The Freudian Mystique: Freud, Women, and Feminism 9780814788929

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The Freudian Mystique

The Freudian Mystique Freud, Women, and Feminism Samuel Slipp, M.D.

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New Tork University Press N E W YOR K A N D L O N D O N

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n Copyright © 199 3 by Ne w Yor k Universit y All right s reserve d Library o f Congres s Cataloging - in-Publicatio n Dat a Slipp, Samuel . The Freudia n mystiqu e : Freud , women , an d feminis m / Samue l Slipp . p. cm . Includes bibliographica l reference s an d index . ISBN 0-8147-7968- 9 (hard ) 1. Femininit y (Psychology)—History . 2 . Freud , Sigmund , 1856-1939—Contributions i n psycholog y o f femininity . 3 . Freud , Sigmund, 1856-1939—Relation s wit h women . 4 . Psychoanalysi s an d feminism. 5 . Women—Psychology—History . 6 . Psychoanalysis — History. I . Tittle . BF1755F48S55 199 3 150.19'52'082—dc2o 92-3587 2 CI P New Yor k Universit y Pres s book s ar e printe d o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g material s ar e chose n fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s o f Americ a c1 0 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2

1

To my wife, Sandra, and my daughter, Elena

Contents

Acknowledgments i x Introduction i

PART O N E

Historical-Cultural Background

i. Psychoanalysi s an d Feminin e Psycholog y n 2. Magic , th e Fea r o f Women, an d Patriarch y 2 0 3. Preoedipa l Developmen t an d Socia l Attitude s Toward Wome n 2 9 4. Dethronin g th e Goddes s an d Phallocentris m 3 7 5. Projectiv e Identificatio n an d Misogyn y 4 6

PART T W O

Freud and Feminine Psychology

6. Freu d an d Hi s Mothe r 6 1 7. Sex , Death , an d Abandonmen t 7 1 8. Freud' s Famil y Dynamic s 8 0 vii

viii Contents 9. Omittin g th e Mothe r an d Preoedipa l Perio d i n Freud's Theor y 8 8 10. Femal e Sexua l Developmen t i n Freudia n Theor y 9 5 11. Preoedipa l Developmen t i n Girl s an d Boy s 10 3 12. Materna l Mergin g i n Societ y an d th e Famil y 11 3 13. Freud' s Suppor t o f Career-Oriente d Wome n 12 4 14. Controversia l Relationship s wit h Wome n an d Freud' s Art Collectio n 13 8 PART T H R E E

Current Issues

15. Freu d an d Jun g 15 1 16. Moder n Change s i n Psychoanalysi s 16 0 17. Towar d a New Feminin e Psycholog y 17 4 18. Epilogue : Th e Evolutio n o f Feminis m an d Integratio n with Psychoanalysi s 18 8 References 20 5 Name Inde x 21 7 Subject Inde x 22 3

Acknowledgments

My initial interes t i n the histor y o f psychiatry was stimulate d b y Sheldo n T. Selesnick , an d m y attentio n t o feminin e psycholog y wa s fostere d b y Esther Greenbaum , Malvin a W. Kremer , an d Ann R . Turkel . I als o wish to acknowledg e th e hel p o f Mariann e Horne y Eckard t an d Richar d C . Friedman, who rea d the early manuscript an d made valuable suggestions . The initia l editoria l revie w o f th e boo k b y Joa n Lang s serve d t o hel p organize th e manuscript . Mos t o f al l I wis h t o than k Jaso n Renker , m y editor a t New Yor k University Press , who worke d patientl y an d carefull y with m e to strengthe n th e book . I would als o like to mention Jule s Bernporad, Harry Hardin, William Niederland, Donal d Rinsley , and Paul Roazen who offere d information , advice , and sen t me material for th e book . I especiall y want t o express my deep appreciatio n t o m y wife, Sandra , fo r her help as the book was being written in connecting the dots of knowledge together t o infe r meanin g abou t Freu d an d feminin e psycholog y an d fo r her critique of the manuscript. Finally , I wish to thank her and my daugh ter, Elena, for th e loyal support an d loving encouragement tha t made thi s book possible .

IX

The Freudian Mystique

Introduction

How coul d Freud , on e o f th e grea t geniuse s o f ou r moder n age , b e s o wrong abou t women ? Thi s i s particularl y puzzlin g becaus e ou t o f hi s sensitive introspectio n int o hi s ow n an d others ' emotional difficulties , h e was abl e t o creat e a universa l understandin g o f personalit y functioning , psychopathology, an d treatment . Many writers hav e contended tha t Freud' s view s on feminin e psychol ogy wer e erroneou s becaus e the y basicall y reflecte d an d perpetuate d th e Victorian bias against women. This is in all likelihood true, but the pictur e is more interesting than this simple explanation alone. To understand ho w Freud develope d hi s view s o n femal e development , i t i s importan t t o explore no t onl y th e patriarcha l an d phallocentri c Victoria n societ y o f Vienna bu t Freud' s ow n persona l conflict s a s well. These influences o n Freu d cannot be reduced to the narrow confines o f even severa l parallel explanations , sinc e personal an d familia l dynamic s a s well as cultural an d socia l forces ar e closely intertwined an d influenc e on e another. I n thi s boo k I wil l attemp t t o sho w ho w th e effect s o f al l thes e factors playe d role s i n shapin g Freud' s personalit y an d hi s theor y abou t women. Thes e factor s includ e losse s of important earl y childhood attach ment figures ; unconsciou s conflict s wit h hi s mother, wh o appeare d t o b e seductive, aggressive , intrusive , an d exploitative ; hi s mother' s ow n frus trations a s a perso n an d he r constricte d socia l role ; an d anti-Semitism , which contributed to his father's economic failure and Freud's own profes sional difficulties . Unfortunately, som e writers , i n rejectin g Freud' s theorie s abou t i

2 Introduction women;, hav e rejecte d al l o f psychoanalysis , a s i f n o ne w development s had occurred i n psychoanalysis since the turn of the century. I n fact, ther e have been profoun d an d sweepin g changes . Like its cultural context , psy choanalysis ha d bee n patriarcha l an d phallocentric , bu t i t i s now mother centered. Freud's views on feminine psychology provoked controversy within th e psychoanalytic establishmen t itsel f aroun d 1922 , and becam e increasingl y widespread i n th e wak e o f th e feminis t movemen t o f th e 1960s . Thu s Freud's earl y works regardin g women mus t b e delineated fro m th e mark edly differen t psychoanalyti c thinkin g o n feminin e psycholog y today . How were Freud's views on feminine psychology influenced b y the Victorian attitudes toward women in Europe? How di d the Victorian cultura l bias against women evolv e in Western civilization ? Althoug h thi s boo k i s not a n in-dept h historica l study , i t wil l contai n a broa d overvie w fro m ancient time s t o th e tur n o f th e centur y an d will trac e wh y wome n an d their sexualit y were feared an d needed t o b e demeaned an d controlled. I n addition, the existing economic and political forces aroun d the turn of the century i n Vienna , Austria , an d Europ e i n genera l will b e reviewed , a s will th e impac t the y ha d o n th e live s o f Freu d an d hi s parents . Al l thes e factors affecte d Freud' s psychologica l development , an d appea r t o hav e had a profoun d influenc e o n th e formulatio n o f hi s theorie s abou t women. To suppor t th e hypotheses tha t ar e developed i n the book , I have use d a wide variet y o f evidenc e fro m a number o f fields. Thi s interdisciplinar y perspective will includ e anthropology , biology , economics , history , indi vidual an d grou p psychology , mythology , religion , philosophy , politics , psychoanalysis, and sociology. Each discipline is seen not in isolation fro m the other , bu t a s woven int o a n interactiv e an d interdependen t fabri c o r system. I will also develop the thesis that the emotional traumas Freud suffere d with hi s mothe r an d mother-surrogat e whe n h e wa s a ver y smal l chil d shaped hi s personalit y an d influence d hi s subsequen t relation s wit h al l women. I n addition , I wil l show tha t th e specifi c for m o f famil y constel lation tha t Freu d experience d throughou t th e res t o f hi s childhoo d an d into adulthood perpetuated his unconscious ambivalent relationship to his mother an d t o wome n i n general . In Freud' s theoretica l wor k h e ignore d th e earl y preoedipa l period — from birt h t o thre e year s o f age—a s wel l a s th e late r postoedipa l phas e from si x year s t o adulthood ; h e focused primaril y o n th e tim e betwee n them, th e oedipa l period . Wh y wa s thi s th e case ? Freud' s ow n analysi s

Introduction 3 focused primaril y o n hi s relationshi p t o hi s fathe r durin g th e oedipa l period, whil e hi s earl y an d late r relationshi p t o hi s mothe r remaine d un analyzed. Durin g th e oedipa l period , Freu d depicte d th e mothe r a s pri marily a n objec t o f incestuou s desir e fo r who m th e fathe r wa s a rival. Why di d Freu d eve n nam e th e Oedipu s comple x afte r th e ol d Gree k tragedy of Oedipus Rex? Why did he show such interest in ancient cultures in hi s writing s an d i n hi s ar t collection ? An d wh y di d h e giv e ring s wit h engraved Roma n stone s t o member s o f hi s secre t circle ? Hi s classica l education undoubtedl y stimulate d hi s interes t i n Egyptian , Greek , an d Roman societies. He was also fascinated with pictures of ancient Egyptians in the Philippso n Bibl e he read a s a child with hi s father, an d this interes t was furthere d b y th e importan t archeologica l discoverie s bein g mad e a t the time. Freud compare d psychoanalysi s to archeology : burie d remnant s of the past are unearthed, examined , an d new knowledge is obtained fro m them. Thu s h e made th e analog y betwee n a n individual's earl y childhoo d and th e ancien t past . I wil l sho w tha t Freud' s stron g interes t i n ancien t cultures was probably more related to his attempt to master his own deeply repressed early-childhoo d conflict s wit h hi s mother . In thi s boo k w e wil l investigat e Freud' s preoedipa l an d postoedipa l experiences with his mother an d how they influenced hi s work in feminin e psychology. Th e boo k reflect s a n object-relation s perspectiv e i n moder n psychoanalytic theory , no t onl y wit h individual s bu t als o with families . The boo k i s divide d int o thre e parts : Par t On e present s Freud' s idea s about feminin e psycholog y an d trace s th e controvers y abou t the m tha t grew within th e psychoanalytic movement. I t then explores the historical cultural antecedent s o f Victorian societ y an d thei r profoun d influenc e o n ideas abou t women . Th e fea r an d nee d t o contro l wome n an d thei r sex uality ar e show n a s havin g n o rationa l basi s bu t ste m fro m th e magica l way of adapting t o natur e i n ancien t an d primitiv e societies . Women an d their sexualit y wer e associate d wit h th e grea t mothe r goddes s (Mothe r Nature) wh o wa s believe d t o contro l fertility , life , death , an d rebirth . Women an d thei r mysteriou s sexualit y wer e feare d an d ha d t o b e con trolled. Thi s magica l for m o f adaptatio n t o helplessnes s i n lif e an d deat h was a major facto r i n th e evolutio n o f a patriarchal socia l structure . In their historical evolution, cultures have employed ways of adaptation similar to those found i n each human individual's development. Individua l child development i s used as a template for cultura l evolution. Adaptatio n in periods of history are traced an d compared t o stages of individual chil d development. However , eve n though cultura l adaptation ma y use magical thinking and defense mechanisms similar to those individuals use in coping

4 Introduction with thei r helplessnes s i n earl y childhood, th e cultur e become s a force i n itself an d i n tur n influence s th e individual . The evolutio n o f a phallocentric societ y i s trace d t o men' s attemp t t o gain furthe r master y ove r natur e b y replacin g th e femal e goddes s wit h male gods. The magical power of the phallus was substituted for the womb as responsible for fertilit y an d life. Women's sexualit y was now less feare d and demeaned . Eve n thoug h wome n apparend y hav e alway s bee n con trolled i n Wester n society , th e powe r derive d fro m thei r rol e i n paga n religion wa s no w diminishe d a s well. 1 The continuation of pre-Christian fertility worship persisted in the for m of witchcraf t durin g th e Middl e Ages . Al l wome n wer e considere d a s potential witches , an d women' s sexualit y wa s considere d evi l an d relate d to th e devil . Durin g th e Inquisitio n i n th e fifteent h century , man y Jews , who wer e als o nonbeliever s i n Christianity , an d women , wh o wer e con victed a s witches , wer e blame d fo r magicall y causin g natura l calamitie s and diseases and persecuted an d killed. Part One traces how aspects of the human condition , suc h a s emotionality, dependency , an d sexuality , asso ciated with the flesh, human frailty, and mortality, were denied by men and through th e defens e mechanis m o f projectiv e identificatio n place d int o women an d Jews . The resul t wa s pervasiv e misogyn y an d anti-Semitis m that extende d throug h th e Enlightenmen t int o th e Victoria n Europea n culture. These biase s stemmed fro m magica l form s o f thinking an d prim itive defens e mechanism s use d durin g earl y childhoo d an d forme d th e basis fo r th e patriarcha l an d phallocentri c societ y i n whic h Freu d live d and worked . Part Tw o follow s th e significan t psychologica l event s i n Freud' s earl y childhood tha t serve d t o shap e hi s psychologica l theorie s abou t women . It examine s th e preoedipa l an d postoedipa l famil y dynamic s o f Freu d i n relation t o hi s mother an d it s effec t o n feminin e theory , hi s relationship s with women , an d hi s collectio n o f antiquities . Freud's personal life remained obscure until his definitive three-volum e biography wa s writte n b y Ernes t Jone s (1953 , !955 5 1957) - Thi s biog raphy wa s writte n despit e Freud' s stron g objections , claimin g tha t onl y his idea s an d no t hi s persona l lif e wer e significant . Bu t Freu d di d revea l a goo d dea l o f hi s persona l lif e i n hi s professiona l wor k an d letters . Thi s 1. I t i s noteworthy tha t a revival of interest i n ancien t myth s an d ritual s associate d wit h the grea t mothe r goddes s ha s recend y surface d amon g som e feminists . Thei r searc h i s for a form o f spiritualit y tha t empower s wome n throug h th e worshi p o f thi s powerfu l femal e deity.

Introduction 5 self-revelation furthe r serve d t o stimulat e interes t an d t o creat e a n ai r o f mystery abou t hi m a s a person . The greates t myster y i s Freud' s relationshi p t o hi s mother , whic h ha s remained vagu e i n Freud' s ow n writing s a s well a s i n thos e o f hi s biog raphers. Pete r Ga y (1988) , i n hi s biograph y o f Freud , comment s o n Freud's persistent evasion of his feelings abou t his mother, an d on the fac t that there is no evidence for an y systematic self-analysis o f his relationshi p to her . Freud' s ambivalen t feeling s towar d hi s mothe r wer e defende d against an d remaine d represse d i n wha t h e calle d th e "deepe r layers " o f his unconscious. Hi s understandin g o f women remaine d shroude d i n ob scurity, lik e a "dark continent. " In this boo k we will explore the major traumati c events and losses tha t Freud suffere d durin g hi s preoedipa l period . Thes e includ e hi s feelin g o f being emotionall y abandone d b y his mother, th e seductive-aggressiv e ex perience h e ha d wit h her , an d he r late r intrusivenes s an d exploitatio n o f his success. Consciously, Freu d idealize d hi s mother, bu t his split-off an d repressed aggressio n towar d he r wa s unconsciousl y expresse d throug h behavior. I will presen t evidenc e tha t h e emotionall y distance d himsel f from hi s mothe r an d ma y hav e unconsciousl y punishe d he r throug h be havior. H e di d no t atten d he r funeral , an d di d no t mour n he r death . Probably becaus e o f hi s repressio n o f th e traum a wit h hi s preoedipa l mother, Freu d omitte d th e rol e of the mother i n his theory o f early chil d development. I n addition , thi s earl y childhoo d traum a i s on e o f severa l explanations I will explor e abou t Freud' s rejectio n o f hi s earl y seductio n theory o f neurosis . Freud's idea that bisexuality was the foundation fo r female developmen t will b e rejecte d here . Freu d di d no t differentiat e sexua l orientatio n fro m gender identity in his work. Sexual orientation is now generally considered to b e genetic, with homosexualit y bein g a normal inbor n variant . Studie s do show , however , tha t cor e gende r identit y i s a psychological phenom enon tha t is learned aroun d tw o years of age. This is based on the cultura l ideas tha t defin e masculinit y an d femininity . Recen t researc h note s tha t gender instabilit y may develop i n boys who experienc e a traumatic loss of their mother s aroun d tw o year s o f age . T o dea l wit h thei r annihilatio n anxiety, these boy s do not individuat e fro m th e mother; thei r orientatio n is bisexual and later as adults becomes mostiy homosexual. However, thes e gender-identity disordered boy s represent only a small subgroup of all homosexual men . Freud was also two years old when he suffered emotiona l abandonmen t by hi s mothe r an d physica l abandonmen t b y hi s nanny , whic h woul d

6 Introduction account fo r hi s ow n bisexua l conflicts . Freu d state d tha t h e analyze d an d resolved hi s laten t homosexua l feeling s i n hi s self-analysis , i n whic h hi s friend Wilhel m Fliess served as analyst, though he still suffered fro m laten t homosexual conflict s i n his relationship with Jung. Perhap s using himsel f as a model , h e considere d bisexualit y t o b e universal , an d th e libid o fo r both sexe s to b e masculine. Cultura l stereotypes , that defin e gende r iden tity, were also used in his theory. He fel t that women needed to overcom e their activ e masculin e striving s (clitora l masturbation) t o becom e passiv e and feminine. Freud also equated latent male homosexuality with passivity, which h e considere d feminine . Freud's early oedipal experience with a dominant mothe r an d a passive father probabl y le d hi m t o th e conclusio n tha t mal e homosexualit y wa s due t o lac k o f resolutio n o f th e Oedipu s comple x an d failur e t o identif y with th e father . Hi s ambivalen t relationshi p wit h hi s mothe r wa s no t limited to early childhood, bu t continued int o the postoedipal period an d adulthood. Thi s situatio n ma y hav e bee n du e t o hi s family' s dynamics , which wer e o f th e kin d tha t ofte n lead s t o depression . I n patriarcha l Victorian society , wome n wer e deprive d o f a n individua l identit y an d needed to achieve a sense of self by identifying with the social and economic successes of their husbands. Because Freud's father was considered a failure, his mothe r appear s t o hav e establishe d a close-binding , intrusive , an d exploitative relationship with Sigmund, her eldest son. With Freud serving as the famil y savior , his mother coul d sustai n he r self-estee m an d identit y by livin g vicariousl y throug h th e achievement s o f he r so n instea d o f he r husband. Thi s responsibilit y fo r preservin g hi s mother' s ego , a s wel l a s his earlier preoedipal annihilation anxiety , probably prevented Freud fro m dealing wit h hi s unconsciou s ambivalenc e towar d her . H e resente d th e fact tha t h e coul d no t experienc e lov e tha t "cos t hi m nothing. " Freud's unconsciou s conflict s wit h hi s mothe r will b e show n t o hav e affected hi s adult relationships with women. H e experience d a diminished interest i n hi s wife afte r sh e becam e a mother, an d thi s conflic t ma y hav e contributed t o th e fac t tha t hi s daughte r Ann a neve r becam e a mother . Although Freud' s theoretica l positio n wa s biase d agains t women , i n psy choanalysis h e encourage d the m t o develo p professionally . Thi s parado x was probabl y possibl e becaus e thes e wome n wer e intereste d mainl y i n their careers , not i n motherhood . In 192 0 Freud publishe d hi s essay , Beyond the Pleasure Principle, which dealt wit h th e repetitio n compulsio n an d a child' s effort s t o maste r sep aration fro m th e mother . W e wil l provid e evidenc e tha t Freud' s analysi s of hi s daughte r Ann a durin g thi s tim e wa s a n unconsciou s repetitio n o f

Introduction 7 a seductive an d aggressiv e experienc e he had ha d with hi s mother aroun d four year s o f age . I t wa s durin g th e tim e h e analyze d hi s daughte r tha t Freud wrot e hi s essay "A Child I s Being Beaten." Just a s Freud ha d bee n overwhelmed b y his "awesome" seductive experience with hi s mother, hi s daughter had difficulty wit h her own sexuality, which apparendy remaine d sublimated fo r th e res t o f her life . Part Three elaborates on revisions and changes in psychoanalytic theor y and technique . Som e wome n hav e recend y turne d t o Jungia n analyti c psychology, since it emphasizes that masculine and feminine elements exist in eac h gende r an d retain s a stron g interes t i n religio n an d spirituality . Ironically, Freu d welcome d Car l Jung , wh o wa s Christian , int o th e psy choanalytic movement , s o tha t i t woul d no t b e dismisse d a s a Jewish feminine-sexual science . However , Jun g rejecte d sexualit y i n personalit y development, an d h e considere d th e "collectiv e unconscious " o f Aryan s to b e superio r t o thos e o f Jews . H e compare d Jew s t o women , sinc e h e felt the y bot h manipulat e an d contro l men . Jun g identifie d strongl y wit h the attitude s o f misogyn y an d anti-Semitis m tha t wer e s o prevalen t i n Victorian society . In chapte r 16 , on moder n change s i n psychoanalysis , I wil l elaborat e on th e influence o f women patient s on Freud . Late r i n life Freud change d his psychoanalyti c theor y an d techniqu e fro m a mechanisti c (male ) i d psychology t o a more relationship-oriente d (female ) eg o psychology. W e will revie w object-relation s psychoanalyti c theory , whic h emphasize s th e dyadic relationshi p betwee n mothe r an d child . W e will revie w th e con tributions o f a numbe r o f wome n psychoanalysts , especiall y thos e con cerning relationshi p issue s betwee n patien t an d analyst . The final chapter concludes with a n attempt t o develop a new scientifi c feminine psycholog y tha t encompasse s inbor n biologica l factor s an d ho w they ar e shape d b y th e environment . Thes e includ e huma n an d anima l research int o th e mother-chil d relationship , gende r differences , femal e personality development , an d th e questio n o f whethe r me n ar e innatel y more aggressiv e tha n women . Th e chapte r end s with som e ne w evidenc e that a s society and gender developmen t change , both sexe s should b e able to becom e mor e complet e a s individuals . Eac h gende r wil l b e abl e t o achieve, a s well a s to relat e mor e intimatel y wit h others . In th e epilogu e I will giv e a brie f histor y o f moder n feminis m an d summarize some current feminist thought , followed b y a discussion of the two leading approaches that combine feminist theor y with psychoanalysis . One i s base d o n object-relation s theory , whic h emphasize s th e mother child attachment , separation , an d individuation . Th e othe r i s reflected i n

8 Introduction the writing s o f femal e proponent s o f Lacania n theory , whic h reject s bi ology an d use s linguistic s an d logi c t o understan d femal e development . Both emphasiz e th e preoedipa l perio d o f development , althoug h fro m markedly different perspectives . Some female Lacanians advocate the for m of thinking foun d i n the preoedipal stag e to subver t patriarchy , sinc e it is not base d o n th e dualisti c divisio n o f subjec t an d object . However , a s discussed i n Part One , this preoedipal thinking , with it s use of magic an d primitive defenses , i s itsel f historically responsibl e fo r th e suppressio n o f women an d th e institutio n o f patriarch y an d phallocentrism . Th e useful ness of the object-relation s famil y typolog y presente d i n this boo k i s suggested as a means of integrating individual, interpersonal, family, and social perspectives. My hop e i s tha t thi s boo k will brin g a greater understandin g o f wh y Freud developed his theories on feminine psychology. He has been sharply criticized b y feminist s becaus e o f hi s view s o n women , ye t h e himsel f acknowledged tha t hi s writing s o n wome n wer e th e weakes t par t o f hi s work. Hi s grea t genius had a flaw—his misunderstandin g o f women. De spite thi s imperfection , w e canno t discoun t th e inestimabl e valu e o f hi s other contributions—the understanding of the development and workings of th e huma n min d a s well a s the healin g o f it s afflictions . W e no w nee d to procee d t o develo p ne w understanding s o f feminine psycholog y base d on ou r curren t knowledge .

i. Psychoanalysis and Feminine Psychology

Freud and Feminine Psychology In thi s chapte r w e wil l loo k a t som e o f Freud' s ke y view s o n feminin e psychology, a s well as the major criticism s of his theories. Certain question s still remai n unanswere d abou t hi s theoretica l understandin g o f feminin e psychology, fo r example : Why di d Freu d ignor e th e rol e o f th e mothe r i n earl y chil d developmen t ? Why di d Freu d conside r th e libid o t o b e a masculine forc e i n bot h sexes ? Why were only the male genitals and castration anxiet y a model for bot h sexes, and th e femal e genital s ignored ? Why did Freud think that women felt castrated already, did not suffer castratio n anxiety, an d thu s di d no t resolv e th e Oedipu s comple x a s readily a s men? Why di d Freu d thin k tha t th e supereg o develope d onl y after the resolutio n o f the Oedipu s complex , an d was a result o f internalizatio n o f the fathe r an d no t the mother ? Why did Freud consider the superego development in the personality of women to b e les s complete tha n i n men ? Why did Freud write that women suffered peni s envy and never overcame thei r sense o f inferiorit y becaus e o f it ? Why did Freu d thin k it was penis envy that led women t o turn t o their fathers , become feminine , an d t o desir e a baby? II

12 Historical-Cultural Background Why were men and women considered to be bisexual by Freud? Why di d Freu d sa y that wome n nee d t o giv e u p activ e clitora l stimulation , which he considered masculine, and replace it with passive vaginal orgasm t o be feminine > Why were passivity, narcissism, and masochism primarily associated with femininity, and activity with masculinity > Freud's final statement abou t feminin e psycholog y appeare d i n his New Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis (1933) , where h e wrote : Girls remai n i n i t [th e Oedipu s complex].. . they demolis h i t lat e and , eve n so, incompletely. In these circumstances the formation o f the super-ego must suffe r ... and feminist s ar e not please d whe n w e point ou t t o the m the effect s o f this factor upo n the average feminine character . (129) The fact that women must be regarded as having little sense of justice is no doubt related to the predominance of envy in their mental life....We als o regard women as weaker in their social interests and as having less capacity for sublimating their instincts than men....A woma n of the same age (as a man of 30)... frightens u s by her psychical rigidity and unchangeability....There are no paths open to further development... the difficult developmen t t o femininity ha d exhausted the possibilities of the person concerned. (135) Why did Freud make such grossly biased and incorrect statements abou t women, whe n i n othe r area s h e wa s suc h a perceptiv e an d accurat e ob server? This i s a mystery tha t crie d fo r explanation . Unfortunately , i t wa s precisely becaus e o f Freud' s geniu s an d hi s monumenta l discoverie s i n other areas of mental functioning tha t credibility was lent to his psychoanalytic theor y o f women . Thi s boo k wil l provid e evidenc e o n ho w th e prevailing Victorian cultural world in which Freud lived, as well as Freud's conflictual relationshi p wit h hi s mother , strongl y influence d hi s thinkin g about women . This boo k i s a psychohistory , i n whic h w e wil l analyz e Freud' s inne r life a s well a s the cultura l contex t o f the Victorian societ y that influence d him. Indeed, Freu d was the father o f psychohistory, having written abou t Leonardo d a Vinci , Pau l Schreber , Moses , an d Woodro w Wilson . Psy chohistory no t onl y offers a historical chronicl e of events bu t als o tries t o provide a n in-depth analyti c understanding o f them. Freu d di d not inter view an y of the me n i n these studies, bu t h e use d th e insight s o f psychoanalysis t o gai n a n understandin g o f eac h ma n fro m hi s actions , creativ e

Psychoanalysis and Feminine Psychology 1 3 works, an d writte n documents . Psychohistor y use s suc h sources , ye t th e resulting psychologica l understandin g i s still speculative . In thi s boo k I als o hav e no t use d direc t psychoanalysi s o r interview s with people . Th e autobiographica l material s wer e derive d fro m Freud' s letters, dreams , an d othe r writings , an d I us e biographica l material s a s well. In addition, I make an attempt to link Freud's actual behavior towar d women an d hi s choic e o f ar t collectio n t o th e hypothese s develope d i n this book. Despite my efforts t o make the most accurate analytic constructions, the analyses developed rest on speculation s and cannot be presente d with certainty . However , th e insight s tha t ar e develope d shoul d brin g together event s i n a creativ e wa y t o provid e fres h perspective s an d ne w meanings. One subject we will deal with is the paradox between what Freud wrote about wome n an d hi s relationship s wit h hi s femal e colleagues . Thoug h he considere d th e personalit y o f woma n t o b e inferio r t o tha t o f ma n i n theory, Freud actually opened up psychoanalysis to women, respected their contributions, nurture d thei r careers , an d develope d stron g persona l friendships wit h man y o f them . Despit e hi s shortcoming s o n feminin e theory, Freu d wa s a geniu s wh o ha d a profoun d influenc e o n moder n society. Not onl y di d h e provide u s with a method t o analyz e the huma n mind an d a way t o hea l emotiona l suffering , bu t h e advance d a n under standing o f chil d developmen t tha t foster s healthie r chil d rearing . Freu d sensitized societ y t o a greater acceptanc e o f huma n sexualit y an d aggres sion, as well as an acknowledgment o f the influence o f unconscious deter minants o n personalit y formation an d relationships . Literatur e an d art , as well as the behaviora l an d socia l sciences , have bee n profoundl y enriche d by the contribution s o f psychoanalysis .

Feminism and Psychoanalysis The renaissanc e o f th e feminis t movemen t i n th e 1960 s ignited a contro versy abou t Freud' s theor y an d treatmen t o f women . Feminist s suc h a s Simone d e Beauvoi r (1961 ) an d Bett y Frieda n (1963 ) believe d tha t Freud's feminin e psycholog y di d no t promot e gende r equalit y bu t per petuated th e age-ol d suppressio n o f women . Mos t o f th e earl y feminis t writers rejected classical psychoanalytic theory, since they felt it represented a direct reflectio n o f the Victorian bia s against women. Instead , feminist s turned t o anthropology , history , philosophy , politics , an d sociolog y fo r explanations abou t feminin e psycholog y an d gende r relations . However ,

14 Historical-Cultural

Background

Betty Friedan , i n The Feminine Mystique (1963) , acknowledge d th e deb t the feminis t movemen t owe d t o othe r aspect s o f Freud' s work . Psycho analysis contribute d significanti y towar d emancipatin g wome n fro m ex isting repressive Victorian sexual morality. However, Frieda n posited tha t Freud's psychology of women created "a new tyranny of the shoulds, which chains wome n t o a n ol d image , prohibit s choic e an d growth , an d denie s them individua l identity. " Thinl y disguise d cultura l prejudice s tha t con sider "wome n ar e animals , les s tha n human , unabl e t o thin k lik e men , born merel y t o bree d an d serv e men" were simpl y reinforced . One o f the early feminist defender s o f Freud's psychoanalyti c feminin e psychology wa s Julie t Mitchel l (1974) , wh o note d it s usefulnes s a s a method o f understandin g gende r development . Mitchel l rejecte d th e no tion tha t classica l psychoanalytic theor y wa s subjectiv e an d influence d b y Victorian culture . Sh e viewe d psychoanalysi s a s a value-free science , im mune fro m th e investigator' s persona l influence . However , a s Remmlin g (1967) an d Spenc e (1987 ) hav e noted , n o scienc e i s value-free . Thi s i s particularly th e cas e fo r th e softe r behaviora l sciences , suc h a s psychoa nalysis. All scientific theor y i s influenced b y the personal issues of the theorist, as well as the social and cultural forces of a particular time and place. In addition , th e linguisti c philosophe r Ludwi g Wittgenstei n eve n ques tioned the objectivity of all scientific theory, despite following the rigorous requirement o f th e logica l positivist s tha t theor y b e base d solel y o n em pirical observatio n (Jani k an d Toulmi n 1973) . Wittgenstei n note d tha t language is not a clear window through which to view the world. Becaus e language i s anothe r variabl e tha t shape s perception , scientifi c theor y ca n provide onl y a symboli c descriptio n o f th e worl d tha t i s pragmaticall y useful. Within psychoanalysis , simila r disagreement s abou t Freud' s feminin e psychology ha d bee n strongl y voice d muc h earlier , especiall y b y femal e analysts suc h a s Kare n Horne y (1922) , Melani e Klei n (1928) , an d Clar a Thompson (1950) . Beginnin g i n th e 1930 s i n England , Melani e Klei n departed fro m Freud' s idea s abou t th e entir e earl y perio d o f chil d devel opment for both sexes. Freud had not acknowledged the role of the mother and emphasize d th e relationshi p t o th e fathe r i n th e child' s personalit y development. Klein , on the other hand, found tha t the child's relationshi p to th e mothe r durin g th e first thre e year s o f lif e wa s th e mos t significan t factor i n personalit y development . Thi s was the preoedipa l period . Prob lems i n thi s phas e resulte d i n mor e psychopatholog y tha n durin g th e oedipal period . The cornerston e o f Freud' s theor y o f neurosi s reste d o n th e lac k o f

Psychoanalysis and Feminine Psychology 1 5 resolution o f the relationshi p t o th e fathe r durin g th e oedipal period. Th e oedipal period , fro m thre e t o si x years o f age , resulte d fro m biologicall y inborn sexua l instinct s an d occurre d universall y i n ever y child' s develop ment. During this period the child became sexually attracted to the paren t of th e opposit e se x an d wishe d t o eliminat e th e paren t o f th e sam e sex . Klein's reformulation , whic h stresse d th e earlie r preoedipal period o f chil d development an d th e rol e o f th e mothe r rathe r tha n th e father , wa s a radical departure. Klein also felt that the child's fantasy was more significant than biologica l instinct s i n personalit y development . Sh e furthe r dimin ished th e importanc e o f instinct s b y relegatin g the m t o anothe r for m o f fantasy experience d i n th e child-mothe r relationship . Klein the n wen t o n t o construc t he r ow n timetabl e fo r chil d devel opment, quit e differen t fro m tha t o f Freud . Her s wa s les s biologica l an d more relational . I t include d a two-perso n psychology : a n interpersona l relationship betwee n mothe r an d child, and a one-person psycholog y tha t was intrapsychic . Sh e observe d tha t oedipa l fantasie s an d eve n supereg o development becam e manifes t a s earl y a s th e first thre e year s o f lif e fo r both sexes. I n Freud' s formulation , th e developmen t o f a conscience, th e superego, rested on the resolution of the Oedipus complex, which did no t occur unti l five or si x years o f age . According t o Freud , i t was only the n that th e first perso n wa s internalize d b y th e chil d t o for m th e superego . This perso n wa s the fathe r an d no t th e mother. Klei n disagree d wit h thi s formulation an d suggested that the infant was relating to and internalizin g the mothe r fro m birt h onward . The mos t significan t departur e b y Klei n wa s he r belie f tha t th e relationship of the infanfs bonding to the mother and later separating from he r is the central issue in infant development. For Klein, the child's attachment was paramount, an d not the gratifying instinct s as Freud believed. Despit e Klein's differing position , the psychoanalytic movement in Britain did no t break int o tw o groups , a s i t ha d i n th e Unite d States , becaus e o f th e support o f it s leader , Ernes t Jones . Jone s ha d originall y invite d Klei n t o come t o Londo n fro m Berli n i n 1926 . Sh e treate d hi s children , an d h e agreed wit h man y o f her formulations . Afte r heate d conflic t an d negotia tions, the British psychoanalytic movement managed to remain whole, yet it divide d int o classical , Kleinian , an d middl e group s i n 1946 . Deriving man y o f thei r concept s fro m Melani e Klein , Britis h object relations analyst s from th e middle grou p furthe r elaborate d o n th e effect s of th e rea l relationshi p betwee n th e mothe r an d infan t o n personalit y formation. Whil e Klein had focused mostiy on the child's internal fantasie s of greed , envy , destruction , an d reparation , th e object-relation s analyst s

16 Historical-Cultural

Background

also considere d th e actua l impac t o f th e mothe r o n th e child . The y em phasized tha t th e mothe r mus t b e responsiv e t o th e developmenta l need s of the child. The object-relations group of analysts included Michael Balint, Ronald Fairbairn , Harr y Guntrip , an d Donal d Winnicott . In th e Unite d States , neo-Freudian s suc h a s Karen Horne y an d Clar a Thompson ha d objecte d t o Freud' s patriarcha l an d phallocentri c orien tation i n feminin e psycholog y an d emphasize d postoedipal family an d cul tural factors. Freu d hel d the view that considere d peni s envy as biological and universa l i n al l women . Horne y an d Thompso n sa w i t onl y a s a symbolic manifestation o f a male-oriented Victoria n culture . Eve n befor e Karen Horne y emigrate d fro m Europ e t o th e Unite d State s i n 1932 , she had courageously stood up at the International Congress of Psychoanalysis in Berli n i n 1922 . Wit h Freu d presiding , sh e strongl y objecte d t o th e presentation b y Kar l Abraham (he r forme r analyst) , which elaborate d o n Freud's emphasi s o n peni s env y i n femal e psycholog y (Ga y 1988). Freud had postulated that young girls considered their vagina a wound, resulting fro m castratio n o f their penis . The gir l then blame d th e mothe r and turne d t o he r father , hopin g t o receiv e a gift o f a penis, which late r changed into a gift of a child. The paper Horney presented at the Congress, "On th e Genesi s o f the Castratio n Comple x i n Women" (1922) , acknowledged th e significanc e o f peni s env y an d th e castratio n comple x i n th e oedipal developmenta l perio d o f women. However , sh e denie d tha t the y created femininit y o r tha t the y le d wome n t o rejec t thei r womanhood : "But, th e deductio n tha t therefor e repudiatio n o f thei r womanhoo d i s based o n tha t env y b y n o mean s preclude s a dee p an d wholl y womanl y love attachment t o the father, an d that i t is only when thi s relation come s to grie f over the Oedipu s comple x that the env y leads to a revulsion fro m the subject's ow n sexua l role." Horney furthe r speculate d tha t it was masculine bia s tha t wa s responsibl e fo r formulatin g suc h a theory tha t con sidered women , hal f th e world' s population , a s dissatisfie d wit h th e se x into whic h the y were born . After Freu d publishe d hi s paper "Som e Psychica l Consequences o f th e Anatomical Distinctio n betwee n th e Sexes " (1925) , Horne y note d tha t psychoanalysis wa s create d b y a male genius, an d tha t i t was mosdy me n who elaborate d o n Freud' s ideas . Sh e fel t i t wa s easie r fo r thes e me n t o evolve a masculine than a feminine psychology. She disagreed with Freud' s idea tha t jus t becaus e wome n fel t castrate d the y turne d t o thei r father s and then becam e feminine . Horne y considere d femininit y a s a basic bio logical give n int o whic h wome n wer e born , an d no t a n en d produc t developing ou t o f self-disappointmen t an d env y of men .

Psychoanalysis and Feminine Psychology 17 In he r pape r "Th e Fligh t fro m Womanhood " (1926) , Horne y quote d the eminen t Germa n sociologis t Geor g Sirnme l to th e effec t tha t moder n society wa s essentiall y masculin e an d ha d force d wome n int o a n inferio r role; thi s lac k o f socia l equalit y wa s th e caus e o f women' s env y o f men . Horney stated male and female biology were equal but different. Sh e boldly suggested tha t th e deprecatio n o f women migh t b e related t o men' s env y of women's reproductiv e capacity , o r womb envy. In he r pape r "Th e Drea d o f Women " (1932) , Horne y explore d th e pervasive fear of women acros s many cultures. She linked it with the small boy's dread , durin g th e oedipa l period , tha t hi s peni s wa s to o smal l fo r his mother' s engulfin g vagina . Th e bo y anticipate d tha t h e woul d b e re jected an d humiliate d b y his mother, an d therefor e feare d an d neede d t o demean women . I n he r subsequen t writings , Horne y considere d cultura l inequality importan t bu t no t th e onl y caus e fo r emotiona l difficultie s i n both me n an d women , an d sh e searche d fo r mor e genera l universals . Marie Bonaparte, the French analyst who was a descendant of Napoleon and later helped rescu e Freud an d his family fro m th e Nazis , also felt tha t Freud's understanding of feminine psycholog y was deficient (Berti n 1982). Although sh e remaine d conflicte d abou t Freud' s theor y o f feminin e psy chology, sh e questione d tha t i t wa s universa l an d inborn . Instead , Bo naparte looked to transcultural studie s to delineate biological factors fro m the rol e playe d b y cultur e i n femal e psychology . Lik e Horney , Mari e Bonaparte als o recognize d tha t "ma n i s afraid o f woman. " Freud's famou s biographer , Ernes t Jones , strongl y disagree d wit h Freud's view s o n feminin e psychology , whic h resulte d i n th e famou s Freud-Jones debate s i n th e 1920 s an d 1930s . Jones defende d Kare n Hor n e t s positio n a t th e 193 5 meeting o f th e Vienn a Psychoanalyti c Societ y (Gay 1988) . H e agree d wit h Horne y tha t girl s envie d th e peni s becaus e it symbolize d powe r an d instan t sexua l gratification. However , Jone s be lieved tha t th e bo y envie d th e girl' s sexua l organs , whic h ar e capabl e o f reproducing life and symbolize instant creativity. Jones insisted that wom en's femininit y wa s develope d ou t o f thei r geneti c constitution : wome n are born and not made. Femininity was innate and biological, even thoug h it was influence d an d shape d b y psychologica l issues . Clara Thompso n (1950 ) note d tha t women' s subservienc e t o me n so cially and sexually was simply taken for granted in the patriarchal Victoria n culture. As a result, women's env y of men wa s wholly realistic, in view o f men's greate r powe r an d freedo m i n society . Th e penis , s o importan t i n Freud's developmental psychology, was significant onl y as a symbol of the male's superio r conditio n socially . Thompso n stresse d tha t th e socia l de -

18 Historical-Cultural Background valuation o f women an d the denial of their sexuality had a more profoun d effect o n personalit y formatio n tha n simpl y peni s envy . No t onl y wa s woman place d int o a n inferio r positio n socially , bu t th e undervaluatio n of he r genital s an d th e denia l o f he r sexualit y mad e i t difficul t fo r he r t o gain self-acceptance , self-respect , an d self-esteem . Thompson's understandin g abou t wome n fits i n wit h th e genera l so ciological finding o f Kur t Lewi n (1935) . Any grou p tha t i s devalue d b y society tend s t o internaliz e thi s assault o n it s self-estee m an d t o develo p a sense of inferiority. Th e minorit y grou p tha t suffer s prejudice , whethe r on th e basi s of ethnicity , race , religion , o r sex , tends t o identif y wit h th e devaluation of it by the larger society. The negative self-image that develops becomes par t o f one' s identity , resultin g i n self-hatred . In thos e earl y day s o f psychoanalysis , no t onl y wome n analyst s chal lenged Freud's patriarchal an d phallocentric view of feminine psychology . In 190 8 Fritz Wittel s delivere d a paper befor e th e Vienn a Psychoanalyti c Society abou t th e rol e o f cultur e i n shapin g women' s personalit y (Ga y 1988). H e maintaine d tha t societ y constricte d wome n an d fostere d thei r obsession wit h persona l beauty . I t wa s the cultur e an d no t wome n them selves tha t contribute d t o women' s dissatisfactio n wit h no t havin g bee n born men . Wittel s acknowledge d tha t socia l injustic e wa s responsibl e fo r the creatio n o f the women' s movemen t a s a way t o gai n socia l equality . Also i n 1908 , Sando r Ferenczi , Freud' s closes t mal e colleague , wrot e a pape r publishe d i n Hungaria n entide d "Th e Effec t o n Wome n o f Pre mature Ejaculatio n i n Men " (Vid a 1989) . I t state d tha t no t onl y wa s women's positio n i n societ y suppressed b y the culture, bu t thei r sexualit y was as well. Since sexual enjoyment wa s seen as morally indecent or sinfu l in society , wome n fel t force d t o choos e betwee n sexua l satisfactio n an d self-respect. T o sustai n thei r self-estee m i n thi s conflict , "good " wome n could no t b e activ e sexually . Instead , the y ha d t o assum e a passiv e an d masochistic position in sex, and thereby to deny themselves sexual orgasm. Since men als o assumed tha t prope r women di d not enjo y sex , they mad e little or n o effor t t o arous e women i n sexual foreplay. Th e resul t was tha t most marital se x consisted o f premature ejaculatio n fo r th e male an d littl e or no satisfaction for the female. Ferenczi concluded that the cultural values prohibiting enjoyment o f sexuality resulted in incomplete or absen t sexual satisfaction fo r women . H e state d tha t thi s frustrate d sexua l satisfactio n accounted fo r s o man y wome n sufferin g anxiet y an d hysterica l neurose s in Europ e aroun d th e tur n o f th e century . Ferencz i thu s implicate d th e European cultur e a s largely responsibl e fo r thes e neurose s i n women . In 193 5 Kare n Horne y rejecte d th e libid o theory , an d he r specifi c

Psychoanalysis and Feminine Psychology 1 9 interest i n feminin e psycholog y expande d int o a mor e genera l inclusio n of social and cultural forces i n the development o f normal personality an d psychopathology. Sh e joine d force s wit h Harr y Stac k Sullivan , Clar a Thompson, William Silverberg, and Erich Fromm, al l of whom concurre d that i t wa s importan t fo r psychoanalysi s t o interac t wit h othe r scientifi c disciplines (Eckard t 1978) . Hornet s tw o books , The Neurotic Personality of Our Time (1937 ) an d New Ways in Psychoanalysis (1939) , emphasize d the cultura l issue s i n psychoanalysis . On Apri l 29 , 1941 , at a busines s meetin g o f th e Ne w Yor k Psychoan alytic Society , Kare n Horne y wa s disqualifie d fro m bein g a n instructo r and trainin g analys t becaus e sh e wa s allegedl y disturbin g student s wit h her cultural ideas. She walked out, accompanied by Clara Thompson, Sarah Kelman, Sau l Ephron, an d Bernar d Robbins , al l of whom resigne d fro m the Society . In 195 5 Clara Thompso n organize d a meetin g o f eminen t psychoan alysts, which include d Sando r Rado , Jule s Masserman, Fran z Alexander , Abram Kardiner , an d others , t o organiz e a psychoanalyti c organizatio n where a fre e exchang e o f idea s comin g fro m man y scientifi c discipline s could occur . O n Apri l 29,1956, the American Academ y o f Psychoanalysi s was created , wit h Jane t Rioc h a s it s first president . Th e Academy' s goa l was t o tak e int o accoun t no t onl y biologica l factor s an d intrapsychi c dy namics but also interpersonal, social, and cultural relationships that affecte d personality development . Althoug h i t ha s markedl y change d sinc e then , in the mid-1950s classical psychoanalysis still limited itself to a one-person psychology, focusing on the sexual-libido theory and the internal dynamics of the individual . Sinc e then , objec t relation s an d sel f psychology, whic h are two-person psychologies , have assume d a prominent positio n i n classical psychoanalysis . More recently , a growing numbe r o f publications hav e combined fem inism an d newe r aspect s o f psychoanalyti c theor y (Mille r 1976) . Thi s i s particularly tru e fo r object-relation s theor y (Chodoro w 1989 ; Dinnerstein 1976) an d feminis t writer s usin g Lacania n theor y (Cixou s 1986 ; Irigara y 1985a an d 1985b ; Kristev a 1977) , whic h se e th e preoedipa l mother-chil d relationship a s paramoun t i n feminin e personalit y an d gende r develop ment. Thes e theorie s will b e covere d i n th e Epilogue . In understandin g feminin e psychology , a multicausal orientatio n i s essential tha t include s no t onl y th e oedipa l bu t als o th e preoedipa l an d postoedipal periods . I n thi s way , th e dynami c relationship s betwee n th e biological, intrapsychic, interpersonal, social, and cultural forces ca n mor e readily b e take n int o account .

2. Magic, the Fear of Women, and Patriarchy

The Origin and Use of Magic In this chapter we will explore how social attitudes toward women evolved out of an effort t o gain magical control over nature and to master existence. Historically, wome n hav e bee n closel y associate d wit h nature , since , lik e nature, thei r bodie s create d ne w lif e an d provide d sustenance . Thi s con nection t o nature was furthered b y women's menstrual cycles , which wer e seen a s simila r t o th e cycle s o f th e moo n an d th e seasons . Wome n wer e also mysteriously tie d t o anothe r cycle—life , death , an d rebirth . Becaus e of thes e fantasize d tie s t o nature , wome n an d thei r sexualit y wer e feare d and ha d t o b e controlled . We will review how various ancient civilizations adapted to nature, an d how thi s le d t o th e evolutio n o f th e patriarcha l societ y i n Freud' s fin-de siecle Vienna. Althoug h Victoria n societ y i s usually blame d b y feminist s to explai n Freud' s attitud e towar d women , i t i s importan t t o vie w thi s time and place from a broader historical and cultural perspective. We need to understan d wh y thes e primitiv e attitude s towar d wome n continue d through th e Middle Ages, the Enlightenment, an d into Victorian society . These view s o f women, base d o n irrational , magica l form s o f adaptatio n to nature , persiste d eve n whe n rationalit y becam e supreme . Vienna , lik e other nineteenth-centur y Europea n societies , remaine d patriarcha l an d phallocentric an d fel t th e nee d t o contro l wome n an d thei r sexuality . Freud himsel f trie d t o understan d th e ancien t origin s o f patriarcha l society i n hi s boo k Civilization and Its Discontents (1930) . However , h e 20

Magic, the Pear of Women, and Patriarchy 2 1 justified th e existenc e o f patriarch y a s essentia l i n sustainin g civilization . The father' s la w in societ y restricted sexualit y an d aggressio n i n exchang e for security . Freu d considere d tha t men wer e bette r abl e to renounc e an d sublimate thei r instinct s t o suppor t civilization' s "highe r psychica l activi ties, scientific, artistic , or ideological. " On th e other hand , he perpetuate d the associatio n o f wome n wit h natur e an d instinctua l life . Whe n me n withdrew from sexua l life to be with other men, Freud stated, "the woman finds herself forced int o th e backgroun d b y the claim s of civilization, an d she adopt s a hostile attitud e towar d it. " Freud als o recognized tha t religio n was an adaptive mechanism t o dea l with huma n helplessnes s agains t nature. Her e agai n Freud minimize d th e role of women, an d he saw religion a s a longing for a protective fathe r t o shield against Mother Nature . Freu d als o condemned religiou s feelings a s a mass delusion base d o n th e oceani c feelin g experience d b y the infan t a t the mother's breast . H e considere d religio n a s infantilizing an d a n escap e from painfu l reality . Freud' s views of civilization ar e based o n hi s instinc t theory, with emphasi s o n th e Oedipu s comple x an d the father. Thi s sam e issue o f huma n adaptatio n ca n b e viewe d fro m th e perspectiv e o f objec t relations, takin g int o accoun t th e mother , an d th e magica l for m o f cog nition foun d i n preoedipa l development .

Women and Primitive Religions To cop e wit h it s helplessnes s i n facin g th e force s o f nature , eac h societ y develops it s ow n myth s an d rituals . Thes e invention s enabl e individual s to surviv e emotionally , no t t o fee l totall y helples s an d hopeless , an d t o deal with th e man y vicissitude s o f lif e an d th e realit y o f death . Althoug h we ar e consciously awar e of our mortality , w e als o have the abilit y to us e magical thinking , t o fantasiz e an d creat e myth s an d ritual s t o dea l wit h anticipated traum a an d loss . I n primitiv e societie s thes e myth s wer e in stitutionalized an d expressed in communal rituals, which strengthened th e protection of each individual against nature. In addition, by people sharing the myth s an d rituals , th e fabri c o f societ y wa s cemente d int o a cohesiv e whole an d provide d a continuity wit h th e past . What ha s bee n th e historical developmen t o f magical thinking an d th e effect o n wome n o f primitiv e religions ? Home r Smit h (1952 ) note d tha t during th e prehistori c er a o f civilization , peopl e trie d t o contro l thei r destiny b y anthropomorphizing th e forces o f nature. They fantasized tha t their physical surroundings were inhabited b y sacred powers, which coul d

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be either protectiv e o r destructive . Th e ultimat e symbo l fo r thes e power s in thei r religio n wa s the great mother goddess , despit e th e fac t tha t thes e societies wer e patriarchal i n thei r powe r structure . During th e Ston e Age , idol s o f th e grea t mothe r goddes s ha d bee n worshiped, an d sacrifice s wer e mad e t o he r t o insur e fertility , life , an d rebirth. Excavation s o f Mesopotamia n settlement s alon g th e Tigri s an d Euphrates rivers , which dat e back to 5000 B.C., such as at Kish, Ur, Susa , and Tell al-Ubaid, as well as others along the Nile valley in Egypt, provid e us wit h informatio n abou t th e grea t mothe r goddess . Thes e excavate d figures depic t he r bod y a s a pregnant woma n wit h larg e breast s an d but tocks. Beside s bein g th e provide r o f food , sh e i s responsibl e fo r fertilit y in man, animals , an d plan t life . Through magica l thinking, awe-inspirin g ritual, an d anima l o r huma n sacrifice , primitiv e people s attempte d t o en treat th e goddes s t o insur e fertilit y everywhere . The grea t mothe r goddes s too k o n variou s names . I n Mesopotamia , including Babylonia , sh e wa s calle d Ishtar ; amon g th e Semiti c tribes , she wa s Astart e o r Ashtoreth ; i n Greece , Gae a o r Rhea ; i n Egypt , Isis ; in Phrygi a (Asi a Minor) , Cybele ; an d i n Persia , Anaitis . Whe n natur e proved t o b e destructive , peopl e coul d blam e themselve s a s bein g pun ished b y th e goddes s fo r bein g sinful . Thi s self-blam e wa s preferabl e t o seeing natur e a s impersona l an d t o bein g helpless , sinc e peopl e coul d at leas t attemp t t o und o thei r sinfu l act s b y som e for m o f penanc e o r sacrifice. In paleolithic , neolithic , an d Bronz e Ag e cav e painting s an d artifacts , these goddesses are portrayed as being associated with a variety of animals, such a s birds , dogs , snakes , sheep , spiders , deer , fish, pigs , catde , an d bears. Th e goddesse s coul d b e see n a s a projection o f ho w wome n wer e perceived a s not onl y representatives o f nature bu t als o of the anima l par t of human life. They and their animals were the forerunners o f the Phrygian goddess Cybel e an d he r lions , th e Syria n goddes s De a Syri a an d he r serpent, Artemi s an d he r deer , a s well a s Eve an d th e snake . Possibl y th e prohibition agains t eatin g pi g i n th e Middl e Eas t aros e becaus e th e pi g was generall y th e sacrificia l anima l t o th e goddess .

The Myth of an Original Matriarchal Society The controversia l feminis t archeologis t Marij a Gimbuta s (1974 , 1989 ) speculates that th e goddess ha d a golden ag e with gender equalit y durin g

Magic, the Fear of Women, and Patriarchy 2 3 the Stone Age in Europe.1 She portrays a peaceful, art-loving, earth-bound , and agricultura l society , wher e peopl e buil t settlement s instea d o f forts , and mad e ceramic s instea d o f weapons . Sh e claim s th e cultur e wa s ma trilineal, unstratified hierarchically , an d th e tribe s were heade d b y queen priestesses. Gimbuta s furthe r speculate s tha t thi s harmoniou s an d egali tarian cultur e whic h centere d aroun d wome n wa s destroye d b y Indo European invader s fro m th e Ponti c stepp e abou t si x thousand year s ago , and tha t i t was the n tha t a patriarchal warlik e cultur e becam e dominant . According to Gimbutas , the Indo-Europeans wer e indifferent t o art , thei r gods wer e mal e warriors, an d the y wer e oriente d towar d th e sk y and th e sun. However, ther e i s evidenc e tha t th e peopl e o f ol d Europ e wer e no t simply gend e an d peac e loving . Davi d Anthony , a n anthropologis t a t Hartwick Colleg e who studie d thi s sam e period, foun d fortifie d site s an d weapons indicatin g tha t warfare di d exis t during th e Ston e Age (Steinfel s 1990). Als o foun d wer e symbol s o f status , evidenc e o f huma n sacrifice , hierarchy, an d socia l inequality . Anthon y conclude d tha t ther e wa s n o evidence that women playe d a central or powerfu l rol e in the social structure, despite the religious worship of the goddess. Most other archeologist s and anthropologist s als o questio n th e conclusion s draw n b y Gambutas . They d o no t se e an y direc t connectio n betwee n goddes s worshi p an d a n elevation o f femal e statu s i n thos e societies . According t o Sall y Binfor d (1982) , wha t appear s t o b e a curren t feminist fundamentalism , centerin g o n th e grea t mothe r goddes s an d a matriarchal culture , cannot b e supported b y scientific evidence . Sh e state s that whe n anthropologist s di d seriou s fieldwork, "th e simplisti c notio n of a matriarcha l stag e i n th e huma n pas t ha d t o b e discarded. " Th e anthropologist Jame s Presto n considere d tha t ther e ma y eve n hav e bee n an invers e relationshi p betwee n goddes s worshi p an d women' s socia l status; tha t is , the mor e goddes s worshi p existe d i n a culture , th e lowe r the statu s o f wome n (Rabuzz i 1989) . Wome n wer e feare d an d neede d 1. Gimbutas' s speculation s o f a golde n ag e i n ol d Europe , a tim e whe n wome n wer e socially empowered , serve s a s a rational e i n certai n feminis t literatur e fo r rejectin g th e pa triarchal aspect s o f Judeo-Christia n religio n an d returnin g t o worshippin g th e goddes s (Spretnak 1982) . Often thi s feminis t theolog y i s tied t o a n ecologica l movemen t tha t seek s harmony wit h mothe r earth . Anothe r grou p tha t worship s th e goddes s toda y i s base d o n witchcraft, th e Wiccan (old English for witch) movement, a remnant of pagan nature worship. In bot h th e feminist an d Wicca n groups , worship o f the grea t mothe r goddes s ma y includ e dance, art, meditation, herba l medicine, ritual, and magic. Unger (1990 ) estimates that mor e than 100,00 0 peopl e currend y worshi p th e goddes s i n th e Unite d States .

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to b e controlle d becaus e o f thei r mysteriou s magica l power s tha t wer e connected t o nature. 2 Nature wa s (an d stil l is ) personifie d a s a mother, wh o coul d b e eithe r beneficent an d nurturant o r terrifying, destructive , an d abl e to inflict pai n or death . Th e grea t mothe r goddes s wa s no t onl y th e give r o f lif e an d fertility, bu t sh e wa s als o th e spinne r o r weave r o f huma n destiny . He r life-giving aspect s wer e associate d wit h pigs , bulls , an d goats , whil e he r death-giving aspect s wer e connecte d t o image s o f vulture s an d owls . I n Mesopotamia, Ishta r (wh o wa s th e sam e a s the Semiti c goddes s Astarte ) was bot h th e crue l goddes s o f wa r an d th e kindl y sympatheti c helpe r o f the disease d an d unfortunate . I n th e Hind u religion , ther e was th e pow erful goddes s Kali , who wa s both lovin g an d creativ e a s well as terrifyin g and destructive . I n Gree k mythology , Athen a wa s th e goddes s o f wa r a s well a s o f wisdo m an d handicrafts . However , th e mos t dramati c spli t demonstrating th e power o f women wa s in the myth o f the ancient Gree k goddess Persephone an d her mother, Demeter. The change in seasons was considered t o b e due t o Demete r (th e grea t mothe r goddess) , who with held th e fertilit y o f crop s an d create d winte r i n retaliatio n fo r Pluto' s abduction o f Persephon e t o th e underworld . Persephon e wa s cherishe d by th e Greek s a s the harbinge r o f ne w lif e i n spring , whe n sh e returne d to he r mothe r eac h year ; an d sh e wa s feare d a s th e crue l goddes s wh o punished th e dea d whil e i n Hades . Women alone, like the goddess Demeter, were felt to possess the magical powers o f fertility , sinc e a t that tim e th e rol e of the fathe r i n procreatio n was unknown. Fo r example, Hesiod, th e eighth- century B.C . Greek poet , recounted th e earlies t Gree k mytholog y o f th e creatio n o f th e eart h an d its gods and goddesses. He told of Gaea, the great mother goddess, giving birth, throug h parthenogenesis , o f he r son-husban d Uranus . Th e femal e body was seen as similar to the earth, which coul d spontaneously produc e new lif e fro m itself . Thi s grea t powe r o f procreatio n tha t onl y wome n possess wa s considere d t o com e fro m thei r contac t wit h natura l forces , ancestral spirits , an d th e goddesses . De Beauvoi r (1961 ) note d tha t historicall y wome n hav e bee n assigne d agricultural tasks , sinc e the y coul d obtai n supernatura l hel p wit h th e 2. Sprengnethe r (1990 ) comments that this same conflict concernin g a n original matriar chal societ y existe d betwee n Jun g an d Freud . Jung , who wa s influence d b y J. J . Bachofen' s book on mother-right, considere d that historically there was a primary matriarchy. Rejectin g Bachofen's idea s a s inadequate , Freud , i n Totem and Taboo (1912), felt societ y wa s alway s patriarchal, wit h perhap s a brie f interva l o f matriarch y afte r th e son s i n th e prima l hord e killed th e prima l father .

Magic, the Fear of Women, and Patriarchy 2 5 fertility o f crops . Huma n fertilit y an d rebirt h wer e connecte d an d als o tied i n wit h th e supernatura l force s tha t regenerate d plants . Childre n were though t t o b e th e reincarnate d soul s o f dea d ancestor s tha t entere d the mother' s bod y throug h som e mysteriou s spiritua l visitation . I n thi s way, femal e procreatio n wa s relate d t o rebirt h afte r death .

Social Control of Women Paradoxically, even though women were feared for their mysterious powers in the fertility of crops, birth, and in rebirth afte r death , they did not hav e actual social power an d were at the mercy of men. As a protection agains t abduction an d rap e b y men , wome n staye d i n thei r ow n clans , with au thority ove r the m veste d i n thei r father , materna l uncle , o r brother . Al though societ y was patriarchal, property wa s descended alon g matrilinea l lines, sinc e th e father' s rol e i n procreatio n wa s unknown . I n thes e earl y primitive societies, there was probably no concept of a permanent ti e such as husband an d wife , le t alon e an y expectatio n o f privacy , constancy , o r fidelity. A ma n woul d sta y wit h th e woman' s cla n durin g specifie d an d contracted period s o f time (Smit h 1952) . Thus th e pric e tha t wome n pai d for physica l protectio n wa s th e reductio n o f their statu s t o tha t o f chatte l (Brownmiller 1975) . Levi-Strauss (1968 ) ha s mad e interpretation s tha t lin k thi s us e o f women b y men a s chattel with th e establishmen t o f incest taboos an d th e development o f earl y kinshi p systems . Th e prohibitio n o f incestuou s re lations force d th e famil y i n primitiv e societie s t o giv e u p it s female s t o another family . Thi s serve d a s th e basi s fo r socia l organizatio n i n triba l societies. Wome n becam e th e mediu m o f exchange , o r th e equivalen t o f a sig n bein g communicate d betwee n me n t o sustai n th e society . Wome n were exchange d fo r somethin g considere d o f equa l valu e i n th e marita l contract. Th e formalize d marriag e regulation s an d th e rule s o f kinshi p thereby cemente d th e society. The stronges t inces t taboo existe d betwee n brothers an d sister s an d parent s an d children , wh o wer e biologicall y th e closest. Th e inces t tabo o serve d a s a socia l necessit y tha t guarantee d ex ogamy, and thereby protected the kinship structure of these primitive tribal societies. Levi-Strauss note s tha t onl y women , neve r men , hav e bee n use d a s a medium o f exchang e throughou t th e histor y o f al l huma n societies . I n these primitive societies , the basi c relationship o f power wa s between th e father an d son-in-la w o r th e brothe r an d brother-in-law . A patriarcha l

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power structur e i n marital institutions thu s existed in matrilineal an d late r patrilineal societies . In moder n society , the inces t taboo n o longe r serve s this kinship func tion, bu t ha s becom e internalize d a s th e Oedipu s complex . Thi s expla nation o f the origin o f the inces t taboo i s different tha n tha t propose d b y Freud i n Totem and Taboo (1912). Freud ha d speculate d that i n prehistory , a group o f brothers bande d together t o kill their father. Freu d considere d that th e guil t fo r thi s actio n ha s persiste d ove r thousand s o f years i n th e collective mind and resulted in the incest taboo. This formulation i s similar to Jung' s concept s o f th e collectiv e unconscious . I t i s a n exampl e o f La marckian evolutionar y theory , i n whic h occurrence s durin g th e lif e o f a n organism ar e passe d o n geneticall y t o th e offspring . Lamarckia n theor y was contemporar y wit h an d oppose d t o Darwinia n theory , an d i s no w generally discredited. Anthropological evidenc e has also not substantiate d Freud's view, but has supported that of Levi-Strauss concerning the incest taboo i n society . Malinowski (1929 ) discovere d a primitiv e societ y simila r t o a Ston e Age on e existin g amon g th e Trobrian d Islander s of f th e eas t coas t o f New Guinea . A woma n wa s considere d a s a n economi c paw n fo r he r family. Whe n he r brothe r surrendere d he r t o a man t o becom e hi s wife , the brothe r ha d t o b e compensate d fo r he r surrende r b y a dowr y fro m the husband. The father's rol e in paternity was unknown an d the husban d remained a n outsider , eve n thoug h hi s wif e live d wit h hi m an d hi s clan . Property, kinship , totemi c allegiance , an d socia l statu s wer e stil l passe d on matrilineally . Th e fathe r ha d n o authorit y t o disciplin e th e children , this rol e bein g exercise d b y th e materna l uncle . Sinc e th e fathe r di d no t impose restriction s an d sexua l relation s betwee n childre n occurre d freel y on th e paternal side of the family, n o Oedipus complex developed towar d the father . Instead , hatre d wa s directe d towar d th e materna l relatives . There wa s a fea r o f sorcer y fro m th e maternal family , an d al l illnesse s and misfortune s wer e see n a s comin g fro m thei r "wizards " an d "flyin g witches." Another exampl e o f the parado x betwee n th e fea r o f women's magica l powers an d their inferior socia l position i n primitive societies is presented in Oedipus in the Stone Age (1988 ) b y Theodor e an d Rut h Lidz . I n investigating triba l societie s i n Papu a Ne w Guinea , th e Lidze s foun d that me n i n thes e primitiv e societie s wer e fearfu l o f women' s powerfu l and "magical " vagina l emanations . Becaus e o f thi s fear , adul t me n live d in a separat e hut , apar t fro m wome n an d children . Youn g boy s live d with their mothers until seven to fifteen year s of age and were categorize d

Magic, the Fear of Women, and Patriarchy 2 7 with thi s feminin e sector . A t puberty , th e boy s wen t throug h initiatio n rituals t o disidentif y wit h thei r mother s an d identif y wit h th e men . The y were ble d i n th e ritua l t o ge t ri d o f th e mother' s bloo d tha t create d them. The n the y wer e induce d t o vomit , o r thei r ski n wa s scarifie d t o remove contaminatio n cause d b y th e mother' s menstrua l blood , physica l contact, an d food . Th e bo y wa s symbolicall y rebor n throug h me n t o become a male ; thi s wa s accomplishe d throug h repeate d homosexua l inseminations, th e drinkin g o f semen , o r th e rubbin g o f seme n int o hi s skin. I n som e area s o f Ne w Guinea , th e fea r o f th e women' s vagin a wa s so grea t tha t homosexua l ana l intercours e wa s th e preferre d for m o f sex . The Lidze s foun d n o evidenc e o f a n Oedipu s comple x betwee n th e age s of three to six . The main castration threa t fo r boy s came from th e mothe r and no t th e father . Al l thes e Ne w Guine a societie s relate d a myt h tha t the ritual s an d ritua l object s use d i n thes e magica l ceremonie s wer e first created b y women , the n th e object s wer e take n awa y b y me n throug h force o r guile . Th e Lidze s posite d tha t th e men' s aggressiv e masculinit y and demeanin g o f wome n sociall y represente d th e defens e o f reactio n formation agains t thei r env y o f th e creativ e powe r o f women , tha t is , womb envy . Some Native American tribes have also shown a fear of women's bodie s and o f thei r sexualit y whil e the y als o depriv e wome n o f socia l power . Women's menstrua l cycle s are perceived a s mysteriously bein g tie d t o th e cycles of the moon. When a woman is menstruating, she is "in her moon, " and he r spiritua l power s ar e considere d t o b e s o grea t tha t sh e i s no t allowed to touch the tribal drums. If she touched them, she would depriv e them o f thei r spiritua l power s whe n use d i n rituals . Despite bein g feare d for thei r sexua l powers , wome n wer e denie d a voice i n triba l governin g councils unti l ver y recendy . Thus throughou t earl y histor y an d i n investigation s o f primitiv e an d currendy existin g societies , substantia l evidenc e indicate s tha t wome n have bee n feared , demeaned , an d controlled . Despit e speculations , ther e is no evidence of any golden age of matriarchy tha t consiste d o f peaceful , art-loving societies with gender equalit y and headed b y queen-priestesses. Woman's abilit y t o creat e an d nurtur e ne w lif e intimatel y tie d he r t o the myster y o f nature . Instea d o f viewin g natur e a s indifferen t an d uncontrollable, natur e wa s personifie d a s a woman , th e grea t mothe r goddess. Bot h wome n an d natur e neede d t o b e controlle d t o insur e survival, b y tryin g t o enhanc e th e protectiv e an d minimizin g th e feare d destructive forces . Thi s contro l wa s accomplishe d throug h primitiv e religious myth s an d rituals , a s wel l a s b y diminishin g women' s plac e

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in th e fabri c o f society . Wome n thu s appea r t o hav e bee n controlled , demeaned, an d dehumanize d i n patriarcha l societie s fro m th e Ston e Ag e through th e Victoria n period . What ma y have given ris e to the myth o f the golden ag e of matriarch y could b e du e t o th e fac t tha t infant s ar e reare d b y thei r mothers , wh o have powe r ove r the m durin g earl y childhood . Thu s individuals 5 earl y childhood experiences , whe n thei r mother s ar e dominant , ma y hav e been projecte d ont o ancien t societies . Thi s projectio n i s facilitate d b y the similar way s tha t primitiv e societie s dea l wit h thei r helplessnes s an d survival—through fantas y an d magica l thinking . Thes e ar e th e sam e mechanisms use d b y infant s durin g th e preoedipa l perio d o f development.

3. Preoedipal Development and Social Attitudes toward Women

The Interaction of Ontogeny and Phytogeny Ernst Haecke l (1834—1919 ) propose d th e biogeneti c la w i n evolutionar y Darwinism tha t ontogeny recapitulates phytogeny^ tha t is , tha t individua l embryological an d behaviora l developmen t repeat s the history of a group or species . Freud , i n Civilization and Its Discontents (1930) , insightfull y proposed tha t th e reverse is also true i n terms of behavioral development : "At thi s poin t w e canno t fai l t o b e struc k b y th e similarit y betwee n th e process o f civilizatio n an d th e libidina l developmen t o f th e individual. " Thus, phylogeny also recapitulates ontogeny. Th e histor y o f a group ca n b e compared t o a repetitio n o f individua l personalit y development . Freud' s insight can be expanded to trace the adaptation of societies through histor y that paralle l an d reflec t th e stage s o f object relation s an d symboli c devel opment o f th e infant . Beside s bein g reversible , ther e i s a dynami c back and-forth interactio n betwee n individua l an d grou p development . Indi vidual functioning determine s the way the group functions, an d the grou p in tur n influence s th e individual . To cop e with it s helplessnes s i n very early childhood, th e infan t need s to empower the mother b y projecting a fantasy of omnipotence an d merging with her. We could hypothesize that this merged symbiotic relationship with the preoedipal mother, which occurs during each person's childhood , was externalized ont o th e goddes s i n earl y societies t o provid e a sense o f security. Lik e th e omnipoten t preoedipa l mother , th e grea t mothe r god 20

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dess wa s perceived a s all powerful ove r lif e an d death. Jus t a s the infan t deals with it s helplessness an d insecurity b y the fantasy o f fusion wit h the omnipotent preoedipa l mother , primitiv e people s attempte d t o establis h a similar connection wit h the great mother goddess . During normal chil d development, th e infant attempts , throug h fantas y an d magical thinking , to obtai n contro l ove r th e al l powerful mothe r upo n who m it s surviva l depends.

Malignant Transitional Objects and Idols In th e proces s o f growt h an d separatio n fro m th e mother , th e infan t employs a transitional object , suc h as a teddy bea r or blanket. This objec t can be physically manipulated an d controlled to maintain a sense of safety and security . Winnicot t (1965 ) terme d thi s objec t th e first "no t me" possession. The transitional object serve s as an external symbol that maintain s the interna l fantas y o f fusion wit h th e omnipoten t goo d mother . I t i s a form o f symbolic activit y tha t sustain s th e child's dependenc y an d avoid s the dreaded feelings of annihilation associate d with separation anxiet y and helplessness. Later , th e emotional investmen t i n the transitional objec t i s given up when the child internalizes the mother's function an d can comfort itself. Freud (1927 ) considere d tha t late r i n life , religio n serve s t o provid e a powerful an d protective father an d mother, a s we had in childhood. It has been note d tha t paga n idol s functione d fo r adult s muc h lik e a n infant' s transitional objects (Slip p 1986). The idols served as a symbolic connection to th e omnipoten t goddess , s o tha t anxiet y an d helplessnes s coul d b e contained. However , th e idol s wer e unlik e norma l transitiona l objects , which ar e give n u p whe n th e infan t internalize s th e parenta l figure s t o become self-empowering an d self-comforting. Th e idol can be considered a pathological or malignant transitiona l object . I t does not lead us to selfgrowth an d independence, but permanendy retains the omnipotent powe r projected int o it . This symboli c proces s t o dea l with helplessnes s i n tur n only perpetuate s tha t th e idol remain s empowere d an d continues th e individual's dependenc y an d helplessness.

How Magic Works Primitive people s believe d tha t goddesse s an d gods , ont o who m omni potent power was projected, coul d be influenced magically—throug h sac-

Preoedipal Development and Social Attitudes toward Women 3 1 rifices, rituals, and prayers—to exert their power benevolenriy. Why would these ritualisti c action s b e though t t o propitiat e th e deity ? Piaget' s (1954 , 1963) research int o the infant' s abilit y to symboliz e sheds some ligh t here . Initially, infant s canno t retai n a menta l imag e o f a n objec t whe n i t i s concealed o r removed . T o th e infant , whe n a n objec t i s ou t o f sigh t i t ceases to exist. Later the infant evolve s what Piaget terms "sensori-motor " intelligence, which considers that objects come and goas a result of theinfanfs actions. Thi s menta l "schem a o f action " i s felt t o contro l th e object . Thu s the infant feels its actions are omnipotent, since the object is not considere d to hav e a permanent an d separat e existenc e o f it s own . In psychoanalyti c theory , thi s i s th e typ e o f primary-proces s thinkin g that occur s i n earl y infanc y befor e eg o boundarie s an d secondary-proces s thinking ar e established . Durin g th e earl y par t o f th e preoedipa l period , fantasy an d actio n ar e no t differentiate d fro m reality , bu t ar e see n a s causally connected . Fo r example , th e infan t ma y fantasiz e tha t cryin g fo r the mother' s breas t magicall y control s th e breast' s appearance . Thi s om nipotent thinkin g that one's fantasy and actions can influence external events is the fundamental basis for magic and ritual. This sensori-moto r intelligenc e foun d i n infanc y b y Piage t o r th e pri mary-process thinkin g describe d i n psychoanalysi s i s demonstrate d i n primitive cultures . Si r James Frazer , i n The Golden Bough (1922) , studie d the magical rituals found amon g primitive peoples. He identifie d thi s typ e of omnipoten t thinking , whic h h e terme d a n "imitative " for m o f "sym pathetic magic." By performing a prescribed for m o f action, often simila r to wha t the y expec t t o happen , individual s believ e the y exer t magica l control ove r a n externa l object . Fcp r example, i f they pou r wate r ou t o f a pan, i t i s suppose d t o brin g o n rain . Th e fantas y worl d o f th e primitiv e is no t differentiate d fro m th e rea l physica l world , bu t i s see n a s merge d and causall y connected . One' s fantasie s an d action s ar e fel t magicall y t o control externa l event s an d becom e th e basi s fo r rituals . From th e age s o f fou r t o seven , Piage t note d a period o f symbolizin g activity h e terme d "assimilation. " Schemat a o f environmenta l object s ar e incorporated int o pattern s o f behavio r tha t connec t th e pas t wit h th e present. Th e chil d judges it s world i n a moralistic, authoritaria n fashion , in whic h rule s ar e sacre d an d immutable . Muc h lik e th e primitiv e indi vidual, th e chil d egocentricall y feel s it s action s hav e produce d certai n en vironmental effect s a s a rewar d o r punishmen t fo r it s pas t behavior . I n psychoanalytic terms, the child views the world from a narcissistic position. It feels it is to blame for whatever happens, since it does not yet experience others a s wholl y separat e an d independend y motivated . Thi s form s th e

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basis fo r th e magica l belie f tha t on e i s responsibl e fo r th e goo d o r ba d fortune tha t occurs . Freu d discusse d thi s phenomeno n i n The Future of an Illusion (1927) , seeing the motivatio n fo r religiou s ritua l a s an attemp t to propitiat e o r manipulat e th e force s tha t ar e experienced a s a judgment of one's behavior . In anothe r for m o f "sympathetic magic" that Fraze r (1922 ) terms "con tagious," a symbol is incompletely separate d fro m it s external object an d is still considere d a s havin g contro l ove r it . Th e symbo l ma y b e a tota l representation o f th e externa l object , o r els e a par t tha t i s equate d wit h the whole . Fo r example , a voodo o doll , a symbo l o f a person , i s use d magically to inflict injur y o n that person. If the magician puts needles int o the doll , h e o r sh e believe s injur y will occu r t o th e person . A par t o f a person, suc h a s a bit o f hair o r nails , a photograph, o r eve n a name, ma y also be use d b y the magicia n t o exer t contro l ove r tha t perso n magically . Freud (1912 ) mentions an example of this form o f magic in the cannibalis m of primitive peoples. By eating a part of a person, individual s believ e the y can magically possess the other's qualities. Freud also noted that in neurotic fetishism, a piec e o f clothin g ca n symboliz e th e entir e object . Thes e ar e also related t o th e firs t symbo l durin g infancy , th e transitiona l object . B y manipulating th e transitiona l object , whic h symbolize s th e mother , th e small child feels abl e to exert magical control over the mother to deal with separation anxiety . As noted earlier, in primitive societies women were seen as symbolically connected to nature, which was personalized a s the great mother goddess . The projectio n o f an ambivalent mother imag e onto nature , which ca n b e nurturant o r destructive , forme d th e basi s for th e symboli c connectio n o f women t o nature . B y controlling women , a sense o f contro l ove r natur e is established an d maintained .

Enhancing Magic through Ritual Merging Magic i s usuall y share d wit h other s t o enhanc e it s effectiveness . Ritua l represents th e communa l for m o f magic. It i s expressed b y an institution alized series of movements, songs, and words, which often have a rhythmic and repetitiou s qualit y t o promote psychological merging or bonding. Susa n Langer, i n Philosophy in a New Key (1942) , comment s o n th e powe r o f musical rhyth m t o sympatheticall y evok e similar feeling s o f happiness , sadness, courage, and the like, or to influence actions in people. Thus musical and rhythmi c ritual s serv e t o creat e a shared emotiona l climate , facilitat e

Preoedipal Development and Social Attitudes toward Women 3 3 mutual identification , an d foste r grou p bonding . Thi s nonverba l com munication i s a remnan t o f a n infantil e o r egocentri c for m o f symboli c activity tha t persist s alongsid e th e late r socia l developmen t o f language . In the nonverbal, which Lange r terms "nondiscursive," the form or context of th e communicatio n i s wha t i s essentia l an d i s use d t o express feelings and imagery. I n th e verba l typ e o f symboli c thought , whic h sh e call s "discursive," th e content of languag e i s use d t o express ideas and describe events. Language tend s t o shap e the communicatio n int o bein g more dis crete and linear, which i s shared socially so that thoughts an d fact s ca n b e expressed. Nondiscursiv e symboli c though t tend s t o b e mor e fluid an d global, metaphorica l an d imagistic , an d i s likel y t o b e mor e personal , emotional, an d intimate . As we will see later, me n ten d t o focu s mor e o n the content , th e discursiv e form , whil e wome n ten d t o b e more sensitiv e to th e context , th e nondiscursiv e form . In rituals, the sound of words and not their actual meaning is important. Langer point s ou t tha t th e ver y lac k o f comprehensio n o f meanin g t o words adds to the magical power of the rhythm when performed i n unison. During earl y childhood th e firs t symboli c value of words doe s not hav e a specific externa l meanin g bu t i s personal , expressive , an d ha s magica l significance. I t i s th e meter , alliteration , assonance , an d th e rhyth m o f these word s tha t ar e important . Example s ar e "fee , fi, fo , fum " o r "eeni , meeni, myni, mo." These words are more closely related to visual imagery, dreams, an d fantas y an d ca n includ e a multitude o f meanings . Primitiv e peoples, like very young children, therefore fee l they are able magically t o influence an d contro l thei r environmen t throug h ritua l an d magica l thinking. Langer's nondiscursiv e an d discursiv e form s o f symbolis m thu s repre sent two different form s o f symbolic communication, whic h express emotions an d imager y a s well a s cognitive thought . Sh e provide s u s wit h a n understanding o f how th e interaction o f these two symboli c activitie s ca n be foun d i n poetry , literature , dance , art , an d religion . However , whe n the nondiscursive overshadows the discursive, magical causality supersedes more objectiv e an d sociall y accepte d reality . In contemporary society, we see a similar temporary loss of ego bound aries and regressio n to the symbiotic phase of merging in the group min d of mo b psychology . However , i n primitiv e societie s thi s nondiscursiv e form o f thinkin g ma y facilitat e th e primar y for m o f adaptatio n tha t i s shared socially . Thi s rhythrni c repetitio n o f word s an d action s i n ritua l stimulates merging with others and enhances the magical appeal to influence an omnipoten t deity . Whe n ritua l mergin g wit h th e grou p occurs , th e

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group's powe r an d protectio n ar e enliste d a s well . Jus t a s mergin g wit h the preoedipa l mothe r ha d occurre d durin g childhood , mergin g wit h a n external forc e o r grou p large r tha n onesel f i n adul t lif e diminishe s th e individual's sens e o f isolatio n an d helplessness .

The Preoedipal Period and Social Domination of Women The preoedipa l perio d has been highlighted b y the feminists—Simone d e Beauvoir (1961 ) an d Doroth y Dinnerstei n (1976)—a s a n explanatio n fo r the dehumanization an d domination o f women sinc e primitive times. The basis fo r thei r argumen t i s that wome n dominat e earl y chil d rearin g an d are no t onl y a sourc e o f bodil y pleasur e bu t als o o f pain . Dinnerstei n speculates tha t bot h sexes need t o contro l an d retaliat e agains t havin g t o submit t o th e powerfu l preoedipa l mother . Sh e feel s tha t peopl e neve r outgrow their vindictiveness for having to submit to Mother's power, an d later need to vent their rage at her. According to her, men need to dominate women a s a compensation fo r bein g controlle d b y thei r mother s durin g infancy. Wome n ma y als o shar e thes e vindictiv e feeling s agains t othe r women. Men express it by degrading everything female, and some women may liv e vicariously throug h me n b y offerin g themselve s u p t o mal e tyr anny. Dinnerstein state s that because of these early preoedipal and oedipa l attitudes, women i n adult life ar e still seen as semihuman, bein g primaril y sources o f emotiona l sustenanc e an d regarde d a s sexual objects . Dinnerstein als o speculates tha t th e mother i s perceived a s the embod iment of all that i s carnal and mortal, the prototype o f death, which need s to be confined an d denied. That this experience of the mother is destructive and connected t o death stem s from th e preoedipal fea r of engulfment an d annihilation. Th e chil d als o fear s deat h whe n i t i s frustrate d b y los s o f maternal nurturanc e an d support . Th e mothe r become s th e "dirt y god dess," "the scapegoat-idol. " Dinnerstein's solutio n i s fo r bot h parent s t o partak e equall y i n earl y child rearing . Indeed , th e father' s greate r involvemen t i n chil d car e i s becoming mor e an d mor e acceptabl e i n middle-clas s America n families . Attachment to the father facilitate s the child's separation from th e mother , and boy s achievin g a masculin e gende r identity , an d girl s developin g a positive self-image a s a woman. Dinnerstein's insight is especially valid fo r boys, wh o nee d t o disengag e fro m th e powerfu l preoedipa l mothe r t o establish gende r identit y a s well a s autonomy. Althoug h infant s ma y fea r being engulfe d b y their powerfu l mothers , a t the sam e time the y need t o

Preoedipal Development and Social Attitudes toward Women 3 5 idealize and merge with her as an omnipotent object for their own security. Thus the y nee d an d fea r th e omnipoten t mother . Whe n motherin g i s responsive an d nurturant , tha t is , "good enough, " an d th e mothe r i s no t intrusive an d ca n contai n th e infant' s aggressio n withou t retaliatio n o r abandonment, it is unlikely that all infants will grow up to display persistent rage and vindictiveness. Under norma l conditions , children graduall y differentiate themselve s t o becom e independen t an d competen t individuals , and proces s an d integrat e thei r ambivalenc e towar d thei r mothers . It i s more likel y that persisten t rag e toward th e mother i s carried fro m childhood int o adulthoo d no t onl y becaus e o f he r preoedipa l powerfu l position bu t he r continue d dominanc e late r on . Th e postoedipa l mothe r may be intrusive, exert excessive control, b e overly protective, or interfer e with separatio n an d th e establishmen t o f th e child' s autonomy . Thu s th e infant's ow n nee d to experience the preoedipal mother a s dominant i s not resolved bu t reinforce d throughou t childhoo d b y her continue d control ling behavior. I t is more likely the reality of an excessively controlling an d intrusive mother in the postoedipal period of development that perpetuates the child's rage and interferes wit h the normal integration o f ambivalence. When the mother is not excessively controlling, the child generally resolves its fantasies tha t perceiv e the mothe r a s a dominant, frustrating , an d con trolling objec t aroun d thre e year s o f age . Th e nee d fo r th e mothe r t o continue t o b e controlling, exploitative , an d t o preven t separatio n ma y i n large par t b e du e t o he r constricte d rol e i n a patriarchal society . Another scenari o tha t i s perhap s eve n mor e devastatin g t o a child' s development i s the weakness of the mother, no t he r dominance. The wea k mother ma y provid e insufficien t o r inadequat e nurruranc e an d security , which produce s deprivatio n an d rag e when th e child' s needs ar e ignored . In addition , th e child may be forced t o b e sensitive to the mother's needs , with a reversa l o f generationa l boundarie s occurrin g an d th e chil d func tioning a s a "good mother. " Instea d o f bein g nurture d an d protecte d b y the mother , th e chil d mus t perfor m thes e function s fo r her . I n addition , the child must suppress its rage for being deprived, since it has experienced the mothe r a s vulnerable . Th e en d resul t i s tha t self-assertion an d ange r are fel t a s destructive o f th e mother , an d no t integrate d an d resolve d a s is normal. Th e represse d rag e ma y the n b e displace d ont o othe r women . (These family patterns, where the child feels responsible for the self-estee m and persona l integrit y an d surviva l o f th e parent(s) , will b e discusse d a t length i n chapter s 9 and 12. ) Finally, Dinnerstein doe s no t giv e sufficient impor t t o th e influence o f culture. I n ancien t societie s attitude s towar d wome n an d natur e wer e

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originally derive d fro m a n infant' s magica l wa y o f copin g wit h it s help lessness an d ambivalenc e towar d th e mother . However , thes e attitude s achieved a life of their own and were passed down through the generations. These cultura l attitude s wer e psychologicall y adaptiv e t o a hostil e an d indifferent environment . Th e myth s an d attitude s wer e accepte d b y bot h genders, otherwis e al l individual s woul d hav e fel t totall y vulnerabl e an d unprotected against the forces of nature. These cultural myths and attitudes influenced how women were perceived and how they perceived themselves. Only i n recen t year s hav e wome n fel t entide d t o ow n thei r ow n bodie s and to enjoy their sexuality. The myths of primitive societies have persisted to th e presen t an d ar e onl y no w slowl y changing . What ma y hav e als o create d rag e towar d th e mothe r u p t o Victoria n times i s the birt h o f so many children . Thi s situatio n wa s due t o th e lac k of birt h contro l an d t o compensat e fo r th e hig h deat h rat e durin g child hood. The result was often insufficien t motherin g and neglect of individual children's developmental needs. In addition , women's rol e in a patriarchal society wa s markedl y constricted , an d th e sourc e o f thei r identit y reste d on thei r functionin g a s a mother . I n orde r t o retai n th e rol e o f mothe r and sustai n thei r self-esteem , the y ma y hav e interfere d wit h th e emanci pation o f thei r children . Lac k o f powe r outside the hom e ma y als o hav e made some mothers more dominant an d controlling toward their childre n within th e home. Finally, the emotional needs of children were not know n prior to Freud, who was a pioneer in exploring child development. Knowl edge o f chil d developmen t i s changin g moder n societ y i n term s o f th e relationships o f parent s t o thei r children .

4. Dethroning the Goddess and Phallocentrism

Cultural Advance to the Oedipal Period In this chapter we will further develo p the hypothesis that phylogeny als o recapitulates ontogeny—th e histor y o f a culture parallel s individua l psy chological development . I n th e previous chapte r w e examined mytholog y in primitiv e culture s a s a n externalizatio n o f th e adaptatio n use d i n th e early preoedipa l perio d o f chil d development . I n thi s chapte r w e wil l explore the outward expression s of the phallic and genital periods of child development i n late r cultures . As alread y noted , Gimbuta s (1974 ) speculate d tha t th e grea t mothe r goddess was dethroned an d replaced by male warrior gods about six thousand year s ago , whe n wave s o f Indo-European s o n horsebac k invade d Europe. However , i t appear s that dethronin g o f the goddess was a much more gradua l proces s tha n Gimbuta s envisions . A t som e unknow n tim e in prehistory , peopl e figured ou t th e rol e of the fathe r i n procreation . A s a result , th e grea t mothe r goddes s wa s a t first supplemente d wit h a mal e god, and only later was she totally supplanted in importance by a masculine god of fecundity. Mal e phallic symbols now becam e more important tha n female symbol s o f th e womb . A phallocentri c societ y graduall y evolve d and in time became the most common form of social organization through out th e world . In ancien t agricultura l societies , the human sexua l experience was proj ected onto nature , which wa s personified. T o dea l with one' s helplessnes s against natural forces an d the trauma o f death, human lif e was considere d 37

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to be similar to plant life. An analogy was made between men inseminatin g women t o produc e huma n lif e an d th e nee d fo r seed s t o b e sow n i n th e earth t o yiel d plan t life . Campbel l (1988 ) point s ou t tha t analogie s wer e also mad e betwee n human s an d plant s concernin g rebirt h o r lif e afte r death. Th e dea d bod y wa s burie d i n th e earth , believe d t o b e Mothe r Nature's womb. Like a seed, the dead body would then be reborn magically later i n women . Phalli c symbol s wer e place d o n tombstone s i n th e hop e of rebirt h afte r death . Ou t o f deat h cam e life .

Examples of Phallic Worship Direct reproductions were made of the male genitalia, or in their symboli c form b y erec t stone s an d trees , whic h represente d th e mal e generativ e power. Stone s were worshiped b y the ancient Greeks, Romans, Germans , Gauls, and Britons. Greeks wore phallic amulets made of wood (especiall y from the fig tree), stone, or metal, which were associated with Dionysos, the male go d o f generatio n an d th e harbinge r o f spring . Cake s shape d lik e a phallus wer e popula r sacramenta l food s i n Greec e an d Rom e (Briffaul t 1929). The circle of large stones at Stonehenge, on Salisbur y Plain in England, was probably another phallic symbol. The axis of these stones was arranged to point toward the sun on summer solstice, which probably means that a male su n go d wa s worshiped. Earl y Christia n clerg y attempte d t o stamp out phallic worship, but the Christmas tree bedecked with lights remains a carryover of this pagan mythology. Man identified himself with his penis as a symbol of strength and worshiped its generative power. A mythology abou t the change of seasons also arose in Europe an d th e Middle East , whic h replace d th e on e solel y associate d wit h th e femal e deity. A male deity was now also introduced int o the mythology alongsid e the femal e deity . I t wa s thought tha t a male god die d befor e eac h winter , as a scapegoat fo r man' s sins , an d wa s rebor n eac h spring . However , h e was brough t bac k t o lif e b y hi s wife-mother , an d hi s generativ e powe r gave new life to plants and animals. The Maypole celebration i s a remnant of this annua l rebirt h o f male generativity .

Beyond the Preoedipal Period in Culture One ca n hypothesiz e fro m thi s ne w mytholog y tha t th e developmen t o f culture ha d progresse d beyon d th e preoedipa l perio d an d int o the phalli c period o f chil d development . Th e grea t mothe r goddess , th e externaliza -

Dethroning the Goddess and Phallocentrism 3 9 tion o f th e preoedipa l mother , remaine d stron g bu t wa s n o longe r th e only powerfu l deity . Th e Oedipu s comple x occurrin g durin g th e phalli c period o f male child development no w appeare d t o b e externalized i n thi s new mythology . A s evidenc e o f thi s hypothesis , th e femal e goddes s wa s depicted a s the wife-mother o f the male god. Thus the relationshi p o f th e male go d seeme d t o b e th e fulfillmen t o f a n oedipa l wish , t o b e th e husband-son o f his mother. Th e seasona l cycl e could als o be explained i n phallocentric terms . On e migh t speculat e tha t th e deat h o f the mal e go d each winter, because of man's sins, could represent punishment for oedipa l desires towar d th e mother . Th e name s fo r th e mal e go d an d hi s wife mother varie d i n differen t mythologies . I n Egyp t i t wa s Osiri s an d Isis ; in Phoenicia , Adoni s an d Astarte ; i n Babylonia , Tammu z an d Ishtar ; i n Phrygia, Atti s an d Cybele ; an d i n Greece , Zeu s an d Rhe a o r Adoni s an d Aphrodite. While th e grea t mothe r goddes s stil l represente d th e earth , th e ne w male go d wa s associate d wit h th e phalli c powe r o f th e su n o r sky . Th e dominant grea t mothe r goddes s wa s later dethrone d i n Egyp t b y Ra, th e sun god of light and virility; in Babylonia, it was Bel-Marduk; in Phoenicia, Baal; among the Celtic Druids, Be al; and in Greece, it was Zeus (Bulfinc h 1964).

Along with the establishment of the magical power of the phallus, there appeared a n accompanyin g chang e i n social organization. Althoug h a patriarchal societ y stil l persisted, a patrilineal descen t o f propert y wa s insti tuted. Wome n wer e owne d b y thei r husbands , simila r t o othe r privat e property, an d they joined th e husband's cla n instead o f remaining in thei r maternal clan . This meant tha t childre n wer e no w unde r th e authorit y o f the father . I n orde r t o insur e th e passin g dow n o f status an d possessions , paternity had to be assured. Therefore, the wife was expected to be a virgin at marriage , an d adulter y becam e a crime. A man's clai m fo r immortalit y was no w throug h hi s seed , whic h woul d b e passe d o n onl y b y hi s mal e heirs. Th e family' s survival , throug h hi s son' s generativ e power , mean t personal survival .

Phallic-Sexual Mythology The centra l feature o f primitive paga n religion s was its sexual mythology . It wa s throug h imitativ e sympatheti c magi c tha t sexua l relation s betwee n men and women were thought to influence nature's fertility; many of these primitive religion s therefor e ha d ope n sexua l intercourse, ofte n endin g i n

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orgies, a s part o f thei r magica l ritua l t o insur e fertilit y o f plants, animals , and people . Smit h (1952 ) note s tha t men , whil e seekin g th e embrace s o f the priestesse s o f Ishtar , als o considered thi s sexua l unio n t o b e with th e fruitful goddes s herself , wh o wa s th e femal e mothe r fertilit y goddess . I n this way men becam e blesse d with fertility . Othe r god s an d goddesse s o f sex were the Babylonian Mylitta, the Greeks Aphrodite an d Dionysos, and the Roma n Priapus . I n India , copulatio n a s a religiou s experienc e wa s connected wit h th e Hind u go d o f love , Kam a (Kla f 1964) . A n India n manual o n th e ar t an d techniqu e o f love , the Kama Sutra, wa s compile d by th e poe t Vatsyayan a Mallanaga . I t wa s base d o n earlie r Sanskri t text s devoted t o Kama . An exampl e o f th e us e o f ritua l sexua l org y a s a for m o f imitativ e sympathetic magic to insure nature's fertilit y ha s been describe d b y Gold berg (1930) . Th e follower s o f th e go d Baa l i n th e Middl e Eas t believe d Baal wa s th e su n wh o kisse d Mothe r Eart h an d mad e he r fruitful . Eac h winter Baa l died an d hi s worshippers mourne d an d begge d th e powerfu l goddess Ishta r t o brin g him bac k to life, and each spring sacrificial anima l offerings wer e made . Thi s wa s followe d b y th e mysti c unio n i n physica l sex between male worshipers an d priestesses in a frenzied, drunken , sexua l orgy. These sacrificia l an d sexua l rituals were believe d magicall y to insur e the fertilit y o f plants , animals , an d men . In man y societie s o f th e Nea r Eas t an d Europe , al l women ha d t o b e married t o th e mal e go d o f fertility , o r a surrogate priest , a t som e time . After thi s marriage, women wer e obliged t o serv e as sacred prostitutes i n their temple s (Briffaul t 1929) . Accordin g t o Herodotus , th e Gree k his torian wh o live d aroun d 45 0 B.C. , nearl y al l me n ha d intercours e wit h these women prostitute/priestesse s insid e thei r temples . A remnan t o f thi s imitativ e for m o f sympatheti c magi c wa s als o see n in India , wher e girl s were deflowere d befor e marriag e b y using a linga m or phallu s mad e o f stone , ivory , o r metal , whic h wa s th e emble m o f th e god Siva . And i n Rome , bride s wer e als o require d t o los e thei r virginit y before marriage by sitting on the lap of the phallic god Mutunus Tutunus . This fertilit y ritua l continue d symbolicall y throug h th e Middl e Age s through th e practic e o f jus primae noctis, whereb y a priest o r secula r lor d had th e righ t t o slee p with th e brid e o n th e weddin g night .

The Judeo-Christian Religion The Hebrew s considere d paga n ido l worship , especiall y it s practic e o f sacred prostitutio n an d licentiou s sexua l fertilit y ritual s t o Baa l wit h th e

Dethroning the Goddess and Phallocentrism 4 1 priestesses o f Ishtar , a s a n abomination . Th e biblica l lan d o f Ede n i s thought t o hav e bee n locate d i n th e Mesopotamia n valley , an d it s city o f Ur was the birthplace of the patriarch Abraham. The valley was importan t in th e worshipin g o f th e grea t mothe r goddess . However , i n th e Ol d Testament stor y o f Ada m an d Eve , me n wer e considere d t o b e close r t o God tha n women , an d th e magica l abilit y to produc e lif e was taken awa y from wome n an d give n t o men . No t onl y was Adam create d b y God an d Eve created from hi s rib, but Eve's weakness to temptation le d Adam int o sin and the expulsion o f both fro m Eden . I n othe r words, women's eroti c sexuality wa s t o blame . Bot h part s o f thi s biblica l stor y neutralize d th e power o f wome n tha t ha d existe d i n th e paga n fertilit y ritual s t o Baal , where priestesse s o f Ishta r an d thei r sexualit y ha d bee n intermediar y i n the grea t mothe r goddess' s powe r o f fertilit y an d ne w life . The biblica l stor y o f me n replacin g wome n a s the sourc e o f creativit y and closeness to God is not limited to the Jewish religion. It is reflected i n religions throughout th e world, where women becam e the second sex and men controlle d spirituality . Th e stor y in th e Bibl e of Noah an d th e flood is viewed by Dundes (1988 ) to be a universal reflection of patriarchal society usurping th e procreative power s o f women. There ar e over on e thousan d similar storie s i n Europe, Asia, Africa, Australia , an d America recountin g the destruction of life by a flood and a second re-creation of life. "Amnioti c fluid is the flood of creation," speculates Dundes. "A man must use whatever means he has to create a flood." The global flood stories are myths that may unconsciously represent a urinary flood and symbolize male envy of women's original procreativ e powers , tha t is , wom b envy . Me n destro y th e first creation o f women and , afte r a flood create d b y men, substitut e a secon d creation o f their ow n making . The ancien t Israelites , by advocating a monotheistic religio n o f a noncorporeal God , mad e a lea p forwar d tha t permitte d a greate r degre e o f personal independenc e an d individua l identit y t o evolv e (Slip p 1986) . They banne d ido l worship i n th e belie f that idol s perpetuated a n externa l dependency o n a pantheo n o f femal e an d mal e god s an d th e associate d sexual licentiousness . Th e earlies t Israelite s live d i n th e twelft h centur y B.C. in the hill country around Canaan . Unlike any other culture, they lef t no evidenc e o f an y divin e imager y o r votiv e figures i n archaeologica l excavations. Th e first mentio n o f th e mal e Israelit e God , Yahweh , i s i n ancient Hebre w inscription s foun d i n th e nint h centur y B.C . Mos t im portant of all, the Hebrew religion practiced by the Israelites was no longer a magica l wa y o f manipulatin g an d controllin g th e whim s o f capriciou s gods and goddesses to insure fertility. God's presence could be experienced as ever present , eve n whe n h e i s not seen .

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Resolution of the Oedipal Conflict in Culture This cultura l advanc e o f givin g u p th e worshi p o f idol s i s simila r t o th e child's relinquishmen t o f it s transitiona l object s an d separatio n fro m th e mother. Durin g norma l development , th e chil d n o longe r need s t o ma nipulate an d contro l th e mothe r simpl y a s a need-satisfyin g object , bu t recognizes he r a s a separat e whol e individual . Th e mothe r become s in ternalized an d he r memor y ca n b e evoke d withou t he r physica l presence . This allow s th e chil d t o acknowledg e th e separatenes s an d constanc y o f the sel f a s wel l a s th e internalize d materna l object . Th e chil d ca n the n comfort an d direc t itself , an d i s les s dependen t fo r it s self-estee m an d identity o n th e reaction s o f the mothe r an d others . This sam e proces s o f individua l developmen t wa s thu s replicate d o n a larger social scale. Idols of capricious pagan gods and goddesses had func tioned a s externa l transitiona l object s tha t neede d t o b e manipulate d t o satisfy one' s needs . By internalizing Go d an d bein g guide d b y his laws— the ten commandments an d the Bible—the Israelites contributed t o a leap forward i n superego and personality development. In the Hebrew religion , God was separate, invisible, yet ever present within each individual. People experienced greate r individuatio n a s well as personal guilt. They could b e guided b y interna l value s instea d o f b y sham e o r fea r o f externa l punishment.1 According t o classica l psychoanalyti c theory , thi s proces s occur s afte r the oedipa l period . Th e chil d resolve s th e Oedipu s comple x an d passe s from th e phallic to the genital stage of development. For boys, this turning from th e mothe r an d identificatio n wit h a n idealize d fathe r consolidate s male gender identity. Internalization o f the father occurs, and concern an d empathy fo r other s a s separat e individual s become s consolidated . Freu d maintained tha t thi s proces s occur s i n childre n durin g th e genita l perio d of development, representin g the sublimatio n o f sexuality into tendernes s and love . In addition , havin g a n all-powerfu l Go d wit h who m on e coul d identify serve d a s a source of strength an d reinforced th e law of the fathe r in society . Regarding religion , Freu d (1939 ) recognize d tha t Go d an d hi s law s become a permanen t an d constan t par t o f one' s personality . However , Freud's conception s regardin g internalizatio n o f the fathe r a s responsibl e 1. Bergman n (1989 ) note s tha t Freu d misinterprete d th e stor y o f Oedipu s Rex , wh o felt responsibl e fo r th e externa l vengeanc e o f th e Gree k god s bu t di d no t suffe r interna l Jewish guilt .

Dethroning the Goddess and Phallocentrism 4 3 for supereg o developmen t woul d see m t o hav e a close r similarit y t o th e internalization o f th e Hebre w Go d i n religio n tha n wha t occur s durin g child development . Religion no w becam e a wa y o f understandin g an d internalizin g th e values connected wit h people's relatio n t o God , parents , society, and eac h other. Ethica l an d spiritua l issue s that governe d relationship s becam e im portant, wit h justice an d consideratio n fo r other s a s well as altruistic lov e becoming paramount. Chris t continued t o advocate these ethical and spir itual concept s i n hi s saying s tha t th e kingdo m o f Go d i s withi n us , an d that w e shoul d trea t other s a s we wishe d t o b e treate d b y them . Campbell (1988 ) pointe d ou t tha t i n th e evolutio n o f Christianity , goddess worship continued , bu t a t a more symboli c level. Many churche s were calle d Notr e Dam e (Ou r Lady) , an d symbolize d tha t w e ar e spirit ually, no t literally , rebor n b y a female divinit y upo n enterin g an d leavin g the church . Campbel l note d tha t th e worship o f Mary, mother o f Christ , occupied th e plac e o f th e femal e goddes s an d becam e integrate d int o Christianity. H e commente d tha t th e mai n referenc e t o th e immaculat e conception an d the virgin birt h was only mentioned b y the later Christia n writer, Luke , who wa s a Greek. Neithe r Matthew , Mark , no r Joh n men tioned the virgin birth in their gospels. Campbell interprets Luke's writings as a furthe r perpetuatio n o f pre-Christia n Gree k an d Egyptia n goddes s mythology, som e o f whic h mad e reference s t o childbirth s tha t wer e no t preceded b y sexual relation s wit h a male.

Female Sexuality Continued to Be Feared and Condemned Because th e earl y Christian s too k upo n themselve s th e difficul t tas k o f converting peopl e fro m participatin g i n eroti c paga n rituals , th e sexua l instinct was often considere d to be the essence of evil and thus condemned . For example, Clement of Alexandria denounced the citizens of Rome thus: "You believ e i n you r idol s becaus e yo u crav e afte r thei r licentiousness " (Briffault 1929) . Sinc e mos t heathe n religion s involve d wome n a s sacre d prostitute/priestesses i n their sexual rituals, feminine sexualit y was consid ered especiall y impur e an d wa s suppressed . A number o f earl y Christia n leader s wer e s o uncompromising i n thei r denunciation o f sex—becaus e o f it s associatio n wit h heathe n religions — that they condemned marriage , idealized celibacy, and considered wome n to b e th e gatewa y t o hell . I n th e Ne w Testamen t (Corinthian s 11-14 ) women wer e undermine d i n thei r relatio n t o men : " M a n . . . i s the imag e

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Background

and glor y o f God , bu t th e woma n i s th e glor y o f th e man . Neithe r wa s the ma n create d fo r th e woman , bu t th e woma n fo r th e man . Le t you r women kee p silenc e i n churches....An d i f the y will lear n anything , le t them as k their husband s a t home. " Saint Augustin e i n th e fifth centur y an d Thoma s Aquina s i n th e thir teenth believe d tha t goo d wome n wer e submissiv e t o thei r husband s an d their majo r functio n wa s to bea r childre n (Madi n 1987) . Western religio n became sharply opposed t o sexual relations, with women bein g put dow n and agai n spli t alon g a n al l good o r a n al l bad dimension . Goo d wome n repressed thei r sexuality , whil e sinfu l wome n wer e eroti c an d sensual . Remnants o f paga n natur e worship , whic h ha d existe d i n th e forest s throughout Europe, continued alongside Christianity until the seventeenth century. I n th e Middle Age s these paga n meeting s wer e considere d t o b e witchcraft an d wer e gread y feared . I n thes e paga n rituals , a mal e pries t would dres s in the skin of a goat or bull, with its horns and tail simulatin g the phalli c go d o f fertility , Dionysos . Th e pries t becam e th e imag e use d to depic t th e devil , wh o wa s par t ma n an d par t goat . Th e women , wh o were considere d witches , had mad e a pact with th e devil : in exchang e fo r their bodie s an d souls , h e enable d thes e wome n t o practic e blac k art , t o fly, and t o transfor m themselve s int o animals . Four night s a yea r unti l th e coc k crowed , thes e witche s engage d i n nude, sensua l meeting s tha t wer e calle d witches ' Sabbaths . Th e mos t fa mous one s were Octobe r 3 1 (Hallowe'en), an d th e ev e of May Day (Wal purgis Night), which occurre d a t the changes of seasons. On Hallowe'en , the barrier s betwee n th e livin g an d th e dea d wer e supposedl y lifted , an d witches wer e abl e t o cas t spell s t o contac t th e dead . Thi s mytholog y stemmed from th e belief that the change of seasons from summe r to winter was related to death and rebirth. The witches were the overt manifestation s of a lon g lin e o f paga n grea t mothe r goddesses , fro m Ishta r an d Isi s t o Persephone. Lik e them , th e witche s wer e though t t o hav e powe r ove r death an d rebirth , a s well a s over th e fertilit y o f humans an d plants . During th e Middl e Age s i n Europe , peopl e feare d th e powe r o f th e witches to cast spells that could make others sick or cause death— o r even to brin g th e dea d bac k t o life . Dominica n monks , wh o wrot e "Malleu s Maleficarum" (Th e Witches ' Hammer) i n 1494 , denounced al l women a s sexual temptresses , a s evils of nature , an d a s potential witche s (Summer s 1951). Women accused o f bein g witche s wer e tortured , tried , convicted , and burne d a t th e stake . Fro m 1484 , when th e Inquisitio n too k ove r th e investigation of witchcraft, t o 1782, when the last servant girl was executed in Switzerland , i t i s estimate d tha t ove r 300,00 0 wome n wer e kille d i n Europe. I n th e Unite d State s i n th e lat e seventeent h century , fifty-five

Dethroning the Goddess and Phallocentrism 4 5 people wer e torture d an d twent y wer e execute d a s witche s i n Salem , Massachusetts.

Views of Women in Philosophy Among philosophers , Plat o (427—34 7 B.C. ) viewe d wome n a s les s com petent tha n men , bu t h e concede d tha t som e wome n ha d qualitie s tha t overlapped wit h thos e o f men . Thes e mal e qualitie s wer e intelligence , courage, an d th e abilit y to resis t temptation, whic h enable d the m t o rule . Aristode (Plato' s pupil , 384—32 2 B.C.) , note d tha t wome n wer e on e o f nature's deformities , a n unfinishe d ma n wh o neve r develope d rationall y and neede d t o b e rule d b y men . Woman' s bes t conditio n i n lif e wa s t o have a quie t hom e life . Roussea u (1712-1778 ) wrot e tha t natur e dictate d the submissio n o f wome n t o men . Women' s rol e wa s t o pleas e men , t o be useful , an d t o mak e men' s live s pleasant . Nietzsch e (1844-1900 ) wa s profoundly antifeminis t an d phallocentric , statin g tha t a man "mus t con ceive of woman a s a possession, a s property tha t ca n b e locked, a s something predestined fo r servic e and achieving her perfection i n that" (Madi n 1987). To summarize, like the helpless infant who attempts to control its mother , societies to o hav e controlle d wome n an d thei r bodie s i n a n attemp t t o solve th e existentia l dilemma . I n time , a patriarcha l societ y evolve d tha t had contro l ove r women an d thei r sexuality . Women wer e viewed a s split into al l good o r al l bad. Thi s i s similar t o th e wa y th e infan t experience s the mother . Lik e th e omnipoten t preoedipa l mother , th e grea t mothe r goddesses wer e see n a s both nurturan t an d destructive . Wit h th e knowl edge of male generative power, patriarcha l societ y also became phallocen tric. Me n attempte d t o gai n greate r contro l ove r natur e an d wome n i n order t o maste r thei r existence . Wome n wer e thu s no t onl y controlle d socially but their sexuality was demeaned. To eliminate sacred prostitutio n existing i n paga n religions , earl y Judeo-Christia n leader s considere d women and sexuality as sinful. Femal e sexuality was split into good asexua l women an d bad sexual women. This split was later expressed i n Victoria n society as the madonna/whore complex . Women wer e chaste and al l good or seductive and all bad. Probably Freud's greatest contribution to moder n culture wa s t o b e th e Mose s wh o liberate d wome n fro m th e slaver y im posed upo n the m b y a sexuall y repressiv e societ y tha t ha d existe d fo r thousands o f years.

S. Projective Identification and Misogyny

Even though misogyny , the hatred of women, i s based on irrationa l mag ical thinking, i t persiste d i n Europ e int o an d beyon d th e Enlightenment , when rationalit y an d scienc e wer e emphasized . I n Charle s Darwin' s evo lutionary theory of natural selectio n an d Herbert Spencer' s philosoph y o f the surviva l o f th e fittest , wome n wer e see n a s emotional , les s rational , and passive, as well as physically weaker and hence inferior t o men. Wom en's skulls and brains were smaller than men's, and this was taken as proof that wome n wer e less intelligent. Evolutionar y theor y was used t o justif y the cultura l bia s agains t women . As i n prescientifi c days , wome n continue d t o b e suppresse d b y men . Men's relianc e o n scienc e an d rationalit y no w fuele d a renewe d effor t to maste r thei r environment . Ever y majo r thinke r durin g th e Enlight enment assume d religio n woul d disappear , becaus e the y though t i t wa s based o n animisti c superstitio n an d magic . Man' s cognitiv e abilit y wa s the ne w sourc e o f power , i n effec t becomin g a ne w for m o f religion . This ne w subd e phalli c worshi p wa s no t expresse d i n over t image s o f the penis , bu t symbolically . Th e peni s wa s sublimate d an d displace d upward t o th e mind , bein g manifeste d throug h th e masculin e preoc cupations o f rationalism , individualism , realism , an d materialism . No w it woul d no t b e traditiona l religio n bu t objectiv e scientifi c technolog y that woul d conque r Mothe r Natur e an d he r earthl y sisters , women . Nature wa s lik e a machine , an d discoverin g he r universa l law s throug h mathematics would lea d to contro l o f her. The laborator y an d the factor y now becam e th e monaster y an d cathedra l fo r thi s ne w materialisti c 46

Projective Identification and Misogyny 4 7 religion. Pilgrimage s wer e made t o exposition s hel d i n the Unite d States , England, an d throughou t Europ e tha t exalte d man' s achievement s i n technology an d science . Th e paternalisti c phallocentri c Victoria n societ y that evolve d i n Europ e durin g th e eighteent h an d nineteent h centurie s not onl y stresse d contro l ove r natur e throug h "objective " science , bu t also suppresse d women , emotions , pleasure , an d othe r subjectiv e experiences. A pervasiv e mal e orientatio n an d misogyn y existe d i n th e scientifi c community. This bias against women ranged from th e work of Paul Broca, who discovere d th e are a of the brai n responsibl e fo r speech , t o Haveloc k Ellis, wh o introduce d a n "objective " approac h t o th e stud y o f sex . I n literature, eve n Joh n Stuar t Mill , th e earl y champio n o f feminism , mad e no mentio n o f hi s mothe r a t al l i n hi s Autobiography. Samue l Burier , i n The Way of All Fleshy ignored his mother and was obsessed with the father son relationshi p (Roaze n 1984) . Blaming Freu d fo r hi s mal e orientatio n an d fo r th e derogatio n o f th e importance o f wome n i n psychoanalysi s i s to o simplistic , sinc e i t wa s a universal cultural phenomenon. Even though Freud did surmount his bias toward wome n i n som e areas , elsewher e hi s idea s direcd y mirrore d th e culture i n whic h h e lived . Phallocentrism ha d existe d a s th e predominan t threa d tha t ra n from ancien t time s t o th e present . Freu d similarl y idealize d th e mal e phallus and its sublimated expressio n in the male mind. The penis becam e central t o psychoanalyti c theory , duplicatin g it s importanc e i n a phal locentric society . I n Freud' s theory , durin g th e phallic phase , castration anxiety ove r possibl e los s o f th e peni s fo r th e mal e an d penis envy fo r the femal e wer e th e majo r motivation s fo r personalit y development . Th e female genital s ha d n o importan t rol e i n psychoanalyti c theory , an d a woman's min d wa s considered inferio r t o a man's. There was no mentio n of wom b o r breas t env y i n th e male , onl y peni s env y i n th e female . Psychoanalytic theor y place d women' s generativ e power s secondar y t o that o f men . Freu d state d tha t becaus e o f peni s env y an d a desir e t o compensate fo r th e lac k of this appendage , women tur n fro m th e mothe r to th e father , becom e feminine , an d wan t t o bea r children . Thus , fem ininity an d women' s procreativ e abilit y wer e see n a s th e en d resul t o f not havin g a penis. The mother' s rol e in child developmen t wa s generall y ignored i n psychoanalysi s unti l th e 1920s . Accordin g t o Freud , i t wa s only th e fathe r wh o wa s internalized , afte r th e resolutio n o f the Oedipu s complex, t o for m th e cor e o f th e supereg o i n th e personalit y o f th e child.

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Projective Identification in the Culture In orde r t o fee l powerfu l an d i n contro l o f nature , me n unconsciousl y project unacceptabl e aspect s o f themselve s ont o women . However , thi s cultural proces s ha s it s psychologica l underpinning s i n th e earl y mother child relationship of male infants. The primitive defense mechanism s use d in earl y chil d developmen t find expressio n i n th e culture . I n turn , th e culture reinforce s thes e psychologica l defenses . The initia l identificatio n o f al l infant s i s considere d b y moder n psy choanalytic theor y t o occu r durin g th e symbioti c stag e o f development , when mergin g with the all-powerfu l preoedipa l mother occurs . Using th e primitive defens e o f splitting, th e mothe r i s see n a s bein g eithe r al l goo d or al l bad . Th e all-ba d mothe r i s projecte d an d evacuated , whil e th e all good mothe r imag e is internalized furthe r t o form th e core of the ego fo r both sexes . For a boy to achiev e a masculine gende r identity , h e needs t o distance himsel f fro m thi s initia l feminin e internalizatio n o f th e mothe r and t o identif y wit h th e fathe r an d othe r mal e figures. Th e bo y need s t o deny aspect s o f himsel f considere d a s feminine , i n orde r t o differentiat e and protec t himsel f fro m engulfmen t b y th e all-powerfu l preoedipa l mother. Thi s i s accomplished throug h th e us e of the primitiv e defens e o f projective identification. Those aspect s o f himsel f tha t ar e unacceptabl e t o his masculin e identit y ar e represse d an d projecte d ont o women . Thes e include feeling s o f dependency , helplessness , an d emotionality . Projective identificatio n i s th e interpersona l equivalen t o f th e intrap sychic mechanism o f repression. Projectiv e identificatio n i s an earlie r an d primitive defens e mechanism , occurrin g befor e adequat e boundarie s be tween th e sel f an d other s ar e established . I n repression , unacceptabl e as pects of oneself ar e pushed dow n int o one' s own unconsciou s par t o f th e mind. I n projectiv e identification , anothe r perso n serve s a s a containe r into whic h unacceptabl e part s o f oneself ar e unconsciously placed . Thes e unacceptable aspect s ar e projecte d int o anothe r perso n and , lik e materia l repressed int o one' s ow n unconscious , nee d no t b e owne d consciously . The other is unconsciously or consciously manipulated to fit the projectio n placed int o them . Th e projecto r ca n the n identif y wit h th e unacceptabl e aspects that the other is expressing, without taking conscious responsibilit y for them . Eve n though induce d int o this role, the other ca n be controlle d and demeaned for seeming to possess or express these unacceptable aspects. By constricting th e feminin e rol e in societ y an d fosterin g dependency , helplessness, an d emotionality , wome n wer e unconsciousl y induce d int o expressing thes e unacceptabl e feeling s fo r men . I n turn , me n coul d con -

Projective Identification and Misogyny 4 9 demn wome n a s bein g inferio r fo r havin g thes e undesirabl e qualities . Because thi s proces s occurre d a t a n unconsciou s level , men di d no t hav e to tak e responsibilit y fo r havin g place d wome n int o a positio n o f de pendency in society. Although women could be demeaned for bein g weak, men could live vicariously through women an d avoid taking responsibilit y for thei r ow n vulnerabilities . This nee d t o bolste r man' s sens e o f strengt h an d masculinit y i n th e culture by dissociating unacceptable aspects and projecting them on other s was no t limite d t o women , bu t wa s eviden t i n Europea n nationalism , imperialism, racism , an d religiou s bigotry . Effort s t o chang e thi s stat e o f social inequality for women an d other minorities emerged around the tur n of the century .

The Early Feminist Movement The socia l emancipatio n o f wome n bega n wit h th e earl y feminis t move ment durin g th e latte r par t o f th e eighteent h centur y i n Europ e an d th e United States . Unlik e th e curren t feminis t movement , whic h emphasize s organizations fo r socia l action , th e earl y feminists relie d o n th e powe r o f the writte n wor d t o brin g abou t socia l chang e (Ross i 1973) . Th e earl y feminists wer e als o heir s o f th e Enlightenment . The y truste d reaso n an d believed tha t ope n discussio n an d educatio n woul d cur e ignoranc e an d bring abou t socia l equality . Although thei r trus t i n th e powe r o f rationalit y ma y hav e bee n naive , they wrote with deep passion and conviction. These feminists viewed male domination o f women a s analogous t o politica l tyranny , an d advocate d a number o f ideologica l positions . Willia m Godwin , th e husban d o f Mar y Wollstonecraft, recommende d suc h radica l measure s a s disregard o f mar riage, the state , an d th e church . Mat y Wollstonecraf t wrot e o n th e right s of women an d advocate d tha t chil d rearin g b e simila r fo r girl s an d boys . Fanny Wright advocate d a separate community, Nashoba, where a perfec t society coul d b e created tha t di d no t crippl e women psychologically . Ab igail Adams sent the famous "Remember the Ladies" letter to her husband , President Joh n Adams , recommending tha t the Secon d Continenta l Con gress atten d t o th e political right s o f women. Joh n Stuar t Mil l wrote on e of th e classic s o f feminis t literature , The Subjugation of Women^ i n 1869 . In this work he advocated equality of the sexes in marriage, and considere d customs an d institution s oppose d t o equalit y a s "relic s o f primitiv e bar barism.'5 Marriag e wa s t o b e base d o n a complementarit y o f skills , wit h

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leadership alternating back and forth accordin g to these skills, in a context of shared value s an d goals. Mill was also a member o f the Englis h Hous e of Common s an d sponsore d th e first bil l t o enfranchis e women . Freud translate d fou r essay s fro m Mill' s collecte d work s fro m Englis h into Germa n whe n h e wa s twenty-fou r year s ol d (Ga y 1988) . He sharpl y disagreed wit h Mill' s thesis concerning th e equalit y o f women. I n a letter to hi s fiancee Martha , Freu d wrote : c The positio n o f wome n canno t b e other tha n wha t i t is; to b e a n adore d sweethear t i n youth, an d a beloved wife i n maturity. " Thes e opinion s expresse d b y Freu d wer e clearl y th e values prevalen t i n th e culture . In th e worl d o f literature , Henri k Ibsen , i n A Dollys House, oppose d this prevailing view and advocated equal rights for women. Female writers began t o mak e a n impac t i n th e literar y field, such a s Louisa Ma y Alcott , Jane Austen , th e Bront e sisters , Georg e Eliot , Mar y Shelle y (Wollstone craft's daughter) , an d George Sand . However, fo r th e majority o f women in nineteenth-centur y Americ a an d Europe , lif e wa s constricte d t o th e prescribed stereotype d roles . In Germany , fo r example , women wer e con trolled an d limite d t o thre e sphere s o f existence— Kinder, Kirche, an d Kiiche (children , church , an d kitchen) . T o thes e thre e K's , a fourt h wa s added facetiousl y fo r Austria n women— Kaffeeklatsch. In general , women' s role s wer e spli t int o th e goo d an d th e bad . Th e good wer e the selfless , sufferin g martyr s wh o were chaste, undemanding , compliant, an d passive : th e virgin-madonna . Th e ultimat e wa s th e con sumptive heroine as depicted in novels, operas, and art, for example, Mimi in the opera La Boheme. The bad were the sensual, assertive, manipulative, castrating, o r engulfin g fernme s fatales : th e virago-vampire-whore , fo r example Musett a i n La Boheme. In th e oper a La Traviata, th e powerfu l and sensua l femme fatal e i s transformed int o the selfles s an d consumptiv e woman wh o dies . These sensuous fernmes fatale s were portrayed a s erotic and menacin g i n som e o f th e painting s o f fin-de-siecle Viennes e artist s such a s Gustav Klimpt , Oska r Kokoschka , an d Ego n Schiele . The social bias against women and sexuality was most clearly epitomized in a book by Otto Weininger called Sex and Character, published in Vienna in 190 3 (Jani k an d Toulmi n 1973) . The ide a fo r th e boo k wa s develope d by Freud' s friend , Wilhel m Fliess , wh o ha d speculate d abou t a n inbor n bisexuality in all people. Freud had revealed Fliess's ideas about bisexualit y to on e of his patients, Hermann Swoboda . Swobod a the n passe d i t on t o Weininger. Whe n Flies s later foun d out , h e fel t betraye d b y Freud. Eve n though Freu d offere d t o delay publicatio n o f hi s ow n book , Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality (1905b ) unti l afte r Flies s published , thi s conflic t eventually contributed to ending the Freud-Fliess relationship (Gay 1988).

Projective Identification and Misogyny 5 1 Weininger ha d alread y publishe d first. H e claime d tha t hi s ide a tha t each individual' s characte r i s mad e u p o f bot h masculin e an d feminin e components wa s draw n fro m Plato , Aristode , Kant , an d Schopenhauer . The masculin e componen t represente d rationality , creativity , an d order , while th e feminin e on e was sexual, irrational, emotional , an d chaotic . All positive achievement s i n history were thought t o b e due to th e masculin e principle, whil e al l feminine aspect s wer e responsibl e fo r destructiv e an d nihilistic tendencies. Aryans were considered innatel y to embody the male principle, an d Jews the femal e principle . I t i s of some interes t tha t Wein inger himsel f wa s bor n Jewish , an d ha d converte d t o Protestantism ; bu t his intens e self-hatre d fo r bein g Jewis h le d t o hi s suicid e a t th e ag e o f twenty-four, i n th e sam e hous e wher e Beethove n ha d died . Weininger' s book wa s mor e widel y rea d tha n Freud' s becaus e o f it s suppor t b y Kar l Kraus, editor of the witty and satirical periodical, Die Packet (The Torch). Kraus vehemendy oppose d th e feminist movemen t an d women generally , Zionism, an d psychoanalysis .

Misogyny and Anti-Semitism Since anti-Semitis m i s base d o n th e sam e psychodynamic s a s misogyn y and playe d a significan t rol e i n shapin g Freud' s lif e an d work , a deepe r understanding of this attitude is essential. As part of the popular Europea n ethos o f th e time , Jew s wer e equate d wit h women , an d bot h wer e deni grated. I t wa s Freud' s wis h t o hav e hi s wor k i n psychoanalysi s accepte d in th e scientifi c community , an d thu s h e needed t o distinguis h himsel f a s a "manly" Jew apar t fro m "feminine " ideals . A direc t lin k was create d betwee n anti-Semitis m an d misogyn y i n Eu rope becaus e bot h Jew s an d women simultaneousl y becam e visible a t th e turn o f th e centur y b y thei r demand s fo r socia l equality . I n th e backlas h against feminist and Jewish efforts for social emancipation, many influentia l writers stresse d th e connectio n betwee n wome n an d Jews . Walte r Rath enau, i n hi s 189 7 essay, describe d th e discours e o f Jews a s similar t o tha t of women, which was different tha n that of men (Gilma n 1986). Immanuel Kant, i n hi s Anthology from a Pragmatic Point of View, emphasize d th e "loquacity an d passionat e eloquence " o f woman , b y whic h sh e becam e "the rule r o f men throug h modest y an d eloquenc e i n speec h an d expres sion." Arthur Schopenhaue r considere d wome n t o b e less intelligent an d weaker tha n men , an d therefor e resorte d t o cunnin g an d treachery . H e believed tha t wome n an d Jew s misuse d languag e an d resorte d t o lyin g and manipulation .

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According t o Ott o Weininger' s Sex and Character ', wome n di d not us e logic, bu t though t b y association. The y ar e influenced b y immediate sen sations and perceptions of the moment, which prevent their memory fro m being continuous . Th e resul t i s that wome n speak , bu t the y misus e lan guage an d lie . Weininger considere d wome n a s "logically insane,' 3 a condition tha t become s overd y manifeste d i n hysteria . H e als o believe d tha t Jews use d th e sam e fault y logi c a s wome n an d wer e unabl e t o thin k scientifically: bot h ar e unabl e t o us e languag e t o express themselve s aes thetically; bot h lack a sense of humor an d use satire. However, Weininge r considered Jew s to b e even worse tha n women, sinc e they had n o center : Jews did not believ e in themselves or in anything else. They stood outsid e reality an d di d no t ente r it . A t leas t wome n ha d thei r ma n a t th e cente r of their lives, and they could believe in their husbands, lovers, or children . Weininger the n considered that this undesirable quality of femaleness wa s part o f the bisexua l nature o f al l human beings , and mor e pronounce d i n Jews. Freud rea d Weininger's Sex and Character and was probably influence d by it. Although h e did no t suffe r self-hatre d t o th e exten t Weininger did , he experience d conflic t abou t hi s identit y a s a scientist an d a Jew. Freu d needed t o dra w a shar p distinctio n betwee n th e languag e o f scienc e h e used, and the language Weininger attributed to Jews. To solve this problem Freud create d a new languag e fo r himself , on e tha t wa s use d b y neithe r women no r Jew s (Gilma n 1986) . H e hope d tha t th e ne w languag e o f psychoanalysis would b e universally applicable and achiev e scientific cred ibility, withou t bein g contaminate d b y sexua l o r religiou s prejudice . H e feared tha t h e woul d b e considere d th e outside r Jew , stil l speakin g th e language of the Jews, and his work would not be accepted by the scientifi c community. Th e threa t tha t psychoanalysi s woul d b e denigrated an d dis missed a s a Jewish-feminine-sexua l scienc e persisted , and , ironically , b y the 1930 s i t wa s indee d labele d b y Europea n anti-Semite s a s th e ne w language o f the Jews . Possibly to keep psychoanalysis from being viewed as a feminine science, Freud worked t o dissociate it from wome n an d stressed the characteristic s of men . Th e libid o neede d t o b e a masculine drive , an d th e chil d devel opment of boys became the standard by which to judge girls' development. This nee d ma y als o hav e contribute d t o th e importanc e Freu d gav e t o fathers an d the oedipal period, while he neglected mothers an d the preoedipal period. How strongly did anti-Semitism in fin-de-siecle Europe influ ence Freu d t o unconsciousl y attemp t t o mak e psychoanalysi s a masculine science?

Projective Identification and Misogyny 5 3 It wa s no t unti l 184 8 tha t Jewis h religiou s service s wer e legalize d i n the Austro-Hungaria n empire , an d tha t humiliatin g specia l taxe s agains t Jews were eliminated . Jew s coul d no w ow n propert y lik e Christians, an d could ente r profession s o r assum e public offic e (Ga y 1988). Jewish house holds coul d emplo y Christia n servants , an d gentil e household s coul d us e Jewish midwives . I n 1848 , after havin g live d fo r te n year s a s a tolerate d Jew in Freiberg, Moravia, Freud's father, Jacob , was granted official dom icile (Krul l 1986) . I n i86 0 th e libera l politica l part y wo n th e electio n i n Vienna, whic h include d severa l minister s wh o wer e Jewish . A t thi s tim e Freud's parent s me t a fortuneteller i n a Prater restaurant . Sh e prophesie d that thei r four-year-ol d so n Sigmun d wa s destine d t o becom e a govern mental minister , whic h th e famil y no w hope d coul d becom e a reality . In keepin g wit h th e idea s of th e Enlightenmen t concernin g th e right s of men, th e libera l governmen t tha t cam e int o powe r i n Austri a brough t in a constitutional democracy based on reason and law to replace the older aristocratic absolutism . Unde r thi s liberal government, Jew s an d al l othe r citizens wer e provide d wit h a n opportunit y fo r socia l advancement . I n 1870 Jews wer e n o longe r require d t o conver t t o Christianit y befor e the y could ente r th e universities . (Fo r example , th e grea t Germa n lyrica l poe t Heinrich Heine was obliged to convert from Judaism to Christianity befor e he could ente r th e university abou t fort y year s earlier.) I n 1873 , only thre e years later, Freud passe d his matura exa m and matriculated i n the medica l faculty o f the Universit y o f Vienna . This liberalization resulte d i n an influx o f Jews from provincia l parts o f the Austro-Hungarian empir e into Vienna. Jews were now abl e to achiev e positions i n th e art s an d professions—opportunitie s tha t gentile s envie d and resented. Jews were seen as parvenus and outsiders; they were marked by thei r speech , whic h wa s eithe r Yiddis h o r Germa n wit h a n accent . Because they were enfranchised an d now able to be full members of society, Jews supported , an d wer e closel y associate d b y others , wit h thi s libera l government. Around this same time, the liberation of women both sexually and politicall y wa s als o advocate d b y suc h libera l partie s a s th e Youn g Germany movement . Thu s ther e wa s a popula r tria d o f association s o f Jew-liberal-woman (Gilma n 1986) . Schorsk e (1981 ) als o consider s tha t when the emperor an d the liberal government offere d equa l status to Jews without demandin g thei r nationality , Jew s becam e viewe d a s superna tional, a s if they ha d steppe d int o th e shoe s o f th e earlie r aristocracy . The stoc k marke t cras h o f 187 3 was th e beginnin g o f th e en d fo r th e liberal government in the empire. When Emperor Franz Joseph introduce d modern industria l production , th e ne w factorie s destroye d th e guilds . I n

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1880 thes e artisan s forme d th e firs t anti-Semiti c grou p i n Vienna , th e Society fo r th e Defens e o f th e Handworker . Politica l anti-Semitis m wa s then used by Georg von Schonere r i n his election to the Reichsrat i n 1873, and Kar l Luege r i n hi s bi d fo r mayo r o f Vienn a i n 1895 . A two-yea r period of deadlock occurred before Emperor Franz Joseph ratified Lueger' s election, whic h ende d Viennes e liberalism .

Influence of Anti-Semitismon Freutfs Theories A worl d o f virulent anti-Semitis m cam e int o existenc e i n Europ e durin g the tim e Freu d develope d hi s theories an d techniques . The Dreyfu s affai r occurred i n Franc e i n 1894 , wher e a Jewis h office r o n th e genera l staf f was falsely convicted of spying for the Germans; he was defended b y Emile Zola. I n 189 9 the Hilsner affai r occurre d in Czechoslovakia, with a Jewish shoemaker unjusti y convicte d o f ritua l murder ; h e wa s defende d b y Thomas Garrigu e Masaryk, who wa s a n arden t feminis t an d late r becam e the fathe r o f hi s country . As he formulate d psychoanalysi s i n this ethos, Freu d trie d t o mak e hi s theory a s scientifi c an d universall y vali d a s possible ; h e di d no t wan t t o be influenced by feminist or Jewish views. Paradoxically, Freud's first theory (Freud an d Breue r 1895 ) evolve d ou t o f treatin g eightee n youn g wome n who suffere d fro m hysteri a an d reporte d havin g bee n sexuall y seduce d during childhood . Freu d mus t hav e been awar e of the implication s o f his being Jewis h an d boldl y presentin g a sexua l theor y o f th e etiolog y o f neurosis. Because sex was repressed in Victorian society, sexuality was seen as ba d an d attribute d t o Jew s an d seductiv e women . Presentin g a sexua l theory was like mounting a frontal militar y attac k agains t a n anti-Semiti c enemy. Unlik e hi s fathe r wh o ha d bee n intimidate d b y anti-Semitism , Freud probabl y neede d t o asser t hi s manlines s b y publicly presentin g hi s findings. H e proudl y reported hi s seduction theor y befor e th e prestigiou s Vienna Societ y fo r Psychiatr y an d Neurolog y i n Apri l 1896 , with Baro n Richard vo n Krafft-Ebbing , professo r o f psychiatr y a t th e Universit y o f Vienna, presiding . Freu d delivere d hi s lectur e i n a flowing poeti c styl e without notes , boldl y comparing himsel f t o a n explore r wh o ha d discov ered the head of the Nile, the root caus e of hysteria. Freud state d that th e traumatic memories an d associated feelings o f a childhood seductio n wer e repressed int o th e unconscious, wher e the y exerte d powe r an d were con verted int o physica l symptoms . Freu d believe d tha t th e hysterical wome n suffered fro m "reminiscences, " and that treatment consiste d of recoverin g

Projective Identification and Misogyny 5 5 the traumati c memor y fro m th e unconsciou s an d releasin g th e associate d feelings. Writing to his friend Wilhel m Fliess (Bonaparte , Freud, an d Kri s 1954), Freu d commente d o n th e "ic y reception " h e receive d an d th e remark of Krafft-Ebbing tha t his work sounded "like a scientific fairy tale." Freud becam e scorne d an d isolate d i n th e medica l communit y an d wa s referred t o a s a Jewish pornographe r (Jone s 1953). In Octobe r 189 6 Freud's fathe r died , whic h wa s anothe r blo w h e suf fered. Freud considered resigning from the University of Vienna in January 1897, sinc e h e ha d no t bee n promote d fro m instructor , th e lowes t aca demic rank, for twelve years. Even though Professor Herman n Nothnagel , chief o f interna l medicine , recommende d hi s promotion , i t wa s blocke d by anti-Semitic laws limiting Jewish appointments . Freud' s seduction the ory appeare d t o blam e mostl y father s fo r bein g seducers . Freud , an d ap parently hi s brothe r an d severa l sisters , als o experience d hysterica l symptoms. I n Ma y 1897 , Freu d dreame d o f feelin g overl y affectionat e toward hi s daughte r Mathilde . O n Ma y 31 , he wrot e t o hi s frien d Fliess , interpreting thi s drea m a s his wanting t o "pi n dow n a father a s the orig inator o f neurosis. " On Augus t 18 , 1897, Freu d sen t a lette r t o Flies s givin g hi s itinerar y for a n intende d tri p t o Italy . Freu d avoide d visitin g Rome , an d the n h e became awar e tha t h e wa s followin g i n Hannibal' s footstep s agains t th e Romans. Freu d the n remembere d a n incident h e was told a s a young bo y by hi s father . Hi s fathe r ha d bee n insulte d fo r bein g Jewis h an d hi s fu r cap was knocke d off . Freu d becam e awar e tha t h e resente d hi s fathe r fo r submitting meekly to this humiliation, which he saw as cowardly, makin g it difficult fo r Freu d t o identif y wit h hi s father a s a model o f masculinity . Freud's solutio n wa s t o tur n t o militar y heroes , especiall y Semiti c an d Jewish ones , an d late r t o medica l colleague s a s fathe r figures who m h e could idealize . Som e o f th e militar y leader s wh o fough t tyrann y who m Freud admire d wer e Alexande r th e Grea t (afte r who m Freu d name d hi s younger brother) , Oliver Cromwell (afte r who m Freu d name d hi s secon d son), Garibaldi (wh o was associated with his father), an d Hannibal (who , like Freud, wa s Semiti c an d ha d vowe d t o aveng e his father's humiliatio n by Rome) . McGrath (1986 ) feel s tha t th e precipitatin g inciden t tha t brough t bac k the issue of a cowardly father and the need to follow in Hannibal's footstep s in Italy was the submission of Emperor Franz Joseph to Rome in ratifyin g the electio n o f th e anti-Semiti c mayo r o f Vienna , Kar l Lueger . Agai n a father figure ha d grovele d t o anti-Semiti c pressur e an d no t behave d i n a manly fashion . Onl y severa l day s later , Freu d planne d hi s tri p t o Italy .

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In The Interpretation of Dreams (1900) , Freu d mention s tha t beside s reenacting hi s Hannibal fantasy , h e associate d Rom e wit h Winckelmann , an eighteenth-centur y archeologis t an d ar t historia n wh o love d Rom e a s the mother of Europea n cultur e an d wh o converted fromJudaism. Freu d became aware of the power of fantasy i n shaping behavior while it remaine d unconscious. Freud connected the Winckelmann associatio n with his own unconscious sexua l fantasies fo r hi s mother, an d the need to triumph ove r his father , whic h h e late r formulate d a s the Oedipu s complex . On Septembe r 21 , 1897 , th e da y afte r returnin g fro m Italy , Freu d wrote t o Flies s tha t h e n o longe r believe d i n hi s seductio n theory . Eigh t days later , Freu d decide d t o join th e Jewis h fraterna l organization , B'na i Brith, wher e h e continue d t o presen t hi s scientifi c work . McGrat h con siders tha t Freud' s joining a Jewish grou p represente d a n ac t o f reconcil iation wit h th e memor y o f hi s father . Instea d o f th e vai n unsuccessfu l heroics o f directl y conquerin g anti-Semitism , a s in th e Hanniba l fantasy , Freud accepte d th e sam e dignifie d respons e o f enlightene d humanis m practiced b y hi s father . Freu d lessene d hi s hars h judgmen t agains t hi s father, identifie d wit h him , an d wa s brough t int o close r touc h wit h th e traditions o f his forefathers . Freud discontinue d teachin g at the university until 1904 . He se t up hi s own Wednesda y nigh t circl e o f professional s i n 1902 , wh o wer e als o mosdy Jewish. Freud was thus able to create a support network for himself, and t o continu e hi s work courageousl y i n th e fac e o f anti-Semitism . Th e Wednesday nigh t grou p develope d eventuall y int o th e Vienna Psychoan alytic Society . Thus , i n respons e t o anti-Semitism , th e psychoanalyti c movement arose . However, Freud' s accommodatio n t o thi s antagonisti c cultur e stil l lef t him ope n t o criticis m b y himsel f an d others . He , lik e othe r Jews , wa s forced to use the means employed by women to sustain autonomy. Women did no t hav e th e powe r t o direcd y confron t misogyn y i n society , an d needed t o ban d togethe r o r us e indirec t mean s fo r self-assertion . Freud' s change from the seduction theory to the Oedipus theory may have lessened the ris k o f psychoanalysi s bein g labele d a Jewish-feminine-sexual science . Freud's seductio n theor y o f hysteri a reste d o n th e patien t feelin g shame about being seduced, which resulted in repression. According to Victorian stereotypes, this passiv e experience of seduction woul d hav e bee n consid ered feminine. B y Freud emphasizin g the child's experiencing guilt fo r it s instinctual strivings , a mor e activ e positio n wa s emphasize d reflectin g a more masculine connotation . I f this motivation t o have his theory appea r more manly did exis t in Freud, i t would certainl y have been unconscious .

Projective Identification and Misojjyny $7 The chang e fro m bein g a passiv e objec t t o a n activ e subjec t mad e psy choanalytic theor y les s vulnerable t o bein g labele d a s a feminine-Jewish sexual science. Freud's seduction theory was the first attempt to understan d what w e toda y cal l a post-traumati c stres s disorder . W e no w kno w tha t both o f Freud' s theorie s wer e correct .

6. Freud and His Mother

Freud's Parents A detaile d pictur e o f Sigmun d Freud' s earlies t year s i s provide d b y hi s biographers Ernes t Jone s (1953 , 1955 , 1957) , Pau l Roaze n (1984) , an d Peter Ga y (1978 , 1988). Freud' s father , Jacob , ha d com e fro m a n Ortho dox Jewish background. A widower, married once or possibly twice before, Jacob was twenty year s older tha n Freud' s mother , Amalie . He live d i n a small tow n i n Moravia , whic h becam e par t o f Czechoslovaki a followin g the collaps e o f th e Austro-Hungaria n empir e afte r Worl d Wa r I . Jacob' s oldest son, Emanuel, was married and lived nearby with his wife and child. His younger son, Philipp, nineteen years old and only a year younger tha n Amalie, stil l live d a t home . Amalie, Freud's mother, was a vital, strong, bright, and attractive young women, fro m a middle-clas s Viennes e famil y tha t coul d affor d a goo d dowry. Th e marriag e seeme d fraugh t wit h potentia l difficultie s fro m it s inception. Why Amalie Nathansohn would make such an unsuitable choice for a husband i s a mystery. Jaco b was old enoug h t o b e her father , wa s a grandfather, an d had a son still living in his house. The marriage require d her t o mov e fro m cosmopolita n an d excitin g Vienna t o Freiberg , a small sleepy provincia l tow n i n Moravia . O n th e positiv e sid e o f th e ledger , Jacob ha d a n establishe d busines s a s a woo l trader , an d coul d provid e economic security . Thi s marriage , lik e other s i n middle-clas s bourgeoi s families, wa s no t base d o n lov e bu t o n materia l security . Bu t mos t im portant, Jaco b wa s a tall, good-looking, benign , an d kindl y man . 61

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The marriage of Amalie and Jacob was consecrated i n a Reform Jewis h ceremony. Late r th e famil y di d no t observ e religiou s practices , except fo r the Jewis h holiday s o f Puri m an d Passove r (Krul l 1986) . Thi s probabl y reflected Amalie's preference, since she was more assimilated into the Christian cultur e tha n he r husband . Freud' s fathe r ha d bee n religiou s i n hi s previous marriage, and continued to read the Philippson Bible in this one. Freud wa s bor n on e yea r afte r th e marriage . A s h e go t older , hi s fathe r would ofte n rea d to hi m fro m thi s Bible , and Sigmun d wa s fascinated b y the man y illustrations . Freu d recalle d tha t hi s very earl y childhood wa s a happy time. He remembere d havin g a good relationshi p with his mother , and being his mother's favorite, which he said instilled in him "self-relianc e and a n unshakeabl e optimism " (Freu d 1900) . Psychoanalysis wa s a creatio n o f Freud' s self-analysis . Althoug h hi s writings about his self-analysis ste m from hi s childhood memories and can be subjec t t o retroactiv e distortion , h e provide s u s wit h considerabl e in formation abou t his early life. Foremost i s Freud's selection of his oedipal period o f development t o formulat e psychoanalyti c theory . However , w e will examine his earlier preoedipal period, since it seems far more significan t (Slipp 1988a) . The preoedipa l period , fro m birt h t o abou t thre e year s o f age when th e relationshi p t o th e mother i s crucial, is generally ignore d i n Freud's writings. On the other hand, during the oedipal period, from fou r to si x years o f age , fo r a bo y th e fathe r become s mor e prominent . Eve n though Freu d idealize d hi s early childhood i n hi s consciou s memory , hi s preoedipal perio d wa s fraugh t wit h emotiona l traum a centerin g aroun d his mother . H e provide d a goo d dea l o f informatio n abou t he r i n hi s writings, yet he never analyze d their relationship . Sh e remained idealized , and h e denie d hi s intens e ambivalenc e towar d her . I t appear s tha t th e trauma o f thei r earl y relationshi p wa s s o overwhelmin g tha t i t remaine d repressed an d blocke d ou t o f his consciou s awareness . Consequendy , th e mother wa s no t include d a s a significant figur e whe n Freu d formulate d a general psychoanalyti c theor y o f chil d development . H e ignore d th e im portance o f th e mothe r durin g th e firs t fou r year s of a child's life , a tim e when attachmen t an d dependenc y o n he r ar e o f utmos t significance . I n his self-analysis , Freu d ha d n o problem s dealin g wit h late r oedipa l issue s of competition with his father an d analyzing his ambivalence toward him . When Freu d wa s one an d a half years old, his brother Julius was born . Freud recognize d an d admitted tha t he had guilt about entertaining deat h wishes towar d hi s bab y brother . Si x month s later , i n Apri l 1858 , whe n Freud wa s almos t two , littl e Julius died . I t wa s a calamitous tim e fo r th e family. A serie s o f traumati c event s wer e closel y followin g on e upo n an -

Freud and His Mother 6 3 other. I n March , the previous month, Amalie's brothe r Juliu s had die d i n Vienna of pulmonary tuberculosis. At that time, Amalie was already pregnant wit h he r thir d child , Anna . Sh e wa s no t abl e t o mour n th e death s of he r chil d an d brothe r i n th e securit y o f he r home , sinc e Jacob' s woo l business wen t bankrupt . Jone s (1953 ) blame s thi s failur e o n a n economi c depression, inflation, an d the fact that the northern railroad bypassed Freiberg. T o mak e matter s worse , Jewish businesse s wer e boycotte d becaus e of an outbreak of anti-Semitism following the Czech nationalist revolutio n of 1848 .

Amalie ma y hav e fel t trappe d i n thi s marriag e t o a n olde r ma n wh o could no longe r provid e her an d her children wit h th e economic security , status, an d protectio n sh e ha d expected . He r marriage , lik e man y other s in Europe , ha d bee n arrange d lik e a business contrac t base d primaril y o n economic concerns abou t dowry , inheritance , an d social status. No doub t she wa s i n a state o f despai r ove r Jacob' s busines s failur e an d th e death s of he r brothe r an d baby . He r dee p persona l tragedie s i n al l likelihoo d influenced he r inabilit y t o b e emotionall y availabl e t o Sigmund. 1

Freutfs Preoedipal Trauma Freud was only two years old when these events occurred, which is during the rapprochement subphase of the separation-individuation phas e of preoedipal developmen t describe d b y Mahle r (Mahle r an d Fure r 1968) . Thi s is a time when omnipotent fantasies are normally differentiated fro m realit y and impuls e contro l i s established . I t i s als o th e tim e fo r furthe r differ entiation o f sel f fro m th e object , an d o f consolidatin g mal e o r femal e gender identity . Thi s phase i s especially characterized b y a high degre e o f anxiety a s the smal l child become s awar e o f its separatenes s an d helpless ness. The chil d i s also fearful o f regressing, bein g engulfed , an d losin g it s sense o f differentiation . The two-year-ol d chil d stil l use s the primitiv e defense s o f splitting and projective identification. I n splitting , th e eg o begin s t o primitivel y differ entiate the self and other person s a s entirely all good o r al l bad. However , the establishmen t o f rea l boundarie s betwee n onesel f an d other s remain s incomplete a t thi s stage . I n projectiv e identification , th e eg o experience s a magical (omnipotent ) fantas y o f placin g a n unwante d aspec t o f onesel f 1. I n Joh n Bowlby' s (1969—80 , vol . 2 ) research , separatio n anxiet y experience d b y a small child may not only result from physica l loss of the mother, bu t also from he r emotiona l unresponsiveness o r threat s o f abandonment .

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into anothe r person . Th e ai m is to contro l an d take possessio n o f tha t person. Empathic connection is maintained with what has been projected , so that the ego can vicariously experience its unacceptable aspect s throug h the othe r person . (Whe n see n i n adul t patients , unconsciou s effort s ma y be mad e t o induce feelings , thoughts , o r behavior i n the other perso n t o correspond t o what ha s been projected. ) After th e rapprochemen t subphas e o f development i s completed suc cessfully, th e chil d i s abl e t o achiev e wha t i s terme d object constancy. I n object constancy the child can maintain an enduring and stable internalized image of the mother. The child can then evoke the memory of the mothe r even whe n sh e is not there. This furthe r allow s the child t o separate and differentiate withou t th e constan t fea r o f los s o f th e mother , whic h i s experienced a s a threa t t o self-esteem , integratio n o f th e self , an d eve n physical survival . Alon g wit h th e formatio n o f objec t constancy , ther e develops a constancy o f the self . Because of the tragi c real circumstances existin g at the time of Freud's early childhood , man y of these earl y developmental task s do not seem t o have bee n surmounte d successfully . Th e theme o f fear o f abandonmen t by his mother an d annihilation anxiet y runs through muc h of Freud's life . This wa s expressed durin g hi s adulthoo d i n fear s concernin g hi s health , phobias about riding trains and visiting Rome, and his addiction to smoking. In addition, this early childhood fea r influence d hi s relationship wit h his wife, daughter , an d female professiona l associates , as we will see later. Jones (1953 ) noted that becaus e of the emotional trauma Freu d suffere d during his preoedipal period, he did not differentiate psychologicall y fro m his mother. Accordin g to Jones, Freud sough t continue d fusio n wit h her rather than sexual union. This fused identification o f his self and his mother persisted, rathe r tha n th e differentiatio n an d separatio n tha t occu r nor mally. A s alread y noted , differentiatio n fro m th e mothe r i s particularl y significant for the attainment of a masculine identity. In the instances where development i s arrested, th e boundaries betwee n th e mother an d self remain vague . Therefore , th e individua l ma y alternate bac k an d fort h be tween thes e two identifications i n relationship t o others. The person may experience him/hersel f a s the child an d the other a s the mother, o r experience him/hersel f a s the mother i n relation t o the other a s the child. For example, i n Freud' s relationshi p t o hi s daughte r Anna , sh e seeme d t o function a s his good preoedipa l mother , wh o sensitively wa s attuned t o and unconditionall y care d fo r hi s needs. O n th e other hand , Freu d was just a s protective an d nurrurant a parent t o her. Freud's identification with his mother may have been revealed in another

Freud and His Mother 6 5 way as well. His relatio n t o Anna was very similar to his mother's towar d her ow n daughter , Dolfie . Eac h o f thes e daughters , Ann a an d Dolfie , sacrificed a n independen t lif e an d devote d themselve s t o car e fo r thei r parent. W e will discuss this preoedipal fuse d identit y o f mother/self later , especially how it probably influenced Freud' s theories of infantile sexuality , bisexuality, an d hi s idea s o n gende r identit y i n me n an d women . A s w e will se e i n chapter s 1 3 and 14 , it i s als o possibl e tha t Freud' s earl y iden tification wit h hi s mother/sel f resulte d i n hi s surroundin g himsel f wit h career-oriented women . Thes e wome n see m t o hav e functione d a s goo d preoedipal mothers for him. At the same time, he was a powerful parenta l figure t o the m an d the y compete d fo r hi s favor . If the birt h o f another chil d occurs during the rapprochement phas e o f development, th e child' s relationshi p t o th e mothe r i s more vulnerabl e t o disruption. Th e chil d ha s no t internalize d th e mothe r enoug h t o achiev e object constancy , an d displacemen t o f her attentio n t o th e newborn bab y may b e experienced a s an abandonment . A s a result, i t may b e difficult t o integrate ambivalenc e towar d th e mother . Th e chil d ma y continue t o us e splitting t o protec t th e internalize d good-mothe r imag e fro m destructio n by it s rage . The n th e mothe r remain s idealize d a s al l good , an d al l th e rage toward he r tends to b e displaced ont o th e newborn o r turned o n th e self. A s a smal l child , Freu d probabl y displace d hi s rag e fo r hi s mothe r onto hi s bab y brother , Julius . Freu d admitte d experiencin g destructiv e fantasies o f killing and eliminating his rival for his idealized, good mother . Unfortunately, thes e fantasies could not be differentiated fro m reality, since his baby brother Julius actually did die. This occurrence probably disrupted the norma l developmenta l task s o f differentiatin g fantas y fro m reality , establishing impuls e control , an d integratin g ambivalenc e int o th e per sonality. Julius's sudden disappearance due to death became a central issue in Freud's life. In al l likelihood, his baby brother's deat h left Freu d fearfu l of th e powe r o f hi s ow n aggressiv e fantasies. Wha t appeare d t o becom e deeply etche d int o Freud' s unconsciou s min d wa s tha t hi s deat h wishe s toward hi s bab y brothe r ha d magicall y kille d him . In vie w of his suppresse d rag e a t his mother, Freu d wa s probably als o fearful tha t hi s aggressio n migh t magicall y kil l he r a s well . Becaus e hi s aggressive fantasy seeme d to becom e a reality with Julius, Freud probabl y felt hi s mother wa s als o vulnerable t o th e powe r o f his rage , and tha t sh e would disappea r a s well . I t i s interestin g tha t eve n i n late r life , Freud' s immediate colleague s wer e fearfu l o f hi s anger , a s i f h e indee d ha d th e power o f life an d deat h ove r them (Roazen , pers . com.). This inabilit y t o integrate his aggression and establish appropriate impulse control probably

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perpetuated Freud' s vulnerabilit y t o th e los s o f hi s mother . A s a conse quence, Freu d continue d t o idealiz e her , represse d hi s anger , an d ha d difficulty throug h mos t o f hi s lif e dealin g wit h hi s ambivalenc e towar d her. Repressio n o f hi s aggressio n towar d hi s mothe r ca n b e see n a s hi s way o f protectin g he r an d himsel f agains t he r loss . In a letter t o hi s frien d Flies s (Bonapart e e t al . 1954) , Freud admitte d his feeling s o f guil t fo r experiencin g jealous y an d deat h wishe s towar d Julius. Freud recounte d tha t shortl y afte r Juliu s died , h e fel l fro m a stool and cu t hi s jaw. Th e fal l lef t Freu d wit h a scar fo r life . Thi s inciden t ca n also b e looke d a t symbolically. I sugges t tha t Sigmund' s fal l fro m a hig h place an d bein g scarre d ma y represen t th e los s o f his mother's emotiona l availability and his suffering a lifelong narcissistic injury. The scarring could also hav e represente d littl e Sigmund' s self-injur y a s a penanc e fo r guil t over deat h wishe s towar d Julius . Schur (1972) , Freud' s persona l physician , describe s tha t durin g Sig mund's firs t tw o year s o f lif e th e Freu d famil y live d i n a smal l hous e i n Freiberg. Therefore , sexua l relations , birth , an d deat h al l occurred i n th e same room. Freud must have been witness to his parents' sexual intercourse (the primal scene), which stimulated strong sexual feelings in him. Because life event s followe d on e anothe r sequentiall y i n thi s singl e room , ther e was a natural associatio n i n Freud' s min d betwee n sex , birth, an d death . Freud's mother the n became pregnant for the third time. This situatio n presented the new fear that not only would Freud lose his favored positio n with his mother, but that he might lose her altogether. Freud' s sister Anna was bor n eigh t month s later , an d i t woul d b e entirel y consisten t i f sh e were the siblin g he liked the least. The los s of Julius, the potentia l los s of his mother, an d later the loss of a number of important attachmen t figures resulted i n Freud' s sufferin g lifelon g separatio n anxiety .

Freutfs Two Mothers An adde d confusio n becloude d youn g Sigmund' s first tw o year s o f life . He wa s raise d b y tw o mothe r figures. Beside s hi s biologica l mother , Amalie, h e wa s care d fo r b y a n elderl y Czec h nann y name d Res i Witte k (also called Monika Zajic by other writers). To add to the confusion, Resi , who was Catholic, was allowed to take litde Sigmund t o church with her . At Catholi c churc h h e learne d abou t sin , heaven , an d hell . Amali e wa s clearly awar e that th e nann y was taking Sigmun d t o churc h wit h her , bu t

Freud and His Mother 6 7 she expressed a cavalier attitud e abou t it . Amalie relate d with amusemen t how Sigmun d woul d com e hom e fro m churc h an d preac h t o th e family . Why was this Jewish mother amused that her son was attending church ? Was sh e encouragin g Christia n assimilatio n a s he r wa y o f dealin g wit h anti-Semitism? Assimilation was not an uncommon path followed by many Austrian and German Jews. Was she angry at her religious Jewish husban d who ha d becom e bankrupt ? Allowin g Sigmun d t o g o t o churc h migh t have bee n he r wa y o f actin g ou t he r defianc e an d he r ange r agains t he r husband. Or , wa s Amalie so preoccupied wit h he r pregnancie s an d losse s that sh e was no t emotionall y investe d i n he r oldes t so n a t that time ? I t i s impossible to discern whether one, two, or all of these issues were a factor in Amalie' s decisio n t o le t Sigmun d g o t o church . Th e fac t tha t sh e wa s amused migh t ad d som e weigh t t o th e assimilatio n o r anger-at-her husband hypotheses . Jones (1953 ) reporte d tha t a s a smal l child , Freu d wa s ver y confuse d about these two women to whom he was so strongly bonded. H e though t that hi s father , Jacob , wa s marrie d t o hi s nanny , Resi . The y wer e hi s grandparents, sinc e the y wer e bot h elderl y authorit y figures. Thi s as sumption wa s confirme d b y hi s nephe w John , wh o wa s on e yea r older , and his niece Pauline, who wa s one year younger, sinc e they calle d Jaco b "Grandfather." Joh n an d Paulin e wer e th e childre n o f Jacob' s olde r so n Emanuel an d hi s wif e Maria . Freu d the n jumpe d t o th e conclusio n tha t Jacob's younge r son , Philipp , wa s marrie d t o hi s mother . Philip p an d Amalie wer e abou t th e sam e age , i n thei r twenties . Accordin g t o Jone s (1953), t o Sigmun d thi s conclusio n appeare d "tid y an d logical , bu t stil l there was the awkwar d fac t tha t Jacob, not Philipp , slept i n the sam e be d as Amalie. I t wa s al l very puzzling. " In Januar y 1859 , a mont h afte r hi s siste r Anna' s birth , Philip p caugh t Freud's nann y stealin g mone y an d ha d he r arrested . Fort y year s later , i n a painfu l recollectio n durin g hi s self-analysis , Freu d recalle d tha t h e sus pected Philipp was involved in his nanny's disappearance. He remembere d fearfully askin g the "naughty" Philipp where his nanny was. Philipp replied jokingly, "Si e ist eingekastelt." Literally , thi s means tha t sh e was put int o a chest, bu t colloquiall y i t was a n expression fo r bein g imprisoned. Freu d remembered cryin g bitterl y an d beggin g Philip p t o ope n u p th e chest , since he feare d hi s mother wa s als o lost. I t wa s a natural assumptio n tha t if hi s surrogat e mothe r disappeared , the n hi s rea l mothe r migh t als o b e gone permanendy . H e ha d assume d tha t hi s naught y brothe r ha d place d his mothe r int o th e ches t a s well . Fortunatel y a t tha t point , hi s mothe r walked into the room, which reassure d Sigmund . O n continuin g his anal-

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ysis o f thi s memory , Freu d associate d th e ches t t o th e womb . Sinc e h e connected Philip p wit h puttin g peopl e i n "chests, " h e entertaine d th e fantasy tha t hi s half-brothe r an d mothe r ha d bee n togethe r sexuall y an d another unwelcome d brother , lik e Julius, would b e born. Thus se x seems to hav e bee n associate d wit h abandonment . Thi s abandonmen t migh t b e his mother's emotional unavailability or her physical disappearance in death with th e birt h o f anothe r brother . Why was sex associated with the disappearance of his mother surrogat e or hi s rea l mother ? I sugges t i t wa s partl y becaus e o f hi s observin g sex , births, an d Julius' s deat h i n th e sam e roo m i n whic h th e famil y lived . I n all likelihood, Freud even saw his dead brother's body in a chest, the coffin . However, anothe r reaso n could b e the close and seductive relationshi p that Freu d ha d wit h Resi . I n a lette r t o Flies s o n Octobe r 3 , 1897 (Bo naparte e t al . 1954) , concerning seduction , Freu d wrote : "I n m y cas e m y father playe d n o activ e r o l e . . . my primar y originato r o f neurosis wa s a n ugly, elderly but clever woman [hi s nanny] who told me a great deal about God an d hell , an d gav e m e a hig h opinio n o f m y capabilities.... I shal l have t o than k th e memor y o f th e ol d woma n wh o provide d m e a t suc h an earl y ag e with th e mean s fo r livin g an d surviving " (219-20) . Here Freu d mad e th e sequentia l connection s o f seductio n an d hell . I suggest tha t h e migh t hav e attribute d Resi' s los s a s he r banishmen t t o hell, a s punishmen t fo r thei r illici t sexua l activity . A s furthe r evidence , Freud describe d hi s relationship t o his nanny i n this same letter t o Fliess : "She was my instructress in sexual matters, and chided me for being clumsy and no t bein g abl e t o d o anything....Als o sh e washe d m e i n reddis h water i n which sh e had previousl y washed herself.. . and sh e encourage d me t o stea l 'Zehners ' to giv e t o her " (220—21). Resi apparentl y ha d fondle d hi s genitals , an d h e als o experience d a s seductive being washed in the water she had already used. After recountin g this seductive experience, Freud's next association was Resi's encouragin g him to steal money (th e "Zehners"). Freud probably connected that sexual activity, lik e stealin g money , wa s wron g an d punishable . W e kno w tha t Freud feared that, like his brother Julius, people might magically disappear as a result o f his aggressiv e fantasies . A similar fea r tha t los s would occu r because o f hi s sexua l fantasie s o r activitie s i s very likely . This i s the kin d of magica l thinkin g entertaine d b y a two-year-old durin g th e rapproche ment subphas e o f development , whe n fantas y an d realit y ar e no t differ entiated. Instead , fantas y an d realit y ar e see n b y a two-year-ol d chil d a s causally connected . This type of magical thinking probably persisted in Freud's unconscious,

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making hi m fee l overl y responsibl e fo r th e los s o f others . Th e fantas y connecting the disappearanc e o f Resi with sexualit y was also further rein forced b y outside reality . Res i had bee n seductiv e with him , an d then sh e suddenly and permanendy disappeared . Sh e had informe d hi m of punish ment i n hel l fo r sins , an d thu s i t woul d b e natura l fo r Freu d t o assum e that becaus e o f thei r sexua l si n sh e was sen t t o hell . In Augus t 1859 , ou t o f economi c necessity , Jacob , Amalie , an d th e children left the city of Freiberg for Leipzig to resettle. Freud recalled tha t when the train arrived at Breslau, he saw a number of giant gas jets aflame , which h e associate d wit h soul s burnin g i n hell. Thus Freu d wa s thinkin g about people being punished for thei r sins and burning in the fires of hell. This is yet another piec e of evidence that Resi' s disappearance might hav e been connecte d wit h he r banishmen t t o hel l becaus e sh e had bee n sexua l with him . The other evidence for the connection of loss as punishment for sexuality was tha t Sigmund , befor e h e wa s tw o an d a hal f year s old , ha d sexua l feelings towar d hi s niece, Pauline. This i s described i n his screen memor y of th e botanica l monograp h I will describ e late r (Freu d 1899) . The n Pauline was also permanendy los t to him : Freud' s tw o half-brothers, Phi lipp an d Emanuel, his nephew John, an d Emanuel's wife Maria move d t o England an d too k Paulin e with them . These events occurred whe n Freu d was les s tha n thre e year s old , befor e objec t constanc y i s establishe d an d before fantas y i s differentiated fro m outsid e reality . Freud suffered a series of losses o f important attachmen t figures befor e h e was three tha t etche d themselves int o hi s personalit y an d haunte d hi m throughou t hi s life . At th e Internationa l Psychoanalyti c Congres s i n Wiesbaden , Sando r Ferenczi (1932) , who ha d bee n Freud' s closest psychoanalyti c colleague , read hi s las t paper , entide d th e "Confusio n o f Tongue s betwee n Adult s and th e Child. " I n i t h e note d tha t afte r a n adul t i s seductive t o a child , the adul t ma y dea l wit h hi s o r he r guil t b y projectin g i t ont o th e child , who i s the n punished . Wa s Freud' s guil t an d fea r o f punishmen t fo r sexuality no t onl y derive d fro m hi s ow n fantasy , bu t du e t o Resi' s blam e as well? Ferenczi wa s als o on e o f th e first t o not e tha t afte r seduction , a chil d may becom e sexuall y precocious . I n Freud' s "Scree n Memories " (1899 ) he recounted a dream i n which he had written a botanical monograph o n a certain plant . I n associatin g to thi s dream, Freu d recalle d the childhoo d memory tha t h e an d hi s nephew , John , ha d behave d seductivel y towar d his niece, Pauline. They were al l picking yellow dandelion s o n a meado w when the y fell o n Paulin e an d too k awa y her flowers. Sh e ra n cryin g to a

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peasant woma n wh o gav e he r a piece of blac k bread . The n th e boy s als o ran t o th e peasan t woma n wh o gav e the m eac h a piece o f blac k brea d a s well. This memory involved deflowering a girl, Pauline, and the black bread offered b y the peasant woman "wa s delicious." Deflowering Paulin e indi cated t o Freu d tha t h e ha d wishe d t o b e sexua l wit h her . I t ca n b e hy pothesized tha t th e peasan t woma n i n th e drea m wa s Resi , wh o ha d introduced Freu d t o th e delight s o f sexualit y earlier . Ha d Resi' s pettin g his genital s stimulate d hi s precociou s wis h t o seduc e Pauline ? Th e asso ciation of sex and loss was a recurrent theme for Freud, and will be explored further i n th e nex t chapter .

7. Sex, Death, and Abandonment

The Train Trip to Vienna One o f th e mos t significan t event s tha t shape d Freud' s emotiona l lif e occurred when he was almost four year s old. After livin g a year in Leipzig, his entir e famil y lef t b y trai n fo r Vienn a i n Marc h i860 . I n th e sam e October 3 , 1897, letter t o Fliess , Freud als o wrote : Between the ages of two and two-and-a-half, libid o towards matrem was aroused; the occasion must have been the journey with her from Leipzig to Vienna, during which we spent a night together an d I must have had the opportunity of seeing her nudam... an d that I welcomed my one-year younger brother (who died within a few months ) wit h il l wishes an d rea l infantile jealousy , an d that hi s death lef t the germ of guilt in me. I have long known that my companion in crime between the ages of one and two was a nephew of mine who is a year older than I am We seem occasionally to have treated my niece, who was a year younger, shockingly. My nephew and younger brother (Philipp) determined, not only the neurotic side of all my friendships, bu t als o their depth. My anxiety over travel you have seen yourself in full bloom . (Bonapart e et al. 1954, 221-22) This lette r provide s a number o f revelation s concernin g th e source s o f Freud's neurosis . The lette r contain s a n erro r i n time , since th e trai n tri p from Leipzi g to Vienna too k place when Freu d wa s almost four year s old and no t tw o an d a half, a s h e states . H e wa s tw o an d a half durin g th e train trip from Freiber g to Leipzig and had recently lost his nanny. Durin g this earlier train trip, Freud sa w the gas jets and thought o f souls burnin g 71

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in hell . Accordin g t o Jone s (1953) , Freu d ha d telescope d th e memorie s of these tw o trai n experience s int o one . I n th e earlie r memory , i t was hi s mother surrogate , Resi , who wa s seductive , while i n th e late r memor y i t was his mother, Amalie. Did Freud telescope these two train trips becaus e he was fearful tha t he would lose his mother like he lost his nanny? Woul d his mother disappea r like his nanny and also be sent to hell as punishment for bein g sexual ? As evidence fo r th e powerfu l impac t o f seeing his mother nude , Freu d used th e Lati n term s matrem an d nudam. Niederlan d (1965) , i n a psy chobiography of Heinrich Schliemann, noted that memories of experiences that ar e terrifyin g ofte n ca n b e expresse d intellectuall y onl y whe n trans posed int o a foreign language . Eg o distanc e i s gained, s o th e perso n ca n deal wit h a n experienc e tha t i s overwhelming . Thi s ma y explai n Freud' s use o f Lati n term s fo r "mother 5' an d "nude " t o depic t a traumatic even t that hi s biographer , Jones , describe d a s "awesome. " The theme of this letter to Fliess concerns the arousal of sexual feeling s for hi s mothe r an d Resi . I t i s then followe d b y hi s discussin g guil t ove r his aggressiv e feeling s towar d Juliu s an d sexua l behavior towar d Pauline . I would link these associations together int o the hypothesis that a s a small child Freu d experience d bot h hi s sexua l an d aggressiv e feeling s a s omni potent, an d h e fel t responsibl e fo r th e los s o f thes e people . A s noted , h e felt guilt y fo r th e los s of his brothe r Juliu s becaus e of aggressiv e feelings. He fel t responsibl e fo r th e los s o f Resi , hi s niec e Pauline , a s well a s th e potential loss of his mother becaus e of sexual feelings. Sigmund , when h e was abou t tw o year s old , di d no t comprehen d tha t Resi' s disappearanc e was du e t o he r bein g sen t t o priso n fo r theft . H e coul d no t understan d that Paulin e ha d lef t becaus e he r famil y wa s movin g t o Englan d fo r eco nomic reasons. He attributed their disappearance to his sexual or aggressive feelings. Thi s i s th e typica l egocentric , magica l wa y o f thinkin g use d b y two-year-olds.

Ferenczi on Nakedness to Inspire Terror In connectio n wit h thi s memor y o f seein g hi s mothe r nud e o n th e trai n trip, I woul d lik e t o offe r som e speculation s abou t Freud' s earl y rela tionship wit h hi s mother . Sando r Ferencz i becam e Freud' s closes t frien d after Freu d brok e of f hi s relationshi p wit h Fliess . Freu d an d Ferencz i may hav e share d thei r inne r secret s wit h eac h other . Ofte n th e cas e materials the y publishe d wer e biographical , thoug h presente d i n a dis -

Sex, Death, and Abandonment 7

3

guised form . I hav e speculate d (Slip p 1988b ) tha t i n "Nakednes s a s a Means o f Inspirin g Terror, " Ferencz i (1919a ) migh t hav e include d ma terial reveale d t o hi m b y Freud . Eve n i f thi s i s no t th e case , th e report s bear similaritie s t o Freud' s experienc e wit h hi s mothe r o n th e train . I n this case report, Ferencz i discusse d tw o mother s wh o expose d themselve s physically t o thei r so n ou t o f sadisti c motives . Therefore , sexualit y wa s used a s a for m o f abus e an d tie d i n wit h aggressio n an d rejection. 1 The first cas e described a mother wh o ha d unexpectedl y los t her eldes t boy and was depressed and preoccupied with suicide. She had been sexually frustrated wit h he r husband , an d ha d transferre d he r lov e an d tendernes s to this elder boy. She knew that if she undressed an d washed herself naked in front o f her remaining son, "the child will have an imperishable memor y that might harm him or even prove his complete undoing." She then wen t ahead an d inspire d terro r b y he r nakedness , bein g consciousl y awar e o f her hostil e feeling s towar d he r younge r son . Sh e als o "ha d a fantas y i n which th e tragi c fat e o f the elde r was transferred t o th e younger," an d h e would als o die. Sexuality was used a s a hostile assault on her son, and was associated wit h doin g damag e o r killing . Could Ferencz i hav e been reportin g Freud' s experienc e with hi s moth er's nakedness on the train, and disguising it by reversing the sibling order? When th e Freud family moved from Leipzig , Jacob had been unsuccessfu l again i n reestablishin g himsel f economically . Di d Amali e hav e suicida l ideas, because she was returning to her home in Vienna, humiliated a t her life circumstances ? Sh e was married t o a n olde r man , who fo r th e secon d time ha d faile d i n business . I n addition , Jaco b himsel f mus t hav e bee n depressed over his failed economic circumstances. It is possible that Jacob's depression als o diminishe d hi s sexua l libid o an d emotiona l availabilit y toward Amalie . Amali e ma y hav e fel t enrage d a t he r fate . An d no w sh e was pregnan t wit h he r fourt h child , whic h furthe r trappe d he r i n th e marriage. In th e secon d cas e mentioned b y Ferenczi , a mother i s described wh o exposed hersel f nud e t o he r so n i n orde r t o frighte n hi m away . Thi s exposure "cured " th e bo y o f clingin g t o he r an d refusin g t o g o t o slee p without her . Wa s thi s insecur e littl e bo y Sigmund , whos e basi c securit y had bee n disrupte d b y th e tw o move s o f th e famil y an d b y th e los s o f important attachmen t figures ? Wa s Sigmun d th e littl e bo y wh o feare d losing his mother an d demande d tha t sh e sleep with hi m o n th e train tri p 1. Niederlan d (1958 ) note s tha t linguistically , sexualit y i s ofte n tie d i n wit h aggression . Often th e sam e word i s used fo r both , especiall y i n slang , suc h a s "to knoc k u p a woman. "

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from Leipzig ? I sugges t tha t thi s wa s clos e t o th e facts . I n th e lette r t o Fliess tha t Freu d wrot e abou t seein g hi s mothe r nude , th e ver y nex t thought is of his dead brother and his guilt. Did Amalie wish that Sigmun d was also dead lik e his brother, Julius ? Di d Amalie evacuate her ow n guil t into hi m throug h projectiv e identification ? In bot h of these cases, Ferenczi mentions that the child's immature eg o was flooded with sexual libido and overwhelmed. The traumatic experience was represse d an d expresse d symptomaticall y throug h phobias . Ferencz i states i n hi s diar y tha t Freu d neede d t o se e wome n a s asexual , sinc e h e felt Freud could not dea l with his mother's sexuality. (W e will explore this topic more fully i n later chapters.) Fo r Freud , the experience of observing his mother' s nakednes s wa s probabl y overwhelmin g o n severa l accounts . First, h e wa s sexuall y overstimulated . Second , hi s mother's sexualit y ma y have bee n use d t o expres s he r hidde n aggression , eithe r t o ge t ri d o f he r son's clingin g behavio r o r wishin g hi m dea d als o a s a wa y ou t o f he r unhappy marriage . Th e traumati c experienc e o f seein g hi s mothe r nake d on th e trai n tri p probabl y resulte d i n th e developmen t o f a train phobi a that Freu d suffere d fo r th e res t o f his life .

Other Evidence Associating Sex with Loss This sam e them e o f associatin g se x with th e los s o f hi s mothe r occurre d in th e earlies t drea m tha t Freu d (1900 ) coul d remember , whe n h e wa s between seve n an d eigh t years old. I n th e drea m h e saw his mother, wit h a peaceful sleepin g expression o n he r face, being carried into her room b y people who ha d birds ' beaks for heads , an d was laid onto he r bed . Freu d recalled tha t h e awok e i n terror , an d h e ra n int o hi s parents' bedroom t o see hi s mothe r an d reassur e himsel f tha t sh e wa s no t dead . H e recalled seeing such figures with birds ' beaks for head s i n the Philippso n Bibl e his father ha d use d t o teac h hi m t o read . The y wer e Egyptia n gods , wit h falcon heads , carryin g o n a bie r a dea d bod y wit h a peacefu l expressio n on it s face. Freud' s nex t associatio n wa s to "vogeln " a word tha t suggest s birds bu t i s als o a Germa n colloquia l expressio n fo r sexua l intercourse . Here again , Freud bring s up thi s same association o f sexuality with deat h and abandonmen t b y his mother . What effec t di d thes e traumati c experience s o f earl y childhoo d hav e upon Freu d late r i n life ? H e ha d a dee p desir e t o visi t Rome , ye t h e suffered fro m a phobi a abou t travelin g ther e tha t prevente d hi m fro m visiting th e Eterna l Cit y fo r man y years . I sugges t tha t thi s phobi a wa s related t o hi s earl y abandonmen t b y hi s Catholi c nann y an d th e los s o f

Sex, Death, and Abandonment ys his brother Julius . In Freud' s (1901 ) discussion o f his forgetting th e nam e of th e Italia n painte r Signorelli , wh o ha d don e th e fresc o o f th e Las t Judgment i n Orvieto , h e coul d thin k onl y o f Botticell i an d Boltraffio . Through a series o f associations , Freu d though t o f th e Bosnia n worshi p of sexuality , "Herr " whic h i s German fo r "signor, " an d th e memor y tha t one of his homosexual patients had committed suicide. He then conclude d his schemati c diagra m o f thi s parapraxi s wit h th e associatio n o f sexualit y and death . Th e paintin g o f Signorell i wa s als o o f th e last judgment, i n which thos e guilt y o f sin s ar e consigne d t o hell. Freu d seeme d t o b e concerned abou t hel l again , just a s he ha d bee n a s a small chil d whe n h e saw th e ga s jets fro m th e trai n a t Breslau . Wa s Freu d unconsciousl y ex periencing guilt over aggressive fantasies toward Julius and sexual fantasie s toward Res i an d hi s mother ? Wa s h e fearfu l tha t h e als o woul d b e con demned t o hel l an d disappear ? (Se e Freud-Flies s lette r o f Decembe r 3 , 1897.)

Some writers conside r tha t sinc e Rom e wa s the cente r o f Catholicism , entering Rome was symbolically associated with Freud's oedipal desire fo r his mother . Swale s (1982 ) note s i n th e prophec y o f Tarquin s tha t th e conquest of Rome would be by the man who would first "kiss" his mother. Indeed, ther e had bee n a seductive relationship with his surrogate mothe r Resi, who wa s Catholic , a s well a s with hi s mothe r i n th e trai n incident . These experience s o f sexuality , however , wer e associate d wit h th e fea r o f loss of the mother out of punishment. I t was not out of fear that the fathe r would b e castrating, which woul d b e part o f a n oedipal conflict . I t seem s clearly tha t th e preoedipa l issu e o f los s o f hi s mothe r wa s primar y here , even thoug h i t confounde d Freud' s late r oedipa l conflict . Thu s enterin g Rome, I suggest , wa s mor e likel y t o b e associate d wit h th e los s o f th e mother, o r b y Freud himself being punished b y death for his sins and sen t to hell . Rome, accordin g t o Blu m (1983) , represented th e pre-Catholi c cit y o f Julius Caesa r a s well . A s a youn g boy , Freu d playe d th e rol e o f Brutu s with hi s nephe w John , wh o playe d Juliu s Caesar . Freud' s identificatio n with Brutus , Blu m speculates , come s fro m hi s fantas y tha t h e sle w hi s brother Julius . I n Freud' s (1900 ) non vixit drea m o f Octobe r 1898 , John is a scree n memor y fo r hi s brothe r Julius . Freu d writes : "Al l m y friend s have in a certain sens e been reincarnation s o f this first figure... the y hav e been revenants . M y nephe w himsel f reappeare d i n m y boyhood , an d a t that time we acted the parts of Caesar and Brutus together. M y emotiona l life ha s alway s insiste d tha t I shoul d hav e a n intimat e frien d an d hate d enemy" (421-25) . The Lati n inscriptio n non vixit mean s "h e didn' t live, " which referre d

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to Julius . Freu d mention s hi s self-reproac h o f turnin g hi s aggressio n against himself out of guilt for his death wishes for his brother. In addition , he seem s t o hav e punishe d himsel f b y bein g concerne d abou t hi s ow n death every day of his life, and fearing that he also would die young. There is evidence that enterin g Rom e wa s associated wit h guil t ove r sexual feel ings towar d hi s nann y an d mothe r a s wel l a s aggressiv e feeling s fo r hi s baby brother . Freu d ha d learne d abou t sin , heaven , an d hel l fro m hi s Catholic nanny, and Rome was the center of Catholicism. Freud may have felt responsibl e fo r thei r los s an d wa s als o fearfu l o f hi s ow n deat h a s a punishment fo r havin g sinned. 2 Rome ha d othe r significance s fo r Freu d a s well. One o f them coul d b e traced to his father's humiliatio n an d emotional defeat du e to anti-Semiti c prejudice. Freud' s fathe r ha d bee n cowe d b y anti-Semitism , a s Freu d (1900) relate d i n a n inciden t reporte d i n The Interpretation of Dreams.A s we alread y note d i n chapte r 5 , his fathe r recounte d tha t a s a young ma n he wen t fo r a wal k o n a Saturday . A Christia n ma n cam e u p t o him , knocked of f hi s new fu r ca p into the mud, an d shouted , "Jew , get of f th e pavement!" Freud asked what his father di d in response to this humiliating incident. Accordin g t o Freud , hi s fathe r di d th e following : " I wen t int o the roadwa y an d picke d u p m y cap was his quiet reply . This struc k m e as unheroic conduc t o n th e par t o f th e big , stron g ma n wh o wa s holdin g the littl e bo y b y th e hand. " When hi s fathe r die d i n 1896 , Freud though t h e looked lik e Garibaldi , the Italian hero who had militarily united the small kingdoms of Italy int o one nation . Thi s wa s clearl y wishfu l thinking—o f wantin g hi s fathe r t o be a n idealize d heroi c figur e wit h who m h e coul d identify . Freud ha d a drea m concernin g Hanniba l i n 1897 , th e da y afte r Kar l Lueger was sworn i n as mayor of Vienna. Hanniba l had faile d t o conque r Rome, eve n thoug h thi s Semiti c genera l swor e t o aveng e hi s fathe r fo r the Roma n destructio n o f Carthage . Similarly , Rom e ha d destroye d Je rusalem an d defeated Freud' s father. Kar l Lueger had ru n o n th e ticket o f the Christia n Socia l Party , usin g politica l anti-Semitis m a s a tacti c t o become elected. Emperor Franz Joseph, who had been protective of Jewish interests, oppose d th e confirmatio n o f Luege r a number o f times . How ever, pressure from Rom e forced th e emperor to appoint Lueger to office . Thus Rome , whic h supporte d th e confirmatio n o f Lueger , a n enem y o f 2. Grosskurt h (1991 ) note s tha t whe n Freu d referre d t o se x i n hi s letters , h e frequend y added thre e crosses , whic h wa s th e anti-he x symbo l use d b y peasant s t o war d of f witche s and thei r feare d power s derive d fro m th e devil .

Sex, Death, and Abandonment 77 the Jews , must hav e bee n th e manifes t conten t stimulatin g th e Hanniba l dream o f Freu d (D . Klei n 1981). Several year s late r thi s sam e them e appeare d i n Freud' s The Psyehopathology of Everyday Life (1901) . Freu d analyze d th e forgettin g o f words , in particula r th e wor d aliquis. The quot e fro m Virgi l is , "Exoriare aliqui s nostris e x ossibu s ultor, " meaning , "Le t someone aris e fro m m y bone s a s an avenger. " H e the n associate d t o Garibaldi , an d t o hi s fathe r lookin g like Garibaldi o n hi s deathbed. Thu s on e can interpret hi s need to aveng e his fathe r wit h Rome . Another speculatio n wa s tha t Rom e ma y als o hav e represente d hi s powerful matriarcha l mother , wh o subjugate d hi s fathe r an d threatene d to engulf and destroy Freud himself. Even though the stereotype of women was one o f passivity an d submissio n i n the Viennese culture, his mother' s personality was more aggressive and dominant than his father's. Did Freu d also need t o ac t as an avenger for hi s father towar d hi s mother, Rome , t o strengthen hi s masculin e identification ? The associatio n o f the mother wit h birth , sexuality , an d deat h i s made by Freu d i n hi s paper , "Th e Them e o f th e Thre e Caskets " (1913) . A s mentioned earlier , wome n i n ancien t culture s wer e associate d wit h th e great mother goddess , who throug h sexualit y had th e power o f birt h an d death a s well. Example s wer e Ishtar , wh o wa s bot h th e crue l goddes s o f war and healer of the sick and unfortunate; th e Greek goddess Persephone, who wa s the bringe r o f spring an d rebirt h a s well as the crue l goddess o f death; an d th e Hind u goddes s Kali , who was bot h lovin g an d creativ e a s well a s terrifyin g an d destructive . Freu d wa s awar e o f thes e ambivalen t mother figures, sinc e i n hi s collectio n o f antiquitie s h e ha d statue s o f th e Mesopotamian grea t mothe r goddes s a s wel l a s Isi s an d Demeter . Th e significance o f Freud's ar t collectio n o f antiquitie s will be more full y cov ered i n chapte r 14 . In fin-de-siecle Europe, sexuality was also closely associated with deat h for othe r reasons . No t base d o n myt h an d magi c bu t o n hars h realities , sexuality wa s relate d t o diseas e an d death . Sinc e se x wa s considere d a s sinful, goo d wome n denie d thei r sexua l appetite s an d remaine d chast e when they were unmarried. Whe n the y married, women ofte n wer e frigi d or unresponsive sexually. The result was that many unmarried an d married men frequented prostitute s and thereby large numbers contracted venerea l diseases. Syphili s wa s th e mos t dangerous , sinc e ther e wa s n o treatmen t at the time. At least 25 percent o f people infecte d wit h thi s disease woun d up severel y cripple d o r die d o f it s complications . I t wa s no t unti l 190 5 that the organism responsible for syphilis, treponema pallidum^ was isolated

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and discovere d b y Schaudin n an d Hoffman . Th e first treatmen t tha t wa s at al l partiall y effectiv e agains t th e disease , "th e magi c bullet " salvarsan , was not introduce d unti l 191 0 by Paul Ehrlich. I f the diseas e was not fata l by destroyin g th e aort a o r th e nervou s system , i t coul d caus e blindness , arthritis, ski n an d mucou s membran e lesions , an d insanity . Sexuality was als o associate d wit h deat h amon g wome n fo r othe r rea sons. Good women who became pregnant out of wedlock were ostracized. As a consequence, man y wome n committe d suicid e i f they becam e preg nant o r die d fro m poorl y performe d abortions . I n addition , childbirt h fever an d th e complication s o f deliver y too k a larg e toll . Se x an d deat h remained closel y associated. 3

Expressions of the Theme of Two Mothers Freud ha d n o consciou s insigh t int o hi s conflictua l relationshi p wit h hi s mother an d nanny . Instead , h e unconsciousl y proceede d t o recapitulat e his earl y childhoo d b y havin g tw o mother s i n hi s marita l lif e a s well. I n this way he could preven t a repetition o f his preoedipal trauma , o f loss of his mothe r an d nanny , b y livin g throug h hi s children . Freu d invite d hi s sister-in-law, Minna , t o hel p Marth a wit h th e family . Freu d proudl y re ferred t o his own childre n a s having two mothers. Thus I would speculat e that Minna was a replacement for his lost nanny, Resi. By identifying wit h his children , h e woul d no t suffe r th e sam e los s o r th e threa t o f los s o f either mother, as had occurred in his own childhood. It was an unconscious insurance policy . Freud's concer n abou t hi s childhoo d traum a wit h hi s tw o mother s i s also brought u p i n his psychohistory o f Leonardo d a Vinci. Freu d (1910 ) interpreted d a Vinci's painting of "The Virgin, Saint Anne, and the Chris t Child" to indicate that Leonardo was raised by two mothers. In fact, Jones (1955) considere d tha t Freud' s wor k o n Leonard o d a Vinc i t o b e auto biographical. Freu d (1939 ) als o identifie d himsel f wit h Mose s whe n h e wrote hi s book , Moses and Monotheism. Moses als o had tw o mothers , on e Jewish, wh o gav e birt h t o him , an d on e non-Jewish , wh o reare d him . Freud's majo r identification , however , seem s t o hav e bee n wit h Oedi pus, who als o had tw o mothers . Oedipus' s rea l mother gav e him up , an d 3. Anothe r associatio n o f se x an d deat h wa s th e apparen t lov e deat h o f Crow n Princ e Rudolph, th e hei r t o th e Habsbur g throne , an d hi s mistress, Baroness Mar y Vetsera , i n hi s hunting lodg e a t Mayerlin g i n Januar y 30 , 1889 . I n wha t seem s t o hav e bee n par t o f a mutual pact , Rudolp h sho t hi s teenag e love r an d the n committe d suicide .

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9

his adoptiv e mothe r reare d him . Th e Gree k myt h o f Oedipu s concerne d the Delphic oracle's prophecy tha t h e would kil l his father Laius , King o f Thebes, an d marr y hi s mother , Jocasta . T o preven t th e prophec y fro m coming true , Laiu s ordere d th e baby' s fee t pierce d an d cas t hi m ou t t o die. The bab y was found b y a herdsman, take n to Corinth , an d reare d b y King Polybus and his queen. He was called Oedipus, which means swollen foot i n Greek . O n th e roa d t o Thebes, the adul t Oedipu s entere d int o a n argument wit h a n ol d ma n an d kille d him . Unknowingly , th e ol d ma n was his father, Laius . At Thebes, Oedipus wa s confronted b y the Sphinx , a monste r tha t wa s hal f lio n an d hal f woman . Th e Sphin x aske d eac h passerby a riddle , an d kille d the m i f the y di d no t answe r correctly . Th e Sphinx aske d wha t anima l goe s o n fou r fee t i n th e morning , tw o i n th e afternoon, an d three in the evening. Oedipus answered the riddle correctly. It was man. The Sphin x the n killed herself, an d in gratitude Oedipu s wa s made kin g o f Thebe s an d marrie d t o hi s mother , Quee n Jocasta . O n discovering the truth later, Jocasta committed suicide and Oedipus blinde d himself. Freud's answer to the psychological Sphinx was that every child between three t o si x years of age had sexua l feelings fo r th e paren t o f the opposit e sex and wished t o kill the parent of the same sex. The oedipal conflict wa s the cornerston e o f Freud's theory , which h e fel t wa s responsible fo r neu roses. As evidence of his identification wit h Oedipus , Freu d ha d a picture of Oedipus a t the foot o f his analytic couch. Just as Oedipus's mother ha d done, Freud' s mothe r ha d als o give n hi m u p t o b e reare d b y anothe r woman. Significandy , Freu d calle d his youngest daughter , Anna , hi s An tigone, after th e faithful daughte r who cared for her blind father Oedipus .

8. Freud^s Family Dynamics

The Depressive Family Constellation The first three years of Freud's lif e were characterize d b y loss or threat of loss of his mother. Thi s situation appear s to have resulted in his problems of separating and individuating. Not only did Freud hav e difficulty estab lishing firm boundarie s betwee n himsel f an d his mother, bu t he had difficulty dealing with his ambivalence toward her for fear of further loss . In addition, th e ongoing postoedipa l relationshi p with he r probably contin ued t o bin d hi m to he r and fuel hi s anger. A s mentioned earlier , Freu d (1900) fel t tha t bein g his mother's favorit e chil d had instilled in him "selfreliance and an unshakeable optimism." Sigmund was indeed his mother's "golden son " (Gay 1988), and Amalie preferred bot h he r sons over al l her daughters. However , Freu d pai d a price fo r bein g hi s mother's favorite , since he felt boun d t o achieve fo r her throughout hi s life. The descriptions of Amalie by Judith Bernay s Heller (1956 ) and Martin Freud (1983 ) pictur e he r a s a grea t beaut y bu t impetuous , moody , nar cissistic, an d a controlling tyran t i n the family. Martin , Freud' s son , described hi s grandmother , Amalie , a s a n exampl e o f Galicia n Jews , who would see m lik e "untame d barbarian s t o mor e civilize d people. " He described her as belligerent an d like a "tornado." Jacob, Freud' s father , was described a s a good-natured , passiv e man , warm an d engaging , bu t an impractical dreamer . Afte r leavin g Freiberg, he was never abl e to reestablish himself economically. He saw himself as a failure, and the family live d in poverty . T o ad d to his disgrace, Jaco b neede d financial hel p fro m hi s 80

Freud's Family Dynamics 8 1 sons in England an d fro m Amalie' s family. Amali e saw him a s a failure a s well, and attempted to regain her social status by living vicariously through her so n Sigmund' s achievements . This is the specific form o f family constellation I have already describe d in whic h a chil d develop s a depressiv e disorde r late r i n lif e (Slip p 1976 , 1984, 1988a) . I n thes e families , on e o f th e parent s (Jacob ) i s perceive d by other s an d onesel f a s a failure. Thi s paren t lose s statur e an d powe r i n the family, while the other parent becomes more dominant and controllin g (Amalie). I n th e Freu d family , Amalie , lik e othe r Victoria n bourgeoi s wives, depended o n th e economic success of her husband fo r identit y an d self-esteem. Despit e a few exceptions , women wer e deprived of a separate identity b y the culture , an d gaine d prestig e an d self-estee m onl y b y iden tification wit h thei r husbands . Social prestig e i n th e middl e clas s depende d o n th e achieved status o f the husband. This was unlike the nobility, who could rely on ascribed status by virtue of birth. Jacob's failure mean t Amalie suffered diminishe d socia l prestige—a blow to her narcissism. Since she was unable to achieve success on he r own , sh e blame d an d demeane d he r husband . In our study of families, we have found tha t the failed parent may suffe r further rejectio n whe n th e dominant paren t turns toward an d shows pref erence fo r a gifted chil d (Slip p 1976) . This chil d i s then expecte d t o mak e up for the other parent's failure and to feed the self-esteem of the dominan t parent. Th e dominan t paren t remain s dependen t o n th e succes s o f thi s child, who i s overtly pressure d t o achiev e socially . Fo r identification , th e dominant paren t ca n then substitut e a child fo r th e spous e an d liv e vicariously throug h th e child' s success . Th e chil d feel s compelle d t o achiev e and function a s the family savior', in order to enhance the dominant parent' s self-esteem. Failur e t o perfor m an d succee d will brin g rejectio n b y th e dominant parent , jus t a s it di d th e faile d parent . However, th e chil d i s unabl e t o ow n it s success , sinc e th e dominan t parent doe s no t direcd y gratif y o r mirro r th e achievemen t t o th e child . The child' s success is never good enough , take n fo r granted , o r attribute d to luck or circumstance. This lack of external validation occurs , first of all, because o f th e dominan t parent' s unconsciou s envy . Thi s paren t feel s personally deprived an d trapped an d envies the opportunities ope n t o th e child. Second , th e paren t need s t o contro l an d safeguar d thi s sourc e o f narcissistic supply by preventing the child from emancipatin g an d becom ing independent . Th e chil d i s use d a s a n extensio n o f th e parent , wh o takes ove r th e child' s achievemen t a s his o r he r own . Eve n thoug h thes e parents do not complimen t th e child for it s success, they often bra g abou t

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the achievemen t t o relatives, neighbors, an d others. In this way the dominant paren t feed s hi s or her narcissism. The chil d canno t gai n strengt h an d a healthy sens e of confidence fro m its achievement s s o i t ca n separat e an d becom e independent . Th e chil d remains symbioticall y boun d t o this dominan t parent , constand y hopin g to ge t the needed approval . Beside s th e overt messag e t o succeed , ther e is a cover t messag e t o remai n wea k an d dependent . I hav e terme d thi s interactional conflic t "th e double bin d o n achievement. 55 Th e child feel s helpless an d cannot win , either throug h succes s or failure. Failur e result s in rejection, bu t success brings no reward, only further pressur e to achieve even more . Eve n thoug h th e chil d resent s thi s exploitatio n an d lac k o f gratification, h e or she represses aggressio n fo r fear o f abandonment . The fear of abandonment and annihilation anxiety was probably already a core issue for Freud, in view of his early childhood experiences. His later experiences with his mother extended and reinforced thi s core unconscious conflict int o hi s adulthood. Freu d ha d been unabl e t o dea l wit h hi s ambivalent fantasies an d unable to differentiate an d separate himself from his mother. Hi s mother's persistenc e i n using hi m as an extension o f herself only perpetuate d thi s conflict . The continuin g relationship s i n the family fro m childhoo d int o adult hood hav e no t bee n sufficiend y recognize d i n traditiona l psychoanalyti c theory a s contributor s t o emotiona l problems . Instead , psychoanalyti c theory has generally limited itself to the first six years of life. Even thoug h there is normally a fear o f abandonment durin g very early childhood, thi s ongoing conditiona l acceptanc e base d o n performanc e furthe r reinforce s the origina l threa t o f rejectio n an d annihilation . I t keep s th e individua l dependent, an d serves furthe r t o repres s th e expression o f anger o r self assertion. Th e child continue s t o plac e th e needs o f the paren t ahea d o f its own needs. The pressuring, nongratifying paren t is incorporated int o the superego to for m th e ego ideal. As an adult, this ego ideal of the depressiv e perso n continues to be pressuring and perfectionistic vis-a-vi s others. Depressive s cannot liv e up to thi s idea l an d are therefore unabl e t o find gratificatio n in an achievement. The superego now does to the ego internally what the parents previousl y did to the child externally . N o matter wha t th e person achieves, i t i s neve r goo d enough , s o tha t h e o r sh e doe s no t develo p confidence an d autonomy . Failur e t o achiev e i s no w replace d b y self reproach an d los s o f self-esteem . Depressive s ar e harsh an d unforgivin g of themselve s i f they fail . Jus t a s they expecte d rejectio n whe n the y di d not succeed , the y canno t comfor t themselve s bu t rejec t themselve s intrapsychically.

Freutfs Family Dynamics 8 3 Arieti (1962 ) pointe d ou t tha t depressive s continu e t o remai n depen dent a s adults o n a n externa l person , a dominant other , fo r approva l an d the maintenanc e o f thei r self-esteem . Bonim e (1959 ) ha s als o note d tha t depressives engag e i n a n oppositiona l gam e wit h others . The y initiall y comply to others 5 needs, then rebel to frustrate th e wishes and expectations of thes e others . The y ma y eve n stimulat e other s t o hav e expectation s o f them, an d the n frustrat e the m b y no t meetin g thes e expectations . The y reenact th e relationshi p wit h thei r dominan t parent , an d passive aggressively act out their rage at feeling exploited without having conscious awareness o f thei r anger . Thi s i s a compromis e solution , sinc e th e de pressive ca n avoi d takin g responsibilit y fo r unconsciou s hostility , an d thereby avoi d th e ris k o f rejection .

Freutfs Denial of Ambivalencefor His Mother Freud's fear of abandonment b y his mother was a significant facto r in view of hi s childhoo d experiences , whe n ther e wa s disruptio n o f familia r sur roundings an d the loss of important attachmen t figures. Hi s fea r tha t th e expression o f aggressiv e feeling s woul d magicall y resul t i n los s wa s rein forced quite early by the death of his younger brother, Julius. Freud himself mentioned tha t h e suffere d fro m neurastheni a an d depressio n (Schu r 1972). Freu d als o acknowledge s tha t mother s (includin g his ) live d vicar iously through their sons' achievements. However, since this phenomeno n was s o much a part o f the culture , he accepte d thi s a s normal an d denie d any ange r ove r it . I n hi s New Introductory Lectures (1933 ) Freu d wrote : "A mother i s only brought unlimite d satisfactio n b y her relation t o a son; this i s altogethe r th e mos t perfect , th e mos t fre e fro m ambivalenc e o f al l human relationships. A mother can transfer t o her son the ambition whic h she has bee n oblige d t o suppres s i n herself, an d sh e ca n expec t fro m hi m the satisfactio n o f al l tha t ha s bee n lef t ove r i n he r o f he r masculinit y complex." Freud's comment s indicate d tha t livin g vicariously throug h a son gav e the mothe r pleasure , bu t h e denie d tha t h e fel t pressure d o r exploited . There i s evidence tha t h e ha d som e consciou s awarenes s o f his represse d anger towar d hi s mother . Accordin g t o Jone s (1953) , Freu d sai d t o hi s wife Marth a Bernay s afte r hi s occasiona l outbursts : "Sinc e I a m violen t and passionate , wit h al l sorts o f devil s pen t u p tha t canno t emerge , the y rumble abou t insid e o r els e ar e release d agains t you , yo u dea r one. " I n his lette r t o Breuer , Freu d state s ironically : "Eve n i f I becom e a Docent ,

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lecturing will no t com e m y way , an d m y Martha , a bor n Germa n Fra u Professor, wil l have t o d o withou t he r fine position " (Jone s 1953). Even though Freud considered it normal for a mother to live vicariously off a son's success , there seem s t o b e a hint o f sarcas m a t Martha's livin g vicariously through hi s achievement. Possibly , Freud's resentment agains t his mothe r wa s unconsciousl y displace d an d expresse d towar d hi s wife . This may also have been the case in Freud's decision to cease regular sexual relations wit h hi s wif e fro m th e ag e o f forty-on e onward , a s mentione d in hi s lette r t o Flies s o n Octobe r 31 , 1897 (Bonapart e e t al . 1954) . How ever, hi s motivatio n i s uncertain , sinc e Freud' s effor t t o b e sexuall y abs tinent ma y hav e bee n relate d t o a possible hear t attac k i n 189 4 or serve d as a birth contro l measur e (Schu r 1972) . There is , however , mor e evidenc e concernin g Freud' s expressio n o f anger towar d hi s mother , eve n thoug h i t probabl y remaine d ou t o f hi s conscious awareness . Jone s (1955 ) an d Roaze n (1984 ) repor t tha t Freu d had attack s o f indigestio n befor e visitin g hi s mothe r o n Sundays . Di d Freud have difficulty stomachin g the pressure from hi s mother, an d therefore expresse d i t somatically? Freud' s son Martin als o recalled that Amali e had famil y gathering s a t he r fla t o n Christma s Da y an d Ne w Year' s Ev e each year : u My fathe r alway s cam e t o thes e gatherings— I kno w o f n o occasion when h e disappointed her—bu t hi s working day was a long on e and h e alway s came muc h late r tha n an y one else " (M . Freu d 1983) . This frustrated Amalie , wh o woul d ru n repeatedl y t o th e staircas e landing , anxiously askin g i f he i s coming , wher e i s he , an d i s i t no t gettin g ver y late? Freu d alway s cam e late , bu t someho w neve r arrive d whe n Amali e was a t th e landin g lookin g fo r him . Sinc e Freu d kne w ho w importan t these two gatherings were to his mother, and how upset she would becom e at his lateness, his action seems an unconscious way of passive-aggressively expressing hi s hostilit y towar d her . Paul Roaze n (pers . com. ) ha s state d tha t whe n Freud' s mothe r cam e to hi s seventiet h birthda y party , sh e brough t a basket o f egg s an d intro duced herself to everyone as Freud's mother. It is unclear what significanc e the egg s had , excep t a s a symbo l o f lif e an d renewal . Freu d ha d bee n a source o f lif e an d renewa l fo r her , addin g t o he r sens e o f prid e an d joy . She ha d faile d wit h he r husband , bu t succeede d wit h he r so n i n gainin g narcissistic supplies . Perhap s Sigmun d wa s on e o f he r eggs , whic h sh e proudly wante d t o displa y an d proclaim . When Amali e die d a t th e ag e o f ninety-fiv e i n 1930 , Jone s (1957 ) reported tha t Freu d wrot e hi m tha t h e felt a great increas e i n his sense of personal freedo m an d di d no t suffe r an y grief . However , hi s younge r

Freutfs Family Dynamics 8 5 brother, Alexander, di d mourn Amalie's loss deeply. Freud di d not atten d her funeral—whic h wa s unusual eve n thoug h Freu d himsel f was quite il l at th e tim e wit h cancer . Instead , h e sen t hi s daughte r Ann a t o represen t him. I n hi s letter to Jones, Freud wrote tha t hi s lack of grief or pai n afte r her death coul d be explained b y his mother's great age, and by her releas e from th e sufferin g o f gangrene o f the leg , which ha d require d morphine . He wrote , CC I was no t allowe d t o di e a s long a s she wa s aliv e an d no w I may. Someho w th e value s o f lif e hav e notabl y change d i n th e deepe r layers." I interpre t Freud' s statemen t tha t h e was no t allowed to di e a s a n expression of his continued compliance to a demand for performance fro m his mother . Attachmen t t o hi s mother , whil e sh e wa s alive , ha d mean t that he was unable to function autonomously . Apparendy, her death served as a liberatio n fro m he r contro l an d demands . Freud' s ambivalen t rela tionship to his mother, which remained unconscious, influenced psychoan alytic theory an d th e therap y o f women .

Freutfs View of Male Homosexuality as Pathology Freud considere d tha t a particular for m o f family constellatio n prevente d the young bo y from resolvin g the Oedipu s comple x an d was the caus e o f homosexuality. Hi s view , whic h ha s persiste d unti l recend y i n psychoa nalysis, wa s tha t homosexualit y wa s pathologica l an d resulte d fro m thi s developmental arres t that interfered wit h identificatio n wit h the father. I n Freud's (1910 ) essa y o n Leonard o d a Vinci , whic h Jone s (1955 ) consider s to be autobiographical, Leonardo was depicted as becoming a homosexual because o f a pathological relationshi p wit h hi s mother . Th e mothe r wa s described a s overinvolved, close-binding , an d aggressivel y pushin g a passive father ou t o f his "proper place" : "So lik e al l unsatisfied mothers , sh e took her little son in place of her husband, an d b y the too earl y maturin g of his erotism robbed him of a part of his masculinity" (Freud 1910,117). The Biebe r e t al . stud y (1962 ) o f homosexuall y oriente d mal e patient s who cam e fo r psychoanalyti c treatmen t replicate d Freud' s finding s abou t this family constellation . However , the y used a biased sample , since thes e patients cam e fo r treatmen t becaus e o f emotiona l difficulties . A contro l group o f homosexuall y oriente d male s wh o wer e functionin g normall y was no t studied . Althoug h thi s famil y constellatio n doe s interfer e wit h the differentiatio n o f the so n fro m th e mother an d his identification wit h the father , i t i s no t no w see n a s causin g homosexuality , a s Freu d an d Bieber speculated . Instead , thi s typ e o f famil y wa s found , i n m y ow n

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research, to be correlated with the development of a depressive personality, no matte r wha t th e sexua l orientatio n o f th e child . I f seductio n i s als o prominent i n th e famil y constellation , borderlin e feature s ma y develop a s well. Th e depressiv e famil y constellatio n i s intrusiv e an d contribute s t o the child' s difficult y i n separatin g an d individuating . A s i n Freud' s ow n life, thes e childre n remai n dependen t a s adults ; bu t the y maintai n som e autonomy b y becomin g oppositional . The etiolog y o f Freud' s ow n sexua l difficultie s ar e probabl y relate d t o the followin g circumstances . First , h e fel t emotionall y abandone d b y hi s mother a t tw o year s o f ag e an d feare d t o differentiat e becaus e o f annihi lation anxiety. Second, Freud's fear of sexual women may have been caused by hi s feelin g overpowere d b y th e seductiv e experienc e h e describe d o f his mother's nudity on the train trip from Leipzig . Third, his ambivalenc e and distanc e towar d wome n wh o wer e mother s probabl y resulte d fro m the continua l exploitatio n b y hi s mother , wh o fe d he r narcissis m of f hi s success—the depressiv e famil y constellation . The curren t widel y hel d vie w o f homosexuality i n psychiatr y i s that i t is generally a normal varian t o f sexual orientation, whic h i s inborn an d i s not itself pathological. Male homosexuality itself does not stem from famil y relations, bu t patholog y ca n b e inflicte d b y ho w th e famil y an d societ y relates to the gay youngster. If his father an d peers are hostile and rejectin g because th e bo y i s too sensitiv e an d les s competitive an d aggressiv e tha n others, the homosexually oriented boy may suffer lo w self-esteem an d have difficulty relatin g to othe r me n intimately . Sinc e society tends to b e hom ophobic, this attitude may be internalized b y the boy. This can create selfhatred and conflict concernin g homoerotic feelings and fantasies that ofte n start i n early childhood. I n turn , a gay boy may distance himsel f from hi s father, wh o ma y be warm an d accepting , in order t o repres s unacceptabl e homoerotic feelings. Unde r th e bes t o f circumstances, homosexuality ca n be associate d wit h littl e o r n o apparen t emotiona l difficulty . In summary , i t is not the passive or hostile father an d the overinvolve d exploitative mothe r i n th e famil y tha t cause s homosexuality . However , these famil y dynamic s can b e pathogeni c an d contribut e t o depressiv e problems an d othe r difficulties . Wha t Freu d seeme d t o b e describin g a s homosexuality was not related to sexual orientation bu t to gender identit y disorder, which Freud himself probably suffered from . He was emotionally abandoned b y hi s mothe r a t tw o year s o f age , whe n gende r identit y i s first established. Cor e gende r identit y i s a learned psychologica l phenom enon tha t determine s attitude s towar d masculinit y an d femininit y an d becomes fixed aroun d tw o an d a half year s o f ag e (Stolle r 1968) . Freud' s

Freutfs Family Dynamics 8 7 theory reflects hi s own personal issues, since he considered activit y as masculine and passivity as feminine, which he learned by the culture's definitio n of eac h gender . Thes e cultura l definition s influence d hi s erroneou s idea s about bisexualit y in female developmen t a s well as his belief that passivit y can b e ascribe d t o laten t homosexualit y i n men . Because of the depressive constellation i n his family, Freu d ha d furthe r difficulty identifyin g wit h hi s father a s an idealize d mode l o f masculinity . Instead, h e seem s t o hav e turne d t o hi s fathe r a s a mother surrogat e fo r nurturance. This helps us understand wh y later in life Freu d mourne d hi s father's bu t no t hi s mother' s death . I t als o woul d explai n wh y Freu d equated th e penis with th e breast , an d fellatio wit h suckin g milk from th e mother, and that these were part of homosexuality. However, since Freud's basic sexua l orientatio n wa s heterosexual , thi s compensator y adaptatio n of turnin g t o th e fathe r fo r motherin g probabl y wa s experience d wit h intense homophobic anxiety. This conflict would explain why Freud fainte d at severa l encounter s wit h Jung , whic h h e himsel f recognize d a s du e t o what h e calle d homosexua l cathexis . This entir e issu e will b e discusse d i n further detai l i n chapte r 11.

p. Omitting the Mother and Preoedipal Period in Freud^s Theory

Freutfs Preoedipal Trauma Psychoanalysis aros e fro m Freud' s self-analysi s durin g th e tim e h e wa s mourning th e deat h o f hi s father . Jaco b die d i n Octobe r 1896 , an d Freud starte d analyzin g himsel f i n Jul y 1897 , nin e month s later , afte r buying a tombston e fo r hi s father' s grav e (Jone s 1953) . Th e theor y sprung fro m th e insight s o f thi s self-analysis , whic h deal t primaril y wit h Freud's oedipa l relationshi p t o hi s father . Freu d di d no t analyz e hi s preoedipal relationshi p t o hi s mothe r unti l th e en d o f hi s life , an d eve n then i t wa s incomplete . Sinc e Freud' s traumati c earl y relationshi p t o hi s nanny an d mothe r remaine d repressed , h e di d no t includ e th e preoedipa l period int o th e bod y o f psychoanalysis . Th e effec t wa s tha t Freud' s theory focuse d o n a mal e child' s relatio n t o th e fathe r an d no t th e mother. Curren t psychoanalysi s ha s reverse d Freud' s theory . No w th e preoedipal perio d i s considered mor e significan t tha n th e oedipa l period , and th e child' s relationshi p t o th e mothe r i s mor e importan t tha n t o the father . Freud considere d hi s major discover y i n psychoanalysi s t o b e infantile sexuality, which started a t about four year s of age. He foun d tha t sexualit y was not only manifested i n adult life but existed during childhood a s well. Freud noted that all small children had sexual feelings directed at the parent of the opposite sex during the oedipal period. The main threat to the little boy in the oedipal period was physical castration b y the father. Wit h littl e 88

Omitting the Mother and Preoedipal Period in Freud's Theory 8 9 girls, the same theme of castration and resultant penis envy was paramount in Freud' s theoretica l formulations . I t wa s a s if girls were littl e boy s wh o already ha d suffere d castration . Freu d di d no t giv e recognitio n t o th e uniqueness o f femininity , tha t feminin e sexualit y wa s a s much inbor n i n the femal e a s masculinity i s in th e male . Currently i t i s accepte d tha t th e preoedipa l dange r t o th e child , fro m birth to three years of age, is of either abandonmen t o r engulfment b y the mother. W e no w kno w tha t i f a n infan t suffer s emotiona l o r physica l abandonment b y the mother , th e chil d cease s to thriv e an d ma y die . Th e relationship t o th e mothe r serve s to protec t th e child' s physica l an d emo tional survival. The other preoedipal danger is engulfment, wher e merging continues an d a separat e differentiate d sens e o f sel f fro m th e mothe r i s lost. Freud defended himself against awareness of his own repressed preoedipal issues, and therefore omitte d them from hi s theoretical formulations . However, eve n whe n Freu d late r i n lif e di d recogniz e th e preoedipa l period, h e fel t i t wa s mor e significan t fo r girl s tha n fo r boys . Althoug h not mor e significan t i n girls , th e preoedipa l perio d i s considere d t o b e more represse d i n boy s tha n girls . To develo p a masculine identity , boy s need to distance themselves to differentiate fro m thei r preoedipal mother s and identif y wit h thei r fathers .

Problems Differentiating fromMother Freud ha d difficult y differentiatin g fro m hi s mothe r becaus e o f th e trau matic separation s fro m hi s mothe r an d nann y a s a smal l child , an d i t probably continue d throughou t th e res t o f hi s adul t lif e becaus e o f th e depressive constellation i n his family o f origin. Freud' s mothe r wa s intru sive an d use d hi m a s a n extensio n o f herself, furthe r interferin g wit h th e establishment o f boundaries. Sh e exploited hi s successes for he r ow n nar cissistic enhancement . Hardin (1988a ) provide s a goo d dea l o f evidenc e t o substantiat e that Amali e appeare d t o b e a rathe r narcissisti c person , unabl e t o b e truly nurturan t an d emotionall y availabl e t o Freud . Th e mos t convincin g piece o f evidenc e i s fro m a lette r writte n b y Freu d himsel f a t sixtee n years o f ag e whil e visitin g th e Flus s famil y i n hi s hometow n o f Freiber g (Clark 1980) . I n th e letter , Freu d praise d Fra u Flus s fo r he r nurturan t qualities an d abilit y t o loo k afte r he r children' s spiritua l needs . Freu d wrote sh e wa s unlik e hi s ow n mother , wh o restricte d hersel f t o lookin g after onl y hi s physica l needs . As furthe r evidence , Judith Bernay s Heller ,

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writing abou t th e tim e he r grandmother , Amalie , wen t t o Freud' s seventieth birthda y party , recall s tha t "sh e ha d t o b e carried.. . but sh e did no t min d s o lon g a s sh e coul d b e presen t t o b e honore d an d fete d as th e mother o f he r 'golde n son ' a s sh e calle d her Sigmund " (1956, 4 2 0 ) .

Amalie define d hersel f a s th e mothe r o f he r golde n Sigi . H e wa s a n extension o f he r an d no t a separat e person . Thi s relationshi p als o ha d been emotionall y seductiv e an d wa s strongl y oedipall y tinged , sinc e Amalie preferre d he r so n t o he r husband . However , thi s wa s a hollo w victory fo r Freud , sinc e the relationshi p serve d Amalie's narcissistic need s primarily, an d no t hi s own . Freu d sai d h e freel y accepte d th e burde n of th e exploitativ e relationshi p hi s mothe r ha d wit h him . H e coul d rationalize i t a s a consequence o f a mother's "masculinit y complex, " since this statement fit the stereotyped rol e prescribed fo r wome n i n patriarcha l society. Achievin g socia l succes s o r recognitio n o n thei r ow n wa s see n as a masculin e trai t i n women . A s par t o f th e cultura l patter n i n nine teenth-century Europe , feminin e wome n wer e constricted fro m achievin g an identity of their own but had to live vicariously through their husband s or sons . Even though thi s cultural Victorian stereotyp e is normative, Freud wa s consciously awar e of some of his ambivalence regardin g the close-bindin g and exploitativ e relationshi p h e ha d wit h hi s mother . However , h e gen erally blamed hi s ambivalenc e o n hi s ow n siblin g rivalr y an d no t o n any thing tha t hi s mother di d o r faile d t o do . Freud' s represse d ange r towar d his mother found expressio n in his train phobia, his fear of going to Rome, his drea d o f dyin g young , an d i n hi s state s o f depression . A s previousl y noted, Freud' s behavio r als o communicate d hi s resentmen t towar d her . He suffered attack s of nervous indigestion before visiting his mother ever y Sunday, kept her waiting at holiday gatherings, did not attend her funeral , and afte r he r deat h experience d a grea t increas e i n hi s sens e o f persona l freedom (Jone s 1957). In al l o f th e correspondenc e h e ha d wit h hi s frien d Wilhel m Fliess , Freud mentioned his mother only once in depth. When Amalie was visiting Berlin, where Flies s lived, Freu d mention s tha t sh e would b e an obstacle . Freud would b e forced "t o devote a part of the alread y short time to her, " instead o f bein g abl e to spen d i t al l with hi s friend, Flies s (Masso n 1985) . Max Schur, Freud's personal physician, stated that Freud as an adult spok e very littl e o f hi s mother . H e note d tha t i t wa s no t a clos e an d war m relationship. Instead , Freud' s relationshi p wit h Amali e late r i n lif e wa s "one o f cordia l filial duty" (Schu r 1972) .

Omitting the Mother and Preoedipal Period in Freud's Theory 9 1

The Dark Continent Because Freu d represse d hi s ambivalenc e towar d hi s mother , feminin e psychology remaine d veile d i n wha t Freu d terme d a n "impenetrabl e ob scurity." Hi s inabilit y t o consciousl y wor k throug h hi s emotion s towar d his mothe r limite d Freud' s capacit y t o observ e wome n an d t o giv e the m a significan t plac e i n hi s theories . Thi s remaine d s o eve n unti l lat e i n hi s life. I n 192 8 h e informe d Ernes t Jone s tha t "everythin g w e kno w o f feminine earl y developmen t appear s t o m e unsatisfactor y an d uncertain. " He ha d trie d hi s bes t t o comprehen d th e "sexua l lif e o f adul t women, " but i t remaine d a mysterious "dar k continent " (Ga y 1988). Besides femininity , musi c an d religio n pose d difficul t problems , sinc e Freud could not understand the m on a rational basis. Certainly Freud wa s the prope r Victoria n gendeman , influence d b y th e ideal s o f th e Enlight enment tha t emphasize d rationality , individualism , realism , an d materi alism. However, Freud's emphasis on rationality was probably also derived from hi s repressing an d distancin g himself from wha t h e considered fem inine. Thi s ma y hav e bee n hi s unconsciou s effor t t o differentiat e himsel f from th e fuse d relationshi p wit h hi s mother , s o h e woul d no t fee l emasculated. Even though Freu d did provide some factual material about his mother in his letters to Fliess, he scarcely mentioned mother s in his clinical works. In his case histories, such as Dora, Litde Hans, the Rat Man, the Schrebe r case, an d th e Wol f Man , mother s playe d a n importan t role , ye t the y re ceived litd e o r n o attentio n fro m Freud . One exampl e i s th e cas e o f Littl e Hans , wh o wa s a smal l bo y wit h a phobia abou t horses . Freu d treate d th e bo y throug h th e father , wh o wa s told ho w t o interpre t Hans' s conflict . Th e fathe r acknowledge d th e boy' s fear of castration by him, because of Hans's oedipal desires for his mother. However, Litd e Hans' s mothe r playe d a ver y significan t rol e i n th e de velopment o f th e phobia . Hi s mothe r ha d seductivel y invite d th e smal l boy int o be d wit h her . Afte r h e becam e excite d sexually , sh e threatene d that hi s peni s woul d b e cu t of f (Freu d 1909) . Ye t whil e h e studie d th e case, Freud ignored the mother's activ e seduction an d threat of castration , and focused onl y o n th e littl e boy' s oedipa l fea r o f hi s father . Freud's repressio n o f his anger an d distancin g himself from hi s mothe r seems t o hav e extende d t o hi s sister s a s well . Freu d mention s almos t nothing abou t an y siblin g rivalr y fo r hi s fiv e sisters , wh o wer e bor n se quentially afte r him . Th e on e exceptio n i s hi s consciou s dislik e fo r hi s next-born sister , Anna. Anna wa s born i n Freiber g eigh t months afte r hi s

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brother Julius died. This resentment of Anna persisted even later into life, since when Ann a marrie d hi s brother-in-law , El i Bernays , Freu d di d no t attend th e wedding. Hi s biographer , Jones , says Freud di d not atten d fo r reasons tha t coul d no t b e divulged . Ann a wa s probabl y th e recipien t o f Freud's displace d unconsciou s rag e a t hi s mother . H e probabl y blame d Anna fo r hi s mother's abandonmen t o f him durin g he r pregnancy . An articl e b y Anna' s granddaughter , Ann e Bernays , show s tha t thi s ambivalence wa s no t one-sided . Ann a resente d tha t sh e wa s oblige d t o hire hersel f ou t a s a governess t o hel p finance he r brother' s medica l edu cation: " I believ e tha t eve n a t he r advance d ag e [sh e live d int o he r 90s ] she still harbored wha t h e no doub t woul d hav e called conflicted feeling s towards him " (Bernay s 1988).

The Freudian Preoedipal Period Freud denie d that , i n the early development o f the child's personality, th e child made an y significant attachments . Instea d o f seeking to bon d t o th e mother, Freu d sa w th e infan t a s desiring onl y t o satisf y inne r instinctua l drives. The mother is seen only as a distant object, used to gratify the child's needs. The child is described as autoerotic, mainly interested in stimulating its own mouth, then its anus, and finally the penis, all of which he termed erogenous zones. The first tw o preoedipal stage s o f psychosexua l development , th e ora l and anal phases, Freud considered to be similar for boy s and girls. Durin g the ora l phase , from birt h t o abou t on e an d a half years o f age , the bab y is dependent an d seek s stimulatio n o f it s mouth a s well a s satisfaction o f its hunger. Aggression i s expressed b y biting. During the anal stage, fro m about on e an d a hal f t o thre e year s o f age , th e chil d i s concerne d wit h sphincter an d impuls e control , with withholdin g o r los s of its stools, an d with dealin g with sadisti c feelings. At th e nex t stage , th e phalli c phase , fro m abou t thre e t o five years o f age, the developmental sequence s fo r boy s and girls diverge. For th e boy , the mother become s the object of his sexual drive and the father th e targe t of his aggressiv e drive . The rol e of the mother , a s a person activel y influ encing an d affectin g th e infan t o f eithe r gender , wa s ignore d b y Freud . The preoedipa l issue s of attachment an d the fear s o f engulfment o r aban donment wer e no t deal t with . Instead , t o Freu d th e mothe r remaine d a passive detache d object of th e child' s oral , anal , an d sexua l drives . Freud's consideration of the mother a s a passive object was in tune with

Omitting the Mother and Preoedipal Period in Freud's Theory 9 3 the patriarcha l Victoria n stereotype . However , o n a personal level , if the mother were only the object of instinctual drives and the child made no significant attachment, the painful threat of her loss or her engulfment could be denied. Freud's theory gives the illusion that the infant is narcissistically selfsufficient an d denies its deeply dependent relationship to the mother. Therefore, on e can speculate tha t Freud' s theor y of child developmen t represented a defensive maneuver, which he himself employed for his own protection. I f the infant wer e not dependently attached, it could not suffe r the traumatic loss of the mother. The infant would not experience murderous rag e against a mother who is experienced a s bad and abandoning. By making the mother a distant object, Freu d may also have attempted to differentiate himsel f fro m hi s close-binding relationshi p an d to protec t he r from his rage. Freud wa s fearful no t onl y o f the destructiv e effect s o f his own rag e but that a sexual relationship with a motherly woman would also magically result i n her loss. Therefore, i f the mothe r wer e not an active participan t but only a passive object o f the child's sexual drive, the mother's seductiv e influence coul d b e denied. Makin g th e mother int o a passive objec t pre vented he r loss, and denied th e danger o f abandonment o r engulfment . Another reason that Freud focused on the oedipal and ignored the preoedipal period of child development may be that he found guil t preferable t o helplessness. If the chil d is bad or sinful, guil t i s easier to deal with intra psychically tha n helplessness . Fo r example, when th e little bo y wishes t o eliminate the father an d possess the mother, he experiences guilt and feels threatened with castration by the father. However , this can be managed internally. All the little boy needs to do is to renounce his sexual desire for his mother, resolve his guilt, and then he can identify with his father. The threat of castration by the father is thereby magically eliminated. The oedipal boy can change himself to influence the environment. This gives the oedipal child the illusion of magical control over its environment. However, the threat of abandonment b y the preoedipal mother i s a much greater threat, one that cannot be controlled by intrapsychic maneuvers. Even if the infant were able to renounce its dependency on the mother, which it cannot do, this would only result in death. Under these circumstances the child would experienc e itself as totally powerless to change its destiny. I suggest that Freud also defended himself from experiencing himself as a passive and helpless person by focusing o n the oedipal perio d an d not the preoedipal period . Instead , he made his mother the passive one. When Freud originally formulated hi s so-called seduction theory , it applied to both men and women. He considered that adult neurosis resulte d

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from childhoo d sexua l seduction , usuall y b y the father. Thi s was not the case for Freud, since he clearly mentioned in his letter to Fliess that it was his nanny wh o was his temptress . Onl y tw o month s afte r startin g hi s self analysis, i n hi s lette r o f Septembe r 21 , 1897, to Flies s (Bonapart e e t al . 1954), Freud state d he had abandoned his seduction theory . This rejectio n denied that a parent or other adul t played a significant o r active role in the genesis of neurosis. This i s a position h e held unti l the time of his death . Freud considered the child's inborn instincts to be responsible for fantasies that affected how the child perceived its world. The tales of sexual seduction he heard from his patients were discounted as only fantasies. The adult was not responsible for being seductive, and the child was not the helpless passive victim. The implication was that the child's own instincts had actively warped it s perception . Th e parent' s actua l emotiona l neglec t o r sexua l temptation and overstimulation were thus largely denied and ignored.

Preoedipal Influence on the Oedipal Period The deat h o f his fathe r enable d Freu d t o regres s t o hi s childhoo d an d reexperience patricidal wishes that were associated with his oedipal conflict . The guilt over his father's death probably also brought back Freud's preoedipal guil t concernin g ange r towar d hi s fathe r fo r makin g hi s mothe r pregnant an d thus unavailabl e to him. At the age of two, Freu d protecte d his father fro m hi s anger by displacing the blame onto his "naughty" halfbrother Philipp . H e though t i t wa s Philipp wh o was Amalie's husban d and responsibl e fo r he r pregnancy. Th e mother's pregnanc y an d Anna' s birth wer e experience d a s materna l abandonmen t an d fuele d littl e Sig mund's disappointmen t an d rage a t her, and at his father a s well. The traumati c los s of his nann y an d his mother's emotiona l unavaila bility when Freu d wa s two years old also probably prevente d th e normal process o f differentiation an d separation fro m th e mother an d the establishment o f firm eg o boundaries. On e can assum e tha t thes e preoedipa l issues affected Freud' s later oedipal conflict wit h his father. Ange r towar d the fathe r fo r th e preoedipal los s o f the mother wa s added t o the ange r at th e fathe r a s a competitor fo r th e mothe r oedipally . Becaus e Freud' s fantasies wer e probabl y no t differentiate d fro m realit y du e t o arreste d development, th e unconscious ange r durin g th e oedipal perio d ma y have become eve n mor e frightening . Preoedipa l issue s shap e ho w th e late r Oedipus comple x will b e experienced an d resolved.

io. Female Sexual Development in Freudian Theory

Oedipal Development in Girls Two importan t factor s contribute d t o Freud' s formulatio n o f a theor y about femal e sexua l development . On e wa s hi s fea r o f seein g wome n a s sexually active , an d th e othe r wa s th e fea r o f hi s ow n aggression . Freu d did no t acknowledg e tha t wome n hav e thei r ow n sexua l desires an d see k gratification. I n hi s unconsciou s mind , seein g hi s preoedipa l mothe r a s a temptress woul d probabl y mea n t o hi m tha t sh e would b e sen t t o hel l a s a sinner , an d h e woul d b e abandoned . A reaso n fo r Freud' s subsequen t rejection o f the seductio n theor y ma y have bee n a denial o f the seductiv e sexuality o f hi s mother . Th e rejectio n o f th e theor y occurre d afte r hi s father's death , when Freud dreame d that he closed one eye: the blind spo t could possibl y hav e been th e denia l o f his mother's influence , particularl y her aggressiv e sexuality . Nowhere i n th e Standar d Editio n o f hi s collecte d work s doe s Freu d discuss matricide. However, patricide is a prominent theme. The omissio n of death wishe s towar d th e mothe r i s most likel y due t o th e denia l o f hi s ambivalence towar d hi s ow n mother . Protectin g hi s mothe r agains t los s was an important dynami c in Freud's early childhood. Consciously , Freu d idealized his mother an d denied anger . To deal with hi s dread of maternal abandonment, h e embarke d o n a circuitou s rout e t o explai n femininity . He denie d th e basi c feminin e natur e o f wome n an d attempte d t o mak e them int o diminishe d men . I n femal e developmen t durin g th e phalli c 95

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phase, Freu d considere d tha t littl e girl s observ e th e mal e peni s an d fee l castrated an d inferior. H e believe d that girls then suffe r fro m "env y of the penis whic h will leav e ineradicabl e trace s o n thei r developmen t an d th e formation o f thei r characte r an d whic h wil l no t b e surmounte d i n eve n the most favourable cases without a severe expenditure of psychical energy" (1933, 125) .

During thi s oedipa l period , girl s tur n t o thei r father s t o giv e the m a gift o f a penis. This desir e fo r a penis is then sublimate d int o the hope t o have a child b y th e father . Girl s becom e intereste d i n playin g with dolls , which represent a symbolic penis. With the resolution of the oedipal phase, the girl s giv e u p thei r sexua l desir e fo r th e fathe r an d identif y wit h th e mother. However , Freu d mad e n o mentio n tha t girl s migh t enjo y thei r own sexuality . No r di d h e conside r tha t boy s migh t env y girl s o f thei r physical endowment s o r thei r abilit y t o creat e ne w life . The firs t internalizatio n o f a parent , accordin g t o Freud , i s afte r th e child resolve s th e Oedipu s complex . Fo r th e bo y i t i s resolve d afte r h e gives u p hi s desir e fo r hi s mothe r an d identifie s wit h hi s father . Th e bo y relinquishes hi s desir e fo r th e mothe r onl y becaus e o f th e threa t o f cas tration b y the father . Th e bo y the n internalize s th e father . Freu d sa w th e father, an d no t th e mother , a s the first paren t internalize d b y bot h boy s and girls . The fathe r form s th e cor e o f th e superego . Becaus e women d o not hav e a penis, the y d o no t suffe r castratio n anxiety . Therefore , Freu d considered th e resolutio n o f th e Oedipu s comple x les s complet e an d su perego formatio n les s differentiated tha n i n males. Since Freud originall y presumed tha t internalizatio n o f th e fathe r form s th e superego , wome n never develo p a s complet e a supereg o a s men . Thi s argumen t fo r th e inferiority o f women bega n wit h erroneou s assumption s tha t th e peni s i s all-important an d that the superego i s derived only from th e father. Mod ern infant researc h has shown that the first attachment an d internalizatio n during infanc y i s with th e mother . The nex t phas e o f developmen t describe d b y Freu d wa s th e latenc y period, from abou t five to seven years of age. During this time an apparen t diminution o f th e sexua l driv e occur s fo r bot h sexes . This i s followed b y the genita l phase , fro m si x years o f ag e onward , whe n sexualit y i s subli mated an d integrate d wit h affectionat e feelings. I t i s a t th e genita l stag e that th e capacit y fo r lov e develops . In hi s developmenta l theory , Freu d deal t wit h th e issue s o f individ uation an d autonomy . Thes e ar e issue s o f greate r concer n fo r boys , because o f thei r nee d t o differentiat e fro m th e mothe r t o achiev e a masculine gende r identity . Freu d di d no t focu s o n empath y o r rela -

Female Sexual Development in Freudian Theory 9 7 tionships, whic h ar e mor e characteristi c o f women' s interests . Thes e more masculin e o r phallocentri c issue s wer e als o reinforce d b y th e patriarchal Victoria n culture . A year afte r hi s mother died , Freu d publishe d "Femal e Sexuality. " H e wrote: "Th e phas e o f exclusiv e attachmen t t o th e mother , whic h ma y b e called the preoedipu s phase , possesses a far greate r importanc e i n wome n than i t can have in men" (1931 , 230). For girl s there i s a strong preoedipa l attachment to the mother that is "intense" and "passionate." He minimize d the importanc e o f the preoedipa l perio d i n boys , though h e did acknowl edge the work o f psychoanalyst Jeann e Lampl-d e Groot , wh o recognize d the importance of the preoedipal phase for boys as well as for girls. Freud's attitude towar d acceptin g tha t preoedipa l issue s existe d i n boy s no w seemed t o hav e softened . In "Female Sexuality," Freud als o referred t o Otto Fenichel, who note d that i t i s ofte n difficul t t o recogniz e preoedipa l materia l i n analysi s sinc e it might be unchanged or distorted by repression. This apparently provided an explanatio n fo r Freud' s lac k o f recognitio n o f preoedipa l materia l i n psychoanalytic theory . Freu d openl y admitte d thi s to b e the case: "Every thing i n th e spher e o f thi s firs t attachmen t t o th e mothe r seeme d t o m e so difficult t o grasp in analysis—so grey with ag e and shadowy and almos t impossible t o revivify—tha t i t was a s if it had succumbe d t o a n especiall y inexorable repression " (1931 , 226). In Freud' s New Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis (1933) , h e indi cated tha t i n religion s th e creato r i s usuall y a mal e deit y endowe d wit h "power, wisdom , an d th e strengt h o f hi s passions—a n idealize d super man." Furthermore, "Ou r furthe r pat h i s made eas y to recognize , for thi s god-creator i s undisguisedl y calle d 'father. ' Psychoanalysi s infer s tha t h e really i s th e father , wit h al l th e magnificenc e i n whic h h e onc e appeare d to th e smal l child . A religiou s ma n picture s th e creatio n o f th e univers e just a s he picture s hi s ow n origin " (1933 , 163). Although Freu d acknowledge s th e importanc e o f the fathe r a s the creator in religion , this sam e bias had bee n inadvertentl y introduce d int o hi s theory o f earl y chil d development . A s i n patriarcha l religion , th e fathe r also assumed th e central rol e in Freud' s idea s of personality development . It wa s a s if women wer e lik e a sexually temptin g Eve , wh o woul d brin g down punishmen t b y Go d an d los s of th e garde n o f Eden . I n psychoan alytic theor y i t wa s th e father , lik e God , wh o wa s th e threatenin g an d external subject . However, i n hi s New Introductory Lectures^ Freu d als o acknowledge d that some mythologies claim that creation began "with a male god gettin g

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rid o f a femal e deity , wh o i s degrade d int o bein g a monster. " Freu d does acknowledge the replacement of the mother b y the father i n religion , and tha t he r importanc e wa s demeaned . I t ca n b e speculate d tha t thi s was a beginnin g recognition , althoug h externalize d ont o th e culture , o f how hi s ow n persona l conflict s ha d influence d hi s thinkin g t o minimiz e the earlie r rol e o f th e mothe r i n personalit y developmen t o f th e child . Freud proceede d t o correct his statement tha t the child owed it s existence to th e father' s protectio n b y a parenthetical , "o r mor e correcdy , n o doubt, th e parental agenc y compounded b y the father and mothe^ (Freu d 1933). It i s wort h notin g tha t i n "Analysi s Terminabl e an d Interminable " (1937a), Freu d mentione d tha t Ferencz i pointe d ou t th e importanc e o f the analyst' s counter-transferenc e feelings . Thi s wa s on e o f th e topic s Ferenczi mentione d i n hi s las t paper , "Th e Confusio n o f Tongue s be tween Adult s an d th e Child, " delivere d befor e th e Internationa l Psy choanalytic Congres s a t Wiesbade n i n 1932 . Hi s mai n poin t wa s tha t external traumati c factor s ha d bee n "undeservedl y neglecte d o f lat e i n the pathogenesi s o f the neurosis " by the exclusiv e attentio n t o th e child' s inner drives . Ferenczi ha d no t rejecte d Freud' s origina l seductio n theor y abou t th e traumatic influenc e o f importan t figure s o n th e child . Ferencz i especiall y emphasized th e mother-chil d relationshi p durin g th e child' s preoedipa l stages o f development . Th e traum a fo r th e chil d di d no t hav e t o b e a sexual seduction bu t coul d b e emotional deprivatio n o r neglect . Ferencz i saw th e mothe r a s a n activ e an d influentia l perso n i n th e mother-chil d interaction. Thes e issue s had cause d a rift i n the clos e friendship betwee n Freud an d Ferencz i befor e Ferenczi' s deat h a year later in 1933 . However , in "Construction s i n Analysis " (1937b) , published fou r year s later , Freu d agreed with Ferenczi about the lack of attention give n to the mother-chil d relationship i n psychoanalysis . Freud had already given up the seduction theory as the cause of neurosis in 1897 , bu t h e di d no t renounc e i t publicl y unti l 1905 , with th e publi cation o f hi s Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality (1905b) . Nevertheless , he di d hol d o n t o th e traumati c effec t o f th e "prima l scene, " where th e young chil d witnesse s th e parents ' sexua l intercourse . Bu t h e denie d thi s as preoedipal trauma. Instead, he considered the "primal scene" as a delayed trauma tha t di d no t becom e pathogeni c unti l th e phalli c phas e o f devel opment occurred . Thi s wa s probabl y anothe r exampl e o f Freud' s denia l of his own preoedipal trauma, which he preferred t o place into the oedipal period.

Female Sexual Development in Freudian Theory 9 9

Acknowledging the Preoedipal Period In "Construction s i n Analysis, " Freu d (1937b ) discusse s th e analyst' s re construction of the patient's very early life experiences. This reconstructio n allows repressed memories and their affective feeling s t o be reexperienced , so that inhibition s an d symptoms ca n b e relieved. Freu d openl y acknowl edged that "sufficient attentio n ha s not hitherto bee n paid" to early preoedipal experience s i n th e child . Freu d recognize d tha t thes e experience s were wha t th e chil d reall y sa w o r hear d eve n thoug h the y coul d see m hallucinatory, becaus e th e preoedipa l chil d wa s als o largel y preverbal . Freud als o acknowledge d th e importanc e o f th e earl y attachmen t t o hi s mother, hi s loss and resultant ambivalenc e towar d her , an d why his fathe r assumed suc h a position o f importanc e fo r him : Up to your nxh year you regarded yourself as the sole and unlimited possessor of your mother ; the n cam e anothe r bab y an d brough t yo u grav e disillusionment . Your mother left you for some time, and even after her reappearance she was never again devote d t o yo u exclusively . You r feeling s toward s you r mothe r becam e ambivalent, your father gaine d a new importance for you. (1937b , 261) . Near the end of his life, Freud did gradually give preoedipal issues more importance. He recognized a child's attachment to and ambivalence toward the mother. However, he continued to blame the child. He placed primary responsibility for the ambivalence onto the small child's sibling rivalry and "disillusionment." He did not question why his mother left him, but simply accepted thi s a s fact . H e di d no t fee l tha t hi s mothe r coul d hav e bee n more sensitiv e t o hi m durin g an d afte r he r pregnancy . Perhap s i f her lif e circumstances ha d bee n different , hi s mother coul d hav e bee n mor e emo tionally available to him t o help him cop e with th e new arrival. As a small child Freu d shifte d hi s attachmen t fro m hi s mother t o hi s father, becaus e of hi s ambivalen t feeling s an d a s a rejectio n o f hi s abandonin g mother , which coul d explai n wh y the fathe r assume d prominenc e an d th e mothe r was neglecte d i n psychoanalyti c theory .

Effects of Freud's Preoedipal Trauma Freud consciousl y acknowledge s tha t hi s attachmen t t o hi s father becam e more significant becaus e of his mother's unavailability. Hi s father became , in a sense, anothe r mothe r surrogate , whic h woul d als o explai n wh y hi s

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father's death, but not his mother's, was so profoundly moving for Freud — his fathe r ha d becom e bot h mothe r an d fathe r fo r him . No t onl y wer e there oedipa l issues , bu t the y wer e superimpose d o n earlie r preoedipa l conflicts a s well. Freud's ambivalenc e toward his mother becam e more obvious afte r he r death i n Septembe r 1930 . Hardi n (1988a ) comment s o n th e tim e Freu d sent hi s daughte r Ann a t o atten d hi s mother' s funeral . Earlier , i n th e summer o f 1930 , Freud ha d sen t Ann a t o Frankfur t a s his representativ e to receiv e th e Goeth e Priz e fo r literature , an d sh e accepte d th e 10,00 0 marks priz e an d a medallion fo r he r father . I n vie w o f Freud' s il l health , this solutio n wa s appropriate . However , Hardi n question s wh y h e late r sent he r a s a surrogate t o hi s mother's funera l i n Vienn a a s well. Hardi n offers severa l interpretations . First , Ann a coul d b e a mourner-by-prox y who woul d b e abl e t o expres s Freud' s grief , whic h h e himsel f coul d no t do becaus e o f hi s ow n alienatio n fro m hi s mother . Second , Hardi n con siders tha t sendin g Ann a wa s a n acting-ou t o f hi s ambivalenc e base d o n the talio n principle : "Freud , i n effect , ha d sen t a surrogat e so n t o hi s mother's funeral , jus t a s hi s mother , durin g a significan t perio d o f hi s infancy, ha d give n ove r a major par t o f his care to a surrogate—the Kin derfrau (nanny) " (85). If thi s wa s th e case , Freu d ha d no t don e thi s deliberately . Hi s acting out o f his vengeance wa s without an y conscious awarenes s o f hi s ambiv alence toward hi s mother. Clearly , seven years after hi s mother's deat h h e was mor e consciousl y awar e o f hi s ambivalenc e towar d her , a s shown i n "Constructions i n Analysis " (1937b) . Durin g thos e seve n years , Freu d must hav e continue d som e self-analysi s o f hi s preoedipa l perio d an d achieved furthe r insight . However , thi s perio d wa s almos t a t th e en d o f his life , an d th e grea t majorit y o f hi s importan t wor k i n developin g psy choanalytic theor y ha d alread y bee n written . Therefore , th e importanc e of th e preoedipa l period , th e rol e o f th e mother , an d th e psycholog y o f female developmen t wer e neve r full y develope d b y him . Freud's colleague s wh o brough t u p th e importanc e o f th e mothe r i n psychoanalytic developmenta l theory , suc h a s Ferenczi , Jung , an d Rank , probably becam e th e recipient s o f Freud' s displace d unconsciou s rag e against hi s mother , an d th e relationship s wer e destroye d a s a result. Thi s was a repetitio n o f wha t ha d happene d wit h Julius , ont o who m Freu d displaced his anger at his mother. These male psychoanalysts unknowingl y became revenants o f his brother Julius an d were symbolically killed off b y Freud's cessation of his relationship with them. The most tragic disruption of a relationship was the lifelong friendshi p betwee n Freu d an d Ferenczi . In hi s non vixit dream , Freu d suggeste d tha t

Female Sexual Development in Freudian Theory 10 1 all my friends have in a certain sense been reincarnations of this first figure... they have been revenants . My nephew (John ) himsel f reappeared i n my boyhood, a t that time we acted the parts of Caesar and Brutus together. My emotional life has always insisted tha t I shoul d have an intimate frien d an d a hated enemy . I have always been able to provide myself afresh wit h both , and it has not infrequend y happened that the ideal situation of childhood has been so completely reproduced that friend an d enemy have come together i n a single individual—though no t of course, both a t once or with constan t oscillations, as may have been the case in my early childhood. (1900 , 421—25) Blum (1983 ) an d Grinstei n (1968 ) sa y tha t Freud' s nephew , John , wa s important a s a childhood friend , bu t mor e likel y h e represente d a scree n object fo r hi s brothe r Julius . Freud' s playin g Brutus , wh o kille d Juliu s Caesar, played by his nephew, provides the rationale for this interpretation. But wh y di d Freu d no t objec t whe n wome n stresse d th e importanc e of th e mothe r i n th e psychoanalyti c theor y o f chil d development ? First , this may have been du e to Freud' s use of the defense o f splitting. Aggres sion wa s displace d awa y from th e mothe r an d fro m femal e analysts , wh o remained idealized , an d i t was projected ont o hi s brother Juliu s an d mal e analysts. Second, the women who were admitted into psychoanalytic training wer e no t primaril y intereste d i n mothering , whic h ma y hav e als o contributed t o making them immune to his anger at mothers. Third, thes e women analyst s ofte n limite d thei r theor y t o femal e chil d development . For thes e an d othe r reasons , Freu d di d no t rejec t thes e wome n analyst s even whe n the y stresse d th e importanc e o f th e mothe r i n chil d development. Although she never developed a comprehensive theory of her own, Lo u Andreas-Salome emphasize d th e earl y preoedipa l relationshi p betwee n mother an d child . Sh e objecte d t o th e pseudo-physica l construct s o f th e libido theor y an d favore d a n interpersona l perspectiv e muc h lik e Kare n Horney, Melani e Klein , an d Clar a Thompson . Simila r t o Klei n an d Thompson, Lo u Andreas-Salom e studie d wit h Sando r Ferencz i i n Bu dapest an d wa s influence d b y him . Sh e emphasize d th e "primar y state " before and after birth, in which there exists a lack of differentiation betwee n the infan t an d it s mothe r (Leav y 1964) . Sh e believe d tha t feminin e sex uality was closer t o reexperiencin g thi s primar y merge d preoedipa l unio n of mothe r an d infant , an d du e les s t o aggressiv e drive s a s i n th e male . Thus her theoretical ideas are closer to modern psychoanalytic theory tha n those o f Freud . She compare d conception , childbearing , an d chil d rearin g i n wome n to th e creativ e process , ver y simila r t o a n artist' s work . Sh e emphasize d

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that this preoedipal relationship, characterized b y a lack of differentiation , was employe d b y th e artis t als o i n creativ e work . Concernin g th e artist , she maintained tha t "he lays hold of this sense experience out of primitiv e impressions i n which worl d an d ma n ar e for hi m undifferentiate d reality , and i t i s this which h e realize s i n hi s work" (Leav y 1964 , 24). Lou Andreas-Salom e wa s th e love r o f th e famou s poe t Raine r Mari a Rilke, an d the y remaine d lifelon g friends . Rilk e ha d als o expresse d som e of thes e idea s abou t creativit y i n hi s Duino Elegies. Lou wa s als o a n ac complished poe t an d novelis t befor e becomin g a psychoanalyst . I n 1882 , the philosophe r Friedric h Nietzsch e ha d falle n desperatel y i n lov e wit h Andreas-Salome an d propose d marriage . Bu t sh e refuse d becaus e sh e fel t he wa s to o emotionall y unstable , an d besides , Nietzsche' s mothe r an d sister wer e jealou s o f he r an d violend y oppose d thei r marriage . I n 188 4 Nietzsche sai d o f Lou , " I hav e neve r know n a more gifte d o r mor e un derstanding creature." Freud himself was strongly attache d to her becaus e of he r brilliance , an d h e continue d a n ongoin g correspondenc e wit h he r for twenty-fiv e year s until he r death . I n a letter he wrote he r i n May 1931, he recognized "your superiority over all of us— i n accord with the heights from whic h yo u descende d t o us " (Jone s 1953).

ii. Preoedipal Development in Girls and Boys

The Preoedipal Timetable The origina l observationa l researc h o f preoedipa l developmen t i n infant s was conducted b y the psychoanalys t Margare t Mahle r an d he r colleague s (Mahler an d Fure r 1968 ; Mahler, Pine , an d Bergma n 1975) . They believe d the earlies t preoedipa l developmenta l phase s wer e simila r fo r bot h sexes . For the first fe w month s afte r birth , the infant wa s supposedly autistic , or unconnected with its surroundings. However, modern infant observationa l research b y Ster n (1985 ) an d other s hav e foun d th e infan t begin s relatin g almost fro m th e momen t o f birt h onward , an d ther e i s no autisti c phase . Mahler the n note d tha t fro m fou r t o si x month s o f age , th e infan t proceeds throug h th e symbioti c phase . Ther e i s a lac k o f differentiatio n between th e sel f and objec t representations . T o dea l with it s helples s de pendency, th e infan t experience s itsel f a s merge d wit h th e mother , a s i f possessing a commo n boundary . B y mergin g wit h th e mother , wh o i s experienced a s omnipotent , th e infan t achieve s a sens e o f power . Her e again Ster n doe s no t conside r tha t ther e i s a direc t developmen t o f th e infant t o th e symbioti c phase . Th e infan t develop s a sens e o f sel f before entertaining th e fantas y o f symbioti c fusio n wit h th e mother . The next phase, according to Mahler, is that of separation-individuation, which last s unti l thre e year s o f age . Thi s stag e i s subdivide d int o th e hatching, practicing , an d rapprochemen t subphases . Mahle r viewe d in dividuation a s the process of acquiring intrapsychic autonomy. Separatio n deals wit h differentiatin g o f sel f fro m th e mother , distancing , an d struc 103

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turing personalit y boundaries . During thi s time, the toddler acquire s motor skill s an d venture s fort h t o explor e th e world . Th e mothe r need s t o allow fo r thi s separation , bu t stil l ha s t o b e availabl e a s an ancho r t o cu e the chil d t o realit y an d a s a refuelin g statio n t o provid e comfor t whe n required. When this process is successful, th e infant ca n internalize aspect s of the mother. The child learns to trust that the mother's love will continue despite he r absence . Because the child's symbolic capacity begins to flourish, object constancy can no w develop . Th e chil d i s abl e t o evok e a n imag e o f th e mothe r i n its memor y whe n needed , jus t a s i f th e actua l mothe r wer e presen t t o provide nurturance , comfort , an d love . A separate an d cohesiv e self apar t from th e mothe r ca n develo p an d become s relativel y mor e an d mor e au tonomous. Th e chil d ca n graduall y tak e ove r it s ow n personality maintaining function s tha t wer e previously provide d b y the mother, suc h as soothing and maintaining a narcissistic equilibrium to sustain self-estee m and confidence . A t thi s point , th e chil d gives u p usin g primaril y th e de fenses o f splittin g an d projectiv e identification , an d i t learn s t o integrat e and tolerat e ambivalence . Other s ar e no w see n a s whol e an d separat e individuals, wh o ar e bot h goo d an d bad . If the mother i s unresponsive o r physicall y or emotionall y unavailable , developmental arres t can result, an d this normal process of differentiatio n and separatio n fro m th e mother ma y not proceed . Durin g th e preoedipa l period o f earl y chil d development , th e rapprochemen t subphas e o f sepa ration-individuation, fro m eightee n t o thirty-si x month s o f age , is a n especially vulnerabl e one . I n th e rapprochemen t subphase , th e infan t give s up it s fusion wit h th e mother an d become s awar e of its own separatenes s and helplessness. The chil d als o begins to give up it s belief in its own an d the mother' s omnipotence , resultin g i n increase d clingin g an d slee p dis turbances. Durin g thi s rapprochemen t crisis , th e infan t become s fearfu l of the loss of the mother a s a separate an d whole objec t an d i s vulnerable to despair . (Melani e Klein [1948 ] noted a similar stage, which sh e terme d the "depressiv e position." ) Th e child' s eg o become s structuralized , a s i t internalizes th e mother' s rules , ideals , an d demand s i n orde r t o for m a superego. The mastery of speech enables the child to express itself verbally, and symboli c pla y help s i t t o maste r it s developmenta l tasks . If developmental arres t occurs, the child may not separat e or b e unabl e to regulat e it s ow n narcissisti c equilibrium . Th e chil d continue s t o b e excessively sensitive to the mother in order to relieve and contain its tension and/or modulat e it s self-esteem . I f separatio n fro m th e mothe r an d a cohesive sense of self are not achieved , later losses of important others , wh o

Preoedipal Development in Girls and Boys 10 5 symbolically represent the preoedipal mother, ma y result in severe depression or psychotic decompensation. These symptoms ar e seen in borderlin e personality disorder s an d psychoti c conditions . I f separatio n bu t no t in dividuation i s accomplished, other s ar e still experienced a s need-satisfyin g objects tha t ar e required t o sustai n th e child' s confidenc e an d self-esteem . This conditio n i s manifeste d i n person s sufferin g narcissisti c personalit y disorders. Patient s wit h thi s narcissisti c proble m retai n a grandiose sens e of sel f an d fee l entitie d t o mak e demand s o f others , opposin g an y limit s to thes e demands . Bot h th e borderlin e an d narcissisti c patient s continu e to use the primitive defense s o f splitting and projective identification , an d attempt t o contro l other s i n orde r t o obtai n neede d narcissisti c supplie s to sustai n th e surviva l o f their sel f and self-esteem .

Gender Differentiation Freud (1933 ) speculate d tha t gende r differentiatio n occurre d lat e durin g childhood, on the basis of possession of a penis. During the oedipal phase, according to him the boy fears loss of the penis, and the girl, seeing herself as alread y castrated , experience s peni s envy . Peni s env y become s a prim e motivation, leadin g th e gir l t o tur n t o he r fathe r an d t o desir e a baby . Freud also considered all children to be bisexual, and that during prephallic development th e clitori s serve s a s the equivalen t o f the phallus . The littl e girl is supposedly unaware of her vagina until puberty. According to Freud, when th e gir l give s u p masturbating , turnin g he r emotiona l investmen t from activit y an d th e "masculine " clitoris t o passivit y an d th e vagina , sh e achieves femininity . Beginning wit h Horne y (1926 , 1932 ) an d Jone s (1927) , theoretician s have stresse d th e preoedipa l perio d a s crucia l fo r gende r development . Horney fel t tha t boy s ha d a greater drea d o f th e all-powerfu l preoedipa l mother than of their oedipal father. The fear of the father is less threatening to tota l survival , i s mor e tangibl e an d les s uncann y tha n th e fea r o f th e mother. Modern observationa l researc h b y Galenso n an d Roiph e (1974 ) an d Galenson (1980 ) hav e questione d Freud' s assumption s abou t earl y fem inine development . The y note d tha t a n earl y genita l phas e occur s i n th e latter hal f of the secon d year , muc h befor e th e oedipa l period . Ther e i s a heightened genita l sensitivit y leading to manua l self-stimulation , rocking , thigh pressure , an d s o on. I n girls , the labia , mon s area , an d clitoris , bu t not th e vagina , ar e th e mai n sites . Afte r discoverin g genita l differences ,

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boys demonstrat e heightene d physica l activit y an d girl s sho w increase d sucking, fear s o f separation , an d concer n ove r bod y imperfections . Gal enson an d Roiph e interprete d thes e reaction s a s a preoedipa l castratio n complex. They felt this facilitated th e girl's erotic shift t o the father, whil e maintaining a n identificatio n wit h th e mother . Similarly , a spur t i n th e boy's identificatio n wit h th e fathe r occurs . Essentially, peni s env y in girl s did not represen t a permanent narcissisti c injury a s Freud ha d postulated , but wa s limite d t o thi s specifi c preoedipa l developmenta l phase . Current researc h considers that during the rapprochement subphas e o f separation-individuation, the development of male and female gender identity occurs . Kleema n (1976 ) note d tha t befor e th e ag e o f two , littl e girl s not onl y discove r their externa l genitalia bu t thei r vagin a a s well. Becaus e the mal e genitali a ar e prominent , girl s develo p a less clea r menta l imag e of their genitalia than boys between two and three years of age. However , girls ar e awar e tha t thei r genital s ar e pleasurable an d ar e valued. Ther e i s an inbor n sens e o f femaleness , whic h wa s als o note d b y Ehrhard t an d Baker (1974) , who attribute d i t t o hormona l an d centra l nervou s syste m patterning. Stolle r (1968 ) note s tha t b y tw o an d a hal f year s o f age , th e child ha s psychologicall y learne d an d permanenti y fixed it s cor e gende r identity. Chodorow (1978 ) ha s contradicte d Freud' s statemen t tha t th e rout e to femininit y wa s circuitous an d difficult . Sh e believe d tha t a girl's devel opment is easier than the boy's. The girl does not need to reject her primary symbiotic identificatio n wit h he r mother , s o that differentiatio n ca n b e a slower and more gradual process. To differentiate an d achieve a masculine identity, th e mal e chil d need s t o den y an d repres s th e dependen t attach ment o n th e mother . Sh e note d tha t boy s conside r anythin g feminin e i n oneself an d other s t o b e devalue d an d unacceptable . T o compensat e fo r the fea r o f th e all-powerfu l preoedipa l mother , wome n an d thei r bodie s have t o b e dominated . Boy s nee d t o erec t distancin g defenses , establis h firm eg o boundaries , an d den y self-othe r connectedness . Th e boy' s sens e of sel f i s mor e separate , an d strivin g fo r autonom y become s mor e para mount fo r hi m tha n fo r a girl. Since girl s maintai n th e mothe r a s th e primar y internalize d object , a more flexible ego boundary that does not need to deny relatedness to others can b e established . Th e girl' s oedipa l lov e fo r he r fathe r diminishe s th e intense dependenc y o n th e mothe r an d facilitate s he r heterosexua l objec t choice. Chodoro w state d tha t althoug h wome n remai n eroticall y hetero sexual, they tend to look to other women to fulfill thei r relationship needs. Because wome n d o no t hav e t o repres s thei r inne r self-objec t worl d a s

Preoedipal Development in Girls and Boys 10 7 men do , thei r relationa l capacitie s ar e greater . Thei r sens e o f sel f is con tinuous wit h others , whic h enable s the m t o reproduc e th e capacit y fo r mothering mor e effectively .

Gender Issues for Freud Because o f th e traumati c los s o f hi s mothe r surrogat e an d th e emotiona l withdrawal o f hi s mothe r durin g th e preoedipa l period , Freu d seem s t o have experienced difficult y i n differentiatin g himsel f from hi s mother an d developing a firm male gender identity. Consciously, Freud's theory abou t bisexuality was derived from th e speculations of his friend Wilhel m Fliess. Fliess believe d bot h sexe s wer e innatel y bisexual , wit h feminin e me n at tracted t o masculin e wome n an d vis a versa . However , Freud' s lac k o f differentiation fro m hi s mothe r durin g th e preoedipa l perio d ma y hav e resulted in his inability to develop male gender constancy. Freud defende d himself agains t hi s proble m b y generalizin g tha t al l me n ha d a feminin e side an d al l wome n ha d a masculin e one . Thi s ide a subsequentl y foun d expression in his theory of bisexuality as a universal biological force. Freu d erroneously used bisexuality as the underpinning for feminine developmen t and t o defin e wha t wa s feminin e an d masculin e i n eac h gender . Voth (1972 ) note d tha t Freu d remaine d symbioticall y attache d t o hi s mother, feare d her , an d fel t guilt y ove r hi s unconsciou s hostilit y towar d her. Accordin g t o Voth , Freud' s adherenc e t o th e concep t o f bisexualit y served no t onl y a defensive nee d bu t wa s als o a symptomati c expressio n of his own basic identification wit h his mother. The theory that bisexualit y was norma l thu s provide d Freu d wit h a rationalization fo r acceptin g th e "feminine" sid e o f his ow n personality . Modern researc h i n th e field o f chil d developmen t b y Stolle r (1968 ) and Mone y an d Ehrhard t (1972 ) hav e contribute d t o ou r differentiatio n of the biological determinants of sexual orientation from th e psychologica l aspect of gender development . Stolle r noted tha t th e cor e gender identit y of a chil d a s a mal e o r femal e i s learne d primaril y fro m cultura l sexua l stereotypes and augmented by biological forces. This process occurs during the second year of life an d become s a permanent par t of the self-image b y two an d a half years . I t determine s ho w on e view s masculinit y an d fem ininity, th e bod y image , th e sens e o f self , an d lif e goals . Mahle r e t al . (1975) als o observe d tha t gende r identit y begin s t o differentiat e durin g the rapprochement subphase and consolidates at the end of the separation individuation phase , a t th e beginnin g o f objec t constancy .

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In a n inclusiv e revie w o f th e etiolog y o f childhoo d gende r identit y disorder, Coate s an d Friedma n (1989 ) specificall y related gender identity disorder to early object loss and the associated experience of helplessness an d vulnerability i n two-year-old males. This sequenc e wa s firs t foun d i n th e cases reporte d b y Frien d e t al . (1954) , wh o note d tha t traumati c event s occurring i n th e first two year s of life produce d gende r identit y disorder s in boys . Disruptio n o f normal separatio n i n thes e boy s occurre d becaus e their mother s experience d emotiona l traum a an d becam e depresse d o r unavailable. Coate s (1985 ) foun d tha t th e boy s suffere d sever e separatio n anxiety, whic h threatene d cohesio n o f th e sel f an d tota l annihilation . A s a reparative maneuver, these boys maintained fusio n wit h th e lost mothe r instead of separating, mourning, and internalizing only aspects of her. The boys employe d th e primitiv e defens e mechanis m o f splitting , wit h ideal ization of the mother. This preserved the internalized image of the mothe r as al l good , an d protecte d i t fro m destructio n b y th e child' s rage . Mos t of these boys later became homosexual as adults, although they represented only a small subgroup of all homosexuals. The mothers also devalued their husbands an d masculinity , an d al l pinned thei r hope s fo r achievemen t o n their sons . Freud's traumatic loss of his mother an d nanny at two years of age may have similarly resulted in his not developing gender stabilit y or constancy . His mothe r suffere d a serie s o f sever e traumati c losse s a t tha t time , in cluding th e deat h o f he r brother , he r bab y Julius , an d th e failur e o f he r husband's business . From Freud' s ow n accounts , she was not emotionall y available, an d h e recalle d experiencin g sever e separatio n anxiety . Instea d of individuatin g fro m hi s mothe r an d establishin g a separat e identity , Freud seems to have remained fused an d identified with her. He continue d to use the internal defense mechanism of splitting, repressing his hostility, and consciousl y idealizin g hi s mother . Furthermore , Amali e prevented Freud's separatio n postoedipally , sinc e sh e live d vicariousl y throug h he r son becaus e her husban d ha d faile d t o b e an adequat e provider . Thu s th e picture o f Freud's preoedipa l traum a closel y fits the researc h findings an d would explai n Freud' s problem s wit h bisexua l feelings. Blum (1990 ) speculate s tha t durin g Freud' s relationshi p wit h Flies s from 188 7 t o 1902 , h e deal t wit h bot h oedipa l an d preoedipa l issues . Freud no t onl y worke d throug h hi s differentiatio n fro m hi s father , bu t also his fusio n wit h hi s mother. Accordin g t o Blum , th e birt h o f Freud' s own si x childre n fro m Octobe r 6 , 1887 , to Decembe r 3 , 1895, reactivated Freud's preoedipa l childhoo d conflict s wit h hi s own mothe r an d siblings . Freud's mothe r ha d give n birt h t o seve n childre n betwee n 185 6 and 1866,

Preoedipal Development in Girls and Boys 10 9 all spaced very closely. Each birth o f a sibling represented a traumatic los s of th e mothe r fo r him . Blu m consider s tha t Freu d fel t deprive d an d be trayed b y his mother a s she displaced he r lov e an d attentio n eac h tim e t o the newbor n baby . During hi s courtshi p t o Marth a Bernays , Freu d wrot e ove r nin e hundred lov e letters , ful l o f passion ; i n the m h e wante d t o kno w ever y detail o f Martha' s life . H e sai d Marth a wa s everythin g t o him , bein g a sweetheart, comrade , workin g companion , an d confidante . H e fel t de prived b y her absence , bu t alive , strong, an d complet e whe n h e was wit h her. During their early years of marriage, Freud remaine d quit e possessiv e of her , an d resente d he r independenc e o f mind . H e attempte d t o mol d her into being exacdy what he wanted, instead of accepting her as a separate person; i n hi s eyes , sh e neede d t o b e a n extensio n o f him , t o b e almos t merged wit h him . On e suspect s tha t Freu d wante d Marth a t o b e th e idealized good mother he did not have, to be exclusively his and controlle d by him. H e experience d th e abandonmen t b y his mother a s being du e t o her pregnancie s an d di d no t wan t t o suffe r he r los s or shar e her wit h an y siblings. I n hi s marriage , Freu d probabl y unconsciousl y hope d h e woul d make u p fo r th e deprivatio n h e ha d suffere d wit h hi s mothe r a s a child . He woul d transfor m Marth a int o a good, nurturant , preoedipa l mother , who woul d alway s b e there fo r hi m an d restor e hi s wounded narcissism . According t o Jones , Marth a di d pu t Freud' s comfor t an d need s first, and neve r mad e demand s o n hi s time . Althoug h sh e ha d a min d o f he r own, sh e wa s basicall y a quie t an d gend e person . However , eac h tim e Martha became pregnant, her pregnancy symbolically represented anothe r displacement fro m hi s mother , whic h Freu d probabl y unconsciousl y re sented. Jus t a s Freud ha d idealize d hi s wife befor e al l her pregnancies , h e now shifte d hi s attachmen t an d idealize d Flies s a s his importan t "other, " who strengthened hi s self-esteem an d restored his narcissistic equilibrium . In a letter o f Jul y 14 , 1894, Freu d considere d Fliess' s prais e t o b e lik e "nectar" an d "ambrosia. " I n th e Jun e 30 , 1896 , lette r t o Fliess , Freu d stated, "I bring nothing bu t two open ears and one temporal lobe lubricated for reception." Blum note s tha t Freu d demonstrate d a feminin e passiv e attitude. H e seem s t o hav e identifie d himsel f wit h hi s pregnan t wif e ( a transference figure fo r hi s mother ) an d experience d Flies s a s the impreg nator ( a transferenc e figure fo r hi s father) . Blu m claim s tha t Freu d wa s able to relive his own early childhood with its themes of loss of the mother , sibling rivalry , an d death ; b y idealizin g Fliess , h e wa s abl e t o separat e from bot h parent s an d wor k throug h hi s identificatio n wit h hi s mothe r and his oedipal guilt toward hi s father. Blu m believe s that Freu d resolve d

Preoedipal Development in Girls and Boys i n case. Freud neede d t o repea t hi s relationship wit h hi s brothe r Juliu s wit h male colleagues such a s Ferenczi, Jung, and Rank, generally around issue s of th e mother' s importanc e durin g chil d developmen t an d feminin e psy chology. The end result was a splintering of the psychoanalytic movemen t that persist s t o thi s day , eve n thoug h th e reaso n fo r it s creatio n i s n o longer valid . Freud ha d allowe d Flies s t o operat e o n on e o f hi s patients , Emm a Eckstein, wh o suffere d fro m hysterica l symptoms . Flies s had constructe d a theory connecting the turbinate bone s of the nose with female sexuality , and he guessed that this operation woul d help relieve Emma's psycholog ical symptoms . Th e surger y wa s performe d i n Februar y 1895 , and Flies s carelessly lef t gauz e i n Emma' s nose . Thi s erro r produce d a hemorrhag e that prove d t o b e almos t fata l t o Emma . In Jul y 1895 , followin g th e poorl y performe d nasa l surgery , Freu d dreamed o f Irma' s injection , i n whic h h e recounte d th e nasa l operatio n on Emm a (Irm a i n the dream) an d denounce d Flies s (Ott o i n the dream ) for his incompetence, carelessness, and irresponsibility. At the time, Freu d still consciously continue d t o idealiz e Fliess , however h e kep t thi s drea m a secre t fro m Fliess . Blu m consider s tha t th e drea m o f Irma' s injectio n also represented a revival an d working throug h o f Freud's witnessin g th e primal scen e o f hi s parents , an d it s associate d feeling s o f sexua l creatio n and destruction . Th e drea m wa s late r publishe d i n th e Interpretation of Dreams (1900), two years before th e breakup of the friendship wit h Fliess . Freud wa s able to terminat e thei r relationshi p whil e retainin g fon d mem ories o f Fliess . In his relationship to Fliess, Freud probably did experience a regression but wa s no t abl e t o achiev e an y significan t resolutio n o f hi s preoedipa l conflicts. It was not until his mother's death that Freud was able to separate and individuate fro m her . Hi s traumatic relationshi p with hi s mother wa s not simpl y an occurrence of his infancy, bu t a n ongoing an d fresh reality , and coul d no t b e analyzed away . Amalie continued t o b e intrusive an d t o exploit Sigmun d durin g hi s entir e lif e fo r he r ow n narcissisti c gain . Sh e used hi m a s a confidant e an d counselo r eve n whe n h e wa s a youngster , and later, as an adult, she vicariously lived through his achievements. Freud remained symbiotically bound to her through adulthood. Amalie pressured her "golden Sigi " to function a s a savior to regain the family's socia l status that ha d bee n los t b y the father . Thi s maternal preferenc e o f the so n ove r the fathe r provide d Freu d wit h a symbolic oedipa l triump h tha t wa s de structive fo r him . Reality agai n adde d t o Freud' s oedipa l guil t for entertainin g patricida l

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his preoedipa l separatio n an d oedipa l castratio n anxiet y a s h e learne d t o differentiate hi s identit y fro m bot h hi s parents . Although thi s woul d hav e bee n th e desirabl e outcome , Blum' s specu lations see m unlikely . Freu d (1937b ) specificall y state s i n hi s "Construc tions i n Analysis " tha t whe n hi s mothe r becam e unavailable , h e shifte d his attachmen t fro m hi s mothe r t o hi s father . Thi s sam e occurrenc e wa s repeated whe n Marth a becam e unavailabl e becaus e o f he r pregnancies . Freud identified with Martha, as he had fused with his mother, and shifte d his attachmen t t o Fliess , a s wit h hi s father : Freu d sa w Flies s a s a trans ference figur e fo r hi s father , t o who m h e cam e "lubricated fo r reception " as a female . In al l likelihood, Freu d was indeed abl e to work through hi s castratio n anxiety with his father an d furthered hi s identification wit h him. By being more abl e t o identif y wit h hi s fathe r an d hi s ow n fatherhood , Freu d n o longer needed to turn to idealized father figures, suc h as Brucke, Meynert , Charcot, an d Breue r t o consolidat e hi s masculin e gende r identity . I t i s interesting tha t Freu d ha d name d eac h o f his children afte r men , o r thei r wives or daughters , whom h e had idolize d a s father figures. Mathilde , hi s firstborn, wa s named after Breuer's wife; Martin after Jean Martin Charcot ; Oliver afte r Olive r Cromwell ; Erns t afte r Erns t Brucke ; an d Sophi e an d Anna afte r Professo r Pau l Hammerschlag' s niec e an d daughter , respec tively. However , t o disagre e wit h Blum , I find i t questionabl e tha t i n hi s self-analysis wit h Fliess , Freu d analyze d an d resolve d hi s relationshi p t o his preoedipa l mother . I n 191 0 Freu d wrot e a lette r t o hi s clos e frien d Ferenczi, commenting o n the ending of his relationship with Fliess : "I n o longer hav e an y nee d t o uncove r m y personalit y completely....Sinc e Fliess's case.. . that nee d ha s bee n extinguished . A par t o f homosexua l cathexis ha s bee n withdraw n an d mad e us e o f t o enlarg e m y ow n ego . I have succeede d wher e th e paranoi c fails " (Jone s 1955 , 83). However, Freu d di d no t differentiat e himsel f fro m hi s mother , an d despite hi s clai m that h e ha d resolve d hi s "homosexual cathexis, " he con tinued t o hav e laten t homosexua l conflicts . A s state d earlier , thi s wa s re flected i n hi s feminin e theor y o f development , whic h emphasize d bisex uality, an d i n hi s idea s abou t homosexuality . I n addition , i n a lette r t o Jones (1953 ) Freu d describe s tha t h e agai n experience d "unrul y homo sexual feelings " when h e fainte d i n fron t o f Jung i n 1912. Blum (1983 ) also mentions that Fliess was born the same year as Freud's brother, Julius . H e suggest s tha t wit h Fliess , Freu d wa s possibl y abl e t o work throug h som e of his guilt abou t his dead brothe r a s well. However , in Freud' s continuin g relationship s t o mal e colleagues , thi s wa s no t th e

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fantasies towar d hi s father , jus t a s i t ha d don e i n hi s feeling s towar d hi s brother Julius . Hi s father' s failure , weakness , an d vulnerabilit y mad e Freud's destructiv e fantasie s see m mor e capabl e o f bein g realize d i n ac tuality. I t wa s onl y afte r hi s father' s deat h tha t Freu d wa s abl e t o wor k through hi s oedipa l conflic t i n hi s self-analysi s an d t o identif y wit h hi m more fully . I further speculat e that it was precisely because his father wa s now dea d that the distinction betwee n fantasy an d reality became sharply delineated . Unconscious fantas y an d externa l realit y n o longe r corresponde d t o on e another, an d now eac h was distinct an d unrelated. Freu d di d no t see m t o be abl e t o wor k throug h hi s unconsciou s hostilit y towar d hi s mother , either, until a number o f years after he r death. After bot h his parents were dead, ther e wa s n o longe r an y threa t tha t hi s omnipoten t rag e woul d destroy eithe r o f them . Fantas y coul d n o longe r becom e externa l reality , and th e parent s becam e sharpl y differentiate d b y realit y itself . Reality , which had bee n a n enemy to Freud's unconscious, now becam e its friend .

12. Maternal Merging in Society and the family

The Group Mind Freud (1921 ) totall y ignore d th e importanc e o f wome n i n hi s writin g o n group psychology , emphasizin g attachmen t t o a powerfu l mal e leader . Therefore, i n thi s chapte r w e will explor e th e importanc e o f th e infant' s merged relationship with the preoedipal mother as the prototype for socia l and famil y organization . The formatio n o f th e famil y grou p enhance s th e chance s fo r a child' s physical survival . I n mos t primitiv e societies , gende r role s i n th e famil y were strictl y separated , rigidl y defined , an d encompassing . Thes e role s were originall y determine d b y biologica l differences . Sinc e wome n gav e birth and lactated, child rearing was generally assigned to them. Since men were usuall y physicall y stronger , the y provide d foo d an d protection . I n addition, b y joining int o a collective group , no t onl y coul d thei r mutua l protection b e greater , bu t the y coul d impos e thei r will o n others . Th e natural formatio n o f thi s collectiv e grou p reste d o n th e basi s o f famil y kinship, resultin g i n th e evolutio n o f tribal societies . Many theorists suggest that in a tribal society, each member's autonom y and individualit y wer e submerge d fo r grou p survival . Member s als o merged symbolically , a s i f t o for m on e physica l body . Th e leade r wa s literally th e head , an d th e follower s wer e th e arms , legs , an d bod y tha t executed the leader's will. Deviations from th e group roles and norms were severely punished, see n not onl y as a personal threat to the leader's powe r 113

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but t o th e physica l surviva l o f th e entir e group . (I n sociology , thi s typ e of authoritarian system was termed ^gemeinschaft society.) The individual's role within th e grou p replace d hi s o r he r uniqueness , bu t th e grou p pro vided socia l suppor t an d securit y fo r all . Thes e group s functione d a s i f they wer e merge d int o a singl e anthropomorphi c entit y wit h a solitar y group mind. Thi s phenomeno n ha s bee n studie d b y philosophers , psy chologists, an d sociologist s suc h a s Hobbes , Spencer , Hegel , Marx , Wundt, Durkheim , Weber , LeBon , an d Freud . In Egyp t durin g th e first century , th e philosophe r Phil o believe d tha t the grou p min d phenomeno n wa s magical . I n Spai n durin g th e twelft h century, th e famou s physicia n an d philosophe r Mose s Maimonide s equated al l group leader s with spellbinder s an d dreamers who coul d exer t their powe r an d contro l ove r a group . Freu d (1921 ) als o compare d th e group leader to a powerful mal e hypnotist; he felt that the group member s had a libidinal attachmen t t o the leader. I n al l these theories, the basi s fo r group functioning reste d on a masculine leader, who possessed some for m of unusual powe r ove r others . The British psychoanalyst Wilfred Bio n disagreed with many of Freud's formulations concernin g grou p functionin g (Bio n 1961) . Bio n agree d with th e psychologist s LeBo n an d McDougall , wh o explaine d tha t th e group min d i s du e t o a n inherite d her d instinct , a notio n rejecte d b y Freud. Bion observed normal groups of individuals at the Tavistock Clini c in Londo n afte r Worl d Wa r II . H e note d tha t whe n individual s wer e placed int o a grou p wit h a leade r wh o wa s emotionall y abstinent , th e members experienced feelings of helplessness. To cope with what Kleinians called impending "psychotic anxiety" (what others term "annihilation anx iety"), al l the members temporaril y regressed , los t their individuality , an d used th e defens e o f projectiv e identification . The y demonstrate d a grou p mind behavio r tha t wa s base d o n a n unconscious fantas y tha t wa s share d by all the members. The fantasy itself was founded on irrational and magical thinking. Bion calle d thes e merge d group s basic assumption group, an d h e wa s able to differentiat e thre e types : dependency , fight/flight, an d pairing . I n dependency, the members looked for an absolute leader or deity upon who m to depend ; i n fightlflight, ther e wa s a n outsid e enem y tha t neede d t o b e attacked or avoided; in pairing, ther e was the messianic hope that a couple would giv e birt h t o a chil d wh o woul d b e a savio r fo r th e grou p an d resolve th e members 5 hatred an d despair . Bion noted that the leader was not a powerful spellbinde r or hypnotist , as Freud an d others had postulated. Instead , leaders relinquished a s much

Maternal Merging in Society and the Family 11 5 of their individuality as the group members did. They unconsciously shared the sam e collectiv e magica l beliefs , becaus e o f a simultaneous proces s o f projection an d identificatio n betwee n th e leade r an d th e members . Thu s the leaders ' control o f the group di d no t com e fro m th e strengt h o f thei r personalities, bu t i t wa s base d o n a shared unconsciou s fantas y i n whic h the leade r fulfille d a role assigne d b y the group . I n addition , Bio n note d that leader s wit h certai n personalitie s wer e mor e suite d fo r a particula r form o f basic assumption group . Fo r example , in the fight/flight group , a leader wit h a paranoi d personalit y coul d hel p focu s o n a targe t tha t th e group coul d attac k o r escape .

Regression to the Preoedipal Stage Although Bio n contribute d t o th e understanding o f the group min d phe nomenon b y pointin g ou t th e us e o f projectiv e identification , h e stil l attributed i t t o a n inherite d her d instinct . W e no w hypothesiz e tha t pro jective identification an d splitting ar e primitive defenses use d during earl y infancy, whe n th e chil d is less differentiated fro m th e mother. Unlik e th e more matur e defens e o f projection , i n whic h eg o boundarie s ar e intact , in projective identification aspect s of oneself can be projected onto anothe r who expresse s them . I sugges t tha t th e grou p min d phenomeno n occur s when a group of people feel helpless and unable to cope in an adult fashion . Because o f annihilatio n anxiety , the y regres s t o a preoedipal for m o f ad aptation—which had previously been used during infancy with their mothers—and us e fantasy an d magical thinking t o dea l with thei r helplessness . Instead o f merging with th e preoedipal mother, th e group member s no w merge wit h on e anothe r an d th e leader , a s i f the y wer e a singl e anthro pomorphic body . Mahler an d Fure r (1968 ) suggeste d tha t infant s us e projectio n o f om nipotence an d mergin g wit h thei r preoedipa l mother s t o dea l wit h help lessness. This proces s occur s i n th e first yea r o f lif e durin g th e symbioti c phase o f chil d development . On e ca n conside r tha t i n basi c assumptio n groups, ther e i s a psychological regressio n o f al l the members , a s well a s the leader , t o thi s symbioti c phas e o f developmen t (Slip p 1988a) . Thi s regression occur s becaus e group member s experienc e themselve s agai n a s helpless to cope with their environment, just as they did a s small children, and the y unconsciousl y suffe r annihilatio n anxiety . Al l th e member s a s well as the leader revert to using this form of symbiotic adaptation, derived from th e earl y preoedipal infant-mothe r relationship , a s a magical way o f

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dealing wit h thei r helplessnes s late r i n life . Wit h th e los s o f individua l boundaries, the resultin g prima l feeling s ar e experienced b y all the grou p members a s a for m o f emotiona l contagion . Th e primitiv e defense s o f splitting and projective identification ar e again resurrected and shared. The group member s agai n us e th e defens e o f splitting , seein g th e sel f an d others i n shar p dichotomie s o f good o r bad , lov e or hate , all powerful o r helpless. Throug h projectiv e identification , th e member s projec t a sens e of omnipotenc e int o th e idealize d leade r wit h who m the y merge . Sinc e ego boundarie s ar e diffuse d an d ar e no t differentiated , th e member s ca n feel as if they are the leader and become vicariously empowered. This time it is not onl y one individual (th e child) vicariousl y living through anothe r (the preoedipa l mother ) durin g th e symbioti c stag e i n orde r t o fee l em powered; i t i s al l th e grou p member s an d th e leader . I n a paralle l way , the grou p leade r als o regresses t o thi s symbioti c level , bu t identifie s wit h the rol e o f the all-powerfu l preoedipa l mother . I hav e terme d thi s typ e o f grou p functionin g th e "symbioti c surviva l pattern" (Slip p 1969 , 1973 , 1976 , 1977 ) • Ther e i s n o nee d t o emplo y any speculativ e inherite d her d instinct , whic h als o minimize s th e impor tance of the mother. A simpler explanation ca n be drawn fro m earl y child development. Th e abilit y t o us e fantas y an d merg e wit h anothe r int o a state o f onenes s i s part o f our inbor n heritage , first experience d wit h th e preoedipal mothe r durin g norma l infan t development . I t i s demonstrate d in Bion's basi c assumption group s an d sociall y in authoritaria n an d prim itive societies . I foun d a similar type of symbiotic group adaptation , wit h breakdow n of individua l boundaries , i n m y researc h o f dysfunctiona l familie s con taining a n emotionall y il l chil d (Slip p 1984 , 1988a) . I n thes e families , individual autonom y was unconsciously restricte d to preserve cohesion o f the famil y a s a group. Thi s sacrific e o f a n independen t identit y appeare d to b e relate d t o th e developmen t o f emotiona l disorder s i n on e o r mor e children i n th e family . Specifi c form s o f splittin g an d projectiv e identifi cation wer e foun d t o b e relate d t o specifi c form s o f emotiona l disorder s in youn g adults . (Se e diagra m o n p . 117.) Familial interaction alon e i s not th e sol e factor fo r th e developmen t o f psychopathology in a child, but it appears to be contributory. For example, in twi n adoptio n studies , a geneti c predispositio n wa s foun d i n th e de velopment o f schizophreni a (Ket y e t al . 1968) . Althoug h a geneti c pre disposition wa s necessary , i t wa s no t sufficient : i t require d a disturbe d family interaction a s well (Tienari et al. 1984)- Genetically loaded children , reared i n relativel y norma l families , wer e a t n o greate r ris k t o develo p schizophrenia tha n childre n withou t geneti c loading .

Maternal Merging in Society and the Family 117 Hysterical an d e Condition s

Schizophrenia Borderlin FATHER *

Z*>

MOTHE R FATHE

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CHILD CHIL "Scapegoat" "Go-Between

Depression Delinquenc FATHER *

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Overinvolved for m o f y R4

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Categorization o f famil y interaction . Th e fathe r i s indicated a s the initiato r o f splittin g an d projective identificatio n i n al l four pattern s fo r purpose s o f simplicity. Th e mothe r ma y just as well b e th e initiator , excep t i n hysterica l an d borderlin e conditions , i n which th e chil d i s female. Projectiv e identificatio n i s used a s the intrapsychi c an d interpersona l defens e mech anism tha t induce s other s t o ac t ou t th e internalize d sel f or objec t image . Th e chil d serve s as a container fo r th e parent' s projectiv e identification , an d a negative feedbac k cycl e is thu s established tha t (1 ) maintain s th e personalit y integrit y o f th e parents , (2 ) maintain s th e family homeostasis, or balance defenses, and (3) sustains developmental fixation in the patient. In al l these instance s th e chil d i s made responsibl e fo r th e self-estee m and , i n schizophreni a and borderlin e conditions , th e surviva l o f th e parent(s) , thereb y establishin g a symbioti c survival pattern . I n on e typ e o f delinquency , splittin g an d projectiv e identificatio n o f th e bad sel f into one chil d an d th e good sel f into anothe r chil d occurs. (Reprinte d fro m Samue l Slipp, Object Relations: A Dynamic Bridge between Individual and Family Treatment. Northvale , N.J.: Jaso n Aronson , 1984 )

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In our own research of families containing an adolescent schizophrenic , the patien t wa s found t o be scapegoated (Slip p 1973) . One or bot h o f the parents ha d not adequately internalize d thei r preoedipa l mothe r i n childhood, remaine d narcissisticall y vulnerable , an d still unconsciously neede d the spous e t o functio n a s a good materna l objec t t o sustai n self-estee m and personalit y integrity . Sinc e ange r wa s experienced a s destructive t o the parental relationship, it was split off and projected ont o the child, who was demeane d o r ignored, a s if it was the bad mother. B y projecting th e anger ont o th e child, who became th e container o f the anger , th e famil y cohesion wa s preserved. However , thi s "cohesion " was at the expense of the child , wh o develope d a negativ e self-identit y an d was unable t o integrate ambivalenc e int o it s own personality functioning . In ou r stud y o f familie s wit h a hysterica l o r borderlin e chil d (Slip p 1977), ange r wa s no t avoide d i n th e parents ' relationshi p bu t splittin g still occurred . I n mos t o f our cases th e patients wer e female . I f the wif e refused t o giv e u p he r identit y an d b e use d b y her husban d a s a need satisfying goo d preoedipal mother, he devalued her as a bad mother. The n the chil d wa s idealized a s the good mothe r an d used b y the husband t o serve a s a go-between or surrogat e spouse . Eve n thoug h th e child ha d an oedipal victory, it required compliance to the father's need s at the expense of the child's developmental needs. The hysteric maintained thi s seductiv e alliance an d di d t o other s wha t wa s don e t o hi m o r her , tha t is , use d sexuality to get narcissistic nurturance. Bu t the borderline youngste r who was initially seduced into this alliance later suffered a lasting and traumatic rejection. In researchin g familie s wit h a depressed youn g adult , w e foun d tha t one spous e perceive d th e othe r spous e a s a failur e (Slip p 1986) . Thi s spouse assumed dominance, demeaning the failed spouse who represented the bad self, and lived vicariously through th e child's social achievements , the goo d self . Th e chil d wa s pressured t o achieve , an d threatene d wit h rejection i f he o r sh e failed. However , succes s wa s not validate d b y the dominant parent , whic h kep t thi s chil d boun d dependend y fo r approval . The child could not own its success and build confidence, which interfere d with it s growth towar d independence . Th e child fel t itsel f to be in a nowin dilemma : ther e wa s no nurturanc e whethe r i t succeede d o r failed . I termed thi s "th e double bin d o n achievement." (Thi s no-wi n dilemm a is similar to the experiments in learned helplessness that produce depression , where animal s ar e punished n o matter wha t choic e the y mak e [Seligma n and Maie r 1967]. ) Thi s child' s ow n need s wer e no t met , but h e o r she was use d a s a savior to restor e th e self-estee m o f th e dominan t parent .

Maternal Merging in Society and the family 11

9

Depressives internaliz e th e nongratifyin g parenta l relationship , s o the y cannot gratif y themselve s fo r succes s an d suffe r sever e narcissisti c injur y for failure. Because of the fear of rejection, they have difficulty i n expressing anger direcdy ; ange r i s instea d eithe r turne d o n th e sel f o r expresse d i n passive-aggressive oppositiona l behavior . In on e for m o f delinquency , a chil d ma y ac t ou t agains t societ y for a parent. The child may serve as an avenger for a parent, who lives vicariously through the child and expresses the rage of his or her negative self through the child . Al l thes e pattern s wer e foun d i n norma l o r mildl y disturbe d families a s well. Severa l pattern s coul d coexis t simultaneousl y wit h differ ent children , o r eve n wit h th e sam e chil d a t differen t times . I n thes e in stances, the child fulfills a rigid encompassing rol e for others—to preserv e the integrity of the family as a group—but the child's needs are not met. In many respects, these dysfunctional familie s behav e similarly to prim itive tribal societies in their use of collusive magical fantasies. The fantasie s are usually unconscious an d no t myths , a s in triba l societies. However, i n some dysfunctional familie s a conscious myth does exist, similar to a taboo in primitive societies. The family myth is that if a member openly expresses anger, i t woul d upse t a parent , wh o woul d becom e sick , hav e a nervou s breakdown, o r die . The rule s and rol e structure o f both th e dysfunctiona l family an d th e triba l societ y severel y constric t th e autonom y o f it s mem bers. Th e resul t i s a diminutio n o f eac h individual' s identit y i n favo r o f the group' s survival . I n summary , th e infant' s symbioti c relationshi p t o the mothe r form s th e underlyin g basi s fo r thes e primitiv e type s o f socia l groups, whic h includ e triba l societies , gemeinschaft societies , cults , total itarian groups , th e basi c assumptio n group s o f Bion , a s well a s dysfunc tional families .

Laboratory Tachistoscopic Studies Lloyd Silverma n (1971 ) devise d a laboratory techniqu e tha t bypasse d th e conscious perceptual barrier and activated unconscious fantasies to influence affect, thought , behavior , leve l o f self-differentiation , an d psychopathol ogy. Throug h th e us e o f a two-channe l tachistoscope , a pictur e an d a message wer e flashed simultaneousl y a t speed s to o rapi d t o b e perceive d consciously. I n moderatel y differentiate d schizophreni c patients , th e sub liminal message of "MOMMY AND I ARE O N E " was temporarily ameliorativ e in reducin g schizophreni c though t disorder . However , i n schizophreni c patients wit h a low leve l of differentiatio n fro m th e mother , a s measure d

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on psychologica l testing , th e same symbioti c "MOMMY " messag e wa s in effective. The lack of response was felt to occur because this message could lead t o greater mergin g wit h th e internalized mothe r an d obliteration o f the self. Schizophrenic patient s exposed to the aggressive subliminal stim ulation, "DESTRO Y MOTHER, 55 experienced a loss of the internalized mothe r and an increase in thought disorder. A number of other studies (Silverma n and Wolitzk y 1982 ) showed tha t sublimina l activatio n o f th e "MOMM Y AND 1 AR E ONE 55 messag e increase d th e effectiveness o f counseling treat ment wit h phobi c women , overweigh t women , cigarett e smokers , an d alcoholics. I n grou p an d individual psychotherapy , exposur e t o thi s maternal symbiotic gratification messag e fostered a safe holding environmen t that permitte d greate r trus t an d openness. In our subliminal activation research, we studied forty-eight neuroticall y depressed women t o validate my theory of a double bin d on achievemen t in depression (Slip p and Nissenfeld 1981) . The theory was operationalize d and a Succeed-Fail questionnair e devise d t o measure parenta l pressur e as well as self-pressure an d gratification fo r achievement. It was administere d prior t o tachistoscopic exposure , alon g wit h th e Beck Depressio n Inven tory an d Burdoc k an d Hardesty 5s Structure d Clinica l Interview . Befor e and after tachistoscopi c exposure, each woman was administered the Multiple Affect Adjectiv e Checklis t an d Thematic Apperception Tes t t o measure depression , hostility , an d feeling s o f well-being . I n addition , Silverman5s Adjective Ratin g Scale was used to determine the level of selfobject differentiation . Th e messages use d include d "MOMM Y AN D I AR E ONE,55 "DESTROY MOTHER,55 "SUCCEED FOR MOTHER OR FATHER,55 "SUCCEED FOR YOURSELF, 55 and a control message of "PEOPLE AR E WALKING. 55 A strict double-blind procedur e was used so that neither the experimenter nor subjec t kne w whic h messag e was being flashed. Only the maternal symbiotic message of "MOMMY AND I ARE ONE 55 was effective i n reducin g depressio n amon g thes e women . However , i f the relationship o f these women t o their mother s ha d been note d t o be pressuring and nongratifying o n our Succeed-Fail questionnaire , the maternal symbiotic message was not effective. The mother had not been experienced as a comforting an d accepting person. This finding showed the importance of th e quality o f the internalized relationshi p t o th e mother. Thi s resul t was in keeping with Silverman's general findings with other populations— that onl y whe n th e mother wa s experienced a s a good, gratifyin g objec t was th e "MOMM Y AN D I AR E ONE 55 messag e ameliorative .

The "DESTRO Y MOTHER 55 message did not increase depression with thi s group of women who suffered neurosi s as it did in subliminal studies with

Maternal Merging in Society and the Family 12 1 depressives wh o wer e psychotic . Thi s fac t probabl y indicate d a greate r degree of aggression in psychotic patients. It would validate the psychoan alytic findin g o f Kar l Abraha m (1911 ) tha t th e psychoti c depressiv e de stroyed th e internalize d mothe r (a s well a s the self ) intrapsychically . Th e neurotic depressive, on the other hand, preserved the internalized mother . The cor e o f the sel f is related t o th e internalize d goo d mothe r fro m earl y infancy. Th e effectivenes s o f thi s message , i n activatin g th e unconsciou s wish fo r fusio n wit h th e internalize d goo d mothe r t o preserv e th e self , supports the psychoanalytic theories of Jacobson (1971) , Mahler and Fure r (1968), and m y ow n wor k (Slip p 1973). In a stud y o f underachievers , Greenber g (1980 ) an d I (Slip p 1984 ) conducted a simila r double-blin d stud y o f 10 8 high-schoo l student s o f both sexes . We employe d sublimina l stimulatio n i n a therapeutic fashio n to se e i f i t coul d improv e thei r academi c scores . I n additio n t o th e test s mentioned above , we used the Tennessee Self-Concep t Scal e and Cohen' s Fear o f Succes s Scale . W e use d th e sam e materna l symbioti c message , "MOMMY AN D 1 ARE ONE, " a s wel l a s "M Y SUCCES S I S OK. " Thi s latte r message was substituted for "SUCCEE D FO R YOURSELF, " which was foun d not t o work , probabl y becaus e i t stimulate d autonomou s functioning . I n my theor y o f depression , succes s an d autonom y ar e ofte n equate d wit h rejection. Therefore , autonom y wa s to o threatening , an d th e messag e needed t o b e ignored . Th e ne w messag e sanctione d succes s whil e main taining the needed dependen t relationshi p wit h th e good internalize d pa rental object. We used the same control message, "PEOPLE ARE WALKING. " The contro l an d experimenta l group s wer e expose d t o sublimina l stimu lation fou r time s a week fo r si x weeks, an d th e result s wer e compare d t o one another . W e foun d th e "MOMM Y AN D I AR E O N E " messag e t o b e effective i n improvin g schoo l performanc e i n boys , bu t no t i n girls . I n boys, thi s messag e wa s mos t effectiv e whe n th e mothe r wa s experience d as gratifying. Whe n th e mother s wer e see n a s gratifying, sublimina l stim ulation als o resulte d i n a reductio n o f anxiety , hostility , an d depression , as wel l a s i n a n increas e i n th e nee d t o achieve . However , thi s messag e was not effective i n boys who saw their mothers a s pressuring for achieve ment but nongratifying. This latter group of boys had a high fear of success, a lower self-concept, an d a lower self-mother an d self-father differentiatio n on tests . The "MOMM Y AN D I AR E ONE " messag e di d no t improv e th e girls ' school performance a t all . Instead, i t cause d higher anxiety , hostility, an d depression, a s well a s lowering th e nee d t o achieve . When girl s sa w thei r relationship t o thei r mother s a s less gratifying an d more conflictual , thei r

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need t o achiev e wa s even lower . Thes e girl s demonstrate d lowe r differ entiation of themselves from thei r mothers. The MOMM Y message may not have bee n effectiv e becaus e i t increased th e girls5 identification wit h thei r mothers. I t i s the mother s wh o usually contai n o r transmi t th e cultura l values tha t d o no t reinforc e achievemen t i n women. A lessenin g o f dif ferentiation o f the self from th e mother woul d onl y increas e th e conflic t over achievement . Th e girls demonstrate d evidenc e o f this conflic t b y an increase i n anxiety, hostility , an d depression. A s further evidenc e fo r thi s conclusion, th e "MOMM Y AN D I AR E O N E " message was found t o b e the least effectiv e i n boys a s well a s in girls who were th e least differentiate d from thei r mothers . Both girl s an d boy s wh o score d hig h o n th e fea r o f succes s scale s responded poorl y t o the MOMM Y messag e an d also showe d a lower self concept an d further los s o f self-mothe r differentiatio n afte r stimulation . The fear of success has been attributed by Canovan-Gumpert, Garner , and Gumpert (1978) , Cohe n (1974) , an d J . R . Mille r (1978 ) t o negativ e reinforcement b y one or bot h parent s o f movement b y the child towar d self-expression an d mastery. Separatio n from th e family an d individuation are experienced b y the child as threatening to the parent(s), and independent succes s i s avoided t o prevent rejection . The "M Y SUCCES S I S OK" message was the only one effective i n gaining higher grad e score s fo r girls . However , eve n thoug h thei r achievemen t improved, thes e girl s experience d highe r level s o f anxiety , hostility , an d depression. Thi s messag e wa s mos t effectiv e whe n th e girl s sa w thei r mothers a s nongratifying bu t experience d thei r father s a s less conflicte d about achievement . Followin g testing , thes e girl s showe d a lowering o f differentiation o f the self from thei r fathers. Thus the message sanctionin g success seemed to be associated with bein g closer to and identifying wit h a gratifyin g messag e fro m thei r fathers . In conclusion , th e SUCCESS message served a s a support fo r these girl s for achievemen t fro m thei r fathers ; i t seeme d t o neutraliz e th e fea r o f success an d autonom y the y derive d fro m thei r mothers . Bolsterin g a n identification wit h th e father' s achievemen t tende d t o diminis h th e dependency o n th e mother . Eve n thoug h the y ha d goo d intentions , th e mothers probabl y personifie d th e value s o f a cultur e tha t constric t an d block women' s achievement . The "M Y SUCCES S I S OK" message worked only to improve grades with boys wh o had a high fea r o f success an d autonomy, an d also resulte d i n a reductio n o f anxiety , hostility , an d depression . A s with th e girls , thi s SUCCESS messag e reduce d differentiatio n o f the sel f fro m th e father. Al l

Maternal Merging in Society and the Family 12 3 these success-fearing boy s reported experiencin g their mothers a s nongratifying o f achievement . Afte r sublimina l stimulation , the y fel t les s differ entiated an d close r t o thei r fathers , wh o serve d a s a goo d objec t fo r sanctioning succes s an d autonomy . This experimental laboratory evidence seemed to validate aspects of my theory o f th e doubl e bin d o n achievemen t i n depression . Eve n thoug h there is pressure by the parents for success, the achievement is not gratified . In thi s way , th e succes s is not validate d an d th e chil d remain s tie d t o th e parent, hoping for approval . The child cannot own its own success to gain strength, an d striving s fo r autonom y ar e blocked . Thi s i s a pattern espe cially foun d i n girls , wh o ar e place d int o a positio n o f competitio n i n school ye t fee l blocke d fro m succes s b y th e culture . J . R . Mille r (1978 ) found tha t mother s ver y strongl y interfere d wit h th e movemen t towar d autonomy i n success-fearin g girls , bu t di d s o les s wit h boys . Thi s wa s attributed t o th e fac t tha t independenc e an d succes s ar e no t congruen t with the feminine rol e in our cultur e but were acceptable to the masculin e one.

13. Freud^s Support of Career-Oriented Women

The Paradox between Theory and Personal Relations Although Freud was no admirer of feminism in his writings, in his personal and professional lif e he promoted th e growth o f a number of women wh o were caree r oriente d an d feminist . Characteristically , thes e wome n wer e either unmarried , separated , o r i f they were marrie d thei r husband s wer e not importan t t o the m (Roaze n 1984) . Freu d welcome d the m int o th e psychoanalytic group ; h e foun d the m les s difficul t an d competitiv e tha n men. H e enjoye d bein g closel y surrounde d b y thi s grou p o f talented , assertive, an d ambitiou s women , an d maintaine d no t onl y professiona l contact bu t establishe d sincer e friendship s wit h man y of the m tha t laste d through hi s lifetime . These women analysts included Lou Andreas-Salome, Marie Bonaparte, Dorothy Burlingham , Rut h Mac k Brunswick , Helen e Deutsch , Jeann e Lampl-de Groot , Hermin e vo n Hug-Hellmuth , Arm y Katan , Mariann e Kris, Mira Oberholzer , Ev a Rosenfeld , an d Eugenia Sokolnicka . Som e o f them shielde d hi m fro m visitors , arranged hi s vacations, an d stoo d watc h over his health. Just as he began life surrounded b y his mother, his nanny, and late r b y fiv e sisters , Freu d ende d hi s lif e surrounde d b y carin g an d protective women . Traditionally in Victorian society, when men retired or died they passed on thei r occupationa l an d family interest s t o their sons , usually the eldest . However, i t wa s Freud' s younges t daughter , Anna , wh o woul d carr y hi s 124

Freutfs Support of Career-Oriented Women 12 5 legacy o f psychoanalysis , an d no t hi s sons . Ann a happil y accepte d thi s mantle fro m Freu d man y year s befor e h e died . Sh e prove d t o b e a loya l daughter during his long and painful bou t with cancer, which had require d repeated surger y an d th e dail y placemen t o f a n uncomfortabl e prosthesi s into hi s mout h t o enabl e hi m t o ea t an d talk . Ann a neve r marrie d an d devoted he r lif e t o him . Becaus e Freu d ha d difficult y talking , Anna gav e his honorary speeche s an d read his scientific paper s at psychoanalytic con gresses. During Freud's lifetime, Anna cared for her father physically ; afte r his death, sh e vigorously protecte d hi s work fro m attempt s a t revision b y Melanie Klei n an d other s withi n th e Britis h Psychoanalyti c Society . Freud als o acknowledged th e scientifi c contribution s t o psychoanalysi s by women i n hi s own writings . A number o f these women wer e speciall y honored b y bein g give n th e secre t rin g Freu d bestowe d upo n hi s mos t talented an d favorit e analysts . Eac h rin g containe d a differen t intagli o stone, a n engrave d ge m tha t ancien t Roman s ha d use d a s a seal. Freud' s own rin g had th e head of Jupiter engrave d int o his ancient intaglio stone . Originally, i n 1913 , Freud ha d give n a ston e t o eac h o f th e member s o f his secret committee, which consiste d o f Karl Abraham, Sando r Ferenczi , Ernest Jones , Ott o Rank , an d Harm s Sachs . At th e suggestio n o f Jones , this grou p ha d bee n forme d prio r t o th e departur e o f Adler an d Jun g t o protect th e futur e o f psychoanalysis . I n a lette r t o Jone s o n Augus t 1 , 1912, about th e secre t committee , Freu d wrote : What too k hold o f my imagination immediatel y i s your ide a of a secret council composed o f the best and most trustworth y amon g our men to take care of the further development s of psychoanalysis and defend th e cause against personalities and accidents when I am no more I know there is a boyish and perhaps romantic element to o i n thi s conception , bu t perhap s i t coul d b e adapte d t o mee t th e necessities of reality. Even though th e committee dissolve d an d the rings lost their symboli c significance afte r Worl d Wa r I , Freu d continue d t o giv e secre t ring s t o those h e considere d closest t o him . I t wa s a s if they were members o f his personal family , wit h Freu d assumin g th e rol e of a parental figure. Thes e later recipient s o f the rin g were no longe r restricte d t o men . The wome n who receive d th e ring , beside s hi s daughte r Anna , wer e Lo u Andreas Salome, Mari e Bonaparte , Rut h Mac k Brunswick , Doroth y Burlingham , Gisela Ferenczi , Henn y Freud , Edit h Jackson , Katherin e Jones , an d Ev a Rosenfeld. Freu d expresse d concer n an d admiratio n fo r thei r profession al accomplishments . H e carrie d o n a lifelon g correspondenc e wit h Lo u

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Andreas-Salome, an d sough t he r opinion s an d thos e o f othe r wome n analysts concernin g hi s ne w an d evolvin g idea s i n psychoanalysis . Hi s unmarried sister - in-law, Minna Bernays, also appreciated and emotionall y supported Freud' s work . Freud an d hi s immediat e famil y wer e rescue d fro m th e Nazi s largel y through th e effort s o f Mari e Bonaparte , wh o remaine d on e o f Freud' s closest friend s an d associates . I t wa s sh e who als o rescue d Freud' s letter s to Flies s an d had the m publishe d afte r hi s death. These letter s provide a n invaluable windo w int o th e dail y lif e o f Freu d durin g th e tim e h e formulated psychoanalysis . Thu s on e ca n se e a paradox betwee n Freud' s writings abou t wome n a s second-clas s citizen s an d castrate d males , an d his valuin g o f wome n i n hi s persona l life . I n turn , thes e wome n demonstrated esteem , intimacy , an d loyalty t o Freud .

Jensen's Gradiva and Freud's Preoedipal Mother Freud considered his most significant discovery to be the Oedipus complex, which he felt formed th e core of most neuroses. In his consultation room , he had place d on th e wall at the foot o f his analytic couch a reproductio n of th e pictur e b y Ingres , "Oedipu s Interrogatin g th e Sphinx. " Nex t t o i t there was a reproduction of the bas relief of a young woman called Gradiva. This locatio n wa s th e plac e o f hono r i n hi s study . O n thi s wal l Freud' s two grea t loves—archeolog y an d psychoanalysis—me t (Ga y 1978) . However, on e ca n suspec t ther e wa s furthe r significanc e t o thes e placements . On hi s tri p t o Rom e i n Septembe r 1907 , Freu d wrot e hi s wif e tha t h e saw "a dear familia r face " at the Vatican museum . Hig h u p o n a wall was the ba s relie f o f Gradiva , whic h portraye d a youn g woma n assertivel y stepping forwar d wit h confidenc e an d grace . H e bough t a reproductio n for his office an d was overjoyed a t this acquisition. Why was this sculptur e a familiar face ? The previous year Freud had written a psychohistory based on the novel Gradiva by Wilhelm Jensen . Jensen' s stor y wa s abou t a German archeol ogist, Norber t Hanold , wh o ha d give n u p hi s childhoo d girlfrien d t o pursue his career. On visiting Rome, Hanold saw this bas relief and named her Gradiva, "the girl who steps along." It portrayed the profile of a slender young Roma n girl , with he r hea d down , clothe d i n a flowing gow n tha t is slightl y raise d a t th e ankle , briskl y walkin g forward . Afte r buyin g it , Hanold hun g i t on a wall of his study. Then he had a nightmare i n whic h he sa w Gradiv a bein g burie d unde r th e ashe s o f Vesuviu s i n Pompeii .

Freutfs Support of Career-Oriented Women 12 7 However, instea d o f makin g thi s catastroph e occu r i n A.D . 79 , he enter tained th e delusio n tha t th e eruptio n o f Vesuvius occurre d now . H e im mediately wen t t o Pompeii , wher e h e accidentall y encountere d hi s childhood girlfriend . Sh e recognize d hi s delusio n an d hope d t o restor e him t o reality . Hanol d aske d he r t o wal k i n fron t o f him ; sh e complie d and simulated the gait of Gradiva from the bas relief. By using his delusion, she was abl e t o cur e him . Freud considered that in having the living girl copy the walk of Gradiva, Jensen ha d provide d th e ke y t o th e symbolis m Hanol d use d t o disguis e the represse d memor y o f his love for hi s girlfriend. Freu d fel t tha t repres sion burie s a memory an d preserve s i t and , lik e archeology , i s unearthe d by psychoanalysis. However , eve n her e on e migh t commen t tha t Hanol d did no t uneart h hi s represse d memorie s an d brin g the m int o consciou s awareness. Instead , hi s girlfrien d acte d the m ou t fo r him . I woul d furthe r sugges t tha t thi s ba s relief of Gradiva an d th e stor y b y Jensen had a special significance for Freud . Freud himself was like the her o Hanold of the novel in having lost a beloved girlfriend fro m hi s childhood. He had als o devoted himself to his career and repressed his early longings. Like Hanold , Freud' s wor k i n psychoanalysi s ma y hav e bee n a wa y o f attempting to unearth thes e repressed feeling s an d memories. In the sum mer o f 1872 , Freud returne d t o hi s birthplac e i n Freiberg , Moravia . H e was accompanie d b y tw o o f hi s friend s fro m th e Sperlgymnasium , an d they staye d wit h th e Flus s famil y (Hardi n 1988b) . Hi s parent s ha d kep t in touch with the family since leaving Freiberg thirteen years earlier. Freud , who wa s sh y wit h girls , silend y fel l i n lov e wit h thei r youn g daughter , Gisela. When sh e left, Freu d fel t beref t an d mourne d he r los s by walkin g alone i n th e woods . However, i n a lette r t o hi s frien d Silberstei n (Clar k 1980) , Freu d re vealed tha t h e ha d anothe r passio n a s well—Gisela' s mother . H e com mented tha t despit e he r bourgeoi s upbringing , Mrs . Flus s was a culture d woman with a wide breadth of knowledge, as well as a loving and nurturant mother. H e wrote : You should als o see how she brought u p her seven children an d how she is still bringing them up; how they obey her, the older ones more than the younger ones, how no concern of any of the children ceases to be hers....Other mothers—an d why hide the fact that ours are among them; we shall not love them any the less for it— only look after the physical needs of their sons. Their spiritual development has been taken out of their hands... Frau Fluss knows no sphere that is beyond her influence....Sh e obviousl y recognize s tha t I alway s need encouragemen t t o

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speak or to help myself, and she never fails to give it. This is where her dominion over m e shows ; a s she guides me , s o I speak , s o present myself... . Enough o f this. You see how words flowout of my heart and the letters out of my pen. (Clark 1980, 26 )

Hardin (1988b ) point s ou t tha t Freud' s infatuatio n fo r Gisel a an d Mrs . Fluss was overdetermined b y the pas t losses , from earl y childhood, o f his beloved mother and nanny. These memories had been repressed, and Freud was unconsciously drive n a s an adolescent to retur n t o Freiberg to maste r the preoedipa l trauma s o f hi s first thre e year s o f life . However , th e los s of Gisel a wa s agai n experience d a s th e los s o f hi s youn g mother . Mrs . Fluss, a n olde r lovin g mothe r figure wh o "care d fo r m e a s fo r he r ow n child,5' was lik e his nanny , Resi . Hardin als o note s tha t i t wa s no t unti l th e recen t publicatio n o f The Complete Letters of Sigmund Freud to Wilhelm Fliess (Masson 1985) , tha t time sequence s wer e established . Th e first tim e Freu d ha d a memor y o f the cupboar d scene , wher e h e though t hi s brothe r Philip p ha d pu t hi s mother int o a chest, wa s als o i n 1872 ; therefore, th e memor y occurre d a t the ag e of sixteen, shortl y afte r Freu d returne d fro m th e Flus s home, an d it recurred periodically thereafter. Durin g his self-analysis, Freu d reporte d it i n a lette r t o Wilhel m Flies s o n Octobe r 15 , 1897 . I n thi s memory , which date s bac k t o hi s bein g a child o f two , Freu d recalle d tha t " I wa s crying m y hear t out , becaus e m y mothe r wa s nowher e t o b e found . M y brother Philip p (wh o is twenty years older than I ) opene d a cupboard fo r me, an d when I foun d tha t mothe r wa s not ther e either I cried still more, until she came through th e door lookin g slim and beautiful (Italic s mine; Bonaparte e t al . 1954 , 222). Freud wa s frightene d tha t h e would los e his mothe r jus t a s he di d hi s nanny. He knew Philipp was implicated in the loss of his nanny, and Freu d feared that Philipp had been sexual with his mother and made her pregnant. Clearly, sexuality , pregnancy , an d los s of hi s mother wer e equate d int o a triad. Hi s mothe r woul d eithe r giv e birt h t o anothe r brothe r lik e Julius, and emotionall y abando n him , o r h e migh t los e he r permanendy , a s h e did his nanny. His brothe r Philip p had indicate d tha t his nanny had bee n put int o a chest, a colloquial expressio n fo r bein g imprisoned . However , the ches t probabl y mean t a coffi n an d deat h t o Sigmund , an d h e "crie d his hear t out. " I n al l likelihood , Freu d probabl y sa w hi s dea d brothe r Julius lyin g i n a coffin a t home . Thus, h e dreade d tha t hi s mothe r migh t also di e an d b e place d i n a coffin , whic h h e late r dreame d i n th e drea m about th e bird-heade d Egyptian s carryin g hi s dea d mothe r o n a bier . When hi s mothe r steppe d int o th e roo m a s a sli m woman , hi s fear s

Freud^s Support of Career-Oriented Women 12 9 were abated . Hi s mother' s slimnes s an d n o longe r bein g pregnan t wa s equated wit h he r return . I sugges t th e slim an d beautiful mother , wh o walked int o th e roo m i n thi s memory , wa s th e attractiv e youn g woma n who assertivel y steppe d forwar d i n th e ba s relie f of Gradiva . On first seein g the name Gradiva, one is reminded of the word gravida, which mean s a pregnant woman , derive d fro m th e Lati n wor d gravidus, a woman heav y with child . Thi s i s a word tha t Freu d mus t hav e known , since it is widely use d medically . Freud' s mothe r ha d bee n pregnan t wit h his siste r Anna , an d whe n h e sa w he r agai n sh e ha d alread y give n birt h and was again slim and lithe. The word diva is also derived from th e Latin , and means goddess. One could therefore speculat e that to Freud the wor d Gradiva ha d a composit e meaning : i t migh t indicat e a woman wh o wa s not pregnant , o r on e wh o ha d bee n bu t wa s no w sli m an d abl e t o mov e about freel y again , lik e a n idealize d goo d mothe r o r goddess . As a smal l child , Freu d ha d no t wante d hi s mothe r t o b e pregnant , because he associated pregnancy with her loss. Her unpregnant state meant that sh e was available to him. Freud placed the bas relief of Gradiva, wh o represented hi s belove d unpregnan t mother , nex t t o a picture o f th e Oe dipus complex . Eve n thoug h h e ignore d th e preoedipa l perio d i n hi s writings, i n hi s action s h e unconsciousl y acknowledge d it s importance . Freud ha d bee n abl e t o brin g int o consciou s awarenes s hi s oedipa l relationship wit h hi s fathe r an d t o wor k i t through analytically . Possibly , he wa s als o tryin g t o brin g ou t o f repressio n hi s earl y preoedipa l rela tionship t o hi s mother . However , lik e Hanol d i n Jenson' s story , Freu d was unabl e t o lif t th e repressio n an d neede d t o re-creat e an d reliv e wit h women i n th e presen t hi s earl y relationshi p t o hi s unpregnan t mother . His unpregnant , sli m mothe r wa s th e goddes s h e ha d love d an d los t i n early childhood, the good preoedipal mother whom he needed to retrieve. Hardin note d tha t durin g this same summer o f 1872 in Freiberg, Freu d first ha d th e memor y tha t h e an d hi s nephe w Joh n too k Pauline' s yello w dandelions awa y from he r an d at e delicious blac k bread, given t o them b y a peasant woman . Freud' s association s t o yello w were a yellow dres s an d the fantas y o f marryin g hi s niec e Pauline . T o bread , Freu d associate d earning his daily bread and living in the country. The memory incorporate d two powerfu l forces—lov e an d hunger . H e ha d tw o represse d wishes: t o deflower Paulin e sexually , an d t o b e fe d an d take n car e of b y the peasan t woman, hi s nanny. Thu s bot h oedipa l an d preoedipa l wishe s were bein g expressed. Anothe r explanatio n migh t b e tha t hi s snatchin g th e flowers away from Paulin e wa s a n expression o f his rag e an d a n ac t of retaliatio n for feelin g abandone d b y his belove d mothe r an d nanny . Hardin als o point s ou t tha t whe n Freu d returne d fro m Freiber g a t

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sixteen years of age, he recalled a Czech nursery rhyme. He di d not kno w why he had remembered it, since its meaning was repressed. Like the other two memorie s h e ha d a t th e time—o f th e ches t an d th e dandelions — i t also represente d a n expressio n o f hi s los t an d represse d lov e fo r hi s un pregnant mothe r a s well a s his nann y durin g hi s firs t tw o year s o f lif e i n Freiberg. Wha t wa s especiall y traumati c fo r Freu d wa s tha t h e los t hi s comforting nann y shortl y afte r h e had lost his mother's attentio n becaus e of her pregnancy . Pregnanc y i n hi s mind ha d turne d hi s mothe r int o th e lost o r unavailabl e ba d mother , an d he r return , unpregnant , restore d he r as th e goo d nurturan t mother . Thi s dynami c migh t hav e contribute d t o Freud's los s o f sexua l desir e fo r hi s wif e whe n sh e becam e pregnan t i n 1887.1

When Marth a wa s not pregnant , Freu d ha d idealize d he r an d fel t aliv e in her presence, just a s he had with his unpregnant mother . When Marth a became pregnant, she was no longer the good mother who was exclusively his, the preoedipa l goddess who coul d nurture an d restore his narcissism . Just a s Freud ha d switche d hi s attachmen t fro m hi s mother t o hi s father , Freud switche d hi s affectio n fro m Marth a t o Fliess . This appear s t o b e a repetition o f what ha d happene d durin g hi s earl y childhood . Since th e traumati c los s o f hi s mothe r ha d occurre d durin g th e rap prochement stage of his development, before three years of age, boundaries between Freu d an d hi s mother probabl y ha d no t bee n firmly established . This fuse d self-mothe r relationshi p enable d hi m t o experienc e himsel f a s his mother i n other relationships . Most o f the women surroundin g Freu d were not preoccupied with sex and motherhood, sinc e many of them were unmarried o r separate d fro m thei r husbands. Their main concer n was no t to have babies but to advance their professional careers. They were strongly attached t o Freud , mos t havin g intens e transference s towar d him . The y experienced Freu d a s a parental figure fo r who m the y activel y competed . Freud coul d expres s himsel f a s th e goo d mothe r t o them , makin g the m feel include d an d protected , an d feedin g thei r narcissism . Becaus e the y showed ambitio n lik e men, Freu d wa s abl e to identif y the m wit h himsel f more easily . These women surroundin g Freu d represente d Gradiva , his goddesslik e 1. Thi s dynami c migh t explai n wh y Freu d advise d Ferencz i i n 191 6 not t o marr y Elm a Palos, bu t t o marr y he r mothe r Gizella , wh o wa s to o ol d t o bea r children . Ferencz i wa s consciously awar e o f hi s nee d fo r mothering , sinc e h e wa s deprive d a s a child . However , did Freu d giv e thi s advic e becaus e o f hi s ow n fea r tha t childre n wer e a threat t o th e rela tionship wit h th e wife-mother ? Grosskurt h (1991 ) note s tha t Freu d late r fel t "frightened " and "insecure " afte r givin g thi s advic e t o Ferenczi .

Freud^s Support of Career-Oriented Women 13 1 unpregnant mother , t o him . Al l wer e youn g an d attractiv e wome n wh o were lithel y an d assertivel y steppin g forward . Hi s ow n daughte r Ann a remained unmarrie d an d apparend y chast e sexuall y throughou t he r lif e (Young-Bruehl 1989) . Anna was like the Greek goddess Athena, who was virginal and sprun g forth fro m th e head o f her fathe r Jupiter . Athen a was not bor n a s a result of her father's sexua l intercourse with a woman. There was no pregnancy , birth, o r attachmen t t o a mother, an d henc e n o dange r o f engulfmen t o r abandonment. Eliminatin g sexualit y mean t ther e wa s n o threa t o f he r becoming a mother an d losin g her . I t i s interesting tha t Freu d wor e th e image o f th e hea d o f Jupite r o n hi s intagli o secre t ring . Perhap s Anna' s unconscious pursua l o f thi s rol e o f th e asexua l Athen a fi t wit h Freud' s identification wit h Jupiter . Wa s sh e unconsciousl y pleasin g he r fathe r b y being wha t h e required—asexua l an d faithful ? Anna apparend y wo n a n oedipa l victor y ove r he r mother , sinc e Freu d seemed close r t o Ann a tha n t o Martha . I n addition , fro m 191 8 t o 192 2 Anna was analyze d b y her father, s o that Freu d participate d i n a n oedipa l acting ou t wit h hi s daughter . Ann a the n seeme d unabl e t o dea l with he r own fear s o f being overwhelmed b y her sexua l feelings, a s revealed i n he r essay, "Beating Fantasie s an d Daydreams. " Her sexua l fantasies ha d bee n reinforced b y reality , just a s they ha d bee n fo r Freu d i n hi s childhood . At thi s ver y time , 191 9 t o 1920 , Freu d wrot e hi s work , Beyond the Pleasure Principle, describing the traumatic neurosis, mastery of separation, the repetitio n compulsion , an d th e deat h instinct , Thanatos . Freud' s daughter Sophi e die d whil e h e wa s writin g thi s essay , an d h e observe d her littl e so n Ernst' s pla y of throwin g awa y an d retrievin g a toy ree l i n a repetitious an d ritualisti c manner. Freu d becam e awar e that th e ree l symbolized th e los t mother, an d tha t th e littl e bo y had experience d th e deat h of his mother passively . By creating an d undoing hi s loss in play, the bo y took a n activ e par t i n masterin g hi s helplessness . In Beyond the Pleasure Principle, Freud addresse d himsel f t o th e topi c of separatio n anxiety . H e explore d i f th e los s o f th e mothe r an d no t castration anxiet y du e t o th e fathe r wa s responsibl e fo r certai n neuroses . Freud experience d th e los s o f hi s daughter , an d coul d se e it s traumati c effect o n hi s grandson . Thi s observatio n ma y hav e reawakene d hi s ow n conflicts ove r abandonmen t b y hi s preoedipa l mother . A s alread y note d earlier, Freud unconsciously seems to have associated sexuality and aggression wit h bein g punishe d an d losin g hi s ow n mother . Like hi s grandson , Freu d als o ma y hav e ha d th e nee d t o und o an d master hi s ow n helplessnes s ove r th e feare d traumati c los s of his mother .

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Even though h e was abl e to recogniz e the impact of separation anxiet y in Ernst, h e apparentl y was not abl e to contai n i t and analyz e it, but neede d to repea t it through actio n a s well. To master his own helplessness , Freu d appears to have reversed role s and acte d his anxiety out with his daughte r Anna instead . H e unconsciousl y identifie d wit h th e aggressor , an d di d t o Anna wha t hi s mother ha d don e t o him . Recall that Freud was overwhelmed at four years of age by the seductive experience o f seein g hi s mothe r nud e o n th e trai n tri p fro m Leipzi g t o Vienna; servin g as Anna's analys t now unconsciously repeate d a seductive trauma wit h her . I n thi s repetitio n compulsion , Freu d becam e th e activ e one an d Anna the passiv e one in this "awesome" trauma with his mother . Since thi s seductiv e experienc e wa s possibl y a n ac t o f aggressio n b y hi s mother (o r experience d a s one b y him) , Freud' s analysi s o f hi s daughte r can be considered i n a similar vein. Indeed, it was during his analysis with Anna i n 191 9 tha t Freu d wrot e hi s essay , " A Chil d I s Bein g Beaten. " Mahoney (1990 ) suggest s tha t th e us e o f th e grammaticall y present progressive tense in the title reflected Freud's current ongoing clinical work with Anna , a n unconsciou s seductio n an d abus e o f hi s daughter . In Beyond the Pleasure Principle, Freud develope d his new life and deat h instincts, Ero s an d Thanatos , a s well . I n a n earlie r lette r t o Ferencz i i n 1913, h e admitte d tha t Ann a wa s th e subjec t o f hi s essay , "Th e Them e of the Three Caskets " (Mahone y 1990) . Freud compare d himsel f to Kin g Lear and Anna to Cordelia. In the essay, Freud comments that Lear carries out th e dea d bod y o f hi s faithfu l daughter , Cordelia : Cordeli a i s death . However, i n th e essay , Freu d reverse d th e situatio n an d though t o f Cor delia a s th e death-goddess , lik e th e Valkyri e o f Germa n mythology , car rying ou t th e dea d her o fro m th e battlefield . Ann a wa s lik e Thanatos , bidding hi m t o renounc e lov e an d t o mak e friend s wit h th e necessit y o f dying. Freu d compare d th e three women symbolize d b y the thre e casket s to the mother. The mother gives birth to him, serves as the model in one's choice of a marital sexua l partner, and , finally, is Mother Eart h wh o take s him int o her arm s at death. Thanatos was defined b y Freud a s a regressive force an d ma y have represented hi s unconscious nee d t o repea t an d reliv e with Ann a th e sexua l seductio n h e experience d an d th e associate d anni hilation anxiet y o f hi s mother' s deat h an d loss . Ann a becam e th e goo d mother wh o would not abando n him throughout life , and would tenderl y welcome hi m int o he r arm s eve n i n death . Because Freud too k Anna int o analysis with him , sh e became like Gradiva (o r Athena ) throughou t he r lif e b y repressin g an d sublimatin g he r sexuality int o he r intellectua l pursuit s i n psychoanalysis . Bu t Ann a wa s

Freutfs Support of Career-Oriented Women 13 3 not the only one to fill the role of Gradiva for Freud. Just as he had severa l mothers durin g hi s preoedipa l period , Freu d ha d severa l wome n i n hi s adult lif e wh o unconsciousl y filled thi s role . Wh o wer e th e thre e mai n contenders fo r th e rol e o f Gradiva?

The Three Rivals for the Role of Gradiva Most o f the caree r wome n surroundin g Freu d wer e slim , youthful, vital , and attractive. Apparendy Freud was also able to relive and partially master the preoedipa l traum a experience d wit h hi s mothe r an d nann y throug h these attentiv e women . H e wante d the m t o fill the voi d i n hi s adul t lif e left fro m hi s childhood . However , h e acte d thi s ou t apparentl y withou t conscious awareness . The thre e mai n rival s fo r th e positio n o f Gradiva i n Freud's lif e appeare d t o b e Rut h Mac k Brunswick , Princes s Mari e Bo naparte, an d hi s daughte r Anna . Ruth Mack Brunswick. Rut h Mack was an American physician, fifteen years younger than Mari e Bonaparte, who was forty-three whe n sh e started he r analysis wit h Freu d i n 1925 . Bertin (1982) , Bonaparte' s biographer , con sidered Rut h t o b e a threa t t o Marie . Rut h wa s "elegan t an d cultured, " having bot h "char m an d intelligence combine d wit h a moral courage tha t Freud foun d ver y attractive. " Ruth' s father , Judg e Julia n Mack , wa s a famous juris t an d philanthropist . Sh e wa s graduate d fro m Radcliff e Col lege an d complete d medica l schoo l an d a residenc y i n psychiatr y i n th e United State s before goin g to Vienna to become an analyst. After arrivin g there sh e ende d he r marriag e t o Herman n Blumgart . Sh e then me t Mar k Brunswick, a musical prodigy who was five years younger than she . Freu d approved o f Mark an d took him into analysis before Rut h an d Mark wer e married. H e als o analyze d Mark' s brothe r David , a s well a s Ruth . In th e earl y years o f Freud' s relationship s wit h wome n analysts , Rut h Mack Brunswic k wa s hi s favorite . Sh e cam e t o dinner , visite d hi m o n vacations, an d almos t becam e a member o f hi s family . Freud' s daughte r Anna wa s jealous , sinc e h e discusse d hi s idea s wit h Rut h an d eve n gav e her, but not Anna, pages of his book on Woodrow Wilson to read. Roaze n (1984) describe s Rut h a s charmin g an d intelligent , outgoin g an d warm , as well as literate and verbal. She tended t o be a domineering, unmotherl y type. When Rut h ha d finished he r analysi s an d establishe d hersel f profes sionally wit h Freud' s assistance , h e presente d he r wit h a persona l gift . Freud referre d on e o f hi s mos t famou s patients , th e Wol f Man , t o he r

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(Roazen 1984) . Mac k Brunswic k als o mad e contribution s t o th e theor y of psychoanalysis . Unlik e th e mal e analyst s wh o emphasize d th e rol e o f the mother in child development and were rejected by Freud, Mack Brunswick wa s abl e t o d o s o tactfully . Sh e als o stresse d th e significanc e o f th e preoedipal perio d o f chil d developmen t bu t restricte d th e importanc e o f the preoedipal perio d to the development o f women, retainin g the centra l position o f th e Oedipu s complex . Freu d accepte d he r contribution s wit h no hin t o f rejection . H e eve n acknowledge d tha t sh e was the firs t analys t to trea t a cas e o f neurosi s tha t wa s preoedipall y fixate d an d ha d neve r attained th e oedipa l phase . Marie Bonaparte. Princess Marie Bonaparte becam e the most important o f Freud's femal e pupil s b y th e en d o f hi s lif e (Roaze n 1984) . Th e great grandniece o f Napoleon , sh e entere d a n arrange d marriag e i n 190 7 t o Prince George, the son of King George I of Greece. However, her husband was emotionall y an d physicall y distan t fro m her . I t wa s onl y late r tha t Bonaparte discovered the reason: he had an ongoing and long-term homosexual relationship wit h hi s uncle, Prince Waldemar o f Denmark. I n 1913, she wrote: "Th e fre e blossomin g of oneself is blighted within th e walls of the conjuga l home , an d th e sou l an d fac e tak e on tha t disheartene d ting e one see s i n s o man y wives . Th e oppressio n o f marriag e i s a universal, i f necessary malady , an d I dar e t o believ e ther e ar e mor e release d widow s than disconsolat e ones " (Berti n 1982 , in). After expressin g thes e feminis t sentiments , Bonapart e turne d t o othe r men fo r love , including Aristide Briand , th e prim e minister o f France. I n 1925 sh e bega n he r persona l analysi s wit h Freu d t o resolv e he r sexua l frigidity an d othe r persona l problems . I n analysis , Freu d astutel y inter preted tha t sh e had witnessed th e prima l scene as a small child, which sh e had interprete d a s a n aggressiv e an d murderou s act . Bonapart e ha d un consciously though t tha t sexua l intercourse wa s responsibl e fo r th e deat h of her mother, wh o ha d die d a month afte r he r birth . Sh e decided t o tes t out thi s interpretatio n an d confronte d he r father' s half-brother , Pascal . Pascal admitte d t o havin g repeatedl y ha d sexua l intercourse wit h Marie' s nurse i n fron t o f Mari e fro m th e tim e sh e wa s si x month s ol d unti l sh e was three. In 193 4 Bonaparte presented a paper on "Passivity, Masochism , and Femininity " a t th e Internationa l Congres s o f Psychoanalysi s i n Lu cerne. She differed wit h Freud' s notion tha t women who only had clitora l orgasms were immature. Based on his theory of bisexuality, Freud felt tha t vaginal orgasm was the hallmark of feminine maturity. According to Freud, women needed to shift from a n active masculine clitoral orgasm to a passive

Freud's Support of Career-Oriented Women 13 5 and masochisti c vagina l one . H e considere d th e clitori s th e femal e equiv alent of the male penis, and hence Freu d considere d clitora l orgasm t o b e like mal e masturbation . Bonapart e state d tha t th e clitori s an d vagin a worked harmoniousl y togethe r an d wer e no t separate . Sh e als o differe d with Freu d an d Helen e Deutsc h b y no t considerin g masochis m a s th e central feature o f femininity. He r interes t in female sexualit y also included transcultural studies to investigate the universality of the Oedipus complex. She strongly objected t o the widespread African custo m of excision of the clitoris, a custom that had existed from th e time of the pharaohs in Egypt . This painfu l practic e deprive d wome n o f sexual pleasure an d was used b y men a s a mean s t o contro l women ; i t represente d a n institutionalize d repression b y society of female sexua l pleasure. She published these topic s eventually i n 195 3 i n Female Sexuality, whic h sh e fel t exceede d Freud' s understanding o f the topic . In 193 6 Bonapart e wa s abl e t o bu y th e letter s Freu d ha d writte n t o Wilhelm Flies s betwee n 188 7 and 1902 . During th e Naz i occupation , sh e smuggled the m ou t o f Vienna t o Paris , where sh e deposite d the m a t th e Danish legation. Anna Freu d an d Ernst Kris selected some of these letter s for publication , i n 1950 , i n Germa n and , i n 1954 , i n English . Wit h th e help of Ernest Jones an d Ambassador Willia m Bullitt, Bonaparte was abl e to rescu e Freu d an d hi s immediat e famil y fro m th e Nazi s i n Jun e 1938 . Had sh e no t succeeded , Freu d an d hi s entir e famil y woul d hav e bee n murdered b y the Nazi s i n concentratio n camps , which i s what happene d to fou r o f hi s sisters . Freu d die d i n Londo n o n Septembe r 23 , 1939, an d was cremated thre e day s late r a t Golder s Green . Th e eulogie s wer e give n by Stefan Zwei g and Ernest Jones. Freud's ashe s were placed into a Greek vase that Mari e Bonapart e ha d give n him . Anna Freud. Born i n 1895 , Anna Freu d wa s th e las t o f Freud' s children . She was not graduated from the gymnasium, bu t trained as a schoolteacher. As a young adult , sh e audite d he r father' s lecture s an d becam e intereste d in analysis . I n 1918 , at th e ag e o f twenty-three , Ann a bega n he r psycho analysis with her father. For an analyst to psychoanalyze a friend o r relative is considere d a seriou s breac h o f th e therapeuti c frame . Ga y (1988 ) con sidered this analysis by Freud of his own daughter to be a "technical error, " and th e "emotiona l costs " sustained b y Anna "hav e ye t to b e calculated. " Freud's rol e a s her analys t an d hi s participatio n i n thi s oedipa l situatio n made i t impossible fo r Ann a t o resolv e her eroti c transference towar d he r father. Jus t a s Freu d ha d experience d a n oedipa l triump h ove r hi s fathe r because o f hi s mother' s behavior , Ann a als o achieve d a n oedipa l victor y

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over he r mother . Freu d preferre d hi s daughte r t o hi s wife an d share d hi s intimate thought s an d feeling s wit h he r rathe r tha n Martha . Anna Freud' s biographer , Young-Brueh l (1989) , consider s he r first paper, "Beatin g Fantasie s an d Daydreams, " presente d i n 192 2 before th e Vienna Society , t o b e autobiographical . Ann a coul d no t hav e obtaine d this materia l fro m a patient , sinc e sh e ha d no t ye t see n one . Th e pape r was derive d fro m he r analysi s wit h he r father , an d i t containe d a n inces tuous lov e scen e betwee n a father an d daughter , a beating scene , an d th e subject o f masturbatory gratification . Thi s was followed b y the defense o f sublimation, i n whic h "nic e stories " were mad e up . Young-Brueh l state s that Anna' s lifelon g sexua l asceticis m wa s a sublimatio n o f he r Oedipu s complex a s described i n thi s paper . Freud ma y have bee n drive n b y an unconscious repetitio n compulsio n to ac t ou t an d maste r hi s ow n seductiv e experience s wit h hi s mother . As discusse d earlier , Freud' s mothe r ma y hav e use d he r nudit y a s a n aggressive mean s t o inspir e terro r i n he r youn g so n o n th e trai n tri p from Leipzi g t o Vienna . Eve n i f thi s wa s no t he r intention , Freu d experienced i t a s aggressivel y overwhelmin g an d "awesome. " Similarly , Freud wa s no w seductiv e a s well a s intrusive an d aggressiv e b y analyzin g his daughter . Thi s woul d accoun t fo r Anna' s fantas y o f inces t an d o f being beaten . Gay (1988 ) observe s tha t Freu d wishe d Ann a no t t o b e sexual , s o tha t his littl e gir l woul d remai n attache d t o him . W e ca n suppor t thi s suppo sition base d o n th e tria d o f sex , pregnancy , an d loss . I n vie w o f Freud' s association o f sexualit y wit h ange r a t hi s preoedipa l mother' s pregnanc y and abandonment, Anna may have acted out her father's unconscious wish for he r t o b e asexua l an d loya l to hi m alone . Freu d woul d the n no t hav e to suffe r anothe r los s o f hi s preoedipa l mother , no r hav e t o shar e he r attention wit h othe r siblings . Marie Bonaparte , wh o kne w Ann a Freu d well , calle d he r a "vestal " virgin, and , accordin g t o Young-Bruehl , Ann a wa s chast e throughou t her life . Sh e neve r married , an d afte r becomin g a n analys t i n 1922 , devoted he r lif e t o he r caree r a s a chil d analyst . He r patient s becam e her sublimate d children . Sh e live d wit h Doroth y Burlingha m an d wa s involved wit h he r childre n a s well . On e ca n speculat e tha t Freu d di d not hav e t o shar e Ann a wit h an y biologica l childre n o f he r own , a s h e had ha d t o wit h hi s mother . Anna Freu d wa s a mode l o f perfec t loyalt y t o he r father . Freu d con sidered he r a s Athen a t o hi s Jupiter , Antigon e t o hi s Oedipus , o r a s Cordelia t o hi s Kin g Lear . Mor e tha n an y othe r woma n analyst , Ann a

Freutfs Support of Career-Oriented Women 13 7 was the prototype o f Gradiva. Her fathe r wa s paramount i n her affection , without an y rival, and sh e attende d t o hi s needs an d nurse d hi m tenderl y through hi s illnes s unti l hi s death . Sh e wa s th e goo d nurturan t youn g mother that Freud did not have as a child, always sensitive to his emotional and physica l needs . Sh e neve r betraye d hi m b y becomin g pregnan t an d shifting he r attention to a newborn child , as his mother had. After Freud' s death, Ann a continue d he r dedicatio n b y openin g th e Hampstea d Clini c at 2 1 Maresfiel d Gardens , acros s fro m Freud' s las t residence .

14. Controversial Relationships with Women and Freud's Art Collection

Minna Bernays One o f th e mos t intriguin g riddle s tha t ha s mystifie d man y o f Freud' s biographers is the relationship between Freud and his wife's younger sister, Minna Bernays . Minn a coul d b e classifie d a s anothe r Gradiva . Pete r Ga y (1989) commente d tha t "Freud' s sharp-tongued , sharp-witte d sister-in law ha d bee n hi s confidant e i n psychoanalyti c matter s fa r mor e tha n hi s wife, eve n thoug h h e di d no t initiat e Minn a int o al l his intimat e medica l concerns." Almos t fro m th e momen t whe n h e fel l i n lov e wit h Martha , Freud wa s als o draw n t o he r intellectua l sister . Gay (1989 ) trace d th e intimat e relationshi p tha t Freu d develope d wit h Minna throug h a study o f their extensiv e correspondence, whic h recentl y became availabl e i n th e Librar y o f Congress . I n 188 9 Freud wrot e Minn a of hi s boredo m an d lonelines s whil e studyin g hypnosi s wit h Hippolyt e Bernheim i n Nancy , France . I n 189 3 he wrot e he r abou t writin g dow n his dream, which wa s the earlies t recor d o f Freud's interes t i n dreams . I n a lette r writte n b y Minn a t o Freu d i n 1910 , she mention s Freud' s havin g discussed th e cas e o f th e compose r Mahle r wit h her . Thu s Freu d share d many o f hi s feeling s an d thought s wit h Minn a befor e an d durin g hi s marriage t o Martha . Minna ha d bee n engage d fo r te n year s t o a Sanskri t scholar , Igna z Schonberg, wh o die d o f tuberculosi s i n 1886 . Sh e wa s resigned , a t ag e thirty, t o remai n unmarried . I n 189 5 she move d int o th e Freu d hom e a t 138

Controversial Relationships with Women and Freutfs Art Collection 13 9 Berggasse 19 in Vienna, initially to help her sister with her last pregnancy . Freud an d hi s famil y hope d tha t thi s situatio n woul d b e temporary , an d that Minn a woul d eithe r leav e fo r universit y studie s o r marry . Neithe r prospect materialized, an d Minna remaine d a part of the Freud househol d for th e res t o f he r life . Sh e wa s devote d t o Freu d an d hi s wor k an d conscientiously helpe d car e fo r hi s si x children . The initia l rumo r tha t Freu d ha d ha d a sexual affai r wit h Minn a cam e from Car l Jung . Jun g reveale d thi s informatio n t o Joh n Billinsky , Car l Meier, an d t o hi s ow n mistress , Antoni a Wolff . Jun g state d tha t durin g his first visi t t o Freu d i n 1907 , Minna wishe d t o confid e a secret t o him . He claimed she told him that her relationship to Freud was "very intimate." This rumo r ha s bee n picke d u p b y othe r biographers , especiall y Pete r Swales (1982) . Using a detailed textual analysis of Freud's writings, Swale s has speculated tha t Minn a becam e pregnan t b y Freud an d may even hav e had a n abortion . As evidence for thi s intimacy, Swale s noted tha t Minna wa s alone wit h Freud a t th e tim e hi s fathe r die d i n 1896 , sinc e Marth a wa s visitin g he r mother in Hamburg, Germany. She was able to comfort Freud and become close t o him . Beginnin g i n 1898 , Freu d an d Minn a wen t o n vacation s alone without the family. Swale s focuses his detective work to one vacation that Freud , Martha , an d Minn a too k t o Ital y i n Augus t 1900 . Thi s wa s immediately after Freu d had an argument with Wilhelm Fliess in Achensee in the northern Tyrol, marking the beginning of the end of their friendship . After severa l weeks , Marth a returne d home , leavin g Freu d an d Minn a alone. They travele d t o Venice , Trent , Lak e Garda , an d Lak e Maggiore . Then Freu d too k Minn a t o a spa in Meran o t o allo w her t o recove r fro m tuberculosis. He then backtracked to Milan and Genoa before going hom e to Vienna . Swales reasons tha t Minn a wa s left a t the sp a to hav e a n abortion , an d not fo r th e treatmen t o f tuberculosis . Swale s wen t t o th e sp a t o examin e the record s an d note d tha t Minn a indee d spen t five months there . How ever, physician s woul d conside r thi s ver y piec e o f evidenc e t o militat e against Swales' s highl y speculativ e idea . A sp a i s the appropriat e plac e t o recover fro m tuberculosi s an d no t t o obtai n a n abortion , whic h i s per formed i n a hospita l o r medica l clinic . Furthermore , physica l recover y from a n abortio n take s days to weeks, while recoverin g fro m tuberculosi s at tha t tim e coul d las t months o r years . Swales als o presents th e followin g circumstantia l evidenc e fo r hi s case. After returnin g to Vienna around September 14, Freud had a dream whose theme was his wish to experience "love that cost him nothing." The feeling s

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in the drea m were of guilt an d self-reproach fo r bein g selfish. I n th e wor k Freud wa s involved i n a t the time, The Fsychopathology of Everyday Life^ he also mentioned hi s nee d t o pa y 30 0 Krone n t o hel p cur e a male relative . Swales speculate s tha t thi s relativ e wa s reall y Minna , whos e expense s a t the spa Freud had paid. Swales then concluded that this was the cost Freu d paid fo r hi s lov e fo r Minna . I n thi s sam e work , Freu d als o say s tha t h e could no t remembe r th e meanin g o f the word "aliquis. " Freud associate d it t o th e bloo d o f Sain t Januarius , whic h legen d contend s miraculousl y liquefies each September (i t did so as well when Garibaldi entered Naples). Swales interpret s thi s t o mea n tha t Freu d wa s worrie d abou t Minna' s menstruation an d possibl e pregnancy . H e present s a highl y speculativ e case, base d o n hi s ow n interpretation s an d circumstantia l evidence . An entirely different scenari o can be concluded base d on othe r circum stantial evidence . Freud' s concer n tha t h e mus t pa y fo r th e lov e h e go t might consciousl y hav e somethin g t o d o wit h th e expectation s o f hi s mother, who demanded performance for her love and exploited his success. It coul d als o represent hi s unconscious fea r tha t th e cost for sexualit y was abandonment. Bu t wha t abou t Sain t Januarius ? I t i s noteworth y tha t Freud's siste r Ann a wa s bor n o n Decembe r 31 , 1858, an d h e probabl y saw her for th e first time the next day, January 1, and no doubt his mothe r was not availabl e to him then. With th e end of her pregnancy, his mothe r would menstruat e again . Bu t eve n mor e significant , hi s nann y Res i wa s arrested i n Januar y 1859 . He r Catholicis m migh t accoun t fo r Freud' s association of a saint. Thus January was a time involved in the loss of bot h mother figures fo r Freud . W e als o kno w tha t Freu d associate d Garibald i with hi s father . Probabl y th e liqueficatio n o f bloo d migh t signif y men struation. However , i t als o occurred whe n Garibald i entere d Naples . En tering Naples might possibly indicate sexual relations between his parents. One coul d speculat e i t wa s Freud' s hop e tha t hi s mothe r woul d miracu lously no t becom e pregnan t afte r havin g se x with hi s father . Sh e woul d continue t o menstruate , an d h e would therefor e no t los e her. Sh e woul d continue to remain his lithe and availabl e preoedipal mother, hi s Gradiva . Gay (1989 ) provide s othe r evidenc e t o refut e speculation s tha t Freu d and Minn a ha d a n affair . Freu d wrot e t o Jame s J . Putnam , th e famou s American neurologist , tha t eve n thoug h h e stoo d fo r greate r sexua l free dom tha n bourgeoi s societ y considere d proper , h e ha d no t himsel f take n advantage o f it . Ernes t Jones , Freud' s Boswell , clearl y state d Freu d wa s "monogamic i n a ver y unusua l degree " an d tha t Marth a wa s th e onl y woman i n Freud' s lov e life . Ga y conclude s tha t Jun g wa s unreliable . I t was Jung himself who ha d a number o f affairs wit h othe r wome n beside s

Controversial Relationships with Women and Freutfs Art Collection 14 1 his wife. Ga y believe s tha t writing s o f author s lik e Swale s ar e "flight s o f conjecture, thoug h ingenious , to o inconclusive. " I t woul d see m highl y unlikely tha t Minn a woul d confid e suc h a delicate an d intimat e secre t t o Jung, a perfect strange r who m sh e ha d jus t met . Gay note s tha t Minna , lik e her siste r Martha , referre d t o Freu d a s th e "beloved ol d man, " withou t an y animosity . Whe n Freu d wa s force d t o leave Vienna, he wrote his very last letter from ther e to Minna, an d it was friendly. Minn a had preceded him to London becaus e of her deterioratin g health. Freu d ha d bee n delaye d b y th e Naz i ta x office , whic h ha d no t given him the necessary papers to leave the country until Marie Bonapart e rescued hi m b y payin g th e require d ransom . Gay concede s tha t h e canno t b e certai n abou t hi s conclusion s abou t Freud and Minna. A troubling factor is the gap in Freud's letters to Minna, which h e numbere d 9 5 to 160 , tha t wer e date d fro m Apri l 27 , 1893 , t o July 25 , 1910. If a n affai r ha d indee d occurred , thes e wer e th e ver y year s that woul d hav e bee n involved . Ga y conclude s tha t eve n thoug h Freu d did confid e hi s emotion s an d shar e hi s thought s an d scientifi c findings with Minna , havin g a sexua l affai r wa s totall y ou t o f characte r fo r bot h of them . I woul d ad d tha t Freud' s unconsciou s associatio n o f se x wit h abandonment an d death , a s discusse d here , i s anothe r reaso n wh y thi s supposed affai r wit h Minn a i s highl y unlikely . H e neede d he r t o b e a n asexual Gradiva , no t t o becom e pregnant , an d t o remai n a good asexua l maternal figure. By having Minna live in the same household with his wife Martha, Freu d coul d unconsciously creat e a childhood fo r himsel f and hi s children wit h tw o mothers, so as to relive and master th e traumatic losse s that occurre d i n hi s first fe w year s o f life .

Helene Deutsch Helene Deutsch' s two-volum e editio n o f The Psychology of Women (1944 , 1945) wa s th e standar d psychoanalyti c text s o n feminin e psycholog y fo r many years. In th e first volume, Deutsc h state d tha t fro m th e ver y begin ning o f he r psychoanalyti c wor k he r goa l wa s t o presen t a systemati c portrayal o f female instinctua l developmen t an d it s relatio n t o th e repro ductive function . Th e secon d volum e wa s devote d t o motherhood , in cluding the issue s of pregnancy, delivery , an d child rearing ; i t ended wit h menopause. Her work essentially reflected most of Freud's basic ideas about feminine psychology. She remained within the conservative psychoanalyti c

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camp, basicall y oppose d t o th e revision s i n femal e psycholog y suggeste d by Horney, Jones , an d Klein . Like Rut h Mac k Brunswick , Helen e Deutsc h wa s a physician, bu t sh e had receive d he r medica l educatio n i n Vienna . I n 191 2 she wa s marrie d to Feli x Deutsch , a n internist , an d i n 191 8 she starte d he r analysi s wit h Freud. Roaze n (1985 ) state s that , accordin g t o Abra m Kardiner , wh o knew her at the time, she was called "Helen of Troy, brilliant and beautiful , Freud's darling." She was one of the women analysts of whom Anna Freu d was jealous a s a riva l fo r he r father' s attention . Helen e Deutsc h wa s no t a motherly type , but on e of the sophisticate d career-oriente d wome n sur rounding Freud . Sh e was clearl y anothe r attractiv e an d youthfu l Gradiv a figure fo r Freud . Helene's husband, Felix , was Freud's personal physician. In 192 3 Freud discovered that he had cancer of the mouth, a condition Felix had concealed from him . Freu d fel t betraye d an d discontinue d thei r professiona l rela tionship. Freud' s ange r a t Feli x als o cause d a rif t betwee n Freu d an d Helene, which i n turn create d tension i n her marriage. Sh e requested tha t Freud recommenc e he r analysis , a s a way of reestablishin g thei r relation ship. Bu t Freu d refuse d an d instea d referre d he r t o hi s colleague , Sando r Ferenczi. Rejecting Freud' s suggestion , sh e chose Karl Abraham i n Berlin a s her analyst. Thi s choic e als o gav e Deutsc h a n opportunit y t o observ e th e procedures o f th e Berli n Psychoanalyti c Institute , a mode l o f well-ru n efficiency. Subsequend y sh e organized th e Vienna Institute , an d late r be came it s trainin g director . Durin g he r analysis , Abraha m showe d he r a letter fro m Freu d tha t state d tha t he r marriag e wa s no t t o b e disrupte d by th e analysis ; Abraham an d Deutsc h complie d t o Freud' s request . De spite a long , unhapp y marriage , sh e remaine d marrie d t o Feli x unti l hi s death i n 1964 . In his book on Helene Deutsch, Roazen writes that her "clinical writings are also a disguised form of autobiography," into which she "poured the experience o f her conflicte d femininity " (Roaze n 1985) . Deutsch considere d "the three essential traits of femininity" to be "narcissism, passivity, and masochism" (Deutsc h 1944) . She state d tha t narcissis m aros e from women' s feelings of organ inferiority an d the need constandy to compensate for this. In agreemen t with Freud , she saw the feminine woma n a s constitutionally passive, one who "does not lov e but lets herself be loved." She saw the innate masochism of women a s a danger to their personality, but the personality wa s protecte d fro m los s b y a woman's narcissism . Thes e statement s make sense in terms of Deutsch's masochistic compliance to Freud's intru sive demands that she stay married to a husband she did not love.

Controversial Relationships with Women and Freutfs Art Collection 14 3 Concerning feminin e psychology , Deutsc h write s tha t "peni s env y i s not a primar y factor , bu t a secondar y one ; i t i s essentiall y du e no t t o external (seein g th e mal e organ ) bu t t o interna l developments ; an d i f we did no t realiz e this before , i t i s because we mistook th e rationalizatio n o f the genita l traum a fo r th e traum a itsel f (Deutsc h 1944 , 228). Because the clitori s i s small and th e littl e girl is unaware o f her vagina , Deutsch speculated that the little girl feels herself to be organless. The little girl's trauma is in perceiving herself as organless, and not simply in seeing a boy's penis. According to Deutsch, "The vagina—a completely passive, receptive organ— await s a n activ e agen t ( a man's penis ) t o becom e a func tioning excitabl e organ. " Sh e reformulate d Freud' s ide a abou t peni s env y and stressed the effects o n a girl when she considers herself to be without a sexual organ. Sh e retained Freud's notion that the girl permanendy felt biologically inferio r t o a boy becaus e o f physica l differences . Sh e acknowl edged that penis envy existed and was significant, bu t saw it as arising fro m jealousy over the attention a newborn baby receives, especially if it is a boy. Deutsch believed that "the tendency to identification, passiv e reception, masochistic renunciatio n i n favo r o f others , th e effect s o f intuition—al l these ar e qualitie s tha t w e hav e recognize d a s typica l o f th e feminin e woman." Althoug h sh e acknowledge d tha t cultur e influence s women , Deutsch wa s unawar e o f how i t totally pervade d an d influence d he r ow n thinking abou t femininity . Muc h o f wha t sh e attribute d t o inbor n con stitutional factor s ar e no w clearl y see n a s th e resul t o f ho w patriarcha l society shape d th e personalit y o f women . Wome n wer e suppose d t o b e passive, masochistic, an d selfless : thi s was the feminine idea l in the culture . Helene Deutsc h totall y accepte d Freud' s erroneou s idea s about inbor n bisexuality, whic h serve d a s a vehicle t o rationaliz e th e socia l stereotype s about women. Finally, she considered that a woman gained her identity as a person from th e man she depended on and idealized. However, this simply mirrored th e cultura l stereotyp e abou t Victoria n women . Wome n wer e blocked from achieving an identity of their own and needed to identify wit h and live vicariously through their husbands. Roazen (1984 ) points out tha t the man Deutsch identified with was not her husband, Felix, but Freud.

Freutfs Art Collection Freud no t onl y surrounde d himsel f with thes e career-oriente d wome n t o compensate fo r hi s lac k o f adequat e motherin g a s a smal l child , bu t h e also collecte d a larg e numbe r o f antiqu e objects . Ga y (1988 ) state s tha t Freud's obsession with collecting antiquities was an aspect of his "addictive

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partiality fo r th e prehistoric.. . second i n intensit y onl y t o hi s nicotin e addiction." It is suggested here that both of these addictions were probably due to the lack of adequate mothering durin g his early preoedipal period , his ow n prehistori c days . Is there an y evidence that Freud' s nicotine addictio n wa s related to th e earliest year s o f hi s life ? I n th e drea m tha t Freu d (1900 ) experience d a t the tim e o f hi s father' s funeral , h e recalle d bein g i n a railroa d waitin g room and seeing a sign, printed like a NO SMOKIN G notice , that instructe d him t o clos e a n eye . I hav e speculate d tha t th e ey e h e close d wa s t o th e traumatic effec t o f hi s mothe r durin g hi s preoedipa l an d postoedipa l pe riods o f lif e (Slip p 1988b) . Hi s relationshi p wit h hi s mothe r remaine d a blind spot . Th e ey e Freu d kep t ope n wa s t o hi s feeling s an d thought s concerning hi s father , especiall y th e oedipa l issues . Freud suffere d a train phobia mos t o f his life, trains bein g symbolic of the loss of his nanny an d mother. I n addition , i t coul d b e tha t Freud' s nicotin e addictio n t o ciga r smoking wa s relate d t o th e earl y deprivatio n o f hi s ora l o r dependenc y needs wit h hi s mother . Freud's interes t i n ancien t figures , suc h a s thos e fro m Egypt , ca n b e traced bac k t o hi s fea r o f los s o f hi s preoedipa l mother . A s mentione d earlier, when h e was seven or eigh t years old, Freu d dreame d tha t h e sa w his mothe r bein g carrie d o n a bier , a s i f sh e wer e dead , b y peopl e wh o had falco n heads . This dream image reminded hi m o f an illustration fro m the Philippso n Bible , whic h hi s fathe r woul d rea d t o him , o f Egyptia n gods carryin g a dea d bod y o n a bier . H e als o associate d th e bird s wit h sex, and thus sexuality, death, and abandonment b y his preoedipal mothe r were deepl y etche d int o hi s unconscious . One o f the femal e figure s fro m hi s collection was a terracotta imag e o f the grea t mother goddes s (Gamwel l an d Wells 1989). The figure wa s fou r and a hal f inche s high ; i t originate d fro m th e Oronte s valle y o f centra l Syria an d date d fro m th e earl y Middl e Bronz e Ag e (200 0 t o 175 0 B.C.). These figures wer e commonl y use d i n fertilit y rituals . However, thi s par ticular specime n o f the great mothe r goddes s wa s slimmer tha n mos t an d did no t hav e th e exaggerate d femal e sexua l characteristics , suc h a s larg e abdomen, hips, and breasts. Did Freud in fact select this figure of the great mother goddes s precisel y becaus e sh e was slimmer an d di d no t appea r t o be pregnant ? Possibl y so , makin g thi s particula r grea t mothe r goddes s a Gradiva figure, anothe r exampl e o f hi s lith e an d unpregnan t mother . Another figure tha t Freu d value d highl y wa s a bronz e statu e o f Isis , the Egyptian great mother goddess. This particular example of the goddess is abou t eigh t an d a hal f inche s high , seated , an d offerin g he r breas t t o nurse he r so n Horus , wh o i s lyin g acros s he r lap ; i t i s fro m th e twenty -

Controversial Relationships with Women and Freud^s Art Collection 14 5 sixth Egyptia n Dynast y (664-52 5 B.C.) . Isis was the goddes s o f the fertil e black soi l o f the Nil e Rive r valle y an d th e goddes s o f love an d maternit y (Smith 1952) . Sh e wa s worshipe d fo r he r lovin g wifel y an d motherl y qualities, a s wel l a s fo r bein g th e mothe r an d protecto r o f eac h livin g pharaoh. Accordin g t o th e Egyptia n myth , Isi s remaine d faithfu l t o he r dead husban d Osiris , wh o ha d bee n kille d b y hi s brothe r Set . He r onl y child, Horus , wa s conceive d immaculatel y throug h th e spiri t o f th e dea d Osiris. Isi s nurture d an d protecte d he r chil d an d hope d he r so n woul d avenge the murder of his father. When Horus was grown, he indeed fough t and defeate d Set , thoug h th e fight ende d wit h on e o f Horus's eye s bein g torn out an d Set's emasculation. Se t then acknowledged Horu s a s the ne w monarch o f th e earth , an d Thoth , th e go d o f wisdom , replace d Horus' s eye, restoring hi s sight . (Freu d ha d a dream o f closing on e ey e when hi s father died , an d h e ha d a marble statu e o f Thoth i n hi s collection , i n th e image of a baboon.) Horu s the n reassemble d th e fragments o f his father' s buried body . Togethe r wit h Isis , Thoth, an d Anubis , th e jackal go d wh o invented embalmin g an d sponsore d th e dea d i n the judgment hall , Osiri s was restore d t o lif e an d becam e th e go d o f th e underworld . The cul t of Isi s later sprea d throughou t th e Roma n empire , an d man y consider he r t o b e th e prototyp e o f th e kindl y Christia n Madonn a an d Child. Fo r Freud , Isi s probabl y ha d specia l meaning . Sh e ha d onl y on e child, no t a plethora o f childre n lik e hi s mother . Sh e was th e lovin g an d faithful wife , wh o di d no t demea n he r husband , a s his mothe r ha d done . In addition , Isi s was a protective an d nurturan t mothe r figure, a s he ha d wanted hi s ow n mothe r t o be . Freud , lik e Horus , als o sough t t o aveng e the humiliatio n an d sou l murder o f his father i n a n anti-Semiti c Austria n society. Freud also had a small terracotta head of the Greek great mother goddess Demeter, datin g fro m th e sixt h centur y B.C . However , hi s favorit e wa s his statu e o f th e Gree k goddes s Athena , a bronze castin g fro m Rom e o f the first or second century A.D. Athena, the virgin goddess of wisdom an d war, measures four an d a half inches high and is in a standing frontal pose . Her righ t han d hold s a libation bow l an d he r lef t han d i s raise d t o hol d a spear, which is missing. Her head is covered by a Corinthian-style helmet , and ove r he r drape d dres s sh e wear s a breastplat e containin g a Medusa' s head. Freu d describe s th e meanin g o f th e decapitate d hea d o f Medusa a s follows: This symbol of horror is worn upon her dress by the virgin goddess Athena. And rightly so, for thu s sh e becomes a woman who is unapproachable an d repel s all sexual desires—since she displays the terrifying genital s of the Mother. Sinc e the

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Greeks were in th e mai n strongl y homosexual , i t was inevitable tha t w e should find amon g them a representation of woman as a being who frightens an d repels (a male) because she is castrated. (Freu d 1922, 274) Bergmann quote s th e poe t Hild a Doolittle' s experienc e a s a patient o f Freud's betwee n 193 3 an d 1934 . I n referrin g t o hi s statu e o f Athena , Doolitde quote d Freu d a s saying: This is my favorite.' He held the object towards me. I took it in my hand. It was a little bronze statue, helmeted, clothed to the foot in carved robe with the upper incised chiton or peplum. One hand was extended as if holding a staff or rod. 'She is perfect,' h e said, 'only she has lost her spear.' I did not say anything. He knew I loved Greece. (Gamwell and Wells 1989,178) Bergmann comment s tha t Palla s Athen a wa s stil l perfec t eve n thoug h she did not have a penis. She symbolized an intellectual woman who denied her femininit y an d he r sexuality . Athen a represente d th e asexual , virgina l woman wh o wa s no t concerne d abou t me n an d pregnancies , anothe r example o f Gradiva. 1 I n addition , Athen a wa s a goddes s wh o ha d n o relation t o a mother , sinc e sh e sprun g ful l grow n a s a n adul t fro m th e head o f he r fathe r Jupiter . Sh e wa s independen t an d self-fulfilling . Thi s would make Athena especially appealing to Freud himself, since all his life he felt burdene d b y his obligation t o achiev e for hi s mother. Wa s Athen a also symbolic o f his virginal daughte r Anna , wh o wa s hi s favorite ? In Vienna, Freu d place d this figure of Athena i n the center of his desk, since she was central in importance to him. As evidence of her emotionall y charged valu e fo r him , Freu d riske d smugglin g onl y thi s on e statu e o f Athena ou t o f Vienn a i n 1938 , when hi s entir e collectio n o f antiquitie s was threatene d t o b e confiscate d b y th e Nazis . Afte r h e finally ha d hi s whole collectio n i n London , h e agai n place d Athen a i n th e cente r o f hi s desk. These idols were probably transitional objects connectin g him with hi s preoedipal mothe r an d helpin g hi m t o maste r hi s feeling s o f los s an d abandonment b y he r i n earl y childhood . However , i t wa s th e career 1. A t th e travelin g exhibi t o f Freud' s artifact s i n th e Unite d State s (i n Ne w Orleans . May 1991) , a statue o f th e goddes s Artemi s wa s shown , wit h th e inscriptio n tha t image s o i androgynous, childles s wome n intrigue d Freud . Artemis , lik e Athena , wa s a chaste , mas culinized, and asexual goddess. Both were virginal and associated with aggression— Artemi s had he r arrow s fo r th e hun t an d Athen a he r spea r fo r war .

Controversial Relationships with Women and Freutfs Art Collection 14.7 oriented women, especially his daughter Anna, he was surrounded b y who actually helped fill the void b y their devotion t o his needs. Freud achieve d the narcissisti c supplie s an d th e securit y fro m the m tha t h e ha d bee n deprived o f i n hi s first fe w year s o f lif e wit h hi s mother . Withou t an y conscious awareness, he provided himself with these surrogate good moth ers i n orde r t o reliv e an d maste r hi s preoedipa l trauma . In turn, Freu d offered a n opportunity for professiona l growt h i n a new field to thes e women, an d allowe d the m t o surmoun t th e limitation s im posed b y the patriarcha l Victoria n society . These wome n becam e leader s in the psychoanalytic movement an d made seminal contributions in theory and treatment .

is. Freud and Jung

Juntfs Views on Women and Jews Many feminists have rejected Freud's work because of the patriarchal values reflected in his feminine psychology. Other women have turned away fro m psychoanalysis becaus e o f Freud' s negativ e attitud e towar d spirituality . Thus, som e wome n hav e turne d t o Jun g i n th e belie f tha t hi s analyti c psychology favore d females . Accordin g t o Jun g bot h sexe s had masculin e and feminine aspect s to them, which h e calle d the animus an d th e cmima, respectively. I n addition , Jun g di d no t adher e t o Freud' s libid o theory , which was a masculine sexual drive that was supposedly applicable to bot h sexes. Fo r Jung , th e libid o wa s a more genera l lif e force , an d h e di d no t consider th e Oedipu s comple x a s the centra l issu e i n neurosis . Freud chos e Car l Jun g a s hi s discipl e ahc l hei r t o th e psychoanalyti c movement, despit e Freu d considerin g Jun g t o b e anti-Semitic . Becaus e Jung wa s Christian , psychoanalysi s coul d no t simpl y b e condemne d an d dismissed a s a Jewish-feminine-sexua l science . Freu d state d tha t Jun g seemed "fo r m y sak e t o giv e u p certai n racia l prejudice s whic h h e ha d previously permitted himsel f (Freu d 1914) . Jung did not conside r himsel f to b e anti-Semitic , althoug h h e though t an d wrot e i n stereotypi c racia l and ethni c categories . However , h e wa s a product o f hi s cultur e an d n o more biase d agains t wome n an d Jew s tha n mos t othe r Europeans . Wha t indeed were Jung's attitude s toward women an d Jews, as expressed b y his actions an d describe d i n hi s writings ? In 193 3 Ernst Kretschmer , th e president o f the General Medical Societ y 151

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for Psychotherap y i n Germany, resigne d over ideological differences wit h the Nazis . Jun g ha d bee n vice-presiden t sinc e 1930 , and h e wa s aske d t o become presiden t t o preven t th e Nazi s fro m abolishin g th e organizatio n altogether. With thi s intention, Jung became editor in chief and publishe r of the organization's official journal, the Zentmlblatt. Accordin g to Carde n (1989), Jung differed wit h the leading German psychiatrist, M. H. Goring , a cousi n o f Herman n Goring , wh o attempte d t o exclud e al l non-Aryan s from th e Society. Although a n "Aryan paragraph " existed for th e Germa n Society, Jun g wa s abl e t o se t u p a n Internationa l Societ y s o tha t Jewis h doctors coul d remai n i n th e organizatio n an d continu e t o publis h i n th e journal. However , i n keeping with th e prevailin g anti-Semitis m an d misogyny, i n 193 4 Jun g wrot e i n hi s pape r "Th e Stat e o f Psychotherap y Today" (1959b) , tha t hi s ow n analyti c psycholog y wa s Arya n an d tha t Freud's psychoanalysi s wa s a Jewish psychology . Jun g compare d Jew s t o women, who liv e off of men an d look to manipulate an d control the m b y becoming aware of men's weaknesses and vulnerabilities. Germanic people, Jung wrote, have greater creativity and intuitive depth of soul than Jewish people. In "The Relation s betwee n th e Ego an d the Unconscious" (1953) , Jung describes woman's worl d a s limited t o he r famil y an d husband , whil e th e man's worl d i s th e nation , th e state , business , an d simila r matters . Th e family i s just a means t o a n en d fo r a man, an d th e wif e i s no t th e onl y woman fo r th e man . However , fou r year s later , Jun g resigne d fro m th e General Medica l Societ y fo r Psychotherap y an d compare d th e Naz i ide ology t o paranoi d schizophreni a an d German y t o a lunati c asylum . Fo r this statement , Jun g wa s place d o n th e Naz i blacklis t i n 1940 . What wer e Jung' s othe r idea s concernin g masculinit y an d femininity ? Jung, probabl y usin g th e idea s o f Flies s an d Weininge r concernin g bi sexuality, considere d tha t eac h perso n ha d masculin e an d feminin e com ponents. The anima , o r femal e part , wa s relate d t o emotionality , an d th e animus, th e mal e portion , t o reason . Jun g wrot e tha t peopl e strov e fo r integration an d wholeness of these parts. Instead of attempting to explai n this phenomeno n i n term s o f learned gende r identit y development , Jun g turned t o philosophy . Employin g th e concep t o f enantiodromia from th e Greek philosophe r Heraclitus , Jung postulate d tha t everythin g tha t exist s turns int o it s opposite ; fo r example , ou t o f evi l come s good , a concep t also foun d i n Chines e Taois t philosophy . Jun g als o sa w th e integratio n of opposites in the efforts o f the medieval alchemists and in the symbolis m of the tree . However, Jun g di d recogniz e tha t me n an d wome n chos e partner s

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through who m the y coul d vicariousl y liv e ou t split-of f aspect s o f them selves. Th e resul t wa s tha t eac h gende r di d no t itsel f hav e t o ow n an d take responsibilit y fo r thes e aspects , sinc e the y wer e expresse d b y th e partner. I n 191 2 Jun g wrot e "Symbol s o f Transformation " (1956) , describing ho w som e me n projec t thei r represse d doubt s an d insecuritie s into thei r wive s i n orde r t o fee l mor e adequat e an d decisiv e themselves . Jung recognize d tha t som e me n sough t persona l completenes s a t th e expense o f scapegoatin g women . However , h e fel t tha t th e animu s an d anima wer e biologicall y inbor n i n eac h se x an d sough t integration , an d he di d no t se e the m a s gende r definition s tha t ar e learne d fro m th e culture. Emotionalit y i s n o mor e a feminin e qualit y tha n rationalit y i s a masculine one. He remaine d blind to the cultural stereotypes concernin g women an d me n tha t wer e internalize d fro m earl y childhoo d t o for m gender identity .

The Collective Unconscious Jung (1959a ) als o speculate d o n th e existenc e o f a hereditar y collectiv e unconscious. H e base d thi s notio n o n hi s finding tha t th e sam e idea s were repeate d i n th e delusion s o f psychotics , i n myths , folklore, religion , history, an d anthropological findings. Jun g assumed that the transcultura l similarities he found wer e inherited ; h e considered them to b e geneticall y preformed idea s an d behaviors . Thi s corresponde d t o th e ide a pu t fort h by Plat o i n hi s concep t o f eidos. Jung the n divide d th e collectiv e un conscious int o a racia l par t an d a universa l part . Th e racia l par t fit i n with th e Naz i ideolog y o f a hereditary racia l unconscious . Jun g objecte d to Freud' s attemp t a t rindin g a universa l psycholog y o f th e mind . Thi s also fit i n wit h th e Nazis ' nationalis t ideolog y tha t Jews , wh o di d no t have a homeland , wishe d t o leve l an d undermin e nationa l difference s i n order t o impos e homogeneity . (Althoug h Jun g wa s no t a Naz i himself , his conflict wit h Freud represente d the basic conflict betwee n the Enlight enment's idea s abou t universalis m versu s th e ideolog y o f nationalism . Freud wa s a n exponen t o f the Enlightenment , whil e Jung was influence d by th e philosoph y o f nationalism. ) I n hi s cc The Stat e o f Psychotherap y Today," Jung wrote: "I n m y opinion i t has bee n a grave error i n medica l psychology u p til l no w t o appl y Jewis h categories—whic h ar e no t eve n binding o n al l Jews—indiscriminately t o Germani c an d Slavi c Christen dom" (1959b , 157-73) . Within th e hereditar y collectiv e unconscious , Jun g fel t ther e wer e

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what h e terme d "archetypes. 55 A n exampl e o f on e o f Jung' s archetypes , from hi s "Symbol s o f Transformation 55 (1956) , was the mothe r archetype , which wa s divide d int o positiv e an d negative . Th e positiv e mothe r wa s protective, sympathetic , wise , nurturant , an d growt h enhancing ; th e negative mothe r wa s devouring , seductive , poisoning , terrifying , an d associated wit h death . Jun g connecte d thes e wit h th e madonna/whor e concepts o f Europea n cultur e a s wel l a s t o th e India n goddess , Kali . However, thes e analogie s acros s tim e an d cultur e ca n b e mor e simpl y understood b y the fac t tha t al l infants experienc e thei r mother s an d thei r world throug h th e us e o f splitting , projectio n o f fantasy , an d magica l thinking. Thi s universa l for m o f infantil e thinkin g ca n explai n ho w thes e fantasies coul d b e foun d transculturally . Jung' s erro r wa s i n acceptin g the external , concret e manifestation s o f thi s infantil e thinkin g a s bein g genetically determined . Wha t seem s geneticall y inbor n i s th e kin d o f thinking tha t infant s us e to perceiv e their worlds, and no t an y preforme d ideas suc h a s archetypes . According t o Melani e Klei n (1948) , durin g a n earl y phas e o f devel opment th e infan t relate s t o th e mothe r a s a par t object , focusin g o n her breasts . When th e breas t i s gratifying, i t i s perceived a s good. Whe n the breas t i s withdraw n o r no t gratifying , th e chil d experience s rag e toward th e breas t an d wishe s t o destro y it . Th e mother' s breas t i s split defensively an d experience d a s a n al l goo d o r al l ba d object . T o retai n the pleasurabl e feeling s towar d th e goo d breast/mothe r an d t o evacuat e painful feelings , th e infan t use s projectiv e identification . Th e nongrati fying breast/mothe r i s experience d a s ba d an d persecutory . Fo r Klein , the ba d breast/mothe r becam e internalize d a s a destroyed an d destroyin g object an d forme d th e sadistic , persecutor y par t o f th e superego . Th e good, nurturan t internalize d breast/mothe r forme d th e eg o idea l o f th e superego. Thu s on e ca n postulat e tha t suc h transcultura l concept s a s th e madonna/whore an d th e grea t mothe r goddesses , suc h a s Kali , wh o ar e either nurturan t o r destructiv e ar e externalize d projection s o f thi s earl y infantile splittin g o f th e mother/breas t int o bein g al l goo d o r al l bad . One ca n thu s vie w Jung' s ide a o f a collectiv e unconscious , whic h wa s based o n thi s transcultura l finding , a s no t bein g hereditar y an d innatel y internal but a projection o f this early primitive magical thinking persistin g from infancy . Th e specifi c for m o f thi s externalize d projectio n i s shape d by eac h culture . Wha t i s genetic , i s th e universa l for m o f thinkin g tha t infants us e i n thei r earl y adaptation . Thi s developmenta l vie w i s als o suggested b y some Britis h Jungia n analyst s who hav e been influence d b y Klein an d Winnicott .

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The Mystic Circle of the Mandala Jung (1959a ) was also intereste d i n the symbolism o f the mandala^ whic h in Hindu mythology is a sacred circle. The mandala was a protective circle, subdivided internall y int o fou r sectors , symboli c o f individuation . Jun g felt i t was related t o the mother archetyp e i n the collective unconscious , and wa s an antidote fo r chaotic state s o f mind. One ca n speculate how other psychoanalyst s migh t interpre t thi s man dala symbolism differendy. T o a Kleinian, the mandala coul d be the good breast internalize d b y the infant durin g earl y development. Th e circle can represent th e breast/mother an d the superimposed cross , the infant fuse d with it . To a n object-relation s theorist , th e mandal a coul d b e th e fuse d good sel f of the infan t wit h th e good mother . Winnicot t (1965 ) has stated that internalizatio n o f the good mother' s functionin g serve s t o organiz e and integrat e th e ego. Kohut (1977 ) stresse d th e importance, i n self psy chology, o f th e mothe r functionin g a s a self-objec t wh o provide s self enhancing reflections, or mirroring, during child development; this process facilitates cohesio n o f th e self . Similarly , Kernber g (1975 ) believe d tha t the fuse d goo d self-objec t imag e i s forme d internall y i n th e infan t b y gratifying experience s wit h th e mother ; thi s goo d self-objec t imag e be comes th e nucleu s o f the sel f an d organizes th e integrativ e function s o f the ego . Jung was also intuitively awar e of the integrativ e functio n o f the internalized goo d self-mothe r image , bu t h e accepte d it s externa l mani festations fro m mythology instead of tracing its origin to the early motherchild relationship .

The Influence of Philosophy Another differenc e betwee n Freu d an d Jun g wa s Jung' s stronge r ben t toward philosophy . I t i s undeniable tha t Freud' s dept h psycholog y was influenced b y the philosophers o f the Enlightenmen t a s well a s by Schopenhauer an d Nietzsche; but Jung's idea s stressed the philosophies o f the latter tw o Germans mor e strongly , especiall y their antirational , romantic , and mystica l elements . European s fel t tha t th e ideal s o f the Frenc h En lightenment ha d bee n betraye d b y Napoleon' s militar y adventures , an d that rationalis m an d universalism coul d no longer b e trusted; thu s a crisis in ideolog y ensue d (Koh n 1965) . Durant ironicall y state s tha t rationalit y "fell sic k with Rousseau , too k t o its bed with Kant , an d died wit h Scho penhauer" (1926) .

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The ne w philosoph y o f Schopenhaue r an d Nietzsch e stresse d a mas culine world of will and power that elevated irrationality an d subjectivis m above reason . Th e crisi s i n ideolog y resulte d i n a revolt agains t paterna l authority an d asceticis m o f th e Judeo-Christia n culture . Reaso n i n me n had previousl y bee n elevated , whil e sexualit y wa s projecte d ont o wome n and considere d sinful . Thi s ne w philosoph y reowne d sexualit y an d irra tional aspect s o f th e personalit y fro m women . Sexualit y an d aggressio n were no w validate d a s importan t fo r men' s gende r identity , endowin g them with vitality, confidence, an d creativity. However, even though thes e aspects were reowned b y men, men remained superior ; women continue d to b e inferio r an d neede d t o b e controlled . As a result of this new thinking, a crisis in meaning an d in the way th e world wa s perceive d too k plac e i n nineteenth-centur y Europ e tha t pro foundly influenced psychology , literature, art, music, architecture, and politics. Schopenhauer fel t tha t men were more influenced b y the strivings o f an inne r will tha n b y thei r intellect . Th e focu s o f thi s inne r wil l wa s o n sexual reproductio n an d endles s life , whic h h e fel t explaine d wh y th e Greeks worshipe d th e phallu s an d th e Hindu s th e lingam . A t th e sam e time, h e ha d contemp t fo r women' s beauty , intelligence , creativity , an d ability t o us e language . Nietzsche considere d tha t ma n ha d a n innat e basi c desir e fo r powe r and a wil l t o dominate , wit h th e idea l bein g th e superman . I n th e Antichrist, h e denounce d th e Jewish founder s o f Christianity, thoug h h e also rejected anti-Semitis m (Kaufma n 1974 ) • While h e like d th e Ol d Tes tament, he disliked the New Testament. \n Beyond Good and Evil, Nietzsch e (1927) fel t th e Judeo-Christia n cultur e fostere d a slav e mentalit y instea d of a maste r morality . H e believe d tha t th e Judeo-Christia n religio n ad vocated meekness, sympathy, obedience, and kindliness toward others , all of which he considered as weaknesses. He extolled the qualities of a healthy male animal such as courage, self-assertion, an d freedom. I n his book, The Twilight of the Idols, Nietzsche (1927 ) claime d tha t Christianit y wa s "th e anti-Aryan religio n pa r excellence " (Kaufma n 1974) . Her e h e introduce d the concept of the "blond beast," though it was not a racial idea or restricted to Germans ; i t included al l peoples with stron g anima l impulses who ha d not bee n socialized . The ideals that Nietzsche elevated were the will to power and autonomy, while pity , altruism , an d carin g fo r other s wer e denigrated . Th e forme r traits wer e associate d wit h masculinit y an d th e latte r wit h femininity . Women were considered to be inferior, incapabl e of "deep thought." Their place wa s i n th e kitchen , an d thei r rol e wa s t o bea r mal e childre n wh o

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would b e warriors . Wome n neede d t o b e dominated , an d t o serv e men . In Thus Spake Zarathustra (Nietzsch e 1927) , he wrote , "I f tho u goes t t o woman, d o no t forge t th y whip! " For Nietzsche, God was dead. To deal with this loss of faith in a paternal authority, he advocated that men give up the absolut e moral values of th e herd. His philosophy represented the apex of a "masculine" individualistic ideology tha t denigrate d "feminine " value s an d communa l relationships . He preache d a for m o f individualis m fo r superio r me n tha t wa s beyon d good an d evi l an d tha t negate d socia l responsibility . T o Nietzsche , thes e supermen wer e men o f action an d no t though t o r feelin g wh o follo w th e will t o powe r an d mak e lif e worthwhil e b y seekin g danger . Me n coul d best tes t an d prov e thei r masculinit y i n th e battlefield , whic h resulte d i n the creatio n o f cult s o f manhood . Unfortunately , Nietzsch e advocate d a philosophy tha t fit i n wit h Germa n militarism , an d part s o f i t wer e late r adopted b y Hitier an d incorporate d int o Nazism . Western culture , accordin g t o Nietzsche , neede d t o b e revitalized b y a reversion to pre-Judeo-Christian form s of religion, such as Roman, Greek , and paga n mythology . A n exampl e o f the elevatio n o f Greek phallic wor ship i s i n Nietzsche' s (1927 ) Birth of Tragedy, where th e Gree k saty r wa s compared to the idyllic shepherd who longed for the primitive and natural, "the archetyp e of man, the embodiment o f his highest an d intensest emo tions, th e ecstati c revele r enrapture d b y the proximit y o f his god. " Jung (1959c ) identifie d wit h thi s typ e o f romanti c phalli c mysticis m and the idealization of the irrational. He considered that "the blond beast, " as described b y Nietzsche , remaine d i n th e collectiv e unconsciou s o f Ar yans: "A s th e Christia n vie w o f th e worl d lose s it s authority , th e mor e menacingly will th e 'blon d beast 5 b e hear d prowlin g abou t i n it s under ground prison , read y a t an y momen t t o burs t ou t wit h devastatin g con sequences" (1959c , 3-28). Freud's emphasi s o n th e importanc e o f unconsciou s sexualit y an d aggression a s the motivating forc e fo r personalit y probabl y als o stemme d from thi s typ e of thinking. However , eve n though Freu d recognize d tha t rationality wa s limited , h e di d no t discar d it . Indeed , Freu d sa w people' s behavior a s driven b y irrationa l force s i n th e unconscious , bu t hi s ai m i n treatment wa s t o recognize , integrate , an d brin g i t unde r th e contro l o f the rationa l faculty , th e ego . Th e eg o mediate d betwee n th e irrationalit y of the i d an d th e socia l demands o f outside reality . As Schopenhaue r ha d analogized earlier , Freu d compare d th e unconsciou s (th e will ) t o a hors e and the ego (th e intellect) t o it s rider. Fo r Freud , th e ego is driven b y the horse, bu t i t ca n direc t an d contro l it . Fo r Jung , th e horse , whic h wa s

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guided by unconscious inarticulate reasoning, needed to be given free rein , since i t wa s superio r t o th e eg o an d surpasse d consciou s reasoning .

The Freud-Jung Conflict Freud's great contribution wa s to champion courageousl y the importanc e of se x i n a societ y tha t represse d sexuality . Sexua l repressio n wa s partic ularly damaging to women, who suffere d mor e than men psychologically . Sexual repressio n wa s used mainl y to contro l women, bu t no t men . Jew s were also demeaned for bein g sexual, which contributed to anti-Semitism . Jung differe d fro m Freu d i n believin g tha t th e libid o wa s no t sexua l bu t a mor e genera l lif e force . Jung' s positio n thu s wen t alon g wit h th e pre vailing Victoria n bia s agains t sex , s o tha t sexua l repressio n coul d stil l b e used against women and Jews. This conflict between Jung and Freud abou t the importanc e o f sexualit y resulte d i n a traumatic ruptur e o f thei r rela tionship. Freu d ha d suffere d i n Viennes e societ y an d i n th e medica l es tablishment bot h becaus e h e wa s Jewish an d becaus e h e ha d brough t u p the topi c o f sex . I n a lette r t o Ferencz i o n Apri l 24 , 1910 , Freud wrote , "There one hears just the argumen t I tried to avoid by making Zuric h th e center. Viennese sensuality is not to b e found anywher e else! Between th e lines yo u ca n rea d furthe r tha t w e Viennes e ar e no t onl y swin e bu t als o Jews" (Adam s an d Sherr y 1989 , 3). Because Freu d wa s a Jew an d hi s theories wer e sexual , they were con sidered invalid and not universally applicable by the medical establishment. Freud ha d welcome d Jung , wh o wa s Christian , int o th e psychoanalyti c circle to minimize this bias against psychoanalysis as a Jewish-female-sexual science. In a letter to the Berlin psychoanalyst Karl Abraham on Decembe r 26, 1908 , Freu d specificall y state d tha t "ou r Arya n comrade s ar e reall y completely indispensabl e t o us , otherwise psychoanalysi s would succum b to anti-Semitism " (Adam s an d Sherr y 1989 , 2). Although sexualit y remain s a n importan t are a i n moder n psychoanal ysis, i t n o longe r hold s th e centra l position . Thi s i s particularl y tru e fo r personality disorders and the more severe forms of psychopathology. Jun g had worked with schizophrenic patients, and had recognized that sexuality was not th e prime facto r here , but a defect i n ego functioning. However , Jung als o did not focu s o n earl y attachment t o the mother o r th e way th e child experiences it s world. A s in Freud's theory, preoedipa l developmen t and th e mother-chil d relationshi p di d no t play a rol e i n Jung' s analyti c psychology. However , Jun g di d recogniz e th e importanc e o f the mothe r

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and that the maternal imago overshadowed that of the father in both sexes. He was aware of the integrative function o f the mother archetype in chaotic states o f mind , whic h late r analyst s attribute d t o th e internalized , fused , good self-mothe r imag e tha t occurre d durin g earl y childhood . Jun g wa s the firs t analys t t o writ e abou t th e sel f an d th e proces s o f individuation , which is also paramount now. While Freud emphasized the oedipal perio d of chil d development , Jun g recognize d postoedipa l an d late r stage s o f personality developmen t throughou t life . Jung ha d intuitivel y graspe d th e primitiv e defense s o f splittin g an d projective identificatio n tha t wer e subsequend y develope d i n modern ob ject-relations theory . I n addition , Jun g struggle d t o integrat e aspect s o f the self that were considered feminine an d masculine, which we now kno w constitute gende r identity . H e wa s unaware o f the importanc e o f familia l and cultura l learnin g durin g earl y childhood , whe n gende r identit y i s learned. Instead, Jung attributed masculine and feminine aspect s of gender identity in each sex to inborn genetic factors. While Freud had emphasize d male reason an d the ego, Jung stressed feelings an d the unconscious, wit h which h e fel t wome n wer e mor e i n touch . Although Jun g recognize d th e rol e o f th e mother , hi s analyti c psy chology i s n o mor e pro-femal e tha n Freud' s psychoanalysis . Essentially , Jung als o appears t o have expressed th e prevailin g phallocentric an d anti feminine position s the n existin g i n Europea n culture .

16. Modern Changes in Psychoanalysis

Masculine Reason and Feminine Emotion Freud's ques t fo r psychoanalysi s wa s that h e would discove r the objectiv e truths an d genera l law s o f nature fo r huma n behavio r a s existed i n othe r sciences. Logos would replac e myth, man's reason would overcome wom an's irrationality an d emotion. However , Freu d presente d a contradictio n to thes e polarities . Paradoxically , th e mos t outstandin g contributio n tha t psychoanalysis mad e wa s th e discover y tha t unconsciou s irrationa l force s were mor e powerfu l tha n consciou s rationality .

Women Patients' Influence on Psychoanalysis Psychoanalysis durin g Freud's lifetime evolve d considerably from wha t h e originally formulate d aroun d th e tur n o f th e centur y i n Vienna . Despit e a marked intolerance for any deviation by others, Freud repeatedly changed his own psychoanalytic theory as well as its methods and goals of treatment. His revision s i n theor y an d techniqu e wer e a direct resul t o f his listenin g carefully t o hi s patients, who were mosdy women, an d considering issue s brought u p b y them . When Freu d originall y starte d workin g a s a psychiatrist , mos t o f hi s patients wer e wome n sufferin g fro m hysteria . A t tha t time , hi s only goa l was the eliminatio n o f neurotic symptoms . The firs t metho d h e used wa s hypnosis, a techniqu e learne d i n Franc e fro m Charco t an d Bernheim . Despite the cultural bias against women, Freud did not discount their talk 160

Modern Changes in Psychoanalysis 16 1 as trivial or irrational. He listened to his women patients and acknowledge d the importance of the memories they recounted. His sole aim was to brin g into conscious awareness their traumatic repressed memories. In addition , Freud stresse d tha t th e releas e o f th e associate d emotion s wa s necessar y in eliminating symptoms. He learne d this cathartic technique fro m on e o f Breuer's femal e patients , Ann a O , wh o terme d i t "chimne y sweeping. 55 Since emotions were seen as feminine i n the culture, this was an acknowl edgment o f the importanc e o f feminin e aspect s i n treatment . The nex t chang e i n techniqu e wa s t o discontinu e th e us e o f hypnosi s and to rel y on fre e association . H e learne d this new technique agai n fro m his female patients suffering fro m hysteria , Frau Cacilie M (Barones s Anna von Lieben) an d Emmy von N (Barones s Fanny Moser). Here the patien t expressed whateve r cam e t o mind , withou t censorin g anythin g o r tryin g to establish an y logical order to the random thoughts that emerged. How ever, even though th e patient now participate d mor e than in hypnosis, all of Freud 5s patient s remaine d i n a passiv e position . Th e analys t wa s th e only one to activel y interpret th e meaning of the patients 5 repressed mem ories. Freud thought that once these unconscious traumatic memories were made consciou s b y th e analys t an d th e associate d affec t wa s released , th e patients5 neurotic symptom s woul d disappear . Hi s mott o was , cc Where i d was there shall be ego. 55 Masculine logic would contain feminin e emotion , with th e analys t directin g thi s process . Freud ha d becom e awar e o f th e importanc e o f traumati c experience s in childhoo d tha t late r produce d neuroti c symptom s i n th e adult . Hi s patients, mostl y women , recounte d bein g sexuall y seduce d durin g child hood. Wit h girl s th e seduce r wa s ofte n th e fathe r o r a male relative , an d with boy s it was frequently a maid or olde r sibling. However, Freu d late r concluded tha t thes e seduction s ha d no t occurre d i n realit y bu t wer e products o f the patient's fantasy . H e abandone d hi s seduction theor y an d admitted that his own activity in the treatment might have influenced wha t his patient s relate d t o him . Th e drivin g forc e fo r neurosi s wa s no w con sidered t o b e unconsciou s fantasy , whic h wa s derive d fro m th e child' s inborn infantile sexuality. Fantasy influenced how reality was perceived and remembered. Psychi c reality , whic h coul d b e considere d a s feminin e b y the standards of Victorian society , was more powerful tha n objective real ity, which could be considered masculine. For example, during the oedipal period, a small boy might perceiv e his father a s dangerous, becaus e of th e boy^ sexua l attractio n t o th e mother . Th e bo y woul d no t se e hi s father , who wa s actuall y benig n an d gende , becaus e th e boy' s perceptio n wa s shaped b y the irrationa l force s o f inner fantas y an d emotion , no t reason .

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The Case of Dora In rejectin g th e seductio n theory , Freu d denie d th e importanc e o f actua l physical o r emotiona l seductio n an d no w attribute d th e neurosi s o f hi s patients t o thei r inne r sexua l fantasies . H e wa s no w intereste d i n tracin g the sexua l instinct s an d fantasie s withi n th e patien t t o validat e hi s ne w theory o f infantil e sexuality . A n exampl e o f thi s i s i n Freud' s (1905a ) report o f th e cas e o f Dor a (Id a Bauer) . Dora' s fathe r wa s describe d a s a narcissistic man , domineering , charming , intelligent , an d promiscuous . Dora's father showe d preference towar d her and demeaned his wife. Dor a had norma l oedipa l feeling s towar d he r father , bu t h e wa s emotionall y seductive toward her. Thus, the oedipal fantasies Dora had were reinforce d in realit y b y he r father' s behavior , resultin g i n a n oedipa l triump h ove r her mother . Th e boundarie s betwee n fantas y an d realit y becam e blurre d instead o f differentiated . He r fathe r ha d secretl y involve d Dor a a s a confidante i n hi s affai r wit h hi s mistress, Frau K . Dor a an d he r fathe r share d this intimat e secret , thu s drawin g Dor a int o a collusio n wit h he r fathe r that betrayed the mother. He r father als o fostered a relationship an d identification o f Dor a wit h Fra u K . Thu s o n a n unconsciou s symboli c level , it was a s if Dora an d he r fathe r wer e havin g th e affair . What precipitate d Dor a int o a hysterica l neurosi s wa s no t onl y he r feeling o f bein g emotionall y seduce d bu t als o b y feelin g betraye d an d abandoned b y he r fathe r (Slip p 1977) - Fra u K' s husban d attempte d t o proposition Dor a whil e walkin g b y a lake , sayin g tha t h e go t nothin g from hi s wife . Dor a reporte d th e lak e inciden t t o he r mother , wh o informed th e father . Th e fathe r the n questione d th e K' s abou t thi s occurrence, whic h the y bot h denied . Fra u K claime d th e stor y wa s onl y a fantas y an d tha t Dor a mus t hav e bee n sexuall y arouse d b y th e storie s they rea d together . Her r K als o dismissed th e realit y of the lak e incident . The fathe r readil y accepte d thi s denial , sinc e i t maintaine d th e cove r for hi s affai r wit h Fra u K , despit e invalidating, humiliating , an d rejectin g his daughter . In describing her father t o Freud, Dora said: "He was insincere, he had a strai n o f falsehoo d i n hi s character , h e onl y though t o f hi s ow n enjoy ment, an d h e ha d a gif t fo r seein g thing s i n th e ligh t whic h suite d hi m best." Insightfully , sh e fel t sh e ha d bee n trade d of f t o Her r K , s o tha t Herr K would tolerate her father's affai r wit h Fra u K. Dora then dreame d that he r hous e caugh t fire an d tha t sh e wa s rescue d b y he r fathe r whil e her mother was preoccupied with saving her jewel case. Freud interprete d this drea m no t a s representin g Dora' s fea r o f losin g he r virginity , bu t a s

Modern Changes in Psychoanalysis 16 3 the opposite . Sh e wishe d t o giv e hersel f sexuall y t o Her r K , wh o wa s a substitute fo r he r father , sinc e neithe r go t anythin g fro m hi s wife. Freu d interpreted tha t Dor a entertaine d fantasie s o f fellatio , intercourse , an d impregnation. H e explaine d tha t he r foo t sympto m wa s du e t o th e con sequence o f thi s fantas y o f wantin g t o mak e a "fals e step. " However , another interpretatio n woul d see m t o fit thi s drea m a s well (Slip p 1977) . In reality , her fathe r wa s not protective , bu t onl y stimulated he r sexually . Thus th e drea m appeare d t o b e a direc t wishfu l fantas y tha t he r fathe r would protec t he r fro m th e sensua l hothous e i n whic h sh e lived . Sh e recognized tha t he r ow n mothe r wa s unavailable, bein g concerned abou t preserving he r ow n ego , genitals , an d health . Th e realit y wa s tha t he r father ha d bot h syphili s an d tuberculosis , an d he r mother eventuall y die d of tuberculosis herself . Freud denie d th e actua l traumati c event s tha t wer e happening . Jus t a s the K' s ha d invalidate d Dor a b y claiming he r stor y was du e t o he r imag ination, Freud also attributed Dora's neurosis to her sexual fantasies. Freu d did no t acknowledg e tha t Dora' s oedipa l fantasie s wer e bein g reinforce d by events that corresponde d t o reality . Moi (1985 ) comments tha t Freud' s interpretation o f th e abov e drea m represente d a n effor t t o forc e Dor a t o admit t o he r sexua l desire fo r Her r K , whic h Dor a probabl y experience d as a repetitio n o f Her r K' s attempte d seduction . Dor a fel t seduced , un protected, invalidated , betrayed , an d abandone d b y Freud, just as she had been b y he r fathe r an d Her r K . Therap y repeate d he r trauma ; sh e coul d not trus t Freu d either , an d discontinue d treatment . Sh e late r confronte d the K' s whe n on e o f thei r childre n died . Fra u K di d no t den y th e affai r with he r father, an d Herr K admitted hi s attempted seductio n o f Dora b y the lake . Dor a the n wen t bac k t o se e Freu d wit h thi s evidenc e o f th e validity o f he r perceptions ; sh e wante d t o "finis h he r story. " Bu t Freu d questioned he r sincerit y an d discounte d he r stor y a s bein g du e t o he r vindictiveness. Dor a di d no t return . In 192 2 Dora wa s see n b y Feli x Deutsc h (1957) . Sh e presente d hersel f as a helples s victim , sufferin g sexua l frigidity—on e wh o ha d remaine d distrustful o f al l men becaus e the y wer e "selfish , demanding , an d ungiv ing." Treatment ha d bee n a failure or , perhap s eve n worse, reinforced he r distrust an d pathology . Freu d attribute d th e failur e i n this case to Dora' s vindictiveness an d t o hi s ow n lac k of awarenes s o f Dora's transferenc e o f Herr K an d he r fathe r ont o him . Jacques Laca n (1982 ) consider s tha t Freu d himsel f unconsciously iden tified wit h Her r K . Laca n states that Freud' s lac k of awareness of his ow n countertransference shape d Dora' s transferenc e an d eventuall y produce d

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the negativ e outcom e o f treatment . Nei l Hert z (1985) , Steve n Marcu s (1985), Tori l Mo i (1985) , an d Madelo n Sprengnethe r (1985 ) postulat e that Freu d force d hi s interpretations upo n Dora , becaus e they were base d on Freud' s defens e agains t his own conflict s abou t bisexuality . Freu d als o unconsciously identifie d wit h Dor a i n hi s countertransference , an d sa w her a s both bein g sexuall y attracte d t o wome n an d t o men . This interpretation would fit the hypothesis presented earlier concerning Freud's psychi c bisexuality , whic h resulte d fro m materna l abandonmen t when h e was two years old. As further evidence , Freud wrote th e cas e of Dora durin g th e tim e h e wa s tryin g t o resolv e hi s ow n homosexua l con cerns i n hi s self-analysi s wit h Fliess . One could also suggest that Freud's difficulty i n treating Dora stemme d from hi s nee d t o defen d himsel f agains t hi s als o havin g bee n th e actua l passive object who was seduced an d abandoned b y his nanny and mother . Was the case of Dora more a reflection of the unresolved preoedipal conflicts confronting Freu d tha n Dora ?

Greater Equality in Technique As time went on , Freu d becam e awar e of the transference. H e note d tha t patients wer e resistan t t o chang e durin g treatment , an d lastin g sympto matic cur e ofte n di d no t occu r afte r treatment . Th e analys t simpl y takin g an active stance and providing insight to a passive patient did not produc e results. The patient s resiste d the analyst' s attemp t t o brin g painful uncon scious instinctua l materia l int o consciousness . The y protecte d thei r eg o against loss of self-esteem or conflict by defense mechanisms such as denial, repression, projection , an d s o forth . Th e patient s projecte d thei r pas t relationships ont o th e analyst , which i n turn distorte d thei r perception o f the analyst . The patients relived these past relationships with family mem bers in the presen t throug h thei r transference t o th e analyst . The analyst' s interpreting th e meanin g o f th e materia l fro m th e unconsciou s t o con sciousness was not enough . Pas t relationships experience d i n the here an d now in the transference to the analyst needed to be interpreted. In additio n to thi s resistance , defense s als o ha d t o b e worke d throug h befor e a cur e could b e obtained . As a resul t o f thes e discoverie s i n technique , a shift i n emphasi s fro m symptom relie f to helpin g th e patien t a s a whole perso n followed . Freu d (1926) reformulate d hi s idea s abou t anxiet y a s he change d psychoanalysi s from a mechanisti c i d psycholog y t o a relationa l eg o psychology . Th e

Modern Changes in Psychoanalysis 16 5 mechanistic theory could be considered "masculine 55 and the relational on e "feminine.55 Instead of simply tracking and releasing repressed unconsciou s instincts an d fantasie s fro m th e id , h e focused hi s attentio n o n th e ego . The eg o wa s tha t par t o f th e personalit y tha t facilitate d adaptation . I t mediated betwee n th e unconsciou s drive s an d demand s o f the conscienc e within th e individua l an d outsid e reality . Previously , Freu d ha d though t that anxiet y ha d arise n directl y fro m represse d instinctua l materia l i n th e id. No w h e sa w anxiet y a s a danger signa l emanating fro m th e ego . Thi s was a less mechanisti c mode l o f psychi c functioning . A relationa l mode l of psychoanalyti c treatmen t als o graduall y evolved , wit h mor e emphasi s placed on the person 5s entire personality and his or her general adaptatio n to th e environment . In his further wor k on technique, Freud acknowledge d th e importanc e of the positiv e emotiona l relationshi p o f the patien t t o th e analyst , whic h facilitated a therapeutic alliance. Providing logical insight was not enough . The developmen t o f trus t an d a working allianc e allowe d th e patien t t o lower resistance s an d defenses . Th e patien t coul d the n procee d alon g th e difficult pat h o f unearthin g earl y childhoo d form s o f thinkin g an d refor mulating the m int o adul t reason . Freu d furthe r recommende d tha t th e therapist's logica l interpretation neede d to be given only when th e patien t was emotionally ready to accept it. He advocated that the analyst not listen to onl y wha t th e patien t sai d logicall y o r contentwise , bu t t o emplo y a n "even-hovering attention 55 t o gai n a more holisti c perception o f what th e patient wa s expressing . I n thi s wa y th e analyst' s ow n unconsciou s coul d come int o pla y an d vibrat e i n harmon y wit h th e unconsciou s materia l produced b y the patient. Freud was keenly aware of the interplay betwee n these tw o processe s o f emotio n an d logi c o f consciou s an d unconsciou s material. No t onl y did thi s interplay enhanc e th e therapeutic process , bu t this integratio n facilitate d th e creativ e reworkin g o f th e patient' s person ality durin g analysis . Freud als o attempted t o understan d th e for m o f thinking tha t exist s i n early childhood a s distinct fro m th e rationa l logi c used i n adulthood . H e did no t discoun t th e irrationa l par t o f th e personalit y o r attribut e i t t o women o r Jews . H e note d tha t primar y proces s thinkin g wa s eviden t i n all children , primitiv e peoples , th e unconscious , an d i n dreams . Th e pri mary-process thinkin g o f th e unconsciou s wa s flui d an d emotional , wit h no sharp delineations or boundaries as to time, place, or person. Thoughts, feelings, an d wishe s wer e no t differentiate d fro m action s bu t wer e mag ically connected. Fantas y was not differentiate d fro m externa l reality . Th e aim o f primar y proces s thinkin g wa s wis h fulfillment , whic h wa s deter -

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mined b y the pleasur e principle, that is , by seeking pleasure an d avoidin g pain. I n secondary-proces s thinking , th e eg o mad e shar p distinction s be tween fantasie s an d action s an d establishe d fir m boundarie s a s t o time , place, and person. Secondary-proces s thinkin g took int o account the rule s of logic an d th e demand s o f th e environment . I t w a by the reality principle and fostered adaptatio n to the external world. Freu d considered tha t th e secondary proces s needed t o encompas s an d integrat e the primary process to achieve normal adult functioning. I n the productio n of psychologica l disturbance s o f personalit y an d o f sympto m formation , Freud was able to see the continuing an d powerful influenc e o f the child' s primary-process thinkin g tha t persiste d i n th e unconsciou s o f th e adult . The goa l o f treatment wa s to brin g t o consciou s awarenes s thi s primary process thinking and to diminish its dominant influence through integration with secondary-proces s cognition . For example , a small boy might hav e had sexua l wishes for hi s mothe r and unconsciousl y continue s t o b e fearfu l int o adulthoo d tha t h e woul d be punishe d fo r havin g thes e wishes . Sinc e th e smal l bo y employe d primary-process thinking , th e wis h wa s no t differentiate d fro m actio n and i t create d fea r an d conflict . B y one' s emergin g awarenes s o f thes e unconscious wishe s i n analysis , th e boundar y betwee n one' s wishin g that somethin g woul d happe n i n fantas y an d i t actuall y happenin g i n the externa l rea l worl d i s differentiated . I n thi s way , th e powerfu l emotions i n th e unconsciou s ca n b e synthesize d an d integrate d b y th e ego. Thu s th e eg o woul d n o longe r b e controlle d b y thes e irrationa l forces arisin g fro m earl y form s o f thinking . Th e goa l o f analysi s wa s to acknowledg e childhoo d form s o f thinkin g an d t o chang e the m i n the ligh t o f adul t reason . Thi s woul d enabl e th e patien t t o functio n more adaptivel y t o curren t reality . Freud's wor k acknowledge d tha t bot h th e primar y an d secondar y processes wer e importan t i n al l forms o f creativity. Th e artist' s subjectiv e inner experienc e o f th e worl d become s integrate d an d sublimate d b y the secondar y process , whic h allow s i t t o b e expresse d i n a discipline d fashion i n music , dance , sculpture , painting , poetry , an d literature . Lik e the magi c o f primitives, th e shapes , forms, an d rhythm s o f music, dance , artistic line , an d writte n word s themselve s ar e use d fo r th e expressio n of emotion s an d thoughts . However , i n th e magica l thinkin g o f prim itives, th e primar y proces s o f inne r wish-fulfillin g fantas y an d emotio n achieves primac y ove r th e secondar y process . Realit y i s overshadowe d by myth , whic h i s similar t o neurosis , wher e realit y i s determine d b y unconscious fantasy .

Modern Changes in Psychoanalysis 16 7

Modern Psychoanalysis Modern psychoanalysis recognizes the importance of the preoedipal period on th e oedipal conflic t an d in later development . Freu d ha d ignored th e importance o f th e mothe r i n chil d developmen t an d develope d a oneperson psychology for psychoanalysis. Modern developmenta l and objectrelations psychoanalysi s focu s primaril y o n th e earl y mother-chil d rela tionship, a two-person psychology . The first complet e developmen t o f a two-perso n psychology , takin g into accoun t th e relation o f mother an d child, was by the British object relations analyst , D . W. Winnicott (1965) . His work accounte d fo r bot h the intrapsychi c an d interpersona l dynamic s betwee n mothe r an d child . Winnicott note d tha t prio r t o the birth o f the child , the mother develop s an increasing sensitivity to the needs of her baby, which he termed "primary maternal preoccupation. " H e foun d tha t whe n th e mother i s both nee d satisfying an d comforting, th e infant experience s "goo d enoug h mother ing." The infant ca n then maintain the illusion of control over the mother and fus e wit h her . The concordance o f object an d self, of what i s outside and inside , an d between realit y an d fantasy enable s th e infant t o develo p basic trus t an d security. Th e mother's holdin g allow s th e bab y t o relat e to it s own body, an d gradually t o separat e th e "me" fro m th e "not me." Winnicott observe d tha t aroun d th e en d o f th e first yea r o f life , th e infant is able to transfer it s attachment to a comforting, soft , cuddly object , such a s a teddy bea r or blanket. This objec t serve s as a substitute mother , maintaining the fantasy o f fusion wit h mothe r an d defending agains t separation anxiety . Winnicot t calle d thi s a transitional object , whic h i s the first "no t me " possession o f the infant. I t i s both object , a n extension o f the mother, and subject, linked to the self. Play with the transitional object , which i t ca n control, help s th e infan t dea l wit h th e drea d o f separatio n and helplessness . Winnicot t calle d thi s pla y a transitional space i n whic h the child can move back and forth betwee n attachmen t and independence. Thus th e child ca n participate i n bot h fantas y an d reality, whil e movin g toward autonomy . I f the mothe r i s not too overprotective no r too physically or emotionally unavailable, the infant is able to cope with the distress of period s o f mother' s absence . Creativ e pla y i n thi s transitiona l spac e enables th e child t o internaliz e th e "good mothe r function, " s o as to be able to soothe and relieve tension by itself. This leads to gradual separatio n and individuatio n an d eventually t o autonomy . The transitiona l objec t serve s as a root fo r symbolic functioning , sinc e it differentiate s inne r fro m oute r reality , fac t fro m fantasy , an d facilitate s

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reality testing . Winnicot t (1971 ) extende d thi s concep t o f th e transitiona l space an d play int o late r lif e a s well. Acceptance o f hars h realit y i s neve r complete throughou t life . Peopl e ca n us e rea l externa l object s t o buil d a creative illusor y world , thereb y diminishin g th e strai n betwee n th e sub jective inne r worl d o f fantas y an d th e constan t externa l worl d o f reality . Winnicott note d tha t thes e transitional phenomen a exis t in adults in play , art, an d religion . Winnicott als o noted tha t durin g chil d development , whe n th e child is frustrated i t perceive s th e mothe r a s ba d an d sh e become s th e objec t o f its aggression . Whe n th e mothe r provide s a "holdin g environment " t o contain th e child' s rag e withou t retaliatio n o r abandonment , furthe r growth ca n occur. The child experiences that its anger did not destro y th e mother, therefor e realit y becomes further differentiate d fro m fantasy . Th e child learns that th e mother ha s a separate existence in reality, is constant , and is not destroyed b y fantasy. When the child learns "I am," it can move out o f a narcissisti c positio n t o " I a m responsible. " Th e primar y attach ments betwee n th e parent s an d child , establishe d durin g th e preoedipa l period, serv e t o contai n late r oedipa l fantasies. Thi s enable s th e chil d t o experience these oedipal fantasies with trust in others and oneself that they will not b e acte d out . If the mother i s physically or emotionally unavailable or impinging, th e child's surviva l i s threatene d b y outsid e reality . I t canno t us e fantas y t o cope wit h an d differentiat e fantas y fro m reality . Th e chil d ma y the n ex perience "unthinkabl e anxieties " associated wit h abandonmen t o r engulf ment, suc h a s the fea r o f fallin g apar t o r bein g annihilated . I n late r adul t life, some of these individuals may fear being abandoned and not survivin g when lef t alone . The organizin g capacit y of the ego is deficient wit h poo r ego integratio n an d developmen t o f a "fals e sel f tha t i s imitativ e an d compliant. Thi s developmenta l arres t durin g th e preoedipa l perio d als o affects late r developmenta l levels , including th e Oedipu s complex . I f fan tasy is not differentiate d fro m reality , the oedipa l chil d doe s no t hav e th e ability to creatively and safely play out incestuous and murderous fantasie s toward it s parents . Sexua l an d murderou s fantasie s towar d th e parent s become extremely frightening, sinc e they seem capable of becoming reality. If actua l inces t doe s occur , i t no t onl y destroy s basi c trus t bu t als o th e transitional space to playfully tes t out possibilities. The boundary betwee n fantasy an d realit y i s lost, an d fantas y i s no longe r fu n o r safe . Probably Freud's invention of psychotherapy enable d him to create the transitional spac e he needed t o partiall y cure himself of his own neurosis . Stone (1961 ) believe s that analysi s create s suc h a transitional space , whic h

Modern Changes in Psychoanalysis 16 9 becomes a "serious make-believe. " I n thi s spac e th e analys t serve s a s th e mother who provides a safe holding environment that facilitates separatio n and individuation . Th e goa l o f analysis is to hel p the patien t differentiat e fantasy from reality . Freud started by enlisting his friend Fliess as a pseudoanalyst, ont o who m hi s conflict s wer e transferre d t o wor k throug h an d differentiate fantasie s fro m reality . Modern psychoanalyti c practic e ha s expande d it s focu s an d i s no w concerned wit h th e genera l functionin g o f th e patient' s tota l personality . This i s exemplified i n working wit h mor e sever e form s o f emotiona l dis orders, suc h a s borderline an d narcissisti c characte r disorders . On e facto r that ha s enabled thi s shift fro m workin g wit h symptom s t o genera l prob lems of personality disorders is the change in focus from oedipa l to preoedipal factors . I n addition , ther e seem s t o b e a n apparen t diminishe d incidence of hysterical an d obsessional neuroses . This change in the prev alence of certain forms of disorders can be partly attributed to the influenc e of psychoanalysis o n th e culture. There i s less hypocrisy an d repression o f sexuality an d aggression , an d ther e ar e bette r child-rearin g practices . In stead of seeing children a s little animals that need to be tamed an d broke n or a s miniatur e adults , moder n parent s ar e becomin g mor e an d mor e attuned t o th e developmenta l need s o f thei r children . Althoug h th e re duction i n th e numbe r o f cases of symptom neurosi s i s evident i n clinica l practice, it may be less than we think. With our increased skill in diagnosis, some o f th e case s tha t ha d bee n calle d hysterica l o r obsessiona l neurosi s by Freud an d other s aroun d th e tur n o f the centur y woul d b e diagnose d nowadays a s a borderline o r narcissisti c characte r disorder .

Modern Changes in Technique Recently, there have been further reformulation s o f some of Freud's basi c ideas about technique as well. Freud eventually recognized the influence o f counter-transference. H e define d i t as the emotional reaction of the analys t to th e patient , an d sa w i t a s a major resistanc e an d impedimen t t o psy choanalytic treatment . Freu d considere d al l counter-transference s t o b e unresolved neuroti c reaction s of the analys t to the patient. Analysts transferred thei r own unresolved problem s onto the patient, an d this interfere d with th e analysts 5 ability to b e objective. Sando r Ferencz i (1919b ) differe d with Freud , notin g tha t th e analys t als o reacted t o th e rea l personality o f the patient, thereby influencing the counter-transference. In turn, the patient

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responded to the analyst's counter-transference, which if negative disrupte d therapy, o r i f positive facilitate d it . A number o f women analysts , sensitive to the nuances of relationships , brought abou t profoun d change s i n technique . Helen e Deutsc h (1926 ) found tha t th e analyst' s identificatio n wit h th e patient' s projecte d earl y objects i n th e transference , whil e maintainin g objectivity , coul d facilitat e empathic understandin g an d progres s i n treatment . Ell a Freema n Sharp e (1930) als o noted tha t th e countertransferenc e coul d eithe r b e interferin g or helpfu l t o treatment . Donald Winnicot t (1949) , wh o ha d bee n influence d b y Ferencz i an d Klein, recognize d Freud' s formulatio n o f th e countertransferenc e a s subjective, bu t als o acknowledge d anothe r form , whic h h e terme d objective. Objective countertransferenc e wa s noted to occur in more disturbed, non neurotic patient s wh o neede d t o provok e hat e i n th e analyst . Winnicot t felt thi s represente d a maturationa l nee d o f th e patien t t o re-creat e an d repeat th e earl y mother-child symbioti c relationshi p i n treatment. H e fel t it wa s importan t fo r th e analys t t o recogniz e th e hat e provoke d b y th e patient, t o contai n it , an d t o us e i t therapeutically . I n thi s way th e coun tertransference provide d the therapist with an opportunity to help patients master thei r developmenta l arres t an d t o grow . Further development s i n the us e of countertransference, wer e initiate d by Kleinian analysts . Paula Heimann fel t tha t th e analysts ' reactions t o al l their patient s coul d serv e a s a therapeuti c too l (Heiman n 1950) . Thes e reactions were more important in empathically understanding the patient's unconscious tha n wer e purel y intellectua l judgments . Margare t Littl e (1951) agree d tha t countertransferenc e feeling s wer e unavoidabl e an d al ways present , bein g provoke d i n th e therapis t throug h th e patient' s us e of projective identification. Patient s attempted to repeat early relationships with thei r parent s i n the treatment. Littl e felt tha t the therapist neede d t o openly revea l thes e induce d response s an d the n wor k the m through , s o that th e patient' s perceptio n o f reality and trust coul d b e bolstered. Hein rich Racke r (1953 , 1957 ) note d ho w th e countertransferenc e an d trans ference interacted and influenced th e patient's and therapist's perception of each other . I f th e therapis t respond s t o th e patient' s eg o an d id , a "con cordant" countertransference occurs , so that the therapist empathizes with the patient' s feeling s an d thoughts . I f th e therapis t identifie s wit h th e patient's unwante d aspect s o f th e sel f o r supereg o objects , th e therapis t may becom e judgmenta l o r condemnin g an d ac t ou t a "complementary " countertransference. I n thi s latte r instance , th e patient' s pas t traum a an d pathology may be reinforced i f the therapist act s like the patient perceive d

Modern Changes in Psychoanalysis 17 1 the parents . The patien t ma y even induc e suc h a persecutory respons e b y projecting th e supereg o o r persecut e th e therapis t b y identifying wit h th e superego and projecting unacceptable aspects of the self onto the therapist. Thus th e countertransference coul d b e useful i n understanding an d work ing with th e transference . This i s th e typ e o f thinkin g tha t ha s entere d th e mainstrea m o f psy choanalytic therap y today . The patien t ma y attemp t t o spli t off unaccept able aspect s o f th e internalize d sel f o r objec t representatio n an d plac e i t into the analyst . In thi s process, the patient unconsciousl y trie s to manip ulate th e analys t int o feeling , thinking , o r behavin g i n accordanc e wit h this projectiv e identification . Fo r example , i f th e patien t experience s th e analyst a s an angr y father figure, th e patien t ma y project hi s or he r objec t representation an d subd y attemp t t o provok e th e analys t int o actuall y becoming angry. On the other hand, if the self-representation i s projected , the patien t ma y functio n a s th e angr y fathe r an d d o t o th e analys t wha t the patien t ha d experience d a s a child . Thu s a n intrapsychi c proble m becomes displaced into the interpersonal sphere and can be acted out ther e without an y conscious awareness in the treatment. B y the analyst' s carefu l monitoring o f th e reaction s t o th e patient , th e objectiv e countertransfer ence ma y b e use d b y th e modern-da y analys t a s a wa y o f empathicall y understanding and working with the unconscious issues within the patient.

Current Concepts about Bisexuality Current scientific evidence does not support Freud's concept of bisexuality in feminin e development . Ther e ar e a t leas t thre e issue s he wa s tryin g t o resolve. First , Freu d wa s probabl y attemptin g t o wor k throug h som e o f the issue s aroun d hi s own gende r identit y tha t ma y hav e bee n cause d b y the traumatic maternal losse s when h e was two year s old. Second , h e was aware o f th e discover y b y Thiersc h (1822-1895 ) tha t th e fetu s ha d a sexual bipotentiality , sinc e forerunner s o f bot h femal e an d mal e genitali a existed. Th e Wolffia n duct s produce d mal e genitalia bu t becam e vestigia l in females , whil e th e Mulleria n duct s forme d femal e organ s bu t wer e vestigial i n males . Third, Freu d ma y hav e bee n attemptin g t o bridg e th e polarity between th e sexes that existe d in the Victorian cultur e a t the tur n of the century . When Freud originally returned from Paris after studying with Charcot , he challenged the prevailing notion tha t hysteria occurred only in women . The scientifi c communit y i n Vienn a vehemend y oppose d thi s finding.

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Freud ha d no t onl y oppose d th e establishe d medica l ideas , bu t wa s als o shattering th e cultura l sexua l stereotype s tha t demeane d women . Eve n though h e himsel f accepte d certai n othe r aspect s o f thes e stereotypes , h e was attackin g th e shar p boundar y tha t distinguishe d gende r identit y be tween me n an d women . In hi s theor y o f bisexuality , Freu d als o attribute d masculin e an d fem inine trait s t o b e operativ e i n bot h sexes , thereb y blurrin g shar p gende r boundaries. However , Freud' s speculation s concernin g the innate biolog ical bisexuality of both sexe s is more complicated. H e was aware of certain cultures wher e mal e homosexualit y wa s sanctioned , suc h a s i n ancien t Greece. However , ther e i s a question o f whether thi s wa s tru e homosex uality, whic h i s characterize d b y homoeroti c fantasie s bein g experience d toward th e sam e se x fro m earl y childhoo d onward . Homosexua l activit y can occu r wit h heterosexua l fantasie s a s a sexua l release , o r b e use d t o express hostility or domination. There is ongoing psychoanalytic researc h by Richar d Friedma n (pers . com. ) t o tes t ou t th e notio n o f innat e bis exuality, whether heterosexuals have unconscious homosexual fantasies an d vice versa . S o far , thi s ha s no t prove n t o b e th e case , althoug h furthe r research i s needed . Modern neuroendocrin e researc h int o th e developmen t o f th e huma n fetus doe s no t sho w i t t o b e bisexua l befor e birt h (Friedma n 1988) . In stead, th e mammalia n fetu s ha s feminin e structure s durin g th e earlies t stages o f it s existence . Genetically , th e mal e fetu s ha s a Y X set o f chro mosomes, while th e femal e fetu s ha s XX. Because o f the Y chromosome , the male fetu s i s differentiated structurall y fro m th e femal e b y the releas e and actio n o f th e androge n hormone , testosterone . I n th e huma n mal e fetus, this occurs from th e sixth week to the third month of life. The femal e fetus develop s biologically without thi s hormonal actio n in a straight line, and i s found t o b e les s complicated tha n th e male . In laboratory experiments with rats, when the mother is stressed durin g this crucia l prenata l period , a n inhibitio n o f th e releas e o f testosteron e occurs i n th e mal e fetu s (Ehrhard t an d Bake r 1974) . Thi s inhibitio n i s produced b y the reduce d activit y of a n enzyme essentia l fo r th e synthesi s of th e androge n hormon e testosterone . Becaus e o f th e lac k o f androge n hormone at this time, some neurological pathways determining male sexual differentiation d o no t occur . Th e mal e infan t ra t tha t i s bor n ha s n o anatomical deficits, but later on functions wit h female-like sexual behavior. It will presen t itsel f sexuall y lik e a femal e whe n approache d b y anothe r male rat . Althoug h thi s sometime s occur s wit h norma l rats , i t i s no t a s frequent a s prenatall y stresse d males . The femal e fetu s i s not affecte d b y

Modern Changes in Psychoanalysis 17 3 the mother' s prenata l stres s syndrome . Thi s researc h clearl y indicate s th e psychobiological sequences that determine behavior, with each sex following a different pathway . Although thi s anima l research canno t b e direcdy translated t o humans , some hav e speculate d tha t th e developmen t o f a small subgrou p o f mal e homosexuality ma y b e relate d t o thi s materna l stres s syndrome. 1 Possibl y in human s a s well, i f the mothe r i s stresse d durin g thi s crucia l perio d o f hormonal neurological differentiation i n the male fetus, androgens ar e not released, an d th e mal e ma y b e bor n wit h feminin e sexua l responses . Even i f thi s i s no t th e case , feta l researc h seem s t o indicat e tha t neu rological pathway s ar e laid down differend y fo r male s and females durin g fetal life . Essentially , th e femal e i s th e primordia l o r basi c for m o f th e fetus. Withi n th e garde n o f Eden o f the womb, i t is Adam tha t arise s ou t of Ev e an d no t vic e versa . 1. Simo n LeVa y (1991 ) recenti y reporte d tha t par t o f the anterio r hypothalamus , whic h governs sexua l behavior , i n homosexuall y oriente d me n wa s anatomicall y mor e simila r t o women tha n t o heterosexually oriented men. This could be taken as indicating the biologica l origin o f mal e homosexualit y a s a natural varian t o f th e brain , jus t a s left-handedness is . I t may also be due to the effect of prenatal low androgen level, as in the maternal stress syndrome. Left-handedness, whic h i s also influence d b y sex hormones, wa s foun d t o b e twice a s likely in lesbia n tha n i n heterosexua l wome n an d mor e pronounce d i n ga y men. O r i t coul d b e a result o f a drop i n androge n level s in th e first tw o year s of life whil e th e brai n i s still bein g wired, which coul d explai n why bisexualit y may result from th e stress of maternal abandon ment. O n th e other hand, the anatomical brain difference ma y be the result of homosexualit y and no t it s cause .

17. Toward a New Feminine Psychology

Changes in Psychoanalysis A ne w psycholog y o f wome n i s graduall y evolvin g i n psychoanalysi s a s a resul t o f researc h finding s an d th e acceptanc e o f analyti c approache s that emphasiz e th e mother-chil d relationship , th e family , an d th e culture . These newe r psychoanalyti c theorie s d o no t vie w chil d developmen t solely fro m a n intrapsychi c perspective . Bondin g t o th e mothe r durin g the preoedipa l phas e o f developmen t i s emphasized , an d th e qualit y and appropriat e timin g o f motherin g i s considere d crucia l i n chil d development. Freud' s concep t o f bisexualit y upo n whic h h e base d hi s feminine psycholog y ca n n o longe r b e considere d valid . Sexua l orien tation i s probabl y i n mos t case s a biologica l given , an d gende r identit y is learned aroun d th e secon d yea r o f life . Eve n thoug h th e preoedipa l mother i s th e firs t perso n t o b e internalize d b y bot h sexe s t o for m th e core o f th e ego , attachmen t an d no t sexualit y i s th e basi c concer n o f the infan t durin g thi s earl y period . During th e secon d hal f o f th e preoedipa l period , th e chil d develop s awareness o f it s sexua l organ s an d begin s self-stimulation . A t thi s tim e Galenson an d Roiph e (1974 ) hav e note d wha t appear s t o b e peni s env y in girls, but i t is limited t o th e preoedipa l perio d an d i s not significan t i n the developmen t o f femininit y a s Freud postulated . Femininit y i s inbor n and determine s th e girP s turnin g t o th e fathe r a s a sexua l objec t late r i n the oedipa l period . Anthropologica l an d transcultura l studie s als o sho w that th e Oedipu s comple x fo r boy s i s no t a universa l phenomenon , bu t 174

Toward a New Feminine Psychology 17s occurs i n thos e culture s wher e th e fathe r i s empowered i n th e famil y an d restricts sexua l expressio n i n th e mal e child . An advantag e o f thes e newe r psychoanalyti c theorie s i s tha t the y ar e testable, sinc e th e actua l relationshi p betwee n mothe r an d chil d ca n b e direcdy observe d an d evaluated . I t wa s no t possibl e t o validat e Freud' s libido theory , sinc e i t wa s base d solel y o n menta l construct s withou t ex ternal referents . Bein g abl e t o tes t th e validit y o f a theor y b y researc h provides a n avenue for developin g a more scientifi c psychoanalyti c theor y of femal e development .

Research of the Mother-Infant Relationship We will review some of the current observational researc h on human s an d animals tha t will b e helpfu l i n developin g a ne w feminin e psychology . These studie s hav e investigate d ho w mothers 5 bon d differend y wit h bo y and gir l infants , an d ho w infant s o f each gende r attac h t o thei r mothers . We will explor e th e manne r i n whic h materna l attachmen t seem s t o de termine late r sexual , aggressive , an d bondin g behavio r i n male s an d females. Charles Darwi n (1872 ) wa s th e first researche r t o stud y materna l be havior i n human s an d animals . H e wa s awar e tha t anima l behavio r wa s genetically programmed , whil e huma n behavio r wa s determine d bot h b y social an d geneti c factors . H e attempte d t o differentiat e thes e factor s b y comparing ho w emotion s wer e expresse d b y animal s an d human s unde r a variety of circumstances. H e investigate d huma n infant s an d the insane ; he submitte d photograph s an d ar t t o independen t judge s an d di d tran scultural studies . Eve n thoug h love , tenderness , an d devotio n wer e ex pressed differend y i n variou s cultures , Darwi n conclude d tha t femal e maternal behavio r wa s instinctiv e i n bot h human s an d animals . It s goa l was t o enabl e surviva l o f the species . However, Darwi n ha d n o scientifi c wa y o f differentiatin g geneti c in heritance from learne d behavior. Following his lead, many early psychoanalysts als o considere d muc h o f huma n behavio r a s instinctive . Th e differentiation betwee n natur e versu s nurtur e i n anima l an d huma n mother-child interactions is now being studied by modern- day researchers. Although anima l studie s canno t b e direcd y translate d t o mor e comple x human behavior , the y ca n offe r u s som e valuabl e clues . Helen Bloc k Lewi s (1976) , i n a n extensiv e revie w o f anima l research , has discusse d whethe r femal e mice , rats , an d monkey s hav e personalit y

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characteristics tha t ar e congruen t wit h materna l instinct . Sinc e i t i s im possible t o inquir e abou t affectionat e feeling s i n animals , scientist s hav e noted tha t patterne d sequence s o f materna l behavior , whic h the y ter m "behavioral synchrony, " occu r i n rats . They consis t o f a reciprocal inter change o f stimulatio n betwee n mothe r an d infant , s o tha t th e mothe r sensitively adapt s t o th e infant' s changin g needs . Daniel Ster n (1985) , in his direct observation s o f human mother-infan t relationships, note d interactiv e behaviora l sequence s tha t ar e simila r t o synchrony i n animals . He foun d a n "attunement" of mothers an d infants , who interacted i n a powerful an d sensitive manner. This attunement man ifested itsel f i n mutua l gazin g behavio r betwee n mothe r an d infan t fro m the age s o f thre e t o si x months. Th e mother s gav e ove r control , an d th e infant seeme d to regulat e this engagement b y initiating, maintaining, an d terminating th e interaction . Disengagement , whic h i s a n earl y wa y tha t infants asser t their independence, could be accomplished by gaze aversion. Stern note d th e mothe r coul d b e reengaged , becaus e o f her sensitiv e an d empathic connection , b y the infant' s gazing , smiling , o r vocalizing . This interactive finding bears some similarity to the concept oimirroring in sel f psychology. Durin g late r childhood , mother s an d father s respon d in a n admiring , empathi c fashio n t o thei r children . The childre n the n ca n internalize these self-enhancing reflections , which provide narcissistic supplies t o for m a cohesive self . In anima l research , Lewi s furthe r note d tha t befor e pregnancy , femal e rats preferred gettin g a food pelle t to retrieving their growing pup. How ever, afte r delivery , they retrieved thei r newbor n pu p i n preference t o th e food. Femal e rat s quickl y bonde d t o thei r ow n offspring , an d the y wer e able t o discriminat e an d retriev e thei r ow n youn g fro m amon g others . The greates t leve l of bonding occurre d shortl y afte r birt h an d diminishe d as th e pu p gre w an d move d towar d separatio n an d independence . Thi s maternal bondin g respons e wa s foun d t o b e associate d wit h change s i n hormone levels, that is, an increase in estrogen and prolactin and a decrease in progesterone .

Maternal Preference for female Infants In another research study with mice, mothers showed preference in retrieving their female over their male pups. Among monkeys, mothers punishe d male infants more frequently an d held, comforted, an d paid attention to the females more often. It was not clear whether this happened because male in-

Toward a New Feminine Psychology 17 7 fant monkeys were innately more aggressive. On the other hand, the mother's reinforcemen t o f affectionat e behavio r i n female s an d stimulatio n o f aggression in males was considered to be adaptive for survival of the species. These behaviors were associated with the tasks these animals would assum e as adults. Females needed to bond to their own young, and males needed to be aggressive to feed and protect the mother and child. Doris Silverman' s (1987a ) extensiv e revie w o f huma n researc h note d that a huma n mother' s gende r preferenc e wa s als o towar d he r femal e infants. Th e huma n mothers ' bondin g t o femal e infant s wa s mor e im mediate an d stronger than t o male infants. I t was difficult t o tease out th e genetic fro m th e environmenta l factors , becaus e fro m th e ver y momen t of birth parent s respon d differend y t o bo y and gir l infants. However , th e average femal e infan t wa s foun d t o posses s greate r stability , showe d les s irritability or resdessness, and was easier to calm than the male. In addition , female infant s wer e mor e alert , experience d earlie r facia l discrimination , and vocalize d mor e tha n males . Thi s findin g wa s simila r t o th e researc h of rhesu s monke y infants , wher e female s ha d earlie r awarenes s an d mor e intense attachmen t t o th e mothe r tha n males . Thi s permitte d female s stronger bondin g t o th e mothe r an d earlie r socializatio n tha n males . Silverman's review showed there were sex-linked gazing patterns in both humans an d animals . Infants ten d to loo k at others of the same sex. Since mothers ar e mor e availabl e tha n fathers , thi s patter n foster s greate r con nectedness for female infants. Females held their gaze at the mother longer , while mal e infant s ha d shorte r ey e contact . Mother s als o gaze d mor e a t female infant s a s well. Female infants ha d an earlier and more pronounce d reflex smile , whic h facilitate d a greate r responsivenes s fro m th e mother . Mothers als o responde d t o fussines s i n male s b y physica l handling , an d in females b y looking and vocalizing. With males, mothers vocalized mor e when th e infan t moved . Silverma n note s tha t thi s overal l patter n ma y reinforce a greater proclivit y fo r moto r response s i n boy s an d fo r vocali zation i n girls : In sum , th e femal e neonates ' developmentall y mor e matur e stabl e stat e syste m (e.g., greater calm, earlier and longer nighttime sleep, adaptability to environmental changes), her earlier sensory sensitivities, her initiation, maintenance, and interest in gazing, as well as her earlier vocalizations all are exquisite bonding facilitators . Female infants earlier become aware of their mothers and of the mother's impact; the process of socialization is thereby initiated sooner than in male infants Th e female infan t wh o eventually become s the mother i s well programmed t o b e an effective bonder . (D . K. Silverman 1987a , 320-21)

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Attachment, Not Instinctual Gratification, Is Primary In Freudian psychoanalytic theory, attachment to the mother was not seen as significan t durin g infancy . Th e infant' s primar y ai m wa s gratificatio n of it s ora l instinct , tha t is , being fed . T o Freud , th e newbor n infan t wa s protected b y a stimulus barrie r an d live d i n a n autisti c condition . I t wa s unaware of the mother excep t as a need-satisfying objec t t o gratify it s oral needs. It was not unti l the ris e of Kleinian an d object-relation s psychoan alytic theor y tha t attachmen t t o th e mothe r becam e paramount . The animal experiments conducted by Harry Harlow and his coworkers (1958) dramaticall y pointe d ou t tha t th e Kleinia n an d object-relation s theories were more accurate than those of Freud. The need for attachmen t was much greate r than fo r driv e gratification o f oral needs. Harlow foun d that bab y rhesu s monkey s preferre d a cloth-covered imitatio n "mother, " who provided contact-comfort bu t no feeding, to a wire-covered imitatio n "mother," wh o gav e feedin g bu t n o contact-comfort . Harlo w als o foun d that i f infant monkey s ar e deprived o f an affectionate relationshi p t o thei r mothers durin g childhood , the y suffere d disturbance s i n adul t life . Ma ternally deprive d mal e monkey s functione d poorl y sexuall y whe n the y matured, an d femal e monkey s wer e no t abl e t o b e effectiv e mother s t o their ow n young . Simila r t o Harlow' s finding s wit h monkeys , i n human s the disruptio n o f a boy's earl y attachment t o th e mothe r wa s found t o b e one of the causes for a gender identit y disorde r i n adulthoo d (Coate s an d Friedman 1989) . In al l likelihood, disturbance s i n th e earl y attachmen t t o the mothe r determin e late r sexua l functionin g no t onl y fo r me n bu t fo r women a s well. The attachmen t o f infant s t o thei r mother s ha s als o bee n studie d i n some animals , notabl y birds , b y naturalists i n thei r experiment s wit h im printing. Chick s woul d bon d t o th e objec t the y gaze d upo n shortl y afte r birth. Usually diis object was the mother, an d the infants woul d sta y close and follow her about. However, if a human presented at this crucial period, the chick s mad e a n attachmen t t o hi m o r her . The n the y woul d exhibi t childlike trust an d follo w behin d th e person , assumin g that thi s was thei r mother (Loren z 1966) . These finding s o n th e importanc e o f attachmen t ove r driv e reductio n also correspon d t o Bowlby' s (1969-80 ) wor k wit h huma n infants . Her e again, th e huma n baby' s bondin g wit h th e mother , no t th e feeding , wa s the most significant event . The baby's crying, clinging, grasping, and smiling all served the purpose of attachment. Neurologically, there is an inborn grasping refle x i n infants durin g their first year of life. I t is of interest tha t

Toward a New Feminine Psychology 17 9 one o f the diagnose s o f autis m i n infant s i s the lac k of a normal clingin g response whe n i t i s twirled around . In reviewin g thre e hundre d mother-chil d direc t observationa l studie s during th e first tw o month s o f life , Emd e an d Robinso n (1979 ) foun d that infant s ar e programmed fro m birt h to b e stimulus seeking. Infants o f both sexe s wer e no t passive , cu t of f fro m thei r environment , an d onl y concerned abou t their own driv e reduction, a s Freud had theorized. The y also found n o stimulus barriers; newborn infant s were not autistic. Infant s needed t o relat e immediately , fro m birt h onward . The y wer e activ e an d organized themselve s aroun d outsid e stimuli . Simila r findings wer e rep licated i n th e extensiv e review s o f infan t researc h b y Thomas an d Ches s (1980) an d b y Brazelton an d Al s (1979) . Stern (1985 ) an d Sande r (1980 ) note d tha t shortl y afte r birth , infant s preferred certai n facia l expression s an d tona l range s o f speech . B y tw o weeks, infant s wer e abl e t o discriminat e thei r ow n mothers . Therefore , even fairl y newbor n infant s wer e abl e criticall y t o differentiat e thei r en vironment. The y foun d n o linea r progressio n i n th e directio n o f greate r autonomy, as Mahler had noted. Infants could only entertain the symbiotic fantasy o f onenes s wit h mothe r afte r the y develope d a core sens e o f sel f and other . Thi s correspond s t o Lloy d Silverman' s (1971 ) finding wit h adults in tachistoscopic studies: the subliminal maternal symbiotic merging message, "MOMM Y AN D I AR E ONE, " i s effective onl y when sufficien t self object differentiatio n exists .

Attachment and Female Development A numbe r o f psychoanalyti c writer s hav e relate d th e issu e o f attachmen t to women' s sexua l development . Ernes t Jone s (1927 ) was on e o f the first to conside r tha t th e girl's wish fo r a penis symbolized a composite father penis fantasy . Th e littl e girl' s desir e fo r he r father' s peni s wa s par t o f he r attachment t o hi m a s a lov e object . I t wa s onl y whe n sh e coul d no t experience he r fathe r a s a loving objec t tha t sh e experience d peni s envy . Such psychoanalyti c writer s a s Balin t (1954) , Lampl-d e Groo t (1933) , and Mac k Brunswic k (1940 ) considere d tha t th e girl' s fantas y o f havin g her father' s peni s enable d he r t o maintai n he r attachmen t t o he r mother , thereby being , like her father , a valued gratifie r o f mother. Thes e analyst s have commented that little girls may entertain the fantasy of having a penis so that the y will b e loved b y the mother . Thi s i s especially the cas e if th e mother reject s he r daughte r fo r he r husban d o r a younger mal e sibling .

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By entertainin g thi s fantas y o f possessin g a penis, th e littl e gir l hope s t o reestablish her attachment to mother. Thus, penis envy in all these instances seems t o hav e onl y symboli c significance : t o sustai n th e attachmen t t o either th e mothe r o r father . Actua l peni s env y o f littl e girl s was note d i n the direc t observationa l researc h o f Galenso n an d Roiph e (1974) ; how ever, i t was limited t o th e preoedipa l perio d o f development an d was no t significant later . Although castratio n refer s t o los s of the testes, men experienc e i t mor e as a loss of the penis, which is a symbol of masculinity and bodily integrity. The us e o f th e peni s i n sexua l performanc e become s importan t fo r me n to maintain thei r gende r identit y an d self-esteem. Therefore , th e threat o f loss o f th e peni s strongl y affect s personalit y functionin g i n men . Ethe l Person (1980 ) ha s pointed ou t tha t whe n a man i s impotent, h e feels tha t his masculinit y i s threatened , no t jus t hi s sexuality . Me n hav e t o prov e their masculinit y b y sexua l performance . A woma n ca n b e inhibite d o r abstain fro m sex , bu t sexua l performanc e i s no t a s essentia l t o he r per sonality developmen t a s i t i s fo r a man . Therefore , Freud' s psychology , centering o n th e peni s an d th e threa t o f castration , seem s applicabl e fo r men bu t no t fo r women .

Women's Superego What abou t Freud' s ideas concerning the development o f the superego i n boys an d girls ? Melani e Klei n differe d fro m Freu d i n notin g tha t th e superego developmen t begin s durin g th e first yea r o f lif e fo r bot h sexes . In fact , Klei n fel t tha t supereg o developmen t occurre d first an d then pro moted th e Oedipu s complex . Thi s progressio n wa s jus t th e opposit e o f what Freu d ha d theorized . Modern infan t observationa l researc h b y Emd e (1987 ) ha s validate d Klein's ideas and not those of Freud. Emde found tha t young infants use d "social referencing, " tha t is , turnin g t o th e mothe r t o regulat e thei r be havior. Fo r example, when the infant explore d a n object, i t turned towar d the mothe r t o se e he r reaction . I f th e mothe r smiled , th e infan t woul d continue to explore; but if the mother showed fear, the infant would avoi d the object . A t th e en d o f th e first yea r o f life , "positiv e affec t sharing " occurred. Th e chil d looke d t o significan t other s t o shar e a n accomplish ment. Th e chil d the n learne d "reciprocity, " o r ho w t o tak e turn s wit h others. B y the en d o f the secon d year , th e chil d wa s abl e to demonstrat e "empathic" helping behavior . Afte r i t wa s two year s old , th e chil d coul d

Toward a New Feminine Psychology 18 1 restrain it s impulsivit y i n th e presence o f th e parent . Whe n i t wa s thre e years old i t coul d exhibi t self - contro l eve n without th e parent' s presence . The chil d ha d internalize d th e mother' s prohibition s sufficiend y b y thre e years o f ag e t o b e abl e t o contro l it s impulsivity . These findings indicate d tha t supereg o developmen t evolve d fro m th e first yea r o f lif e b y th e child' s gradua l internalizatio n o f it s relationshi p to it s mother . Th e supereg o wa s considerabl y develope d b y th e ag e o f three, a t whic h tim e th e mothe r ha d becom e internalized . Thi s i s con sistent wit h th e psychoanalyti c developmenta l ide a o f sel f an d objec t constancy, which occur s a t abou t thre e years of age . By then, th e mothe r has becom e sufficiend y internalize d s o tha t th e infan t ca n evok e he r image i n it s memory whe n needed . Th e infan t ca n the n functio n towar d itself a s th e actua l mothe r ha d don e earlier . Therefore , th e infan t ca n provide itsel f with comfort , nurturance , an d guidance , an d b e mor e abl e to regulat e it s ow n self-estee m an d eg o functioning . Direc t infan t ob servational researc h doe s no t validat e Freud' s notio n tha t th e supereg o comes int o bein g a t five years of age , after th e resolutio n o f the Oedipu s complex an d followin g internalizatio n o f the father . Th e supereg o i s well in plac e b y ag e three , becaus e o f internalizatio n o f th e mothe r fro m birth onward . Freud posited that because women were not threatened with castration , their Oedipu s comple x wa s no t completel y resolved , an d thu s th e devel opment o f thei r supereg o wa s a t a lowe r leve l tha n tha t o f men . Thi s statement i s base d o n Freud' s notio n tha t th e resolutio n o f th e Oedipu s complex i n male s i s accomplishe d b y th e threa t o f castration . However , the basic assumption—that th e superego develops at five years of age afte r the resolutio n o f th e Oedipu s complex—appear s t o b e erroneous , a s al ready noted . Thu s Freud' s notion s abou t th e inferiorit y o f women' s su perego are invalid, since they proceed from the erroneous basic assumption that th e supereg o originate s a t ag e five. Feminists hav e als o dismisse d Freud' s assertio n tha t wome n hav e a deficient superego . Caro l Gilliga n (1977 , 1982) , basin g he r conclusion s on thre e researc h studies , foun d tha t a woman's conscienc e wa s differen t but no t inferio r t o a man's. A woman's supereg o spok e i n anothe r voice . Women's mora l voic e spok e abou t huma n connection s an d caring , whil e men were concerned abou t abstrac t principles. Methodologically, individ uals wer e place d int o a position o f mora l conflic t tha t require d a choice. Women were concerned about the effects of their choices, whether a person would b e hurt or helped b y them. Men were involved in abstraction, suc h as th e justic e o f a decision . I n previou s studie s o f mora l development ,

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women wer e evaluate d b y arbitrary standard s se t up b y men. The highes t level achieved i n thos e studie s was the abilit y to reaso n abstractly . There fore, wome n wer e judge d ofte n a s bein g low-stag e respondent s i n thei r moral development . Th e woman' s "car e voice " was no t inferio r t o man' s "justice voice 55: it was just different. Wome n care d abou t huma n relation ships mor e tha n abou t abstrac t principles . Critics o f Gilligan , suc h a s Linda Kerber , objec t t o th e apparen t rein forcement o f th e stereotype d view s tha t wome n ar e les s aggressiv e an d more nurturan t tha n me n (Pros e 1990) . Kerbe r fel t tha t thi s researc h ignored socia l class and race, and that moral attitudes have less to do wit h gender than with power. Women ar e on th e fringes o f society and are less identified wit h th e powe r structure . Gilligan' s studie s include d a wid e sample o f economic , ethnic , an d racia l groups , bu t al l wer e withi n th e United States . Simila r studie s nee d t o b e conducte d i n non-Wester n cul tures a s well.

Are Men More Aggressive Than Women? The issu e o f whethe r me n ar e innatel y mor e aggressiv e tha n wome n ha s been hody debated among scientists. Naturalists like Lorenz (1966) believe that male aggression i s innate and adaptiv e to the struggle fo r survival . I n animal studies, the competition fo r territorialit y distributes the group an d prevents th e dange r o f exhaustin g foo d source s fro m on e are a o f land . Male aggressio n als o protect s th e famil y an d th e her d fro m outsid e pre dators. I n riva l fight s fo r th e female , th e stronges t mos t aggressiv e male s will reproduce . I n thi s way, nature foster s selectiv e breedin g an d surviva l of the species . What i s th e evidenc e fo r th e notio n tha t huma n male s ar e geneticall y more aggressiv e tha n females ? Th e physica l expression s o f aggressio n i n the fac e an d bod y an d th e physiologica l response s ar e similar an d inbor n for bot h sexes . The steroid hormone testosterone , found i n a much highe r concentration i n th e male , i s know n t o increas e muscl e siz e an d aggres siveness. Me n ar e generall y large r physicall y an d mor e muscula r tha n women. In addition, male children engage in rough and tumble play much more the n femal e children . In a revie w o f researc h u p t o 1974 , bot h Moye r (1974 ) an d Maccob y and Jacklin (1974 ) concluded tha t in all cultures through recorde d history , males ar e the more aggressiv e gender. Male s commit mor e violent crime s and more act s of personal o r organize d socia l aggression tha n females . I n

Toward a New Feminine Psychology 18 3 a recent study of 4,462 Vietnam veterans, Dabbs an d Morris (1990 ) foun d that me n wit h hig h testosteron e level s were more likel y to hav e a histor y of delinquency, authorit y conflicts, substance abuse, and more sexual partners. Most of these men came from low-incom e economic groups; in men of higher status, the particular profession or social conditions may influence whether or not their aggressio n is sublimated an d expressed in social dominance instead . However, genetic s i s not th e sol e facto r i n aggression . Environmenta l influences pla y a significant rol e as well. The body responds biologically t o emotions arisin g fro m curren t experiences . I n a stud y b y Boot h e t al . (1989), th e leve l o f testosteron e i n me n wa s foun d t o fluctuat e 2 0 t o 3 0 percent following competitiv e activities . Testosterone level s went u p afte r a triumph an d dow n afte r a defeat. The y noted tha t th e testosterone leve l is closely linke d t o th e establishmen t o f dominanc e hierarchies , a s foun d in al l primates, includin g man. 1 Culture als o play s a significan t rol e i n th e expressio n o f aggression . Ashley Montag u (1968 ) ha s pointe d ou t tha t amon g th e Bushme n o f South Africa , th e Pygmie s o f th e Itur i Forest , th e Eskimo s o f th e Arcti c Circle, an d elsewher e ther e i s n o evidenc e o f a heritag e o f aggressiv e territoriality. I n mos t groups , territorialis m i s mor e relate d t o tribalis m and socia l forces . Besides , i n a grea t numbe r o f cultures , suc h a s th e Pueblo Indians , Eskimos , Bushmen , Australia n aborigines , Pygmies , an d so forth , me n ar e no t aggressiv e an d warlike . No t al l culture s foste r o r teach fighting an d aggression . Bot h natur e an d nurtur e ar e importan t and interactiv e o n th e questio n o f aggression . However , give n al l of th e evidence, on e ca n conclud e tha t me n hav e a greater potentia l fo r aggres sion tha n women . There is also evidence from chil d development abou t the greater innat e aggressiveness o f men. Doris Silverma n (1987a ) has pointed ou t tha t fro m earliest infancy , th e les s stabl e stat e syste m o f th e mal e create s greate r 1. Davi s an d Fernal d (1990 ) foun d tha t socia l hierarch y directl y influence d th e brai n structure and sexual functioning i n African cichlid fish. Dominant male fish had larger preoptic neuronal cell s in th e hypothalamus , causin g th e pituitar y glan d t o releas e th e gonadotropi n hormone, whic h increase d mal e gona d functioning . The y wer e brillianti y colored , claime d territory, and mated with females. Submissive fish had much smaller cells in the hypothalamus; they had immatur e gonads , did no t mat e or clai m territory, an d ha d sand-colore d scale s like females. Sinc e the colore d male s wer e mor e visibl e an d pron e t o b e eaten, som e male s wh o were formerl y submissiv e becam e dominan t an d underwen t th e abov e change s i n thei r hypothalamus, pituitary , gonads , coloring , an d territorial-matin g behavior . Althoug h thi s research canno t b e direcd y applie d t o huma n males , th e cycl e o f brain-pituitary-gonad hormone-sexual behavio r i s similar .

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irritability, whic h lead s t o mor e soothin g an d calmin g b y th e mothe r instead o f socialization . Som e observationa l researc h ha s als o shown tha t the face of the mother tends to overstimulate the male infant, wh o is more unstable an d vulnerable . Thi s result s no t onl y i n greate r irritability , bu t also i n th e nee d fo r autonom y an d distanc e fro m th e mothe r b y gaz e aversion. Chodorow (1978 ) state s tha t durin g th e preoedipa l period , boy s hav e to differentiat e fro m thei r all-powerfu l mothe r t o achiev e a masculin e gender identity . Girl s can maintain thei r identification wit h th e mother o f early childhood , an d thei r personalit y structur e i s no t threatene d b y de pendency on her. The boy's need to strive for autonomy and independenc e apart from th e mother result s in a n increased necessity for aggressio n an d control i n adul t males .

The Future Most psychoanalyti c writer s depic t a developmental continuu m fro m in fancy to adulthoo d o f increasing individuation an d independence. Auton omy, no t dependence , is viewed a s the ideal in Western cultur e generally , a view that has influenced psychoanalytic theory. Freud's thinking mirrored these Wester n attitudes , resultin g i n a denigration o f attachmen t an d a n elevation o f masculin e striving s fo r autonomy . A s we recogniz e th e lim itations of either an individualistic or a collectivist society, further change s in theor y will occur . Peopl e nee d t o belong , t o b e attache d t o others , a s much a s they nee d t o b e independent . According t o Silverma n an d others , give n th e stron g attachmen t pro clivities of women, psychoanalytic theory makes it appear that this essential part o f feminin e psycholog y i s a kin d o f developmenta l failure . Menta l health become s equate d wit h autonomy , an d sicknes s wit h dependency . Instead, women' s natura l bondin g abilitie s nee d t o b e recognize d an d acknowledged i n a modern feminin e psychology . Bot h autonom y an d th e ability to relat e to other s ar e important an d essential to th e mental healt h for bot h sexes . Carol Gilligan' s ne w researc h confirm s som e o f the cultura l block s to ward achievemen t tha t exis t for girl s an d that foste r a submissive rol e fo r them (Pros e 1990) . Sh e foun d tha t girl s wer e stron g an d confiden t i n their conviction s durin g thei r preadolescence , bu t the y becam e trans formed int o apologeti c an d hesitan t teenagers . Gilliga n attribute s thi s change in adolescent girls to their coming up agains t "the wall of Western

Toward a New Feminine Psychology 18 5 culture." Adolescent girl s experienc e thei r assertivenes s an d clearsighted ness a s dangerous an d lear n "t o thin k i n way s tha t diffe r fro m wha t the y really think." Gilligan found tha t girls lose their sens e of authority a s they become part o f the curren t cultur e that states , "Keep quiet an d notice th e absence o f wome n an d sa y nothing." Gilligan' s conclusion s wer e simila r to thos e foun d i n th e girl s o f ou r tachistoscopi c stud y o f high-schoo l underachievers. Girl s fel t blocke d fro m socia l achievemen t an d self expression, bu t wer e abl e t o succee d onc e the y wer e give n a sublimina l message permittin g the m t o achieve . Society is changing, however, an d the bars to gender equality are gradually bein g eliminated . A pol l conducte d b y th e New Tork Times in 198 9 indicated tha t the gap of inequality betwee n me n an d women ha s becom e narrower over the last twenty-five years , both a t work an d at home. Ther e is greater opportunity for women to advance at work, and men are tending to shar e mor e o f th e housewor k a t home . Wome n hav e begu n t o ente r fields that wer e traditionall y restricte d t o men , suc h a s polic e work , firefighting, an d construction; the clergy and the military; and they have found jobs a s busines s executives , astronauts , suprem e cour t justices , an d poli ticians. Twent y year s ago , onl y 7 percen t o f doctor s an d 3 percent o f lawyers were women . No w on e ou t o f ever y five in thes e profession s ar e women. Althoug h fewe r tha n 2 percen t o f wome n ar e currenti y i n th e top managemen t o f th e larges t corporations , a stud y b y Kor n Ferr y In ternational expect s thi s leve l t o ris e t o 1 6 percent b y th e yea r 2000 . Al though the gains are slow, the goals of the women's movement for gende r equality are being met. The New Tork Times poll indicated that the women's movement ha s mad e th e relationshi p betwee n th e sexe s i n th e middl e classes more ope n an d honest , wit h greate r friendshi p an d intimacy . Par adoxically, there are a larger number o f women als o living in poverty wh o are single parent s wit h children . As me n valu e an d becom e mor e involve d i n sharin g th e nurturin g of infants , a numbe r o f assumption s i n feminin e psycholog y wil l nee d to b e changed . I f th e fathe r i s als o intimatel y involve d i n chil d rearing , the mal e chil d ma y no t nee d t o distanc e himsel f fro m a n all-powerfu l mother i n orde r t o differentiat e an d achiev e a male gende r identity . Th e male infan t will hav e bonde d t o th e fathe r a s wel l a s t o th e mothe r a t the earlies t stage s o f development . Th e mal e chil d ca n identif y wit h th e father a s a nurturan t person , jus t a s th e femal e chil d doe s wit h th e mother. Th e mal e chil d ma y no t hav e t o distanc e himsel f fro m th e mother an d othe r relationship s i n orde r t o achiev e a masculine identity . Therefore, thos e aspect s o f th e personalit y tha t ha d bee n labele d a s

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feminine nee d no t b e denied , spli t off , an d projecte d b y me n ont o women. I n adulthood , thi s may manifest itsel f by men no longe r needin g to contro l an d distanc e themselve s fro m women . Chodorow' s statemen t about curren t feminin e psychology , tha t wome n nee d t o see k ou t othe r women fo r emotiona l intimacy , shoul d becom e a reli c o f th e past . Me n need no t b e trappe d i n curren t cultura l stereotypes . Me n ca n becom e more capabl e o f emotionality an d genuin e friendshi p wit h women , sinc e it will becom e par t o f th e accepte d mal e identity . Jus t a s women achiev e their feminine gende r identity through thei r relationship with the mother , men ca n develo p thei r masculin e identit y i n thei r relationshi p t o a nurturant father . Intimac y shoul d n o longe r b e a threa t t o a man' s individuality an d masculinity . I f wome n als o identif y earlie r wit h thei r fathers, the y shoul d n o longe r fee l blocke d fro m achievemen t an d enjo y the freedo m t o us e their intellectua l an d creativ e abilities . Being feminin e does no t mea n tha t girl s nee d t o suffe r a n identit y crisi s durin g ado lescence, t o giv e u p thei r independenc e an d becom e submissiv e i n orde r to establis h relationship s wit h boys . These prognostications abou t the unfolding o f male and female gende r identity see m t o b e validate d whe n th e fathe r i s involve d i n chil d care . In a longitudina l stud y b y Kyl e Pruet t a t th e Yal e Chil d Stud y Cente r (Salk 1990) , boy s an d girl s wer e followe d i n sixtee n familie s wher e th e fathers wer e primaril y responsibl e fo r chil d car e an d th e mothers worke d full-time. Thes e childre n wer e found t o b e different fro m thei r classmate s in way s tha t on e woul d expec t fro m Chodorow' s an d Gilligan' s work . At ag e four , girl s di d no t deser t th e building-block s corne r an d boy s did no t leav e th e dol l corner . Eac h gende r continue d t o spen d tim e i n both areas , unlik e thei r classmates . Whe n the y wer e eigh t t o te n year s old, boy s also enjoyed nurturin g babie s an d girls als o remained intereste d in the workplace. The core gender identity of these children was expanded yet firml y establishe d i n eac h sex . The stud y indicate d tha t valuin g bot h relationships an d independenc e ca n b e equall y importan t fo r girl s an d boys. Not onl y ar e child-rearin g practice s changing , bu t societ y itsel f i s gradually becomin g mor e egalitarian . Mor e an d mor e opportunitie s ar e opening u p fo r wome n t o achiev e o n a n equa l footin g wit h men . Th e Freudian mystiqu e o f feminin e psychology , s o muc h influence d b y the Victorian culture , i s disappearin g i n moder n psychoanalysis . A s th e cul ture changes , s o wil l man y o f th e assumption s hel d b y curren t theorie s

Toward a New Feminine Psychology 18 7 of feminin e psychology . A ne w feminin e psycholog y i s evolvin g t o kee p up wit h th e progres s o f moder n societ y an d scientifi c research . Wome n as wel l a s me n ca n b e mor e whol e an d complet e personalities , bot h enjoying autonom y an d th e capacit y fo r a mor e sharin g an d intimat e relationship.

i8. Epilogue: The Evolution of Feminism and Integration with Psychoanalysis

Early feminists In the eighteenth century , the early feminists ha d focused o n th e constriction and injustices tha t women suffered. Thi s was part of the more genera l movement o f the tim e for politica l emancipatio n an d equalit y that sprea d throughout Europ e an d America . I t wa s a reflectio n o f Enlightenmen t thinking, whic h considere d tha t socia l refor m coul d occu r b y a n appea l to reason and education. The first feminists were characterized by profound idealism an d b y th e trus t tha t writin g abou t th e socia l injustic e suffere d by women woul d brin g abou t change .

Gaining the Vote in America Unlike the first feminists, nineteenth - an d twentieth-century feminist s di d not restrict themselves to an appeal to reason. Firestone (1971 ) has pointe d out tha t i n th e Unite d States , feminist s joine d togethe r int o a movemen t that wa s alway s sociall y active , sinc e thi s countr y wa s founde d afte r th e Enlightenment an d Industrial Revolution. Feminist s were further spurre d on t o politica l involvemen t b y th e abolitionis t movement . I n th e earl y nineteenth centur y th e Women' s Right s Movemen t wa s organized , wit h Elizabeth Cad y Stanto n an d Susa n B . Anthony amon g it s mos t militan t advocates. Th e first conventio n wa s hel d i n Senec a Falls , Ne w York , i n 188

Epilogue 18 9 1848. Th e organizatio n objecte d t o th e overal l lac k o f civi l right s fo r married women, an d to the legal treatment of unmarried women a s if they were minors . Wome n di d no t hav e the righ t t o vote , sig n a will, or hav e custody o f thei r childre n i n th e cas e o f divorce . Afte r America n wome n were grante d th e vot e i n 1920 , th e feminis t movemen t becam e inactive , since its goal had bee n achieved . They ha d assume d tha t gainin g th e vot e would automaticall y secur e othe r lega l gains ; the y ha d no t ye t sough t social equalit y i n th e workplac e o r a t home .

Women in the Work Force During th e Civi l Wa r an d Worl d Wa r I , wome n lef t th e hom e t o d o volunteer an d charit y work. However , i t was not unti l World Wa r I I tha t women joined th e labor forc e i n larg e numbers ou t o f necessity, since th e men wer e awa y fighting. Afte r Worl d Wa r II , wome n wer e induce d t o give up their jobs on their own volition. The returning servicemen neede d the work , an d societ y proclaime d tha t th e bes t plac e fo r wome n wa s i n the home. This social value—that women were supposed to seek happiness and fulfillmen t i n domesticity — wa s terme d th e "feminin e mystique " b y Betty Frieda n (1963) . The feminin e mystiqu e reache d it s pea k durin g th e 1950s, whe n togetherness , "homemaking, " an d motherhoo d wer e em phasized a s the primary goals for women . However , th e improvements i n birth control , healt h care , household appliances , an d governmenta l socia l services gradually enable d America n wome n t o hav e greate r contro l ove r their ow n lives .

Charles Darwin and Herbert Spencer Because o f Charle s Darwin' s (1809-1862 ) theor y o f evolution , a n em phasis o n inbor n biologica l factor s occurre d i n th e scientifi c thinkin g o f the nineteent h an d earl y twentiet h centuries . Darwi n emphasize d tha t natural selectio n occurre d a s a resul t o f th e biologica l transmissio n o f certain hereditary traits. Herbert Spencer extended this thinking into Social Darwinism, the belief that only the innately fittest humans won the struggle for surviva l i n society . A numbe r o f group s use d Socia l Darwinis m t o justify thei r ideological biases— that is, that men were superior to wome n and that certai n race s were "better" than others . Some eugenicists wante d to improv e humanit y b y selectiv e breeding , thereb y eliminatin g th e dis abled an d insane . Friedric h Nietzsch e evolve d a n eve n mor e elitis t phi -

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losophy: no t onl y wer e me n bette r tha n women , bu t certai n me n wer e supermen, abov e othe r men . Unfortunately , thes e idea s serve d t o for m the cor e o f Nazi ideolog y concernin g rac e an d gender . Freud, lik e mos t scientist s o f hi s era , wa s als o strongl y influence d b y Darwinian ideas , an d h e emphasize d hereditar y sexua l an d aggressiv e in stincts a s causes fo r huma n behavior . Thi s biologica l orientatio n wa s es pecially true i n Freud' s theor y abou t feminin e psychology , tha t is , inborn bisexuality, th e Oedipu s complex , peni s envy , masochism , an d primar y narcissism: "Anatom y i s destiny." Despite thi s biologica l bia s concernin g inborn instinctua l elements , Freud di d listen to his patients talk about th e life experiences that had bee n traumatic t o them. Freu d als o attempted t o integrate this nature versus nurture controversy by emphasizing that symptoms were not simpl y the effec t o f a traumatic environment , bu t ho w th e individual perceive d an d reacte d t o thei r experiences . However , Freud' s emphasis wa s no t o n th e externa l even t bu t o n it s perception , whic h remained influence d b y inbor n hereditar y instinctua l forces .

Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead Two anthropologists , Rut h Benedic t an d Margaret Mead , challenge d th e notion that people, especially women, were molded primarily by hereditary instinct. Each undertook transcuitural studies to compare our own societ y to primitiv e ones . Benedic t (1946 ) studie d th e Zun i Puebl o America n Indians, a traditional, strongl y socialize d grou p (terme d "Apollonian " b y Benedict); th e America n Plain s Indians , wh o sough t individualize d sen sations an d escap e throug h drug s an d ritual s (terme d "Dionysian " b y Benedict); th e Dob u nea r Ne w Guinea , a competitiv e an d suspiciou s society; an d th e Kwakiu d Indian s o n th e northwes t coas t o f America , a group characterize d b y exhibitionis m an d shame . Benedic t fel t th e rec ognition o f thi s cultura l relativit y coul d hel p chang e th e existin g biase s and stereotypin g abou t gende r an d race . In Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies (1935) , Margare t Mead concentrate d o n ho w gende r role s differe d markedl y i n variou s societies. The boo k wa s base d o n he r anthropologica l stud y o f primitiv e cultures i n th e Sout h Pacifi c tha t bega n i n 1925 . Specific gende r rule s i n each societ y impacte d upo n an d shape d th e role s an d identit y o f bot h males and females. Mead's findings, like Benedict5s, questioned the Western notions, including those held by Freud, that male and female characteristics were biologicall y inbor n an d tha t the y determine d sexua l roles . I t chal -

Epilogue 19 1 lenged associating temperamental trait s such a s activeness or passivity an d dominance o r submissivenes s a s being "naturally 5' feminin e o r masculine . For example , among the Arapesh, bot h me n an d women ar e unaggressive and gende ; amon g th e Mundugumor, bot h ar e aggressiv e an d angr y an d the wome n dislik e children ; i n th e Tchambuli , me n ador n themselves , gossip, and are interested in art, while women ar e unadorned and efficient . Sexually stereotype d behaviora l trait s were force d upo n boy s and girl s b y society, whether the y fit the individual' s temperamen t an d endowment o r not. Mea d acknowledge d tha t ther e wer e innat e biologica l an d physio logical difference s betwee n th e sexes , bu t tha t the y interacte d wit h an d were strongl y shape d b y cultura l forces . Sh e recommende d tha t th e gift s of al l individuals , whethe r mal e o r female , b e recognize d an d no t ster eotyped a s male o r female .

Simone de Beauvoir Simone d e Beauvoir' s book , The Second Sex (1961) , was first publishe d i n France i n 1949 . I t sensitize d wome n t o th e constricte d socia l condition s under whic h the y live d an d containe d a critiqu e o f th e anthropological , economic, psychological , an d socia l factor s tha t affec t women . I n psy chology, he r mai n thesi s wa s tha t boy s wer e socialize d t o b e activ e an d to "do" things. Boys looked forwar d t o becoming something "important " in th e future , enablin g the m t o liv e a life o f transcendence . O n th e othe r hand, girl s wer e traine d t o b e passiv e an d simpl y t o "be, " eve n thoug h innately the y wer e abl e t o "do. " Thi s restricte d a woma n t o a lif e o f immanence tha t wa s limited t o th e present , withou t ambitio n o r a futur e shaped b y he r ow n efforts . Boys' identitie s wer e forme d i n term s o f thi s abilit y t o liv e a lif e o f transcendence. Girls ' identitie s evolve d aroun d a lif e o f immanence . B y being able to be active and plan for the future, th e boy experienced himsel f as th e subject . B y bein g passiv e an d livin g i n th e present , th e gir l sa w herself a s the object . Me n coul d furthe r defin e themselve s a s the subject , since women becom e the object. As an object, women achieve d their sense of self by identifying wit h th e man . Wome n wer e no t abl e to revers e thi s process t o achiev e reciprocit y becaus e o f thei r upbringin g an d thei r con tinued psychic oppression. Because of this lack of equality, women becam e "the secon d sex, " a term coine d b y d e Beauvoir . On a deeper psychologica l level , de Beauvoi r commente d tha t wome n became th e containe r fo r aspect s fro m whic h me n fee l alienate d i n them -

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selves. Woman becam e man' s "Other, " th e "intermediary " betwee n hi m and nature . Eve n thoug h d e Beauvoi r wa s not familia r wit h th e concept s of object-relation s psychoanalysis , sh e frame d he r thinkin g i n a wa y re markably consisten t wit h it . Wha t sh e wa s describin g i s th e proces s o f projective identification . Me n projecte d unacceptabl e an d dissociate d as pects o f themselves , suc h a s thei r dependency , emotionality , an d huma n vulnerability into women, who became their container. Men then induce d women int o identifyin g wit h an d expressin g thes e aspect s fo r them . I n this way, women became the Other and were denied a unique and separate identity o f thei r own . De Beauvoi r furthe r trace d feminin e developmen t i n th e famil y an d society, notin g tha t th e smal l gir l willingl y accept s he r feminin e rol e a t first, sinc e sh e wishe s t o rul e lik e he r mother . Mother s appea r t o b e th e privileged an d empowered group durin g early childhood. However , later , when sh e emerges from th e maternal circle through he r schoolwork, read ing, an d experiences , she become s awar e that me n ar e the trul y powerfu l ones wh o contro l th e world . I t i s thi s revelation , muc h mor e tha n dis covering th e penis , that alter s th e girl' s conceptio n o f herself . De Beauvoir rejected Freud' s concept of penis envy in favor of women's envying th e greate r powe r tha t me n hav e i n society . Th e peni s wa s onl y a symbo l o f thi s dominatio n b y men , bein g th e sam e view tha t wa s pro posed by Horney, Jones, and others mentioned earlier in this book. Simila r to thes e psychoanalysts , d e Beauvoi r considere d Freud' s theor y a s androcentric, viewe d solel y fro m a man's perspective . Sh e objecte d t o th e em phasis on th e centrality of sexual conflict, whic h had bee n the cornerston e of Freud's theory. This is also in keeping with modern psychoanalysi s tha t focuses les s on sexualit y an d mor e o n th e preoedipa l issue s of attachmen t and separation from the mother. De Beauvoir felt the real conflict for women was eithe r t o asser t thei r ow n libert y o r t o accep t th e rol e o f object . D e Beauvoir considere d tha t existentiall y wome n hav e th e abilit y an d powe r to choos e t o b e active . Wome n di d no t hav e t o accep t alienatio n fro m themselves a s a full person . Wome n di d no t hav e t o se e themselve s onl y as an object fo r men . D e Beauvoi r showe d th e pathwa y an d validated th e new possibilitie s tha t were ope n fo r women . Wome n neede d t o seiz e th e moment, t o b e th e subject^ an d procee d i n thei r emancipation .

Betty Friedan This evolutio n continue d wit h th e publicatio n o f The Feminine Mystique by Bett y Frieda n i n 1963 . This boo k wa s extremel y successfu l an d mad e

Epilogue 19 3 a tremendous impac t throughou t th e world. Frieda n di d no t rel y only o n the writte n word , bu t wa s politicall y activ e an d galvanize d wome n int o the secon d feminis t movement . I n 1965 , she helpe d foun d th e Nationa l Organization fo r Wome n (NOW) . I t becam e a national organization an d the nucleus of the women's movement i n the United States . NOW fough t against al l form s o f sexis m i n advertisements , discriminatio n i n employ ment, a s wel l a s lega l inequalities . Thi s secon d feminis t movemen t als o expanded int o a supportive socia l network to raise feminine consciousnes s to see k gende r equality . In The Feminine Mystique, Frieda n describe d th e currentl y existin g "happy housewife heroine " as an updated versio n of the German prescrip tion fo r women : Kinder , Kiiche , Kirche . Thi s wa s a feminin e mystiqu e grafted ont o old patriarchal prejudices an d stereotypes. Women who trie d to hav e a career were see n a s being envious o f men an d were condemne d for no t finding fulfillmen t i n thei r "feminine " nature . Wome n wer e sup posed t o b e passive , dominate d b y men , an d t o assum e a reproductive maternal role . By encouraging girl s to avoi d a commitment t o schoo l an d career throug h th e promis e o f fulfillmen t i n marriage , th e feminin e mys tique arrested the development of women an d deprived them of a personal identity. Friedan sa w Freud's theor y o f women a s arising in a historical contex t and contributin g t o th e continuatio n o f Victoria n patriarcha l prejudices . Friedan note d tha t muc h o f wha t Freu d sa w a s universa l an d biologica l or instinctua l i s no w show n t o b e culture-bound . Frieda n favore d th e replacement o f Freud's emphasi s o n sexualit y a s the primar y human nee d with th e impuls e fo r huma n growth . Sh e note d tha t a s th e child' s min d and bod y grew , th e abilit y t o maste r an d understan d one' s environmen t increased. Thu s Friedan' s thinkin g wa s more consisten t wit h Kare n Hor n e t s , Melani e Klein's , and object-relation s psychoanalyti c psychology . I n modern psychoanalyti c thinking , less emphasis i s placed on sexual conflic t and mor e o n developmenta l arres t durin g earl y childhood , whic h i s no w seen a s more crucia l i n causin g psychopathology . In The Second Stage (1981) , Frieda n recognize d th e emergin g issue s that have come about a s a result of the feminist movement . Sh e advocate d that feminist s g o beyon d "sexua l politics, " which sa w me n a s the enem y of women . Th e women' s movemen t ha d focused o n achievemen t i n a men's worl d b y men' s value s an d terms . Th e issue s facin g wome n no w concern th e integratio n o f thei r ne w rol e i n th e workplac e wit h tha t o f wife an d mother. Frieda n maintain s tha t change s i n the workplace an d i n the home must occur to relieve the stress on women today . Sh e notes tha t men mus t b e enlisted a s cooperating participant s in this change. Men an d

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male-oriented institution s nee d t o becom e sensitize d t o an d acknowledg e feminine values . Husband s nee d t o tak e a n equa l par t i n sharin g th e re sponsibilities o f th e hom e wit h thei r workin g wives . Women nee d t o b e given time off from wor k after birt h or adoption, an d provided with mor e flexible hours and better child-care facilities. Child rearing, as well as caring for elderl y parents , i s important. Th e moder n feminis t movemen t i s no w dealing wit h thes e ne w issues , whic h hav e arise n fro m th e shif t towar d greater gende r equalit y a t wor k an d i n th e home .

Current Feminist Theories This firs t wav e o f twentieth-century feminist s coul d b e calle d egalitarian , since the y sough t equa l right s wit h men . A secon d wav e emerge d afte r 1968 that emphasized women's radical difference fro m me n and demande d the righ t t o remai n outsid e o f male-defined , phallocentri c structure s an d institutions (Kristev a 1977) . Eve n i n The Second Sex, d e Beauvoi r ha d stressed th e oppressivenes s o f motherhoo d a s a n institutio n an d rejecte d maternity as a way for women to achieve transcendence. In opposing these views, Helen e Cixou s (1986 ) considere d thi s rejectio n o f maternit y b y feminists a s a patriarcha l tra p tha t perpetuate s th e denia l o f wome n t o experience thei r bodies . Second-wave notions o f universal gender difference s betwee n men an d women hav e bee n critique d b y othe r feminists . Accordin g t o Teres a d e Lauretis (1985) , focusing o n thes e gender difference s keep s feminist think ing boun d t o the terms of patriarchy itself . It constrain s feminis t though t within a n oppositiona l conceptua l frame , polarizin g me n an d women . I t also makes it difficult t o look at the differences betwee n individual wome n and th e universa l woman , an d betwee n wome n o f differen t races , classes, and ethnicity. I t perpetuate s theorie s that privileg e one se x at the expens e of th e other , thereb y continuin g th e wa r betwee n th e sexe s an d no t mo tivating me n t o joi n wit h wome n t o effec t socia l change .

Feminist Psychoanalytic Theory Freud's theory about women has been criticized by the feminist movemen t as bein g patriarchal , phallocentric , ignorin g th e mother , an d to o biolog ically oriented. The first dissent within psychoanalysis that emphasized th e importance o f th e mothe r i n chil d developmen t cam e fro m Car l Jung , Otto Rank , an d especiall y Sando r Ferenczi . Oppositio n t o Freud' s idea s

Epilogue 19 5 about th e castratio n comple x an d peni s env y i n feminin e psycholog y re sulted in the long debate between Freud and Ernest Jones that lasted fro m the 1920 s int o th e 1930s . Whil e Helen e Deutsc h defende d Freud' s bio logical theorie s concernin g women , Melani e Klei n develope d he r ow n concepts concernin g chil d developmen t tha t emphasize d th e mother , an d Karen Horne y pursue d a culturalist approach . Melanie Klei n investigate d th e preoedipa l perio d o f childhoo d tha t emphasized attachmen t t o th e mother , an d considere d drive s no t a s mechanistic forces bu t a s fantasies tha t accompan y relationships. Klein (1937) theorized tha t infant s fantasiz e th e preoedipa l mothe r a s th e bountifu l breast/mother containin g ora l supplies . Frustratin g experience s wit h th e mother lea d th e infan t t o wis h t o stea l he r ora l supplies , thereb y havin g a fantas y o f damagin g th e mother . However , Klei n fel t tha t durin g th e later depressive position, the infant's concern for the mother also produced reparative fantasie s t o und o thi s damage . Sh e als o speculate d tha t du e t o an inborn primordial feminine sexuality, the girl has an unconscious knowledge o f he r vagina . Klein di d no t formulat e a comprehensiv e theor y concernin g gende r development; however , D . K . Silverma n (1987b ) point s ou t tha t Klei n did differentiat e gender s i n term s o f thei r ambivalen t greedy-destructiv e versus loving-reparativ e fantasie s towar d th e mother . Klei n fel t tha t be cause boy s ha d a peni s the y experience d les s envy , destructiveness , an d guilt, thereb y loosenin g thei r bon d t o th e mother. Sinc e girls' destructiv e fantasies wer e more intense , their reparativ e need s an d ties to th e mothe r become greater . Klei n als o speculate d tha t thi s was on e reaso n wh y girl s tend t o bon d mor e strongl y tha n males . The othe r analyti c grou p tha t questione d Freud' s idea s o f feminin e development wer e th e neo-Freudians , especiall y Kare n Horne y an d Clar a Thompson. The y wer e influence d b y th e cultura l finding s abou t gende r uncovered b y the ne w researc h i n anthropolog y an d sociology . Althoug h the sexes were biologicall y determined , the y note d tha t idea s concernin g femininity an d masculinity were a product of culture. In addition, the neoFreudians wer e th e first psychoanalyti c grou p t o becom e engage d wit h the feminis t movement , an d attempte d t o integrat e feminis t theor y wit h psychoanalysis. Th e neo-Freudian s rejecte d Freud' s notio n o f a single , inborn, mal e developmenta l rout e fo r bot h sexe s an d believe d ther e wa s a different pat h for each sex. They rejected Freud's constructs about women concerning th e castratio n comple x an d peni s env y leadin g t o th e oedipa l period. They also emphasized postoedipal development, where culture has its mos t obviou s input . Althoug h th e neo-Freudian s wer e correc t abou t

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gender identit y being learned from cultura l sexual stereotypes, one crucial area remaine d unexplored . I t i s no w know n (Stolle r 1968 ) that gende r identity begin s durin g the preoedipal period , a time that neithe r the neoFreudians no r the Kleinians had investigated sufficiendy . To answe r question s abou t gende r developmen t durin g the preoedipal period, tw o trends hav e emerge d i n recen t feminis t psychoanalyti c writ ings. Th e first draw s o n object-relation s theor y an d is develope d i n the work o f Doroth y Dinnerstein' s The Mermaid and the Minotaur (1976) , Nancy Chodorow' s The Reproduction of Mothering (1978 ) an d Feminism and Psychoanalytic Theory (1989), an d Jane Flax' s "Th e Conflict betwee n Nurturance and Autonomy in Mother-Daughter Relationship s and within Feminism" (1978) . The second tren d i s derived fro m th e thinking o f the French psychoanalyst , Jacque s Lacan , an d is reflected i n Helene Cixous' s "The Laug h o f the Medusa" (1976 ) an d The Newly Born Woman (1986) , Luce Irigaray' s This Sex Which Is Not One (1985a ) an d Speculum of the Other Woman (1985b) , an d Juli a Kristeva' s Rolylogue (1977 ; se e als o 1987).

Despite considerabl e theoretica l differences , bot h o f thes e psychoan alytic groups emphasiz e the preoedipal perio d o f child development . The preoedipal perio d i s seen a s a gynocentric spac e tha t celebrate s materna l bonding an d may be recapture d b y women a s a rebirt h awa y fro m pa triarchal cultura l image s t o rewor k women' s positio n i n society . Dorothy Dinnerstei n (1976 ) extende d Kleinia n theor y int o chil d de velopment to explain why women are seen as "the other," as part of nature, dehumanized, an d exploited. Durin g earlies t infanc y th e mother, wh o is the primar y caretaker , is seen as a part-object, a n "it," as if part of nature. However, b y the time th e father become s a significant object , th e infan t has alread y develope d a separate self , a n "I." The infant the n experience s the father a s a whole an d separate object , anothe r "I. " Since girls identif y with th e mother , th e mothe r the n als o become s mor e humanize d an d becomes an "I" to the girl. On the other hand, since the mother originall y had been experienced as an "it" to the girl, she may also experience herself as less of an "I," that is , more o f an object an d less of a subject . Nancy Chodorow (1971 ) noted tha t in almost all societies women wer e physically, politically, and economically dominated by men. She considered that neithe r se x could attai n a stable gende r identit y becaus e o f sex-rol e ideology an d socialization . Me n neede d t o prov e thei r masculinit y b y "doing," becaus e o f thei r insecurit y abou t thei r mal e gende r identity . Women's "being " represented a resignation t o their devalued an d inferio r role, instea d o f a genuin e acceptanc e o f the self . I n The Reproduction of

Epilogue 19 7 Mothering (1978) , Chodorow note d tha t durin g th e preoedipa l stage , th e mother wa s experience d a s dominant. However , o n enterin g th e oedipa l stage, a reversa l i n powe r structur e occurred , wit h th e chil d becomin g aware o f mal e socia l dominance . Th e suppressio n o f wome n i n late r lif e by me n ma y partl y b e a result o f th e residua l fea r an d resentmen t o f th e powerful preoedipa l mother . Wha t evolves , Chodoro w suggests , i s a defensive masculin e identit y an d a compensator y ideolog y o f mal e superiority. In feminism and Psychoanalytic Theory (1989) , Chodoro w strive s t o further integrat e feminist theory with object-relations psychoanalysis, even though object-relation s theor y has not develope d a n adequate explanatio n for gende r differentiation . Usin g Margare t Mahler' s developmenta l time table, Chodorow note s tha t durin g th e separation-individuatio n phas e o f early chil d development , bot h intrapsychi c an d interpersona l spac e ar e established. Th e struggl e betwee n isolatio n an d fusio n wit h mothe r tha t occurs durin g thi s earl y developmenta l phas e als o continue s throughou t the rest of life. There is both a distancing from—as wel l as a longing for — fusion wit h the lost "all good" symbiotic mother of the preoedipal period . She theorize s tha t girl s fee l a t eas e i n thei r connectio n t o th e preoedipa l mother, sinc e the y belon g t o th e sam e sex . However , boy s experienc e a sense o f dange r t o thei r identit y b y engulfmen t an d nee d t o disconnec t from th e preoedipa l mothe r a s a person o f th e opposit e sex . To d o this , boys ten d t o repres s "affect, " "relationa l needs, " a s wel l a s a "sens e o f connection." Men' s selve s ar e mor e involve d i n distancin g i n orde r t o defensively establis h firm eg o boundarie s an d den y interpersona l connec tions. Women' s selve s ar e concerne d mor e wit h relationship s an d mor e open-boundary negotiations . Other feminis t object-relation s theorist s als o emphasiz e th e nee d o f boys to differentiate from th e mother to achieve a male identity, while girls can identify with th e mother . Thes e difference s ar e reinforce d furthe r b y mothers' differential treatmen t of the sexes. According to Chodorow, Din nerstein, an d Flax , mother s identif y mor e strongl y wit h femal e children , and they encourage boy s to separate an d become autonomous. To resolv e this imbalance, Chodorow, Dinnerstein, and Flax suggest that both parents share i n parentin g equally , enablin g me n an d wome n t o becom e mor e fully human . There ha s bee n som e criticis m o f object-relation s feminis t theory . I t questions whethe r me n woul d b e willing t o shar e i n th e motherin g role , in vie w o f thei r nee d t o differentiat e fro m th e mothe r t o achiev e a mal e identity. Accordin g t o object-relation s feminis t theory , me n nee d t o dis -

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tance themselve s an d oppos e th e engulfin g preoedipa l mother , an d no t identify wit h her . In response , on e ca n stat e tha t th e cor e identit y o f th e sel f fo r bot h sexes i s considered t o b e a result o f internalizatio n o f th e mothe r durin g the earlie r symbioti c stag e o f development . Furthermore , th e nee d t o separate fro m th e mother ma y not b e limited t o earl y child development , but ca n continu e t o exis t throughou t childhoo d an d int o adulthood . If a patriarcha l societ y prevent s th e mothe r fro m achievin g he r ow n identity, she may interfere wit h the autonomou s striving s of her children , especially he r sons . Becaus e a patriarcha l phallocentri c Victoria n societ y limited a woman's abilit y t o fin d he r ow n self-fulfillment , sh e was force d to identif y wit h he r husband' s socia l succes s to sustai n he r self-esteem . I f her husban d wa s no t successful , sh e coul d pressur e an d contro l he r so n to achiev e sociall y an d liv e vicariousl y throug h hi s success . Thus , i n a patriarchal societ y the son may need to oppose a close-binding mother t o establish a separat e identity , whic h ma y persis t a s a continuin g struggl e into adulthood . A s previously mentioned, thi s appeared to b e the case fo r Freud, who di d not analyz e his early preoedipal an d postoedipal relation ship to his mother, bu t limited his theory to the oedipal relationship wit h the father . Object relation s theory views the intrapsychic structure a s evolving ou t of th e interpersona l dynamic s tha t becom e internalized . Thu s a s cultur e becomes les s patriarchal , relationship s chang e an d i n tur n intrapsychi c dynamics of the individuals change. With the present greater social equality between the sexes due to more economic opportunities for women, gender roles als o appea r t o hav e becom e les s rigid an d stereotyped . In the American middle class, fathers have become increasingly involved in motherin g thei r infant s becaus e thei r wive s als o work , an d caretakin g is not considered a reflection on their masculinity. Women are also attaining their ow n identities , bein g more assertiv e an d abl e to achiev e outside th e home a s well , withou t succes s bein g condemne d a s unfeminin e o r a s a phallic-masculine protest . Wit h mother s findin g self-fulfillmen t an d thei r own identity , ther e i s little need fo r a mother t o bin d th e so n t o he r an d live vicariously throug h him . Becaus e o f thes e rol e change s a t least , boy s should experienc e les s difficulty differentiatin g fro m a mother wh o i s experienced a s all-powerful, engulfing , an d controlling. The need of men t o distance themselves and control women later in life should also be reduced or eliminate d a s patriarcha l societ y changes . A s father s als o becom e in volved i n chil d care , th e bo y ca n bon d wit h a nurturan t fathe r s o tha t separating fro m th e mothe r an d achievin g a male gender identit y i s facil -

Epilogue 19 9 itated. Th e lac k o f bondin g wit h a father figur e ha s becom e a core issu e in a n emergin g mal e movement . The othe r feminis t psychoanalyti c group—Cixous , Irigaray , an d Kris teva—relies o n th e wor k o f Jacque s Lacan . Laca n (1987 ) reformulate d Freud's psychoanalysi s b y abandonin g it s biologica l metaphor s an d sub stituting linguistic s an d logic . O f th e variou s revision s o f Freud , th e La canian i s paradoxicall y th e mos t radica l an d a t th e sam e tim e th e mos t conservative. Whil e Horne y an d object-relation s theorist s recogniz e th e role of culture, they consider that there is also an inborn femininity. Lacan , however, discount s th e role of biology an d considers femininity a s simply a reflectio n o f language an d culture . On th e conservative side , he does not emphasiz e th e importance o f the preoedipal perio d (whic h correspond s t o hi s term , th e Imaginary ) bu t gives priorit y t o th e oedipa l perio d (whic h h e call s the Symbolic) . Thu s the rol e o f th e mothe r i s minimize d an d th e father' s importanc e i s em phasized. What is most important i s that he retains the phallocentric structure o f Freud , eve n thoug h h e consider s i t a patriarcha l cultura l fraud . Lacan believe s that i t is the linguistic, cultural concep t o f the phallus (no t the biologica l peni s itself ) an d th e castratio n comple x tha t differentiat e the sexes . Lacan (Mitchel l an d Ros e 1982 ) consider s tha t ther e i s a preoedipa l "mirror stage" in which the infant gaze s at the mother for its reflection an d identity. Whil e Winnicot t see s th e mothe r mirrorin g th e chil d t o itself , Lacan see s th e mothe r a s giving a n image , whic h i s a misrepresentation , to the child. The child's ego is split, and an "Imaginary" image is developed. This mirro r imag e serve s a s a mode l o f eg o functioning , permittin g th e subject t o functio n a s a n "I. " It i s th e fathe r wh o disrupt s th e exclusiv e relationshi p betwee n th e mother and child and who represents the conventional systems of meaning, the "Symbolic." According to Lacan, linguistic consciousness occurs when the infant recognize s itsel f as being separate from it s mother. I t is the los s of the mother that furthers th e development of an identity. The Imaginar y is replaced b y the Symboli c identity. This separation i s experienced b y the infant a s a loss of a sense of wholeness, of not bein g one with the mother , and o f a los s of jouissance (unspeakable enjoyment , a s i n th e pleasur e o f sexual orgasm ) tha t thi s bon d engendered . The pai n o f thi s separatio n an d los s result s i n a repressio n o f thi s preoedipal relationshi p int o the unconscious. The infan t the n attempt s t o reestablish a relationshi p wit h a n "Other " throug h discours e an d com munication. Th e Othe r (representin g th e idealize d los t mother ) i s expe-

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rienced a s having th e powe r t o mak e goo d thi s los s an d t o complet e th e subject. However , thi s desir e ca n neve r b e satisfied , sinc e symboli c lan guage canno t recou p th e primar y identificatio n wit h th e mother . The chil d experience s th e los s o f th e mothe r a s du e t o th e mother' s desire fo r a phallus , becaus e sh e doe s no t hav e one . Th e los s o f th e un mediated jouissance tha t characterize d th e preoedipa l bon d t o th e mothe r is symbolized b y the father' s phallu s i n Lacan' s schema . The phallu s sym bolizes th e father' s privileg e o f possessin g th e mothe r an d accompanie s masculine gende r identity . Despit e Lacan' s clai m tha t th e significatio n o f the phallu s i n Wester n patriarch y i s a fraud, i t i s a prevalent frau d i n th e culture. Lacan says that girls experience that they lack the value this poten t sign designates, that is , the belie f that the mother desire s a phallus, which is wha t th e gir l lacks . Wome n the n becom e relegate d t o th e statu s o f a castrated Othe r an d ar e devalued , sinc e the y lac k the affirmativ e qualitie s associated wit h th e phallus . Wome n ar e the n unabl e t o represen t them selves a s subjects , sinc e the y als o defin e themselve s a s "no t men. " The y see themselve s a s a n objec t an d me n a s a subject , an d see k t o affir m themselves throug h me n a s thei r Other . I n addition , Laca n note s tha t women ar e presented a s the mysterious Other , who (lik e God) secure s fo r man hi s own self-knowledg e an d truth . H e state s that bot h thes e percep tions of women a s castrated or mysterious Others ar e the products of male fantasy, an d ar e not base d o n reality . Clinicians, especiall y thos e i n th e Unite d States , hav e foun d Lacan' s writing almos t unintelligibl e an d hi s rejectio n o f biolog y unacceptable . However, man y feminist s hav e embrace d Lacan' s theorie s tha t discoun t biology an d conside r languag e an d cultur e a s primary , sinc e chang e i n gender structur e an d identit y seem s mor e possible . I n particular , wome n need not take the postures of the masochistic object or idealized mysterious Other. I t i s precisely for thes e reasons, that Cixous , Irigaray, an d Kristev a deploy metaphor a s a tool to represent that which is not (i n Lacan's terms) currendy in discourse. Reliance on Lacan's work also allows these feminis t theoreticians t o analyz e th e proble m o f mal e motivation . Th e phallu s i s viewed a s only a cultural symbol, a signifier an d not th e actual organ, tha t is used t o divid e th e genders . They conside r tha t me n delud e themselve s into believin g tha t the y posses s th e omnipotenc e tha t th e phallu s repre sents. It is also in men's interest to deal with their helplessness concernin g the los s of the preoedipa l mothe r an d t o g o beyon d thei r culturall y rein forced fantasies. Cixous (1986 ) point s ou t tha t historicall y witche s an d hysteric s hav e challenged th e Symboli c order. The y disrup t th e phallocentrism tha t sup -

Epilogue 20 1 presses the realm of the Imaginary, women, and their bodies. She considers that Freud' s cas e o f Dor a i s a prime exampl e o f th e rebellio n agains t th e exchange o f women that , a s Levi-Strauss noted , ha s historically sustaine d patriarchy. Sh e disagree s wit h Lacan' s disregar d o f th e mothe r i n hi s formulations, an d sh e emphasize s th e femal e bod y an d it s sexua l an d maternal functions . Irigaray (1985a ) comment s tha t Freu d coul d no t comprehen d femal e homosexuality, sinc e h e considere d a singl e mal e sexua l mode l fo r bot h genders. Sh e trace s th e effacin g o f th e wom b i n Plato' s philosoph y a s a way of denying birt h an d death i n order to establish th e law of the father . To undermin e phallocentris m an d t o expres s Imaginary-feminin e dis course, sh e write s i n a poeti c styl e tha t disrupt s th e linea r orde r o f sentences. Kristeva (1986 ) also emphasizes the Imaginary, which she feels contain s the creativ e energ y o f the preoedipa l drives . Sh e disagree s with Irigaray' s efforts t o spea k withi n th e Imaginary . Th e Imaginar y continue s t o exis t within an d becomes expressed in Symbolic language by poetry and music. Kristeva review s the practice of worshiping the great mother goddes s an d the suppressio n o f women an d thei r bodies . A criticism that can be directed a t these Lacanian feminist theoretician s is tha t the y reintroduc e th e familia r Freudia n presentatio n o f woma n a s the castrate d victi m o r Other . Eve n i f the image s th e feminis t Lacanian s offer ar e differen t i n som e respect s fro m thos e o f Freu d an d others , i t i s not clea r how thei r script s o f preoedipal determinism , th e Imaginary, ca n bring abou t th e change s the y intend . Eve n thoug h symboli c languag e i s dualistic, wit h a subjec t an d a n object , i t i s questionabl e ho w elevatin g the Imaginary , wit h it s magica l primary-proces s thinking , ca n facilitat e social change. Indeed, a s presented in Part One of this book, it is precisely the preoedipal for m o f thinking, the Imaginary, with it s use of magic an d primitive defens e mechanism s tha t ha s bee n show n t o b e responsibl e fo r the historica l evolutio n o f bot h patriarch y an d phallocentrism . Th e suppression o f wome n i s no t base d o n rationa l symboli c logic , bu t o n irrationality. People have institutionalized i n their culture the same magical methods o f copin g wit h helplessnes s a s ar e use d b y the preoedipa l child . To elevat e wome n fro m th e positio n o f objec t int o bein g a subjec t wil l not occu r b y a retur n t o prelogical , primitive , magica l way s o f thinkin g and communicating. Indeed , wome n alread y seem to hav e more acces s t o nondiscursive symbolism, which is more fluid, metaphorical, and imagistic as well as more personal , emotional, an d intimate, a s described b y Lange r (1942) i n chapte r 3 of thi s book . Eve n thoug h on e ca n disagre e wit h th e

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solution offere d b y th e feminis t Lacanians , on e ca n agre e wit h th e goa l of ultimately viewing both men and women as subjects and men becomin g more capabl e o f intimacy . Irrespective of how we view the differences betwee n Lacanian (or Western patriarchal ) presentation s o f wome n an d thos e presente d i n feminis t Lacanian revisions, the overall effectiveness o f their theories is still at issue. Finally, Spiva k (1981 ) ha s note d tha t Lacania n writing s d o no t includ e the experience s o f non-Wester n women , wome n o f color , poo r women , and many gay women. As both political agenda and therapeutic cure, their writings see m t o fal l shor t o f their well-intende d goal . Sprengnether (1990 ) consider s tha t bot h Lacania n an d object-relation s psychoanalysis presen t othe r limitation s fo r feminis t theory . Neithe r on e alters th e cultura l notio n tha t wome n ar e identifie d primaril y wit h thei r reproductive functions an d consequendy constitute a threat to masculinit y and phalli c civilization . Eve n thoug h object-relation s theor y focuse s o n the preoedipal mother, i t is still from th e child's perspective of the mothe r as only a nurturer—one wh o i s gratifying o r nongratifyin g o f th e child' s needs. Laca n seem s altogethe r indifferen t t o th e mother , excep t tha t sh e represents th e Imaginary . Sprengnethe r note s tha t whil e Laca n negate s biology an d emphasize s linguistics , whic h seem s t o undermin e phallo centrism i n th e culture , ther e ar e tw o disadvantage s i n Lacania n theor y for women . First , i f women den y th e importanc e o f sexual differences, i t is difficul t fo r the m t o creat e a presenc e i n discourse , sinc e historical , material, an d physiologica l issue s ar e denied . Second , Lacan' s placemen t of th e Symboli c (oedipal ) ove r th e Imaginar y (preoedipal ) i n languag e makes th e feminis t writing s onl y subversiv e an d inhibit s cultura l change . This i s especiall y th e cas e fo r th e abov e thre e Lacania n feminis t writer s who hav e attempte d t o diminis h th e powe r o f th e Symbolic , whic h rep resents the father. They emphasize the Imaginary, the figure of the mother, and th e femal e body . Sprengnethe r the n conclude s tha t whil e Chodoro w attempts t o mov e object-relation s theor y towar d cultura l interpretation , the femal e Lacanian s shif t fro m a nonbiological an d cultura l approac h t o one o f innat e biologica l femininity : £C What thi s situatio n suggest s i s tha t psychoanalytic feminis m need s a wa y t o accoun t fo r femininit y i n bot h biological an d cultura l terms. " In thi s book , particularl y i n chapter s 8 and 12 , I hav e offere d a bridg e that connects individual dynamics, interpersonal relations , the family, an d society. Instea d o f viewing th e mothe r onl y fro m th e child' s perspective , we need to see her in terms of her own dynamics as well as her interaction s

Epilogue 20 3 with the family and society. The object-relations family typology presented, especially the depressive form, serve s as a way to relate these various levels of interaction . In chapte r 17 , an effor t wa s mad e t o develo p a feminin e psycholog y that i s multidetermined , an d no t reductionisti c an d limite d t o a singl e perspective. I t doe s no t follo w Freud' s dictu m tha t anatom y i s destiny , nor Lacan' s belie f tha t languag e i s destiny . Moder n understandin g o f gender identit y rest s o n a numbe r o f factors . Th e infan t i s bor n wit h certain genetic and prenatal givens that include temperament, intelligence , creative gifts , th e potentia l fo r certai n physica l an d emotiona l ills , an d some gender-specific behavior . However, these are influenced an d molded by important interpersona l relationship s wit h th e mother, th e father , an d siblings, b y th e famil y a s a system , b y society , an d b y th e culture . Eve n within a give n societ y ther e ar e variou s determinants , suc h a s race , eth nicity, religion , an d socioeconomi c factors . The challeng e fo r th e futur e i s t o confron t th e mor e difficul t tas k o f emphasizing th e multiplicit y o f femal e expression s withou t effacin g th e equally importan t cultura l a s wel l a s biologica l difference s betwee n an d within the sexes. Feminist psychoanalytic theory has been developing with enormous spee d int o a sophisticate d an d respecte d disciplin e i n it s ow n right. I t shoul d continu e t o gro w an d develo p t o mee t th e challenge s o f a rapidl y changin g society .

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Name Index

Abraham, 4 1 Abraham, Karl , 16 , 121, 125, 142, 158 Adam, 4 1 Adams, Abigail, 4 9 Adams, John, 4 9 Adams, M. V. , 158 Adler, Alfred , 12 5 Alcott, Louis a May , 50 Alexander, Franz , 19 Alexander th e Great , 55 Als, H. , 17 9 Andreas-Salome, Lou , 101 , 102, 124, 125-26

Anthony, David , 23 Anthony, Susa n B. , 188 Aquinas, Thomas, 4 4 Arieti, Silvano , 83 Aristotie, 45, 5 1 Augustine, Saint , 4 4 Austen, Jane , 50 Bachofen, J . J. , 2 4 n.2 Baker, S . W. , 106 , 172 Balint, A. , 179 Balint, Michael , 16 Bauer, Id a (Dor a case) , 162-6 4 Beethoven, Ludwi g van , 51 Benedict, Ruth , 190-9 1 Bergman, A. , 103 Bergmann, M . S. , 4 2 n.i, 14 6

Bernays, Anne (granddaughte r o f Ann a Freud Bernays) , 92 Bernays, El i (brother-in-la w o f SF) , 92 Bernays, Minna (sister-in-la w o f SF) , 78, 126, 138-41 Bernheim, Hippolyte , 138 , 160 Bertin, C , 17 , 133, 13 4 Bieber, L , 85 Billinsky, John, 139 Binford, Sally , 23 Bion, Wilfred , 114-15 , 119 Blum, H . P. , 75 , 101, 108-10, i n Blumgart, Hermann , 133 Bonaparte, Marie , 17 , 55, 66, 84, 94, 124, 125, 126, 133, 134-35, 136 Bonaparte, Pascal , 134 Bonime, W., 83 Booth, A. , 183 Botticelli, Sandro , 75 Bowlby, John , 6 3 n.i, 178 Brazelton, T . B. , 179 Breuer, Josef , 54 , 83-84, no , 161 Briand, Aristide , 134 Briffault, R. , 38 , 40, 4 3 Broca, Paul , 4 7 Bronte sisters , 50 Brownmiller, S. , 25 Brucke, Ernst , n o Brunswick, David , 133 Brunswick, Mark , 133 217

218 Name

Index

Bulfinch, T. , 3 9 Bullitt, William , 13 5 Burdock, E. , 12 0 Burlingham, D o r o t h y , 124 , 125 , 136 Buder, Samuel , 4 7 Caesar, Julius , 7 5 Campbell, J. , 38 , 4 3 C a n o v a n - G u m p e r t , D . , 12 2 Carden, N . L. , 15 2 Charcot, Jea n Martin , n o , 160 , 17 1 Chess, S. , 17 9 C h o d o r o w , Nancy , 19 , 106 , 184 , 186 , 196-97, 20 2 Cixous, Helene , 19 , 194 , 196 , 199 , 2 0 0 201 Clark, R . W . , 89 , 127-2 8 Clement o f Alexandria , 4 3 Coates, S. , 108 , 17 8 C o h e n , N . , 121 , 122 Cromwell, Oliver , 55 , 110 D a b b s , J . M . , 18 3 D a r w i n , Charles , 26 , 4 6 , 175 , 189-9 0 Davis, M . R. , 18 3 n. i DeBeauvoir, Simone , 13 , 24—25, 34, 191— 92, 19 4 Deutsch, Felix , 142 , 143 , 163 Deutsch, Helene , 124 , 135 , 141-43, 170 , 195 Dinnerstein, D o r o t h y , 19 , 34-36 , 196 , 197 Doolittle, Hilda , 14 6 Dreyfus, Alfred , 5 4 D u n d e s , A. , 4 1 D u r k h e i m , Emile , 11 4 Eckardt, M . H . , 1 9 Eckstein, E m m a , i n E h r h a r d t , A . A. , 106 , 107 , 17 2 Ehrlich, Paul , 78 Eliot, George , 5 0 Ellis, Havelock , 4 7 E m d e , R . N . , 179 , 18 0 E p h r o n , Saul , 1 9 Eve, 22 , 41 , 9 7 Fairbairn, R o n a l d , 1 6 Fenichel, O t t o , 9 7

Ferenczi, Gisela , 12 5 Ferenczi, Sandor , 18 , 69, 7 2 - 7 4 , 98 , 100 , 101, n o , i n , 125 , 130 n.i, 132 , 142 , 158, 169 , 170 , 19 4 Fernald, R . D . , 18 3 n. i Firestone, S. , 18 8 Flax, Jane , 196 , 19 7 Fliess, Wilhelm , 6 , 50 , 55 , 56, 66 , 68 , 71, 72, 74 , 84 , 90 , 91 , 94, 107 , 108 , 109 , 110, i n , 126 , 128 , 130 , 135 , 139 , 152, 16 9 Fluss, Gisela , 127-2 8 Fluss family , 89 , 127-2 8 Franz Joseph , E m p e r o r , 53—54,55 , 7 6 Frazer, Si r James , 31 , 32 Freud, Alexande r (brothe r o f S F ) , 8 5 Freud, Amali e N a t h a n s o h n (mothe r o f S F ) , 61-63 , 66 , 69 , 72 , 73 , 74, 80-81 , 84-85, 89 , 90 , 94 , 108 , i n , 128-30 , 132 Freud, A n n a (daughte r o f SF) , 6 - 7 , 5 5 , 64, 65 , 79 , 85 , 100 , n o , 124-25 , 131, 132-33, 135-37 , 142 , 146 , 14 7 Freud, A n n a (siste r o f SF) , 63 , 66 , 91-92 , 94, 129 , 14 0 Freud, Dolfi e (siste r o f SF) , 6 5 Freud, E m a n u e l (half-brothe r o f SF) , 61 , 67, 6 9 Freud, Erns t (grandso n o f SF) , 131-3 2 Freud, Erns t (so n o f SF) , n o Freud, H e n n y (daughter-in-la w o f S F ) , 125 Freud, Jaco b (fathe r o f SF) , 53,55 , 6 163, 67 , 69 , 73 , 76, 80-81 , 8 8 Freud, J o h n (nephe w o f S F ) , 67 , 69 , 75 , 101, 12 9 Freud, Juliu s (brothe r o f SF) , 62 , 65 , 66 , 68, 71 , 72 , 74 , 75 , 76, 83 , 92 , 100 , 101, 108 , n o , i n , 11 2 Freud, Mari a (Mrs . E m a n u e l ) , 67 , 6 9 Freud, M a r t h a Bernay s (wif e o f SF) , 50 , 78, 83-84 , 92 , 109 , n o , 130 , 131 , 141 Freud, M a r t i n (so n o f SF) , 80 , 84 , n o Freud, Mathild e (daughte r o f SF) , 55 , n o Freud, Olive r (so n o f SF) , n o Freud, Paulin e (niec e o f SF) , 67 , 6 9 - 7 0 , 72, 12 9 Freud, Philip p (half-brothe r o f SF) , 61 , 67, 68 , 69 , 71 , 94, 12 8

Name Index 21 9 Freud, S i g m u n d , 1-8 , n - 1 3 , 14 , 16 , 17, 2 0 - 2 1 , 2 4 n.2 , 26 , 29 , 30 , 32 , 36 , 4 2 43, 45 , 47 , SO , 51, 52, 53, 54~57, 6 1 70, 71-72 , 73-77 , 78-79 , 8 0 - 8 7 , 8 8 94, 95-102 , 105 , 106, 107-12 , 113, 114, 124-37 , 138-47 , 151-59 , 160-73 , 174, 175 , 178, 179 , 180 , 181 , 190 , 192, 193 , 194-95 , 198 , 199 , 201 , 20 3 Freud, Sophi e (daughte r o f SF) , n o , 13 1 Friedan, Betty , 13-14 , 189 , 192-9 4 Friedman, R . C , 108 , 172 , 17 8 Friedman, Richard , 17 2 Friend, M . R. , 10 8 F r o m m , Erich , 1 9 Furer, M . , 63 , 103 , 115 , 121 Galenson, E. , 105 , 106 , 174 , 18 0 Gamwell, L. , 144 , 14 6 Garibaldi, Giuseppe , 55 , 76, 77 , 14 0 Garner, K. , 12 2 Gay, Peter , 5 , 16 , 18 , 50, 53 , 61, 80, 91, 126, 135 , 136, 138 , 140-41 , 143-4 4 George, princ e o f Greece , 13 4 George I , kin g o f Greece , 13 4 Gilligan, Carol , 181-82 , 184-85 , 18 6 Gilman, S. , 51 , 52, 53 G i m b u t a s , Marija , 22—23 , 3 7 G o d w i n , William , 4 9 Goldberg, B . Z . , 4 0 G o r i n g , H e r m a n n , 15 2 G o r i n g , M . H . , 15 2 Greenberg, S. , 12 1 Grinstein, A. , 10 1 Grosskurth, P. , 76 n.2 , 13 0 n. i G u m p e r t , P. , 12 2 Guntrip, Harry , 1 6 Haeckel, Ernst , 2 9 Hammerschlag, Paul , n o H a n n i b a l , 55 , 56, 76—7 7 Hardesty, A. , 12 0 H a r d i n , H . T. , 89 , 100 , 128 , 129-3 0 H a r l o w , Harry , 17 8 Hegel, G . F. , 11 4 H e i m a n n , Paula , 17 0 H e i n e , Heinrich , 5 3 Heller, Judit h Bernays , 80 , 8 9 - 9 0 Heraclitus, 15 2 Herodotus, 4 0

H e r t z , Neil , 16 4 Hesiod, 2 4 H i d e r , Adolf , 15 7 H o b b e s , T h o m a s , 11 4 Hoffman, G. , 78 H o r n e y , Karen , 14 , 16-17 , 18-19 , 101, 105, 142 , 192 , 193 , 195, 199 H u g - H e l l m u t h , H e r m i n e von , 12 4 Ibsen, Henrik , 5 0 Ingres, Jean , 12 6 Irigaray, Luce , 19 , 196 , 199 , 200 , 20 1 Jacklin, C . N . , 18 2 Jackson, Edith , 12 5 Jacobson, E. , 12 1 Janik, A. , 14,5 0 Januarius, Saint , 14 0 Jensen, Wilhelm , 126—27 , 129 J o h n (evangelist) , 4 3 Jones, Ernest , 4 , 15 , 17, 55, 61, 63, 64 , 67, 72 , 78 , 83 , 84 , 88 , 91 , 92, 102 , 105, 109 , n o , 125 , 135, 140, 142 , 179, 192 , 195 Jones, Katherine , 12 5 J u n g , Carl , 6 , 7 , 2 4 n.2 , 26 , 87 , 100 , n o , i n , 125 , 139, 1 4 0 - 4 1 , I5I-59 , 19 4 Kant, I m m a n u e l , 51 , 155 Kardiner, A b r a m , 19 , 14 2 Katan, Anny , 12 4 Kaufman, W. , 15 6 Kelman, Sarah , 1 9 Kerber, Linda , 18 2 Kernberg, O . F . , 15 5 Kety, S . S. , 11 6 Klaf, F . S. , 4 0 Kleeman, J. , 10 6 Klein, D . , 7 7 Klein, Melanie , 14—15 , 101, 104, 125 , 142, 154 , 170 , 180 , 193 , 195 Klimpt, Gustav , 5 0 K o h n , H . , 15 5 K o h u t , H . , 15 5 Kokoschka, Oskar , 5 0 Krafft-Ebbing, Richar d von , 54 , 55 Kraus, Karl , 5 1 Kretschmer, Ernst , 151-5 2 Kris, Ernst , 55 , 135

22o Name Index Kris, Marianne, 124 Kristeva, Julia , 19 , 194, 196, 199, 200, 201

Krull, M. , 53 , 62 Lacan, Jacques , 163-64 , 196,199 , 200, 201-2, 20 3

Lamarck, Jea n Baptiste , de , 26 Lampl-de-Groot, Jeanne , 97 , 124, 179 Langer, Susan , 32 , 33, 201 Lauretis, Teresa de , 194 Leavy, S . A., 101 , 10 2 LeBon, Gustave , 114 LeVay, Simon , 17 3 n.i Levi-Strauss, C , 25 , 26, 201 Lewin, Kurt , 18 Lewis, Helen Block , 175-7 6 Lidz, Ruth , 26-2 7 Lidz, Theodore, 26-2 7 Lieben, Ann a vo n (Fra u Cacili e M), 161 Little, Margaret, 17 0 Lorenz, K. , 178 , 182 Lueger, Karl , 54, 55, 76-77 Luke (evangelist) , 43 Maccoby, E . E. , 182 McDougall, William , 114 McGrath, W . J. , 55,5 6 Mack, Julian , 133 Mack Brunswick , Ruth , 124 , 125, 133 34, 142, 17 9 Mahler, Gustav , 138 Mahler, Margaret , 63 , 103, 107,115, 121 , 179,197 Mahoney, P . J. , 132 Maier, S . F. , 118 Maimonides, Moses , 114 Malinowski, B. , 26 Mallanaga, Vatsyayana , 4 0 Marcus, Steven , 16 4 Mark (evangelist) , 43 Marx, K. , 11 4 Masaryk, Thoma s Garrigue , 54 Masserman, Jules , 19 Masson, J . M. , 90,12 8 Madin, M . W. , 44 , 45 Matthew (evangelist) , 43 Mead, Margaret , 190-9 1 Meier, Carl , 139

Meynert, Theodor , n o Mill, John Stuart , 47 , 49-5 0 Miller, J . B. , 19 Miller, J . R. , 122 , 123 Mitchell, Juliet , 14 , 199 Moi, Toril , 163 , 164 Money, J. , 10 7 Montagu, Ashley , 183 Morris, R. , 183 Moser, Fann y (Emm y vo n N) , 161 Moses, 12 , 78 Moyer, K . E. , 182 Napolean, 155 Nathanson, Juliu s (brothe r o f Amalie), 63 Niederland, W . G. , 72 , 73 n.i Nietzsche, Friedrich , 45 , 102, 155, 15657, 189-9 0 Nissenfeld, S. , 120 Noah, 4 1 Nothnagel, Hermann , 55 Oberholzer, Mira , 12 4 Palos, Elma , 13 0 n.i Palos, Gizella , 13 0 n.i Person, Ethel , 180 Philo, 114 Piaget, J. , 31 Pine, F. , 103 Plato, 45,51 , 153 , 20 1 Preston, James , 23 Prose, F. , 184 Pruett, Kyle , 186 Putnam, Jame s J., 14 0 Rabuzzi, K . A. , 23 Racker, Heinrich , 17 0 Rado, Sandor , 19 Rank, Otto , 100 , in, 125 , 194 Rathenau, Walter , 51 Remmling, G . W. , 1 4 Rilke, Raine r Maria , 10 2 Rioch, Janet , 19 Roazen, Paul , 47, 61, 65, 84, 124,133, 134, 142, 14 3 Robbins, Bernard , 1 9 Robinson, J. , 179 R o i p h e , H . , 105 , 106 , 174 , 18 0

Name Index 22 1 Rose, J. , 19 9 Rosenfeld, Eva , 124 , 125 Rossi, A. S. , 4 9 Rousseau, Jea n Jacques , 45, 15 5 Rudolph, Crow n Prince , 7 8 n.3 Sachs, Hansn , 125 Salk, L. , 186 Sand, George , 50 Sander, L . W. , 179 Schaudinn, F . R. , 7 8 Schiele, Egon, 50 Schliemann, Heinrich , 7 2 Schonberg, Ignaz , 138 Schonerer, Georg e von , 54 Schopenhauer, Arthur , 51 , 155, 156, 15 7 Schorske, C . E. , 53 Schreber, Paul , 12 Schur, Max , 66 , 83, 84, 9 0 Seligman, M . E . P. , 118 Sharpe, Ell a Freeman , 17 0 Shelley, Mary , 50 Sherry, J. , 158 Signorelli, Luca , 75 Silberstein, Eduar d (frien d o f SF) , 127 Silverberg, William , 19 Silverman, Doris , 177 , 183-84 Silverman, Lloyd , 119 , 120, 179, 195 Simmel, Georg , 17 Slipp, S. , 30 , 41, 62, 73, 81, 115, 116 , 118, 120 , 121 , 144, 162 , 16 3

Smith, Homer , 21 , 25, 40, 145 Sokolnicka, Eugenia , 12 4 Spence, D. , 14 Spencer, Herbert , 46 , 114 , 189-90 Spivak, G . C , 20 2 Sprengnether, Madelon , 2 4 n.2, 164, 202 Spretnak, C , 2 3 n.i Stanton, Elizabet h Cady , 188 Steinfels, P. , 23 Stern, Daniel , 103 , 176, 179 Stoller, R . J. , 86 , 106, 107, 196

Stone, L. , 168-6 9 Sullivan, Harr y Stack , 19 Swales, Peter , 75 , 139-40 Swoboda, Hermann , 5 0 Thiersch, Karl , 171 Thomas, A. , 179 Thompson, Clara , 14 , 16, 17-18, 19, 101 , 195 Tienari, P. , 116 Toulmin, S. , 14,5 0 Unger, R. , 2 3 n.i Vetsera, Mary , 7 8 n.3 Vida, J. , 18 Vinci, Leonard o da , 12 , 78^ 8 5 Virgil, 77 Voth, H . M. , 10 7 Waldemar, princ e o f Denmark , 13 4 Weber, Max , 114 Weininger, Otto , 50-51 , 52, 15 2 Wells, R. , 144 , 146 Wilson, Woodrow , 12 , 13 3 Winckelmann, Johan n J. , 56 Winnicott, D . W. , 16 , 30, 154, 155, 16768, 170 , 199 Wittels, Fritz , 18 Witten, Res i (ak a Monika Zajic) , 66-70 , 72, 75, 78, 128, 14 0 Wittgenstein, Ludwig , 1 4 Wolff, Antonia , 139 Wolitzky, D . L. , 120 Wollstonecraft, Mary , 49,5 0 Wright, Fanny , 4 9 Wundt, Wilhel m M. , 114 Young-Bruehl, E. , 131 , 135-3 6 Zola, Emile , 54 Zweig, Stefan , 135

Subject Index

Abandonment, 65 , 84, 130 ; sex and , 7179, 140 , 141, 144; fear of , 82 , 92, 93, 168; fear of , i n Freud , 64 , 68, 75, 83 , 95 Abolitionist movement , 18 8 Achievement, 193 ; in girls , 184-85 , 186 Activeness, 191 Activity, an d masculinity , 12 , 87 Adaptation, 33 , 37, 166; cultural, 3-4 ; ego and , 165 ; magical for m of , 3 ; to na ture, 20 , 21; preoedipal for m of , 115; symbiotic, 115-1 6 Addictions (Freud) , 143-4 4 Adjective Ratin g Scale , 120 Adonis, 39 Aggression, 13 , 95, 169, 177; in infancy , 92; i n men , 7 , 182-84; towar d mothe r (Freud), 5, 101; as motivating forc e fo r personality, 157 ; sexuality and , 7 3 n.i, 74; validated , 156 Agricultural societies , 23 , 24, 37—38 Altruistic love , 43, 156 Ambivalence: failur e t o integrate , 118 ; integration of , 35 , 65, 104 Ambivalence towar d mother , 35 , 36, 65, 99; o f Freud , 6 , 62 , 66, 80, 86, 90, 91, 95, 100; Freud's denia l of , 83-8 5 American Academ y o f Psychoanalysis , 19 American Plain s Indians , 190 Anaitis (goddess) , 22

Anal phase , 9 2 "Analysis Terminable an d Interminable " (Freud), 98 Analytic psycholog y (Jung) , 7 , 151 , 152 , 158-59 Ancient cultures , 3 Androgens, 172 , 17 3 Anger: i n depressives , 119 ; in family , 119 ; of Freud , 65 , 66; projectio n of , 118 ; repressed, i n Freud , 83-85 , 90, 91-92. See also Rag e towar d mothe r Anima, 151 , 152-5 3 Animals, associate d wit h goddesses , 22 , 24 Animus, 151 , 152-5 3 Annihilation anxiety , 5, 34, 114, 115 , 168; in Freud , 6 , 64 , 82 , 86, 132 Anthology from a Pragmatic Point of View (Kant), 51 Anthropology, 2 , 195 Antichrist (Nietzsche) , 156 Anti-Semitism, 1 , 4, 7 , 63, 76, 152, 158 ; influence o n Freud' s theories , 54-57 ; o f Jung, 151 ; misogyny and , 51—54 ; rejected b y Nietzsche, 156 Anxiety, 18 , 164-65; in preoedipa l period , 63; "unthinkable, " 168 Aphrodite (goddess) , 39 , 40 Apollonian society , 19 0 Arapesh (people) , 191 Archeology, 3 , 126, 127 223

224 Subject

Index

Archetypes, 154 Art, 13 , 33, 156, 16 8 Art collectio n o f Freud , 3 , 4, 13 , 77, 14347 Artemis (goddess) , 14 6 n.i Aryans, 7 , 51, 157, 15 8 Asexuality, 141 , 146; in A . Freud , 131, 136-37 Assimilation, 31-3 2 Astarte (Ashtoreth ) (goddess) , 22 , 24, 39 Athena (goddess) , 24 , 145, 146 Attachment, 92 , 93, 167, 174, 192, 195; central issu e i n infan t development , 15; denigration of , 184 ; as developmenta l failure, 184 ; disruption of , 178 ; and fe male development , 179-80 ; an d late r behavior, 175-76 ; to mother , 96 , 97, 99; primac y of , 178-79 ; primary, 168 Attachment figures, Freud' s los s of , 1 , 66, 69, 73 , 83 Attis (god) , 39 Attunement, 17 6 Australian aborigines , 183 Austro-Hungarian empire , 53 Autism, 179 Autistic phase , 103 Autobiographical material s (Freud) , 13 Autoeroticism, 9 2 Autonomy, 121 , 123, 167, 179, 187; in boys, 106 , 184; of child , 35 ; diminished in group , 113 , 119; ideal of , 184 ; intrapsychic, 103 ; mother an d failur e t o achieve, 198 ; in Nietzsche , 156 ; in the ory o f Freud , 96-9 7 Baal (god) , 39 , 40, 4 1 Babylonia, 22 , 39, 40 Bad women , 5 0 Basic assumptio n group s (Bion) , 114 , 115 , 116, 11 9

Basic trust, 167 , 168 Be a l (god) , 39 "Beating Fantasie s an d Daydreams " (A . Freud), 131 , 13 6 Beck Depressio n Inventory , 12 0 Behavioral sciences , 13 , 1 4 Behavioral synchrony , 176 Behavioral traits , sexuall y stereotyped , 19 1 Bel-Marduk (god) , 39

Berlin Psychoanalyti c Institute , 14 2 Beyond Good and Evil (Nietzsche) , 156 Beyond the Pleasure Principle (Freud), 6-7 , 131, 13 2

Biological forces , 19 , 199. See also Inborn biological factor s Biology, 2 , 17, 200 Birth of Tragedy (Nietzsche) , 157 Bisexuality, 52 , no, 152 ; in children , 105; current concept s of , 171-73 ; in femal e development, 5 , 87; Freud's conflict s about, 6 , 108 , 164; Freud's theor y of , 12, 65, 134, 143, 174; inborn, 50-51 , 190; universality of , 6 , 107 "Blond beast, " 156 , 15 7 B'nai Brith , 56 Body image , 107 Bohenie, La (opera) , 50 Bonding, 15 , 174, 175, 178-79, 184, 196; with father , 185 , 198, 199; to fe male infants , 177 ; in girls , 195 ; through ritual, 32-3 4 Borderline features , 8 6 Borderline personalit y disorders , 105 , 118 , 169 Boundaries: difficult y establishin g firm, 80 , 89; firm, 166 ; self-mother, 130 . See also Ego boundarie s Boys: gende r identit y disorde r in , 108; preoedipal developmen t in , 103-12 ; socialization of , 19 1 Brain, 47 , 173 n.i Breast envy , 4 7 Breasts: internalized , 154 , 155; penis equated with , 8 7 British Psychoanalyti c Society , 125 Bronze Age , 22 Bushmen, 183 Cancer (Freud's) , 85 , 125, 142 Cannibalism, 3 2 Career-oriented women , Freud' s suppor t of, 124-37 , 143, 146-47 Caring, 156 , 181-82 Case historie s (Freud) , 91 Castrated victim , woma n as , 200, 201 Castration, 18 0 Castration anxiety , n , 49 , 91 , 96, no , 131

Subject Index 22 Castration complex , 16 , 106, 195, 199 Castration threat , 88-89 , 93 , 96, 181 ; in tribal societies , 27 Catholicism, 66-67 , 75 , 76, 140 Character, masculine/feminin e component s of, 51 Child a s go-between, 118 Child development , 52 , 107-8, 168; defense mechanism s in , 48; in feminis t the ory, 197 ; importance o f mother in , m , 167, 194-95; and innat e aggressivenes s of men, 183-84 ; in Klein , 14-15; mother's rol e in , 5 , 11, 47, 134 ; in newer psychoanalyti c theories , 174 ; template fo r cultura l evolution , 3-4 ; i n the ory o f femal e analysts , 101—2 ; in theor y of Freud , 13 , 93, 96-97. See also Preoe dipal perio d "Child I s Bein g Beaten , A " (Freud) , 7 , 132 Child rearing , 13 , 49, 101-2 , 113 , 141 , 169, 186, 194; dominated b y women , 34; me n in , 185-86 , 198-9 9 Childhood: analog y wit h ancien t past , 3; traumatic experience s in , 161 Childhood gende r identit y disorder , 10 8 Childhood o f Freud , 62 , 63-66, 80 , 82, 83, 108-9; effec t o n late r life , 74-75 ; and hi s feminin e psychology , 4 ; los s in , 128-29, 130 , 131, 136, 140, 141, 144, 146, 171; problems differentiatin g in , 89, 90 ; trai n tri p t o Vienna , 71-72 , 7374; tw o mother s in , 66-70 , 72 , 78-79, 88, 94, 133 , 141, 171; unconscious con flict wit h mothe r in , 3 , 6, 78-79, 82 Children: i n depressiv e famil y constella tion, 81-83 ; emotiona l need s of , 3 6 Christian Socia l Party , 7 6 Christianity, 43 , 156; and phalli c worship , 38; and sexuality , 43-4 4 Civilization, patriarch y in , 21 Civilization and Its Discontents (Freud), 20, 29 Classical psychoanalysis , 19 , 42 Classical psychoanalyti c group , 15 Clitoral masturbation , 6 Clitoral stimulation , 12 Clitoris, 105 , 134-35, 143 Cognition, magica l for m of , 2 1

5

Cognitive ability , 4 6 Collective unconscious , 7 , 26, 153-54, 155, 15 7 Complete Letters ofSigmund Freud to Wilhelm Fliess, The (Masson) , 128 "Conflict betwee n Nurturanc e an d Auton omy i n Mother-Daughter Relationship s and withi n Feminism " (Flax) , 196 "Confusion o f Tongues betwee n Adult s and th e Child " (Ferenczi) , 69 , 98 Conscience, 15 , 165, 181-82 Consciousness, linguistic , 19 9 "Constructions i n Analysis " (Freud) , 98, 99, 100 , n o Counter-transference, 98 , 164, 169-71; complementary, 170-71 ; concordant , 170; subjective/objective, 170 , 171 Creation, 4 1 Creative process , creativity , 101—2 , 166 Cults, 119 ; of manhood , 157 Cultural bia s agains t women , 4 6 Cultural inequality , 17 Cultural relativity , 19 0 Cultural stereotypes , 6 , 153 , 18 6 Culture, 1 , 198, 200, 203; and aggression , 183; and attitude s towar d women , 35— 36; an d block s towar d achievemen t fo r girls, 184 ; evolution of , 3-4 ; i n femal e psychology, 16 , 17; and gende r differ ences, 191 ; and idea s o f masculinity an d feminity, 195 ; influence o f psychoanalysi s on, 169 ; influence o n Freud , 47 ; influenc e on women , 143 ; in newe r psychoanaly tic theories, 174 ; and Oedipu s complex , 175; and personalit y formation , 18 , 19; beyond preoedipa l perio d in , 38-39 ; projective identificatio n in , 48-49 , 154; resolution o f oedipa l conflic t in , 42-43 ; role of , i n femininity , 199 ; and sexuality , 18; and statu s o f women, 19 3 Cybele (goddess) , 22 , 39 Dance, 33 , 166 "Dark continent, " 91-9 2 Darwinism, 2 9 Death, 21 , 37, 44; mothe r a s prototype of , 34; se x and , 71-79 , 141, 144; sexualit y and, 77-7 8 Death instinc t (Thanatos) , 131 , 13 2

226 Subject

Index

D e a t h wishes : o f F r e u d t o w a r d brothe r Ju lius, 62-63 , 65 , 66 , 75-76 , 83 ; t o w a r d mother, 9 5 Defense mechanisms , 104 ; i n cultura l evo lution, 3 - 4 ; i n Freud , 93 ; primitive , 4 , 8, 4 8 , 6 3 - 6 4 , 105 , 108 , 115 , 116, 159, 201; i n treatment , 16 4 Deflowering, 4 0 , 7 0 D e h u m a n i z a t i o n o f w o m e n , 28 , 34 , 19 6 Delinquency, 11 9 D e m e t e r (goddess) , 24 , 77 , 14 5 Denial, 16 4 Dependency, 4 , 48 , 82 , 83 , 86 , 184 ; o f in fant, 93 , 103 ; of w o m e n , 4 9 Dependency groups , 11 4 Depression, 6 , 105 , 120-21 ; doubl e b i n d o n achievemen t in , 123 ; of Freud , 83 , 9 0 ; i n y o u n g adults , 118—1 9 Depressive famil y constellation , 8 0 - 8 3 , 87 , 89, 20 3 Depressive personality , 82—83 , 8 6 Depressive position , 104 , 19 5 D e p t h psychology , 15 5 Developmental arrest , 85 , 104—5 , 168, 193; master y of , 17 0 Developmental c o n t i n u u m , 18 4 Developmental psychology , 1 7 Differentiation, 35 ; in boys , 96 , 184 ; Freud's failur e in , 64 , 82 , 94 , 107 , n o ; lack of , 101 , 102, 103 ; problem s with , 8 9 - 9 0 ; self-mother , 103 , 104 , 122 , 197, 198; self-object , 63 , 6 4 Dionysian society , 19 0 Dionysos (god) , 38 , 4 0, 4 4 "Dirty goddess, " m o t h e r as , 3 4 Discursive symboli c t h o u g h t , 3 3 Displacement, 100 , 101 , 109; o f rage , 35 , 65 Distancing, 5 , 103 , 184 , 185 , 186, 197 98 D o b u (people) , 19 0 Dollys House, A (Ibsen) , 5 0 D o m i n a n c e , 191 ; male, 192 , 196 , 19 7 D o m i n a n c e hierarchies , 18 3 D o r a cas e (Freud) , 91 , 162-64, 20 1 D o u b l e bin d o n achievemen t (Slipp) , 82 , 118, 120 , 12 3 "Dread o f Women , The " (Horney) , 1 7 D r e a m s (Freud) , 13 , 74, 95 , 100-101 ,

138, 139-40 , 144 , 145 ; Irma' s injec tion, i n Dreyfus affair , 5 4 Drives, 19 5 Duino Elegies (Rilke) , 10 2 Dysfunctional families : wit h emotionall y il l child (Slipp) , 116-1 9 Ecological movement , 2 3 n. i Economics, 2 "Effect o f Prematur e Ejaculatio n i n M e n , T h e " (Ferenczi) , 1 8 E g o , 157-58 , 159 , 161 , 165; cor e of , 174; developmen t of , 104 ; differentiat ing sel f an d other , 6 3 - 6 4 ; internalize d m o t h e r imag e forming , 4 8 ; organiza tion, integration , 155 ; organizing capac ity of , 168 ; i n secondary-proces s thinking, 166 ; an d treatment , 164 , 17 0 E g o boundaries : i n boys , 106 ; diffused , i n g r o u p functioning , 116 ; Freud' s failur e t o establis h firm, 9 4 ; i n girls , 106 ; in tact, 115 ; in m e n , 197 ; temporar y los s of, i n m o b psychology , 33-3 4 E g o functioning , 158 , 19 9 E g o ideal , 82 , 15 4 E g o psychology , 7 , 164-6 5 Egypt, 22 , 39 , 14 4 Eidos, 15 3 E m o t i o n a l a b a n d o n m e n t , 89 ; o f Freud , 5 6, 75 , 86 , 94 , 99 , 107 , 109 , 127 , 131 , 136, 164 , 17 1 Emotional disorders , 169 E m o t i o n a l suffering , 8 , 1 3 Emotional trauma s o f Freud , effec t o n hi s personality an d relationship s w i t h w o m e n , 2 , 5-6 , 62 , 6 3 - 6 6 , 74-75 , 89 , 94, 107 , 108 , i n , 130 , 131 , 14 4 Emotionality, 4 , 4 8 ; anim a and , 152 , 153 Emotionally unavailabl e m o t h e r , 104 , 108—9, 167 , 168 ; m o t h e r o f Freud , 63 , 66, 67 , 68 , n o E m o t i o n s : bodil y respons e t o , 183 ; expres sion of , 175 ; an d logic , 165 ; releas e of , in treatment , 16 1 E m p a t h i c helpin g behavior , 18 0 E m p a t h y , 42 , 9 6 - 9 7 Enantiodromia, 15 2 Enfranchisement, 50 , 188-8 9

Subject Index 22 Engulfment, 48 , 89, 131, 197; fear of , 34 , 63, 92 , 93, 16 8 Enlightenment, 4 , 20 , 53, 91, 153, 188 ; feminists heir s of , 49 ; misogyn y in , 46 ; philosophers of , 155 Environment, 46 , 183 Equal right s fo r women , 50 Erogenous zones , 92 Eskimos, 183 Ethical issues , 43 Eugenicists, 189 "Even-hovering attention, " 165 Evolutionary theory , 26 , 46, 189 Exchange, wome n a s medium o f (Levi Strauss), 25-2 6 Existential dilemma , 45 Fackel, Die (Th e Torch) (journal ) (Kraus) , 51 Factory, the , 46-47, 53 False self, 168 Families, 3 , 202, 203; dysfunctional, 116 19; feminine developmen t in , 16 , 192; maternal mergin g in , 113-23 ; in newe r psychoanalytic theories , 174 Family constellation , 2 ; an d homosexuality , 85-86. See also Depressiv e famil y constellation Family dynamics , 1 ; Freud, 4 , 6 , 80-8 7 Family interaction , categorizatio n of , 11 7 Family myths , 119 Family patterns , 35 Family relationships , childhoo d t o adult hood, 8 2 Family typolog y (Slipp) , object-relations, 8 Fantasies, 28 , 165; activation o f uncon scious, 119—23 ; collective, 119 ; of fu sion wit h mother , 29-30 ; homoerotic , 172; infant, 31 , 94, 154 , 195; influenc e on behavior , 56 ; in personalit y develop ment, 15 ; playing out , 168 ; reality and , 69, 166 , 167, 168, 169; seduction, 161; shared, 114 , 115, 116. See also Omnipo tent fantasies ; Sexua l fantasie s Father figures : analyst as , 171; for Freud , 55; idealized, no ; lac k of bondin g with , 199 Father o f Freud , 61-63 , 67 , 73, 140, 144; anti-Semitism toward , 76-77 , 145;

7

death of , 88 , 94, 95 , 100, 112; failure of, 1 , 6, 80-81 ; Flies s transference fig ure for , no ; Freud' s attachmen t to , 9 9 100; Freud' s failur e t o identif y with , 87; Freud's oedipa l relationshi p with , 109 , 129, 198; Freud's patricida l fantasie s to ward, 112 ; Freud's relatio n with , 3 , 55 , 56; passivity of , 6 Father-penis fantasy , 17 9 Fathers, 3 , 161, 202; authorit y ove r chil dren, 39 ; central rol e of , i n theor y o f Freud, 97 , 99; in chil d rearing , 34 , 185-86; differentiatio n from , 122-23 ; fear of , 105 ; in feminis t theory , 196 ; girls' eroti c shif t to , 106 ; and homosex uality, 86 ; identification with , 85 , 89, 93, 106 ; importance of , i n psychoanaly sis, 52; internalization of , n , 15 , 4 243, 47 , 96, 181; in Lacan , 199 ; law of , 201; an d mother-chil d relationship , 199 ; mothering by , 198-99 ; nurturant, 186 ; in oedipa l period , 62 ; in personalit y de velopment, 14 ; relationship with , 15, 88, 203; in religion , 97 , 98; role i n pro creation, 24 , 26, 37; role i n society , 21; in seductio n theory , 55 ; as sexual object , 174 Fear o f Succes s Scale , 121 Fear o f women , 17 , 20-28; i n triba l socie ties, 26-2 7 Fellatio, 87 Female body , 201 , 202 Female characteristics , 51 ; inborn, 19 0 Female development , attachmen t and , 179-80 Female genitals , n , 4 7 Female infants , materna l preferenc e for , 176-77 Female sexua l developmen t i n Freudia n theory, 95—102 Female Sexuality (Bonaparte) , 135 "Female Sexuality " (Freud) , 9 7 Femaleness, inbor n sens e of , 10 6 Feminine aspects/traits , 7 , 51, 107, 156 — 57, 159, 185-86 Feminine development , no , 192 ; bisexuality in , 107 , 171-73 Feminine emotion , 159 , 160, 161 Feminine ideal , 143

228 Subject

Index

"Feminine mystique, " 18 9 Feminine Mystique, The (Friedan) , 14 , 192-93 Feminine psychology , 19 , 195 ; multicausa l orientation, 19 ; multidetermined , 203 ; n e w , 7 , 174-87 ; psychoanalysi s and , 11-19; text s o n , 141-42 , 14 3 Femine psycholog y (Freud) , 1-2 , 3 , 8 , 11—13, 17-19, 91-92 , i n , 151 , 190; challenges t o , 17-19 ; effec t o f hi s earl y childhood o n , 4 ; feminist s and , 13-14 ; patriarchical an d phallocentri c orienta tion in , 16 , 18 Femininity, 5 , 12 , 47, 106 , 107 ; cultur e and concep t of , 195 ; i n Deutsch , 142 , 143; innat e biological , 16 , 17 , 174 , 199 , 202; i n J u n g , 152—53 ; masochism and , 135; an d object-relation s theory , 202 ; problem i n Freud , 91 ; in t h o u g h t o f Freud, 89 , 95-96 , 10 5 Feminism, 19 , 47 , 124 ; evolutio n of , 188 203; m o d e r n , 7 - 8 ; an d psychoanalysis , 13-19 Feminism and Psychoanalytic Theory (Cho d o r o w ) , 196 , 19 7 Feminist fundamentalism , 23-2 4 Feminist movement , 2 , 195 ; early , 49—51 ; renaissance of , 13-14 ; second , 193 , 19 4 Feminist psychoanalyti c theory , 194-202 ; current, 194 ; Lacania n psychoanalysis , 199-202; an d object-relation s psycho analysis, 197-9 8 Feminists, 4 n . i ; early , 188 ; emphasi s o n preoedipal period , 34 ; rejectio n o f Freud's feminin e psychology , 151 ; an d superego, 181-8 2 Fertility, 22 , 24-25 , 39 , 4 0 , 4 4 Fertility rituals , 4 0 - 4 1 , 14 4 Fertility worship , 4 Fetal development , 172-7 3 Fetishism, 3 2 Fetus, sexua l bipotentialit y of , 17 1 Fight/flight g r o u p s , 114 , 115 "Flight fro m W o m a n h o o d , T h e " ( H o r ney), 1 7 Free association , 16 1 Frigidity, 7 7 Frustrated sexua l satisfaction , 1 8 Fusion, 19 7

Fusion w i t h m o t h e r , 108 , 121 , 155; o f Freud, 64 , 91 , 108, 13 0 Future of an Illusion, The (Freud) , 3 2 Gaea (Rhea ) (goddess) , 22 , 24 , 3 9 Gaze aversion , 176 , 18 4 Gazing behavior , 17 6 Gazing patterns , 17 7 Gemeinschaft society , 114 , 119 Gender, 5,190 ; issue s fo r Freud , 107-1 2 Gender constancy , Freud' s failur e t o achieve, 10 8 Gender development , 7 , 14 , 107 ; i n femin ist theory , 195 , 196; mother-chil d rela tionship in , 1 9 Gender differences , 7 ; universal , 19 4 Gender differentiation , 105-7 , 19 7 Gender equality , 22—23 , 27 , 185 , 193, 194 Gender identity , 6 , 34 , 86-87 , 159 , 174 ; boundary betwee n m e n an d w o m e n , 172; consolidatio n of , 63 ; cultur e in , 196; developmen t of , 106 , 152 , 153, 186; i n feminis t theory , 196 ; fixed , 106 ; Freud's p r o b l e m establishing , 107 ; Freud's theor y of , 65 ; issue s in , 171 ; learned fro m cultura l sexua l stereotypes , 107; male/masculine , 42 , 4 8 , 96 , n o , 156, 184 , 185 , 198-99, 200 ; peni s and , 180; sexua l orientatio n and , 5 Gender identit y disorder , 86 , 108 , 17 8 Gender preference , maternal , 176-7 7 Gender relations , 1 3 Gender roles , 190-91 , 198 ; i n primitiv e societies, 113—1 4 General Medica l Societ y fo r Psychotherap y in Germany , 151—5 2 Genetics, i n aggression , 182-8 3 Genital phase , 37 , 42, 96 , 105- 6 Genitalia, n , 47 , 106 , 17 1 Genius o f Freud , 8 , 12 , 13 Germany, 5 0 Girls: achievement , 184-85 , 186 ; oedipa l development, 95—98 ; preoedipal devel o p m e n t , 103-12 ; socializatio n of , 19 1 G o d , 41 , 97; deat h of , 157 ; internalizing , 42,43 Goddess worship , 43 ; an d socia l statu s o f w o m e n , 23-2 4

Subject Index 22 Goddesses, 40, 42 ; dedironing , 37-45 . See also Grea t mothe r goddes s Gods, 4 , 38 , 39, 4i, 42 , 97-98; o f sex , 40; warrior , 23 , 37 Goethe Priz e fo r literature , 10 0 Golden Bough, The (Frazer) , 31 Good enoug h mothering , 35 , 16 7 Good mother : Freu d as , 130; of Freud , 129; Freud's daughte r Ann a as , 132, 137; internalization of , 155 ; surrogate, 147 "Good mothe r function, " 16 7 "Good" women , 18,50 , 77; pregnanc y among, 78 Gradiva (Jensen) , 126-27 , 129 Gradiva figure/role , 126-33 , 140, 141, 144, 146 ; bas relie f of, 126 , 129; of fe male analysts , 130-31 , 142 ; played b y A. Freud , 132-33 , 135-37; rivals for , 133-37 Grasping reflex , 178-7 9 Great mothe r goddess , 4 n.i , 22 , 23, 24, 27, 29-30, 32 , 38-39, 41, 44, 45, 77, 154; dethroned, 37 , 39; in Freud' s ar t collection, 144-45 ; women associate d with, 3 ; worship of , 20 1 Greece, 22 , 24, 38 , 39, 40, 156 ; homosexuality in , 172 ; phallic worshi p in , 157 Group functioning , 115—1 6 Group leaders , 113 , 114—15, 11 6 Group mind , 113-15 ; in mo b psychology , 33-34 Group norms , 113 Group psychology , 2 , 113 Guilt, 56 , 93; in Freud , 75-76 , 94, 11012

Hampstead Clinic , 137 Hatching subphase , 103 Hate, i n treatment , 17 0 Health concern s (Freud) , 6 4 Heaven, 66 , 76 Hebrew religion , 42 , 43 Hell, 67 , 76; seduction and , 68 , 69, 72; sin and , 72 , 75, 9 5 Helplessness, 4, 48 , 93, 108, 114, 167; of child, 104 ; coping with , 28 , 29-30, 34 , 36, 201; in grou p functioning , 115 , 116; magical for m o f adaptatio n to , 3;

9

mastering, 131 , 132; in men , 200 ; re garding nature , 21 ; symbolic proces s i n dealing with, 3 0 Herd instinct , inherited , 114 , 115, 11 6 Heroic figure s (Freud) , 55 , 76 Hilsner affair , 5 4 Hindu religion , 24 , 156 History, 2 Holding environment , 168 , 169 Homoerotic fantasies , 17 2 Homosexual cathexis , 87 , n o Homosexual conflicts , laten t (Freud) , 6 , no, 16 4 Homosexuality, 5 , 27, 108, 146, 172; female, 201; fetal developmen t and , 173; latent, 6 ; a s pathology, 85-8 7 Human behavior : aggressiv e an d sexua l in stincts in , 190 ; instinctive, 175 ; search for trut h an d law s of , 16 0 Human mind , 8 , 13, 46 Hypnosis, 160-6 1 Hysteria, 52 , 54-55, 56, 118, 160, 161, 171-72 Hysterical neuroses , 18 , 169 Hysterics, 200—201 Id, 157 , 161, 165, 17 0 Id psychology , 7 , 164-6 5 Idealized father , 4 2 Idealized goo d mother , 10 9 Identification, initial , 4 8 Identity: male , 197-98 ; of women , 143, 192, 193, 198 Ideology: crisi s in , 155-56 ; masculine, 157 Idol worship , 40-41 , 4 2 Idols, 22 , 30 Imaginary order , 199 , 201, 202 Immanence, 191 Imprinting, 178 Impulse control , 65 , 92, 181 Inborn biologica l factors , 189 , 190 Incest, 168 Incest taboo , 25 , 26 Independence, 167 , 176, 184 India, 4 0 Individual: an d dysfunctiona l family , 116; role i n group , 114 Individual psychology , 2

230 Subject

Index

Individualism, 46 , 91 , 15 7 Individuation, 5 , 7, 105, 122, 167, 169; continuum of , 184 ; difficulty with , 86 ; of Freud , 108 , m; i n Jung , 159 ; symbol of , i n mandala , 155 ; in theor y o f Freud, 96-97 ; i n though t o f Mahler , 103. See also Separation Indo-Europeans, 23 , 37 Industrial production , 53 Infancy, 34 , 196 Infant mortality , 3 6 Infantile sexuality , 65 , 88-89, 161 , 16 2 Infantile thinking , universa l for m of , 15 4 Infantilization, i n religion , 21 Infants, 203; maternal preferenc e fo r fe male, 176-7 7 Initiation rites , 27 Inquisition, 4 , 4 4 Instinct theor y (Freud) , 21 Instincts, 15 , 94, 190 Instinctual drives , 92 , 93 Instinctual gratification , 178-7 9 International Congres s o f Psychoanalysi s (Berlin, 1922) , 16 International Psychoanalyti c Congres s (Wiesbaden, 1932) , 69, 98 Interpersonal relations , 19 , 203 Interpretation, 16 5 Interpretation of Dreams, The (Freud) , 56, 76, i n Intimacy, 186 , 202 Intrapsychic structure , 198 Irma's injectio n drea m (Freud) , m Irrational, idealizatio n o f the , 157 Irrationality, 156 , 160, 201 Irritability, 18 4 Ishtar (goddess) , 22 , 24, 39 , 40, 41, 44, 77 Isis (goddess) , 22 , 39, 44, 77, 144-45 Israelites, 41, 42 Italy, Freud' s tri p to , 55—56 Jesus Christ , 4 3 Jewishness o f Freud , 51 , 54, 56, 62, 67, 158 Jews, 4, 51 , 56, 77, 158; equated wit h women, 7,51-52 ; Jung' s view s on , 151-53; liberalization o f laws regarding , 53

Jouissance, los s of (Lacan) , 199 , 200 Judeo-Christian religion , 2 3 n.i, 40-41 , 45; revol t against , 156 Jupiter (god) , 125 , 136, 146. See also Zeus Jus primae noctis, 40 Justice, 43 Kali (goddess) , 24 , 77, 154 Kama (god) , 4 0 Kama Sutra (Vatsyayana) , 4 0 Kinder, Kirche, an d Kiiche, 50 , 193 Kinship, 25 , 11 3 Kish, 22 Kleinians, 15 , 170, 178, 196 Korn Ferr y International , 185 Kwakiud Indians , 19 0 Laboratory, the , 46-4 7 Laboratory tachistoscopi c studies , 119-23, 179, 18 5 Lacanian theory , 8 , 19 , 202 Language, 14 , 33, 200, 202, 203; symbolic, 201 Latency period , 9 6 "Laugh o f th e Medusa , The " (Cixous) , 196 Learned helplessness , 118 Left-handedness, 17 3 n.i Lesbians, 17 3 n.i Liberalism, 53-5 4 Liberation o f women, 53 Libido, 6 , 11 , 52, 15 8 Libido theory , 18-19 , 101, 151, 17 5 Life, death , rebirt h cycle , 20, 25 Life experiences , traumatic , 19 0 Life instinc t (Eros) , 132 Linguistics, 8 , 199, 202 Literature, 33,50 , 156 Little Han s cas e (Freud) , 91 Logic, 199 , 201; emotions and , 165 Loss o f mother , 93 , 99, 104, 109, 199200; Freud , 80 , 109 Losses, 104—5; in lif e o f Freud , 1 , 12829, 130 , 131, 136, 140, 141, 144, 146, 171; of mother figure (Freud) , 78 , 140; as punishment fo r sexuality , 69 , 70; sex, pregnancy, and , 74—78 , 136, 141 Love, capacit y for , 9 6

Subject Index 23 Madonna/whore complex , 45 Magic, 20-28 , 30-32 , 46; enhancing , through ritual merging , 32-34 ; origi n and us e of , 20-21 ; i n rituals , 4 0 Magical control , illusio n of , 3 , 93 Magical fantasies , collective , 119 Magical thinking , 4 , 8 , 21-22, 28, 33, 36, 154, 166, 201; in cultura l evolution , 3 4; o f Freud , 65-66 , 68-69, 72, 83; in group functioning , 114 , 115-16; in in fancy, 30 ; in misogyny , 4 6 Male characteristics , inborn , 19 0 Male generativ e power , 4 5 Male movement , 19 9 Male qualities/masculin e traits , 7 , 45, 51 , 107, 159; in Nietzsche , 156-5 7 "Malleus Maleficarum " (Th e Witches ' Hammer), 4 4 Mandala, 155 Marital contract , 25 Marital institutions , 2 6 Marital sex , 18 Marriage, 43 , 49-50; o f Freud' s parents , 61-62, 63 Marriage o f Freud , 109 , no, 130 ; "two mothers" in , 78-7 9 Masculine bias , 16 , 17 Masculine identity , 89 ; defensive, 197 ; differentiation fo r mothe r and , 6 4 Masculine reason , 159 , 160 Masculinity, 5 , 12, 107, 180; culture an d concept of , 195 ; in Jung , 152—53 ; need to prove , 196 ; women threa t to , 20 2 Masculinity complex , 9 0 Masochism, 135 , 190; as trait o f feminin ity, 12 , 142, 143, 200 Masturbation, 6 , 105 , 13 5 Materialism, 46 , 91 Maternal behavior , 175-7 7 Maternal deprivation , 178 Maternal merging : i n societ y an d family , 113—23; tachistoscopic studie s of , 119— 23 Maternal stres s syndrome , 172—73 Matriarchal society , myt h o f original , 22 25 Matriarchy, myt h o f golde n ag e of , 27 , 28 Matricide, 95 Matrilineal society , 2 6

1

Mechanistic theory , 164-6 5 Medusa, 145-4 6 Memories, repressed , 99 , 161; in Freud , 128, 129-30 Men: aggressio n in , 7 , 182-84 ; i n chil d rearing, 185—86 ; desire fo r power , 156; and feminin e values , 193-94 ; livin g vicariously throug h women , 49 ; superior ity of , 156 , 189, 190, 197 Menstrual cycle , 20, 27, 140 Merged preoedipa l unio n (mother/infant) , 101

Merged symbioti c relationshi p wit h mother, 29-30 , 34 , 35, 48, 103 Merging, 89 ; group, 115 ; with preoedipa l mother, 48 , 115, 116. See also Maternal merging; Ritua l mergin g Mermaid and the Minotaur, The (Dinner stein), 196 Mesopotamia, 22 , 24, 41 Metaphor, 20 0 Middle Ages , 20, 40, 4 4 Middle psychoanalyti c group , 15—16 Mind, 8 , 13 ; penis displace d upwar d to , 46 Minorities, 18 , 49 Mirror stage , 199 Mirroring, 155 , 17 6 Misogyny, 4 , 7,56 , 152 ; and anti Semitism, 51-54 ; projective identifica tion and , 46-5 7 Mob psychology , 33—34 Moral development , 181-8 2 Moses and Monotheism (Freud), 78 Mother archetype , 154 , 155, 15 9 Mother-child relationship , 7 , 15 , 88, 89, 98, 154 , 155, 158, 167, 203; and birt h of siblings , 65 ; father disrupting , 199 ; of femal e analysts , 101-2 ; of mal e in fants, 48 ; i n newe r psychoanalyti c theo ries, 174 , 175; in personalit y development, 15—16 ; preoedipal, 19 ; research on , 175-7 7 Mother figures, 7 7 Mother figures (Freud) , 66—70 , 72; loss of, 78 , 140 Mother o f Freud , 61-63 ; deat h of , 100 , HI; dominanc e of , 6 , 77 , 80-81; ex ploitative relationshi p wit h Freud , 5 , 6;

232 Subject

Index

Mother o f Freu d (Cont.) Freud's ambivalenc e toward, 6,62,66 , 80,86,90,91,95,100; Freud's denial of ambivalence toward, 83-85; and Freud's emotional trauma, 89-90; Freud's failur e to mourn death of, 5,84-85; Freud's identification with, 64-65; Freud's inability to deal with sexuality of, 74,95,136; Freud's relationship with, 1,2,3,4,5,6, 12,61-70,72,78-79,85,90,91-92,93, 107,112,144,198; Freud's repressed anger toward, 83-85; Freud's seeing her nude, 71-72,73-74,132; idealized, 62, 66,95; living vicariously through Freud , 80,81,83-84,86,89,90,108, in, 140, 146; and nanny, 66-70; pregnancies, 63, 66,67,73,92,94,108-9,128-29,136, 140 Mother-right, 2 4 n.2 Motherhood, 141 , 189, 194 Mothering: capacit y for , 107 ; good enough, 167 ; insufficient, 36 ; lack of , for Freud , 143 , 144; quality of , 17 4 Mothering role , men in , 197 Mothers, 3 , 16, 28, 192; association wit h birth, sexuality , death , 77 ; and auton omy, 123 ; bonding to/separatio n from , 15 (see also Bonding ; Separation) ; con trolling, intrusive , 35 ; and femal e devel opment, 179-80 ; i n feminis t theory , 196, 197; and homosexuality , 85 , 108; idealization of , 108 ; identification with , 106, 107, 108, 109, 122, 184, 197 , 200; importanc e of , i n chil d develop ment, in , 194—95 ; importance of , i n Jung, 158-59 ; internalization of , 15 , 42 , 64, 65 , 96, 104, 121, 154, 155, 181 , 198; lack o f identity , 198 ; living vicariously throug h sons , 6 , 83-84 ; los s of , 5 , 199-200; merge d symbioti c relationshi p with, 29-30 , 34 , 35, 48, 103; as object , 92-93; omissio n of , i n Freud' s theory , 11, 14, 52, 62, 88-94, 99 , 167; prefer ence fo r femal e infants , 176-77 ; prob lems differentiating from , 89-90 ; i n religion, 98 ; role of , i n chil d develop ment, 47 , 134; role of , i n Lacan , 199, 202; rol e of , i n psychoanalyti c theory , 2 ,

11, 14, 100-101; vie w of , 202-3 ; weak , 35. See also Preoedipa l mothe r Motivation, male , 20 0 Motor skills , 104 Multiple Affec t Adjectiv e Checklist , 12 0 Mundugumor (people) , 191 Music, 91 , 156, 166 Mutunus Tutunu s (god) , 4 0 Mylitta (god) , 4 0 Myths, mythology , 2 , 21, 27, 36, 37, 38, 97-98, 155 , 157, 160, 166; in dysfunc tional families , 119 ; Egyptian, 145 ; flood , 41; goddess , 43 ; Greek, 24 , 79; phallicsexual, 39—40 ; of witches, 4 4 "Nakedness a s a Means o f Inspirin g Ter ror" (Ferenczi) , 73 Nakedness t o inspir e terror , 72-7 4 Narcissism, 31-32 , 82, 130; in mothe r o f Freud, 86 , 89, 90; a s trait o f femininity , 12, 14 2

Narcissistic characte r disorder , 105 , 169 Narcissistic equilibrium , 104 , 109 Narcissistic injury , 106 , 119; of Freud , 66 , 109; of Freud' s mother , 8 1 Narcissistic supplies , 176 ; Freud receive d from career-oriente d women , 147 ; Freu d received fro m Marth a an d Fliess , 109 National Organizatio n fo r Wome n (NOW), 193 Nationalism, 49 , 153 Native Americans , 27 Natural selection , 46 , 189 Nature, 35-36 , 37, 46; contro l of , 4 , 2 0 28, 45, 47, 48; human sexua l experienc e projected onto , 37—38 ; religion i n ef forts t o master , 21—22 ; women associ ated with , 20 , 21, 24, 27, 32 Nature versu s nurture , 175 , 183, 190 Nature worship , 4 4 Nazis, Nazism , 152 , 153, 157, 190; Freu d rescued from , 17 , 126, 13 5 Negative mother , 154 Neo-Freudians, 195—96 Neurasthenia, 8 3 Neuroendocrine research , 172 Neuroses, 14-15 , 134, 160, 168; childhood traum a causing , 161 ; Oedipus complex cor e of , 79 , 126, 151; seduc-

Subject Index 23 3 tion a s cause of, 93-94 , 98 ; sexual fanta sies in, 162, 163; sexual theor y of , 54 Neurosis (Freud's) , source s of, 71-72 Neurotic Personality of Our Time, The (Horney), 1 9 New Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis (Freud), 12 , 83, 97-98 New Ways in Psychoanalysis (Horney) , 19 New Yor k Psychoanalyti c Society , 19 New York Times, 18 5 Newly Born Woman, The (Cixous), 196 Nondiscursive symboli c thought , 33 Object: mothe r as , 92-93, 196 ; and self, 167; women as , 20 1 Object constancy , 64 , 65, 69, 104, 107 , 181 Object loss , early, 108 Object relations : adaptatio n in , 21; stages of, 29 Object-relations analysts , British, 15—16 Object-relations theory , 3 , 7, 19, 159 , 167, 178, 192, 193, 196, 199; family typology, 203; feminist theor y and, 197-98, 202 Objects, magica l contro l over , 30 , 3 1 Obsessional neuroses , 169 Oedipal conflict : cornerston e o f psychoanalytic theory, 79 ; of Freud, 6 , 75, 94 , 100; Freud' s workin g though , 112 ; influence of preoedipal perio d on , 167; reso lution of , i n culture, 42-4 3 Oedipal developmen t i n girls, 95-9 8 Oedipal fantasies , 15 , 16 8 Oedipal period , 17,52 , 161, 174, 195 , 197; cultural advanc e to , 37-38; empha sized b y Freud, 2-3 , 93, 159; and feminine psychology , 19 ; of Freud, 62; gender differentiatio n in , 105; in Lacan , 199; preoedipal influenc e on , 94; relation to fathe r in , 15; of women, 16 Oedipal relationshi p i n Freud's self analysis, 88 Oedipal situatio n i n Freud's analysi s of daughter Anna , 135 Oedipal triumph , 162 ; of A. Freud , 131, 135; of Freud, 135 Oedipal wish , 39

Oedipus, Freud' s identificatio n with , 78— 79 Oedipus complex , 3 , 27, 56, 129, 168 , 190; central i n neurosis, 151 ; central in psychoanalytic theory , 134 ; culture and, 174—75; externalization of , 39 ; Freud's emphasis on , 21; as Freud's mos t signifi cant discovery , 126 ; girls and , 12; incest taboo internalize d as , 26; lack of resolution of , 6 , 85; resolution of , 11 , 15, 42 , 47, 94 , 96; sublimation o f (A . Freud) , 136; and superego development , 180, 181; universality of , 135 Oedipus in the Stone Age (Lid z an d Lidz), 26—27 Omnipotence: i n group function , 116 ; infant's feelin g of , 31-32 Omnipotent fantasies , 65-66 , 68, 72, 75 , 83, 94, 112; giving up, 104; in preoedi pal period , 63-6 4 Omnipotent goo d mother , fantas y o f fusion with , 29 , 3 0 Omnipotent mother , nee d an d fear of , 35 Omnipotent preoedipa l mother , 45 "On th e Genesis o f the Castratio n Com plex i n Women" (Horney) , 16 One-person psychology , 15 , 19, 16 7 Ontogeny an d phylogeny, 29-30 , 37-4 5 Opposite-sex parent , attractio n to , 1 5 Opposites, integratio n of , 152 Oral instinct , 178-7 9 Oral phase , 92 Orgasm, 18 , 13 4 Orgies, 40 Osiris (god) , 39 "Other," 199-200 ; woma n as , 192, 196 , 200, 20 1

Pairing groups , 114 Papua, Ne w Guinea, 26—27 Parental figure, Freu d as , 65, 13 0 Parenting, 197 Parents: i n depressive famil y constellation , 81—83; of Freud, 61—63 ; internalizatio n of, 96 ; living vicariousl y throug h chil dren, 119 ; relationshi p between , and emotionally disturbe d child , 118-19 ; relationship wit h children , 36 . See also Fa thers; Mother s

234 Subject

Index

Passivity, 191 ; female, 6 , 18 , 56, 57, 77, 105, 193; of patients , 161 , 164; as trai t of femininity , 12 , 87, 142, 143 "Passivity, Masochism , an d Femininity " (Bonaparte), 134 Paternal authority , los s o f fait h in , 156, 157 Pathology, homosexualit y as , 85-87 Patient-analyst relationship , 7 . See also Therapeutic allianc e Patriarchical society/culture , 20 , 45, 196, 198; influence o n personalit y o f women , 143; mother in , 35 ; origins of , 20-21 ; and phalli c worship, 39 ; power relation ship in , 25-26 ; and religion , 22 , 41; status o f women in , 198 ; women's rol e in , 36, 9 0 Patriarchy, 1 , 2, 3, 8, 20-28, 201; and feminism, 194 ; in Freud , 16 , 18; in Judeo-Christian religion , 2 3 n.i Patricidal fantasie s (Freud's) , 111-12 Patricide, 95 Penis, 17 , 92, 96, 192, 195, 199; centrality of, i n psychoanalyti c theory , 47 ; displaced upwar d t o mind , 46 ; equate d with breast , 87 ; in gende r differentia tion, 105 ; and gende r identity , 180 ; worship of , 3 8 Penis envy , 11 , 17, 18, 47, 89, 96, 105, 106, 143, 174 , 179, 180, 190, 192 , 195; universality of , i n women, 16 Penis fantasy , 18 0 Persephone (goddess) , 24 , 44, 77 Persia, 22 Personality: creativ e reworkin g of , i n treat ment, 165 ; focus on , i n psychoanalysis , 169; of Freud , 1 ; sexuality an d aggres sion in , 157 Personality boundaries , 10 4 Personality development , 7 , 42, 47, 159; father/mother in , 14 ; Freud's theor y of , 2, 97 , 98; and grou p history , 29; mother-child relationshi p in , 15-16 , 19; sexuality in , 7 ; social/cultural force s in , 19 Personality disorders , 158 , 169 Personality formation , 13 , 1 8 Phallic stage , 37 , 42, 47, 92, 95-96, 98; culture in , 38-3 9

Phallic-sexual mythology , 39-4 0 Phallic symbols , 37 , 38 Phallic worship, 46, 156 , 157; examples of, 3 8 Phallocentric orientation , i n Freud , 16 , 18 Phallocentric society , 4, 2 0 Phallocentrism, 1 , 2, 8, 37-45, 47, 159, 201, 202; disrupted b y witches an d hys terics, 200-201 ; i n Lacan , 19 9 Phallus, 105 , 156; in Lacan , 200 ; linguis tic, cultura l concep t of , 199 ; magical power of , 4 Philippson Bible , 3 , 62, 74, 144 Philosophy, 2 ; in Jung , 152 , 153, 155-58 ; views of women in , 45 Philosophy in a New Key (Langer) , 32—33 Phobias (Freud's) , 64 , 71, 74-75, 90, 14 4 Phoenicia, 3 9 Phrygia, 22 , 39 Phylogeny an d ontogeny , 29-30 , 37-4 5 Play, creative , 167 , 168 Pleasure principle , 166 Political emancipation , 49 , 188-8 9 Politics, 2 , 156 Polylo£fue (Kristeva) , 196 Positive affec t sharing , 180 Positive mother , 154 Postoedipal development , 195 Postoedipal factor s i n feminin e psychology , 16 Postoedipal mother , 35 Postoedipal period , 2-3 , 6, 19 , 159 Post-traumatic stres s disorder , 57 Power, 192 ; and mora l attitudes , 182 Practicing subphase , 103 Pregnancy, 141 ; of Freud' s mother , 63, 66, 67 , 73, 92, 94, 108-9 , 128-29, 136, 140; and loss , 136; and los s o f mother, 128 , 130, 131; ou t o f wedlock , 78 Preoedipal conflict s (Freud) , in , 16 4 Preoedipal development , 103—12 ; in Jung , 158-59; magical for m o f cognitio n in , 21; an d socia l attitude s towar d women , 29-36 Preoedipal mother , 39 , 95; boys' dread of , 105; career-oriented wome n a s Freud's , 65; fear of , 106 , 197; in feminis t theory , 197, 198; infant's merge d relationshi p

Subject Index 23 with, 48 , 113-23; internalized, 118, 174; need t o control/retaliat e against , 34, 35 ; in object-relation s theory , 202 ; threat o f abandonmen t by , 93 Preoedipal mothe r (Freud) , 109 , no , 146; daughter Ann a servin g as , 64; Gra diva and , 126-33 ; loss of , 144 , 200; repression o f traum a with , 5 Preoedipal period , 8 , 14, 15, 28, 37, 180; acknowledgement of , b y Freud , 99 ; bonding in , 174 ; development o f cultur e beyond, 38-39 ; emphasis on , 195 ; and feminine psychology , 19 ; in feminis t theory, 196 , 197; Freudian, 92-94 ; gen der developmen t in , 105-6 ; influenc e o n oedipal period , 94 , 168 ; in Lacan , 199 ; male gende r identit y in , 184 ; omission of, i n Freud' s theory , 2-3 , 52, 88-94, 129; in psychoanalyti c theory , 134 ; recognition o f importanc e of , 167 ; regression to , 115-19 ; and socia l domi nation o f women, 34-3 6 Preoedipal perio d (Freud) , 3,5 , 62 , 6 366, 198 ; lack of motherin g in , 14 4 Preoedipal state , regressio n to , 115-19 Preoedipal timetable , 103- 5 Preoedipal traum a o f Freud , 63-66 , 78, 88-89, 107 , 108, 147; effects of , 9 9 102; Freud's denia l of , 98 ; partial mas tery of , 13 3 Priapus (god) , 4 0 Primal feelings , 116 Primal scene , 98 , 134; Freud witnes s to , 66, i n Primary materna l preoccupation , 16 7 Primary narcissism , 19 0 Primary-process thinking , 31 , 165-66, 201 Primary state , 101 Primitive cultures/societies , 28 , 37; attitudes towar d women , 35-36 ; copin g with helplessnes s in , 29 , 30; gende r roles in , 113—14 , 116, 190—91; magic in, 3 , 31—32, 33; magical thinkin g in , 166; power relationshi p in , 25-2 6 Procreative power s o f women, 41 , 47 Projection, 28 , 32, 115; of human sexua l experience ont o nature , 37-38 ; in treat ment, 16 4 Projective identification , 4 , 74 , 104, 105,

5

159; in th e culture , 48-49; i n d e Beau voir, 192 ; and emotiona l disorder s i n young adults , 116 ; in grou p function ing, 114 , 115, 116; in infant , 154 ; and misogyny, 46-57 ; i n preoedipa l period , 63—64; in treatment , 170 , 171 Property, 25 , 39, 5 3 Prostitution, sacred , 40 , 43 , 45 Psychic reality , 161 Psychoanalysis, 23 , 51, 126, 127; of A . Freud, 132-33 , 135, 136; A. Freu d car rying o n legac y of , 124-25 , 136-37; changes in , 2 , 7; creation o f Freud' s self analysis, 63 ; derogation o f women in , 47; divisio n of , 15 ; and feminin e psy chology, n-19 ; feminis m and , 13-19 ; Freud's effort s t o hav e accepte d a s science, 51,52, 54, 56, 57; goal of , 169 ; influence o f anti-Semitis m on , 54-57 ; in tegration o f feminis m with , 188—203 ; as Jewish-female-sexual science , 7 , 151 , 158; modern, 167-69 ; modern change s in, 160-73 ; oedipal conflic t cornerston e of, 79 ; omission o f mothe r an d preoedi pal period in , 88-94 ; sexualit y in , 158 — 59; women patients ' influence on , 160— 64 Psychoanalytic movement , 15 ; split in , 15, 19, in; wome n in , 147 Psychoanalytic technique , 7 , 160 , 161 ; equality in , 164-66 ; moder n change s in , 169-71 Psychoanalytic theory : change s in , 7 ; con tribution o f femal e analyst s to , 134 ; ef fect o f Freud' s relationshi p wit h hi s mother on , 85 ; feminist, 194-202 ; im portance o f mother in , 100—101 ; lack o f attention t o famil y dynamic s in , 82; new, 19 ; and persona l relations , 124-2 6 Psychohistory, 12-13 , 78, 126 Psychological mergin g throug h ritual , 32 34 Psychology, 156 , 191 Psychology of Women (Deutsch) , 141 Psychopathology, 1 , 14, 19, 119, 158; in children, 116—18 ; developmental arres t causing, 193 Psychopathology of Everyday Life, The (Freud), 77 , 140

236 Subject

Index

Psychosexual development , 9 2 Psychosis, 121 Psychotherapy, 168-6 9 Psychotic anxiety , 114 Psychotic conditions , 105 Psychotic decompensation , 10 5 Pueblo Indians , 183 Pygmies (Itur i Forest) , 183 Ra (god) , 39 Race, 190 , 203 Racial unconscious , hereditary , 153 Rage towar d mother , 34 , 35, 36, 65, 93, 154, 168; in Freud , 94 , 100 , 112, 129 Rapprochement subphase , 63 , 64, 65 , 68, 103, 104, 106, 107, 13 0 Rat Ma n cas e (Freud) , 91 Rationalism, 46 , 155 Rationality, 20 , 46, 157 , 160; feminist s and, 49 ; Freud' s emphasi s on , 91 Reaction formation , 2 7 Realism, 46 , 91 Reality, 166 ; acceptance of , 168 ; fantas y and, 65 , 68, 69, 112, 166 , 167, 168 , 169 Reality principle , 166 Reality testing , 168 Reason, 156 , 188; animus and , 152 ; masculine, 159 , 160 Rebirth, 25 , 38, 44, 77 Reciprocity, 180 , 191 Regression, 33-34 , 63, m; t o preoedipa l stage, 115-19 Rejection, 82 , 83,119 Relatedness, 106-7 , 184 Relational theory , 164-6 5 "Relations betwee n th e Eg o an d th e Un conscious, The" (Jung) , 152 Relationships, 96-97 , 197 Religions, 2 , 7, 30, 33, 43, 46, 91 , 168 , 203; a s adaptive mechanism , 21 ; Freud on, 97-98 ; materialistic , 47 ; men's supe riority t o wome n in , 41; pagan, 4 , 45; and personalit y development , 42-43 ; pre-Judeo-Christian, 157 ; sexual mythol ogy in , 39-40 ; an d sexuality , 43-45; women and , 4 , 21-2 2 Religious bigotry , 4 9 "Remember th e Ladies " letter (Adams) , 4 9

Repetition compulsion , 6-7 , 131-32 , 136 Repression, 48,56 , 97 , 164, 169; of earl y childhood conflict , i n Freud , 3 , 6, 62 ; of preoedipal period , 89 , 129—30, 199 — 200; o f sexuality , 158 Reproduction of Mothering,The (Chodo row), 196-9 7 Reproductive powe r o f women, 17 , 24, 25 Research o n mother-infan t relation , 175 77 Resistance, 16 4 Revenants, 100 , 101 Rights o f men, 53 Rings give n t o Freud' s secre t circle , 3, 125, 13 1

Ritual merging , 32-3 4 Rituals, 21, 22, 27, 31, 32; fertility, 40— 41, 144 ; pagan, 44 ; sexual , 40, 4 3 Role o f women, 45 , 48,50, 196 ; in Nietzsche, 156-57 ; in patriarcha l soci ety, 36 , 90 Rome, 38 , 40; Freud' s phobi a about , 64 , 74-77, 9 0 Rules, 31 Sacrifice, 30—31 ; animal, human, 22 , 23, 40 Salem, Massachusetts, witc h trials , 45 Salvarsan, 78 Same-sex parent , 15 Scapegoat-idol, mothe r as , 34 Scapegoating, 118 Schema o f action , 31 Schizophrenia, 118 , 119-20, 158; genetic predisposition to , 116 Schreber cas e (Freud) , 91 Science, 14 , 46, 47; Freud' s effort s t o hav e psychoanalysis accepte d as , 51,52,54, 56,57 Scientific theory , objectivit y of , 1 4 "Screen Memories " (Freud) , 69-7 0 Screen memor y (Freud's) , 6 9 Seasonal cycles , 20, 39 Second Sex, The (d e Beauvoir) , 191 , 194 Second Stage, The (Friedan) , 193-9 4 Secondary-process thinking , 31 , 16 6 Seduction: i n famil y constellation , 86 ; in Freud's analysi s o f daughte r Anna , 132—

Subject Index 23 7 33; and hell, 68, 69, 72; by mother, 91, 93 Seduction theory , 54-55 , 56, 57, 93-94, 95, 98; rejection of , 5 , 161, 16 2 Seductive-aggressive experienc e o f Freud : with mother , 5 , 7, 71-72, 75, 86, 90, 132, 136; with nanny , 68-69 , 70, 7 5 Self: cohesio n of , 155 , 176; core of , 121; core identit y of , 198 ; development of , 104; in Jung, 159 ; male/female, 197; object and , 167; separateness an d constancy of, 4 2 Self-analysis (Freud's) , 5, 6, 62, 67-68, 88, 94, no, 112; of preoedipal period , 100

Self-comfort, 30 , 42 Self-constancy, 64 , 18 1 Self-esteem, 18 , 42, 104, 105, 118, 181 ; in depressives , 82 , 83; in parent, 81; penis and , 180; threat to , 64; in women , 198 Self-hatred, 18 Self-object, mothe r as , 15 5 Self-object differentiation , 17 9 Self-object world , 107 Self psychology, 19 , 155, 17 6 Self-stimulation, 17 4 Sense o f self, 104 , 107, 179; in boys, 106; development of , 103 ; in girls, 107, 191 ; grandiose, 105 Sensori-motor intelligence , 31 Separateness, recognitio n of , 199-20 0 Separation, 6 , 7, 15, 34, 35, 42, 64, 105 , 122, 167, 169, 176, 192, 198-99; diffi culty in , 86; disruption o f normal, 108; Freud's, fro m mother , in ; Freud' s fail ure in , 82, 94, 108; mastery of , 131; need for , continues int o adulthood , 198; pain of , 199-200 ; i n thought o f Mahler, 103-4 Separation anxiety , 30 , 63 n.i, 167; i n boys, 108 ; of Freud, 66 , 108, 109—10 ; Freud on , 131—32 Separation/individuation o f Freud, 80 Separation/individuation phase , 63, 64 , 103-5, 107, 19 7 Sex, 18 , 47, 135, 180; and abandonment , death, 68 , 71-79, 141, 144; importance of, 158 ; and loss, 74-78, 136, 14 1

Sex and Character (Weininger), 50-51 , 52 Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies (Mead) , 190-9 1 Sexism, 193 Sexual abstinenc e (Freud's) , 84 , 13 0 Sexual affairs , speculatio n abou t Freud's , I39-4I Sexual asceticis m o f A. Freud , 136 Sexual conflict, centra l t o Freud' s theory , 192 Sexual development , female , 95-10 2 Sexual differences , 202 , 20 3 Sexual difficultie s o f Freud, etiolog y of , 86, 87 Sexual equality , 49 Sexual fantasie s i n neurosis, 162 , 16 3 Sexual instincts , 15 , 43, 16 2 Sexual-libido theory . See Libido theor y Sexual morality , 14 Sexual objects , wome n as , 34 Sexual orientation, 5 , 86, 107, 17 4 Sexual politics , 193 Sexual relations , religio n and , 39-40, 4 4 Sexual repression , 45 , 15 8 Sexual stereotypes , 172 , 19 6 Sexuality, 4, 13 , 54, 169; and abandon ment, 140 , 144; as abuse, 73-74 ; cul ture and , 18; and death, 77-78 , 144; Freud's inabilit y t o deal with mother' s 74, 95 ; of girls, 96 ; inborn primordia l feminine, 195 ; and loss, 69, 70, 128 , 131; as motivating forc e fo r personality , 157; and narcissistic nurturance , 118 ; as primary huma n need , 193 ; in psychoanalysis, 158-59 ; sublimation of , 42; sublimation of , i n A. Freud, 7 , 132-33, 136; validated, 156 . See also Infantile sexuality Sexuality o f women, 36 , 41, 101, 135 ; bias against , 50 ; control of , 45 ; denial of, 18 ; feared an d condemned, 2 , 3, 4, 20, 27, 43-45; inborn, 89 ; split int o good an d bad, 45 Sexually activ e women , Freud' s fea r of , 86, 95 Sibling rivalry , 99 , 143; in Freud, 90 , 91 — 93, 108-9 Sin, 66 , 76; punishment for , 69, 72, 7 5 Siva (god) , 40

238 Subject

Index

Smoking addictio n (Freud's) , 6 4 Social attitude s towar d women : evolvin g out o f effor t t o gai n contro l ove r nature , 20-28; preoedipa l developmen t and , 29-36 Social change , 7 , 194, 201; and gende r equality, 185 , 18 6 Social contro l o f women, 25-2 8 Social Darwinis m (Spencer) , 189 Social dominance , 183 Social dominatio n o f women, preoedipa l period and , 34-3 6 Social emancipation o f women, 4 9 Social equality , 49 , 189 , 198; for Jews , 51 Social forces , 1 ; in personalit y develop ment, 19 Social hierarchy , 18 3 n.i Social inequality , 23 , 49; an d women' s personality development , 17 , 1 8 Social organization : infant' s merge d rela tion wit h mothe r a s prototype for , 113 23; phallocentric , 37 , 39; in triba l socie ties, 25 Social referencing , 18 0 Social reform , 18 8 Social statu s o f women, 17-18,50 ; god dess worship and , 23-2 4 Socialization, 177 , 184, 191, 19 6 Society, 202 , 203; feminine developmen t in, 192 ; maternal mergin g in , 113-2 3 Society fo r th e Defens e o f the Hand worker, 5 4 Sociology, 2 , 195 "Some Psychica l Consequence s o f the Ana tomical Distinctio n betwee n th e Sexes " (Freud), 16 Speculum of the Other Woman (Irigaray) , 196 Spiritual issues , 43 Spirituality, 7 , 151 Splitting, 45 , 48, 63, 65, 104, 105, 108, 154, 159; and emotiona l disorder s i n young adults , 116 ; Freud's us e of , 101; in grou p functioning , 115 , 116; in treat ment, 171 "State o f Psychotherap y Today , The " (Jung), 152 , 15 3 Stimulus seeking , 179 Stone Age , 22, 23

Stonehenge, 38 Stones, worship of , 3 8 Structured Clinica l Interview , 12 0 Subjectivism, 156 Subjects, wome n as , 200, 201 Subjugation of Women, The (Mill) , 49-5 0 Sublimation, 12 , 136; of aggression , 183 Sublimation o f sexuality , 42 ; i n A . Freud , 7, 132-33, 136 Subliminal activatio n research , 119—23, 179, 18 5 Submissiveness, 184 , 186, 191 Success, fear of , 122-2 3 Superego, 42, 47, 82; father form s cor e of , 96; sadisti c par t of , 154 ; and treatment , 170-71; i n women , 180-8 2 Superego development , n , 12 , 15, 43 , 104 Superman (ideal) , 156 , 157, 190 Survival o f th e fittest, 4 6 Susa (city) , 22 Symbiotic mother-chil d relationship : o f Freud, 107 , 111; recreated i n treatment , 170 Symbiotic phase , 48, 103, 198; in grou p functioning, 115 , 11 6 Symbiotic surviva l pattern , 116 Symbolic activit y i n infant , 30 , 31, 3 3 Symbolic capacity , 10 4 Symbolic development , 2 9 Symbolic functioning , transitiona l objec t in, 167-6 8 Symbolic order , 199 , 200-201, 20 2 Symbolic play , 10 4 Symbolism: discursive/nondiscursive , 33, 201; o f mandala , 155 Symbolization o f goddes s worshi p i n Christianity, 4 3 Symbols, 32 "Symbols o f Transformation" (Jung) , 153, 154 Sympathetic magic , 31 , 32, 39, 40 Symptom neurosis , 169 Symptom relief , 16 4 Symptoms, 16 9 Syphilis, 77-7 8 Tachistoscopic studies , 119—23 , 179, 18 5 Talion principle , 10 0

Subject Index 23 Tammuz (god) , 39 Taoism, 152 Tavistock Clinic , 114 Tchambuli (people) , 191 Technology, 4 7 Tell al-Ubai d (city) , 22 Tennessee Self-Concep t Scale , 121 Territoriality, 182 , 183 Terror, nakednes s a s inspiring, 72-7 4 Testosterone, 172 , 182, 183 Thanatos (deat h instinct) , 131 , 13 2 Thematic Apperceptio n Test , 120 "Theme o f th e Thre e Caskets , The " (Freud), 77 , 132 Therapeutic alliance , 165 This Sex Which Is Not One (Irigaray) , 196 Thoth (god) , 145 Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality (Freud), 50 , 98 Thus Spake Zarathustra (Nietzsche) , 157 Totem and Taboo (Freud), 2 4 n.2, 26 Transference, 164 , 170, 191, 194; careeroriented wome n wit h Freud , 130 ; in Dora case , 163 Transitional objects , 32 , 42, 167-68; Freud's ar t collectio n as , 146-47; malig nant, 3 0 Transitional space , 167 , 168—69 Traumatic neurosis , 131 Traviata, La (opera) , 50 Treatment, 1 , 160, 164; countertransfer ence and , 169 , 170; in Dor a case , 163 — 64; feminin e aspect s in , 161 ; Freud's aims in , 157 ; goal of , 166 ; for hysteria , 54-55 Tribal societies , 23, 25-27, 113-14, 119; social organizatio n in , 25 Trobriand Islanders , 2 6 Twilight of the Idols, The (Nietzsche) , 156 Twin adoptio n studies , 116 Two-mothers theme , expression s of , 78-7 9 Two-person psychologies , 15 , 19, 167 Unconscious, the , 157-58 , 159, 199; primary-process thinkin g in , 166 ; in treat ment, 165 Unconscious fantas y i n neurosis , 161 Underachievers, 121-2 2 Universalism, 153 , 15 5

9

University o f Vienna, 53 , 5 5 Ur (city) , 22 Vagina, 16 , 17, 105, 106, 135, 143, 195 ; fear of , 26 , 27 Vaginal orgasm , 12 Values: feminine , 194 ; religion and , 4 3 Veneral disease , 77-7 8 Victorian culture/society , 4 , 124 , 147, 186, 198; bias agains t wome n in , 1 , 2, 13; and Freud' s attitud e towar d women , 20 ; historical-cultural antecedent s of , 3 ; influ ence o n thinkin g o f Freud , 12 ; madonna/whore comple x in , 45 ; misogyny and anti-Semitis m in , 7 ; patriarchal, 97 ; and peni s envy , 16 ; polarity betwee n sexes in, 171 ; sex repressed in , 54; sexual moralit y in , 14 ; and statu s o f women, 17-18 , 47, 90, 193 ; women's identity in , 6 Vienna, Austria , 2 , 77 Vienna Institute , 142 Vienna Psychoanalyti c Society , 17 , 18, 5 6 Vienna Societ y fo r Psychiatr y an d Neurol ogy. 54-55 "Virgin, Sain t Anne , an d th e Chris t Child , The" (painting) , 78 Virgin-madonna role , 50 Virginity, 39 , 40 War betwee n th e sexes , 194 Warfare, Ston e Age , 23 Way of AllFlesh, The (Buder) , 4 7 Western culture , 157 ; and achievemen t i n girls, 184-85 ; autonomy idea l in , 184; phallus in , 20 0 Wiccan movement , 2 3 n.i. See also Witches, witchcraf t Wife o f Freud , Freud' s relationshi p with , 6, 83-8 4 Will, 156 Will t o power , 156 , 15 7 Wish fulfillment , 165-6 6 Witches, witchcraft, 4 , 2 3 n.i, 44-45 , 76 n.2 , 2 0 0 - 2 0 1

Witches' Sabbaths , 4 4 Wolf Ma n cas e (Freud) , 91 , 133-34 Womb, 4 , 20 1 Womb envy , 17 , 27, 41, 47

240 Subject

Index

Women: androgynous , 14 6 n.i; i n Chris tianity, 43-44 ; a s containers fo r unac ceptable part s o f male self , 48-49 (see also Projectiv e identification) ; contro l of , 135, 158; emancipation of , 192 ; fear of , 17, 20-28; Freud' s fea r o f sexual , 86, 95; Freud' s relationship s with , 2 , 4, 6 , 64—65, 138—43; Freud's understandin g of, 5 , 8, 12; generative powe r of , 47 ; Jews compare d to , 7,51-52 ; Jung' s views on , 151-53 ; in lif e o f Freud , 124—26 (see also Mother o f Freud) ; liv ing vicariousl y throug h husbands/sons , 34, 90, 143 , 198; magic an d socia l atti tudes toward , 20-28 ; nee d t o dominate / control, 2 , 3, 4, 23-24 , 27-28 , 32, 34, 43-45, 156 , 186, 198; position i n soci ety, 196 ; preoedipal developmen t an d social attitude s toward , 29-36 ; an d primitive religions , 21-22 ; social contro l of, 25—28 ; social statu s throug h hus bands' status , 6 , 81 ; social stereotype s

about, 143 ; superego developmen t in , 11, 180-82; suppression of , 8 , 13, 46, 47, 201 ; threat t o masculinity , 202 ; views of , i n philosophy , 45 ; in wor k force, 185 , 189, 193, 198 Women analysts , 7, 14; and change s i n technique, 170 ; Freud's relationship s with, 6 , 13 ; Freud's suppor t of , 124-37 ; and rol e o f mothe r i n psychoanalyti c theory, 101—2 Women patients : influenc e o n Freud , 7 ; in fluence o n psychoanalysis , 160-6 4 Women's movement , 18 , 185. See also Feminism Women's Right s Movement , 188-8 9 Work force , wome n in , 185 , 189, 193-94, 198 Young German y movement , 53 Zentralblatt (journal) , 152 Zeus (god) , 39 . See also Jupiter Zuni Puebl o America n Indians , 19 0