The Fourth Pentecostal Wave in South Africa: A Critical Engagement (Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies) [1 ed.] 9780367361150, 9780429343902, 0367361159

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The Fourth Pentecostal Wave in South Africa

This book critically examines contemporary Pentecostalism in South Africa and its influence on some of the countries that surround it. Pentecostalism plays a significant role in the religious life of this region, so evaluating its impact is key to understanding how religion functions in 21st-­century Africa. Beginning with an overview of the roots of Pentecostalism in Southern Africa, the book moves on to identify a current “fourth” wave of this form of Christianity. It sets out the factors that have given rise to this movement, then offers the first academic evaluation of its theology and practice. Positive aspects as well as extreme or negative practices are all identified in order to give a balanced and nuanced assessment of this religious group and allow the reader to gain valuable insight into how it interacts with wider African society. This book is a cutting-­edge look at an emerging form of one of the fastest-­ growing religions in the world. It will therefore be of great use to scholars working in Pentecostalism, Theology, Religious Studies and African Religion, as well as African Studies more generally. Prof Solomon Kgatle is Associate Professor of Missiology at the Department of Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa. He is an emerging young researcher in the focus area of African Pentecostal Christianity. Kgatle has published extensively and has presented papers in local and international conferences in the same focus area. In this book, Kgatle looks at the new developments of Pentecostalism from a South African perspective.

Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies

The Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies series brings high quality research monograph publishing back into focus for authors, international libraries, and student, academic and research readers. This open-­ended monograph series presents cutting-­edge research from both established and new authors in the field. With specialist focus yet clear contextual presentation of contemporary research, books in the series take research into important new directions and open the field to new critical debate within the discipline, in areas of related study, and in key areas for contemporary society. Laudato Si’ and the Environment Pope Francis’ Green Encyclical Robert McKim Theology Without Walls The Transreligious Imperative Jerry L. Martin A New Theist Response to the New Atheists Edited by Joshua Rasmussen and Kevin Vallier Biblical and Theological Visions of Resilience Pastoral and Clinical Insights Edited by Nathan H. White and Christopher C.H. Cook The Fourth Pentecostal Wave in South Africa A Critical Engagement Solomon Kgatle For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com/­ religion/­series/­RCRITREL

The Fourth Pentecostal Wave in South Africa A Critical Engagement Solomon Kgatle

First published 2020 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2020 Solomon Kgatle The right of Solomon Kgatle to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-­in-­Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-­in-­Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN: 978-­0-­367-­36115-­0 (hbk) ISBN: 978-­0-­429-­34390-­2 (ebk) Typeset in Sabon by Apex CoVantage, LLC

Contents

Forewordvi Prefacexiii Acknowledgementsxv List of abbreviationsxvii 1 Introducing the Pentecostal waves

1

2 The fourth wave

21

3 The faces of the fourth wave

42

4 The catalysts of the fourth wave

63

5 The strengths of the fourth wave

85

6 The weaknesses of the fourth wave

107

7 The abuse of religion and gullibility of society

129

8 Reflections on the weaknesses of the fourth wave

149

Epilogue163 References164 Index177

Foreword

South African Christianity, and African Christianity generally, comes in many bewildering shapes and sizes, but is arguably the most vibrant form of Christianity in our contemporary world. One of its most influential forms is Pentecostalism. The entrance of many different kinds of new churches and “ministries” on the African Christian scene now makes it even more difficult, if not impossible, to put African Pentecostalism into types and categories. A limited, rather stereotyped and dogmatic understanding of “pentecostal” in the Western world fails to recognize the great variety of different pentecostal movements globally, many of which arose quite independently of Western forms of Pentecostalism. That is why this attempt by Solomon Kgatle to introduce a “fourth wave” of African Pentecostalism is to be welcomed, especially as it comes from an insider to the movement with many years’ experience. There are many ways of defining Pentecostalism, but for me the simplest definition is the best one, avoiding all the countless exceptions that are made to narrowing the term. All forms of Pentecostal and Charismatic movements are best understood as movements concerned primarily with the experience of the working of the Holy Spirit and the practice of spiritual gifts.1 In this sense, in Africa the terms would include, surprisingly to some, the majority of older African Initiated Churches (AICs), those “classical” Pentecostals originating in Western pentecostal missions, and those newer independent churches, “fellowships” and “ministries” in Africa which are the focus of this book. Kgatle introduces a new category and makes it clear that, in South Africa at least, most of the “fourth wave” arose after the democratic elections of 1994. He makes a distinction between them and other forms of Pentecostalism. The connections between this “classical” pentecostal movement and AICs throughout Africa have been amply demonstrated in several studies, including my own.2 Some classical pentecostal churches have become vibrant and rapidly expanding African churches throughout the continent. The AICs of the “Spirit” type (the so-­called “spiritual churches”) emerged in several regions of Africa before the classical pentecostal churches did, and any connections between these two groups are tenuous. Not enough

Foreword vii attention has been given to the resonance between these churches, although Gifford is right to question whether the older AICs can be regarded as paradigmatic of the pentecostal movement in Africa.3 Despite all their peculiarities, the “fourth wave” of Charismatic ministries are, like the older AICs before them, African phenomena, churches which for the most part have been instituted by Africans for Africans. Although they differ from the classical AICs in that they don’t try as much to offer solutions for traditional problems, they do address the problems faced by AICs, but offer a radical reorientation to a modern, industrial, global society. The Ghanaian scholar Kwabena Asamoah-­Gyadu makes the interesting point that one of the basic differences between the older AICs and the Charismatic ministries lies in the fact that in the spiritual churches, “members are the clients of the prophets who may be the custodians of powers to overcome the ills of life”.4 Some of the new churches certainly do move in the direction of single, dominant leaders who are custodians of power. The difference is disappearing with the passing of time. Methods employed by the new churches to propagate their faith are very similar to those used by other Pentecostals, but a particular feature of many of these churches in Africa is an emphasis on deliverance from a whole host of demonic forces, most of which are identified with traditional deities and “ancestral curses”. The strategies employed by these churches are subject to criticism and leave many ethical questions, but have promoted a form of Christianity that has especially appealed to urban African youth.5 Most observers of African Christianity today will agree that not only has it exploded in numbers, but it has also changed in character. Older denominations have had to keep up with the rapidly growing form of Christianity that has been changing the character of African Christianity in fundamental ways.6 This movement is fast becoming one of the most significant expressions of Christianity on the continent, especially in Africa’s cities. It is affecting all kinds of Christian churches, and the question can rightly be posed as to whether this is the way most forms of African Christianity are heading. The late historian Ogbu Kalu called Pentecostalism the “third response” to white cultural domination and power in the church, the former two responses being Ethiopianism and the Zionist prophetic churches.7 This newer movement is not fundamentally different from the Holy Spirit movements and so-­called “prophet-­healing” and “spiritual churches” that preceded it, but is a continuation of them in a different context. The older “prophet-­healing” AICs, the older classical Pentecostals, and the newer churches all respond to the existential needs of the African context. They all offer a personal encounter with God through the power of the Spirit, healing from sickness and deliverance from evil in all its manifestations, spiritual, social and structural. In a study of Pentecostals in Zimbabwe, David Maxwell points out that many Christian movements in Africa (and, in fact, all over the world) have begun as movements of youth and women. The new churches give opportunities not afforded them by patriarchal and gerontocratic religions that have lost their charismatic power.8

viii  Foreword Many of the new vigorous movements were influenced by the Charismatic renewal that started in the 1960s, the Word of Faith movement (known by its detractors as the “prosperity gospel”) and by established classical pentecostal churches. Largely independent of foreign churches, many of these new ministries were first termed “nondenominational”, but as they expanded, they developed denominational structures, “episcopised” prominent leaders who became bishops and archbishops (and often received honorary doctorates from their own organisations) and became international churches. They initially tended to appeal to a younger, more educated and consequently more globally oriented clientele, including young professionals and middle-­class urbanites. In leadership structures, theology, and liturgy, these organisations differ quite markedly from the older churches, including pentecostal ones. Their services are usually emotional and enthusiastic, featuring electronic musical instruments, often with musical groups leading worship. Some publish their own literature, have a prominent media focus and run their own Bible training centres for preachers to further propagate their message. Many of these churches encourage the planting of new, independent congregations, and make use of schoolrooms, cinemas, community halls and hotel conference rooms for their meetings. Some of the most established ones, like the Grace Bible Church of Mosa Sono, now have enormous auditoriums catering for many thousands of members. Sono became a bishop in 2003, when he was consecrated into this office by Ray McCauley (a prominent South African Charismatic leader) and Bishop Dag Heward-­ Mills of Ghana. The networking and influence of other African Charismatic churches is apparent in South Africa, where many of the West and East African leaders have made visits. Church leaders travel across the continent and beyond, and produce glossy booklets and broadcast radio and television programs. They are often linked to wider international networks of independent Charismatic preachers, which are by no means dominated by North Americans.9 The new movement has its own momentum in Africa, where hundreds of preachers propagate a gospel of success in impoverished cities. The promotion of the Word of Faith “prosperity” message in Africa has resulted in the rapid growth of a form of Christianity that has appealed especially to the new urbanised generation of Africans. They often focus on success and prosperity, but share an emphasis on the power of the Spirit with older churches, including many AICs. Like classical Pentecostals, they teach a personal conversion experience (being “born again”); they advocate long periods of individual and communal prayer, including fasting and prayer retreats, prayer for healing and for individualised problems like unemployment and poverty, deliverance from demons and “the occult” (this term often means traditional beliefs and witchcraft), and they support the use of spiritual gifts like speaking in tongues and prophecy. To a lesser or greater degree, these features characterise all these churches, which are also found throughout the rest of the world. In Africa they are essentially local

Foreword ix initiatives, churches instituted by Africans for Africans, and almost entirely governing, self-­ propagating and self-­ supporting. They seldom have self-­ organisational links with foreign churches or denominations, even when they are part of international networks. They try to address the problems faced by Africans, particularly by offering a radical reorientation toward modern, industrial, global society.10 One of the main criticisms levelled against many of the new churches is that they propagate a “prosperity gospel”, the “Word of Faith” movement originating in North American independent Charismatic movements, particularly found in the preaching and writings of the late Kenneth Hagin and Kenneth Copeland. Known to its detractors as the “health and wealth” gospel, this sometimes reproduces the worst forms of capitalism in Christian guise. Paul Gifford suggests that the biggest single factor in the emergence of these new churches is the collapse of African economies by the 1980s and the subsequent increasing dependence on the USA. He proposes that it is “Americanisation” rather than any “African quality” that is responsible for the growth of these churches. He sees this new phenomenon as a type of neo-­colonialism propagated by American “prosperity preachers”, a sort of conspiracy theory. But there is another side to this scenario. Gifford’s analysis seems to ignore some fundamental features of Pentecostalism. Now Western phenomenon, in African Pentecostalism, predominantly a non-­ experience and practice are at least as important as formal ideology or theology. As Ogbu Kalu points out, the relationship between the African pastor and his or her “Western patron” is entirely eclectic, and the “dependency” has actually been mutual. The Western “supporters” often need the African pastor to bolster their own international image and increase their own financial resources. Kalu observes that in the 1990s, since the public disgracing of American televangelists, the mood in Africa changed, and Charismatic churches are now “characterised by independence and an emphasis on the Africanist roots of the ministries”.11 There are connections between some of the new Charismatic churches and the American “health and wealth” movement, and it is also true that some of the new African churches reproduce and promote “health and wealth” teaching and literature. But identifying them as a whole with the American “prosperity gospel” is a generalisation that particularly fails to appreciate the reconstructions and innovations made by these African movements in adapting to a radically different context, just as the older AICs did some years before. The new churches present a new challenge to Christianity in Africa. To the European mission-­founded churches, they are demonstrations of a form of Christianity that appeals to a new generation of Africans, and from which older churches can learn. There are indications that the new churches increase at the expense of all types of older churches, including the prophet-­ healing AICs.12 To these older AICs, with whom they actually have much in common, they are consequently often a source of tension. New churches often preach against “tribalism” and parochial denominationalism. They

x  Foreword are often sharply critical of the older AICs, particularly in what they perceive as the African traditional religious component of AIC practices, which are sometimes seen as manifestations of demons needing “deliverance”. As a result, older AICs are both offended and threatened by them. In addition, the new urban churches have to some extent embraced and externalised Western notions of a “nuclear family” and individualised lifestyles. This brings them into further tension with African traditional culture and ethnic ties, thereby enabling members to escape the onerous commitments to the extended family and to achieve success and accumulate possessions independently.13 The oversimplified and patronising generalisation that “prosperity” churches in Africa are led by unscrupulous manipulators greedy for wealth and power does not account for the increasing popularity of the new churches with educated and responsible people, who continue to give financial support and feel their needs are met there.14 Often, those who are “anti-­charismatic” and resent or are threatened by the growth and influence of the newer churches are the source of these criticisms. Kalu says that in the decade after 1985, the Charismatic churches “blossomed into complex varieties” and that in their development “European influence became more pronounced”. But he points out that that in spite of this, “the originators continued to be African, imitating foreigners, eclectically producing foreign theologies but transforming these for immediate contextual purposes”.15 The phenomenon of growing new churches in Africa indicates that there are unresolved questions facing the church, such as the role of “success” and “prosperity” in God’s economy, enjoying God’s gifts, including healing and material provision, and the holistic dimension of “salvation now”. Many Africans see financial success and prosperity as evidence of the blessing of God and the reward for faith in difficult financial circumstances. However, this “prosperity” is also seen as the means for advancing the work of God and for the ability to give generously to the needy. The “here-­and-­now” problems being addressed by these churches are problems that still challenge the church as a whole.16 Asamoah-­Gyadu believes that the “greatest virtue” of the “health and wealth” gospel lies in “the indomitable spirit that believers develop in the face of life’s odds. . . . In essence, misfortune becomes only temporary”.17 The “here-­and-­now” problems being addressed by new churches in modern South Africa are not unlike those faced by the older AICs decades before, and these problems still challenge the church as a whole today. They remind the church of the age-­old conviction of Africa that for any faith to be relevant and enduring, it must also be experienced. The patterns established by the new African Charismatic churches have become paradigmatic of Pentecostalism in the 21st century. Charismatic Christianity today is full of religious entrepreneurs who, like their predecessors in early Pentecostalism, are on a mission to take their message to as many people as possible. They declare a call from God and have an uncanny ability to communicate with crowds of people. Their message of hope and faith attracts the crowds who give of their substance and enable

Foreword xi the enterprise to succeed. The successive “waves” of revivalist movements where new “moves” and revelations of the Spirit are promoted, and where new Charismatic preachers and religious entrepreneurs emerge, are seemingly unstoppable. This book is a case in point, and I commend this interesting study to you. Allan H. Anderson Emeritus Professor of Mission and Pentecostal Studies, University of Birmingham

Notes 1 Allan H. Anderson, “Varieties, Definitions and Taxonomies”, in Allan H. Anderson, Michael Bergunder, Andre F. Droogers, and Cornelis van der Laan (eds.), Studying Global Pentecostalism: Theories and Methods (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2010), 13–29. 2 Allan H. Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism, 2nd ed. (Cambridge University Press, 2014), 112–135; Allan H. Anderson and Gerald J. Pillay, “The Segregated Spirit: The Pentecostals”, in Richard Elphick and Rodney Davenport (eds.), Christianity in South Africa: A Political, Social & Cultural History (James Currey, 1997), 228–229; Allan H. Anderson, “Dangerous Memories for South African Pentecostals”, in Allan H. Anderson and Walter J. Hollenweger (eds.), Pentecostals After a Century: Global Perspectives on a Movement in Transition (Sheffield Academic Press, 1999), 88–92. 3 Harvey Cox, Fire from Heaven: The Rise of Pentecostal Spirituality and the Reshaping of Religion in the Twentieth-­First Century (Cassell, 1996), 246; Paul Gifford, African Christianity: Its Public Role (Hurst, 1998), 33. 4 Kwabena J. Asamoah-­Gyadu, “The Church in the African State: The Pentecostal/­ Charismatic Experience in Ghana”, Journal of African Christian Thought 1, no. 2 (1998), 56. 5 Kwabena J. Asamoah-­ Gyadu, African Charismatics: Current Developments Within Independent Indigenous Pentecostalism in Ghana (Brill, 2005), 96; Birgit Meyer, “ ‘Make a Complete Break with the Past’: Memory and Post-­Colonial Modernity in Ghanaian Pentecostalist Discourse”, Journal of Religion in Africa 28, no. 4 (1998), 323–324; Gifford, African Christianity, 97–109. 6 David Maxwell, “Witches, Prophets and Avenging Spirits: The Second Christian Movement in North-­East Zimbabwe”, Journal of Religion in Africa 25, no. 3 (1995), 313; Gifford, African Christianity, 31; Allan H. Anderson, To the Ends of the Earth: Pentecostalism and the Transformation of World Christianity (Oxford, 2013), 233–243. 7 Ogbu U. Kalu, African Pentecostalism: An Introduction (Oxford, 2008), 23. 8 Maxwell, “Witches”, 316–317. 9 Matthews A. Ojo, The End-­Time Army: Charismatic Movements in Modern Nigeria (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2006), 23–31; Richard Burgess, Nigeria’s Christian Revolution: The Civil War Revival and Its Pentecostal Progeny (1967–2006) (Oxford: Regnum, 2008), 67–109; Kalu, African Pentecostalism, 90–94. 10 Kalu, African Pentecostalism, 240–241. 11 Ogbu U. Kalu, “The Third Response: Pentecostalism and the Reconstruction of Christian Experience in Africa, 1970–1995”, Journal of African Christian Thought 1, no. 2 (1998), 8. 12 Gifford, African Christianity, 62–63, 95, 233.

xii  Foreword 13 Birgit Meyer, “Make a Complete Break with the Past”, 320; Marshall, Ruth. “Pentecostalism in Southern Nigeria: An Overview”, in Paul Gifford, New Dimensions, 21–22; Kalu, “Third Response”, 3. 14 Marshall, “Pentecostalism”, 8, 24. 15 Kalu, “Third Response”, 7. 16 Allan H. Anderson, African Reformation: African Initiated Christianity in the Twentieth Century (Africa World Press, 2001), 175–186. 17 Asamoah-­Gyadu, “The Church”, 55.

Preface

In the beginning of the 20th century, the pentecostal movement that saw the founding of churches, like Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa, the Assemblies of God and the Full Gospel in South Africa, was easy for scholars to classify under classical Pentecostalism. The reason for this classification is that the aforementioned churches took the form of the pentecostal and holiness movement, especially the Azusa Street Revival of the African American William Seymour. The pentecostal features at Bree Street, Johannesburg, South Africa took the form of the Azusa Street Revival in Los Angeles, United States of America. Both at Azusa Street Revival and Bree Street Revival, people experienced the baptism of the Holy Spirit with signs like the speaking of tongues, healing, salvation and other miracles. The same signs happened on the day of the Pentecost, where the believers in the early church of the apostles were baptised with the Holy Spirit. Scholars like Allan Anderson, Marius Nel, Isak Burger, Matthew Clark, Christian De Wet and others rose to theorise data and came up with various methods of studying the history, mission and theology of the pentecostal movement. This period marked the first wave of Pentecostalism in South Africa. The first quarter of the 20th century saw many black pentecostal pastors leaving Apostolic Faith Mission, Assemblies of God, Full Gospel and other classical pentecostal churches to start their own churches; scholars classified this movement as the African Independent Churches (AIC). The period saw the starting of churches like the Zion Christian Churches, International Pentecostal Holiness Church, Saint John Apostolic Faith Church and others. The reasons for the beginning of these types of churches vary from the sociological, like racial segregation, to theological, like the difference in liturgy. However, this type of church did not abandon the fundamental teachings of Pentecostalism, like spirit baptism, but also embraced African Traditional Religion (ATR) worldviews. The notable scholars of AICs in South Africa include Linda Thomas, Victor Molobi and Bengt Sundkler. This period marked the second wave of Pentecostalism in South Africa. During democratic dispensation in the early 1990s, many pastors started charismatic churches that followed the prosperity gospel of American charismatic churches like the Rhema Church in Randburg, Grace Bible Church

xiv  Preface in Soweto and many more. This type of church also did not leave the fundamental teachings of Pentecostalism. Hence, scholars like Anderson classified them as neo-­Pentecostal churches. This period marked the third wave of Pentecostalism in South Africa. In recent times, especially the last decade, there is something going on in South Africa that calls for a proper study in order to classify it. For the first time in the history of Pentecostalism in South Africa, society saw pastors feed people snakes, spray Doom1 on the congregants and made some drink petrol. These actions and others cannot be classified under classical Pentecostalism, AICS or charismatic, but require their own classification. On the contrary, classical Pentecostalism, AIC and charismatic movements are rejecting the new phenomenon, which leaves us with the important question: what is this movement? The purpose of this book is to classify the new wave of Pentecostalism in South Africa by identifying the characteristics that make it different from others. The book also looks at the catalysts, the strengths and the weaknesses of the new movement. The book goes further than to classify the new movement; as a missiological study, the book will reflect critically on the new movement and propose ways in which the movement can deal with its weaknesses.

Note 1 Doom is a poisonous “insect killer” used to kill cockroaches, mosquitos, etc.; hence, it cannot be applied to human beings.

Acknowledgements

The journey into writing this book began in 2017, with my interest in studying the new developments in Pentecostalism in my post-­doctoral studies. I began looking at the abuses of religion and gullibility of South African society that had already begun in 2014. I am grateful to two popular articles by a well-­known South African theologian, Tinyiko Maluleke (2014 & 2015): “The prophet syndrome: Let them eat grass” and “Between Pretoria and George Goch Hostel: God in South Africa in 2015”. I also read other works like the paper by Mochechane (2016), “Dealing with fear and anxiety in Pentecostalism: the Bushiri-­Phenomenon in Pretoria”; a doctoral thesis by Khanyile (2016), “The virtualization of the Church: New media representations of neo-­Pentecostal” and a paper by Kelebogile Resane (2017), “And they shall make you eat grass like oxen (Daniel 4:24): Reflections on recent practices in some New Charismatic Churches”. I then published an article in HTS Teologiese Studies/­Theological Studies (2017), “The unusual practices within some Neo-­Pentecostal churches in South Africa: Reflections and recommendations”, for which I am grateful to the editor, Prof Andries van Aarde. The publication also became possible as I was a participant of the research project “socio-­cultural readings” under the leadership of my PhD supervisor, Prof Ernest van Eck, to whom I am thankful for mentorship and guidance. Before joining University of South Africa (UNISA), Prof CL de Wet at the Department of Biblical Studies at the same institution was instrumental in guiding me on how to enter the mainstream university, prepare an application for National Research Foundation (NRF) rating and how to write a monograph proposal for big publishers; thank you Chris. My research career reached new heights when I joined UNISA in spring of 2017 in the department of Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology, School of Humanities and College of Human Sciences. I therefore want to thank the dean of our college, Prof Andrew Phillips; the school director, Prof Rothney Tshaka; and the chair of my department, Prof Derrick Mashau, all of them for identifying me and for supporting the work that I do at UNISA. Furthermore, I’d like to thank my colleagues at the department of Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology for their collegiality, fellowship

xvi  Acknowledgements and words of encouragement. Thanks to the UNISA editing department for a preliminary reading of my chapters before I could send the final submission to the publisher. Last but not least, I consider myself privileged and blessed to not only consult the works of Prof Allan Anderson, but also receive his valuable comments and a foreword for this book.

Abbreviations

AFM AIC ANC AOG ASGISA ATR ATS BEE DLCC ECG EFF FGC FNB GBC GEAR ICC IFCC IPHC NAR NDP NGK NGO NGP NPC NPM NT OMC OT RCC RDP SCO SRC ZCC

Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa African Independent Churches African National Congress Assemblies of God Accelerated Shared Growth In South Africa African Traditional Religions Auckland Park Theological Seminary Black Economic Empowerment Divine Life Christian Centre Enlightened Christian Gathering Economic Freedom Fighters Full Gospel Church First National Bank Grace Bible Church Growth, Employment and Redistribution Impact Christian Centre International Fellowship of Christian Churches International Pentecostal Holiness Church New Apostolic Reformation National Development Plan Nederduits Gereformeerde Kerk Non-­Governmental Organisation National Growth Plan Neo-­Pentecostal Churches Neo-­Prophetic Movement New Testament Ordained Ministers Council Old Testament Revival Christian Church Reconstruction and Development School Christian Organisation School Representative Council Zion Christian Church

1 Introducing the Pentecostal waves

1.1  Introducing Pentecostalism 1.1.1  Biblical events Pentecostalism in many ways reflects biblical events. These are events recorded in the book of Acts. In Acts 2:1–4, when the day of Pentecost arrived and believers gathered in one accord, the Holy Spirit came on all of them and they began to speak in other tongues1 as the Spirit of God gave them utterance. In Acts 10:44, as Peter was teaching them about the baptism of the Holy Spirit, they began to speak in other tongues since they were baptised in the Holy Spirit. In Acts 19:1–6, Paul asked the believers if they had received the baptism of the Holy Spirit, but they responded in amusement because they did not even know about the Holy Spirit. When Paul laid hands on them, they received the Holy Spirit and, like in many other events in the book of Acts, they spoke in other tongues since the spirit of God gave them utterance. These biblical events demonstrate the fact that each encounter with the Holy Spirit came with the evidence of speaking in other tongues. Thus, Pentecostalism has its roots in biblical events as they occurred in the early church, as recorded in the book of Acts. 1.1.2  Core beliefs Since the early church, Pentecostalism became a form of Christianity that emphasised the work of the Holy Spirit and the direct experience of the presence of God by the believer. The Pentecostals believe that faith must be powerfully experiential and not something found merely through ritual or thinking. Pentecostalism is energetic and dynamic to the extent that even the pentecostal hermeneutic is an experiential one. The Pentecostals would, for example, put more emphasis on baptism in the Holy Spirit than on baptism in water, maybe for the obvious reason that baptism in water seems to be following a form of ritual or sacrament, while baptism in the Holy Spirit is more experiential. Therefore, what is quite distinct about Pentecostalism, as illustrated above, is that the events recorded in the book of Acts are a

2  Introducing the Pentecostal waves belief in the baptism of the Holy Spirit with the initial evidence of speaking in tongues. Many Pentecostals believe that once baptised in the Holy Spirit, a believer should immediately speak in tongues or it would mean that such a believer is not baptised in the Holy Spirit. Although other gifts are recognised, there is more emphasis on speaking in tongues than on the rest of the gifts of the Holy Spirit. What is now known as the doctrine of initial evidence has become the trademark of Pentecostalism. 1.1.3  Other beliefs Other beliefs of Pentecostalism include the inerrancy of the Bible. This means that the Pentecostals believe that the Bible is the word of God inspired by the Holy Spirit. They also see the Bible as the final context is to help the believer to understand the core message of the Bible. Hence, they deem it necessary for the believer to be baptised in the Holy Spirit. Pentecostals believe in the salvation of sinners through confession and repentance. For sinners to be reborn, they must believe that Jesus died for their sins and repent of the same sins to receive salvation. This is connected to the other belief – the triple immersion in water baptism. The reborn believer should be baptised in water in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit, as instructed by Christ in Matthew 28:19. The Pentecostals are not confused about which comes first, between baptism in water and the baptism in the Holy Spirit. They do not practice infant baptism because the candidate should first believe and then be baptised. The last belief is the second coming of Jesus, which will mark the victory of all believers. 1.1.4 Influences There are two influences or movements linked to Pentecostalism. The first movement that influenced Pentecostalism is known as the Holiness Movement. This movement believed that the salvation of an individual comes through sanctification in what is called the “second work of grace”, or normally known as the “the second blessing”. According to the Holiness Movement, this second blessing helps the believer to live a holy life and fight a sinful life in his or her walk with God. The greatest criticism against the Holiness Movement was its focus on the outward form of holiness that is demonstrated by what one is allowed to wear or not. The Holiness Movement did not deal with the issue of baptism in the Holy Spirit. The other influence was the Azusa Street Revival that took place under the leadership of an African-­American preacher named William Seymour in Los Angeles between 1906 and 1908. The revival was characterised by spiritual experiences accompanied by testimonies of physical healing miracles, worship services and speaking in tongues. The participants experienced something that secular media failed to describe in that period. The revival has become one of the trademarks of Pentecostalism to date.

Introducing the Pentecostal waves 3 1.1.5 Growth Pentecostalism has grown to higher levels since the early church in the book of Acts. In the words of Vondey, the growth of Pentecostalism can be attributed to the emergence of new local pockets and the expansion of local groups to international proportions. Nevertheless, conversations about Pentecostalism, as global culture, are premature if the local particularities of the pentecostal movement are neglected.2 Hollenweger says that the number of Pentecostals steadily increased throughout the world during the 20th century up to 1993, when they were the largest family of Protestants in the world. Total membership of all three streams was over 100 million in 1980.3 Hollenweger continues to say that in 2000, there were an estimated 560 million pentecostals in the world. This means that the Pentecostal Movement is by far the largest and most important religious movement of the 20th century. This further means, according to Hollenweger, that in the not-­too-­ distant future there will be more Christians belonging to this type of Christianity than any other mainline church community. They will be almost as many as all other Protestants put together.4

1.2  Introducing personal reflections on Pentecostalism 1.2.1  Zion Christian Church I was born and raised in the largest Zion-­type African Independent Church5 (AIC), the Zion Christian Church (ZCC). I grew up singing in the male choir called Mokhukhu. I used to wear what is known as Dikhakhi (male choir brown uniform) and manyanyata (huge white boots used for dancing). We used to leap into the air and then come down stamping our feet on the ground with the manyanyata as a symbol of subjugating evil. Whenever my siblings and I became sick, my father, as one of the pastors in the ZCC, could use various kinds of healing rituals to ensure that healing took place. He used what is called kokotwane (a small piece of wood the size of a pen) on our heads, especially when we had a headache, and he also used go arabela (sweat lodge) for headaches. He could also use sefepi (rope) and shower water that is mixed with river sand around our house to chase the witches and misfortunes away. Then, when we had stomach-­aches, he would use sepeiti (enema) to remove any stomach ailments. These practices were common among all the adherents of ZCC. Other than the normal church services in ZCC, one could attend special events, like mpogo (the night-­long service), hosted by a specific family to request for prayers when facing a particular challenge. Mpogo was not only a spiritual service, but also took the form of a party, because food and other refreshments would be arranged for the attendees. What was more exciting for me in the ZCC was the long trips we took to the church headquarters at Zion City, Moria, about 25 kilometres east of Polokwane in Limpopo,

4  Introducing the Pentecostal waves South Africa, to attend various meetings. The biggest gathering in ZCC is the Easter meeting that the seated president sometimes attends. It is estimated that about four million members converged during the 2018 Easter celebrations. Thus, during my time at ZCC, one could attend such meetings with the family. The main aim of attending such meetings was to seek prayers at the headquarters; the adherents would sit on the open ground at Moria, regardless of the weather conditions, and ask for prayers. Even if it rained, the followers would not leave the place. On the contrary, they believed that the more it rains on them while in Moria, the greater will be the prayers and the answers thereof. 1.2.2  Revival Christian Church My second pentecostal experience was with a Charismatic church, Revival Christian Church (RCC), that I joined in 1997 at the age of 13. It was at RCC that one received salvation and developed a personal relationship with God. At the RCC there were teachings on prayers, especially praying in other tongues. There were also teachings directed to young people during youth services. Our pastor was a charismatic preacher who presented the teachings in English rather than in the vernaculars like Northern Sotho, Tsonga and so forth. This was uncommon in our area, because many pastors at that time only preached in the vernacular. The preaching of the word in English resonated well with the young people in the community. In addition, as young people, we had choir practices during which we used to prepare songs to sing at our Sunday service. At a tender age I started preaching at various churches and preaching points. In high school, I gained an exposure to Christian School leadership, having led the School Christian Organisation (SCO) as president combined with my leadership at the School Representative Council (SRC). The leadership positions at both organisations exposed me to various pentecostal churches in my area and beyond. 1.2.3  Apostolic Faith Mission When I left my home village after finishing Grade 12, I joined a classical pentecostal church in the mining town of Phalaborwa, the Apostolic Faith Mission6 of South Africa, because there was no RCC in the area. The AFM became the immediate substitute for the RCC because the few services I attended were lively and youthful. My brother advised me to attend AFM because he was sure the church would appeal to me. During that time, I had already gained exposure to Pentecostalism from an AIC Zion-­type church, ZCC and charismatic church, RCC. I used that experience to excel in the AFM to such an extent that I became the envy of many young people my age. Today, many members of the AFM in Phalaborwa still remember how even as a young person I influenced their lives. I continued to preach, pray in other tongues and lead various youth organisations in Phalaborwa.

Introducing the Pentecostal waves 5 The church promoted me to a level of ministering at cell groups and even preaching at Sunday services. I reached a higher level of promotion when the church decided to sponsor me to study Theology at the Auckland Park Theological Seminary (ATS) in 2006. I was the first theological student to be sponsored by that assembly. 1.2.4 Powerhouse At the seminary I ministered at Powerhouse; this was also a charismatic church that is more like RCC at my home village. Powerhouse was a very young church full of professional women and young people. It was probably because the church was pastored by a dynamic woman of God that it was able to attract this specific age group and gender. At Powerhouse, I assisted the local pastor in preaching and with other leadership responsibilities, like translating the sermon from English to the vernacular. We could also conduct night vigils where we could pray the entire evening. At Powerhouse, I started learning leadership at a pastoral level, and I also learnt the importance of having someone to account to when leading a church. In addition, I learnt the importance of grooming other leaders to succeed the main leader. Powerhouse afforded me the opportunity to network with other pastors in pentecostal churches. During my tenure, the church grew to its highest numbers in attendance and membership. In my opinion, the church managed to grow because of the pastor’s ability to allow members to use their spiritual gifts. Another reason is that every member was an active participant in the activities of the church on a weekly basis. 1.2.5  Impact Christian Centre Prior to completing my Bachelor of Theology at ATS, and before my ordination as AFM pastor, I had an opportunity to serve at AFM Impact Christian Centre (ICC) during my Ministry Integrated Learning (MIL). AFM ICC empowered me with administrative skills like church finance, church leadership and governance. After AFM ICC, I served at the AFM Phalaborwa for three years, and I started an assembly called Divine Life Christian Centre (DLCC) together with my wife. At DLCC, everything else depended on us for the church to grow. We had to do everything from preaching to organising events. We were also liable for the financial support of the church. We never received any sponsorship of any sort. Most pentecostal churches today in South Africa fall under the category of DLCC. Charismatic young men and women start them when they are my age with no affiliation to classical pentecostal churches and other charismatic churches. Thus, they are neither classical pentecostal churches nor charismatic churches. They cannot be called AICs either, because they do not take the form of ZCC and other AICs. They are new pentecostal churches in South Africa. These types of churches are the motivation behind writing this book.

6  Introducing the Pentecostal waves 1.2.6  Crossing the border Other than the churches I started and led, I had an opportunity to minister at pentecostal churches in and outside South Africa. My first trip was to Mozambique where I preached to a group of AFM churches in Maputo. I also preached in Zimbabwe and Uganda. Recently I had the opportunity to minister in countries like Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States of America. Ministering at pentecostal churches throughout the world made me realise that pentecostals have several things in common: lively liturgy, loud preaching, healing, salvation and other miracles. The experience afforded me the opportunity to gain insight into different faces and phases of Pentecostalism. It also afforded me the opportunity to experience different waves of Pentecostalism. Most importantly, my pentecostal encounters sparked an interest in pentecostal research. Although my PhD was in servant leadership in the New Testament, I applied it to African Pentecostal Christianity. Most of my post-­doctoral research is in the area of Pentecostalism. Thus, I am a very fortunate pentecostal preacher and researcher that has witnessed all three waves of Pentecostalism. This makes research fulfilling for me because it is a vocation and not a job.

1.3  Introducing the classical pentecostal wave 1.3.1  John Alexander Dowie John Alexander Dowie influenced classical Pentecostalism in South Africa by his teachings. Dowie taught and lived Zionism. He epitomises the teachings of Zionism. In the words of Baer, “Dowie regarded Zion as the Lord’s designated force for restoring the power and purity of the Apostolic Church and hastening the premillennial return of Christ. He preached individual empowerment and purification, but he also sought to embody apostolic glory in his church, in Zion City and in himself. Dowie bolstered his authority by assuming the mantle of prophetic office”.7 Dowie was strong on teaching triple immersion, that is, baptism in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. Dowie was also strong on teaching divine healing; he was so strong that he discouraged people from taking medicine during prayer for their healing. Sundkler (1976) remarks that divine healing without doctors or medication was one of the tenets of his church together with a number of taboos.8 The mother church of the Zionist movement in South Africa became the headquarters of the AFM of South Africa in 1908. John G. Lake, first president of the AFM, and PL le Roux, second president of the AFM, were members of the Zionist movement for some time. Baptism in the Holy Spirit can be regarded as the difference between classical Pentecostalism and the Zionist movement of John Alexander Dowie.

Introducing the Pentecostal waves 7 1.3.2  William Seymour William Seymour of Azusa Street Revival also influences classical Pentecostalism in South Africa. William Seymour was a student of Charles Parham. He believed and taught baptism in the Holy Spirit with the evidence of speaking in other tongues. The main difference between Parham and Seymour is that not only did Seymour teach the initial evidence, but he was also able to lead people to the experience in Azusa Street, Los Angeles. The link between classical Pentecostalism and the Azusa Street Revival came through the American missionaries John G. Lake and Thomas Hezmalhach, who had contact with William Seymour of the Azusa Street Revival, Los Angeles prior to their trip to South Africa. The Azusa Street Revival was characterised by Spirit baptism with the evidence of speaking in other tongues and non-­racialism. On their arrival in South Africa, John G Lake and Thomas Hezmalhach started a classical pentecostal church, AFM of South Africa. The earlier meetings in the AFM were characterised by similar acts to what happened at Azusa Street Revival, Los Angeles. The services hosted by American missionaries were characterised by pentecostal experiences and non-­racialism. Thus, the main impact of Azusa Street Revival on the early development of classical Pentecostalism was its ability to unite people beyond their differences of race, gender, age, colour and pentecostal experiences. 1.3.3  Classical pentecostal denominations In South Africa, according to Anderson, the churches, the historical origins of which are found at the beginning of the 20th century and generally subscribe to the “initial evidence” theory that “speaking in tongues” is the evidence of the “baptism in the spirit”9 are sometimes referred to as “classical Pentecostals”.10 The largest classical pentecostal churches in South Africa are the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM), the Assemblies of God (AOG) and the Full Gospel Church of God (FGC).11 The AFM was started by two missionaries, John G. Lake and Thomas Hezmalhach, who had contact with William Seymour of Azusa Street Revival before they arrived in South Africa. Lake and Hezmalhach came to South Africa, where they preached the baptism of the Holy Spirit with the initial evidence of speaking in other tongues. In addition, Lake ministered divine healing of people to such an extent that his meetings were always fully attended. Lake and his team returned to America, and to date the church still exists, with various leaders taking the presidency of the AFM. Although the church had divisions for a long time, it finally united in 1996. The AFM is the epitome of classical Pentecostalism that has remained consistent with the message of spirit baptism, initial evidence, salvation, healing and the second coming of Jesus. The church has grown beyond the borders of South Africa to other African countries, Europe and America. It has local governance structures and also international structures.

8  Introducing the Pentecostal waves The history of the AOG, like that of the AFM, dates back to 1908 with some early pentecostal missionaries arriving in South Africa. They did not come with the intention to collaborate with one another; and they did not intend to establish a church called the AOG. They started cooperating partly because of the need for fellowship and partly because of the governmental objection to having dealings with multitude independent missionaries. By 1936, the AOG was predominantly a black church, with the control in the hands of expatriate missionaries. The FGC also came to South Africa as a result of the arrival of missionaries in South Africa. The difference is that the FGC had links with foreign missions, unlike the other two. According to Anderson, the FGC has organisational links with the United States-­based Church of God (Cleveland), but the other two do not have such organisational links with pentecostal churches in Western countries.12 In the year 1909, George Bowie came to South Africa as a missionary sent by the Bethel Pentecostal Assembly under the leadership of Minnie Draper, Newark in New Jersey, USA. It was in April 1910 that the Pentecostal Mission was started and the Pentecostal Mission was to become the FGC in Southern Africa, a bilingual Church.

1.4  Introducing the African Independent Churches wave 1.4.1  Historical background The history of the AICs in Southern Africa goes back more than 100 years. Since the AICs were recognised, the proliferation of these churches and their members in Southern Africa could no longer be ignored. Park (2014) goes on to say that a great number of missiological and anthropological scholars have already stressed the gravity of the AICs over the past half century.13 The AICs continue to impact the continent because of their relevance to African people and their independence. AICs are growing steadily in Southern Africa. Projections show that 35% of the black population were members of this movement of diverse groups and churches in 2000. More people belong to this group than to any other historical denomination in South Africa.14 Furthermore, the number of AICs in the country rose from 30 in 1913, to 600 in 1939, to over a thousand in 1955; the number then rose from 2000 in 1960 to 3000 in 1970. Since 1970, the proliferation has been even more impressive, since there were at least 6000 AICs in South Africa by 1990.15 1.4.2  No affiliation with mission church Today there are a number of independent churches in Africa called African Independent Churches16 (AICs) which have no “mission church” from Western countries or the global north, but which may be regarded as pentecostal or spirit-­type churches in the true sense of the word. These churches

Introducing the Pentecostal waves 9 generally tend to be closer to Western Pentecostal churches than the Zion-­ type.17 It comes as no surprise to discover that AICs live in tension with the churches, which were exported from Europe and America. The AICs are a vital movement, drawing inspiration from Black Nationalism; traditional black beliefs about the nature of society and the individual’s place therein; and an energetic tradition of worship that emphasises not only the spiritual dimension, but also the need for social action. Originally established as an assertion of black Christian independence from the colonialism of the mission churches, the AICs have over the years cultivated separatism as a way of confirming that sense of independence.18 A great number of AICs have been in the forefront of the contextualisation of Christianity in Africa for over a century. The pentecostalisation of African Christianity can be called the African reformation of the 20th century that has fundamentally altered the character of African Christianity, including that of older mission churches.19 1.4.3  Ethiopian type The early AICs were generally regarded as Ethiopian because they invoked the idea that there is an African Christian experience that is independent of the West, and thus sought to reject the idea that Africans have to be grateful and submissive to white colonisers who are their parents in the Lord.20 Therefore, AICs have specifically emphasised indigenisation or contextualisation in their practice and theology to live out a gospel which is especially relevant for Africans.21 Africans realised that they do not necessarily need the white missionaries to be their supervisors, but can instead operate churches on their own. AICs were not born out of rebellion against the West, but a quest to be relevant to Africans. They saw a need to contextualise the gospel message to an African context. In the AICs, Africans have found a platform to fully express their spirituality. In addition, AICs are a true reflection of the way Africans conduct liturgy. 1.4.4  Pentecostal type An example of a Pentecostal-­type AIC in South Africa is St John AFM, which was started by Christinah Nku after she had broken away from the AFM. St John AFM has all the characteristics of a pentecostal church like speaking in other tongues, divine healing, salvation and lively worship. The difference, however, is how such characteristics are practiced in St John AFM; maybe that was the reason why Christinah Nku was expelled from the AFM. At St John AFM, hands are not only being laid on people for healing or even the baptism of the Holy Spirit; they are also given healing materials in the form of oil, water and others. Most importantly, healing occurred because of the songs that were sung during the services. Thus, at St John AFM, everything that a pentecostal church practices is repeated

10  Introducing the Pentecostal waves with a combination of an African way of doing things. Had it not, because of the differences, Christinah Nku would have remained in the AFM. This explains the reason why so many pastors left classical pentecostal churches to start their own AICs. However, many of them did not do it based on rebellion, but on a zeal to become relevant to Africans. 1.4.5 Beliefs It is the perception and interpretation of scholars that see AICs as a protest against or a challenge to the Eurocentric disposition of the mainline/­historic churches in Africa. On the contrary, the beliefs and practices of the AICs clearly epitomise the resilience of the African indigenous worldview. AICs are the authentic African expression of Christianity.22 The narrative of the AICs is an expression of the spirituality of sanity in the context of a political, economic, spatial and cultural domination of a Salvationist religion of the West ironically experienced as terror by black Africans.23 AICs are African solutions for African problems. They provide answers for misfortune and illness and for the declining traditional explanatory systems. They are also a system containing multiple alternatives that allow pragmatic decisions.24 From the end of the 19th century, the AICs have built communities at the margins of larger communities based on mutual care and concern. In these countercultures they have learned to comment on and reject the ethos of Western individualistic and secularised societies based on the spirit of colonialism and imperialism.25

1.5  Introducing the Charismatic movements wave 1.5.1 Definition The word charismatic comes from the Greek word χαρισμάτων, which means gifts. Thus, the charismatic movements refer to a group of Christianity within Pentecostalism that emphasise the gifts of the Holy Spirit. However, according to Anderson, there is a certain ambiguity regarding the words “pentecostal” and “charismatic”. The term “charismatic movement” in its original usage referred to the practice of spiritual gifts and baptism in the Spirit in the older, “historic” or “mainline” churches since the 1960s. With the development of “nondenominational” charismatic churches and organisations a decade or two later, the term was broadened to refer to all those movements outside denominational or classical pentecostalism where spiritual gifts are exercised. It is now often impossible to distinguish between pentecostals and charismatics, and there are often as many theological and liturgical differences between classical pentecostals themselves as there are between them and charismatic churches.26 Nonetheless, Vondey says that there should be a deliberate way of separating the charismatic from the pentecostals.27 Therefore, charismatic movements are those groupings which

Introducing the Pentecostal waves 11 have accepted some elements of pentecostal spirituality, but remain within the confines of the traditional Churches. Today they exist in all mainline churches (and their missions).28 1.5.2  Charismatic Renewal In the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s the Pentecostal Movement was renewed, refreshed, modernised and significantly broadened by the Charismatic Renewal. This renewal movement profoundly affected not only most Protestant denominations, but also the Roman Catholic Church, unlocking the gospel message in a way even the Reformation was unable to do.29 Charismatic forms of revitalisation erupted first among numerous small groups that made little impact on the national scene until the charismatic revivals across Africa in the 1970s. Character studies of these groups reveal significant differences between missionary pentecostal communities operating in Africa and AICs in theological perspectives, rites and practices and appreciation for African indigenous religions and cultures.30 In South Africa, a proliferation of charismatic movements occurred in the early 1990s. At the advent of democracy, many charismatic pastors found the freedom to open their own churches that were not associated with classical pentecostal churches and AICs. These churches followed the style of charismatic movements and mega-­churches based in America. 1.5.3  Charismatics in South Africa In South Africa, Charismatics are found in the International Fellowship of Christian Churches31 (IFCC) consisting of Rhema churches, Christian churches and Bible churches and other churches associated with the Rhema ministries. These churches also emphasise the working of the Spirit in the church with supernatural gifts, including speaking in tongues; although sometimes less dogmatic on the initial evidence theory. There are several large, predominantly white churches in this category in South Africa, but there are also a number of growing independent black churches usually referred to as independent pentecostal churches.32 Some charismatic churches in South Africa have links with the former mission churches from Europe and America, while others are independent. African pastors in black communities, especially townships in South Africa, start the independent charismatic churches, but unlike the AICs, they emphasise the gifts of the Holy Spirit and are not strong on healing and other miracles. An example of a charismatic church in South Africa is Grace Bible Church (GBC) in Soweto, which was started by Bishop Mosa Sono. Bishop Mosa Sono is founder and Presiding Bishop of Grace Bible Church, which was established in September of 1983. His calling and passion is to win people to Christ; bring believers into full maturity of their walk with God; and train, raise and mentor leaders in the church, corporate sector and in the

12  Introducing the Pentecostal waves community at large. This church had links with the Rhema church of Pastor Ray McCauley, but the GBC has become independent of Rhema and actually a brand on its own. From Soweto, the church has grown and has many branches around South Africa. GBC attracts members from all sectors of society, including celebrities to such an extent that the auditorium of GBC has become a burial place for many celebrities. The church has lively worship and even broadcasts some of its services on television. Other charismatic churches, among others, include Hope Restoration church, pastored by Pastor Mathebula, which has similar characteristics to GBC. Next to where I live in Midrand, there is a very charismatic church called “The Book of Acts” that has three services on Sundays.

1.6  Introducing the fourth wave There is a new wave in South Africa that one cannot link to the three waves of Pentecostalism. The wave has made it difficult for the practitioners of faith and researchers to classify them. The new wave in this book is different from the classical Pentecostalism, charismatic movements and AICs. When one goes to a classical pentecostal and asks “what is this?” the response is “I do not know this”. The same answer will come from AICs and Charismatic movements. They do not know how to classify the new developments in Pentecostalism in Southern Africa. It must be noted that the fact that practitioners and scholars in Pentecostalism are struggling to define and classify the new wave does not make it wrong. The struggle to know the new wave and classify it drives the scholarly need to write this book. This book unpacks these new developments to find a working definition and name for the fourth wave, and to have a positive critical engagement on these movements. However, before one can engage the new developments in Pentecostalism, it is important to give the historical background of the pentecostal movement in South Africa. This will be possible by studying the first three waves of Pentecostalism in South Africa.

1.7  Introducing the research design This book is a qualitative research design that is focused on Kritzinger and Saayman’s (2011) “sevenfold matrix”, which is based on a framework suggested by Cochrane, de Gruchy and Petersen (1990): • Agency • Spirituality • Contextual understanding • Ecclesial scrutiny • Interpreting the tradition • Discernment for action • Reflexivity

Introducing the Pentecostal waves 13 The sevenfold matrix will assist the researcher in answering the following questions: • Agency: what is the fourth wave of Pentecostalism in South Africa? • Spirituality: what are the faces, catalysts and strengths of the fourth wave? • Contextual understanding: what are the outrageous acts and or the weaknesses in the fourth wave? • Ecclesial scrutiny: what is the rationale behind the outrageous acts in the fourth wave? • Interpreting the tradition: what can be done theologically to deal with the outrageous acts in the fourth wave? • Discernment for action: what can be done theologically to deal with the vulnerability of society to outrageous acts of the fourth wave? • Reflexivity: a critical engagement on the fourth wave?

1.8  Introducing the theoretical framework In religious studies, one can only describe a specific religion, but not evaluate it. In their article, Chitando, Taringa and Mapuranga (2014) asked an important question: on top of which mountain does one stand to evaluate religion?33 Chitando et al. addressed the methodological challenges in the evaluation of religion. In other words, from the perspective of Chitando et al., the recommendation is that the scholar of religion only has the responsibility of describing the phenomena of religion and not evaluating it. This book is a missional endeavour; therefore, as a missiologist, it is permissible to some extent to evaluate religious practices. Therefore, this book is located in missiology in the area of African Pentecostal Christianity. According to Bosch, missiology is a branch of the discipline of Christian theology, which is not a disinterested or neutral enterprise; rather, it seeks to look at the world from the perspective of commitment to the Christian faith.34 Missiology, Yong (2014) says, is a discipline that studies the field of Christian mission, history, development, methods and theology.35 Missiology has a theological framework that allows researchers to use insights from various academic disciplines (other theological subjects, anthropology, economics, communication science, linguistics, etc.) in pursuing their research. One feature of this framework is therefore the way it combines approaches from different social sciences and integrates them into a coherent theological design. Missiology is therefore interdisciplinary by nature.

1.9  Introducing the methodology The book uses literary analysis, which is the study, evaluation and interpretation of literature. The book analyses the primary and secondary sources related to all the themes related to the fourth wave. According to McGee,

14  Introducing the Pentecostal waves literary analysis is a genre that in many ways resembles an argument: a researcher makes a claim about the work and supports the claim with evidence from the text, reasoning and analysis. The purpose of a response to literature is to persuade the readers that an analysis and interpretation of the work are valid, reasonable and logical. The researcher actively participates in the construction of knowledge about the text. That is to say, the text itself creates only part of its message. The researcher of the work has to convey its meaning by using symbols, language, setting, plot, character, foreshadowing and the like to suggest the text’s message, unlike the “hard sciences”. Literature cannot be empirically tested in the laboratory; its meaning comes from its readers. In fact, literature begs readers to read, react to, think about and interpret the text. Having engaged in those steps, the process continues with another step: communicating the meaning the researcher, as a reader, has constructed from the text to others. The interpretation and analysis then add to the body of meaning about the text.36

1.10  Introducing the chapters Chapter 1: Introducing the Pentecostal waves This chapter defines Pentecostalism as a movement that was started based on the events as recorded in the book of Acts. Pentecostalism is a movement influenced by movements like the holiness movement, evangelicals and so forth. The core belief in Pentecostalism is Spirit Baptism with the initial evidence of speaking in other tongues. Other beliefs include triple immersion, salvation and the second coming of Jesus Christ. Modern Pentecostalism has experienced three main waves; that is, classical Pentecostalism, independent churches and charismatics. Pentecostalism is the fastest growing part of global Christianity, especially in the global north. This chapter reflects on personal experiences with Pentecostalism and the waves of Pentecostalism in Southern Africa; the theoretical framework and the method in the book are also introduced in this chapter. Pentecostalism in Southern Africa started with mission churches in what is called Classic Pentecostalism, but many pastors broke away from mission churches and started their own African Independent Churches because of the political situation of that time that supported racial segregation. However, many other pastors kept their pentecostal roots but joined charismatic movements. All three waves are unpacked and discussed in detail. The three waves will assist in understanding the history of Pentecostalism in Southern Africa to understand where the movement is in recent times. Chapter 2: The fourth wave The second chapter of this book introduces the fourth wave as a wave that is different from the other three waves of Pentecostalism. It must be noted

Introducing the Pentecostal waves 15 that the three waves of Pentecostalism thrived under apartheid. Almost all the classical pentecostal denominations supported racial segregation in the apartheid government. The AFM, the AOG and the Full Gospel operated under the racial segregation of the National Party and thrived during that time. However, the new wave is thriving under the political economy of the democratic government of South Africa. Since democracy, South Africa has embraced the neo-­liberal policies of capitalism. Therefore, there is a connection between classic Pentecostalism and the movement of the Holy Spirit. There is a connection between African Independent Churches and an African way of Pentecostalism. There is also a connection between charismatic movements and the gifts of the Holy Spirit. However, a new wave has recently hit Southern Africa which many scholars struggle to explain and name, or even connect with anything. This new wave calls for a proper description, definition and understanding of its theoretical underpinnings. My interest in this wave is based on unusual practices that caused the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities in South Africa to call for the regulation of religion. This chapter reflects on this new wave. Chapter 3: The faces of the fourth wave This chapter is about the faces of the fourth wave. The first face is Deliverance. Firstly, the chapter will explore the reasons why pentecostal preachers in Southern Africa make it a point that, when they present the gospel, they demonstrate to the listeners that they are bound by Satan or demonic forces. The prophets also inflict some form of fear on the believers so that they will see a need for this deliverance. This is why all the challenges facing Southern Africa like unemployment, poverty and inequalities are perceived as demons. Secondly, the chapter will look at the role of prophecy in attracting believers in Southern Africa to Pentecostalism. This type of prophecy is not a common prophecy, but a forensic prophecy that can reveal a person’s cell phone number, car registration number, identity number, family members and other details. Thirdly, the chapter will discuss the message of prosperity. Although, prosperity is not the centre of the new wave, it is part of the new wave, because a prophet is portrayed in a prosperous way so that his or her followers can believe in him or her. The fourth wave is divine healing, and no one should become ill, so even the sick should claim or pretend as if they are healed. Lastly, the chapter will look at the performance of miracles, like miracle money and other miracles. Chapter 4: The catalysts of the fourth wave This chapter discusses the catalysts of the fourth wave. Firstly, a major catalyst is television ministry, especially on public channels. One looks at channels like a prophetic channel watched by a large audience in Southern Africa

16  Introducing the Pentecostal waves and outside the continent of Africa: the prophet has the tendency to ask followers to touch the screen to receive their healing, prosperity and deliverance. Secondly, and very close to television ministry, the chapter will look at the role of social media, like Facebook and Twitter, in the spread of Pentecostalism in Southern Africa. The fourth wave is thriving because they are able to use social media to broadcast their services and update their statuses on these platforms. The third catalyst is advertising. The fourth catalyst discussed in this chapter is the reasons behind entertainment with loud music and lively worship in many pentecostal church services in Southern Africa. Pentecostals use music to attract the attendance of young people. In some other churches they hire professional artists to present their music to keep the attendees interested in the service. Last, the chapter looks at the role of flamboyant and self-­styled personalities in propagating Pentecostalism. Personalities in the new wave are young, energetic and flamboyant prophets who dress and speak well. Chapter 5: The strengths of the fourth wave This chapter is about the strengths of the fourth wave. Firstly, the chapter discusses the reasons behind preaching a positive message in pentecostal churches in Southern Africa. Instead of preaching an old message, the prophets in the fourth wave speak about the real experiences that the people are going through in their lives. Secondly, the chapter looks at the rationale behind the pentecostal preaching that deals with the daily challenges facing society. One looks at the reasons why this kind of preaching gives people hope to cope with the challenges of life. The book looks at reasons why this kind of preaching has caused pentecostal churches to grow even in difficult situations of poverty. Thirdly, this chapter discusses the hermeneutics of Pentecostalism in Southern Africa as a hermeneutic experience based on the spiritual experiences of the Holy Spirit. There are some prophets that are selfish and look at their own lives. However, other prophets stretch out their hands to the poor; they take care of the poor people in their community. Lastly, the book looks at the fourth wave as multi-­culturist. The services in the fourth wave in South Africa are not only attended by the people in South Africa but also by people across the globe. The prophet will actually make sure that he or she acknowledges people coming from nations other than South Africa. Chapter 6: The weaknesses of the fourth wave There are many weaknesses of the fourth wave. Among the weaknesses discussed, there is incorrect interpretations of scripture, as many pentecostal preachers did not attend theological training. Scriptures are used in some instance to drive the agenda of the prophet. One of the favourite scriptures of many prophets is “touch not the anointed one and do the prophets no

Introducing the Pentecostal waves 17 harm”. This scripture illustrates that the prophet is untouchable. The book discusses the gap that exists in Pentecostalism between spiritual experiences and intellectualism. Most prophets in Pentecostalism are not necessarily against education, since they have a degree in other fields, but are against studying theology. The book looks at another gap that exists between the growth of pentecostal churches in Southern Africa and anti-­institutionalism. The prophets in the fourth wave would rather like inspiration than institutionalism. The book explores the distance between the fourth wave and sacramentalism. The outrageous acts in the fourth wave replace common traditional sacraments. The other weakness of the fourth wave is the gender dimension, because at the centre of outrageous acts by some prophets in the fourth wave is abuse of women, and most prophets who engage in outrageous acts are men. Chapter 7: Abuse of religion and gullibility of society The seventh chapter of this book is about the abuse of religion and gullibility of society to such acts. The outrageous acts by some prophets in the fourth wave in South Africa, such as eating snakes, drinking petrol, taking selfies in heaven and spraying Doom on others, demonstrate the abuse of religion. This chapter reflects on these outrageous practices and is an inquisition on the creativity behind these unusual practices. The unfortunate thing is that even when the community sees that these are unusual and uncommon practices, they become gullible to them. The people love their prophets so much that they cannot even discern when the prophets have made the wrong decisions. One follower of a certain prophet has been quoted as saying that the only God they know is his prophet. These speak to the ignorance that the people have, and at times, the prophet cannot be blamed; rather, blame lies with the people who follow the prophet. The chapter will also discuss the demographics of the gullible individuals. When people look at this gullibility, they quickly conclude that the prophets are taking advantage of the poor, only to find that even the rich are gullible to the malpractices of religion by some prophets in the fourth wave. Chapter 8: Reflections on the weaknesses of the fourth wave The fourth wave needs positive critical engagement for the movement to move from the current state to an improved state. This is not necessarily an evaluation of religion or regulation of religion, but a way in which the gaps in the fourth wave can be bridged. Therefore, this chapter sees a need for the weaknesses of the fourth wave in South Africa to be engaged in a critical manner. This is not necessarily the task of the scholars in religious studies, but rather that of missiologists in theology. The spirit of wrong interpretation of scriptures, anti-­intellectualism, anti-­institutionalism, anti-­sacramentalism and gender dimensions call for new theoretical underpinnings that will

18  Introducing the Pentecostal waves balance the gap between spiritual experiences and theory. As part of the critical engagement with the fourth wave, the book sees a need for proper hermeneutics of experience. The book sees a need to bridge the gap between spiritual experiences and intellectualism. Lastly, the book also sees a need to bridge the gap between spiritual growth and institutionalism. One discusses all of the three aspects to bring a balance between theory and spiritual experiences.

Notes 1 “Speaking in tongues” refers to speaking in an unknown language, especially in religious prayer or worship. 2 The book of Wolfgang Vondey, “Pentecostalism: A Guide for the Perplexed (A&C Black, London, 2012), 11”, introduces Pentecostalism from its grassroots and global impact on Christianity. Information can be found in this book on Pentecostalism as a holistic spirituality, but also warns of its extremism, which is important for this book. Vondey’s book will also serve as a background to Pentecostalism and the historical distance with theological education. 3 Although written three decades ago, the book of Walter Hollenweger, “After Twenty Years’ Research on Pentecostalism”, Theology 87, no. 720 (1984), 403– 412’, informs both students and researchers of Pentecostalism as to what have been the key points of discussion on Pentecostalism. 4 Ibid., 410. 5 Allan H. Anderson’s African Reformation: African Initiated Christianity in the 20th Century (Africa World Press, 2001) sheds more light on the African Initiated Churches. Another book is Johnson Asamoah-­Gyadu’s African Charismatics: Current Developments Within Independent Indigenous Pentecostalism in Ghana (Brill, 2004) which articulates the contribution of the older African initiated churches (AICs) to local Christianity arguing that, in spite of a present decline, the AICs have left an enduring theological imprint on indigenous Christian expression. 6 More information of the AFM can be found in the book written by Isak Burger and Marius Nel, The Fire Falls in Africa: A History of the Apostolic Faith Mission in South Africa: A Centennial Edition 1908–2008 (Christian Art Publishers, 2008). The book offers an historical overview of the AFM. 7 See Jonathan R. Baer, “Redeemed Bodies: The Functions of Divine Healing in Incipient Pentecostalism”, Church History 70, no. 4 (2001), 735–771 for a better understanding of the life and the divine healing ministry of John Alexander Dowie. This article by Baer sketches a proper biographical information Dowie. 8 See Bengt Sundkler, Zulu Zion and Some Swazi Zionists (Gleerup, 1976), 30. This book is important for the background of the independent churches in Africa. Sundkler is a well-­known figure in the study of independent churches, and since his studies, other scholars have followed suit to describe this stream of African Pentecostal Christianity. 9 Frank D. Macchia, Baptized in the Spirit (Zondervan Academic, 2009). 10 Based on the interviews and observation that Allan Heaton Anderson conducted, the article “African Pentecostalism in a South African Urban Environment: A Missiological Evaluation” (1992), 17 is pivotal for categorising Pentecostalism in Africa and for highlighting the importance of black leadership. 11 The book Bazalwane: African Pentecostals in South Africa, Vol. 19 (University of South Africa, 1992) discusses the pioneers of Pentecostalism in South Africa.

Introducing the Pentecostal waves 19 The book is important as it brings more understanding of current pentecostal leaders in the fourth wave. 12 The book by Allan H. Anderson, Zion and Pentecost: The Spirituality and Experience of Pentecostal and Zionist/­Apostolic Churches in South Africa, Vol. 6 (Unisa Press, 2000) connects Zionism and Pentecostalism in South Africa. This connection has implications for the fourth wave in South Africa which has some resemblance of Zionism in its practice. 13 See Jinho Park, “The Saints of African Independent Churches in Namibia: Empirical Research from Korean Missionary Perspective” (Doctoral dissertation, University of Pretoria, 2014), 9. 14 Pl Roux is an important figure in the AFM as some scholars suggest that he contributed to the early schism in the AFM, for more information see ‘Nel Marius, “PL le Roux, Dutch Reformed Missionary: Zionist Preacher and Leader of the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa, and the Origin of Some of the African Independent Churches in Southern Africa”, Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 31, no. 1 (2005), 127–143’. 15 See Allan H. Anderson, “The Lekganyanes and Prophecy in the Zion Christian Church”, Journal of Religion in Africa 29, no. 3 (1999), 285–312. 16 AIC is an acronym that refers traditionally to “African Independent Churches’ but some scholars have replaced the ‘I’ in the ‘AIC’ with different word to convey different perspectives of ‘AIC’ whilst using the same acronym, such as “African Indigenous Churches’; ‘African Initiated Churches’ or ‘African instituted Churches’ (Park, “The Saints of African Independent Churches in Namibia”, 10). This article uses ‘AIC’ as ‘African Independent Church’ to refer to churches started by Black leaders in Africa. 17 Allan H. Anderson, “Umoya: Pneumatology from an African Perspective” (Masters dissertation, University of South Africa, 1990), 4. 18 See Gerhardus Cornelis Oosthuizen, “African Independent Churches and Small Businesses: Spiritual Support for Secular Empowerment”, Human Sciences Research (1997), 15. 19 The book by Allan H. Anderson, ‘An Introduction to Pentecostalism: Global Charismatic Christianity (Cambridge University Press, 2013), 104’, is very much important as it introduces Pentecostalism as a global movement. 20 See Bongile Mark Matika, “Religion and the Advent of Democracy in South Africa” (MA dissertation, Graduate School, Texas Woman’s University, 2004), 85. 21 See Hans Austnaberg, “Baptism in the Zionist Churches of Africa: Traditional African Elements and Christian Sources in Dialectic Complementarity”, Mission Studies (2004), 220–234. 22 The different waves of Pentecostalism practice liturgy in different ways, to understand how the the practice of liturgy in the AICs differs with the rest of the waves read ‘Cephas N. Omenyo, “Essential Aspects of African Ecclesiology: The Case of the African Independent Churches”, The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies 22, no. 2 (2000), 231–248’. 23 See Vuyani S. Vellem, “Spirituality of Liberation: A Conversation with African Religiosity”, HTS Teologiese Studies/­Theological Studies 70, no. 1 (2014), Art. #2752, 7 pages. http:/­/­dx.doi.org/­10.4102/­hts.v70i1.2752 24 See Jose Antunes Da Silva, “African Independent Churches: Origin and Development”, Anthropos 88, no. 1 (1993), 393–402. 25 See Graham A. Duncan, “Inculturation: Adaptation, Innovation and Reflexivity. An African Christian Perspective”, HTS Teologiese Studies/­Theological Studies 70, no. 1 (2014), Art. #2669, 11 pages. http:/­/­dx.doi.org/­10.4102/­hts. v70i1.2669

20  Introducing the Pentecostal waves 26 Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism, 144. 27 The book by Wolfgang Vondey, ‘Beyond Pentecostalism: The Crisis of Global Christianity and the Renewal of the Theological Agenda, Vol. 3 (Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2010), 10’, sketches both the impact of Pentecostalism in world Christianity and the challenges it faces as a result of its growth. 28 Hollenweger, “After Twenty Years’ Research on Pentecostalism”, 412. 29 See Peter Grabe, “A Perspective from Regent University’s Ph.D. Program in Renewal Studies: Theology in the Light of the Renewing Work of the Holy Spirit”, Pneuma 27, no. 2 (2005), 125. 30 Vondey, Pentecostalism, 14. 31 The IFCC came into being in Durban on August 18, 1985, and was known then as the International Fellowship of Christian Churches. The formation came about from behind-­the-­scenes meeting between leaders of various “flows” in the country. These leaders then came together with others to form the IFCC. 32 Anderson, Bazalwane, 4. 33 In asking the question “On Top of Which Mountain Does One Stand to Judge Religion? Debates from a Zimbabwean Context”, Chitando, Ezra, Nisbert Taisekwa Taringa, and Tapiwa Praise Mapuranga in the Journal for the Study of Religion 27, no. 2 (2014), 115–136, have assisted scholars in religion not to be judgemental in the study of religion but the study of missiology can not only about theorising data but responsibly have to evaluate religion. 34 See David J. Bosch, Transforming Mission: Paradigm Shifts in Theology of Mission, Vol. 16 (Orbis Books, 2011), 9 to have a better understanding of missiology, its relationship with other disciplines and the role in theology. 35 Amos Yong,  The Missiological Spirit: Christian Mission Theology in the Third Millennium Global Context (Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2014). 36 See Sharon James McGee, Analyzing Literature: A Guide for Students (Addison-­ Wesley Longman, 2001), 1 for the details on literary analysis.

2 The fourth wave

2.1  Pentecostalism during racial segregation 2.1.1  Racial segregation The understanding of Pentecostalism in South Africa rests in the context of political developments in the country. South Africa is a country that has suffered many atrocities because of racial segregation of the past. During the period of racial segregation, people were segregated according to their skin colour, language group, ethnicity and age. Racial segregation determined where people should live and whom they should interact with in their social lives. To some extent, it also determined their religious affiliation. Racial segregation divided people according to their gender. Hence, in 1956 women1 marched to the Union Buildings demanding gender equality. Racial segregation also determined the kind of education that people should receive. At the time, many black people received Bantu education in townships and other rural areas, while their white counterparts received quality education in suburbs and cities. Hence, the 1976 Soweto student uprising,2 revolts and protests called for equality in education. The young people of that time demanded to be taught in their home languages and not in Afrikaans. The cruellest thing that racial segregation did to people was dividing them according to where they should live. Many black people stayed in the Bantustans3 very far from their workplaces, while their white counterparts lived in spacious houses closer to their workplaces and others owned farms. 2.1.2  Ecclesiastical support for racial segregation Racial segregation permeated into the church. Since the National Party4 (NP) took the reins in South Africa in 1944, the church was working with the state to perpetrate racial segregation. One of the churches that supported racial segregation which deserves a mention in this book is the Nederduits Gereformeerde Kerk5 (NGK). There is a connection between NGK and racial segregation policy in South Africa. Moreover, most churches benefited from the laws of separation in the country. Today, NGK owns large

22  The fourth wave areas of land in big suburbs because it benefited from racial segregation. However, other churches neither supported nor rejected racial segregation. They remained neutral. Nonetheless, racial segregation in the church caused many black people to reject the gospel. Many black people could not at that time differentiate between real missionaries and racist colonialists. They had an idea that the missionary would steal from them the same way the colonialists did. This became a challenge for the church, because even today, when one speaks of the gospel, people perceive it as a white man’s religion. However, the gospel is not a white man’s religion; it is for people who believe that Jesus died for them on the cross of Calvary, whether they are black or white. Thus, there should be a separation between those who propagate the gospel and the perpetrators of racial segregation. 2.1.3  Pentecostal support for racial segregation There was racial segregation in pentecostal movements as well. One of the pentecostal churches involved in racial segregation is the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM). Since the beginning, the AFM indicated characteristics of a racially divided organisation. There were divisions in the AFM, per the sections that represented the divisions in the country. These sections kept the racial policies and philosophy for a long time.6 Some scholars like Clark claimed that the church remained indigenous; however, this aspect does not exonerate it for the support the church gave to racial policies. This does not make racial segregation right, whether done by local people or people outside the country; racial segregation is wrong, and the AFM as a pentecostal church should have condemned it.7 The divisions of the AFM showed up even in their theological education. The first Bible college started by a black pastor, Elias Letwaba, closed because the white section of the church did not want to support it. On the contrary, they started another Bible college to ensure that the theological education in the church represented the racial segregation policy of the NP. The church openly welcomed the racial divisions by centralising its financial and education systems.8 The AFM of South Africa was divided into four sections during the time of racial segregation. Each section represented all racial groups (i.e. the whites, the coloured, the blacks and the Indians) in the country. The allocation of positions in the leadership of the church followed the racial segregation pattern. While most white pastors enjoyed occupying leadership positions, most blacks only served as followers. As followers, they could not take part in the elections for leadership positions in the church. In contrast, white ministers acted as overseers in the black congregations because black people could not act as leaders but followers. It is surprising that even prominent leaders like Elias Letwaba and Richard Ngidi never condemned such challenges at that time. Most of the black pastors resigned and started their own churches because they could not stand the segregation in the church. These divisions dominated the church for a long time until they united in 1996.

The fourth wave 23 The next pentecostal denomination under discussion is the Full Gospel Church (FGC). There were divisions in the FGC for a long time, but with most of the black people moving towards the united church without divisions according to race or colour of one’s skin. In 1975, the church began negotiations for unity with the black constituencies. The unity talks moved in the right direction such that the church formed a non-­racial Ordained Ministers Council (OMC) in 1986. The church continued with the unity talks until 1995. Thus, the church continued with the unity talks for 20 years (1975–1995) until the church decided to unite against all odds. The church, like the AFM, initially had four racial groups: the blacks, the whites, the coloured and the Indians. However, as unity talks continued, the church moved towards two main divisions that represented the black majority and the white minority. It was only in 1997 that FGC moved towards total inclusion of all racial groups. All the groups and divisions in the church became one. Thus, the whole FGC in South Africa, according to Resane,9 united to become one structural organisation. This made the FGC a non-­racial and structurally integrated church. One pentecostal church that never engaged in racial division and discrimination is the Assemblies of God (AOG). The AOG saw a distinction between the political voice and the ecclesiastical voice citing that politics cannot mix with the work of God. Thus, they were never on the side of the government in dividing the nation based on the colour of one’s skin. However, when a black person by the name of Nicolas Bhengu no longer led the church, there were signs of separation, because the whites never believed in black leadership. These divisions arose in the church because various sections of the church wanted to maintain their autonomy under the general black leadership. The white minorities could not deal with the personality of Bhengu, his charisma and leadership skills. Hence, they wanted their own section so that they could rule themselves. At the end, even if it was not intentional, the AOG represented various divisions that existed in the country. It remains a debate as to who in the AOG initiated these divisions. The argument raised by Clark,10 that the divisions benefited the church by protecting the minorities and upholding the black leadership, does not stand because the divisions demonstrated that the white minorities did not want to serve under a black leader. 2.1.4  The fight against racial segregation Many African Initiated Churches (AICs) are organisations that demonstrate an indigenous way of worshipping God. They also demonstrate the fight against racial segregation. While some Africans stayed in the denominations to show their loyalty during racial segregation, others fought against their former denominations and started their own churches. One may immediately think of the Zion Christian Church (ZCC), which was started by former members of the AFM. Other innumerable churches started during this

24  The fourth wave time because black people were tired of the oppression that they faced in their churches. Surprisingly, these churches grew at a high rate during the racial segregation period and they continue to flourish even today. Even though they were started during racial segregation, the strength of these churches remains an African style of worship and being able to minister relevantly to their people and other Africans. In the words of Maxwell, AICs genuinely appreciate African thought and life, and tried to articulate these in ways that express authentic African culture.11 2.1.5  The postcolonial situation In 1994, South Africa received liberation after many years of racial segregation, colonialism, white supremacy and oppression by the NP government. Democracy in South Africa not only brought political freedom, but religious freedom and association as well.12 As a result, post-­colonial South Africa saw an increase of pentecostal churches in cities, townships and villages that could not start during apartheid. There is a plantation of pentecostal churches in almost every city in South Africa. In early 1994, many pastors opened independent churches that might be classified under classical Pentecostalism, some AICs and others charismatic movements. However, after the year 2000, especially in the last ten years, many pastors opened churches whose classification do not have a link with the three pentecostal waves. This type of church is started by anyone, especially young pastors who do not have experience and theological education. These churches differ very much from many theories and practices of the pentecostal waves in South Africa. One of the ways they are different is the unusual practices by their flamboyant pastors. One of the reasons that these churches flourish is the political economy of democratic South Africa. The next section discusses the political economy of democratic South Africa as a condition in which the new wave thrives.

2.2  The political economy of the fourth wave 2.2.1  Neo-­liberal policies In 1994, the African National Congress (ANC) took over the government after many years of oppression by the NP. However, in trying to solve the problems of the past such as inequality, poverty and unemployment among Africans, the new ANC government failed significantly because of the process of political settlement negotiations. The ANC government lost the gains of what they had fought hard for over many years, because of accommodating other economic views. This has resulted in the decreasing support of the ANC government because they are failing to deliver on the promises they made to the people of South Africa. People who were rich during apartheid in South Africa continue to become rich and the poor continue to suffer.13 Thus, the ANC’s receiving of political power in 1994 did not translate

The fourth wave 25 into filling the economic vacuum created by the apartheid regime. To some extent, the vacuum has worsened since 1994. Rather, it has created another form of elitism in policies like the Black Economic Empowerment (BEE). In fact, the battle has shifted from the ANC and the NP to become a battle between the ANC and the social movements. Hence, there is a connection between the ANC-­led alliance and infighting since the dawn of democracy in South Africa.14 From the context of a failed negotiation process, neo-­liberalism became increasingly influential in ANC pronouncements, such as the 1990 Discussion Document on Economic Policy; the 1992 draft policy guidelines; and both the 1994 Reconstruction and Development (RDP) and the 1996 Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) programmes.15 These neoliberal economic policies of the governing ANC, such as the RDP, GEAR, ASGISA, New Growth Path (NGP) and National Development Plan (NDP), have achieved some level of economic growth, but many people in South Africa still live in poverty. The neoliberal economic policies of a democratic South Africa are unable to resolve the issues of unemployment, poverty and inequality. In failing to address structural unemployment, despite the democratic government’s pro-­poor policies, its real problem is its lack of vision and direction in comprehensively tackling poverty because of unemployment. As highlighted above, another failure of the ANC is the BEE policies that have produced few rich ANC card-­carrying members while the majority of South Africans still suffer. Most South Africans are still struggling with basic needs like shelter, food, water and electricity. This brings us to the next point of discussion: poverty. 2.2.2 Poverty Statistics show that the majority of South Africans live in absolute poverty. The picture of poverty in South Africa is overwhelming. Kruidenier points out that just below 50% of the population belong to the poorest 40% of the households. In the population, 27% fall in the bottom 20% of the households and are classified as “ultra-­poor”.16 In addition, 56% of black people in South Africa are below the poverty line, while 60% are adult females.17 Furthermore, recent statistics reveal that 56% of women in South Africa live in poor households, in contrast to 51.8% of men.18 Poverty remains very high in South Africa, and there is a view that poverty might be increasing, particularly as the South African economy is deteriorating further.19 In South Africa, there is no confinement of poverty to one racial or ethnic group, but it cuts across all groups. The concentration is higher among black people.20 Black people clearly continue to account for a much larger share of poverty than their share in the population, with the other race groups accounting for a considerably smaller share of poverty relative to their population size. In contrast, white people account for less than 1% of the poor population, while constituting around 10% of the population.21

26  The fourth wave The largest portion of South Africans continue to suffer and live in poverty. After 25 years of democracy, people are still fighting for their rights to water, sanitation, electricity, shelter and other basic needs. The 25 years of democracy have become the years of hope that is hopeless. Every year, the governing ANC continues to promise services to people, but fails to deliver. Amid these promises, the people continue to live in shacks and squatter camps while the elites live in suburbs and estate houses. Most of the black majority live below the bread line, while their white counterparts live better lives. There are still cases of the children of black people learning under trees or travelling long distances to access quality education. Alternatively, black parents will have to send their children to faraway schools where they pay high fees to educate them. The scary thing is that among the South Africans who are suffering, it is mainly black people who have sacrificed their lives in the past with the hope of living better lives afterwards. However, the situation has not changed. The other category of those who are suffering is that of women and children. They are not only suffering because they are facing poverty, unemployment and inequality; they also face abuse. 2.2.3  The fourth wave and neo-­liberalism The failure of neo-­liberal policies has caused the rise of the fourth wave. In South Africa, these types of churches have grown to a greater level because they try to solve the socio-­economic challenges that the government fails to address. Amid democratisation, liberalisation and commercialisation of the media, which entail the reconfiguration of democratic South Africa, the fourth wave is prosperous. It succeeds in urban areas where the rich people are concentrated in high numbers. The fourth wave succeeds because it causes what one can call internal migration or urbanisation, where people move from rural areas to urban areas because they see hope in religion. In the words of Meyer, contrary to expectations generated in the framework of theories of modernisation and development, which expect a decline of the public role of religion, the spread of these churches occurs together with the turn to so-­called democratisation and a shift from African states trying to regulate national economies towards a deliberate embracing of global capital.22 There is a link between the fourth wave and the socio-­economic challenges. According to Freeman, unlike development NGOs, pentecostal churches were a local, homegrown response to this situation. In addition, with the economic situation showing little sign of improvement, it is not surprising that the fourth wave continues to grow and flourish.23 In competing with government, the fourth wave provides basic services in health, education and economic development as a way of filling the social space vacated by governments whose ability to provide these services was diminished. Similarly, some noted that payment for these services was made possible through tithes, which were described as pentecostal-­speak for “tax”. In addition, frequent reference occurs to Pentecostalism as a creature of

The fourth wave 27 modernity and a feeder school for neoliberal globalisation.24 The similarities between neo-­liberalism and the fourth wave go to the extent of suggesting that prosperity is the raison d’être of neo-­liberalism and the fourth wave is its religious mode or extension. Borne on the wings of globalisation, neo-­ liberalism and the fourth wave have travelled fast, everywhere, spreading the same gospel of material success through individual responsibility. Moreover, each, at least in its own way, celebrates the miraculous – in one, the miracle of the heroic all-­conquering self repossessed; in the other, the sheer magic of what Pentecostals like to call “divine favour”.25 The growth of the fourth wave relates to the ability of its leaders to bring balance between the neo-­liberal policies and their teachings in their churches. In this season of failed African states and failed liberation movements, which have resulted in the failure of their neo-­liberal policies, the fourth wave has emerged as a bridge between the failure of government and the expectations of the people.26 This might also mean that the fourth wave has also studied the failure of neo-­liberalism and capitalism, on one hand, but uses on the same system, on the other hand. In the words of Comaroff, mass-­merchandised hamburgers now come wrapped in biblical homilies, and coffee shops have quotations from best-­ selling pastors. The Christian ­exercise chain, Lord’s Gym, promises to build body and soul – without ­compromising a properly “Christian atmosphere”. Its logo is a pumped-­up Jesus, bench-­pressing a huge cross under the message “His Pain Your Gain”. Muscular Christianity is upon us, in unabashedly literal form. The erotic is also close to the surface. The aim is to turn you on – to the Passion of the Saviour. Music that is simultaneously devout and brimming with worldly desire floods the pop charts.27

2.3 The distinction between the fourth wave and other movements 2.3.1  Distinction from classical Pentecostalism The fourth wave is different from classical Pentecostalism.28 In the introductory chapter, we learnt that classical Pentecostalism is the belief in the baptism of the Holy Spirit with the initial evidence of speaking in other tongues, as happened in the book of Acts. Although most members in the new movement in South Africa do speak in tongues, the speaking in tongues does not form the central message of the fourth wave. The emphasis in the fourth wave is not the initial evidence, and members do not have to speak in tongues for them to participate in the leadership positions of the church. In addition to speaking in tongues, the expectation is that a classical pentecostal member should have a good character and bear fruit of love, joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness, faithfulness, gentleness and self-­control. It is not so in the fourth wave; people are not watched as to how they live their lives. The lifestyle of an individual is left to them to decide how they carry

28  The fourth wave themselves. Leadership positions in the church are given with the hope that the individual will do well, but there are no prerequisites as required by classical pentecostal churches. Classical Pentecostalism accommodates other movements like evangelical, holiness, revivalist and so forth. In fact, from the introductory chapter, it is more correct to say that classical Pentecostalism was built from such movements. Classical Pentecostalism grew from those movements and included the issue of the baptism of the Holy Spirit with the evidence of speaking in other tongues. They did not do away with the traditions within other movements. Thus, they still believe in holiness, salvation and, most importantly, the return of the Lord Jesus Christ. What is fundamental in classical Pentecostalism is the belief in the Holy Spirit and the fellowship and participation of all believers and, in many instances, the inclusion of women in the preaching of the gospel. The work of the Holy Spirit in convicting people of their sin and leading them to salvation is pivotal in classical Pentecostalism. Classical pentecostals believe that the same Holy Spirit is active in the believer even after conversion and therefore instrumental in the growth of an individual believer. In the words of Brunner, the classical Pentecostal does not normally care to distinguish himself from evangelical believer in the fundamentals of the Christian faith; he or she is, by choice, ‘fundamentalists’ in doctrine. However, the classical Pentecostal find their distinct in what for them is crucial, their faith in the supernatural and visible work of the Holy Spirit in the post-­ conversion experience of the believer today, they would insist, in the days of the apostles.29 The other difference between classical Pentecostalism and the fourth wave is that the latter includes other operations like the demonstrations of power in their liturgy. Moreover, classical Pentecostalism is built from the work of the Holy Spirit and evidence of speaking in other tongues. In the fourth wave, the reception of power is not the only thing, but also the demonstration of it to others. There is demonstration of the power of the Holy Spirit in healing, prophecies and other miracles. In the fourth wave, the work of the Holy Spirit does not only end in the baptism of the Holy and speaking in tongues; it goes deeper and heals people, delivers others and reveals the word to others. The extension of the work of the Holy Spirit has made people move from classical Pentecostalism into the fourth wave because they want to see what they are missing. In the fourth wave, the people are meant to seek more from the presence of the Holy than just to speak in other tongues. Thus, the speaking in tongues is a lesser miracle in the fourth wave and is not emphasised over and above other works of the Holy Spirit. The believer is expected to do more than that. The last difference that the fourth wave has from classical Pentecostalism, which this book aims to highlight, is the eschatological message. Classical

The fourth wave 29 Pentecostalism was very firm in its belief in the second coming of Jesus. In fact, many scholars opine that one of the reasons for anti-­intellectualism in classical Pentecostalism was the belief in the second coming of Jesus Christ that caused many to even quit their jobs and school believing that the coming of Jesus was near. In the words of Cartledge, “It was this final expectation that motivated mission, and the outpouring of the Spirit in the revivals was regarded as the ‘latter rain’ in preparation for the harvest of souls that would usher in the return of Christ”.30 Although the fourth wave believes in the second coming of Jesus Christ, the emphasis is not the same as in the classical Pentecostalism. Instead of focusing on the second coming of Jesus, the fourth wave focuses on healing, deliverance, prosperity and other miracles. One seldom hears a preacher in this age talking about the second coming of Jesus; they would rather talk about the blessings than to preach an eschatological message. 2.3.2  Distinction from African Initiated Churches The fourth wave is different from the pentecostal-­ type AICs. The pentecostal-­type AICs derive from classical Pentecostalism in South Africa. The main difference between the two is the operation especially in terms of liturgy and ministrations. They have a more Africanised liturgy in terms of the songs they sing, and the preachers usually preach in indigenous languages. The AICs are found in townships where there are challenges like poverty, unemployment and inequality. They are churches seeking to minister to the needs of the people. The key thing in pentecostal-­type AICs is divine healing, which in this instance is demonstrated through song and worship. The pentecostal-­type AICs are rooted in the word, in the belief of the triune God: God-­the-­father, God-­the-­son and God-­the-­Holy-­Spirit. They believe in the baptism of the Holy Spirit with the evidence of speaking in other tongues. In essence, they are not much different from the classical pentecostal churches. The fourth wave, to some extent, reaches out to the people in their context, but it cannot make them convert to AICs because AICs have maintained their grounding and foundation in classical Pentecostalism. Contrary to the pentecostal-­type AICs, the fourth wave preachers use English when they present their sermons. It is correct that they use a more sophisticated language that is not familiar in the townships. They speak a language that sits well with high-­market people and the elite. The worship team in the fourth wave do not sing African songs that are normally sung in any of the indigenous languages. Instead, they sing in English and they take a style like the Hillsong31 style in presenting their liturgy. Thus, they cannot be likened to pentecostal-­type AICs that are too local and make sure that their message accommodates an average person in their community or locality. The prophets in the fourth wave will never come down to the level of the believers; instead, they encourage the believers

30  The fourth wave to move to their level in liturgy, preaching and lifestyle. African leaders start the fourth wave churches, but do not take the form of AICs. They are located in Africa and relevant to African people, but do not necessarily take African cultures and tradition into consideration; they are more modernised. They are more into modern technology and media than the AICs. 2.3.3 Distinction from charismatic movements/­ neo-­Pentecostalism The fourth wave is different from charismatic movements. The charismatic movements are known for emphasising the gift of the Holy Spirit in 1 Corinthians 12, like the spirit of wisdom, word of knowledge, faith, the gift of healing, the working of miracles, prophecy, discerning of spirits, diverse kinds of tongues and the interpretation of tongues (1 Cor 12). The charismatic movements are not much in the fivefold ministry, as they do not mind calling everybody a pastor. It has already been discovered they maintain the order that is found in classical Pentecostalism. Although many leaders in the fourth wave are very much gifted, articulate and presentable, the level of order in using their gifts is very different from charismatic movements. In the fourth wave, the gifted person is glorified more than the giver of that gift. In the charismatic movements, the Holy Spirit is acknowledged as the one who apportions gifts to the believers. Thus, the charismatic movements believe that everyone is gifted and should allow God to use them in their gifts and should excel in such gifts. It is not so in the fourth wave; the leader is the one who is more gifted than the rest of the members, and they all must hear from him or her. The fourth wave is different from a neo-­Pentecostal movement. Neo-­ Pentecostalism refers to churches or movements that have broken away from classical Pentecostalism but have maintained everything else that happen in classical Pentecostalism. They are also known for ministering relevantly to the needs of the people. These churches offer an alternative to daily challenges of public life like sickness, joblessness, poverty and so forth. They also offer a range of prayers for the rich so that they can protect their wealth and keep on growing economically. Pentecostalism fits well with the traditional practice of seeing material objects infused with spiritual power, particularly the power to protect and heal. Neo-­Pentecostals take the power of amulets and fetishes with utter seriousness – and consequently reject them – but also provide alternatives in the forms of anointing oil, blessed water, calendars or handkerchiefs. Thus, to classify the fourth wave in South Africa as neo-­Pentecostal, it would mean that the classical Pentecostalism is very much close with the wave. It would also mean that the fourth wave has existed for a long time, since the early 1990s, in South Africa. Moreover, this book discusses the fourth wave is very much recent and comprising recent developments.

The fourth wave 31 2.3.4  Distinction from all waves The fourth wave is different from all three other waves of Pentecostalism. They may affirm most, if not all, of the experiences that pentecostal and charismatic Christians believe are central to their lives. Thus, they may speak in tongues, but may relegate this activity to times of personal devotion or small group meetings. Also, they may believe in miracles, but invoke divine intervention only in relative quiet ways. They are typically open to the possibility of God speaking to them in dreams and visions, but such communication is not a regular part of their worship experience. They identify with a post-­denominational expression of Christianity that is completely uninterested in defining labels. They are simply attempting to follow the example of Jesus and the church, which they see as being filled with the Spirit.32 Often entrepreneurs who are dissatisfied for various reasons with the current religious marketplace have founded them. Typically, the pastors are not “company men” and typically lack seminary training or other formal theological education. On the other hand, however, they are market-­savvy and often grow extremely large churches. Nonetheless, they are representative of the pentecostal movement; they embrace the reality of the Holy Spirit but package the religion in a way that makes sense to culturally attuned teens and young adults, as well as upwardly mobile people who did not grow up in the pentecostal tradition.33

2.4  Possible names for the fourth wave 2.4.1  New Apostolic Reformation? The first possible name of the fourth wave in South Africa is the New Apostolic Reformation (NAR). NAR is a Protestant Christian movement consisting of charismatics and pentecostals. NAR is growing at a rate of nine million members per year. The High Priest of NAR is Dr C. Peter Wagner, former professor of Church Growth at Fuller Theological Seminary of World Mission. He is also founder of Global Harvest Ministries and presiding apostle and founder of the International Coalition of Apostles and co-­founder of World Prayer Center.34 At the centre of the NAR theology is their belief that the purpose of the church, through the leadership of the Apostle, will take authority of the world. The dominion of the church is not only located in the four pillars of the temple, but also extends to the marketplace and workplace. They believe that church must have influence in various areas in the world like entertainment, sports, politics, academia, medicine, law and so forth. This will give the church a voice and ability to transform society.35 The goal of NAR is to shape and reshape Christian practice, beliefs and traditions by not limiting the purpose of the church to its structure alone. The NAR also hopes to bring change through the Spirit, as they believe

32  The fourth wave that a person with the Holy Spirit can transform others wherever he or she is. This could be at the marketplace, parliament, or the boardroom of a big corporation. The NAR is built on sending out the believers into the Charismatic world to bring change.36 Within South African Pentecostal/­ spheres, since 2000, the followers of this movement have sounded a call for the Pentecostal/­Charismatic church, in particular, to return to what they describe as the “Apostolicity” of the church. Within the global south Pentecostal/­Charismatic spheres, a new configuration of churches, aligning themselves to the NAR, has also appeared. They comprise the following groupings: Judah Kingdom Alliance (JKA), New Covenant Ministries ­International (NCMI), Grace International (GI), Congress World Breakthrough Network (C-­WBN), and International Strategic Alliance of Apostolic Churches (ISAAC).37 The NAR emphasises the fivefold ministry as stipulated in the book of Ephesians that God gave some apostles; and some, prophets; and some, evangelists; and some, pastors and teachers for the perfecting of the saints, for the work of the ministry, for the edifying of the body of Christ (Eph 4:11–12). In the fivefold ministry, the NAR views the Apostle as the main gift that encompasses all other offices. The fourth wave does not necessarily emphasise the fivefold. In contrast, some offices, like that of the prophet, are overemphasised at the expense of other offices such that the work of an evangelist is no longer done among the people in the body of Christ today. Some even condemn such offices as the office of an evangelist. The days of pitching a tent and preaching the gospel for the repentance of the people of God is slowly passing. The fourth wave cannot be categorised under the NAR because there is no acknowledgement of the fivefold ministry. In cases where men of God are known as Apostles, it is mainly used as a zeal for higher titles than to embrace the fivefold. Anderson says that the NAR in Africa just like the AICs and Charismatics remain very much pentecostal in their core beliefs and operations, especially the work of the Holy Spirit. More so they follow the triune baptism as they baptise people in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. Although there are some that baptise or follow single baptism, they still carry fundamental teachings of Pentecostalism, like the baptism in the Holy Spirit.38 2.4.2  Neo-­Zionism? As has already been established in Chapter 1, one of the factors that shaped classical Pentecostalism in South Africa was the Zionist movement. Maxwell asserts that the historical and theological affinity between the present-­day Zionists and the pentecostals justifies the broad use of African Pentecostalism. The differences that emerge in later years result in distinctively “Zionist” or “pentecostal-­type” churches and “pentecostal” churches. However, these distinctions were not clear in the early 1900s.39 Anderson adds that the

The fourth wave 33 Zionist churches too are “churches of the spirit”, emphasising the working of the power of the Spirit in the church. This emphasis on the spirit may even, in some cases, be more pronounced than in most classical pentecostal churches; however, in some other churches, the emphasis on the spirit has almost disappeared. This is by far the biggest grouping of black churches in South Africa.40 The difference between classical Pentecostalism and the Zion-­type pentecostal churches is the use of products when it comes to healing and other needs that the adherents have in their lives. The Zionists dwell more on the tangible products than in believing in God for their healing and deliverance from all sorts of ailments. Stemming from classical pentecostal churches like the AFM, AOG and FGC, many African pastors opened churches that embraced Zionism in their practices. Churches of this type are known as the Zion-­type AICs, like the ZCC, International Pentecostal Holiness Church (IPHC) and many others. These churches are mainly known for embracing church uniforms, using substances in divine healing and others. However, they maintain other characteristics of classical Pentecostalism like baptism in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit and salvation through Jesus Christ; redemption is obtained through confession, repentance and prayer. However, unlike classical Pentecostalism, Zion-­type pentecostal churches have a strong belief in prophets and prophecies. The fourth wave under discussion cannot fall in this category for obvious reasons; most of them do not believe in the wearing of uniforms, as they are very modern. However, they also use substances in divine healing like holy water, anointing oil, bracelets and so forth. Thus, healing is not only dependent upon the belief in the laying of hands by the pastor, but is assisted by the use of different substances. The members are made to believe that the healing products have divine powers in them to heal any disease. 2.4.3  Neo-­prosperity gospel? The prosperity movement is the movement based on prosperity gospel, the health and wealth gospel, the gospel of success, or seed faith. The prosperity movement is a spiritual credence among some believers who hold that financial blessing and physical well-­being are always the will of God for them, and that faith, positive speech and donations to religious causes will increase one’s material wealth. Prosperity movements view the Bible as a contract between God and humans: if humans have faith in God, he will deliver security and prosperity.41 Prosperity gospel encourages poor people to think positively and ignite the Godly power within them to instruct their cheque books or bank accounts to yield more (abundance) or to embrace the spirit of “name it and claim it” when coming to material possessions. Poverty within this paradigm is defined as sin, laziness and lack of faith. Human suffering is also perceived as a lack of Godly favour. The prophets of this movement put emphasis on individual success, but are silent about or

34  The fourth wave have not developed a systematic theological analysis of economic injustice and social marginalisation that accompanies prosperity gospel. The prosperity gospel found its expression in South Africa in the Rhema church in Randburg. Since then, the movement has spread to other areas in South Africa. As in America, many people in South Africa believe in the “fake it to make it” gospel. Recently, the fourth wave does preach the prosperity gospel in their church, but one must admit that this is not the focus of the fourth wave. It is more correct to say that the prosperity gospel is part of the fourth wave in South Africa but not the core message. In the words of Bowler, the fourth wave cannot be conflated with prosperity gospel because the prosperity message favours theological conservativism and yet, organisationally, it is unlike other conservative movements that tend to produce mandates and institutions with ironclad purpose. The prosperity gospel lacks the semblance of this well-­oiled institutional machinery, leading many observers to conclude that its celebrities operate as theological and institutional independents, rising, persisting and falling haphazardly. They appear to be solo evangelists that flicker on and off, here and there, each burning brightly and then fading without consistency or connection.42 2.4.4  Neo-­prophetic movement? Finally, another possible name for the fourth wave in South Africa is Neo-­ prophetic Movement (NPM). Christian prophetic movements are organised around an individual. They are like indigenous African religions in that they are preoccupied with healing. Prophets are considered charged by God with the task of purifying the people and struggling against witchcraft. Leaders during classical Pentecostalism dispensation enjoyed titles like pastor, evangelist and so forth. Men of God who in the past were known as reverends, bishops, apostles and so forth are now called “prophet”. Nowadays, everywhere you go in South Africa, everyone is called prophet. In all the churches in the fourth wave, there is more emphasis on prophecy than any other thing. Most leaders in their churches desire prophecy so much that some end up “prophe-­lying”. The words “prophet” and “prophecy” are abused, as some prophesy while they are not called for that office or even have the grace to operate in the gift. However, what is important in this discussion is that these trends speak to the prophetic movement in operation in this season in South Africa. In this book, the fourth wave shall be known as NPM. Thus, the fourth wave in Pentecostalism in South Africa is NPM. There are many NPM churches in South Africa. However, the book wants to mention three examples that will be important for the next six chapters of the book. One of the examples is the Enlightened Christian Gathering (ECG) led by Prophet Shepherd Bushiri. The headquarters of the ECG church are in Pretoria, South Africa. The church is reported as one of the fastest growing churches in Africa and the world. It has branches in countries such as Malawi, Ghana, South Sudan and many others. The second example

The fourth wave 35 is Alleluia Ministries International (AMI) led by Pastor Alph Lukau. Alph Lukau and his wife started the AMI church. The church also has branches throughout Africa. Lukau is known for many controversies. Some of the controversies that made headlines in South Africa will be discussed later in the book. The third example is Shekinah Healing Ministries (SHM) led by Apostle Mohlala. The headquarters of the SHM church are in Cape Town with branches across South Africa. The church started in 2002 when Apostle Mohlala heeded the call of God when he was given strict instruction about starting a church in Cape Town to set the captives free.

2.5  Characteristics of new prophetic movements 2.5.1  Man of God The title “man of God” is more important than “human being”. Those who carry this title are connected to the divine even as human beings. They carry an ability to speak for the divine as they represent divinity. Thus, every word they speak carries more weight than when it is spoken by an ordinary person. Hence, men of God can perform extraordinary miracles because they carry power of the divine. Everything that God wants to do on earth, He uses the man of God, because wherever the man of God is, God will be there as well. Hence, most men of God attract huge followings because the followers believe that they carry the presence of God.43 Many ministers of the gospel like to bear the “man of God” title, especially in South Africa. It is now fashionable that wherever one goes, people are called man of God. Even those who have never pastored anyone or led a church at any stage in their lives are called men of God. This is because “man of God” is a special title carried by those who can do miracles, prophecy or perform healing of the sick. What makes NPM so distinct from other movements is the notion of “man of God”. The man of God title gives the prophet uniqueness, egoism and eccentricity. A prophet as a leader in the prophetic perceives himself or herself as having a unique ministry. In fact, a prophet will ensure that he or she makes other people believe her or him alone and no one else. What goes on in the NPM is that instead of acknowledging the fivefold ministry, the prophet is the only one with revelation and power. This makes the followers believe that there is no other spiritual leader except the prophet. Hence, others give themselves titles like “major one” to ensure that the people know that he or she is the only one. In a South African context, titles like “seer one” and “major daughter” are common in prophetic ministries. The idea of such titles is to make followers believe that they are unique and therefore others cannot duplicate what they do in their particular ministry. This causes strife and competition among men of God such that other ministers will even stage demon manifestation to condemn others in ministry, and some even go to the extent of plotting against other prophets.

36  The fourth wave Contrary to the notion of the man of God and his or her uniqueness, there should be an emphasis that the gifts of the Holy Spirit are available to all. This means that everyone who has received the Spirit is in principle equipped and empowered to participate in all aspects of the life of the church. The immediate consequence of this perspective has been formulated as the slogan, “the church belongs to the people”. Historically, this notion is similar to the Protestant emphasis on the priesthood of all believers, and there is a need to consistently emphasise the mobilisation of all people for the preaching of the gospel, mission, evangelisation, the healing of the sick, prophecy, exorcism and the exercise of other spiritual gifts. At the same time, priestly forms of ministry do not identify a central concern among pentecostals as they did among the Protestant reformers. It is therefore more accurate to identify the egalitarian impulse in Pentecostalism as an emphasis on the prophethood of all believers.44 2.5.2 Inspiration There is a belief among many people in NPM that the true prophet does not need a theological teaching to prophesy because they receive revelation from God. Hence, many pastors within pentecostal circles do not attend any Bible school or university training. They just emerge and become senior pastors. Revelation comes to them automatically because the Holy Spirit baptises them and they hear from God, not from man. They do not have to perspire for revelation in studying for long hours looking for a message; all they need is to hear from God. They argue that prophecy is from God and comes by the grace of God. The same grace gives them ability to prophesy. Therefore, this grace does not need any training or development of any kind. The only duty of the prophet is to receive the word and deliver it to the people even when that prophecy is against the will of the one delivering it. It is never within the prophet’s power to decide the nature of revelation or the time in which prophecy will commence. The word comes from God and the prophet is bound to deliver it.45 Therefore, NPM is marked by the concept of hearing from God. Preaching is a direct product of hearing the voice of God, not necessarily a product of study. In order to convince the followers, a prophet will ensure that before the delivery of the message, people are well aware that the Holy Spirit has delivered the word she or he is to deliver. Thus, it is very common to hear a prophet say, “God said to me” or “God told me”. This phenomenon is very important in Africa, where a concept of a “Supreme Being” is well respected. The Supreme Being in an African worldview has the final word in one’s life, and that word cannot be a subject of contention. When a prophet therefore says he or she has heard from God, people welcome and embrace their message. Furthermore, should there be any instruction that accompanies that word, the instruction will be adhered to regardless of the costs. The prophet does not only hear God for individuals

The fourth wave 37 in the church services – he or she is also able to hear God for nations outside his or her home country. While the NPM is also marked by the claim of always speaking on behalf of God, the only danger in this context is when people cannot discern when a prophet speaks on behalf of God and when the prophet speaks from his or her own mind. This is the crux of the matter, because when people believe in their prophet, it is impossible to convince them otherwise. In everything they hear, they believe that the prophet is hearing from God. Hence, they are very much unsuspecting of dangerous acts by the prophets. They are susceptible to outrageous acts by their prophets. It is very dangerous when they accept any form of abuse in the name of God or as being sent by God. Hence, many of them will not say no when the prophet abuses them. Thus, the Lord has become a trademark of NPM, and the congregants must just respond by saying they believe whatever is being said by the man of God. They are not aware that somebody can speak even if God did not instruct them to speak. 2.5.3 Fear Fear is part of African human lives and worldviews. For example, when parents want to deal with a problem child, they ensure that they inflict fear on the child in order for the child to obey them. Alternatively, if the parents do not want their child to do something like walking in the streets during the night, they will inflict fear on their child by creating or imagining fearful objects. Thus, the creation or the imagination of scary creatures in African worldviews is very common. An African child grows up knowing about juju,46 which they have actually never seen. Therefore, as an African child and in the context of darkness, there exists fear of the unknown among the people. This fear is connected mainly with obedience; in order for someone to obey whatever they are told to do, they need to fear something. People cannot voluntarily do things; they should be scared first, then they will act or obey. In this context, fear, to the one inflicting it, is not a disadvantage but a benefit. It is in this same context that NPM uses fear among its followers. Fear is part of the human situation, not necessarily just because of environmental circumstances; it is a condition of the human situation. If one removes one existential trepidation, another will surface in a different form and place. The “human void” cannot be eradicated, not even by the deepest religious experience. One either learns to swim in the ocean of fear, or drowns in the abyss of what might have been. On closer observation, a glaring feature in NPM meetings in Africa revolves around taking advantage of people’s fears. The reason is that people are afraid of anything, from witchcraft to sickness and poverty.47 The NPM can be represented with a pole; at one end of this pole is the creation of fear, terror and horror, while on the other end is the avenue for the release from the bondage of fear, horror, demons, ill health and misfortune. This makes an average African Christian

38  The fourth wave a constant freedom-­seeking being. This has hitherto led to the growth of several healing ministries in Africa.48 NPM ensures that they impart their followers with fear and anxiety. When the prophecy is very negative, it makes the follower or the recipient of the prophecy become fearful in their lives. Therefore, the prophets have a tendency of prophesying that which is negative, especially witchcraft. In an African context, it works because many people have a fear of the unknown. Therefore, when a prophet comes and says there is someone bewitching a certain family or individual, it makes them fearful. It is from this fear and anxiety that many receipts of prophecy feel obliged to obey the prophecy, because if they do not do so, they might die or lose a family member. One believes that it is this fear again that makes followers so loyal to NPM, even if they have options to go to other ministries or churches. They do so even when the prophet is doing the unthinkable or outrageous acts. They do so even when a specific prophet has sexually abused women and is proven guilty in the court of law. Fear and anxiety are at the centre of NPM.

Notes 1 On 9 August, 20,000 women gathered at the amphitheatre of the Union Buildings. The majority of these women were domestic workers who came with their employers’ babies. Seven of the women were noticed carrying babies on their backs. The women travelled to Pretoria to tell the white men they were fed up with carrying of the passes. Among the women, there were those who wore green and black dresses. These are colours representing the African National Congress Women’s League (ANCWL). Some women were noticed for the bright-­coloured uniforms of their various denominations. There were also women who wore ordinary clothes. Lilian Ngoyi, one of the leaders of the march, led the representatives of all races to the office of the prime minister. See N. Gasa, “Feminisms, Motherisms, Patriarchies and Women’s Voices”, in Women in South African History: Basus’ Iimbokodo, Bawel’Imilambo/­They Remove Boulders and Cross Rivers (Cape Town: HSRC Press, 2007). 2 The subsequent events – the protest marches of the students, the police shootings, countrywide student boycotts, parent demonstrations, and stay away – referred to as the Soweto uprising of 1976/­77 are well known. The state responded, as in the early 1960s, with police and military shootings, mass arrests, detentions, the banning of individuals and the banning, in October 1977, of numerous Black Consciousness and antiapartheid organisations, including SASO. The uprising was of tremendous political significance. It contributed to the reconstitution of the terrain of mass extra-­parliamentary politics in South Africa, and helped revitalise the exiled liberation movements. Moreover, it stimulated a re-­thinking on the copyrighted part of capitalists about how best the process of capital accumulation was to be safeguarded in South Africa, and the uprising impelled the state to engage in extensive restructuring of institutions, past policies and practices. In short, the uprising of 1976/­1977 produced, as a product of social struggle, new and changed conditions of struggle. See S. Badat, Black Student Politics: Higher Education and Apartheid from SASO to SANSCO, 1968–1990 (Routledge, 2016). 3 A partially self-­governing area set aside during the period of apartheid for a particular indigenous African people; a so-­called homeland.

The fourth wave 39 4 The National Party was a political party in South Africa founded in 1914 and disbanded in 1997. The party was originally an Afrikaner ethnic nationalist party that promoted Afrikaner interests in South Africa. 5 It is the largest and most influential of the three Afrikaans-­reformed churches in South Africa with 1.3 million members – 60% of whom are Afrikaners. The NGK played an important legitimising role concerning the South African state throughout apartheid years. Its involvement with the spiritual and material needs of the white settlers began shortly after 1652, when Jan van Riebeck, representing the Dutch East India Company, landed with 200 people at the Cape. See T. Kuperus, State, Civil Society and Apartheid in South Africa: An Examination of Dutch Reformed Church-­State Relations (Springer, 1999). 6 The history of the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa has also been written in relation to its various sections like the black, white, Indian and mixed-­race section. For a full history of the Indian section, see Dean Chris Reddy, “The Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa with Special Reference to Its Rise and Development in the ‘Indian’ Community” (PhD dissertation, 1992), 3. 7 In the article “Two Contrasting Models of Missions in South Africa: The Apostolic Faith Mission and the Assemblies of God”, Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 8, no. 1 (2005), 143–161, Matthew Clark make a distinction between the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa and the Assemblies of God. 8 The broad study of the theological education within the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa, from the first Bible school started by a black South African, Elias Letwaba, to its later development, is given by the thesis of Lodewikus Johannes Erasmus, “Theological Education in the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa” (PhD dissertation, 1996), 4. 9 After many years of democracy and unity efforts in the main pentecostal denominations, Resane asks the question if indeed real unity has taken place in these churches. See Kelebogile T. Resane, “Pentecostals and Apartheid: Has the Wheel Turned Around Since 1994?” In die Skriflig 52, no. 1 (2018), 1–8. 10 Clark, “Two Contrasting Models of Missions in South Africa”, 156. 11 David Maxwell, in his article “Post-­Colonial Christianity in Africa”, World Christianity c. 1914–c. 2000 (2000): 401, makes a connection between Christianity in Africa and African culture. 12 Since democracy in South Africa, Christianity has been evolving as a social institution, changing its organisational shape, redefining its mission and creating new expressions of worship. The demographics of Christendom are turned upside down, quite literally because the vitality of Christianity is moving from the global north to the global south. The major institutions of Christianity are being reshaped, Catholicism is losing membership to Protestantism, mainline denominations are in decline, independent churches are challenging established religion and ecstatic vibrant worship is replacing routinised liturgical forms (see D.E. Miller and T. Yamamori, Global Pentecostalism: The New Face of Christian Social Engagement (University of California Press, 2007), 17). 13 See Ben Fine, The Political Economy of South Africa: From Minerals-­Energy Complex to Industrialisation (Routledge, 2018). 14 See Hein Marais, South Africa Pushed to the Limit: The Political Economy of Change (Zed Books Ltd., 2013). 15 See Paul Williams and Ian Taylor, “Neoliberalism and the Political Economy of the ‘New’ South Africa”, New Political Economy 5, no. 1 (2000), 21–40. 16 See R. Kruidenier, “Trying for Better Circumstances (Zama Zama): Exploring Ubuntu Amongst Marginalised Women in an Informal Settlement”, Verbum et Ecclesia 36, no. 2 (2015), Art. #1433, 1–7. https:/­/­doi.org/­10.4102/­ve. v36i2.1433

40  The fourth wave 17 In his article “Dealing with Poverty, Health and Maternal Child Survival: The Organisation of African Independent Churches Perspective”, published by Verbum et Ecclesia 37, no. 1 (2016), a1521. https:/­/­doi.org/­10.4102/­ve.v37i1.1521, Molobi not only paints a picture of poverty in a South African context, but he also demonstrates how the AICs deal with the problem. 18 The article by V.N.N. Mtshiselwa, “Reading Ruth 4 and Leviticus 25:8–55 in the Light of the Landless and Poor Women in South Africa: A Conversation with Fernando F. Segovia and Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara”, published in HTS Teologiese Studies/­Theological Studies 72, no. 1 (2016), a3140. https:/­/­doi.org/­10.4102/­hts. v72i1.3140 reads and interprets the book of Ruth in a context of poverty and offers solutions to the challenge of poverty in South Africa. 19 See V. Gumede, “Land Reform in Post-­Apartheid South Africa: Should South Africa Follow Zimbabwe’s Footsteps?” International Journal for African Renaissance Studies 9, no. 1 (2014), 50–68. https:/­/­doi.org/­10.1080/­18186874.2014.916877 20 See Kruidenier, “Trying for Better Circumstances (Zama Zama)”, 1–7. 21 See H. Bhorat and C. Van der Westhuizen, “Poverty, Inequality and the Nature of Economic Growth in South Africa”, in N. Misra-­Dexter and J. February (eds.), Testing Democracy: Which Way Is South Africa Going (IDASA, Pretoria, 2010), 46–70. 22 The essence of Birgit Meyer’s article “Pentecostalism and Neo-­Liberal Capitalism: Faith, Prosperity and Vision in African Pentecostal-­Charismatic Churches” is to demonstrate the relationship between the growth of Pentecostal churches in South Africa and neo-­liberal policies. 23 The article “The Pentecostal Ethic and the Spirit of Development”, in Pentecostalism and Development (Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2012), 1–38, also demonstrates that Pentecostalism thrives as a result of failure by many other non-­governmental institutions. 24 Pentecostalism thrives because of the contributions in the form of tithes and other offerings. See Bryant L. Myers, “Progressive Pentecostalism, Development, and Christian Development NGOs: A Challenge and an Opportunity”, International Bulletin of Mission Research 39, no. 3 (2015), 115–120. 25 The Pentecostal leaders see the need of empowering local people to own businesses and ultimately become rich. See E. Obadare, “ ‘Raising Righteous Billionaires’: The Prosperity Gospel Reconsidered”, HTS Teologiese 72, no. 4 (2016), a3571. 26 Pentecostals see themselves as an alternative economy to the failing economies of the world. See Isabelle V. Barker, “Charismatic Economies: Pentecostalism, Economic Restructuring, and Social Reproduction”, New Political Science 29, no. 4 (2007), 407–427. 27 See Jean Comaroff, “The Politics of Conviction”, in Contemporary Religiosities: Emergent Socialities and the Post-­Nation-­State (Berghahn Books, 2010), 17. 28 In the book The Spirit Poured Out on All Flesh: Pentecostalism and the Possibility of Global Theology (Baker Academic, 2005) Amos Yong clarifies that classical Pentecostalism refers to churches that are inclined towards Azusa Street Revival. Classical Pentecostalism, Yong says, are different from independent churches in the Pentecostalism and charismatic movements. The difference between all these three will be clarified in the coming sections of this chapter and how they all differ from the fourth. 29 See Frederick Dale Bruner, A Theology of the Holy Spirit: The Pentecostal Experience and the New Testament Witness (Wipf and Stock Publishers, 1997), 36. 30 See Mark J. Cartledge, Testimony in the Spirit: Rescripting Ordinary Pentecostal Theology (Routledge, 2016), 2. 31 Hillsong is an Australian music group that normally sings their songs in English.

The fourth wave 41 2 Miller and Yamamori, Global Pentecostalism, 28. 3 33 Ibid., 17. 34 The article by Trevor O’Reggio, “The Rise of the New Apostolic Reformation and Its Implications for Adventist Eschatology”, Journal of the Adventist Theological Society 23, no. 2 (2012), 6, outlines the background to New Apostolic reformation. 35 Kelebogile Resane’s article “The New Apostolic Reformation: The Criti cal Reflections of the Ecclesiology of Charles Peter Wagner”, HTS Teologiese Studies/­Theological Studies 72, no. 3 (2016), outlines the function of the new Apostolic Reformation in South Africa. 36 See Ervin Budiselic´, “New Apostolic Reformation: Apostolic Ministry for Today”, Kairos: Evangelical Journal of Theology 2, no. 2 (2008), 209–226. 37 See Irvin G. Chetty, “Origin and Development of the ‘New Apostolic Reformation’ in South Africa: A Neo-­Pentecostal Movement or a Post-­Pentecostal Phenomenon?” Alternation Journal 11 (2013), 190–206. 38 Anderson, Bazalwane, 31. 39 See David Maxwell, “Historicizing Christian Independency: The Southern African Pentecostal Movement c. 1908–60”, The Journal of African History 40, no. 2 (1999), 243–264. 40 Anderson, Bazalwane, 11. 41 See Jonathan L. Walton, Watch This: The Ethics and Aesthetics of Black Televangelism (New York University Press, 2009). 42 See Kate Bowler, Blessed: A History of the American Prosperity Gospel (Oxford University Press, 2018), 5. 43 See M.R. Gunda and F. Machingura, “The ‘Man of God’: Understanding Biblical Influence on Contemporary Mega-­Church Prophets in Zimbabwe”, in E. Chitando, M.R. Gunda, and J. Kügler (eds.), Prophets, Profits and the Bible in Zimbabwe: Festschrift for Aynos Masotcha Moyo (University of Bamberg, Bamberg, 2013), 15–28. 44 Wolfgang Vondey, Pentecostalism: A Guide for the Perplexed (A&C Black, London, 2012), 115. 45 M.G. Moriarty, The New Charismatics (Zondervan, 1992), 242. 46 Juju is a spiritual belief system incorporating objects, such as amulets, and spells used in religious practice, as part of witchcraft in West Africa. 47 S. Mochechane’s article “Dealing with Fear and Anxiety in Pentecostalism: The Bushiri-­Phenomenon in Pretoria”, A CHSSA paper presented at the Third Conference of Academic Societies in the Fields of Religion and Theology, University of Pretoria, 11–15 July 2016, does not only connect Pentecostalism with fear, but also highlights how such fear can be overcome in Pentecostalism. 48 Elizabeth Onyi Ezenweke draws parallels between Pentecostalism and fear in her article “Pentecostalism and the Culture of Fear in Contemporary African Communities: A Paradigm Shift”, American International Journal of Contemporary Research 3, no. 5 (2013), 99–104.

3 The faces of the fourth wave

3.1 Prophecy 3.1.1  Forensic prophecy Uebert Angel (native name Hubert Mudzanire) has introduced the concept of forensic prophecy in South Africa.1 He made the concept famous while he was a prophet in Zimbabwe. Angel received the impartation of this gift from his then-­spiritual father and mentor, Prophet Boateng from Ghana. Angel moved the headquarters of his church to the United Kingdom, and since his relocation, he is no longer active in forensic prophecy like before. While in Zimbabwe, Angel mentored Prophet Shepherd Bushiri of the Enlightened Christian Gathering (ECG) to become a forensic prophet. Thus, since the relocation of Angel, Bushiri is now a master of forensic prophecy. Bushiri is excellent in forensic prophecy, such that Angel refers to him as a “universal phenomenon”. In handing over the baton of forensic prophecy, Angel calls himself “a retired professor of prophecy”. There are other proponents of forensic prophecy, especially in South Africa, like Apostle Mohlala who was initially a normal pastor but later became an expert in forensic prophecy, and Pastor Alph Lukau. What exactly is forensic prophecy? It refers to a fashionable type of prophecy because prophets can prophesy on any subject. The prophet can tell the one receiving the prophecy what they have eaten the previous day. The prophet can reveal whom the one receiving the prophecy has slept with the previous night. This type of prophecy is able to reveal and excavate hidden mysteries and microscopic details like one’s identity number, car registration number, cell phone number and other demographic details. This type of prophecy is able to reveal one’s family members, where they live and the type of work they do in their lives. The people of South Africa are familiar with this type of prophecy, as they are used to receiving the same diagnosis from the sangomas. The difference now is that it is revealed in front of everyone present in the service and will ultimately be watched by millions of people throughout the world. People find it very interesting that a prophet knows things about their lives. The idea is that the God, who knows all

The faces of the fourth wave 43 these things, will be able to deal with anything wrong in their lives through the prophet. It is called a forensic prophecy. 3.1.2  The spread of forensic prophecy Forensic prophecy has been spread in all the provinces of South Africa. It has become a brand in South Africa. It has taken South Africans by storm. This kind of prophecy causes people to travel long distances just to hear what the prophet will say on a particular night. In Bushiri’s church, for example, many people will travel from other countries to South Africa. Upon their arrival, they have to queue in order to make it to the hall of the ECG church. They do not mind queueing for long hours as long as they can see their prophet. Forensic prophecy has resulted in the exponential growth of churches like ECG in a short space of time. Tens of thousands attend the ECG services on a weekly basis, and sometimes the numbers are not quantifiable because people will even attend the service outside the main hall in what is called an “overflow”. In one of the crossover-­night services, Bushiri was able to attract a crowd of about 100,000 people coming from all parts of the world. The prophet himself has many followers on Facebook and Twitter. Anything posted by Bushiri on these platforms receives more likes or retweets. The book shall explore more about these platforms when addressing the issue of the catalysts of the fourth wave in Chapter 4. Since Bushiri, other pastors have followed suit. One has observed that even pastors that have previously followed a more conservative way of doing ministry, like normal preaching and laying on of hands on the congregants, have soon changed their tune and they are singing the prophecy tune. Once a pastor realises that they are losing members because of prophecy, they move towards doing the same or conducting the ministry in a similar way. It is surprising that a pastor who has never prophesied before is soon calling people by their names and street addresses or even revealing where they live. In the researcher’s observation, it is because prophecy in the fourth wave has become the language of the day in the prophetic movements, and in some instances even outside the prophetic movements. Once a prophet is able to do that, he or she will therefore be able to gather more people in their meetings as African people love to hear more about their lives, even if such revelations are revealing the obvious things they already know about their lives. The point is that the prophet is able to reveal their lives in the presence of everyone. This brings me to my next section. 3.1.3  Prophetic excitement The excitement is not only for the one receiving the prophecy; it is for the other congregants and members of the church in the audience. They are surprised at how the prophet is able to remember everything about a specific person receiving the prophecy. This causes followers in prophetic

44  The faces of the fourth wave movements to be full of enthusiasm each time a prophecy is delivered in a service. They do not mind waiting for hours while singing, praying and worshipping. When the prophet finally comes to the service, when he or she delivers a message or preaches to the church, there is not much jubilation until the prophet says “Can I prophesy?” In South Africa, prophecy is loved more than a normal preaching. During preaching, some people can fall asleep and get bored, but not during the time of prophecy. It is during the prophetic moments that the congregants respond with much excitement and actually hope that the prophet will come to them and prophesy them. This kind of expectation causes believers to love prophetic churches and be willing to endure long hours of such services. They do not mind waiting hours as long as the prophet can say a word to their lives. The excitement does not only come with the prophecy of one person on stage or as addressed by the prophet. Repeatedly, the prophet will declare words to the congregants. In the words of Mochechane; “The prophet declares and decrees”, and the faithful “receive”; no questions asked. While people, or even experts in theology and sociology, would probably question the prophet’s exegesis, homiletic and hermeneutic, his response to that challenge is, “You can question my prophecy, but you can never question the results”.2 The people do not care what the experts are saying about their prophet; they are only excited because the prophet continues to declare powerful words upon their lives. Their belief is that every word uttered by the prophet will happen upon their lives. They have faith that the prophecies delivered will change their lives and those of their families. Hence, the prophets like quoting the biblical verse in 2 Chronicles 20:20, which says “Believe in the Lord your God, and you shall be established; believe His prophets, and you shall prosper”. In addition, they like quoting a biblical verse that says “he who receive a prophet in the name of the prophet, will receive the prophet’s reward”. 3.1.4  Prophetic titles Whereas other movements are used to traditional titles like reverend, father and priest in the mainline churches, some people in the Pentecostalism movement have embraced the fivefold titles of apostle, prophet, evangelist, teacher and pastor. Generally, most churches in South Africa are now familiar with the title of pastor to refer to any person working as the leader of the church. Therefore, whether in mainline churches or in Pentecostalism, anyone involved in ministry might as well be called a pastor. In the fourth wave, it is a different story altogether; there are various titles that go with prophets. There are major prophets, major seers, or even revelators. These titles are given according to the ability of the specific prophet, and they relate to the way the prophet functions in his or her calling. The more gifted a prophet is, the more he or she will carry a high title. Hence, in South Africa, there are titles like “major one”, “seer one”, “major daughter” and

The faces of the fourth wave 45 so on. The bearers of these titles have moved from the ordinary dimension of prophecy into higher dimensions. Thus, the title of the prophet is used to build the image of the person of the prophet over and above other prophets. In addition, the prophet, in assigning himself or herself a title like “major one”, becomes part of a celebrity cult. A celebrity cult is a cult of personality that arises when an individual becomes more important than the mission he or she belongs to. According to Hunter, a celebrity cult exists when the person becomes more important than the formal position.3 Thus, it remains a question as to what the real difference is between a prophet in forensic prophecy and other celebrities in music, sports and so forth. There might be no difference, as they all have a zeal to use their names to become great people in society. In this scenario, the congregants come to church to give their lives to the prophet and not to the founder of the church, the Lord Jesus Christ. Any minister of the gospel can fall into the trap of the cult of personality, intentionally or unintentionally. It is therefore the responsibility of the prophets to point people to Christ and not themselves. Moreover, titles should be used properly in the correct context; those who hold them should not abuse them. 3.1.5  Prophetic dimension One phenomenon that one must raise in fourth wave prophecy is a prophetic dimension. It seems that not all prophets are at the same level of prophecy or the delivery of such prophecies. In this context, it means a prophet who is only reading from the Bible and explains to people what the Bible is saying is perceived to be at the lowest level. In higher dimensions, the prophet should be able to reveal their cell number, identity number, registration plate number, bank account number and so on, because there are higher dimensions of prophecy in the realm of the Spirit. When one prophet cannot do what those in a higher dimension do, they should fast and pray in order to reach a higher dimension. When they cannot, it will mean that they do not have the grace of major prophets. The dimension in prophecy causes prophets not to be content with their current level, but to seek to go to a higher level of prophetic dimensions. It is for the same reason that prophets will move from one place to another in search of a higher power that will elevate them to a higher dimension. The pressure will also come from the congregants themselves, who will perceive a particular prophet as not as gifted as the next prophet. Thus, prophetic dimension refers to the experience of the many facets of the prophetic streams that will allow the prophet and his or her followers to experience the unfolding creative power of the prophetic ministry without any confusion and possibly misunderstanding. A higher prophetic dimension of forensic prophecy refers to a level whereby to prophesy supernaturally and receive a prophetic word from God is a common

46  The faces of the fourth wave experience. Prophetic dimensions come through heavy impartation of the prophetic anointing that ignite a prophetic explosion in the prophet’s spirit, causing the prophet to prophesy with their eyes open! The role of the prophet in higher dimensions of prophecy is to unveil the deeper realms, depths and dimensions of the prophetic ministry.4 In the fourth wave, the prophets will always show people that the ordinary cannot easily be part of the higher dimensions of prophecy that constantly use the prophetic dimensions. Thus, people always esteem the prophet highly because the higher levels he or she has reached are not easily attainable. Therefore, the higher levels remain special and only the major prophets can attain such levels.

3.2 Deliverance 3.2.1  Deliverance from curses Central to Pentecostalism is the ministry of deliverance which is connected to socio-­cultural aspects of the life in the global south.5 Curses in this instance refer to the events that happened within a particular family from one generation to another generation. The perception is that these curses are the main cause for stagnation or a lack of progress in a particular family.6 Thus, deliverance comes as a remedy to generational curses upon the lives of a person or a family. The role of deliverance is to break every curse upon the life of an individual and their family. The other role is to reverse such a curse to the original source from where it emanated. Thus, the phrase “back to the sender” is very common among the deliverance practitioners in South Africa. Once delivered, the candidate is free and can enjoy the fruit of salvation upon their lives.7 The reason a complete salvation comes only after deliverance is the notion that even if one is born again, the person can still carry generational curses. Therefore, salvation should be accompanied by the work of deliverance in order for the believer to experience release from all kinds of curses in all the areas of their lives.8 Deliverance is pivotal in Pentecostalism, as it helps the believers to move from the past to a progressive future that is full of blessings. Without deliverance, the life of a believer will run into a circle of poverty, sickness and other forms of suffering and afflictions. Therefore, preachers do not only preach the main sermon on a Sunday service; they also call for people who need deliverance upon their lives. Deliverance removes every demonic influence upon the life of a believer that hinders them in succeeding in life. However, deliverance does not only concentrate on the specific demon that is troubling a believer; it also touches other areas of that individual. At the end, deliverance provides a total salvation that encompasses the spiritual, physical, emotional and psychological wellbeing of an individual. Deliverance has an ability to even deal with mental illness, especially if that kind of sickness is perceived to be because of witchcraft. The ability of deliverance

The faces of the fourth wave 47 to touch various aspects of life makes it a lovable ministry by people of all economic statuses. In South Africa, the poor, the rich and even the wealthy queue for deliverance. All of them believe that deliverance can bring change upon their lives.9 Deliverance is one of the faces of the fourth wave of Pentecostalism in South Africa. The reason for the creation of fear and anxiety among the believers in Pentecostalism is the need for deliverance. The reason for the creation of a notion that the chain of Satan binds one is to convince the believers that they need deliverance upon their lives. Thus, repeatedly, preachers in the fourth wave centre their message around witches so that the followers will see the need for deliverance in their family. Once a believer has the idea that something is wrong with his or her life, then he or she will see a need for deliverance. Deliverance has caused a growth in Pentecostal Christianity in South Africa, given the fact that many people have fear in their lives. With so many challenges in South Africa, it is easy for believers to believe that what they are going through in their lives is indeed because of curses. If one cannot receive a job or promotion, it means that one is cursed. If a woman cannot conceive, it means that she is cursed. Every problem is spiritualised to make the believer see a need for deliverance. This is working in South Africa, because many people are superstitious and therefore easily spiritualise every problem they face. 3.2.2  Physical deliverance The deliverance ministry comes with demonstrations of people vomiting terrible things. During a deliverance service, people are seen vomiting things like snakes, rats and other scary things. In the words of Opoku, “As the process of deliverance goes on, people may cough, vomit, or urinate. It has come to be accepted that demons may go out through any one of the orifices in the human body. Thus, these acts are considered as signs of successful deliverance”.10 The more a prophet is able to deliver people from such scary things, the more he or she is perceived as more anointed than others. After a deliverance session or service, one’s life is able to flourish and prosper because of deliverance. Hence, many people run to prophets in search of deliverance because they believe that something is wrong or misplaced in their lives. In deliverance sessions, people must give up their old habits and rituals in order to receive a new life that will be free from all sorts of evil. In prophetic ministry, although one is in Christ, old things do not pass away immediately; an individual should place himself or herself under the deliverance ministry to receive total deliverance. It is only after a serious working on an individual that one is able to become free. This understanding in the deliverance ministry makes people seek deliverance in their lives. This dimension of prophetic movements makes them stand out in comparison with other denominations and mainline churches.

48  The faces of the fourth wave 3.2.3 Exorcism The deliverance ministry is connected to exorcism, especially the casting out of demons. It is believed in South Africa that people who are possessed by demons need a deliverance of such demons. Hunt mentions three important aspects of exorcism that are very common in the fourth wave, namely: discovering, naming and expelling a demon. In the first aspect, discovering, the deliverer is engaged in inviting the Holy Spirit. During a deliverance session, the Holy Spirit exposes other spirits and demonic forces. In some instances, the deliverer will walk around the church singing and shouting until the demonic forces are invoked in the audience. Onyinah adds that the process of discovering a demon might also involve consultation of those who need deliverance so that they have contact with the deliverer, share their situations in order that the deliverer can address the real problem. During a consultation with the deliverer, he or she will do an interview to find out about the problem. In addition, the deliverer will connect such problems to a spiritual cause of the problem. The people who have consulted with the deliverer, together with the audience, become part of the deliverance session. However, the deliverer will make an alter call for the specific people who need deliverance. How the deliverer conducts the session differs from one person to the other.11 The second aspect is naming the demon, meaning that the person looking for the solution can know the real problem, and to a certain extent the cause of that problem. The person must now be willing to receive deliverance in their life because deliverance generally depends on their willingness and the desire to be delivered. In order for the demon to be identified, the person looking for deliverance should be willing to confess their sins. These might be sins that are already in the public domain or even sins that the victims have not yet disclosed to anyone. The more a victim hides their sins, the more they make it difficult for them to receive their deliverance. In addition, the victim should reject any connection that they have previously made with ancestral spirits, because these connect them with generational curses discussed above, which in a way are a form of bondage. Confession is therefore at the centre of deliverance process. Consequently, the deliverance of an individual does not lie in the deliverer but in the person looking for deliverance. The role of the deliverer is to guide the victim into total deliverance.12 The third aspect is expulsion. Expulsion is a formal way of getting the demons out of a person. Normally, a demon is cast out in the name of Jesus. During the casting out of the demon, a person that is being prayed for may manifest the spirits inside them, and might actually make some sounds depending on the kind of demon that is cast out. Hence, during deliverance session, it is possible to hear the sounds of different animals. The victims can even manifest animal movements, such as crawling like a snake. Sometimes, the demon can become aggressive and violent because

The faces of the fourth wave 49 it is rejecting coming out of the person13 The process of expulsion can take longer than expected, especially in cases where the demon is aggressive. In such cases, the deliverer will insist that the demon be cast out by praying for the victim for as long as the demon is still present in them. It is therefore normal for the deliverer to hit the victim with any object in order to emphasise the authority upon him or her to cast out the demon. When the demon is very stubborn, the deliverer can use anything like a Bible, soaking the victim with water, hitting the victim with leafy branches or striking him or her with other objects. At times, other believers might be called in to assist the person. They normally make a circle and pray with the victim until they become delivered.14 Therefore, a deliverance session takes place through a casting of a demon that has possessed a specific individual. During expulsion, the exorcist speaks directly to the demon inside the person who is possessed. Although the demon responds in the voice of the possessed individual, it is believed that it is not the individual speaking, but the demon. The exorcist will take his or her time to make sure that the demon is gone from the individual. When the individual becomes sober, it is generally believed that the demon has left, and the person can be free from demonisation. It means that deliverance has taken place and the person is free. The challenge is that people can pretend to speak as if a demon is speaking, but actually a person is speaking. In these instances, people can lie or speak against others disguising themselves as demons. There are instances where people speak against their neighbours, friends, relatives or other pastors as if it were a demon speaking, but where it is actually an opinion of an individual. 3.2.4  All-­night prayer Deliverance ministers run very long meetings; hence the concept of “all-­ night prayer”. The all-­night prayer in Pentecostal Christianity** in South Africa does not mean that believers converge to pray the whole night. It is something different; the services normally start with praise and worship, which can run for more than three hours. When the minister comes, he does not necessarily lead followers into prayers but will preach for less than an hour and start with deliverance sessions. The followers who normally attend such meetings are well aware that the meetings are not all about prayers but about deliverance, which has to take place for those who are possessed by spirits. In addition to the deliverance sessions by the minister or prophet, there are sections of the meeting place where products are sold that will help the possessed to receive their total deliverance. What is astounding in these meetings is that the prophet can take their time with one person while others are waiting for their turn, and it is very possible that their turn never comes in that one specific meeting. However, they will not lose hope and actually believe that their time will come one day.

50  The faces of the fourth wave 3.2.5  Deliverance of women In delivering women from various bondage and curses, the prophets in the fourth wave have done many questionable acts that may be interpreted as unethical behaviour among the prophets. In some cases, the prophets will touch sensitive areas that might be perceived as private areas. These areas include the breasts of a woman; the prophet will touch such areas in the name of deliverance. Other areas include the woman’s private parts during deliverance. Women who are looking for deliverance in their life will do whatever they can in order to be delivered from their problems. Women are always looking for various things in their lives like children, marriage, jobs, promotions and others. Thus, they become a soft target for some certain prophets who will abuse them in the name of deliverance. Other than their needs, women face challenges in their marriages or even relationships; they always look for help in the church, and deliverance become the part of service they like, as it appeals to them. The book will discuss dimensions for women in Chapter 6 when dealing with the weaknesses of the fourth wave. In addition, the book will speak more about charlatan behaviour by prophets in Chapter 7.

3.3 Prosperity 3.3.1  Claim it The prosperity gospel is very much related to the term “name it and claim it”. This means that whatever a believer is looking for in their lives, they can name it and claim it at the same time. Thus, the prosperity message can be summed up in one word: positive confession.15 Positive confession is the belief that it is possible to attain anything that one desires. The saying goes: “What you see is what you get”. In prosperity, “what you say is what you get”. The prosperity gospel teachers love to pronounce that the destiny of believers is in their mouth. As long as they believe that God is the provider of all material wealth, all what the believers need to do is to confess it in order to receive it. One preacher said: “Fake it until you make it”. Anyone who wants to tap into the prosperity should embrace positive confession and be ready to sow seeds in order to reap prosperity.16 The message of ­prosperity augurs well with anyone with the dream of becoming rich. The message resonates well with those who are already rich, as the message makes them feel at home. They welcome the message because they did not like the former messages that God blesses the poor.17 The prosperity message is related to the tradition of giving. It is not a one-­way ticket to prosperity, but rather a two-­way process that comprises giving and receiving. Therefore, when the believers give to the church or their pastor, they do so believing that they will receive something in return. Giving or sowing seeds becomes an investment into the kingdom of God

The faces of the fourth wave 51 that gives more interest than any bank in the world.18 It is for this reason that believers in prosperity have faith in God that material wealth and other possessions will come in their lives. They believe that the will of God for one’s life is to succeed and be better in life.19 Consequently, anyone without material wealth is perceived as lacking faith. It might as well be a sign that the person is not doing what God is saying in their lives, especially obeying the obligations of giving in order to receive. People in prosperity believe that it is not the will of God for His people to suffer. Therefore, anyone who suffers might have contravened the will of God. The poor are divined as those who cannot pay their tithe or give in the church.20 Although it has been said previously in this book that the prosperity gospel is not the centre of the fourth wave in South Africa, it is one of the faces of the fourth wave. The believers in the fourth wave are taught to reject poverty and everyone is made to believe that they can prosper in their lives. Hence, the believers are full of hope and they will give anything they have, including their houses, cars or even their pension that they work for all their lives. The hope that the believers have is built on the fact that because their man of God is so rich, they also will be rich one day. Even the poor have that kind of hope, such that they would rather sleep with hunger but give to the life of the prophet. Once one has become a member of a prophetic church where prosperity is taught, one has to keep up to the standard of that teaching. Therefore, even when members cannot afford to do it, they end up buying expensive cars and houses and wearing designer clothes. It does not matter the cost of prosperity; believers pay that price as long as they too can look like their prophet. 3.3.2  Consultation fees What is scary in the fourth wave is the consultation fee that prophets charge their followers for what is termed “one on one”. This is a concept coined by prophets because they cannot afford to take care of every follower’s needs in the service. Therefore, if one specific follower or even a family have specific needs, they can make an appointment to see the prophet one on one. There is no way that the follower can see the prophet without making an appointment and actually paying the exact fee for the consultation. Consequently, followers pay huge amounts in order to see their prophet and tell them their needs. It is only then that prayers can be made to the specific needs with guaranteed results. Given the popularity of the prophet, it is everyone’s desire to meet the prophet one on one. In fact, the prophet makes sure that they are not accessible during normal services so that they create a thirst among the followers to see the prophet one on one. Hence, bodyguards and other security personnel always surround the prophet. This is to ensure that people do not see the prophet as they wish, but only “one on one”.

52  The faces of the fourth wave 3.3.3  The image of the prophet Another point is that the prophet must never be perceived as a poor person. Thus, an impression is created around the life of the prophet and those in his or her inner circle that they are rich and prosperous. One must point out that sometimes it is exaggerated. Therefore, even if a prophet does not own a private jet, such impression will be created so that people can perceive their prophet differently. In a similar way, the family of the prophet, including their wife and children, also appear rich and prosperous. The goal is for the followers to have a positive perception because if the prophet is poor, he or she will not be able to deliver those who are poor. In some instances, the prophet will be seen buying expensive things for his family members so that the followers can perceive him or her as a generous person or even a person living in abundance. Ideally, people follow someone who is inspiring them to do better in their lives. Therefore, the more the life of the prophet is portrayed in a positive sense, the more followers he or she will attract. The lifestyle of these prosperity gospel preachers is on a high level. The men of God drive expensive cars while the majority of their followers are suffering in poverty. They spend a lot of money buying expensive cars for themselves and their families. During their own birthday parties and those of their spouses, it is time for them to show off what they have bought with the money of their congregants.21 The famous message preached by these pastors is that where there is a vision, there is a provision. This sermon illustrates that they have followed the vision of God upon their lives and God is providing for them in luxuries. Therefore, prosperity preachers will fly from coast to coast in their private jets and live in expensive mansions. The material wealth that they display demonstrates how much faith they have in God.22 People believe in them and actually adore them because of this larger-­than-­life success that they possess.23 Somehow, this larger-­than-­ life success is even more emphasised than other teachings of the Bible. It also leads to preachers abandoning their main calling of preaching the gospel to the poor, such that most young pastors will never desire to minister in rural areas because of a quest for material wealth.24 3.3.4  Government responsibility The other responsibility is the one that is supposed to be offered to government in terms of taxes. Many prophets in the fourth wave do not pay their taxes, even if they make a lot of money in their work. They would rather spend every cent on themselves on private jets, expensive cars and clothes but not pay their due to the tax revenue. This practice is not unique to South Africa; prophets throughout the world do not want to pay tax, except for a few who still pay their taxes. Most would rather argue that

The faces of the fourth wave 53 the church is a non-­profit organisation and therefore should be exempted from paying tax. While this might be true, many of the churches in the fourth wave are registered as close corporations and therefore the owners of such close corporations are eligible to pay tax. Nonetheless, even if a specific church does not pay tax, the presiding pastor as an income earner is liable for tax. After all, Jesus commanded his disciples to give Caesar what belongs to him and God what belongs to God. Caesar, in this context, refers to the government of where the prophet is running their ministry. 3.3.5  Social responsibility The other point to be made is that most prophets in South Africa are really trying their best to ensure that other people prosper as well. There is a willingness to give to others who were deprived in their lives, especially the have-­nots. Hence, in many instances, one observes prophets going to different villages to distribute food to others in order to show them love and compassion. The prophets go to some length in assisting various communities and organisations that require financial and material help. In the African spirit of ubuntu, this is good in the eyes of communities and the nation at large. It must be said, on the other hand though, that prophets do not live cheap lives; they drive big cars, live in huge houses and dress powerfully. The life of a prophet in our time and age is likened to the life of a celebrity because of their expensive lifestyle. While this might show a positive note of motivating others to do well in life, on the one hand, it is a sign of taking advantage of the poor people, on the other. That being said, prosperity is a lived experience in Pentecostalism in South Africa. Many believers have joined the fourth wave with the hope that the prosperity message will change their lives. However, their lives have remained the same – that is, there is no change in their economic statuses. The churches and their pastors have become rich, but the congregants and their families have actually remained the same way they came to the church. The believers are sometime frustrated that what the preachers are saying on the pulpit is not what they experience in their real-­life situations of poverty, unemployment and inequality. In the end, the prosperity gospel in the lives of ordinary believers presents some level of delusion. In the words of Togarasei, the adherents are deluded in two ways: that they should patiently wait for the day when wealth will manifest, that they are personally responsible for lack of prosperity through sin and through failure to “sow seeds of prosperity”.25 The reason for their delusions, as highlighted by Togarasei, is that they do not know when that day will come. Will that day happen in this life or in the life to come? Some are discouraged because even if they were to sow a seed, they do not have much to show for it because of poverty.

54  The faces of the fourth wave

3.4  Divine healing 3.4.1  Healing products The fourth wave of Pentecostalism believes in divine healing, which is sometimes referred to as “faith healing”. These terminologies are used to differentiate divine healing from medical healing or cures. The fourth wave is not the first to practise divine healing. All other streams of Pentecostalism also believed and practiced divine healing. In the previous streams of Pentecostalism, there are personalities linked to divine healing like John Alexander Dowie, John G. Lake and even in the African context, people like Richard Ngidi and Elias Letwaba. In the fourth wave, divine healing is connected to prophecy because the sick receive prophecy for their healing. The people who are healed are requested to testify in order for others to see that God is at work healing people. The testimonies also bear record that God has indeed intervened in their predicaments.26 Healing is one of the factors that draws crowds to the meetings hosted by the fourth-­wave prophets. When people see that the prophet is able to perform healing upon the sick when such healings are displayed on various posters, billboards and on television, they are encouraged to attend and receive their own healing.27 In the fourth wave, no one should be sick of any disease, ailment or even infections. In connection to healing is the products that go with this healing, like anointed oil, water and many other products. There is not a lot of product healing in classical Pentecostalism, but the Zion-­type AICs have been using healing products for a long time. In addition, the issue of healing products is already common in African traditional religions (ATRs).28 When one visits a traditional healer in ATRs, the expectation is that the healer will give the sick person something to affect the healing. The motivation for healing products is that in Africa, people do not only believe in prayer, but they want to receive something in addition to prayer. Hence the new form of Pentecostalism, according to Adogame, “employs an indigenous hermeneutic of spiritual power”.29 They do not have problems with Jesus or God, but they want to use something to reach that Supreme Being. The difference between healing products in ATRs and in the fourth wave is that in the latter, healing products come at a high price. The sick person will buy the product even if it is above their affordability because they believe that their situation will ultimately change. Hence, many sick people will attend church in order to receive healing. Therefore, in the fourth wave the healing products are on sale. In some churches like the Rivers of Living Waters church led by Bishop Zondo, there is even a factory to sell healing products like water. There was a time when society confronted Zondo as to why he was selling water, but Zondo said that if government is selling water, what hinders him to do the same? It must be noted here that it is not only the healing products that are sold but, according to Ayegboyin, they also sell the services that they render to

The faces of the fourth wave 55 their congregants.30 The fourth wave is motivated to use healing products by scriptures like Acts 19:12, which talks about handkerchiefs or aprons from the bodies of apostles that had healing powers so that those who were sick were healed. In a like manner, they are also motivated by healing evangelists like Benny Hinn who have been praying for cloths for healing, but for specific sicknesses. Therefore, they are not ashamed to use healing cloths, water, oil and other products. The claim is that these products carry the anointing and healing power to confront any sickness or disease. They also claim that these products can heal various illnesses like HIV.31 3.4.2  Healing and medicine Divine healing and Western medicine do not always go together. There is an intention to reject the use of Western medicine because it is perceived as showing anti-­faith.32 The reason for this rejection is that divine healing is more pure and powerful.33 The other reason is the faith that people have in God through prayer.34 It seems like if one wants to benefit from one form of medicine, one will need to abandon the other. In some cases, people are even encouraged to stop their medical treatments, as such treatments will interfere with the plan of God for their healing. At the end, many people have suffered the consequence of dying in the presence of the prophets because they have abandoned their medication in the name of faith. In a country where many people cannot afford private medical institutions and doctors, and in a country where many people do not trust public health institutions, divine healing has found a home in many people’s hearts. The only place they can turn to is in the church, and especially a prophetic church that practises divine healing. So when the prophet instructs them to entirely abandon their treatment, they are ready to give it up because, after all, the treatment is either insufficient or they cannot afford it. There are incidents where if the sick person continued with their treatment, they would have been cured. They, however, became worse because they did not want to follow the treatment as prescribed by a medical practitioner. 3.4.3  Healing powers The prophet in the fourth wave is seen as someone who carries more power. In the words of Anderson and Otwang: “[T]he prophet is a man of the Spirit, a man of power through whom power is bestowed upon his followers”.35 Divine healing in the fourth wave is connected to the healing power of the man of God. The fourth wave prophet is someone with extraordinary power, whether that power is real or not, but the fact is that he or she is perceived as such before the people. This power is the source which makes the gift upon the prophet function in a mighty way. It is almost impossible for the charisma of the prophet and their prophetic voice to rise without the power. The fourth wave prophets do not derive their power from the

56  The faces of the fourth wave established waves, but they generate their own power in order to appear unique. However, the power of the prophet is not a personal power, but the power coming from the work of the Holy Spirit. Hence, according to Ukah, prophets in the fourth wave claim to have special powers to heal any kind of disease.36 The support of followers is also instrumental to the demonstration of this.37 There are extremes as to what this power can do to the believers. Some prophets in the fourth wave claim that they have the power to raise the dead. This is because in the eyes of the prophet, nothing is supposed to suppress the adherents, including death. They say that Jesus was able to come out of the tomb, hence anyone can come out of a difficult situation. The prophets claim that their powers have an ability to pull down every situation that their followers are going through in their lives. The power will ultimately bring everything under the feet of the followers.38 The power of the prophet is sometimes referred to as the anointing upon the prophet. The anointing comes upon the prophet as they receive the power of the Holy Spirit. The anointing can be transferred to another prophet through anointing oil. The senior prophet anoints the juniors by the use of the anointing oil. After such an anointing ceremony, whoever is anointed can also claim to have similar powers as that of the senior prophet. The scripture used in this instance is Acts 1:8, which says that you shall receive power when the Holy Spirit comes upon you.39 This is again something that is very common among the ATRs, whereby a traditional healer is perceived as someone who has an uncommon power to heal various kinds of diseases. The more healing power a specific traditional healer possesses, the more followers and supporters they will have. Although many prophets confess that they do not heal people, they do, however, claim to have the power to heal various diseases. Hence, the growth of the fourth wave is closely connected to the divine healing ministry. In the church service, there is time allocated to pray for individuals who are suffering from various diseases. There is actually a special service every month to pray for sick people, where they are asked to believe in God for healing. People who receive healing are called upon to testify about their healing so that they can encourage those who still believe in God for their healing in their lives. The testimonies also assist in attracting more crowds to the services. Thus, the power of the prophet is tested and proven in a healing ministry. 3.4.4  Holistic healing Divine healing is selling not only because of economic and social reasons, but also because of spiritual reasons. Many people in South Africa believe that their sickness and disease are not only environmental and physical, but are because of witchcraft. Hence, even those who can afford medical aid will not rush to go to the doctor when they are sick without seeing a prophet to know the root cause of the sickness. Hence, some believe that even when in

The faces of the fourth wave 57 hospital, the prophet should continue to visit them and offer special prayers for their lives so that they receive total healing. Therefore, in an African worldview, sickness is spiritual. Consequently, even when one has not joined a health insurance policy, as long as they have the healing products of the prophets, they do not worry about what will happen in the future. They know that in any eventuality, the God of their prophet will come for them and deliver them from any type of sickness and disease. Divine healing has led to prophetic churches in South Africa growing in leaps and bounds, such that many will queue waiting for the prophet even when sicknesses threaten to take their lives, and they will not panic but wait for their healing. The faith of the people is that Christ died for them, not only for their sins but for their sicknesses as well. The work of the cross therefore provides healing for any illness, whether a small ailment like coughing, a mental problem like depression, or even a serious physical problem like cancer. Therefore, healing in the fourth wave is not only physical but includes mental, spiritual and emotional dimensions. The point is that if healing is the work of the Holy Spirit, he is therefore able to touch all the areas of life of an individual. The text that is normally used is 3rd John, where John wishes Christians that they prosper and be in health even as their souls shall prosper. It follows from this text that healing should encompass physical, spiritual, mental, emotional and even financial health to some extent.40 Nonetheless, the emotional healing reaches out to the rich and the affluent as they go through challenges of depression. This kind of healing enhances the middle class and the affluent because of their kind of lifestyle, in which they may experience challenges in their workplaces and businesses. This is natural in the fourth wave because they already appeal to such groups.41 3.4.5  Miraculous healing Miracles in the form of healing are a prominent feature in the praxis of the fourth wave. Miraculous healing is especially used in the context of mission and outreach. The miracles of healing are used to reach the poor and the afflicted using Luke 4:18 where Jesus says that the spirit of God is upon him because he has anointed him to preach the gospel to the poor. The poor in this context refers to those who are sick and do not have an alternative in terms of receiving a cure for their sicknesses. The hope for such people is the miracle of healing.42 Miraculous healing is pivotal in the fourth wave, because it merges the African and Christian ideas in the lives of the people. At the end, people do not see the need to visit the sangomas and other traditional practitioners. The problems that Christians have been going through are perceived as yokes, and when a miracle happens, every yoke shall be broken in order for the people to be free to serve God. When others see the miraculous happening in others, they also rise above their own challenges.43 The challenge is when healing is forced on an individual who is actually still suffering some form of sickness. People who are crippled or have

58  The faces of the fourth wave disabled bodies suffer a consequence of being embarrassed when the prophets impose healing on them. There are many instances where even old people are told to lift their wheelchairs to demonstrate that they have been healed of their disability, only to find that a few days later they go back to their initial state of disability. This is unfortunate, especially when it happens to old people who cannot speak for themselves. Many times you will feel for such people because they are vulnerable and gullible. Equipment like wheelchairs and crutches are used in healing services to demonstrate that God is at work and healing people. While God might indeed be at work in such services, there is a need to wait for a genuine healing of God upon an individual rather than to claim that God heals a person who is still suffering. The prophet in praying for people is not the one who heals, but believes in God for a divine healing upon the sick through him. Another challenge is that when those who are not sick at all are used to act or stage a miracle of healing. Thus, most of the time people will be walked in in wheelchairs and crutches as if they are disabled, but in actual fact these are people who are well in their bodies. In order to ignite the faith of the attendees, such staged healing miracles are now common in South Africa. The healing miracles are used to show the believers that the prophet is moving in the demonstration of the power of God. Since people do not actually know those receiving the healing, they have no choice but to believe that healing has indeed taken place; somebody who was not walking for many years is now able to walk again or somebody who has been sitting in a wheelchair for many years is now able to stand up and walk. What this kind of healing does to those who are really sick is that they will be compelled to also rise up and walk, but a few weeks or months later return to their normal state because they did not receive a genuine miracle in their lives.

3.5  Other miracles 3.5.1  Demonstration of power Miracles are part of the fourth wave. The service will not close without any sign or wonder happening in the service. The reason there are so many people at the services is that they keep on seeing something miraculous in the services. The main point that the prophets of the fourth wave professes is that God has been talking for a long time and preachers have been preaching for a long time. Therefore, it is high time that the God who has been speaking starts to perform miracles among his people. It is called demonstration of power. In the words of Ruth, instead of emphasising power through teaching and pastoral work, the fourth wave emphasises performs of miracles followed by various testimonies of what the power has done in the lives of the followers.44 One prophet was heard saying he is tired of talking and talking; it is high time that he starts demonstrating the power of God among the people. Thus, people are made to believe that if indeed

The faces of the fourth wave 59 God is among them, He should perform a miracle, and they should see a sign of God’s presence in their midst. Any man of God who does not move in signs and wonders is not a real man of God. So, to show that someone is a particular man or woman of God and that he or she is used by the almighty God, there should be mighty works to bear testimony of that calling. 3.5.2  Miracle money One dimension of miracles in the fourth wave is Miracle money. A prophet can prophesy miracle money into the pockets of the believers. The believers will receive money into their banks and wallets and women into their handbags. The miracle money is a feature in most of the prophetic services conducted by the prophets. Again, it must be noted that in the Third World most people are unemployed, poor and exist in a world of inequalities. In this part of the world, concepts like miracle money work well to attract members who are economically divested as they experience daily challenges in their lives. The congregant and attendees of prophetic services become jubilant as they watch and hear testimonies of people receiving miracle money. The witnesses are able to testify that money has indeed been deposited in their bank accounts and such testimonies are demonstrated to the whole church in the form of cell phone text messages and other notifications. What is surprising is that sometimes money is deposited in different currencies like the dollar, pound, euro and other well-­known currencies. The reality is that concepts like miracle money work well in a Third World economy and people are welcoming concepts like this with open hands. 3.5.3  Strange miracles Miracles in the fourth wave in South Africa are not limited to miracle money; there are other miracles like the appearance of angels during the service. In one prophetic church in South Africa, pictures were taken of angels appearing and blessing the people during a church service. In another instance, the same angels actually dropped an oil of blessing upon the hands of congregants. Again, pictures were taken of people’s hands and oil dropping in their hands. Other miracles include walking on air by the prophet. One prophet in South Africa is seen in a video walking on air in his house. Some other prophets in Zimbabwe were seen walking through a wall as if that wall was not solid. The above are a few examples of miracles happening in the third wave in South Africa. These miracles like prophecies demonstrate that the prophet has extraordinary powers to perform unusual miracles. Most recently, as it was highlighted in the introduction, a great miracle happened of a dead person who was resurrected during a church service. Since this miracle, people have taken up the resurrection miracle to demonstrate resurrection power wherever they are in their spaces.

60  The faces of the fourth wave 3.5.4  Love for miracles The question is, why do South Africans follow miracles so much? The reason for this question is that whenever a prophet is able to perform a certain miracle, he or she is assured of great attendance in his or her meetings. People love miracle performers and they actually are willing to travel long hours and miles in order to attend such services. The love for miracles demonstrates two contrasting signs. One is faith; people follow miracles because they believe that miracles did not end in the time of Moses. Miracles happen even in this time and age. Therefore, whenever they attend a meeting, they believe that a miracle will take place. Second, people follow miracles because they do not believe that God can work through them and their surroundings. As a result, they depend on the next prophet to lead the way. Some are actually too lazy to follow the normal stages of life and they need shortcuts in order to fulfil their destinies. They want it the easy way. They actually do not want to wait for their time to come, but are in a hurry for things to happen in their lives. Hence, they are easily attracted to a miracle ministry. People believe in miracles because they serve as an intervention for things they cannot achieve on their own. People are desperate for solutions in their life because of daily challenges they face in their family, workplace and businesses. Therefore, any miracle worker becomes their target of admiration and hope for a better life. However, because many of them do not have the faith to believe God on their own, they end up falling for manipulations. Many do not have a relationship with the Holy Spirit; they end up accepting anything as a miracle. Therefore, anyone in need of an authentic miracle should believe God for such a miracle. Although there are genuine men and women of God out there performing miracles by the power of God, unsuspecting followers fall for anything that looks like it is God’s working. They cannot differentiate between a genuine miracle and a fake. Therefore, the main purpose of following God should not be miracles but a relationship with God. In the fourth wave, people should seek the giver of the power rather than the power itself, because it is possible to have power but from a different source other than the almighty God. What matters is maintaining a balance between the Word and miracles through the Holy Spirit.45

Notes 1 Mochechane, “Dealing with Fear and Anxiety in Pentecostalism”, 2. 2 Ibid., 4. 3 See S.G. Hunter, “Love and Exploitation: Personality Cults, Their Characteristics, Their Creation, and Modern Examples” (Doctoral dissertation, University of Georgia, Georgia, 2010). 4 See F. Revelator, The Prophetic Dimension: A Divine Revelation of How to Accurately Prophesy and Operate in the Prophetic Realm of God (Global Destiny House, Sandton, South Africa, 2017).

The faces of the fourth wave 61 5 The book by Amos Yong, In the Days of Caesar: Pentecostalism and Political Theology (Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2010) sheds more light on the relationship between Pentecostalism and the politics in a specific context. 6 J. Kwabena Asamoah-­Gyadu, in his article “Mission to ‘Set the Captives Free’: Healing, Deliverance, and Generational Curses in Ghanaian Pentecostalism”, published in International Review of Mission 93, no. 370–371 (2004), 389–406, outlines the faces of the fourth wave, like healing and deliverance from various curses. 7 Ibid., 389–406. 8 In Africa, deliverance is defined as a means of getting rid of the powers of witchcraft and other oppressive powers in an African spirit world view. See Opoku Onyinah, “Deliverance as a Way of Confronting Witchcraft in Modern Africa: Ghana as a Case History”, Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5, no. 1 (2002), 107–134. 9 In order to understand various methods of approaching deliverance in Pentecostalism as opposed to other movements, see Stephen Hunt, “Managing the Demonic: Some Aspects of the Neo-­Pentecostal Deliverance Ministry”, Journal of Contemporary Religion 13, no. 2 (1998), 215–230. 10 See Onyinah, “Deliverance as a Way of Confronting Witchcraft”, 107–134. 11 Ibid. 12 Asamoah-­Gyadu, “Mission to ‘Set the Captives Free’ ”, 389–406. 13 Hunt, “Managing the Demonic”, 215–230. 14 Deliverance ministry in Pentecostalism is very much related to African culture. See Jim Harries, “Deliverance Ministry in an African Cultural Perspective”, The Pneuma Review 14, no. 1 (2011), 16–30. 15 B.A. Koch, “The Prosperity Gospel and Economic Prosperity: Race, Class, Giving, and Voting” (Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Sociology, Indiana University, 2010). 16 Ibid., 336–350. 17 Ibid. 18 See S. Lee, “Prosperity Theology: TD Jakes and the Gospel of the Almighty Dollar”, CrossCurrents (2007), 227–236. 19 See S. Schieman and J.H. Jung, “ ‘Practical Divine Influence’: Socioeconomic Status and Belief in the Prosperity Gospel”, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 51, no. 4 (2012), 738–756. 20 See D. Lioy, “The Heart of the Prosperity Gospel: Self or the Savior?” Conspectus: The Journal of the South African Theological Seminary 4, no. 9 (2007), 41–64. 21 See E.Z.M. Gbote and S.T. Kgatla, “Prosperity Gospel: A Missiological Assessment”, HTS Teologiese Studies/­Theological Studies 70, no. 1 (2014), Art. #2105, 10 pages. http:/­/­dx.doi.org/­10.4102/­hts.v70i1.2105 22 Lee, “Prosperity Theology”, 227–236. 23 Lioy, “The Heart of the Prosperity Gospel”, 41–64. 24 See K. Biri, “The Silent Echoing Voice: Aspects of Zimbabwean Pentecostalism and the Quest for Power, Healing and Miracles”, Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae, (2012), 37–55. 25 See L. Togarasei, “The Pentecostal Gospel of Prosperity in African Contexts of Poverty: An Appraisal”, Exchange 40, no. 4 (2011), 336–350. 26 The way that Pentecostals approach healing is quite different from the way, for example, the mainline churches in South Africa approach this matter. See Allan H. Anderson, “Pentecostal Approaches to Faith and Healing”, International Review of Mission 91, no. 363 (2002), 523.

62  The faces of the fourth wave 27 See Ezra Chitando and Kudzai Biri, “Walter Magaya’s Prophetic Healing and Deliverance (PHD) Ministries and Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe: A Preliminary Study with Particular Reference to Ecumenism”, Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 2 (2016), 72–85. 28 Asamoah-­Gyadu, in his book Contemporary Pentecostal Christianity: Interpretations from an African Context, explains the concept much in a deeper way. 29 The mountain of fire in West Africa is one of the churches that practice deliverance in Africa; Afe Adogame describes this phenomenon in his “Dealing with Local Satanic Technology: Deliverance Rhetoric in the Mountain of Fire and Miracles Ministries”, Journal of World Christianity 5, no. 1 (2012), 75–101. 30 See Deji Ayegboyin, “A Rethinking of Prosperity Teaching in the New Pentecostal Churches in Nigeria”, Black Theology 4, no. 1 (2006), 70–86, doi:10.1558/­ blth.2006.4.1.70 31 Biri, “The Silent Echoing Voice”. 32 Anderson, “Pentecostal Approaches to Faith and Healing”, 523. 33 See J. Stolz, “ ‘All Things Are Possible’: Towards a Sociological Explanation of Pentecostal Miracles and Healings”, Sociology of Religion 72, no. 4 (2011), 456–482. 34 Anderson, “Pentecostal Approaches to Faith and Healing”, 523. 35 In this book TUMELO: The Faith of African Pentecostals in South Africa (University of South Africa, Pretoria, 1993), Allan H. Anderson and Samuel Otwang describe faith as the way of life for Pentecostals in South Africa. 36 Pentecostalism advertise their services, especially the special meetings, on a monthly or annual basis. The posts on pentecostal services are posted everywhere in the city. This kind of a phenomenon is well articulated by Asonzeh F-­K. Ukah in “Roadside Pentecostalism: Religious Advertising in Nigeria and the Marketing of Charisma”, Critical Interventions 2, no. 1–2 (2008), 125–141. 37 See Gastón Espinosa, “ ‘El Azteca’: Francisco Olazábal and Latino Pentecostal Charisma, Power, and Faith Healing in the Borderlands”, Journal of the American Academy of Religion (1999), 597–616. 38 J. Kwabena Asamoah-­Gyadu, in the article “Anointing Through the Screen: Neo-­Pentecostalism and Televised Christianity in Ghana”, published by Studies in World Christianity 11, no. 1 (2005), 9–28, demonstrates the role played by media, especially television, in the propagation of the gospel. 39 See J. Asamoah-­Gyadu, “ ‘Function to Function’: Reinventing the Oil of Influence in African Pentecostalism”, Journal of Pentecostal Theology 13, no. 2 (2005), 231–256. 40 Stolz, “All Things Are Possible”, 456–482. 41 Hunt, “Managing the Demonic”, 215–230. 42 Anderson, “Pentecostal Approaches to Faith and Healing”, 523. 43 Asamoah-­Gyadu, “Anointing Through the Screen”, 9–28. 44 In Africa, people have love of miracles such that miracles are prioritised over and above other aspects of the Christian life. Consequently, miracles control the way the public views the Christian life. For more information on this see Ruth Marshall, “The Sovereignty of Miracles: Pentecostal Political Theology in Nigeria 1”, Constellations 17, no. 2 (2010), 197–223. 45 Ibid., 197–223.

4 The catalysts of the fourth wave

4.1  Television ministry 4.1.1 Background Three periods mark the history of television in South Africa. The first period is what scholars call a prehistory (1929–1976). This period is when the possibility of television existed, but was hindered by the racial division. The government of that time saw television as a way that people could gain their freedom. Therefore, the government did not allow television. The second period was from 1976 to 1993. In fact, 1976 can be declared the first year that South Africans had an opportunity to watch television under the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC). The SABC mirrored the racial division of the country at that time because it only had three TV channels. TV1 was the channel mainly broadcasting its programs in Afrikaans and English for the minority white population. TV2 and TV3 were the channels to cater for the black majority population of the country. These channels were not available for the whole day, but could alternate between morning viewership and the afternoon until late in the evening viewership.1 The last period is 1993 and beyond, when the new act governing broadcast was implemented and brought democracy to the television industry of South Africa.2 The author remembers very well that the first time he was able to watch television was in 1993 at the age of ten. The challenges of owning a television set prior to 1993 were not only economic in nature, but came with the challenges of obtaining power in our home village because the village was not electrified. This meant that many families had to rely on battery power to connect their television sets. When the power inside such batteries was finished, it took a trip of more than five kilometres in order to recharge the battery. Affluent families who could afford generators were very fortunate because they could watch television without interruptions. Also, television sets themselves were very expensive and only affluent families could own such sets. The companies selling TV sets did not do well at that time because they could only sell a few sets to a few

64  The catalysts of the fourth wave families. However, for those who could afford it, TV brought a whole of range of entertainment into their lives in the form of comedies and drama.3 During that time, one could count the number of television owners in a specific village. However, it is important to note that even though few families owned a television set, because of the spirit of ubuntu dominating in the hearts of many villagers, families could gather in one house to watch television. Therefore, it was very common during those days to have one family accommodating about 200 people in order to watch their favourite show. 4.1.2  Limited TV programs Prior to democracy in South Africa, the TV industry was mainly led and ruled by the SABC, which was also controlled by the state. Thus, the state dictated what needed to be in the news and so on. Consequently, strategic positions like that of political editors were given to people who would be loyal to the state.4 In the words of Bevan, television was used negatively in three ways. Firstly, it was used as a window to interpret the world. Secondly, it was used as a defence against the outsiders. Lastly, it was used to further divide the country.5 Furthermore, black people during apartheid could not take strategic positions at the SABC, as those were reserved for a select few. They only took roles to demonstrate their subordination to whiteness. The government did so in order to remain the privileged few in all sectors of society. Broadcasting for black people only reflected their culture in music, news, magazines, public affairs, drama and documentaries. The news service in the black channel only focused on tribal news and affairs. The service did not reflect on matters that were of national interest, let alone international interest. The channel for black people depended on subsidies, while the channel for white people, because of its programmes, was able to make a lot of revenue through advertising.6 The attainment of democracy in South Africa in 1994 came with many developments like the electrification of villages that previously did not have electricity. This meant that many homes could own television sets as they had power in their own houses. However, there was a limitation of what one could watch on TV during this time. The common TV programs were local dramas. The good thing about these local dramas is that they were well researched and could represent the context of South Africa at that time. The second common program was sport, especially soccer among black people. Most people loved and enjoyed soccer but could not make it to the stadiums, as it was costly to do that and very far from people. The other programs, like children’s TV and educational programs, were also given attention, but not as much as drama in the weekday evenings and soccer on weekends. Important to note is that during this time, most viewers were limited to the public broadcaster, that is, the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) with about three channels. The other channels that

The catalysts of the fourth wave 65 came to complement the SABC came at a later stage, like eTV, which added programs that were more interesting. 4.1.3  Multi-­choice With many people entering the mainstream economy in post-­1994 South Africa, it meant that many South Africans could now afford a pay TV. According to Scharnick-­Udemans, “in 2010, it was estimated that 82% of households in South Africa had at least one television set”.7 With the introduction of multi-­choice pay television in South Africa, many people now have a variety of choices as to which programs to watch on television. On multi-­choice, people can choose between religious programs, sports, nature conservation, news channels, reality TV, soapies, movies and so on. The viewers or the prescribers also have a choice to record programs on their decoders and be able to watch such programs later. Depending on which option the subscribers take, they are able to select various movies. The multi-­choice channel that broadcasts religious content in both song and preaching is channel 331. Channel 331 started as a music-­only channel, but as time went by, it accommodated sermons preached by various pastors in South Africa. One Gospel is a channel that broadcast Christian music the whole day but with an interruption of a few content-­led programs. The channel is available on the pay TV decoder, not only in South Africa but in the whole continent of Africa. Many people follow the channel because it broadcasts music from different genres, domains, denominations and countries as long as such music communicates the message of the gospel. The channel has many viewers because gospel music is one of the favourite music genres across the continent of Africa. Thus, the channel has viewers in the south, east and west of Africa. Consequently, the kind of music played on One Gospel become the unifying factor in Africa in terms of its style but also the message it communicates to the audience. Other than the full sermons that last for 30 minutes to an hour, the channel broadcasts video-­clips that only take five minutes. In addition, people watch religious content in the form of sermons from TBN Africa. Emmanuel TV, Prophet TB Joshua’s channel, also made it to the mainstream channels on the multi-­choice pay TV. Emmanuel TV is one of the favourite channels in a South African context. 4.1.4  Public channels The so-­called public channels have for the past 20 years dominated the South African TV industry, especially in families where people can afford pay TV. In these new forms of TV, it challenges traditional TV in terms of viewership because the new channels have a lot to offer in terms of personalities and live shows. Particularly striking about this new media scene is the abundance of religion on the airwaves. The traditional TV offered for

66  The catalysts of the fourth wave example by the SABC has some form of restriction in terms of the content it should broadcast, but not so with the new channels; they have versatility and spontaneity.8 Multi-­choice pay television also has an option of the so-­called “public channels” for many of their decoders. This means that a multi-­choice user can program various channels in addition to the channels provided by them. Many of these public channels are religious channels that air various prophets and their program. Prophets in the fourth wave occupy most of these public. This has seen various programs that previously dominated in viewership compete with religious programs. Thus, people no longer just watch sports, news, reality shows and so on, but they have an opportunity to watch their prophet on TV. This means that religious content is now shown 24/­7. The free-­ to-­ air channels in South Africa include among others: Rivers of Living Water TV of Bishop Stephen Zondo, Rabboni TV of Pastor Lesego Daniel, God Never Fails TV of Bishop Nhlapo, Makamu TV of Bishop Makamu, New Generations TV of Bishop Mphahlele, Breakthru TV of Bishop Dudu Comfort, Uniting Broadcasting Network of Pastor Mukuba, Charis TV of Apostle Makananisa and Apostle Mokoena TV. The most watched public channel in South Africa is the prophetic channel that belongs to ECG. The researcher is of the opinion that the prophetic channel is prominent because it is about prophecy, which is to the liking of many viewers. In addition, the prophetic channel offers content that relates to miracles, signs and wonders that normally happens during the ECG services led by Shepherd Bushiri. The other factor is that most services at ECG are broadcast live, which is very rare among pastors. The channel has a viewership of 18 million households across Africa and the rest of the world. Another unique factor is that the prophetic channel can be downloaded as an app on a cell phone, whereby viewers can watch even though they are not in the comfort of their homes. All supporters of the prophetic channel need to do is to download the app on Play Store or Apple Store in order to install the app called “Sunday stream”. 4.1.5 Televangelism Televangelism refers to the use of television for evangelism purposes. Thus, the concept is derived from a combination of the two words television and evangelism. This is an intentional effort by many ministries to buy airtime in well-­established TV stations or channels in order to preach the gospel. Hence, televangelism is used mainly for the purpose of winning many souls to Christ. Televangelism emerged from World War II as an extension of evangelicalism. The term was used by Jeffrey K. Hadden and Charles E. Swann in Prime time preachers: the rising power of televangelism to define a new way of broadcasting that combines both television and evangelism. Immediately, channels were permitted to sell airtime to evangelists for

The catalysts of the fourth wave 67 preaching the gospel. It is reported that televangelism boomed in the 1970s and 1980s. From that time on, many evangelists and preachers of the Word also came in to buy airtime in order to preach the gospel. They were encouraged by many who rose to fame because of televangelism.9 Television in the fourth wave is read as tele-­vision, and many interpret it as “tell the vision”. This interpretation is used to refer to the fact that television is used to spread the message of the Word of God. Therefore, whenever a prophet or any man of God gets an opportunity to minister in front of the screen, they do not waste any time, but make sure that they spread that message. In some instances, members do not only listen to the Word as it is preached on TV, but actually have an opportunity to participate by calling in to a specific programme. During the programme, they can make prayer requests or even pledge to sow some seeds of faith. Hence, the banking details are always displayed onscreen so that the followers can use them at a later stage. An interesting phenomenon of the TV ministry is the “touch the screen” phenomenon. For members who seek or are in need of any type of a miracle, they can connect with the prophet by touching their screens while the man of God is praying. Testimonies will then be given of people who were healed by touching their screens.

4.2  Social media 4.2.1  The rise of social media The fourth wave is thriving because of social media. Social media has taken over the media space of other media, like print media, that many feared would cease to exist. This is because by the time a newspaper releases their edition, news would have already reached society through social media platforms. The content of social media includes text, pictures and some videos. Amongst the three, the text is the initial form of the social media content. Initially, text was posted on blogs, but individuals are the sole owners of such blogs. As the platform of blogging grew, individuals could also share videos and other graphics. Recently, social media platforms like Twitter serve as mini-­blogs, as they have a limited number of characters per each tweet, as an example. Networks like Facebook, for example, do not only serve as platforms to share text messages, videos and other graphics, but serve as a platform for reuniting with former friends. Thus, social networks move from just being platforms for individuals to a platform for families, friends and communities to connect with one another. Other than connecting to those that a user already knows, they also serve as a platform to make new friends.10 In the fourth wave, social media is a platform where interaction between the prophet and the followers is visible. Social media increases the accessibility of the prophet to their followers. Traditionally, “men of God”, especially in the fourth wave, are very distant from the normal congregant because,

68  The catalysts of the fourth wave as previously discussed, they want to maintain that image of the office they occupy. However, social media bridges that gap that exists between “the men of God” and the local congregant, simply because it is accessible to most people who follow prophetic ministries. On daily basis, the prophet is able to post their comments on social media platforms. Immediately when a prophet makes a post, the likes and the comments increase in a bigger way. This speaks volumes about the support that prophets receive outside the four pillars of the church. It is an indication of the support that the prophet receives on such platforms. Other than the comments they post, they are also able to share live videos on these platforms. Followers share the videos a number of times to people from all parts of the world. Hence, local prophets in the fourth wave in South Africa are known all over the world. 4.2.2 Facebook The most common social media platform among prophets is Facebook. One of the key features of the fourth wave is their ability to use media, especially Facebook. In addition, the use of media like Facebook among the churches in the fourth wave serves as an epitome of the use of media in propagating the gospel among pentecostals. Thus, no other wave has been able to use the media the fourth wave uses. The reason for this assertion is that the fourth wave prophets have mastered the art of using social media to enhance the message of the gospel in order that the message reach many at one time. This advancement is further assisted by the fact that most young people have access to mobile phones with various features that embraces social media. Most, if not all, of the churches of the fourth wave use Facebook as a way of communicating with their followers in order to post updates and network with the congregants. Most, if not all, of the prophetic ministries in Botswana use at least one new media platform. This has resulted in Facebook being so popular amongst the prophets and their congregants that those that are not using Facebook end up being in isolation.11 Most people, especially the youth, have Facebook apps on their cell phones. However, Facebook is not limited to young people; even parents are using Facebook such that children feel neglected because of parents engaging in Facebook. Facebook is an American online social media and social networking service company based in Menlo Park, California. It was founded by Mark Zuckerberg, along with fellow Harvard College students and roommates Eduardo Saverin, Andrew McCollum, Dustin Moskovitz and Chris Hughes. It is considered one of the Big Four technology companies along with Amazon, Apple and Google.12 The Facebook service can be accessed from devices with internet connectivity, such as personal computers, tablets and smartphones. After registering, users can create a customised profile revealing information about themselves. They can post text, photos and multimedia, which is shared with any other users that have agreed to be their “friend”. Users can also use various embedded apps, join common

The catalysts of the fourth wave 69 interest groups and receive notifications of their friends’ activities. As of December 2018, Facebook had more than 2.3 billion monthly active users.13 The accessibility of Facebook and its user friendliness make it the favourite among the followers of religion, especially the fourth wave of Pentecostalism in South Africa. In summary, Facebook is playing a major role in the propagation of the fourth wave churches in South Africa in at least four ways. Firstly, unlike other platforms, Facebook provides easy access to these churches and their spiritual services. Most prophets like to preach while being live on Facebook, which is not an easy task on other platforms like TV. Secondly, Facebook serves as a great stage for the prophets to demonstrate their gifts not only to the congregants, but also to the whole world. Most Facebook users have the luxury of watching their favourite prophet on their smart phones. This further encourages the users to actually attend the services and be part of what is happening. The viewers who missed the daily services have an opportunity to watch them on Facebook. Thirdly, Facebook serves as an advertising platform whereby the upcoming events will be advertised on the church Facebook page. Hence, the attendance at many events of the prophetic churches is excellent. Again, it must be reiterated that these services would be expensive to run on other platforms. Lastly, Facebook offers the advantage of a space where interactions between members can take place. As highlighted previously, under normal circumstances, prophets are way above their congregants, but Facebook brings them down to the level of their followers. 4.2.3 Twitter However, other social media platforms like Twitter and Instagram cannot be dismissed, although their presence cannot be equated to Facebook. The challenge with Twitter, for example, is that it is a medium occupied by many celebrities, politicians and sport stars. However, because some prophets have reached celebrity status in their own right, they are still present on platforms like Twitter. The only difference is that their following is not as big as their following on Facebook. Take, for example, Shepherd Bushiri; he has about 36,000 followers on Twitter but he has around 4 million followers on Facebook. This one example is a perfect illustration of how the followers of the prophets in the fourth wave are concentrated on Facebook, more than other media like Twitter. This might also mean that Twitter is not as popular among pentecostals in South Africa as Facebook because the same trend occurs when comparing, for example, the followers of Alph Lukau. He has 900,000 followers on Facebook and only about 24,000 followers on Twitter. This confirms that the presence of prophets on Facebook is more than the ones on Twitter. It might be a different case in the global north, especially America, where Christian pastors are more popular on Facebook than pop stars. Pastors like

70  The catalysts of the fourth wave Joyce Meyer, Joel Osteen and Max Lucado sometimes receive even more replies for their tweets on Twitter than pop stars like Justin Bieber – in spite of the fact that the pop star actually has more followers than most of the Christian pastors. For example, Meyer had just 993,000 followers, as compared to Bieber’s 22.6 million followers; however, Meyer receives more replies for her tweets than Bieber. The Meyer-­Bieber example pushed the management of Twitter to encourage Christian pastors to join Twitter.14 Thus, Twitter, although not popular in the fourth wave and among the followers of prophets in South Africa, presents another form of interaction in social media that is different from Facebook. Tweets, when retweeted by followers and other users, give the user of the original tweet some level of authority in terms of being able to communicate or relate to others. Most of the tweets also do not only have some form of gossip, but engage in recent debates and inspire interest among followers.15 4.2.4 YouTube The sermons of the prophets in the fourth wave are marketed on the YouTube channel. YouTube, like other social media platforms, has a user base that is currently estimated at between 800 million to 1 billion. The rise in these numbers is given by the fact that YouTube is easy to access and the user has an option to create their own lists. In addition, the user has the advantage of actually getting the most recent videos on YouTube. Furthermore, the users can create their own account on the YouTube channel that allows users to create, upload and manage video content. It does not require a genius; anyone with a Google account can create a YouTube channel that is used by the individual at his or her disposal. However, the channel allows the individual to use the channel for personal benefit or for the corporate channel. The channel allows owners to interact with the subscribers based on a specific video that they have watched online. Either the owners have the authority to upload content that they have copyright to publish, or they are the sole owners of the content. However, the only a challenge is that most YouTube content is not properly licensed. Although the YouTube channel is watched online and requires data, one of the unique features of YouTube is that the videos that are viewed online can be saved and later be watched offline under a specific account. This feature allows users to download as many videos as they can and later watch them offline. YouTube affords the users an ability to make comments under every video they watch, as long as the user watches when they have logged into an account. The YouTube channel is an audio-­visual platform because it actually affords subscribers an opportunity to use it in variety of ways. Thus, the user can watch and listen to the videos played or simply listen to the videos. Although the subscriber as the viewer and the listener increases the level of engagement, this does not remove the benefit of only listening to the song while actually being busy with something else. It must be noted

The catalysts of the fourth wave 71 that although some viewers need to be known when they view and post comments, the YouTube channel allows the viewers to be anonymous. This increases the level of viewership because the majority of people prefer not to be known; they can also use pseudonyms. Another feature of YouTube, which also exists in Facebook and Twitter, is the like and dislike options. These options are used to express the feeling that one has about a particular video. However, this can be biased or subjective because people can like the video but because they dislike the person singing or preaching, or vice versa. In order to place comments on certain videos played on the YouTube channel, one must have logged in to a specific account, but it does not necessarily mean that the identity of the person giving comments will be made public. Thus, any level of engagement has some level of confidentiality at the choice of the viewer or the subscriber.16 The prophets explore this platform and make sure that they use it to the best of their ability. Therefore, not only famous celebrities, musicians and politicians use the channel, but prophets as well. Prophet Shepherd Bushiri has about 300,000 subscribers on YouTube and usually posts videos on the channel. Thousands of people view the videos posted by Shepherd Bushiri. Bushiri’s subscribers are less than that of Alph Lukau, who sits at about 700,000 subscribers. The least of the three is Apostle Mohlala at about 500 subscribers. 4.2.5  Challenges of social media The problem with social media, especially Facebook, which is used by many churches in the fourth wave, is that many people create pseudo-­ accounts with pseudonyms. This alone can question the credibility of the support that a specific prophet receives on social media. Instead of calling themselves by their real names, most users prefer using pseudonyms. This gives the followers an opportunity to post anything on these platforms because no one will be able to know the real name of the poster. Therefore, social media, especially if mismanaged, can actually destroy the image it is trying to build or promote. Prophets, on the other hand, can end up losing control of those who are supposed to be their supporters, especially when they start to post whatever they deem necessary in their pages. A mismanaged social media platform can put the church under a lot of pressure. The other disadvantage is that those who actually know the negative past image of the leader or in this case the prophet might actually bring it up on social media platform. These few examples demonstrate that social media has the potential to make or break an organisation, in this case a church and its leader.17 The other implication is that one person can create multiple accounts on Facebook, because all one needs to create an account is an e-­mail, and one person can create multiple e-­mail accounts. Therefore, the 1,000 likes that one prophet receives could actually be coming from one person who is

72  The catalysts of the fourth wave actually opening multiple accounts all the time. The people making positive comments on the post of the specific prophet could actually be one person making various comments. This might as well mean that there might be a media team that specifically works on the social media platforms of the prophet, while making sure that they post and support every post related to the life and ministry of the prophet. The question then is: at what stage are the followers going to become critical or even just advise their leader on making the right decision? Thus, it cannot always be about the likes and good comments. This alone puts such support into question in the eyes of the critics. The point here is that the authenticity if the posts, likes and other comments cannot be scientifically proven unless users use their real names. Thus, as easy as people find it to open accounts, it makes it difficult to authenticate such accounts. 4.2.6  Solutions to the challenges of social media One of the challenges identified with social media is the use of pseudonyms. This challenge can be resolved by the prophets themselves because of the kind of authority they command over their followers. They can do so by encouraging their members to use their genuine names on Facebook and other platforms so that the likes, posts and comments are genuine. They can shun any false support they have on these platforms, like people who disguise themselves as real supporters but are actually false. This will not only authenticate the support that the prophets receive, but also authenticate the prophets themselves. Moreover, churches and leaders have a social responsibility to train their followers on how to use social media positively and be able to manage negative comments on such platforms. More than training and education of members are needed. Social media in our time requires proper research, case studies and knowledge exchange between different countries so that church leaders are able to make proper decisions and have proper policies on social media. The policies are not only beneficial in terms of managing the followers, but will be able to guide the leaders themselves, and there should be an office that specifically deals with queries that emanate from social media platforms. There is a need for the church on their platform to speak one voice. The unified message will assist the fourth wave to be able to market their churches properly and have greater growth. A social media platform is not about the control of the followers by the prophets; it should be an integrated platform where a healthy interaction exists between a leader and their followers.18 The second challenge identified here is the multiplicity of accounts, because users only need an e-­mail to create such accounts; so, the more e-­mail accounts they have, the more social media accounts they create. This second challenge does not only need the intervention of prophets, but the owners and shareholders also need to intervene in a big way. They need to create a verification process that can pick up any multiple user on their

The catalysts of the fourth wave 73 platform to ensure that one person does not have more than one account. This will make platforms like Facebook authentic, reliable and valid. Consequently, the posts, likes and comments of followers of the fourth wave will be authentic, reliable and valid.

4.3  Advertising and marketing 4.3.1  Print media The fourth wave is very good with advertising and marketing their vision and products for their churches. The modern-­day companies survive on a form of advertising. Most companies allocate most of their annual budget to advertising. In a way, advertising is a way in which companies make themselves known to the public in order that their products may sell. In a similar way, individual ministries in the fourth wave design their message and send it to advertising companies to publish. The advertising market makes the fourth wave prosper, especially in Africa, because appropriate bodies do not regulate markets or industries such as these. For example, a certain ministry can make certain claims like healing people without authentication.19 However, this is not new within Pentecostalism, since the days of the Azusa Street Revival; pentecostals are known for good advertising and marketing. In fact, instead of underrepresenting something, they would rather exaggerate it. Hence, the news of the Azusa Street Revival was spread through various forms of media like newspapers, radio and television. The Azusa Street Revival became a global phenomenon because it was well advertised and marketed throughout the world. It is for this reason that what happened there remains in the hearts of many around the world. Similar to the Azusa Street Revival, the products, services and conferences in the fourth wave are advertised on modern-­day forms of advertising like flyers, posters, banners and billboards. In big events like annual conferences, various posters on every corner of the city will flood the city. The followers are encouraged to buy stickers, which they normally paste on their cars. In addition, as a member of the fourth wave church, there is a certain expectation that people will consume materials like books, videos, audiotapes, music and magazines. Many in the fourth wave churches will pay attention to the release of such materials, especially those bearing the name of their favourite prophet. On the other hand, those walking by the roadside are already exposed to the fourth wave advertisements even before they can be interested in such.20 The cities in South Africa are well decorated with various posters on the walls. The cars of the followers are decorated with stickers bearing the names of the prophets of their choice. Churches in the fourth wave go further than posters and stickers; some churches, especially big ones, advertise on billboards on highways and freeways. Thus, there is a similarity between the churches in the fourth wave and big companies and banks in South Africa, at least

74  The catalysts of the fourth wave in advertising.21 Others update their statuses on social media platforms discussed above like Facebook, Twitter and so on to a certain extent; some still do word of mouth on the streets or during house visits, but even there, word of mouth would be accompanied by a flyer or anything to give to the potential follower. 4.3.2 Radio Radio in the fourth wave is used for advertising and marketing, but not in a traditional way. In the words of Meyer: “Other pastors run prayer programs early in the morning or late at night. If one just zaps through what is up on radio and TV, it is impossible to miss the pentecostal oriented programs, from talk-­shows to playing music”.22 The fourth wave prophet will book an hour slot whereby the first 30 minutes will be allocated towards the presentation of a sermon. The second 30 minutes will be allocated to calls whereby listeners call in either to applaud the message that was preached or to ask for prayers. Right there the prophet will take such an opportunity to minister to the needs of the people on the radio. Some prophets are so strong that people will be healed on radio, and others even confess about the demons that make them suffer many challenges in life. On a few occasions, the products and services in the fourth wave are advertised on radio during the commercial adverts. When this is done, the advert itself will have a voice record of the prophet who would have pre-­recorded a short message to deliver to the listeners. The other strength of the fourth wave in this context is that repeatedly, prophets will be used on radios as motivational speakers. Thus, they will be asked to deliver a sermonette on radio and afford people an opportunity to respond to such a motivation. One of the radio stations that are explored by fourth wave prophets is Radio Pulpit, which has been in existence for more than 30 years. Radio Pulpit is a station that allows for theological discourse while being relevant to the community through current affairs. Through Radio Pulpit, pastors are afforded an ability to deliver Christian messages inspired by the characteristics of Christianity. Hence, in the fourth wave, people’s lives are changed through radio, especially by positive and motivational messages. In the whole of South Africa, the listeners are compelled to listen to messages that uplift their spirit. These kinds of messages in the fourth wave have the ability to restore family values, empower leaders in various organisations and the whole nation at large. In the midst of busyness, the fourth wave listeners find time to listen to the prophetic words delivered by their leaders. The good thing about radio as opposed to TV is that listeners can listen while driving in their cars. Thus, Radio Pulpit is an alternative to secular media. It stands as a moral and ethical station. The fourth wave prophets are taking advantage of this platform to spread their message around the country. Radio Pulpit is not alone; there is also Rainbow FM that serves as a platform for Christian messages.

The catalysts of the fourth wave 75 4.3.3  Call centres Another phenomenon in terms of advertising and marketing the churches in the fourth wave is call centres. Call centres in South Africa are used by advertising agencies, especially those selling insurances. Cell phone companies also use call centres or those contracted to cell phone companies like MTN, Vodacom and Cell C. Therefore, consultants will repeatedly call potential customers to sell a specific product. Terms and conditions can be agreed upon on the phone. The call centres are working with various industries in South Africa to market their products and services in an easier way. They previously had to send out magazines to potential clients, but these days can easily make a call. The fourth wave is exploring this sector in order to market their churches. Followers are encouraged to call in to submit their prayer requests, after which the consultant will pray with the caller. Call centres have also simplified the counselling session of the prophets because counselling can be done over the phone. Such services are not only limited to members of a specific church, but anyone can call in and receive service. Other than call centres, the followers have an opportunity to send a short message to a service centre number which is charged at a higher rate than a normal text message.

4.4  Loud music and lively worship 4.4.1  The role of music Gospel music plays a role in the African cultural life.23 The utilisation of music during a church service in Christianity around the world has a complex history. This history presents two contrasting views; on the one hand, there are churches that perceive music as an important component of worship; however, there are also churches that perceive music as an obstacle to the liturgy or worship. Although various type of churches can use music in their worship, the response to the music differs from one church to the other. For example, in South Africa, there are mainline churches that have adopted the use of music in their liturgy, but such use is somehow remote. This is contrary to the use of music among pentecostals, which is very vibrant. Thus, the music performed at the pentecostal churches is full of energy such that the congregants respond to it with positivity. It does not play for the sake of pushing time, but it touches the emotions of the listeners.24 Tshabalala and Patel remark: “The Charismatic and Pentecostal movements focus their worship on music and therefore a significant part of their service revolves around the music and singing”.25 Butler adds that in that kind of an ecstatic state of worship, “congregants trust in God despite the daily hardships and sickness”.26 In the fourth wave, music is pivotal. The ability to use music to attract young followers somehow separates the fourth wave from the other waves.

76  The catalysts of the fourth wave This is because in Africa, people love music even before they come to church. Thus, music is part of their lives, and to find music in church resonates well with many followers. This aspect has separated Pentecostalism from other mainline churches that are quite reserved in their liturgy. In some mainline churches, music is prohibited, as it is as something that belongs to the devil. However, in the fourth wave, music is a daily bread. In ECG, for example, famous musicians are hired for special services to sing one or two songs before the preaching of the word. Other than the hired musicians, the team leading music is full-­time and fully paid by the church. Hence, they devote themselves to such work and make sure that they excel in what they are doing in church. Music involves expensive music instruments in the form of guitars, keyboards, speakers and so on. Music is the main thing that keeps the members entertained for a long time before the prophet takes the podium. 4.4.2  Lively worship Music is pivotal in the fourth wave worship. In addition to music, the worship itself is very lively in the fourth wave. In the words of Miller and Strongman: “Instrumental music typically featuring drums, keyboards, guitar, piano, and sometimes various brass and woodwinds combined with solo, group and choral singing, are all standard components used to supplement the fervent, enthusiastic congregational singing”.27 In the fourth wave, Butler adds that “lively tempos, energetic use of the body, highly emotional singing, and constant, driving rhythmic accompaniment, all of which are geared toward evoking the felt presence of the Holy Spirit”.28 Thus, worship in the fourth wave is a combination of talented musicians and spiritual service. The believers do not just sing songs to fulfil liturgical obligations, but sing for other purposes like reviving the lives of the congregants. In the fourth wave, music is not just part of the programme, but it is integrated within the worship service. Key to a pentecostal worship is that the service normally flows without the use of a programme director. However, they will still have someone to read the church bulletins and announce the speaker of the day, which in many cases is the pastor of the church. The worship team takes over the service until the preacher of the day takes the podium to deliver the message. In some instances, the sick are healed because of the kind of worship done in the fourth wave. The sick and the disillusioned get jovial and lively such that they get better under such a worship. This kind of worship engages the audience, and prayers are made in the intervals. This makes worship in the fourth wave lively. 4.4.3  Variety of songs Another ability of the fourth wave is that they are able to combine local songs with international songs. Some songs sung by the fourth wave

The catalysts of the fourth wave 77 churches have secular qualities; the difference is the lyrics.29 In addition, when attending their churches, one can hear songs normally sung by Australian groups like Hillsong. However, on the other hand, one also hears songs like the ones sung by local groups like Joyous Celebration, Spirit of Praise and other artists. Either option works, because the songs are contemporary, and the followers can easily flow in such songs without compulsion. Moreover, most believers are familiar with the local songs. The other reason they flow is that most of these songs incorporate recent music genres that congregants already know in their own spaces. Whereas the other waves of Pentecostalism sing old songs, the fourth wave has an ability to find synergy between old songs and the contemporary songs. They also have an ability to sing, in some instances, new songs that are invented by worship leaders that were never sung before in churches. Therefore, musicians in the fourth wave will repeatedly compose songs that will later become well-­known songs. It is also true to say most famous musicians in South Africa were singers or worship leaders in their churches. Therefore, when they came to the limelight, they were already known in their churches. 4.4.4  Praise and worship songs Liturgy in the fourth wave comprises praise and worship songs. The basis of playing different songs in the form of praise and worship songs, according to Miller and Strongman, “is to try to create a suitable blend in the flow from fast to slow pieces to maintain interest and variety”.30 The praise songs usually refer to choruses that are fast and can include well-­known choruses. During the praise songs session, the followers are seen dancing, clapping, shouting and moving around the church premises. It is during this time that they express their emotions in various ways, including dancing in groups. The praise session among pentecostals is normally a time of thanksgiving, acknowledging what God has done upon the people. Whereas praise songs thank God for what He has done, worship songs thank God because of who He is among pentecostals. The worship songs refer to songs that are slow and are normally songs of adoration. These can include hymns sung in the vernacular and other languages. In the words of Butler, hymns “express a particularly somber or plaintive mood and provide congregants a means of communicating to God feelings of despair and dependence”.31 4.4.5  Spirit worship One of the other factors that causes worship to be lively in the fourth wave is that it is done according to the Holy Spirit. The centre of worship in the fourth wave, according to Miller and Strongman, is the “belief that all spiritual activities, such as worship and singing, are led by the Holy Spirit”.32 Miller and Strongman continues to say that “spirit worship has a distinct ethos, a spirit and an emotional structure. Emotional worship consists of

78  The catalysts of the fourth wave a normative system of emotions and behaviours that operate during the course of a religious service ritual”.33 Pentecostals, in the words of Tshabalala and Patel, believe that “worship is a way of connecting spiritually with God; they also feel that the social context provides a means for the Holy Spirit to work through its worshippers”.34 During the spirit worship session, the gestures of the congregants change from just shouting and clapping their hands into lifting their hands in awe, adoration and reverence of their God. In spirit worship, some of the congregants bow down on their knees as a symbol of surrendering their lives unto God. The spirit worship time is an opportunity for others to sob in prayer while others will be crying in the presence of God. Although, there might be some form of liturgy, it does not take over the service but is driven by the Holy Spirit. This is because pentecostals generally are people of the Spirit. As has been discussed in Chapter 1, the distinction in Pentecostalism is the belief in the baptism of the Holy Spirit with the evidence of speaking in other tongues. The baptism of the Holy Spirit is a feature that enables believers to sing and worship in the Spirit. The phenomenon is called spirit worship. It is taken from John 4:23, where John says the hour has come where the true worshippers shall worship God in truth and in Spirit for the father seeks such to worship Him. Another scripture is Romans 8:26 that speaks about the Spirit making intercession in the believer. From the two scriptures, the fourth wave followers believe that it is the Holy Spirit that enables them to worship God. Consequently, worship in the fourth wave follows the pattern of a liberated liturgy where instead of being run by the programme, the Holy Spirit takes over the service.

4.5  Flamboyant and self-­styled personalities 4.5.1 Young The prophets in the fourth wave are young men. Shepherd Bushiri was born on 20 February 1983, whereas Apostle Mohlala was born on 27 July 1979. The age of Alph Lukau is unknown, but he looks very young and therefore can be the same age as the other prophets. The average age of these big three can therefore be capped at 40. Hence, average members in their churches are young people who are in the same age group. Although there are some old people who attend their churches, they also love youthful things. They assimilate to the youthfulness of their leaders, on one hand, and the youthfulness of the adherents, on the other. The appeal for young people does not only come with them being young but being able to reach young people. As highlighted above, these churches use music, technology and other means to reach the majority of young people. Another strength is that in their ministration is that they do not condemn young people but welcome them for who they are by allowing them to

The catalysts of the fourth wave 79 make mistakes and move on. Messages that are free of condemnation are not common in most of the other three waves of Pentecostalism, where messages preached on a weekly basis condemn and target the wrongdoing of young people. 4.5.2 Flamboyance The prophets in the fourth wave are flamboyant and self-­styled personalities. The fourth wave prophets, according to Mwikamba and Ifedha, “are highly decorated and flamboyant and indeed, boisterous in their style and demeanour, fond of expensive, imported clothes and gadgets, coiffure and meticulous in their approach. They adore self-­styled titles, real and imagined before their names”.35 Asemoah-­Gyadyu adds that “the flamboyant images of the pastors who host the various programmes and the personal success stories are used to embellish their messages”.36 They tend to attract attention because of their exuberance, confidence and stylishness. The distinct factor about this is that they dress in modern-­day fashion. Most of them wear designer suits that cannot be found in any local shop. Personalities like Shepherd Bushiri, Joshua Mohlala and Alph Lukau are young men who dress in fashionable clothes and suits. Their appearance is that of a modern-­day businessperson, lawyer and so on, and their attire makes them appeal to the young people, the middle class and the rich. To these men of God, image is very important. Therefore, they build their images by dressing in good apparel. It is not just the prophets alone, but their wives as well who make sure that they are attractive in their attire. It must also be reiterated that these men of God and their wives are not cheap, but dress in expensive clothes. The inclusion of the wives of the fourth wave prophets is a unique feature given the patriarchy that exist in mainline churches. In addition, the practice of the inclusion of women in Christianity, especially in Africa, was not common until in recent years, when every prophet is now seen with his wife. Thus, in the fourth wave whenever a prophet is portrayed, the wife will be alongside him. The positive thing is that these wives of the prophets appeal to a younger generation, especially the middle class and businesspersons. They are already used to the concept of “first lady” in business and politics. Therefore, in the fourth wave, the prophet does not work hard to attract women; the wife does this.37 The spouse of the prophet, together with other powerful personalities in the church who normally serve as protocol to the pastor, become the models that attract top class in the fourth wave. In the words of Asamoah Gyadu: “The more a pastor can attract such nice and powerful people into his church, the more his anointing is likely to be perceived as powerful.”38 The goal is that when people perceive them well, they will believe in them and ultimately give more into their lives. They make sure that the clothes they are wearing deliver the same verbal message of success and prosperity.

80  The catalysts of the fourth wave 4.5.3 Eloquence The flamboyance of prophets is not only in the attire, but also seen in their command of the language, especially English. They are profound, prolific and eloquent. The prophets are first-­language speakers; they speak plainly when they speak before the church. Even in the delivery of prophecies, they do not second-­guess what they are going to say, but deliver as if they have memorised their presentation. Unlike the pastors in the other three waves, who speak more of a theological language, the prophets in the fourth wave speak in a modern-­day language, more like motivational speakers. In addition, their theology is about success and living a healthy lifestyle, which includes financial health. Mwikamba and Ifedha add that the fourth wave prophets “arouse the follower’s faith, through their messages”.39 The fourth wave is very different from the other three waves, because they do not concentrate on the ethical and dogmatic issues in church, but speak to the real issues that society is facing in recent times. In the words of Ayegboyin: “They teach and demonstrate that Christians should excel both spiritually and materially. As a consequence of this, they dispute the views of mainline Christians and Holiness movements, who hold that it is worldly or carnal to have wealth”.40 4.5.4 Modernity The prophets in the fourth wave understand the language of the day. Unlike the other pastors who will throw in a local language here and there, the prophets use English from the start until the end. The sermons of the prophets are topical and presented more in point form. This kind of presentation makes their sermon understandable and easy for one to follow. In addition, some of the prophets use PowerPoint presentations, especially when addressing leaders and businesspeople. Moreover, the prophets are prolific authors who continually self-­publish books and other publications. In addition, the fourth wave does not have a problem with the icons of modernity; according to Asamoah Gyadu, they embrace “fashionable clothing, luxury cars, organising special programmes in five-­star hotels, traveling first or business class, appearing in expensive jewellery, and so on – that other Christians may consider to be worldly”.41 It must be reiterated that the prophets embrace icons of modernity in order to attract young students, the working middle class, rich people and the wealthy. Hence, they also allow women to dress in their favourite fashionable clothes, wear jewellery and other expensive products like handbags. They interpret the gospel as the grace of God that gives them access to material possessions.42 In the world of the fourth industrial revolution, the fourth wave prophets excel more than their predecessors do. Not only do they not appear old in terms of their apparel, but they are also able to use modern-­day technology

The catalysts of the fourth wave 81 in their presentations. They have answered the call of the king of Judah, Jehoiakim in the book of Daniel 1:4 who sought young men in whom was no blemish, but well favoured, and skilful in all wisdom. In addition, the young men should be cunning in knowledge and understanding science, and have the ability in them to stand before great people. The prophets in the fourth wave fit into this category very well. They are very skilful not just in preaching, but other skills as well. Most of them are successful businesspersons. They own shares in various businesses. The prophets in the fourth wave are able to speak the language of the day that appeals to modern-­ day youth. This, according to the book of Daniel, was the language of the Chaldeans. 4.5.5 Wealth The prophets in the fourth wave are very wealthy by the standard of pastors. According to Asamoah Gyadu, the reason for the accumulation of wealth among the prophets is that the followers must see that “it is possible to be wealthy, powerful and ‘spiritual’ at the same time”.43 Consequently, Ayegboyin adds that “a good number of the ministers exhibit flamboyance and high social taste. Quite a number possess state-­of-­the-­art cars and drive in a convoy; a few even boast that they own private jets”.44 By virtue of being wealthy and adopting a wealthy lifestyle, pastors in the fourth wave become part of the elite in South Africa. For example, many pastors in the fourth wave have received a presidential visit at their churches. It is also not surprising that when they host events like gala dinners, members of cabinets and other people in high echelons of power join such meetings. At these meetings, the businesspeople and the cabinet ministers will give their donations as a sign that they support the fourth wave prophets. The motivation for their donations becomes philanthropy. Thus, the fourth wave in South Africa becomes competition for other non-­governmental organisations as they seek similar donations.45 Although these prophets do not top the list of the richest South Africans and cannot compete with billionaires, they top the list of richest pastors in South Africa. The reason for this assertion is that these prophets own more assets than an average pastor. In addition to their expensive suits and apparel that make them elegant, they live in mansions and drive big cars. Mwikamba and Ifedha say: “They live in palatial homes, drive high class and top of the art vehicles, are very successful and arouse hopefulness to their adherents”.46 They have also invested cash and have obtained millionaire status in their own rights. These prophets are role models for many young people because of their wealth. While previously young people would desire to become doctors and engineers, in South Africa today, many young people would like to become prophets. Prophet Shepherd Bushiri, for example, has quite the impressive car collection. He owns an R10 million

82  The catalysts of the fourth wave Rolls Royce Black Badge, R6 million Bentley Bentayga Limited Edition and an Aston Martin One, which costs over R12 million. In addition to this impressive collection of cars, he owns a private jet that is able to transport him from one preaching point to the other. Bushiri is not alone; the likes of Mohlala and Lukau are equally rich.

Notes 1 In the early 1990s, television had only been introduced to the few households that could afford it at that time, and there were only three main stations in the whole of South Africa. The article by Michael Leslie, “Television and Capitalist Hegemony in the ‘New’ South Africa”, published by Howard Journal of Communications 6, no. 3 (1995), 164–172 is an important publication highlighting these main channels during this period. 2 The overview of national television in historical terms is given by the doctoral dissertation by Carin Bevan, “Putting Up Screens: A History of Television in South Africa, 1929–1976”. Studied at the University of Pretoria in 2008. 3 Ibid., 44. 4 The overview of the South African media is given by Libb Lloyd in his book, South Africa's Media 20 Years After Apartheid, published in Washington, DC by the Center for International Media Assistance in 2013. 5 Bevan, “Putting Up Screens”, 2008. 6 Although television after democracy is owned by the government, the article by Michael Leslie, “Television and Capitalist Hegemony in the ‘New’ South Africa”, Howard Journal of Communications 6, no. 3 (1995), 164–172, argues that the main stakes in this industry is still owned by the capitalists. 7 Lee-­Shae Scharnick-­Udemans draws a connection between “Religion and Public Broadcasting in South Africa” in his dissertation submitted at the University of Cape Town, 2016. 8 See Marleen De Witte, “Business of the Spirit: Ghanaian Broadcast Media and the Commercial Exploitation of Pentecostalism”, Journal of African Media Studies 3, no. 2 (2011), 189–204. 9 For the background on televangelism see P. White and A.A. Assimeng, “Televangelism: A Study of the ‘Pentecost Hour’ of the Church of Pentecost”, HTS Teologiese Studies/­Theological Studies 72, no. 3 (2016), a3337. http:/­/­dx.doi. org/­10.4102/­hts.v72i3.3337 10 See Pierre R. Berthon, Leyland F. Pitt, Kirk Plangger, and Daniel Shapiro, “Marketing Meets Web 2.0, Social Media, and Creative Consumers: Implications for International Marketing Strategy”, Business Horizons 55, no. 3 (2012), 261–271. 11 The prophetic ministries in southern Africa are well conversant with the use of social media, and this has left many mainline churches surprised. This phenomenon is well described in the article by Gabriel Faimau and Camden Behrens, “Facebooking Religion and the Technologization of the Religious Discourse: A Case Study of a Botswana-­Based Prophetic Church”, Online-­Heidelberg Journal of Religions on the Internet 11 (2016). 12 See Teresa Rivas, “Ranking the Big Four Tech Stocks: Google Is No. 1, Apple Comes in Last”, retrieved on 27 December 2018 at www.barrons.com 13 See Meira Gebel, “In 15 Years Facebook Has Amassed 2.3 Billion Users – More than Followers of Christianity”, Business Insider, viewed online on 4 February 2019 at www.businessinsider.com.

The catalysts of the fourth wave 83 14 See Zachary Horner, “How Christian Leaders Interact with Twitter”, Elon Journal of Undergraduate Research in Communications 5, no. 2 (2014). 15 See J.A. Van den Berg, “Tweeting Dignity: A Practical Theological Reflection on Twitter’s Normative Function”, HTS Teologiese Studies/­Theological Studies 73, no. 4 (2017), a4626. https:/­/­doi.org/­10.4102/­hts.v73i4.4626 16 See Daniel Thornton and Mark Evans, “YouTube: A New Mediator of Christian Community”, Congregational Music-­Making and Community in a Mediated Age (2015), 141–160. 17 See Sarah Tsitsi Chikandiwa, Eleftherios Contogiannis, and Edgar Jembere, “The Adoption of Social Media Marketing in South African Banks”, European Business Review 25, no. 4 (2013), 365–381. 18 Ibid., 365. 19 Ukah, “Roadside Pentecostalism”, 125–141. 20 Ibid., 125. 21 See Birgit Meyer, “Impossible Representations: Pentecostalism. Vision and Video Technology in Ghana”, Undated Paper (2006). 22 Ibid., 78. 23 The connection between music and African culture is well articulated in the book by Ezra Chitando, Singing Culture: A Study of Gospel Music in Zimbabwe, No. 121 (Nordic Africa Institute, 2002). 24 The Pentecostals do not just sing in a pentecostal service, but their songs change the way they feel and experience the presence of God. See M.M. Miller and K.T. Strongman, “The Emotional Effects of Music on Religious Experience: A Study of the Pentecostal-­Charismatic Style of Music and Worship”, Psychology of Music 30, no. 1 (2002), 8–27. 25 The emotional changes as a result of singing are mainly caused by the praise and worship songs. B.G. Tshabalala and C.J. Patel, in their article “The Role of Praise and Worship Activities in Spiritual Well-­Being: Perceptions of a Pentecostal Youth Ministry Group”, published in International Journal of Children’s Spirituality 15, no. 1 (2010), 73–82, mentions different roles played by different kind of songs during worship. 26 Praise and worship in Pentecostalism is led and directed by the Holy Spirit, hence it is called spirit worship. See Melvin L. Butler, “ ‘Nou Kwe nan Sentespri’ (We Believe in the Holy Spirit): Music, Ecstasy, and Identity in Haitian Pentecostal Worship”, Black Music Research Journal 22, no. 1 (Spring, 2002), 85–125. 27 Miller and Strongman, “The Emotional Effects of Music”, 8–27. 28 Butler, “Nou Kwe nan Sentespri”, 85–125. 29 Miller and Strongman, “The Emotional Effects of Music”, 8–27. 30 Ibid., 8. 31 Butler, “Nou Kwe nan Sentespri”, 85–125. 32 Miller and Strongman, “The Emotional Effects of Music”, 8–27. 33 Ibid., 9. 34 Tshabalala and Patel, “The Role of Praise and Worship Activities in Spiritual Well-­Being”, 73–82. 35 See C. Mwikamba and S.A. Ifedha, “Blessed Are the Rich and Prosperous for Theirs Is the Kingdom of the World: The Kenyan Challenge”, Research on Humanities and Social Sciences 5, no. 14 (2015), 138–141. 36 Asamoah-­Gyadu, “Anointing Through the Screen”, 28. 37 Ukah, “Roadside Pentecostalism”, 125–141. 38 Asamoah-­Gyadu, “Anointing Through the Screen”, 9–28. 39 Mwikamba and Ifedha, “Blessed Are the Rich and Prosperous”, 138–141. 40 Ayegboyin, “A Rethinking of Prosperity Teaching”, 70–86. 41 Asamoah-­Gyadu, “Anointing Through the Screen”, 9–28.

84  The catalysts of the fourth wave 2 Ayegboyin, “A Rethinking of Prosperity Teaching”, 70. 4 43 Asamoah-­Gyadu, “Anointing Through the Screen”, 9–28. 44 Ayegboyin, “A Rethinking of Prosperity Teaching”, 70–86. 45 See J.W. Shipley, “Comedian, Pastors, and the Miraculous Agency of Charisma in Ghana”, American Anthropology Association 24, no. 3 (2009), 523–552. 46 Mwikamba and Ifedha, “Blessed Are the Rich and Prosperous”, 138–141.

5 The strengths of the fourth wave

5.1  Dealing with the day-­to-­day challenges 5.1.1 Poverty The racial segregation policy that forms part of the history of South Africa has done great damage to its economy. During apartheid, people experienced such poverty that they were unable to afford basics such as housing, land, clean water and so forth. The subjugation of black people in South Africa has caused abject poverty in these communities that many are still unable to overcome today. Poverty forces people to live in conditions that are not optimal for human beings. These circumstances have also forced the majority of black people to live in houses that are meant to accommodate small families. Even the spatial planning did not afford black people the luxury of space. Sports facilities and other extramural activities became a luxury to the black child during apartheid.1 In 1994, South Africans voted in droves for the African National Congress (ANC), hoping for a better, more prosperous life; however, the majority of them still live in poverty, even 25 years after democracy. It is only a few politicians and politically connected individuals who have prospered, at the expense of the majority of black people. The majority of South Africans find themselves living below the bread line and they cannot afford even basic services like electricity, water and so forth. To bring matters into perspective, in 2011, it was estimated that about 10.2 million South Africans survived on R300 a month. This group represented more than 20% of the population of South Africa. Hence, the government of South Africa has prioritised the issue of poverty such that the majority of their expenditures are allocated towards poverty eradication. This is done by offering people grants and other incentives.2 However, this cannot be viewed as a permanent solution to the challenge of poverty. On the contrary, it puts pressure on the national budget, as many people have come to rely on such grants. The solution is to build a working class that will contribute to the mainstream economy of South Africa through taxes and economic participation. Even the working class faces similar challenges,

86  The strengths of the fourth wave as the cost of living have gone up since the birth of democracy in South Africa. Other challenges relate to high taxes on income and the high fuel prices. The so-­called middle class are caught up in servicing debt and barely manages to survive from one month to another. The fourth wave has taken advantage of this weakness in post-­democratic South Africa by offering people an alternative. They seem to be offering solutions to poverty-­stricken South Africans through their teachings, which considers poverty the enemy of a believer. 5.1.2 Homelessness Racial segregation in South Africa has also contributed to homelessness, because during apartheid, there were no plans to provide proper housing to certain sectors of society. According to Lorraine and Molapo, “The Housing Act of 1966 declared that the local authorities should not be seen as housing institutions. The Act stated that it should remain the responsibility of every citizen to provide his/­her own house”.3 Black people did not receive any housing subsidy from the then-­National Party government. Consequently, people had to provide housing for themselves, which resulted in makeshift and mediocre housing being built. Today, there are numerous homeless people in the major cities of South Africa, like Pretoria, Johannesburg, Cape Town and Durban. Homelessness is caused by urbanisation or what is called internal migration, whereby people move from their rural homesteads to the urban areas in search of jobs and other economic opportunities. Other than internal migration, there are people who come from neighbouring countries like Zimbabwe to look for better opportunities, as they are faced with difficulties in their own countries. This has put pressure on South African cities such that they cannot provide adequate services to the citizenry. Others, according Mubangizi and Mubangizi, “had been rendered homeless as a result of eviction from their informal dwellings situated on private land earmarked for low-­cost housing”.4 The fourth wave churches, like the Enlightened Christian Gathering (ECG) in Pretoria, provide a way for homeless people to escape in the inner city, since they would camp around the church in the hope of receiving food or other necessities. By attending church services, homeless people are engaged in activities that keep them busy daily, which also prevents them from becoming engaged in criminal activities. Besides, homeless people feel safer sleeping in the areas in the proximity of the church premises, because the majority of people that frequent the premises are fellow Christians and it is more likely that there will be more police visibility in the area. In addition, homeless people also receive prayers during the services that give them hope that things will change for the better. During fellowship, homeless people feel part of the community and a sense of belonging. Some of the churches serve as a temporary home for the homeless, to the extent that they are provided with food, clothes and other necessities. Therefore, the fourth wave

The strengths of the fourth wave 87 churches demonstrate their strength through showing compassion and love for those who do not have a place they can call home. Belonging to a church in the fourth wave make homeless people feel at home in the church. 5.1.3 Landlessness The question of land is a threat to a South African democracy, as many think that the amendment to section 25 of the Constitution of South Africa may cause South Africa to become another Zimbabwe. The amendment to section 25 calls for the expropriation of land without compensation in order to return land to the rightful owners. The reason for this call is that the majority of the citizens remain landless, with many having no property of their own to build their own houses or to use as collateral to start up their own business. However, if such a plan is not well communicated and well thought out, it can end up being a disaster, whereby people will own land, but they are not able to work on it, as happened in Zimbabwe. On the contrary, people might end up without food as a result of alienating farmers who are currently providing food security, despite the economic challenges facing South Africa today. This is where the fourth wave churches come in, because they have demonstrated that one does not necessarily need to own land to prosper. The majority of fourth wave churches are renting buildings, while some hold fellowship in tents, but their income is in the millions of rand. The fourth wave churches therefore offer hope to the landless, by demonstrating that it can be done, even if one does not own hectares of land. 5.1.4 Unemployment One of the causes of poverty in South Africa is unemployment, which has reached a high since the dawn of democracy in 1994. According to Statistics South Africa, “Since 1994, the official rate of unemployment has increased from 17% to over 27% in the last quarter of 2016. In the first quarter of 2017, unemployment was reported at 27.7% and GDP contracted to at 0.7%, which is less than the desired 5% annual growth”.5 Most recently, 40% of South Africans are not working, with many having already given up on looking for jobs, because they no longer have any hope of finding any employment. In the words of Grey, “South Africa is moving towards higher taxes, lower growth and higher unemployment, leading to further increased public spending and taxes and even lower growth. Thus, the working population is moving toward an unsustainable dependency ratio with 7 million taxpayers supporting nearly 10 million social grant recipients”.6 Of the total number of the unemployed people in South Africa, the majority are young people, who are equally discouraged because they do not have the experience that companies are looking for when advertising job positions and employment opportunities. Some of the young people are not

88  The strengths of the fourth wave even skilled in any specific job, while others have qualifications that do not meet the skills demanded in industries. According to Fourie, “The country’s severe shortage of skills, due to the poor level of education for the majority of South Africans, is best demonstrated by the difference in unemployment rates for graduates and non-­graduates. In 2011, when the overall unemployment rate was 33.3%, the unemployment rate for university graduates was only 4.9%. For black graduates, the figure was slightly higher, at 7.7%, but still significantly below the overall rate”.7 The fourth wave churches are dealing with this challenge in a big way. In some churches there are workshops that teach the unemployed how to write a job application letter or draw up a curriculum vitae in order to be employable. Other churches train the unemployed in a certain skill and offer them on-­the-­job experience so that they can later apply for a job in the marketplace. Moreover, when attending the fourth wave church service, there is always a call to pray for those who are not working, as much as they pray for those who are sick. In the fourth wave churches, the unemployed are asked to bring all their documents like their curriculum vitae, identity documents, qualifications and other documents in order for the prophet to pray for them. Although job opportunities do not come instantly, the unemployed has hope that one he or she will be employed. 5.1.5 Crime The big cities in South Africa have to confront all forms of crime, including robbery, organised crime, syndicates, cash-­in-­transit heists, shootings, ­murder – even school children killing their teachers – and so forth. Crime has created a bad impression of South Africa to potential tourists who would like to visit the country. Tourists would rather opt to go somewhere else than to come to South Africa, given the high rates of crime and stories of crime that are reported on a weekly basis. Other than tourists, the citizens themselves do not feel safe; hence, they build high halls and increase their security measures. The fourth wave churches are playing a vital role in this matter, because they are able to take the youth from the streets and gather them in the church, away from evil activities and those with ill-­intent who target them. The other role that these churches play is by having different church activities throughout the night where congregants are highly engaged with religious activities rather than being soft targets for criminals. Thus, although crime is an enemy of government, the fourth wave churches are doing the work of government by dealing with its impact in the cities. 5.1.6  Poor health services Despite increased expenditure on health, “many poor people are still denied access to primary health care and urban hospitals are grossly overcrowded”.8 The issue of health services in South Africa is a sensitive one,

The strengths of the fourth wave 89 as many patients have taken the government to court several times for not taking care of them properly. The government of Gauteng, one of the provinces of South Africa, for example, has faced lawsuits totalling billions of rands as a result of malpractices in public hospitals that resulted in people losing their lives. In the same province, in what is called “Life Esidemeni”,9 143 patients died as a result of negligence, whereby the MEC of Health in Gauteng and the health minister were forced to account for the incident. This is just one example where the government is found wanting in the area of the provision of health services. There are other examples where patients have been left unattended that also resulted in the loss of lives. The fourth wave churches, as highlighted in the preceding chapters, believe in divine healing; they believe that everyone coming into their services can be healed, regardless of the ailment that they are suffering from. They are dealing with the daily challenge of health, because the pastors offer healing services for those who are sick such that for those who cannot afford private healthcare, can find refuge at the fourth wave churches. Many of the sick people receive prayers for healing to give them relief from their various sicknesses and diseases. This ultimately gives hope to the nation to know that someone is praying for them when they are sick. Once again, the fourth wave churches are striving, in the midst of the challenges that the government is facing and failing, to find solutions to such challenges. The fourth wave preachers and prophets have taken this as an opportunity. Health is an important aspect of human life and, as such, an important tool when reaching out to people. Even those who are not sick will generally be attracted to a ministry offering healing.

5.2  Hermeneutics of experience 5.2.1  Working definition Any discussion on pentecostal hermeneutics raises a question on the existence of an authentic pentecostal hermeneutics theory. Thus, it raises the question: “Is there a Pentecostal hermeneutics theory? what makes Pentecostal spirituality and hermeneutic different?10 Does it bear witness to fundamental teachings of Christianity?”11 In answering this question, we need to view Pentecostalism as the hermeneutic whereby the Holy Spirit is involved in the interpretation of the Scriptures. When the Holy Spirit is involved, according to pentecostals, there shall be a proper interpretation. The reason for this is that pentecostals are very much influenced by the work of the Holy Spirit in almost everything they do.12 Pentecostals have distinguished themselves from other forms of Christianity, as they rely on the work of the Holy Spirit.13 They have always defined the Holy Spirit has the omnipresent person of the trinity.14 The Holy Spirit is the universal presence and the activity of God.15 Thus, the Holy Spirit is involved during interpretation of

90  The strengths of the fourth wave the Scriptures and active in working in the lives of the pentecostal believers, to the extent that they are able to become ministers of the gospel to other nations.16 Nel says that there is a ‘connection between the Holy Spirit, the Bible and the everyday life of the Pentecostal’.17 This aspect of Pentecostalism makes it a radical movement’18 and appeals to many Christians across the globe.19 The hermeneutics of experience, according to Archer, makes the “Pentecostal community a distinct coherent narrative tradition within Pentecostal Christianity. Pentecostal communities are bound together by their charismatic experiences and common story”.20 Pentecostals believe that the Holy Spirit, who did great works in the life of Christ, like His resurrection and other powerful works by the Apostles reported on in the book of Acts, lives in them. The same Holy Spirit is able to give them revelations today.21 The works of the Holy Spirit are not abstract in Pentecostalism, but are particular.22 Rather than looking for ways of understanding the Holy Spirit, there is hunger for the concrete and lived experience of the Holy Spirit.23 Pentecostals believe that the Holy Spirit is able to draw their attention to relevant Scriptural passages that will help them deal with contextual challenges in their lives. Hence, many pentecostal preachers do not even see a need to undergo theological training, because the Holy Spirit is the revelatory agent between the Bible and its reader.24 Pluss asserts, “By attributing an important role to the Holy Spirit and holiness, Pentecostals acknowledge that any religious experience is but a process in their Christian living”.25 The hermeneutics of experience has been defined as pneumatological hermeneutics. The connection between biblical interpretation and the spiritual experiences is very common in African Pentecostal Christianity. This can be attributed to Africans having a propensity to be persuaded by something that they can touch or experience, as opposed to the theoretical. Whenever you speak of healing among Africans, you must be able to give them something that will indeed give them the assurance that healing will come to the sick person. This has been a practice in African traditional religions (ATRs) and subsequently in Pentecostalism. Thus, when you speak about the work and the power of the Holy Spirit among African Pentecostals, you are speaking about something that they are knowledgeable about and have already experienced in ATRs. Therefore, African Pentecostals, like any other pentecostals, believe in the work of the Holy Spirit. The Holy Spirit becomes an active agent in the daily life of an average pentecostal believer in Africa.26 We can actually take it further and say that Africans actually believe that the Holy Spirit is able to do great works like healing, deliverance and other miracles. Thus, the Holy Spirit, Chitando reiterates, “Occupies a key place among African Pentecostals. The Holy Spirit overrides all other spirits within the traditional cosmology. Benevolent spirits in traditional religion are recast as malevolent spirits. Preachers maintain that the Holy Spirit shatters covenants with demonic and oppressive spirits, thereby liberating converts”.27

The strengths of the fourth wave 91 5.2.2  Growth and the hermeneutics of experience Pentecostal Christianity has grown exponentially in Africa. Osinulu says, “It is apparent that Pentecostalism has found great success and is the leading edge of the continued growth of the faith as 43.7% of the world’s Pentecostals live in sub-­ Saharan Africa”.28 What is contributing to this growth? Stephenson opines, “The spread of the movement was immediately accompanied by theological interpretations of various pneumatologically centered religious experiences and the biblical texts that became primary in light of those experiences”.29 Mashau states that the growth is linked to the emphasis on “power evangelism”,30 which entails that the gospel is explained and demonstrated by way of supernatural signs and wonders. The gifts of prophecy and healing are firmly emphasised. The main reasons for the expansion of African Pentecostal Christianity are the experiential work done by the Holy Spirit through Spirit baptism.31 In addition, Pentecostalism fulfils the quest for an authentic Christianity that satisfies Africans’ socio-­religious aspirations. That earlier African Christians longed for this kind of ­Christianity – as opposed to the staid, “alien”, Western contextualised Christianity – is seen in the popularisation of Pentecostalism among the historic mission churches.32 The growth of African Pentecostal Christianity, according to Resane, is connected to “Pentecostal features such as casting out demons, healing the sick, with proclivity towards deliverance from any form of bondage such as poverty, unemployment, marital needs, promotion at work, childlessness, bewitchment and so forth”.33 These features are missing in most mainline churches and Pentecostals are bridging that gap. Given the current economic challenges in Africa, such as poverty, which is caused by unemployment and inequality, the Pentecostal churches are expected to grow even beyond their current growth levels. Based on their hermeneutics of experience, Pentecostal churches are perceived as relevant churches that not only attract the poor, but also the rich. The hermeneutics of experience has given rise to Pentecostalism, especially in Africa. The pentecostal church has its roots in Africa, which can be attributed to the lively and fervent liturgy, the ability to evangelise to the unbelievers, the participation of believers in church meetings, a clear vision and mission statements of pentecostal church leaders and visionaries.34 5.2.3  The hermeneutics of revelation The hermeneutics of experience in the fourth wave churches are built on the revelation that the preacher receives directly from God. While preachers in mainline churches do a lesson plan on what they would be preaching on Sundays, the pentecostal preacher is not worried about the lesson preparation, but relies solely on the work of the Holy Spirit, which brings a revelation of what the preacher should say to the congregation. It is a

92  The strengths of the fourth wave kind of hermeneutic that does not engage scripture for better understanding and for criticism, but for revelation. While many critics have spoken up against the hermeneutics of revelation, urging pentecostal preachers to prepare their sermons, the advantage of the hermeneutics of revelation is that their presentation is not full of theological jargon and big words. Consequently, a pentecostal preacher is able to speak to the issues that matter in people’s lives. The hermeneutics of revelation becomes an advantage in a South African context, where many people are not too concerned about the Greek and the Hebrew languages found in scriptures; instead, they want to hear something that will change their lives. Thus, the hermeneutics of revelation is one of the strengths of the fourth wave churches. 5.2.4  Contextual hermeneutics Not only is the hermeneutics of experience a revelatory one, but it is also a contextual one. The preachers in the fourth wave churches have the ability to study the context of where they are ministering and use that when they deliver their sermons. Even when delivering a prophecy, they would first study the people and their families, in order to deliver a prophecy that is more likely to excite the receiver of such a prophecy. The fourth wave preacher is a contextual preacher, who indigenises the biblical truth by presenting it in a way that is familiar to his or her audience. As discussed in the previous chapter, the way the message is conveyed to the audience also makes a huge difference. The fourth wave preacher presents the word in a language of the time that is welcomed by even the millennials, because they can relate to it. The fourth wave preacher combines the presentation of the word with technological tools such as PowerPoint presentations and other apps, in order for the audience to follow the sermon until the very end. When alter calls are made, people respond in great numbers because they were active during the delivery of the message. 5.2.5  Applied hermeneutic The messages preached by the fourth wave preachers are, for the most part, applicable to people’s lives. If one looks at this closely, the realisation is that Jesus did the same, he walked among the people such that he was able to know their needs and, therefore, when he ministered, he made sure that his message resonated with what people were going through in their lives. Jesus did not only minister words to the people, he healed the sick, opened the eyes of those who are blind, and provided food to those who were hungry. The preachers in the fourth wave churches are doing the same: they preach about what people are experiencing in their lives. Thus, the word they deliver is a relevant word and, even though it is not theologically as

The strengths of the fourth wave 93 well-­structured as that of the well-­trained theologian or pastor, it is able to bring great results to the lives of the people. The fourth wave churches are marked by the ability to speak to the real problems that people are facing on a daily basis. One believes that this is the main reason why many people in Africa flock to these churches, because the sermon speaks to the real challenges that people are facing in their daily lives. This ingredient of the fourth wave churches have caused many people to move from the mainline churches to the new pentecostal churches. 5.2.6  Non-­scientific hermeneutics Pentecostal hermeneutics do not necessarily dismiss a scientific inquisition of scriptures, but rather place the role and work of the Holy spirit above the zeal for scientific knowledge. Thus, scientific inquisition only becomes an introduction to a revelation that is already inspired by the Holy Spirit.35 This is possible because the Holy Spirit plays an important role in the fellowship of believers and in their prayer meetings. The Holy Spirit also plays a big role in helping the believer understand the Bible – leading to the deepening of spiritual life. At the end of the spiritual life of a believer comes a deeper one in the presence of God.36 Furthermore, Pentecostals acknowledge that the revelation of God has moved from God the Father to God the Son and the Holy Spirit. Therefore, being in relationship with the Holy Spirit gives a believer access the revelation of Christ, as written in the Bible. Consequently, the believer is able to know the mind of God through the same Holy Spirit.37 In essence, the Holy Spirit bridges the gaps that exist between the biblical time and the reality of the reader, who is reading the Bible today. This is possible because the Holy Spirit is a neutral agent that knows the context of the author and the context of the reader and is therefore able to merge the two. Thus, a contextual reading of scriptures for pentecostals becomes possible, because of the work of the Holy Spirit, who is able to provide meaning of the scriptures to the modern reader in the 21st century. In the mind of pentecostals, this work of the Holy Spirit exceeds a scientific inquisition of scriptures, because no one other than the Holy Spirit is able to illuminate scriptures.38 In summary, it must be noted the pentecostal hermeneutics of experience recognises the Bible, as we have it today, as the Word of God that one is only able to read and understand through the work of the Holy Spirit. This does not mean scientific knowledge should be ignored, but it places the work of the Holy Spirit above scientific knowledge. Therefore, fellowship with God through scripture reading, prayer, worship and other activities are pivotal in Pentecostalism, as they enhance the knowledge about God, as found in the Bible. Furthermore, this demands that every believer have a personal relationship with God and be able to read and interpret the Bible, in order to preach it to others, who do not have the same privilege or access to God. The essence of these practices among

94  The strengths of the fourth wave pentecostal believers is to be able to engage with the Bible through the work of the Holy Spirit.39 While pentecostal hermeneutics, as the work of the Holy Spirit, makes it distinct from other hermeneutics, the danger is when scriptures are quoted or used out of context, in order for a pastor or prophet to drive his or her own agenda. The danger is when the word spoken from the prophet is taken as the final word, on the one hand, but also used to abuse the listeners or believers, on the other. The main problem, as pointed out by Pluss, is that “an average Pentecostal cares little about the hermeneutic, he or she would be quick to agree that it is by the presence and power of the Holy Spirit that a particular religious experience is caused and makes sense”.40

5.3  Stretching out their hands to others 5.3.1  Job creation The fourth wave churches have reached out to the poor by not only giving to the poor, but by actually empowering them through job creation in their ministries. Mathole cites an example of such a project, giving the following description: High school children from disadvantaged backgrounds and broken families are given the chance to complete high school in a stable and inspiring environment. They live in the community and are assisted with transport to schools, purchase of books, stationery, and uniforms, as well as learning basic computer literacy and various life skills. Some students that have come through this project are currently doing their tertiary education through correspondence and held responsible jobs.41 Given the nature of their ministries, most fourth wave churches have media, administration, financial and governance departments, in addition to the normal church ministration. Depending on the size of the church, these departments, most of the time, require full-­time employees, who would work to make sure that the church is well-­organised and well-­administrated. In addition, in big ministries, the worshippers, who are part of the choir that plays an integral part of the worship on Sundays, would be full-­time workers, as they need to rehearse and sing in different services. Thus, the more the fourth wave churches grow, the more they are able to employ as many people as they can; hence, these churches keep on growing exponentially. The key thing for these churches is to establish themselves, not only as potential employers, but as registered and established churches. When this is accomplished, these churches will not be seen as the enemy of the government, but as churches that work in partnership with government, in the sense that they create jobs for others.

The strengths of the fourth wave 95 5.3.2  Business-­minded outlook The fourth wave preachers teach people to not only depend on their jobs and their salaries, but to always be business minded in their approach to economics and financial aspects of their life. In the words of Freeman, “They do not only encourage their members to pray to Jesus for wealth and abundance, but also to do their part in the bargain, by engaging in business and working hard”.42 In the fourth wave churches, the believers are active players in the economy by taking part in projects in their own communities. The participation in the economy is no longer perceived negatively, in terms of enriching the few, but is perceived as a tool for empowerment. Thus, the fourth wave churches create a conducive environment for businesses to prosper.43 The new wave of Pentecostals now encourages believers, according to Mbe, to work hard and accumulate wealth that could be used to prosper the Church. The gospel has encouraged church members to engage in competitive business ventures with “unbelievers”, on both a national and an international level. The women get involved in small enterprises. Some sell their goods, such as snacks, decorative items (crafted by themselves), cosmetics, jewellery and so forth, at various office buildings. Some pentecostal women in the civil service, who do not have the opportunity to go from office to office, keep their goods in their offices, where customers can come peruse them or make a purchase.44 Therefore, one will find many members in these churches have a business, in addition to their full-­time jobs. In the words of Freeman, the fourth wave “has become the new frontline of ‘development’, seemingly striving to help poor populations to transform themselves and improve their lives. Fighting a global ‘war against poverty’, these new organisations promise empowerment, participation and salvation from a life of struggle and misery”.45 Besides, the way that most of the churches in the fourth wave are managed is similar to the way most businesses are organised. These churches do not operate like mainstream churches; they operate like modern-­day businesses. This is exactly what Jesus taught His disciples: that is, when one is given a talent, the expectation is that such a talent should multiply into many other talents. This is a principle in business that the fourth wave churches are using, because their members are made to believe that they can expand on the talents they have received from God. In the end, this will generate more income for the fourth wave churches, because most church members are financially independent, as they do not only depend on their salaries. 5.3.3 Education In ministering to the poor, the fourth wave churches are using education as a meaningful tool. These churches engage in educational programmes in order to promote a zeal for knowledge, especially among young people. The programmes include, among others, literacy, life skills and other

96  The strengths of the fourth wave career-­oriented programmes. The belief is that once the young people are educated, they will be able take part in the mainstream economy by having access to quality jobs offered by the market.46 Akanbi and Beyers add that fourth wave churches “engage in establishing schools and other educational institutions and through the newly educated generations to bring about radical change in their value system and worldviews”.47 They are building an alternative education system that does not only educate children by following the formal curriculum, but also educates children in terms of moral and ethical values that are acknowledged throughout the world. The fourth wave churches in South Africa are playing a big role in terms of bridging the gap opened by the government in terms of not being able to provide all citizens with access to education. The majority of citizens, who cannot gain access to public schools, have an option to attend a Christian school, started by the fourth wave churches. Most of the fourth wave preachers might not like theological education or training, but it does not make them anti-­intellectual, as they still believe in academic qualifications. It also does not make them anti-­educational, as many of them like to invest in in the education of others, especially those pursuing higher education. In order to demonstrate that, the fourth wave preachers will offer scholarships to deserving students in order for them to further their studies. This is good, in the sense that young people in these churches are encouraged to study further and improve upon their current educational status. In a country where many people have been denied the opportunity to further their studies, as they do not have the financial means to do so, the fourth wave churches have become a beacon of hope for the masses of people in need of higher education. As the churches offer an opportunity for further studies, the level of education is increased, not only in the church, but also in the country, as many young people achieve different qualifications and higher levels of education. In the end, by educating the congregants participating in the fourth wave churches, they will, ultimately, be able to educate the nation. 5.3.4  Taking care of the poor The fourth wave preachers go to the extent of offering different alms to the poor; they will go to different communities and offer food and other necessities to the people. According to Van Aarde, the outreach of the fourth wave churches to the poor people “is an expression of empowering the poor movement to participate in the mission of God”.48 Van Aarde goes on to say, “Its mission praxis is based on a sensitivity to the Holy Spirit and a recovery of the compassion and tenderness of the church to the poor”.49 Giving to the poor has been the ministry of Jesus, with a goal that those who have should give to others in need. Thus, anyone who lacks is worthy of help and should be supported by those who have. In addition, those who have should always

The strengths of the fourth wave 97 be willing and hasten to give to others, because it is a good thing to do. Only those who are selfish, and not wise, will hoard wealth only for themselves and not share with others. The one who stretches out his or her hand to the poor is actually laying up his wealth to heaven, where he or she will receive eternal blessing.50 The fourth wave churches in South Africa have taken up the ministry of Jesus by taking part in practical strategies to take care of the poor, including those who are marginalised by the rest of the society. The more the fourth wave churches grow, the more their social responsibility increases in the country and elsewhere in the world.51 Other denominations in South Africa have actually confessed that the fourth wave churches do not only preach the gospel in theory, but are actively involved in the emancipation of the poor.52 The fourth wave preachers, contrary to the perceptions of many people, do not only take from the believers and their congregants, but they also give to the poor. This is a great blessing to them, as the scriptures say that they that to give to the poor is actually lending to God, in the sense that they will receive back what they have given to others. Therefore, the preachers buy groceries and target a specific community, and often make sure that they are televised when they are distributing food and other products to the poor. The fourth wave preachers have a propensity of focusing on holidays and special holidays, like Christmas, as the days to give to others. At these events, they would make sure that they attract enough media presence so that people can see that pastors do not only preach in church, but they also preach to the world, especially the needy. 5.3.5 Philanthropy The fourth wave preachers do philanthropic work in other organisations in and outside South Africa. They offer charitable work to non-­profit organisations in South Africa. This, in a way, makes the fourth wave churches superior to the other churches in South Africa and make people believe in church again, as many have lost hope in the church. Showing love and kindness to others has become part of the mission of the fourth wave churches in South Africa. In giving to other organisations, they demonstrate that churches do not exist for selfish reasons, but they have an interest in the success of other organisations as well. Surprisingly, pastors in the fourth wave do not only give to other organisations and the poor alone, but they also support one another in the ministry. Thus, time and again, one observes that a big and well-­established minister of the gospel will uplift other upcoming ministers in order for them to become established as well. When uplifting other ministers, they demonstrate that the fourth wave church is not about one man, but it is about the upliftment of others. They demonstrate that they can work together in the ministry to uplift the nation of South Africa.

98  The strengths of the fourth wave 5.3.6  Mainstream economy The fourth wave churches have become part of the mainstream economy by creating jobs and by creating businesses that ultimately pay taxes to the government. Most of the pastors in the fourth wave churches own businesses that contribute to the economy in a big way, thus contributing to the gross domestic product of the country. In addition, the pastors themselves are not only preachers, but well-­established businesspeople that engage in economic activities in the form of owning businesses. This is in contrast to many first-­generation pastors in South Africa, who only preached the word of God, but remained poor in terms of material possessions. This is not the case in the fourth wave churches; most preachers have denounced poverty and are active participants in the economy of South Africa. In this way, pastors in the fourth wave churches have become role models for young people to work towards becoming successful businesspeople. Young people no longer have to look too far to find someone who has become successful, but can find a role model and mentor in their pastors, who can assist them to succeed in life. Whereas in the past, young people would be reluctant to become pastors, recently, when looking to the lifestyles of the fourth wave pastors, many young people would hasten to consider becoming pastors.

5.4  Integrated mission 5.4.1 Multiracialism The mission of the fourth wave churches are to create integrated communities, in the sense that various racial groups attend their services. Although the majority of people attending the services of the fourth wave churches in South Africa are black, there are diverse races participating in all activities of the churches. The multiracialism of the fourth wave churches is working, especially in the South African context, where people have been racially segregated for a long time. South Africa is a complex country, in the sense that different races have been forced to live separately and the different races have experienced different lifestyles. There used to be schools for white people and schools for black people. Similarly, areas were separated according to race and colour. Thus, in a South African context, it is almost a miracle to see different races coming together to worship together, sing together and listen to the same message. The liturgy, sermon and other aspects in the church service are presented in such a way that it is conducive for the people of different races to come together to worship God. It makes religion a unifying factor in South Africa, uniting people of different races and language groups. 5.4.2 Multiculturalism The multicultural dimension of the fourth wave churches refer to the recognition of different groups in society. The goal of being multicultural is to

The strengths of the fourth wave 99 have variety of cultures coming together, regardless of their diversity. In this unity, each and every culture represented in the unified system has a voice and can voice their own concerns. The idea is that various cultural groups, because they have a common vision, are able to embrace one another and love one another in order to empower one another.53 Besides being a wave for the different races, it is also a wave for the different cultures, represented in the rainbow nation of South Africa. According to Anderson, “It relates the Christian message to all social contexts and cultures, especially and including those undergoing rapid change”.54 Within the black community in South Africa, there are different cultures or ethnic groups, but this is also applicable in other African countries such as in West and North Africa. The reason the fourth wave churches are able to reach different cultures with their approach is their ministry of the Holy Spirit. The ministry of the Holy Spirit, through baptism, healing, spiritual gifts and other miracles, appeals to different people of different backgrounds.55 Being a multicultural wave makes the fourth wave churches appealing to other cultures in South Africa, without being monopolised by any of them. Anderson adds, “Pentecostalism has been successfully incarnated into a uniquely African expression of Christianity, because of its emphasis on spiritual experience and its ability to adapt any cultural background in the world”.56 This is the strength of the fourth wave churches, because South Africa is a multicultural country and has embraced diversity to the extent that there is a holiday dedicated to celebrate the different cultures in the country, namely Heritage Day. South Africa has 11 official languages, representing 11 different cultural groups: the Sepedi (Northern Sotho), Sesotho (Southern Sotho), Setswana, isiZulu, isiXhosa, eSwatini, Afrikaans, English, isiNdebele, Xitsonga and Tshivenda. In South Africa, there is no culture that dominates and, although most people can speak English, they still follow their own cultural values and traditions. Other than the cultures represented in a South Africa, there are other cultures from foreign countries, especially from neighbouring countries like Zimbabwe, Botswana, Swaziland, Lesotho and so forth. 5.4.3  Multi-­age groups Given the age of many pastors in the fourth wave churches, who are relatively young, one would expect that most congregants in these churches would be fairly young. However, the fourth wave churches in South Africa are attended by both the young and the old. This is because the liturgy in these churches appeal to both young and old people; even the middle-­ aged – people in their forties, fifties and sixties – find the fourth wave church services appealing, because everyone is welcome in their services. What is astounding in these churches is that it is mostly young people who are participating in the church activities, from the pastor to the usher to the worshipper on the stage. Thus, it is easy for young people to be attracted to the fourth wave churches, because they see young people playing a leading role

100  The strengths of the fourth wave in the church. However, this does not alienate older folk, because they are happy that young people are active in the church, instead of being on the streets. 5.4.4  Gender inclusivity The fourth wave churches are integrated missions in the sense that they allow women to take part in their services, with some taking up leadership positions. This is not common in the other three waves of Pentecostalism, such as in the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) of South Africa. Women have been allowed to participate, but not as the leaders of the church. Of all the leadership structures in the AFM, like the local assembly, regional leadership, national and international structures, women’s representation is minimal. It is very surprising, because women act as the financial muscle for the church and are active in other ministries of the church. However, when it comes to elections, it is only men that are elected to positions of power. The same can be said about other pentecostal denominations like the Assembly of God and the Full Gospel churches, where leadership remains gendered, simply because there are forces that hinder women from being elevated to positions of leadership. The other problem is that even when women take up leadership positions, they are not allowed to bear the titles of such positions, for example the title of bishop, pastor, reverend and so forth. The fourth wave churches, according to Blasco, serve “as a trigger for change in gender relations, between and among men and women”.57 In the words of Drogus, the fourth wave churches “offer new ideas and roles that women can utilize to reinterpret gender norms and may even ultimately destabilize the prevailing hegemonic gender ideology”.58 The fourth wave churches, Drogus continues to say, “contribute to changing gender attitudes and roles in two ways. First, new doctrine or symbols that challenge prevailing cultural norms may alter converts’ worldviews. Second, new organisational or participatory structures may draw women into leadership roles”.59 Thus, the fourth wave churches are changing the way in which men perceive women in the ministry. The past traditions in mainline churches have been biased against women representation in the ministry, especially when it comes to leadership roles of the women. By allowing women to lead, the fourth wave churches are refreshing and revamping pentecostal leadership, which for a long time has been dominated by men. Thus, the fourth wave churches mark a period where there is a possibility of disarming patriarchy, because women of any race or age are given an opportunity to lead both men and women. In addition, most of the wives of the fourth wave prophets play a leading role as the first lady in the church. This makes them powerful and serves as a tool to attract other women in South Africa. Women have always played a role in the church, but have never been given the opportunity to lead. This is especially true in relation to mainline churches and some of the classical

The strengths of the fourth wave 101 pentecostal churches. Therefore, the fact that the fourth wave churches allow women to lead, is an advantage and make them distinct from other waves of Pentecostalism. Historically, most denominations do not allow women to lead because of patriarchy in these churches, where, even if a woman has the potential to lead the church, she would not be afforded an opportunity to take part in the leadership of the church. Moreover, women in these churches are allowed to organise themselves into women’s groups that end up being the most effective groups in the church by raising funds and contributing to communities, and in turn to society, in a big way. Thus, men in these churches do not play a dominant role, but a complementary one. 5.4.5  Non-­denominational The fourth wave churches are not affiliated with a specific denomination of Pentecostalism like the Apostolic Faith Mission, Full Gospel and the Assembly of God, which allows them to be accessible to other denominations. Hence, believers in many of the denominations in South Africa attend fourth wave churches, because they all feel a sense of belonging and are not restricted by their own denominations. In addition, the mainline churches are challenged by the fourth wave churches in the big cities in South Africa, as most of these churches are losing congregants as a result of churches in the fourth wave. It must also be noted that most of the churches in the fourth wave use a different time slot for their services, which makes them more accessible. Hence, most congregants would attend their mainstream churches and thereafter go to the fourth wave churches in order to receive prayers for their needs. Therefore, there is a great movement of people from the mainline churches into the fourth wave churches, because the fourth wave appeals to most people in South Africa. The challenge for the fourth wave is to make themselves structured and well-­established such that the people who visit their churches will commit to them on a permanent basis. Of course, another component of the fourth wave churches that is unsettling well-­established denominations in South Africa, as previously discussed in this book, is the way the services are run in the fourth wave churches, which appeal to many people. One can again mention here that it is the music, sermon presentation style, dress code of the pastor, language and so forth that is contributing to people moving to these churches. The challenge to these old denominations would be to adjust their liturgy and sermon presentation style, without losing their identity in terms of doctrine and foundational truths. What used to be large denominations in South Africa, like the Dutch Reformed Church, are slowly losing members and going down even in terms of financial support. They need to sit down and think: what is it that the fourth wave churches are doing right that they are not? In this way, they will have a proper assessment of their growth and be able to restore their membership numbers and financial status. Nonetheless,

102  The strengths of the fourth wave the fourth wave churches are benefiting from the downward spiral in membership of the established denominations in South Africa. 5.4.6 Globalisation Pentecostalism on its own is part of world or global Christianity, because it embraces reaching out to all parts of the world and is part of global communities of evangelism that minister the word across the globe. The motivation for this global outreach is the Holy Spirit, as many pentecostals would argue that He is everywhere and therefore cannot be limited by space or a specific locality. Therefore, the power of the Holy Spirit in Pentecostalism is not the power for the local people alone, but the one that enables the local church to reach out to the world, crossing various boundaries that have been set by human beings.60 Globalisation of Pentecostalism is part of the reverse mission, where Africans are saying the gospel came through missionaries in Africa, but it is time for Africans to take the gospel to other parts of the world. Hence, the research observes that the largest churches in Europe are African migrant churches, because they have been able to penetrate the Western world by the same power of the Holy Spirit. Thus, everywhere one goes in the global north, there is an African church planted by an African that is independent of any Western influence of any kind. The fourth wave churches in South Africa are attended by people coming from different nations in Africa, to the extent that some will come from all over the world, including the global north. The pastors would boast by showing off the different flags from the different countries during their services and ask if there are different nations present in their services, calling out their names to show that their services are attended by people from all over the world. This aspect makes the fourth wave churches more popular than other churches, because they appeal to an international or global community. This has been a mechanism used to raise funds for the fourth wave churches. The ECG church, for example, is able to attract international guests such that they would have international services, where the pastor is praying for them only. Another positive aspect here is that there is revenue generated from international guests in terms of tourism, as they would have to book hotels and buy food in the cities of South Africa. Thus, the globalisation of the fourth wave church serves as a tool for economic growth in South Africa. They are fulfilling the great commission in the sense that they are going to the world and preaching the gospel to all nations of the earth, both in the global south and, to some extent, to the global north. The great mission itself is a global mission, in the sense that Jesus said to His disciples that all power has been given to Him in heaven and on earth, which makes it a universal power. Again, Jesus commanded His disciples to go to all nations, which among non-­believers sometimes refers to gentiles, the outcasts, the sinners and those who are regarded as non-­Israelites. Then Jesus said to the disciples that they must follow all the things that He

The strengths of the fourth wave 103 had taught them, which makes it a global teaching, without isolating other truths. In addition, He promised them that He will be there for them at all times, until the end of time, which makes it an eternal eschatology. However, it must be noted that in addition the believers that come to these churches from different nations, the fourth wave preachers themselves go to different nations and preach the gospel to other nations such as America, Australia and the United Kingdom. This aspect makes the fourth wave churches and their message an international one that appeals across borders.

Notes 1 25 years after democracy, many dreams of the African people have not yet been realised. It is therefore important to understand the reasons behind the challenges of realising such dreams as highlighted by Mohlapamaswi Mokgohloe Lorraine and Rachidi Richard Molapo, “South Africa’s Challenges of Realising Her Socio-­Economic Rights”, Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 5, no. 27 P2 (2014), 900. 2 While the struggles of South Africa during apartheid were about racial differences, in post-­colonial South Africa the struggles are about poverty, inequality and unemployment. See Marichen Van der Westhuizen and Ignatius Swart, “The Struggle Against Poverty, Unemployment and Social Injustice in Present-­Day South Africa: Exploring the Involvement of the Dutch Reformed Church at Congregational Level”, Stellenbosch Theological Journal 1, no. 2 (2015), 731–759. 3 Lorraine and Molapo, “South Africa’s Challenges of Realising Her Socio-­ Economic Rights”, 900. 4 Poverty, unemployment and inequality are caused by other socio-­economic factors in South Africa. See John C. Mubangizi and Betty C. Mubangizi, “Poverty, Human Rights Law and Socio-­Economic Realities in South Africa”, Development Southern Africa 22, no. 2 (2005), 277–290. 5 Statistics South Africa, Quarterly Employment Statistics, April (Government Printer, Pretoria, 2017). 6 There are some scholars who see some progress that the government has made even in the midst of challenges and unaccomplished dreams. One of these scholars is Mel Gray, “The Progress of Social Development in South Africa”, International Journal of Social Welfare 15 (2006), S53–S64. 7 Other scholars perceive economic freedom as a long walk the same way freedom came about in South Africa. See Johan Fourie, “The Long Walk to Economic Freedom After Apartheid, and the Road Ahead”, Journal for Contemporary History 42, no. 1 (2017), 59–80. 8 See Pundy Pillay, South Africa in the 21st Century: Some Key Socio-­Economic Challenges (Friedrick Ebert Stiftung, Johannesburg, South Africa, 2001). 9 The Life Esidimeni incident involved 143 patients who died, most of them from hunger and dehydration, at various non-­governmental organisations (NGOs) in Gauteng after they were moved from Life Esidimeni facilities. 10 The book by Marius Nel, Aspects of Pentecostal Theology: Recent Developments in Africa. Volume 5 of Theology in Africa (Lit Verlag, 2015) is important as it gives an overview of what pentecostal theology entails, especially in Africa. 11 See Wolfgang Vondey, Pentecostal Theology: Living the Full Gospel (Bloomsbury Publishing, 2017), 2. 12 See Veli-­Matti Karkkainen, “Pentecostal Hermeneutics in the Making: On the Way from Fundamentalism to Postmodernism”, Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 18, no. 1 (1998), 76–115.

104  The strengths of the fourth wave 13 The contributions of many scholars in the book edited by Vinson Synan, Amos Yong, and J. Kwabena Asamoah-­Gyadu, Global Renewal Christianity: Spirit-­ Empowered Movements: Past, Present and Future, published by Charisma Media in 2016, offer much help in the understanding of Pentecostalism as a renewal movement. 14 The Holy Spirit is not only involved in church, but is very much active in the daily life of a Pentecostal believer. See Wolfgang Vondey, ed., The Holy Spirit and the Christian Life: Historical, Interdisciplinary, and Renewal Perspectives (Springer, 2014). 15 Pneumatology and Pentecostalism should be understood in light of the relationship between the Spirit and the believer in Pentecostalism. See Amos Yong, Beyond the Impasse: Toward a Pneumatological Theology of Religion (Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2014). 16 See Marius Nel, “Attempting to Define a Pentecostal Hermeneutics”, Scriptura 114 (2015), 1–21. 17 The book by Marius Nel, An African Pentecostal Hermeneutics: A Distinctive Contribution to Hermeneutics (Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2018), 7, distinguishes the African Pentecostal hermeneutics as the major feature of African Pentecostalism. 18 The role of Pentecostalism in the army is well documented by Marius Nel, in his most recent book, Pacifism and Pentecostals in South Africa: A New Hermeneutic for Nonviolence (Routledge, 2018), 6. 19 In his book Sighs and Signs of the Spirit: Ghanaian Perspectives on Pentecostalism and Renewal in Africa (Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2015), J. Kwabena Asamoah-­Gyadu highlights deliverance as one of the signs in Pentecostalism. 20 See Kenneth Archer, “Pentecostal Story: The Hermeneutical Filter for the Making of Meaning”, Pneuma 26, no. 1 (2004), 36–59. 21 See Amos Yong, “Pentecostalism and the Theological Academy”, Theology Today 64, no. 2 (2007), 244–250. 22 See Veli-­Matti Kärkkäinen, Christ and Reconciliation: A Constructive Christian Theology for the Pluralistic World, Vol. 1 (Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2013), 402. 23 The Holy Spirit plays an important role in the unity of the body of Christ, both in global Christianity and in local contexts. See Veli-­Matti Kärkkäinen, Pneumatology: The Holy Spirit in Ecumenical, International, and Contextual Perspective (Baker Books, 2018), 14. 24 See Matthias Becker, “A Tenet Under Examination: Reflections on the Pentecostal Hermeneutical Approach”, Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 24, no. 1 (2004), 30–48. 25 See Jean-­Daniel Plüss, “Religious Experience in Worship: A Pentecostal Perspective”, PentecoStudies 2, no. 1 (2003), 1–21. 26 See Joseph Quayesi-­Amakye, “A Yeast in the Flour: Pentecostalism as the African Realisation of the Gospel”, Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 3 (2016), 71–84. 27 See Ezra Chitando, “A New Man for a New Era? Zimbabwean Pentecostalism, Masculinities, and the HIV Epidemic”, Missionalia: Southern African Journal of Mission Studies 35, no. 3 (2007), 112–127. 28 See Adedamola Osinulu, “A Transnational History of Pentecostalism in West Africa”, History Compass 15, no. 6 (2017), e12386. 29 Christopher Adam Stephenson has written an important thesis and defined pentecostal theology as theologians define it. The thesis, under the title “Pentecostal Theology According to the Theologians: An Introduction to the Theological Methods of Pentecostal Systematic Theologians”, provides important guidance in understanding pentecostal theology by both the scholars and students.

The strengths of the fourth wave 105 30 See T. Derrick Mashau, “Ministering Effectively in the Context of Pentecostalism in Africa: A Reformed Missional Reflection”, In die Skriflig 47, no. 1 (2013), 10–17. 31 See Nel, “Attempting to Define a Pentecostal Hermeneutics”, 1–21. 32 See Quayesi-­Amakye, “A Yeast in the Flour: Pentecostalism as the African Realisation of the Gospel”, 71. 33 See Kelebogile Thomas Resane, “And They Shall Make You Eat Grass Like Oxen (Daniel 4: 24): Reflections on Recent Practices in Some New Charismatic Churches”, Pharos Journal of Theology 98, no. 1 (2017), 1–17. 34 Hollenweger, “After Twenty Years’ Research on Pentecostalism”, 3–12. 35 See Marius Nel and Fika Janse van Rensburg, “Integrating Spirituality and Rationality the Long and Arduous Journey of the Historical Development of Theological Training in the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa”, In die Skriflig 50, no. 2 (2016), 1–10. http:/­/­dx.doi.org/­10.4102/­ids.v50i2.1943 36 See Peter Grabe, “A Perspective from Regent University’s Ph.D. Program in Renewal Studies: Theology in the Light of the Renewing Work of the Holy Spirit”, Pneuma 27, no. 2 (2005). 37 See Matthias Wenk, “Do We Need a Distinct European Pentecostal/­Charismatic Approach to Theological Education?” Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 23, no. 1 (2003), 58–71. 38 Stephenson, “Pentecostal Theology According to the Theologians”, 9. 39 See Rickie D. Moore, “2. A Pentecostal Approach to Scripture”, in Pentecostal Hermeneutics (Brill, 2013), 11–13. 40 Plüss, “Religious Experience in Worship: A Pentecostal Perspective”, 2. 41 Ezekiel Mokwele Katiso Mathole’s study on “The Christian Witness in the Context of Poverty with Special Reference to the South African Charismatic Evangelicals” at the University of Pretoria, 2005 has theorised and analysed data as it relates to the role of main classical Pentecostal churches in the alleviation of poverty. 42 See Dena Freeman, “The Pentecostal Ethic and the Spirit of Development”, in Pentecostalism and Development (Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2012), 1–38. 43 Mathole, “The Christian Witness in the Context of Poverty”, 212. 44 Pentecostalism, thrive in the midst of economic challenges in Africa. See Akoko Robert Mbe, “New Pentecostalism in the Wake of the Economic Crisis in Cameroon”, Nordic Journal of African Studies 11, no. 3 (2002), 18. 45 Freeman, “The Pentecostal Ethic and the Spirit of Development”, 18. 46 Mathole, “The Christian Witness in the Context of Poverty”, 213. 47 See Solomon O. Akanbi and Jaco Beyers, “The Church as a Catalyst for Transformation in the Society”, HTS Theological Studies 73, no. 4 (2017), 1–8. 48 See Timothy A. van Aarde, “Equipping the Poorest of the Poor to Become Agents of Community Transformation: A Case Study of Milk as a Catalyst in Burundi”, In die Skriflig 51, no. 1 (2017), 1–11. 49 van Aarde, “Equipping the Poorest of the Poor”, 1–11. 50 See David Ononogbu, Emmanuel Chiwetalu Ossai, George Christian Nche, and Christopher N. Ibenwa, “Poverty and the Poor in the Early Church: A Challenge to Prosperity Preachers in Nigeria”, Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 7, no. 5 (2016), 377. 51 See Allan H. Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, 2004), 276–277. 52 Donald E. Miller, “Pentecostalism and Social Reformation”, in Harold D. Hunter and Cecil M. Robeck Jr. (eds.), The Azusa Street Revival and Its Legacy (Pathway Press, Cleveland, TN, 2006), 335. 53 See Michael Wilkinson, “Canadian Pentecostal Diversity: Incorporating the Many Voices”, Canadian Journal of Pentecostal-­Charismatic Christianity 2, no. 1 (2011), 41–82.

106  The strengths of the fourth wave 54 See Allan Heaton Anderson, “Contextualization in Pentecostalism: A Multicultural Perspective”, International Bulletin of Mission Research 41, no. 1 (2017), 29–40. 55 van Aarde, “Equipping the Poorest of the Poor”, 1–11. 56 Anderson, Zion and Pentecost, 96. 57 See Paloma Blasco, “Gender and Pentecostalism Among the Gitanos of Madrid: Combining Approaches”, Romani Studies 22, no. 1 (2012), 1–18. 58 See Carol Ann Drogus, “Private Power or Public Power: Pentecostalism, Base Communities, and Gender”, in Power, Politics, and Pentecostals in Latin America (Routledge, 2018), 55–75. 59 Ibid., 56. 60 See Birgit Meyer, “Aesthetics of Persuasion: Global Christianity and Pentecostalism’s Sensational Forms”, South Atlantic Quarterly 109, no. 4 (2010), 741–763.

6 The weaknesses of the fourth wave

6.1  Anti-­theological education 6.1.1  Historical anti-­theological education There is a historical gap between spirituality and theological education in Pentecostalism. The gap needs to be closed, because according to Maluleke, “without African theologies we would not have any sustainable African Christianity”.1 This gap has existed for a long time in classical Pentecostalism, and definitely does not only apply to the fourth wave. In the words of Vondey, “Pentecostals are seen as outsiders to the intellectual history of the twentieth century with no apparent theological tradition, no underlying intellectual system, and no interest in developing and formulating an intellectual system, and structure”.2 It is important to note here that many scholars have advanced an interest in studying Pentecostalism, but pentecostals themselves (especially pastors) have shown little interest in studying. Hence pentecostals are, according to Martin, “well known for their aversion to formal theological education. While mainline Christian traditions require their clergy to be well educated, most Pentecostal groups have no requirement that clergy pursue university or seminary degrees”.3 It is for this reason that Pentecostalism is not well represented in theological education offerings at most mainstream universities in South Africa. While there is some interest in the integration of Pentecostalism in universities, a recurring question is “Who will teach and research it?” The answer depends on the extent to which pastors will come forward to study theological education. Pentecostalism in Africa, especially southern Africa, does express a lack of theological education: it writes very little about itself and the academic theological literature is limited. Studies on Pentecostalism have therefore not been able to rely on material produced by the movement itself, with the exception of hagiographies, which are often like caricatures – and sometimes bestsellers; they represent a global north epistemology and are then translated into other languages of the global south. They do not necessarily represent a contextual understanding of Pentecostalism. Most writings from the global north take the form of praise songs for Pentecostalism

108  The weaknesses of the fourth wave without criticism. They are not rigorous, robust and critical.4 This tradition of lack of theological education among pentecostals causes them, according to Woodberry, to be “under-­represented among the economic, political, and cultural elites”.5 Furthermore, it denies them an opportunity to excel as ministers of the word. In the words of Paul to Timothy, those who study have an opportunity to present themselves as approved unto God; they become workmen that need not to be ashamed, rightly dividing the word of truth.6 6.1.2  Hiding behind the curriculum Most pastors in the fourth wave are not necessarily anti-­intellectual, but they are anti-­theological education. The reason for this assertion is that many of them have qualifications in other fields such as engineering, commerce, law, medicine and so forth. Some went on to complete postgraduate studies such as masters’ and doctoral studies. However, they are not interested in studying theology. One of the reasons for this understandable lack of interest in theological education is the irrelevance of the curriculum: theological education in Africa is still informed by Western epistemologies and continues to reflect on studies in the global north. It carries a challenge that Anderson calls “a liberal and pluralistic theological agenda that often seems to diametrically oppose Pentecostal/­Charismatic spirituality and exclusivity”.7 The curricula in most institutions of higher learning in South Africa prepare pastors as if they were going to pastor in a Western country, and fails to address the current challenges faced by Africa. This disregard for the culture and other traditions in Africa and exclusive teaching about Western cultures is particularly true of education in theology.8 Theology in South Africa is closely related to the theology of the global north, especially Europe. It was constructed in consultation with theological works of scholars from the global north. Books, studies and even theses produced at most South African universities reflect the theologies of scholars like Karl Barth and others. African scholars are referred to books and literature that emanate from Western countries. It must be noted, though, that lately there has been an attempt by scholars in Africa to change these historical discrepancies, but it will take time for change to be realised in full.9 To attract the fourth wave pastors to theological studies, there is thus a need to decolonise and Africanise the curriculum. Anderson continues to say that “the ‘voices from the margin’ of pentecostal spirituality should be given attention, particularly as Pentecostalism encounters very different contexts outside the western world”.10 The curriculum needs to speak to their needs and ultimately help them deal with real challenges facing Africa today. However, even before any changes are made to the curriculum, pastors of the fourth wave should study theology, because then they will no longer be speaking from the outside; they will be engaging what they know, and they will be able to receive results and can in that manner better

The weaknesses of the fourth wave 109 confront the irrelevant curriculum. The irrelevant curriculum should not be an excuse for not studying theology. 6.1.3  Theological education as reduction of anointing In their rejection of theological education, the fourth wave pastors appear to perceive theological education as something that will reduce their anointing or degrade their calling. As highlighted in previous chapters, the fourth wave churches are led by men and women who see themselves as highly anointed by God. Consequently, because of the robust discourses and critical thinking involved in theological education, they perceive it as a study that will ultimately reduce their anointing instead of enhancing it. Many consider seminaries to be cemeteries, and assume that when they arrive at seminary, they will die a spiritual death. While this is just a perception amongst many leaders and pastors in the fourth wave, the reality is that it has caused many to shy away from theological studies. This is unfortunate, because theological education does not reduce the anointing, but harnesses the anointing in order for it to function properly in the church or ministry. Pastors in the fourth wave do not have to feel discouraged when they observe change in a person who has completed their theological education. It is normal that when a person is educated in a subject or field, they become more structured in their approach and want to do things in an orderly manner. 6.1.4  Reliance on revelation The fourth wave pastors rely heavily on revelation from God in order to preach the word of God; their messages do not come from proper exegesis. All they require to preach or teach the word of God is a general knowledge of scriptures in addition to their anointing that comes from the power of the Holy Spirit. These tools help the fourth wave pastors deal with the fact that they do not have a proper theological training. They furthermore cope this way because they are very strong in preaching and in faith, which makes them look down on theological training.11 From their point of view, all they need to be able to witness the Gospel to others, as happened on the day of the Pentecost, is the baptism of the Holy Spirit (which is evidenced by speaking in tongues). The fourth wave preachers see themselves as an extension of what happened in Jerusalem when believers were able to witness to others without formal training.12 They see themselves more as practitioners of faith than theorists of faith. They are concerned with the daily challenges of the people, rather than theory which can be learnt at university.13 Thus, they do not see a need for attending a theological training facility simply because their preaching is based on the revelation they directly receive from God. To a fourth wave preacher, their relationship with God as the subject of revelation is more important than engaging in textual debates. Hence, they actually perceive theological training as something that will

110  The weaknesses of the fourth wave block that revelation, as they perceive it to mean that they will have to rely on Bible study. Revelation and inspiration by the Holy Spirit are esteemed highly in the fourth wave, to the extent that the study of the word of God is disregarded by many pastors. The challenge is that if the pastors rely too heavily on revelation, should there ever be a day when the revelation does not come, they will have to fake it. Besides, not everything that pastors receive either in their mind or even in their spirit should be considered a revelation. At times, what the pastors consider to be a revelation can actually be their own thinking or something they have been meditating upon. After all, it brings about other challenges, such as to how to prove such revelations, especially if the revelation is not compared or supported by other texts such as a biblical text. 6.1.5  Fake qualifications The problem of fake qualifications is not unique to theology and to the fourth wave; it is a global phenomenon. However, in theology it manifests itself greatly because of the anti-­theological education tendencies. Although most pastors in the fourth wave have no theological education training, many of them hold qualifications that are related to theology, but unfortunately not authentic. Resane explains that the fourth wave “embraces and prefers short cuts into academia, hence falling for online courses that make one to complete Bachelor or Master’s degrees within weeks. These offer qualifications that lack theological insight and depth”.14 The qualifications mainly come from universities in the global north that are not registered with proper councils of higher education, while some institutions do not exist at all. The pastors in the fourth wave fall prey to these institutions because they are desperate to be called doctors, with some going as far as calling themselves professors. It is very unfortunate because some of these pastors do not have a school-­leaving certificate yet call themselves doctors or professors. These fake doctors and professors will go on and open Bible colleges and schools in order to train other pastors in the work of ministry. In these Bible schools, according to Karkkainen, “Little consideration is given to academic standards; at times, academic goals are even intentionally neglected for the sake of practical training”.15 In spite of the South African government’s intervention in demanding that all institutions offering education be accredited, the fourth wave pastors continue to award academic qualifications that are not accredited by proper accrediting authorities. Many founders of Bible schools are only interested in receiving money from the students without offering value for that money. Many pastors continue to enrol in these unaccredited Bible schools and receive invalid qualifications.16 At the end, the cycle of invalid qualifications in theology continues from one generation of pastors to another. Unqualified pastors continue to breed other unqualified pastors, and when this is raised in different forums, the response is that “God does not call the qualified, he

The weaknesses of the fourth wave 111 qualifies those whom he calls”. This speaks volumes to the continuation of the spirit of anti-­theological education among the fourth wave pastors, as many of them are not ready to change, and indeed remain adamant that they are on the right track. In order to break the cycle of producing unqualified pastors, a generation needs to rise that respects the work they do and sees the need for acquiring proper qualifications before they enter the ministry.

6.2  Challenges with exegesis 6.2.1  Lack of exegesis Exegesis is the study of the Bible interpretation that considers the grammar and, at some point, also the history of the text. Exegesis brings about creative reading which enables the interpreter to know God better. It is an inquisition to get to know what the initial writer of the text meant when they wrote the text. The knowledge of what was meant by the author will enhance the understanding of the reader today, and therefore enable him or her to share to others what the Bible meant and what it is saying in context.17 Becker explains that “Since God’s word is never detached from culture and concrete circumstances of life, being rooted in the whole reality of human life, we need exegesis and hermeneutics to give relevance to the Bible in today’s world”.18 Exegesis requires knowledge of the grammar of the original biblical ancient languages, that is, Hebrew for the Old Testament and Greek for the New Testament. In explaining the importance of languages, Becker says “it is paramount not to neglect the original biblical languages because what the Bible means is not determined only by God’s Spirit but also by historical context and the rules and laws of linguistics”.19 Ramantswana adds that “biblical studies would be best served through exegesis with the text, theology, languages, history, cultural background, and related matters as the focus”.20 The benefits of exegesis is that the interpreter is able to read the Bible in its original form, take cognisance of its history and apply it to their context. Thus, when presenting themselves before the congregation, the preacher who has done exegesis will be able to narrate the Gospel with proper interpretation and be able to bring understanding to the people. Given the lack of training of many pastors in the fourth wave, there is a marked challenge around lack of proper interpretation during preaching. According to Nel and van Rensburg, “the general view is that revelation knowledge could be attained without using theological knowledge or scientific biblical exegesis as a measuring standard for the validity of any further revelation”.21 Some pastors possess the skill of presentation and an ability to communicate well (as stated in the previous chapter), but they might not be in a position to present the Gospel as it is written in the Bible. Therefore, the lack of exegesis is a disadvantage to the preacher: preachers in the fourth wave are robbing themselves in terms of the richness of the text in exegesis.

112  The weaknesses of the fourth wave 6.2.2 Eisegesis One of the definitions of exegesis is to read from the biblical text instead of reading into the biblical text, which is called eisegesis. It is a concept coined by biblical scholars to refer to preachers who advance their own ideas and look for scriptures that speak to these ideas. Williams defines eisegesis as a concept where the interpreter “reads into the text what the interpreter wishes to find or thinks he finds there. It expresses the reader’s own subjective ideas, not the meaning which is in the text”.22 The interpreter in eisegesis, instead of learning from the Bible, imports his or her own subjective thoughts that are actually not supported by the text itself. Eisegesis frequently happens when the interpreter fails to do a proper exegesis and therefore takes a shortcut. Preachers in the fourth wave have the tendency to read into the text because they have their own topics in mind, driven by their own experiences. They therefore do not study the Bible to learn from the text, but rather cut and paste the scriptures they like to talk about. One challenge presented by eisegesis is that the audience never gets the opportunity to learn and know their Bible because the preacher never talks from it but into the Bible. Another challenge is that whatever the preacher says on the pulpit is considered a revelation and a word from God, even if it contradicts the Bible. The solution is to strike a balance between exegesis and eisegesis, because even if the exegesis is good, the point is that people do not read the Bible with empty heads; they already have their own presuppositions. Thus, it will be great for the fourth wave to strike a balance between the two concepts of interpretation, read into the text, but rather learn from the original language and understand the message of the original author. Therefore, when reading the text today, the fourth wave pastors have an opportunity to read it both in the context within which it was written, and in the context of the challenges that people face today. Both contexts contribute to better understanding of the text by the real readers today. 6.2.3  Text out of context For the understanding of any text, context is very important; words have no meaning until they are read and interpreted in a specific context. West says that “context is not something to be reluctantly acknowledged and then bracketed. Context is an integral part of the interpretive process”.23 It means that in order to interpret a text in a correct way, the interpreter should first consider the context of the text. If one speaks of “something with four legs”, it can mean a lion, a table or even a car. It is only when one brings it into context that it will be interpreted appropriately. If one speaks of “something with four legs in the Kruger National Park killing prey”, one might be able to relate it to a lion. In a similar way, the Bible is a contextual

The weaknesses of the fourth wave 113 text; students of the Bible know very well that every biblical text should be read and interpreted in a specific context. Berkhof says that “the interpreter should have strict regard to the immediate context, to the adjuncts of a word, to the character of the subject and the predicates ascribed to it, to the parallelism, if it is present, and to the parallel passages”.24 In addition to the context of the biblical text, the student of the Bible should take into cognisance the different genres of the Bible like Pentateuch, historical books, psalms, wisdom, prophetic books, gospels, pastoral letters, apocalyptic letters, the epistles, prison letters and so forth. These genres were written for different purposes in a different context by different authors of the Bible. There are books that speak of the future and the end times, like the prophetic books and apocalyptic books, while others report stories of the past. One therefore cannot read a historical book in the same way as one will read, for example, the Psalms, they should be approached from different angles. However, if a preacher does not conduct a proper exegesis, he or she is more likely to preach a text out of its context. In addition, some scriptures make sense when they are read with other scriptures and do not make sense on their own; all of these are benefits of doing exegesis. The process of interpreting a scripture with another helps the interpreter to validate whatever they are reading in the text. When the above is not done in the fourth wave, it results in some scriptures being read and preached out of their context. 6.2.4  Manipulation of scripture Instead of doing exegesis in order to read and interpret the Bible properly, there is a propensity amongst pastors to manipulate scriptures and use them to their favour. According to Resane, “the existential interpretation of the Scriptures characterized by celebrity cultic practices, and egoistic approach to hermeneutical applications are a norm asserted by the current charismatic Christianity in South Africa”.25 Manipulation of scripture happens when a preacher wants to achieve a certain goal, and with the knowledge that whatever he is doing is wrong, the tendency then is to use scripture in order to achieve his or her goal. Thus, time and again the scriptures are manipulated in order to make people follow the instructions of their pastor or prophet. The followers might be convinced, but those with knowledge know that it is wrong. One scripture that is commonly manipulated by pastors is Psalm 105:15, “touch not the anointed one of God and do his prophets no harm”. This scripture is used when the pastor defends his or her wrongdoing, arguing that according to this scripture, no one is allowed to contradict what the pastor believes in. The anointed and the prophet is the presiding pastor according to those manipulating scriptures. However, in reality all those who believe in Christ are anointed because the word Christ mean “anointed one of God”.

114  The weaknesses of the fourth wave 6.2.5 Heresies Eisegesis is one issue, teaching and preaching a text out of context is another; manipulating scriptures for the benefit of the preacher is a different issue, and heresy yet another. Heretical teaching is different because it refers to a false teaching or deviating from the truth as presented by scriptures in the Bible – in other words, presenting the Gospel in a way that is not accepted by majority of people within a Christian or a certain religious perspective. Heresy is an unorthodox way of communicating the scriptures, which can be a result of the lack of exegesis. Heresy, according to Bafford, “is any group that is heretical as a group that is adding something to Christ in order for you to be a real Christian”.26 The tendency of pastors trying to help Christ in order to help the people, which results in the commercialisation of the Gospel, is all heresy. Becker adds, “When we stress contemporary and ignore past inspiration, we risk heresy. We should not be so naive as to think that pneumatic illumination will automatically be inerrant and authoritative, knowing that even human beings who have a relationship with God are able to make mistakes”.27 In preaching heresy, the fourth wave pastors will allege that God appeared to them, they fellowshipped with him and they even took a selfie with God. Some preachers go to the length of preaching that they can resurrect people and argue that if Jesus rose up again, they themselves too can resurrect others. In South Africa, there are preachers who talk about the appearance of angels in their services and actually take pictures to verify that angels were present in their services. One prophet claimed to have walked on air, but there were people assisting him while he was walking; this is nothing but unorthodox teachings in the fourth wave. In addition to these outrageous actions by the pastors in the fourth wave, the inaccurate teachings from the pulpit demonstrate some form of heresy and lack of knowledge. Heresy in the fourth wave is also caused by the lack of guidance for the many pastors who are young and supposed to be apprentices of mature pastors. Many of them want to be on their own and want to demonstrate some authority, making erroneous statements from the pulpit. In the absence of proper guidance and peer review, anyone can be guilty of heresy.

6.3  Anti-­sacramentalism 6.3.1  Introduction to sacraments The sacrament is the outward portrayal of an inner reality, a sign which points to Christ and the Gospel. It is the same thing as when a married couple put on their rings: they portray that which already took place when they exchanged their vows. Therefore, the rings are not necessarily the marriage, but serve as symbols that the couple were married in a ceremony. Therefore, a sacrament is an opportunity for a person’s public confession of

The weaknesses of the fourth wave 115 faith in Christ and an affirmation of an inner working of the grace of God which has already taken place in the person through the Gospel. There is an indissoluble connection between the sacrament and the Gospel, because the sacrament seals the work of salvation which already happened on the cross of Calvary. The sacraments deal with material things which point to inner spiritual truths, thus portraying the Gospel in a visible and tangible manner. The sacrament is always preceded by the preaching and acceptance of the Gospel by faith. The power of the sacrament, like the Gospel, lies in God Himself who uses it as His instrument. Thus, its power is the only significant point as we, through faith, experience the working of the Holy Spirit who makes Christ and what he did for us in salvation real to us. 6.3.2  Water baptism The sacrament of water baptism was instituted by Christ for all believers when he instructed his disciples to preach the gospel to all nations and baptise all who believe (Mt 28:19). Therefore, the baptism of water is for those who believe in order to symbolise their faith. Believers do not get baptised to believe, but they are baptised as a sign of their faith. A believer’s baptism is different from the baptism of John, because the latter only happened to serve as reminder of the repentance of the people of God (Acts 19:1–5). Baptism is done in the name of the Father, of the Son and of the Holy Spirit (Mt 3:16, 17; Jn 3:23; Acts 8:38; Rom 6:4). Baptism attests to regeneration; the believers who are baptised demonstrate that they have changed into new persons (Rom 6:3–4). Baptism attests to remission of sins, because when a person is immersed into water, they demonstrate that their sins have been forgiven by the cleansing of water (Act 2:38). Lastly, baptism is also a symbol that the person baptised has died with Christ and has been resurrected with him. 6.3.3  Holy Communion The breaking of bread is recognised as the elementary teaching and practices of Christianity.28 The sacrament of Holy Communion, the breaking of bread and drinking of the cup was instituted by Christ for all believers. He took the bread and blessed it, then gave to his disciples saying that the bread represented his body. He also took the cup and blessed it and gave it to his disciples, saying that the cup represented the blood of his new covenant that was shared for the remission of sins (Mt 26:26–28). The disciples were commanded to continue with the practice of Holy Communion in order to demonstrate that they remember what Jesus has done for them on the cross. Therefore, through eating the bread and drinking from the cup, the disciples and believers remember the death of Christ (1 Cor 11:25–27). The Holy Communion also represents the oneness of the believers as they come together to share the meal and fellowship together (1 Cor 10:33). The

116  The weaknesses of the fourth wave Holy Communion is not only about remembering Christ and fellowship with God, but a means of coming together as believers in fellowship with one another in the presence of God. Thus, the Holy Communion is not an action of one person alone, but an action of all believers in oneness. The body of Christ is one, and all are connected to each other in love; sharing the meal attests to such oneness. During the partaking of bread and the cup, the believers bear testimony that they are together in unity, and therefore Christ reveals himself in them through his body and blood.29 Other than the proper Holy Communion in the Passover, Jesus also had time to share other meals at the table with his disciples in his ministry. The meals of Jesus and the disciples meant that he had friendship with them and he demonstrated love to them. Eating together bridged the distance between Jesus and the disciples. Thus, the Holy Communion is a fellowship around a meal and is able to ignite joy in the lives of the people, not just a religious obligation. According to a pronouncement by the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa, “Keeping this institution, concerns more than keeping a command. Holy Communion is above all a gift of grace to the church”.30 It is a gift, because this sacrament is an instrument of grace through which the Lord wants to reveal Himself. In sharing the meal around the table, Jesus invited people who were normally forbidden from participating in fellowship (such as children, women and people who are considered weak): all had an opportunity to come closer to Jesus.31 Therefore, the bread and the cup do not only demonstrate the suffering of Christ in his body and blood, but also demonstrate that the believers share the suffering that Christ went through while he was on earth. However, Paul has cautioned believers never to partake in the Holy Communion for the purpose of filling their stomach, because when they do, they will become weak in their bodies. He therefore encouraged them to examine themselves before partaking in the Holy Communion (1 Cor 27–28). 6.3.4  Lack of participation in sacraments The three waves of Pentecostalism participate in sacraments as described previously, i.e. the water baptism and the Holy Communion. Pentecostal churches such as the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa have also pronounced on the sacraments. Most of the churches of the fourth wave, however, do not participate in these sacraments, with the exception of the Holy Communion which is performed during a wedding ceremony. After helping the couple to exchange the vows, the pastor will lead them in taking Holy Communion. Other couples attending the wedding will be invited to partake in the Holy Communion with the couple. However, the majority of attendees are not given an opportunity to partake in the Holy Communion. This practice (while it benefits the couple) does not serve the purpose of serving the Holy Communion to all believers as commanded by Christ. It leaves other people as outsiders to the body of Christ. While it makes sense

The weaknesses of the fourth wave 117 at a wedding ceremony, the point is that others are isolated in this practice. It therefore does not serve the interest of the believers of Christ. A question presents itself: why are the churches in the fourth wave not able to give Holy Communion to all their followers? Is it because of their numbers, or are they just not interested? The reason for this assertion is that churches like the Enlighted Christian Gathering (ECG) of Bushiri have such large numbers that it is almost impossible for them to serve communion on one Sunday. If churches like these were to serve Holy Communion to all believers, it would take them the whole day. The same can be said about baptism where there are many believers that the prophet would have to baptize in water. This speaks to reasons why churches like these have to decentralise in order to provide for all believers in terms of water baptism and Holy Communion. The serving of Holy Communion might be facilitated in what is called cell groups or home groups; in such a setting there would be fewer people. The point is that if Christ commanded these sacraments upon all believers, there is no excuse for not partaking in such sacraments. The believers cannot be blamed for not being baptised and for not taking part in the Holy Communion, as they cannot do this on their own. They need a pastor or an elder to lead them in conducting such sacraments. 6.3.5  Manipulation of sacraments Instead of conducting proper sacraments like the Holy Communion and the baptism of water, some of the pastors in the fourth wave have manipulated the real sacraments, especially the Holy Communion. In feeding people grass and petrol, Pastor Daniel Lesego of Rabboni Ministries alluded to the point or belief that when he blessed the grass and the petrol it became bread and wine. However, eating grass degrades the people of God and reduces them to animal status and suggests that people have stooped low. They are no longer sane but have actually moved from what God has made them in the beginning, that is, images of God. The image of God in this instance is tainted with animal-­like actions that destroy the very humanity that God created; hence, those who follow these actions become detached from their master.32 Thus even before one can interpret the eating of grass and the drinking of petrol from a theological point of view, the actions themselves reveal that those who engage in them degrade humanity. While the faith of those who engage in these actions might not be questioned because they have freedom of religion, their intellect is questionable given the magnitude of degradation. However, the pastor and his congregants do not see that degradation. On the contrary, they see themselves as believers who demonstrate more faith than others. The argument of pastor Lesego is that when the grass and the petrol is blessed, it is no longer harmful but serves as a symbol of the Holy Communion. As much as the bread is a symbol of the body and the cup a symbol of the blood, so is the grass a symbol of the body and

118  The weaknesses of the fourth wave the petrol a symbol of the blood, according to Lesego. Given this kind of explanation, his followers did not have qualms about eating and drinking the substances because they believed what their pastor said. This poses two major challenges: one is that Jesus commanded the disciples to specifically use the bread and the cup (wine or grape juice) when conducting the Holy Communion, so the use of substances other than the ones Christ instructed actually demonstrates disobedience. Second, substances such as grass and petrol are harmful to human beings even when they are taken in the name of religion. Unlike bread and wine, grass and petrol can harm human beings. Thus, the sacraments such as Holy Communion should be conducted in a manner as Jesus commanded his disciples; they should not be seized to serve other purposes in the church.

6.4  Anti-­institutionalism 6.4.1  Historical anti-­institutionalism Pentecostalism began with movements such as the Holiness Movement and the Apostolic Faith Movement.33 Pentecostalism rediscovered the movement of the Holy Spirit left out in institutionalism.34 These pentecostal roots have sprouted to the current time whereby Pentecostalism is embedded in movements rather than established churches. This description suits Pentecostalism very well, as these groups are opposed to and very critical of a lack of progress that is common in old and denominational churches. Classical Pentecostals viewed themselves and identified themselves as the opposite of establishments and formal structures; hence, they have always viewed themselves as a movement. This is what distinguishes Pentecostalism from other forms of Christianity, especially those in established categories.35 Since its beginning, Pentecostalism has shied away from institutionalism and embraced the hermeneutics of experience that is simply based on the work of the Holy Spirit. Karkkainen asserts that “In striving to release the Spirit from institutionalism and excessive theological formulae and fundamentalist pedagogy, Pentecostals tend to trap the Spirit in experiential criteria”.36 Oosthuizen reiterates, “Classical Pentecostalism even in its infancy was opposed to a form of organisational structure of the denominational churches”.37 Collins and Ensign-­George add, “The resistance to established classifications is characteristic of the early history of Classical Pentecostalism”.38 Put differently, Weavers says, “Incipient Pentecostalism was a prophetic reaction, in part, against the absence of the Spirit within dead institutionalism”.39 Therefore, according to Resane, The spirit of anti-­institutionalism that dominated American Christianity in the sixties enhanced and expedited the growth of the charismatics worldwide. Thus, there is no doubt that the anti-­institutional tendencies had always been a hallmark of the Pentecostal and Charismatic

The weaknesses of the fourth wave 119 ecclesiology since its embryonic egression. This salient feature had been perpetuated within the Pentecostal and Charismatic circles for decades.40 Spirituality in Pentecostalism, according to Jaichandran and Madhav, is “identified with the individual quest as well as with the questioning of institutionalism”.41 As a result, contemporary breakdown of traditional values and communal life is compensated for by a renewal of spirituality. Members of pentecostal churches will even reject their church names in order to denounce institutionalism, denominationalism, formalism, or even creedalism. Menzies cites an example of the members of the Assemblies of God who have over the years raised the issue of the name. These smaller pentecostal fellowships held two key convictions: 1) We are pentecostal; and 2) We are not Assemblies of God. When questioned about this, these critics will often cite objections to the institutionalism in the Assemblies of God.42 The same can be said about the members of the Apostolic Faith Mission who left because they were unhappy with structural racism in the church. The formal structures of the church excluded black people, especially in leadership positions. These groups started their own movements, moving around, preaching the word of God in cities of South Africa. The structures of the church were hampering a veritable movement of the Holy Spirit. Thus, Pentecostalism over the years has leaned towards unorganised and unordered forms of worship and fellowship. Even scripture was never interpreted formally, but rather from an experiential point of view, moving away from formal interpretation of scripture to a more practical one. 6.4.2  Anti-­institutionalism in the fourth wave The anti-­institutionalism spirit that captured classical Pentecostalism also captured the fourth wave in South Africa. The new wave in South Africa became radical and became negative towards institutionalism. The growth of the fourth wave in South African is a sign of what Clarke calls “a reaction to Western ecclesial institutionalism”.43 The fourth wave was a direct reaction against stationary churches such as the Roman Catholic Church, the Anglican Church, the Presbyterian Church and the Dutch Reformed Church.44 In fact, the static nature of denominational and well-­established churches in South Africa paved the way for the coming of the new wave in South Africa. This reason, together with the racial divisions of that time, caused the new wave to grow beyond measure. Fourth wave churches were against formal ways of worship and liturgy. They introduced a liberated way of worshipping God whereby people could clap their hands, dance, shout, cry, rejoice and even laugh in the presence of God. The fourth wave did not subscribe to a stifled atmosphere in church whereby everything remains silent until the minister takes the podium. In the fourth wave the Holy Spirit takes over and makes the people of God express themselves in

120  The weaknesses of the fourth wave a service. These and other factors caused many people to leave the so-­called mission churches and join the fourth wave.45 The fourth wave churches in South Africa adopted the spirit of anti-­ institutionalism that reigned during the dispensation of classical Pentecostalism. They have a fear, according to Walsh, that “institutionalism and professionalization might destroy the sense of family in the church that was so crucial to its growth”.46 The experiences of spiritual encounters, visions, revelations, signs and wonders, and other manifestations of the Spirit’s presence and power, were the source and the impetus for the pentecostal missiology in which the early pentecostals were engaged, and the fourth wave churches are engaged in today. In addition, throughout the history of the church, the experience of the renewing, reviving work of the Spirit is the very dynamism. These emerging churches regard themselves as non-­ denominational, as they have no link to any mainline Christian churches, especially Classical Pentecostal churches such as the Apostolic Faith Mission, the Assemblies of God and the Full Gospel. They are in most cases anti-­ denominational, and refuse endorsement of them. Closer scrutiny reveals that they encapsulate anti-­organisation and anti-­structure ideals. These anti-­institutionalism tendencies have caused these churches to engage in some form of abuse of religion. The spirit of anti-­institutionalism, according to Resane, results in the abuse of religion, such as the above-­mentioned feeding of grass and petrol to congregants. Some pastors even went so far as to walk on the bodies of their congregants.47 6.4.3  Lack of governance structure The fourth wave churches lack structure in terms of the organogram of any well-­run organisation, where the board of governors run the organisation and the leader is responsible for sharing the vision with the rest of the organisation. Such a structure does not exist in most of the fourth wave churches. Rather, the pastor is the first and the final word in the decision making of the church. Fourth wave pastors have no one to account to; they are their own bosses. When there is no governance structure, it enables the presiding pastor to control and manipulate the finances of the church. In some of these churches, the pastor will appoint a non-­functional board that is there for the sake of reporting but that type of board cannot advise the pastor in any way. Structure therefore not only assists with the running of the church, but also serves as a tool of accountability whereby pastors as leaders will not do things by themselves, but in consultation with others. 6.4.4  Lack of administration The administration in the church enables the pastors to concentrate on the ministration like preaching, counselling and praying for the people while the administrator takes care of finances and other administrative duties. It

The weaknesses of the fourth wave 121 also assists the pastor not to judge people based on their financial contributions, which can happen when the pastors knows who is contributing what portion of the church income. A pastor should be able to minister to congregants objectively, just like any other professional person would not be involved in people’s finances, but would concentrate on the service they offer to their clients. The fourth wave churches do not have administrative staff; most of the churches are run by the pastor and his or her spouse. They run the finances of the church and the normal day-­to-­day activities of the church. However, it seems like the congregants do not care that much because these churches continue to flourish even when their leaders do not give account of what they do with the finances of the church. The damage this is causing to churches lies in the fact that at the end there is no financial growth, and the church becomes a hand-­to-­mouth organisation. 6.4.5  Lack of physical structure Most churches in the fourth wave conduct their fellowship in tents or rented buildings, as many fail to acquire land in order to build a church. Absence of government regulations, too, is contributing to the mushrooming of pentecostal churches anywhere in a city. Consequently, churches of this type come to life anywhere in a given city, which sometime poses health hazards. In most corners of the big cities in South Africa, such as Pretoria, Johannesburg, Durban and so forth, there is a church. The same phenomenon is visible in the homelands where churches dominate the landscape of the villages, but in the form of tents and timber structures. Only a few churches of the fourth wave have built proper structures in order to have a stable place of fellowship. It will take pastors to not only invest in themselves but to ensure that they build proper church buildings in order to be sustainable and have a proper legacy. This is the benefit of having a structure for the fourth wave churches; this is the importance of institutionalism in the fourth wave.

6.5  Abuse of women 6.5.1  Abuse of women in society Statistics continue to show that women are abused almost every day, in many instances by their own partners who live with them in the same house. Sometimes it is out of their choice as they fight for survival.48 The challenge of the abuse of women is not unique to the fourth wave, as it happens in other sectors of society. At the centre of abuse of women is sexual abuse, which also happens everywhere, including at places of employment, whereby the employer and employee relationship is compromised. Sexual abuse has made its way into the schooling system and school children are abused by their teachers. The #metoo movement49 attests to the fact that sexual harassment and sexual abuse happen everywhere, but at least women

122  The weaknesses of the fourth wave are taking action. Movements such as these are formed by women who are tired of suffering abuse by their superiors in workplaces and elsewhere in society. Abuse of women demonstrates a patriarchal society that perpetuates the dominance of men over women in the world today. The main source of abuse against women in society appears to be patriarchy, a system whereby the dominance of men over women is permitted by various systems such as the economic and legal systems. This makes patriarchy a universal phenomenon which paves the way to maltreatment of women by men in society.50 Patriarchy, according to Sande, places a husband as the “head of the household, the primary decision-­making power and wives as the primary caretaker of the children. It limits a woman’s vocational and economic position and forces her into submission towards her husband”.51 In this way, women in Africa and in other parts of the world are made subservient to men as far as their responsibilities go. As a result, the role of men in society is interpreted as being dominant compared to that of women, which results in women being at the periphery. This peripheral role of women in religiosity is entrenched by the way society reads and interprets the Bible. Scriptures that seem to be undermining the role of women in society are used to support the dominance of men over women.52 In addition, according to Frahm-­Arp, “a patriarchal socio-­religious system together with a culture of surveillance and silencing meant that women were not given the space to acknowledge, express or report the violence they experienced or had seen others suffer”.53 Patriarchy causes men not to respect their sisters and mothers, which is surprising, given that the same women are the ones who take care of them in society. 6.5.2  Abuse of women in Christianity Abuse of women is prevalent in organised Christian religion, be it in the Anglican Church, Catholic Church, Protestantism, Pentecostalism and so forth. In the words of Agazue (2015), “it is no longer news that some clerics sexually abuse some of the people in their care, but the news is how such abuse currently constitutes a major part of exorcism”.54 This is surprising because the church, as the most sacred place, is supposed to be at the forefront in dealing with the abuse of women. In the words of Sande, the church is expected to “offer a solution to the problem of violence against women. The church is expected neither to advocate nor to tolerate abuse. Yet behind the façade of being holy, sacred and moral and being an example of heavenly bliss on earth, the church hides and thus enables subtle forms of abuse against women”.55 Abuse of women in the church causes women to ask the question, “Where is God when women are abused in this fashion at the sacred place?” Extremely disconcerting is that this abuse is happening at a place where God is supposedly present, preached about and prayed to on a weekly basis. Many women are saying if indeed God was present in that sacred place, He would have stopped the abusers, especially when they

The weaknesses of the fourth wave 123 abuse young children. If God indeed was present, He would have stopped an elderly person who tried to have sex with a minor in the church.56 The other challenge with abuse of women in the church is that women are abused by those they trust and who are supposed to protect them. Women are abused by the people who are supposed to pray for them when they come for counselling sessions in the challenges they face. As a matter of fact, most women in the church are abused on their way to seeking counsel from their leaders. In such sessions where help is required by women, pastors sometimes take advantage of these women and begin to sexually harass them in the church. Women are abused in the name of religion, and when they complain about it, they are told that they cannot touch the anointed one of God. Some women are afraid to complain publicly because they esteem their pastors highly and respect them as their spiritual counsellors. Others do not complain because they are afraid to bring shame onto themselves and their families. They fear that the community will judge them for turning on the pastor who is honoured by all sectors of society. In Pentecostalism, the abuse of women demonstrates two contrasting views, even in this book: on the one hand, pentecostal churches (including the fourth wave, as highlighted in the fifth chapter) embrace gender inclusivity. The fourth wave believe in the participation of women in liturgy, and even at the leadership level they are allowed to occupy positions in the church. On the other hand, the same fourth wave churches are at the forefront of abuse of women in the form of sexual harassment and rape cases, especially in South Africa. The focus on abuse of women in the fourth wave is to demonstrate that this weakness is compromising the good work of the fourth wave churches in South Africa. In other words, abuse of women is compromising the growth and the impact of the fourth wave churches to the extent that when the weakness is dealt with, the fourth wave churches will grow. By dealing with abuse of women, fourth wave churches will have a better opportunity of becoming a voice against the abuse of women in society. For now, they cannot have a voice because their leaders are confronted with the same problem. 6.5.3  Sexual harassment There is a tendency for pastors to touch women without sensitivity to their femininity and privacy. According to Agazue, this is done to convince “the female victims that the sex acts will save them from being possessed by an evil spirit or simply enable them to fulfil the will of God”.57 Therefore, time and again when praying for women, the pastors will touch them inappropriately so that they can effect change upon their lives. The researcher has observed that Paseka Motsoeneng has a tendency to touch his female congregants inappropriately when praying for them, calling them biscuits.58 Since Motsoeneng, other pastors have followed suit by praying for women without respecting their bodily integrity. This type of inappropriate touching

124  The weaknesses of the fourth wave has become a norm for some of the fourth wave pastors in South Africa. While this is viewed as sexual harassment and violation of human rights, and degradation of the value and status of women in society, many women who have gone through this are afraid to come out because they view their pastors as “men of God”. Moreover, the women who face different challenges in their marriages and families actually believe that whatever the pastor does in faith will bring positive change in their lives. 6.5.4  Abuse of young girls In 2018, Nigerian Pastor Timothy Omotoso of Jesus Dominion International was arrested at Port Elizabeth International Airport, and is currently standing trial for rape as he is accused of sexually abusing about 30 young girls and other women in his church. The first witness in the trial took to the stand in the Eastern Cape High Court. Omotoso and his two co-­accused face multiple charges, including human trafficking, racketeering and rape. The televangelist is a senior pastor of the Jesus Dominion International Church and the victims were said to have been members of various branches of his church. Omotoso’s alleged accomplices are accused of having groomed the young girls for sexual exploitation by the pastor. The first witness, Cheryl Zondi, now 22 years old, says she was sexually abused by Omotoso when she was 14. Zondi testified how she was abused by Omotoso during a trip to attend a church meeting in KwaZulu-­Natal. She says she was invited to stay at his Umhlanga home, where between 20 and 30 other girls also lived. This case is in the public interest and is broadcast live on national television because of the bravery of one of the victims, a young woman and a former member of the accused’s congregation. However, there are numerous other unreported cases where a pastor is involved in sexual transgressions, especially with teenage girls. 6.5.5 Rape Another name which is mentioned in connection with irregular practices in Pentecostalism is that of Prophet Angel Bazuuka, who was arrested for rape but was later granted bail. It is rumoured that the victim of Prophet Bazuuka was killed with a poison and that her mother received a bribe of R300,000 to keep silent on the matter. Pascalina Nong revealed her daughter Rebecca was kidnapped and raped by four pastors: Pastor Bazuuka used to give her money and one day summoned her daughter to church, but it was later discovered that her daughter was gang-­raped by Bazuuka and three other pastors. She died shortly after she was discharged from the hospital. Nong was seeking forgiveness from her husband, who blames her for their daughter’s death. Nong insisted she took the money but never suspected that the money was for his release from prison.59 Prophet Bazuuka is nowhere to be found, and rumours are that he went back home in fear of prosecution. It is

The weaknesses of the fourth wave 125 unlikely that he will ever return to South Africa because of the allegations he is facing. The church staunchly remains adamant that he is a real man of God and that people are jealous of him.

Notes 1 The article by Tinyiko Sam Maluleke, “Half a Century of African Christian Theologies: Elements of the Emerging Agenda for the Twenty-­First Century”, published in Journal of Theology for Southern Africa 99 (1997), 4, offers insights on what needs to be done for the relevant theological education in South Africa. 2 Vondey, Pentecostalism: A Guide for the Perplexed, 7. 3 See Lee Roy Martin, “ ‘You Shall Love the Lord . . . with All Your Mind’: The Necessity of an Educated Pentecostal Clergy”, Education 242, no. 1 (2004), 243. 4 See A. Corten, “The Growth of the Literature on Afro-­American, Latin American and African Pentecostalism”, Journal of Contemporary Religion 12, no. 3 (1997), 311–334. 5 See R.D. Woodberry, “The Economic Consequences of Pentecostal Belief”, Society 44, no. 1 (2006), 29–35. 6 The quotation of this scripture can be found in 2 Timothy 2:15. 7 See Allan H. Anderson, “Pentecostal-­Charismatic Spirituality and Theological Education in Europe from a Global Perspective”, PentecoStudies 3, no. 1 (2004), 1–15. 8 See Joseph Bosco Bangura, “Theological Education for a Religiously Radicalized World: An African Pentecostal Assist”, International Review of Mission 106, no. 1 (2017), 151–166. 9 Although written from a practical theological point of view, the article by Jaco S. Dreyer, “Practical Theology and the Call for the Decolonisation of Higher Education in South Africa: Reflections and Proposals”, HTS Theological Studies 73, no. 4 (2017), 1–7, gives an overview of theological education in South Africa. 10 Anderson, “Pentecostal-­Charismatic Spirituality and Theological Education”, 8. 11 In the article “Rather Spirit-­Filled than Learned! Pentecostalism’s Tradition of Anti-­Intellectualism and Pentecostal Theological Scholarship”, Verbum et Ecclesia 37, no. 1 (2016), 1–9, Marius Nel shows that the pentecostals have always been more pro-­spirit than pro-­intellectualism. However, a closer look at the current pentecostal pastors in the fourth wave reveals that they are not necessarily anti-­intellectual, but anti-­theological education, because most of them view it as irrelevant. 12 Ibid., 2. 13 Ibid. 14 Lack of authentic theological education among pentecostals has made them vulnerable and gullible to the commercialisation of theological education, whereby many pastors find themselves buying degrees and certificates. See Kelebogile T. Resane, “Commercialisation of Theological Education as a Challenge in the Neo-­Pentecostal Charismatic Churches”, HTS Theological Studies 73, no. 3 (2017), 1–7. 15 See Veli-­Matti Kärkkäinen, “Pentecostal Theological Education in a Theological and Missiological Perspective”, Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 30, no. 1 (2010), 49–62, doi:10.1179/­jep.2010.30.1.005 16 Resane, “Commercialisation of Theological Education”, 5. 17 See Matthias Becker, “A Tenet Under Examination: Reflections on the Pentecostal Hermeneutical Approach”, Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 24, no. 1 (2004), 30–48.

126  The weaknesses of the fourth wave 18 Ibid., 43. 19 Ibid., 44. 20 See Hulisani Ramantswana, “ ‘I shavha i sia muinga i ya fhi?’: Decolonial Reflection on African Biblical Hermeneutics”, Stellenbosch Theological Journal 2, no. 2 (2016), 401–429. 21 See Nel and Janse van Rensburg, “Integrating Spirituality and Rationality”, a1943. 22 See Jay G. Williams, “Exegesis-­ Eisegesis: Is There a Difference?” Theology Today 30, no. 3 (1973), 218–227. 23 See, to understand contextual Bible study as coined and explained by Gerald O. West, “Locating ‘Contextual Bible Study’ Within Biblical Liberation Hermeneutics and Intercultural Biblical Hermeneutics”, HTS Theological Studies 70, no. 1 (2014), 1–10. 24 Louis Berkhof in his book Principles of Biblical Interpretation, published by Baker Book House, 1950, 85 brings understanding in relation to the principles of biblical studies. 25 See Resane, “And They Shall Make You Eat Grass Like Oxen (Daniel 4:24)”, 1–17. 26 See Douglas Bafford, “The Prosperity Gospel and an Unprosperous Reality in Post-­Apartheid South Africa: Conservative Evangelical Responses to Charismatic Christianity”, Paper Presented at the Wits Interdisciplinary Seminar in the Humanities, Wits Institute for Social and Economic Research, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2019. 27 Becker, “A Tenet Under Examination”, 44. 28 The breaking of bread needs to be understood as an ecclesiastical practice across Christianity around the world. See Wolfgang Vondey, People of Bread: Rediscovering Ecclesiology (Paulist Press, 2008). 29 The pronouncements of the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa on the Holy Communion. 30 Ibid. 31 Ibid. 32 Resane, “And They Shall Make You Eat Grass Like Oxen (Daniel 4: 24)”, 1–17. 33 The book by Wolfgang Vondey, ‘Pentecostalism and Christian Unity, Volume 2: Continuing and Building Relationships (Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2013)’ highlights the ability of pentecostal movement in uniting the whole sector of Christianity. 34 See Ogbu Kalu, African Pentecostalism: An Introduction (Oxford University Press, 2008). 35 Vondey, Pentecostalism, 47. 36 See Veli-­Matti Kärkkäinen, “ ‘Encountering Christ in the Full Gospel Way’: An Incarnational Pentecostal Spirituality”, JEPTA 27 (2007), 5–19. 37 See Gerhardus Cornelis Oosthuizen, Moving to the Waters: Fifty Years of Pentecostal Revival in Bethesda, 1925–1975 (Bethesda Publications, 1975). 38 See Paul M. Collins and Barry A. Ensign-­George, eds., Denomination: Assessing an Ecclesiological Category (Bloomsbury Publishing, 2011). 39 See C. Douglas Weaver, The Healer-­ Prophet: William Marrion Branham: A Study of the Prophetic in American Pentecostalism (Mercer University Press, 2000). 40 Resane, “And They Shall Make You Eat Grass Like Oxen (Daniel 4: 24)”, 1–17. 41 See Rebecca Jaichandran and B.D. Madhav, “Pentecostal Spirituality in a Postmodern World”, AJPTS 6 (2003), 39–61. 42 Glen W. Menzies, “A Full Apostolic Gospel Standard of Experience and Doctrine”, AJPTS 12 (2012), 19–32.

The weaknesses of the fourth wave 127 43 Clifton R. Clarke, Pentecostalism: Insights from Africa and the African Diaspora (Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2018). 44 These are the mainline denominations (also known as mission churches) outside Pentecostalism and represent a form of structural churches within Christianity in South Africa. In addition, these are the denominations that have suffered a decline in terms of membership and financial status, with some closing down their churches or renting them to new pentecostal churches in South Africa. 45 The dissertation of Dilipraj Chetty, “From Reductionism to Contextualization: Towards a Relevant Pentecostal Missiology in South Africa” (University of South Africa, Pretoria, 2002), is an important study for understanding the main pentecostal denominations like the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa, Full Gospel and the Assemblies of God. 46 See Arlene Sanchez Walsh, Latino Pentecostal Identity: Evangelical Faith, Self, and Society (Columbia University Press, 2003). 47 Resane, “And They Shall Make You Eat Grass Like Oxen (Daniel 4: 24)”, 2. 48 Maria Frahm-­Arp, Professional Women in South African Pentecostal Charismatic Churches (Brill, 2010). 49 The Me Too movement (or #MeToo movement), with a large variety of local and international alternative names, is a movement against sexual harassment and sexual assault (From Politics to Policy: Turning the Corner on Sexual ­Harassment – Center for American Progress (Center for American Progress, January 31, 2018), retrieved 14 April 2018). The movement began to spread virally in October 2017 as a hashtag on social media in an attempt to demonstrate the widespread prevalence of sexual assault and harassment, especially in the workplace, Nicole Smartt, “Sexual Harassment in the Workplace in a #MeToo World”, Forbes. Archived from the original on January 16, 2018. Retrieved 16 January 2018. 50 There is a connection between pentecostal theology and gender-­based violence that sometimes cannot be easily seen from a distance. See Nomatter Sande, “The Pentecostal Theology and Gender-­ Based Violence”, International Journal of Contemporary Applied Researches 6, no. 2 (2019), 1–13. 51 Sande, “The Pentecostal Theology and Gender-­Based Violence”, 1–13. 52 Pentecostals, while they are gender inclusive in terms of pentecostal leadership on one hand, are found wanting in the abuse of women on the other. See Rosinah Mmannana Gabaitse, “Pentecostal Hermeneutics and the Marginalisation of Women” Scriptura 114 (2015), 1–12. 53 The empirical study by Maria Frahm-­Arp, “Surveillance and Violence Against Women in Grace Bible Church and the Zionist Christian Church” (2015), is important in contextualising the problem of abuse of women, as the churches that the author used are prominent churches in Pentecostalism from a South African perspective. 54 Chima Agazue. The Role of a Culture of Superstition in the Proliferation of Religio-­Commercial Pastors in Nigeria (Author House, 2013). 55 Sande, “The Pentecostal Theology and Gender-­Based Violence”, 1–13. 56 Sexual violence against women happens in the church premises and in the presence of a church leader. For more on this aspect, see A. Hall and H. Last, “Violence Against Women in the Church Community: Project Anna”, Without Consent: Confronting Adult Sexual Violence (1993), 197–200. 57 Pastors abuse women in the name of praying for them or offering professional or spiritual counselling to them. However, in the end, abuse of such meetings takes place. The article by Chima Agazue, “ ‘He Told Me That My Waist and Private Parts Have Been Ravaged by Demons’: Sexual Exploitation of Female Church

128  The weaknesses of the fourth wave Members by ‘Prophets’ in Nigeria”, published in Dignity: A Journal on Sexual Exploitation and Violence 1, no. 1 (2016), 10 is important in demonstrating the relationship between spiritual sessions and sexual abuse. 58 See T.S. Maluleke, “Between Pretoria and George Goch Hostel: God in South Africa in 2015”, New Agenda 59 (2015), 35–39. 59 See “#UthandoNoxolo: Mother Reveals Daughter Was Gang Raped by ‘Pastors’ ”, viewed on 3 April 2019 at www.iol.co.za

7 The abuse of religion and gullibility of society

7.1  The abuse of religion 7.1.1  Eating grass and drinking petrol In 2014, Pastor Lesego of Rabboni Centre Ministries took South Africans by surprise when he fed his congregants grass and made them drink petrol.1 In this practice, it is believed that the congregants did so in order to access God. Lesego defended his practices by asserting that those who ate the grass and drank the petrol2 did not die of such, and therefore concluded that it was not wrong to eat grass and drink petrol.3 The belief is that once the man of God has prayed for such substances, they were no longer harmful to those who take it, but rather became mediums through which to access God. Lesego asserted that the grass and petrol were more like the bread and wine of Holy Communion. To the likes of Lesego, the act of drinking petrol might be seen as an act of accessing God, but it also poses other challenges, such as health hazards, especially when one drinks flammables like petrol. The eating of grass is equally unusual. The norm is that herbivores are the main consumers of grass. When such products are taken by human beings, it remains questionable. Men of God therefore need to explain in more detail why they use these products than just to say that they have heard from God. Ebewo views these acts as signs of drama, which makes sense in a South African context because South Africans are already used to this form of drama. In the author’s native language it is referred to as maselamose, which literally means magic. The author remembers very well that during his high school days there used to be magicians who would perform various acts such as laying eggs as if they were chickens. Therefore, when pastors like Lesego perform outrageous acts like having congregants eat snakes and drink petrol, they seem to be like magicians, but this time, in the name of religion. Unfortunately, society sometimes cannot see the difference.4 Another reason why men of God would do such things is because they claim it brings people closer to God. South Africans love and respect their God, so any message that brings them closer to their Creator is well received among congregants. The man of God then becomes the channel that people can use to gain

130  The abuse of religion and gullibility of society access to the almighty God. People thus feel obligated to submit to any instruction that the man of God issues in the hope that whatever challenges they face would be resolved through their submission. 7.1.2  The snake in the grass’s shadow While South Africans were still reeling from shock after the grass and petrol incidents, they were once again taken by surprise in 2016. This time, Pastor Penuel Mnguni of End Time Disciples Ministries, the spiritual son of Pastor Lesego, fed his congregants with live snakes and walked on the bodies of his congregants. Videos did the rounds where Mnguni’s congregants could be seen eating live snakes and the pastor walking on the bodies of his congregants and even going as far as driving a car over them. According to Nel in May 2015, Penuel Mnguni allegedly suggested that his congregation members strip naked, and then he stepped on them.5 In other occurrences, Mnguni asked naked female congregants to bow down on their knees so that he could bless them. The belief was that this act would help those who were not married to get married and for those who were already married, it would strengthen their marriages. In 2017, Mnguni told the members of his church to masturbate during the church service in order to produce a holy fluid to make the church floor a sacred floor. Mnguni’s tent was burnt by a group of Economic Freedom Fighters6 as a result of these outrageous acts that the pastor performed. However, Mnguni resurfaced again in a different South African province and began to feed his congregants dog meat and cockroaches, this time in order to heal some from HIV/­AIDS and others from cancer.7 At the time of feeding his congregants with live snakes, Mnguni claimed that, through faith, the snakes would taste like chocolate and ultimately become harmless. Claims such as these are corroborated by misquoting the Bible and giving examples such as Moses changing a rod into a snake, which has absolutely no bearing whatsoever on what the pastor was telling his congregants to do. The likes of Mnguni would use the aforementioned example to justify feeding people live snakes because in their hands (the hands of the prophet), the snakes would be rendered harmless. They would also justify walking on people’s bodies by stating that whenever they did this the people would receive a special blessing.8 In feeding his congregants dog meat, Mnguni said “it is not what goes through the mouth that disqualifies us and defiles us but what comes out of the mouth – The heart matters more than what decomposes”.9 In this instance, Mnguni used the words that Jesus spoke in Matthew 15:11: “Not what goes into the mouth defiles a man; but what comes out of the mouth, this defiles a man”.10 However, Mnguni is quoting Jesus out of context, because in Mathew 15:11 Jesus is talking about external holiness versus internal holiness. There are people who want to be holy outside by washing their hands and so forth, but deep inside them they are unholy. Jesus did not encourage his disciples to eat dog meat.

The abuse of religion and gullibility of society 131 7.1.3  The spraying of Doom Later in 2016, Pastor Thabang Rabalago of Mount Zion General Assembly (MZGA) was heard saying that God had been using him to pray for sick people in an orthodox manner, that is, through the laying of hands. However, God directed him to use Doom in order to effect healing upon sick people. He said that the Doom that is anointed by God could not kill people, but rather heal them. In defending the practice of spraying Doom on the congregants, he used scriptures such as Mark 16:17–18, which states that those who believe in Christ shall see signs like casting out demons and drinking deadly poison without being hurt. This scripture thus gives credence to the pastor being able to pick up the deadly snakes without being hurt, and being able to lay hands upon the sick so that they can recover.11 Another favourite scripture is the one in Zechariah 4:6, which states that it is not by might nor by power, but by the spirit of the Lord, and therefore the argument is that the prophet can do anything because he does it by the spirit of God.12 In addition, a tweet was posted by MZGA stating that anything that the man of God touches becomes anointed, because of the anointing upon his life and the gift of the Holy Spirit. Therefore, according to the prophet, Doom is nothing but a normal substance that can be turned into a healing product.13 Every South African who grew up in the villages, where insects like cockroaches, ants and flies have been a challenge, knows that Doom is a dangerous product. They do not need to read it on information leaflets pertaining to the product. It is, however, surprising that the same South Africans would believe that because the man of God has prayed for the product, it would no longer be dangerous. The woman who had Doom sprayed in her face confessed that “I came here with a pain on my back and stomach. Now, after the prophet sprayed me with Doom I am healed. My nose was blocked since last week, but after the prophet sprayed me with Doom I feel coming out of my nose. I thank God for healing me”.14 Fortunately, the Limpopo health department was able to take Rabalago to court, and he was found guilty of contravening the Agricultural Stock Remedies Act. However, during the trial, Rabalago’s supporters were found wearing T-­shirts bearing the following words, “Do not touch an anointed one of God”. This implies that even though the prophet was wrong, his supporters did not see any wrongdoing. In addition, his supporters were appealing to the public including the courts to leave their prophet alone. 7.1.4  Money laundering Early 2019, Pastor Bushiri of Enlightened Christian Gathering was also arrested and charged with money laundering. He is accused of transporting R15 million to his home country, Malawi, every week. The reports by news24 stated that Bushiri and his wife were arrested in Rustenburg for

132  The abuse of religion and gullibility of society fraud and money laundering. The power couple was also accused of contravening the Prevention of Organized Crime Act (POCA) for offenses which they committed from 2015 onwards. The contravention of the Act is related to exchange control regulations involving foreign currency of approximately $1,147,200 USD. As a result of these charges, the power couple was expected to appear before the Pretoria Commercial Crimes Court to answer to the allegations against them.15 However, Bushiri’s supporters did not want to hear anything about their prophet; they gathered in numbers in defence of Bushiri, with some threatening not to vote in the national elections (at that time) if their prophet was not released from prison. The power couple was released on bail of R100,000 after spending five nights in prison, on the condition that they would not confront any of the witnesses.16 It must be noted that Bushiri is a wealthy young man. At the age of 35, he owns a private jet and a fleet of cars. Bushiri claims to own mines and other businesses, but the real source of his wealth is his one-­on-­one consultations where he can charge members of his church up to R7,000 per consultation. Other than “one-­on-­one” consultations, Bushiri asked his members to raise money for the building of an auditorium, but the auditorium was never built and no one asked where the money went. Bushiri also runs a pyramid scheme where congregants are asked to deposit money in the hope that the money will grow substantially after a few months. Thus, members of the church invested monies to the tune of R100,000 or more. Many are still waiting hopefully to receive large amounts of money and profits. Other than the lavish lifestyle that Bushiri lives in terms of his cars and houses, he also showed off his wealth by buying his daughter a Maserati, which is an extremely expensive car. Other practices by Bushiri include, among others, staged miracles and prophesying to people about where they live and what they have eaten. 7.1.5  Body resurrection In February 2019, Pastor Alph Lukau of Alleluia Ministries appeared in a video where he raised a man from the dead in his church. In what looked like a staged miracle, Lukau was seen demonstrating the power of God by raising a dead person. However, the staged miracle did not work, because the dead person was alive even before he could be resurrected. In the video, one can observe clearly that the dead person is actually alive and that his cell phone had been placed in the coffin with him. In addition, there were no reports of his death either at the mortuary or the Department of Home Affairs. There was thus no miracle. The man actually lifted up his head even before the pastor could pray for him. Unfortunately, the man who faked his death and resurrection was reported to have really died shortly after this incident. Many alluded to the fact that his death marks the wrath of God against the fake miracle. He died leaving behind his wife and children.

The abuse of religion and gullibility of society 133 However, Lukau defended this act in order to deal with his critics. According to Lukau, the criticism of this miracle pointed to society’s negativity towards the Word and work of God. In defence of what people called the miracle at his church, Lukau argued that he did not necessarily raise the dead person, but rather prayed for his strength while the man was in a state of weakness. It was not unusual for him to be praying for the man’s strength to be restored as he often prayed for his congregants in such circumstances. According to Lukau’s version, it was the family that reported the man dead during a church service in what he calls an “interruption of the service”. He then walked out to see what was happening, only to find to his surprise that the man was alive and breathing. According to Lukau, although the man was still alive, he was very tense and needed prayer to be restored to his original state. The argument is that a prayer for restoration should not take society by surprise, as it happens in other church services.17

7.2  Reasons behind the abuse of religion 7.2.1  Moneymaking schemes Money is important in the fourth wave. According to Ukah, congregants are judged according to how much money they bring to the church and the amount of time they devote to church activities. Therefore, any church that is able to commit its membership to fundraising and weekly attendance of services is more likely to thrive than churches who cannot get this type of commitment from its members. Thus, in order to thrive, a pentecostal organisation should find ways to raise resources for the organisation.18 Ukah continues by saying “Doctrines and rituals, structures and policies are being tied tightly around ‘money’ (capital, wealth, riches, etc.), its acquisition and function in this world”.19 Therefore, according to Akanbi and Beyers, “there seems to be an inalienable casual connection between moneymaking and religious enterprise today. This is largely because of the promotion of prosperity gospel, sweeping through Africa”.20 Thus, the pastors of the fourth wave draw a parallelism between preaching the gospel and money. They argue that although the gospel is free, the means to transport the gospel are expensive. They argue that it is impossible to preach the gospel without money.21 Although there is a genuine need for money, according to Lumbe, “a large number of pastors in the movement may go to any length to create wealth for themselves. It has become a money spinning venture for some”.22 Pastors abuse religion in order to make more money because the greater the miracles the pastor performs, the greater the numbers of people who flock to the church, and the more money the pastors receive. People are willing to pay for something they can see (miracles that are being performed), but not for the theory that they hear being preached in mainline churches. Therefore, the abuse of religion has become a tool for pastors to

134  The abuse of religion and gullibility of society make money. It has been highlighted in previous chapters that the greater the miracles the pastor is able to perform, the higher the esteem with which this pastor/­prophet is regarded. When people in church perceive these acts as real miracles and as something that they had never witnessed before, they become emotional and want to give more money to their pastors. When people witness others receiving miracles, their sense of faith is heightened, and they are willing to part with their money as they are waiting to receive their own miracles. They become motivated to empty their wallets and bank accounts in the hope that the same miracle they have seen happen to others in church will also happen in their own life. This aspect has made the fourth wave pastors super-­rich, such that many have cars they do not drive and houses they do not live in. 7.2.2  Crowd-­pulling mechanisms The pastors in the fourth wave have the ability to pull crowds, and one of the methods they use is the abuse of religion. They communicate their message such that people from across the country will want to attend their services. Thus, the unusual practices among the pastors in the fourth wave are meant to draw people from the length and breadth of South Africa to their churches. They know that ideally, people do not like going to church; they would rather go shopping or engage in other social activities. In order to draw them to the church, the pastors in the fourth wave have a tendency to announce special services in order to draw crowds. In the advertisements, they would make sure that they mention things that are going to happen so that people do not second-­guess their expectations. Such announcements have the potential to draw many people to their services, including people who are alien to church services. The fourth wave pastors will go to great lengths to ensure that whatever they announced actually does happen on the day, hence the abuse of religion, because some of the miracles are beyond the gift and the charisma of the specific leader.23 Pastors in the fourth wave abuse religion to draw bigger crowds to their gatherings and services. Generally, in Africa, if or when people hear that there is fire, they want to see if indeed the fire is burning. In general, South Africans love witnessing miracles more than they enjoy sitting down and listening to sermons. This is the reason why they find the fourth wave churches more appealing. It is the notion of miracles being performed that has made people want to gather in services, even when they take much longer than what they are used to in their traditional mainline churches. People will gather in the church and remain seated for hours on end, as long as they know they are going to see something unusual during the service. They do not mind waiting for long hours. Therefore, miracles have become sources for pulling crowds to the gathering of the believers in the church. With this knowledge, pastors in the fourth wave do not only

The abuse of religion and gullibility of society 135 preach the gospel, but actually make sure that they perform something that will leave everyone surprised as to how it happened. It has made pastors seek ways in which they can present unusual occurrences during their services; therefore, if it does not happen naturally or through prayer, they resort to religious malpractice. 7.2.3  Competition with other pastors Ministry in the fourth wave is highly competitive. Thus, pastors no longer concentrate much on preaching the genuine message of the Gospel, but have to find ways of making themselves relevant so that they can be better than others in the ministry. They rely on those who have already been there and try to copy what they are doing. This causes a spirit of competition among pastors in the fourth wave. Many who are in the ministry see the need to surpass others, which reflects negatively on the work of pastors. This results in pastors engaging in either preaching a cheap message, or finding other ways to pull and maintain the crowd.24 Competition is a common thing in the fourth wave; pastors compete against each other for crowds. This kind of competition causes rivalry among believers in the fourth wave.25 Pastors in the fourth wave who compete against others show that they are not living their own purpose because they chase other people’s purposes. Pastors who compete against others are not concerned about their own gift, but the gifts of other people. They are not concerned about the progress they make, but about the progress of other people or other organisations. This kind of leader will change his or her own programme in order to compete against the programme of another organisation. Pastors who have a competitive spirit can change direction in order to follow the direction of their competitors. Another reason for competition is that evangelism is no longer done in churches; pastors recycle members from one church to another. Therefore, they will compete for the same members in the body of Christ. Pastors in the fourth wave abuse religion because they compete against one another. The one who emerges as the greatest miracle performer will have more people flocking to him or her. Although the churches of the fourth wave are growing in their numbers, it must be noted that competition is very high. Some pastors will go as far as conniving to pull other pastors down because they have a bigger church than the conniving pastor. Competition is so high that some pastors of the fourth wave will send spies to other ministries to find out how they are performing in order to outperform them or do better that than what they are doing. These unusual acts reveal some truth when it comes to demonstrating who is the greatest among them. If one prophet walked on air, another will claim to have walked through a wall, so that he or she can prove that the other prophet’s gift is of lesser power.

136  The abuse of religion and gullibility of society 7.2.4  Media attention News reporting and commentary through different forms of media such as television, radio and newspapers in South Africa have been dominated by political, economic and sporting news, as well as crime updates. However, in the last five years (2014–2019), news reporting and commentary in South Africa have added another dimension which featured rather prominently, and that is religious news, especially news about the religious practices of some pastors in the fourth wave of Pentecostalism. In the years between 2014 and 2019, some of the pastors in the fourth wave, as highlighted earlier in this chapter, engaged in outrageous acts such as having their congregants eat snakes and dog meat, having them drink petrol, taking selfies in heaven, spraying Doom on congregants, walking on air, walking on the bodies of church members and resurrecting others. These acts sparked public debate about religion and shaped the discussions in the media like never before in the history of South Africa. One talk show host after the other hosted programmes to discuss the abuse of religion in South Africa. The outrageous acts of some pastors influenced news reporting and commentary in South Africa, not only with regard to reporting, but also regarding the inclusion of religion in public debates. This widespread media exposure in South Africa thus benefitted the pastors of the fourth wave in one way or another. In addition, the fourth wave has the potential to attract media that goes beyond the confines of its own mass media in the church, meaning public media in the form of television, radio and other media. In addition to the messages they preach, the unusual acts that they perform in church circles have the ability to attract the public media. In a way, it gives the fourth wave exposure even to a generation of non-­churchgoers; they know the fourth wave from their screens. Due to this exposure, fourth wave churches are able to draw many people to their churches.26 Therefore, one of the tools of the fourth wave is the relationship between their churches and the participation of the media. In some instances, fourth wave pastors are invited to appear before big television audiences in South Africa. Initially it might appear negative when a certain pastor appears on television, especially given their wrongdoing, but in the long run, it makes them household names to South African citizens.27 Therefore the media, according to Meyer, “do not only make possible the spread of a church beyond the confines of a congregation but also feature as signs of technological mastery and up-­to-­datedness”.28 7.2.5 Popularity Pastors in the fourth wave of Pentecostalism are caught up in a culture of popularity in much the same way as other celebrities who are involved in music, sport and television. They base their ministry on being known by other people, which ultimately reveals some form of pride instead of the humility that Jesus exhibited in his leadership style. The culture of popularity

The abuse of religion and gullibility of society 137 demands that other people should see that the pastor is the one in charge and the one everybody depends or relies on for survival. Consequently, they want to be seen to be performing extraordinary miracles that are sometimes outside of the confines of biblical texts. In the fourth wave, the question of who is more anointed than others is very important; it is an important part of the gospel. Other than performing outrageous acts, the status or title of the pastor is also very important in the fourth wave. The attempt of the pastor to portray himself or herself as extremely important or great is to get congregants to believe in him or her. Hence, the profile of the pastor is also on display in the church, on the church’s website and elsewhere, where people can see that he or she is a great man or woman of God.29 When the pastors in the fourth wave attract media attention, the goal is simple: they ultimately want to become popular in South Africa. This is why one will find that some of these prophets are as, or even more, popular than sporting heroes and celebrities. It is because they have mastered the art of performing unusual feats in order to turn the attention of the whole world on them. Although it is sometimes risky, the pastors in the fourth wave do not care about the risk; all they care about is seeing themselves attain celebrity status. Instead of people from countries abroad asking South Africans about Nelson Mandela, they are now asking about prophet Bushiri due to his popularity and the celebrity status that he now enjoys. Popularity in our day and age in South Africa does not only belong to those who appear on national television and in glossy magazines; popularity now also belongs to pastors who have become so popular that young kids admire them and aspire to become prophets when they grow up. Young children are starting to emulate what and how they preach and present themselves in church.

7.3  Gullibility of society In the aforementioned abuses of religion, there is a sign of gullibility in society whereby members of society seem to support the practices of their pastors, even when they see that what their pastors are doing is wrong. Society is gullible because it continues to support pastors by giving them money, even when the pastors do not account for the monies they receive. The congregants of Bushiri shouted that if Bushiri was not released from prison, they would not take part in the national elections. Some of the congregants were heard shouting that they want their major one, regardless of what he had done, or else they would not vote. They were united in their prayers for their man of God and vowed to stay around the courts until he was released from prison. The congregants supported their pastor, regardless of the seriousness of the crime he is alleged to have committed against the laws of South Africa. This means that they are willing to abandon the law in support of their leader, and it must be reiterated that they were ready to give up their votes in support of the pastor.30

138  The abuse of religion and gullibility of society One congregant of Lesego’s church, Rabonni Centre Ministries, was quoted in IOL news (2014) as saying, “I believe in Pastor Lesego and everything he does”.31 The supporters of Rabalago wore T-­shirts on which was written: “Do not touch my anointed”.32 This scripture is often quoted out of context, to intimidate those who are critical of these outrageous acts and to convince such critics to remain silent. Utterances such as these demonstrate that not only are people gullible, but they are also ignorant – hence, the scripture in Hosea 4:6, “my people perish because they lack knowledge”.33 During the #resurrection challenge week in South Africa, one listener, who called in during the Thabiso Tema show (2019), said, “As much as you believed that Jesus was resurrected more than 2 000 years ago, so you must believe that Alph Lukau can resurrect a dead body”.34 These examples demonstrate that people are susceptible to the abuse of religion in South Africa. At times congregants remain loyal, even when such practices pose a danger to their health. They shout, “I receive”, even when a prophet says, “You shall die”.

7.4  Composition of the gullible 7.4.1  The poor The poor, of whom most are living in South Africa’s townships and villages, are the ones most vulnerable, gullible and susceptible to the bad practices of religion in South Africa Anything that gives them hope in their devastation is welcomed, even if it is disguised as a good religious practice whilst it is everything but good. Religion is an important crutch to many poor people in the South African context because many people, according to Banda, “are still under high economic inequality and powerlessness. Thus many poor and powerless people rely on religion as a means of engaging their socio-­ economic and political reality”.35 Banda continues to say that “The high levels of poverty, corruption, crime and violence, high costs of living and medical care and poor service delivery mean that many poor people turn to religion as a strategy of survival and existence”.36 Banda adds that “many vulnerable South Africans trust their religious institutions to protect them and empower them to overcome their various social and personal problems”.37 The government and other entities might see it as vulnerability, but many of these people perceive it as a way of escaping from their miserable lives. They perceive religion as the hope of the future in the midst of their socio-­economic challenges. The poor, it has been said many times in this book, have been let down by the government of South Africa in what might be defined as a failed democracy. The reason for this assertion is that 25 years later, in a democratic South Africa, the poor still do not have primary healthcare that caters to their needs. They lack jobs, with some even lacking basic necessities. Therefore, the coming of a prophet gives them hope, and the level

The abuse of religion and gullibility of society 139 of desperation is high such that when the prophet asks them to jump, the only question is how high. Many of the young people would come to the prophet with documents such as a curriculum vitae, business plans, etc. so that the prophet can pray for them. One cannot imagine that persons in such desperate situations would refuse if the prophet asked them to kneel down in order for him to walk on them or spray Doom on them. They are gullible and become susceptible to the prophet’s practices, as they have no other hope in life. In a way, the prophet has become the last hope to society. 7.4.2  The middle class The middle class definition has been manipulated in such a way that the outsiders may perceive it as a class that is doing well economically in South Africa. The narrative is built around the fact that South Africa is now democratic, and with democracy came economic growth that favours professionals and businesspeople who are able to consume products specific to the South Africa market and possibly the international market too. However, the problem with this notion is that it ignores the irregularities or inconsistencies of economic growth in South Africa, on one hand, and the challenges to democratisation in South Africa, on the other. When considering these two factors, one discovers that the economic growth in South Africa has been too low, forcing the same middle class to pay high taxes, medical aid and other taxes. Therefore, the payment of high salaries to top management and black professionals does not necessarily translate into economic growth and a better life for middle-­class South Africans. This type of growth has actually caused the majority of the middle class to be overly indebted.38 Critics of the fourth wave tend to think that poor people are being taken advantage of, but a closer look at these churches reveals that even the middle class are gullible because many of them, although educated in their own areas of specialisation, lack knowledge regarding religious practice. Peer pressure to drive a better car, live in a better house and have a better position at their workplace are all factors that make the South African middle class vulnerable to abuse by religion. Thus, when the prophet tells them to do something, they do it with speed, hoping that their lives will improve in the future. Many are hopeful that the current position they have at their workplace is not their final destination. They therefore hope that the best is yet to come in their lives. The prophets of the fourth wave are well aware of the frustrations of the middle class in South Africa; that many have houses they cannot afford to pay with the salaries they earn. They therefore create the impression that through prayer, things can change for the better. Given the desperation of the middle class, they will carry out the instructions of the prophet even when it does not make sense to them.

140  The abuse of religion and gullibility of society 7.4.3  The wealthy South African statistics reveal the stark reality when it comes to wealth distribution. Only a few people in the world control the biggest portion of the planet’s wealth. In the South African context, the total private wealth held in South Africa is about $722 billion USD. $306 billion USD is held by high-­ net-­worth individuals. The average South African individual has net assets of $12,900 USD per capita, which is the second-­highest level in Africa, just behind Mauritius. South Africa is home to about 43,600 high-­net-­worth individuals, each with net assets of about $1 million USD or more. In addition, South Africa is home to about 2,200 multimillionaires spread among the different ethnic groups, each with net assets of $10 million USD or more. Furthermore, there are about 5 billionaires in South Africa, and each of them has net assets of $1 billion USD or more.39 With all this wealth, why would the wealthy visit a prophet in the fourth wave? Is it to acquire more wealth or is there some other valid reason? Among the 67 people that died during the collapse of the building in Lagos were people who came from affluent families. Why did they see the need to visit a prophet? The challenge of the wealthy across the world is the protection of their wealth, given the threat from their enemies in their communities or even from outsiders. The wealthy will do anything to protect what they already have in the bank and in terms of property and other assets. The fear that many have, that they might actually lose the wealth that they have amassed, and the experiences that many South Africans have about crime and other wrongful acts perpetrated against the wealthy, make wealthy people vulnerable to any act of religion. Therefore, in order to protect their wealth, the wealthy consult the prophet in the hope of receiving specific prescriptions on how they can keep their wealth intact. This same practice is found in African traditional religion, where the wealthy will consult a sangoma so that their business, wealth and assets in various entities are safe. Thus, in Christianity, the fourth wave appeals to the wealthy because it offers protection similar to that of a sangoma, so that the wealthy need not be threatened by the devourers of their wealth. Given the magnitude of many people’s wealth, this means that the wealthy can be even more vulnerable than the poor. 7.4.4  International visitors Regional visitors to South African churches in the fourth wave refer to people who come from neighbouring countries like Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and so forth. Some of these visitors are ignorant about the functions of the South African currency. They do not know how the South African economy functions with regard to buying of goods and services. Therefore, they can be cheated when booking at hotels and paying for other services in South Africa. It is therefore possible that

The abuse of religion and gullibility of society 141 international visitors who have come to see the prophet will be willing to pay exorbitant amounts because they are desperate to see the prophet and hopefully receive solutions to their personal challenges. Some international visitors are already used to paying exorbitant prices in their home countries like in Europe, America and Australia, and because in most cases their currencies are worth more than ours. If, for example, they are asked to pay R7,000 for their personal session with the prophet, they think that it is normal. Some will even be willing to pay additional amounts because they are used to paying high amounts in their countries of origin. International visitors who desire to visit Enlightened Christian Gathering are given four options to choose from with regard to their accommodation while in South Africa. The first option is for people who are willing to pay R7,000 per person in one of the guest houses belonging to ECG. However, the form does not give an indication as to the number of days that are covered for the R7,000. The second option is R10,500 for a VIP (Very Important People) room at one of the ECG guest houses, and again, no mention is made of the duration of the stay. The third option is R8,200 per room but with an allowance to stay with one child, thus implying that the amount can increase if there are more children. The last one is R14,000 for an adult who wants to stay with two children, but the children should be older than four years.40 Although these offers by ECG might sound reasonable to outsiders, South Africans will actually see them as exorbitant and would rather opt for cheaper options. International visitors are thus more vulnerable than locals, and because some of them come from countries where they eat snakes as part of their daily diet, they cannot see anything wrong in doing so.

7.5  Reasons for gullibility 7.5.1  Socio-­economic Some South Africans rally behind fourth wave pastors because many of them do not have medical aid and depend on the public health care system. The majority of the South African population do not have medical insurance, as many of them do not have full-­time jobs. Many have given up on looking for jobs; they do not attend school, do not receive any other form of training as offered through skill training centres, and even though some may qualify, they are not enrolled in an institution of higher learning. This kind of environment in the South African context is conducive for pastors in the fourth wave, such as Lesego Daniel, Penuel Mnguni, Lethebo Rabalago and Paseka Motsoeneng, to abuse religion. Where else can society turn when they do not have full-­time jobs, medical aid or proper qualifications to look for work? Where else can they turn when even those who are well trained and qualified struggle to get full-­time jobs in a very constrained South African job market?41 Therefore, the causes of abuse of religion, according to Maluleke, are “the mix of poverty, the fear of slipping deeper or back into

142  The abuse of religion and gullibility of society hardship, ignorance born out of little or no education, nihilistic meaninglessness, desperation, the survival instinct, collapsed social institutions, defunct public systems and services and rampant corruption”.42 Socio-­economic factors make people gullible because many South Africans still have to endure the triple challenges of poverty, unemployment and inequality. Thus, religion, even when it is abusive, gives them some form of hope. The desperation of South Africans make them accept anything, as long as it is done with the promise of a job, car, house, promotion and so forth. Poor South Africans have more hope in their pastor than they have in their politicians. When a politician such as the president of the country stands before people, he needs to explain why people are unemployed, and even though there is very little hope, still promise them a better future. However, when a prophet stands before his or her congregation to declare the word, they do not beat around the bush, but pronounce the blessing of receiving jobs to their congregation. Thus, whenever the prophet deviates from the Bible and offers other help, such as eating grass or drinking petrol, the congregants still chorus an amen in loud voices. Thus, the fourth wave pentecostal pastors, although they engage in malpractices of faith, serve as hope for the African child. However, socioeconomic challenges cannot be the only reason for this gullibility, because even the rich attend these churches. 7.5.2 Psychological The fourth wave has an ability to psychologically manipulate the people of God as a result of their challenges, such as financial dire straits or health challenges. They become vulnerable to the abuse of religion. Given the ability of the fourth wave to minister to the emotional needs of the people and the social aspects of the ministry of Pentecostalism, society psychologically accepts anything that the fourth wave preachers present to them. The psychological manipulation happens as part of the package of religious abuse, and society therefore cannot perceive that they are being manipulated. Consequently, they choose to follow and support even if religion puts their lives in danger.43 This is related to hypnosis, which is used on unsuspecting people who trust that their pastors would not do anything to harm them. Congregants cannot suspect anything because when they are hypnotised, they are taken to a level where they perceive everything as being spiritual, including giving away their property, cars, houses and so forth. One can almost think that some of the congregants in these churches have reached a level of mental disturbance. How else can one describe a situation where someone gives away everything they have in the name of receiving a blessing thereafter? It is a sign of mental disturbance, psychological illness or even hypnotism.44 It might even be possible that some congregants are brainwashed, such that they cannot apply their minds. How else does one explain the fact that

The abuse of religion and gullibility of society 143 although people are conscious and have all their faculties intact, they are willing to wait in a queue in order to eat grass? How else does one explain the fact that educated and certificated men and women who are well-­to-­do in the community come together to drink petrol? It might be a sign of a psychological problem that people are obsessed with the acts of the fourth wave, such that they cannot see when they engage in wrongful acts. There are congregants who give their entire salaries or even their entire pension fund payout to these pastors, only to regret it at a later stage. Does this not represent people who cannot apply their minds to the decisions they make in life? Does this not represent hypnotisation at its best in the church, when people are manipulated to do things that are unreasonable and out of the norm, only to regret such decisions at a later stage? This might be a sign of a generation whose minds have been captured to such extent that they cannot think – a sign of witchcraft of the mind. 7.5.3 Theological Mainline churches have steadfastly remained traditional and have not offered an alternative liturgy to solve the challenges that people are going through in postcolonial Africa. The mission churches in South Africa, in their endeavours to change the people of South Africa, have actually taught principles that are contrary to African culture, and this has made their theology irrelevant to the daily challenges that South Africans encounter. For example, the issue of the spirit world is one of the great failures of the mission churches, because they do not acknowledge the existence of spiritual forces such as demons and witchcraft. The irony is that they have presented demons, the spiritual forces in the spirit world, as being the sources behind the misfortunes of the African people. The missionary churches have unfortunately failed to bring any real solutions from the perspective of the gospel that are able to solve the problems of the African person in body, soul and spirit. The fact is that in the African spirit worldview, spiritual forces do exist, especially witchcraft. Many African people perceive the challenges in their lives as coming from these forces, such that when the fourth wave pastor engages in unusual practices, they believe them.45 In addition, it is generally accepted that what are known as mainline churches in South Africa have failed the body of Christ, in the sense that these churches have become cold in their liturgy and redundant in their practice. African people are more inclined to a liturgy full of live music and dance, to the extent that even the preaching of the word is not a priority. They therefore cannot stand a cold liturgy where music and dance are prohibited in the church. By siding with the government during the apartheid era, NG Kerk have made themselves an enemy of the people in a democratic South Africa. Therefore, as highlighted in the previous chapter, there is a plethora of people who have moved from the traditional churches in South Africa to the fourth wave churches. This is because the mainline churches

144  The abuse of religion and gullibility of society have failed the masses of South African people. Thus, while it might be easier to blame the people who join pastors who practice religion in a bad way, the churches that are blaming the fourth wave churches have not offered an alternative. Although they know that people are sick, unemployed, poor and are facing many other economic challenges, the mainline churches do not have solutions to these challenges; hence, people flock to the fourth wave churches. 7.5.4 Patriarchal The abuse of religion in South Africa might be a sign of patriarchy at play even in the fourth wave of Pentecostalism. According to Ackermann, patriarchy means “the legal, economic and social system that validates and enforces the sovereignty of the male head of the family over its other members”.46 This type of abuse may be patriarchal because, when one observes the pastors involved in these outrageous acts, most of them are male and the victims are female. These practices are a sign that even in the 21st century, women are still looked down upon while their male counterparts are still domineering. The author makes this assertion because female congregants are in the majority of those who fall victim to the abuse of religion. The pastors at the helm of the abuse of religion are all men, and they represent a culture of men abusing women in the name of religion. The women involved in this abuse of religion are victims of “cultural violence, exploitation, manipulation, power, stringent control, patriarchy and diverse manifestations of coercive practice. All these coercive measures were imposed and validated through or by a hegemonic Christian discourse. This highlighted the oppressive and saliently draconian nature of Neo-­ Pentecostal space(s)”.47 There are no female pastors who engage in these outrageous practices. The female pastors who are part of the fourth wave practice religion like any other pastor. These women of God are genuine in the presentation of the gospel, while their male counterparts are engaged in malpractice. What is most astounding is that the victims of the grass and snake eating acts, as well as the drinking of petrol, are mainly women and young girls. The malpractices of religion might thus be a sign of male dominance over female congregants who are desperate to find solutions to their social problems. It is also interesting to look at the composition of church members in these fourth wave churches. Most members are female, which opens an opportunity to the practice of patriarchy. Would the pastor in the fourth wave oblige if the same was done to him? How many pastors of the fourth wave are willing to eat grass, drink petrol and eat snakes? How many of these male pastors would be willing to undress while they receive prayer in church or would be willing to allow another human being to walk over their bodies? The answer is simple: none of them will do these unthinkable acts, because they are not female, but male.

The abuse of religion and gullibility of society 145 7.5.5  Lack of knowledge Alternatively, it might be that society cannot make a distinction between what is true and what is false because they lack the knowledge to make such a distinction. They lack the gift of discernment to know who is a true prophet and who is a false prophet, and because they lack knowledge, they follow the false prophet. Maluleke says that “The demand for bad religion, as practiced by these ‘men of god’ stems from material desperation and high levels of ignorance: an ignorance that is born from cultural and spiritual immaturity as well as from a lack of education”.48 Quayesi Amakye adds that the reasons why people are vulnerable to malpractices of religion is because their spiritual growth has not yet reached a level where they can discern between what is true and what is false. Consequently, they consult their pastors for answers to the challenges that they come up against in their lives, and they fall prey to those who are taking chances in the name of religion by performing outrageous acts to entice the followers. It takes a society that is rooted in the Bible and in general knowledge to be able to separate the chancers from the real men and women of God.49 The people will perish because they lack knowledge. The gullibility of South African society might be a sign that many people lack knowledge regarding spiritual matters. They are not able to discern between the true prophet and the false one; they are not able to discern between what is right and what is wrong, and ultimately, they receive and accept that which is wrong believing that it is right. When people lack knowledge, they do wrong things without knowing that they are wrong. They might find out later that they have been supporting wrong things. Generally, the South African population is not deep in the things that concern religion; they might know about politics, sport and wildlife, but when it comes to knowledge of religion, many are vulnerable. Therefore, gullibility is a sign that South Africans lack knowledge of basic aspects of religion or even Christianity. It will take a gift of discernment for the South African society to be able to make correct decisions as to who to follow when it comes to the preachers of the gospel.

Notes 1 Although it is a popular piece, Maluleke’s article “The Prophet Syndrome: Let Them Eat Grass”, Mail and Guardian, viewed 24 October 2014 at https:/­/­mg/­co. za, paints a picture of what it means when the prophet says “eat grass”. 2 In his book Introducing Christian Theologies, Volume One: Voices from Global Christian Communities, Vol. 1 (Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2013), Victor I. Ezigbo specifies that it was only after Lesego made the congregants eat grass that he led them to drink petrol. This pattern follows exactly the one of Christ, where he broke the bread first and later gave his disciples a cup to drink. 3 Nel, An African Pentecostal Hermeneutics, 23. 4 See Patrick J. Ebewo, Explorations in Southern African Drama, Theatre and Performance (Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2017). This article interprets the actions of pastors in South Africa in the form of a play and drama, which makes it possible to understand the reasons behind the outrageous acts.

146  The abuse of religion and gullibility of society 5 Nel, An African Pentecostal Hermeneutics, 23. 6 The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) is the third-­largest political party in South Africa, led by the former ANC youth league president, Julius Malema. The party is known for its radicalism and aggression in dealing with issues even in the parliament of South Africa. Hence, they were able to deal with Penuel Mnguni in a decisive way. 7 See news24, “Snake Pastor Feeds Dog Meat to Congregants for Communion”, 2018, retrieved on 16 October 2018 at www.news24.com. Penuel Mnguni initially fed people with snakes, walked on their bodies, made them undress and masturbate to make holy fluid. After several attempts to deal with Penuel Mnguni, he did not retreat in terms of the outrageous acts. Thus, the latest act was the feeding of dog meat to the congregants. 8 Ebewo, Explorations in Southern African Drama, 92. 9 This quotation by Mnguni has been retrieved from news24, “Snake Pastor Feeds Dog Meat”. 10 The scripture has been quoted from the New King James Version (NKJV). The NKJV is an English translation of the Bible first published in 1982 by Thomas Nelson. The New Testament was published in 1979, the Psalms in 1980, and the full Bible in 1982. It has the original words with the modern English, unlike the King James Version (KJV). 11 A paraphrase of Mark 16:17–18. 12 The scripture was taken from Zechariah 4:6. 13 More information can be found on BBC, “South Africa’s ‘Doom Pastor’ Found Guilty of Assault”, 2018, retrieved on 9 February 2018 at www.bbc.com. The outrageous act by Rabalago attracted the attention of BBC and the information on the verdict delivered to Rabalago can be found on the BBC website. 14 The quotation by the woman was taken from CNN, “South African Pas tor Sprays Insecticide on Congregants to Heal Them”, 2019, retrieved on 23 November 2016 at www.cnn.com. The act by Rabalago also attracted the attention of CNN, who reported on this outrageous act. 15 For more information, see news24, “Prophet Bushiri, Wife Arrested on Charges of Fraud, Money Laundering”, 2019, retrieved on 1 February 2019 at www.news24.com. What was brought to court on the Bushiri couple is the allegation of fraud and money laundering, but they were actually involved in other abuses of religion, like the video showing the prophet walking on air and other acts. 16 Bushiri and his wife were finally released on bail after spending five nights in prison. Their arrest attracted a lot of public interest, especially from his own members and supporters, who demanded his release from prison. For more information, see timeslive, “Pastor Shepherd Bushiri, Wife Granted R100 000 Bail Each”, 2019, retrieved on 6 February 2019 at www.timeslive.com 17 It appeared in the video and other reports that Lukau had resurrected a corpse, but in fear of public scrutiny, Lukau changed the story and made it like he only restored the man as he was weak in his body. For more information see, Citizen, “Alph Lukau Explains ‘Beautiful’ Resurrection Miracle While Holding Another Miracle Service”, 2019, retrieved on 4 March 2019 at www.citizen.co.za 18 To understand the difference between the importance of money and the abuse of money by the prophets in the fourth wave the article by Asonzeh Ukah, “Piety and Profit: Accounting for Money in West African Pentecostalism (Part 1)”, Stellenbosch Theological Journal 48, no. 3–4 (2007), 621–632, is very helpful, as it calls for accountability on the issues of money in Pentecostalism in general. 19 Ukah, “Piety and Profit”, 626. 20 See Solomon O. Akanbi and Jaco Beyers, “The Church as a Catalyst for Transformation in the Society”, HTS Theological Studies 73, no. 4 (2017), 1–8.

The abuse of religion and gullibility of society 147 21 Although located in east Africa, the article, “The Challenge of Money and Wealth in Some East African Pentecostal Churches”, Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 37, no. 2 (2011), 133–151, by Julius Gathogo offers more information on the problem of money among the Pentecostal pastors. Some of the problems there are applicable to the southern African context. 22 See John Muntunda Kapenda Lumbe, “Origins and Growth of Pentecostal and Neo-­Pentecostal Church Movements in Zambia Between 1989 and 2000” (PhD dissertation, 2008). 23 The dissertation by Carol B. Shilubane, “The Liturgy of ‘Deliverance Ministry in Mopani’ ” conducted at the University of Pretoria, is pivotal, as it highlights how pastors are able to use miracles and other ways to attract crowds in their meetings. There is a need to problematise the issue of great attendance of people at pentecostal meetings because at times it comes at a price of abuse of religion. 24 With very few sources on ministry and competition, the article by Joel Kamsen Tihitshak Biwul, “A Paradigm Shift in Pastoral Ministry in Twenty-­First Century Nigeria: An Examination of the Trends, Causes and Its Implications”, Stellenbosch Theological Journal 4, no. 1 (2018), 91–111, is very resourceful, as it paints a picture of the recent ways in which pastors conduct themselves by competing against each other. 25 See Afe Adogame, The African Christian Diaspora: New Currents and Emerging Trends in World Christianity (A&C Black, London, 2013), 208. 26 Akanbi and Beyers, “The Church as a Catalyst for Transformation”, 2. 27 The use of mass media by pentecostal churches has been researched; the gap is in the attraction of public media by Pentecostalism, which is under-­researched. Therefore, the article by S. Kuponu and Lagos Nigeria Ojo, “Pentecostalism and Media: A Reflection on Space Contestation on the Internet”, International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Review 5, no. 1 (2015), 45–79, has assisted in looking at how Pentecostalism attracts media action, especially when they engage in unusual practices. 28 See Birgit Meyer, “Pentecostalism and Globalization”, in Allan H. Anderson, Michael Bergunder, Andre F. Droogers, and Cornelis van der Laan (eds.), Studying Global Pentecostalism: Theories and Methods (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2010), 113–130. 29 Biwul, “A Paradigm Shift in Pastoral Ministry in Twenty-­First Century Nigeria”, 100. 30 In defence of their major prophet, the followers of Bushiri threatened not to vote if Bushiri was not released from prison. See, IOL, “Bushiri Followers Threaten to Withhold Votes If ‘Major 1’ Is Not Released”, 2019, retrieved on 23 February 2019 at www.IOL.com 31 See IOL News, “MEC Slams Petrol Pastor”, 2014, viewed on 29 September 2014 at www.iol.co.za 32 The text has been taken from Psalm 105:15. 33 The text has been taken from Hosea 4:6. 34 The author of this book personally listened to the Thabiso Tema show (2019) on Power Drive on Power FM, 98.7 on 26 February 2019. However, a podcast is available to verify this information on the points made by the caller to the radio station during this show. 35 The article by Collium Banda, “Redefining Religion? A Critical Christian Reflection on CRL Rights Commission’s Proposal to Regulate Religion in South Africa”, Verbum et Ecclesia 40, no. 1 (2019), 11, gives reasons why religion should not be regulated in South Africa. Although this is debatable, the interesting thing for this book is that one of the reasons for not regulating religion, according to Banda, is that it would disadvantage the poor people, as they see religion as their last hope.

148  The abuse of religion and gullibility of society 6 Banda, “Redefining Religion”, 10. 3 37 Ibid., 8. 38 The article by R. Zizzamia, S. Schotte, M. Leibbrandt, and V. Ranchod, “Vulnerability and the Middle Class in South Africa”, SALDRU Working Paper Number 188/­NIDS Discussion Paper 2016/­15 (SALDRU, University of Cape Town, Cape Town, 2016), 1–42, gives a historical overview of what it means to be a black middle-­class person in South Africa, in contrast to many perceptions and misconceptions that have been created in the past. 39 See Statistics South Africa, the end of year report for 2017. 40 For more information, see the International Visitors – Prophetic ­Channel – Submission form on the link https:/­/­submit.prophetic-­channel.org ›international-­ visitors. 41 Maluleke, “The Prophet Syndrome”. 42 Ibid., 1. 43 See D.S. Parsitau and P.N. Mwaura, “God in the City: Pentecostalism as an Urban phenomenon in Kenya”, Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 36, no. 2 (2010), 95–112. 44 Resane, “And They Shall Make You Eat Grass Like Oxen (Daniel 4: 24)”, 9. 45 See Opoku Onyinah, “African Christianity in the Twenty-­First Century”, Word and World 27, no. 3 (2007), 305. 46 See D. Ackermann, “Being Women Being Human”, in D. Ackermann, J.A. Draper, and E. Mashinini (eds.), Women Hold Up Half the Sky: Women in the Church in South Africa (Cluster Publications, Pietermaritzburg, 1991), 93–105. 47 See S.B. Khanyile, “The Virtualization of the Church: New Media Representations of Neo-­Pentecostal” (Doctoral dissertation, University of the Witwatersrand, 2016). 48 Maluleke, “Between Pretoria and George Goch Hostel”, 39. 49 See J. Quayesi-­Amakye, “Prosperity and Prophecy in African Pentecostalism”, Journal of Pentecostal Theology 20 (2011), 291–305. https:/­/­doi.org/­10.1163/­174 552511X597161

8 Reflections on the weaknesses of the fourth wave

8.1 Bridging the gap between spiritual experiences and theological education 8.1.1 Distinction between spiritual experience and theological education Pentecostals in the fourth wave need to bridge the gap between spiritual experiences and theological education. One way to do this is to make a distinction between what Amos Yong calls spiritual hermeneutics and theological hermeneutics. Spiritual hermeneutics can be interpretation as a result of spiritual experiences, but in doing theological hermeneutics, there is a need to consider the Bible as the source.1 In the context of the fourth wave, it means that it is not necessarily wrong for a pastor to have an ability to interpret dreams and visions, but in addition to such an ability, they would still need theological hermeneutics. The distinction will assist in having a constructive pentecostal theology among pentecostal scholars, according to Yong.2 This means that pentecostal theology has to take into cognisance the spiritual experiences of the practitioners of Pentecostalism without isolating them. As things stand in South Africa, there is no harmony between what the pentecostal theologians do and that which the pastors on the ground are doing. Therefore, when synergy is made between the two concepts, as suggested by Yong, there will be harmony in pentecostal theology that serves both the pastors and the theologians. 8.1.2  Encouraging the pastors to study There are pastors who are not necessarily anti-­theological education, but only lack the courage to register and continue with their studies. These pastors need encouragement from those who are involved with theological education, like lecturers in institutions of higher learning. Therefore, there is a need for theologians to be engaged with pastors in order to serve as encouragement for prospective students. Bridging the gap between spirituality and theological education can be done through hosting workshops that

150  Reflections on the weaknesses of the fourth wave will explain the processes that leads one to enrol in an institution of higher learning. It will demand that theologians work with Christian communities like churches and other organisations. The theological departments can host various seminars that can serve as open days for theological studies. There are other sectors, like the Department of Correctional Services, in South Africa that can be used to encourage both warders and inmates to enrol in a theological education qualification. It is not only the role of theologians, but also pastors who are theologically educated, to model theological education in their churches by encouraging others to study. The pastors on the ground can withhold their mentees’ ordination until they acquire a certain level of academic qualification; this move alone will set a good precedent for other pastors. 8.1.3  Adjusting the curriculum In addition, the gap can be bridged by changing or adjusting the curriculum of theological education in institutions of higher learning. The important question here, as posed by Marylin Naidoo, is: Is theological education in South Africa providing the right formative training for the leaders of the church?3 In answering this question, Dames suggests that for an education to be relevant, it needs to “calibrate its didactics and methodology in such a fashion that it allows students multiple possibilities to access, to choose and design indigenous knowledge”.4 Venter speaks of the transformation of theological education in terms of the process of compiling such education.5 Maluleke reiterates that such a curriculum must “become incarnate in the life and thought of Africa and its theologies must bear the distinctive stamp of mature African thinking and reflection”.6 Therefore, the greatest challenge, according to Maluleke, is “seeking, designing and finding a way of talking about African problems such as poverty that will lead us to deep introspection as Africans and as Christians”.7 When doing hermeneutics, Africans, according to Maluleke, should be “suspicious and critical of the status, contents, and use of the Bible; committed to reading ‘behind the text’, inspired by a commitment to the cultural struggles of black workers and women”.8 That kind of hermeneutics, according to Maluleke, “will help theologians in helping their brothers and sisters”.9 For pastors to be interested in theology, it should speak to their hearts and not just their heads, which means being able to speak to the real issues in communities. One of the factors that discourages pastors from studying is that the curriculum is irrelevant to them and their context. The curriculum is still taken from the context, such as the global north context on the one hand, while it is meant for the global south audience on the other. The curriculum is irrelevant, such that even those who undergo theological education struggle to apply it to their own context. Thus, the books they have read for many years in theological institutions cannot help them

Reflections on the weaknesses of the fourth wave 151 in solving the contextual challenges in society. Therefore, there is a need to ask a bold question: Whose theology are we teaching in Africa? Is it a theology that helps Africans to solve African problems, or not? As things stand currently, many theological education institutions still teach what can be considered a “Westernised curriculum”. This needs to change, and the curriculum should in a way represent the context of South Africa. Such a curriculum, according to Masenya, should be relevant, current and theoretically underpinned.10 The day the curriculum transforms is the day there will be an influx of pentecostal students with an interest in studying theology. 8.1.4  Creating special programmes The gap can be bridged by creating special programmes for pastors that are not structured like the formal courses, with many modules that pastors sometime deregister or fail to complete in record time. It is therefore incumbent upon institutions, according to Masenya, to “engage in pastoral training to design programmes that will help produce well-­ trained graduates to counter below par training, to improve leadership in churches and to advance communities”.11 This kind of a training, although it can be accredited in an institution, does not have to include long-­ duration programmes, but something that pastors can complete within a year or two. There is a need to remember that some pastors, especially in new emerging churches, do not even have a school leaving certificate, let alone a degree in theology. This means that even if they were to enrol for a formal degree, they do not have capacity to finish such a degree. The danger to this type of student, according to Kinsler, is that “programs dedicated to higher academic levels of training and research may disqualify and marginalise them”.12 Programmes of high academic quality might discourage them from enrolling with higher institutions of learning. In order to avoid such discouragement, there is a need to create proper programmes. This category of students will need to register for short learning programmes (SLP) in, for example, marriage office, biblical studies, Christian leadership, humans and environmental issues, the correctional ministry and HIV/­AIDS. Some pastors can appreciate even a short course in the method of preaching or what is commonly known as homiletics. In similar way, other pastors can appreciate a course in hermeneutics that will teach them the basics of interpreting scriptures. Masenya suggests the following short learning programmes which should have basic training: computer literacy, specialisations like youth ministry, pastoral counselling, leadership and management, contextual theology, critical African theology and pastoral theology.13 These SLPs can ultimately lead the pastors into registering for a formal programme in the form of a degree or a diploma, as they would already have prior knowledge in theology. SLPs can work well for pastors

152  Reflections on the weaknesses of the fourth wave who are already in the field but need theological knowledge. Thus, when studying an SLP, they do not need to be in a fulltime class, but can do so through distance learning with an open distance learning institution. Although these would ideally target the pastors, the SLPs can be introduced to other congregants, who would study them for the purpose of gaining more knowledge of scriptures. 8.1.5  Post Graduate Diploma in Theology The gap can be bridged by having a special qualification in institutions of higher learning like a specialised Post Graduate Diploma (PGD) in Theology that can cater to the needs of many pastors. This will work very well for the majority of pastors who have qualifications in other fields like medicine, engineering, commerce, law, teaching, arts, sports and so on, but desire to enter a ministry. Instead of them doing a theological qualification from scratch, they can do a PGD in Theology. Anyone with the abovementioned qualifications is able to enrol for PGD in Business. A PGD in Business, for example, has attracted many students. Thus, a PGD in Theology can attract just as many students in ministry. Such a qualification can comprise the main theological subjects that pastors can complete within a year. The following is the list of theological education subjects that the researcher considers to be valid for a PGD in Theology: Old Testament, New Testament, Systematic Theology or Dogmatics, Church History, Missiology, Greek, Hebrew, Christian Leadership and Christian Ministry. These subjects are enough to orientate a non-­theological graduate into theological education. Thus, at the end of such a qualification, the graduate will be equipped and ready for ministry. 8.1.6 Accessibility The gap can be bridged through accessibility of theological education, if not education in general, in South Africa. Successful nations are those that have made education accessible to the majority of the citizens, not just the few elites in the country. Any nation that educates its citizenry is bound to succeed, even if such education is in the field of theology and religion like pentecostal theology. One of the challenges to education and not just theological education is accessibility, especially to a black child in Africa today. The commercialisation and commodification of education in our times makes theological education expensive for many people who are already poor. By accessibility, the researcher refers to making theological education affordable for pastors. The majority of them do not earn enough in their congregations to be able to afford the high fees charged by many universities. One of the ways to make theological education accessible is through a set-­up fund that will assist the pastors to enrol and finish their studies. Accessibility also

Reflections on the weaknesses of the fourth wave 153 speaks to the criteria set as the requirements or suitability of prospective students. Many pastors do not meet such criteria, but can be enrolled based on prior or practical learning.

8.2 Bridging the gap between spiritual growth and institutionalism 8.2.1  Distinction between structure and growth One of the problems identified as a discouragement for the fourth wave to have a proper structure that governs the church is the fear that the Spirit might be suppressed by structure. In order to deal with this challenge, the structure of the church should not be allowed to reign supreme over what God is doing in the church through his Spirit. This should be done because the fourth wave needs institutionalism, one way or the other. In the words of Synan and Yong, pentecostal spirituality is not a static phenomenon, nor is it a phenomenon that can exist without some forms of empowering institutionalisation.14 Vondey adds that a high demand for institutionalisation and institution-­building characterises the modern day Pentecostal movement since its inception. The unprecedented expansion of the movement across the world, the growth of membership and the lack of organisational structures at the original revivals soon demanded a higher degree of organisational leadership.15 In other words, to maintain the growth of the fourth wave, there is a need to have a proper structure in order to prevent the wave from stagnation. Therefore, there is a need to find a grey area between growth and institutionalism. 8.2.2  Distinction between structure and administration The balancing act between the growth of the fourth wave churches and institutionalism is possible when the administration is separated from the operation of the church.16 In this way, the Holy Spirit should never be seen as a substitute for the administration of the church. These are two separate issues. The Holy Spirit plays a vital role in leading the operation of the church, like in worship, ministration, preaching and other works. The Holy Spirit, as stipulated in John 14:26, is the teacher, guider and leader. He is the one who reminds the believers about everything that Jesus taught His disciples. The administration, on the other hand, cannot be delegated to the work of the Holy Spirit; it needs a human element to oversee it in the form of a structural office. When following the ministry of Jesus closely, one observes that His ministry had a spiritual wing and an administrative wing. The disciples of Jesus were responsible to administrate whatever Jesus wanted to happen in His ministry, like distributing food, ushering the people and applying the protocol. This model can work well in new pentecostal

154  Reflections on the weaknesses of the fourth wave churches, that is, the separation of the work of the Holy Spirit from the administration of the church. 8.2.3  Structure as a form of support Structure should be seen as a form of support and not a hindrance. The main purpose of having someone above the specific leader is not to hinder that leader, but to support that leader. Thus, pentecostals need to view structure not as an impediment to growth, but as a resource for harnessing that growth. After all, these structures exist elsewhere in society, so why not have them in the church? A family, for example, has a structure where the husband is the head of the family with the wife and the children supporting that leadership. In a similar way, the church must have a form of structure. Paul says in Ephesians 5:23 that “Jesus is the head of the church as the husband is the head of his own wife”.17 In some instances, pentecostal pastors have become the centre, and have removed Jesus as the head of the church. Jesus Christ is the head because he gives his life as a ransom for the redemption of the church. However, there is a need to understand Christ as the head of the corporate body, that is, the church in general terms. There should be heads of specific assemblies, and such heads should also have other people to oversee them in this regard. 8.2.4  Growing beyond structure Last, the fourth wave churches can learn to grow above and beyond their structure. The purpose of structure does not mean people are stuck with it. The researcher is aware of pastors in ministry who are within a certain structure, but they have grown above it and actually went beyond such structures. There is a pastor in the Full Gospel denomination who has his own ministry in the denomination, such that many people will come and gather during one of his annual meetings. The church structure has allowed him to grow within the system, because ministry is not easy outside the system. Another example is a pastor in the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa who has also grown such that his Sunday services are broadcasted on television, but he did not have to leave the denomination to have such an impact in his ministry. This is opposed to many perceptions that young ministers have that say for one to grow, they have to be independent, which is not necessarily true. It is possible to grow within an established and well-­ organised structure and denomination.

8.3  Winning the war against abuse of women 8.3.1  Speaking out against abuse In order to win the war against the abuse of women by some pastors in the fourth wave, there is a need to have more women who will be bold enough

Reflections on the weaknesses of the fourth wave 155 to report incidences of abuse. Women need to fight against what Togarasei calls “acceptance of abuse”.18 They should not fear that they will undermine their pastors, because once a pastor touches a young girl or even an older woman, they have ceased to be honourable and have entered the terrain of abusers of women, regardless of their status in society. Although it is not easy to speak against one’s pastor, unless this is done in communities, there will never be any hope of winning the war against abuse of women. The victims should face their perpetrators head on and confront abuse even when it is done by a pastor. Some of the incidences start as verbal abuse and turn into sexual harassment and then rape. However, when women speak, even at an early stage when the matter is not even known by many people, it assists in dealing with the issue before it receives public attention. At that moment, even the perpetrator might repent before the issue becomes a criminal case before the law. Thus, it helps to speak up before matters get worse. 8.3.2  Public exposure Public exposure of wrongdoing is one way of vindicating the victim of abuse in society. Once one pastor has been reported, even if the matter is reported at a police station and nothing gets done about it, they become a public example for others not to engage in the same abuse because they know that it will embarrass them. Therefore, by reporting the matter, it makes the perpetrator known to the public. Although it is not up to the public to judge them or take law into their hands, once they know, it might serve as a public example to many who were planning to engage in similar acts. Maluleke and Nadar add that there is a need to “transform women’s often silent and covert thoughts of resistance as well as their weak, often counterproductive and incoherent survival strategies into acts of resistance that build up in intensity as women gain more and more ground little by little”.19 Therefore, the more evil is exposed to the public, the more it ceases to exist, or the more its impact in society is minimised to a certain level. This notion of public exposure should also encourage women to come out in speaking against wrongdoing. The fact remains, the matter is not only reported so that the police should act; even if the police does not act, the matter is already public. Thus, the victim should never be discouraged, but continue to speak out against the abusers. By doing this, it will also save other potential victims of abuse. 8.3.3  Disarming patriarchy Patriarchy has been identified in Chapter 6 as one of the reasons why men abuse women: they feel like they have authority over women. Therefore, winning the war against abuse of women means that patriarchy must become a thing of the past. The fourth wave pastors need to see themselves as equal to women, because they were all created in the image of God. Thus,

156  Reflections on the weaknesses of the fourth wave no human being should feel superior to others as a result of their age, race or even gender. Therefore, the fourth wave churches should not only become good in gender inclusivity, but they need to fight patriarchy, as it encourages men to treat women badly in the name of tradition and culture. Therefore, pastors must rise in the fourth wave as those who will value women and not abuse them as a result of patriarchy. In place of patriarchy, there should be respect for all the genders that God created, in the sense that when a man abuses a woman, he is actually abusing an image of God. The pastor, as the leader of the congregation, should lead as an example of how to treat other fellow human beings, whether they are male or female. 8.3.4  Strong legal system The pastors who engage in wrongful acts do not need a debate or a commission to inquire if what they have done is right or wrong. This does not only speak to issues of abuse of women alone, but even in other issues like the unusual acts that seem to be unlawful acts as well. If someone engages in a criminal activity, they do not need prayer, but the law should take its course in making sure that they are arrested and actually account for their wrong actions. In a country where the law reigns supreme, wrongdoing cannot happen on the watch of a functional justice system. Such a system should be able to confront wrong actions by people without fear and favour. Therefore, there should not be mixed feelings with regard to how pastors are treated by policy, for example. Society should not feel guilty when a pastor is arrested, because the day a pastor abuses a woman is the day they have called the justice system to come closer to them. If the justice system is able to arrest wrongdoers, people will be encouraged to come out in numbers and report the wrong acts. The opposite is also true; if nothing happens after reporting a matter, it makes people reluctant to act in the future.

8.4  Dealing with the abuse of religion 8.4.1  Partnership with government and business Pastors in the fourth wave abuse religion because they are in need of money to run the ministry; some just want to show off. However, there are proper ways of raising finances other than abusing religion. One way to raise finances is for the pastors to work closely with the government in order to get funding or tax rebates from the government. After all, the pastors are already doing the work of the government by getting the youth off the streets and by empowering the communities. This opens a healthy partnership with the government. Some of the work that the government cannot do, they can delegate to pastors who are on the ground with the people. If pastors in the fourth wave register their churches as charities, they can also receive sponsorships from companies who can in

Reflections on the weaknesses of the fourth wave 157 return receive tax rebates. This method is already working very well in the United Kingdom, whereby they register all churches as charities and offer them various incentives. The same can be done in South Africa; it will not only assist in terms of finances, but will also assist in terms of the records of the churches in South Africa. 8.4.2  Authentic miracles Pastors in the fourth wave abuse religion because they want to gather as many people as they want in their services. The strategy is not necessarily wrong, because even Jesus did the same in order to have a great following. Jesus always performed miracles to ensure that people followed him; however, a closer look at Jesus’s miracles reveal that he performed miracles to minister to the needs of the people. Thus, there is nothing wrong with miracles, as long as they are authentic and as long as they minister to the needs of the people. The problem with many miracles in the fourth wave is that they do not add value to the congregants. On the contrary, the miracles performed actually serve as health hazards to the congregants in these churches. Furthermore, those who claim to be preaching the right gospel should offer an alternative in terms of the needs of the people. The best way to disapprove of a fake miracle is to produce the real miracle. Therefore, it does not serve any purpose for the mainline churches to shout at and blame the fourth wave pastors without providing an alternative. When real miracles happen, society will, for example, not see a need to eat grass or drink petrol. 8.4.3  Cooperation in ministry The pastors in the fourth wave compete with one another, hence they see a need to perform the unusual miracle to always appear greater than others. Instead of competing with one another, the pastors should complement each other and avoid divisions. In addressing the issue of divisions in ministry, Paul said to the church at Corinth that they need to unite and work together by ensuring that there are no divisions among them. Paul encouraged them to have singleness of mind and thoughts.20 Even the various offices in the fivefold ministry, including apostles, prophets, evangelists, pastors and teachers, are not there for leaders to see themselves as being better than others. The fivefold ministry exists in order to equip the people of God and to build up the body of Christ. It is not for some to be major prophets and others to be minor prophets; they should all complement each other.21 After all, it is good and pleasant, according to the psalms, for brethren to dwell together in unity, which results in the church flowing in harmony. The psalmist compares it to the oil that flows from the head of Aaron and like the dew of Hermon, which attract the blessing of God upon the church.22

158  Reflections on the weaknesses of the fourth wave 8.4.4  The will of God in ministry Ministry is not about being known by others or being popular in the public sphere; it is about doing the will of the One who has sent the pastor. Pastors will stop abusing religion when they know the will of God upon their lives. There are preachers who are called for high numbers, but there are also those who are called to minister to the few. There are those who will become popular in ministry, while others may remain behind the scenes but still make an impact on people’s lives. This means that an individual pastor does not have to follow everything in life, but only the will of God. The urgent thing for the pastor is not popularity, but to know the will and the purpose of God, which can be discerned by someone who is always yearning to please God, instead of pleasing men. It is the desire of God to see individuals and the whole community of believers walking in the will and purpose of God. However, there are pastors who do not even have the calling of God in their lives, but who are only taking chances to rob the people of God of their possessions.23

8.5  Dealing with the gullibility of society 8.5.1  Differentiating between Spirit of God and other spirits In order to deal with the abuse of religion in South Africa, there is a need for society not to receive anything given to them but to try the spirits.24 Trying the spirits can assist in differentiating between the Spirit of God and other spirits, because in Africa many spirits exist. Therefore, the society should not just accept any spirit, but should have an ability to try the spirits. In the words of Yong, “the charismatic gift of discernment plays an important role to enable believers to determine where and when, or whether, the Holy Spirit (or other spirits) is present and active”.25 Through the Holy Spirit, one will know if a spirit operating in a pastor is the Holy Spirit or some other evil spirit. This is because not every spirit operating in a person is the Holy Spirit. Thus, the Holy Spirit, unlike other spirits, should be understood as the one sent by the Father through the Son, Jesus Christ. The Holy Spirit should be known as the divine agent that brings the total liberation of believers, as stated in 2 Corinthians 3:17, that, where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty. Since Jesus sent the Holy Spirit, He is the one to fulfil the mission of Christ on earth, since Jesus is now at the right-­hand side of the Father. Thus, any mission that is not led by the Holy Spirit is led by other spirits. Society will not be gullible when the Holy Spirit leads them to make proper personal choices instead of just following feelings and emotions. In Romans 8:16, the scripture says that the Spirit of God bears witness that we are the sons of God. Another scripture says as many as are led by the Holy Spirit, they are the sons of God. In other words, the Holy Spirit, in the life

Reflections on the weaknesses of the fourth wave 159 of the believer, will be able to bear witness if something is going right and even when it is going wrong. When an individual is properly guided, then the whole society will change for the better. When outrageous acts happen in our society, an individual will be able to distinguish between what is right and what is wrong through the help of the Holy Spirit. The Holy Spirit will help the believers not to react to the outrageous acts of pastors, but to actually respond to them. Instead of supporting any man of God, who pitches a tent to preach, believers will now have to sense, guided by the Holy Spirit, if the one preaching is sent by God. In this way, pastors will think twice about feeding people snakes, dog meat and so forth. 8.5.2  Differentiating between real prophecy and divination There is a need to make a distinction between a real prophecy and divination. Divination, foretelling, forecasting or prediction is very common and rather popular in Africa. Diviners try their best to reveal one’s future through foretelling. Society in South Africa is failing to make a distinction between biblical prophecy and divination that is normally done by sangomas in African traditional religions. Believers do not really care about the source of the word delivered by the prophets, as long as the word makes sense about their real-­life situation. The reality is that the word could be coming from an unreliable source or even a word of deception. In the words of Chimuka, “some prophets claim to be used by the Holy Spirit of God, while they have the same pneumatological status as witchdoctors, ministering under the influence of the ancestral spirit”.26 Consequently, someone can come to church and act as if they are prophesying, but they may actually be led by the spirit of divination. Society should differentiate the real word by the real prophet and divination by the diviner. Real prophecy does not only excite the one listening, but is delivered according to the Word of God. 8.5.3 Differentiating between a genuine prophet and a false prophet There is a need to distinguish between a genuine prophet and a false prophet. In the words of Sciberras, “Truth and falsity are disentangled by the process of discernment so as to preserve what is true”.27 The scripture has called on believers to watch out for false prophets, who come disguised as sheep, but inside they are wolves. They will be known by what they do, because they cannot bear good fruit if they are not good trees (Mt 7:15–20). If the prophecy does not represent what is written in the Word, it cannot be true, because God cannot contradict himself. He cannot say one thing in His way and say the other through the mouth of the prophet.28 However, society in South Africa is failing to make a distinction between what is true and what is false. Society receives everything without examination of the source.29 In order to make that distinction, discernment is required.30 In addition, when

160  Reflections on the weaknesses of the fourth wave the prophecy is given, the leaders of the church should authenticate such a prophecy, especially if such involves a nation. The Word should be established in the witness of two or three matured believers.31 8.5.4  Knowing the anti-­­Christ Society should make a distinction between the anti-­­Christ preaching and preaching for Christ. Many preachers, today, in new pentecostal churches, will never mention the name of Christ from the beginning of their sermon until the end. Their preaching is mainly about their own personal achievements. They will also highlight the fact that the reason others do not have what they have is because they are not as “prayerful”, or they are not as anointed as they are. Is this not the sign of being an anti-­­Christ? Many churches have removed Christ out of the church, and it is all about them. A preacher or a pastor who is pro-­­Christ, according to Asemoah Kwabena Gyadu: should be able to acknowledge (1) the authority of the Bible; the Bible is not another book, but is the inspired word of God, as stated in 2 Timothy 3:16, ‘All Scripture is God-­breathed and is useful for teaching, rebuking, correcting and training in righteousness.’ (2) The centrality of the cross; the cross of Jesus is the main reason why Christianity is in existence; hence, Paul says in 1 Corinthians 2:2: ‘For I resolved to know nothing while I was with you, except Jesus Christ and him crucified.’ (3) Regeneration is the way to Christian salvation; (4) a call to holiness.32 8.5.5  Dealing with socio-­economic issues The government of South Africa has a huge role to play in order to deal with the gullibility and the vulnerability of society to the abuse of religion. Addressing the socio-­economic issues in South Africa like poverty, inequality and unemployment can go a long way in dealing with the challenge of the abuse of religion. When the government takes care of their citizens, the citizenry will less exposed to the abuse of religion. Therefore, it is imperative in South Africa to deal with the challenges of the majority of South Africans who do not have anything to eat in a given day. What remains a challenge in a democratic South Africa is the fact that the majority of people do not have jobs, and some actually become active in attending a church and participating in a church service. Although it is not the sole responsibility of government to create jobs, they can provide a conducive environment for entrepreneurship and big businesses in order for them to create jobs. The South African government needs to provide primary healthcare for every citizen in the country that is affordable and accessible for everyone.

Reflections on the weaknesses of the fourth wave 161

Notes 1 Amos Yong, Spirit-­Word-­Community: Theological Hermeneutics in Trinitarian Perspective (Routledge, 2017). 2 Amos Yong, The Hermeneutical Spirit: Theological Interpretation and Scriptural Imagination for the 21st Century (Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2017). 3 Marilyn Naidoo, Contested Issues in Training Ministers in South Africa (African Sun Media, 2015). 4 Gorden E. Dames, Towards a Contextual Transformational Practical Theology for Leadership Education in South Africa, Vol. 19 (LIT Verlag Münster, 2016). 5 Rian Venter, ed., Theology and the (Post) Apartheid Condition: Genealogies and Future Directions, Vol. 261 (African Sun Media, 2016). 6 Tinyiko Sam Maluleke, “The Rediscovery of the Agency of Africans”, Journal of Theology for Southern Africa 108 (2000), 19. 7 Tinyiko Sam Maluleke, “Christianity in a Distressed Africa: A Time to Own and Own Up”, Missionalia: Southern African Journal of Mission Studies 26, no. 3 (1998), 324–340. 8 Tinyiko Sam Maluleke, “African Theology”, in D. Ford and R. Muers (eds.), The Modern Theologians. An Introduction to Christian Theology Since 1918 (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2005), 485–501. 9 T.S. Maluleke, “Does Your Theology Equip You to Help Your Sister? The Challenge of Africanising Theological Education in South Africa”, Challenge (1998), 10–11. 10 Madipoane Masenya and Malesela Masenya, “Church Breakaways as a Prototype of Commercialisation and Commodification of Religion in the Pentecostal Church Movement in South Africa: Considering Curricula Offerings for Pastors”, Stellenbosch Theological Journal 4, no. 2 (2018), 633–654. 11 Masenya, “Church Breakaways”, 645. 12 Ross Kinsler, Diversified Theological Education: Equipping All God’s People (WCIU Press, 2008). 13 Masenya, “Church Breakaways”, 651. 14 Vinson Synan and Amos Yong, eds., Global Renewal Christianity: Spirit-­ Empowered Movements Past, Present, and Future, Vol. 4 (Charisma Media, 2017). 15 Vondey, Pentecostalism: A Guide for the Perplexed, 97. 16 The fourth wave churches in South Africa run as led by the Holy Spirit. There is no central office where the pastor undertakes the responsibility of administrating the governance of the church. 17 King James Version, Archaeological Study Bible. 18 L. Togarasei, ed., Aspects of Pentecostal Christianity in Zimbabwe (Springer, 2018). 19 Tinyiko Sam Maluleke and Sarojini Nadar, “Breaking the Covenant of Violence Against Women”, Journal of Theology for Southern Africa 114 (2002), 5. 20 The text has been taken from 1 Corinthians 1:10. 21 This scripture is taken from Ephesians 4:11. 22 The text is taken from Psalm 133. 23 S.L. Kiesel, “Lost and Found: Spiritual Discernment for a Struggling Church” (Doctoral dissertation, Methodist Theological School in Ohio, 2015). 24 Mary Garrison, How to Try a Spirit: Identify Evil Spirits and the Fruit They Manifest (Whitaker House, 2014). 25 A. Yong, Discerning the Spirits: A Pentecostal-­ Charismatic Contribution to Christian Theology of Religions, JPTS 20 (A&C Black, London, 2000). 26 T.A. Chimuka, “Afro-­Pentecostalism and Contested Holiness in Southern Africa”, Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 1 (2016), 124–141. https:/­/­doi.org/­10.17 159/­2412-­4265/­2016/­307

162  Reflections on the weaknesses of the fourth wave 27 P. Sciberras, “Discernment in 1 Thessalonians”, Acta Theologica, 32, no. 2S (2013), 172–188. 28 D.E. Albrecht, “Pentecostal Spirituality: Ecumenical Potential and Challenge”, Cyberjournal for Pentecostal-­Charismatic Research 2, no. 1 (1997), 1–52. 29 A. Deke, “The Politics of Prophets and Profits in African Christianity”, Politics 12, no. 1 (2015), 11–24. 30 Meyer, “Pentecostalism and Globalization”, in Allan H. Anderson, Michael Bergunder, Andre F. Droogers, and Cornelis van der Laan (eds.), Studying Global Pentecostalism: Theories and Methods (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2010), 113–130 (121). 31 C.N. Omenyo, “Man of God Prophesy unto Me: The Prophetic Phenomenon in African Christianity”, Studies in World Christianity 17, no. 1 (2011), 30–49. 32 J.K. Asamoah-­Gyadu, Contemporary Pentecostal Christianity: Interpretations from an African Context (Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2013).

Epilogue

This book has demonstrated that the fourth wave is very much different from the other three waves of Pentecostalism in South Africa. The fourth wave is different from the first wave in that although it embraces pneumatology, it is not very strong in Christology, conversion and salvation. The fourth wave is different from the second wave because the former uses modern technology, and pastors, instead of using indigenous languages, preach in English. The third wave concentrates more on the gifts of the Holy Spirit as practices by all believers in the church, while in the fourth wave, the prophet is more gifted than all other believers. The differences of the fourth wave should not make them dismissible by both scholars and practitioners of faith. The fact that society cannot understand the new wave does not make it condemnable. For example, the new wave has some strengths, like dealing with day-­to-­day challenges like poverty, homelessness, landlessness, unemployment and crime in South Africa. The fourth wave practices a hermeneutics that is based on experience, which is advantageous to many people in society. They have an integrated mission that embraces gender inclusivity and all ages and all races, and they are non-­denominational. The first challenge for the fourth wave is how to deal with their spirit of anti-­theological education that results in lack of exegesis, reading scriptures out of context and reading into the text instead of reading out of it. The second challenge is a spirit of anti-­sacramentalism that has seen sacraments replaced by the abuse of religion. The third challenge is anti-­institutionalism, which causes lack of accountability, stability and consistency. The fourth challenge is that while the fourth wave embraces gender inclusivity in terms of leadership on the one hand, it abuses women on the other hand. The last challenge is the abuse of religion and the gullibility of society to the abuses. This book proposes that in order to deal with its challenges, the fourth wave should embrace theological education in the hope that its curriculum will one day change. The fourth wave should find the balance between spiritual experiences and institutionalism. It should practice real sacraments, like Holy Communion and baptism, instead of feeding people with snakes and grass. Abuse of women should be exposed in the fourth wave such that others will learn the lessons against it. In criminal matters, the law of South Africa should take its course, regardless of the status or title of the perpetrator.

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Index

abuse of religion: body resurrection 132; competition 35, 81, 135, 147n24; crowd pulling 134; eating grass 117, 129, 142; eating snake 17; media attention 136 – 137; money laundering 131 – 132, 146n15; moneymaking 133; popularity 51, 136 – 137, 158; spraying Doom 17, 131, 136 abuse of women/girls 17, 121 – 123, 124, 127 administration 94, 124, 153 – 154 African: Christianity 9, 107, 162n29; churches 140; context 9, 35, 38, 40n17, 54, 61n25, 62n28, 65, 92, 98, 129, 138, 140 – 141, 147; indigenous worldview 10; pastor 11, 33, 146n14; Reformation 9, 18n5 African Initiated Churches/African Independent Churches: Ethiopian type 9; fourth wave 15; Pentecostal type 9, 14, 29, 32; wave of 8 – 10; Zion-type 3 African National Congress 24, 38n1, 85 American missionaries 7 anointing 30, 33, 46, 55 – 56, 62n38, 79, 109, 131 apartheid 15, 24 – 25, 38 – 40, 64, 82n4, 85 – 86, 103n2, 126, 143, 161n5 Apostolic Faith Mission 4, 7, 18n6, 19n14, 22, 39n6, 100 – 101, 105n35, 116, 119 – 120, 126n29, 127n45, 154 Assemblies of God 7, 23, 39n7, 119 – 120, 127n45 Azusa Street Revival 2, 7, 40n28, 73, 105n52 bishops 34 Black consciousness 38n2 Black Nationalism 9 business 19n18, 40n25, 57, 60, 79, 80 – 83, 87, 95, 98, 138 – 139, 140, 152, 156, 160

call centre 75 capitalism 15, 27, 40n22 charismatic movements 10 – 12, 15, 24, 30, 40n28 Christendom 39n12 Christology 163 colonialism 9 – 10, 24 composition of the gullible: international visitors 140; middle class 139; poor 138; wealthy 140 cooperation in ministry 157 crime 88, 132, 136 – 138, 140, 163 deliverance: all night prayer 49; ancestral spirits 48, 159; curses 46 – 48, 50, 61n6; demonic forces 15, 48; exorcism 36, 48, 122; physical 47, 56 – 57; women 50 democracy 11, 15, 19n20, 24 – 26, 39n9, 40, 63 – 64, 82n6, 85 – 87, 103n1, 138 – 139 denominational/denominationalism 9, 10, 31, 101, 119, 120 discernment 145, 158 – 159, 161n23 divine healing: holistic 18n2, 56; medicine 6, 31, 55; miraculous 57; powers 55; products 55, 57 dogmatics 11, 80, 152 entrepreneur 31, 160 Eurocentric 10 flamboyance 79 foreign: countries 99; currency 132; missions 8 Full Gospel Church 7, 23, 100 gender inclusivity 100, 123, 156, 163 globalisation 27, 102 Grace Bile Church 11, 127n53

178 Index health service 88 – 89 hermeneutics: applied 92; contextual 92; definition 89; growth 91; nonscientific 93; revelation 91 Holy Spirit 1 – 2, 6, 9, 10 – 11, 16, 20, 27 – 29, 30 – 33, 40, 48, 57, 60, 76 – 78, 83, 89, 90 – 91, 93 – 94, 96, 99, 102, 104n14, 104n23, 105n36, 109, 110, 115, 118 – 119, 131, 153 – 154, 158 – 159, 161n16, 163 homelessness 86, 163 imperialism 10 institutionalism 17 – 18, 118 – 119, 121, 153, 163 International Fellowship of Christian Churches 11, 20n31 job creation 94 landlessness 87, 163 leadership 2, 4 – 6, 8, 18n10, 22 – 23, 17, 28, 31, 100 – 101, 119, 123, 127, 136, 151 – 154, 161n4, 164 literary analysis 13 – 14, 20n36 literature 13 – 14, 20n36, 107 – 108, 125n4 liturgy 6, 9, 19n22, 28 – 29, 30, 75 – 78, 91, 98, 99, 101, 119, 123, 143, 147n23 local Christianity 18n5 mainstream economy 65, 85, 96, 98 ministries 11, 31 – 32, 35, 38, 62n27, 66, 68, 73, 82n11, 94, 100, 117, 129, 130, 132, 135, 138 miracles: authentic 157; demonstration of power 58; love for 60; money 15, 59; strange 59 missiology 13, 20n33, 120, 127n45, 152 multi-age groups 99 multiculturalism 98 multiracialism 98 muscular Christianity 27 music 16, 27, 40n31, 45, 64 – 65, 71, 73 – 78, 83n16, 136, 143 national party 15, 21, 39n4, 86 neo-liberal policies 15, 24 – 27, 40n22 New Apostolic Reformation 31, 41n34 new prophetic movement 35 New Testament 6, 40n29, 111

Old Testament 111, 152 partnership with government and business 156 patriarchy 79, 100 –1   01, 122, 144, 155 –1   56 Pentecostalism: African 18n10, 32, 62n39, 104n17, 125n4, 146n18; biblical events 1; churches 4 – 11, 16 – 17, 22, 24, 26, 28 – 29, 32 – 33, 40n22, 62n30, 75, 91, 93, 101, 105n41, 116, 119, 120 – 121, 123, 127n44, 147n21, 160; classical 6 – 7, 10, 12, 14, 24 – 29, 30, 32 – 34, 40, 54, 107, 118 – 119, 120; core beliefs 1, 32; development 7, 10; fundamental teachings 32; global 39n12, 41n32, 147n28; growth 3; hermeneutics 89, 93 – 94, 103n12, 104n16, 105n31; history 14, 104n28; incipient 118; movements 22, 75; neo 30, 62n38; progressive 40n24; research 6; roots 14, 118; scholars 149 philanthropy 8, 97 pneumatology 19n17, 104n15, 163 print media 67, 73 prophecy: anti-Christ 160; divination 159; excitement 43; false prophet 145, 159; forensic 15, 42 – 43, 45; genuine prophet 159; prophetic dimension 45 – 46, 60n4; titles 44 prosperity: claim it 33, 50, 129, consultation fees 51; gospel 33 – 34, 40n25, 50 – 53, 61n15, 126n26, 133; government responsibility 52; image of the prophet 52; social responsibility 53, 72, 97 public channels 15, 65 – 66 racial segregation 14 – 15, 21 – 24, 85 – 86 radio 72 – 74, 136, 147n34 rape 123 – 124, 128n59, 155 reasons for gullibility: lack of knowledge 145; patriarchal 144; psychological 142 – 143; socioeconomic 141; theological 143 Roman Catholic Church 11, 119 sacraments: Holy Communion 115 – 118, 126n29, 163; water baptism 2, 115 – 117 school representative council 4 second wave 163 sexual harassment 121, 123 –1   24, 127, 155

Index  179 social media: Facebook 16, 69, 70 – 74, 82n11, 143, 167; Twitter 16, 43, 67, 69, 70 – 71, 74, 83n14; YouTube 70 socio-economic challenges: inequality 24 – 26, 29, 40n21, 53, 91, 103n2, 138, 142, 160; poverty 15 – 16, 24 – 26, 29, 30, 33, 37, 40n17, 46, 51 – 55, 61n25, 85 – 87, 92, 95, 98, 103n2, 138, 141 – 142, 150, 160, 163; unemployment 15, 24 – 26, 29, 53, 87 – 88, 91, 103n2, 142, 160, 163 South African Broadcasting Corporation 63 – 64 speaking in tongues 2, 7, 11, 18n1, 27 – 28, 109 Spirit of God 1, 57, 131, 158 – 159 spiritual gifts 5, 10, 36, 99 structure 7, 31, 77, 93, 100 – 101, 107, 109, 118 – 119, 120 – 123, 133, 151, 153 – 154

television ministry/televangelism 15 – 16, 63, 66 – 67 theological education: curriculum 88, 96, 108  –   1 09, 139, 150  –   1 51, 163; eisegesis 112, 114, 126n22; exegesis 44, 109, 111 –  1 13, 126n22, 163; heresies 114; Post Graduate Diploma in Theology 152 third wave 59, 163 urban 18n10, 26, 86, 88, 121 will of God in ministry 158 worship: songs 77, 83n25; spirit 77 – 78, 83n26 Zion Christian Church 3, 19n15, 23 zionism 6, 19n12, 32 – 33