The Homer Encyclopedia [2] 1405177683, 9781405177689

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Volume II

The

Homer

Encyclopedia Edited by

Margalit Finkelberg SBD-FFLCH-USP

®WILEY-BLACKWELL A John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., Publication

This edition first published 2011 © 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd Blackwell Publishing was acquired by John Wiley & Sons in February 2007. Blackwell’s publishing program has been merged with Wiley’s global Scientific, Technical, and Medical business to form Wiley-Blackwell. Registered Office

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£5

M IX Popor from responsible sources

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FSC * C 013604

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Brief Contents

Volume I List o f Entries List o f Illustrations List o f Maps Notes on Contributors Preface and Acknowledgments Synopsis List o f Abbreviations

vi xvii xix xx xxxvii xxxix xlv

The Homer Encyclopedia A-G

1-325

Volume II List o f Illustrations List o f Maps List o f Abbreviations The Homer Encyclopedia H -Q

vi viii ix 326-705

Volume III List o f Illustrations List o f Maps List o f Abbreviations The Homer Encyclopedia R -Z References Index

vi viii ix 706-954 955 1031

illustrations

Fig. 1

Earliest known photograph of the Lion Gate at Mycenae, ca. 1859

70

Fig. 2

Plan of the citadel of Mycenae showing the excavations by Schliemann in the area immediately inside the Lion Gate and Grave Circle A

71

Fig. 3

Tiryns, the eastern approach, ca. 1886

71

Fig. 4

The fortifications of Troy VI, with Dörpfeld standing on top, 1894

72

Fig. 5

Scythian warrior stringing a composite bow

80

Fig. 6

“Schliemann’s Nestor’s cup” from Shaft Grave IV

100

Fig. 7

A woodcut of Nestor’s cup by A. Alciato (1584)

101

Fig. 8

Avdo Medjedovic

121

Fig. 9

Carl W. Biegen

134

Fig. 10

Plan of the Mycenaean palace of Pylos

376

Fig. 11

Lefkandi (Toutnba), plan

377

Fig. 12

Lefkandi (Toumba), reconstruction

377

Fig. 13

Oropos, aerial photo of the Early Iron Age settlement

378

Fig. 14

Blinding o f cyclops, amphora, Eleusis; early 7th century b c e

392

Fig. 15

Blinding of cyclops, Etruscan pithos; 650-625

392

Fig. 16

Chariot race at the Funeral Games for Patroklos, from the François vase; early 6th century b c e

393

Fig. 17

The “Euphronios krater,” ca. 515

403

Fig. 18

Transcription of the Dipylon Oinochoe inscription of a Late Geometric prize jug from Athens, ca. 730 b c e

410

Fig. 19

Albert B. Lord

488

bce

bce

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Fig. 20 The area of Mycenae

VII 536

Fig. 21

The inscription on “Nestor’s Cup,” from Pithekoussai, ca. 730 bce

573

Fig. 22

Odyssey 9.295-309, 344-384, and 11.273-282, archive of Aurelius Ammon, Panopolis (Egypt), 3rd century c e

622

Fig. 23 Milman Parry Fig. 24 Fig. 25

630

Phoinix leads the Embassy to Achilles; bronze tripod leg, Olympia, ca. 620 bce Nicosia, Kouklia T .9:7,11 th-century b c e proto-bichrome kalathos

662 664

Fig. 26 Archelaus of Priene, Apotheosisof Homer (3rd century b c e )

709

Fig. 27

Pintoricchio (1454-1513), Penelope with the Suitors, ca. 1509

730

Fig. 28

Gavin Hamilton (1723-1798), Achilles Lamenting the Death ofPatroclus, 1760-1763

731

Fig. 29

John Flaxman (1755-1826), The Embassy to Achilles from The Iliad, 1793

732

Fig. 30

Dame Elisabeth Frink (1930-1993), from The Odyssey, Odysseus and Penelope, 1973-1974

733

Fig. 3 1 Heinrich Schliemann

762

Fig. 32 Ship and rigging

781

Fig. 33 Impression of the Shield of Achilles

795

Fig. 34

Large building of Troy Vila excavated in the course of recent excavations west of the citadel

899

Fig. 35 Plan of Late Bronze Age Troy

900

Fig. 36 South Gate of Troy VI and VII

901

Fig. 37 Troy VIII, ca. 100

903

bce

Fig. 38 Troy IX, ca. 100 ce Fig. 39

Folio 19r of the Venetus A, featuring Iliad A 352-376, with accompanying scholia

Fig. 40 F. A. Wolf, painting by Johann Wolff, 1823

904 923 937

Maps

Map 1 Troys Homeric Allies

52

Map 2

The bases of the Greek contingents in the Catalogue of Ships

154

Map 3

The Troad

307

Map 4

Troy and environs

308

Map 5

Major regions and cities enjoying close contacts with Ithaca in the Ithacan books of the Odyssey (1-4, 13-24)

310

Abbreviations

A&A

Antike und Abendland

AA

Archäologischer Anzeiger

AAA

Archaiologika analekta ex Athenon (Athens Annals o f Archaeology)

AAntHung

Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae

AC

VAntiquité classique

AClass

Acta Classica

AH

Archaeologia Homerica: die Denkmäler und das frühgriechische Epos, ed. Friedrich Matz and Hans-Gunter Buchholz. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1967-

AJA

American Journal o f Archaeology

AJP

American Journal o f Philology

Alien

T. W. Allen. Homeri Opera, vols. 1-2: 3rd ed. (1920); vols. 3-4:2nd ed. (1917-1919). Oxford: Clarendon Press

ANRW

Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt

AS

Anatolian Studies

ASNP

Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa

ATU

H-J. Uther. The Types o f International Folktales: A Classification and Bibliography, vols. 1-3. Helsinki: Academia Scientiarum Fennica, 2004

AW

Antike Welt

BAR

Biblical Archaeology Review

BASOR

Bulletin o f the American Schools o f Oriental Research

BCH

Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique

X

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Beazley, ARV

J. D. Beazley. Attic Red-Figure Vase Painters, vols. 1-3. 2nd ed. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963

Bernabé

A. Bernabé. Poetarum Epicorum Graecorum Testimonia et Fragmenta {PEG). I. Stuttgart and Leipzig: Teubner, 1996 (1st ed., 1987). II. Munich and Leipzig: Saur, 2004-2005 (= OF Bernabé)

BICS

Bulletin o f the Institute o f Classical Studies

BMCR

Bryn Mawr Classical Review

BNP

Brill’s New Pauly. Leiden and Boston, 2002-

BSA

Annual o f the British School at Athens

CA

Classical Antiquity

CAF

T. Kock. Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta. 3 vols. Leipzig: Teubner, 1880-1888

CAG

Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca

CAH

Cambridge Ancient History

Campbell

D. A. Campbell (ed.). Greek Lyric: Sappho and Alcaeus. Cambridge, MA, 1982

CEG

Carmina Epigraphica Graeca, vols. 1-2, ed. P. A. Hansen. Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 1983-1989

Chantraine

P. Chantraine. Dictionnaire étymologique de la languegrècque. Histoire des mots. Paris: Klincksieck, 1968. New edition with supplement, 1999

CJ

Classical Journal

CoMIK

J. Chadwick, L. Godart, J. T. Killen, J.-P. Olivier, A. Sacconi, L. Sakellarakis. Corpus ofMycenaean Inscriptions, vols. 1-4. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986-1998

CP

Classical Philology

CQ

Classical Quarterly

CR

Classical Review

CSCA

California Studies o f Classical Antiquity

CTA

A. Herdner (ed.). Corpus des tablettes encunéiform es alphabétiques découvertes à Ras Shamra-Ugarit de 1929 à 1939. Paris: Geuthner 1963

CW

Classical World

D-K

H. Diels and W. Kranz. Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker"‘ (DielsKranz). Berlin: Weidmann, 1960-1961

Davies, EGF

M. Davies (ed.). Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta. Göttingen: Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, 1988

Davies, PMGF

M. Davies (ed.). Poetarum Melicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, vol. 1. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

XI

Ebeling

H. Ebeling. Lexicon Homericum. Leipzig: Teubner, 1880-1885

EGF

see Davies, EGF

EMC

Echos du Monde Classique

FGrHist

see Jacoby

Fowler

R. L. Fowler. Early Greek Mythography, vol. 1: Text and Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000

G&R

Greece and Rome

GEF

see West

GGM

see Müller

GRBS

Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies

GVI

W. Peek (ed.). Griechische Vers-Inschriften I: Grab-Epigramme. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1955

HED

Hittite Etymological Dictionary. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 1991-

HSCP

Harvard Studies in Classical Philology

ICS

Illinois Classical Studies

IEG

M. L. West (ed.). Iambi et Elegi Graeci ante Alexandrum cantati, vols. 1-2. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971-1972 (= W)

IG

Inscriptiones Graecae, 1873—

IJCT

International Journal o f the Classical Tradition

Jacoby

F. Jacoby. Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker. Berlin: Weidmann 1923- (= FGrHist)

JANER

Journal o f Ancient Near Eastern Religions

mi

Journal o f the History o f Ideas

JHS

Journal o f Hellenic Studies

jn e s

Journal o f Near Eastern Studies

K-A

= PCG

Kannicht

R. Kannicht (ed.). TrGF, vol. 5: Euripides (2004)

KGW

Friedrich Nietzsche. Werke. Kritische Gesamtausgabe. Ed. G. Colli and M. Montinari. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1967-

Kroll

W. Kroll (ed.). Procli Diadochi in Platonis Rem publicam commentarii. Leipzig: Teubner, 1899-1901

KUB

Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazkoi

Lex. Vind.

Lexicon Vindobonense, ed. A. Nauck. St. Petersburg, 1867. Repr. Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1965

LfgrE

Lexikon des frühgriechischen Epos. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck 8c Ruprecht, 1955-

XII

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

LIMC

Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae, vols. 1-9. Zurich and Munich: Artemis, 1981-1999

Lobel-Page

Poetarum Lesbiorum Fragmenta, ed. E. Lobel and D. Page. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963

LSAM

F. Sokolowski. Lois sacrées de l’Asie Mineure. Paris: de Boccard, 1955

LSJ

H. G. Liddell and R. Scott. A Greek-English Lexicon, 9th ed. Revised and augmented by H. S. Jones with the assistance of R. McKenzie. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1940

Maehler

H. Maehler. Die Lieder des Bakchylides: I. Die Siegeslieder (1982), II. Die Dithyramben und Fragmente (1997). Leiden: Brill.

MH

Museum Helveticum

MHV

A. Parry (ed.). The Making o f Homeric Verse: The Collected Papers o f Milman Parry. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971

Montanan

F. Montanari. I fram m enti dei grammatici Agathokles, Hellanikos, PtolemaiosEpithetes: in appendice i grammatici Theophilos, Anaxagoras, Xenon. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1988

Most

G. W. Most. Hesiod, vols. 1-2. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006-2007

motif

S. Thompson. A Motif-Index o f Folk-Literature: A Classification o f Narrative Elements in Folktales, Ballads, Myths, Fables, Mediaeval Romances, Exempla, Fabliaux, Jest-Books and Local Legends, vols. 1-6. Rev. ed. Bloomington and London: Indiana University Press, 1955-1958

Miiller

K. Müller (ed.). 1855. Geographi graeci minores (GGM). Paris: A. Firmin Didot

M-W

R. Merkelbach and M. L. West. Fragmenta Hesiodea. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967

Nauck

= TGF'

NP

Der Neue Pauly. Enzyklopädie der Antike, ed. H. Cancik, H. Schneider, M. Landfester. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1996-

OCD

S. Hornblower and A. Spawforth (eds.). The Oxford Classical Dictionary. 3rd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003

OF Bernabé

A. Bernabe (ed.). Orphicorum et Orphicis similium testimonia et frag­ menta. PEG II, vols. 1-2. Munich and Leipzig: Saur, 2004-2005

OF Kern

O. Kern (ed.). Orphicorum fragmenta. Berlin: Weidmann, 1863

OJA

Oxford Journal o f Archaeology

OT

Oral Tradition. Also available online at http://journal.oraltradition. org

Page

= PMG

PCG

R. von Kassel and C. Austin (K-A). Poetae Comici Graeci, vols. 1-8. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1983-2001

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

XIII

PCPS

Proceedings o f the Cambridge Philological Society

PdP

La Parola del Passato

PEG

see Bernabé

Pfeiffer

Pfeiffer, R. Callimachus, vol. 1. Fragmenta; vol. 2. Hymni et epigrammata. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1949-1953

PGM

K. Preisendanz. Papyri Graecae Magicae, vols. 1-2. Leipzig: Teubner, 1928-1931.2nd ed. Stuttgart, 1973-1974

PHP

Galen De Placitis Hippocratis et Platonis

PMG

D. L. Page (ed.). Poetae melici Graeci. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962

PMGF

see Davies, PMGF

PRIA

Proceedings o f the Royal Irish Academy

QUCC

Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica

RA

Revue archéologique

RAAN

Rendiconti delTAccademia di Archeologia, Lettere e Belle Arti di Napoli

Radt

S. Radt (ed.). TrGF, vol. 4: Sophocles (1977)

RE

Paulys Real-Encyclopädie Stuttgart

RÊA

Revue des Etudes Anciennes

RÉG

Revue des Etudes grecques

RFIC

Rivista di filologia e di istruzione classica

RhM

Rheinisches Museum

RIA

Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie. Berlin and New York: de Gruyter

Roscher

W. H. Roscher. Ausführliches Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-

Rose

V. Rose (ed.). Aristotelis qui ferebantur librorum fragmenta. Stuttgart: Teubner, 1967

RPh

Revue de philologie, de littérature et d ’histoire anciennes

SB

Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten. Berlin and New York: de Gruyter

SCI

Scripta Classica Israelica

SEG

Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum, 1923—

SIG

W. Dittenberger. 1915-1925

SMEA

Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici

SO

Symbolae Osloenses

ST

Studia Troica

Sylloge

der klassischen

Inscriptionum

Altertumswissenschaft.

Graecarum.

3rd

ed.

xiv

LIST

OF ABBREVIATIONS

Stud. Pal.

Studien zur Palaeographie und Papyruskunde

SVF

Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta, ed. H. von Arnim. Repr. Stuttgart 1978 from 1st ed., 1903-1905

SyllClass

Syllecta Classica

TAPA

Transactions and Proceedings o f the American Philological Association

TGF

A. Nauck (ed.). Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta. Leipzig: Teubner. 2nd ed., 1889. Repr. with suppl. by B. Snell. Hildesheim: Olms, 1964

ThesCRA

Thesaurus Cultus et Rituum Antiquorum. Los Angeles and Basel: Paul Getty Museum, 2004-2005

TrGF

Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, vols. 1-5, ed. B. Snell, S. Radt, R. Kannicht. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck 8t Ruprecht, 1971-2004

W

= IEG

West

M. L. West (ed.). Greek Epic Fragments (GEF). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003

WS

Wiener Studien

YCS

Yale Classical Studies

ZPE

Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik

H

Hades ( ’Aíóriç,’Móoç, Aíôüiveúç) Thegodofthe Underworld, son of Kronos and Rhea, bro­ ther of Zeus and Poseidon, and husband to Persephone. We learn at Iliad 15.187-193 that he was apportioned the Underworld as his province while Zeus received the heavens and Poseidon the sea, and at 5.395-397 that he was once wounded with an arrow by Herakles. He is a shadowy figure in both epics, described as the most hateful of the gods to mortals because he is “unyielding and implacable” (9.158-159). Yet Hades in Homer rarely refers to the god himself; in the majority of cases references to Hades are understood as the house o f Hades, the region of the dead that is located underneath the earth, e.g„ the formula \|tuxil/'(luxai ô' "Aíôóoôe K u 8 fjX 0 £ v / K a 0 fj\ 9 o v “his/their soul/souls went down to [the house of] Hades” (5x) and the like. Hades retains a pervasive force throughout both epics, from the third line of the I l i a d through to the last book of the O d y s s e y , as a grim site into which all the souls o f heroes will eventually descend (except Menelaos, who will go to Elysium, Od. 4.561-569; cf. the ambiguous status of Herakles in Hades at 11.601-604; see Nekyia). The etymological reading o f Hades as “unseen” (a-(w)id-ês, see Ion. Aides as against Att. Haidês) has been popular since antiquity (Ruijgh 1991, 575-576; Beekes 1998) and contributes to the T h e H o m e r E n cy clop ed ia , edited by Margalit Finkelberg @2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

Homeric depiction o f the Underworld as a dark and sunless space. It is separated from the world o f the living by gates and at least one river, both elements that denote the impossibility o f return for the dead. We learn from the soul o f Patroklos that the psuchê flies to Hades only after the bur­ ial rites have been performed (//. 23.71-74), although the description of the unburied Suitors’ souls entering Hades contradicts this (Od. 24.1-24) (see afterlife). O dysseus famously visits Hades in Book 11 o f the Odyssey (compare the katabaseis of GilgAmesh and Aeneas in earlier and later epic, or Herakles; II. 8.367-369, Od. 11.601627). Homer’s description of this scene has attracted attention because, although Hades is located beneath the earth, Odysseus does not appear to descend. His passage to the Underworld is instead horizontal: he travels west to the land o f the Cimmerians and the border of Ocean (10.504-540, 11.13-22; for further complications in the topography of Hades, see Underworld; cf. Tsagarakis 2000, 94-100; see also Odysseus’ Wanderings). Homer’s depiction of Hades may be compared with Hesiod’s depiction o f the Underworld (Th. 717-819, West 1966 ad loc.), in which the house of Hades is located in the proximity of Tartaros (Th. 767). In that poem, Tartaros is a bronze-walled prison encircled by three layers o f night, separated from earth by a “great chasm” through which a bronze anvil would take ten

HAIR days to fall. It is also the place to where the T itans are banished by Zeus. In the Iliad, Hades appears to be above Tartaros (8.13-16,478-481) and the differences between the two geogra­ phies is debated (Kirk 1990, ad 8.15-16; Clay 1992,134-146). The H om eric H ymn to D emeter , which tells o f the abduction o f Persephone below the earth, articulates the beginnings of alternative, more rewarding modes of the after­ life in the establishment o f the Eleusynian Mysteries (Janda 2000). References and Suggested Readings For further discussion o f the House o f Hades, see Schmidt 1976, 105-111; Sourvinou-lnwood 1982, 1995; Beekes 1998; lohnston 1999; Albinus 2000; Tsagarakis 2000. On the god Hades, see l i m c 4 .1 ,3 6 7 394; Richardson 1974; Burkert 1985,160-161,196.

ALEX C. PURVES

Haimon (Al'pcnv) (1) A Pylian of high rank (see Pylos), a comrade (hetairos, see Friendship ) of Nestor ; appears only in Epipolesis (It. 4.296). It is not out of the question that the name as it appears there is in fact an epithet of Kreon (2) (haimôn = “skilled/eager”). (2) Theban, father o f M aion who took part in the ambush that the Thebans laid against Tydeus in the War of the Seven against T hebes and who was the only one to survive (II. 4.394). See also T heban C ycle. (3) A Myrmidon , father of Laérkes (1) (II. 17.467).

Hair In many ancient societies hair was “tamed” and “cultured” with particular styles. Men in the ancient Near East grew their hair thick and long and had it carefully coiffured in curls set with expensive perfumed oils. In Homeric Greece, however, men were reluctant to “tame” their hair, which represented virile and generative man­ hood; long hair was also an outward sign of aris­ tocratic rank. Thus, when O dysseus is changed into a beggar, Athene makes him look older by “destroying his blonde hair” (Od. 13.399, 431), and later reverses the process and restores his luxuriant hair and beard (16.174-176). Long hair

327

continued to be the hallmark of breeding well after the Homeric age (Hdt. 7.208). Homer characterizes his heroes through their hair: beauty and dignity, ugliness and ignobility are encoded in hair. Achilles (II. 1.197 etc.), Menelaos (3.284 etc.),Odysseus (Od. 13.399,431), and M eleager (II. 2.642) are blond (xanthos, although interestingly the epithet xanthê is used only once for a woman, Agamede, at II. 11.740). This might presuppose that Homer regarded blondness as a heroic trait, but this is not so: while some heroes are xanthoi, other heroes and, most significantly, gods, are kuaneoi (“dark” or “blue"): H ector (II. 22.401—402), Odysseus when transformed by Athene before his meeting with T elemachos (Od. 16.176), Z eus (II. 1.528, 17.209), Hera (15.102-103), Dionysos (Hymn. 7.5), and especially Poseidon (13.563, 14.390, 15.174, 201, 20.144; Od. 3.6, 9.528, 536; see below on kuanokhaita). It has been suggested that in the description of gods’ hair as kuaneos Homer is indebted to an ancient Egyptian tradition o f imagining the hair of gods as pure lapis-lazzuli (Griffith 2005). More diffi­ cult to explain, however, is the one reference to Odysseus’ “hyacinthine” hair at Odyssey 6.231. This might be linked to the shape of the petals of the hyacinth, suggesting Odysseus’ hair is curly (as is mentioned at Od. 16.175; the hair of Eurybates, Odysseus’ herald, also curls; 19.246), or to the color of the flower - violet even though elsewhere Odysseus is blond (see Irvin 1990). More important than hair color for Homer, however, is the length and thickness of a hero’s hair: karêkomoôntes (“long-haired”) is a common epithet of the Achaeans (II. 2.323 etc., but see Abantes, II. 2.542). Achilles’ hair is so long that Athene can grip him by it to restrain him from attacking Agamemnon (1.197), while Hector’s hair drags in the dust as his corpse is pulled behind Achilles’ chariot (22.401-402). Paris’ hair is lik­ ened to a horse’s mane (6.509-510), and Poseidon too is, appropriately, “dark-maned” (kuanokhaita 13.563 etc.). Apollo and Dionysos have long locks (II. 20.39; Hymn. 7.4-5), and when Zeus nods his head, thick, perfumed curls fall over his brow (II. 1.529-530). Unusually, the Greek war­ rior Euphorbos is depicted with an elaborate hairstyle of tight braids decorated with gold and silver ornaments; Homer does not criticize these

328

HAIR

extravagant locks, however, but notes that Euphorbos’ hair (blood stained from battle) is as beautiful as that of the Graces (17.51-52). In contrast, the ugly T hersites has very lit­ tle hair, just an unkempt clump of stubble (2.217-219). Women’s hair is also prized in Homeric society, and goddesses and noblewomen are often called êükomos, “rich-” or “fair-haired” (II. 1.36 etc.), or euplokamoi, “with beautiful braids (ringlets)” (6.380 etc.); their long locks are sometimes anointed with perfumed oils (14.175-177; Hymn. 24.3), a symbol of wealth and fertility. Women can also decorate their hair with fillets, headbands, snoods, and tiaras (II. 22.468^172; Hymn. Cer. 295; Hymn. 6.1; Llewellyn-Jones 2003,30-33). However, when out of doors in the company of non-blood kin, Homeric noblewomen, and even goddesses, conspicuously veil themselves and cover their hair (Llewellyn-Jones 2003; see Dress). See also Body. LLOYD LLEWELLYN-JONES

Haliartos ( XXiupi o.;) City in Boeotia intro­ duced in the Catalogue of Ships as “grassy Haliartos” (II. 2.503; cf. Hymn. Ap. 243). Identified with a large settlement on the southern shore of LakeKopais (Kephisian Lake) from Mycenaean times on. See also Boeotians.

[5], Od. 17.68), Halitherses ("Sea-Bold”?), son of Mastor, “excelled men at that time in knowledge of bird-signs” (2.158-159). His interpretation of two eagles fighting (the first of many such omens in the O d y s s e y ) - that Odysseus is near and will bring vengeance - is angrily rejected by Eurymachos (2.161-207). Halitherses boasts he had prophesied that Odysseus would return after twenty years, alone and in disguise. Later, many members of the Suitors’ families also foolishly ignore his and Mkdon’s advice to avoid attacking Odysseus (24.451-462). See also Prophecy. JOHN HEATH

Halizones ( âàiCüjveç) Cappadocian people, allies ofTroy led by Homos (1) and Epistrophos (2); their region included the town of ALYBE,“the birth-place of silver” (II. 2.856, 5.39; see Map 1). In a detailed textual discussion Strabo offers several identifications of the Halizones, which require emendations of the verses (12.3.20—25). These include: Alazones - a Scythian tribe; Amazones; Chalybes, a northern Anatolian tribe (see Anatolia), on the basis of the identification o f Alybe with Chalybe. The discussion raises geo­ graphical difficulties and includes the opinions of Demetrius of Scepsis and Apollodorus of

Athens. See also Trojan Catalogue.

DANIELA DUECK Halios ('AXioç, “of the sea”)

(1) Lycian, killed by Odysseus in the first battle of the I l i a d Handicrafts The craftsman’s activities in Homer (5.678). (2) One of the three sons o f Alkinoos who can be subsumed under two major categories: participated in the competitions held by the those dealing with solid materials (the field of Phaeacians in honor o f Odysseus, the other competence of a tektõn) and those employing two being Laodamas (2) and Klytoneos (Od. metals (the field o f a khalkeus). Other handi­ 8.118-119). Halios and his brother Laodamas crafts tend to fall into one o f the categories in performed in front o f the crowd o f the Phaeacians question: those dealing with solid materials are on Alkinoos’ request, as they were the best of usually described in terms similar to these used for carpentry, while those dealing with liquid or soft dancers (370-371) (see Dance). substances are modeled after the (copper)smith’s practice (see keraoxoos tektôn, lit. “horn-working Halitherses (AXiOépaqç) One of Odysseus’ old carpenter” at II. 4.110, or Od. 3.425, 432, where (gerôn hêrôs) friends in Ithaca and advisors of the terms khrusokhoos, “one who melts gold,” Uslemachos (alongside Mentor and Antiphos and khalkeus, “smith,” are used interchangeably).

HANDICRAFTS If there is a term that links all the handicrafts without at the same time being used to designate any specific variety, it is without doubt tekhnê (in Homer, still “skill,” “cunning o f hand,” rather than “art” or “craft”). Both the process and the final outcome of handicraft production are consistently pre­ sented in Homer as directly dependent on the kind o f material employed. It is remarkable, however, that the kinds o f craftsmanship deal­ ing with liquid materials are either not treated in tectonic categories (so metalworking) or not dealt with at all (so pottery). Metalworking is usually described in special terms such as koptein, elaunein, khalkeuein, while the technol­ ogy of pottery is mentioned only once (17. 18.601, a simile ). This makes the kinds o f crafts­ manship that deal with solid materials, and above all carpentry, the model of handicraft production in general. Accordingly, production by craftsmanship is seen by Homer not so much in terms of molding amorphous matter into a new form but, rather, as a gradual transformation of the original form of a given natural object. Wood is cut, hewed, and carved, stone hewed, leather cut - this is how a ship, a chariot, a bed, building-bricks, a belt, or a pair of sandals are made (teíviü II. 11.88, 13.180, 21.38, 23.119; Od. 5.243, 12.11, 14.24, 17.195; èKTépvtü II. 3.62, 4.486, 12.149, 13.391, with EÜxpr|TOXq) Daughter o f King T hoas (3) of Lemnos, and the only Lemnian woman not to murder her father. She bears Eun eos (II. 7.469) and Nebrophonos (Apollod. 1.9.17) to Jason during the Argonauts’ stop in Lemnos (see A x g o n a u t i c a ) . When her rescue of her father is revealed, she is enslaved, becoming the nurse of the baby Opheltes at Nemea. While she directs the Seven Against Thebes (see T heban C ycle) to a spring, he suffers a lethal snakebite. He is com­ memorated as Achemoros, hero of the Nemean games (Apollod. 3.6.4). Fragments of Euripides’ tragedy Hypsipyle survive. Later treatments include Apollonius’ Argonautica, Statius’ Thebaid, and Valerius Flaccus’ Argonautica. DEBORAH LYONS

Hyria ('Ypíq) Hyria (II. 2.496) is mentioned in the Catalogue of Ships immediately before Aulis . Strabo (9.2.12) also places it by Aulis in Tanagran territory and notes various myths asso­ ciated with the site. Hyria has been identified with two modern sites: Paralia Avlidas, where there is pottery from the Neolithic to Late Helladic IIIB, and Tseloneri, which appears to have been occu­ pied from the Neolithic to Roman times. At the

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HYftl A

former site a stone anta, or pillar, found in two pieces, was decorated with incised ships, which B l e g e n (1949,42) suggested were part of a tomb monument dedicated to the memory of the leader of Hyria’s Trojan contingent. JEREMY McINERNEY

Hyrmine ('Yppivri) Homeric toponym in the territory of the E peians (II. 2.616), which may signify a landmark; location uncertain. Strabo (8.3.10) bothers for identification and refers to a promontory called “Hormina” or “Hyrmina” in the neighborhood o f Kyllene in Elis (Visser 1997,

5 6 3 ; cf. Paus. 5 . 1 . 1 1 ; see K y l i . e n i o s [ 2 ] ) . This may pertain to the site of Kastro Chlemutsi, where Bronze Age remains and some Early Iron Age pot­ tery were discovered (Servais 1 9 6 4 ; Hope Simpson and Lazenby 1 9 7 0 , 9 7 - 9 8 ) . However, this identifi­ cation needs to take account o f Iliad 1 5 . 5 1 8 - 5 1 9 , which implies the existence of a site named Kyllene in the land of the Epeians. Here O t o s ( 2 ) , the Kyllenian, is mentioned as companion of M e g e s , leader of the Epeians (Sakellariou 1 9 5 8 1959, 1 8 , 2 1 - 2 2 , 2 4 ; Lauffer 1 9 8 9 , 358; Visser 1997, 534 n. 6). This Kyllene should be close to, if not identical with, the site at Kastro Chlemutsi.

BIRG ITT A EUER

I

lalmenos (’IdXpevoç) Son o f Ares by Astyoche, daughter o f Aktor (3), introduced in the Catalogue of S hips as the leader, with his twin brother Askalaphos, of thirty ships which sailed to Troy from Aspledon and O rchomenos (1) (II. 2.511-516). lalmenos and Askalaphos were among seven captains and seven hundred men who went on guard-duty outside the the Achaean Wall following Nestor’s advice (9.80-87). According to later sources, both brothers took part in the Argonautic expedition and were among the suitors of Helen (Apollod. 1.9.16, 3.10.8). lalysos (IqXuaóç) City on Rhodes which sends troops to Troy under T lepolemos (II. 2.656). Although Homer makes no mention of the foun­ dation of the Rhodian cities, other sources do: in one tradition, lalysos, Lindos, and K ameiros were founded by Tlepolemos, a son of H erakles (Strab. 14.2.8); in another, the three Rhodian cit­ ies were established by a grandson of H elios and the nymph Rhodos (Pind. Ol. 7.71-76). lalysos appears only in the Catalogue of S hips in Homer. See also R hodes.

T h e H o m e r E n cy clop ed ia , edited by Margalit Finkelberg @2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

References and Suggested Readings Higbie 2005.

CAROLYN HIGBIE

lapetos (’Icutetcx;) One o f the T itans, father of Atlas, Menoitios, Prometheus, and Epimetheus (Hes. Th. 134, 507-511). lapetos is mentioned in Homer only once, in the context of Z eus’ rebuke of Athene , which contains an implied threat that one day she may be punished just as lapetos and Kronos (and, by implication, other Titans) were, lapetos and Kronos are represented as sitting together at the lowest limits of earth and sea, enjoying neither sun nor winds, while Tartaros surrounds them (II. 8.478-481).

lardanes (’Iapóúvr|ç) (1) A river in Elis , men­ tioned in Nestor’s reminiscences of a war between the Arcadians and the Pylians (see Pylos) by Keladon, beneath the walls of Pheai, “about the streams of lardanes” (II. 7.133-135). Its identification aroused discussion among ancient commentators, with no definite results (Strab. 8.3.12, 8.3.21; Paus. 5.5.8-9). In Odyssey 3.292 the same phrase “about the streams of lardanes” denotes a river in Crete (see Iardanes [2]). It is not out o f the question that the poet repeated the name almost automatically- though no river as such is required by the context.

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References and Suggested Readings Kirk 1990,252.

(2) A river in northwestern C rete . While nar­ rating the story o f the arrival o f part of M enelaos’ ships in Crete, N estor adds that the Kydonians dwelt about the streams o f Iardanes (Od. 3.291-292).

(fr. 36 Fowler), Iasos was son of Triops and brother o f Pelasgos (see P elasgians); according to others, he was son or father of lo (schol. Apollod. 2.1.3; Paus. 2.16.1). The suggestion of etymological affinity with Ionians, which was widespread already in antiquity, is linguistically unfounded. See also Argives.

See also

R iv e r s .

References and Suggested Readings Allen 1909,86-88. lasion (’Iaoiwv) Also lasios (Hes. Th. 970). Once slept with Demeter in a “thrice-plowed field” in C r e t e (Od. 5.127; Hes. Th. 971), whence Demeter conceived Ploutos (Hes. Th. 969); Zeus subse­ quently killed him with the thunderbolt (Od. 5.128), as he did Demeter’s other paramour Eêtion ([Hes.] fr. 177.8-12 M-W). His birth was narrated in the H esiodic Catalogue o f Women ([Hes.] fr. 185.6 M-W). Intercourse in a thriceplowed field probably in some way reflects ritual practice or belief (West 1966, 423; Richardson 1974,317; Burkert 1985, 108-109). Typologically he is comparable with other mortals who suffered after relationships with goddesses: Anchises, O rion (1 ),T ithonos. BRUNO C U R R IE

lasos ("Iaooç) (1) Son o f Sphelos son of Boukolos, captain o f the Athenians, killed by Aeneas (II. 15.332,337-338). Iasos finds no echo in Attic or other traditions; this suggests an ad hoc invention. References and Suggested Readings fanko 1992,264.

(2) Father of Amphion (2), who once ruled in O rchomenos (1), and grandfather of Neleus’ wife Chloris , mother of Nestor (Od. 11.281-283). (3) Father o f Dmetor, a fictional ruler of Cyprus invented by O dysseus in one o f his lying tales (Od. 17.443; see Lies ). (4) An ancient ki ng after whom the Peloponnese was once presumably called lason Argos, “Argos of Iasos.” The expression, which occurs in Homer only once (Od. 18.246), gave rise to rich mytho­ logical speculation. According to Hellanicus

Icarian Sea ( n ó v T o ç l i c á p i o ç ) The southeastern part of the Aegean Sea between Kos to the south and Ikaros (modern Ikaria) near Samos, from which it takes its name (Strab. 10.5.13; Pliny HN 4.68), to the north: this was where, according to the tradition, Ikaros son o f Daidalos fell down during his and his father’s flight from Crete (Strab. 14.1.19; schol. a d loc.). The Icarian Sea is notorious for sudden storms, and it features in this context in a Homeric sim ile : when Agamemnon, testing the troops’ morale, announ­ ced that they should give up the war and return home (see Pbira ), the resulting surge of men as the assembly broke up in a rush for the ships is likened to the monumental waves of the Icarian Sea, stirred up by a sudden southeasterly gale (II. 2.144-146). K. JA N ET WATSON

Ichor Oxdip) A substance equivalent to divine blood (cf. II. 5.339). G ods are distinguished by what they eat and drink - ambrosia and nectar - and what flows in their veins (for a discussion, see Clay 1981-1982, 112-117). The word ikhôr is used only twice in the whole of Homer, both times o f Aphrodite ’s wounding by Diombdes in the I u a d . After Athene has taken away the mist that clouds his mortal vision so that he can now distinguish gods from men (5.127132), Diomedes goes in pursuit of Aphrodite on the battlefield (5.330-333). He delivers a superfi­ cial wound with his spear on her wrist, “and the immortal blood of the goddess flowed, the ikhôr, such as flows in the blessed gods” (5.339-340). After she darts off to O lympos on Ares’ chariot, her mother Dione merely wipes away the ikhôr

ICONOGRAPHY, EARLY

391

w ith b o t h h e r h a n d s a n d

predictions of the sack in the Iliad or reminis­

fro m

cences of this event in the Odyssey.

instantly eases the pain (5.416—417). Gods therefore s h a r e w it h m o r t a l s t h e physical pain of a w o u n d f r o m a w e a p o n ( n o t e Dione’s speech, 5.382— 415, and the e f f e c t o f H e r a k l e s ’ arrows on H e r a and H a d e s , 5.392-404), e v e n if this manifests itself in th e

w ound

Homeric influence is debatable even when material direcdy narrated by the Homeric poems is represented. In the first half of the 7th century sev­ eral vase images seem to correspond to the C y c l o p s episode of the Odyssey; there also exist a few a v e r y d if f e r e n t w ay. The word ikhôr has an uncertain etymology early images of humans tied beneath sheep, cor­ responding to the escape from the cave of the (on which see Bolling 1945,49-54, and Kirk 1990, on 5.416). G. P. Shipp (1979,285-286) claims that Cyclops (Figs. 14 and 15). Both the blinding scene and escape scene recur in the 6th century b c e . It it was spoken I o n i c . In post-Homeric Greek ikhôr would potentially be significant if their inspiration means “serum,” or something like it. was the Odyssey. The composition or at least the CHRISTOPHER JOHN MACKIE publication of the Odyssey could be dated, and per­ haps that of the Iliad as well, since that poem is often considered earlier. Though not especially numer­ Iconography, Early Characters and scenes related ous, the earliest images of the blinding were found in the Iliad and O dyssey sometimes appear in in various areas of the Greek world and include an early Greek art, providing possible evidence for Etruscan example. This might suggest widespread the date, publication, and reception of the Homeric awareness of the Odyssey at an early date. The matter is complicated by the existence of poems. By the 6th century bce some vase images certainly seem inspired by the Homeric poems. modern folktales that resemble thePoLYPH emos Identification of the content of earlier images can episode. Many have concluded the tale-type pre­ be difficult, however, and the issue of their inspira­ ceded the composition of the Homeric poems, as tion is a complex one. Early iconography often seems to be confirmed by the Odyssey’s assump­ lacks inscriptions. When the content o f an image tion that its audience is femiliar with key details is certain, the question remains whether it is moti- ’ (like the giant’s single eye). If that is so, then the vated by Homeric poetry or by traditional myth. vase-paintings are not necessarily inspired by the Representations that do contain Homeric content Homeric version o f the story. The images differ often differ significandy from their corresponding not only from one another but also in various Homeric scenes. Yet incomplete correlation does degrees from the Homeric account, though the not necessarily result from ignorance of Homer; cause may be the iconographical difficulties of other possibilities are multiple sources, variation representing this particular story. The depiction in the Homeric poems, iconographical necessity, o f wine vessels in some images may be evidence for Homeric inspiration, since the intoxication of or artistic creativity. the giant is present in the Homeric account but Though figures vary from scholar to scholar, it is clear that Homeric iconography tends to be a not in the modern folktales. But this conclusion relatively late and limited subcategory of early assumes rather exact correlation between modern representations o f the Trojan War. Though not examples of the tale and unknown oral versions nearly as popular as Herakles, non-Homeric from two and a half millennia earlier. Intoxication episodes from the Trojan War were represented is not central to the Odysseys version; Odysseus fairly often from the end o f the 8th century bce could have simply blinded Polyphemos when he onward. Possible Homeric images are signifi­ was asleep, and the Cyclops remains fooled by his candy less frequent throughout the Archaic false name even when sober. Perhaps the artists Age. This conclusion assumes the exclusion of were thinking of oral versions in which wine was Trojan War material that is mentioned in the Iliad key to the narrative’s causality. The theory of or Odyssey but not directly narrated by them. For Homeric inspiration is also challenged by the lack example, it is probably reasonable to assume that of other representations o f material from the the Mykonos relief pithos o f the first half o f the Odyssey in the 7th century. In the 6th century the 7th century which depicts the Wooden Horse only other Odyssean iconography is o f Kirke and and the sack o f Troy was not inspired by Skylla, who like the Cyclops are from the stories

Fig. 15. Blinding o f Cyclops. Etruscan pithos; 6 5 0 -6 2 5 Photo courtesy o f the J. Paul Getty Museum.

bce.

Gift o f Barbara and Lawrence Fleischman.

ICONOGRAPHY, EARLY

393

Fig. 16. Chariot race at the Funeral Games for Patroklos. From the François vase; early 6th century bce. Photo; Scalia/Art Resource, NY.

of Odysseus’ Wanderings. Images o f scenes from the direct narrative of the Odyssey first occur in the 5th century. Yet various conclusions are possible; for example, perhaps the Cyclops episode of the Odyssey was performed widely by rhapsodes before the Homeric poem as a whole became influential. Cautious analyses have concluded that the late 7th century is the earliest time in which iconogra­ phy may reflect the Iliad. For example, a Rhodian plate from the late 7th century shows Menelaos and Hector squaring off over a corpse identified as Euphorbos. At the beginning of Book 17 of the Iliad Menelaos kills Euphorbos after the death of Patroklos but retires at the approach of Hector. Euphorbos is not a major character and so may be untraditional. If that were so, the Rhodian plate would necessarily have been inspired by the Iliad. A degree o f hesitation is warranted by the possibility that there was an Argive tradition about Euphorbos. As well, the iconographic convention o f the plate’s scene may suggest that Menelaos will be the winner, in con­ tradiction of the Homeric scene.

There also exist two late 7th-century images on Corinthian aryballoi of Hector dueling Ajax, an episode that occurs in Iliad 7. Another aryballos of around the same time shows Patroklos in a chariot, but no specific action or time period is indicated. A fragmented amphora in Mykonos from earlier in the 7th century may show T hetis providing arms to Achilles, a scene that becomes common in the 6th century. The question is whether the scene is meant to portray the bestowal of armor at Troy, as in Iliad 18, or a pre-war scene occurring before the war (as at Eur. El. 432-485). In the early 6th century a fragment o f a dinos signed by Sophilus identifies its representation as the “games of Patroklos,” which are described in Book 23 of the Iliad. A team of horses races toward spectators, including one identified by inscription as Achilles. Yet the name o f the driver is not Diomedes, the winner o f the Homeric race. The François vase o f the same period similarly represents Achilles in charge but identifies Diomedes in third place; the other named drivers do not participate in the Homeric race (Fig. 16). Perhaps the images are informed by traditional or

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ICONOGRAPHY, EARLY

non-Homeric versions of the Funeral Games for Patroklos; other explanations might include faulty memory of a Homeric performance or a variant form of the Iliad. A good number of 6th-century representations feature major figures of the Iliad like Achilles, Hector, Diomedes, and Sa rpedon . Though diver­ gences in detail continue to occur, scenes such as the confiscation of Briseis , the Embassy to Achilles, the duel of Hector and Ajax, Sleep and Death with the corpse of Sarpedon (see Fig. 17), Achilles dueling Hector, or Priam supplicating Achilles recall situations that are prominent in the Iliad. It has often been concluded that such iconography reflects an increasingly widespread and detailed knowledge of the Homeric poem. Controversy about potential representations of Homeric episodes in the Archaic Age often results from divergent assumptions about the com­ position, publication, and transmission o f the Homeric poems. Belief in the inventiveness and early dominance of the Iliad and the Odyssey has encouraged identification of Homeric iconogra­ phy; sensitivity to the mytho-poetic traditions has led to more skeptical interpretation. At times the iconographical evidence has been employed in theories about the development or modification of the Homeric poems. It is unlikely that early Greek iconography can tell us anything about the date o f the Iliad and the Odyssey, possibly they give some indication o f their early reception . Faithfully detailed illustration of the Homeric texts only really emerges in the Hellenistic Age (e.g., with Boeotian or so-called “Homeric” relief bowls) and later (e.g., the Roman relief plaques known as "Iliac tables”). See also Date of Homer . References and Suggested Readings Snodgrass 1998 is a skeptical treatment of Homeric iconography, as is Burgess 2001 in the context of the Epic C y c l e . Friis Johansen 1967 is an insightful study on iconography and the Iliad, though with unneces­ sary conclusions. For iconography and the Odyssey, cf. Touchefeu-Meynier 1968 and Brommer 1983. Woodford 1993 surveys Trojan War iconography; see also the stud­ ies of Anderson 1997 and Hedreen 2001. For general surveys of representations of myth in early Greek art, cf. Fittschen 1969 and Ahlberg-Cornell 1992; Carpenter 1991 is convenient. Among general studies of art and myth Schefold 1966, Shapiro 1994, and Giuliani 2003 are optimistic about textual inspiration of iconography;

Small 2003 is veryskeptical; Lowenstam 2008 is nuanced. LIMC contains thorough studies (in English, French, German, or Italian) of individual mythological charac­ ters. On “Homeric” bowls see Sinn 1979; on Iliac tables Sadurska 1964. JONATHAN S. BU RG ESS

Ida (”Iôrj) Mount Ida, the principal mountain of the T road (known today as the Kaz Dag; 1,767 m or 5,800ft according to Cook 1973, 304), is one of the most important geographic features in the poetic landscape assumed by our I l i a d (Map 3). It is wooded (hulêessa), has many peaks and many valleys (poluptukhos), and is full of streams (polupidax), as is the real mountain of the Troad. When at the beginning of Iliad 12 the destruction of the Achaean Wall is foretold, we learn that Apollo (together with Poseidon ) will turn Ida’s many streams (including the Rhesos, Heptaporos, Karesos, Rhodios, Grenikos, Aisepos, S kamandros, and Simoeis; see R ivers ) against the wall for nine days, while Zeus sends down rain, thereby washing it away into the sea (12.13-33). The Homeric Ida is the context for most references to shepherding in the Iliad, in narrative, and very likely in similes as well (see, e.g., 4.275-276 and 19.376-377). Apollo himself tended cattle there while Poseidon built the walls o f Troy (21.448-449), and Af.neas was doing the same when Achilles put him to flight in a raid that takes place before the events of our Iliad (recalled by both Aeneas at 20.90-92 and Achilles at 20.188-189). J. M. Cook (1973, 304) noted the presence o f a modern shepherd’s shelter on the highest peak of the Kaz Dag; early Homericminded travelers, including W. Leaf (1912, 217218), observed that in the heat of summer shepherds come from villages as far away as the west coast of the Troad (see also Cook 1973,305). Ida’s highest peak is the place from which Zeus oversees the Trojan War : “He reached manyfountained Ida, mother o f wild beasts, and G argaros, where are his grove and fragrant altar. There the father of gods and men ... exulting in his radiant glory took his seat upon the peaks, looking down upon the city of Troy and the ships of the Achaeans” (8.47-52; see also D ivine Audience). Thundering from the heights of Ida, Zeus signals to the Trojans that the battle will turn in their favor (8.75 and 8.170). In Iliad 20 the gods rejoin battle, and Zeus’ thunder together

id a s

with Poseidon’s earth-shaking cause “the valleys and peaks of many-fountained Ida and the city of the Trojans and the ships of the Achaeans” to quake (20.59-60; see also T heomachy). Both Achaeans and Trojans pray to Zeus as “Father Zeus, you who rule greatest and in radiant glory from Ida” (3.276,3.320,7.202). Zeus notes that he has received many sacrifices from Hector there (22.170-172). In Iliad 24, Hecuba tells Priam he should pray to Zeus as the “dark-clouded son of Kronos on Ida who looks down over all T roy” (24.290-291; see also O nf.tor [ 1]). In Iliad 14 Hera comes to the top peak of Ida to seduce Zeus, momentarily distracting him from his plans for the war, and from that vantage point Zeus reasserts his intentions and control in Iliad 15 (see Dios Abate). Zeus is not the only one to succumb to love on the peaks of Ida - in Iliad 2.280-281 we are told that Aeneas was con­ ceived and born there, as was the Trojan youth S imoeisios (4.475; Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite; see Hymns, Homeric). Last but not least, the wood for P a t r o k l o s ’ funeral pyre comes from Ida (23.117). The area is still wooded today (and the site of modern timber industry: Cook 1973, 305). See also G eography, thf. I liad . References and Suggested Readings The best accounts of this mountain in English are still to be found in Cook 1973 and Leaf 1912. For the geog­ raphy of the Troad, see also Stauber 1996.

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Book 24 (Louden 2006, 48-50, 65-69, 71-73). In his second scene, Idaios, with Talthybios, halts Hector’s duel with Ajax (7.276-284), shortly before meeting with Agamemnon and D iomedes (7.372-413) to arrange a truce so both sides can burn their dead, reiterating the link with Hector and retrieval of corpses. In Book 24, the most devel­ oped episode, Zeus dictates that Idaios accompany Priam to retrieve Hector’s corpse from Achilles (24.148-151). Idaios drives the MULE-led wagon (24.281-330). It is Idaios who sees Hermes approach them (24.352-357), their Zeus-sent guide through the Greek camp. Idaios stays with both wagons (24.470) while Priam meets with Achilles. Later Achilles’ men bring him inside (24.577) for the meal, both men staying outside the tent to sleep (24.673-689). Hermes later wakes them, guiding Idaios, Priam, and Hector’s corpse through the Greek camp until Kassandra sees them return (24.699-701). See also H eralds. BRUCE louden (2) T rojan, son o f Dares the priest of Hephaistos. At the first engagement of D iomedes’ aristeia , Idaios and his brother Phegeus attack Diomedes from the chariot: Phegeus is killed but Idaios is rescued by Hephaistos, “so that the old man not be completely devastated” (II. 5.9-24).

Idas ("Iôqç) Son o f Aphareus (see Aeolids) or Poseidon , and Arene (Pherec. 127 Fowler; Apollod. 3.10.3), father o f Meleager’s wife Idaios Cldnioi;) (1) Priam’s herald, he accompa­ Kleopatre and husband of M arpessa , for whose nies the Trojan king, or acts in his stead, in three sake he dared to face Apollo with his bow ; intro­ thematically linked episodes (3.245-313,7.276-416, duced as the mightiest o f the men o f his time 24.148-151,325-709), his only appearances in the (//. 9.557-560, schol.). I liad . In Book 3, when Priam and Antenor leave Idas and his twin brother Lynkeus were impor­ Troy to take part in the OATH-swearing scene with tant figures in heroic saga, mainly by virtue of Agamemnon (3.245-313), Idaios brings two lambs, their rivalry with the D ioscuri. According to the wine , mixing bowl, and cups for the ceremony, in tradition attested already in the Cyclic C ypria accordance with Mf.nelaos’ earlier stipulation (arg. 3; fr. 17 West; cf. Pind. Nem. 10.60-70), in a (3.103-107). After the ceremony, with its unique fight with the Dioscuri over cattle Idas killed description (Kirk 1985, 307) of the lambs gasping Kastor and was, together with Lynkeus, killed by after their throats are slit (3.292-294), they return • Polydeukes (or thunderstruck by Zeus, Apollod. bearing the bodies of the sacrificed lambs, all fore­ 3.11.2). In later tradition, Idas and Lynkeus are shadowing Priam’s and Idaios’ retrieval of represented as participants o f the Kalydonian Hector’s corpse (who also has his throat slit) in Boar Hunt and theArgonautic expedition (Apollod. CASEY DUÉ

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1.8.2, 1.9.16; Ap. Rhod. 1.152 etc.; see Kalydon; Argonautica ). Idas’ fight with Apollo over Marpessa was represented on the Chest of Cypselus, seen by Pausanias among the dedica­ tions at Olympia (Paus. 5.18.2). See also A e t o l i a n s .

younger brother, Aithon (1) (19.181). Eumaios also recounts the tale of a previous wanderer who also linked Idomeneus with Odysseus (14.382), saying he had seen the former host the latter. Reece (1994) suggests such references to Idomeneus are evidence of alternate versions of the Odyssey in which Odysseus went to Crete before returning to Ithaca. References and Suggested Readings

Idomeneus (’ISopevcúç) Leader of the Cretan contingent at Troy (II. 2.645—650), son of D eukauon (1), Idomeneus is in the second rank of Greek heroes in the I liad . His prominence is signaled early on when Helen identifies him in the Tkichoscopia (3.230-233), Menelaos hav­ ing once entertained him in S parta. He is one of nine Greeks to volunteer to answer H ector’s challenge (7.165). Poseidon prompts his most important encounter, the Greek response to the Trojans’ assault on the Achaean Wall, address­ ing him, after assuming the form of T hOAS (1) (13.219-220, 232-238). Idomeneus responds with a short aristeia (13.241—435), the last by a Greek before Patkoklos’ that includes an arming- scene (13.241—245; Janko 1992, 40). The episode has several features in common with D iomedes’ aristeia in Book 5, particularly a lengthy consultation scene (13.246-329; see Janko 1992, 72-78). Idomeneus proceeds to slay four named victims (O thryoneus, Asios [2], Alkathoos, O inomaos [2]), elsewhere slaying one each in Diomedes’ and Patroklos’ aristeiai (Phaistos, Erymas). As a mark of his stature, he is attended by M eriones, much as Sthenelos does Diomedes, and Patroklos Achilles. In the Odyssey Nestor mentions his straight­ forward return to Crete (3.191), which may be ironic since according to Apollodorus (Epit. 6.9) his wife was unfaithful to him in his absence. Her lover then kills her and her daughter, persuades ten Cretan cities to revolt, and becomes their tyrant, driving Idomeneus out when he attempts to return from Troy. In the Odyssey Idomeneus figures repeatedly in O dysseus’ Cretan lies (Od. 13.259, 14.237, 19.181, 190). Odysseus claims to have fled Crete after having murdered a son of Idomeneus, O rsilochos (3) (13.259). He tells Eumaios that Idomeneus (14.237) forced him against his will to take part in the Trojan expedi­ tion. He tells Penelope that he is Idomeneus’

See further Gantz 1993, 565, 607-608, 697-698; Finkelberg 2005,70-71. BRUCE LOUDEN

Ikarios (’Iicápioç) Father o f Penelope (Od. 1.329 etc.), I phthime (4.797), and several unnamed sons (15.16). Son of the Aeolid Perieres or of his son Oibalos and o f Gorgophone daugh­ ter o f Perseus , brother o f Aphareus, Leukippos, and T yndareos (Pherecyd. fir. 128 Fowler; Apollod. 1.9.5, 3.10.3-4). Referred to as “great­ hearted” and “far-famed” (4.797,19.546). On several occasions in the Odyssey it is told that, in order to remarry, Penelope should return to the house of her father (1.275-278, 2.52-54, 113-114, 132-133; cf. 15.15-17), but elsewhere it is assumed that the marriage ceremony would take place in the palace of O dysseus, presumably without Ikarios’ involvement. The Odyssey seems to imply that Ikarios lived in Ithaca; the main­ stream tradition locates him in Acarnania or in S parta (cf. schol. 15.16; Strab. 10.2.24). References and Suggested Readings S. West in Heubecketal. 1988,109-111,133.

Ikmalios (’lK|iáXioç) Ithacan, a carpenter (tektôn, see Handicrafts), the maker of the mag­ nificent chair of P enelope. The chair (klisiê) was adorned with inlaid spirals of ivory and silver and accompanied with a footstool dovetailed into it (Od. 19.55-58), “a luxury item comparable with those listed in the Pylos tablets of Mycenaean times” (Rutherford 1992,139). See also F urniture . References and Suggested Readings Russo in Russo et al. 1992,77-78.

I LI AD

Iliad The Iliad is a long epic poem telling of cer­ tain events in the ninth year of the ten-year siege of T roy by an alliance of Greek states headed by King Agamemnon of Mycenae. Together with the Odyssey , it is attributed to Homer, about whom no facts are known. The dates and circum­ stances of its composition and preservation are disputed, but the most general view is that it prob­ ably existed in its present form in the 8th century BCE and was committed to writing within the next two centuries (see Homeric Q uestion ). The Iliad is a very long poem, but its plotstructure is simple, and the events narrated cover only a few days (see also Narrative ). The basic story-line is a common one, often known as “withdrawal - devastation - return,” in which a hero withdraws from battle (often because of a quarrel with his chief), disaster follows for his companions, and eventually he returns and brings back success. In the Iliad, the first few lines sum up the beginning of this tale; they tell of the anger of the mighty hero Achilles , the disaster it caused for his fellow-warriors, and call upon the M use to begin from the initial quarrel between him and his chief Agamemnon (see Proems). Then the action of the poem begins immediately. As the poem progresses, another major theme is added: during the hero’s withdrawal from bat­ tle, his best friend is killed by the leader o f the enemy, and the desire for vengeance becomes the reason for his return to battle, not the rewards offered him by the army chief with whom he had quarreled. This addition to the plot means that there are not just two main characters in the poem, the quarreling Greek heroes Achilles and Agamemnon, but also H e c to r , prince of Troy, the leader of the opposing Trojan forces; and the presence of Hector affords the poet the opportu­ nity to depict scenes within Troy, including domestic characters like his father P r ia m and mother H ec u b a , his wife A n d r o m a ch e and their child A sty a n a x , and H e le n herself. Thus the range o f the human scene can be greatly broadened. In the fifth line o f the poem the action is said to be “the plan of Z eu s ” (see Dios B o u lê ), and he and the other gods frequently appear onstage, contributing a good deal more to the interest of the work than they do in the Odyssey. They are an intensely human family, with normal family problems among themselves exacerbated by their

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concern for the struggling humans on the plain of Troy below. Again and again, beginning early in the poem, scenes in the gods’ abode on O i.ympos or their intervention on the battlefield diversify the battle-slaughter going on below - their favorite “spectator sport,” as it has been called (see D ivine Audience ). In this way Homer pro­ vides intervals of humor and relaxation for his audience as they follow the tragedy of Achilles and the Trojans. Different aspects of the poem, and many spe­ cial scenes, are thoroughly covered in other arti­ cles; see especially H ero, Battle-S cenes, G ods, Neoanalysis. The story. In summarizing the story of the Iliad it is convenient to refer -to the standard book division , although these divisions were not cre­ ated by the poet himself but inserted later, probably in the Hellenistic period. Book I. After the few introductory lines about his theme, the anger and the quarrel, the poet declares Apollo was the cause, and characteristi­ cally instead of telling us why he begins to narrate the action and swiftly brings on the actors. C hryses, a priest, identified as such by his regalia, arrives with an array o f gifts to ransom his daugh­ ter Chryse'i s , captured by Achilles and given by the army to Agamemnon as a mark of honor ( geras ). The army signifies its approval, indicat­ ing to us that this would be the correct thing; but Agamemnon angrily and rudely refuses, putting himself in the wrong. The priest promptly prays to his god for redress, and Apollo, god of healing and sickness, comes down in answer and launches his plague-arrows; and “crowded corpse-fires burned continually” (1.52). After nine days o f inaction by Agamemnon, the goddess H era prompts Achilles to summon an a ssem bly , in which we hear the first of the huge number o f magnificent s p e e c h e s in the poem (about 45 percent o f its total length). He ques­ tions the army’s prophet K a lc h a s about the cause of the plague and assures the frightened man that he will protect him against even Agamemnon’s anger; and Kalchas responds that the dishonored priest’s daughter must be returned to him. Furious, Agamemnon rebukes the prophet but declares that for the army’s sake he will restore the woman, though he prefers her to his wife K lyt a im n est r a (whose later murder of him we may be expected to be familiar with). He demands,

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however, another prize of honor in her place. Til is annoys Achilles, who insults his chief (“greediest of all men!” 1.122), and points out that he will have to wait until Troy is sacked. Angrier still, Agamemnon threatens to seize someone else’s prize for his own, perhaps that o f Achilles; and in reply Achilles reveals long-suppressed resentment against this unsatisfactory and ungrateful com­ mander who has dragged him off to Troy for his own reasons. Finally, Achilles declares he will return to his home at once. Agamemnon accepts this (“Run away then!” 1.173), and confirms his intention to take away Achilles’ prize. Achilles begins to draw his sword, but is deterred by the appearance of the goddess A t h e n e , and has to content himself with further words of abuse, dashing the speakers’ s t a f f to the ground in utter disgust. Old N e s t o r tries vainly to mediate, and after further assertions of their ego by the two antagonists the assembly breaks up. So begins the quarrel. Both men carry out their threat. Agamemnon arranges the return of the priest’s daughter, has the army wash off the p o l l u t i o n and perform a s a c r i f i c e to appease Apollo, and then sends h e r a l d s to seize Achilles’ prize of honor, B r i s e í s . Achilles treats them with respect and allows them to take the woman, but then withdraws to the sea­ shore in agony of mind and calls upon his mother, the sea-goddess T h e t i s . This introduces an essential element of the Iliad: the divine plane, the gods who do not actu­ ally control the human characters or the plot but by their interactions with the humans and with each other add a great deal to the emotional impact of the story - and a good deal o f humor. In the present instance, the scene between Achilles and Thetis furthers the plot, in that she accedes to his request that she ask Zeus to bring about the triumph o f the Trojans so that the Greeks may suffer for dishonoring him; and also, by empha­ sizing her unhappy motherhood (& pot ... aivà TEKOõoa, 1.414) o f a son who is mortal and “short-lived” (tóKÚpopoç, 1.417, superlative form at 1.505), she constantly brings out the sadness of the human lot that brings d ea th even to the greatest o f us. Since the gods are at that time vacationing among the Aethiopians , the poet fills in the time with a long description of the restoration of the priest’s daughter to him by O dysseus, including

several extended type - scenes of events o f the voyage- A few lines remind us of the misery o f the desolate Achilles (1.487-492), and then we see another aspect of the world o f the gods when Thetis goes to Olympos and makes her prayer to Zeus (see also Supplication ). He sits silent; and she must repeat (uniquely) her request. When at last he answers, his first words make clear his per­ plexity: he is concerned not for the rights and wrongs of the actions on earth, but about what his shrewish wife Hera will say if she finds out he has agreed. However, he nods approval in the orthodox way (“and great Olympos shook,” 1.530). Surely enough, Hera has seen him with Thetis and angrily wants to know what went on; he quiets her by threatening her with violence; the lame smith-god Hephaistos (who will be important in Book 18) speaks soothingly to both parties; and laughing at his disability, the com­ pany is restored to harmony. The tone is not unlike that of a modern television soap opera. Book 2. Taking action, Zeus sends a dream (personified, and adding a little to his master’s instructions) to Agamemnon, bidding him attack Troy at once (see D reams). Agamemnon relates the dream’s order to his officers, but declares, rather oddly, that he will test their commitment by telling them to flee in their sh ips (see Peira ). In a general assembly he speaks eloquently in favor o f abandoning the siege and returning home at once; the troops joyfully take him at his word and rush off to their ships; and it is left to Odysseus, prompted by Athene, to corral them back to assembly. T hersites , branded by the poet as a rabble-rouser (“of-unmeasured-words,” 2.212), calls Agamemnon to account, and is rebuked and beaten by Odysseus, amusing the rest of the army (and sparing Agamemnon embarrassment). In a long speech ( 2 . 2 8 4 - 3 3 2 ) Odysseus then tells of a portent that appeared nine years before as the ships of the expedition gathered at A u l i s , predicting that Troy would be sacked after ten years of warfare. This is the first o f several pas­ sages in which Homer relates the earlier history of the war, without using flashbacks or having it narrated by a character, as Odysseus does in Odyssey 9 - 1 2 ( A p o l o g u e ) . After further exhorta­ tions by Nestor and Agamemnon, and a sacrifice to Zeus, the army marches out to war, heralded by an impressive sequence of no fewer than seven

I LIAD sim iles . The

powerful build-up is climaxed by an appeal to the Muse to come to the poet’s aid (2.484-493). Then follow two massive lists of the opposing forces, the C atalogue of Ships and the Trojan Catalogue. The first of these is another refer­ ence to the past, as the account of the leaders and home towns of each group always concludes with the number of ships in which they came, a mem­ ory of the gathering of the expedition at Aulis. The account of the Greek forces is generally thought to be older than the composition of the Iliad, and its insertion here (and adaptation to the circumstances, the absence of Achilles and his men), and the corresponding list of the Trojans and their allies, matches the huge scale of the poem itself. Its position also accords with tradi­ tional practice, for there are similar catalogues of forces (though on a much smaller scale) before the entry of Achilles’ troops into the battle (16.168-197) and that of the gods themselves (20.32-40). Book 3. In this book the poet introduces the three people whose interrelationships caused the Trojan War : Paris , Menelaos, and Helen. He also brings on the commander of the Trojan forces and their allies, Hector, son of King Priam. As in the previous book, there is much recapitula­ tion of the past, to enrich the present scene. As the armies meet (after a vivid description of their advance), Paris leaps forward and offers a chal­ lenge to a duel; Menelaos accepts it; Paris with­ draws in fear; Hector rebukes him; and Paris agrees to fight Menelaos in single combat. (This, we may think, is an event that might well have taken place before the nine years of lighting; but the poet has his reasons for fitting it into his time frame here.) A truce is therefore established, with much formality, but before this is done the scene shifts to Helen’s chamber within Troy, where the goddess Iris (in disguise) leads her out to the city wall to observe the duel for which she will be the prize (see Teichoscopia ). In a famous passage (3.146-160) the elders on the wall praise her beauty, but wish she had never come to Troy. Priam, however, gives her a kindly greeting, and at his request she describes to him (and us) the Greek leaders on the plain below. (Again, realisti­ cally, this would surely have happened long before.) She concludes (another famous passage: 3.234-244) by suggesting her twin brothers Kastor

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and Polydeukes (see D ioscuri) are not there because they are ashamed of her, the poet empha­ sizing Helen’s isolation by informing us of their death back in their (and her) homeland (see Irony). The oath is taken, with much ceremony, and contestants don their armor (see Arming Scenes), the duel begins, and after the usual short exchange Menelaos has Paris at his mercy. But of course the poet does not intend to violate the tra­ ditional tale and allow him to kill the seducer of his wife, so he uses the convenient divine machin­ ery (see D ivine Apparatus) and has Aphrodite rescue him, convey him to his bedroom, and summon Helen to join him there. Helen, everconscious of her guilt, at first rejects both the goddess’s solicitation and then that of Paris, but finally gives in and joins him in love-making recapitulating her seduction in her husband’s pal­ ace long before. Thus the poet reenacts before our eyes the immoral and self-indulgent behavior that precipitated all the suffering he will go on to describe. Book 4. Before we return to the battlefield, a scene on Olympos reaffirms the goddess Hera’s hatred for the Trojans and opposition to Zeus’ plan to grant them success in Achilles’ absence, and her plan accounts for the breaking of the truce by Pa n d a ro s the Trojan, who lets fly an arrow that wounds Menelaos. His agonized brother Agamemnon predicts destruction for the Trojans for this breach o f the solemn oath, in words that will later be repeated by Hector (4.163—165 = 6.447-449). Menelaos is healed, and Agamemnon marshals the Greek host and passes along the lines, speaking words o f praise or blame to each unit’s leader (see E p ip o l e s is ). Finally, the battle begins (see B a t t le -S c e n e s ;

M in o r W a r r io r s ; W a r fa r e ; W ea po n s an d A rm o r ; Wo u n d s ). Book 5. This book is largely concerned with the exploits of D io m ed es , whose strength is enhanced by Athene as it begins and who watches over him during the course of the battle. Amid the struggle he wounds the Trojan A e n e a s , son of Aphrodite, who comes down to rescue him but is pierced through the wrist by Diomedes, and lightens the tensions o f the human encounters by a little divine frivolity. The slaughter continues, Sa r ped o n son o f Zeus prominent on the Trojan side, with the war-god A r es rallying the Trojans and Hera and

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-a

iSBD/FFLCH/USPj

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Athene the Greeks; finally Diomedes, with Athene’s help, wounds Ares himself, who complains to Zeus but gets no sympathy. Book 6. The aristeia of Diomedes runs over into the beginning o f this book. Then the poet opens up a new scene of action by having Hector’s brother Helenos advise him (rather oddly, if we worry about realism) to leave the battlefield, where the Trojans he is leading are suffering greatly from Diomedes’ onslaught, and return to Troy to tell his mother Hecuba to relieve their dis­ aster by sacrificing to Athene. Hector obeys, and while he is making his way from the battlefield Diomedes’ attack is rounded off by his encounter with the Trojan ally G laukos, with whom he converses at considerable length, recognizes as a guest-friend of his family (see G uest-F riend ­ ship ), and with whom he finally exchanges armor (see G laukos-D iomedes Episode ). Then Hector reaches Troy, and Homer depicts the loving family scene he cannot show among the Greeks (or even the gods). First he meets his mother Hecuba, who worries that he must be thirsty, listens patiently to his irrepressible dia­ tribe against his infuriating brother Paris, and goes off with gifts for Athene (who refuses her prayer). Hector then goes to look for Paris, finds him at home calmly polishing his armor, and is joined in his criticism of this irresponsible behav­ ior by Helen, who clearly respects Hector far more than her present husband. Then begins one of the greatest scenes in the Iliad. Hector goes to his house to speak to his wife Andromache, but she is not there (a unique vari­ ation on the type-scene of a visit). As he is head­ ing out to the battlefield again she comes running to meet him from the city wall, where she has been watching the Trojan defeat, together with their infant son Astyanax. In intensely personal and emotional speeches, she begs him not to risk death in battle and so complete the loss of all her relatives at the hands of Achilles, and he responds that although he sorrows for her misery after his death, he can face warfare and death rather than the shame of evading it. He reaches for his child, but in a both natural and symbolic reaction the infant squalls at the sight of the glittering helmet on his father’s head. The parents laugh; Hector takes off the helmet, picks up the boy, and utters a prayer for his future fame as a warrior (which we know will never be fulfilled - he will be killed

after the city falls); and gives him back to his mother, who is “smiling through tears” (ôaxpuóev ycAdaacra, 6.484). He tries to comfort her by referring the future to fate, and leaves her, the timeless parting o f a soldier going off to war (endlessly repeated in Greece, and often figured in vase-paintings). In a final striking contrast to this emotional scene, the cheerful, irresponsible Paris dashes up, splendid-looking and unthink­ ing as a stallion galloping to the mares in the pas­ ture (6.506-511), and after a few more hopeful words from Hector the brothers move off together to the battle. Book 7. In some ways this book repeats the theme of Book 3, a formal duel between two heroes. At the instigation of Apollo (pro-Trojan) and Athene (pro-Greek), Hector issues a chal­ lenge to any champion of the Greeks; after some hesitation, and the dissuasion o f Menelaos (brave, but not Hector’s equal), the Greeks draw lots from among nine volunteers and it falls upon Ajax the Greater. After elaborate speeches and descriptions the contest is abandoned because of poor light. At the following dinner Nestor sug­ gests the burial o f the dead and the building of a wall and trench to defend the camp (see Achaean Wall). For their part, the Trojans debate whether to return Helen, and on the word o f Paris and Priam decide against it. The Greeks do as Nestor proposed, Book 8. The next morning Zeus calls a council of the gods, and forbids any of them to aid either Greeks or Trojans. He goes off to Mt. I da to watch what happens (we shall find him there in Book 14). Twice he intervenes with thunder and lightning, Hector presses on the attack against Diomedes, and the battle sways back and forth. Hera and Athene, much concerned, harness a chariot and prepare to enter the fray, but are deterred by a message from Zeus. As night falls, Hector assembles the Trojans on the plain, and announces that they will encamp there instead of returning into the city (see Kolos M achê). They do so, and the action - made possible by the absence of Achilles - is dramatized by a splendid simile likening their campfires to the stars in the sky. Book 9. This book carries the main plot-line a stage further. Horrified by the day’s defeat, Agamemnon summons an assembly, and (true to form) does the wrong thing, proposing that they

I LI AD

take flight at once. After long silence, the bright young Diomedes rebukes his commander and declares the Greeks will remain, he himself at least, until victory is theirs. He is cheered by his companions and backed up by old Nestor, who calls for a council of chiefs, in which he says Achilles must be conciliated. Agamemnon admits his error and offers to give the offended hero a huge recompense (listed here in detail, 9.121157), if he will acknowledge that Agamemnon is his superior. Nestor seizes upon this and proposes that envoys be sent to make this offer to Achilles: Phoinix , Ajax the Greater, and Odysseus. They make their way to Achilles’ dwelling (see Embassy to Ach iu .es ), and are received with great courtesy. The largest part of the book is devoted to their lengthy speeches to him and his replies, in very dramatic form. Odysseus (antici­ pating Phoinix, whom Achilles expected to speak first) repeats the long recital of the recompense Agamemnon is offering him. In an immensely powerful reply (120 lines), Achilles slowly relates his services to Agamemnon and the Greeks and the gross insult he has received in return (see Honor), and announces his intention to sail the next morning for his home, where he will receive proper honor and a long life. A long silence: Odysseus has made a bad situation much worse. Then old Phoinix tells the story of his life and how he reared Achilles as a child, and goes on to urge him to revere Prayers (Litai) and avoid Irrational Folly (atê) (see Personification); and he offers the example of M eleager, who relented from his anger too late and so received no rewards. Achilles is moved, and in a brief response says he will sleep on his decision. Finally Ajax speaks, saying he cannot comprehend Achilles’ refusal to aid the companions who loved and honored him in the past, just because he has lost one woman; and this reminder of how he is estranging himself from his fellows, not just Agamemnon, soothes Achilles’ heart further, and he tempers his decision, declaring he will not rejoin the battle until Hector reaches his own ships. The envoys return; Odysseus reports the answer Achilles gave to him, not his milder reply to Ajax; and on the suggestion of the sensible Diomedes the Greeks decide to take up the battle again the next day. Book 10. Before the resumption of battle comes an interlude, an episode independent of the rest

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of the story-line and perhaps added to the Iliad later, by Homer or another (see Dolonei a). Unable to sleep, Agamemnon gathers the chiefs, and they decide to send out a patrol - Diomedes volunteers, and chooses Odysseus for his comrade - to infiltrate the Trojan lines and try to find out their intentions. Hector too sends out a spy, Dolon, from whom the episode takes its name. The envoys encounter each other, Dolon is forced to give the names o f the Trojan allies, especially the newcomer Rhesos of Thrace (see T hracians). The two Greeks kill Dolon, then find and kill Rhesos and many o f his men, and drive his splen­ did horses back safely to their camp. Book 11. The return to battle is heralded by the elaborate arming-scene o f Agamemnon. He then fights successfully for a long time until a wound forces him to withdraw. Hector then leads a charge on the other side, Diomedes fights back and is also wounded, and Odysseus too, and Ajax the Greater struggles bravely but is slowly forced back. Later in the book the focus moves to Achilles, and the plot moves forward (11.599-end). He sees Nestor escorting a wounded man from the battle, and sends his best friend Patroklos to find out who the victim is. Patroklos identifies him and seeks to return to his leader, but Nestor seizes the opportunity, and (while the unhappy but polite Patroklos reluctantly waits) after a long tale (nearly 100 lines) about his own mighty deeds in the past (see Reminiscences ), he reminds Patroklos of his responsibility to advise and guide Achilles (the younger man) and finally suggests that if he cannot persuade the latter to return to the battle, he should himself wear Achilles’ splen­ did armor into battle and make the Trojans think the great hero is back. Patroklos leaves, but his return is further delayed by his stopping to assist another wounded man. Book 12. The next book begins with a rather unusual account of the defensive wall built by the Greeks at the end of Book 7, explaining how it was demolished by the gods after the Greeks had returned to their own homeland. The trench beside it is a barrier to the Trojan chariots, so Hector (with other captains) leads a charge on foot, and there is a long struggle. An omen is inter­ preted by the Trojan Poulydamas to call for a retreat, but Hector bluntly refuses (“One bird-sign is best - to fight for our country!” 12.243) and the assault on the wall continues, illuminated by a

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long and impressive snow-simile (12.278-289). The narrative is also elaborated by a famous speech by Zeus’ son Sarpedon, king o f the Lycians, in which he explains how the honor in which he is held demands that he risk his life in the forefront of the batde (12.309-328; see Values). Ajax the Greater is summoned to help against the Lycians, but at last Hector breaks down the gates and storms inside the rampart. Book 13. Zeus takes his eyes off Troy, thinking he has warned the gods away from intervention. Poseidon takes the opportunity and (in disguise) rallies the Greeks, and Idomeneus and Meriones converse. Menelaos and Paris enter the narrative. Hector (on Poulydamas’ advice) makes the round of the Trojan leaders, and spearheads an advance on the Greek ships. Book 14. Nestor and the three wounded Greek chiefs (Agamemnon, Odysseus, and Diomedes) reenter the battle, encouraged by the disguised Poseidon. Hera observes this with satisfaction, but notices with alarm that Zeus too is watching from Mt. Ida, and resolves to distract him by seduction and sleep. She does just this, in a long, beautifully composed, and amusing episode (see Dios Apatê). We see her at her toilet, persuading Aphrodite (who, of course, supports the Trojan cause) to lend her her irresistibly alluring girdle, bribing Sleep to do her will (by offering him one of the Graces), and finally attracting the eye of her husband Zeus - who seeks to entice her into immediate sex by praising her above all his extra­ marital lovers, a list of seven o f whom (and their resultant offspring) he recites to her (14.317— 328). Her plan works, Sleep informs Poseidon of Zeus’ indisposition, and the reinvigorated Greeks renew the attack. Hector is wounded by Ajax the Greater and carried out o f the fray; and the battle continues. Book 15. Zeus awakes, sees the Trojans in flight and Hector wounded, and angrily reminds Hera of how he has punished her in the past. She swears she had nothing to do with Poseidon’s interven­ tion. She returns to Olympos, and in an intimate family scene warns them o f her husband’s power and takes the opportunity to tell Ares the war-god that his beloved son has been killed in the battle. Ares furiously collects his armor and chariot and would have set out for vengeance despite his father Zeus’ command, had not Athene, with sis­ terly authority, snatched away his helmet and

weapons, sternly reminded him of what Hera has said about Zeus’ power, and made him sit down in silence. Zeus then sends Iris to tell Poseidon to leave the battlefield, and he reluctantly agrees. Then he sends Apollo to revive the wounded Hector, and the god leads him in a charge against the Greeks until his troops reach the Greek ships. The scene shifts to Patroklos (left tending a wounded man at the close of Book U ), and he sets off again to take the news to Achilles. After more fighting Hector lays hold of a ship (valiantly defended by Ajax the Greater) and calls for fire. Book 16. The main plot, the wrath of Achilles, moves a further stage forward, as Patroklos, in tears for die Greeks’ sufferings, reaches Achilles’ shelter, tells him of their losses, and asks (following Nestor’s plan) to be allowed to wear his chief’s armor into battle to dismay the Trojans. Achilles, upset, refuses to go back on his word and reenter batde himself, but agrees to send Patroklos as surrogate, wearing his armor. So Patroklos has partially succeeded where the envoys sent by Agamemnon failed. In simultaneous climactic actions, Hector disarms Ajax and hurls fire on the Greek ships, and Patroklos puts on Achilles’ armor, though (symbolically) he does not attempt to wield Peleus’ mighty spear (see Style ). Mean­ while, Achilles rallies his men, the Myrmidons (listed in a short catalogue), and prays solemnly to Zeus that Patroklos will be victorious on the field and return safely; Zeus grants the first request but refuses the second (see Foreshadowing). The battle-scene resumes, until Patroklos routs the Trojans. The Trojan ally Sarpedon, son of Zeus, determines to find out who this mighty Greek opponent is, and the two face each other. Zeus ponders whether to save his son, but is dis­ suaded by Hera, and Patroklos kills him. Zeus allows the Trojans to be beaten back, and sends Apollo to wash Sarpedon’s corpse and hand it over to Sleep (Hypnos) and Death (T hanatos) to bear it back to his Lycian home for burial (16.677-683); the scene is figured on the famous krater painted by Euphronios (see Fig. 17). Patroklos continues his triumphant advance, and but for Apollo’s intervention would have climbed the rampart of Troy. Encouraged by Apollo, Hector drives against Patroklos, who kills his charioteer, and there is a long struggle for possession of his body. Patroklos makes a last superhuman charge and is disarmed

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403

Fig. 17. The “Euphronios krater,” depicting Sarpedon’s body carried by Sleep and Death while Hermes watches (ca. 515 b c e ). Photo Soprintendenza Beni Archeologici Etruria Meridionale, Rome.

and dazed by Apollo; then Hector kills the defense­ less hero. As he dies he foretells Hector’s own death at the hands of Achilles. Book 17. This book is entirely devoted to the long struggle for possession of the corpse of Patroklos, a pause between the account of his death and that of the bringing of the terrible news to Achilles. Menelaos is the first to bestride and defend the body, but is forced to yield to Hector, who strips the armor (that of Achilles) from it. Hector with­ draws and dons the arm or- “the immortal armor / of Peleus’ son Achilles, which the heavenly gods / had given to his beloved father; and he presented it to his son, /grown old; but his son did not grow old in his father’s armor” (17.194-197). Zeus com­ ments on this ill-omened impropriety. The battle over the corpse continues day-long, Achilles still in

ignorance of the calamity (17.400-411). The immortal horses that drew Patroklos’ chariot stand mourning him, still as statues, until Zeus takes pity on them and bestirs them enter the action with their driver Automedon. At last Athene (in dis­ guise) urges Menelaos to stand over the body again; Ajax the Greater joins him, and realizes they must summon Achilles himself to prevent its loss; and Menelaos sends Antilochos for that purpose. Meanwhile, Menelaos and Meriones strive to carry off the body, while the two Aiantes fight off Hector and the Trojans. Book 18. Antilochos gives Achilles the news of his friend’s death. Achilles breaks into mourning, joined by the women captives and also by his mother Thetis and her sisters the Nereids in the depths of the sea. Thetis, lamenting her sad fate

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(with the striking h a p a x l e g o m e n o n com­ pound ôtxrapiaTOTÓKEia “wretched-mother-ofthe-noblest-son,” 18.54), leads them all to the seashore where he lies in the dust (see Lament). He tells her of his loss, and says nothing matters to him now but revenge on Hector; she responds that his own death must soon follow Hector’s, and he is determined nonetheless. So since he now has no armor, she promises to bring him another panoply from the god Hephaistos, and departs. Meanwhile, Hector is o n the point of capturing Patroklos’ corpse, but Hera sends Iris to tell Achilles to reveal himself to the Trojans. He does so, Athene surrounding him with her own attribute the a e g i s and a golden mist a n d joining him in a great cry. The Trojans run in panic, and the Greeks carry the body back to the camp. It is now night-time. The Trojans hold an assembly; Poulydamas advises retreat to the city now that Achilles is returning, but Hector refuses. Achilles laments over Patroklos and washes his corpse. On Olympos, Thetis visits Hephaistos and his wife C haris, tells the sad story, and he agrees to make new armor for her son. He then does so, most of the description being given to the shield, on which he fashions images of many aspects of everyday human life (see S hiei .d of Achilles ). Book 19. Thetis bears the completed panoply to Achilles. He summons an assembly, and announces that he is giving up his anger and will return to the Greek ranks. Agamemnon admits that he was afflicted by Irrational Folly (até) when he seized Achilles’ prize of honor, as Zeus himself had been on occasion, and he offers Achilles the same gifts in recompense as the envoys had prom­ ised before. Achilles does not care - he only wants to get into battle - but Odysseus insists on the proprieties, including a meal for the army. Achilles’ prize Brisei's is returned to him, and offers another lament for Patroklos; Achilles too laments, refusing food. The Greeks array for bat­ tle, and Achilles dons the splendid armor made by Hephaistos. He steps into his chariot to go forth, and calls upon the immortal horses to protect their charioteer better than they did Patroklos; and the horse X anthos (2) replies, rejecting blame for that death, but foretelling the fate of Achilles himself in battle. Achilles, disconcerted, says he already knows this well. Book 20. Zeus summons an assembly of the gods, and sets them loose to help whichever side they

wish; they divide into two camps. As they march to war heaven, earth, and Underworld tremble (see T heomachy). As Achilles enters the battle, seeking Hector, Apollo urges Aeneas, son of Aphrodite and Anchises, to go to meet him, to Hera’s dismay. The two heroes come together and talk at length about their past encounter and their ancestry (see Genealogies). Eventually they launch weapons at each other, but Poseidon, worried that Aeneas’ des­ tiny to survive and continue the Trojan royal line will be cut short, rescues him. Achilles continues to pursue the Trojans, but Apollo warns Hector to keep out of his way; however, after Achilles kills his brother Polydoros (2), Hector confronts him. Apollo rescues Hector from death, and Achilles continues the slaughter o f the Trojans. Book 21. Many of the fleeing Trojans plunge into the S kamandros River (or Xanthos [4]), with Achilles in hot pursuit. He captures one of Priam’s sons, Lykaon (I), who begs for mercy, but Achilles says he will take no prisoners now Patroklos has been killed, and urges the young man to face up to the fate which has overtaken greater men (“Even Patroklos has died, a far bet­ ter man than you are,” 21.107) and will one day fall upon Achilles himself. The river-god, seeking to aid the Trojans and overwhelmed with corpses, in vain asks Achilles to stop, and at last rushes over him in a flood; Achilles calls upon the gods for help, and Hera sends the smith-god Hephaistos to burn with fire all the river bank and plain. So Achilles is saved, but the gods themselves fall into conflict, much to Zeus’ amusement. After several farcical divine encounters, the narrative returns to Achilles’ pursuit o f the Trojans; Priam orders the gates opened to let them in; and Apollo emboldens the Trojan Agenor to stand and face the onrushing Achilles, at the last moment snatch­ ing away the human and himself taking his form. Book 22. The TVojans find safety in the city; only Hector remains outside the gates. Apollo teases Achilles and is rebuked by him. Priam and Hecuba, from the city wall, see Achilles racing toward Hector, and beseech their son not to confront Achilles; but Hector, mindful (in a long soliloquy: see Monologues) of his own fault in not with­ drawing the army when Achilles returned and of the shame he would incur, and seeing no way now of making peace with the Greeks, decides to face him at once. When Achilles draws near, however, in his blazing armor, Hector’s courage fails and he

I LI AD

takes flight. There is a superb description (22.136213) of Achilles’ pursuit of Hector three times around the walls of Troy, including several similes, accounts of the local features they pass (see G eography, the I liad ), the talk of the observing gods, Hector’s attempts to seek shelter beneath the wall, Achilles’ signing to the Greeks not to inter­ vene, and finally Zeus’ holding up the scales of destiny (see Talent) which doom Hector. Athene descends, stops Achilles, and in disguise as Hector’s brother D e i p h o b o s leads him to speak with his enemy. Hector asks for an agreement that the victor will not defile the loser’s corpse, but Achilles refuses. Athene assists Achilles by return­ ing to him the spear he has hurled in vain, but when Hector calls upon the supposed Deiphobos he finds he is alone, and realizes his death is at hand. They rush at each other, and Achilles stabs Hector through the throat (unprotected by the armor he wears). Achilles taunts his dying enemy, again refuses honorable return of his body, and hears in response Hector’s dying prediction of his own death at the hands of Paris and Apollo. Achilles strips the armor - his father Peleus’ armor - from Hector’s body, speaks triumphantly of the peril now facing Troy, then recalls that his next duty is to bury his beloved friend Patroklos. He lashes Hector’s body to his chariot and drags it on the ground, and the poet reflects that “his head, once beautiful, lay in the dust; at that time Zeus gave him to his enemies to be defiled in his fatherland” (22.403-404). From the wall, Priam and Hecube lament; then Andromache, at home preparing for his return, hears the outcry, dashes to the wall, and joins in the lamentation. Book 23. Achilles and his men mourn Patroklos. As Achilles lies on the seashore, he falls asleep and the shade of his dead friend appears to him, ask­ ing for burial and that their bones may be buried in the same urn (see Psyche). Achilles agrees, and tries in vain to embrace the shade. The next day they collect timber and build a funeral pyre and place the body on top, and Achilles offers a lock of hair he had promised to S percheios, the river of his homeland, which he now knows he will never return to. With the help o f the wind-gods (see Winds ) the pyre is lit and burns, and afterwards the bones are collected and interred in a tomb (see B urial C ustoms). Then Achilles sets out prizes for the Funeral Games in Patroklos’ honor (see S port ). The

4 05

chariot-race merits a long account, and is won by Diomedes; there is dispute about the award of the other prizes, which Achilles moderates with cour­ tesy. He also gives a complimentary prize to Nestor, who of course is too old to compete, and Nestor tells us something of his prowess in the past. Next come boxing, won by EpEros; wres­ tling, in which Ajax the Greater and Odysseus are so equally matched that Achilles gives equal prizes to both; the footrace, won by Odysseus (with Athene’s help); the fight in armor between Diomedes and Ajax the Greater, which again is called off before either is injured and both win a prize; hurling the weight, won by Polypoites; and archery, won by Meriones. For the final contest, the spear-throw, Agamemnon stands up to compete, and Achilles diplomatically awards him the prize without a contest. Book 24. Still grieving for his beloved friend, and sleepless, Achilles repeatedly drags Hector’s corpse around the tomb, but vengeance has brought him no relief. The gods are concerned, and Apollo preserves the corpse from decay and after twelve days demands they take some action to stop the abuse. Zeus summons Thetis and tells her to bid Achilles restore the body. She agrees, and carries the message. Zeus also sends Iris to tell Priam to take a ransom and go alone, con­ ducted by H ermes , to Achilles to recover his son’s corpse. Despite the misgivings of Hecuba, Priam col­ lects a noble ransom and sets off, driving his chariot and accompanied only by Idaios (1) driv­ ing the mule-wagon (see M ules ). Hermes, sent by Zeus, appears disguised as a young follower of Achilles, guides the uld man (undetected) through the gates o f the rampart and the door o f Achilles’ shelter, then leaves him to meet with the hero. Priam finds Achilles with two companions, grasps his knees in supplication, and kisses his hands (“terrible, man-slaughtering hands, which had killed many o f his sons,” 24.479). In the startled silence he addresses him, evoking Achilles’ own old father, mentioning his many lost sons, and begging for Hector’s body in return for the ransom. He weeps for Hector, and Achilles for Patroklos. Then Achilles lifts Priam up, and tells him that Zeus gives sorrows and blessings (or sometimes sorrows only), and like his own father Peleus, who received many bless­ ings but now grows old with no son to tend him,

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so Priam, once prosperous in possessions and many sons, now suffers evils which he must endure (see Parables ). He bids Priam wait, and he and his followers and handmaids unload the ransom and wash Hector’s corpse; and with a prayer to Patroldos Achilles himself lifts it on to the wagon. He tells Priam he must eat, prepares a meal, and the two dine together, gazing at each other with respect and admiration. Achilles promises a truce for the burial o f Hector, and they retire to sleep. Hermes awakens Priam and Idaios and escorts them out of the Greek camp. As they approach the city, Priam’s daughter Kassandra sees them and awakens the Trojans, and mourning they bring Hector’s body back to the palace. Three for­ mal laments follow, by Andromache, Hecuba, and Helen. Under the truce Achilles promised they bring in timber and burn the body on a pyre; then they bury it quickly in a mound of earth, fearful that the Greeks may resume the battle, and hold a splendid f e a s t in Priam’s palace. So they pre­ pared the funeral of Hector. References and Suggested Readings Owen 1946; Willcock 1976; Hogan 1979; Edwards 1987, 1991,2005; Frazer 1993; Postlethwaite 2000. M ARK W. EDWARDS

Ilias parva

see Little Iliad

Ilion (TXiov) Ilion is an ancient name for T roy, the site o f the mythological Trojan War. According to Iliad 20.215-241, the city’s founder and eponym was I los (1). The neuter Ilion is only used once in the I liad (15.71); the usual Homeric designations are Ilios (feminine) or Troiê. In later Greek literature Ilion becomes the favored form. Excavation at the mound of Hisarlik revea­ led the existence of a Bronze Age city that has been associated with the Troy of myth (see Archaeology, H omeric ). The date of renewed habitation at Hisarlik after the destruction of Troy Vila in the late Bronze Age remains contro­ versial, but eventually Ilion was employed as the name of the historical Greek town (Troy VIII). Under Roman rule the town was known as Ilium (Troy IX). The toponym Wilusa in H it t it b doc­ uments, notably used in a treaty addressed to

Alaksandu(s) of Wilusa (see Ai.hxandros), has been linked with Ilios, whose earlier Greek form, with an initial digamma, would be Wilios (see further Ahhiyawa). It thus appears that the city of Priam had a real-world counterpart at Hisarlik that was inhabited in the prehistoric Brorize Age and then again in historical Greco-Roman antiquity. See also T roy. JO N A TH A N S. B U R G E S S

llioneus (’IXioveúç) T rojan, the only child of his father Phorbas (2), who was “rich in flocks.” Killed by Penei. eos, one of the leaders of the Boeotians, in the Battle at the Ships: Peneleos gouged out llioneus’ eye with his spear, cut off his head with his sword, and then brandished the severed head on his spear-point, which was still in llioneus’ eye-socket, and spoke boastingly in front of the T rojans {II. 14.489-505). The name llioneus is from (W)ilios = I lion. See also Wounds.

Iliupersis

see S a c k

of

Il i o n .

lios ('IXoç) (1) In Greek myth Ilos was credited with founding Ilios, also known as Ilion or T roy. According to the Trojan lineage rehearsed by Aeneas to Achilles in Book 20 of the I liad (215-241; see G enealogies), Ilos is the greatgrandson of Dardanos and s.jn ofTaos (1) (the eponym of Troy); he is also the grandfather of P riam and Priam’s cousin Anchises , the father of Aeneas. The tomb of Ilos in the middle of the Trojan plain is occasionally mentioned in the Iliad (10.415, 11.166 and 371-372, 24.349). In Book 10 Dolon reports that H ector is making plans with the T rojans near this tomb; in Book 11 Paris shields himself behind the stele on top of it when shooting an arrow at D iomedes; and in Book 24 Priam pauses at the ford by it on his way to implore Achilles for the corpse of Hector. In some of these passages Ilos is given the patro­ nymic “Dardanides,” apparently in reference to his illustrious great-grandfather. Perhaps as a consequence, an additional Ilos who is son of

INDO-EUROPEAN BACKGROUND

407

Indo-European Background The fact that Greek is an Indo-European language presupposes some continuity o f discourse from the time when the hypothetical parent language was spoken, probably before 4 0 0 0 bce. As people are never without poetry and song, there is likely to have been also some continuity o f poetic tradition. Homeric epic appears the most traditional and conservative form o f Greek poetry, and here, if S e e a l s o G eography, the I l i a d . anywhere, we might hope to find some remnants (2) A different Ilos of E phyra, from whom or echoes of Indo-European poetry. These came O dysseus attempted to procure poison for his to light from 1853 onwards as Adalbert Kuhn, arrows, is mentioned at Odyssey 1.259 (cf. Theodor Benfey, and others began to identify parallel poetic phrases in different branches of 2.328-330). the Indo-European tradition, especially in Greek JO N A T H A N S . B U R G E S S and Indie: phrases composed o f words that cor­ responded etymologically in the different lan­ guages, expressing concepts such as would not Imbrios ("Ipßpioc;) T rojan, son of M entor have had a place in everyday speech but only in (2), husband of M edesikaste , daughter of P riam elevated formal discourse, in poetry or high rhet­ by a concubine, introduced as “Imbrios the spear­ oric. The inference was that they had survived man.” Imbrios had dwelt in Pedaios in the T road, independently on both sides in poetic tradition. but as the Trojan War broke out he returned to The first and most famous equation was o f Greek Troy, where he kept a prominent position and k l e o s a p h t h i t o n ( kXéoç ã0rtov) with Vedic á k $ i t i lived in the house of Priam, who honored him s r á v a h or s r á v a s . . . á k s i t a m , “unfailing fame.” like his own son. Imbrios was killed by T eucer in Later other formulaic collocations involving the the Battle at the Ships; his body was stripped of reflexes of Indo-European * k l é w e s - were identi­ armor by the two Aiantes and his head cut off fied, and the word is a constituent element in and hurled by Ajax the Lesser at Hector’s feet many heroic names, not only Greek and Indie but {II. 13.170-176,201-205; see Wounds). also Venetic, Gaulish, Germanic, and Slavonic. Evidently the pursuit of fame was a warrior ideal S e e a l s o M inor Warriors . in most early Indo-European societies: fame won in combat, valued above life itself, and conferred and sustained by heroic poetry (see also Glory). Various other formulaic phrases and idioms in Imbros (’Tpßpoc;; modern Gôkçeada, the west­ ernmost point of Turkey) An island in the Homer are identified as traditional by the com­ northeast Aegean, introduced as “rugged Imbros” parative method. However, agreement between {II. 13.33,24.78; “well-built Imbros” in Hymn. Ap. two individual traditions such as Greek and Indie 36). Due to its close proximity to the IkOAD, does not necessarily take us all the way back Imbros forms an inseparable part of the scenery to Indo-European, even when we have excluded of the I l i a d . Alongside Lemnos, it is part of the possibility o f independent parallel creation. H era’s and Hypnos’ journey to Mt. Ida aiming at Firstly, the branch o f Indo-European that later putting Zeus to sleep (14.281; see Dios Apatê). produced the Anatolian languages (Hittite , Poseidon used a submarine cave midway between Luwian, etc.) broke away sometime before 3000, TfeNEDOS and Imbros as a stable for his horses and features not attested in that branch may have (13.32-38). T hetis ’ cave under the sea was situ­ developed only after that date. Secondly, Greek ated between Samos (1) and Imbros (24.78-83). and Indie, together with Iranian, Armenian, and Finally, in her lament over H ector’s body,. Phrygian, are generally seen as forming another Hecuba says that many o f her sons were sold by sub-family within Indo-European, implying a com­ Achilles to Samos (1), Lemnos, and Imbros mon ancestor more recent than the Anatolian secession; a feature shared by Greek and Indie (24.751-753; cf. Eetion [2]).

Dardanos has been intruded into the Trojan gene­ alogy reported at Apollodorus 3.12.1 (also, appar­ ently, at ff. 177 M-W of the H esiodic C a t a lo g u e , o f W o m e n ) . According to V ergil (A e n . 1.267268), the cognomen of Ascanius, the son of Aeneas, was (Latin) Ilus, changed to lulus (an eponym for the Julian clan) after the fall of Troy.

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might have originated at that later stage. Thirdly, certain archaeological indications have given rise to a hypothesis that a band of Iranian-speaking invaders from the Eurasian steppes occupied Mycenae itself at the beginning o f the Late Helladic period, around 1600 bce. If that was so, some features of Indo-Iranian verse might have passed directly into early Mycenaean poetry. Other aspects of Homeric poetry besides phra­ seology come into question as possible reflexes of Indo-European tradition. 1. Meter and prosody. The principles of Greek prosody are essentially the same as in the Rigveda. The unit of metrical composition is a verse containing a determinate number o f sylla­ bles and some degree of regulation of the sequence of long and short syllables. The Vedic meters show a distinct kinship with those of the Lesbian poets. The epic hexameter (see M eter ), however, has not been convincingly related to them and although its origins apparently go back well into the M ycenaean period, its derivation remains obscure. 2. Figures o f speech. The extended s im il e does not seem to be an inherited type, but the short simile may be; several of those in Homer have parallels in the Indian epics or occasionally in Celtic or elsewhere. Polar expressions express­ ing totalities, such as “mortals and immortals,” “what has been and what will be,” are typically Indo-European. So is the scheme “x, not the opposite," as in “for a short time, not for long,” “I will say my word and not conceal it.” So is the formal device whereby someone asks a question and suggests possible answers to it, and the respondent negates them one by one before giv­ ing the true answer. So is anaphora, including a type in which two or more adjectives com­ pounded with the same fore-element are juxta­ posed, as in Odyssey 15.406 eüßoroi; eüpriXoç. So is juxtaposition of opposed terms (“goddess with mortal”) or like terms (“shield against shield”). So is the “Gesetz der wachsenden Glieder” (“law of increasing constituents”) (Behaghel’s Law), the rule that shorter units tend to be placed before longer ones; a special case of this is the “augmented triad,” where a verse is constructed from three names (or other substantives) and the third is made weightier by the addition of an epi­ thet or other qualification (see also R hetorical F igures op Speech ).

3. Theology and divine mythology. Certain features of the Homeric conception o f the gods are inherited. Gods and men are considered as two races, defined by the double antithesis celes­ tial: terrestrial and immortal: mortal. There was also a set o f “former gods” (see T itans). Gods and men have different names for some things. Phrases such as “all the gods,” “all the immortals,” “immortal and unaging,” are common to Homer and the Rigveda, as is the idea that the gods’ immortality is connected with their taking “immortal” nourishment (am rtam , ambrosia, see Ambrosia ) that is brought them by a bird or birds from a remote location. O f the individual Greek deities, only Z eus, G aia , the Dioscuri, Helios , Eos, the Fates who spin men’s destinies at their birth, and the un-Homeric Pan have a clear Indo-European ancestry, maintaining vari­ ous Indo-European attributes. The sister of the Dioscuri, Helen, corresponds to the IndoEuropean Daughter o f the Sun, who was associ­ ated with the twin sons o f the Sky-god, and the story of Helen’s abduction and recovery dearly has a basis in Indo-European cosmological myth. 4. Heroic ideology. No individual IndoEuropean heroes can be identified, but the heroes of the surviving literatures often seem to reflect a traditional model. The supreme champion tends to be distinct from the king, whose business was the administration o f justice and the accumula­ tion and distribution o f wealth (see Kingship ). The hero combines outstanding strength and endurance with fearlessness, determination, and a propensity for plunging into dangerous and daunting enterprises. He is generally unmarried and not much involved with women; he displays his abilities above all in fighting enemies o f one sort or another. He shows his nature from earliest infancy, growing up at a miraculous rate, outrun­ ning and killing wild animals as a boy o f six or seven. He is motivated above all by desire for “unfailing fame” that will live after him for ever in the poets’ songs. It is a typical motif that the alter­ natives of an early glorious death or survival without fame are put before him and he opts decisively for glory rather than length of days. 5. Battle narrative. Narrative poetry cele­ brating the deeds o f past heroes was no doubt an Indo-European institution. It is less certain whether it attained epic scale. But the different epic traditions - particularly the Greek and the

NSCRIPTIONS Indian, but not only these - show numerous parallel features that are most naturally explained as common heritage, and some of them, such as the inclusion o f speeches exchanged by characters in the action, would seem to presuppose an archetypal tradition of narrative in an ample style, requiring several hundreds of lines at least for the relation o f a coherent story. The leading hero rejoices in the battle and fights in the front line. His war-cry overwhelms; his fury may manifest itself in vis­ ible form such as the flame that burns from D iomedes ’ or Achilles ’ head (II. 5.4, 18.206214). His spear or arrow shares his blood-lust and “flies” eager to do its work. He has a close relationship with his horse or horses , which are intelligent creatures and may speak at criti­ cal moments and weep when their master is killed. “Swift horses” is an Indo-European for ­ mula , as is “men and horses” in contexts of tumult and slaughter. A typical element in tra­ ditional battle narratives is a catalogue of fight­ ing groups and their leaders, as in the Iliad 2.484-760 (see C atalogues). Another is the arming - scene in which heroes preparing to fight put on their armor and take up their weapons . The fighting normally lasts from early morning to sunset, with midday if need be marking a transition or new development. Gods may take part. An abnormal darkness may descend on the battlefield, making it difficult for the combatants to see what they are doing. Antagonists often exchange boasts and taunts before clashing, threatening that the other will be carrion for birds and dogs or wolves. When a hero is slain, he may be said to “bite the dust.” If his eminence warrants it, he receives a grand funeral lasting many days, with a tumulus raised over his remains (see B urial Custom s ). Some of the above motifs are also found in Near Eastern poetries (Akkadian, Ugaritic, etc.), and the Greek epic tradition was certainly much affected by Near Eastern influences (see N ear East and Homer ). At the same time it preserves many traces of older, Indo-European inheritance. References and Suggested Readings Schmitt 1967,1968; Durante 1971-1976; Watkins 1995; West 2007. martin l. west

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Ino (Tvcii) Daughter of Kadmos; mainly known in Greek tradition as the malignant stepmother of Phryxos and Helle whose story acts as the pro­ logue to the Argonautic saga (see A x g o n a u t i c a ). But she was also the nurse o f the infant D ionysos, son of her sister Semele; driven mad by the jeal­ ous Hera, she leapt over a cliff into the sea together with her baby son Melikertes. Instead o f drowning, she turned into a benevolent seagoddess under the new name o f Leukothea (“White Goddess”); Melikertes also became a deity and was worshipped under the name of Palaimon. The transformation of Ino is briefly referred to in the O d y s s e y , where the goddess is depicted as saving Odysseus from drowning in the sea with the help of her magic veil, krêdemnon: “Kadmus’ daughter, slender-ankled Ino who is also Leukothea; once she had been a mortal and spoken with human voice, but now she lives in the salt seas and the gods give her the honor that is her due” (5.333-335; tr. W. Shewring; for krêdemnon see D ress). The cult o f Leukothea seems to have been espe­ cially popular along the southern coast o f Lakonia, but she was also worshipped at Korone in Messenia, at Corinth, at Megara, at T hebes, and even at Etruscan Pyrgi, where her cult was interpreted as identical to that o f Mater Matuta (see, e.g., Paus. 1.42.7,2.2.1,3.23.8,3.24.4,3.26.1, 2.3.4,4.34.4). References and Suggested Readings Fontenrose 1951; Finkelberg 2006b. margalit finkelberg

Inscriptions Because speculations never end about when and how the first texts of Homer came into being, the material remains o f the tech­ nology that made Homer possible are o f especial interest. Verbatim transmission of oral texts is unknown, so the earliest Greek alphabetic inscrip­ tions will constitute the terminus post quern for the creation of the Homeric texts. This article will not consider Greek inscriptions from the Bronze Age, in Linear B script on clay tablets, but only alphabetic inscriptions from the Archaic period, which bear directly on the Homeric Question. Evidently papyrus was not only the preferred medium in the West Semitic tradition o f writing

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Fig. 18. Transcription of the Dipylon Oinochoe inscription of a Late Geometric prize jug from Athens, 730 du e , reading from right to left. (Transcription by Barry B. Powell.)

ca.

(i.e., P hoenician , Moabite, Hebrew, Aramaic), but practically the only one. For this reason a mere handful o f West Semitic inscriptions come down to us between ca. 1000 BCE, when the ear­ liest surviving West Semitic inscription was inscribed on a royal sarcophagus at Byblos, and the Hellenistic period (but considerable num­ bers o f Punic inscriptions survive from North Africa). In Greece, by contrast, at first there are few inscriptions in the Greek alphabet , then ever more until by the Classical period they survive in the thousands, written on stone and pottery. The Greek alphabet was never the possession o f a scribal caste, as in the East including the Levant, but from the beginning was used by non-professional members o f the ARISTOCRACY. Claimed to be the oldest Greek alphabetic inscription are the five letters EYAIN scratched on a jar from Osteria dell’Osa in southern Latium (near ancient Gabii), dated by its excavators to 775 BCE, perhaps part of a name and having something to do with linen. The date coincides with a single fragment from the Iron Age site at Lefkandi on Euboea , perhaps also ca. 775 bce . Numerous portions of names from a cemetery at Lefkandi are ca. 750 bce . Also, a name survives on the lip of a jar from Naxos that may have been made ca. 775 bce . Such early scattered fragments prove the exist­ ence of the Greek alphabet in the early 8th cen­ tury bce and are the basis for our dating of the system’s invention to ca. 800 bce , that is, a little earlier than the earliest epigraphic finds (but how much earlier?). The fragments from Latium and Euboea are restricted to a few characters, but from just past the mid-8th century, ca. 730 bce, come two remarkable “long” inscriptions, one

from Athens and the other from the island of P ithekoussai (Ischia) in the Bay of Naples. The Athenian inscription, called the Dipylon Oinochoe inscription, is the single most studied in all Greek epigraphy (Fig. 18). It is scratched horizontally from right to left into the black glaze of a G eometric pot from the workshop of the Dipylon Master, several o f whose gigantic inno­ vative amphoras have survived. The pot was unearthed in the late 19th century in illicit exca­ vation in the Athenian Kerameikos cemetery and reads: HOENYNOPXEXTONILANTONATAAOT ATAIIAIZEITOAE then some opaque characters, probably the snip­ pet from the middle of an abecedarium, perhaps in a second hand. The inscription is a perfect h e x a m e t e r and some additional signs, meaning “Who now of all the dancers dances most grace­ fully...,” that is', he will be awarded this pot. The letter alpha appears on its side, as in its West Semitic model (though turned in the opposite direction), uniquely in this Greek inscription and in no other. The exclusively epic word ATAAOTATA, together with the dactylic hexametric rhythm, leaves no doubt that the composer of this inscription was an aoidos, an “oral s i n g e r ,” like Homer. The scribe must have been another man (or men), showing off an ability to imprison oral verse in graphic signs, in this case a formal announcement of a prize in an acrobatic contest. The example from Pithekoussai (Ischia) con­ sists of three separate lines written from right to left. Division into lines is highly unusual in Archaic inscriptions, which are usually a continu­ ous stream of signs written boustrophedon (“as

INTERPOLATIONS the ox turns”), back and forth. The division must reflect therefore some purpose. Rewritten from left to right the inscription reads (see Fig. 21):

NETTOROT: [.... ]:EYnOTON:nOTEPIO[.] HOTAATO AEP [... ]:IIOTEPI[.]AYTIKAKE NON HIMEP[......... ]EI:KAAAITTE[...]0:APO AITET We can restore the Greek text to mean: 1 “I am the cup of Nestor, good to drink from. 2 Whoever drinks from this cup, straightway 3 will the desire of Aphrodite, beautifulcrowned, seize him.” The astonishing artefact, coming almost at the beginning of Greek alphabetic literacy, appears to be the product of a symposiastic cap­ ping game set by the mock-epic, “I am the cup of Nestor, good to drink from” applied to a humble ware unlike the cup of gold that Homer cele­ brates in Iliad 11.632-637 (the so-called Nestor’s Cup). The first line appears to be prose. The sec­ ond diner matches the challenge with a variation, in a complete hexameter, of a common curseformula: whoever steals me, evil will befall him (an actual example from not much later survives from Cumae across the bay from Pithekoussai). The third diner, who must now hold the cup, must pronounce his own doom in a second per­ fect hexameter - “he will suffer the delights of love!” The division into three lines reflects that three men had spoken. The joke left a strong impression because someone in remote Pithekoussai who knew how to write down Greek hexameters recorded it on the cup, respectfully buried with a ten-year-old boy in a burial with other unusual features. Some have thought that the cup of Nestor referred to by the inscription is a stock motif from Greek epic, but the only cup o f Nestor we know about is in Homer’s epic jest, where he speaks of the heavy cup as if it were a stone that only a hero could heft. Plausibly one of the very oldest exam­ ples o f Greek alphabetic writing is a literary allusion to the actual text of the Iliad , which existed at this time. Other examples long enough to be called inscriptions survive from the first 150 years of

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Greek writing. Some are names or parts of names, but most longer than a few words are hexametrical. Even the fragmentary names could in most cases come from hexametrical expressions. The contrast with the social and economic context of inscriptions from the ancient Near East is stark. The material remains o f early Greek alphabetic writing appear to come from a world socially noble and agonistic, similar to Homer’s description of the palace of Alkinoos, which had good food and drink and athletic con­ tests, self-assertion, and bardic song. To this world belongs the dance contest o f the Attic prize jug and the literary fun and erotic innu­ endo of the capping game on “Nestor’s Cup." Early Greek alphabetic writing reveals nothing of the ledger or the polis . There is nothing to suggest mercantile interests: no numbers or things numbered, no lists of offerings or commodities. From the first 100 years o f Greek alphabetic writing no public inscription sur­ vives - decree, treaty, or remembrance of com­ mon martial exploit; not one public dedication to a god and only three certain private dedica­ tions to a god; no inventories, catalogues, records of treasure, building specifications, or even any numbers until ca. 600 uce. Although the inscriptions are of a private nature, categories are missing that are abundant later: no legal doc­ uments, wills, manumissions, contracts, mort­ gages, or transfers of land. The close association between hexametric poetry and early inscrip­ tions, by contrast, shows that hexametric poetry was a natural means o f expression for the early possessors of Greek literacy. References and Suggested Readings Guarducci 1967; Powell 1988,1991; Jeffery 1990.

BARRY B. POWELL

Interpolations Despite (or because of) the authority with which the Greeks invested the Homeric poems, they were very ready to suspect that certain lines or passages had been inserted into the text by rhapsodes or by others in a posi­ tion to do so. A scholiast on Pindar (Afem. 2.1) alleges that many verses were interpolated by rhap­ sodes associated with Cynaethus of C hios, who also composed the Hymn to Apollo (see H ymns,

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Homeric ). The 4th-century Megarian historians Dieuchidas and Hereas (FGrHist 485—486) accused Solon or Pisistratus of inserting verses in the Athenian interest, namely Iliad 2.546-558 and Odyssey 11.631 (see Pisistratean Recension). A scholiast reports that Odyssey 11.602-604 were said to be by Onomacritus, supposedly one of four poets who assisted Pisistratus in assembling the Homeric poems. Zenodotus signaled his suspi­ cion that certain verses were spurious by placing a horizontal dash ( obelos) next to them in the mar­ gin of his text, and perhaps brackets round longer passages. The same procedure was followed by Aristophanes of Byzantium and Aristarchus. Ancient critics’ condemnation of lines or passages, whether expressed by these or other means (short of excision from the text), is technically known as athetesis . There is no doubt that the poems have suffered from small-scale interpolation in many places, and at least one large-scale interpolation, the Doloneia (Iliad 10). The latter must be due to an early poet-rhapsode who was on close terms with the Iliad and saw fit to insert a lively and exciting new episode. The rhapsodes of that era, the later 7th and earlier 6th centuries, evidently did not regard the text as something sacrosanct but —like tragic actors in the 4th century - as a legacy which they were free to embellish, expand, or abridge. Often, no doubt, they did this in performance and their changes were never registered in writ­ ing. But it is clear that the texts we have incorpo­ rate many small additions by others besides the original author, usually just a line, a couple of lines, or a single paragraph. Some are shown up by the fact o f their absence from part o f the man­ uscript tradition, when there is no obvious mechanical cause to account for the omission. Others are identified by modern critics (albeit seldom with unanimity) on grounds o f content, language, or contextual coherence. Various different categories of interpolation may be recognized. (1) Verses reflecting local or political inter­ ests that do not seem to be those o f the original poet. Several apparent instances, such as Iliad 2.547-551,558,3.144,7.334-335,12.372; Odyssey 7.80-81, 11.631, promote the status o f Athens or refer to Attic myths or customs (see Athens and Homer ). Another (II. 2.525-526) couples the

Phocians with the Boeotians, which may reflect the historical situation after the First Sacred War. Another (2.572) gives S ikyon a place in the heroes’ world; its absence would have been felt most keenly in the 6th century, when it grew great under Cleisthenes. ( 2) References to the material of the Epic Cycle that is otherwise unknown or ignored in the poem. The prime examples are two passages in the Iliad that introduce Neoptolemos, Achilles’ son by Deidameia (19.326-337, 24.466-467) and one that refers to the Judgment of Paris (24.29-30). (3) Explanatory “gloss” lines, added to clarify an expression or a reference that might be unclear or ambiguous, as in Iliad 5.415, 8.528, 23.92, 24.763-764 (see G losses). (4) Rhetorical expansions, that is, lines or passages added to enhance the dramatic effect or graphic vividness of the narrative, as in Iliad 5.449-453, 487-489, 7.196-199, 8.73-74, 199, 13.731. (5) Syntactic complements, filling out an elliptical construction or a pronoun whose ref­ erence might not be immediately obvious, as in Iliad 8.183,9.416, 13.316. (6) Redundant speech introductions: (a) interpolation of a line containing a verb o f speak­ ing immediately before the speech, when the act of speech had already been sufficiently indicated, as in Iliad 3.389, 4.337; or (b) interpolation of a vocative as the first line of the speech itself, as in Iliad 7.234,8.185, 13.255. (7) “Concordance interpolations,” that is, the insertion o f a line (or a short sequence of lines) that occurs el-ewhere in a similar context. Different types of interpolation were prevalent at different periods, as appears from the differing frequency with which the verses concerned are absent from part of the written tradition. The ear­ lier an interpolation, the better its chance of occu­ pying the whole of the tradition as it has come down to us. In the 7th or 6th century few complete copies of the Iliad or Odyssey existed, and some of those few must have had an enormous number of later descendants; an interpolation present in one of these archetypes would be bound to achieve wide propagation, and it might well come about that by the Hellenistic period all current exemplars included it (as may have been the case with the

INTERTEXTUAUTY Doloneia). An interpolation dating only from the 4th or 3rd century, on the other hand, would be less likely to infect the whole tradition, and one of later date even less so. Types 1 and 2 of those listed above occurred only in the early period and there is no record of any exemplar that lacked the pas­ sages in question. With the other types this is not always the case. With types 4-5 and especially 6-7 a significant proportion of the suspect lines are absent from part of the tradition. These last two types, it is fair to note, hardly betray themselves except through defective attestation. But it is clear that many of the speech introductions and con­ cordance interpolations do not go back to the earliest stage of the transmission, and that these types of interpolation continued to proliferate at a period when there was no longer much chance of their dominating the tradition. See also T ext and Transmission. References and Suggested Readings Christ 1884,16-35; M. L. West 2001, 10-14. martin l. west

Intertextuality A term in literary theory that designates the presence of one “text” in another, the meaning o f “text” being used in its broadest sense as it refers, in the case of Homeric epic, to an “anonymous ensemble” (Todorov 1981) or what most oralists would call a song-tradition (intertraditionality). Under the influence o f Bakhtin, the term inter­ textuality had originally been used by literary critics such as Kristeva and Todorov to refer not only to written texts but also to oral traditions . Intertextuality was not a feature that developed after the shaping of the I l i a d and the O d y s s e y but during their shaping: it actually allowed them to acquire their specific nature, achieve a level of self-awareness, and gain authority by engaging with the entire Trojan tradition and beyond. Motif transference (see Neoanalysis) is widely employed in meta-Cyclic, i.e., Homeric epic, and a certain type o f it, indirect reverberation (e.g., of the scale observed in Iliad 2-7), stamps the contextualization of the Iliad as intertextual per se. Scholars have argued that either the two Homeric epics share a symbiotic relationship in the sense

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that they are highly interactive (Pucci 1987) or that intertextuality between the Homeric (and also Hesiodic) traditions amounts to a long-term influence and creative responsiveness, during a period of evolution and continuous shaping (Nagy 1979 [1999]). Given its complexity and its deep permeation of the Homeric epic tradition, inter­ textuality must be studied both horizontally with respect to Cyclic Epic (Burgess 2006; see Cycle, Epic ), that is to say with a thematical widening of its scope, but also vertically, through a distinction of its various sub-categories (Tsagalis 2008). The range of the "presence” of one “text” or song-tradition in another can vary as to include: (1) Explicit or implicit references that amount to citation of or more simply orienta­ tion of the audience toward recognizable songtraditions. The systematic allusions to the returns of Agamemnon and M enelaos in the Odyssey (passim) are an explicit reference to the poetic tradition of the n o s t o i (see R e t u r n s '). The web of cross-textual interaction is, in this case, so dense that it points to a whole blueprint o f interrela­ tions, capitalizing on the internal expansion o f a thematic kernel that grew out of the external sim­ ilarity but internal difference with respect to the fate o f the families o f Agamemnon and O dysseus (Kullmann 1992; Danek 1998). (2) Epic self-reflexive tendencies, i.e., metatraditional intertextuality. The T bichoscopia in Iliad 3 can be seen both as an extended themati­ cal “gloss” on the song-traditions (C y p r ia and Catalogue o f Women) featuring the episode o f the contest for Helen in S parta and as a meta-epic comment on the genre o f epic as a whole. By allow­ ing Helen to offer a reenactment o f the beginning of the entire Trojan myth, the Iliadic tradition gives a new meaning to narrative hiatuses involv­ ing both the Teichoscopia proper and Helen her­ self, turning the latter from a character o f the plot into an internal commentator of the tradition. (3) Implicit allusion to alternative versions o f a given song-tradition that are not attested independently. The false tales in the Odyssey (see Lies ) constitute the largest epic Zitat to alterna­ tive oral traditions about Odysseus’ post-Trojan fate: the Odyssey seems to have followed a process of de-geographizatkm, mythicization, and de­ authorization through recontextualization o f what in the false tales is real geography, narrative

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linearity, absence o f mythical beings belonging to the world of folktales, and epichoric ver­ sions concerning Odysseus’ return. (4) Diachronically diffused associations between Homer and non-identifiable traditions reconstructed by the exploration of older IndoEuropean strata. Knowledge o f Near Eastern epics like G ilgãmesh (Bakker 2001b) and IndoEuropean mythical material has been also fused in both the Iliad and the Odyssey, and often blended with other Greek material. Odysseus’ descent to the Underworld owes much not only to other Greek katabasis literature (see the mythi­ cal appendix at the end of the Nekyia featuring a meeting with H erakles and a reference to T heseus at 11.631), but also to Gilgämesh’s visit to the Underworld in search o f Enkidu (Tablet XII o f the Akkadian version); likewise, the T hrinakia episode contains elements from vari­ ous sources, such as (i) an Argonautic epic (wrath of the Sun: see A r c o n a v t i c a ), (ii) religious beliefs concerning sacrifice , and the epic of (iii) Gilgãmesh ( Od. 12.377-383 and Gilgãmesh, Tablets VI iii-VII i). (5) Intertextual allusion explaining motifs or intratextual sequences o f episodes or scenes. Odysseus’ monologue in II. 11.404-410 has been used as the model upon which his four successive soliloquies in the Odyssey (5.298-312, 5.356-364, 5.407-^123, 5.465-473) have been shaped. See also C ontemporary T heory. References and Suggested Readings General studies: Todorov 1981; Foley 1991; Edmunds 1995; Allen 2000. Intertextuality, Neoanalysis, and Archaic Greek poetry. G. Nagy 1979; Kullm ann 1992; Burgess 2006. Homeric intertextuality. Danek 1996, 1998,2002b; Bakker 2001b. C H R ISTO S TSAGALIS

lolkos ('IáüiXKOç) A city in Magnesia, southeast­ ern T hessaly, in the plain of Volos, east of the Xerias River (ancient Anauros), the arena of the Argonautic saga. In the Catalogue of S hips (II. 2.712) lolkos is euktimenos“gpod for dwelling” and ruled by Eumelos, son of Admetos, who brought eleven ships to Troy. In Odyssey 11.256, “broad (eurukhoros) lolkos” is the home o f Pelias.

Mythological tradition has two strata: a M inyan stratum with kings Krf.theus , Pelias, Akastos (Od. 11.256; Hes. Th. 995-997; lHes.] fr. 37.17-18) (see Aeolids ), and a Thessalian stra­ tum connected to Peleus who conquered lolkos alone (|Hes.) fr. 211.1-3; Pind. Nem. 3.34) or with the help of Jason and the D ioscuri (Pherecyd. fr. 62 Fowler). Alterntatively, it was Telamon who laid waste lolkos together with Jason and the Dioscuri (Apollod. 3.13.7). Pindar (Isthm. 8.40-41) refers to the “plain of lolkos that has reared Peleus” as “the most pious man.” Historical lolkos has been alternatively associ­ ated with the sites of Volos-Palia and Dimini (4.5 km west of Volos), both with Late Bronze Age remains, but continuing into the Early Iron Age at Volos-Palia. Morgan (2003, 99-101) argues for the resettlement o f population from Dimini to Volos-Palia in the Early Iron Age, with the reten­ tion o f the old name. See also Arconavtica. References and Suggested Readings Stählin R E 9.2 s.v.; Intzesiologlou 1994; Kramolisch

NP s.v. I R E N E PO LI NS K A YA

Ionian Islands The Ionian Islands comprise the string of islands flanking the west coast of Greece from Kerkyra (Corcyra, not properly included in their number) in the north to Zakynthos in the south (see Map 5). Between these two points stretch the major islands of Leukas (at times a peninsula), Ithaki (see Ithaca), and Kephallenia (see Same), as well as myriad smaller islands such as Meganisi, Arkoudi, Atokos, Kalamos, Astakos, and the Echinades. Part of a partially submerged lime­ stone range inhabited from the time of the Paleolithic, the islands afford better harborage than the ports of the mainland, making them the preferred route for trade (Hammond 1962, 278; Souyoudzoglou-Haywood 1999,6). Homer’s knowledge and nomenclature of the islands of western Greece has been a matter of debate since antiquity: O dysseus’ home island of Ithaca is on four occasions characterized as enjoy­ ing proximity to “Doulichion , Same, and wellwooded Zakynthos” (Od. 1.246, 9.24, 16.123,

IONIANS 19.131; cf. Hymn. Ap. 429). O f these, only the location of Zakynthos is pellucid. Same is gener­ ally understood as a reference to Kephallenia (or at least to its eastern half), and Doulichion has been variously located. Situated opposite Acarnania and Elis , the Ionian Islands enjoyed easy communication with the mainland: at Odyssey 4.634-637 Noemon (3) claims to own mares in Elis, Odysseus himself owns twelve flocks on the mainland (14.100), and Epirus and Thesprotia (see T hesprotians) fig­ ure prominently in O dysseus’ wanderings after his departure from Ithaca in the lost Te l e g o n y and Thesprotis (11.119-137, 23.264-284; cf. Malkin 1998,120-155). In Odysseus’ lying tale of Odyssey 14.314-330 (see Lie s ), King P heidon of Thesprotia claims that Odysseus has visited him on his way to Dodona before proceeding home to Ithaca; the fact that Odysseus’ assumed charac­ ter is enslaved by pirates on a ship that happens to be sailing from Thesprotia to Doulichion (14.334-344) speaks to both the ease and perils of travel around the Ionian Islands. The piratical Taphians, whose number Athene briefly joins when she disguises herself as M entes (1.105), likely also inhabited the Ionian Islands, and serve as a reminder that the entire population of the islands was not necessarily Greek (cf. Stubbings and Thomas 1962, 308; S. West in Heubeck et al. 1988, on 1.105). The degree of political unification of these islands has also sparked debate. Doulichion, Same, Zakynthos, and Ithaca are all said to have sent S uito rs of P en elope . In the C atalogue of S h ip s , the Ionian Islands are divided into two main military contingents: Odysseus’ Kepha llenes inhabited Ithaca, N erito n , K rokyleia , Aig il ip s , Zakynthos, Samos (Same), and the mainland (I/. 2.6 3 1 -6 3 5 ), and M eg es ’ followers, Doulichion and the Echinades. Homer manifests only a dim awareness of Corcyra, whose “Bronze Age cultures were not Aegean in character” (Souyoudzoglou-Haywood 1999, 11). Pomponius Mela and Pliny the Elder preserve the tradition that a rock in the harbor of Corcyra was the “ship of Odysseus” (i.e., the ship that brought him back to Ithaca: Hoekstra in Heubeck and Hoekstra 1989, on 13.157-158):, this notion reflects the old tradition (see, e.g., Thuc. 1.25) that Corcyra was in fact Scheria , the land o f the P haeacians.

415

References and Suggested Readings Benton 1931-1932 and Souyoudzoglou-Haywood 1999 give overviews o f the archaeology of the Ionian Islands; Wace and Stubbings’ 1962 Companion addresses their representation in Homer: see esp. pp. 277-278 (Hammond) and 294—295 (Stubbings and Thomas); Stubbings (398-421) discusses the geography, popula­ tion, and toponyms of the Ionian Islands. BEN JA M IN HALLER

lonians Cláoveç) “Ionian” is the Greek term for one o f the three Greek ethnê or tribes, the others being “Aeolian” (see Aeoli ans) and “Dorian” (see Dorians). In the 1st millennium bce it covers twelve cites o f West Asia Minor north o f Caria and south of Aeolis, although a broader Ionian ethnos includes the Cycladic Islands and Athens. Key common aspects were dialect (see Ionic D ialect ) and religion. They were supposed to have migrated there in the 11th century bce (eighty years after the return of the Heraclids and 140 years after the Trojan War) from the mainland in a three-stage process, having been driven from Mycenae to Peloponnesian Achaia (see Achaeans), from Achaia to Athens, and from Athens to Asia Minor. This was the second of three waves of Greek migrations, following the Aeolian migration and preceding the Dorian. The Ionian migrants included three components: Achaeans, Athenians, and also Pylians of the fam­ ily of Neleus (see Pylos). Modern scholars agree that western Anatolia was settled by Greeks in the early 1st millennium bce (in fact Hittite texts suggest that Millawanda/MiLETOs in south­ west Anatolia was under Mycenaean control intermittently as early as 1300 bce ). But most scholars reject the idea of a single migration in favor of a gradual process of settlement from dif­ ferent parts of Greece and the islands (and in fact many “Ionian” cities have foundation traditions that link them to other parts of the Greek world). The idea of a unified Ionian identity emerged much later, perhaps in the 8th century bce . The main relevance of the lonians to the Homeric poems is that Ionia is probably the zone where they were first composed and performed, in either of the two north Ionian cities of Smyrna or Chios . Ionia itself is not mentioned in the poems; the area the Greeks knew as Ionia is covered by Maeonia (see Maeonians) and Caria

416

IONIANS

(see C arians); notice that in the Trojan C atalogue Caria includes Miletos, which was later an Ionian city, (re)founded by the younger Neleus (see Map 1). The Ionians are mentioned only once in the poems, at Iliad 13.685 where B oeotians, Ionians (.Iaones) “with trailing tunics” (helkekhitônes), Locrians, Phthians (see P hthia ), and Epeians could hardly hold godlike H ector. The same epi­ thet is used of the Ionians in the Delian part of the Homeric Hymn to A p o l l o (line 147; see Hymns, Homeric) in the description of the Delian festival (see Delos). There seems to be an implicit reference to the Ionians at Iliad 20.404, a simile in which the cry of a dying warrior is compared to the cry of sacri­ ficial bull being dragged around the altar of the Helikonian lord, i.e., Poseidon Helikonios. This is usually taken as a reference to the cult of Poseidon Helikonios at Mycale, the center of the Panionian festival celebrated by the twelve Ionian cities. We know that in later times this cult was supposed to have been derived from the city of Helike in Achaia from which the proto-Ionians had set off (Diod. 15.78), and the I l i a d does in fact mention sacrifices to Poseidon there (8.203). Perhaps, then, the Iliad is alluding to a key ele­ ment of Ionian religious identity (cf. the reference to Delos in Od. 6.162; see also Anachronism). On the other hand, some scholars (such as Wade-Gery 1952) argue that originally the epithet Helikônios referred not to Helike in Achaia but to Mt. Helikon in Boeotia (cf. also Herda 2006), so that Iliad 20.404 does not necessarily have any­ thing to do with Ionian identity at all. It has also been suggested that the conspicuous role of the family of Neleus in the O d y s s e y might have something to do with the fact that later gen­ erations of the same family were supposed to have played a major part in the Ionian migration and founded some of the Ionian cities (see also Periklymenos). The ethnonym “Ionian” is not found in Linear B, or any Bronze Age text (pace the argument for Egyptian attestation by Sourouzian and Stadelmann 2005), and it may be a post-Bronze Age development. It seems unlikely that it goes back to the Late Bronze Age ethnonym A h h iy a w a (so Carruba 1964; disputed later by Finkelberg 1988b; cf. Carruba 1995). It is, however, found from the 8th century bce in Assyrian texts that

refer to Greece (see Brinkman 1989), although its use seems to be confined to the southeast coast of Tlirkey and Cyprus , as we see in the descend­ ants of Yavan in the “Table of Nations” in Genesis 10 (Casabonne 2004). The origin of the name remains a mystery. Possibilities that have been suggested are: Near Eastern origin, connected with Semitic yamm = “sea”; a connection with the ritual cry “la” as in “Ie Paiaêôn” (see Paean: Kretschmer 1927-1930, 5-6, following a sugges­ tion of C. Theander); and the Greek verb eimi “going” (see further Hall 2002a, 70-71). The Ionians are closely connected with the Homeric poems insofar as they were written in an Ionic dialect (albeit with material from other dia­ lects present also; see Language) and it seems very likely that the poet Homer was from Ionia (see B iographies of Homer ). See also Hellenes. References and Suggested Readings Cassola 1957; Huxley 1966; Hall 1997,51-56; Kerchner 2006. IAN C. RU TH ERFORD

Ionic Dialect Ionic is an eastern Greek dialect that was spoken in Asia Minor (East Ionic), the Cyclades (Central Ionic), and Euboea (West Ionic, which later spread to colonies in Italy, Sicily, and the Chalcidian peninsula). Some of our earliest inscriptional evidence o f Greek (8th century bce) comes from the Euboean colonies in southern Italy (see Inscriptions ). Ionic is a close relative of the Attic dialect and together these dialects make up the Ionic-Attic group of East Greek, the other Eastern Greek dia­ lect group being Arcado-Cyprian (with Mycenaean, see Linear B). Eastern Greek dialects are most conspicuously characterized by assibilation of old -Ti to -oi, a change that also spread to neighboring Lesbian, although this is not an Eastern Greek dia­ lect (see Lesbos). Within Eastern Greek, Attic and Ionic share several important innovations, the most notable being the change of old long a to q. This change was partially undone in Attic, in con­ texts after e, i, and p. Other isoglosses that separate Ionic from Attic are ao instead of t t from various palatalized groups, though here Western Ionic goes with Attic; the generalization of -area for - vtcu in

IPHIDAMAS the 3. pi. forms even of vocalic stems (xiBéaTai); and several differences of details in contraction and quantitative metathesis. East Ionic differs from West and Central Ionic in having psilosis (loss of aspiration) and in having k from *k win the stem of the interrogative/indefinite/relative pronouns. Ionic is clearly the basic dialect o f the I l ia d and the O d y s s e y and was the language of the poet himself (see Language, Homeric ), as is clear from many relatively modern Ionic forms. The status o f these recent forms has been contro­ versial: they are generally rare, which has led to attempts to eliminate them entirely. Also, since our sources for the Greek dialects in this period are very sparse, it is often difficult to decide whether such forms belong to the vernacular at all or are simply artificial nonce-creations. Not all forms that are recent in Homer’s lan­ guage are recent Ionic forms, since the evolution of the epic language followed its own chronology. Thus, quantitative metathesis can be shown to be a recent trait of the epic language; but since it is common to Attic and Ionic it must have hap­ pened around the time o f the Ionian migration ca. 1000 b c e . Nevertheless, there are a number of forms that scholars agree to be recent Ionic. These include forms with shortened e instead o f quanti­ tative metathesis (veóç), and contraction over lost d i g a m m a , but characteristically, most of them are forms that reveal themselves as Ionic in their own ways, not through systematic features. Recent Ionic forms are not spread equally throughout epics, but are clustered especially in the s p e e c h e s and the s i m i l e s , which are there­ fore considered by many scholars to be late ele­ ments of the Homeric epic. This is not to say that the speeches, or other parts of the text where recent Ionic forms occur, are inorganic “addi­ tions”: being recent and therefore relatively rare traits of Homer’s language, modern Ionic forms are nevertheless fully integrated and should not be considered suspicious as such. Through the epic Kunstsprache, the Ionic dialect influenced all poetic language in Greece. But more vernacular Ionic also enjoyed widespread liter­ ary use, notably in iambic and elegiac poetry (Archilochus and others) and, owing to the rise of philosophy in 6th-century Ionia, in early prose such as the Histories of Herodotus and the medicinal works of Hippocrates. With the rise of Athens, Attic ousted Ionic as the standard dialect of Greek prose.

See also

417

Io n ia n s .

References and Suggested Readings Buck 1955, 141-143. DAG TRYG V E TR U SLEW HAUG

Iphianassa flifnávaaaa) Daughter of Agamemnon and Klytaimnestra. At Iliad 9.146 = 287, Agamemnon offers Achilles one of his three daughters, C hrysothemis , Laodike (2), and Iphianassa, in marriage, an offer that is angrily rejected. The similarity of the name to that of Agamemnon’s sacrificed and apotheosed daughter Iphimede ([ Hes.] Cat. fr. 2315-2326 M-W) is striking. The later tradition knows her as Iphigeneia (Cypr. arg. 8, fr. 20 West), another name that shares the common first element, iphi(strength) (see Names 3.1b). Homer never men­ tions the sacrifice of Agamemnon’s daughter under any name, and the A scholiast ad loc. says that he does not know of it. On the other hand, some have seen in Iliad 1.106, where Agamemnon calls Kalchas “prophet of evils,” a veiled refer­ ence to the maiden sacrifice required by Artemis before the fleet could sail to Troy. Iphianassa and Iphigeneia appear side by side in the C y p iu a (fr. 20 West). In later versions, Laodike is replaced by Electra (cf. [Hes.] Cat. 23.15-16 M-W). References and Suggested Readings Lloyd-Jones 1983; Lyons 1997,139-140. DEBORA H LYONS

Iphidamas (Ti5ápaç “mighty subduer”) T ro ja n , son of Antenor and T heano. Iphidamas was reared in Thrace (see T hracians) by his mater­ nal grandfather Kisses , who married him off to his own daughter (see also K inship ). Newly wed, Iphidamas arrived in Troy with twelve sh ips , which were left in Perkote . Iphidamas was killed in a duel with Agamemnon, and his body stripped (11.221-240, 246). Iphidamas’ brother Koön tried to rescue his body, but he too was killed by Agamemnon (257-261). See also Youth .

418

IPHIKLOS

Iphiklos (”IikAoç) T hessalian, son of Phylakos, father of Protesilaos and Podarkes (only of Podarkes in [Hes.] Cat. ff. 199.5 M-W and later tradition). Introduced as “rich in flocks” (17. 2.704—706, 13.698). Neleus promised to give his daughter Pero in marriage only to the man who would succeed in bringing Iphiklos’ cattle from Phylake (Od. 11.288-291). This was endeavored by Melameous, who wished to win the girl for his brother Bias (15.225-238,237-238; [Hes.] Cat. ff. 37.1-7 M-W): he fell into the hands o f Iphiklos’ herdsmen, was put in chains, but released after a year (Od. 11.291-297). According to Apollodorus (1.9.12), the cattle belonged to Iphiklos’ father Phylakos, and Melampous won them by unraveling the problem of how Iphiklos might beget children, causing him to father a son, Podarkes. A proverbial fast runner (cf. (Hes.) Cat. ff. 62 M-W), Iphiklos was nevertheless defeated by Nestor in a running competition in honor of the Epeian king Amarynkeus (II. 23.636). The Iphiklos meant here is probably Iphiklos the Argonaut (see A r g o n a u t i c a ) , son of Thestios, who also partici­ pated in the Kalydonian Boar Hunt (cf. Ap. Rhod. 1.201; Apollod. 1.7.10,1.9.16; see Kalydon). See also Aeolids.

Iphimedeia ('l(jn|i£0eia “mighty mistress,” see Names 3.1b) Wife of Aloeus and mother by Poseidon of the Aloads - Otos and Ephialtes; O dysseus met her in the Underworld among other heroines of old (Od. 11.305-308; cf. [Hes.] Cat. fr. 19 M-W; Pind. Pyth. 4.89; see Nekyia ). According to Apollodorus (1.7.4), Iphimedeia was daughter of Triop(a)s, who was himself son of Poseidon and her husband’s brother.

lphis (TI(|nç) Patroklos’ concubine, given to him by Achilles when he sacked S kyros (It. 9.666-668). Alongside Achilles’ concubines, Brise 'is and D iomede, lphis appeared on the famous painting of Polygnotus dedicated at the Lounge (Lesche) of the sacred precinct of Apollo in Delphi (Paus. 10.25.2).

Iphitos C'I(|>ito "to shine”) (1) Trojan, grandson of I los (1), son of L aomedon , brother of P ria m , T ith o n o s , K lytios (1), and H iketaon and father of D olops (2) (II. 15.525— 527,20.236-238). Lampos was one of the Trojan elders (dêmogerontes) depicted in the T f.icho sco pia as sitting with Priam upon the city-wall

LANDSCAPE

457

Achaeans during the war. At the same time, both episodes situate the conflict at Troy within a broader temporal and cosmological framework, reminding the audience o f the relative insignifi­ cance of human life and death in the divine long Lampos” alongside three other ho rses o f Hector’s view (see also G od s ). Homer also broadens the scope and relevance war chariot , X anthos (3), Podargos (1), and Aithon (2) (II. 8.185). Hector is conceived as o f his epic through rhetorical devices like sim il es driving four horses, which is unique for a war- which protrude outside the narrative frame chariot in Homer. A ristarchus athetized the into peacetime activities accessible to the audience (cf. Foley 1978; Buxton 2004). The cosmological line on this ground and also because o f the dual e k ph ra sis of the S h ield of Ac h illes (18.478verbs at 186 and 191 (see At h e t e s is ). (3) One o f Eos’ horses , depicted as a “swift- 608) represents a more expansive extrusion of footed" horse, who “brings light to men” (Od. landscape description beyond the scope of the Iliad, beginning from the fundamental elements 23.244-246). o f Homer’s universe (earth, heaven, sea , su n , moon, stars, 18.483-489) and progressing to the Landscape Homer’s landscapes reflect not only world of human beings (pepomuv avOptlntoiv, 18.490; see meropes ) which the poet famously the physical topography of the literary space which his heroes inhabit, but also the religious, socio­ subdivides into a city at war and a city at peace. logical, and rhetorical conventions through which Only beyond the polis walls does Homer offer description of landscape per se (fallow farmland, this space is mediated (cf. Cosgrove 1998,13). While landscape by necessity occupies a less a temenos, vineyards, and grazing land for important role in tales of war than of travel, it is cattle and goats: see Ag r ic u ltu r e ). The presence nevertheless crucial to the saga of T roy. The of peacetime political and economic exploitation proem of the C y p r i a represents landscape as inti­ of the landscape on the Shield o f Achilles at mately tied to the cause of the T rojan W ar : in a this crucial moment highlights the central motif almost certainly inspired by Near Eastern tension of his alienation from the corporate body of the Achaeans and from humanity in general, Epic (burgess 2001, 149; see Near E ast and and underscores the chilling finality of the H o m er ), Z eus sets the hostilities in motion in order to alleviate population pressure upon the impending life-and-death struggle with H ecto r landscape, personified as G aia . The I l i a d , too, in contradistinction to the cyclical and ano­ exploits contrasts between humankind’s relatively nymous patterns o f peacetime landscape ephemeral impact on the landscape and the gods ’ exploitation. In the O d y s s e y landscape is critical to the rhet­ ability to nullify or rein in human activities. Natural fecundity is almost synonymous with oric of O d ysseus ’ nostos (homecoming; see divine fertility: the Dios Apatê o f Book 14.153- R e t u r n s ) . The poet’s description of I thaca as a 353 represents the sexual union of Zeus and H era relatively humble backwater (e.g., 4.605-608) as accompanied by a supernatural profusion of underscores Odysseus’ crucial role as b a s i l e u s in grass and flowers (14.347-349). Conversely, managing the island’s limited resources and attempts by humankind to subvert landscape employing visionary and divinely sanctioned to the purposes o f the siege, such as the wall leadership (19.109-114) to cause his land to pros­ constructed by the Achaeans (P oseid on will per. The landscape thus needs Odysseus as much ultimately destroy it: 7.436—463; 12.3-35: see as he needs home, whereas P enelope ’s S u ito rs enjoy precisely the opposite relation to Ithaca’s Achaean W all ) and Ach illes ’ ultimately unsuc­ cessful struggle against the S kamandros (21.1— landscape, disrupting networks of economic 382; cf. Fenno 2005; see R iv ers ), are typified by exchange which tie the town to the country, their transience and futility. Such episodes on marginalizing L a ertes on his countryside farm, the one hand serve as a form o f auxesis, magnify­ and in general “invert[ing] the conventional rela­ ing the importance of the conflict by under­ tionship between the country and the city” (Edwards 1993,28). scoring the destructive forces unleashed by the

tower at the S caean G ates ; being prevented by their old age from participating in the battles, they are generally respected as “excellent speak­ ers” and “leaders o f the T roians” (/!. 3.146-153). (2) H ector ’s horse , introduced as “godly

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The landscapes which Odysseus encounters in his wanderings likewise bolster his motiva­ tion for nostos. The very allure of K a l y p s o ’s home on O gygi A , a locus amoenus inhabited by a volup­ tuous fem m e fatale who proffers promises of immortality, in which we first encounter the hero in Book 5, invites the audience to question Odysseus’ reason for obdurately pushing home. Crane (1988, 15-21) has argued that Kalypso’s grotto echoes standard elements o f the land o f the dead - a feature which, in combination with the jCLEOs-eclipsing, distant location of Kalypso’s island and the meaning of her name (“Concealer”), helps to illustrate why Odysseus cannot abide in such paradisiacal locales forever. Similarly, in the Apologue (Books 9-12), landscapes like Goat Island, a refuge off the coast o f the land of the C yclopes which is ripe for colonization by humans (Clay 1980), may prove initially seduc­ tive, but shelter hidden perils. The intermediary location of S ch eria , Odysseus’ last stop on his journey home, like Ogygia, offers seductive distractions from the goal of Ithaca, such as the nubile young Nausicaa , but differs from most of the locales of the Apologue in its recognizably Greek social division of space. As in other poleis described in the Iliad and Odyssey (see Po lis ), there exist sacral spaces (a grove of poplars sacred to At h en e , 6.291-292), agricul­ tural land, a harbor, and a central palace complex. Unlike the unquestionably “real” locales like S parta and P ylos , however, the gardens of A lkinoos ’ palace complex (7.112-132) are highly idealized in the stylized, anaphoric language in which they are described, in the supernatural fecundity of the gardens (“their fruit never per­ ishes or gives out, summer or winter, all year round .... pear ripens on pear, apple on apple,” 7.117-120), and in an emphasis on their beatific climactic conditions which recalls the description of E lysium at 4.563-569 and H esiod ’s account of the Golden Age (Op. 117-118). Their quasi-divine fertility is underscored by the poet’s closing remark, “such were the glorious gifts from the gods in Alkinoos’ home” (7.132). The situation of the entire episode in an illud tempus quasi-isle of the Blessed renders the publication of Odysseus’ post-Trojan War adventures there the more impressive: far from constraining Odysseus’ fame as Kalypso did, the P haeacians offer a prestigious venue for Odysseus’ narration of Books 9-12.

See also Ut o pia s . References and Suggested Readings General literature: Buchhob 1871; Biese 1882; Parry 1957; Nestle 1968; Andersson 1976; Eiliger 1975. Landscape in colonization and exploration: Romm 1992; Malkin 1998; Hartog 2001; West 2003. Landscape as agricultural, religious, and political space: Finley 1978 [1954]; Edwards 1993; Vidal-Naquet 1996; Hanson 1999. B E N JA M IN H A L L E R

Language. Homeric 1. Introduction. The lan­ guage o f the Homeric epics is an “artificial lan­ guage,” or K u n s t s p r a c h e (Meister 1921), which combines elements belonging to different dialec­ tal and chronological layers. There is no evidence that this mixed language was ever used outside hexametric poetry, except for the purpose of lit­ erary imitation. While a statistical analysis of the linguistic system found in the I l i a d and the O d y s s e y does suggest a slightly more recent date for the Odyssey (Janko 1982), the differences are not of a generic kind: the language o f the two works reveals the same traces o f the oral prehis­ tory of epic poetry (MHV, 325-365), as formulaic expressions and a concern for metrically imposed linguistic economy - the principle that compet­ ing and/or synonymous variant forms and expres­ sions should show a different metrical shape - are characteristic of both (see F orm ula ). However, the distribution of more archaic and more recent forms is uneven throughout the poems. Formulaic lines tend to conserve a rch aism s , whereas s im i ­ les , ekphrastic passages (see E k p h r a sis ), and generalizing or proverbial remarks by the narra­ tor show a preponderance of recent features (Shipp 1972). Today, this situation is no longer taken to reflect an analytical genesis of the text (see A nalysts), but rather a stronger impact of the oral t ra d itio n on the core elements of epic sto rytellin g .

2. Dialectal heterogeneity, (a) According to the ancient sources, Homer was an Ionian from Asia Minor, and the basic dialectal layer of Homeric language is indeed Ionic (Witte 1913, 2213) (see also I onic D ia lect ). This diagnosis is made possible by the presence of (I) a great number of dialect features which distinguish the Attic-Ionic dialect group from the other dialect

LANG UAGE, HOMERIC

groups of the 1st millennium - West Greek (incl. Doric), Aeolic, and Arcado-Cyprian - and (2) by certain features of Ionic which are not even shared with its close relative, Attic. For (1) one may for instance point to the change of original /a:/ (a) into /ç:/ (q) (e.g., Ion. |ir)xr|p vs. Dor./Aeol. pcrrr)p ) r|0 , qcu > (usually mono­ syllabic) eta and t|d > Ed are also shared with Attic, but in those categories where these phenomena are most frequent in Homer (a-stem gen. sgl./pl.: e.g., íkéteü ), vupt|)éu)v) the outcome is nevertheless different from Attic: in the singular, Attic replaces -Eta with the o-slem ending —ou, and in the plural Attic fully contracts -éov into -cuv. Elsewhere, Ionic is distinct from Attic for example in chang­ ing /a:/ into /ç:/ also after Id , /i(:)/, and Irl (e.g., Ion. "Hpq vs. Att. "Hpa), in its greater reluctance to contract ea, tu>, and eo (the latter yielding Ion. eu, but Att. ou, when contracted) (e.g., (poßfovro, ko X eüvteç ) , or in its use of 3 pi. -errai, -ato even after vowels (e.g., 0£Ô|if|crro). Ionic itself is not a monolithic block: it can be further divided into East versus West Ionic. If the tradition about Homer’s origin were right, the Ionic features in Homeric language might be expected to be eastern ones. This has indeed been the communis opinio for a long time, but more recently an argument has been made for the epic language having acquired its definitive form in West Ionic Euboea, no matter where any indi­ vidual poet lived (West 1988,165-169). The main support for this view comes from Homeric forms such as trot), 7tô)ç, ttóte with it- from labiovelar *k"-, where the text o f the elegiac and lyric poets from Asia Minor shows koô, küiç, kóte (as also in • Herodotus). Moreover, the loss o f postconsonantal /w/ does not always entail compensatory lengthening (CL) in Homer, the absence o f CL

459

again being typical of West rather than East Ionic (e.g., ÍEvíq vs. Í eívoç < !;£vp-), and similar non­ eastern syllabification rules obtain in the case of “Attic co rreptio n ” (the short scansion of a syl­ lable before muta cum liquida), which is occa­ sionally admitted even in formulae (e.g., snea 7tTEp0Evra 7Tpooqi!)6a||L However, none of these points is conclusive. As to the forms with 7i- rather than K-, both variants are likely to have been analogically extended from specific environments (regular *k " > p before /o(:)/, but *k " > k after /u/ as in oii kote/kcoç etc. and probably also, through dissimilation, in a sequence /o(k)kwo(:)/ as in o( k) kcüç/ó( k ) kóte); thus, the distribution in the last “formative” phase of epic language may still have been ttoO/tiô)«; versus ou kote/kidç etc., and analogical leveling may have taken place later, with epic language not so much following a West Ionic as an (identical) Attic pattern (cf. below on Atticisms). As to CL, forms with it are undenia­ bly far more common and those without it occur almost exclusively when a word would not other­ wise have fitted into a hexameter (e.g., nom. ei'piov “wool” < * w e r w -, but gen. èpioio; nom. Çeívioç, but gen. pi. Çevúuv); such a restriction would not make sense if the absence o f CL (or, before the loss o f /w/, a syllabification *f;e|vfrather than *Çev| p-) had been the default variant (cf. Wathelet 1981). Similarly, the above-quoted formula showing Attic correption may have replaced an older (p)ênea HTepó(p)evro kotoúôo when the preverb/preposition tiot( í) > *iroa(i) fell out o f use in (Proto-)Ionic; at that point pre­ ferring the contemporary Ionic equivalent 7tpoaover a blatant archaism required no more than the adoption of a syllabification pattern which, although slightly unusual within the epic genre, was well known outside it, possibly even in ordi­ nary East Ionic. Hence, the linguistic evidence is unable to strengthen the case of a Euboean stage in the development o f epic poetry, and this conclusion is not fundamentally altered by the doubtful presence o f very few West Greek (Doric) elements such as the “Doric future” eoaeirai (~ ectoetoi) or the possessive adjectives âpóç, üpóç (~ Ion. qpÉTEpoç, OpÉTEpoç; contrast also Aeolic ãppoç, üppoç), the absorption o f which is not more likely to have occurred in Euboea than in Asia Minor. Conversely, the fact that our Homeric text shows widespread psilosis - the absence o f initial

460

LANGUAGE, HOMERIC

/h-/ (“rough breathing”) in words like f](iap and -oio (next to -ou); (9) the a-stem gen. pi. in -õü>v qéXioç - must not be undervalued: the best expla­ and the masculine a-stem gen. sgl. in -ão (~ Ion. nation for the distribution of psilotic (~ East -eurv, -ea> with sy n iz esis ); (10) the innovated Ionic) versus non-psilotic (~ West Ionic) forms is a-stem dual in -ã (contrast Myc. -o and -a-e); still that an East Ionic text underwent an Attic (11) pronominal forms such as âppEç/üppeç, “recension” where all those words which were äppe/öppe, fippi(v)/öppi(v) (all with the barytone also current in Attic received the rough breathing, accentuation of Aeolic); (12) occasional athewhereas all the others remained without matic forms of vocalic verbs (e.g., inf. and -cdjto (type would have survived if psilosis had been an irreg­ (é)itxoXéptÇa, (é)7teXéptfa); (14) infinitives in ularity within the normative linguistic system of -pev(at) (athematic) or -epev(ai) (thematic), epic poetry. Some Attic influence may be recog­ instead of Ion. -(e)vat and -eiv < *-e(h)£v respec­ nizable elsewhere too (Wackernagel 1916,1-159), tively; and (15) apocopated forms o f preposibut it is not usually so systematic. For instance, a tions/preverbs (e.g., dp neôíov, kcui rteôiov, form keívto instead of keIoto is isolated in KÚxflave). Homer, whereas it would be regular in Attic, but The evaluation of this material is difficult since the Ionic generalization of the postbecause it is rather diverse. Features (4) and (9), consonantal ending *-nlo > -ato must be just as for example, may be postulated for an early stage secondary as the Attic generalization of the post­ of (Proto-)Ionic too, so that they look “Aeolic” vocalic variant *-nto, it is impossible to tell only if we adopt the synchronic perspective of an whether the use o f keívto is really borrowed from 8th-century poet. Features (7) and (10) could be Attic: it could equally well represent an artificial explained as artificial analogical creations corre­ a d hoc creation. sponding to Aeolic forms merely by coincidence (b) Uncertainties of a different kind surround(nom. i'njToi: dat. timoioi = nom. jtóôeç: dat. X —> the Aeolic ingredient in Homeric language X = nóôeaai; nom. pi. '(juroi: nom. du. ítttui) = (Wathelet 1970). Features that have been nom. pi. ’Axpefôai: nom. du. X —* X = ’Axpeíôã). explained as “Aeolic” are mostly phonological and It seems problematic, however, to dismiss an morphological. Among the former, one may cite Aeolic element altogether and to assign all these (1) the labial outcome of ancient labiovelars non-ionic features to an “Achaean” or “South before front vowels in words like moupEç “four” Greek” layer o f epic language (Strunk 1957, after (Ion. TÉoaepeç), iréXopai “to become” (cf. Dor. others). It is true that lst-millennium (Attic-) xéXopat), and fleonéoioç “divine” (from *-s(e)k“- Ionic and Arcado-Cyprian both go back to a 2nd“to speak”); (2) the o-vocalism arising from millennium “South Greek” dialect group, which ancient vocalic liquids in words such as Ppoxóç, included “Mycenaean Greek” and was distinct äpßpOTO^XimJmortal” ( l e i millennium West Greek (Doric) and Aeolic (Risch 1955), and it is also true that features like (2), after /r/ in ' EKTÓpeoç, Neaxópeoç (with the suffix -toç; secondarily also Ayapepvóveoç); (4) the lack (12) , and (13) occur in Arcado-Cyprian as well as o f the Ionic assibilation -xt- > -m- in words such Attic-Ionic, but good South Greek evidence for as 7t(p)oxi, 4>áxtç, prjxiç (contrast, for example, many o f the remaining features is lacking. ôóoiç); (5) the occurrence o f geminates instead of If we therefore accept the existence of Aeolisms, compensatory lengthening in words such as the question arises how to account for them. äpeßevvo? “dark,” öppe "us,” or êppevcu “to be” Here, two schools o f thought can be distinguished. with *-sn- or *-sm- respectively; (6) the reten- According to (a) the more traditional “Aeolic tion/development of geminate -o o - in forms such phase theory” (which led to August Fick’s extrem­ as dat. pi. -earn and aor. xeXèoaat with *-ss- or ist “Aeolic” rewriting of the Homeric epics in the adj. péoooç < *-d hy- (~ Ion. -eat, teXéocu, péaoç); 1880s), epic poetry may already have existed in among the latter (7) the extension of the s-stem Mycenaean times, but it then died out in the dat. pi. in -eocri to other consonant stems (e.g., South Greek area, surviving only in Aeolic (North TtóÔEOoi ~ Ion. troai); (8) the o-stem gen. sgl. in Greek) territory; at this stage the Aeolisms entered

LANGUAGE, HOMERIC

its language (cf. e.g., Wathelet 1970, 375-376; West 1988, 159-165; Ruijgh 1995, 50-63; Haug 2002, 151-162). Subsequently, the epic tradition “returned” to the South Greek world as Ionic bards took over from their Aeolic predecessors, for example in Asia Minor where speakers of the two dialects met. At this point, all that could eas­ ily be Ionicized was, but those elements which resisted replacement — either because no Ionic parallel existed (e.g., no Ion. *£peßeiv0 Ionic forms (e.g., Aeol. dppeç [ - -] vs. Ion. i)peíç (---- ] before a following vowel; Aeol. inf. -epev borrowed in lieu o f Ion. *-e(h)ev > *-eev when the latter contracted). In principle, the debate could be decided in favor of (a) if there were many metrically unnec­ essary Aeolic (non-ionic) elements. In this con­ text, much has been made of feature (9) above, not least because the Ionic variants here are not found in formulae and thus likely to be recent. As pointed out before, -ão/-ãa>v must have existed in early (Proto-)Ionic too, but given the change of /a:/ (a) into /ç;/ (q) these endings regularly became -qo/-i]u)v and then underwent quantita­ tive metathesis/vocalic shortening. The second change (-qo/-qtov > -eu>/-etov) had metrical repercussions, but the first (-äo/-äiov > -qo/-qtüv) did not. Hence, while there might have been a need to avoid the second change through reten­ tion of an earlier form, to avoid the first would have been gratuitous for a poet working in a continuous South Greek tradition. So why do we find, depending on metrical conditioning, either -do/-dtov or -eio/-ewv, but not -qo/-qo)v? Defenders o f (a) might argue that quantitative metathesis was already operative when the lonians inherited epic poetry from Aeolia, so that epic language never knew a stage with -qo/-qtov: there was only a choice between retaining Aeolic -âo/-ãü)v or modernizing it into Ionic -zwl-zu>v. Even a form like gen. sgl. (*vô(f)óç >) vqóç “of the ship” (next to veóç, with vowel shortening but

461

no quantitative metathesis due to analogy with other genitives in -oç) is no strong counter­ argument to this because here paradigmatic anal­ ogy with e.g., dat. sgl. vqt, nom. pi. vrjeç could trigger the “artificial” (re-)creation of vqóç. However, a diffusionist scenario could also be maintained if the epic poets systematically favored synchronic over diachronic variation (Horrocks 1987, 290): wherever possible, forms were mod­ ernized, but where this created difficulties, the next best choice was contemporary dialectal alter­ natives (borrowed from Aeolic), not earlier/ archaising forms. So, Aeolic -äo/-cuov would have been preferable to superseded Ionic -qo/-qtuv, once -eo>/-eoirf|rqv show a non-ionic athematic inflection vowel resulting from compensatory lengthening; (cf. above), their termination *-ãxãv is fully this would be consistent with an Arcado-Cyprian tonicized. Interestingly, while there is no absolute outcome, but vocalic dissimilation or analogy consistency in the use o f the dual (so that duals with the type Tipf)Eiç < *timã-went- cannot be and plurals at times even occur next to each excluded either. Thirdly, the Homeric infinitive other) and while metrical factors certainly play a opfjvai shows an athematic inflection o f a vocalic role here (see Meter), the general pattern is not verb, as in Aeolic (cf. above) but also Arcado- completely haphazard either. The fact that verbs Cyprian, combined with the ending -vat, as in and pronouns are most likely and inanimate Ionic, but again also Arcado-Cyprian; so if this is nouns least likely to occur in the dual is in line not an Aeolic oprjpev artificially tonicized, it with typological predictions for the use of such could be a dialectal Achaeanism. Finally, the syn­ an “optional” number category and thus suggests tactic type àttò va0(|n “from the ships,” where the that the epic singers’ Sprachgefiihl still told them preposition áttó is combined with an old instru­ where the dual was most appropriate (Hillyard 2006). mental form, may be enlightened by the ArcadoCyprian construction of duo (Arc.-Cypr. dttii) Something similar can be said about the wellwith the dative rather than the genitive (as in known traces of “digamma” (or consonantal Attic-Ionic and Aeolic), given thepost-Mycenaean /w/ = graphic f ) in Homer, discovered by Richard Bentley in 1732. Although the consonant Iwl had merger of the dative(-locative) with the instru­ mental in all the dialects. On the basis of this and disappeared from Attic-Ionic at a pre-Homeric similar expressions, tonic (or Aeolic) singers stage - as proved by verses which would not scan would subsequently have treated the form in -i if /w/ was etymologically restituted (e.g., kcú piv as a syntactic equivalent of the (metrically differ­ cfimvfiaaa' (fp)éitea 7tTEpó(p)£vra rtpoaqúÔa with a feminine participle, modeled after the mascu­ ent) genitive in other contexts as well. 3. Chronological heterogeneity. Whether such line variant xai piv (jxcvqaaç (p)É7tea 7rrepó(p)traces of an "Achaean” dialectal element are E v r a Trpoarpjöa; on such formulaic adaptations accepted or not, it is clear that Homeric language cf. Hoekstra 1965) - its previous existence is still reflected in many other lines which did not allow has a long prehistory and contains a considerable number of lexical and other archaisms whose a modernization by means of inserted particles, survival was ensured by the oral-formulaic con­ prothetic vowels, or mobile v (as for example in ventions of the genre (see O ral-Formulaic MuppiSovcaaiv ä v a c a e for MuppiÔóveaat T heory). Just as we can relate to other dialects (p)ávaaae; see n- mobile). Such lines therefore those elements which do not belong to the Ionic still display metrical anomalies that would disap­ basis, so we may try to assign an alternative pear if /w/ were inserted: unelided final short chronological label to features which diverge vowels preceding initial vowels (e.g., ’AtpefSqç re from what is expected in a composition of the 8th (p)ávaÇ)> unshortened final long vowels and

LANGUAGE, HOMERIC diphthongs before initial vowels (against regular shortening by “epic correption”), and sequences o f short vowel + single consonant counting as a long syllable (e.g., éoQXòv S' oilre ri mo ( f íe Í tieç (p)énoç ou t' éréXe0 0 aç). Only singers whose lin­ guistic system still contained /w/ at an underlying or abstract level were able not to erroneously extend these anomalies to slots where /w/ had no etymological justification. M etrical irregularities conceal archaism s else­ where too (cf. esp. R uijgh 1985, 1995, 7 5 -9 1 ) . Because o f its far-reaching im plications for the origins o f hexam eter poetry, the issue o f vocalic * r in H om eric verse has been m uch debated (sta rt­ ing with M ühlestein 1958, 226 and W athelet 1966, after W ackernagel

1916, 172). It p rom in en tly

arises w ith regard to the word ávôpOTfjta “m a n ­ h ood ”

in

the

verse-end

form u la

Airtoüo'

àvôpOTqra K at rjßqv and the parallel verse-end Tto0éü)v àvôpoxfjxá

t e

Kai pévoç fjO, n eith er o f

w hich scans correctly. Taking into a cco u n t the derivation of àvôpoTfjra from à v (e )p - “m an,” the lines would however scan i f an ancestral form preceding the change o f * r into -op/po- o r - a p l pa- (and *-m > -a) were restituted: * a n r t ã t m . Since vocalic *r no longer survives as such already in M ycenaean Greek, o n e m ight then conclud e th at

(1 )

the

apparently

form ulaic

\moOa'

àvôp oTfjra Kai rjßqv predates the M ycenaean Age, and (2) epic poetry in hexam eters was therefore com posed

already

in

pre-M ycenaean

tim es.

However, the “need” to restitute * a n r t ã t m exists only i f the rules o f h exam eter-m aking were always the sam e as in 8th -cen tu ry Ionia, b ut n o t if th is is n o t th e case (cf. T ichy 1981, building up on th e proto-h exam eter th eory o f Berg 19 7 8 ). Even th en , o f course, th e lines quoted (and sim ilar instances elsewhere) rem ain rem arkably archaic, b u t the archaism would be a m etrical rather than a lingustic on e. At least àvôpoxfjTá te

Kai pévoç r|ú

looks very old anyway, since it contains the syn­ tagm a pévoç f|ú, w hich has an exact parallel in In d o -Iran ia n poetry and thus form s p art o f a group

o f expressions

reaching b a ck beyon d

(P ro to -)G reek to Proto-lNDO-EuROPEAN heroic p oetry (S ch m itt 1967, 6 1 -1 4 1 , also o n th e m ore fam ous KXéoç ácjjÔixov = Ved. s r a v a s a k s i t a m ) .

In comparing Mycenaean with Homeric data, generic differences must always be kept in mind. This is illustrated by two syntactic archaisms of epic language: tmesis (i.e., the separation of pre­

463

verb and verb), and the “optionality” of the verbal augment in past-tense indicatives. Tmesis reflects the original syntactic independence of adverbs which turned into preverbs in historical Greek (Horrocks 1981). Since this univerbation has already taken place in Mycenaean times, the more flexible situation in Homer suggests a poetic license rooted in pre-Mycenaean syntax, again with parallels in other Indo-European traditions. Strictly speaking, however, we are uncertain whether tmesis was felt to be as poetic around 1200 b c e as it was in Archaic and Classical times when our documentation for a variety o f registers becomes more abundant. As for the augment (Bottin 1969), Mycenaean Greek is unlike both Homeric and later Greek since the augment is not normally found in it, but the language of Homer seems more similar to Vedic Sanskrit as semantic and pragmatic considerations play a role in deter­ mining the selection of augmented versus unaug­ mented forms. Statistically, augmented forms are more frequent in s p e e c h e s than in n a r r a t i v e , and similes and gnomic statements (with their timeless aorist indicatives) also show a marked tendency to favor the augment. Hence, the Homeric augment has been interpreted, at least synchronically, as a pragmatic proximity or immediacy marker rather than a marker o f past tense (Bakker 2005,114-135). 4. Poetic license and artificial forms. Although most o f the peculiarities o f Homeric language can thus be explained as archaisms and/ or diverse dialect forms, there are finally some features which must be due to poetic license only. Again, however, the boundaries are sometimes blurred. Certain forms which look like “artificial” creations in an epic composition of the 8th or 7th century mirror natural developments to be found in later Ionic texts. Were they therefore, perhaps, current in the spoken language o f the time, though not normally found in writing until later (if at all) (Hackstein 2002; contrast Wackernagel 1916, 204-222 on late features not found in Homer)? This could for instance be the case with thematic forms in otherwise athematic paradigms (e.g., 3 sgl. praes. ôiôot “gives” ~ Síôcoai, as fre­ quently in later Ionic texts; 2 sgl. e í ç “you are,” which could be emended to elided Aeolic iao(l), but why should e í ç have been created by later edi­ tors, who knew éooi, if the epic poets themselves did not use it?).

464

LANG UAGE, HOMERIC

Care must also be taken not to confuse ortho­ graphic with linguistic issues. In an archaic Athenian text of Homer, for example, the letters E and O could stand for later graphic E,.EI, or H, and O, OY, or ft respectively (see M e t a c h a r a c t e r i s m ). Once the classical Ionic a l p h a b e t with the letters H (for /ç:/) and ft was adopted and once secondary /e:/ and lo :/ were written with El and OY, which had previously been reserved for real diphthongs, any archaic spelling could potentially b e modernized wrongly. We cannot therefore know whether a form like 1 pi. aor. subj. O T E Ío p sv , in which the quantitative metathesis o f the archaic short-vowel subjunctive * a r f | o p £ v > a r é c o p e v is “reversed,” was really p r o ­ nounced as /stemmen/ rather than /stçiomen/ by an epic singer o f 700 or 600 b c e . What would have been written in any case, at least in a place like Athens, was ZTEOMEN. No doubt more than just graphic convention lies behind the phenomenon o f d i e c t a s i s (“stretching”). When adjacent vowels began to contract in the history of Greek, as in the inflec­ tion of vocalic verbs in -