: heavenly (Basil); 80 n.72: T^s άρετήϊ (Greg. Nyss.); 92 n.39 (Greg. Nyss.); 123 n.42 : λατουργόί ßamXdls (Synes.); 1 6 1 : oipávios (Basil); 2^7 (Plato); 26^ n.108: ката τον χρίοηανισμόν (Euseb.); 247 n.39 (Plato, Ps.Dion.) Politeuma, Πολΐτίυμα (see also Conversatio) : 80 n.70: ούράνιον (Basil); 243 n . 2 i : in heaven (Phil. 3 : 20); 247 n.40 Polybius: 1 0 ; Histories: I , 3 i : 47 n.62; VI,9, 1 0 : 22 n.26; VI,44ff. : i o n . 8 ; V I , í 7 : 10 η.8 Pomerius, Julianus (early 6th cent.): 389;

Praeparatio evangelica: i n.2 Praescriptio: 137 (Tert.) Praesens. See Present Praeteritum. See Past Praetextatus, Vettius Agorius (d. 384): 19 Πρακτική (see also Praxis, Actualis, Bios, Θίωρητικη): 99, 3 3 1 : φιλοσοφία; 99 η.63: òpenj (Philo); 100 η.63 (Evagr. Pont.); 3 3 1 - 3 3 3 : catharsis, charity (eastern asceticism, Cass.); 346: conversatio actualis, communis (Cass.) Praxis (see also Πρακτική; Θΐωρία) : Яра^и: 98f. η.63 (Philo, Clem. Alex., Orig.); 331 ; 100 η.63: and theoria; 332: coenobites (Cass.) ; 34Í : conversion, praxis, theoria (Cass.) 390; 4 1 3 ; Predestination (see also Elect): i j ; 404, De rita contemplativa: 1 , 1 3 : 390 n . i 8 ; 409 : Semi-Pelagianism and Augustine 11,9: 390 n.20; Π , 9 - ι 6 : 390 n . i 6 ; Premonstratensians : 402 n.64 11,12 : 390 η. 19 Pre-Paradise. See Paradise Pompeius Trogus, historian (contemporary Present, Praesens (see also Time): 203: of Augustus): IS praesens non habet spatium (Aug.); 2 o j , Ponticianus, imperial official, friend of St. 208 (Aug.) Augustine (late 4th cent.): 371 n.23 Priest(s), Priesthood (see also Sacerdotium) : Populas (-i); 249 n.^i : definitions by Cicero 1 2 3 : ßaoiXciov ΐζράτζνμα (Greg. Naz.) ; and Augustine; 263 n . 1 0 3 : two populi 1 2 6 : angelic life, above kingship (John (Ticon.) Chrys.); 1 3 1 ; I Í 1 : universal (Ambr.); Ποράα: 103 nn.74f. (Greg. Nyss., Plotinus) 348f. : and monks (Ps.-Dion.); 3^0 n.i : Porphyry, Neoplatonic philosopher (d. vs. monks ; 3 i j f . : and monasticism (Aug.) early 4th cent.): 23 n.27 Posse non mori and Non posse mori; Posse non Prima resurrectio: 231 n.29 (Apoc. 20: i f . , Ambr., Aug.); 289 n.22 (Mozarabic peccare and Non posse peccare; Posse non deserere bonum and Non posse deserete bonum : liturgy) Primasius, Bishop of Hadrumetum (c. ¡ ς ο ) : IÍ9 (Aug.) 2бо η.93 Possidius, St., Bishop of Calama (d. after Comment, in Apoc.: IV, 1 4 : 262 n . l o i 437): Principalitas (see also Posteritas): 137, 4 1 0 : Vita S. Augustini episcopi: 3 : 3^^ n.30; truth (Tert.) í : 3SS n.34; " : 3Í4 n.26, 377 n . 1 2 ; Pristinus, Priscus (see also Reformare in prís24f.: 3í6 n . 3 î ; 3 1 : 378 n.i tinas rires, Renovare in pristinum. Reparare Posteritas (see also Principalitas) : 1 3 7 : falsein pristinum. Restaurare in pristinum, hood (Tert.) Rerocare, Apocatastasis, Άποκατάστασις Ποβΐΐν, Πόθοί: ΙΟΙ η.68, io2f. nn.73f· its TO άρχαΐον) : (Greg. Nyss.); 103 n . 7 i (Greg. Nyss., Pristina fortuna, ratio: 41 η.9, 4б п . f i Plotinus); 104 n . 8 i (Greg. Nyss.); los (Sueton., Curtius Rufus); n.87 (Philo) Pristina sanitas (see also Sanare): 131 Poverty: i29f. im.6o, 63 (John Chrys., η.66 (Aponius); 372 η . 2 ί , 4 1 4 (Caesar. Basil, Ambr.); 32of. : evangelical counArel.); sel; 463; 46Í (Aug.)

INDEX Prìstinus status: 46 η . f i (Digest); 4 1 8 (Cassiod.) ; Prisci mores: 4 1 η. 8 (Livy) Pristinae rires: 14.2 n . j 3 (Ambr.); Προαιώνιοι. See 'AÍSioí Proba, correspondent of St. Augustine: 3 7 1 n . 2 3 ; 376 η . I I Processus: 1 4 4 η.59 (Ambr.); 1 4 4 n . 6 i : mansionum (Ambr.); 4 1 1 n.46, 4 1 2 n . f o (Vine. Ler.) Proclus, Neoplatonic philosopher (d. c. 4 8 í ) : 49 n . 2 ; 1 7 0 n.8 Proclus, Patriarch of Constantinople (d. 446). See Ps.-Basil of Seleucia Proficere, Proficienter, Profectus (see also Progress): 1 3 7 (Tert.); 1 4 1 n.47 (Hilar. Pict.); 149 n . 7 6 : in melius (Ambr.); 1 6 i f . n n . 3 9 , 41 (Aug., Orig.); 1 9 3 П . 2 0 : and ¿фсеге (Aug.); 199 n.42, 402, 4 1 1 n.42 (Aug.); 392 n.28 (Aurelianus of Aries); 408 n . 2 6 : and defectus (Faustus of Riez); 4 1 1 n.46, 4 1 2 n.49 (Vine. L e r . ) ; 4 i 4 n . í 8 (Caesar. Arel.) Progredi. See Progress Progress (see also Προκόπταν, Προκοττη; Proficere, Projectus): i ; 26 n . 4 0 : twofold contrasting; 3 0 ; 31 : return to G o d ; 47 n . 6 1 ; 80: through Holy Spirit (Basil); i o 4 f f . , 16 if. n . 2 8 : mystical (Greg. Nyss.); 1 3 7 (Tert.); 1 4 2 , i f o f . (Ambr.); 2 3 6 : through time (Aug.); 240 n . j f . : excursus, progredi (Aug.); 402 : of City of God (Aug.); 4 0 3 : eruditio (Aug.); 4 0 Î (Cass.) ; 406 (Faustus of Rier) ; 4 1 1 (Vine. L e r . ) ; 4 1 4 (Caesar. Arel.) Progressio. See Regressus, UpóoSos Προκόπταν, Προκοττη (see also Progress); 7 1 n.38 : μυστική (Clem. Alex.) ; 74 n.49 (Orig.); 80 n.70 (Basil); 103 n . 7 i , 1 0 4 n . 8 f (Greg. Nyss.); 326 n . i j (Method.); 342 n . 6 : coenobitical life (Basil) Prolongation. See Reform Hpóobos: 102 n.73 (Greg. Nyss.); 169 n . 8 : and Ιπιατροφή (Plotinus) Property : common for clergy (see also Common life of clergy) : 3 Î 9 - 3 6 1 (Acts 4 : 3 2 - 3 Í , Aug.); 3 8 í ; 390 (Pomerius); 3 9 i f . (Fulg. Rusp.); 3 9 3 ; 467

SÌ9

Prophecy (-ies): 29: Joachimite; ^ 2 : and reform (Thomas Aquinas) ; sì Prophet(s): 5 2 : exemplars of reformers; 7 4 n . i o (Jer. i : 1 0 ) ; 1 0 8 : ethos Proportion: 218 n . 1 8 : geometrical (Aug.) Prosper of Aquitaine (second quarter 5th cent.): 4 0 4 ; 4 0 Í ; 4 0 6 ; Epist. ad Augustinum: 9 : 404 n . 9 ; De gratia et libero arbitrio contra collatorem: 9, 3 ( 1 9 ) : 4 0 Í n . i 2 ; 1 2 , 4 (26): 406 n . 1 7 ; 1 3 , 2 (27) : 406 n . 1 8 Protestantism (see also Reformation, Protesunt): 3 3 ; 3 4 ; S9 n . 4 9 ; 60 n . j j Πρώτη xápis. Πρώτη άκών (see also Xápis, ΕΙκών): Sof. (Cyr. Alex.) Πρώτη ζωή: j6 п п . { 4 . Í 7 (Greg. Nyss.) Prorehere: 288 η.2o (Sacram. Veron.) Prudentius (early í t h cent.): 2 0 ; i f i n . 8 3 ; 2 í í n . j s ; 370; 372; Cathemerinon: 370 n . 1 9 ; Contra Symmacbum: 148 n . 7 0 ; 370 n . 1 9 ; I , î 4 i f î . : 17 n . j ; n , 6 í 6 f f . : 1 7 n.í Pruning (see also Regrowth, Renaissance): 20 Psalms of Solomon: 1 4 , 2 : 70 n.32 Ps.-Augustine. See Caesarius of Aries, Expos, in Apoc. Ps.-Barnabas (probably early 2nd cent.): 27 n . 3 ; 68; 7 3 ; 2 2 4 ; Epist.: 6, i i f . : 68 n . 2 3 ; 6, 1 3 : 68 n . 2 1 ; 6, 1 4 : 68 n.23 ; I J , 4ff. : 224 n. 10 Ps.-Basil of Caesarea: De structura hominis: 94/. n.43 Ps.-Basil of Seleucia (perhaps Proclus, Patriarch of Constantinople, d. 446): Oratio: X X X I X , 2 : 43 n.23 ; X X X I X , 4 : 46 n . 4 í Ps.-Dionysius the Areopagite (probably с. j o o ) : 1 0 4 ; 1 3 1 ; 1 9 0 ; 2 4 7 П . 3 9 ; 296 n . í 2 ; 348 : monks and priests; 447f. ; De coelesti hierarcbia: 3, 3 : 132 n . 7 2 ; 1 2 , 3 : 1 3 2 n.72 ; De divinis nominibus: i , 3 : 43 n . 2 3 , 4^ n . 4 1 ; S, 3 : 447 n . 2 1 ; Í , 1 0 : 448 n . 2 7 ; 1 0 : 4 4 8 η . 2 7 ; 10, з : 4 4 4 п . 1 1 , 4 4 7 П . 2 1 ; De ecclesiastica hierarcbia ; 1,3 : 349 η. 2 8 ; ν,ι, S- 349 η · 3 ο ; V I , I , 3 : 349 n . 2 9 ;

Í40

INDEX

Ps. -Dionysius—contd. VI,2: 3 4 9 П . 3 1 ; VI,3, i : 349 n.32 ; VI,3, 2: 349 n.29; Epist. VJ/I, ad Demophilum: 2: 349 n.32 Ps.-Epigrapha of Old Testament: 6s n.6 Ps.-Gregory of Nyssa : In Yerba "Faciamus hominem secundum imaginem et similitudinem nostram" : 94f. n.43 Ps.-Hystaspes: 14 n.29 Ps.-Jamblichus : Theologoumena aritbmetices : 217 n. 13 Ps.-Macarius of Egypt (с. 400) : Homilies: n o η.4 Ps.-Nilus. See Evagrius Ponticus Ps.-Platonic Dialogues : Alcibiade! I: i32f. : 97 n . j j Axiocbus: 370E: 44 η.36 Minus: 3 1 4 C : 1 1 3 n.20 Ps.-Plutarch : De fato: 3 (^69): 12 η. 2 2 Ptolemy ΠΙ Euergetes, King of Egypt (d. 221 B.c.): 1 1 1 n.9 Ptolemy V Epiphanes, King of Egypt (d. c. 181 B.c.): : 14 n . 2 i Pulcheria, daughter of Theodosius the Great (d. c. 386): 371 n.23 Pulcheria, St., Empress (d. 4^3): 371 n.23 Punishment : Not eternal: 71 (Orig.); j s (Greg. Nyss.); Corporeal: 4 1 5 (Caesar. Arel., Aug., Benedict) Purgatory: 32 n . i ; 67: mountain of (Dante) Purification, Purificare, Purificatio, Purgare, Purgatio (see also Mundare, Emundare, Καβαίραν, Catharsis, Purity): 26 n.40; 32 n . i ; 70; 77, 9 1 - 9 3 , 98, 102 (Greg. Nyss.); 90 n.30; 9 i f f . , 164 n.36, 4 1 2 : and uncleanness : metaphors of dirt, dust, mud, rust, polishing, filing; 1 0 7 ; i i 9 f . : era of Constantine (Euseb.); 1 3 6 ; 142 (Philo, Ambr.); I Í 4 ; n.9 (Aug.); 190; 194 (Aug.); 288 n.21 (Mozarabic liturgy); 293f. (liturgy); 29^: penitential; 29Í n . j o (Sacram. Veron.); 296

(Apuleius); 296 n-ss (Cass.); 332 n . i o : ritiorum (Cass.); 334f. n.22: vita activa (Aug.) Purity (see also Καθαρότηί) : Puritas: 294(liturgy); 3 3 2 η . 1 1 (Cass.); 34Î : tbeoretica (Cass.) ; 91 (Greg. Nyss.); 97 (Äthan.); 29^ (Serapion of Thmuis); 296 (Plato) Pythagoreans (see also Neopythagoreans, Birium): 1 1 ; 217 n . 1 4 ; 223 n.7; 266 n . 1 1 2 ; 3 Î 4 n . 2 i : brotherhood; 420 n.84: ίττου веф (Boeth.)

Rabulas, Syrian monk (wrote Cod. Laurentianus in í86): i s s Rachel. See Leah and Rachel Rapture (see also Ecstasy, Paradise, Third Heaven): 67 (2 Cor. i 2 : 2 f f . ) ; 69 n.30, 24Í (Iren.); 78 (Greg. Nyss.); 160, 191 (Aug.); 327 (Basil of Ancyra [?]) Ratio, Rationalis (see also Soul, Numbers): 173 n . 1 9 : man (Aug.); 23^ n . 3 7 : and justice in soul (Aug.) Rationes aeternae (see also Ideas): 1 7 9 - 1 8 1 , 222 (Aug.) Rationes seminales (causales) (see also Seminal reasons): 174 n . 2 1 , 1 8 1 , 184 (Aug.); 4Î9, 461, 462: and evolution Reassimilation to God (see also Assimilation) : 91 (Greg. Nyss.) ; 194 (Aug.) ; 404 (Cass., Vine. Ler., Faustus of Riez) Rebaptism: 139, 30^ (Cypr., etc.); 2í8, 307: Donatists; 306 (First Council of Nicaea); 307f. (Aug.) Rebirth (see also Renasci, Regeneration, Palingenesia, Baptism ; Renaissance) : i ; 12 n.23 (Latin Asclepius) ; 33 ; í о (John 3 : 3, 3: f , I Peter i : 3f., Tit. 3 : i ) ; 1 1 9 ; 330 (Leo the Great); Baptism: 2; 3 2 ; 45, jof. n.8 (Tit. 3: i ) ; i9, 61 (Paul); 86 (Clem. Alex.); I 3 Í (Tert.); Phoenix : 21 ; Renaissance: 1 6 ; 22f. Rome: 18 n.6; j i ; Recall (see also Revocare, Revocatio): 1 6 7 170 : in creation (Aug.)

INDEX Recapitulation (see also Άνακΐφαλαωνν, Άνακ€φαλαίωσ4, Instaurare): Recapitulare, Recapitulatio: 4 4 (Iren.); 46; 4 4 (Eph. i : i o ) ; 68f. (Iren.); 1 Í 4 ; 161 η. 24 (Iren.) decidere: 301 η. 11 (Council of Rome, 4 6 ί ) Recipere: 288 n . 2 i : image of God (Mozarabic liturgy) Recollection. See Άνάμνησι; Reconciliation (see also Absolution, Penance, Imposition of hands): 76 n . j j : άηοκατάστασί! (Apostolic Constitutions) ; 3 0 J (Cypr.); 307 n. 19: and Donatism Reconfirmation (see also Imposition of hands. Invocation of Holy Spirit): 307 n.19 Recovery of image-likeness with God (see also Image-likeness, Reform): 8 3 - 1 0 7 (Greek Fathers) Recreate, Recreation, Recreare (Aug.) : 46 ; I j 8 n. 17: resurrection; I 9 î n . 2 8 ; 2 1 3 ; 2^3: Roman Empire; 312 n . 3 3 : penitential Recuperare: 301 n . 1 4 : religion (Concil. Germanicum) Recurrence (see also Return, Cycles, Cosmology): i ; 10-13 (Plato, Stoics, Neopythagoreans, etc.) ; 14, i j , 1 6 П . 3 9 : and Christianity; 72, 73 (Orig.); 7 i , 91 (Greg. Nyss.); 1 1 9 ; 133 (Tert.); 420 n . 8 4 (Boeth.); 4 3 i f . Reddere: i j j i . n.148 : fallen angels replaced by men (Aug.); 288 n . 2 i : Paradise (Mozarabic liturgy); 290 n.24 (Bobbio Missal) Redemption, Redemptive, Redimere, Redemptio (see also Sacrifice): 16; 6; n.6; 7 9 ; 8 6 ; 1^6; 184: of body and spirit (Aug.) ; 287 : divinization (Greek Fathers, Leo the Great); 287 n . i j {Sacram. Celas.); 289 η.22 (Mozarabic liturgy); 292 (Greek liturgy); 312 n . 3 3 : de corruptione (Ps. 1 0 2 : 4, Aug.); 408 n . 2 i (Faustus of Riez) Redigere: 41 η.9 (Sueton.) Redire: 288 η.21 (Mozarabic liturgy); 290

Í4i n . 2 4 (Bobbio Missal); 293 η.39 Veron.)

(Sacram.

RediriYus: 302 nn. i7f. : conciliar renewal Reducere: 41 n . 9 ; 289 n.22 (Mozarabic liturgy) Redux: Forma : 40 n. 6 (Claudian) ; Fortuna: 46 n.^i Referre in melius: 47 n . í 6 (Virgil) Reßcere, Refectio: 46 η.ςι (Digest); 1^8 n . 1 7 : resurrection (Aug.); 19s n.28 (Aug.); 311 n . 3 2 : eucharist (Aug.); 406 n . 1 7 : in melius (Prosp. Aquit.) Reßorescere: 2о (Pliny, Silius Italiens); 212 (Aug.) Reflourish: 299 (Council of Ancyra) Reform, Reformation (see also Renovation, Image-likeness) : Reformare, Reformatio, Reformator: 3 9 : first occurrence of reformare (Ovid) ; 40 (Valerius Maximus, Apuleius, Seneca, Pliny the Younger); 41 (Digest); 4 i f . (Rom. I 2 : 2 , 2 Cor. 3 : 1 8 , Phil. 3 : 2 1 ) ; 4 ^ ; 4 î ; 4 7 ; 1 3 3 - 1 4 0 (Tert., Minucius Felix, Cypr., Arnobius, Lact,, Ambr. ; also of resurrection, baptism, penance) ; 139 n. 3 3 : pejorative (Cypr.) ; 141 n.47, 142 (Hilar. Pict.); 1 4 2 I 4 Í (Ambr.); 1 6 9 - 1 7 1 , 19Í n . 2 8 : and creation-formation (Aug.); 198 n.40 (Rom. 1 2 : 2 , Aug.) 2 1 2 : change, time (Aug.); 284 (Sacram. Veron., e t c . ) ; 285 n . j (Sacram. Veron.); 287 n . i j (Sacram. Gelas.); 289 n.22 (Mozarabic liturgy); 290 n . 2 4 (Missale Gothicum); 293 n . 4 j (Sacram. Veron., Gelas.); 304 n . 2 : penance (Cypr.) ; 3 1 2 : therapeutic (Aug.) ; 313 n. 3 7 (Aug.) ; 406 n. 18 : reformabilis (Prosp. Aquit.); 407 n . 2 4 (Faustus of Riez); I ; 2 : individual, supraindividual ; 9 : essentially Christian ; 16 : freedom ; 16ff. : and Renaissance; 2 0 : political; 2 4 : ethics; 2 6 : intention; 3of. : progress; 3 1 : perfectibility; 3 2 : prolonged, repeated; 3 3 : process; 3 4 : and Protestant

Í42

INDEX

Reform—contd. Reformation; 35: definition of; 3 9 - 4 8 : pre-Christian and Christian terminology ; S ' l î3f· (Paul); 61: and baptism; 76 (Greg. Nyss.); 8of.: Holy Spirit, Trinity (Cyr. Alex.); 82: mystical; 86, 88: όμοίωσι; (Clem. Alex., Orig.); 90 n . 3 0 : and paideia; 98, io2, l o j f . : vision of God (Greg. Nyss.); 118 n.34, i2off., 123 n.43 : (Christian) Empire (Euseb., Synes.); 119-123, i 2 i , 131 n . 6 6 : ruler as reformer and as representative (vicar) of God (Const, the Great [Euseb.], Aponius, Justinian, Const. Vn Porph.); 133-136 (Tert., Minucius Felix); 136 (Cypr.); 142-146 (Ambr.); 153-283 (Aug.); I Í 3 - 1 6 7 : and innocence; 162-164: Pelagianism; 16Í-167: daily efforts (2 Cor. 4 : 1 6 ) ; 167-185: and creation-formation; i94f. : deification by grace, sanctification; 202 : memory; 209, 212: time; 2i2f., 219, 222: numbers; 236: sixth world age; 252 (Jerome); 274, 279, 288: City of God; 277, 278, 279, 281 : Church; 284297: early Christian liturgy; 296: purity; 298-303: conciliar; 309-315: penance; 317-424: monasticism; 373377: education: 403-413: Semi-Pelagianism; 414-416 (Caesar. Arel.); 4 1 7 419, 4 2 i f . (Cassiod.); 42of. (Boeth.); 433-442 : metahistorical preconceptions ; 4 4 9 - 4 5 1 : and information; 4 5 3 : and psychological time; 462 : and evolution Reform to the better (see also Renovation to the better, Melior) : Ифттаге, КфттаНо in melius: 43 ; 47 n . í 6 , i34f. (Tert.); 136 (Cypr.); i39f. (Amobius, Lact.); 287 (liturgy, Leo the Great); 377 n. 13 (Aug.) ; 409 ; 69 n . 2 5 ; 135 (Tert.); 136 (Cypr.); I56ff. (Aug. and Greek Fathers); 290 (liturgy) Refotmcae ia prístinas rires (see also Pristinus) : 142 n.53 (Ambr.) Reformation, Protestant (see also Protestantism): 29; 34

Regeneration (see also Rebirth, Palingenesia, Baptism): Regenerare, Regeneratio: 2of. ; 12: (Яе) genitura: (Latin Asclepius); 51 n.g (Tit. 3 : 5 ) ; 287 n.15, 293 n.45 (Sacram. Gelas.); 290 n.23 (Ambrosian liturgy) ; i6ff. : and vitalistic renewal ideas; 16, 32f., 5of. : spiritual; Baptism: 2; 32; 45. 5of. (Tit. 3 : 5 ) ; 59; 319; 377 Regio dissimilitudinis. See Dissimilarity Regnum (see also Kingdom, Basileia) : 244 ; 269 n. 118 ; 273 n. 137 : inihtiae or pacatissimum (see also Ecclesia) ; Regnum Dei (see also Kingdom of God, Βασίλεια ©eoC): 132; 248 n.47 (Ambr.); 267f. n . 1 1 6 : and ciritas Dei, Church (Aug.); 270; Regnum Christi (see also Kingdom of Christ): 248; 268 n.116 (Aug.); Regnum caelorum (see also Kingdom of Heaven): 265 (Aug.); Regnum huius mundi (see also Civitas terrena): 248 n.47 (Ambr.) Regressus: 82 n.76, 171 n . i 2 : status, progressio (Mar. Vict.); 219 n.22 (Aug.) Regrowth. See Renaissance, Pruning Regula ad servos Dei. See Augustine, Augustinian Rule Regula consensoria monachorum: 357 η.40 Regula fidei (see also Deposit of faith) : 137 : irreformable (Tert., see ako Vine. Ler.) Regula S. Benedicti. See Benedict Regula Tarnatensis: 4 : 383 n . 2 4 ; 11 and 13 : 383 n.23 Regula SS. Pauli et Stephani: 14: 382 η.20 Reincarnation (see also Metempsychosis): 12 nn.iyf. Rejuvenation: i7f. nn.5f. : Rome (Claudian, Prud.); 39 (Ovid); 118: Rome; 3i4f. : eagle (Ps. 102 : 5, Physiologus) Relapse: 61 Relapsi: 312 n.35 Religiosi (see also Sancti, Servi Dei, Ores): 362 n.62, 368 n.12, 399 n . 5 6 : monks and conversi (Salv.) Remake (see also Reßcere): 195 (Aug.)

INDEX Remission of sins: 198 η.41 (Aug.); 287 n . i j (Sacram. Gelas.); 304; 3 1 2 n.3 (Aug.) Renaissance(s) : 2 ; 1 6 ; 2 0 : regrowth; 2 1 : rebirth, phoenix; 2 3 ; г ^ п . з э ; 299; Augustan : 1 7 ; 2 2 ; Theodosian: 1 8 ; 1 9 ; 2 2 ; i j i n . 8 3 ; î j i ; 369; " o f 4 7 0 " : 370 n . 2 0 ; Carolingian: 2f. ; 2 j n . 3 9 ; 3 0 3 ; 4oof. n.61 ; ItaHan: 16 n . i ; 1 7 ; 1 9 ; 2 2 ; 2^1 Renasci (see also Rebirth, Regeneration, Regrowth, Renaissance): 1 7 n . ^ : ordo renascendi: Rome (Rutilius Namatianus); 18 n . 6 : Roma renascens; 2 0 ; 2 1 ; 140 n.42 : phoenix (Lact.); 264 η. 1 0 8 : interim (Aug.); 287 n . i j , 293 n . 4 j (Sacram. Gelas.); 330 η . 2 9 : virginity (Leo the Great); 408 n . 2 i (Faustus of Riez); 4 1 4 η . í 8 (Caesar. Arel.) Renewal: 1 : universal idea; i f . : and Christianity; i , 1 6 : sacrifice; 2 : of persons, of institutions; 9 - 3 4 : distinctions; 1 0 - 1 6 : cosmological renewal ideas; 1 6 - 2 6 : vitalistic renewal ideas; 2 7 - 3 1 : millenarian renewal ideas; 7 1 : eschatological, pre-eschatological ; 13 8f. : and tradition (Cypr.) ; 140 : Constantinian (Lact.); 237 : of souls (Aug.); 243 (Apoc. 21 : i f . ) ; 277f. : personal (Aug.) Renewal to the better. See Reform to the better. Renovation to the better Renovare, Renoratio in pristinum (see also Pristinus): 4 3 ; 1^6 n. 1 3 (Aug.) Renovation (see also Άνακοα,νοΰν, 'Avaveoüv, Innovation) : Renovare, Renovatio: 18 n . 6 : Roman; 4 1 (Digest) ; 44 (Cicero, Livy) ; 44f. (Eph. 4 : 2 3 , Col. 3 : 1 0 , 2 Cor. 4 : 1 6 , Tit. i-.s); Í 2 n n . 1 2 , 1 4 (Ps. 1 0 3 : 3 0 , Ps. 1 0 2 : 5 ) ; 1 4 1 n.47 (Hilar. Pict.); 198 n.40 (Eph. 4 : 23f., Col. 3 : 1 0 , Aug.); 199 n . 4 1 (2 Cor. 4 : 1 6 , Aug.); 2 1 2 : change, time (Aug.); 278 n . 1 4 8 : a corruptionis retustate (Aug.); 28¡ η.ς, 2 9 ί η . i l (Sacram. Veron.); 289 η.22

Í43 (Mozarabic liturgy); 293 n.4f (Sacram Gelas.); 299 (Council of Constantinople, 3 8 1 ) ; 301 η . 1 4 : canons (Boniface); 303 η. 19 (Third Council of Orleans); 3 1 2 n.33 (Ps. 102: ς, Aug.); 408 n.28 (Lament, f : 2 i , Fulg. Rusp.); 2, 18 n . 6 : Roman; 1 4 : eschatological; 2 2 : states, nations (Machiavelli); j o , Í3f'> Í9f· (Paul); 6 2 : personal, supraindividual ; 1 1 8 : empire ; 1 1 gf. : Constantinian era (Euseb.); 1 6 0 : superior to Paradise (Aug.); 3 i 4 f . n . 4 i : eagle story: baptism, penance (Ps. 102: s, Physiologus) ; 409 : tradition, truth (Vine. Ler.)

Renovation to the better (see also Reform to the better, Melior): 1 5 6 - 1 5 9 (Aug.); 1 6 1 (Greek Fathers) ; Renovare in melius: 4 3 ; 4 7 ; ΐ{6(Γ. (Aug.) Renunciation: 7 7 : of marriage, work, senses (Greg. Nyss.) Reordination: 2 5 8 ; 3 0 3 ; 305 (Cypr.); 306 (First Council of Nicaea); 307f. : Donatists; 308 (Aug.) Reparation (see also Restitution, Restoration) : Reparare, Reparatio, Reparator: 1 7 n . 5 : of Rome (Rutilius Namatianus) ; 46 ; 140 n.42 (Lact.); 142 n . î 3 , 1 4 3 n . í 4 , 146 η.67 (Ambr.); 28f η . ς , 288 n.20 (Sacram. Féron.); 289 n.22 (Mozarabic liturgy); 290 n.23 (Ambroslan liturgy); 293 n.39 (Sacram. Gelas.) ; 3 1 2 n.33: penitential (Aug.); 407f. nn.24f. (Faustus of Riez); 409 n . 3 2 : liberum arbitrium (Fulg. Rusp.); 4 1 8 : of cities (Theodoric, i . e . , Cassiod.); 4 1 9 n . 7 8 : of creation (Cassiod.); 18 n . 6 : of R o m e ; 2 8 i f . : of man (Leo the Great) Reparare in melius (see also Melior): 408 n.2 j (Faustus of Riez) Reparare in pristinum (see also Pristinus) : 43 ; 46 n . i I : pristinam Jortunam (Curtius Rufus); 420 (Boeth.)

Í 4 4

INDEX

Repeatable, Nonrepeatable. See Penance Repentance (see also Metanoia,

Resurrection (see also Anastasis, Apocata-

Penance,

R e p e t i t i o n : 1 1 ; 2 3 ; 2 6 ; 3 2 ; ¡9; Replete : 4 1 4 ti.¡S:

stasis, Prima resurrectio): i ; J i ; 134, 1 4 0 : phoenix

Conversion): 49

(Tert.,

Lact.);

227

n.i8:

symbolism of eight ( A u g . ) ; 3 1 ^ п . 4 { :

61

omnibus bonis (Caesar.

eagle (Physiologus, A u g . ) ; C h r i s t : I ; 3 2 ; 1 ^ 4 ; 156 ( A u g . ) ; 22зГ.,

Arel.)

2 2 6f. : symbolism of eight ( A u g . , A m b r . ) ;

R e p r o b a t e : 27o£f., 277 (Aug.) Reproduction : 1 6 : vitalistic renewal ideas Republic (see also Politela) :

2 9 i f . (liturgy); M e n : 2 8 ; 32 n . I ;

Augustine: 248-2^0, 2^6,

27^:

Roman; Cassiodorus: 4 1 8 : R o m a n ;

anastasis

80: άναβίωσΐ!

(Basil); 133 ( T e r t . ) ;

Nyss.);

Resemblance. See Likeness, Similar, Imagelikeness Restaurare in pristinum (see also Pristinus): 4 3 ; 46 n . j i : in pristinum statum (Digest) Restoration (see also Reparation, Restitu-

(Sacram.

Veron.);

2 8^

289 n.22

arabic liturgy); 302 n . 1 4

n.j

(Moz-

(Concil.

Germanicum) ;

ií8

222;

(Greg.

(Aug.);

230;

ц

3IÎ

Nyss.); 136

176 ( G r e g . n.4i;

326:

Retractare: 41 η . 9 : leges (Sueton.) (see

also

Paradise;

Recurrence,

C o s m o l o g y ) : l o f f . ; 6 3 - 8 2 : to Paradise; 1 1 8 : of image to archetype;

1 4 2 : and

progress ( A m b r . ) Reverentius (early 6th cent.) :

tion, Apocatastasis ; Corruption) : Restauratio: 4 6 ;

1S7,

;

angelic life (Matt. 22 : 2з{Г.) Return

Response. See Challenge and response

JI

n.6; 7if. :

apocatastasis, (Cypr.);

80 : heavenly (Basil)

Restaurare,

42; 4 Í ;

η. 19, 243 (Phil. 3 : 2of.);

Respublica :

Vita S. Hilarii Arelatensis: 4, 6 :

413

n . i j ; S, 7 : 4 1 3 n . j j ; 7 : 392 n.28 Revertí, Reversus: 170 η . 1 1 ( A u g . ) ; 287 η . ΐ ί (Sacram. Gelas.);

288 n . 2 i

(Mozarabic

liturgy)

2 ; l o f . : cosmological ; 43 (Acts. 3 : 21,

Revirescere: 2 о (Cicero)

O r i g . , G r e g . N y s s . ) ; j o f . (Alexandrians);

Revitalization : 26 n . 4 0 : and degradation

71,

Revival

7Í,

(Orig.);

106: and corruption 73 ( O r i g . ) ; у6[.,

(decline)

giff.,

Paradise, purity, image-likeness

loj: (Greg.

'Avaßiwais,

Reflorescere,

Revivere: 3 1 4 n.39 ( A u g . ) ;

N y s s . ) ; 80 ( C y r . A l e x . ) ; 82; 1 3 3 ; 142

Reviviscere:

(Matt. 1 2 : 1 3 ) ; i í 2 ; 226 η . 1 8 : Paradise (Aug.)

(see also

Revirescere) : 20

(Cicero);

313,

314

n.39 ( A u g . ) ; 1 6 - 2 6 : vitalistic renewal ideas

Restituere in melius: 46 n . í 2 (Sueton.)

Revocare, Revocatio (see also Recall, Pristinus,

Restitutio pristinaefortunae (see also Pristinus) : 46 n . i i (Sueton.) Restitution,

Rivocare,

Vacare): 23 η . 2 7 :

ad signum

(Cass.); 41 η . 8 : veteres artes (Horace),

Restituere,

Restitutio (see also

priscos

mores ( L i v y ) ;

Apocatastasis, Reparation, Restoration):

(Sueton.); 4 6 ;

12 (Latin Asclepius);

(Ambr.);

18 n . 6 : R o m e ; 43

41

n.9:

144 n . j g :

ι ς β η. 13,

to

exoleta Paradise

ì j o η.I I

(Aug.);

(Matt. 1 7 : I I , Mark 9 : 12, A c t s i : 6,

1 6 8 - 1 7 0 : in creation ( A u g . ) ; 216 n . 8 :

3: 21);

ad

142 (Matt.

12:

13,

Vulgate);

142 п.^з ( A m b r . ) ; 219 n . 2 2 : in rationis numéros

(Aug.);

288

n.2i:

paradiso

Resurgere (see also Resurrection): 288 n . 2 i (Aug.)

liturgy);

Missal); pristinam

(Mozarabic liturgy) (Mozarabic

modum, formam

(Sacram.

313,

314

n.39

Veron.); 372

n.2i,

(Caesar.

(Aug.); 290

287

n.24

414: Arel.);

n.20

(Bobbio

ad sanitatem 416

n.69

(Eutropius of Valencia); 4 1 8 : ad statum pristinum (Cassiod.) Revolution: i ; 30: heavenly, social

INDEX Rex iniustus (see also Tyrant) : 1 1 9 Rhetoric (see also Eloquentia, Doctrina Christiana): 374ff. Ш1.7, 9 (Aug., Ennodius) Ricorsi. See Corsi e Ricorsi Ridurre, Riduzione: 2 li. n . 2 7 : verso il principio, al segno (Machiavelli) Rinascere, Rinascita: 20; 22 n.26 (Machiavelli) Ritirare: гг{. n . 2 7 : al segno, verso il suo principio (Machiavelli) Ritornare: 22 n . 2 7 : al segno (Machiavelli) Rivocare: 22: al segno (Machiavelli) Roman Empire. See Empire Romanianus, friend of St. Augustine (late 4th cent.): 371 Rome (see also Empire, Senatorial aristocracy): 18 η. 6: Flora, Floralia; second Rome; 1 1 7 , 2 ^ 1 : new Babylon; 148, i j i n . 8 3 : pax Romana (Amhr., Prud., Orosius, John Chrys., Cyr. Alex., Leo the Great) ; 149 : cult of victory (Symmachus) ; i jof. : Christian (Ambr.) ; 2482^3: sack of 4 1 0 ; 248-2^6: and Augustine; 2 5 i f . : and Jerome; 4 1 8 : and Cassiodorus ; Eternal: i j ; 17 n . j ; 18 n . 6 : Urbs aeterna (Tibullus) ; i ί ο ; 443 ; Rebirth: 17 n.^: renascens (Prud.), ordo renascendi (Rutilius Namatianus) ; si ; Rejuvenation: 17 n . j (Claudian, Prud.); 1 8 ; 1 1 8 ; Renovation: 2; 1 8 ; j i ; 1 1 8 ; i j o ; Lateran Basilica: 387 n.6: monks and clerics; 388 n.6: Canons Regular of St. Augustine; 399; St. Andrew, monastery: 400 n.6o; Vatican Basilica: 387 n.6: monks and clerics Rosetta Stone : i i 4 n . 2 i Rule of St. Augustine. See Augustine, Augustinian Rule Rule of St. Benedict. See Benedict Ruler, Rulership (see also Savior-rulers, Basileia, Kingship, King, Emperor): 1 0 9 : Adam (Gen. 1 : 2 8 , Rom. 1 3 : i f f . ) ; 1 1 7 n . 3 2 ; 1 1 8 n.34, 4 1 7 : ruler worship, Hellenistic, etc.; 1 1 9 - 1 2 3 , 12s, 131

S^S

n.66: ruler as reformer and as representative (vicar) of God (Const, the Great [Euseb.], Aponius, Justinian, Const. VII Porph.); 1 2 4 - 1 2 6 : ascetics, monks, priests as rulers (John Chrys., etc.) Rules, monastic. See Augustine, Aurelianus of Aries, Benedict, Caesarius of Aries, Donatus of Besançon, bidore of Seville, Regula consensoria monachorum, Regula SS. Pauli et Stephani, Regula Tarnatensis Rusticas (-i) (see also Simplex): 4 1 6 η.68 (Martin of Braga); 4 2 i f . nn.87f. : sermo; simplex, pedestris (Caesar. Arel., Gregory of Tours, Martin of Braga) Rutilius Namatianus (early ^th cent.): 2 2 ; iSS η · 7 ί ; De reditu suo e Roma in Galliam Narbonensem: 1,цуп.: ly n . j , 2^^ n . 7 j ; I, i 2 i f . : ìjs n.j

Sabbath (see also Saturday, Days, World ages): 22^; 227; 230 Sacerdotium (see also Priesthood) : i j i п.8^: universal (Ambr.); 269 n . i i 8 : and regnum Sack of Rome, of 4 1 0 : 248; 2^1 : and of I Í 2 7 ; 2Í3 Sacrament, eucharistic : sacrament

see

Eucharistie

Sacramental theology. See Theology, sacramental Sacraments, validity (see also Schisms): 303-308

Heresies,

Sacrifice (see also Eucharistic sacrament): I : and rebirth ; 16f., ô j n. 6 : redemptive ; 1 7 ; 26: repeated; 3 2 : eucharistic; 123 n.43 : Upeîov, of emperor (Euseb.); 193, 280 (Aug.) Sadducees: 323 Saeculum, saecularis: 12 (Virgil); 21 n.2o (Horace, Carmen saeculare); 439, 444ff. : world, time ; 44^ : ante tempora saecularia, ante saecula aeterna (Jerome), tempus (Ambr.); 4 4 i f . : saeculum saeculi (Ps. 9 : 6, Aug.); 448 (Hilduin of St.Denis)

Í46

INDEX

St. Cosmas and St. Damian (later St. Marianus) of Auxerre, monastery: 398 n.49 St. Denis, basilica, abbey: 388; 400 n.6i St. Germain (St. Mauritius) of Auxerre, basilica, abbey: 388; 398 n.49 St. Martin of Tours, basilica, abbey: 388; 394; 401 n.61 Sallust: 249 Salvation: 405: and grace; 4 1 4 : and human effort Salvianus, priest of Marseilles (first half jth cent.): 368; 398; De gubernatione Dei: 1,2, yff. : 362 n.62; 1,3, 1 3 : 362 n.62; I V , i 3 , 62: 368 n . 1 2 , 399 п.^б; ν , ι ο , ςι: 362 п.62, 399 n . í 6 ; VII,3, 1 4 : 368 η . 1 2 ; VII,14, S8: 399 n . í 6 ; ν π , ΐ 7 , 74: 399 n . j é San Millan de Cogolla, monastery. See Millan (Aemilianus) of Cogolla, St. Sanare, Sanitas (see also Curare; Pristinus, Pristina sanitas): 212 n.40 (Aug.); 219 n.22: numeri sanitatis (Aug.); 312 η.33 (Ps. 1 0 2 : 3, Aug.); 406 η.17 (Prosp. Aquit.) Sancii (see also Communion of Saints, Society) : Augustine: 2 67f. n . i i 6 : rule in this life and the next; 282 η . ι ς β , 362: in Church, in City of God ; 3 6 1 : socialis vita sanctorum; 362 : sancta societas; 368, 377 : monk-priests and conversi; Salvianus: 362 n.62, 368 n . 1 2 : religiosi Sanctity: 36of. (Aug.); 369: conversi Sanctifying grace. See Grace Sanctification: ¡ o п.g, 61 : baptismal, postbaptismal; 7 9 - 8 1 : Holy Spirit, Trinity (Cyr. Alex.); 19^, 201, 202 n . j i (Aug.); 292 (Greek liturgy of Easter); 349: bishops, monks (Ps.-Dion.) Sapientia: 3 n.6 (Alcuin); 197 n.38: Trinitarian analogies (Aug.) Sardanapalus : 1 1 3 n.17 Sardinia: 379: North African exiles; 391 : monasteries of Fulgentius of Ruspe Satan, Sotanas, Devil: 28; 421 n.86 (Cassiod.)

Satiari (see also Vision of God): 190 n . i 6 : insatiabihs satietas (Aug.) Satisfaction, penitential : 3 ц (Aug.) Saturday (see also Sabbath, Days, World ages): 14 η. 2 8 Saturn (see also Kronos, Saturday) : 12 (Virgil); 1 3 ; 2í4(Aug.) Savior-rulers (see also Rulership, Basileia) : 29; 1 1 8 n.34 Scaevola, Q. Cervidius. See Corpus Juris Civilis, Digest: 34, 4, 30, 3 Schism, Schismatic: 124 n . 4 i : Eastern; 3 0 1 : Laurentian; 303-308: sacraments Schools, Christian (see also Alexandria, Antioch, Nisibis) : 3 7 î f . ; 4 2 i f . : tradition; 422 : Rome, planned by Cassiod. Scientia: 197 n.38: Trinitarian analogies (Aug.) Scriptural senses: 99П.63; 333 Sculptor, Sculpture (metaphor; see also Painter [Metaphor]): 93 (Plotinus, Greg. Nyss.); 128 Gohn Chrys.); 194 (Aug.) Second coming of Christ : 2 8 Seminal reasons (see also Rationes seminales) : 1 7 4 η . 2 1 (Aug.); i 7 j n . 2 3 (Greg. Nyss.); 177 (Greg. Nyss., Aug.); i 8 i , 183 (Aug.) ; 4î9f. : and evolution Semi-Pelagianism (see also Synergism) : 381 ; 392; 403-413 Senatorial aristocracy: 20; 1 4 7 ; 366; 464 Seneca: 1 1 ; 40; 177 n.29; Ad Lucilium Epist. : Ш,4, i : 40 n.8 ; VI,6, 26: 40 n.8 ; XV,1, j i : 40 n.8 ; De otio: IV,i : 2^7 n.82 ; Herculesfurens: 1064: 48 n . 6 i ; Naturales quaestiones: Ш,29: i i n. 12 Senses, Sensible (see also Scriptural senses) : 77: restriction of (Greg. Nyss.); 100 n.63 (Plato); 1 0 4 η . 8 0 ; spiritual (Orig., Greg. Nyss.) Septuagint: 49 n.2 ; 64 n.4; 83 Sequi (see also Followership) : 1 3 1 : Christum : St. Francis of Assisi; 282: Dominum (Aug.); 329 п.2^: Lamb of God (Aug.) Serapion, Bishop of Thmuis (d. after 362): Euchologium: 29^; 10 (24): 296 п.^2 Serere: 21 n.2i

INDEX Serri: 364 n . 7 2 : ecclesiae: monks, clerics (Aug.); 399 n . j 6 : Dei (Salvianus) Servitanum, Spanish monastery. See Donatus, St., Abbot of Servitanum Servius (c. 400): 21 n . 2 0 ; Comment, to Virgil's Fourth Eclogue: 4 and 3 4 : 21 n.20 Severin, St., Apostle of Noricum (d. 482): 340; 382 Shakespeare, William: As You Like It: Π,ι : i86 n.i Shamanic. See Mysticism Sibyl of Cumae: 12 (Virgil); 2 ¡ s n . j ç (Aug.) Silius Italiens (2nd half first cent.) ; Punicor.: X V , 7 4 1 : 20 n . 1 7 Similar, Similarity, Similitude (see also Homoiosis, Likeness, Image-likeness) : Similis, Similitude: 89 (i John 3 : 2 , Orig.); 1 3 7 : semblance (Tert.); 1 8 6 - 1 8 8 , 197 (Aug.); 288 n . 2 0 : angelorum (see also Vita angelica) ; 76 (Greg. Nyss.); 1 8 6 - 1 9 7 : vision of God (i John 3 : 2 , Aug.); 1 9 3 : sacrilegious (Aug.) ; 407 (Faustus of Riez) Simplex, Simphces, Simplicitas (see also Rusticus): 421 : sermo (Caesar. Arel.); 422 η.91 '.Jratres, viri (Cassiod.) Simultaneity in creation: 1 7 4 (Greg. Nyss.); 1 7 7 , 182 (Aug.) Sin(s) (see also Original sin): 2 ; 2 j ; 7 1 , 74 (Orig.); I Í 9 (Aug.); i 6 3 f . : Pelagianism; 1 7 0 : absence of good ; 1 7 3 ; 303f. ; 3 0 7 : Donatism; 309: capital; 3 2 1 : and social evils; 403 Siricius, St., Pope (d. 399): Epist. 1,6, 7 : 3ÍO n . 4 ; 1 , 1 3 , 1 7 : 3 Í I n.8 Slaves, Slavery: 3 : freeing o f ; 46^ Slothfulness (Sluggishness): 164 (Aug.); 4 0 Í (Cass., Aug.); 409 (Fulg. Rusp.) Sociali! (Aug.): 240 n . j , 282, 3 6 1 : rita sanctorum Society: Societas (Aug.): 239; 242; 250·, 268 n.117: rinculum societatis; 280: sanctorum; 36of. n.î4: ritae communis; 362: Sanaa;

Í47

24of. : mystical ; 242 : multitude, concord; 248: Christian Socrates: 1 1 Sodom: 2^3 n.6i Sol (see also Sun, Apollo, Helios) : 13f. n. 2 8 Solinus (3rd cent.): Collectanea rerum memorabilium: i , 4 7 : 41 n. I I Solon: 232 n.31 Solus ad solum (see also Moves npòs μόνον) : 322 : Desert Fathers Sons of light and of darkness. See "Dead Sea Scrolls" Sophronius, St., Patriarch of Jerusalem (d. 638): 291 n . 3 2 ; 293 Soul (see also Image-likeness ; World soul) : 84: spirit, body (Iren.); 8 7 : bride of Christ (Orig.) ; 96-98 : and vision of God (Greg. Nyss.); 170 n . 8 : turning about (Plato); I72f., i83f. n.43 : and body in creation (Aug.); 23^ n . 3 7 : reason and justice (Aug.) ; 462 Sozomenus (middle j t h cent.) : Historia ecclesiastica: V I , 3 i : 3 f 2 n . i o Space: 220 (Aug.); 4 J 0 : and origin of universe; 4í2Éf. : and time Spanish symptoms (phenomena): 396 n.46 Species : Species: 4^9 n . i : and genus (Aug.); 1 8 2 : postcreational (Aug.); 4 Í 9 - 4 6 2 : in evolution Spheres of heaven. See Heaven, Cosmology Spirit(s) (see also Holy Spirit) : 84 : Πνΐΰμα ζωηί (Valentinians), in soul (Iren.) ; i68f., 239: created=angels (Aug.) "Spoiling of Egyptians" (Christian attitude toward pagan culture): 374 n.4 (Ex. 3 : 22, etc., Aug.) ΣπονΒαΐοι (see also Ascetics): 371 n.23 Στάσι! (see also Ecstasy): 104 Status. See Kegressus Stephen I, St., Pope (d. 2^7): 1 3 9 ; 298; 304; 4 1 0 Stilicho Diptych: 19 Stoicism, Stoics : 10, 1 1 , 1 2 : cosmology ; 21 n . 2 1 : phoenix; s j ; S s ; inf.: apatheia; l y s n.23, 182: seminal reasons; 2 o j : diastasis, diastema; 221

INDEX

Í48 Stoicism—contd. n.i8:

Συνΐττΐκτΐίνΐσβαι

motus

ritalis;

243

n.2i;

24^:

heavenly c i t y ; 257 n.82 ; A l e x a n d e r of Aphrodisias, f r .

624:

II n . i j ; Arius Didymus, fr. J 9 9 : fr.

fr.

109:

also Semi-Pelagianism) Synesius of C y r e n e ,

62^:

626:

11

II

11 n . 11 ;

nn.ii,

n.ií;

ις;

Tatian,

II n . i j ; Zeno, fr. 98:

11

n. I I

Ptolemais

De regno: 8 : 123 n . 4 2 ; 9 : 123 n . 4 2 ; 1 7 : 1 1 8 n . 3 3 ; 1 8 : 123 n . 4 2 ; Hj'mns:

(see

also

Trinity) :

81

1 7 7 - 1 8 1 : in c r e a t i o n : causal,

2ioff. :

82

n.76;

Π

(see also H o m o i o s i s ) : 84 n . 9

(Iren.) ^ Συσχηματίζαν

n . 7 6 ; I i i Π . 2 8 ; 1 3 1 ; 132 n . 7 1

I (Ш),

(IV), 9 í f f . : 81 n . 7 6 Συνΐξομοιοΰν

Subordinationism Succession:

Bishop of

(d. c. 4 1 4 ) : 82 n . 7 6 ; 122 n . 4 2 ; 3 7 2 ;

Nemesius, Origen,

:

S y n e r g i s m : 4 0 4 n . 8 : G r e e k patristic (see

Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta (v. A m i m ) :

fr.

(see also Έττΐκτύνΐοθαι)

I02 n . 7 3 ( G r e g . N y s s . )

{see also C o n f o r m ) : ^3 n . 1 9 ,

2^2 n - s y : t o w o r l d ( R o m . 1 2 : 2 , O r i g . )

not temporal (Aug.) Suetonius : Augustus:

2 4 : 4 1 η . 8 ; 3 1 : 4 1 π . 9 , 46

Claudius:

Tacitus : Annales: X I , 2 4 : i j o n . 7 9 ;

η . ί ΐ ; 3 4 : 41 η · 9 ;

Histor.: Ι , ΐ ο : 48 n . é j ; 1 , 8 4 : 2^3 η . 6 1

2 2 : 41 η . 9 ;

Nero: 4 0 : 4^ n - J i >

Tarragona, ecclesiastical p r o v i n c e : 300

Vespasianas: 1 7 : 4 6 n.j:2

T e a c h i n g (see also Docere):

Sulpicius Severus (d. 420) : Vita S. Martini:

9, 3:

3J0 n . i ;

10,

T e d i u m of l i f e . See Acedia

Sun (see also Sol, Sunday): 1 1 ; 1 3 ; 1 4 ; 21

σΐΐ,

Sunday (see also D a y s , E i g h t h ; S u n ; W o r l d

(see also P e r f e c t i o n ) :

14 n . 2 8 ;

2 2 6 f . , 2 2 9 : s y m b o l of

(see also

Grace,

superabun-

d a n t ) : 9 4 n . 4 3 : and n a t u r a l ; 147 n . 6 8 Σνμβασιλΐΰαν,

Συμβασιλαα:

I2if.

η . 41 1022):

124 n.46

Alex.);

74

71

Άποτελίΐν and 8^ η . 10

n.49,

114

n.26

(Euseb.); n . 2 8f. :

S y m m a c h u s , Q u i n t u s A u r e l i u s (d. c. 4 0 4 ) : 1 9 ; 1 4 7 - 1 ^ 0 : and A m b r o s e ; 4 1 0 ;

n.i¡

(Method.);

bishops,

monks

349 (Ps.-

TVAeos ¿νιαυτός. See W o r l d year of

God,

Templum Dei:

74:

man

( O r i g . ) ; 247 n . 4 0 ( T e r t . ) ; 2 7 3 : C h u r c h Tempus, tempora (see also T i m e ,

Saeculum):

4 4 i f . : ante tempora aeterna, saecularia ( T i t .

Belatio: 111,9: 149 n . 7 4

1 : 2 , Hilar. P i c t . , J e r o m e , A m b r . , A u g . )

S y m m e t r y (see also Congruentia partium, G e o 218 n . 1 8 (Plato, A u g . )

Σΰμμορφοί

326 priests,

(Aug.)

S y m m a c h u s , S t . , P o p e (d. 4 1 J · ) : 301

figures):

106

n . 8 8 , 162 n . 2 8 ( G r e g . N y s s . ) ; 120 n . 3 6

Temple

S y m m a c h o r u m - N i c o m a c h o r u m D i p t y c h : 19

metrical

(Clem.

Τίλητης,

Dion.)

( E u s e b . ) ; 132 n . 7 1 S y m e o n , t h e N e w T h e o l o g i a n (d.

Συμμορφοΰν,

TeXeiüiTíKÓs,

( O r i g . ) ; 80 n . 7 0 (Basil); 91 n . 3 4 ;

eternity Supranatural

doctrina

TeXecv, TeXeioSt TeXçLOTTjs, TeAcioiîv, TcActíü-

2 f f . : 3 Î I n . 6 ; 10, 9 : 3 Î I n . 8

ages):

}j}(.·.

Christiana ( A u g . )

(see also C o n f o r m ) :

Í 3 n . 1 9 : t o image of Son o f G o d ( R o m . 8 : 2 9 ) ; 80 n . 7 4 : t o t h e Son t h r o u g h t h e

Terra invisibilis et incomposita (see also M a t t e r , p h y s i c a l ) : 168 ( G e n . i : 2, A u g . ) T e r r e s t r i a l c i t y . See Civitas terrena. Earthly city T e r t u l l i a n (early 3rd c e n t . ) : 27 n . 3 ; 41 ; 4 7

H o l y Spirit ( C y r . A l e x . ) ; 101 : t o Christ

п.^б;

(Greg. Nyss.)

• 33 > > 34f· : reformare in melius; 1 3 6 - 1 3 8 :

Σννόίσμό;:

96 П.49 : and

virginity ( G r e g . N y s s . )

όμοίωσι;;

328:

66 η . i j ;

109:

Roman

Empire;

t r u t h , progress, c u s t o m ; 1 4 9 ; 2 4 7 ; 30^; 324; 328; 403; 4 1 0 ; 4 1 1 ;

Í49

INDEX Ad nationes: 1,4, 1 2 :

ijin-io;

©еоЛоуш; 99 n.63 ( O r i g . ) ; 331

Advenus Hermogenem: 37, 4 : 1 3 Í n . i 2 ;

θ€ολογι,κή

AdyersusMarcionem: Ш , 2 з , 2 : 247 η.40 ;

n.63

Apologeücum:

Aristotle);

I3Í η . ΐ ί ;

18,3:

134 n . j ;

18,4:

2 1 , 6f. : 1 3 Í η. 1 1 ; 2 i ,

31:

(-¿ν)

(see

(Clem.

also

Alex.,

333f.

n.i8

Φυσι,κή): Evagr.

Pont.,

(Evagr.

Pont.,

Cass.)

I 3 Î n . i o ; 30, i : 109 n . 2 ; 48, 8 : 133

T h e o l o g y , sacramental: 2 9 7 ; 3 0 3 - 3 i j

n.2;

θΐομιμησία

De anima: 4 1 , 4 ; 1 3 Í n . 1 3 ; 43,

10:

326 n . i j ;

Imitation,

Theophilus, St., Bishop of A n t i o c h (second

De baptismo: 3, i : 135 n . 1 3 ; i j , i f f . : 30S η . I I

(see also Mimesis,

Christomimesis) : 132 n . 7 2 (Ps.-Dion.) half 2nd cent.) : Ad Aatolycum: i n . 2 ; 1 , 1 3 : 133 n . i

;

De corona: 13, 4 : 247 n.40, 346 n . i 8 ;

Θΐοττοίησι; (see also Deification): 98

De exhortatione castitatis: 6,

T h e o p o l i s : 283 n . i í 7

iff.:

324

Θ(ωρητική,

n.13; De monogamia: ς: 6g n . 2 6 ; 17,

13Í

Tbeoretica,

Πρακτική): βιολογική

n. 11 ; Deoratione:

99

De praescriptione haereticorum : 13 6 n. 21 ;

(Philo, O r i g . ,

6f. : 133 n . i ; 13, 1 : 133 n-2. 26, 7 : 134 n . i ; ss,

12,

103;

331;

Theoria :

1 2 : 134 n . i ;

De rirginibus relandis: 1 3 7 ; i , i :

Cass.);

138

n . 2 8 ; I, 3 - 7 : 138 n . 2 7 ; 16, 4 : 3 2 4 η . 9 Thagaste, Augustine's native c i t y : ì s S i 3 i 8 Themistius (d. c. 388): ΥΠ,

(Evagr.

Pont.,

332:

hermits'

333

(Luke

contemplatio 10:

38-42,

ICO n . 6 3 : and praxis; 1 0 3 : and homoiosis (Greg. N y s s . ) ; 1 6 6 ; 34J (Cass.) ®£0S, θίοί: 132 η . 7 1 : Sfúrcpos. συνθρονοι

ΥΙΠ,

XI,

XVI,

Χ ν ΐ Π , X I X : 122 n.42

Θί'ωσίΐ (see also Divinization, Deification): 9 8 ; ^ЭS; 348f. n.28 (Ps.-Dion.)

T h e o of Smyrna (early 2nd cent.) :

Thessalonica,

Expositio rerum matbematicarum ad legendum Platonem utilem : 217 n. 13

massacre

at

Hippodrome :

148 n . 7 3 : Theodosius and Ambrose Third heaven. See Heaven

i24n.4j

Thomas Aquinas, St. (d. 1 2 7 4 ) : ^2 ; 4 2 4 ;

T h e o d o r e of Tarsus, Archbishop of Canterbury (d. 690) : 399 T h e o d o r e , Bishop of Mopsuestia (d. 4 2 8 ) :

447; In Matthaeum: 11 : ^2 n . i 6 ; Summa Theologica: n.24;

160 n.22 T h e o d o r i c the Great, K i n g of Ostrogoths (Mallius),

I,q.io,

a.j:

I,q.io, 447

a.i:

n.23;

448

I,q.98,

a.2 : 177 n.28 Thomas M o r e , St. : 30

(d. Í 2 6 ) : 19 n . 8 ; 4 1 7 ; 418 Manlius

333^·

Cass.);

44

(Cass.);

Consul

(398): 23 n.27 Theodosian Renaissance. See Renaissance Theodosius I, the Great, Emperor (d. 395), Theodosian: 17 n . i ; 1 9 ; 1 1 9 ; 1 2 9 ; 148 n . 7 0 ; I48f., i j i f . n . 8 7 : and A m b r o s e ; 2 î 6 η . 7 7 ; 2 9 9 ; Зб9 n . 1 7 θΐογνωσία:

Pont.,

Theoria (see also Φυσική, Θίολογική ; Vision

De testimonio animae : i , 7 : 13 j n. i ί ;

Theodorus,

Evagr.

θεωρία: gSf. n n . 6 1 , 63 (Alexandrians);

De lesuTiectione monuorum: i n . 2 ;

Theocracy:

also

φυσική,

of G o d ; Praxis) :

De pudicitia: 304 n.2 ;

V,

(see

333:

Cass.); 3 4 î : puritas (Cass.)

2 2 , 9 : 324 η . 9 ;

2 9 , j : 137 n . 2 4 ;

Orationes:

Theorice

n.63,

99 n.63, 104 (Greg. Nyss.) ; 331

Thucydides: 4 4 n . 3 1 Thymoeides, Θ υ μ ο ΐ Λ ή ί (see also Domination) : 1 1 2 f . n. 17 : and kingship ( C l e m . Alex.) Tibullus : Carm.: Π , ί , 23: i8 n . 6 Ticonius, Donatist (c. 400): 4 2 ; 2^9; 260; 2 6 i f . : Corpus Domini (bipartitum).

Corpus

SSO

INDEX

Ticonius—contd. diaboli; ι6ιί.: two cities; 264 η. 1 0 6 ; 2б9; 2 7 0 ; Comment, on Apoc., Turin Fragments: 260; 262 n . i o i ; 263 n . 1 0 3 ; Liber Regularum: 26of. nn.89, 94ff. ; ς: 26i n.97 ; 7 : 261 n.98 Time (see also Xpôvoç, Tempus, Aion) : 1 0 : denial o f ; i 7 7 f . : and creation (Aug.); 1 8 4 : and rationes seminales (Aug.); 202, 2 0 3 - 2 1 2 (Aug.); 204: distension of mind; 2o4f. : physical and psychological; 20^-207: not material extension; 206: άναβολη (Greg. Nyss.) ; 2o6f. : life of world soul (Plotinus); 207: not change or motion; 2 0 8 - 2 1 2 ; memory, expectation, intention; 2o9f. : instability and stability; 2 1 1 n.34, 220 n . 2 f , 228 n.20: image of eternity (Plato, Basil, Aug.); 220 n.28: numeri temporales; 2 2 5 - 2 3 0 : hebdomas; 420 n.83 (Boeth.); 439f. : distraction, order ; 440 : and eternity : free will and providence ; 443-448 : and aerum, eternity ; 4 i of. : and origin of universe; 4 5 1 - 4 5 4 : modem science and Augustine; 451 : formative, reformative; 4 5 2 ; irreversibility; 4 í 3 f . : and space; 4 í 3 f . : psychological and physical; 4 5 4 : cone o f ; 458 : and number

Transformation (see also Metamorphosis): Тгапфгтате: 4.0 (Ovid, Virgil); 4 i f . (2 Cor. 3 : 1 8 , Rom. 1 2 : 2 [Cypr.], Phil. 3 : 2 1 [Cypr., Pelag.]); 4 i ; 39f.; 4 2 ; 54 (2 Cor. 3 : 18) Transgressas ad aeterna. See Death Transire, Transitas (see also Death): 149 n . 7 5 : ad meliora (Ambr.); 200 n . 4 5 : de forma obscura in formam lucidam (Aug.) ; 220 n . 2 5 : rerum (Aug.); 235 n . 3 9 : in perfect am formam (Aug.) Translatio imperii : 1 5 η . 3 5 ; i 8 n . 6 Translatio studii : 1 5 η. 35 Transvertere: 4 1 1 n.46 (Vine. Ler.) Tree of Knowledge : 63 ; 73 Tree of Life: 6 3 ; 291 Τρίτταν, Трощ: i62 n.28 (Greg. Nyss.) Trinity (see also God) : 59 n.49 ; 79 : in soul, sanctification; 81 : and reform (Cyr. Alex.); 8 i f . n . 7 6 : vs. dualism (see also Holy Spirit); 1 9 7 - 2 0 2 : Trinitarian analogies (Aug.) ; 2 1 3 : not numerical (Aug.) ; 3 2 7 : and virginity (Greg. Nyss.); 3 3 6 : unity (Aug.) Truth (seealso Veritas; Tradition, Custom): I36ff. : principalitas (Tert.); I38f. (Cypr.) ; 409 (Vine. Ler.) Tumor: 220 n.26: corporeal, spatial magnitude, pride (Aug.) Tunics (Coats, Garments) of skin, Tunicae Tovos". 1 0 4 : mystical (Greg. Nyss.) pelliceae (see also Χιτώνα &€ρμάηνοι) : 77 Tradition (see also Custom) : 1 3 7 : apostolic n.59. I Í 7 n . 1 4 (Gen. 3 : 2 1 , Orig., (Tert.) ; 138f. : and renewal (Cypr.) ; 139 Greg. Nyss.); 176 n.27 (Greg. Nyss., n . 3 6 ; 4 0 9 - 4 1 2 : and renovation (Vine. Aug., etc.) Ler.) Two Cities (see also City of God, City of Traditores: 258 n.84, 307: Donatism the World) : 24of. : two loves, mystical Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta : Adesp. 117: societies (Aug.); 257 n.82 (Philo); 2 5 9 l u n.8 2 6 3 : Augustine and Ticonius; 2 6 3 - 2 6 6 : Тгапфгге: 42 (2 Cor. 3 : 1 8 , Hilar. Pict.); Augustine and Paul; 273 n . 1 3 4 , 274 200 n . 4 5 : a dφrmi in formosam formam (Aug.) (Aug.) Two corpora. See Corpus Transfiguration (see also Μιτασχηματίζαν, Two genera of men: 264-266 (Paul, Aug.) Metamorphosis) : Two ways: 266 n. 1 1 2 : ancient, Jewish, Тгапфдигате: 41 (Phil. 3 : 2 1 ["Vetus Latina", etc.]); 139 n . 3 3 : pejoraChristian tive (Cypr.) ; Typology: 5 2 ; Í 3 ; 1 6 1 n.24; 325 24f. ; 42 : resurrection (Phil. 3 : 2 1 ) ; Tyrant: Transfiguration of Christ: 42 n . 2 2 ; Tvpáwos 1 1 8 η. 32 (Synes); S3 n . i 9 119

INDEX Ulpian. See Corpus Juris Civilis, Digest 2, 14,

ί ί ΐ

Verti in melius: 48 n . ô j (Livy) Vestiges of G o d :

7. 6 Understanding

(see

also

telligentia ; Knowledge):

Inulligere, Sς

In-

n.ii,

98

η . 6 0 : of like by l i k e ; of the good = t o be g o o d ; 374: doctrina Christiana (Aug.) Union (see also Ένωσίί) : 104 : mystical ; 320: contemplation; 336: with Trinity:

Vestigia Dei: 188 ( A u g . ) ; i 8 î ( A u g . ) ; 196; 213 Vetustas (see

also Antiquity):

237

n.42

(Aug.); 278 n . 1 4 8 : corruptionis ( A u g . ) ; 293 n . 4 i : emundare (Sacram. Gelas.) Vicar of God, Vicarius Dei, Vicarius Christi : 131 n.66

contemplative life (Aug.) Unity: 3 Í , 337, 4 3 j f . : and multiplicity; 213 n . i : Trinitarian ( A u g . ) ; 214 n . i : number three (Aug.) ; 218 : and numbers ( A u g . ) ; 242: civitas (Aug.); ззбГ. : contemplative life ( A u g . ) ; 4 í í , 4^9: and

V i c o , Giambattista: 23 Victor, Bishop of Vita (late j t h cent.) : 378 ; Historia persecutionis j^ricanae

prorin-

ciae: I , i - i 8 : 379 n.3 Victorianus,

St.,

Abbot

of

San

Martin

d'Asan (early 6th cent.): 382 n . 1 9

number Unirersitas: 4 1 0 :

criterion

of

orthodoxy

(see also Jerome): 27 n . 3 ;

Unworthy clerics. See Clerics

Comment, on Apoc.: 260 n . 9 3 ; 263

Urban П, Pope (d. 1099): 138 Urbs aeterna (see

Victorinus, Marius. See Marius Victorinus Victorinus, St., Bishop of Pettau (d. 304)

(Vine. Ler.)

also

Rome):

18

n.6

V i c t o r y : I47f. : altar; 149: cult Vigilius, Pope (d. SSS)'· 287 n. 14

(Tibullus)

Villani, Matteo (d. 1363):

Utopia: 2 7 ; 30

Cronica: IV,89, I X , 3 4 : 30 n . 1 7 Vincent of Beauvais, O . P . (d. 1264): 4 ; Valentinians (Gnostics): 83f. : image-likeness Valerianus,

Bishop

of

Cimiez

(d.

after

c· 4 Í 2 ) : 392 n.27 Valerii, Roman family: 372 n . 2 i Valerius, Bishop of Hippo (d. 396): ^ςς Valerius Maximus : (first half ist cent.) : 40 ; Factorum et dictorum memorabil.: VI, f , Externa 2 : 40 n. j Value: 3 i , 4 3 j : reassertion and augmentation o f : criterion of reform Vandals: 378f. Vanity,

(Ecclesiastes

12:8,

A u g . ) ; 406 n . i 7 (Prosp. Aquit.) Varrò : 2 1 7 : arithmology ; 338

Vani tas: 278

n. 3 3 :

Speculum doctrinale: 1,9: 4 η . 1 1 Vincent of Lérins, St. (first half i t h cent.) : 404 ; 409-412 : tradition and renovation ; Commonitorium: 4 0 9 ; i , 3 : 410 n . 3 9 ; 2iff. : 410 n . 4 1 ; 23, 20: 4 1 1 n . 4 8 ; 23, 28f. : 4 1 1 n . 4 6 ; 23, 30: 412 n.49, 412 n . j o ; 23, 32: 412 n . j o ; Obiectiones Vincentianae: 4 1 0 n.37 V i r g i l : 1 3 ; 28; 4 0 ;

гц;

Aeneid: I,278f. : ιςς n.í6;

I,287ff. :

n.js;

17 n . í ;

1 , 2 8 1 : 47

VI,8í3:

2ц

n . 7 3 ; V I , 7 4 í f f · : 12 n . 1 8 ; V I , 7 9 i f f . : 13 n . 2 í ; XI,426: 47 n . j é ; Fourth Eclogue: 1 2 ; 1 3 ; 17 nn.4f. ; 4 :

active, contemplative, mixed life Venantius Fortunatus, St., Bishop

21 n . 2 0 ; 4 - 1 2 : 1 2 ; 6 - 1 0 : 13 n . 2 8 ; 34: 21 n . 2 0 ;

of

Poitiers (d. c. 600): 423 Verecundus, friend of St. Augustine (late 4th cent.): 283; 466 Veritas (see also Truth ; Caritas) :' 13 8 nn. 2 8ff. (Tert., C y p r . , e t c . ) ; 337f. n . 3 3 : caritas, suavilas reritatis (Aug.) ; 403 : and consuetudo

Geórgica: 11,498 : 2 í j n . 7 í Virginity (see also Angelic life, Continence) : 7 6 - 7 8 (Greg. Nyss.); 2 j 2 (Jerome); 288 n.20 (liturgy, Leo the Great); 322: and monasticism; 323 (Matt. 1 9 : u f f . , 23fr.,

Mark

I2:i8ff.,

Luke

22:

2o:27ff.,

A p o c . 1 4 : 4, I Cor. 7 : 2 i f f . ) ; 3238·.: asceticism, ecclesiological mysticism; 324

SSÏ

INDEX

Virginity—contd., (Tert., Orig., Cypr.); 3 2 Í (Method.); 326ff. : angelic life; 3 2 7 : martyrdom; 32 8ff. (Aug.); 330 (Leo the Great) Virtù: 22 (Machiavelli) Virtue : Virtus: 334f. n.22: activa, contemplativa (Aug.); 407 η.2о (Faustus of Riez); 409 η.32 (Fulg. Rusp.); 141 (Lact.); 1бзГ. η.36 (Evagr. Pont., Pelag.); 33^ (see also Active Life, Contemplative life); 346: see also Conversatio actualis Virtus (Vis) Vitalis (spiritualis) (see also Δύναμι,ί ζαηική. Motus Vitalis): 221 η. 18 (Aug.)

Vita melior: 394 n.36: monasticism (Fourth Council of Toledo) Vita nova: 22 n.22 (Dante) Vita socialis. See Socialis Vitae patrum ; 1 : 3 2 1 η . 8 ; V ( Verba seniorum) : 320 n . 3 ; V, IV,3: 321 n.6 Vitalistic : 1 6 - 2 6 : vitalistic renewal ideas Vitas sanctorum patrum Emeretensium: I,i (I,i): 393 n.32; ΙΠ,ι (Ш,7): 380 n . i o Vivarium, monastery: 3 8 1 : ordo of divine office; 4 1 7 ; 4 1 9 ; 421 ; 422 Vacare (see also Revocare, Rivocare): 23 n.27 : ad signa (Claudian) Voluntas (see also Will, Free will): 197 n· 3 8, 199f. : Trinitarian analogies (Aug.) ; 40 J : onus bonae voluntatis (Cass.); 406 n . i j (Fulg. Rusp.); 406 n. 19 (Faustus of Riez); 408 η.29: mutari (Fulg. Rusp.) Volusiani, Roman family: 371 n.23 Voyages of Bran (Irish, c. 7th cent.), of St. Brendan (Irish, c. n t h cent.): 67

Visio pads. See Heavenly Jerusalem Vision of God (see also ©«tupio, Θίωρητική, Beatific Vision, Satiari): 6 j n.6; 97 (Äthan.); 9 7 - 1 0 6 : God-likeness (Greg. Nyss.); 1 0 2 - 1 0 ^ : =desire for God (Greg. Nyss.); io2f. n . 7 3 : immediate, essential, comprehensive; m (Clem. Wealth: 130 n.63, 463: patristic views; Alex.); 143 (Ambr.); 1 6 1 , 190-196, 162 (Pelag.); 46Î (Aug.) igsC. (Aug.); 33of.; 334 n.2o, 33J:: Week (see also Days, Hebdomas, World contemplation (Cass., Aug.); 34^: herages. Millennium): 13, 1 4 : world week mitical life (Cass.) of seven ages or millennia; 14 n.28: Visions of Adamnan (Irish, c. n t h cent.), o/" Christian week, Roman week; 28 : seven Tundal (Irish, c. 1 1 io) : 67 millennia ; 2 2 8 : temporal hebdomas Vita angelica (see also Angelic life): 282 (Basil, Greg. Nyss.) n . i j f i ; 288 П.20 (liturgy); 320: monasWheat and cockles (chaff): 2Í9 n.S^, 267 ticism; 328-330: virginity (Matt. I 3 : 2 9 f . , Aug.) Vita apostolica (see also Vita communis): 3 8 j : Will (see also Voluntas, Free will): 71 clergy; 402 n.64 (Orig.); 192 n.2o; 199-202: Trinitarian Vita canonica (see also Vita communis): 389f. : analogies (Aug.) ; 3 1 2 : insufficiency and vita communis; 390: ordo canónicas; (Aug.) ; 34Î : mortification (Cass.) ; 40^ 393 η. 3 3 : Spanish cathedrals; 4 0 1 : (Cass.) Carolingian reform Work: 77: renunciation of agricultural Vita communis (see also Conversano; Common work (Greg. Nyss.); 78: in monasticism ; life of Apostles, of clergy) : 346 (Cass.) ; 362f. : of monks (Aug.); 363: monk3 i o : of clerics; 3^2 (Melas of.Rhinoclerics exempt from manual work (Aug.) kurura, Eusebius of Vercelli) ; 3 ί 2 η. 1 1 World age(s) (see also World week) : 13 (Ambr.); 3^6, 3 6 1 , 364 (Aug.); 376; (Hesiod, Maguseans); i3f. n . 3 1 : Indian, 38^; 386; 388 n.6: Rome; 389^: and Persian; 28: millenarian; 29 (Joachim vita canonica; .390 (Pomerius); 392 (Fulg. of Flora); 29 n . 1 3 , 223 n.2: ante legem, Rusp.); 392f. : Lérins; 393ff. : Visisub lege, sub gratia; 6 j n.6; 222-232 gothic Spain; 40of. n.6i ; 402 (Aug.); 222-224: and days of creation;

INDEX 2 24: seventh: millenarian; 2 24f., 2 3 i f . n . 3 0 : six ages (Aug.); 2 2 4 - 2 3 0 : eighth: eternity; 230, 2з^£. : seventh as rest of souls (Aug.); 2 3 1 , 238, 267 n . 1 1 6 : sixth as Christian history (Aug.); 232 n . 3 0 : seventh as historical : Byzantium and mediaeval west; 2 3 3 - 2 3 ^ : fifth and sixth days of creation, world ages, life ages; 236 n . 4 : sixth: reform (Aug., Ambr.) World empires. See Empires, Translatio imperii World harmony. See Harmony World soul: 207, 220: life of: (Plotinus) World week. See Week

time

ςς}

World year, TiXtos inairrós, Magnus annus (see also Cosmology, Cycles, Recurrence): I of. (Plato); i i f . (Neopythagoreans, Virgil, etc.); 1 4 ; 2 1 ; 30

S m r t i a (see also Peregrinano): 67 n . 1 7 ; 241 n.io Xenodochium: 3 3 2 : of Macarius of Alexandria

y. See Bivium Zervan (see also Aion) : 443