The Farther Adventures of Robinson Crusoe: The Stoke Newington Edition 9781684483297

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The Farther Adventures of Robinson Crusoe

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Figure 1. ​Frontispiece. A Map of the World, on Which Is Delineated the Voyages of Robinson Cruso (1726 [original 1722]).

The Farther Adventures of Robinson Crusoe

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The Stoke Newington Edition

By Da n i e l D e f o e Wi t h a n I n t ro du c t i o n a n d N o t e s b y M a x i m i l l i a n   E . N ova k I rv i n g   N . R o t h m a n M a n u el S chon hor n

Lewisburg, PA

 Library of Congress Cataloging-­in-­Publication Data Names: Defoe, Daniel, 1661?–1731, author. | Novak, Maximillian E., editor. | Rothman, Irving N., 1935-­editor. | Schonhorn, Manuel, editor. Title: The farther adventures of Robinson Crusoe / by Daniel Defoe; edited by Maximillian E. Novak, Irving N. Rothman, and Manuel Schonhorn. Description: The Stoke Newington edition. | Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, [2022] | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2020057856 | ISBN 9781684483259 (paperback) | ISBN 9781684483266 (cloth) | ISBN 9781684483273 (epub) | ISBN 9781684483280 (mobi) | ISBN 9781684483297 (pdf) Subjects: LCSH: Crusoe, Robinson (Fictitious character)—­Fiction. | GSAFD: Adventure stories. Classification: LCC PR3404 .F37 2022 | DDC 823/.5—­dc23 LC rec­ord available at https://­lccn​.­loc​.g­ ov​/2­ 020057856 A British Cataloging-­in-­Publication rec­ord for this book is available from the British Library. The Farther Adventures of Robinson Crusoe was first published in 1719 by William Taylor. Introduction to this edition and scholarly apparatus copyright © 2022 by Bucknell University Press All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without written permission from the publisher. Please contact Bucknell University Press, Hildreth-­Mirza Hall, Bucknell University, Lewisburg, PA 17837-2005. The only exception to this prohibition is “fair use” as defined by U.S. copyright law. The paper used in this publication meets the requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—­Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992. www​.­bucknelluniversitypress​.­org Distributed worldwide by Rutgers University Press Manufactured in the United States of Amer­i­ca

Contents



Contributors   vii List of Illustrations   ix Acknowl­ edgments   xi Introduction   xiii Note on the Text    xxxv

The Farther Adventures of Robinson Crusoe   5 Notifications of Books Printed and Sold    261 Textual Notes   269 Bibliographic Descriptions   271 Variants   283 Selected Bibliography   415 About the Editors   419 Index   421

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Figure 2. ​Facsimile title page, first edition.

Contributors

Kit Kincade, Indiana State University Maximillian E. Novak, University of California, Los Angeles John G. Peters, University of North Texas Irving N. Rothman, University of Houston Manuel Schonhorn, Southern Illinois University

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Illustrations

1. A Map of the World, on Which Is Delineated the Voyages of Robinson Crusoe (1726 [original 1722]).

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2. Facsimile title page, first edition.

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3. Crusoe Saves the Crew of a Ship That Took Fire at Sea (1726 [original 1722]).

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4. The Massacre and Burning the Two Villages at Madagascar (1726 [original 1722]).

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5. Crusoe Rescuing the Natives from the “Massacre of Madagascar.” T. H. Nicholson (1862).

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6. Crusoe at Cambodia in Danger of Being Seiz’d by the East India Com­pany’s Boats for a Pyrate (1726 [original 1722]).

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7. Crusoe Escaping from Cambodia Enters a Port in the North Part of China (1726 [original 1722]).

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8. Crusoe with the Muscovite Caravan Pass the Chinese Wall from Peking (1726 [original 1722]).

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9. Crusoe with the Muscovite Caravan Passing the Desarts Are Attack’d by the Tartars (1726 [original 1722]).

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Acknowl­edgments

We would like to thank the following students and faculty for the collation of editions: second edition, Lora Waddell; third edition, Anne Dellewyn; fourth edition, Jeanne Conkright and Dr. Lee Winniford; and fifth edition, Ashley Andrews and Jillian Bain. The list of variants was gathered by James Hall and Jason Poland. Support for collations was provided by the AMS Press, Inc., Brooklyn, New York. Support for the list of variants was received from the Martha Gano Houstoun fund of the En­glish Department, University of Houston, and the L ­ imited Grant-­ in-­Aid Program of the University of Houston. The generosity of University of Houston resources proved essential for the completion of this volume.

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Introduction Historical Scholarship

The Farther Adventures of Robinson Crusoe; Being the Second and Last Part of His Life, and of the Strange Surprizing Accounts of His Travels Round Three Parts of the Globe was published by William Taylor on 20 August 1719, approximately four months a­ fter the appearance of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe.1 It is clear from the final pages of the first volume that Defoe was already at work on the sequel and had thought out much of what he was g­ oing to do at least up to the point of Crusoe’s learning what had become of his island and his leaving the island and arriving at Brazil. He also promised “new Adventures of my own, for ten Years more.” The second edition of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures had been published with an image of a large ship on the title page, and this logo was used for the first edition of The Farther Adventures. While this was partly an image of William Taylor’s printing ­house (at the Ship in Pater-­ Noster-­Row), it was also suggestive of a work that would be about voyages. The subtitle itself imitated the titles of a variety of genuine voyages, from William Dampier’s A New Voyage Round the World (1697) to Woodes Rogers’s A Cruising Voyage Round the World (1712). A second edition appeared in the same year, a third and fourth in 1722, and a fifth in 1726, but it appears that, from the very beginning, the second volume was sold along with the first.2 Although this sequel has many new adventures, it functioned, in part, as a kind of commentary upon The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures. Perhaps this is nowhere clearer than in the consideration of exile from the world, the concept of po­liti­cal power, and the notion of self-­discipline raised in the discussion with the Prince when Crusoe is in Tobol’sk t­ oward the end of The Farther Adventures. ­There, confronted with the far reach of the power of the Tsar, Peter the G ­ reat, Crusoe brings up the absolute power he had on his island when he was ruling over his goats and his pets. What was originally an ironic picture of po­liti­cal power now becomes more aestheticized and distanced. ­Imagined as a set verbal description or tableau, it became a scene depicted by most of the illustrators of Defoe’s novel. In The Farther Adventures, Defoe pre­sents the notion of his absolute monarchy as a xiii

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memorable parable about the futility of power. The fourth edition of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures had already appeared by the time of the publication of The Farther Adventures, and undoubtedly, Defoe expected that the power­f ul verbal images evoked by his first volume would carry resonance in the second. The pro­cess is that of allusion and expansion. In the context of the power of the Tsar of Muscovy, Peter the G ­ reat, to exile his subjects or, indeed, to murder his subjects, Crusoe’s own power over his pets seems like a sly joke, while his exile from the world retains its seriousness. In this case, the notion of a literal isolation from the world is allowed to expand into the larger notions of po­liti­cal, social, and moral exile. The Prince has found in his forced withdrawal from a world of plea­ sure and power an opportunity for contemplation of the futility of his former state, particularly from the standpoint of his Christian faith and his belief in the immortality of the soul. Both Crusoe on his island and the Prince in his exile are given no choice about their conditions, but whereas Crusoe opts to leave his island as soon as the opportunity arises, the Prince regards Crusoe’s offer of escape as a pos­ si­ble temptation from the Devil. He chooses to remain in his exile, and is thus, much more than Crusoe, like one of the hermits of early Chris­tian­ity who chose isolation as part of their way t­oward salvation. In Serious Reflections during the Life and Surprising Adventures of Robinson Crusoe (1720), Crusoe would reject the notion of physical isolation as a way t­ oward achieving greater philosophic and religious strength in f­avor of the notion that the mind was capable of as much solitude in crowded cities as in a cave. But what­ever suggestion t­ here may have been of Crusoe as a religious solitaire in the first volume is given less play, but far more resonance, in The Farther Adventures. This pro­cess of expanding and reconsidering the themes and a­ ngles of vision provided by The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures is pre­sent from the beginning. The reader learns more about Crusoe’s “wandring Spirit” (141) as well as about the fanciful nature of his waking imagination and a­ ctual dreams as he longs to return to his island.3 We come to understand how impulsive he has always been. Often viewed as an “Everyman” or the typical, commonsensical En­glishman, Crusoe emerges in this second part as a far more eccentric figure than he appears ­under the l­ imited stress of his isolated island life. In breaking his ties with his ­family to seek a more eventful life than that offered by accepting the “­Middle Station” and remaining in York, Crusoe had already displayed a certain antisocial streak, but this becomes far more pronounced in The Farther Adventures. He w ­ ill make himself so obnoxious to most of the crew of his nephew’s ship that they ­will set him ashore in the Far East rather than sail with him. He ­will blow up a pagan idol even if this action means that he w ­ ill bring down the wrath of the entire Tatar nation upon his caravan. If the reader of the first volume is carried along by Crusoe’s narrative to place almost entire confidence in what he says, the reader of the second volume has to have moments of doubt. Once the voyage is underway, Defoe picks up the themes surrounding the ideas of survival that had been at the core of the first volume. Crusoe’s ship encounters

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not one but two ships that raise questions about the need to sustain life. The first is a ship that has caught fire and left its crew and passengers with the likely prospect of ­dying at sea from thirst and starvation. ­There is no isolation ­here, just the prospect of a terrible fate. In the depiction of the second ship, ­t here is ­actual death by starvation: it is the fate of one of the passengers, the ­mother of a young man and mistress of a young ­woman who acts as her Maid. This is amplified l­ater by the Maid’s description of her own feelings as she grew weaker ­every day without food. She concludes that she would have resorted to cannibalism had she the opportunity. As Defoe knew, t­here had been cases of cannibalism that had resulted from wrecks at sea. Tried for murder in Holland, the surviving crew had been acquitted.4 ­Under conditions of necessity, the usual laws of society w ­ ere suspended. Crusoe had no need to resort to cannibalism on his island. He had been able to overcome the possibility of starvation by looting food, along with tools necessary for life, from the wrecked ship. Yet the larger themes are pre­sent in the first volume, and Defoe thought it would be well to expand the possibilities inherent in Crusoe’s situation. One of the ways in which he extrapolated upon this theme had to do with an interest in the ways in which ­human emotion might be depicted through a rendering of gestures and facial expressions. W ­ hether Defoe simply shared this interest with his age or had done some careful reading in works such as Charles Le Brun’s rendering of facial expressions and the new aesthetic of the Abbé Jean-­ Baptiste Dubos is difficult to say. But as Michael Fried argued, the age seemed to delight in the expression of inner emotions in paintings that created the frame as a kind of win­dow through which the subject might be observed engrossed in his or her emotions.5 Dubos argued for the importance of gesture as having a significance that was perhaps greater, in some re­spects, than that of language itself.6 At any rate, the scene involving the rescue of the passengers from the ship destroyed by fire has no parallel in any of Defoe’s fiction: It is impossible for me to express the several Gestures, the strange Extasies, the Variety of Postures which ­t hese poor deliver’d ­People run into, to express the Joy of their Souls at so unexpected a Deliverance; Grief and Fear are easily described; Sighs, Tears, Groans, and a very few Motions of the Head and Hands make up the Sum of its Variety: But an Excess of Joy, a Surprize of Joy has a Thousand Extravagancies in it; ­t here ­were some in Tears, some raging, and tearing themselves, as if they had been in the greatest Agonies of Sorrow, some stark-­ raving and down-­right lunatick, some ran about the Ship stamping with their Feet, ­others wringing their Hands; some ­were dancing, some singing, some laughing, more crying; many quite dumb, not able to speak a Word; o ­ thers sick and vomiting, several swooning, and ready to faint; and a few w ­ ere Crossing themselves, and giving God Thanks. (22)

The visual and tonal aspects of this description should be obvious. Defoe creates what might be regarded as a cinematic effect, using language to go beyond what might only be suggested by a painting of such a scene.

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Defoe had long been fascinated by the observation made by Robert Wild, “For sudden Joys, like Griefs confound at first,” and he has Crusoe quote this line and experience emotional crises brought on by “sudden Joys” in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures.7 In the first volume, he also had dwelled upon Friday’s wild gestures on discovering his ­father among the prisoners from the cannibals. But the rendering in The Farther Adventures is quite distinct, with a par­tic­u­lar emphasis on “Postures” depicting the emotions, suggestive of the engraved illustrations of Charles Le Brun in his book on the ways in which the emotions reveal themselves in facial expressions.8 It is all part of Defoe’s revisiting his text and realizing some of the possibilities that, as he thought, had not been sufficiently exploited. In this case, it is the visual that he tries to emphasize—­t he novel as the verbal recreation of visualized scene. Th ­ ere w ­ ere a number of paint­ers who had attempted something similar: scenes of shipwreck in which t­ hose who have been saved show vari­ous emotional reactions.9 Defoe tried to give the reader a kind of tour of the pos­si­ble emotions involved, focusing on individual gestures and feelings. When he came to allow the Maid to describe her sensations as she was starving, Defoe was more interested in her inner emotions than in outward manifestations. Another ele­ment of expanding along specific lines from The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures has to do with the po­liti­cal theme. As has been seen, within The Farther Adventures, in the discussion with the exiled Prince in Tobol’sk, Crusoe repeats his notion of himself as the absolute monarch of his island, reifying what is suggested with irony in the first part. But Defoe clearly wanted to firm up the po­liti­cal ideas by dramatizing the ways in which, through external pressure, a society may establish itself despite po­liti­cal wrangling, in this case the threat posed by the cannibals who invade the island. It is the arrival of the cannibals that operates as the crucial force that draws the inhabitants together, even if ­t here is also a degree of domestication achieved somewhat e­ arlier through the relationships of the En­glishmen with their native w ­ omen. The En­glish colonies of the West Indies had followed a similar path, first being the lairs of pirates and gradually settling down into relatively peaceful economic units.10 In a sense, this theory about the formation of a state was part of the Enlightenment theory of history. Sir Walter Scott’s series of historical novels on the conflicts within ­Great Britain ends with The Antiquary, in which the threat of Napoleon’s invasion brings together in a common cause characters with extremely disparate viewpoints and personalities.11 While the three En­glishmen led by ­Will Atkins are in revolt against the Spaniards and their two fellow En­glishmen, ­there is ­little ideological basis for the anger and aggression that they display. When Atkins and his followers attempt to destroy the agricultural improvements of the two industrious En­glishmen, Crusoe notes that they “sack’d and plunder’d e­ very t­ hing, as compleatly as a Hoord of Tartars would have done” (47), suggesting that such barbarism and vio­lence ­were simply part of their character.12 Unlike the Spaniards, they do not have their emotions ­under anything resembling rational control. However, when they have to fight the cannibals who eventually come to the island, they prove to be resourceful and courageous. Defoe clearly admired unruly characters such as Atkins—­characters like

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his eponymous hero Captain Singleton, who w ­ ere too resentful of authority to fit into the rigidly structured army or navy of con­temporary ­England. Defoe viewed them as the type of adventurers who, u ­ nder the right circumstances, might achieve ­great ­t hings. Being neglectful farmers and indifferent workers, they pose a threat to the nascent colony. Only a­ fter they recognize their stake in society, through their wives, do they become more tractable (“civiliz’d” [70]) citizens. Defoe suggests that their conversion to Chris­tian­ity might help bring them closer to understanding their civic responsibilities. Another motif developed out of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures arises from the imagery associated with war. Defoe had delineated in the language of seventeenth-­and eighteenth-­century warfare Crusoe’s fight against the cannibals when the Spanish Captain and Friday’s F ­ ather are rescued, as well as the strug­ gle against the wolves in the Pyrenees. But war plays an even more impor­tant role in The Farther Adventures, first in the ­battle of the two tribes of cannibals who land on the island (54–55); second in the b ­ attles fought directly with the cannibals (74–81); third in the “Massacre of Madagascar” with its echo of the famous siege of Magdeburg on 20 May 1631 during the Thirty Years’ War (164–165); and fi­nally in the repeated strug­gles against the “Tatars”: ­t hose who attack at the beginning (218–224), ­t hose who follow Crusoe and his caravan across Siberia to take revenge for Crusoe’s destruction of their idol (235–236), and ­t hose who are interested in looting the caravan (253–255). Defoe may have already been working on his Memoirs of a Cavalier, published in May 1720, and other military memoirs. At any rate, what appears more or less as a meta­phor in the first volume becomes a full account of b ­ attles involving the natives of three continents. The most elaborate of ­t hese is the “Massacre of Madagascar,” which entails an attempt to take revenge upon the natives a­ fter one of the sailors, Thomas Jeffry, is killed and his body put on display by the natives. But the cause of this entire affair is the rape of a young w ­ oman by this same Thomas Jeffry. As Defoe pre­sents the event, it is a typical scene out of the history of colonial appropriation. Thomas Jeffry apparently does not think his rape of the w ­ oman amounts to an act of any social consequence, but it violates the truce that has been established at the beginning of the contacts between the Eu­ro­pe­ans and the natives. To the sailors, the impor­tant ­t hing is that Thomas Jeffry has been killed and his body mistreated. They commence a complete slaughter of as many of the villa­gers as they can find. Crusoe’s sympathy is mainly with the villa­gers, yet the language (“The Sight of their poor mangled Comrade so enrag’d them . . . ​that they swore . . . ​they would be reveng’d”) allows some sympathy for the sailors as well. On the other hand, the picture of the “Terror and Consternation” of the natives and the identification of ­t hose killing and burning the village as “our En­glish Butchers” (159) leaves ­little doubt where the reader’s sympathy should lie. Defoe deliberately borrowed from an art manual depicting what was clearly a scene from the siege of Magdeburg, and once more his focus is on creating an emotional effect for the reader.13 Crusoe delineates his reaction (“My very Soul shrunk within me, and my Blood run chill in my Veins” [159]) as well as the vari­ous postures and cries of t­hose fleeing from the

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slaughter. He is moved by this “piteous Spectacle” (160) and horrified by the genocidal fury of the sailors, who have vowed, “­we’ll root out the very Nation of them from the Earth” (160). In some sense, t­ hese attitudes are the reverse of Crusoe’s unwillingness to engage in a mass slaughter of the natives in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures. The Spanish Captain voices similar reluctance in regard to the cannibals of the Ca­rib­bean. The cannibalism that, in the first volume, had so outraged Crusoe and yet eventually led to a more mea­sured response, finds a parallel development in the sequel with an even more explic­itly ameliorating comparison between the be­hav­ior of the cannibals and that of Eu­ro­pean combatants. It is chiefly the fear of being devoured that impels the Spaniards, W ­ ill Atkins’s group, and the two less aggressive En­glishmen to join together, and as we have already mentioned, Defoe introduces the notion of cannibalism among Eu­ro­pe­a ns in the extreme situation of ­t hose abandoned at sea. Although the horror of cannibalism among the natives is still at the fore, the carnage among the natives ­after their warfare is not very dif­fer­ent from that of any b ­ attle, w ­ hether among the Caribs or the Eu­ro­pe­ans. On observing the corpses of the two warring tribes of cannibals on the “Field of B ­ attle” (55), the Spanish Captain found about two and thirty dead Men upon the Spot; some ­were kill’d with ­great long Arrows, some of which ­were found sticking in their Bodies; but most of them ­were killed with their g­ reat Wooden Swords, sixteen or seventeen of which they found in the Field of ­Battle; and as many Bows, with a ­great many Arrows: ­These Swords w ­ ere strange g­ reat unwieldy Th ­ ings, and they must be very strong Men that us’d them: Most of t­ hose Men that w ­ ere kill’d with them, had their Heads mash’d to pieces, as we may say, or as they call it in En­glish, their Brains knock’d out, and several their Arms and Legs broken; so that it’s evident they fight with inexpressible Rage and Fury. (55)

Thus the reader is given an unsettling vision of warfare as an example of brutal rage. Yet when the three En­glishmen voyage to the mainland and find themselves presented with five w ­ omen and eleven men to serve as food for their voyage back, “just as we would bring so many Cows and Oxen down to a Sea-­Port Town, to victual a Ship,” ­t hese “brutish and barbarous” (65) sailors are nauseated at the very notion that they might want to become cannibals. Warfare, then, though horrific, is within the area of normative ­human be­hav­ior; cannibalism, though acknowledged to be a possibility among all h ­ uman beings, nevertheless possesses an ele­ ment of the grotesque—of an action at the extreme of h ­ uman be­hav­ior. The potentiality for the island becoming a colony was pre­sent in Crusoe’s willingness to allow the three En­g lish mutineers to s­ ettle ­t here, but in The Farther Adventures, it is developed as a major theme. Not only do the En­glishmen and their native wives have numerous offspring, but Crusoe also sends additional inhabitants from Brazil, including a prospective settler with sugarcane to plant. He also has sent ­cattle and craftsmen. He has divided up the land, distributing separate sections to the inhabitants, and fi­nally he gives them complete freedom of action.

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Why, then, does the colony seem to be failing at the end? The miscarriage of the colony may have come as an afterthought, but it may also have something to do with Crusoe’s refusal to nurture it. Defoe leaves the general impression that governments function best with a strong, dedicated leader.14 Crusoe speaks of what he might have done (148) to have established it on firm foundations, how he might have taken out a patent as governor and helped them. The failure comes in t­ hese pages along with a condemnation of his “wandring Spirit.” Defoe could have chosen to write an entertaining novel about Crusoe’s becoming “the Patron of ­those ­People,” but he apparently felt that this would not have interested his readers as much as the further travels and adventures that he de­cided to provide. Perhaps the most impor­tant continuation from The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures was the Christian theme that had so informed Crusoe’s stay on the island. It takes several new directions. In the conversion of W ­ ill Atkins and his native wife, Defoe turns to the Christian motif of the converted sinner. Atkins has shown himself to be violent and even murderous—­a character very dif­fer­ent from Crusoe, the merchant and Brazilian planter. Yet Defoe pre­sents his conversion in a moving manner. It is of some interest that what was clearly intended as a fully annotated edition of the first two volumes by the Hydrographer of the Naval Chronicle (1815) omitted this section entirely. Did it seem out of keeping with this editor’s notion of polite lit­er­a­ture and religion by this time? Or was Defoe’s sympathetic treatment of miscegenation the prob­lem? Certainly the dialogue between Atkins and his wife is moving enough. The agency of this conversion is a Catholic priest, who preaches an ecumenical Chris­tian­ity and marries the En­glishmen and their wives. Why Defoe should have been advocating such a broad concept of Chris­ tian­ity at this time is difficult to say. The exiled Prince in Tobol’sk, certainly a ­member of the Rus­sian Orthodox Church, also finds his faith increased as a consequence of his exile and is set forth as an idealized Christian. In addition to ­t hese themes continued from The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, Defoe also continues the character of Crusoe’s ideal servant and companion, Friday. Yet he kills him off (208) on the voyage from his island to the Bay of All Saints, the place of his old plantation in Brazil. It is clear that Defoe wanted Crusoe to travel alone through the Far East and then across Siberia and to facilitate the introduction of new characters. But Friday had been a rich character, and it is not entirely clear why Defoe would have been willing to do away with this sympathetic figure, whom Crusoe says he “so entirely lov’d and valu’d” (143). Perhaps Defoe was annoyed by comments similar to Charles Gildon’s criticism of Friday’s way of speaking. But Gildon’s attack was not to appear ­until 22 September 1719, a month ­after the publication of The Farther Adventures. At any rate Defoe, introduced a defense of his rendering of Friday’s dialect and some commentary on language and gesture. Not only did Defoe argue that the addition of “ee” at the end of words was common to some natives’ rendering of En­glish, but he also has Friday killed on board the ship in the act of interpreting a gesture—­t he natives’ showing the Eu­ro­pe­a ns “their naked Backsides, just as if in En­glish, . . . ​t hey had bid us kiss—­—”­ (142). And this is followed by a discussion of the peculiar language of a

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native whose manner of speaking is described as “so odd, all Guterals” (144). In The Farther Adventures, Friday is never allowed to speak, and his death in the midst of a discussion of language and gesture cannot be without significance.

Literary Analy­sis Although so much of The Farther Adventures is an extension of the first volume, the essential thrust of this sequel is in the direction of adventures and travel and away from an exploration of the inner life. In some sense, Defoe’s ability to hold the attention of readers during Crusoe’s solitary stay on the island amounted to a fictional tour de force. If almost all of Defoe’s fictional characters tend to be distinguished by an inner isolation, they are never bereft of a social environment; even H. F., who wanders the streets of a nearly deserted London during plague time, has some ­human contacts. ­Unless one desires to view Crusoe’s discovery of the single footprint, and ­after that, his observation of the cannibals who land on the island, as the embodiment of a kind of relationship with other h ­ uman beings, approximately 190 pages of the first edition explore Crusoe’s isolated island life before the arrival of Friday. It was not an achievement that Defoe wanted to or would have been able to repeat. He had other interests—in travel, in Britain’s social, moral and po­liti­cal prob­lems, in economics—­all of which w ­ ere to occupy his mind during the five remarkably productive years during which he produced his major fictions. At least some of t­ hese interests ­were prob­ably driven by agreements that Defoe made to write certain works. Among ­t hese was the writing of a large section of an atlas that was eventually published in 1728 as Atlas Maritimus & Commercialis. In the back of the first edition of The Farther Adventures, among advertisements of the books he was selling, William Taylor listed as item fifteen among the folios “A new general Atlas, with above 40 large Maps, printed on an Elephant Paper . . . ​in the Press and in g­ reat Forwardness.” Taylor was to die in 1722, long before the appearance of this atlas, but on the title page he was still listed among the publishers u ­ nder the rubric “the Executors of William Taylor deceas’d.” This meant that Defoe was engaged in researching the geography and economics of what was known of the entire world at the time. Works such as his Tour thro’ the Whole Island of ­Great Britain (1724–1727), and even A Plan of the En­glish Commerce (1728), appear to be the products of the reading that he was d ­ oing in connection with this large-­ scale work. In some sense, Defoe’s willingness to embrace a proj­ect involving an understanding of the entire earth may have helped him achieve some of the expansiveness pre­sent in his works of fiction. In 1724 Defoe was to publish a fictional version of the circumnavigation of the world, A New Voyage Round the World, by a Course Never Sailed Before, but if Robinson Crusoe does not manage to travel all the way around the globe in The Farther Adventures, he does go to areas that ­were of g­ reat interest to his reading audience. His voyage to his island and subsequently to Brazil covered geo­graph­i­ cal material already offered in the first volume, but his travels to Madagascar and the Far East and across Siberia opened up new possibilities for exploration as well

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as adventure. In this re­spect, Defoe, as the author of The Farther Adventures, may be seen as the true inventor of the adventure novel—­a genre that continued to provide excitement for readers in the novels of Henry Rider Haggard and in the far more subtle hands of Joseph Conrad during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.15 Of course, t­ here w ­ ere progenitors enough, but the realist technique of Defoe, combining the presence of what Ian Watt called “formal realism” with the grounding of the narrative in a combination of historical and economic realities, gave a unique blend to the work.16 He also added to the genre a resonance of economic exploitation and an ambivalent attitude ­toward colonialism that continued to echo in the work of ­later novelists. The excitement in such material did not escape Defoe’s attention. In the year following The Farther Adventures, he published The Life, Adventures, and Pyracies, of the Famous Captain Singleton. Drawing upon the myths that had formed around the famous pirate Captain Avery, he has his protagonist s­ ettle for a while in Madagascar, where Avery was supposed to have established a pirate kingdom.17 But just as he had Crusoe travel across the little-­k nown steppes of Siberia, Defoe has Singleton march across an Africa that was still l­ ittle explored. At one point in his journey, Singleton encounters a kind of ancestor of Conrad’s famed Kurtz in Heart of Darkness, the exemplar of the colonist who has “gone native” and who, in his thirst for gold or success, appears to have lost his sense of proportion.18 Crusoe does not encounter the exotic beasts who attack Singleton, but he does come across strange idols and the wild Tatars. And as familiar as the colony of Brazil may be to Crusoe, the belligerent tribe he and the ship’s crew encounter in the ­battle that results in the death of Friday clearly belongs to some unknown linguistic group. In short, the earth still contained mysterious p ­ eoples and places, and Defoe was willing to use his fictive imagination to exploit them. ­There is certainly nothing new in Defoe’s attempt to set his hero in motion across the world. The ancient model for this was Homer’s Odyssey and his hero’s long journey around the Mediterranean and his return to his beloved Ithaca. This kind of voyaging was borrowed by the Greek romance, which in turn influenced subsequent romances based on their model. Defoe, of course, provides no strange monsters to harass his protagonist in the manner of Homer, and he adhered to a realist model in his delineation of vari­ous countries. From this standpoint, it is hardly odd that adaptations of the first two volumes of Robinson Crusoe ­were used to teach geography to young men and ­women.19 In The Farther Adventures, more than in the original volume, Defoe created a strong sense of movement in time and space. He does this in a mechanical manner t­ oward the conclusion: From hence we came to Lawrenskoy the 3d of July . . . ​we embark’d the 7th, and arriv’d all safe at Arch-­Angel the 18th, having been a Year and five Months and three Days on the Journey, including our Stay of eight Months and odd Days at Tobolski. . . . We sailed from Arch-­Angel the 20th of August the same Year, and a­ fter no extraordinary bad Voyage, arriv’d in the Elbe the 13th of September. . . .

xxii I n t r o d u c t i o n To conclude, having stay’d near four Months in Hamburgh, I came from thence over Land to the Hague, where I embark’d in the Pacquet, and arriv’d in London the 10th of January, 1705, having been gone from ­England ten Years and nine Months. (258)

Of course, had the novel consisted of this kind of chronicle structure (this happened and then that happened) it would have been the kind of narrative that Defoe always criticized. Nevertheless, he provides this arrival-­departure movement through time and space to anchor the novel in the real—in a necessary calendric and geographic real­ity. From this standpoint, it is also necessary to consider The Farther Adventures along with the rest of Defoe’s fiction as existing in both a historical time and a con­ temporary time. As history may be said to exist in the text, Crusoe sets out on his voyaging during the reign of William III, shortly a­ fter the death of Queen Mary on 28 December 1694. He returns on 10 January 1705 during the reign of Queen Anne. It was a period of marked involvement in trade to the Far East, with the East India Com­pany battling with the New East India Com­pany for control. Two products, Chinese porcelain objects and tea, w ­ ere to become part of con­temporary lit­er­a­ture, the first in the famous “china scene” from William Wycherley’s The Country Wife (1675) and the second in Nahum Tate’s Panacea: A Poem upon Tea (1700). Even more famously, Alexander Pope in his Windsor Forest (1713) and in the expanded version of The Rape of the Lock (1714) would also treat the products of India and China as new and vital ele­ments in the culture. All the places to which Crusoe travels, from Madagascar and Bengal to China, ­were of intense interest to Defoe’s readers from the standpoint of trade. As an in­de­pen­dent trader to Indonesia and other Asian nations, he is engaging in the kind of activity that the Old East India Com­pany was trying to monopolize. From some standpoints, then, ­there is a violation of law in the activities of Crusoe and his partner, and when they purchase a ship formerly owned by ­t hose who might be considered pirates, though they themselves are certainly not pirates in any literal way, ­t here is something of a play between outright piracy and conducting a trade that is usually plied by a ­legal joint stock com­pany trying to uphold its mono­poly. Although some of the ironies in ­t hese events seem to arise from the accidents of fate, in fact, of course, almost every­t hing that happens is based on cause and effect and on Crusoe’s character. He leaves E ­ ngland to follow his “wandring Spirit” (148), the restlessness that drove him away from his home at the beginning of his adventures. Defoe depicts this at the beginning of The Farther Adventures in providing Crusoe with an imagination that is capable of creating waking visions. In his “Extasies of Vapours,” he would imagine himself on the island by his “old ­Castle” with “my old Spaniard, Friday’s ­Father, and the reprobate Sailors I left upon the Island” (9). Small won­der that Coleridge and the Romantics loved Robinson Crusoe. The protagonist is capable of transporting himself to his island in much the same way that Keats was able to be out in the night with the bird in his “Ode to a Nightingale.” A ­ fter the death of his wife, the self-­sufficient farm

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in Bedfordshire is incapable of excluding the knowledge that, outside his small world, t­ here is the “daily Circulation of Sorrow, living but to work, and working but to live” (13). More than in the first volume, Crusoe appears to be an enthusiast—­someone who insists on acting upon his impulses. He disapproves of what the sailors did in the “Massacre of Madagascar,” but does he truly have to make himself so obnoxious to the crew that they insist on abandoning him in Bengal? And his insistence upon blowing up the Tatar idol brings down upon the other members of the caravan the wrath of much of the Tatar nation. He refuses to admit to his action when every­one is questioned about it. And he continues steady in his lie, despite the suffering that he brings upon the remainder of ­t hose in the caravan. He is also stubborn in his opinions, refusing to be impressed by a Chinese civilization that had already convinced many of ­t hose in the West of its virtues. To Crusoe, China is a barbarous land, a nation run by a tyrant; its touted scientific advances are distinctly inferior to ­t hose of the West. He does not think of the ­Great Wall as a stunning historical achievement but simply as an antiquated type of fortification. ­Behind the system of government by a class of mandarins, often extolled as a group of learned phi­los­o­phers, he sees a general poverty and meanness.20 In the character of Crusoe, ­t here is a kind of stubborn refusal to conform, accompanied by courage and an ability to lead. He also warms to kindness and generosity and has true admiration for the princi­ples of the Prince exiled to Tobol’sk. What he feels and thinks and the actions he takes upon his impulses drive the movement of the novel. If he is more defined by his actions than the introspective figure we encountered in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, oddly enough, the Crusoe of The Farther Adventures is more of an observer and a listener. The accounts of the two ship disasters that Crusoe’s ship comes across focus on the dramatic experiences of ­those undergoing fear and deprivation. As mentioned ­earlier, Crusoe carries the reader into the events with their vivid emotions and feelings. Then we have the narrative of the Spanish Captain, followed by the conversion of W ­ ill Atkins and his wife by the French Priest. The conversion is observed through a hedge by a mainly passive but emotionally moved Crusoe. It is not ­until ­after the “Massacre of Madagascar” (165) and his abandonment in Bengal that he emerges as a figure of action. Yet even as he resumes his life as a merchant in the Far East, he has to be prodded out of a kind of paralysis by his partner, the En­glish Merchant. As a Eu­ro­pean who refuses to be impressed by Chinese culture, and as the leader of the plot to blow up the Tatar idol, Crusoe does show himself in a new light. In the first case, he stands as a defender of Western Christian culture, refusing to join in the widening con­temporary myth of the wise Chinaman. He pre­sents a world that, compared to con­temporary ­England and France, had to be seen as impoverished. His image of the life of the Mandarin whom he encounters as “a perfect Don Quixotism, being a Mixture of Pomp and Poverty” (209) refuses to yield to any concept of cultural relativism. It is in this obstinate rejection of standards other than ­t hose of his native land that Crusoe seems most stubbornly En­glish. As for his Christian chauvinism in blowing up the pagan idol, ­here too he seems far from

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the Crusoe who, ­after considerable thought and emotional strug­gle, was willing to grant the inhabitants of the Ca­rib­bean their cultural difference. Although Defoe seemed to need ­little more than a vast blank section on a map to set his imagination working, in writing The Farther Adventures he obviously needed to know a g­ reat deal more about the world than he did in composing the first volume. Much of his information may have come from ephemera such as manuscript newsletters. As the translator of foreign news for the publisher Nathaniel Mist, he prob­ably went through reams of such material on a daily basis between 1716 and 1719. Only a small part of ­t hese kinds of writings—­t hose that might have some interest for the British audience—­would actually appear in British newspapers, and then in a summary paragraph. That Defoe knew a considerable amount about Brazil and sugar manufacturing was obvious from The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures. Such information may have come from conversations with merchants as well as through reading economic tracts. His knowledge about the activities of the Inquisition in Brazil, leading to the passages in The Farther Adventures involving the smuggling of a “Heretick” (146) and his ­family off the island, prob­ably owes something to his involvement with reading and writing con­temporary journalism. Some of Defoe’s sources may have involved discourses with seamen and merchants rather than printed materials. Robert Drury’s ­father lived very near Defoe in Stoke Newington, and Robert might have given him information about Madagascar.21 Defoe exchanged several letters with Captain Thomas Bowrey and apparently went to see him.22 Bowrey spent de­cades in India engaging in the kind of trading to Indonesia with which Crusoe involves himself.23 Similarly, it is pos­si­ble that the Scottish merchant who aids Crusoe in blowing up the idol may have had a counterpart in some of the many merchants Defoe met in his trips to Scotland. But, to repeat, it is likely that much material in The Farther Adventures was connected with his work on Atlas Maritimus, which involved imagining foreign lands through maps and what­ever written information was available. In writing the notes to The Farther Adventures, we have assumed that Defoe read as widely as pos­si­ble in travel lit­er­a­ture and that it would be an error to dismiss any sources that might have been available to him. Although the cata­log of his library is far from being entirely reliable as an indicator of his reading, it does contain a number of works involving travel to the Ca­rib­bean and the Far East.24 Defoe was a ­great reader of voyages and was certainly familiar with the materials in the collections of Richard Hakluyt and Samuel Purchas.25 He almost certainly read Louis Le Comte’s Memoirs and Observations . . . ​Made in a Late Journey through the Empire of China (first French edition 1696), with its mixture of admiration for Chinese culture and ideas about China’s military backwardness. At the end, Le Comte concludes that China has not produced anyone approaching greatness in “speculative science,” and he cannot help but think that Louis XIV would be able to conquer China easily enough with his Eu­ro­pean army.26 In addition to this work by Le Comte, Defoe also seemed familiar with Le Comte’s unsuccessful attempt at achieving ac­cep­tance from the Vatican of some of the Jesuit’s methods

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used to convert the Chinese to Chris­tian­ity, including the ac­cep­tance of ancestor worship as a relatively harmless ritual.27 Another pos­si­ble source for Defoe was John Ogilby’s elaborately illustrated translation and collection of voyages to China, including works by Johan Nieuhof and Athanasius Kircher.28 Of course, Defoe goes far beyond Le Comte in his criticism of China and of t­ hose who admired this seemingly well-­ordered Empire. As noted previously, the image of the wise Chinese was already well established by 1719, and for the most part, Defoe remained skeptical.29 He has Crusoe regard the Emperor as a tyrant, Chinese religion as idolatry, and the economic system as productive of a crushing poverty. For Crusoe’s journey through Siberia to Archangel, Defoe almost certainly consulted Evert Ysbrants Ides, Three Years Travels from Moscow Over-­Land to China (London, 1706), with its description of the vari­ous Mongol tribes scattered through this vast terrain.30 Although Defoe reversed the direction of Ides’s journey to China, Crusoe actually follows the caravan route traced in the map that accompanies this work. But it is clear from the variation in spelling of place names that Defoe had other maps at his disposal. It is also apparent that Defoe had considerable knowledge of Rus­sia and its empire. Peter the ­Great would have been a person of considerable interest to E ­ ngland during the historical time that Crusoe is supposed to be crossing through the Asian territories of Rus­sia.31 Defoe opened his Consolidator (1705), a work roughly con­temporary with Crusoe’s return to E ­ ngland, with remarks on Peter’s journey to Eu­rope and his attempt to bring enlightenment to his nation. Charles XII of Sweden had defeated Peter’s army at Narva in 1700, but Defoe thought that such setbacks would not be permanent, that Peter’s armies would eventually become more seasoned and that the Swedes would teach the Rus­sian army how to fight. By 1719 Peter had consolidated his power over Rus­sia, and the basis for the Peace of Nystad, to be signed in August 1721, which gave Rus­sia power over lands formerly controlled by Sweden, was already in place. But the crueler side of Peter’s nature had been displayed in the treatment of his son Alexis, who was accused of plotting against his ­father and was tortured to death in 1718. Since G ­ reat Britain had been involved in the ­Great Northern War since 1701, interest in Rus­sia would have been high. The image of that nation as a place that exiled good p ­ eople such as the Prince in Tobol’sk was closer to attitudes of 1719 than to t­ hose of 1704. Some more general sources for Defoe in writing the scenes set in the Far East in The Farther Adventures w ­ ere the events surrounding the “Worcester affair.” The central similarity involves the false accusation that a ship had been engaged in piracy. Captain Thomas Green of the Worcester and members of his crew ­were so accused ­after they put into Leith in the Firth of Forth in March 1705. He was accused of having boarded a Darien Com­pany ship, the Speedy Return, off the Malabar Coast and slaughtered its Captain, Robert Drummond, along with his entire crew. To complicate m ­ atters, rumor had it (and much in Green’s trial was based on rumor) that Captain Drummond and the crew of the Speedy Return had become pirates, whereas in fact the Speedy Return had been captured by the genuine pirate, Captain Bowen, and burned off the coast of India at Rajapur. Captain Green and members of his crew ­were executed by the Scottish court, despite a lack of firm evidence.

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James Kelly has demonstrated how deeply Defoe was involved in this affair in the Review, in The History of the Union of ­Great Britain (1709), and in a work that Kelly demonstrates to have been written by Defoe in 1705, Observations Made in ­England on the Trial of Captain Green.32 Defoe allowed his imagination to play over much of this material in The Farther Adventures. Crusoe and his partner, the “En­glish Merchant,” purchase a ship that, as m ­ atters turn out, was used by pirates. Though he and his partner are innocent, they are pursued by a number of small boats in the Mekong River ­until they make their escape. They know that if they are captured by t­ hese boats, they w ­ ill be “executed, with very l­ ittle Ceremony” (176) as pirates. This chase is one of the more exciting episodes in The Farther Adventures, and the prob­lem of somehow avoiding the pursuit of other ships and getting rid of their tainted ship takes up more than thirty pages of text in the first edition. In addition to dealing with the escape and the effort to avoid all ships in the area, ­t hese pages include a meditation on the lack of justice in such cases (182, 192) and a description of the anx­i­eties produced by the fear of being executed. In the case of Captain Green and his crew, at the time that Defoe wrote on this subject in 1705, he was chiefly concerned that the incident should not become a point of controversy in the negotiations for the u ­ nion of E ­ ngland and Scotland. He argued the notion that, w ­ hether the judgments on Green and his crew w ­ ere right or not, the trial had been conducted according to the laws of Scotland. U ­ nder ­t hose circumstances, he did not feel that it should be made an impediment to the ­union of the two nations. Nevertheless, he was apparently deeply moved by the notion of innocent men being executed, and it emerged forcefully in his imaginative fiction. It would not be wildly speculative to think that Defoe had in the back of his mind ­t hose moments in his own ­career when, imprisoned by the authorities for what he did not consider to be crimes, his own life hung in the balance. ­There are other connections related to the Worcester affair. For example, the pirate Captain Bowen, who captured the Speedy Return from Captain Drummond, illegally sold a ship he had captured to merchants in India.33 Drummond, the captain of the Speedy Return, was left ashore in Madagascar and narrowly escaped the slaughter of the En­glish seamen at the hands of the natives, an event witnessed by Robert Drury.34 Defoe’s knowledge of Drury’s account is not entirely clear, much less his having had a part in writing it, but what­ever knowledge he had of t­ hese events, he would have been embroidering imaginatively upon them. In some ways, the “Massacre of Madagascar” in The Farther Adventures reversed ­these events, with the greater vio­lence being committed by the Eu­ro­pe­ans. The impor­tant point is not so much that t­ here are connections between Crusoe’s adventures in Madagascar and events in the Far East but that questions of guilt, innocence, and vio­ lence seemed to ­ripple out of the Worcester affair in all directions and that by the power of his imagination, Defoe was able to bring them together in The Farther Adventures. The Farther Adventures is a sequel, and like most sequels inferior to the original. Still, The Farther Adventures contains some memorable scenes. The two rescues at sea are dramatic and well realized. The Spanish Captain’s account of the

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strug­gles within the colony with W ­ ill Atkins and his followers and then with the cannibals is told in vivid terms. The conversion of ­Will Atkins and his wife is moving, and if the description of the wickerwork h ­ ouse as a won­der falls far short of the discovery of the footprint in the sand or the mysterious goat in the cave, it has a degree of interest. The escape from being taken as a pirate ship is certainly exciting enough, as is the trip across Siberia, and the “Massacre of Madagascar” is a brilliant and dramatic example of Defoe’s descriptive ability at its best. The satiric depiction of China is an amusing set piece—­a warning against overestimating the exotic by judging it against the con­temporary realities. To judge The Farther Adventures against a book that achieved instant success throughout Eu­rope and maintained its reputation into the twenty-­first ­century is to do it a disser­v ice. The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures had a brilliance that could not be imitated. Insofar as The Farther Adventures was often read alongside the initial volume, it may be said that Defoe managed to sustain some of the interest he had aroused with the original. If he replaced the introspection and solitude of the first part with a somewhat disparate series of adventures, it was perhaps all that could have been expected. In some sense, it was a test for Defoe. Could he discover new veins of material that would keep up the interests of his audience? Could he write well enough to please them anew? The evidence suggests that the second part was successful enough. It went into a second edition soon a­ fter publication. Hutchins also asserts that the “number of copies of Part II would appear to have been greater than the number of the first edition.”35 Since it was thought of as a sequel, it is difficult to treat it as an in­de­ pen­dent work. Crusoe, the narrator, is always conceived as the same Crusoe who survived close to three de­cades of despair, isolation, and the cannibals on his island.36 Nevertheless, if Defoe’s creative genius had already begun to recede t­ oward the end of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, his imagination did not flag entirely. If we lack Crusoe’s meditations on his island situation, we are given a series of in­ter­est­ing developments and adventures. If the reader does not possess Crusoe’s obsession about seeing how the inhabitants fared ­after his departure, Defoe at least succeeds in arousing the curiosity of the reader. ­After all, he had ended the first volume with a promise of further adventures, and if, as E. M. Forster commented, curiosity is not the highest aesthetic value in a novel, it has always been the device that keeps the reader g­ oing.37 Once Crusoe experiences his compulsion to discover what happened to the island’s inhabitants, we do want to know how he ends up and how the island has fared with its odd combination of anarchistic En­glishmen and noble Spaniards. ­Will Atkins may be of more interest as the eternal troublemaker than as the repentant sinner, but con­temporary readers prob­ ably found his religious pro­gress extremely satisfying. And if the series of adventures that lead to the epic journey across Siberia is somewhat less exciting than Crusoe’s fright over the cannibals who visit his island, Defoe still manages to maintain his reader’s interest through vari­ous devices. For example, the satiric description of China and the Mandarin with whom Crusoe travels represents a welcome change of pace from the adventure sequences.

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He also creates a series of characters who assume some degree of life within the fabric of the adventure story. Besides the Rus­sian Prince, t­ here are the somewhat complex French Priest who marries the En­g lish to their native wives, the “En­glish Merchant,” whom Crusoe calls his “Partner,” who urges Crusoe to a life of active trading, and the “Portuguese Pi­lot” who rescues Crusoe and his partner by arranging for the disposal of their goods.38 The Pi­lot is given the dramatically ironic role of informing the only too aware Crusoe about the search a­ fter a pirate ship by En­glish and Dutch ships. And this old Pi­lot also rescues Crusoe from a small band of Tatars ­after Crusoe attempts to purchase a camel in a semicomic scene of commerce and ­battle.39 Yet Defoe tends to drop him as a character and instead introduces the Scots Merchant who helps Crusoe in blowing up the idol. Perhaps Defoe felt he needed someone to balance Crusoe’s zeal with a character who shared his distaste and contempt for paganism. In addition to t­ hese characters who take on some depth, ­there are a half dozen other figures who emerge briefly from the text: ­Father Simon, the priest who travels through China with Crusoe; the impoverished Mandarin who has a pretense to greatness; the servant left to attend Crusoe in Bengal by Crusoe’s Nephew; the En­glish Gunner and Dutch Pi­lot who inform Crusoe about the attempt to capture him as a pirate; and the Cossack who acts the role of misdirecting a group of Tatars pursuing them. Although they are given ­little psychological depth, Defoe manages to give them a degree of life and even afterlife. For example, Crusoe’s servant takes control of the pirate ship in trading to Japan, and the reader is told that he makes a successful voyage across the Pacific to Acapulco and from thence back to E ­ ngland as a wealthy man. In short, Defoe succeeds in creating a convincing novelistic world peopled by characters appropriate to the continual narrative action. In shaping the character of the Rus­sian Prince, Defoe had the benefit of working with a concrete, historical model. Prince Vasily Vasilievich Golitsyn had served as the equivalent of “prime minister” while Rus­sia was u ­ nder a form of regency led by the Tsarina Sophia. On 9 September 1689 he barely escaped execution and was subsequently sent into exile.40 As presented to the West by writers such as Foy de la Neuville, Golitsyn was a rare kind of personality—­a Rus­sian with sophisticated Eu­ro­pean tastes in art, lit­er­a­ture, and architecture. He was depicted as an idealist who admired Louis XIV’s France and wanted to bring a degree of civilization to a Rus­sia that, during this time, was extremely insular. Neuville described him as being like an Italian prince in his knowledge and generosity and felt that by his exile Rus­sia had lost all hope of improvement: “If I wished to write down every­t hing which I have learned of this prince I would never be done. Suffice it to say that he wished to p ­ eople the deserts, enrich the beggars, make men of savages, and turn shepherds’ huts into palaces of stone, and that Muscovy has lost every­ thing by the disgrace of this ­great minister.”41 Peter exiled him to an area north of Moscow and ­later to the region around Archangel. Defoe mentions Golitsyn as someone separate from the Prince, but it is clear that in crafting the character of the Prince, he drew upon the outlines of Golitsyn’s story—­t hat of a person who had once been at the very height of power, living a luxurious life, who had sud-

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denly been thrust into the cold wilds of Rus­sia. As Defoe constructs his character, the Prince had found some of the same kind of contentment in his situation that Crusoe had achieved on his island. The Prince regards Crusoe’s offer to smuggle him out of Rus­sia as a test of his newfound religious beliefs. He accepts Crusoe’s suggestion for his son, but not for himself, regarding Crusoe’s proposal as a kind of temptation from the Devil. Idealistic characters are rare enough in Defoe’s fictions.42 But the Prince is clearly presented as an admirable character—­a man of courage, strong convictions, and faith, and aside from Crusoe himself, the richest character in the text. Still, as has been argued previously, The Farther Adventures is essentially an adventure story, depending more upon the rendering of events and actions than character. To interest his readers Defoe used exotic lands and landscapes along with the dangers involved in encountering savage and barbarian natives. The practice of evoking jungle landscapes with exact description of fauna and flora prob­ably did not enter this form before Bernardin de Saint-­Pierre’s Paul et Virginie (1788), yet as ­Virginia Woolf remarked, Defoe had an ability to evoke a landscape with a few strokes of his pen.43 If he is able to ignore the lush jungle landscape of India and Cambodia, he does give us a sense of the ­great wastes of Mongolia and Siberia. He does this not so much by detailed description as by an evocation of deprivation: . . . ​we enter’d a vast ­great wild Desart, which held us three Days and Nights March, and we w ­ ere oblig’d to carry our W ­ ater with us, in g­ reat Leather B ­ ottles, and to encamp all Night, just as I have heard they do in the Desart of Arabia. (220) ­ fter this, we pass’d several g­ reat Rivers, and two dreadful Desarts; one of which, A we ­were sixteen Days passing over, and which as I said, was to be call’d no Man’s Land; and on the 13th  of April, we came to the Frontiers of the Muscovite Dominions . . . (225) We w ­ ere now launch’d into the greatest Piece of solid Earth, if I understand any ­Thing of the Surface of the Globe, that is to be found in any Part of the Earth, we had at least twelve hundred Miles to the Sea, Eastward; we had at least two thousand to the Bottom of the Baltick Sea, Westward; and above three thousand Miles, if we left that Sea, and went on West to the British and French Channels: We had full five thousand Miles to the Indian, or Persian Sea, South; and about eight hundred Miles to the Frozen Sea, North . . . (226) From this City we had a frightful Desart, which held us three and twenty Days march. (238) . . . ​I met with nothing peculiar to my self in all this Country, which I reckon was from the Desart which I spoke of last, at least 400 Miles, Half of it being another Desart, which took us up twelve Days severe travelling, without House, or Tree, or Bush, but ­were oblig’d again to carry our own Provisions, as well ­Water as Bread. (239)

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Everywhere in t­ hese “vast” steppes are the Tatar raiders, adding to the terror of the landscape. Woolf thought Defoe had l­ittle of the sublime in his descriptions, but what Defoe evokes is the endlessness and emptiness of the landscape along with feelings of solitude, all painful species of the sublime that she seemed to have ignored.44 Defoe also indulges to some extent in the kind of witty images of a frozen land that Scandinavian countries and Rus­sia evoked for poets such as Ambrose Philips, whose “Winter-­Piece” (1709) described the oddities of an icy landscape.45 Having arrived at Tobol’sk, Crusoe gives the reader a brief glimpse of this world, which, in general, he tries to avoid by remaining at Tobol’sk for the cold season: . . . ​they told us of Sledges and Rain Deer to carry us over the Snow in the Winter time, and indeed they have such Th ­ ings, that it would be incredible to relate the Particulars of, by which means the Rus­sians travel more in the Winter than they can in Summer, b ­ ecause in t­hese Sleds they are able to run Night and Day; the Snow being frozen, is one universal Covering to Nature, by which the Hills, the Vales, the Rivers, the Lakes, all are smooth, and hard as a Stone, and they run upon the Surface without any Regard to what is under­neath. (241)

Instead Crusoe tells the reader of the ways in which he kept warm in this frigid climate by a central heating plan and the kind of long coats that Peter the G ­ reat was trying to banish from Rus­sia. Defoe’s subject, exemplified in the story of the Prince, is not so much the cold and landscape as exile and banishment in a land ruled by a tyrant and the spiritual comforts discovered in abandoning the pleasures of the world. On the ­whole, then, Defoe tries to interest the reader in the ­human aspects of the landscape rather than scenery for its own sake. In the episode involving the careening of the ship in a river leading from the Bay of Tonquin and the subsequent attack upon them by native ships, all that we learn of the landscape is that the river was “small” but “had a Depth enough of W ­ ater for us” and was close enough to the bay to allow the observation of dangerous foreign ships. On the other hand, Crusoe tells the reader several times about the character of the inhabitants of the region: The P ­ eople we w ­ ere among, ­were the most barbarous of all the Inhabitants of the Coast; having no Correspondence with any other Nation, and dealing only in Fish, and Oil, and such gross Commodities; and it may be particularly seen, that they are, as I said, the most barbarous of any of the Inhabitants, (viz.) that among other Customs they have this as one, (viz.) That if any Vessel have the Misfortune to be shipwreck’d upon their Coast, they presently make their Men all Prisoners or Slaves . . . (183)

The most impor­tant ­t hing for the reader to know is the nature of the natives. The size of the river is impor­tant only ­because it helps the ship and the crew escape detection. At times Defoe certainly uses random details to create a sense of the real, but his se­lection of ­t hose details is seldom without some significance.

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­ fter the violent confrontation with the natives, resulting in one death and the A maiming of many o ­ thers, Crusoe draws a moral that is in keeping with his attitude ­toward a colonialism that was often too negligent ­toward the lives of the natives: . . . ​I was sick of killing such poor Savage Wretches, even tho’ it was in my own Defence, knowing they came on Errands which they thought just, and knew no better; and that tho’ it may be a just ­Thing, ­because necessary, for ­t here is no necessary Wickedness in Nature, yet I thought it was a sad life, which we must be always oblig’d to be killing our Fellow-­Creatures to preserve, and indeed I think so still; and I would even now suffer a ­great deal, rather than I would take away the Life, even of that Person injuring me: And I believe, all considering ­People, who know the Value of Life, would be of my Opinion, at least, they would, if they entred seriously into the Consideration of it. (186)

Crusoe ­will go on to participate in the killing of numbers of Tatars in the journey across Siberia, yet t­ hose actions, as indeed the engagement in the river off the Bay of Tonquin, involved self-­defense, something Defoe, following Hobbes, regarded as an irresistible princi­ple of ­human nature.46 That is why murder ­under such conditions could not be considered a form of “Wickedness,” since God did not create an immoral nature. Nevertheless, the lesson from t­ hese encounters is clear enough for Crusoe. It amounted to a confession that the vio­lence that seemed too often to arise from the contact between Eu­ro­pe­ans and the natives of foreign lands was ethically unacceptable. Thus The Farther Adventures is far from the pure adventure-­story mode. As­suredly, Defoe gives his readers a sufficient number of exciting incidents, but he also demands that they consider the import of such events.

Notes 1. ​Taylor registered The Farther Adventures in the Stationer’s Register on 17 August 1719. See Henry Clinton Hutchins, Robinson Crusoe and Its Printing, 1719–1731: A Bibliographical Study (New York: Columbia University Press, 1925; repr., New York: AMS Press, 1967), 40. 2. ​See Hutchins, 97–121. 3. ​Defoe puns on the notion of delusional ­mental wanderings (“wandring Fancies” [9]) and the desire to travel, suggesting, perhaps, a relationship between the two. 4. ​Samuel Pufendorf viewed such acts as “a la­men­ta­ble but not a sinful Expedient.” See Maximillian Novak, Defoe and the Nature of Man (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963), 71. 5. ​See Michael Fried, Absorption and Theatricality: Painting and Beholder in the Age of Diderot (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980). 6. ​For a discussion of gesture and emotion in Dubos and Le Brun, see Alan Mc­Ken­zie, Certain Lively Episodes: The Articulation of Passion in Eighteenth-­ Century Prose (Athens: ­University of Georgia Press, 1990). 7. ​See Dr. Wild’s ­Humble Thanks for His Majesties Gracious Declaration for Liberty of Conscience, March 15, 1672 (London, 1672), line 87. See also Geoffrey Sill, “The Source of Robinson Crusoe’s ‘Sudden Joys,’ ” Notes and Queries 243 [n.s. 45, no. 1] (1998): 67–68. 8. ​See Charles Le Brun, A Method to Learn to Design the Passions, ed. Alan Mc­Ken­zie, Augustan Reprint Society 200–201 (Los Angeles: William Andrews Clark Library, 1980). 9. ​For a discussion of such scenes and their relationship to Robinson Crusoe, see Maximillian Novak, “Describing the ­Thing Itself, or Not: Defoe and the Art of Describing,” Eighteenth-­ Century Fiction 9 (1996): 1–20.

xxxii I n t r o d u c t i o n 10. ​See Daniel Defoe, A Review of the Affairs of France, ed. Arthur Secord (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938), 4:425–426. 11. ​Although Scott does not have pirates in the sequence of novels devoted to the development of Britain as a nation, thieves such as the title character of his Rob Roy and some of the figures among the Highlanders are certainly lawbreakers. 12. ​This comment also foreshadows Crusoe’s contact with the real Tatars in Siberia ­toward the end of the novel. ­W hether Defoe was attempting to suggest a connection or ­whether he was already imagining the final sections of the novel is difficult to say. 13. ​For a discussion of this, see Novak, “Describing the ­Thing Itself,” 1–20. 14. ​Defoe’s admiration for Gustavus Adolphus, William III, and Marlborough was an indication of this attitude. For Defoe’s tendency ­toward hero worship, see Maximillian Novak, Defoe and the Nature of Man, 129–154. 15. ​Percy Adams, in his Travel Lit­er­a­ture and the Evolution of the Novel (Lexington: ­University of Kentucky Press, 1983), 125–130, suggests a number of e­ arlier examples, from Homer’s Odyssey to Richard Head and Francis Kirkman’s En­glish Rogue. 16. ​See Ian Watt, The Rise of the Novel (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1957), 30–34. 17. ​For attempts to exploit the utopian possibilities of this situation, see Charles Johnson, The Successful Pirate (London, 1713). 18. ​For a comparison of Defoe’s protagonist with Kurtz, see Michael Seidel, “Defoe in Conrad’s Africa,” Conradiana: A Journal of Conrad Studies 17 (1985): 145–146. 19. ​See for example, Histoire de Sudmer ou Robinson Crusoé (London, 1802). All of ­t hese works drew upon the adaptation by the educator Joachim Heinrich Campe’s Robinson der Jüngerer (1779–1780), but Campe was interested in teaching morality as well as geography. 20. ​David Porter, in his essay “ ‘A Peculiar but Uninteresting Nation’: China and the Discourse of Commerce in Eighteenth-­Century ­England,” Eighteenth-­Century Studies 33 (2000): 181–199, sees Defoe’s attitude as predictive of the En­glish view of China during most of the eigh­teenth and nineteenth centuries. ­England valued commerce and pro­gress; China did not. Hence China was seen as looking backward rather than forward. Robert Markley challenged this idea, suggesting that Defoe and some of his fellow En­glishmen felt a sense of inferiority ­toward China’s accomplishments. But whereas the Jesuits who had praised Chinese civilization w ­ ere oriented ­toward absolute monarchy, Defoe was an ardent advocate of pro­gress and commerce. Porter seems to have it right; Markley, despite the ingenuity of his arguments, appears to have it wrong. See Markley, “ ‘I Have Now Done with My Island, and All Manner of Discourse about It’: Crusoe’s Farther Adventures and the Unwritten History of the Novel,” in A Companion to the Eighteenth-­Century En­glish Novel and Culture, ed. Paula R. Backscheider and Catherine Ingrassia (Oxford: Blackwell, 2005), 25–47. 21. ​See Arthur Secord, Robert Drury’s Journal and Other Studies (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1961), 31–33; and Secord, “Defoe in Stoke Newington,” PMLA 66 (1951): 211–225. 22. ​See The Letters of Daniel Defoe, ed. George Healey (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955), 253–254. 23. ​See Bowrey, A Geo­graph­i­cal Account of Countries Round the Bay of Bengal, 1669 to 1679, ed. Richard ­Temple, ser. 2, no. 12 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1905). 24. ​For example, Giovanni Ghirardini’s Relation du voyage fait à la Chine sur le vaisseau l’Amphitrite en l’année 1698 (Paris, 1700) is included in the cata­log of The Libraries of Daniel Defoe and Phillips Farewell, ed. Helmut Heidenreich (Berlin: Heidenreich, 1970), 81 (item 1290a). Since two libraries ­were mingled together and since book auctioneers often added their own miscellaneous stock to cata­logs, it is necessary to treat Defoe’s owner­ship of par­tic­u ­lar books with caution. 25. ​Both collections appear in the sales cata­log of his library. See Heidenreich, 10, 11, 14, 64 (items 133, 142, 196, 1018). 26. ​Le Comte, Memoirs and Observations . . . ​Made in a Late Journey through the Empire of China (London, 1698), 73, 212. 27. ​See Louis Le Comte, Lettre à Monseigneur le Duc du Mayne sur les cérémonies de la Chine (Paris, 1700).

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28. ​ An Embassy from the East-­India Com­pany of the United Provences, to the . . . ​Emperour of China, 2 vols. (London, 1669). In the line notes, we have identified a number of pos­si­ble sources that we ­w ill not discuss ­here. For example, a volume by Giovanni Ghirardini, Relation du voyage fait à la Chine sur le vaisseau l’Amphitrite en l’année 1698, may have been in Defoe’s library. It is of interest b ­ ecause it is more critical of China than Le Comte. See above, note 23. 29. ​The exception to the rule is Crusoe’s appearance before a Chinese judge in a dispute over a camel. Crusoe loses the case, and although he avoids any general encomium on Chinese law, he has to admit that the reasoning of the judge was entirely correct. 30. ​Arthur Secord identified Ides as a pos­si­ble source for Defoe as well as Le Comte. See Studies in the Narrative Method of Defoe (London: Russell and Russell, 1963; reprint of 1924 edition), 63–74. 31. ​ An Imparital History of the Life and Actions of Peter Alexowitz, the Pre­sent Czar of Muscovy (London, 1723) and The History of the Wars, of His Pre­sent Majesty Charles XII. King of Sweden (London, 1715), usually ascribed to Defoe, treat Peter’s military campaigns. The conflict between the two young monarchs of Sweden and Rus­sia began as soon as Peter ended his visit to Eu­rope and returned to Moscow. See Robert Massie, Peter the ­Great: His Life and World (New York: Knopf, 1980), 289–366. 32. ​“The Worcester Affair,” Review of En­glish Studies, n.s., 51 (2000): 1–23. 33. ​Charles Johnson, pseud. [Daniel Defoe et al.?], A General History of the Pyrates, ed. Manuel Schonhorn (London: Dent, 1972), 452. 34. ​See Madagascar: or, Robert Drury’s Journal during Fifteen Years Captivity on That Island (London, 1729), 18–61. 35. ​Hutchins, Robinson Crusoe and Its Printing, 100n1. 36. ​Melissa ­Free has argued that The Farther Adventures was almost always printed with The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures through the nineteenth ­century up to World War II and shows that in some editions the two works w ­ ere merged. She even found one critic who preferred the sequel to the original. See “Un-­Erasing Crusoe: Farther Adventures in the Nineteenth ­Century,” Book History 9 (2006): 89–130. 37. ​ Aspects of the Novel (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, n.d.; originally 1927), 27–30. 38. ​It may be pointed out that, although Defoe tends to leave ­t hese characters with names depicting their status in society or their occupation, such as priest, pi­lot, prince, in the typography of Defoe’s time ­t hese characters would have had names with the first letters capitalized, as in Crusoe’s friend the “Portugal Pi­lot” or the character I name the “Prince,” whom Crusoe addresses as “My Lord.” 39. ​The image of the good Portuguese is a carryover from The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, in which the kind Portuguese Captain acts as his benefactor by rescuing him and helping him in Brazil and ­later by providing Crusoe with the accumulated riches from his plantation. Defoe may have owned a book that was lavish in its praise of the Portuguese as a generous and valiant p ­ eople. See Antonio Sousa-­de-­Macedo, Flores de España Excelencias de Portugal (Lisbon, 1631). See Heidenreich, Libraries, 17 (item 250). 40. ​Massie, Peter the ­Great, 80–104. 41. ​ A Curious and New Account of Muscovy in the Year 1689, ed. Lindsey Hughes, trans. J. A. Cutshall, Occasional Papers no. 23 (London: School of Slavonic and East Eu­ro­pean Studies, 1994), 55. 42. ​One example is Roxana’s Dutch merchant, who persists in his love for Roxana over many years. Defoe’s narratives usually show such an idealistic approach to life as naive. 43. ​Although Woolf emphasizes Defoe’s command of “fact,” she comments that “by means of this genius for fact Defoe achieves effects that are beyond any but the ­g reat masters of descriptive prose. He has only to say a word or two about ‘the grey of the morning,’ to paint vividly a windy dawn.” Collected Essays, 3 vols. (London: Hogarth Press, 1966), 1:74. 44. ​For ­t hese ele­ments of the sublime, see Edmund Burke, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful, ed. James T. Boulton (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1968), especially 43, 64–74.

xxxiv I n t r o d u c t i o n 45. ​A similarly witty type of poem, or series of poems, by George Turberville, specifically about Rus­sia, appears in Hakluyt’s Voyages, 8 vols. (London: Dent, 1936), 2:99–108. Turberville recounts the usual oddities from an En­glish standpoint, including the ground becoming so hard during winter that it was impossible to bury the dead. James Thomson’s Winter, with its account of Siberia, first appeared in 1726. 46. ​In his True-­Born En­glishman (1701), Defoe had written, No man was ever yet so void of Sense, As to debate the Right of Self-­Defence; A Princi­ple so grafted in the Mind, With Nature born, and does like Nature bind: Twisted with Reason, and with Nature too; As Neither one nor t’other can undo. See Defoe, A True Collection of the Writings of the Author of the True-­Born En­glishman, 2 vols. (London, 1703–1705), 1:27.

Note on the Text

Symbols refer to footnotes; Arabic numerals refer to the list of variants in the backmatter.

xxxv

* FARTHER] Although the OED provides separate entries for “farther” and “further,” the editors admit that the two words are used interchangeably, with “farther” being used mainly as the comparative form for “far.” In addition to using the word to mean something like “continuing,” Defoe draws upon the larger connotation of spatial distance reflected in the amplified description on the title page of “his Travels Round three Parts of the Globe.” †  STRANGE SURPRIZING] This echoes the title of the first volume. ‡  Round three Parts of the Globe] This is intended to echo the titles of the popu­lar voyage accounts of William Dampier and Woodes Rogers. §  Written by Himself ] Although Charles Gildon was to reveal Defoe as the author of the first volume, Defoe never abandoned the persona of Robinson Crusoe. ¶  Map of the World] The map, which was inset a­ fter the preface, the advertisement for the “4th Edition,” and the warning against the Cox abridgment, was similar to a map by Herman Moll in Woodes Rogers’s A Cruising Voyage Round the World (1712). Moll’s map follows Rogers’s voyage with the same broken lines as appear in the map of Crusoe’s voyages. This map is reproduced as part of the front ­matter to this edition. ** [Emblem, Ship at full sail with British flags] Although William Taylor published “at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row” and occasionally used the small emblem of a ship, the very large emblem employed on the title pages of all the Robinson Crusoe volumes ­a fter the second edition of the first volume imitated the publication format of true sea adventures, particularly voyages around the world.

THE FARTHER* ADVENTURES OF ROBINSON CRUSOE;1 Being the Second and Last Part OF HIS LIFE, And of the Strange Surprizing† Accounts2 of his Travels Round three Parts of the Globe.‡ Written by Himself.§ 3

To which is added a Map of the World,¶ in which is Delineated the Voyages of ROBINSON CRUSOE.

[Printer’s Device, four–­master ship flying the British flag within a floral crucible, 39 mm × 53 mm (deep)]**

LONDON:

Printed for W. Taylor at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Mdccxix.4

The Preface

The Success* the former Part of this Work5 has met with in the World, has yet been no other than6 is acknowledg’d to be due to the surprising Variety of the Subject, and to the agreeable Manner of the Per­for­mance. All7 the Endeavours of envious ­People† to reproach it with being a Romance, to search it for Errors in Geography, Inconsistency in the Relation, and Contradictions in the Fact, have proved abortive, and as impotent as malicious. The8 just Application of ­every Incident, the religious and useful Inferences drawn from e­ very Part, are so many Testimonies to the good Design of making it publick, and must legitimate all the Part that may be call’d Invention, or Parable in the Story.‡ The9 Second Part, if the Editor’s Opinion may pass, is (contrary to the Usage of Second Parts,) ­every Way as entertaining as the First, contains as strange and surprising 10 Incidents, and as g­ reat a Variety of them; nor is the Application less serious, or suitable;11 and doubtless w ­ ill, to the sober, as well as ingenious§ Reader, be * Success] For a discussion of the success of the first volume, see the notes and introduction to the Stoke Newington Edition of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, edited by Maximillian E. Novak, Irving N. Rothman, and Manuel Schonhorn (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2020). †  envious ­People] Perhaps T. Cox and some unknown critics. The most extended attack, by Charles Gildon, came a ­little more than a month ­a fter the publication of The Farther Adventures. This lengthy assault upon Defoe as a man, as a writer, and upon the nature of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures was one of many con­temporary assaults upon him and his writings. See The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Mr. D. . . . . De F . . . ​, of London, Hosier (1719), in Robinson Crusoe Examin’d and Criticis’d, ed. Paul Dottin (London: Dent, 1923). ‡  Invention, or Parable in the Story] This attempt to have the narrative at once au­t hen­tic and fictional w ­ ill be expanded in the preface to Serious Reflections during the Life and Surprising Adventures of Robinson Crusoe (1720). §  sober . . . ​ingenious] “Sober” is used h ­ ere in the sense of the reader seeking serious and moral subject ­matter, while the “ingenious” or “quick-­w itted” reader is seen as seeking a text that is imaginative and lively. See Edward Phillips, The New World of Words: or, Universal En­glish Dictionary, ed. John Kersey, 7th ed. (London, 1720), sig. Hhh3, and the Oxford En­glish Dictionary (hereafter cited as OED).

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e­ very way as profitable and diverting; and this makes the abridging this Work,12* as scandalous, as it is knavish and ridicu­lous, seeing,13 while to shorten the Book, that they may seem to reduce the Value, they strip it of all ­those Reflections, as well religious as moral, which are not only the greatest Beautys of the Work,14 but are calculated for the infinite Advantage of the Reader.15 By this they leave the Work16 naked of its brightest Ornaments; and if they would, at the same Time17 pretend, that the Author has supply’d the Story out of his Invention, they take from it the Improvement, which alone recommends that Invention to wise and good Men. The Injury† ­these Men do the Proprietor of this Work,18 is a Practice all honest Men abhor;19 and he believes he may challenge them to shew the Difference between that and Robbing on the Highway, or Breaking20 open a House. If they can’t shew any Difference in the Crime, they ­will find it hard to shew why ­there should be any Difference in the Punishment and: He21 ­will answer for it, that nothing s­ hall be wanting on,22 his Part, to do them Justice.

* abridging this Work] An attack upon T. Cox’s abridgment of the first volume. †  Injury] Defoe defended the pending copyright law of 1710 in his Review, expressing many of the same sentiments about literary property voiced ­here. “A book,” he wrote, “is the Author’s Property, ’tis the Child of his Inventions, the Brat of his Brain,” comparing the crime to robbing a crutch from a disabled person and to kidnapping. See A Review of the Affairs of France, ed. Arthur W. Secord, 9 vols., reproduced in 22 vols. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938), 6:515–556.

The Farther Adventures of Robinson Crusoe &c.

•

THAT homely Proverb used on so many Occasions in ­England, viz. That what is bred in the Bone w ­ ill not go out of the Flesh,* was never more verify’d, than in the 23 Story of my Life. Any one would think, that ­after thirty-­five Years Affliction, and a Variety of unhappy Circumstances, which few Men, if any ever, went thro’ before, and ­after near seven Years of Peace and Enjoyment in the Fulness of all Th ­ ings; grown old, and when, if ever, it might be allowed me to have had Experience of ­every State of ­middle Life,† and to know which was most adapted to make a Man compleatly happy: I say, ­after all this, any one would have thought that the native Propensity to rambling,24 which I gave an Account of in my first Setting out into the World, to have been so predominate25 in my Thoughts, should be worn out, the volatile26 Part‡ be fully evacuated,§ or at least condens’d,27 and I might at 61 Years of Age have been a ­little enclin’d28 to stay at Home, and have done venturing Life and Fortune any more.

* That . . . ​Flesh] Morris Palmer Tilley provides many entries for this proverb, which, despite some variations, keeps the main sense. See A Dictionary of the Proverbs in ­England in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1950), 222 (F365). †  State of m ­ iddle Life] An allusion to the preaching of Crusoe’s ­father on the benefits of the “­middle Station” of life at the beginning of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures. ‡  volatile Part] Phillips (New World of Words), sig. Pppp2v, defines “Volatile” as “that flies or can fly, airy, light: In Chymistry, apt to fly, or steam out in Vapours.” And ­under “Volatility,” he adds, “Among Chymists, it is taken for the Property of such mixt Bodies whose Corpuscles or very small Parts, of which they are made, ­w ill rise up by means of that degree of Heat which is proper to sublime or raise them.” Defoe compares the inclinations and passions to unstable, gaseous ele­ments in the body that, ­a fter so many years, o ­ ught to have evaporated. §  evacuated] “In Physick, a discharging of superfluous Humours and Excrements out of the Body.” Phillips, New World of Words, sig. Kk2v. That Defoe should have used chemical and physiological images for what is now regarded as being at least partly psychological was in keeping with current theories about the passions. See the entry on the passions in Ephraim Chambers’ s Cyclopaedia, 2 vols. (London: Midwinter et al., 1738), 2:8i.

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Nay29 farther, the common Motive of foreign Adventures was taken away in me; for I had no Fortune to make,* I had nothing to seek: If I had gain’d ten thousand Pound, I had been no richer; for I had already sufficient for me, and for ­t hose I had to leave it to; and that I had was visibly encreasing;30 for having no g­ reat ­Family, I could not spend the Income of what I had ­unless I would set up for an expensive Way of Living, such as a ­great ­Family, Servants,31 Equipage, Gayety, and the like, which ­were ­Th ings I had no Notion of, or Inclination to; so that I had nothing indeed to do, but to sit still, and fully enjoy what I had got, and see it encrease32 daily upon my Hands. Yet all ­t hese ­Things had no Effect upon me, or at least,33 not enough to resist the strong Inclination I had to go Abroad 34 again, which hung about me like a chronical Distemper;† particularly the Desire of seeing my new Plantation in the Island, and the Colony I left ­t here, run‡ in my35 Head continually. I dream’d of it all Night, and my Imagination run upon it all Day; it was uppermost in all my Thoughts, and my Fancy work’d so steadily and strongly upon it, that I talk’d of it in my Sleep; in short, nothing could remove it out of my Mind; it even broke so violently into all my Discourses, that it made my Conversation tiresome; for I could talk of nothing ­else, all my Discourse run into it, even to Impertinence, and I saw it my self. I have often heard Persons of good Judgment say, That all the Stir36 ­People make in37 the World about Ghosts and Apparitions,§ is owing to the Strength of Imagination,¶ and the power­f ul Operation of Fancy in their Minds; that t­ here is no such Th ­ ing as a Spirit appearing, or a Ghost walking, and the like: That P ­ eoples poreing38** affectionately upon the past Conversation of their deceas’d Friends, so realizes it to them, that they are capable of fancying39 upon some extraordinary Circumstances, that they see them; talk to them, and are answered by them, when,40 * no Fortune to make] In fact, although in the first volume Crusoe’s ­father assumes that the desire to wander and discover new lands had something to do with a longing for g­ reat wealth, this has never been more than a partial explanation for Crusoe’s desire to travel. †  chronical Distemper] A disease that lasts a long time. See Chambers, Cyclopaedia, 1:2U. ‡  run] The use of the historical pre­sent, rather than “ran,” for this word is so common in his writing that it amounts to a Defoeism. §  Ghosts and Apparitions] Defoe developed his theory about ghosts and apparitions most fully in his three works on the occult: The Po­liti­cal History of the Dev­il (1726), A System of Magick (1726 [1727 imprint]), and An Essay on the History and Real­ity of Apparitions (1727). Although he believed in spirits, he did not believe in the dead returning to earth in a ghostly form, and as the narrator of numerous tales about apparitions, he often assumed a stance of slightly amused skepticism. ¶  Strength of Imagination] In The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, Crusoe showed himself susceptible to imaginary fears and desires. The scene in which he longs for a companion so strongly that his teeth clamp together along with a variety of involuntary gestures is one example. ** poreing] Meditating or thinking in a concentrated manner. The meditative tradition of the early seventeenth c­ entury continued to have advocates during the period in which Defoe came to manhood. J. Paul Hunter discusses Robert Boyle’s version of this practice, “meletetics,” in his Occasional Reflections (1665) as having some relationship to the way the world was presented in early fiction. See Hunter, Before Novels (New York: Norton, 1990), 201–208.

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9

in Truth, ­t here is nothing but Shadow and Vapour in the ­Thing;41 and they ­really know nothing of the ­Matter. For42 my Part, I know not to this Hour, ­whether ­t here are any such ­Things as real Apparitions, Spectres, or Walking43 of P ­ eople ­after they are dead, or ­whether ­t here is any Th ­ ing in the Stories they tell us of that Kind,44 more than the Product of Vapours, sick Minds, and wandring Fancies;45 But this I know, that my Imagination work’d up to such a Height, and brought me into such Extasies46 of Vapours,* or what e­ lse I may call it, that I actually suppos’d my self, often-­times47 upon the Spot, at my old C ­ astle b ­ ehind the Trees; saw my old Spaniard, Friday’s ­Father, and 48 the reprobate Sailors I left upon the Island; nay, I fancy’d I talk’d with them, and look’d at them so steadily, tho’ I was broad awake, as at Persons just before me; and this I did49 till I often frighted my self with the Images my Fancy represented to me:50 One Time in my Sleep I had the Villany of the 3 Pyrate Sailors so lively related to me51 by the first Spaniard and Friday’s ­Father, that it was surprizing; they told me how they barbarously attempted to murther52 all the Spaniards, and that they set Fire to the Provisions they had laid up, on Purpose53 to distress and starve them,54 ­Things that I had never heard of, and that indeed ­were never all of them true in Fact: But55 it was so warm in my Imagination, and so realiz’d to me, that to the Hour I saw them, I could not be perswaded,56 but that it was or would be true; also how I resented it, when the Spaniards57 complain’d to me, and how I brought them to Justice, try’d them before me, and order’d them all three to be hang’d:58 What ­t here was ­really in this, ­shall be seen in its Place: For however, I came to form such Th ­ ings59 in my Dream, and what secret Converse of Spirits† injected it, yet t­ here was very much of it true. I say,60 I own, that this Dream had nothing in it literally and specifically true: But61 the general Part was so true, the base villainous62 Behaviour of ­t hese three harden’d Rogues was such, and had been so much worse than all I can describe, that the Dream had too much Similitude of the Fact,63 and as I would afterwards have punished them severely; so if I had hang’d them all, I had been much in the Right, and should ha’ been justifiable64 both by the Laws of God and Man. * Extasies of Vapours] “In a Medicinal Sense, Vapours is taken for a Disease, other­w ise call’d Hysterick or Hypocondriack Fits, i.e. Fits of the ­Mother or Melancholy.” Phillips, New World of Words, sig. Nnnnn3. Hypochondria was roughly equivalent to depression, although the severity of this illness, which afflicted both Samuel Johnson and James Boswell as well as other eighteenth-­century authors, varied greatly. Crusoe never seems to slip entirely into a psychosis, but he does reveal a neurotic fixation on the island and he does experience the equivalent of visions. See u ­ nder “Vapours” in Chambers, Cyclopaedia, 2:13B. †  Converse of Spirits] The OED defines “converse” in terms of a communication of thought that might be purely “­mental intercourse.” Since the Bible revealed that dreams might indeed be true visions, Defoe suggests that they may be inserted in the mind by spirits who are able to converse directly with the mind through dreams. In fact, only part of what Crusoe dreams is actually true, and we might say that the dream was a natu­ral product of his anx­i­eties about having left the Spanish Captain with the prob­lem of dealing with Atkins and his companions. But lacking a theory of suppressed or unconscious thoughts and feelings, a number of writers used an explanation based on the existence of spirits. For an example of bad thoughts being inserted into the mind by Satan, see John Milton, Paradise Lost, ed. Merritt Hughes (New York: Odyssey, 1957), 297 (book 4, lines 799–808).

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But to return to my Story; in65 this Kind of Temper I had liv’d some Years, I had no Enjoyment of my Life, no pleasant Hours, no agreeable Diversion, but what had some Th ­ ing66 or other of this in it; so that my Wife, who saw my Mind so wholly bent upon it, told me very seriously one Night, That she believ’d t­ here was some secret power­f ul Impulse of Providence* upon me, which had determin’d me to go thither67 again; and that she found nothing hindred68 my g­ oing, but my being engag’d to a Wife and ­Children. She told me that it was true69 she could not think of parting with me; but as she was assur’d, that if she was dead, it would be the first ­Thing70 I would do: So as it seem’d to her, that the Th ­ ing was determin’d above, 71 she would not be the only Obstruction; for if I thought fit,† and resolv’d to go—­ here72 she found me very intent upon her Words, and that I look’d very earnestly at her; so that it a ­little disorder’d her, and she stopp’d. I ask’d her, Why she did not go on, and say out what she was ­going to say?73 But I perceiv’d her Heart was too full, and some Tears stood in her Eyes: Speak74 out my Dear, said I, Are you willing I should go?75 No, says she76 very affectionately, I am far from willing: But if you are resolv’d to go, says she, and rather than I ­w ill be the only Hinderance,77 I ­w ill go with you; for tho’ I think it a most preposterous ­Thing for one of your Years, and in your Condition, yet if it must78 be, said she again weeping, I ­won’t leave you; for if it be of Heaven, you must do it. Th ­ ere79 is no resisting it; and if Heaven makes it your Duty to go, he ­will also make it mine to go with you, or other­ wise dispose of me, that I may not obstruct it. This affectionate Behaviour of my Wife’s brought me a l­ ittle out of the Vapours, and I began to consider what I was a d ­ oing;80 I corrected my wandring Fancy, and began to argue with my self sedately, what Business I had ­after threescore Years, and ­after such a Life of tedious Sufferings and Disasters, and closed in so happy and easy a Manner,81 I say, what Business I had82 to rush into new H ­ azards, and put my self upon Adventures,83 fit only for Youth and Poverty to run into. With84 ­t hose Thoughts, I considered my new Engagement, that I had a Wife, one Child born, and my Wife then of another; that I had all the World could give me, and had no Need85 to seek H ­ azards for Gain; that I was declining in Years, and ­ought to think rather of leaving what I had gain’d, than of seeking to encrease86 it; that as to what my Wife had said, of its being an Impulse from Heaven, and that it should be my Duty to go, I had no Notion of that; so a­ fter many of t­ hese Cogitations, I strug­gled with the Power of my Imagination, reason’d my self87 out of it, as I believe P ­ eople may always do in like Cases,88 if they w ­ ill; and, in a Word, I * secret power­f ul Impulse of Providence] In the fifth chapter of Serious Reflections of Robinson Crusoe (1720), “Of listning to the Voice of Providence,” Defoe has Crusoe argue strongly for an awareness of such strong feelings as being pos­si­ble messages from God. He also argues for distinguishing true from false messages. At this start of Farther Adventures, Crusoe decides that what­ever urges he may have been feeling, he had no “Notion” (10) that they in any way reflected the ­w ill of God. †  thought fit,] Considered such an action suitable. See OED. Although apparently Defoe left punctuation mainly to the whims of the printer, the comma may suggest that in her highly emotional state and feeling that a voyage to the island would not be beneficial for ­either of them, Crusoe’s wife was having difficulty speaking the words.

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conquer’d it; compos’d my self with such Arguments as occurr’d89 to my Thought,90 and which my pre­sent Condition furnish’d me plentifully with, and particularly, as the most effectual Method, I resolv’d to divert my self with other Th ­ ings, and to engage in some Business that might effectually tye91 me up from any more Excursions of this Kind; for I found that Th ­ ing92 return93 upon me chiefly when I was idle, had nothing to do, nor any Th ­ ing of Moment immediately before me. To this Purpose I bought a l­ ittle Farm in the County 94 of Bedford,* and resolv’d to remove my self thither. I had a ­little con­ve­nient House upon it, and the Land about it I found was capable of ­great Improvement,† and that it was many Ways95 suited to my Inclination, which delighted in Cultivating, Managing, Planting,96 and Improving of Land; and particularly, being an Inland Country,97 I was remov’d from conversing among Ships, Sailors, and Th ­ ings relating to the remote Part98 of the World. In a Word, I went down to my Farm, settled my ­Family,99 bought me Ploughs, Harrows, a Cart, Wagon,100 Horses, Cows, Sheep; and setting seriously to Work, became in one half Year, a meer Country Gentleman; my Thoughts ­were entirely taken up in managing101 my Servants, cultivating102 the Ground, Enclosing, Planting, &c. and I liv’d, as I thought, the most agreeable Life that Nature was capable of directing, or that a Man always bred to Misfortunes was capable of being retreated to.‡ I farm’d103 upon my own Land, I had no Rent to pay, was ­limited by no Articles;§ I could pull up or cut down as I pleased: What I planted, was for my self,104 and what I improved, was for my ­Family;¶ and having thus left off the Thoughts of Wan* County of Bedford] In his Tour thro’ the Whole Island of G ­ reat Britain (1724–1727), Defoe did not have very much to say about Bedfordshire, a county located to the northwest of London, except that “the ­whole Product of this County is Corn.” He also noted that it was a county without any real cities and with l­ ittle economic activity except agriculture. If Crusoe wanted to return to the agricultural life of his island distant from the commerce of London, this was the ideal place. See Defoe, A Tour thro’ the Whole Island of ­Great Britain, ed. G.D.H. Cole, 2 vols. (London: Peter Davies, 1927), 2:512. †  capable of ­great Improvement] ­These ­were key words, particularly ­later in the c­ entury, for adapting estates to new styles of architecture and gardening as well as for innovative methods of agriculture, but when Crusoe refers to “Improving of Land” (11), he is mainly alluding to the latter—to the changes in agriculture (sometimes known as the “Agricultural Revolution”) that had been underway since the seventeenth c­ entury. Lancelot Brown, who became known as Capability Brown (1715–1783), was only four years old when Defoe published The Farther Adventures, and while gardening enthusiasts such as John Evelyn (1620–1706) had already sowed the seeds for the rage to “improve the estate” with elaborate buildings and gardens, Crusoe’s improvements appear to be practical rather than aesthetic. However, Crusoe does refer to his “Garden” among the “pleasant Amusements of my Farm” (9:26–27). For Defoe’s own knowledge of innovations in agriculture, see Maximillian Novak, Daniel Defoe: Master of Fictions (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 308–309. ‡  retreated to] The ideal of the country “retreat” was best expressed in the poem by Anne Finch, Countess of Winchelsea, “The Petition for an Absolute Retreat,” included in her Miscellany Poems on Several Occasions (1713). §  Articles] In the sense of contractual conditions. See OED. ¶  What I planted . . . ​­Family] Crusoe attempts to create a type of utopia based on self-­ sufficiency and existing as an enclave within the larger society. Crusoe makes the connection clear below, 9:5–11. It is similar to the kind of utopia that Aldous Huxley portrayed in his novel ­After Many a Summer Dies the Swan (1939).

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dring, I had not the least Discomfort* in any Part of Life, as to this World. Now I thought indeed, that I enjoy’d105 the m ­ iddle State of Life, that my F ­ ather so early106 107 recommended to me, and liv’d a kind of heavenly Life, something like what is described by the Poet upon the Subject of a Country Life.† ­ ree from Vices, f­ ree from Care, F Age has no Pain, and Youth no Snare.

But in the ­Middle of all this Felicity, one Blow from unforeseen108 Providence unhing’d me at once; and not only made a Breach upon me inevitable and incurable, but drove me, by its Consequences, into109 a deep Relapse into the wandring110 Disposition, which, as I may say, being born in my very Blood, soon recover’d its hold111 of me, and like the Returns of a violent Distemper, came on with an irresistible Force upon me; so that nothing could make any more Impression upon me. This Blow was the Loss of my Wife. It112 is not my Business ­here to write an Elegy upon my Wife, give a Character of her par­tic­u­lar Virtues, and make my Court to the Sex‡ by the Flattery of a Funeral Sermon. She was, in a few Words, the Stay§ of all my Affairs, the Centre of all my Enterprizes,113 the Engine, that by her Prudence reduc’d114 me to that happy Compass I was in, from the most extravagant and ruinous Proj­ect that fluttered115 in my Head, as above; and did more to guide my rambling Genius, than a M ­ other’s Tears, aF ­ ather’s Instructions, a Friend’s Counsel, or all my own reasoning Powers could do. I was happy in listening to her Tears, and in being mov’d116 by her Entreaties, and to the last Degree117 desolate and dislocated in the World by the Loss of her.

* not the least Discomfort] To some extent, Crusoe takes the exercise and air cure for melancholy recommended by Robert Burton. See The Anatomy of Melancholy, ed. Floyd Dell and Paul Jordan-­Smith (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1929), 443–455. †  Poet . . . ​Country Life] The song is attributed to James Hart and is printed in John Playford’s fourth book of Choice Ayres and Songs to Sing to the Theorbo-­Lute, or Bass-­Viol (1683). The full text of the song, as it appears in Playford’s text, is as follows: Happy is the Country life, Blest with Content, good Health, and Ease ­Free from factious Noise and Strife, We only Plot our selves to please: Peace of Mind the days delight, And Love our welcom Dream at Night. Hail green fields and Shady Woods! Hail springs and streams that still run pure; Nature’s uncorrupted Goods, Where Virtue only is secure: ­Free from Vice, ­here ­f ree from Care, Age is no pain, and Youth no snare. For a discussion of this poem and its relationship to the themes of both The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures and The Farther Adventures, see Maximillian Novak, “Robinson Crusoe’s Song on the ‘Country Life’ and Defoe’s Knowledge of ­Music,” Notes and Queries 237 (1992): 40–42. ‡  make my Court to the Sex] Appeal to my ­women readers. §  Stay] A person who gives moral and emotional support. The OED quotes this passage.

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When118 she was gone, the World look’d aukwardly* round me; I was as much a Stranger in it, in my Thoughts, as I was in the Brasils,† when I went first on Shore ­t here; and as much alone, except as to the Assistance of Servants, as I was in my Island. I knew neither what to do, or what not to do. I saw the World busy round me, one119 Part labouring for Bread, and the other Part squandring in120 vile Excesses or empty Pleasures, equally miserable, b ­ ecause the End they propos’d still fled from them; for the Man of Plea­sure ­every Day surfeited of his Vice, and heap’d121 up Work for Sorrow and Repentance; and the Men of ­Labour spent their Strength in daily Strug­gles for Bread to maintain the vital Strength they l­abour’d122 with, so living in a daily Circulation of Sorrow,‡ living but to work, and working but to live, as if daily Bread§ ­were the only End of wearisome Life, and a wearisome Life the only Occasion of daily Bread. This put me in Mind of the Life I liv’d123 in my Kingdom, the Island; where I suffer’d no more Corn to grow, b ­ ecause I did not want it; and bred no more Goats, ­because I had no more Use for them: Where the Money lay in the Drawer ’till it grew mouldy,124 and had scarce the Favour to be look’d upon in 20 Years. All t­ hese ­Things, had I improv’d125 them as I o ­ ught to have done, and as Reason and Religion had dictated to me, would have taught me to search farther than ­human Enjoyments for a full Felicity, and that t­ here was something which certainly was the Reason and End of Life,¶ superiour to all t­ hese ­Things, and which was e­ ither to be possess’d,126 or at least hop’d for on this Side127 the Grave. But my Sage Counsellor was gone,128 I was like a Ship without a Pi­lot, that could only run afore the Wind:129 My Thoughts run all away again into the old Affair, my Head quite was turn’d130 with the Whimsies of foreign Adventures, and all the pleasant131 innocent Amusements of my Farm, and my Garden, my C ­ attle, and my 132 ­Family, which before entirely possest me, ­were nothing to me, had no Relish, and ­were like Musick to one that has no Ear, or Food to one that has no Taste: In a Word, I resolv’d133 to leave off House-­keeping, lett my Farm, and return to London; and in a few Months a­ fter, I did so. When I came to London, I was still as uneasy as I was before,134 I had no Relish to the Place, no Employment in it, nothing to do but to saunter about like an idle Person, of whom it may be said, he is perfectly useless in God’s Creation; and it is not one ­Matter135 to the rest of his Kind, ­whether he be dead or alive. This also was * aukwardly] In the sense of being upside down or askew, or perverse in conduct. See OED. †  Brasils] For Crusoe’s stay in Brazil, see The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 34–40. ‡  daily Circulation of Sorrow] This passage suggests a larger critique of his ­father’s lecture in praise of the “­middle State” than had appeared previously. So long as his wife is alive, he is able to endure the condition that he had avoided both at the beginning of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures and when he had become a prosperous senhor de Engenho in Brazil. In a modern, Existential sense, Crusoe suggests that for him, at least, the society about him is in “bad faith.” §  daily Bread] Prob­ably an allusion to Matthew 6:11. ¶  Reason and End of Life] Although Crusoe points to the life devoted exclusively to his Christian faith that he ­ought to have assumed, he is by no means ready to direct his life ­toward a heavenly destination.

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the Life which of all Circumstances of Life was the most my Aversion, who had been all my Days used to an active Life; and I would often say to my self, A State of Idleness* is the very Dregs of Life; and indeed I thought I was much more suitably employ’d, when I was 26136 Days a making me a Deal Board.† It was now the Beginning137 of the Year 1693,‡ when my Nephew, who as I had observ’d before138 I had brought up to the Sea, and had made him Commander of a Ship, was come Home from a short Voyage to Bilboa,§ being the first he had made; and he139 came to me, and told me, that some Merchants of his Acquaintance140 had been proposing to him to go a Voyage for them to the East Indies141 and to China, as private Traders: And now ­Uncle, says he, if you ­w ill go to Sea with me, I’ll engage to land you upon your old Habitation in the Island, for we are to touch at the Brasils.142 Nothing143 can be a greater Demonstration of a f­ uture State, and of the Existence of an invisible World, than the Concurrence of second C ­ auses,144 with the 145 ¶ Ideas of ­Th ings, which we form in our Minds, perfectly reserv’d,146** and not communicated to any in the World. My147 Nephew knew nothing how far my Distemper of Wandring was return’d148 upon me, and I knew nothing of what he had in his Thoughts to say,149 when that very Morning before he came to me, I had in a ­great deal of Confusion of Thought, and revolving ­every Part of my Circumstances in my Mind, come to this Resolution, viz. That I would go to Lisbon,†† and consult with my old Sea-­Captain,‡‡ and so if it was rational and practicable, I would go and see the Island again, and see what was become of my ­People t­ here. I had pleas’d my self with150 the Thoughts of peopling the

* A State of Idleness] In judging the value of the individual to society in his Review, unlike Gregory King’s famous listing of vari­ous o ­ rders according to the wealth they bring to the state, Defoe listed ­t hose who did not work as “Drones in the Hive,” or completely worthless. †  Deal Board] A board made of pine or fir. ‡  1693] If t­here is any parallel between Crusoe’s life and Defoe’s, this period, following his bankruptcy, may indeed have been a time of idleness for him. §  Bilboa] Bilbao, a Spanish city not far from the Bay of Biscay. Edmund Bohun describes it as “a large, beautiful well Traded City.” A Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary (London, 1688), sig. F4. ¶  second ­Causes . . . ​Ideas of ­Things] For Defoe, the world of nature operated on the basis of cause and effect with God always able to interfere but seldom ­doing so. He also accepted John Locke’s notion of the mind as a collection of sense impressions and thoughts, both of which he called “Ideas.” ­Here Defoe seems to suggest a “spiritual” connection from the “invisible World” to explain the seeming conjunction between what was in his mind and the offer of his nephew. In some sense Crusoe is trying to explain a sensation not very dif­fer­ent from that of déjà vu, which, in the hands of Marcel Proust, was rendered as an almost mystical experience of floating through time. Crusoe is made to argue the larger point that it is a “Demonstration of a ­f uture State.” ** reserv’d] Kept within the mind. ††  Lisbon] The main city of Portugal. In The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, Crusoe spends months in this city settling the sale of his plantations in Brazil. ‡‡  old Sea-­Captain] The Captain who rescues him a­ fter his escape from Sale and helps him first at Bahia in Brazil and ­later in Portugal in arranging the sale of Crusoe’s plantations in Brazil.

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Place, and carry­ing Inhabitants from hence, getting a Patent* for the Possession,† and I know not what; when in the ­Middle of all this, in comes my Nephew, as I have said, with his Proj­ect of carry­ing me thither, in his Way to the East Indies.151 I paus’d152 a while at his Words, and looking steadily at him, What Dev­il, said I, sent you of this unlucky Errand? My Nephew startl’d153 as if he had been frighted at first; but perceiving I was not much displeas’d with the Proposal, he recover’d himself. I hope it may not be an unlucky Proposal, Sir, says he,154 I dare say you would be pleas’d to see your new Colony t­ here, where you once reigned with more Felicity, than most of your B ­ rother Monarchs in the World. In a Word, the Scheme hit so exactly with my Temper,155 that is to say, the Prepossession I was ­under, and of which I have said so much, that I told him in few Words, if he agreed with the Merchants, I would go with him: But I told him, I would not promise to go any farther than my own Island. Why Sir, says he,156 you d ­ on’t want to be left ­there again, I hope? Why, said I, can you not take me up again in your Return?157 He told me, it could not be pos­si­ble, that158 the Merchants would allow159 him to come that Way with a loaden160 Ship of such value, it being a Month’s Sail out of his Way, and might be three or four: Besides, Sir, if I should miscarry, said he, and not return at all, then you would be just reduced to the Condition you ­were in before.161 This162 was very rational; but we both found out a Remedy for it, which was to carry a framed Sloop‡ on board the Ship, which being taken in Pieces, and shipp’d on board the Ship, might by the Help of some Carpenters, who163 we agreed to carry with us, be set up again in the Island, and finish’d,164 fit to go to Sea in a few Days. I was165 not long resolving; for indeed the Importunities of my Nephew join’d in so166 effectually with my Inclination, that nothing could oppose me: On the other Hand, my Wife being dead, I had no Body167 concern’d themselves so much for me, as to perswade me one Way168 or other, except my ancient169 good Friend the W ­ idow,§ who earnestly strug­gled with me to consider my Years,¶ my easy Circumstances, and the ­needless ­Hazards170 of a long Voyage; and above all,171 my young ­Children: But it was all to no Purpose, I had an irresistible Desire to the * Patent] An open letter or document, usually from a sovereign or person in authority, issued for vari­ous purposes, e.g., to put on rec­ord some agreement . . . ​to confer some right, privilege, title, property. See OED. †  hence . . . ​Patent for the Possession] The conjunction of the journey to Lisbon and the advice from the Captain might seem to suggest that Crusoe conceives of the island as lying within the area u ­ nder the control of Portugal. But so far as Crusoe knew, his island was inhabited by the three En­glishmen, seventeen Spaniards, and Friday’s ­Father. In speaking of “hence,” then, he prob­ably means not Portugal but E ­ ngland, though all of this is perhaps part of his “Confusion of Thought.” ‡  framed Sloop] Perhaps less the bare skeleton of the ship than parts that might be fitted together with some ease. See OED, which quotes this passage. §  the W ­ idow] The ­w idow of the sea captain who, in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adven­ idow acts as his tures, gives Crusoe his first opportunity to sail with him to Africa. The w agent in ­England before and ­a fter his time on the island. ¶  my Years] Born at some indefinite date in 1632, Crusoe was between 62 and 63 years old when the ship was ready to sail in January 1695.

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Voyage; and I told her, I thought t­ here was something so uncommon in the Impressions I had upon my Mind for the Voyage, that it would be a kind172 of resisting Providence, if I should attempt to stay at Home; ­after which, she ceas’d173 her Expostulations, and join’d with me, not only in making Provision for my Voyage, but also in settling my F ­ amily Affairs for my Absence, and providing174 for the Education of my C ­ hildren. In Order175 to this, I made my ­Will, and settled the Estate I had, in such a Manner for my C ­ hildren, and placed in176 such Hands, that I was perfectly easy and satisfy’d177 they would have Justice done them, what­ever might befal me; and for their Education, I left it wholly to my W ­ idow, with a sufficient Maintenance to her self for her Care: All which she richly deserv’d;178 for no M ­ other could have taken more Care in their Education, or understand it better; and as she liv’d ’till I came Home, I also liv’d179 to thank her for it. My180 Nephew was ready to sail about the Beginning of January 1694–5,* and I with my Man Friday went on board in the Downs† the 8th,181‡ having besides that Sloop which I mention’d182 above, a very considerable Cargo of all Kinds of necessary ­Things for my Colony, which if I did not find in good Condition, I resolv’d to leave so. First, I carry’d with me some Servants, who I purpos’d 183 to place ­t here, as Inhabitants, or at least to set on Work ­t here upon my own Account while I stay’d, and ­either to leave them ­t here, or carry them forward as they should appear willing; particularly, I carry’d184 two Carpenters, a Smith, and a very handy ingenious Fellow,who was a Cooper§ by Trade but was also a general Mechanick; for he was dextrous185 at making Wheels, and Hand-­Mills to grind Corn, was a good Turner,¶

* January 1694–5] E ­ ngland sometimes dated the year from the first of January, sometimes from a date near the spring equinox, that fell some time between 21 and 23 March, but frequently, both years ­were printed u ­ ntil some time around the 21st day of March, ­a fter which only 1695 would have appeared. E ­ ngland went by the Julian calendar u ­ ntil 1752, when (following an Act of 1750) it a­ dopted the reformed Gregorian calendar, discarded eleven days, and followed 2 September with 14 September. For a brief discussion, see George Parker, 2nd  Earl of Macclesfield, The Earl of Macclesfield’s Speech in the House of Peers . . . ​At the Second Reading of the Bill for Regulating the Commencement of the Year (London, 1751). †  Downs] The area of the Thames Estuary where ships often anchored while waiting for wind. In his Tour (1:121), Defoe treats it as an almost obligatory stop for “last ­Orders, Letters, and farewells from ­Owners and Friends” and to take in “fresh Provisions.” ‡  the 8th] So exact a date might be thought to have some special significance, but the London Gazette reports ­little of special significance. Queen Mary had died on 28 December 1694, and that event continued to dominate the news in early January 1695, with the publication of expressions of sorrow from a variety of corporations around the country. §  Cooper] The OED defines this as a “Craftsman who makes and repairs wooden vessels formed of staves and hoops, as casks, buckets, tubs.” Though less common in the twenty-­first ­century, when they have usually been replaced by plastic and metal containers, in Defoe’s time such vessels constituted the most common form of receptacle. ¶  Turner] One who works with a form of lathe to fashion objects out of vari­ous materials, including wood and metal, as well as one who finishes and smooths pottery before it is fired. That Crusoe’s turner is a­ dept at both woodworking and pottery may have been unusual enough for Crusoe to have remarked on his adaptability. See OED.

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and a good Pot-­Maker; he also made any ­Thing that was proper to make of Earth, or of Wood; in a Word, we call’d him,186 Our Jack of all Trades.* With ­t hese I carry’d a Taylor,187 who had offer’d188 himself to go Passenger to the East Indies189 with my Nephew, but afterwards consented to stay on our New Plantation,† and prov’d a most necessary handy Fellow,190 as could be desir’d, in many other Businesses, besides that of this Trade; for as I observ’d 191 formerly, Necessity arms us for all Employments.‡ My192 Cargo, as near as I can collect, for I have not kept an Account of the Particulars, consisted of a sufficient Quantity of Linnen, and some thin En­glish Stuffs§ for cloathing193 the Spaniards that I expected to find ­t here,194 and enough of them, as by my Calculation might comfortably supply them for seven Years; if I remember right, the Matterials195 I carry’d for cloathing196 them with, Gloves, Hats, Shoes, Stockings, and all such Th ­ ings as they could want for wearing,197 amounted to above 200 Pounds, including some Beds, Bedding, and Houshold-­Stuff, particularly Kitchen-­Utensils, with Pots, ­Kettles, Peuter, Brass, &c. and near198 a hundred Pound199 more in Iron-­Work, Nails, Tools of e­ very Kind, Staples, Hooks, Hinges,200 and ­every necessary ­Thing I could think of. I carry’d also an hundred spare Arms, Muskets,201 and Fuzees, besides some Pistols, a considerable Quantity of Shot of all Sizes, and 202 two Pieces of Brass Canon;203 and b ­ ecause I knew not what Time, and what Extremities I was providing for, I carry’d an hundred Barrels of Powder, besides Swords, Cutlasses, and the Part of some Pikes, and Halberts; so that in short204 we had a large Magazine of all Sorts of Stores; and I made my Nephew carry two small Quarter-­Deck Guns¶ more than he wanted for his Ship, to leave b ­ ehind, if ­t here was Occasion; that when we came ­t here, we might build a Fort, and man205 it against all Sorts of Enemies: And indeed, I at first thought t­ here was Need206 enough for it all, and much more, if we hop’d to maintain our Possession of the Island, as s­ hall be seen in the Course of that Story.207 I had not such bad Luck in this Voyage208 as I had been used to meet with; and therefore s­ hall have the less Occasion to interrupt the Reader, who perhaps may * Jack of all Trades] Tilley lists this image of the person who is capable in many areas as a proverb (345 [J19]) and includes both the complimentary and the negative image: “A man of many Trades begs his bread on Sunday.” But Defoe was a ­great admirer of this kind of adaptability, and in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, it is made an ideal exemplified in Crusoe. †  our New Plantation] Previously he speaks of “my Colony” (16). It is difficult to tell w ­ hether Crusoe is thinking of his Nephew as a part owner or simply using “our” for all of ­those involved in the enterprise. ‡  Necessity arms us for all Employments] Not proverbial in itself but similar to “Necessity is the ­Mother of Invention” and “Poverty arms us for all arts.” See Tilley, 492 (N61). §  En­glish Stuffs] Light woolen cloth, but also a name for all kinds of woven fabrics. See Chambers, Cyclopaedia, 2:11Ff2v. ¶  Quarter-­Deck Guns] The quarterdeck was t­ oward the rear of the ship. See the diagram on Plate VIII, h, in William Falconer, An Universal Dictionary of the Marine (New York: August Kelley, 1970; reprint of the original 1780 edition), hereafter cited as Falconer’s Marine Dictionary.

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be impatient to hear how ­Matters went with my Colony; yet some odd Accidents, cross Winds, and bad Weather happen’d, on this first setting out,209 which made the Voyage longer than I expected it at first; and I who had never made but one Voyage, (viz.) my first Voyage to Guinea,210* in which I might be said to come back again, as the Voyage was at first design’d,211 began to think the same ill Fate still attended me; and that I was born to be never contented with being on212 Shore, and yet to be always unfortunate at Sea. Contrary Winds first put us to the Northward, and we ­were oblig’d213 to put in at Galway† in Ireland, where214 we lay Wind-­bound two and twenty Days; but we had this Satisfaction with the Disaster, that Provisions ­were ­here exceeding cheap, and in the utmost Plenty; so that while we lay h ­ ere, we never touch’d the Ship’s Stores, but rather added to them; h ­ ere also I took in215 several live Hogs, and two Cows, and Calves,216 which I resolv’d, if I had a good Passage, to put on Shore in my Island, but we found Occasion to dispose other­w ise of them. We set out the 5th of February from Ireland,217 and had a very fair Gale of Wind for some Days, as I remember, it might be about the 20th218 of February in the Eve­ ning late, when the Mate having the Watch, came into the Round-­house,‡ and told us, he saw a Flash of Fire, and heard a Gun fir’d,219 and while he was telling us of it, a Boy came in, and told us the Boatswain220 heard another. This made us all run out upon the Quarter-­Deck, where for a while we heard nothing, but in few221 Minutes we saw a very ­great Light, and found that ­t here was some very terrible Fire at a Distance; immediately222 we had Recourse to our Reckonings, in which we all agreed, that t­ here could be no Land that Way, in which the Fire show’d it self, no not for 500 Leagues, for it appear’d223 at W. N. W. Upon this we concluded it must be some Ship on Fire at Sea; and as by our hearing the Noise of Guns just before, we concluded it could not be far off: We224 stood directly t­ owards it, and w ­ ere presently satisfy’d we should discover it,225 ­because the farther we sail’d, the greater the Light appear’d,226 tho’ the Weather being haizy, we could not perceive any ­Thing but the Light for a while; in about half227 an Hour’s Sailing, the Wind being fair§ for us, tho’228 not much of it, and the Weather clearing up a l­ ittle, we could plainly discern that it was a ­great Ship on fire229 in the ­Middle of the Sea. I was most sensibly touch’d with this Disaster,230 tho’ not at all acquainted with the Persons engag’d231 in it; I presently recollected my former Circumstances, and in what232 Condition I was in, when taken up by the Portugal Captain;¶ and how much more deplorable the Circumstances of the poor Creatures belonging to this Ship must be, if they had no other Ship in Com­pany with them:233 Upon this, I * my first Voyage to Guinea] See The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 20. †  Galway] Situated at 53°10′ north and 9°50′ west on the western coast of Ireland, Galway provided an excellent harbor. ‡  Round-­house] The cabin or apartment at the rear of the ship and just ­under the highest deck (the poop). See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 248. §  fair] Favorable to the course of the ship. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 122. ¶  taken up by the Portugal Captain] See The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 34. “It was an inexpressibly Joy to me, that any one ­w ill believe that I was thus deliver’d, as I esteem’d it, from such a miserable and almost hopeless Condition as I was in.”

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immediately order’d, that five Guns should be fir’d, one soon a­ fter another, that, if pos­si­ble, we might give Notice to them, that t­ here was Help for them at hand,234 and that they might endeavour to save themselves in their Boat; for tho’ we could see the Flame of the Ship, yet they, it being Night, could see nothing of us. We lay by some Time upon this, only driving as the burning235 Ship drove, waiting for Day-­Light; when236 on a sudden, to our g­ reat Terror, tho’237 we had Reason to expect it, the Ship blew up in the Air; and immediately, that is to say, in a few Minutes, all the Fire was out, that is to say, the rest of the Ship sunk: This was a terrible, and indeed an afflicting Sight, for the Sake of the poor Men, who, I concluded238 must be ­either all destroy’d in the Ship, or be in the utmost Distress in their Boat 239 in the ­Middle of the Ocean, which at pre­sent, by Reason it was dark, I could not see: However, to direct them as well as I could, I caused Lights to be hang’d out in all the Parts of the Ship where we could, and which we had Lanthorns* for, and kept firing Guns all the Night long, letting them know by this, that ­t here was a Ship not far off. About 8 a Clock in the Morning we discover’d the Ship’s Boats by the Help of our Perspective Glasses,† found ­there ­were two of them, both throng’d with ­People, and deep in the ­Water: We perceiv’d they row’d, the Wind being against them, that they saw our Ship, and did their utmost to make us see them. We immediately spread our Antient‡ to let them know we saw them, and hung a Waft§ out as a Signal for them to come on Board, and then made more Sail, standing directly to them. In ­little more than half an Hour we came up with them, and in a word, took them all in, being no less than sixty four Men, ­Women, and ­Children; for ­t here ­were a ­great many Passengers. Upon the ­whole, we found it was a French Merchant Ship of 300 Ton,¶ homeward bound from Quebeck,** in†† the River of Canada.‡‡ The Master gave us a long Account of the Distress of his Ship, how the Fire began in the Steerage§§ by the Negligence of the Steersman, but on his crying out for Help, was, as e­ very Body * Lanthorns] Lanterns. This was a not uncommon variant. See OED. †  Perspective Glasses] Telescopes. ‡  Antient] Flag. §  Waft] According to Falconer’s Marine Dictionary (310), this signal usually involved furling the banner (“ensign”) and raising it to the head of its staff at the rear of the ship. ¶  300 Ton] For a learned discussion of the ways in which the tonnage of a ship was determined, see the corrected and annotated edition of the first two volumes of Robinson Crusoe prepared by the “Hydrographer of the Naval Chronicle” (London: Joseph Mawman, 1815), 246–247 (hereafter cited as the Hydrographer’s edition). Quoting a Mr. Willet, the Hydrographer states, “The old mode of calculating the tonnage of men of war was, by multiplying the length of the keel by the extreme breadth, and the product by the depth in hold, and then dividing by 96.” ** Quebeck] The city of Quebec is located on the St. Lawrence River in what was then called, by the En­glish, New France. ††  in] A common equivalent to “on.” The OED classifies this usage as obsolete. ‡‡  River of Canada] In Herman Moll’s Atlas Manuale: Or, A New Sett of Maps of All the Parts of the Earth (London, 1713), this river is identified as “St. Laurens or Canada R.” §§  Steerage] A room just before the main cabin. Before the wheel was moved up on deck at the beginning of the eigh­teenth c­ entury, the ship was steered from this room. Only in the

Figure 3. ​Crusoe Saves the Crew of a Ship That Took Fire at Sea (1726 [original 1722]).

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thought, entirely put out, when they found that some Sparks of the first Fire had gotten into some Part of the Ship, so difficult to come at, that they could not effectually quench it, till getting in between the Timbers, and within the Ceiling of the Ship, it proceeded into the Hold, and master’d all the Skill, and all the Application they ­were able to exert. They had no more to do then, but to get into their Boats, which to their g­ reat Comfort ­were pretty large, being their Long-­Boat, and a ­great Shallop,* besides a small Skiff† which was of no g­ reat Ser­vice to them, other than to get some fresh ­Water and Provisions into her, ­after they had secur’d their Lives from the Fire. They had indeed small Hope of their Lives by getting into ­these Boats at that Distance from any Land, only as they said well, that they ­were escap’d from the Fire, and had a Possibility that some Ship might happen to be at Sea, and might take them in. They had Sails, Oars, and a Compass, and w ­ ere preparing to make the best of their Way ‡ back to Newfound-­Land, the Wind blowing pretty fair, for it blew an easie240 Gale at S. E. by E. They had as much Provisions and ­Water, as with sparing it so as to be next door to starving,241 might support them about twelve Days;242 in which, if they had no bad Weather, and no contrary Winds, the Captain said, he hop’d he might get the243 Banks of Newfound-­Land, and might perhaps take some Fish to sustain them ’till244 they might go on Shore. But t­ here ­were so many Chances against them in all ­these Cases; such as, Storms to overset and founder them,245 Rains and Cold to benumb and perish§ their Limbs, contrary Winds to keep them out and starve them,246 that it must have been next to miraculous247 if they had escap’d. In the midst of their Consultations, e­ very one being hopeless,248 and ready to despair, the Captain with Tears in his Eyes told me, they w ­ ere on a sudden surpriz’d with the Joy of hearing a Gun fire, and ­after that four more; ­t hese ­were the five Guns249 which I caused to be fired at first seeing the Light: This reviv’d their250 Hearts, and gave them the Notice, which, as above, I desir’d it should, (viz.) that ­t here was a Ship at hand for their Help. It was upon the hearing251 ­t hese Guns, that they took down their Masts and Sails;252 the Sound coming from the Windward, they resolv’d to lye by ’till Morning. Some Time ­after this, hearing no more Guns, they fired253 three Muskets, one a considerable While254 ­after another; but ­these, the Wind being contrary, we never heard. nineteenth ­century did it come to mean the area of the cheapest seating usually located in the lower part of the ship in the bow. See OED. * Shallop] A large boat with two masts. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 260. †  Skiff] Falconer describes this as “a small boat without masts or sails” rowed by oars. Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 270. ‡  Newfound-­Land] Prob­ably a reference to the large island on the east side of the Gulf of St. Lawrence rather than to the area of the mainland that now, together with the island, is called Newfoundland. It is separated from the mainland by the Strait of Belle Isle. In his map of “The En­glish Empire in Amer­i­ca (1713)” in Atlas Manuale, Herman Moll identifies New Found Land exclusively as the island, naming the mainland in this area “New Britain.” §  perish] The effect of cold in “withering or shriveling up, or reducing to a moribund condition” the limbs. See OED.

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Some Time a­ fter that again,255 they ­were still more agreeably surpriz’d with seeing our Lights, and hearing the Guns, which, as I have said, I caus’d to be fir’d all the rest of the Night; this set them to work with their Oars256 to keep their Boats ahead, at least, that we might the sooner come up with them; and at last,257 to their inexpressible Joy, they found we saw them. It is impossible258 for me to express the several Gestures, the strange Extasies, the Variety of Postures* which ­t hese poor deliver’d P ­ eople run into,259 to express the Joy of their Souls at so unexpected a Deliverance; Grief and Fear are easily described; Sighs, Tears, Groans, and a very few Motions of the Head and Hands make260 up the Sum of its Variety: But an Excess of Joy, a Surprize of Joy has a Thousand Extravagancies261 in it; t­ here ­were some in Tears, some raging,262 and tearing themselves, as if they had been in the greatest Agonies of Sorrow,263 some stark-­raving and down-­right lunatick,264 some ran about the Ship stamping with their Feet, o ­ thers wringing their Hands; some ­were dancing, some singing, some laughing, more crying; many quite dumb, not able to speak a Word; ­others sick and vomiting, several swooning, and ready to faint; and a few265 ­were Crossing themselves, and giving God Thanks. I would266 not wrong them neither, t­here might be many that w ­ ere thankful afterward, but the Passion was too strong for them at first, and they w ­ ere not able to master it, they w ­ ere thrown into Extasies267 and a Kind of Frenzy,† and it was but a very few that268 ­were compos’d and serious in their Joy. Perhaps the Case may have some Addition to it from the par­tic­u­lar Circumstance of that Nation269 they belong’d to, I mean the French,270‡ whose Temper is allow’d to be more volatile, more passionate, and more sprightly, and their Spirits * Gestures . . . ​Postures] This attempt to re­create the va­ri­e­ties of physical displays associated with the passions may owe something to Charles Le Brun’s Conférence de M. Le Brun sur l’expression générale et particulière, first published in 1698, in which he provided illustrations of the facial expressions representing the passions. ­Here, however, Defoe appears to be far more interested in bodily gestures, and although Le Brun describes a number of gestures that the body takes in moments of passion, his illustrations concentrate on the face. See Conference . . . ​sur l’expression Generale & Particuliere [sic] (London, 1701), especially 33–38. It is significant that in the first edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica (3 vols. [Edinburgh, 1781], 3:460–461), t­ here was a separate entry for the passions as represented by paintings and o ­ thers for moral philosophy and medicine. In his Réflexions critiques sur la poésie et sur la peinture (1719), the Abbé Jean-­Baptiste Dubos argued for the supremacy of the visual in art and stressed the importance of gesture. A number of seventeenth-­century Dutch paintings depicted the vari­ous postures of ­t hose saved from a shipwreck, most notably by Simon de Vlieger (1601–1653), though I have seen none involving so many figures as Defoe’s verbal recreation. †  Extasies and a Kind of Frenzy] Defoe almost specialized in scenes of this kind, with Friday’s joy at the discovery of his f­ ather ­a fter rescuing him from the cannibals being one of a number of examples in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures. See, for example, 16. Defoe may have owed this perception, about the ways in which sudden joy may be too much to ­ umble Thanks to His Majesties Gracious endure, to Robert Wild and his poem Dr. Wild’s H Declaration for Liberty of Conscience (1672). See the note to page 45, line 16, of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures in the Stoke Newington Edition. ‡  The French] Differentiating among vari­ous nations according to their predominant passions and inclinations was a favorite pastime of the age. In his True-­Born En­glishman, Defoe

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more fluid* than in other Nations. I am not Phi­los­o­pher271 enough to determine the Cause, but nothing I had ever seen before came up to it: The Extasies poor Friday, my trusty Savage, was in272 when he found his ­Father in the Boat, came the nearest to it, and the Surprize of the Master and his two Companions, who I deliver’d273 from the Villains that set them on Shore in the Island,274† came a ­little Way t­ owards it,275 but nothing was to compare to this, e­ ither that I saw in Friday, or any where e­ lse in my Life. It is further observable, that t­ hese Extravagancies276 did not shew themselves in that dif­fer­ent Manner I have mention’d in dif­fer­ent Persons only:277 But all the Variety would appear in a short Succession of Moments278 in one and the same Person. A Man that we saw this Minute dumb, and as it ­were stupid and confounded,279 should the next Minute be dancing and hallowing like an Antick;‡ and the next Moment be tearing280 his Hair, or pulling his Cloaths281 to Pieces, and stamping them u ­ nder his Feet, like a mad Man; a 282 few Moments a­ fter that, we should have him all in Tears, then sick, then swooning,283§ and had not immediate Help been had, would, in a few Moments more have been dead; and 284 thus it was not with one or two, or ten or twenty, but with the greatest Part of them; and if285 I remember right, our Surgeon was oblig’d 286 to let above thirty of them Blood.287¶ characterized not only the En­glish but also the other nations of Eu­rope. In a satirical vein, he wrote, Ungovern’d Passion settled first in France, Where Mankind Lives in haste and Thrives by Chance, A Dancing Nation, Fickle and Untrue: Have oft undone themselves, and ­others too: See A True Collection of the Writings of the Author of the True-­Born En­glishman, 2 vols. (London, 1703–1705), 1:3. * fluid] The passions ­were often thought to be carried by the “animal spirits” in the blood. Fluidity, then, might be a ­factor in how the passions move in the body. See the entry in Chambers, Cyclopaedia, 1:8I. Although Thomas Willis was to develop a theory of sensibility and emotions based on nerves and the brain, it was some time before this became more significant than theories of the passions. And even theories based on nerves posited some kind of fluid. For some discussion of this, see Robert  G. Frank  Jr., “Thomas Willis and His Circle: Brain and Mind in Seventeenth-­Century Medicine,” and Antonie Luyendijk-­Elshout, “Of Masks and Mills: The Enlightened Doctor and His Frightened Patient,” both in The Languages of Psyche, ed. G. S. Rousseau (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 107–146, 186–230. For a general discussion of theories of the passions in connection with Defoe, see Geoffrey Sill, The Cure of the Passions and the Origins of the En­glish Novel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001). †  Extasies . . . ​Island] For ­t hese scenes see The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 282, 301–302. ‡  Antick] Obsolete for “antic,” a “performer who plays a grotesque or ludicrous part, a clown, mountebank, or merry-­a ndrew.” See OED, which lists this passage from The Farther Adventures. Lionel Wafer uses the phrase “Antick Gestures” in connection with letting blood while among the natives in his A New Voyage and Description of the Isthmus of Amer­i­ca (London, 1699), 28–29, 168. Although the scene is entirely dif­fer­ent, Defoe may have made a vague association. §  then swooning] See The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 236, where Crusoe comes close to fainting from joy when he learns the riches that he has from his plantations in Brazil. ¶  let . . . ​Blood] For most doctors of the seventeenth and eigh­teenth centuries, bleeding was considered a benefit to the patient. In The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 236, Crusoe

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­There288 ­were two Priests among them, one an old Man, and the other a young Man; and that which was strangest was, that the oldest Man was the worst. As289 soon as he set his Foot on board our Ship, and saw himself safe, he dropt done stone-­dead, not 290 the least Sign of Life could be perceiv’d in him; our Surgeon immediately apply’d proper Remedies to recover him, and was the only Man in the Ship that believ’d he was not dead; at length he open’d a Vein291 in his Arm, having first chaff’d and rubb’d the Part so as to warm it as much as pos­si­ble: Upon this the Blood292 which only dropp’d at first, flow’d something freely; in three Minutes a­ fter, the Man open’d his Eyes, and about a quarter of an Hour ­after that293 he spoke, grew better, and quite well; a­ fter294 the Blood was stopp’d he walk’d about, told295 us he was perfectly well, took a Dram of Cordial* which the Surgeon gave him, and was what we call’d, Come to himself; about296 a quarter of an Hour a­ fter they came r­ unning into the Cabbin297 to the Surgeon,298 who was bleeding a French ­Woman that had fainted, and told him, the Priest was gone stark-­mad;299 it seems he had begun to revolve the Change of his Circumstance, and again this300 put him into an Extasy of Joy, his Spirits whirl’d about faster than the Vessels could convey them; the Blood grew hot and feaverish,301 and the Man was as fit for Bedlam as any Creature that ever was in it; the302 Surgeon would not bleed him again in that Condition, but gave him something to dose and put him to sleep, which303 ­a fter some Time operated upon him, and he wak’d the next Morning perfectly compos’d304 and well. The younger Priest behav’d with ­great Command of his Passions,305† and was ­really an Example of a serious well-­govern’d Mind; at306 his first coming on board the Ship, he threw himself flat on his Face, prostrating himself in Thankfulness for his Deliverance, in which I unhappily and unseasonably disturb’d him, r­ eally thinking he had been in a Swoon; but he spake calmly, thank’d me, told me he was giving God Thanks for his Deliverance, and begg’d me to leave him a few Moments, and that next to his Maker307 he would give me Thanks also. ­ thers I was heartily sorry,308 that I disturb’d him, and not only left him, but kept o 309 from interrupting him also; he continued in that Posture about three Minutes, or l­ ittle more, ­after I left him, then came to me, as he had said he would, and with a ­great deal of Seriousness and Affection, but with Tears in his Eyes,310 thank’d me says of his condition ­a fter being emotionally overwhelmed by the amount of his riches and of the doctor who comes to help, “he order’d me to be let Blood; ­a fter which, I had Relief, and grew well: But I verily believe, if it had not been eas’d by a Vent given in that Manner, to the Spirits, I should have dy’d.” Not e­ very physician resembled Le Sage’s Dr. Sangrado, who left a trail of corpses in his wake from excessive bleeding, but the relatively moderate advocate of bleeding, the surgeon Daniel Turner, advised bleeding even for cancer and pneumonia. See Daniel Turner, The Art of Surgery, 3rd ed., 2 vols. (London, 1729), 1:87, 2:70–71. For attitudes ­toward bleeding in a larger social and medical setting, see Philip K. Wilson, Surgery, Skin and Syphilis: Daniel Turner’s London (1667–1741) (Amsterdam and Atlanta, GA: Rodopi, 1999), 37. * Cordial] A drink that was supposed to have been good for the heart, usually an alcoholic drink such as aqua vitae. See Phillips, New World of Words, sig. X3v. †  Command of his Passions] For the argument that this is a major theme in all three volumes of Robinson Crusoe, see Sill, Cure of the Passions, passim.

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that had u ­ nder God, given him and so many miserable Creatures311 their Lives:312 I told him, I had no Room to move him to thank God for it, rather than me, but I added, that it was nothing but what Reason and Humanity dictated to all Men,* and that we had as much Reason as he to give Thanks to God313 who had bless’d us so far as to make us the Instruments of his Mercy to so many of his Creatures. ­After this, the young Priest apply’d himself to his Country-­Folks;314 l­ abour’d315 to compose them; perswaded, entreated, argued, reason’d316 with them, and did his utmost to keep them within the Exercise of their Reason;317 and with some he had Success, tho’ o ­ thers ­were for a Time out of all Government of themselves. I cannot help committing this to Writing, as perhaps it may be useful to t­ hose into whose Hands it may fall, for the guiding themselves in all the Extravagances of their Passions;318 for if an Excess of Joy can carry Men out to such a Length beyond the Reach of their Reason, what ­will not the Extravagancies of Anger, Rage, and a provok’d Mind319 carry us to? and320 indeed ­here I saw Reason for keeping an exceeding Watch over our Passions of ­every Kind, as well ­t hose of Joy and Satisfaction, as t­ hose of Sorrow and Anger. We ­were something disordered by ­these Extravagancies among our new Guests for the first Day,321 but when they had been retir’d, Lodgings provided for them as well as our Ship would allow, and they had slept heartily, as most of them did, they ­were quite another sort 322 of P ­ eople the next Day. Nothing of good Manners323 or civil Acknowl­edgments for the Kindness shewn them was wanting; the French,† ’tis known, are naturally apt enough to exceed that Way. The Captain and one of the Priests324 came to me the next Day, and desiring to speak with me and my Nephew, the Commander, began to consult with us what should be done with them;325 and first they told us, that as we326 had saved their Lives, so all we had was l­ ittle enough for a Return to us for that327 Kindness received. The Captain said, they had saved328 some Money and some ­Things of Value in their Boats, catch’d hastily up out329 of the Flames, and if we would accept it330 they w ­ ere ordered to make an Offer of it all to us; they only desired331 to be set on Shore somewhere in our Way, where if pos­si­ble332 they might get Passage to France. My Nephew was for accepting their Money333 at first Word, and to consider what to do with them afterwards; but I over-­rul’d him in that part,334 for I knew what it was to be set on Shore in a strange Country; and if the Portugal Captain335 that took me up at Sea had serv’d me so, and took all I had for my Deliverance, I must * Reason and Humanity dictated to all Men] This Enlightenment sentiment was common to most thinkers of the time, though its translation into laws obligating witnesses to an accident to help the victims has been controversial. Thomas Hobbes listed such actions ­under “Justice,” his third law of nature: “That which gives to humane Actions the relish of Justice is a certain Noblenesse and Gallantnesse of courage.” See Leviathan, ed. A. R. Waller (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1935), 101 (pt. 1, chap. 15). †  good Manners . . . ​French] This notion of French politeness, with some implication of insincerity (as opposed to the rougher manners but more honest heart of the En­glish), was a common comic device on the En­glish stage, most famously exemplified in William Shakespeare’s Henry V. A more con­temporary example may be found in the characters of Count Bellair and Foigard in George Farquhar’s The Beaux’ Stratagem (1707).

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have starv’d, or have been as much a Slave at the Brasils336 as I had been in Barbary; the meer being sold to a Mahometan* excepted; and perhaps a Portuguese337† is not much a better Master than a Turk,‡ if not in some Cases a much worse. I therefore told the French Captain338 that we had taken them up in their Distress, it was true; but that it was our Duty§ to do so as we ­were Fellow-­Creatures, and as we would desire to be so deliver’d if we w ­ ere in the like339 or any other Extremity; that we had done nothing for them but what we believed they would have done for us, if we had been in their Case, and they in ours; but that we took them up to save them, not to plunder them;¶ and it would be a most barbarous t­ hing340 to take that341 ­little from them which they saved out of the Fire, and then set them on Shore and leave them; that this would be first to save them from Death, and then kill them our selves; save them from drowning,342 and abandon them to starving; and therefore I would not let the least ­t hing343 be taken from them: As to setting them on Shore, I told them indeed344 that was an exceeding Difficulty to us, for that the Ship was bound to the East-­Indies, and tho’ we w ­ ere driven out of our Course to the Westward a very ­great way, and perhaps was directed by Heaven on Purpose345 for their Deliverance, yet it was impossible for us wilfully to change our Voyage on this par­t ic­u ­lar Account, nor could my Nephew, the Captain,346 answer it to the Fraighters,** with whom he was ­under Charter-­Party †† to pursue * Barbary . . . ​Mahometan] An allusion to Crusoe’s enslavement ­toward the beginning of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 22–24. †  Portuguese] In his True-­Born En­glishman, Defoe argued that the Portuguese w ­ ere ruled by “Rage” (True Collection, 1:4), but this is not so much a reference to national characteristics as to the treatment of slaves during the seventeenth and eigh­teenth centuries in Brazil, where, in the sugar industry, they ­were sometimes maimed by the machines or worked to death. See Stuart Schwartz, Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550–1835, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 132–153; and Sidney Mintz, Sweetness and Power (Harmonds­worth, UK: Penguin, 1986), 48–53. ‡  Turk] Seemingly applied h ­ ere to any follower of Islam around the Mediterranean Sea, since his master at Salé was not technically from the area now called Turkey. The word was also used figuratively and pejoratively in association with someone guilty of extreme cruelty. See OED. §  Duty] Certainly a reference to his Christian obligation to be charitable. However, this shipwreck and the next sea disaster encountered involve situations of “necessity” that w ­ ere treated in the many volumes on natu­ral law, most notably by Hugo Grotius and Samuel Pufendorf along with commentary on their writings by a variety of scholars. Crusoe’s argument falls u ­ nder Pufendorf’s contention that self-­preservation includes the injunction that each ­human should be “sociable,” particularly in ­matters created by the often desperate events occasioned by shipwrecks. See, for example, Pufendorf, The Whole Duty of Man, trans. Andrew Tooke (London, 1698), 38, 83–85 (book 1). ¶  plunder them] Defoe wrote movingly in his Review about the vicious be­hav­ior of ­those En­glish “Cannibals” who specialized in plundering from ships in distress, of the “positive Guilt” of t­ hose who refused to rescue some victims of a shipwreck, and of a Spanish captain who was shipwrecked off ­England and was robbed by ­those En­glishmen he thought to be coming to help him. See Review, 5:453–454, 6:223. ** Fraighters] ­Here the ­actual ­owners of the ship and prob­ably the ­owners of some of the cargo. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 134. ††  Charter-­Party] The deed made between the o ­ wners and t­ hose in command of the ship stipulating the hiring of a vessel. In addition to the name of the captain and the ship, t­hese agreements frequently involved specific dates for lading and unlading goods and specific

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his Voyage by the Way of Brasil,347 and all I knew we could do for them, was to put our selves in the way348 of meeting with other Ships homeward bound from the West-­Indies, and get them Passage, if pos­si­ble,349 to ­England or France. The first part of the Proposal was so generous and kind 350 they could not but be very thankful for it;351 but they ­were in a very ­great Consternation, especially the Passengers, at the Notion of being carried away to the East-­Indies, and they then entreated352 me, that seeing I was driven so far to the Westward, before I met with them, I wou’d 353 at least keep on the same Course to the Banks of Newfound-­ Land,354 where it was probable I might meet with some Ship or Sloop that they might hire to carry them back to Canada355 from whence they came. I thought this was but a reasonable Request on their Part, and therefore I inclined to agree to it; for indeed I consider’d,356 that to carry this ­whole Com­pany to the East-­Indies,357 would not only be an intolerable Severity upon the358 poor ­People, but would be ruining our ­whole Voyage by devouring all our Provisions; so I thought it no Breach of Charter-­Party, but what an unforeseen Accident* made absolutely necessary to us, and in which no one could say we w ­ ere to blame,359 for the Laws of God and Nature† would have forbid that360 we should refuse to take up two Boats full of P ­ eople in such a Distress’d Condition,361 and the nature362 of the Th ­ ing as well respecting our selves as the poor P ­ eople, oblig’d us to set them on Shore some where or other363 for their Deliverance; so I consented that we would364 carry them to New-­found—­Land365 if Wind and Weather would permit, and if not, that I would carry them to Martinico‡ in the West-­Indies.366 The Wind continued fresh Easterly, but the Weather pretty good,367 and as the Winds had continued368 in the Points between N. E. and S. E. a long time,369 we missed several Opportunities of sending them to France; for we met several Ships bound to Eu­rope, whereof two w ­ ere French370 from St. Christopher’s,§ but they had destinations. They usually contained some provisions for all of the dangers involved in a sea voyage, but apparently nothing that would have allowed them to change the destination of the voyage. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 80–81, and OED. * unforeseen Accident] Crusoe places the rescue of the French passengers and crew ­under the “danger of the sea” clause, customary in charter-­party contracts, that allowed numerous exceptions. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 81. †  Laws of God and Nature] In other words, divine law and natu­ral law. Along with the positive laws of a given nation or, in this case, ­t hose involving the par­tic­u ­lar contractual arrangements agreed upon for the voyage, t­ hese separate bodies of law frequently came into conflict. The disagreements between ­these “laws” ­were frequently argued out in what was called “casuistry.” During the seventeenth-­and eighteenth-­centuries, natu­ral law, supposedly based on reason and h ­ uman customs, had a par­tic­u ­lar weight in such arguments. See Maximillian Novak, Defoe and the Nature of Man (Oxford: Clarendon, 1963), especially 1–21; and G. A. Starr, Defoe and Casuistry (Prince­ton, NJ: Prince­ton University Press, 1971). ‡  Martinico] Now spelled Martinique, during the seventeenth and eigh­teenth centuries it was France’s main island colony in the Ca­rib­bean. It is one of the Windward Islands of the Lesser Antilles chain, located between the islands of Dominica to the north and St. Lucia to the south. §  St. Christopher’s] Now, more often, St. Kitts. According to Bohun’s Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sigs. Rr5v–­R r6, this Ca­rib­bean island “is one of the most delightful Islands in the World, swelling in the midst into high Mountains.” Located in the Windward Islands at 17°15′ north

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been so long beating up against the Wind, that they durst take in no Passengers for fear of wanting Provisions for the Voyage, as well for themselves as for ­t hose they should take in; so we w ­ ere obliged371 to go on. It was about a Week ­after this that we made the Banks of New-­found Land, where372 to shorten my Story, we put all our French ­People on Board373 a Bark,* which they hir’d at Sea ­there, to put them on Shore, and afterwards to carry them to France374 if they could get Provision to victual themselves with.375 When, I say, all the French went on Shore, I should remember376 that the young Priest I spoke of, hearing we w ­ ere bound to the East Indies, desired377 to go the Voyage with us, and to be set on Shore on the Coast of Coromandel,† which I readily agreed to,378 for I wonderfully lik’d the Man, and had very good Reason, as w ­ ill appear afterwards; also four of the Seamen entered379 themselves on our Ship, and proved380 very useful Fellows. From hence we directed our Course for the West-­Indies,381 steering away S. and S. by E. for about twenty382 Days together, sometimes ­little or no Wind at all, when we met with another Subject for our Humanity to work upon, almost as deplorable as that before. It was in the Latitude of 27 Degrees 5 Minutes North,383 and the 19th Day of March 1694–5, when we ’spy’d a Sail, our Course S. E. and by S. We soon perceiv’d384 it was a large Vessel, and that she bore up to us, but could not at first know what to make of her, till ­after coming a ­little nearer, we found she had lost her Main-­top-­ mast,385 Foremast and Boltsprit,‡ and presently she fired a Gun as a signal386 of Distress; the Weather was pretty good, Wind at N. N. W. a fresh Gale, and we soon came to speak with her. We found her a Ship of Bristol,§ bound home387 from Barbadoes,¶ but had been blown388 out of the Road at Barbadoes a few Days before she was ready to sail, by a terrible Hurricane, while the Captain and Chief389 Mate w ­ ere both gone on Shore, so that beside the Terror of the Storm390 they ­were but in an indifferent Case for good Artists** to bring the Ship home:391 They had been already nine Weeks at Sea392 and had met with another terrible Storm a­ fter the Hurricane was over, which had and 42°20′ west, it was shared by the En­glish and the French settlers during the seventeenth ­century but ceded to the En­glish in 1713 as part of the Treaty of Utrecht. * Bark] The general name given to small ships. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 30. †  Coast of Coromandel] Located at southern tip of India on the east coast; during the seventeenth ­century, it was subjected to a variety of Eu­ro­pean influences, but according to Edmund Bohun (Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary), writing in 1688, it was ruled by one prince. ‡  Boltsprit] A variation of “bowsprit,” or the spar that extends beyond the front of the ship to maintain sails and to stabilize the foremast. See the OED, which quotes this passage. §  Bristol] Located on the west coast of E ­ ngland, Bristol was at this time a major port for the trade to ­England’s American colonies. See Bohun, Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sigs. G3v–­G4. In his Tour, 2:135, Defoe did not stress the trade to Amer­i­ca so much as the “Inde­pen­dency” of Bristol, as the second most impor­tant trading city in Britain, London of course being first. ¶  Barbadoes] A major British colony in the Ca­rib­bean, already famous for its sugar production, it was located at 13°10′ north and 59°30′ west. The extent to which the ship was blown off its course is indicated by the pre­sent location of the ship at 27°5′ north. ** Artists] In this case, persons with a good command of seamanship. Phillips’s New World of Words (1720), sig. G1v, defines an “Artist” as “a Master of any Art, an ingenious Workman.”

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blown them quite out of their Knowledge* to the Westward, and in which they lost their Masts, as above; they told us393 they expected to have seen the Bahama Islands,† but w ­ ere then driven away again to the South East394 by a strong Gale of Wind at N. N. W. the same that blew now, and having no Sails to work the Ship with but a main Course,‡ and a kind395 of square Sail§ upon a Jury Fore-­mast,¶ which they had set up, they could not lye396 near the Wind, but ­were endeavouring to stand away for the Canaries.** But397 that which was worst of all, was, that they ­were almost starv’d for want of Provisions, besides the Fatigues they had under­gone;398 their Bread and Flesh was quite gone,399 they had not one Ounce left in the Ship, and had had none for eleven400 Days; the only Relief they had, was, their W ­ ater was not all spent, and they had about half a Barrel of Flower left; they had Sugar enough; some Succads,†† or Sweet-­meats401 they had at first, but they w ­ ere devour’d, and they had seven Casks of Rum.‡‡ ­There was a Youth and his ­Mother402 and a Maid-­Servant on Board, who ­were ­going Passengers, and thinking the Ship was ready to sail, unhappily came on Board the Eve­ning before the Hurricane began, and having no Provisions of their own left, they w ­ ere in a more deplorable Condition than the rest, for the Seamen being reduced to such an extreme Necessity§§ themselves,403 had no Compassion, we may be sure, for the poor Passengers, and404 they w ­ ere indeed in a Condition that their Misery is very hard to describe.¶¶ * out of their Knowledge] Since methods of determining longitude ­were not discovered ­until the ­middle of the eigh­teenth c­ entury, they would have had difficulty determining their exact location. †  Bahama Islands] This chain of islands located off the east coast of Florida and stretching to the southeast was essentially a series of En­glish colonies. ‡  Course] Another word for sail and a word by which the principal sails ­were identified as in this passage. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 89. §  square Sail] A sail attached to a yard that hangs parallel to the horizon. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 276. ¶   Jury Fore-­mast] Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 163, defines a “JURY-­M AST” as “a temporary or occasional mast, erected in a ship to supply the place of one which has been carried away by tempest, ­battle, or the labouring of a ship in a turbulent sea.” ** Canaries] The Canary Islands off the coast of Africa w ­ ere in the approximate latitude, and since they could not maneuver the sails, they w ­ ere simply hoping that the wind would blow them directly across the Atlantic. ††  Succads] Usually spelled “succades”: “fruit preserved in sugar, ­either candied or in syrup.” They w ­ ere indeed the same as “sweetmeats.” See OED. ‡‡  Sugar . . . ​Rum] The cargo is fairly typical of a ship from a sugar-­producing island such as Barbados. Rum was manufactured from molasses; they ­were the two major side products of sugar manufacturing. See Mintz, Sweetness and Power, 35. §§  extreme Necessity] In con­temporary writings on natu­ral law, self-­preservation was considered to be an overriding right. One of the standard illustrations involved the right of sailors on a ship such as this to indulge in cannibalism. Pufendorf argued that “all affirmative edicts of Nature may be understood to except the Case of extreme Necessity, Especially when a Man hath not fallen ­under such a Necessity thro’ his own Neglect and Default.” See Samuel Pufendorf, Of the Law of Nature and Nations, trans. Basil Kennett (Oxford, 1703), 156–158 (bk. 2, chap. 6). ¶¶  Misery . . . ​describe] Defoe’s creation of this scene in which Crusoe, in the role of a spectator, carries the reader with him as he investigates this extraordinarily sad tableau involving the death of the ­Mother and the sufferings of the Son and the Maid suggests some of the

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I had, perhaps, not known this Part405 if my Curiosity had not led me, the Weather being fair and the Wind abated, to go on Board406 the Ship:407 The Second Mate who upon this Occasion commanded the Ship, had been on Board our Ship, and he told me indeed they408 had three Passengers in the ­great Cabbin, that they ­were in a deplorable Condition,409 nay, says he, I believe they are dead,410 for I have heard nothing of them for above two Days, and I was afraid to enquire ­after them, said he, for I had nothing to relieve them with. We immediately apply’d our selves to give them what Relief we411 could spare; and indeed I had so far over-­r uled ­Th ings with my Nephew, that I would have victual’d412 them, tho’ we had gone away to ­Virginia,* or any Part of the Coast of Amer­i­ca, to have supply’d our selves;413 but ­t here was no Necessity for that. But414 now they ­were in a new Danger; for they ­were afraid of eating too much, even of that ­little we gave them; the Mate or Commander415 brought six Men with him in his Boat, but ­t hese poor Wretches look’d like Skele­tons, and ­were so weak, they could hardly sit to their Oars: The Mate himself was very ill, and half starv’d; for he declar’d he had reserv’d nothing from the416 Men, and went Share and Share alike with them in e­ very Bit they eat. I caution’d him to eat sparingly,† but set Meat before him immediately, and he had not eaten three Mouthfuls before he began to be sick, and out of order;417 so he stopt a while, and our Surgeon mix’d him up something with some Broth,418‡ which he said would be to him both Food and Physick;§ and a­ fter he had taken it, he grew better:419 In the mean Time, I forgot not the Men; I order’d Victuals to be given them;420 and the poor Creatures rather devour’d than eat it; they ­were so exceeding hungry, that they ­were in a kind ravenous,421 and had no Command of themselves; and two of them eat with so much Greediness,422 that they ­were in Danger of their423 Lives the next Morning. The Sight of t­ hese P ­ eople’s424 Distress was very moving to me, and brought to ¶ Mind what I had a terrible Prospect of at my first coming on Shore in the Island, grim scenes that ­were to appear in his Journal of the Plague Year (1722). It is significant that The Farther Adventures appeared in the same year (1719) as the Abbé Jean-­Baptiste Dubos’s Réflexions critiques sur la poésie et sur la peinture, which argued for a type of art based on the response of the audience to scenes of passion in lit­er­a­ture and painting as well as to passionate-­sounding ­music. * ­Virginia] The En­glish colony of Carolina would have been closer to their location. See the map of the “En­glish Empire in Amer­i­ca” (map 37) in Herman Moll’s Atlas Manuale. †  eat sparingly] This understanding that ­t hose close to starvation needed to resist the desire to eat a g­ reat deal too quickly was borne out in the experience of t­ hose rescued from the Nazi concentration camps ­toward the end of World War II. In Defoe’s time, ­t here ­were apparently enough sieges involving starving citizens and soldiers to allow some knowledge of this phenomenon. See Primo Levi, Survival in Auschwitz, trans. Stuart Woolf (New York: Macmillan, 1961), 150–157. ‡  Broth] For con­temporary ideas on the medicinal benefits of broth to the sick, see the entry ­under “Alimenta” in Robert James, A Medical Dictionary, 3 vols. (London, 1743–1745), vol. 3, esp. sig. Aaaa. §  Physick] Medicine. See the previous note. ¶  Sight . . . ​brought to Mind] The exploitation of sublime themes in the pre­sent is connected to t­hose in the past by themes of deprivation and pain, which Burke, in his Philosophical

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where I had neither the least Mouthful of Food, or any Prospect of procuring any,425 besides the hourly Apprehension I had of being made the Food of other Creatures:426 But all the while the Mate was thus relating to me the miserable Condition of the Ship’s Com­pany, I could not put out of my Thought the Story he had told me of the three poor Creatures in the ­great Cabbin,427* (viz.) the ­Mother, her Son, and the Maid-­servant, who he had heard nothing of for two or three Days,428 and who429 he seem’d to confess they had wholly neglected, their own Extremities being so g­ reat; by which I understood, that they had ­really given them no Food at all, and that therefore they must be perish’d, and be all lying dead perhaps on the Floor, or Deck of the Cabbin.430 As I therefore kept the Mate, who431 we then called Captain, on board with his Men432 to refresh them, so I also forgot not the starving Crew that w ­ ere left on board, but order’d my own Boat to go on board the Ship, and with my Mate and twelve Men to carry them a Sack of Bread, and four or five Pieces of Beef to boil. Our Surgeon charg’d the Men to cause the Meat to be boil’d while they stay’d, and to keep Guard in the Cook-­Room, to prevent the Men taking it433 to eat raw, or taking it out of the Pot before it was well boil’d,434 and then to give e­ very Man but a very l­ ittle at a Time; and by this Caution he preserv’d the Men, who would other­ wise ha’ kill’d themselves with that very Food that was given them,435 on Purpose436 to save their Lives. At the same Time, I order’d the Mate to go into the ­Great Cabbin,437 and see what Condition the poor Passengers ­were in, and if they ­were alive, to comfort them, and give them what Refreshment was proper;438 and the Surgeon gave him a large Pitcher with some of the prepar’d Broth which he had given the Mate that was on board,439 and which he did not question440 would restore them gradually. I was not satisfy’d with this, but441 as I said above, having a ­great Mind to see the Scene of Misery, which I knew the Ship it self442 would pre­sent me with, in a more lively Manner than I could have it by Report, I took the Captain of the Ship, as we now call’d him, with me, and went my443 self a l­ ittle ­after in their Boat. I found the poor Men on board almost in a Tumult to get the Victuals out of the Boyler444 before it was ready: But my Mate observ’d his Order, and kept a good Guard at the Cook-­Room Door, and the Man he plac’d ­t here, a­ fter using all pos­si­ ble Persuasion445 to have Patience, kept them off by Force:446 However, he caused some Bisket Cakes to be dipp’d in the Pot, and soften’d with the Liquor of the Meat, which they call Brewes,447† and gave them e­ very one,448 one, to stay their StomEnquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful (1757), associated with the sublime. The “Curiosity” (29:24–25) that impels Crusoe to investigate the sufferings of the starving crew and the passengers resembles that of the hero and heroines of the Gothic novel ­later in the ­century. For the reader, the narrative method creates both a bridge to the experience and a protection from its horrors. * ­great Cabbin] The largest cabin in the ship, located in the stern and usually used by the captain. See Georges Guillet de Saint-­Georges, The Gentleman’s Dictionary (London, 1705), pt. 3, sig. Aaa5. †  Brewes] The OED ­favors the spelling “brewis.” Although this passage is quoted in the OED for a “broth, liquor in which beef and vegetables have been boiled; sometimes also thickened

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achs, and told them it was for their own Safety that he was obliged449 to give them but a ­little at a Time: But it was all in vain; and had I not come on board,450 and their own Commander and Officers with me, and with good Words, and some Threats also of giving them no more, I believe they would have broke into the Cook-­ Room by Force, and tore the Meat out of the Furnace: For Words are indeed of very small Force to a hungry Belly: However we pacify’d them, and fed them gradually and cautiously for the first Time, and the next Time gave them more, and at last fill’d their Bellies, and the Men did well enough. But the Misery of the poor Passengers in the Cabbin,451 was of another Nature, and far beyond the rest; for as first the Ship’s Com­pany had so ­little for themselves, it was but too true that they had at first452 kept them very low, and at last totally neglected them; so that for six or seven Days, it might be said, they had ­really had no Food at all, and for several Days before very ­little. The poor ­Mother, who as the Men453 reported, was a ­Woman of good Sense454 and good Breeding, had spar’d all she could get, so455 affectionately for her Son, that at last she entirely sunk ­under it: And when the Mate of our Ship went in, she sat upon the Floor or Deck, with her Back up against the Sides, between two Chairs, which ­were lash’d fast, and her Head sunk in between her Shoulders, like a Corpse, tho’ not quite dead. My Mate said all he could to revive and encourage her, and with a Spoon put some Broth into her Mouth; she open’d456 her Lips, and lifted up one Hand, but could not speak; yet she understood what he said, and made Signs to him, intimating,457 that it was too late for her, but pointed to her Child, as if she would have said, they should take Care of him. However,458 the Mate, who was exceedingly mov’d with the Sight, endeavour’d to get some of the Broth into her Mouth; and459 as he said, got two or three Spoonfuls down, tho’ I question w ­ hether he could be sure of it or not: But it was too late, and she dy’d the same Night. The Youth who was preserved460 at the Price of his most affectionate ­Mother’s Life, was not so far gone, yet he lay in a Cabbin461-­bed as one stretch’d out,* with hardly any Life left in him; he had a Piece of an old Glove in his Mouth,462 having eaten up the rest of it, however, being young,463 and having more Strength than his ­Mother, the Mate got something down his Throat, and he began sensibly to revive, tho’464 by giving him some time a­fter but two or three Spoonfuls extraordinary,† he was very sick,465 and brought it up again. But the next Care was the poor Maid,466 she lay all along upon the Deck467 hard by her Mistress, and just like one that had fallen down with an Apoplexy468‡ and with bread or meal,” the reference ­here is clearly to a second meaning referring to the bread that is eaten ­a fter being “soaked” in such a broth. * as one stretch’d out] Perhaps with the implication of a person already dead. †  extraordinary] Extra or additional, without the usual sense of excessive or greater than usual. ‡  Apoplexy] According to James’s Medical Dictionary, vol. 1, sigs. 7K2v–7J2v, apoplexy was an “Affliction of the Brain.” The patient experiences “a violent convulsive Fit” and “drops down suddenly as if struck by a Blow.”

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strug­gled for Life: Her Limbs ­were distorted, one of her Hands was clasp’d round the Frame of a Chair, and she grip’d it so hard,469 that we could not easily make her let go; her other Arm lay over her Head, and her Feet lay both together470 set fast against the Frame of the Cabbin-­Table; in short, she lay just like one in the last Agonies of Death,471 and yet she was alive too. The472 poor Creature was not only starv’d with Hunger, and terrify’d with the Thoughts of Death, but473 as the Men told us afterwards, was broken-­hearted for her Mistress, who474 she saw ­dying for two or three Days before, and who475 she lov’d most tenderly. We knew not what to do with this poor Girl,476 for when our Surgeon, who was a Man of very g­ reat Knowledge and Experience, had with g­ reat Application recover’d her as to Life; he had her upon his Hands477 as to her Senses,* for she was ­l ittle less than distracted† for a considerable time478 ­a fter,479 as ­shall appear presently. Whoever480 ­shall read t­ hese Memorandums must be desir’d to consider, that Visits at Sea are not like a Journey into the Country,‡ where sometimes P ­ eople stay a Week or a Fortnight at a Place. Our Business was to relieve this distressed Ship’s Crew, but not to lie481 by§ for them; and tho’ they w ­ ere willing to steer the same Course with us for some Days, yet we could carry no Sail to keep Pace with a Ship that had no Masts; however,482 as their Captain begg’d of us to help him to set up a Main-­Top-­Mast, and a kind of a Top-­Mast483 to his Jury Fore-­Mast. We did, as it w ­ ere lie484 by him for three or four Days, and then having given him five Barrels of Beef, a485 Barrel of Pork, two Hogsheads of Bisket, and a Proportion of Peas, Flour, and what other t­ hings486 we could spare; and taking three Casks of Sugar, some Rum, and some Pieces of Eight¶ of them for Satisfaction, we left them, taking on board with us, at their own earnest Request, the Priest,** the Youth, and the Maid, and all their Goods. The young Lad was about seventeen Years of Age, a pretty, well-­bred modest, and sensible Youth, greatly dejected with the Loss of his ­Mother, and as it seems had lost his ­Father but a few Months before at Barbadoes. He begg’d of the Surgeon to speak to me to take him out of the Ship, for he said the cruel Fellows had murther’d his M ­ other; and indeed so they had, that is to say487 passively; for they * as to Life . . . ​as to her Senses] ­A fter curing her body, the surgeon had to cure her mind. †  distracted] Insane, deranged in mind. The OED lists this as a usage that was becoming obsolete. ‡  a Journey into the Country] Equivalent to the modern expression, “a walk in the park” or an action performed without difficulties. In his study of seventeenth-­century En­glish proverbs, Tilley lists none that resemble this, but Defoe uses it as if it had some proverbial resonance. §  lie by] Equivalent to “lie to,” or to remain relatively stationary by arranging the sails so that they are flat against their masts or in a manner that allows a balance between the sails impelling the ship in opposite directions. See Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 3, sig. Ddd6; and Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 185. ¶  Pieces of Eight] Spanish silver dollars, the equivalent of eight reales. ** the Priest] Defoe makes an error h ­ ere, forgetting that “the Priest” was taken off the ship that had burned and exploded.

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might ha’ spar’d a small Sustenance to the poor helpless W ­ idow, that might have 488 preserv’d her Life, tho’ it had been but just to keep her alive. But Hunger knows no Friend, no Relation, no Justice, no Right, and therefore is remorseless, and capable of no Compassion.* The489 Surgeon told him how far we w ­ ere ­going, and how it would carry him away from all his Friends, and put him perhaps in as bad Circumstances almost as ­those we found him490 in; that is to say, starving in the World:491 He said he mattered not whither492 he went, if he was but delivered from the terrible Crew he493 was among: That the Captain (by which he meant me, for he could know nothing of my Nephew) had sav’d his Life, and he was sure wou’d494 not hurt him; and as for the Maid, he was sure495 if she came to herself, she would be very thankful for it, let us carry them where496 we would. The Surgeon represented the Case so affectionately † to me, that I yielded, and we took them both on Board497 with all their Goods, except eleven Hogsheads of Sugar, which could not be removed or come at, and as the Youth had a Bill of Lading‡ for them,498 I made his Commander sign a Writing, obliging himself to go499 as soon as he came to Bristol500 to one Mr. Rogers§ a Merchant ­there, to whom the Youth said he was related, and to deliver a Letter which I wrote to him, and all the Goods he had belonging to the deceased ­Widow; which I suppose was not done, for I could never learn that the Ship came to Bristol, but was, as is most probable, lost at Sea, being in so disabled a Condition501 and so far from any Land, that I am of Opinion, the first Storm she met with afterwards,502 she might founder in the Sea, for she was leaky, and had Damage in her Hold when we met with her. I was503 now in the Latitude of 19 Deg. 32 Min.¶ and had hitherto had a tolerable Voyage as to Weather, tho’504 at first the Winds had been contrary, I ­shall trou­ble no body505 with the ­little Incidents of Wind, Weather, Currents,** &c. on the rest of our Voyage; but shortning my Story for the sake of what is to follow, s­ hall observe * Hunger . . . ​Compassion] This passage is listed in the Oxford Dictionary of En­glish Proverbs, ed. William Smith (Oxford: Clarendon, 1935), 194, as a proverb created by Defoe, and distinct from the proverb “Hunger breaks down walls” listed in Tilley (333 [H811]), which was sometimes associated with the often desperate condition of t­hose in a city u ­ nder siege. But the context of Defoe’s statement is the discussions in works on natu­ral law legitimizing actions committed in situations of necessity. See above, the note to 26. †  affectionately] Perhaps both in the now obsolete sense of “earnestly” as well as in the sense of putting the situation in a favorable light. See OED. ‡  Bill of Lading] A bill of lading was made out in triplicate as “an acknowledgement signed by the master of a ship, and given to a merchant, containing an account of the goods which the former has received from the latter, ­etc. with a promise to deliver them at the intended place for a certain sum of money.” A copy of the documents, in addition to ­t hose held by the original owner and the captain of the ship, was sent to the recipient of the goods. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 35. §  Mr. Rogers] Unidentified. ¶  Latitude of 19 Deg. 32 Min.] Crusoe picks up the story at the point that his ship is entering the area of the impor­tant islands of the West Indies. ** Wind, Weather, Currents] Such material was part of the daily entries in a ship’s journal. Crusoe differentiates his narrative from such nautical accounts. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 162.

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that I came to my old Habitation, the Island, on the 10th of April 1695.506* It was with no small Difficulty that I found the Place; for as I came to it, and went from it before, on the South and East Side of the Island, as coming from the Brasils, so now coming in between the Main and the Island, and having no Chart for the Coast, nor any Land-­Mark, I did not know it when I saw it, or know w ­ hether I saw it or no. We beat about a g­ reat while,507 and went on Shore on several Islands in the Mouth 508 of the g­ reat River Oronooque,† but none for my Purpose. Only this I learn’d by my Coasting the Shore, that I was u ­ nder one g­ reat ­Mistake before, viz. that the Continent which I thought I saw, from the Island I liv’d in, was r­ eally no Continent, but a long Island, or rather a Ridge of Islands, reaching from one to the other Side of the extended Mouth of that g­ reat River, and that the Savages who came to my Island, w ­ ere not properly t­ hose which we call Caribbees, but Islanders,‡ and other Barbarians§ of the same kind,509 who inhabited something nearer to our Side than the rest. * 10th of April 1695] As far as we know, not a significant date in Defoe’s life, but during this period before his becoming an accountant to the office administering the glass tax, he may have done some traveling. In his Appeal to Honour and Justice (1715), he wrote of it as a period when he was flirting with thoughts of moving to Spain. It was also the day before the anniversary of the coronation of William and Mary in 1689. The London Gazette was still printing addresses of condolence for the death of Queen Mary, whose funeral had been held on the fifth of March of this year. †  Islands . . . ​Oronooque] ­There are numerous islands in the delta of the Orinoco, especially if one extends the area to include the Delta Amacuro. But although candidates have included Trinidad and Tobago and Tortuga, Crusoe’s island has to be seen as fictitious. The orthography of the name of the river itself reflects the wide variety of spellings in En­glish of a river made famous through the novel of Aphra Behn, Oroonoko, and the adaptation for the stage by Thomas Southerne during the Restoration. ‡  Caribbees, but Islanders] This somewhat confusing passage attempts to make a distinction between t­ hose natives inhabiting the islands and t­ hose on the mainland of South Amer­i­ca. Charles César de Rochefort, who wrote The History of the Caribby-­Islands, trans. John Davies (London, 1666), classifies all of the natives of the islands as “Caribbians.” Writing of “Tabago,” he notes its proximity to the mainland of South Amer­i­ca and comments that it “lyes very con­ve­nient for a Commerce with the Arovagues, the Calibs, the Caribbians, and several other Indian Nations” (7). But he also pre­sents the theory that the inhabitants of the Ca­rib­bean islands w ­ ere actually originally from the north, from Florida (210–228). Bohun (Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sig. H5v) limits what he calls the “Caribes or the Cariby Islands” to what are now called the Lesser Antilles. The usual division of the natives of the islands was between the aggressive Caribs (“Barbarians”?) and the supposedly docile Arawaks, who ­were not usually cannibals and whose civilization depended on agriculture. Crusoe may be making that distinction h ­ ere. Although the Arawaks ­were in decline a­ fter their cruel treatment by the Spaniards, they had inhabited a number of Ca­rib­bean islands (especially the Greater Antilles) as well as parts of Guyana on the South American mainland. See the discussions of the Arawaks and Caribs in Sir Alan Burns, History of the British West Indies (London: Allen and Unwin, 1956), 35–43; and Charles Strachan Sanders Higham, The Development of the Leeward Islands u ­ nder the Restoration, 1660–1688 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1921), 122–142. §  Barbarians] Phillips (New World of Words), sig. Iv, defines this word as a “barbarous, wild, or rude ­People,” with perhaps some overlays of foreign p ­ eoples and with their ferocity supplied ­under the definition of “Barbarous.” The Caribs ­were described in this way (as identified “par leurs moeurs barbares”) in Sieur de la Borde, Voyage qui contient une relation

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In510 short, I visited several of t­ hese Islands to no Purpose; some I found w ­ ere inhabited, and some ­were not. On one of them I found some Spaniards, and thought they had liv’d t­ here, but speaking with them, found511 they had a Sloop lay in a small Creek hard by, and they512 came thither to make Salt,* and to catch some Pearl Muscles† if they could, but that they513 belong’d to the Isle de Trinidad,‡ which lay farther North514 in the Latitude of 10 and 11 Degrees. But at last coasting515 from one Island to another, sometimes with the Ship, sometimes with the French Mens Shallop,516 which we had found a con­ve­nient Boat, and therefore kept her with their very good ­Will;517 at length I came fair on the South Side518 of my Island, and I presently knew the very Countenance of the Place; so I brought the Ship safe to an Anchor, broadside519 with the ­little Creek where was my old Habitation. As520 soon as I saw the Place, I call’d for Friday, and ask’d him if he knew where he was? He look’d about a ­little, and presently clapping521 his Hands, cry’d,522 O yes, O t­ here, O yes, O ­there, pointing to our old Habitation, and fell a dancing and capering like a mad Fellow, and I had much ado to keep him from jumping into the Sea, to swim ashore to the Place. Well, Friday, says I, do you think we ­shall find any Body ­here or no?523 And what do you think, ­shall we see your ­Father? The Fellow stood mute as a Stock a good while,524 but when I nam’d his F ­ ather, the poor affectionate Creature§ look’d dejected, and I could see the Tears run down his Face very plentifully. What is the M ­ atter, Friday, says I? Are you troubled ­because you may see your ­Father? No, no, says he, shaking his Head, no see him more, no ever more see again; why so,525 said I Friday, how do you know that? O no, O no, says Friday, he long ago die, long526 ago; he527 much old Man. Well, well, says I, Friday, you d ­ on’t know; but s­ hall we 528 see any one ­else then? The Fellow, it seems, had better Eyes than I, and he points just to the Hill above my old House; and tho’ we lay half a League off, he cries out, we see! we see! yes, we see much Men529 t­ here, and t­ here, and t­ here. I look’d, but I could see no body,530 no not with a Perspective Glass,531 which was, I suppose, exacte de l’origine, moeurs, coûtumes, religion, guerres & voyages des Caraibes, sauvages des Iles Antiles de l’Amerique, in R. P. Hennepin, Voyage ou Nouvelle decouverte d’un tres ­grand pais entre le Nouveau Mexique et la mer glaciale (Amsterdam: Jaques Desbordes, 1712), 523. * Salt] Salt was a valuable commodity, and Ca­rib­bean islands such as the Salt Tortuga w ­ ere prized for that reason. Salt was also gathered from the coast of Venezuela. See Tim Severin, In Search of Robinson Crusoe (New York: Basic Books, 2002), 274–275; and Mark Kurlansky, Salt: A World History (New York: Walker, 2002), 206–213. †  Pearl Muscles] “A species of mussel bearing pearls.” See OED. ‡  Isle de Trinidad] Discovered by Columbus in 1496, Trinidad remained ­under the control of Spain u ­ ntil 1797, when it was captured by ­Great Britain. Located at the correct latitude provided by Crusoe and at longitude 61° west, Trinidad is the largest island in the general area of Crusoe’s island. §  poor affectionate Creature] In stressing Friday’s warm emotions ­toward his ­father, Defoe consciously perpetuates a ste­reo­t ype of the noble savage, possessed of strong, ­simple feelings in contrast to the more controlled responses of the colonizer. Friday was an extremely popu­ lar figure in pantomimes during the eigh­teenth and nineteenth centuries, and Defoe clearly wanted his readers to appreciate his excellent qualities. An acute awareness of the condescension ­behind such admiration has mainly been a product of the late twentieth ­century.

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­ ecause I could not hit the Place, for the Fellow was right, as I found upon Enquiry b the next Day, and ­t here was five or six Men altogether, stood to look at the Ship, not knowing what to think of us. As532 soon as Friday had told me he saw ­People, I caus’d the En­glish Antient to be spread, and fir’d three Guns,* to give them notice533 we w ­ ere Friends, and in 534 about half a quarter of an Hour ­after, we perceiv’d a Smoke rise from the Side of the Creek, so I immediately order’d a Boat out, taking Friday with me, and hanging out a white Flag, or, Flag535 of Truce, I went directly on Shore, taking with me the young Fryer† I mention’d, to whom I had told the w ­ hole Story of my living ­t here, and the manner of it, and e­ very Par­tic­u­lar both of my self, and ­those I536 left ­t here; and who was on that Account extremely desirous to go with me.537 We had besides about sixteen Men very well538 arm’d, if we had found any new Guests t­ here which we did not know of; but we had no need539 of Weapons. As540 we went on Shore upon the Tide of Flood, near high ­Water,‡ we row’d directly into the Creek, and the first Man I541 fix’d my Eye upon, was the Spaniard whose Life I had sav’d, and who542 I knew by his Face perfectly well; as to his Habit I s­ hall describe it afterwards. I order’d no body to go on Shore at first but my self, but ­there was no keeping Friday in the Boat; for the affectionate Creature had spy’d his F ­ ather at a Distance, a good Way543 off of the Spaniards, where indeed I saw nothing of him; and if they had not let him go on Shore, he would have jump’d into the Sea. He was no sooner on Shore, but he flew away to his F ­ ather like an Arrow out of a Bow. It would have made any Man have shed Tears in Spight544 of the firmest Resolution, to have seen the first Transports of this poor Fellow’s Joy when he came to his ­Father; how he embrac’d him, kiss’d him,545 strok’d his Face, took him up in his Arms, set him down upon a Tree, and lay down by him, then stood and look’d at him, as any one would look at a strange Picture546§ for a Quarter of an Hour together; then lie547 down on the Ground, and stroke his Legs, and kiss them, and then get up again, and stare at him; one would ha’548¶ thought the Fellow bewitch’d: But it would ha’ made a Dog laugh** to see how the next Day his Passion run out another Way: In the Morning he walk’d along the Shore, to and again, with his ­Father several Hours, always leading him by the Hand, as if he had been a Lady;†† and ­every now and then he would 549 come to fetch something or * En­glish Antient . . . ​Guns] ­These ­were traditional signals, though their exact meaning was sometimes in dispute. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 268–269; Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 3, sigs. Hhh2v–­Hhh3. †  Fryer] Alternate spelling of “friar.” ‡  Tide of Flood . . . ​high ­Water] The point at which the tide begins to ebb. See Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 3, sig. Iii3v. §  strange Picture] A painting not viewed before and which requires study. This connects to the pre­sen­ta­tion of the passions in a pictorial mode. See above, especially 22. ¶  would ha’] Abbreviation of “have.” When used in modern colloquial En­glish usually shortened to an a, as in “woulda” and “shoulda.” ** made a Dog laugh] Apparently not proverbial, but the opposite of the proverb “as melancholy as a dog,” Tilley, 163 (D438). ††  a Lady] Prob­ably evoking images of courtship—in other words, as if he ­were a lover and his ­father the ­woman with whom he was in love.

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other for him to the Boat, ­either a Lump of Sugar, or a Dram, a Bisket Cake,550 or something or other that was good. In the After­noon his Frolicks run another Way; for then he would set the old Man down upon the Ground, and dance about him, and make551 a thousand552 antick Postures and Gestures; and all the while he did this, he would be talking to him, and telling him one Story or another of his Travels,553 and of what had happen’d to him Abroad, to divert him. In short, if the same filial Affection was to be found in Christians to their Parents, in our Part 554 of the World,* one would be tempted to say, ­t here would hardly ha’ been any Need of the fifth555 Commandment.† But this is a Digression; I return to my Landing:556 It would be endless to take Notice of all the Ceremonies and Civilities557 that the Spaniards receiv’d me with. The first Spaniard, who,558 as I said, I knew very well, was he who’s559 Life I had sav’d; he came ­towards the Boat, attended by one more, carry­ing a Flag of Truce also; and he did not only not know me at first, but he had no Thoughts, no Notion of its being me that was come, ’till I spoke to him: Seignior, said I in Portuguese,560 Do you not know me? At which he spoke not a Word; but giving his Musket to the Man that was with him, threw his Arms abroad;561 and saying something in Spanish, that I did not perfectly hear, comes forward, and embrac’d me,562 telling me he was inexcusable, not to know that Face again, that he had once seen, as of an Angel from Heaven sent563 to save his Life: He said Abundance of very handsome ­Things, as a well bred564 Spaniard‡ always knows how,565 and then beckoning to the Person that attended him, bad him go and call out his Comrades.566 He then ask’d me, if I would walk to my old Habitation, where he would give me Possession of my own House again, and where I should see they had made567 but mean Improvements; so I walk’d along with him; but alas568 I could no more find the Place again, than if I had never been ­t here; for they had planted so many Trees, and plac’d them in such a Posture, so thick and close to one another; and in ten Years569 Time they ­were grown so big, that in short the Place was inaccessible, except by such Windings and blind Ways, as they themselves only, who made them, could find. I ask’d them what put them upon all t­ hese Fortifications?570 He told me, I would say ­t here was Need571 enough of it, when they had given me an Account how they * filial Affection . . . ​World] In The Protestant Monastery (London, 1727 [for 1726]) and Chickens Feed Capons (London, 1731 [for 1730]), Defoe was to expand this lament about the poor treatment of parents by their c­ hildren. In con­temporary terms, Friday, as both a Christian and a child of nature, fulfills the Christian ideal neglected in the modern world. †  the fifth Commandment] See Exodus 20:12: “Honour thy ­father and thy ­mother: that thy days may be long upon the land which the Lord giveth thee.” This is repeated with some variation in Deuteronomy 5:16. ‡  well bred Spaniard] The usual caricature of the Spaniard on the En­glish stage revealed him as haughty and quick to anger, and Defoe’s characterization of the Spaniard in his True-­Born En­glishman follows this line of thought in criticizing Spanish pride. On the other hand, Defoe, having spent some time in Spain and certainly having had contacts with Spanish merchants in connection with his trade in Spanish wine, may have been drawing upon his personal experience. See William Wycherley, The Gentleman Dancing-­Master, in Plays, ed. Arthur Friedman (Oxford: Clarendon, 1979), 125–237; and Defoe, True Collection, 1:2.

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had pass’d their Time since their Arriving in the Island; especially ­after they had the Misfortune to find that I was gone; he572 told me573 he could not but have some Satisfaction in my good Fortune, when he heard that I was gone away574 in a good Ship, and to my Satisfaction, and that he had often-­times a strong Persuasion,575 that one Time or other he should see me again: But nothing that ever befel him in his Life, he said, was so surprizing576 and afflicting to him at first, as the Disappointment he was ­under when he came back to the Island, and found I was not ­t here. As to the three Barbarians577 (so he call’d them) that ­were left ­behind, and of whom he said he had a long Story to tell me; the Spaniards all thought themselves much better among the Savages, only that their Number was so small. And, says he, had they been strong enough, we had been all long ago in Purgatory;* and with that he cross’d himself † on the Breast: But Sir, says he, I hope you ­w ill not be displeas’d,578 when I ­shall tell you how forc’d 579 by Necessity580 we ­were oblig’d, for our own Preservation,‡ to disarm them, and make581 them our Subjects, who would not be content with being moderately our Masters, but would be our Murtherers.§ I answer’d, I was heartily afraid of it when I left them t­ here; and nothing troubled me at my parting from the Island, but that they ­were not come back, that I might have put them in Possession of e­ very Th ­ ing first, and left the other in a State of Subjection, as they deserv’d: But if they had reduc’d them to it, I was very glad, and should be very far from finding any Fault with it; for I knew they w ­ ere a Parcel of refractory, ungovern’d Villains, and ­were fit for any manner582 of Mischief. While583 I was saying this, came the Man whom he had sent back, and with him eleven Men more: In the Dress they w ­ ere in,584 it was impossible to guess what 585 Nation they ­were of: But he made all clear both to them and to me. First he turn’d to me, and pointing to them, said, Th ­ ese, Sir, are some of the586 Gentlemen who owe their Lives to you; and then turning to them, and pointing to me, he let them know who I was; upon which they all came up one by one, not as if they had been Sailors and ordinary Fellows, and I the like, but ­really, as if they had been Ambassadors of Noblemen, and I a Monarch or a ­great Conqueror; their Behaviour was to the last Degree obliging and courteous, and yet mix’d with a manly majestick 587 * Purgatory] “. . . ​in the Romish church, a place where the just are supposed to suffer the pains due to their sins, which they have not satisfied in this world.” Chambers, Cyclopaedia, 2:9Z2. It was an idea rejected by Protestants such as Defoe. Defoe’s strong denial that ghosts could possibly be the souls of the departed throughout his An Essay on the History and Real­ ity of Apparitions (1727) is based in part on the rejection of purgatory. †  Purgatory . . . ​cross’d himself] Crusoe’s willingness to allow the Spaniard his belief in purgatory and to allow his making the sign of the cross pass without comment is a sign of Defoe’s attempt at maintaining consistency of character within a given text. In his Continuation of a Turkish Spy (1718), sig. 5, Defoe had defended such a practice with the argument that a character had to act within the par­a meters of his culture and belief, that ­either his Turkish Spy “must be a Turk or no Turk; ­either he must speak his own Language or other ­people’s Language.” ‡  Necessity . . . ​Preservation] Regarding necessity, see the note on 26 above. §  Murtherers] Murderers. A common spelling variation among contemporaries.

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Gravity, which very well became them; and in short, they had so much more Manners than I, that I scarce knew how to receive their Civilities, much less how to return them in kind.588 The589 History of their coming to, and Conduct in the Island, a­ fter my g­ oing away, is so very remarkable, and has so many Incidents, which the former Part of my Relation w ­ ill help to understand, and which w ­ ill in most590 of the Particulars, refer to that Account I have already given, that I cannot but commit them with ­great Delight to the reading591 of t­ hose that come ­after me. I ­shall592 no longer trou­ble the Story with a Relation in the first Person,* which ­will put me to the Expence of ten thousand said I’s† and said593 he’s, and he told me’s,594 and I told him’s, and the like, but I s­ hall collect the Facts Historically, as near as I can gather them595 out of my Memory from what they related to me, and from what I met with in my conversing with them and with the Place. In order596 to do this succinctly, and as intelligibly as I can, I must go back to the Circumstance‡ in which I left the Island, and in which597 the Persons ­were of whom I am to speak. And first,598 it is necessary to repeat, that I had sent away Friday’s F ­ ather and the Spaniard, the two whose Lives I had rescued from the Sav599 ages, I say, I had sent them away in a large Canoe to the Main,§ as I then thought it, to fetch over the Spaniard’s Companions who600 he had left ­behind him, in order to save them from the like Calamity that he had been in; and in order to succour them for the pre­sent, and that,601 if pos­si­ble, we might together find some Way for our Deliverance afterward. When602 I sent them away, I had no vis­i­ble Appearance of, or the least room603 to hope for my own Deliverance any more than I had twenty Year before,604 much less had I any fore Knowledge of what afterward605 happened, I mean of an En­glish Ship coming on Shore t­ here to fetch me off; and it could not but be a very g­ reat Surprize to them when they came back, not only to find that I was gone,606 but to find three Strangers left on the Spot, possess’d607 of all that I had left ­behind me, which would other­wise have been their own. The first ­Thing, however, which I enquir’d608 into, that I might begin where I left off, was of their own Part; and I desir’d609 he would give me a par­tic­u­lar Account of his Voyage back to his Countrymen with the Boat, when I sent him to fetch them over:610 He told me ­there was l­ittle Variety in that Part, for nothing remarkable happen’d611 to them on the Way, they having very calm Weather, and a smooth Sea; for his Countrymen it could not be doubted, he said, but that they ­were * first Person] In some ways Crusoe w ­ ill be far more of an observer and a spectator in this volume than he was in the first volume. Also dif­fer­ent is the way he points to the narrative in a self-­conscious manner that creates a somewhat dif­fer­ent and more distanced relationship between narrator and reader than existed in the ­earlier volume. †  ten thousand said I’s] For an example of how awkward this can be in the printing of con­ temporary fiction, see Aphra Behn’s Love Letters, parts 2 and 3. Jane Austen also parodied this prob­lem of narrative. See Works, ed. R. W. Chapman (London: Oxford University Press, 1954), 6:79–80. ‡  back to the Circumstance] See The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 228–230. §  the Main] It was, in fact, another island.

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overjoy’d to see him:612 (It seems he was the principal Man among them, the Captain of the Vessel they had been shipwreck’d in,613 having been dead some Time) they ­were, he said, the more surpriz’d614 to see him, b ­ ecause they knew that he was fallen into the Hands of the Savages, who, they w ­ ere satisfy’d,615 would devour him as they did all the rest of their Prisoners,616 that when he told them the Story of his Deliverance, and in what Manner he was furnish’d for617 carry­ing them away, it was like a Dream* to them; and their Astonishment, they said, was somewhat618 like that of Joseph’s Brethren, when he told them who he was, and told them the Story of his Exaltation in Pha­raoh’s Court:† But when he shew’d619 them the Arms, the Powder, the Ball,‡ and the Provisions that he brought them for their Journey or Voyage, they w ­ ere restor’d620 to themselves, took a just Share of the Joy of their Deliverance, and immediately prepar’d621 to come away with him. Their first Business was to get Canoes, and in this they ­were oblig’d622 not to stick so much upon the honest Part of it, but to trespass upon their friendly Savages, and to borrow two large Canoes, or Periaguas,623 on Pretence of ­going out a fishing,624 § or for Plea­sure. In ­t hese they came away the next Morning; it625 seems they wanted no Time to get themselves ready; for they had no Baggage, neither Cloaths626 or Provisions, or any Th ­ ing in the World, but what they had on them, and a few Roots to eat, of which they used627 to make their Bread. They ­were in all three Weeks absent, and in that Time,628 unluckily for them, I had the Occasion offer’d for my Escape, as I mention’d629 in my other Part, and to get off from the Island,630 leaving three of the most impudent, harden’d, ungovern’d,631 disagreeable Villains ­behind me, that any Man could desire to meet with, to the poor Spaniards ­great Grief and Disappointment, you may be sure. The632 only just Th ­ ing the Rogues did, was, That633 when the Spaniards came on Shore, they gave my Letter to them, and gave them Provisions634 and other Relief, as I had order’d them to do,635 also they gave them the long Paper of Directions636 which I had left with them, containing the par­tic­u­lar637 Methods which I took for * like a Dream] This passage operates by a pro­cess of association. The biblical narrative of Joseph (Genesis 37:2–50:26) to which this experience is compared reveals Joseph’s weeping upon the meeting with his brethren, but, with the exception of Benjamin, does not describe the emotions of the other ­brothers. The King James Version does state that the ­brothers “marvelled one at another” when they ­were treated so well by this unknown officer of Pharoah (44:33). On the other hand, Joseph is depicted as an interpreter of dreams throughout the narrative devoted to his life, and his f­ ather, Israel, experiences “visions of the night” (46:2). †  Joseph’s Brethren . . . ​Pharoah’s Court] In the 45th chapter of Genesis, Joseph, now the leading officer in Pharoah’s court, reveals himself tearfully to his ­brothers, who had not recognized their long-­lost b ­ rother. As in the biblical allusion, the appearance of the “Captain” brings with it both a wonderful revelation and worldly benefits. ‡  the Ball] An uninflected plural typical of this narrative. But also completing the collection of weapons that Friday’s F ­ ather and the Spanish Captain bring with them. Before the development of the modern bullet, which combined explosive charge and projectile, the lead ball functioned as a projectile driven from the gun’s barrel by the exploding gunpowder. See ­under “GUN,” Chambers, Cyclopaedia, 1:4Yy2. §  a fishing] In some ways this parallels Crusoe’s escape from Salé, when he too was supposed to be fishing. See The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 24–25.

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managing e­ very Part of my Life t­ here, the Way how I baked my Bread, bred up tame Goats, and planted my Corn, how I cur’d638 my Grapes, made my Pots, and,639 in a Word, ­every ­Thing I did, all this being written640 down, they gave to the Spaniards, two of whom understand641 En­glish well enough; nor did they refuse to accommodate the Spaniards with e­ very Th ­ ing642 e­ lse, for they agreed very well for some Time; They gave them an equal Admission into the House, or Cave,643 and they began to live very sociably, and the Head Spaniard, who had seen pretty much of my Methods, and Friday’s F ­ ather together, manag’d all their Affairs; for, as for the En­glish Men,644 they did nothing but ramble about the Island, shoot Parrots, and ketch645* Tortoises, and when they came home646 at Night, the Spaniards provided their Suppers for them. The Spaniards would have been satisfy’d647 with this, would the other but have let them648 alone, which, however, they could not find in their Hearts to do long; but,649 like the Dog in the Manger,† they would not eat themselves, and would not let ­others eat neither;650 The Differences, nevertheless, ­were at first but trivial, and such as are not worth relating; but at last, it broke out into open651 War, and it begun with all the Rudeness and Insolence that can be imagin’d,652 without Reason, without Provocation, contrary to Nature, and indeed, to common Sence;653 and tho’ it is true the first Relation of it came from the Spaniards themselves, who654 I may call the Accusers, yet when I came to examine the Fellows, they could not deny a Word of it. But before I come to the Particulars655 of this Part, I must supply a Defect in my former Relation,‡ and this was, that I forgot to set down among the rest, that656 just as we w ­ ere weighing the Anchor to set Sail, t­ here happen’d657 a l­ittle Quarrel on board our Ship,which I was afraid once would have turn’d to a second Mutiny; nor was it appeas’d, till658 the Captain rouzing up his Courage, and taking us all to his Assistance, parted them by Force, and making two of the most refractory659 Fellows Prisoners, he laid them in Irons,660 and as they had been active in the former Disorders, and let fall some ugly dangerous661 Words the second Time, he threaten’d to carry them in Irons to ­England, and have them hang’d662 ­t here for Mutiny, and ­running away with the Ship. This,663 it seems, tho’ the Captain did not intend to do it, frighted some other Men in the Ship, and some of them had put it into the Heads of the rest, that the Captain only gave them good Words§ for the pre­sent, ’till664 they should come to

* ketch] A dialect form of “catch.” See OED. †  Dog in the Manger . . . ​neither] A proverb. See Tilley, 167 (D513). ‡  Defect in my former Relation] A “Defect” in the sense that ­t hese par­tic­u ­lar events are not mentioned at all in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures. §  gave them good Words] Attempted to soothe them with promises and/or excuses. Moll Flanders uses this expression to ­t hose who hold on to her when she is fi­nally caught stealing (Moll Flanders, ed. G. A. Starr [London: Oxford University Press, 1971], 272). Although it is not listed as a proverb by Tilley, a number of proverbs, such as “Good Words are cheap” (Tilley, 754 [W804]), suggest the weakness of promises, while the positive sense, “Soft (Fair, Gentle) Words (appease) wrath,” (Tilley, 755 [W822]), suggests that it is worth trying.

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some En­glish Port, and that then they should be all put into Jayl, and try’d665 for their Lives. The Mate got Intelligence of this, and acquainted us with it;666 upon which it was desir’d, that I, who still pass’d667 for a g­ reat Man among them, should go down with the Mate, and satisfy the Men, and tell them, that they might be assur’d, if they behaved668 well the rest of the Voyage, all they had done for the Time past should be ­pardon’d.669 So I went, and ­after passing my Honour’s Word* to them, they appear’d easy,670 and the more so, when I caused the two Men who w ­ ere in Irons to be released671 and forgiven. But this Mutiny had brought us to an Anchor for that Night, the Wind also falling calm, next672 Morning we found, that our two Men who673 had been laid in Irons, had stole each of them a Musket,674 and some other Weapons, what Powder or Shot they had,675 we know not; and had taken the Ship’s Pinnace,† which was not yet hal’d up, and ran way with her to their Companions in Roguery676 on Shore. As soon as we found this, I order’d677 the Long-­Boat on Shore, with twelve Men and the Mate, and away they went to seek the Rogues, but they could neither find them; or any of the rest,678 for they all fled into the Woods when they saw the Boat coming on Shore. The Mate was once resolv’d, in Justice to their Roguery, to have destroy’d their Plantations,‡ burn’d679 all their Houshold-­Stuff and Furniture,§ and left them to shift without it; but having no Order, he let it all680 alone, left ­every ­Thing as they found it, and bringing the Pinnace away, came on board681 without them. ­These two Men made their Number five,682 but the other three Villains w ­ ere so much wickeder than ­t hese, that ­after they had been 2 or 3683 Days together, they turn’d their two New-­Comers684 out of Doors to shift for themselves, and would have nothing to do with them, nor could they for a good while be perswaded685 to give them any Food; as for the Spaniards they ­were not yet come. When686 the Spaniards came first on Shore, the Business began to go forward; the Spaniards would have persuaded687 the three En­glish Brutes to have taken in their two Country-­men688 again, that, as they said, they might be all one ­Family; but they would not hear of it:689 So the two poor Fellows liv’d by themselves, and finding nothing but Industry690 and Application would make them live comfortably, they pitch’d their Tents on the North Shore691 of the Island, but a ­little more to692 the West, to be out of the Danger of the Savages, who always landed on the East Parts of the Island. H ­ ere693 they built them two Huts, one to lodge in, and the other to lay up their Magazines and Stores in, and the Spaniards having given them some Corn for Seed, and especially some of the Peas694 which I had left them, they dug, and planted, * passing my Honour’s Word] In modern En­glish: giving my word of honor. †  Pinnace] H ­ ere a boat carried on a large ship usually for the purpose of g­ oing ashore. See Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 3, sig. Fff4. ‡  their Plantations] Since the mutinous En­glishmen had just come to the island, this has to refer to the areas of the island that had been previously planted by Crusoe. §  Furniture] Equipment of vari­ous kinds. See OED.

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and enclosed,695 a­ fter the Pattern I had set for them all, and began to live pretty well; their696 first Crop of Corn was on the Ground, and tho’ it was but a l­ ittle Bit697 of Land which they had dug up at first, having had but a ­little Time, yet it was enough698 to relieve them, and find them with Bread and other Eatables; and one of the Fellows699 being the Cook’s Mate of the Ship, was very ready700 at making Soup, Puddings, and such other Preparations, as the Rice, and the Milk, and such ­little Flesh as they got, furnish’d701 him to do. They ­were ­going on in this ­little thriving Posture702 when the three unnatural Rogues, their own Country-­men703 too, in meer Humour, and to insult them, came and bully’d them, and told them, the Island was theirs,704* that the Governor,705 meaning me, had given them Possession of it, and no Body e­ lse had any Right706 to it, and damn ’em, they should build no Houses upon their Ground707 ­unless they would pay them Rent for them. The two Men thought they had jested at first, ask’d them to come in and708 sit down, and see what fine Houses they ­were709 that they had built, and tell them what Rent they demanded, and one of them merrily told them,710 if they ­were Ground-­ Landlords,† he hoped,711 if they built Tenements upon their Land,712 and made Improvements,‡ they would, according to the Custom of Landlords,713§ grant them a long Lease, and bid them go fetch a Scrivener¶ to draw the Writings. One of the three damning and raging,714 told them, they should see they w ­ ere not in Jest,715 and ­going to a ­little Place at a Distance, where the honest Men had made a * the Island was theirs] This bears some resemblance to the situation involving ­t hose wrecked in the Bermudas on 15 July 1610 that formed one of the bases of Shakespeare’s The Tempest. Some of the sailors claimed that the wreck had dissolved the previous bonds of hierarchy, property, and government. Defoe knew both the voyage material b ­ ehind Shakespeare’s play and the Dryden-­Davenant version of The Tempest. He discussed the conflict over the owner­ ship of the island in his section of Atlas Maritimus (London, 1728), 308. †   Ground-­Landlords] ­Under “ground-­rent,” the OED lists a number of entries that demonstrate that land rented for the purpose of erecting a building is usually let at a long lease and relatively low rent. An entry for 1667 suggests that a rent of fifty pounds, or 10 ­percent the value of the property, would be reasonable for a ­house that would cost five hundred pounds. ‡  Tenements . . . ​Improvements] “A Tenement may be said to be any House, Land, Rent, or other such like ­Thing, that is any Way held or possessed.” Giles Jacob finds the word too vague “to express any Th ­ ing which requires a par­tic­u ­lar description.” H ­ ere, the two En­glish sailors, somewhat mockingly, speak of “Rent” in terms of property in E ­ ngland. See Jacob, A New Law-­Dictionary, 4th ed. (London, 1739), sig. 8Z. §  Custom of Landlords] See Jacob, Law-­Dictionary, sigs. Fffv–­Fff2, 5U2v–5Xv, for a discussion of “Custom” and “Lease.” Jacob describes how custom can become common law if it is “certain,” “Time out of mind,” and “reasonable.” However, he notes that “Regularly a Man cannot alledge a Custom against a Statute ­because that is the highest ­Matter of Rec­ord in Law: But a Custom may be alledged against a negative Statute, is made in Affirmance of the Common Law.” The prob­lem ­here is that they have made the “Improvements” before having any oral or written lease at all and hence are at the mercy of the “Landlords.” Where “Custom” did apply to some extent was to the rights over common land. See Jacob, Law-­Dictionary, sigs. Qq2v–­R r; and Giles Jacob, The Land-­Purchaser’s Companion (London, 1720), 179–184. ¶  Scrivener] Scriveners at one time performed many of the kinds of actions now performed by attorneys, including drawing up contracts. In the 1815 Hydrographer’s edition of Robinson ­ ere Crusoe, the editor notes that the last scrivener “died about 50  years ago.” Scriveners w particularly involved in arranging mortgages.

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Fire716 to dress their Victuals, he takes a Fire-­brand, and claps it to the Out-­side of their Hut, and very fairly set it on Fire, and it would have been all burnt down in a few Minutes, if one of the two had not run to the Fellow, thrust him away, and trod717 the Fire out with his Feet, and that not without some Difficulty 718 too. The719 Fellow was in such a Rage at the honest Man’s thrusting him away, that he return’d720 upon him with a Pole he had in his Hand, and had not the Man avoided the Blow very nimbly, and run into the Hut, he had ended his Days at once; his721 Comrade seeing the Danger they ­were both in, run in ­after him, and immediately they came both out with their Muskets, and the Man that was first struck at with the Pole,722 knock’d the Fellow down, that had begun the Quarrel, with the Stock of his Musket,723 and that before the other two could come to help him,724 and then seeing the rest come at them they stood together, and presenting the other Ends725 of their Pieces to them, bad726 them stand off. The other had Fire-­Arms727 with them too, but one of the two honest Men, bolder than his Comrade,728 and made desperate by his Danger, told them, if they offer’d to move Hand or Foot they ­were dead729 Men, and boldly commanded them to lay down their Arms; They did not indeed lay730 down their Arms, but seeing him so resolute,731 it brought them to a Parley, and they consented to take their wounded Man732 with them, and be gone; and indeed it733 seems the Fellow was wounded sufficiently with the Blow; however, they w ­ ere much in the wrong,734 since they had the Advantage, that they did not disarm them effectually, as they might have done, and have gone immediately to the Spaniards, and given them an Account how the Rogues had treated them; for the three Villains studied735 nothing but, and ­every Day gave them some Intimation736 that they did so. But not to crowd737 this Part with an Account of the lesser Part of their Rogueries, such as, treading down their Corn, shooting three young Kids738 and a She-­ Goat, which the poor Men had got to breed up tame739 for their Store; and, in a Word,740 plaguing them Night and Day in this Manner, it forced the two Men to such a Desperation, that they resolv’d to fight them all three the first Time they had a fair Opportunity; in Order to this741 they resolv’d to go to the ­Castle, as they call’d742 it, that was my old Dwelling, where the three Rogues and the Spaniards all liv’d together, at that Time743 intending to have a fair B ­ attle, and the Spaniards should stand by to see fair Play,744 so they got up in the Morning before Day, and came to the Place, and call’d the En­glish Men745 by their Names, telling a Spaniard,746 that answer’d, that they wanted to speak with them. It happen’d,747 that the Day before two of the Spaniards having been in the Woods, had seen one of the two En­glish Men, who,748 for Distinction, I call the Honest Men,749 and he had made a sad Complaint to the Spaniards, of the barbarous Usage they had met with from their three Country-­men,750 and how they had ruin’d their Plantation, and destroy’d their Corn, that they had ­labour’d so hard to bring forward, and kill’d the Milch-­Goat751 and their three Kids, which was all they had provided for their Sustenance, and that if he and his Friends,752 meaning the Spaniards, did not assist them again, they should be starved.753 When the Spaniards came home,754 at Night, and they w ­ ere all at Supper, he took the Freedom to

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reprove the three En­glish Men, tho’ in very gentle and mannerly Terms; and ask’d755 them, How they could be so cruel, they being harmless inoffensive Fellows, and that they ­were only putting themselves in a way 756 to subsist by their ­Labour, and that it had cost them a ­great deal of Pains to bring ­things to such Perfection757 as they had? One of the En­glish Men return’d very briskly, what758 had they to do ­there? That they came on Shore without Leave, and they should not Plant or Build759 upon the Island, it was none of their Ground. Why, says the Spaniard very calmly, Seignior Inglese,760 they must not starve?* The En­glish Man reply’d like a true rough-­hewn Tarpaulin,† they761 might Starve and be Damn’d, they should not Plant nor Build.762 But what must they do then, Seignior, said763 the Spaniard? Another of the Brutes return’d, do! D. . . . ​m‡ ’em, they should be Servants,764 and work for them. But how can you expect that of them, says the Spaniard,765 they are not bought with your766 Money; you have no Right to make them Servants;767 The En­glish Man answer’d, the768 Island was theirs,§ the Governour had given it to them,¶ and no Man had any ­t hing to do ­t here but themselves; and with that swore by his Maker, that they would go and burn all their new Huts,769 they should build none upon their Land. Why, Seignior, says the Spaniard, by the same770 Rule we must be your Servants too? Ay,771 says the bold Dog, and so you ­shall too, before we have done with you, mixing two or three G-­d Damme’s** in the proper Intervals of his Speech; the772 Spaniard only smil’d at that, and made him no Answer:773 However,774 this l­ittle Discourse had heated them, and starting up, one says to the other, I think it was he they call’d775 ­Will. Atkins, Come Jack, let us go and have t’other776 Brush with them; ­we’ll demolish their ­Castle, I’ll warrant you,777 they ­shall plant no Colony in our Dominions. Upon this, they went all trooping778 away, with e­ very Man a Gun, a Pistol, and a Sword,779 and mutter’d some insolent Th ­ ings among themselves780 of what they would do to the Spaniards too, when Opportunity offer’d, but the Spaniards it * they must not starve] At this point, this island is very much in the state of nature when claims to property w ­ ere not strong. As in the cases of necessity, the prospect of starvation would have given the two En­glishmen the right to use any means to preserve their lives. The Spanish Captain is also motivated by Christian charity. See Pufendorf, Of the Law of Nature and Nations, 162; and Hugo Grotius, Rights of War and Peace, trans. William Evats (London, 1682), 82. †  Tarpaulin] “. . . ​a Downright Seaman, that has bin all his Life-­time bred up to the Sea, is call’d in a Burlesque Sence, Tar-­Pawling.” Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 3, sig. Iii3. The OED describes this usage as rare or archaic. ‡  D. . . . ​m] Damn. Although Defoe was a strong opponent of swearing, he nevertheless rendered it, with some appeal to the need to pre­sent real speech and the generous use of ellipses, throughout his writings. See, for example, Defoe, An Essay upon Proj­ects, ed. Joyce Kennedy, Michael Seidel, and Maximillian Novak (New York: AMS Press, 1999), 92–95. §  the Island was theirs] An echo of the claim made above. See the note to 44. ¶  Governour had given it to them] This is not true. In The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, although Crusoe shows them the way in which he survived on the island, ­t here is no transfer of property. ** G-­d Damme’s] God damns. See note ‡ above.

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seems781 did not so perfectly understand them, as to know all the Particulars, only, that782 in general, they threatned them hard for taking the two En­glish Mens783 Part. ­W hether they went, or how they bestow’d their time784 that Eve­ning, the Spaniards said, they did not know; but it seems they wandred785 about the Country, Part786 of the Night, and then lying down in the Place which I used to call my Bower they w ­ ere weary787 and over-­slept themselves. The Case was this, they had resolv’d788 to stay till Mid-­night, and so to take the two poor Men* when they w ­ ere asleep, and as they acknowledg’d789 afterwards,790 intended to set Fire to their Huts while they ­were in them, and ­either burn them in them, or murther them as they came out, and791 as Malice seldom sleeps very sound,† it was very strange they should not have been kept waking. However,792 as the two Men had also a Design upon them, as I have said, tho’ a much fairer one than that of Burning and Murthering;793 it happen’d, and very luckily for them all, that they w ­ ere up and gone abroad, before the bloody-­minded Rogues came to their Huts. When794 they came ­t here and found the Men gone, Atkins, who it seems was the forwardest Man, call’d out to his Comrades, ha795 Jack, ­here’s the Nest, but D. . . . ​n ’em the Birds are flown; they796 mused a while to think what should be the Occasion of their being gone abroad so soon, and suggested presently 797 that the Spaniards had given them Notice of it, and with that they shook Hands798 and swore to one another that they would be reveng’d of the Spaniards; as799 soon as they had made this bloody Bargain they fell to work with the poor Men’s Habitation,800 they did not set Fire indeed to any t­ hing, but they pull’d down both their l­ ittle Houses,801 and pull’d them so Limb from Limb, that they left not the least Stick standing, or scarce any Sign on the Ground where they stood; they802 tore all their l­ittle collected Houshold Stuff in Pieces, and threw e­ very Th ­ ing803 about in such a manner, 804 that the poor Men afterwards found some of their805 Th ­ ings a Mile off of their Habitation. When they had done this, they pull’d up all the young Trees, the poor Men had ­ attle and their planted,806 pull’d up an807 Enclosure they had made to secure their C Corn; and in a word, sack’d and plunder’d808 ­every t­hing, as compleatly as a Hoord809 of Tartars‡ would have done. The two Men w ­ ere at this Juncture gone to find them810 out, and had resolved to fight them where-­ever811 they had been, tho’ they ­were but two to three: So that * poor Men] Defoe uses this to evoke sympathy for the two En­glishmen in contrast to the gang of three led by ­Will Atkins. For his use of this as a fictional formula, see Maximillian Novak, “Defoe and the City,” PMLA 92 (1977): 241–252. †  Malice seldom sleeps very sound] Related to two proverbs: “Malice has a sharp sight and a strong memory,” Tilley, 406 (M52); and “Malice is mindful,” Tilley, 406 (M50). ‡  Hoord of Tartars] The depredations of the Tatars and their hordes remained part of Eu­ro­ pean legend. Edmund Bohun comments on the inhabitants of Tartary: “The ­People are the most Barbarous of Mankind, Bloody, Fierce and Brutish. . . . ​The Princes are absolute Masters of the respective ­People, which live in Hoards.” Noting that their migratory way of life “has in a g­ reat degree fitted them for War,” Bohun remarks that “they have proven in e­ very Age, the Scourges of God.” Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sig. Yy8v.

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had they met, t­ here certainly would have been blood shed812 among them, for they ­were all very stout resolute Fellows, to give them their due.813 But814 Providence took more Care to keep the mass ­under, than they themselves could do to meet; for, as if they had dogg’d815 one another,* when the three w ­ ere gone thither, the two ­were ­here,816 and afterwards when the two went back to find them, the817 three w ­ ere come to the old Habitation again; we s­ hall see their differing Conduct presently: When the three came back818 like furious Creatures flush’d with the Rage,819 which the Work they had been about had put820 them into, they came up to the Spaniards, and told them what they had done, by way821 of Scoff and Bravado; and one of them stepping up to one of the Spaniards, as if they had been a ­Couple of Boys at Play,822 takes hold of his Hat, as it was upon his Head, and giving it a twirle about, fleering823† in his Face, says he to him, And you, Seignior, Jack Spaniard,‡ ­shall have the same Sauce,§ if you do not mend your Manners: The Spaniard, who tho’ a quiet civil Man, was as brave, as a Man could be desir’d to be, and withal824 a strong well-­made Man, look’d steadily at him for a good while, and then825 having no Weapon in his Hand, stept gravely up to him, and with one blow of his Fist826 knock’d him down, as an Ox is fell’d with a Pole-­ Axe,827¶ at which one of the Rogues, insolent as828 the first, fir’d his Pistol at the Spaniard immediately; he829 miss’d his Body indeed, for the Bullets went thro’ his Hair, but one of them touch’d the tip of his Ear, and he bled pretty much:830 The Blood made the Spaniard believe, he was more hurt than831 he r­ eally was, and that put him into some Heat, for before, he acted all in a perfect Calm,832 but now resolving to go thro’ with his833 Work, he stoop’d to take the Fellow’s Musket who he had knock’d down, and was just ­going to shoot the Man, and834 had fir’d at him,** when the rest of the Spaniards835 being in the Cave came out, and calling to him not to shoot, they step’d836 in, secur’d the other two, and took their Arms from them. When they w ­ ere thus disarm’d,837 and found they had made all the Spaniards their Enemies, as well as their own Countrymen, they began to cool, and giving the Spaniards better Words, would have had their Arms again; but the Spaniards considering the Feud that was between them and the other two En­glish Men,838 and that it would be the best Method they could take to keep them from killing * dogg’d one another] ­W hether consciously or not, Defoe may have been drawing upon the Dryden-­Davenant Tempest, in which Ariel manages to keep the several groups on the island separate from each other. †  fleering] ­Either laughing scornfully or assuming a wry or mocking expression. See OED. ‡  Jack Spaniard] Used in this way, “Jack” is a term of contempt applied to a person who is considered to be low-­bred or worthless. Defoe has the protagonist of Col­o­nel Jack use this phrase in a similar manner, and in both cases t­ here is an ele­ment of nationalistic disdain in the attitude of the speaker that is open to some criticism by the reader. ­Here the En­glishman is clearly in the wrong, and Col­o­nel Jack is engaged in an illegal trade. See OED, and Col­o­nel Jack, ed. Samuel Monk (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), 287. §  same Sauce] Be treated in the same way. This is proverbial. See Tilley, 585 (S98). ¶  Pole-­A xe] An ax with a hammer opposite the sharp side, used in the slaughter of ­cattle. ** and had fir’d at him] The 1815 Hydrographer’s edition, which attempts to pre­sent a readable text, corrects this to “and was just ­going to shoot the man who had fired at him” (267).

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one another, told them, they would do them no harm,839 and if they would live peaceably,840 they would be very willing to assist and sociate* with them, as they did before; and being841 that they could not think of giving them their Arms again, while they appear’d so resolv’d842 to do Mischief with them to their own Countrymen, and had even threatned them all843 to make them their Servants. The Rogues ­were now no more capable to hear Reason, than to act Reason, and being refus’d844 their Arms, they went raving away845 and raging like mad Men,846 threatning what they would do, tho’ they had no Fire-­Arms.847 But the Spaniards despising their Threatning, told them they should848 take Care849 how they offer’d any Injury to their Plantation or C ­ attle; for if they did, they would shoot them as they would do ravenous Beasts, wherever they found them,850 and if they fell into their Hands alive, they should certainly be hang’d. However, this was far from cooling them, but away they went raging and swearing like Furies of Hell.† As soon as they w ­ ere gone, came back the two Men in Passion and Rage851 enough also, tho’ of another Kind;852 for having been at their Plantation, and finding it all demolish’d and destroy’d,853 as above, it w ­ ill easily be suppos’d they had Provocation enough; they could scarce have Room854 to tell their Tale, the Spaniards ­were so e­ ager to tell them theirs;855 and it was strange enough to find three Men thus bully nineteen,856 and receive no Punishment at all. The857 Spaniards indeed despised them, and especially having thus disarm’d them, made light of all their Threatnings; but the two En­glish Men858 resolv’d to have their Remedy against them, what Pain859 soever it cost to find them out. But the Spaniards interpos’d860 h ­ ere too, and told them, that as they had disarm’d them, they could not consent that they (the Two) should persue861 them with Fire-­ Arms862 and perhaps kill them; but said the grave Spaniard, who was their Governour,‡ we w ­ ill endeavour to make them do you Justice if you w ­ ill leave it to us,863 for as ­t here is no doubt but they ­w ill come to us again when their Passion is over, being not able to subsist without our Assistance,864 we promise865 you to make no Peace with them, without having a full Satisfaction for you; upon this Condition we hope,866 you ­will promise to use no Vio­lence with them, other than in your own Defence. The two En­glish Men yielded to this very awkardly,867 and with ­g reat reluctance;868 but the Spaniards protected, they did it only to keep them from Blood-­ * sociate] An obsolete form of “associate.” See OED.  Furies of Hell] The Eumenides or Erinyes (Tisiphone, Megaera, Alecto) ­were avenging spirits who ­were particularly active in punishing crimes within a ­family, such as ­t hose of Orestes, guilty of murdering his ­mother, Clytaemnestra, and pursued by the Furies, who, in Aeschylus’s play The Eumenides, function as the chorus. They ­were situated in the underworld as visited by Aeneas, where they ­were depicted as punishing the wicked on their bed. See Dryden’s translation of Virgil’s Aeneid, in The California Edition of the Works of John Dryden, ed. William Frost, Vinton Dearing, et al. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 5:541 (book 6, line 392). ‡  their Governour] This term, formerly applied to Crusoe himself, ­toward the end of The Life ­ ill become the equivalent of an and Strange Surprizing Adventures, is used to establish what w allegorical narrative about the way in which men establish the rules of action and laws among themselves. See the explanation of this term below, 51. †

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shed, and to make all easy at last; for said they, we869 are not so many of us, h ­ ere is 870 Room enough for us all, and it is g­ reat Pity we should not be all good Friends;* at length they did consent,871 and waited for the Issue of the ­thing,872 living for some Days with the Spaniards, for their own Habitation was destroyed.873 In about five Days time the three Vagrants, tyr’d with Wandring,874 and almost starv’d with Hunger, having chiefly liv’d on Turtles Eggs† all that while, came back to the Grove,875 and finding my Spaniard, who, as I have said,876 was the Governour, and two more with him,877 walking by the Side of the Creek;878 they came up in a very submissive ­humble Manner, and begg’d to be receiv’d again into the F ­ amily. The Spaniards used them879 civilly, but told them they had acted so unnaturally by their Country-­men, and so very grosly880 by them (the Spaniards) that they could not come to any Conclusion without consulting the two En­glish Men881 and the rest; but however, they would go to them and discourse about it, and they should882 know in half an Hour. It may be guess’d,883 that they ­were very hard put to it, for884 it seems, as they ­were to wait this half Hour for an Answer,885 they begg’d he886 would send them out some Bread in the mean Time, which he did, and sent them at the same Time a large Piece of Goats Flesh, and a broil’d887 Parrot, which they eat very heartily, for they w ­ ere hungry enough. ­After half an Hour’s Consultation they w ­ ere call’d in, and a long Debate had among them, their two Countrymen888 charging them with the Ruin of all their ­Labour, and a Design to murther889 them; all which they own’d before, and therefore could not deny now; upon890 the w ­ hole, the Spaniard acted the Moderator between them, and as they had oblig’d891 the two En­glish Men892 not to hurt the three while they ­were naked and unarm’d, so they now oblig’d the three to go and build893 their Fellows two Huts, one of the same, and the other of larger Dimensions,894 than they w ­ ere before; to fence their Ground again where they had pull’d895 up the Fences, plant Trees in the Room of ­those pull’d896 up, dig up the Land again for planting Corn, where they had spoil’d it; and in a word,897 to restore ­every ­thing in the same State as they898 found it, as near as they could, for entirely it could not be, the Season for the Corn, and the Growth of the Trees, and Hedges, not being pos­si­ble to be recover’d.899 Well, they submitted to all this, and as they had Plenty 900 of Provisions given them all the while, they grew very orderly, and the ­whole Society began to live pleasantly and agreeably together,901 only that ­t hese three Fellows could never be persuaded to work,902 I mean for themselves, except now and then a ­little, just as they pleased, however,903 the Spaniards told them plainly, that if they would but live sociably and friendly together, and study 904 in the ­whole the Good of the Plantation, they would be content to work for them, and let them walk about and be as * good Friends] This ideal follows the pattern of Locke’s Two Treatises on Civil Government (ed. Peter Laslett [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960], 289–291), in which a relatively peaceful society precedes the formal establishment of government. †  Turtles Eggs] A regular part of the diet of castaways in the Ca­rib­bean. See, for example, Henry Pitman, A Relation of the ­Great Sufferings and Strange Adventures of Henry Pitman (1689), in An En­glish Garner, 12 vols., ed. Edward Arber (London: Constable, 1909), 2:431–476.

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idle as they pleas’d; and thus having liv’d905 pretty well together for a Month or two, the Spaniards gave them Arms again, and gave906 them Liberty to go abroad with them as before. It was not above a Week a­ fter they had ­t hese Arms,907 and went abroad, but the ungrateful Creatures began to be as Insolent and Troublesome908 as before; but however, an Accident happening presently upon this, which endanger’d the Safety of them all, they w ­ ere oblig’d909 to lay by all private Resentments, and look to the Preservation of their Lives.* It happen’d one Night, that the Spaniard Governour,910 as I call him, that is to say, the Spaniard, whose Life I had sav’d,911 who was now the Captain, or Leader, or Governour912 of the rest, found himself very uneasy in the Night, and could by no Means get any Sleep; he913 was perfectly well in Body, as he told me the Story, only found his Thoughts tumultuous,914 his Mind run upon Men fighting, and killing of one915 another, but was broad awake, and could not by any Means get any Sleep; in short,916 he lay a g­ reat while, but growing more and more uneasy, he resolv’d917 to rise: As they lay, being so many of them, upon Goats-­skins,918 laid thick upon such Couches and Pads, as they made for themselves, not in Hammocks919 and Ship-­beds, as I did, who was but one, so they had ­little to do, when they w ­ ere willing to rise, but to get up upon their Feet, and920 perhaps put on a Coat, such as it was, and their Pumps,† and they w ­ ere ready for g­ oing any Way that their Thoughts guided them. Being921 thus gotten up, he look’d out, but being dark, he could see l­ ittle or nothing, and besides922 the Trees which I had planted, as in my former Account is described, and which w ­ ere now grown tall923 intercepted his Sight, so that he could only look up, and see that it was a clear Star-­light Night, and hearing no Noise, he return’d924 and laid him down again; but it was all one, he could not sleep, nor could he compose himself to any t­ hing925 like Rest, but his Thoughts w ­ ere to the last Degree uneasy, and yet he knew not for what. Having made some Noise with rising,926 and walking about, g­ oing out and coming in, another of them wak’d, and calling, ask’d, who927 it was that was up? The Governour told him, how it had been with him.928 Say you so, says the other Spaniard, such ­Things929 are not to be slighted, I assure you; ­there is certainly some Mischief working, says he, near us,930 and presently he ask’d him, where are the En­glish Men?931 They are all in their Huts, says he, safe enough. It seems, the Spaniards had kept Possession932 of the main Apartment, and had made a Place,933 where the three En­glish Men,934 since their last Mutiny always quarter’d935 by themselves, and could not come at the rest. Well, says the Spaniard, t­ here is something in it, I am persuaded from my own Experience; I am satisfied936 our Spirits embodied,937 have a Converse with, and receive Intelligence from the Spirits unembodied938 and * Preservation of their Lives] See John Locke, Two Treatises, 292–298, for a discussion of the ways in which men living in a state of nature act from the commands of self-­preservation. †  Pumps] As in t­oday’s usage, shoes that fit tightly enough on the foot without the need of laces. Phillips’s New World of Words, sig. Kkkk1v, describes them as without heels. See OED.

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inhabiting the invisible World,* and this friendly Notice is given for our Advantage, if we know how to make use of it. Come, says he,939 let us go out and look abroad, and if we find nothing at all in it to justify the Trou­ble, I’ll940 tell you a Story to the Purpose, that ­shall convince you of the Justice of my proposing it. In a word, they went out to go up to the top of the Hill, where I us’d941 to go,942 but they being strong and in good Com­pany, not alone, as I was, us’d943 none of my Cautions, to go up by the Ladder, and then pulling it up ­after them, to go up a second Stage to the Top, but ­were ­going round thro’ the Grove unconcern’d and unwary, when they w ­ ere surpriz’d944 with seeing a Light, as of Fire,945 a very l­ ittle Way off from them, and hearing the Voices of Men, not of one, or two, but of a ­great Number. In946 all the Discoveries I had made of the Savages landing on the Island, it was my constant Care to prevent them making the least Discovery † of t­ here being any Inhabitant upon the Place; and when by any Occasion947 they came to know it, they felt it so effectually, that they that got away, w ­ ere scarce able to give any Account of it, for we dis­appear’d948 as soon as pos­si­ble,949 nor did ever any that had seen me, escape to tell any one ­else, except it was950 the three Savages‡ in our last Encounter, who jump’d into the Boat, of whom I mention’d,951 that I was afraid they should go Home and bring more Help. W ­ hether952 it was the Consequence of the Escape of t­ hose Men, that so g­ reat a Number came now together,953 or w ­ hether they came Ignorantly and by Accident on their usual bloody Errand, they 954 could not it seems understand;§ but what­ ever it was, it had been their Business, ­either to have concealed themselves, as not to have seen them at all,955 much less to have let the Savages have seen that ­t here ­were any Inhabitants in the Place, or956 to have fallen upon them so effectually, as that not a Man of them should have escap’d, which could only have been957 by getting in between them and their Boats; but this Presence of Mind was wanting to them, which was the Ruin of their Tranquillity for a ­great while.958 * Spirits embodied . . . ​invisible World] Defoe would expand upon this notion of ­humans surrounded by a “World” of invisible spirits in his Serious Reflections of Robinson Crusoe (1720). To some extent, John Locke’s doubts about how much we can actually know about a world beyond our thoughts and sensations opened up the possibility of an “Invisible” world that contained spirits. According to this theory, what might be called intuitions or inexplicable urges might actually be messages from this spirit world. Many contemporaries held similar beliefs. †  least Discovery] In The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 127–138, a­ fter discovering the footprint in the sand and recognizing that cannibals ­were indeed occasional visitors to his island, Crusoe changes the places of the enclosures in which he kept his goats and tries to conceal his presence. ‡  three Savages] See The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 202. In addition to the three cannibals who escaped in a boat, they also had a wounded companion. Crusoe had hoped that all had perished in the severe storm that followed quickly upon their taking flight from the island. §  they could not it seems understand] The previous “they” (line 28) refers to the cannibals. This “they” refers to the Eu­ro­pean settlers.

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We959 need not doubt, but that the Governour and the Man with him, surpriz’d with this Sight run back immediately,960 and rais’d their Fellows, giving them an Account of the imminent961 Danger they ­were all in; and they again as readily took the Alarm, but it was impossible to persuade962 them to stay close within where they ­were, but that they must run all out to see how ­t hings stood.963 While964 it was dark indeed, they w ­ ere well enough, and they had Opportunity enough for some Hours to view them by the Light of three Fires they had made at a Distance from one another;965 what they ­were ­doing they knew not, and what to do themselves they knew not. For,966 first, the ­Enemy ­were967 too many; and secondly, they did not keep together, but ­were divided into several Parties, and ­were on Shore in several Places. The Spaniards ­were in no small Consternation at this Sight,968 and as they found that the Fellows ran straggling all over the Shore, they made no doubt,969 but first or last, some of them would chop in upon their Habitation, or upon some other Place, where they would see the Token970 of Inhabitants, and they ­were in g­ reat Perplexity 971 also for fear of their Flock of Goats, which would have been ­little less than starving them, if they should have been destroy’d; so the first Th ­ ing972 they resolv’d upon, was to dispatch three Men away before it was Light, (viz.)973 two Spaniards and one En­glish Man, to drive all the Goats away to the ­g reat Valley where the Cave was, and if Need w ­ ere,974 to drive them into the very Cave itself.975 Could they have seen the Savages altogether976 in one Body, and at any Distance from their Canoes, they resolv’d, if they had been an Hundred977 of them, to have attack’d them; but that could not be obtain’d, for they ­were some of them two Miles off from the other, and,978 as it appear’d afterwards, w ­ ere of two dif­fer­ent Nations. A ­ fter979 having mused a ­great while on the Course they should take, and beaten their Brains in considering their pre­sent Circumstances,980 they resolv’d at last, while it was dark,981 to send the old Savage, Friday’s ­Father,982 out as a Spy, to learn,983 if pos­si­ble, something concerning them, what984 they came for, and what they intended to do; the old985 Man readily undertook it, and stripping himself quite Naked,986 as most of the Savages w ­ ere, away he went; a­ fter987 he had been gone an 988 Hour or two, he brings word, that he had been among them undiscover’d, that he found they ­were two Parties, and of two several Nations who had War with one another, and had had a ­great ­Battle in their own Country, and that both Sides having had several Prisoners989 taken in the Fight, they ­were by meer Chance landed all in the same Island, for the devouring their Prisoners, and making Merry;990 but their coming so by Chance to the same Place had spoil’d all their Mirth; that they ­were in a g­ reat Rage,991 at one another, and that they w ­ ere so near, that he believed they would 992 fight again as soon as Day-­light began to appear,993 but he did not perceive that they had any Notion of any Body’s994 being on the Island but themselves. He had hardly made an End of telling his Story, when they could perceive995 by the unusual Noise they made, that the two l­ ittle Armies ­were engag’d996 in a bloody Fight. Friday’s ­Father used all the Arguments he could to persuade997 our ­People to lie close, and not be998 seen; he told them their Safety consisted in it, and that they

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had nothing to do but lie999 still, and the Savages would kill one another to their Hands, and then1000 the rest would go away; and it was so to a tittle.1001* But it was impossible to prevail, especially upon the En­glish Men,1002 their Curiosity was so importunate upon their Prudentials,† that they must run out and see the ­Battle: However, they used some Caution too,1003 (viz.)1004 they did not go openly, just by their own Dwelling, but went farther into the Woods, and1005 plac’d themselves to Advantage, where they might securely see them manage the Fight, and, as they thought, not to be seen by them,1006 but it seems the Savages did see them, as we ­shall find hereafter.1007 The B ­ attle was very fierce, and if I might believe the En­glish Men,1008 one of them said, he could perceive, that some of them ­were Men of ­great Bravery, of invincible Spirits, and of ­great Policy in guiding the Fight.‡ The ­Battle, they said, held two Hours, before they could guess which Party would be beaten; but then that Party which was nearest our P ­ eoples Habitation,1009 began to appear weakest, and a­ fter some Time more, some of them began to fly; and this put our Men again into a ­great Consternation, least any of t­ hose that fled should run into the Grove1010 before their Dwelling, for shelter,1011 and thereby involuntarily discover the Place; and that by Consequence the Pursuers should do the like in search1012 for them. Upon this they resolv’d that they would stand arm’d1013 within the Wall, and whoever came into the Grove, they should sally out over the Wall and kill them; so that 1014 if pos­ si­ble, not one should return to give an Account of it; they ordered1015 also, that it should be done with their Swords, or by knocking them down with the Stock of the Musket, but not1016 by shooting them, for fear of the Noise.1017 As1018 they expected, it fell out; three of the routed Army fled for Life, and, crossing1019 the Creek, ran directly into the Place, not in the least knowing ­whether they went, but ­running as into a thick Wood for shelter;1020 the Scout they kept to look abroad,1021 gave Notice of this within, with this Addition, to our Mens ­great Satisfaction1022 (viz.) That the Conquerors had not pursued them, or seen which Way they ­were gone; upon this, the Spaniard Governour,1023 a Man of Humanity, would not suffer them to kill the three Fugitives,1024 but sending three Men out by the Top of the Hill, ordred them to go round and come in ­behind them, surprize1025 and take them1026 Prisoners, which was done; the residue1027 of the conquer’d ­People fled to their Canoes, and got off to Sea; the Victors retir’d, made no Pursuit1028 or very l­ ittle, but drawing themselves into a Body together, gave two ­great skreaming Shouts, which they supposed was by way1029 of Triumph, and so the Fight ended: And the same Day, about three a Clock in the After­noon, they also march’d to their * to a tittle] “With minute exactness.” OED. †  Prudentials] Sense of prudence. See OED, which rec­ords two other occasions in which Defoe used this word. ‡  ­great Policy in guiding the Fight] For a discussion of the native’s cleverness in fighting, see Rochefort, History of the Caribby-­Islands, 323, where he discusses how, in their attack upon the natives of Grenada, the French ­were surprised by the intelligence of the vari­ous maneuvers and devices used to impede their pro­gress.

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Canoes,1030 and thus the Spaniards had their Island again f­ ree to themselves, their Fright was over, and they saw no Savages in several Years a­ fter. A ­ fter1031 they ­were all gone, the Spaniards came out of their Den, and viewing the Field of B ­ attle, they found about two and thirty dead Men upon the Spot; some w ­ ere kill’d1032 with ­great long Arrows, some of which ­were found sticking in their Bodies; but most of them w ­ ere killed1033 with their ­great Wooden1034 Swords,* sixteen or seventeen of which they found in the Field of B ­ attle; and as many Bows, with a ­great many Arrows:1035 Th ­ ese Swords ­were strange ­great unweildy1036 Th ­ ings, and they must be very strong Men that us’d them: Most of ­t hose Men that ­were kill’d1037 with them, had their Heads mash’d to pieces, as we may say, or as1038 we call it in En­glish, their Brains knock’d out, and several their Arms and Legs broken; so that it’s evident they fight with inexpressible Rage and Fury. We1039 found not one wounded Man that was not stone dead;1040 for e­ ither they stay by their ­Enemy till they have quite1041 kill’d him, or they carry all the wounded Men, that are not quite dead, away with them. This Deliverance tam’d our En­glish Men1042 for a g­ reat while; the Sight had fill’d them with Horror, and the Consequences appear’d terrible to the last Degree, even to them, if ever they should fall into the Hands of ­t hose Creatures, who would not only kill them as Enemies, but kill them for Food, as we kill our ­Cattle. And they profess’d to me, that the Thoughts of being eaten up† like Beef or Mutton, tho’ it was suppos’d it was not to be till they w ­ ere dead, had something in it so horrible, that it nauseated their very Stomachs, made them sick when they thought of it, and fill’d their Minds with such1043 unusual Terror, that they ­were not themselves for some Weeks ­after. This, as I said, tam’d even the three En­glish Brutes1044 I have been speaking of; and for a ­great while ­after1045 they ­were very tractable, and went about the common Business of their ­whole Society well enough;1046 planted, sow’d, reap’d, and began to be all naturaliz’d‡ to the Country.1047 But sometime ­after this, they fell all into such Mea­sures which1048 brought them into a ­great deal of Trou­ble. They had taken three Prisoners, as I had observ’d,1049 and ­these three being lusty stout young Fellows, they made them Servants, and taught them to work for them, and as Slaves1050§ they did well enough; but they did not take their Mea­sures with * ­great Wooden Swords] See Rochefort, 319: “They have also ­every one of them that wooden sword which they call Boutous, or to say better, that massy Club which they use instead of a sword, and wherewith they do miracles in point of fencing.” Rochefort tends to see the Caribs and their warfare in the comparative terms of Eu­ro­pean manners and history. †  eaten up] Throughout The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, Crusoe is ruled by the fear of being devoured, engulfed by the ocean, or buried alive by the collapse of his cave. For speculation on this see the relevant notes to the volume in this edition. ‡  naturaliz’d] Behaved and felt as if they ­were entirely part of the colony. Phillips’s New World of Words (1720) does not rec­ord this meaning, and the OED rec­ords only one ­earlier usage in 1646. §  Servants . . . ​Slaves] Defoe seems to have been unwilling to accept slavery as a brutalizing force by which ­humans w ­ ere treated merely as producers of ­labor. In the second volume of

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them as I did by my Man Friday, (viz.)1051 to begin with them upon the Princi­ple of having sav’d1052 their Lives,* and then instruct them in the rational Princi­ples of Life,† much less of Religion, civilizing and reducing‡ them by kind Usage1053 and affectionate Arguings; but as they gave them their Food ­every Day, so they gave them their Work too, and kept them fully employ’d 1054 in Drudgery enough;§ but they fail’d in this, by it, that they never had them to assist them1055 and fight for them, as I had my Man Friday, who was as true to me as the very Flesh upon my Bones.¶ But to come to the F ­ amily Part, being all now good Friends,1056 for common Danger,** as I said above, had effectually reconcil’d1057 them, they began to consider their general Circumstances; and the first Th ­ ing that came u ­ nder their Consideration was, W ­ hether, seeing the Savages particularly haunted that Side of the Island, and that t­ here ­were more remote and retir’d Parts of it equally adapted to their Way of Living, and manifestly to their Advantage, they should not rather remove their Habitation, and plant in some more proper Place for their Security, and especially for the Security1058 of their ­Cattle and Corn? Upon this, ­after long Debate, it was concluded,1059 That they would not remove their Habitation; ­because,1060 that some Time or other, they thought they might hear from their Governour1061 again, meaning me; and if I should send any one to seek them, I should be to sure direct them to that Side, where, if they should find the Place demolish’d,1062 they would conclude the Savages had kill’d us all, and we ­were gone, and so our Supply1063 would go too.1064 The F ­ amily Instructor (1718), he criticized the manner in which ­t hose on Barbados mistreated their slaves, and in that work, a young black boy converts to Chris­tian­ity and becomes an example for the f­amily. He eventually becomes a f­ree man. At a time when servants w ­ ere considered part of the extended ­family, Defoe preferred to think that natives of Africa or Amer­i­ca, if captured or bought as slaves, should eventually be given that status. * Princi­ple . . . ​Lives] That is, the princi­ple of gratitude, that Defoe believed to be inherent in all men. See Novak, Defoe and the Nature of Man, 113–128. †  rational Princi­ples of Life] Friday’s f­ ather remains a pagan, but he is an example of a native, who, acting on princi­ples of gratitude and the laws of nature (roughly equivalent to the laws of reason), might achieve a degree of that “civilizing” of which Defoe thought all h ­ umans capable. ‡  reducing] Bringing to a par­tic­u ­lar belief or opinion. The OED lists twenty-­six pos­si­ble meanings for the verb “reduce,” but this one appears to come closest to Defoe’s meaning ­here. §  Drudgery enough] ­Here Defoe seems to identify this method of slavery with that which the Spanish colonists employed in the New World and which resulted in the destruction of so many of the native population. In The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, Crusoe restrains his anger against the cannibals by contemplating the savagery of the Spanish and its universal condemnation throughout Eu­rope, as “a meer Butchery, a bloody and unnatural Piece of Cruelty, unjustifiable ­either to God or Man; and such, as for which the very Name of a Spaniard is reckon’d to be frightful and terrible to all P ­ eople of Humanity” (203). ¶  true . . . ​Bones] A biblical echo. When the Tribes of Israel came before David to swear their loyalty to him, the w ­ ere reported as saying, “Behold we are thy bone and thy flesh.” See 2 Samuel 5:1 and 1 Chronicles 11:1. ** common Danger] As a general princi­ple, Defoe believed that a sense of national unity usually came with the threat of some outside force.

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But1065 as to their Corn and ­Cattle, they agreed to remove them into the Valley where my Cave was, where the Land was as proper for both,1066 and where indeed ­t here was Land enough: However, upon second Thought,1067 they alter’d one Part of that Resolution too, and resolv’d1068 only to remove Part of their C ­ attle1069 thither, and plant Part of their Corn ­there; and so if one Part was destroy’d, the other might be sav’d:1070 And one Part of Prudence they used, which it was very well they did, viz. That they never trusted t­ hose three Savages, which they had Prisoners,1071 with knowing any Th ­ ing1072 of the Plantation they had made in that Valley, or of any ­Cattle they had t­ here; much less of the Cave t­ here, which they kept1073 in Case of Necessity, as a safe Retreat, and whither they carry’d1074 also the two Barrels of Powder, which I had sent them at my coming1075 away. But however they resolv’d1076 not to change their Habitation, yet they agreed, that as I had carefully cover’d1077 it first with a Wall or Fortification, and then with a Grove of Trees; so, seeing1078 their Safety consisted entirely in their being conceal’d;1079 of which they ­were now fully convinc’d, they set to Work to cover and conceal the Place1080 yet more effectually than before; to this Purpose, as I had planted Trees, or rather thrust in Stakes, which in Time all grew up to be Trees1081 for some good Distance before the Entrance into my Apartment;1082 they went on in the same Manner, and fill’d up the rest of that w ­ hole Space of Ground1083 from the Trees I had set, quite down to the Side of the Creek;1084 where, as I said, I landed my Floats, and even into the very Ouze1085* where the Tide flow’d, not so much as leaving any Place to land, or any Sign that t­ here had been any landing thereabout: ­These Stakes also1086 being of a Wood very forward to grow, as I have noted formerly, they took Care to have generally very much larger and taller than t­ hose which I had planted; and as they grew apace, so they planted them so very thick and close together,1087 that when they had been three or four Years grown, ­t here was no piercing with the Eye any considerable Way into the Plantation: And as1088 for that Part which I had planted, the Trees w ­ ere grown as thick as a Man’s Thigh; and among them they placed so many other short ones, and so thick, that, in a Word, it stood like a Pallisado,† a quarter1089 of a Mile thick, and it was next to Impossible1090 to penetrate it, but with a l­ittle Army to cut it all down; for a l­ittle Dog could hardly get between the Trees, they stood so close. But this was not all;1091 for they did the same by all the Ground to the Right-­ hand, and to the Left, and round even to the Top of the Hill;1092 leaving no Way, not so much as for themselves to come out, but by the Ladder placed up to the Side of the Hill, and then lifted up, and placed again from the first Stage up1093 to the * Ouze] A variant form of “ooze.” The OED defines it as “wet mud or slime; esp. that in the bed of a river or estuary.” †  Pallisado] The OED lists “palisado” as an obsolete and archaic equivalent to “palisade.” In the second section of The Gentleman’s Dictionary, devoted to “Military Affairs,” palisades are treated as a regular part of con­temporary military fortification. The individual tree trunks are described as being “generally 8 foot long, and 6 or 7 inches square; the one end is pointed, and the other is let 3 foot perpendicularly into the Ground” (pt. 2, sig. Ff). They ­were planted so closely that ­t here would be just enough room to put a gun through the palisade for defense.

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Top; which Ladder, when it was taken down1094 nothing but what had Wings or Witchcraft to assist it, could come at them. This was excellently well contriv’d; nor1095 was it less than what they afterwards found Occasion for, which serv’d to convince me, that as h ­ uman Prudence has the1096 Authority of Providence* to justify it, so it has doubtless1097 the Direction of Providence to set it to Work; and would we listen carefully to the Voice of it,† I am fully persuaded1098 we might prevent many of the Disasters, which our Lives are now, by our own Negligence, subjected to:1099 But this by the Way. I return to the Story. They liv’d1100 two Years a­ fter this in perfect Retirement, and had no more Visits from the Savages: They had indeed1101 an Alarm given them one Morning,1102 which put them into a g­ reat Consternation; for some of the Spaniards being out early one Morning on the West Side, or rather the End of the Island, which by the Way1103 was that End where I never went, for Fear of being discover’d,1104 they w ­ ere surpriz’d with seeing above twenty Canoes of Indians1105‡ just coming on Shore. They made the best of their Way Home in Hurry enough;1106 and, giving the Alarm to their Comrades, they kept close all that Day;1107 and the next, g­ oing out only at Night, to make Observation:1108 But they had the good Luck to be mistaken; for, where-­ever1109 the Savages went, they did not land at that1110 Time on the Island, but pursued some other Design. And now they had another Broil with the three En­glish Men;1111 one of which, a most turbulent Fellow, being in a Rage at one of the three Slaves, which I mention’d1112 they had taken, b ­ ecause the Fellow had not done some Th ­ ing right which he bid him do, and seem’d1113 a l­ittle untractable in his showing him, drew a Hatchet out of a Frog-­Belt1114§ in which he wore1115 it by his Side, and fell upon the poor Savage, not to correct him, but to kill him.1116 One of the Spaniards, who was * ­human Prudence . . . ​Providence] In Proverbs, prudence is equated with wisdom and the expression of God’s w ­ ill. And, as Matthew Poole argued, wisdom is to be understood as “that attribute or perfection of the divine nature . . . ​whereby God perfectly knoweth all ­things and maketh known to men what he judgeth necessary or expedient for them to know.” Thus in Proverbs 22:3, “A prudent man forseeth the evil and hideth himself; but the ­simple pass on and are punished,” prudence is viewed as seemingly part of God’s plan. For con­temporary commentary on relevant passages in Proverbs, see Poole, Annotations on the Holy Bible, 2 vols. (London, 1700), 1:5M, 1:5Nav, 1:4O2v. †  Voice of it] Although Defoe believed that a h ­ uman being might be capable of self-­deception, he argued that, on some level, ­t here is always an awareness of such imposture. Defoe had a firm belief that the “Voice” of Providence was always in the mind, guiding h ­ uman beings, but h ­ uman corruption often led to a wrong choice. Although he accepted a world governed by natu­ral ­causes, nowhere does he suggest some equivalence to a natu­ral “moral sense” that would guide the individual to make a proper choice, as suggested by Anthony Cooper, Third Earl of Shaftesbury, and o ­ thers. For his most complete attack upon Shaftesbury and his followers, see Defoe, Mere Nature Delineated (London, 1726), 44, 54–68. ‡  Indians] The general term for native p ­ eoples. For example, William Dampier refers to natives of the Philippines as “Indians.” See Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World (New York: Dover, 1968), 208. §  Frog-­Belt] An attachment to a waist ­belt for the purpose of carry­ing a sword or, as ­here, a hatchet. The OED cites this as a combined form.

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by, seeing him give the Fellow a barbarous Cut with the Hatchet, which he aim’d1117 at his Head, but struck into his Shoulder,1118 so that he thought he had cut the poor Creature’s Arm off, run to him, and entreating him not to murther1119* the poor Man, clapt in between him and the Savage, to prevent the Mischief. The Fellow being enrag’d1120 the more at this, struck at the Spaniard with his Hatchet, and swore he would serve him as he intended to serve the Savage; which the Spaniard perceiving, avoided the Blow;1121 and with a Shovel which he had in his Hand, for they ­were all working in the Field about their Corn-­Land,1122 knock’d the Brute down:1123 Another of the En­glish Men1124 r­ unning at the same Time to help his Comrade, knock’d the Spaniard down; and then two Spaniards more came in to help their Man, and a third En­glish Man1125 fell in upon them.1126 They had none of them any Fire Arms, or any1127 other Weapons but Hatchets and other Tools, except this third En­glish Man; he had one of my old rusty Cutlashes,1128† with which he made at the two last Spaniards, and wounded them both:1129 This Fray set the ­whole ­Family ‡ in an Uproar, and more Help coming in, they took the three En­glish Men1130 Prisoners.The next Question was, What should be done with them,1131 they had been so often mutinous, and ­were so furious, so desperate, and so idle withal, that they knew not what Course to take with them; for they w ­ ere mischievous to the highest1132 Degree, and valued not what Hurt they did to1133 any Man; so that, in short, it was not safe to live with them. The Spaniard, who was Governour,1134 told them in so many Words, That if they had been of his own Country, he would have hang’d them; for1135 all Laws and all Governours ­were to preserve Society;§ and t­ hose who w ­ ere dangerous to the Society, o ­ ught to be1136 expell’d out of it; but as they w ­ ere1137 En­glish Men,1138 and that it was to the generous Kindness of an1139 En­glish Man that they all ow’d their Preservation1140 and1141 Deliverance, he would use them with all pos­si­ble Lenity, and would leave them to the Judgment of the other two1142 En­glish Men,1143 who w ­ ere their Countrymen.1144 One of the two honest En­glish Men1145 stood up, and said, they1146 desir’d it might not be left to them; for, says he, I am sure we ­ought to sentence them to the1147 Gallows; and with that he gives an Account how ­Will.1148 Atkins, one of the three, had

* not to murther] Defoe’s audience, raised on notions of Spanish cruelty ­toward the natives of Amer­i­ca, would have found considerable irony in this depiction of ethical Spaniards and cruel En­glishmen. See above, the note to 38. †  Cutlashes] Variant of the singular “cutlass.” Derived from the French, couteau, this word has sometimes been transformed with descriptive additions suggestive of its fearsome reputation as a weapon, such as “cuttles ax” or, as ­here, “Cutlashes.” See OED. ‡  ­Family] Since the En­glishmen live with the Spaniards as part of a community, Defoe treats them as a single “House­hold” (Phillips, New World of Words, sig. Ll4v) or social unit. Although Locke prefers the word “Community,” he does occasionally use “­Family” in the manner of Defoe ­here. See Two Treatises, 351 (2:96–99). §  all Laws . . . ​Society] The Spanish “Governour” takes a Lockean view of the social contract in which a loose form of society exists previous to the establishing of a specific set of laws. See Two Treatises, 296–300 (2:19–20), 342–343 (2:88), 359 (2:110). See also Defoe on the obligation of self-­defense, Jure Divino (London, 1706), bk. 3, pp. 16–17.

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proposed to have all the five En­glish Men1149 join together, and murther all the Spaniards1150 when they ­were in their Sleep. When the Spanish Governour heard this, he calls to William Atkins, How,1151 Seignior Atkins, says he, would you murther1152 us all? What have you to say to that? That hardened1153 Villain was so far from denying it, that he said it was true, and G—­d d—­m* him they would do it still1154 before they had done with them. Well, but Seignior Atkins, says1155 the Spaniard, What have we done to you,1156 that you ­will kill us? And what would you get by killing us? And what must we do to prevent1157 you1158 killing us? Must we kill you, or you ­will kill us? Why ­w ill you put us to the Necessity of this, Seignior Atkins, says1159 the Spaniard very calmly and smiling?1160 Seignior1161 Atkins was in such a Rage at the Spaniard’s making a Jest of it, that had1162 he not been held by three Men, and withal had no Weapons near1163 him, it was thought he would have attempted to have kill’d the Spaniard in the ­Middle1164 of all the Com­pany. This hair-­brain’d† Carriage‡ oblig’d1165 them to consider seriously what was to be done; the two En­glish Men and the Spaniard who1166 sav’d the poor Savage, was of the Opinion, they should hang one1167 of the three for an Example to the rest, and that,1168 particularly,1169 it should be he that had twice attempted to commit1170 Murther with his Hatchet;1171 and indeed t­ here was some Reason to believe he had done it, for the poor Savage1172 was in such a miserable Condition, with the Wound he had receiv’d, that it1173 was thought he1174 could not live. But the Governor Spaniard still said No, it was an En­glish Man1175 that had sav’d all their Lives, and he would never consent to put an1176 En­glish Man1177 to Death, tho’ he had1178 murther’d half of them, nay, he said, if he had been kill’d himself by an1179 En­glish Man, and had time left to1180 speak, it should be, that they should ­pardon him.1181 This was so positively insisted on by the Governor Spaniard,1182 that ­t here was no gain-­saying§ it; and as merciful councils1183 are most apt to prevail where they are so earnestly press’d, so they all came into it; but then it was to be consider’d,1184 what should be do ne to keep them from ­doing the Mischief they design’d; for all agreed, Governor1185 and all, that Means ­were to be used for preserving the Society from Danger; ­after a long Debate it1186 was agreed, First, That they should be disarm’d,1187 and not permitted to have ­either Gun, or1188 Powder,1189 or Shot, or Sword, or any Weapon, and should be1190 turn’d1191 out of the Society, and left to live where they would, and how they would, by themselves; but that none of the * G—­d d—­m] God damn. Although Defoe attacked swearing as both foolish and blasphemous, he insisted on rendering the speech of characters realistically. Hence the use of dashes as a compromise. See the note to 46. †  hair-­brain’d] Properly “hare-­brained,” or “having no more brains or sense than a hare . . . ​ heedless, reckless, rash, wild, mad,” as the OED defines it. The OED rec­ords this variant spelling. ‡  Carriage] Way of behaving t­ oward ­others. The OED lists this usage as archaic. §  gain-­saying] Usually without a hyphen as “gainsaying,” or opposing.

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rest, ­either1192 Spaniards or En­glish,1193 should converse with them, speak with them, or have any ­t hing1194 to do with them; that they should be forbid to come within a certain Distance of the Place where the rest1195 dwelt, and1196 if they offer’d1197 to commit any1198 Disorder, so as to spoil, burn, kill, or destroy any of the Corn, Plantings, Buildings, Fences, or ­Cattle belonging to the Society,1199 they should dye without Mercy, and they would shoot them1200 wherever1201 they could find them. The Governor, a Man of g­ reat Humanity,1202 musing upon the Sentence, consider’d a l­ ittle upon it, and turning to the two honest En­glish Men1203 said, Hold, you must reflect, that it ­will be long1204 e’er* they can raise Corn and ­Cattle of their own,1205 and they must not starve:1206 We must therefore allow them1207 Provisions, so he caused1208 to be added, That they should have a Proportion of Corn given them to last them eight Months, and for Seed to sow, by which Time they might be suppos’d to1209 raise1210 some of their own; that they should have six1211 Milch-­ Goats,1212 four He-­Goats, and six Kids given them, as well for pre­sent Subsistence, as for a Store; and that they should have Tools given them for their Work in the Fields; such as, six Hatchets, an1213 Axe,1214 a Saw, and the like: But they should have none of ­t hese1215 Tools, or Provisions, ­unless they would swear solemnly, that1216 they would not hurt or injure any of the Spaniards with them, or of their Fellow En­glish Men.1217 Thus they dismiss’d them1218 the Society, and turn’d them out to shift for themselves. They went away sullen and refractory, as neither contented to go away, or to stay; but, as t­ here was no Remedy, they went, pretending, to go and choose a Place where they would ­settle themselves1219 to plant and live by themselves, and some Provision1220 ­were given them, but no Weapons. About1221 four or five Days a­ fter, they came again for some Victuals, stand gave the Governour1222 an Account where they had pitch’d their Tents, and mark’d themselves out a Habitation and Planation;1223 and it was a very con­ve­nient Place indeed, on the remotest Part of the Island, N. E. much about the Place where I landed 1224 in my first Voyage, when I was driven out to Sea, the Lord knows w ­ hether,1225 in my Attempt to surround the Island. H ­ ere1226 they built themselves two handsome Huts, and contriv’d them, in a1227 Manner, like my first Habitation, being close ­under the Side of a Hill, having some Trees growing already on three Sides of it, so that by planting o ­ thers, it would be very easily cover’d from the Sight, u ­ nless narrowly search’d for; they desir’d some dryed Goats-­Skins1228 for Beds and Covering, which ­were given them, and upon1229 giving their Words, that they would not disturb the rest, or injure any of their Plantations, they gave them Hatchets,1230 and what other Tools they could spare; some Peas, Barley, and Rice, for sowing; and, in a Word, any t­ hing1231 they wanted, but Arms and Ammunition. They liv’d in this separate1232 Condition about six Months, and had gotten in their first Harvest, tho’ the Quantity1233 was but small, the Parcel of Land they had planted being but l­ ittle; for indeed, having all their Plantation to form, they had a * e’er] Ere or before. This is now archaic or poetic.

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g­ reat deal of Work upon their Hands; and1234 when they came to make Boards,1235 and Pots, and such Th ­ ings, they w ­ ere quite out of their Ele­ment, and could make nothing of it; and when the rainy Season came on, for want of a Cave in the Earth, they could not keep their Grain dry, and it was in g­ reat Danger of spoiling:1236 And this humbled them much; so they came and begg’d the Spaniards to help them, which they very readily did,1237 and in four Days work’d a ­great Hole in the Side of the Hill for them, big enough to secure their Corn, and other ­Th ings from the Rain,1238 but it was but a poor Place, at best, compar’d to mine; and especially,1239 as mine was then, for the Spaniards had greatly enlarg’d1240 it, and made several new Apartments in it. About three Quarters1241 of a Year ­after this Separation, a new Frolick took t­ hese Rogues, which together with the former Villany1242 they had committed, brought Mischief enough upon them, and had very near been the Ruin of the ­whole Colony: The three new Sociates* began it seems1243 to be weary of the laborious Life they led, and that without Hope of bettering their Circumstances; and a Whim took them, that they would make a Voyage to the Continent from whence the Savages came, and would try if they could not seize upon some Prisoners among the Natives t­ here, and bring them Home,1244 so to make them do the laborious Part of their Work for them. The Proj­ect was not so preposterous, if they had gone no further;1245 but they did nothing, and proposed1246 nothing, but had e­ ither Mischief in the Design, or Mischief in the Event: And if I may give my Opinion, they seem’d to be u ­ nder a Blast from Heaven;† for if we ­will not allow a vis­i­ble Curse to pursue vis­i­ble Crimes, how ­shall we reconcile the Events of ­Things, with the Divine Justice?1247‡ It was certainly an apparent Vengeance on their Crime of Mutiny and Piracy, that brought them1248 to the State they w ­ ere in; and as they shew’d not the least Remorse for the Crime, but added new Villanies to it, such as, particularly, the1249 Piece of monstrous Cruelty,1250 of wounding a poor Slave, b ­ ecause he did not, or perhaps could not, understand to do what he was directed; and to wound him in such a Manner, as, no Question, made him a Cripple all his Life; and in a Place where no Surgeon or Medicine could be had for his Cure; and what was still worse, the murderous Intent or,1251 to do Justice to the Crime, the intentional Murther,1252 for such, to be sure it was, as was afterwards the form’d Design they all laid, to murder the Spaniards in cold Blood, and in their Sleep. But I leave observing, and return to the Story:1253 The three Fellows comes down to the Spaniards one Morning, and in very h ­ umble Terms desir’d1254 to be admit* Sociates] Associates. See OED where this passage is quoted. †  Blast from Heaven] Th ­ ere may be some allusion in this story of attempted murder and exile to the biblical account of Cain (Genesis 4:2–17), who, ­a fter his murder of Abel, his ­brother, is told by God, “When thou tillest the ground, it ­shall not henceforth yield unto thee her strength; a fugitive and a vagabond shalt thou be in the earth.” ‡  vis­i­ble Curse . . . ​Divine Justice] Crusoe, speaking for Defoe, argues for a world in which God’s vengeance against sinners is apparent to ­t hose able to read the operations of Providence. For a discussion of this, including some pages on Defoe, see Douglas Patey, Probability and Literary Form (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984).

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ted to speak with them: The Spaniards very readily heard what they had to say, which was this, That they ­were tir’d of living in the Manner they did; that they ­were not handy enough to make the Necessaries they wanted; and that having1255 no Help, they found they should be starv’d: But if the Spaniards would give them Leave to1256 take one of the Canoes which they came over in, and give them Arms and Ammunition, proportion’d for their Defence, they would go over to the Main, and seek their Fortune, and so deliver them from the Trou­ble of supplying them with any other Provisions. The Spaniards ­were glad enough to be rid of them,1257 but yet very honestly represented to them the certain Destruction they ­were ­running into; told them they had suffer’d such Hardships upon that very Spot, that they could, without any Spirit of Prophesy,1258 tell them, that they would be starv’d, or be murther’d, and bad1259 them consider of it. The Men reply’d audaciously,1260 they should be starv’d if they stay’d h ­ ere, for they could not work, and would not work; and they could but be starv’d abroad, and if they w ­ ere murther’d,1261 t­ here was an End of them, they had no Wives or ­Children to cry a­ fter them; and 1262 in short, insisted importunately upon their Demand, declaring, that they would go, ­whether they would give them any Arms or no. The Spaniards told them, with ­great Kindness, that if they ­were resolv’d to go, they should not go like naked Men, and be in no Condition to defend themselves; and that tho’1263 they could ill spare their Fire-­Arms, having not enough for themselves, yet they would let them have two Muskets, a Pistol, and a Cutlash,1264 and each Man a Hatchet, which they thought was sufficient for them.1265 In a word, they accepted the Offer, and having baked them Bread enough to serve them a Month, and given them as much Goats-­Flesh1266 as they could eat1267 while it was sweet,* and a ­great Basket full of dry’d Grapes, a Pot full of fresh ­Water, and a young Kid alive to kill, they boldly set out in a Canoe for a Voyage over the Sea, where it was at least 40 Miles broad. The1268 Boat was indeed a large one, and would have very well carry’d fifteen or twenty1269 Men; and,1270 therefore, was rather too big for them to manage: But as they had a fair Breeze, and the Flood-­Tide with them, they did well enough: They had made a Mast of a long Pole, and a Sail of four large Goat Skins dry’d, which they had sow’d or lac’d together,1271 and away they went merrily1272 enough; the Spaniards call’d ­after them, Bon Veyajo;† and no Man ever thought of seeing them any more. The Spaniards would often say to one1273 another, and to the two honest En­glish Men,1274 who remain’d ­behind, how quietly and comfortably they liv’d now ­t hose three turbulent Fellows w ­ ere gone; as for their ever coming again, that was the remotest ­Thing1275 from their Thoughts that could be imagin’d; when behold, ­after * sweet] In the sense of still fresh enough to eat, not putrid or rotten. See OED. †  Bon Veyajo] Good journey. Defoe was apparently able to read Spanish and to speak it somewhat, but this sounds more like French (bon voyage) than Spanish (buen viaje).

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two and twenty1276 Days Absence, one of the En­glish Men being abroad upon his Planting-­Work,1277 sees three strange Men coming ­towards him at a Distance, with Guns upon their Shoulders. Away runs the En­glish Man, as if he was bewitch’d, comes1278 frighted and amazed to the Governour Spaniard, and tells him they1279 ­were all undone; for ­there ­were Strangers landed1280 upon the Island, they could not tell who: The Spaniard, pausing a while, says to1281 him, How do you mean, you cannot tell who? They are the Savages to be1282 sure.1283 No, no, says the En­glish Man, they are Men in Cloaths with Arms: Nay, then,1284 says the Spaniard, Why are you concern’d? If they are not Savages, they must be Friends, for t­ here is no Christian Nation upon1285 Earth but ­w ill do us good rather than1286 harm.1287 While they w ­ ere debating thus, comes the three En­glish Men,1288 and standing without the Wood, which was new planted, hallo’d to them:1289 They presently knew their Voices, and so all the Won­der of that kind ceased.1290 But now the Admiration was turn’d upon another Question, (viz.) what could be the ­matter,1291 and what made them come back again? It was not long before they brought the Men in, and enquiring where1292 they had been, and what they had been d ­ oing;1293 they gave them a full Account of their Voyage in a few Words, (viz.) That they1294 reach’d the Land in two Days, or something less, but finding the P ­ eople alarmed1295 at their coming, and preparing with Bows and Arrows to fight them, they durst not go on Shore, but sail’d on to the Northward six or seven Hours, till they came to a g­ reat opening,1296 by which they perceived,1297 that the Land they saw from our Island was not the Main, but an Island; that entring that Opening of the Sea, they saw another Island on the Right-­ Hand1298 North, and several more West; and being resolv’d to land somewhere, they put over to one of the Islands which lay West, and went boldly on Shore; that they found the ­People very courteous and friendly to them, and that they gave them several Roots and some dried Fish, and1299 appear’d very sociable; and the ­Women, as well as the Men, ­were very forward to supply them with any ­thing1300 they could get for them to eat, and brought it to them a ­great way1301 upon their Heads. They continued1302 ­here four Days, and enquir’d, as well as they could of them by Signs, what Nations w ­ ere this way1303 and that way; and w ­ ere told of several fierce and terrible P ­ eople* that lived almost e­ very way, who, as they made Signs to them, us’d to eat Men. But as for themselves1304 they said,1305 that they never eat Men or ­Women, except only such as they took in the Wars, and then they own’d1306 that they made a ­great Feast, and eat their Prisoners.† * fierce and terrible ­People] For the notion that it was t­ hose enemies distant from the tribe describing its par­tic­u ­lar manners that ­were the real cannibals and savages, see Jean de Léry, History of a Voyage to the Land of Brazil, trans. Janet Whatley (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 183. See also Frank Lestringant, Cannibals: The Discovery and Repre­sen­ ta­tion of the Cannibal from Columbus to Jules Verne, trans. Rosemary Morris (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 69. †  eat their Prisoners] This notion that cannibalism was merely part of the ritual of warfare and therefore ­little dif­fer­ent from the often barbaric treatment of prisoners by Eu­ro­pean armies led to Montaigne’s famous paradoxical defense of the cannibals in his essay of that name. See also

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The En­glish Men enquir’d when they had a Feast of that kind,1307 and they told him about two Moons ago, pointing to the Moon, and then to two Fin­gers; and that their g­ reat King had two hundred1308 Prisoners now, which he had taken in his War; and they w ­ ere feeding them to make them fat* for the next Feast. The En­glish Men1309 seem’d mighty desirous to see ­those Prisoners,1310 but the other mistaking them, thought they w ­ ere desirous to have some of them to carry away for their own eating.1311 So they beckoned1312 to them, pointing to the setting of the Sun, and then to the rising, which was to signify, that the next Morning at Sun rising1313 they would bring some for them, and accordingly the next Morning1314 they brought down five ­Women and eleven Men, and gave them to the En­glish Men,1315 to carry with them on their Voyage, just as we would bring so many Cows and Oxen down to a Sea-­Port Town, to victual a Ship. As brutish and barbarous as t­ hese Fellows ­were at Home,1316 their Stomachs turn’d at this Sight, and they did not know what to do; to refuse the Prisoners, would have been the highest Affront to the savage1317 Gentry that offer’d them; and what to do with them they knew not; however1318 upon some Debates, they resolv’d to accept of them, and in1319 return they gave the Savages that brought them1320 one of their Hatchets, an old Key, a Knife, and six or seven of their Bullets, which, tho’1321 they did not understand, they seem’d extremely pleas’d with: And then tying the poor Creatures1322 Hands b ­ ehind them, they (the P ­ eople) dragg’d the poor1323 Prisoners into the Boat for our Men. The En­glish Men ­were obliged1324 to come away as soon as they had them, or ­else they that gave them this noble Pre­sent,1325 would certainly have expected that they should have gone to work 1326 with them, have kill’d two or three of them the next Morning, and perhaps have1327 invited the Donors to Dinner. But having taken their Leave with all the Re­spects1328 and Thanks that could well pass between ­People, where on ­either Side they understood not one Word they could say, they put off with their Boat1329 and came back t­ owards the first Island, where, when they arrived,1330 they set eight of their Prisoners at Liberty, ­there being too many of them for their Occasion.1331 In their Voyage they endeavoured1332 to have some Communication with their Prisoners, but it was impossible to make them understand† any ­t hing; nothing1333 Frank Lestringant, “Rage, fureur, folie cannibales: Le Scythe et le Brésilien,” in La folie et le corps, ed. Jean Céard, Pierre Naudin, and Michel Simonin (Paris: Presses de l’École Normale Supérieure, 1985), 50–73; and Maximillian Novak, “Fleischlose Freitage,” in Das Andere Essen, ed. Daniel Fulda and Walter Pape (Freiburg im Breisgau: Rombach, 2001), 197–216. * make them fat] It was sometimes maintained that the Caribs and the natives around the mouth of the Orinoco actually castrated their young prisoners by way of fattening them before killing them. For this charge against the Caribs, see Peter Martyr d’Anghera, De Orbe Novo, trans. Francis MacNutt, 2 vols. (New York: Putnam, 1912), 1:63. In describing the manner in which the Tupinamba tribe of Brazil treated their prisoners, Léry stated, “As soon as they arrive, not only are they fed with the best food that can be found, but also they are given wives . . . ; nonetheless, ­a fter being fattened like pigs at the trough, the captives are fi­nally slain and eaten.” Léry, History of a Voyage, 122. †  impossible to make them understand] The notion of attempting to communicate without a system of common words or gestures fascinated Defoe. In The Life and Strange Surprizing

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they could say to them, or give them, or do for them, but was look’d upon as g­ oing about to murder them.1334 They first of all unbound them, but the poor Creatures skream’d at that, especially the ­Women, as if they had just felt the Knife1335 at their Throats; for they immediately concluded they ­were unbound on purpose1336 to be kill’d. If they gave them any ­t hing to eat 1337 it was the same ­t hing; then they concluded1338 it was for fear they should sink in Flesh, and so not be fat enough to kill. If 1339 they look’d at one of them more particularly, the Party presently concluded, it was to see ­whether he or she was fattest1340 and fittest to kill. Nay,1341 a­ fter they had brought them quite over, and began to use them kindly, and treat them well, still they expected e­ very Day1342 to make a Dinner or a Supper for their new Masters. When1343 the three Wanderers had given this unaccountable History, or Journal of their Voyage,1344 the Spaniard ask’d them, Where their new F ­ amily was, and being told that1345 they had brought them on Shore, and put them into one of their Huts, and w ­ ere come up to1346 beg some Victuals for them; they (the Spaniards) and the other two En­glish Men,1347 that is to say, the ­whole Colony, resolv’d to go all down to the Place and1348 see them, and did so, and Friday’s F ­ ather with them. When they came into the Hut, ­there they sat1349 all bound; for when they had brought them on Shore, they bound their Hands1350 that they might not take the Boat and make their Escape. Th ­ ere,1351 I say, they sat, all of them stark naked: First, 1352 ­t here ­were three Men, lusty comely Fellows, well shap’d, strait and fair Limbs, about thirty to thirty five1353 Years of Age; and five ­Women, whereof two might be from thirty to forty,1354 two more not above four or five and twenty, and the fifth, a tall comely Maiden1355 about sixteen or seventeen: The W ­ omen ­were well favour’d 1356 agreeable Persons, both in Shape and Features, only tawny,1357 and two of them, had they been perfect white, would have pass’d1358 for very handsome W ­ omen even in London it self, having pleasant agreeable Countenances,1359 and of a very modest Behaviour,* especially when they came afterwards to be cloathed,1360 and dress’d, as they call’d it, tho’ the Dress was very indifferent1361 it must be confess’d; of which hereafter. The1362 Sight, you may be sure, was something uncouth to our Spaniards;1363 who ­were (to give them a just Character) Men of the best Behaviour,† of the most calm, Adventures, Crusoe discovers sufficiently expressive gestures to communicate a ­little with Friday before he teaches him En­glish, but in this section, all the gestures are misinterpreted. The prob­lem of communicating with a person who might lack language and with the deaf is the subject of Defoe’s Mere Nature Delineated (1726). * modest Behaviour] The combination of nakedness and innocence was striking to the early explorers and sometimes evoked images of Adam and Eve before the Fall. See, for example, the “Letter of Pedro Vaz de Caminha, Written . . . ​in the Year 1500,” where, ­a fter describing the failure of a ­woman to cover herself ­a fter they gave her a piece of cloth, he wrote, “Thus Sire, the innocence of Adam himself was not greater than t­hese ­people’s, as concerns the shame of the body.” In Portuguese Voyages 1498–1663, ed. Charles David Ley (London: Dent, 1965), 58. †  Men of the best Behaviour] Although ­here, he ascribes the be­hav­ior of the Spaniards on the island to “Modesty,” in Atlas Maritimus, Defoe tended to see the Spaniards’ pursuit of a

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sedate Tempers, and perfect Good-­Humour1364 that ever I met with, and in par­tic­ u­lar, of the most Modesty, as w ­ ill presently appear: I say, the Sight was very uncouth, to see two naked Men, and five naked W ­ omen, all together bound, and in the1365 most miserable Circumstances that ­Human Nature could be suppos’d to be, (viz.)1366 to be expecting ­every Moment to be dragg’d out, and have their Brains knock’d out, and then to be eaten up like1367 a Calf that is kill’d for a Dainty. The1368 first Th ­ ing they did, was to cause the old Indian, Friday’s F ­ ather, to go in and see first if he knew any of them,1369 and then if he understood any of their Speech:1370 As soon as the old Man came in, he look’d seriously at them, but knew none of them; neither could any of them understand a Word he said, or a Sign he could make, except one of the ­Women. However, this was1371 enough to answer the End, which was to satisfy them, that the Men into whose Hands they ­were fallen, ­were Christians; that they abhorr’d1372 eating of Men or W ­ omen, and that they might be sure they would not be kill’d:1373 As soon as they ­were assur’d of this, they discover’d such Joy, and by such aukward, and several Ways,1374 as is hard to describe; for it seems they w ­ ere of several Nations. The W ­ oman, who was their Interpreter, was bid in the next Place to ask them, if 1375 they ­were willing to be Servants,* and to work1376 for the Men who had brought them away, to save their Lives; at1377 which they all fell a Dancing;1378 and presently one fell to taking up this, and another that, any1379 ­Thing that lay next, to carry on their Shoulders, to intimate1380 that they w ­ ere willing to work. 1381 The Governour, who found, that the having ­Women among them would presently be attended with some Incon­ve­nience, and might occasion some Strife, and perhaps Blood; ask’d the three Men, what1382 they intended to do with t­ hese ­Women, and how they intended to use them; ­whether as Servants, or as ­Women? One of the En­glish Men1383 answer’d very boldly and readily, That they would use them as both:1384 To which the Governour1385 said, I am not ­going to restrain you from it, you are your own Masters as to that: But this I think is but just, for avoiding Disorders and Quarrels1386 among you,1387 and I desire it of you, for that Reason only, viz. That you ­will all engage, that if any of you take any of t­ hese ­Women, as a W ­ oman or Wife, that he1388 ­shall1389 take but one; and that having taken one, none ­else ­shall touch her; for tho’ we cannot marry any of you, yet ’tis but reasonable, that while you stay ­here, the1390 ­Woman1391 any of you takes, should be maintain’d by the Man that takes her, and should be his1392 Wife,1393 I mean, says he, while he continues ­here, and that none e­ lse1394 ­shall have any Th ­ ing to do with her:1395 All this appear’d 1396 so just, that ­every one agreed to it without any Difficulty. Then the En­glish Men ask’d the Spaniards, if they design’d to take any of them?1397 But ­every one of them answer’d, NO: Some of them 1398 said, they had Wives in Spain, and the o ­ thers did not like W ­ omen that ­were not Christians; and genocidal policy against the natives of the New World, rather than an attempt at intermarriage with them, as an error, both practical and moral, that he tended to associate with Spanish pride. See Atlas Maritimus, 160–161. * Servants] The use of this term rather than “slaves” is significant. See above, the note to 56.

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all together declar’d, that they would not touch one of them, which was an Instance of such Virtue,1399 as I have not met with in all my Travels. On the other hand,1400 to be short, the five En­glish Men took them ­every one a Wife, that is to say, a temporary Wife; and so they set up a new Form of Living; for the Spaniards and Friday’s ­Father liv’d in my old Habitation, which they had enlarg’d exceedingly within. The1401 three Servants which w ­ ere taken1402 in the late B ­ attle of the Savages, liv’d 1403 with them; and t­ hese carry’d on the main Part of the Colony, supplying all the rest with Food, and assisting them in any ­Thing as they could, or as they found Necessity requir’d. But the Won­der of this Story was, how five such refractory ill match’d1404 Fellows should agree about ­these ­Women, and that two of them should not pitch upon the same W ­ oman,1405 especially seeing two or three of them w ­ ere1406 without Comparison, more agreeable than the other: But they took a good Way enough to prevent quarrelling1407 among themselves; for they set the five ­Women by themselves in one of their Huts, and they went all into the other Hut, and drew Lots among them, who should chuse first. He that drew to chuse first, went away by himself to the Hut1408 where the poor naked Creatures ­were, and fetch’d out her he chose; and it was worth observing, that he that chose first took her that was reckon’d the homeliest, and the oldest of the five, which made Mirth1409 enough among the rest; and even the Spaniards laught at it:1410 But the Fellow consider’d better than any of them, that it was Application and Business that they w ­ ere to expect Assistance in, as much as any Th ­ ing ­else; and she prov’d the best Wife of all the1411 Parcel. When1412 the poor ­Women saw themselves set in a Row thus, and fetch’d out one by one, the Terrors of their Condition returned1413 upon them again, and they firmly believed that they w ­ ere now a g­ oing1414 to be devour’d; accordingly, when the En­glish Sailor came in and fetch’d out1415 one of them;1416 the rest set up a most la­men­ta­ble Cry, and hung about her, and took their Leave of her with such Agonies and such Affection, as would have griev’d the hardest Heart in the World; nor was it pos­si­ble for the En­glish Men1417 to satisfy them, that they ­were not to be immediately murther’d, ’till they fetch’d1418 the old Man, Friday’s F ­ ather, who immediately let them know that the five Men, who had fetch’d them out1419 one by one, had chosen them1420 for their Wives. When they had done,1421 and the Fright the W ­ omen ­were in was a ­little over, the Men went to Work, and the Spaniards came and helped1422 them; and in a few Hours they had built them ­every one a new Hut or Tent1423 for their Lodging apart; for ­t hose they had already, ­were crowded1424 with their Tools, Houshold-­Stuff, and Provision. The three wicked ones1425 had pitch’d farthest off, and the two honest ones1426 nearer, but both on the North Shore of the Island, so that they continu’d separate as before:1427 And thus my Island was peopled in three Places; and, as I might say, three1428 Towns* ­were begun to be planted. * three Towns] This projection of the development of a f­ uture colony should leave ­little doubt that Defoe was thinking in general terms about the development of a colony.

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And ­here ’tis very well worth observing, That1429 as it often happens in the World (what the wise Ends of God’s Providence* are in such a Disposition of ­Things, I cannot say) the two honest Fellows had the two worst Wives, and the three1430 Reprobates, that ­were scarce worth hanging, that ­were fit for nothing, and neither seem’d born to do themselves good,1431 or any one e­ lse, had three clever, diligent, careful, and ingenious Wives; not that the two first ­were ill Wives,1432 as to their Temper or Humour; for all the five w ­ ere most willing, quiet, passive, and subjected Creatures, rather like Slaves than Wives; but1433 my Meaning is, they w ­ ere not alike capable, ingenious, or industrious, or alike cleanly and neat. Another Observation I must make, to the Honour of a diligent1434 Application† on one Hand, and to the Disgrace of a slothful, negligent, idle Temper, on the other, that when I came to the Place,1435 and view’d the several Improvements, Plantings, and Management of the several ­little Colonies;1436 the two Men had so far out-­gone the three, that ­there was no Comparison. They1437 had indeed both of them as much Ground laid out for Corn as they wanted,1438 and the Reason was, b ­ ecause, according to my Rule, Nature dictated, that it was to no Purpose to sow more Corn than they wanted, but1439 the Difference of the Cultivation, of the Planting, of the Fences, and indeed of ­every ­Thing ­else was easy to be seen at first View.1440 The1441 two Men had innumerable young Trees planted about their Huts, that when you came to the Place, nothing was to be seen but a Wood,1442 and tho’ they had twice had their Plantation demolish’d,1443 once by their own Countrymen,1444 and once by the ­Enemy, as ­shall be shewn in its Place; yet they had restor’d1445 all again, and e­ very Th ­ ing was thriving and flourishing about them; they had Grapes planted in Order, and manag’d1446 like a Vineyard, tho’ they had themselves never seen any Th ­ ing of that Kind,1447‡ and by their good ordering their Vines, their Grapes w ­ ere as good again1448 as any of the o ­ thers. They had also found themselves out a Retreat in the thickest Part of the Woods, where, tho’1449 ­there was not a natu­ * often happens . . . ​God’s Providence] In m ­ atters of major crimes such as murder (see the note to 62), Defoe believed in a sign of God’s wrath against the sinner made vis­i­ble upon earth, but he also believed that most m ­ atters in the world w ­ ere governed by second c­ auses, or ­t hings happening by general laws of cause and effect. In the case of ­human be­hav­ior, with its mix of passion, reason, ­w ill, and knowledge gained from experience, it was particularly difficult to determine, by observing from the outside, how ­matters would turn out. This seeming indeterminacy appears to have prevailed especially in ­matters of love and marriage. His eponymous hero in Col­o­nel Jack finds himself victimized in ­every attempt at relationships with ­women, except in the last, and even that has its ironies. †  a diligent Application] Defoe may be alluding to a number of sections from Proverbs in the Old Testament, such as 10:4, “He becometh poor that dealeth with a slack hand; but the hand of the diligent maketh rich,” or 21:5, “The thoughts of the diligent tend only to plentiousness; but of e­ very one that is hasty only to want.” Defoe was l­ ater to expand upon t­ hese aphorisms in his Compleat En­glish Tradesman (1725–1727). See also below, 70. ‡  Vineyard . . . ​K ind] In a passage of his Tour (1:152), Defoe described a garden with a vineyard that may have influenced his description of his Country House and Grotto. It was a vineyard at Deaden in Surrey, that produced “excellent good Wines, and a ­great quantity of them.” Apparently some wine was successfully grown in the southern areas of E ­ ngland during the ­Middle Ages, but Crusoe’s observation is generally correct. Few inhabitants of ­England would have been likely to have seen a vineyard in their native country.

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ral Cave, as I had found, yet they made one with incessant ­Labour of their Hands, and where when the Mischief which follow’d happen’d, they secur’d1450 their Wives and ­Children, so as they could never be found; they having by sticking innumerable Stakes and Poles of the Wood, which,1451 as I said, grew so easily, made the Wood unpassable, except in some Places,1452 where they climb’d up to get over the out-­side Part, and then went on1453 by Ways of their own leaving. As1454 to the three Reprobates, as I justly call them, tho’ they ­were much civiliz’d1455 by their new Settlement, compar’d to what they ­were before, and ­were not so quarrelsome, having not the same Opportunity; yet1456 one of the certain Companions of a profligate Mind never left them, and that was their Idleness; it1457 is true, they planted Corn, and made Fences; but Solomon’s Words ­were never better verified than in them,1458 I went by the Vineyard of the Slothful,1459 and it was all over-­grown with Thorns;* for when the Spaniards came to view their Crop, they could not see it in some Places for Weeds; the1460 Hedge had several Gaps in it, where the wild Goats had got1461 in, and eaten up the Corn; perhaps, ­here and t­ here, a dead Bush was cramm’d1462 in, to stop them out for the Pre­sent, but it was only shutting the Stable-­door ­after the Steed was stolen;† whereas,1463 when they look’d1464 on the Colony of the other two, t­ here was the very Face of Industry and Success upon all they did; ­t here was not a Weed to be seen in all their Corn, or a Gap in any of their Hedges; and1465 they on the other Hand verified Solomon’s Words in another Place,1466 That the diligent Hand makes rich,‡ for e­ very Th ­ ing grew and 1467 thriv’d, and they had Plenty within and without; they had more tame ­Cattle than the other, more Utensils and Necessaries within Doors, and yet more Plea­ sure and Diversion too. It is true, the Wives of the three1468 ­were very handy and cleanly within Doors, and having learn’d the En­glish Ways of Dressing1469 and Cooking from one of the other En­glish Men, who, as I said, was Cook’s-­mate1470 on board the Ship; they dress’d1471 their Husbands Victuals very nicely and well; whereas the other could not be brought to understand it; but then1472 the Husband, who,1473 as I say, had been Cook’s-­mate,1474 did it himself; but as for the Husbands of the three Wives, they loyter’d about, fetch’d Turtles1475 Eggs, and caught Fish, and Birds, in a Word,1476 any ­t hing but L ­ abour, and they fared accordingly. The Diligent1477 liv’d well and comfortably, and the Slothful liv’d hard and beggarly; and so I believe, generally speaking, it is all over the World.

* Solomon’s Words . . . ​Thorns] Proverbs 24:30–31. The full passage reads, “I went by the field of the slothful, and by the vineyard of the man void of understanding; And, lo, it was all grown over with thorns, and nettles had covered the face thereof, and the stone wall thereof was broken down.” The Proverbs are ascribed to “Solomon the son of David, king of Israel” in the opening verse. †  shutting the Stable-­door . . . ​stolen] A common proverb (Tilley, 630 [S838]), the gist of which is that it would be better to show concern and act wisely before some bad t­hing happens rather than ­a fter the occurrence. ‡  the diligent Hand makes rich] Proverbs 10:4. The full maxim is “He becometh poor that dealeth with a slack hand: but the hand of the diligent maketh rich.” See above, 69.

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But now I come to a Scene, dif­fer­ent from all that had happen’d1478 before, e­ ither to them, or to me; and the Original* of the Story was this.1479 Early one Morning ­there came1480 on Shore five or six Canoes of Indians, or Savages, call them which you please; and t­ here is no room1481 to doubt that they1482 came upon the old Errand of feeding upon their Slaves: But that Part was now so familiar to the Spaniards, and to our Men too;1483 that they did not concern themselves about it, as I did; but having been made sensible by their Experience, that their only Business was to lie1484 concealed,1485 and that if they ­were not seen by any of the Savages, they would go off again quietly when their Business was done, having as yet,1486 not the least Notion of ­t here being any Inhabitants in the Island; I say, having1487 been made sensible of this, they had nothing to do but to give Notice to all the three Plantations,1488 to keep within Doors, and not shew themselves, only placing a Scout in a proper Place, to give Notice when the Boats went to Sea1489 again. This was without doubt very right,1490 but a Disaster spoil’d all ­t hese Mea­sures, and made it known among the Savages, that t­ here ­were Inhabitants t­ here, which was in the End the Desolation of almost the ­whole Colony; ­after the Canoes with the Savages w ­ ere gone off, the Spaniards peep’d abroad again, and some of them had the Curiosity to go to the Place where they1491 had been, to see what they had been ­doing: ­Here to their ­great Surprize1492 they found three Savages left ­behind, and lying fast asleep upon the Ground; it was suppos’d, they had e­ ither been so gorg’d with their inhuman Feast, that, like Beasts,1493 they ­were asleep, and would not stir when the ­others went, or they ­were wandred1494 into the Woods, and did not come back in time to be taken in.1495 The1496 Spaniards ­were greatly surpriz’d at this Sight, and perfectly at a Loss what to do; the Spaniard Governour, as it happen’d,1497 was with them, and his Advice was ask’d, but he profess’d1498 he knew not what to do; as for Slaves, they had enough already,1499 and as to killing them, they w ­ ere none of them inclin’d to that; the1500 Spaniard Governour told me, they could not think of shedding innocent Blood,1501 for as to them, the poor Creatures had done them no1502 Wrong, invaded none of their Property, and they thought they had no just Quarrel against them, to take away their Lives. And ­here I must,1503 in Justice to ­these Spaniards, observe, that let the Accounts of Spanish Cruelty in Mexico and Peru,† be what they w ­ ill, I never met with seventeen Men of any Nation whatsoever, in any foreign1504 Country, who ­were so uni* Original] Source in the sense of both beginning and cause. See OED. †  Spanish Cruelty . . . ​Peru] The “Black Legend” of Spanish cruelty, compiled originally by Bartolomé de las Casas, was widely circulated. An edition published in En­glish (London, 1699) had the vivid title A Relation of the First Voyages and Discoveries Made by the Spaniards in Amer­i­ca. With an Account of Their Unparallel’d Cruelties on the Indians, in the Destruction of Above Forty Millions of ­People and provided engravings illustrating the vari­ ous ways in which Spaniards tortured and massacred the natives, from tearing babies in two to roasting them on grills. The theme is well represented in En­glish lit­er­a­ture by William Davenant’s Cruelty of the Spaniards in Peru, first performed as an opera and published in 1658. For Las Casas’s attempt to get the Spanish government to treat the natives of the New

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versally Modest, Temperate,1505 Virtuous, so very good Humour’d, and so Courteous as ­t hese Spaniards; and as to Cruelty,1506 they had nothing of it in their very Nature,1507 no Inhumanity, no Barbarity, no out-­rageous1508 Passions, and yet all of them Men of g­ reat Courage and Spirit.* Their Temper and Calmness had appear’d1509 in their bearing the unsufferable Usage of the three En­glish Men;1510 and their Justice and Humanity appear’d now in the Case of the Savages, as above; a­ fter1511 some Consultation, they resolv’d upon this, that they would lie1512 still a while longer, ’till,1513 if pos­si­ble, ­t hese three Men might be gone; but then the Governour Spaniard1514 recollected, that the three Savages had no Boat, and that if they ­were left to rove about the Island, they would certainly discover that ­t here w ­ ere Inhabitants in it, and so they should be undone that way.1515 Upon1516 this, they went back again, and ­t here lay the Fellows fast asleep still, so they resolv’d1517 to waken them, and take them Prisoners, and they did so; the1518 poor Fellows ­were strangely frighted when they ­were seiz’d upon and bound, and afraid, like the W ­ omen,1519 that they should be murther’d and eaten; for it seems ­t hose ­People think all the World does1520 as they do, eating Mens Flesh;† but they ­were soon made easy as to that, and away they carry’d them. World as ­human beings rather than as animals, see Lewis Hanke, The Spanish Strug­gle for Justice (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1949), 109–131. * I never met . . . ​Spirit] Crusoe’s encomium on the seventeen Spanish settlers may reflect Defoe’s personal admiration for a ­people among whom he may have lived for a brief period. He also stated that in 1694 he considered migrating to Spain, specifically to Cádiz, with his ­family. (See Defoe, An Appeal to Honour and Justice tho’ It Be of His Worst Enemies, in The Shakespeare Head Edition of the Writings of Daniel Defoe [Oxford: Blackwell, 1927], 194; and Review, 7:527.) But it is also true that t­ here was considerable tension between Spain and Britain in 1719. The Assiento that had been negotiated as part of the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 and that was supposed to allow Britain to trade with the Spanish colonies of Amer­i­ca had produced nothing but failure. And in 1718, a small “war” erupted between Spain, led by Cardinal Alberoni, and Britain, resulting in Spain’s defeat by a British naval squadron u ­ nder Sir George Byng in a ­battle off Cape Passaro on 11 August. Alberoni also plotted with the Pretender against George I and actually landed Spanish troops in Scotland. Although Defoe was an advocate of appropriating land in South Amer­i­ca from the Spanish monarchy, he disapproved of the (from the Spanish standpoint) illegal trade between the British colonists in North Amer­i­ca and some of the Ca­rib­bean islands and the Spanish colonies, feeling that it cut off the natu­ral circulation of trade. Nevertheless, this expression of sympathy for the Spanish character at this par­tic­u ­lar time may suggest some dissatisfaction with the foreign policy of George I and his ministers, who w ­ ere intent on forcing Spain into the Qua­dru­ple Alliance. Only the opposition Whigs (followers of Walpole and Townshend), the Tories, and the Jacobites aimed their barbs against the government for pursuing “Hanoverian” rather than British goals. See Ragnhild Hatton, George I: Elector and King (Cambridge, MA: Har­ nder George I: The Beginvard University Press, 1978), 224–234; Wolfgang Michael, ­England u nings of the Hanoverian Dynasty (London: Macmillan, 1936), 350–358; I.  S. Leadam, The History of E ­ ngland from the Accession of Anne to the Death of George II (London: Longmans, Green, 1921), 280–285; J. H. Plumb, Sir Robert Walpole, 2 vols. (London: Cresset, 1956–1960), 1:271–272. For a historical example of a generous Spanish general from voyage lit­er­a­ture that Defoe would have known, see the note to 86. †  World . . . ​eating Mens Flesh] Léry tells of how the Tupinamba felt that in refusing to join them in devouring their enemies, the French colonists ­were showing a lack of re­spect and loyalty. See Léry, History of a Voyage, 128.

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It1521 was very happy to them that they did not carry them Home to their ­Castle, I mean to my Palace u ­ nder the Hill; but they carry’d1522 them first to the Bower, where was the chief of their Country-­work, such as the keeping the Goats, the planting the Corn, &c. and afterwards, they carry’d them to the Habitation of the two En­glish Men.1523 ­Here they w ­ ere set to work,1524 tho’ it was not much they had for them to do; and ­whether it was by Negligence in guarding them, or that they1525 thought the Fellows could not mend themselves, I know not, but one of them run away, and taking into the Woods, they could never hear of him more. They had good Reason to believe,1526 he got Home again soon ­after, in some other Boats or Canoes of Savages,1527 who came on Shore three or four Weeks afterwards, and who,1528 carry­ing on their Revels as usual, went off again in two Days time: This Thought terrify’d them exceedingly,1529 for they concluded, and that not without good Cause indeed, that if 1530 this Fellow came safe Home among his Comrades, he would certainly give them an Account,1531 that ­t here ­were ­People in the Island, as also how few and weak they1532 ­were; for this Savage, as I observ’d before, had never been told, and it was very happy he had not, how many they ­were, or where they liv’d; nor had he ever seen or heard the Fire of any of their Guns, much less had they shewn him any of their other retir’d Places: Such1533 as the Cave in the Valley, or the new Retreat1534 which the two En­glish Men1535 had made, and the like. The first Testimony they had that this Fellow had1536 given Intelligence of them, was, that about two Months a­ fter this, six Canoes of Savages, with about seven, or eight, or ten Men in a Canoe, came1537 rowing along the North Side1538 of the Island, where they never used to come before, and landed about an Hour a­ fter Sunrise, at a con­ve­nient Place,1539 about a Mile from the Habitation of the two En­glish Men, where this escap’d1540 Man had been kept: As the Spaniard Governour1541 said, had they been all ­t here, the Damage would not have been so much, for not a Man of them would have1542 escaped;1543 but the Case differ’d now very much, for two Men to fifty was too much odds: The two Men had the happiness1544 to discover them about a League off, so that it was above an Hour before they landed,1545 and as they landed a Mile from their Huts, it was some time1546 before they could come at them: Now having1547 ­great Reason to believe that they ­were betray’d, the first ­Thing they did, was to bind the two Slaves1548 which w ­ ere left, and cause two of the three Men, who they brought with the W ­ omen, who it seems proved1549 very faithful to them, to lead them with their two Wives, and what­ever1550 they could carry away with them, to their retir’d Place in the Woods, which I have spoken of above, and ­t here to bind the two Fellows Hand and Foot till1551 they heard farther. In1552 the next Place, seeing the Savages w ­ ere all come on Shore, and that they bent their Course directly that Way, they open’d the Fences where their Milch-­ Goats1553 ­were kept, and drove them all out, leaving their Goats to straggle into the Woods, w ­ hether1554 they pleas’d, that the Savages might think they w ­ ere all bred wild; but the Rogue who came with them was too cunning for that, and gave them an Account of it all;1555 for they went directly to the Place.

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When1556 the two poor frighted Men had secur’d their Wives and Goods, they sent the other Slave they had of the three, who came with the ­Women, and who was at their Place by accident, away to the Spaniards, with all speed, to give them the Alarm and desire speedy Help,1557 and in the mean time1558 they took their Arms, and what Ammunition they had, and retreated t­ owards the Place in the Wood, where their Wives ­were sent, keeping at a Distance, yet so that they might see, if pos­si­ble, which Way1559 the Savages took. They had not gone far, but that, from a rising Ground1560 they could see the l­ ittle Army of their Enemies come on directly to their Habitation, and in a Moment more, could see all their Huts and Houshold-­Stuff 1561 flaming up together, to their ­great Grief and Mortification;1562 for they had a very ­great Loss, to them irretrievable, at least for some time.1563 They kept their Station for a while, till1564 they found the Savages, like wild Beasts, spread themselves all over the Place, rummaging1565 ­every Way, and ­every Place they could think of, in search1566 for Prey, and in par­ tic­u­lar for the ­People, of whom it now plainly appear’d they had1567 Intelligence. The two En­glish Men1568 seeing this, thinking themselves not secure where they stood, ­because1569 as it was likely some of the wild P ­ eople might come that Way, so they might come too many together, thought it proper to make another Retreat about half a Mile farther, believing,1570 as it afterwards happen’d, that the farther they stroul’d,1571* the fewer would be together. Their next1572 Halt was at the Entrance into a very thick grown Part of the Woods, and where an old Trunk 1573 of a Tree stood, which was hollow and vastly large, and in this Tree they both took their standing,1574† resolving to see ­t here what might offer. They1575 had not stood ­t here long, but two of the Savages appear’d ­r unning directly that Way, as if they had already had Notice where they stood, and ­were coming up to attack them; and a l­ ittle way farther, they spy’d1576 three more coming ­a fter them, and five more beyond them, all coming the same Way; besides which, they saw seven or eight more at a Distance, ­running another Way; for in1577 a word, they ran ­every Way,1578 like Sports-­men1579‡ beating for their Game.§ The1580 poor Men ­were now in ­great Perplexity, ­whether they should stand and keep their Posture, or fly: But a­ fter a very short Debate with themselves, they consider’d, that if the Savages ranged1581 the Country thus before Help came, they might perhaps find1582 out their Retreat in the Woods, then all would be lost; so they resolv’d to stand them ­t here; and1583 if they ­were too many to deal with, then they would get up to the Top of the Tree, from whence they doubted not to defend * stroul’d] Variant of “strolled,” implying the necessarily haphazard nature of the quest, since the prisoner who had escaped had only a ­limited knowledge of the settlements on the island. See OED. †  took their standing] Equivalent to: made their stand, or held their ground against the “wild ­People.” See OED. ‡  Sports-­men] At this time, the term was used almost exclusively in connection with t­ hose involved in vari­ous kinds of hunting. See OED. §  beating for their Game] For ways of getting game to stir or simply searching for signs of the game, see Nicholas Cox, The Gentleman’s Recreation (London, 1677), 55–66, 71.

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themselves, Fire excepted, as long as their Ammunition lasted, tho’ all the Savages that ­were landed, which was near fifty, ­were to attack them.1584 Having resolv’d upon this, they next consider’d1585 ­whether they should fire at the first two, or wait for the three, and so take the ­middle1586 Party, by which the two and the five that follow’d would be separated,1587 and they resolv’d to let the two first pass by, ­unless they should spy them in the Tree, and come to attack them; the1588 two first Savages also confirm’d them in this Regulation,1589 by turning a ­little from them ­towards another Part of the Wood, but the three1590 and the five ­after them, came forwards directly to the Tree, as if they had known the En­glish1591 Men w ­ ere t­ here. Seeing them come so strait t­owards them, they resolv’d1592 to take them in a Line, as they came; and as they resolv’d to fire but one at a time,1593 perhaps the first Shot might hit them all three, to which purpose,1594 the Man who was to fire, put three or four small Bullets1595 into his Peice,1596 and having a fair Loop-­hole, as it w ­ ere from a broken Hole in the Tree, he took a sure aim,1597 without being seen, waiting till they w ­ ere within about thirty Yards of the Tree, so that he could not miss. While1598 they ­were thus waiting, and the Savages came on, they plainly saw, that one of the three was the run-­away Savage that had escap’d1599 from them, and they both knew him distinctly, and resolv’d that, if pos­si­ble, he should not escape, tho’ they should both fire,1600 so the other stood ready with his Peice,1601 that if he did not drop at the first Shot, he should be sure to have a second. But the first was too good a Marks-­man1602 to miss his Aim; for as the Savages kept near one another, a l­ ittle b ­ ehind in a Line, in a word,1603 he fir’d, and hit two of them1604 directly: The foremost was kill’d outright, being shot in the Head: The second, which was the run-­away1605 Indian, was shot thro’1606 the Body, and fell, but was not quite dead: And the third had a ­little Scratch in the Shoulder, perhaps by the same Ball that went thro’ the Body of the second; and being dreadfully frighted, tho’1607 not much hurt, sat down upon the Ground, skreaming and yelling in a hideous manner.1608 The five that ­were ­behind, more frighted with the Noise than sensible of the Danger,1609 stood still at first; for the Woods made the Sound1610 a thousand Times bigger than it ­really was; the Echo’s1611 rattling from one Side to another, and the Fowls rising from all Parts,1612 skreaming, and making1613 ­every Sort, a several Kind of Noise, according to their Kind, just as it was when I fir’d the first Gun* that perhaps was ever shot off in that Place,1614 since it was an Island. However, all1615 being ­silent again, and they not knowing what the ­Matter was, came on unconcern’d, ’till they came to the Place1616 where their Companions lay in a Condition miserable enough: And h ­ ere the poor ignorant Creatures, not sensible that they w ­ ere within Reach of the same Mischief, stood all of a huddle over the wounded Man, talking;1617 and, as may be suppos’d, enquiring of him,1618 how * first Gun] See The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 52. The original passage carried with it the larger sense of Eu­ro­pean technology invading a natu­ral world.

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he came to be hurt; and who, ’tis very rational to believe, told them, that a Flash of Fire first, and immediately a­ fter that, Thunder from their Gods, had kill’d t­ hose two and wounded him: This,1619 I say, is rational; for nothing is more certain than that, as they saw no Man1620 near them, so they had never heard a Gun in all their Lives, or so much as heard of a Gun; neither knew they any ­Thing1621 of killing or wounding, at a Distance, with Fire and Bullets; if they had, one might reasonably believe, they would not have stood so unconcern’d,1622 in viewing the Fate of their Fellows, without some Apprehension of their own. Our two Men, tho’ as they confess’d to me, it griev’d them1623 to be oblig’d to kill so many poor Creatures, who1624 at the same Time had no Notion of their1625 Danger; yet having them all thus in their Power, and the first having loaded his Piece again,1626 resolv’d to let fly both together among them; and singling out, by Agreement1627 which to aim at, they shot together, and kill’d or very much wounded four of them; the fifth1628 frighted even to Death, tho’ not hurt, fell with the rest: so1629 that our Men seeing them all fall together, thought they had kill’d them all. The Belief that the Savages w ­ ere all kill’d, made our two Men come boldly out from the Tree before they had charg’d their Guns again, which was a wrong Step; and they w ­ ere u ­ nder some Surprize when they came to the Place, and found no less than four of the Men alive, and of them two very ­little hurt, and one not at all: This oblig’d them to fall upon them with the Stocks of their Muskets; and first they made sure of the run-­away Savage, that had been the Cause of all the Mischief, and of another that was hurt in his Knee, and put them out of their Pain; then the Man1630 that was not hurt at all, came and kneel’d down to them, with his two Hands held up, and made piteous Moans1631 to them by Gestures and Signs, for his Life; but could not say one Word to them that they could understand. However,1632 they sign’d to him to sit down at the Foot of a Tree thereby; and one of the En­glish Men, with a Piece of Rope-­Twine1633 which he had, by ­g reat Chance, in his Pocket, ty’d his two Feet fast together, and his two Hands ­behind him, and t­ here they left him; and,with what Speed they could, made a­ fter the other two, which w ­ ere gone before; fearing they, or any more of them, should find the Way to their cover’d Place in the Woods, where their Wives,1634 and the few Goods they had left, lay. They came once in Sight of the two1635 Men, but it was at a ­great Distance; however,1636 they had the Satisfaction to see them cross over a Valley ­towards the Sea, the quite contrary Way from that which led to their Retreat, which they ­were afraid of; and being satisfy’d with that, they went back to the Tree, where they left their Prisoner, who, as they suppos’d, was deliver’d by his Comrades; for he was gone, and the two Pieces of Rope-­Yarn,1637 with which they had bound him, lay just at the Foot of the Tree. They ­were now in as a ­great a Concern1638 as before, not knowing what Course to take, or how near the E ­ nemy might be, or in what Numbers; so they resolv’d to go away to the Place where their Wives w ­ ere, to see if all was well t­ here, and to make them easy, who ­were in Fright enough to be sure; for tho’ the Savages ­were their own Country Folk,1639 yet they w ­ ere most terribly afraid of them,1640 and perhaps the more, for the Knowledge they had of them.

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When1641 they came ­t here, they found the Savages had been in the Wood, and very near that Place,1642 but had1643 not found it; for it was indeed inaccessible, by the Trees standing so thick, as before, had not the Persons1644 seeking it been1645 directed by t­ hose that knew it, which t­ hese did not;1646 they found therefore e­ very1647 ­Thing very safe, only the ­Women in a terrible Fright: While they ­were h ­ ere, they 1648 had the Comfort to have seven of the Spaniards come to their Assistance; the other ten,1649 with their Servants, and old Friday, I mean Friday’s F ­ ather,1650 ­were gone in a Body to defend their Bower, and the Corn, and ­Cattle that was kept ­there, in Case the Savages should have rov’d over to that Side of the Country;1651 but they did not spread so far. With the seven1652 Spaniards came one of the three Savages, who,1653 as I said, w ­ ere their Prisoners formerly; and with them also came the Savage, who the En­glish Men had left bound Hand and Foot at the Tree; for it seems they came that Way, saw the Slaughter of the seven Men, and unbound the eighth,1654 and brought him along with them; where, however, they ­were oblig’d1655 to bind him again, as they had the two ­others, who ­were left when the third run away. The Prisoners began now to be a Burthen1656 to them; and they ­were so afraid of their escaping, that they w ­ ere once resolving to kill them all, believing they 1657 ­were ­under an absolute Necessity to do so, for their own Preservation:* However, the Spaniard Governour1658 would not consent to it, but order’d, for the pre­ sent, that they should be sent out of the Way1659 to my old Cave in the Valley, and be kept t­ here with two Spaniards to guard them, and give them Food for their Subsistence, which1660 was done; and they ­were bound ­t here Hand and Foot for that Night. When the Spaniards came, the two En­glish Men ­were so encourag’d,1661 that they could not satisfy themselves to stay any longer ­there: But1662 taking five of the Spaniards, and themselves, with four Muskets and a Pistol among them,1663 and two stout Quarter-­Staves,† away they went in quest1664 of the Savages. And first they1665 came to the Tree where the Men lay that had been kill’d; but it was easy to see, that some more of the Savages had been ­there; for they had attempted to carry their dead Men away, and had dragg’d two of them a good Way, but had given it over. From thence1666 they advanc’d to the first rising Ground, where they stood, and *  absolute Necessity . . . ​ Preservation] For previous discussions of necessity and self-­ preservation, see above, the notes to 27 and 29. Questions about the treatment of prisoners fell u ­ nder discussions of natu­ral law. Since Defoe believed that the demands of self-­ preservation w ­ ere primary, even the killing of prisoners, however cruel, might be acceptable. In this, he was following a long tradition. Francisco de Vitoria, one of the first writers to defend the l­egal rights of Indians, still argued that even the innocent might be hurt during a just war. Hugo Grotius, though he ruled out ­simple fear as a motivation, permitted acts of vio­lence in cases of self-­defense. And both Thomas Hobbes and Samuel Pufendorf accepted appeals to self-­defense as an irresistible motivation. See Vitoria, On the Indians and on the Law of War, trans. John Bate, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1934), 1:179, 183; Grotius, Rights of War and Peace, trans. William Evats (London, 1682), 71; Hobbes, Tripos, 3rd ed. (London, 1684), 98–99; Pufendorf, Of the Law of Nature and Nations, 156. †  Quarter-­staves] The quarterstaff is described by the OED as “a stout pole from six to eight feet long and tipped with iron.” Although described as a “weapon” associated with the “En­glish peasantry,” its use for exercise or even in exhibitions was widespread.

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saw1667 their Camp destroy’d,1668 and where they had the Mortification still to see some of the Smoak; but neither could they ­here see any of the Savages;1669 They then resolv’d, tho’ with all pos­si­ble Caution, to go forward t­owards their ruin’d Plantation:1670 But a ­little before they came thither, coming in Sight of the Sea Shore, they saw plainly the Savages all embarking1671 again in their Canoes, in order to be gone. They1672 seem’d sorry at first; and t­ here was no Way to come at them, to give them a parting Blow: But upon the ­whole,1673 ­were very well satisfy’d to be rid of them. The poor En­glish Men1674 being now twice ruin’d, and all their Improvement destroy’d, the rest1675 all agreed to come and help them rebuild,1676 and to assist them with needful Supplies. Their three Country-­men,1677 who w ­ ere not yet noted for having the least Inclination to do any Good,1678 yet as soon as they heard of it (for they living remote Eastward, knew nothing of the M ­ atter ’till1679 all was over) came and offer’d their Help and Assistance, and did very friendly work for several Days, to restore their Habitation, and make Necessaries for them: And thus1680 in a ­little Time1681 they ­were set upon their Legs* again. About1682 two Days ­after this, they had the farther Satisfaction of seeing three of the Savages Canoes come driving on Shore,1683 and at some Distance from them, two drown’d Men; by which they had Reason1684 to believe, that they had met with a Storm at Sea, and had overset some of them; for it had blown very hard the very Night1685 ­after they went off. However, as some might miscarry, so on the other hand,1686 enough of them1687 escap’d to inform the rest, as well of what they had done, as of what had happen’d to them; and to whet them on to another Enterprize of the same Nature, which they, it seems, resolv’d to attempt, with sufficient Force to carry all before them; for except1688 what the first Man had told them1689 of Inhabitants, they could say ­little to it of their own Knowledge; for they never saw one Man, and the Fellow being kill’d that had affirm’d it, they had no other Witness to confirm it to them. It1690 was five or six Months ­after this, before they heard any more of the Savages; in which Time1691 our Men ­were in Hopes, they had ­either forgot their former bad, or given over the Hopes of better; when on a sudden they1692 ­were invaded with a1693 most formidable Fleet, of no less than eight and twenty1694 Canoes full of Savages, arm’d with Bows and Arrows, ­great Clubs, wooden Swords, and such like Engines of War;† and they brought such Numbers with them, that1695 in short, it put all our ­People into the utmost Consternation. * set upon their Legs] Enabled to care for themselves. Tilley, 376 (L194), lists variations, such as to stand on one’s own legs or feet, as proverbial. †  Engines of War] Although the term “engine” might be used for any device, Phillips’s New World of Words (1720), sig. Hh4, describes “Warlike Engines” as t­ hose contrivances “for the battering and taking of strong Places.” The use of such a term for “­great Clubs” and “wooden Swords” may contain some irony, suggesting a primitive level of invention. On the other hand, Crusoe has already described t­ hese weapons as being potent enough, and Jean de Léry suggested how formidable they might be. In combination with the “Numbers” of the “Savages,” the situation evokes the typical emotion involved in the colonial adventure story—­a

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As they came on Shore in the Eve­ning, and at the Easter-­most1696 Side of the Island, our Men had that Night to consult and1697 consider what to do; and in the first Place, knowing that their being entirely conceal’d, was their only Safety before,1698 and would much more be so now, while the Number of their Enemies was so ­great, they therefore resolv’d1699 first of all to1700 take down the Huts which ­were built for the two En­glish Men,1701 and drive away their Goats to the old Cave, ­because they suppos’d1702 the Savages would go directly thither, as soon as it was Day, to play the old Game over again, tho’ they did not now land within two1703 Leagues of it. In the next place1704 they drove away all the Flock of Goats they had at the old Bower, as I call’d it, which belong’d to the Spaniards; and1705 in short, left as l­ ittle Appearance of Inhabitants any where1706 as was pos­si­ble; and the next Morning early they posted themselves with all their Force1707 at the Plantation of the two Men, waiting for their coming:1708 As they guess’d, so it happen’d; ­these new Invaders leaving their Canoes at the East End1709 of the Island, came ranging along the Shore directly ­towards the Place, to the Number of two hundred and fifty,1710 as near as our Men could judge. Our Army was but small indeed; but that which was worse, they had not Arms for all their Number neither: The ­whole Account it seems, stood thus: First,1711 as to Men.1712 17 Spaniards. 5 En­glish Men. 1 old1713 Friday, or Friday’s ­Father 3, the three Slaves taken with the ­Women, who prov’d1714 very faithful. 3 Other1715 Slaves who liv’d with the Spaniards. To arm t­ hese, they had,1716 11 Muskets.1717 5 Pistols. 3 Fowling-­Peices.1718 5 Muskets or Fowling-­Peices,1719* which ­were taken by me from the mutinous Seamen, who1720 I reduc’d. 2 Swords, 3 old Halberds.† dual threat blending contempt and fear—­contempt for the primitive nature of the ­enemy along with fear of being overwhelmed. For a con­temporary discussion of some of the weapons used by the natives of Brazil in comparison with ­t hose of Eu­ro­pe­a ns, see Léry, History of a Voyage, 112–121. * Fowling-­Peices . . . ​Peices] The OED lists “peice” as one of many obsolete spelling variants for “piece,” including “peece,” “peis,” and “peise.” It is a spelling used numerous times ­ ere light, long-­barreled guns used for throughout The Farther Adventures. Fowling pieces w hunting birds. See Chambers, Cyclopaedia, 1:4Xv. †  old Halberds] The halberd (also halbard or halbert), a combination of spear and ­battle ax, was a popu­lar weapon during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, when ­t here ­were entire companies of “halbardeers.” The adjective “old” suggests that though they ­were still useful ­under certain circumstances, they ­were no longer a major part of con­temporary warfare. See Chambers, Cyclopaedia, 1:5B.

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To their Slaves they did not give ­either Musket or Fuzee,1721* but they had ­every one a Halberd, or a long Staff,1722 like a Quarter-­Staff, with a ­great Spike of fasten’d into each End of it, and1723 by his Side a Hatchet; also ­every one of our Men had Hatchets:1724 Two of the ­Women could not be prevail’d upon, but they would come into the Fight,1725 and they had Bows and Arrows, which the Spaniards had taken from the Savages, when the first Action happen’d,1726 which I have spoken of, where the Indians fought with one another, and the W ­ omen Hatchets1727 too. 1728 The Spaniard Governour, who I have describ’d so often, commanded the w ­ hole, and Wm. Atkins, who, tho’ a dreadful Fellow1729 for Wickedness, was a most daring bold Fellow,† commanded1730 ­under him. The Savages came forward like Lyons, and our Men,1731 which was the worst of their Fate, had no Advantage in their Situation; only that ­Will.1732 Atkins, who now proved a most useful Fellow, with six Men, was planted1733 just ­behind a small Thicket of Bushes, as an advanc’d Guard, with O ­ rders1734 to let the first of them pass by, and then fire into the m ­ iddle of them, and as soon as he had fir’d,1735 to make his Retreat as nimbly as he could1736 round a Part of the Wood, and so come in b ­ ehind the Spaniards where they stood, having a Thicket of Trees also1737 before them. When the Savages came on, they run straggling about e­ very Way1738 in Heaps,‡ out of all manner of Order, and W. Atkins let about fifty1739 of them pass by him,1740 then seeing the rest come in a very thick Throng, he ­orders three of his Men to fire, having loaded their Muskets with six or seven1741 Bullets a piece, about as big as large Pistol Bullets.1742§ How many they kill’d1743 or wounded they knew not, but the Consternation and Surprize1744 was inexpressible among the Savages; they ­were frighted to the last Degree, to hear such a dreadful Noise, and see their Men kill’d, and o ­ thers hurt, but see no Body that did it; when in the ­Middle1745 of their Fright, W. Atkins,1746 and his other three, let fly again among the thickest 1747 of * Fuzee] Usually called a fire-­lock, it was carried by foot soldiers and had a barrel of about three feet and eight inches long. See Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 3, sig. Cc4. †  Wm. Atkins . . . ​daring bold Fellow] It is clear that the reader is supposed to admire Atkins, despite his antisocial be­hav­ior. It was a time when military officers ­were the object of far greater adulation than they receive t­ oday, even in Britain, with its dislike of a standing army. Defoe shared with his contemporaries a tendency ­toward a double standard in regard to ­t hose in the army and navy. It was understood that society needed them and that the constant danger in which they lived might entail a certain laxity of morals. In this model of the birth of a colony, Atkins’s tendency ­toward vio­lence is a valuable commodity. For a discussion of attitudes t­ oward the military in the work of Defoe and other writers, see Maximillian Novak, “Warfare and Its Discontents in Eighteenth-­Century Fiction,” Eighteenth-­Century Fiction 4 (1992): 185–205. ‡  in Heaps] In disor­ga­nized groups. Although usually referring to inanimate ­t hings, according to the OED, “by or in heaps” may be used figuratively for having the “appearance of a shapeless inert mass,” but that does not seem to be the usage ­here. §  Bullets . . . ​Pistol Bullets] The second section of The Gentleman’s Dictionary, devoted to military affairs, provides the following differentiation between types of bullets u ­ nder the entry “BALL” (pt. 2, sigs. Aa3–­Aa3v): “Bullet, or Shot, is of or Lead, to be fired out of Cannon, Musquet, or Pistol. . . . ​An En­glish Musquet carries a Ball of sixteen in a Pound, a Carabine of twenty four, and a Pistol of thirty two in a Pound; I mean Ammunition-­Carbines and Pistols.”

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them; and in less than a Minute the first three, being1748 loaded again, gave them a third Volley.* Had W. Atkins and his Men retir’d1749 immediately, as soon as they had fir’d, as they w ­ ere order’d1750 to do; or had the rest of the Body been at Hand to have pour’d1751 in their Shot continually, the Savages had been effectually routed; for the Terror that was among them, came principally from this, (viz.) That they ­were kill’d by the Gods with Thunder and Lightning,1752 and could see no Body that hurt them; but W. Atkins staying to load again, discover’d the Cheat; some of the Savages who ­were at a distance,1753 spying them, came upon them ­behind, and tho’1754 Atkins and his Men1755 fir’d at them also, two or three times, and kill’d1756 above twenty, retiring as fast as they could, yet they wounded Atkins himself, and kill’d one of his Fellow1757 En­glish Men with their Arrows, as they did afterwards one Spaniard, and one of the Indian Slaves who came with the ­Women; this1758 Slave was a most gallant Fellow, and fought most desperately, killing1759 five of them with his own Hand, having no Weapon, but one of the Arm’d-­staves1760 and a Hatchet. Our Men being thus hard laid at, Atkins wounded, and two other Men kill’d,1761 retreated to a rising Ground in the Wood;1762 and the Spaniards, ­after firing three Vollies upon them retreated also, for their Number was so g­ reat,1763 and they w ­ ere so Desperate, that tho’ above fifty1764 of them w ­ ere kill’d, and more than so many wounded;1765 yet they came on in the Teeth of† our Men, fearless1766 of Danger, and shot their Arrows like a Cloud; and it was observ’d,1767 that their wounded Men, who ­were not quite disabled, ­were made out-­rageous‡ by their Wounds, and fought like Madmen.1768 When our Men retreated, they left the Spaniard and the En­glish Man that was kill’d, ­behind them, and the Savages,1769 when they came up to them, kill’d them over again in a wretched Manner,1770 breaking the Arms, Legs,1771 and Heads, with their Clubs and wooden Swords, like true Savages: But finding our Men w ­ ere gone, they did not seem to pursue them, but drew themselves up in a kind1772 of a Ring, which is, it seems, their Custom, and shouted twice in Token of their Victory:1773 ­After which, they had the Mortification to see several of their wounded Men fall, ­dying with the meer1774 Loss of Blood. The Spaniard Governour1775 having drawn his ­little Body up together upon a rising Ground, Atkins, tho’ he was wounded, would ha’1776 had him march’d and charg’d them again altogether1777 at once: But the Spaniards reply’d, Seignior Atkins, you see how their wounded Men fight, let them alone ’till Morning; all ­these * third Volley] During the seventeenth ­century, one of the military ideals was to develop a rapid and efficient sequence of firing. See David Chandler, The Art of Warfare in the Age of Marlborough (New York: Hippocrene, 1976), 72–80; John Childs, Armies and Warfare in Eu­rope (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982), 123–126; and Geoffrey Parker, The Military Revolution: Military Innovation and the Rise of the West, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 18–24. †  in the Teeth of] Directly against. The OED gives a much ­later date for this still-­used phrase. ‡  Out-­rageous] Outrageous or furious.

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wounded Men w ­ ill be stiff and sore with their Wounds, and faint with the Loss of Blood; and so we ­shall have the fewer to engage.1778 The Advice was good: But ­Will. Atkins reply’d1779 merrily, That’s true, Seignior, and so ­shall I too; and that’s the Reason I would go on while I am warm. Well, Seignior Atkins,1780 says the Spaniards, you have behav’d1781 gallantly, and done your Part; we ­w ill fight for you, if you cannot come on,1782 but I think it best to stay ’till Morning; so1783 they waited. But1784 as it was a clear Moon-­light Night, and they found the Savages in ­great Disorder about their dead and wounded Men, and a g­ reat Hurry and Noise among them where they lay, they afterwards resolv’d to fall upon them1785 in the Night, especially if they could come to give them1786 but one Volley before they ­were discover’d, which they1787 had a fair Opportunity to do; for one of the two En­glish Men,1788 in whose Quarter it was where the Fight began, led them round between the Woods,1789 and Sea Side1790 Westward, and then turning short South, they came so near where the thickest of them lay, that before they ­were seen or heard, eight of them fir’d in among them, and did dreadful Execution upon them; in half a Minute more, eight1791 ­others fir’d1792 ­after them, pouring in their small1793 Shot in such a Quantity, that abundance w ­ ere kill’d and wounded; and all this while1794 they ­were not able to see who hurt them,1795 or which Way to fly. The Spaniards charg’d1796 again with the utmost Expedition, and then divided themselves into three Bodies, and resolv’d to fall in among them 1797 altogether: They had in each Body eight1798 Persons, that is to say, 24, whereof w ­ ere 22 Men, and the 2 ­Women, who by the way1799 fought desperately. They divided the Fire Arms1800 equally in each Party, and so of the Halberds and Staves: They would have had the ­Women keep back;1801 but they said they ­were resolv’d to die with their Husbands:1802* Having thus form’d1803 their ­little Army, they march’d out from among the Trees, and came1804 up to the Teeth of the E ­ nemy,† 1805 shouting and hallowing as loud as they could; the Savages stood all together,1806 but w ­ ere in the utmost Confusion, hearing the Noise of our Men shouting1807 from three Quarters together; they would have fought if they had seen us:1808 And as soon as we came near enough to be seen, some Arrows w ­ ere shot, and poor old Friday was wounded, tho’ not dangerously:1809 But our Men gave them no Time; but r­ unning up to them, fir’d1810 among them three Ways, and then fell in with the But-­ends of their Muskets,1811 their Swords, arm’d Staves, and Hatchets, and laid about them so well, that, in a word,1812 they set up a dismal Skreaming and Howling, flying to save their Lives, which Way1813 soever they could. * die with their Husbands] Given the general location, it is impossible not to think that Defoe was invoking the myth of the Amazons. Francisco Orellana recalled the ancient myth when, in 1541, he encountered the Tapuyas tribe among whom the w ­ omen fought alongside the men. The notion that ­t here was a tribe of warrior ­women located in Brazil became part of the folklore of South American exploration. See, for example, Sir Walter Raleigh, The Discoverie of the Large, Rich, and Beautiful Empire of Guiana, in Richard Hakluyt, The Principall Navigations of the En­glish Nation, 8 vols. (London: Dent [Everyman’s Library], n.d.), 7:295–296; and Samuel Purchas, His Pilgrimes (London, 1625), 4:1358–1359. †  Teeth of the ­Enemy] Straight against them. See above, the note to 82.

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Our Men ­were tyr’d with the Execution; and kill’d,1814 or mortally wounded, in the two Fights, about 180 of them; the rest, being frighted out of their Wits, scour’d through1815 the Woods, and over the Hills, with all the Speed, Fear and nimble Feet could help them to do; and as1816 we did not trou­ble ourselves much to pursue them, they got all together to the Sea Side1817 where they landed, and where their Canoes lay:1818 But their Disaster was not at an End yet; for it blew a terrible Storm of Wind, that Eve­ning1819 from the Sea-­ward, so that it was impossible for them to go off;1820 nay, the Storm continuing all Night, when the Tide came up, their Canoes ­were most of them driven by the Surge of the Sea,1821 so high upon the Shore, that it requir’d infinite Toil to get them off;1822 and some of them ­were even dash’d to Pieces against the Beach, or against one another. Our1823 Men, tho’ glad of their Victory, yet got ­little Rest that Night; but having refresh’d themselves as well as they could, they resolv’d to march to that Part of the Island where the Savages w ­ ere fled, and see what Posture they w ­ ere in:1824 This necessarily led them over the Place where the Fight had been, and where they found several of the poor Creatures not quite dead, and yet past recovering Life; a Sight disagreeable enough to generous Minds: for a truly ­great Man, tho’ obliged by the Law of B ­ attle1825 to destroy his ­Enemy, takes no Delight in his Misery.* However, t­ here was no Need1826 to give any ­Orders in this Case; for their own Savages, who w ­ ere their Servants, dispatch’d ­those poor Creatures with their Hatchets. At length, they came in view of the Place,1827 where the more miserable Remains of the Savages Army lay, where ­t here appear’d about an hundred still; their Posture was generally sitting upon the Ground, with their Knees up t­ owards their Mouth, and the Head put between the two Hands, leaning down upon the Knees. When our Men came within two Musket-­shot1828 of them, the Spaniard Governour order’d two Muskets1829 to be fir’d without Ball, to alarm them; this he did, that by their Countenance he might know what to expect, (viz.) ­whether1830 they ­were still in Heart to fight, or ­were so heartily beaten, as to be dispirited and discourag’d,1831 and so he might manage accordingly. This Stratagem took; for,1832 as soon as the Savages heard the first Gun, and saw the Flash of the Second, they started up upon their Feet1833 in the greatest Consternation imaginable; and as our Men advanced1834 swiftly ­towards them, they all ran skreaming and yawling† away, with a kind of a howling Noise, which our Men did not understand, and had never heard before; and thus they ran1835 up the Hills into the Country. * ­great Man . . . ​Misery] ­There w ­ ere many collections of brief stories concerning the compassion of men such as Alexander, Camillus, and Lucullus. All of t­ hese broke into tears on viewing the sufferings of the vanquished. See, for example, Nathaniel Wanley, “Of the Commiseration, Pity and Compassion of Some Men to O ­ thers in Time of Their Adversity,” in The Won­ders of the L ­ ittle World; or, A General History of Man (London, 1678), 126–127. Defoe’s manuscript “Historical Collections,” at the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library at UCLA, is a collection of similar anecdotes. †  yawling] The OED quotes this passage u ­ nder the definition “To call aloud, shout, bawl, vociferate.”

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At1836 first, our Men had much rather the Weather had been calm, and they had all gone away to Sea: But they did not then consider,1837 that this might prob­ably have been the Occasion of their coming again in such Multitudes, as not to be resisted, or,1838 at least, to come so many, and so often as would quite desolate the Island, and starve them: ­Will. Atkins,1839 therefore, who, notwithstanding his Wound, kept always with them, prov’d the best Counsellor in this Case: His Advice was, to1840 take the Advantage that offer’d, and clap in between them and their Boats, and so deprive them of the Capacity of ever returning any more to plague the Island. They consulted long about this, and some w ­ ere against it, for fear1841 of making the Wretches fly to the Woods, and live ­there desperate;1842 and so they should have them to hunt like wild Beasts, be afraid to stir out about their Business, and have their Plantations continually rifled,1843 all their tame Goats destroy’d, and,1844 in short, be reduc’d to a Life of continual Distress. ­Will. Atkins told them, they had better have to do with a hundred Men, than with a hundred1845 Nations; that as they must destroy their Boats,1846 so they must destroy the Men, or be all of them destroy’d themselves:1847 In a Word, he shew’d them the Necessity of it,1848 so plainly, that they all came in to it; so they went to work immediately with the Boats, and getting some dry Wood together,1849 from a dead Tree, they try’d to set some of them on Fire; but they w ­ ere so wet, that they would not burn;1850 however, the Fire so burn’d the upper Part, that it soon made them unfit for swimming1851 in the Sea as Boats. When the Indians saw what they ­were about, some of them came ­running out of the Woods, and coming as near as they could to our Men, kneel’d down, and cry’d, Oa, Oa, Waramokoa,1852* and some other Words of their1853 Language, which none of the ­others understood any ­t hing of; but as they made pitiful Gestures, and strange Noises, it was easy to understand, they begg’d to have their Boats spar’d, and that they would be gone, and never come t­ here again. But our Men ­were now satisfied,1854 that they had no Way to preserve themselves, or to save their Colony, but effectually1855 to prevent any of t­ hese P ­ eople from ever ­going Home again; depending1856 upon this, that if ever so much as one of them got back into their Country to tell the Story, the Colony was undone; so that letting them know,1857 that they should not have any Mercy, they fell to work with their Canoes, and destroy’d them1858 ­every one, that the Storm had not destroy’d before; at the Sight of which, the Savages rais’d a hideous Cry in the Woods, which1859 our P ­ eople heard plain enough; a­ fter which, they ran about the Island like distracted Men,1860 so that, in a word,1861 our Men did not ­really know at first what to do with them.1862 Nor did the Spaniards, with all their Prudence,1863 consider, that while they made ­t hose ­People thus Desperate, they ­ought to have kept good Guard at the same * Oa, Oa, Waramokoa] ­There is nothing similar in Rochefort’s “A Caribbian Vocabulary,” History of the Caribby-­Islands, sigs. Zz–­Aaav. But t­ here w ­ ere several tribes near the mouth of the Orinoco, mentioned by Sir Walter Raleigh, with names beginning with W or dominated by w sounds, such as the Wikiri, the Waraweeti, and the Arwacas. See Hakluyt, 7:293, 330, 343.

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time1864 upon their Plantations; for tho’ it is true, they had driven away their C ­ attle, and the Indians did not find out their main Retreat, I mean my old ­Castle at the Hill, nor the Cave in the Valley, yet they found out my Plantation at the Bower,1865 and pull’d it all to pieces,1866 and all the Fences and Planting about it; trod all the Corn ­under foot;1867 tore up the Vines and Grapes, being just then almost ripe, and did to our Men an inestimable Damage, tho1868 to themselves not one Farthing-­ worth1869* of Ser­vice. Tho’1870 our Men ­were able to fight them upon all Occasions, yet they ­were in no Condition to pursue them, or hunt them up and1871 down; for as they ­were too nimble of Foot for our Men, when they found them single, so our Men durst not go about single, for fear of being surrounded with their Numbers. The best was, they had no Weapons,1872 for tho’ they had Bows1873 they had no Arrows left, nor any Materials to make any, nor had they any edg’d Tool or Weapon among them. The Extremity and Distress they ­were reduc’d 1874 to was ­g reat, and indeed deplorable; but at the same time,1875 our Men ­were also brought to very bad Circumstances by them; for tho’ their Retreats w ­ ere preserv’d,1876 yet their Provision was destroy’d,1877 and their Harvest spoil’d, and what to do, or which Way1878 to turn themselves, they knew not: The only Refuge they had now, was the Stock of ­Cattle they had in the Valley by the Cave, and some ­little Corn which grew ­t here; and1879 the Plantation of the three1880 En­glish Men, William Atkins and his Comrades, who ­were1881 now reduced to two, one of them being kill’d by an Arrow1882 which struck him on the Side of his Head, just u ­ nder the T ­ emple, so that he never spoke more; and it was very remarkable, that this was the same barbarous Fellow who cut the poor Savage Slave with his Hatchet, and who afterwards intended to have murther’d1883 all the Spaniards. I look’d upon their Case to have been worse1884 at this Time, than mine was at any time, a­ fter I first discovered1885 the Grains of Barley and Rice,and got into the Manner of planting and raising my Corn,1886 and my tame C ­ attle; for now they had, as I may say, a hundred Wolves upon the Island, which would devour e­ very ­Thing they could come at, yet could very hardly be come at themselves. The1887 first ­Th ing they concluded, when they saw what their Circumstances ­were, was, that they would, if pos­si­ble,1888 drive them up to the farther Part of the Island, South-­West,1889 that if any more Savages came on Shore, they might not find one another.1890 Then, that they would daily hunt and harrass1891 them, and kill as many of them as they could come at, till they had reduced1892 their Number; and if they could at last tame them, and bring them to any ­thing,1893 they would give them Corn, and teach them how to plant and live upon their daily L ­ abour. 1894 In order to this, they so followed them, and so terrified them with their Guns, that in a few Days, if any of them fir’d1895 a Gun at an Indian, if he did not hit him, yet he would fall down for Fear; and so dreadfully frighted they ­were, that they kept out of Sight1896 farther and farther, till at last our Men following them, and * Farthing-­worth] The proverb “Not worth a farthing,” or worthless, continues long ­a fter the coin itself, a quarter of a penny, has gone out of circulation. See Tilley, 203 (F71).

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e­ very Day almost killing and wounding some of them, they kept up in the Woods and hollow Places so much, that it reduced them to the utmost Misery for want1897 of Food, and many w ­ ere afterwards found dead in the Woods, without any hurt,1898 but meerly starv’d to Death. When1899 our Men found this, it made their Hearts relent, and Pity mov’d them, especially the Spaniard Governour, who was a 1900 most gentlemanly generous minded Man* as ever1901 I met with in my Life; and he propos’d, if pos­si­ble, to take one of them1902 alive, and bring him to understand what they meant, so far as to be able to act as Interpreter, and to go among them, and see if they might be brought to some Conditions, that might be depended upon, to save their Lives, and do1903 us no Spoil.† It was some while before any of them could be taken;1904 but being weak and half-­starv’d, one of them was at last surpriz’d and made a Prisoner; he1905 was sullen at first, and would neither eat or1906 drink;1907 but finding himself kindly used, and Victuals given him, and no Vio­lence offer’d1908 him, he at last grew tractable,1909 and came to himself. They brought old Friday to him, who talk’d1910 often with him, and told him how kind the other‡ would be to them all,1911 that they would not only save their Lives, but would give them a Part of the Island to live in, provided they would give Satisfaction1912 that they would keep in their own Bounds, and not come beyond it, to injure or prejudice o ­ thers,1913 and that they should have Corn given them, to plant and make it grow for their Bread, and some Bread given them for their pre­ sent Subsistence;1914 and old Friday bad the Fellow go and talk with the rest of his Countrymen,1915 and see what they said to it, assuring them, that if they did not agree immediately,1916 they should be all destroy’d. The poor Wretches, thoroughly1917 humbled, and reduc’d in Number to about 37, closed with the Proposal at the first offer,1918 and begg’d to have some Food given them; upon which, twelve Spaniards and two En­glish Men1919 well-­arm’d, with three Indian Slaves,1920 and old Friday, march’d to the Place where they w ­ ere, the1921 three Indian Slaves carry’d them a large Quantity of Bread; some Rice boil’d up to Cakes, and dry’d in the Sun;1922 and three live Goats;1923 and they ­were order’d to go to the Side of a Hill, where they sat down, eat the Provisions1924 very thankfully, and ­were the most faithful Fellows to their Words that could be thought of; for,1925 except when they came to beg Victuals and Directions, they never came out of their Bounds; and t­ here they liv’d1926 when I came to the Island, and I went to see them. * Spaniard . . . ​generous minded Man] This image of a Spanish leader displaying generosity in victory may have had for its model the general who appeared in Sir Richard Hawkins’s account of his experiences in the Ca­rib­bean. ­A fter accepting Hawkins’s surrender, the general “euen with teares in his eyes, and words of g­ reat consolation . . . ​commanded mee to bee acommodated in his owne Cabbine, where hee sought to cure and comfort mee the best hee could.” Purchas, His Pilgrimes (London, 1625), 4:1411. †  Spoil] In the sense of injury. ­Unless Defoe intended some echo of the pillaging that the natives had done before they had become weak through starvation, the OED does not provide an example of the substantive used in this way. ‡  other] ­Those of a dif­fer­ent (racial) identity. See OED.

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They1927 had taught them both to plant Corn, make Bread, breed tame Goats1928 and milk them; they wanted nothing but Wives, and they soon would have been a Nation. They w ­ ere confin’d1929 to a Neck of Land, surrounded with high Rocks ­behind them, and lying plain ­towards the Sea before them, on the South-­east1930 Corner of the Island: They had Land enough, and it was very good and fruitful; they had1931 a Piece of Land about a Mile and half broad, three or four Mile in length.1932 Our1933 Men taught them to make wooden Spades, such as I made for my self, and gave them among them twelve Hatchets,1934 and three or four Knives;1935 and ­t here they liv’d the most subjected innocent Creatures1936 that ever ­were heard of. ­After this, the Colony enjoy’d a perfect Tranquillity with re­spect1937 to the Savages, till I came to revisit them, which was above two Years:1938 Not, but that now and then1939 some Canoes of Savages came on Shore for their triumphal unnatural Feasts,1940 but as they ­were of several Nations, and perhaps had1941 never heard of ­those that came before, or the Reason of it, they did not make any Search or Enquiry ­after their Countrymen,1942 and if they had, it would have been very hard to have1943 found them out. Thus,1944 I think, I have given a full Account of all that happen’d to them, to my return, at least that was worth Notice. The Indians1945 or Savages ­were wonderfully civilliz’d1946* by them, and they frequently went among them, but forbid, on Pain of Death, any one of 1947 the Indians coming to them, ­because they would not have their Settlement betray’d again.1948 One Th ­ ing was very remarkable, (viz.)1949 that they taught the Savages to make Wicker-­work, or Baskets; but they soon out-­did1950 their Masters; for they made abundance1951 of most ingenious Th ­ ings in Wicker-­work; particularly, all sorts of Baskets,1952 Sieves, Bird-­Cages, Cup-­boards, &c. as also Chairs to sit on, Stools, Beds, Couches, and abundance1953 of other ­Things, being very ingenious at such Work, when they w ­ ere once put in the way1954 of it. 1955 My coming was a par­t ic­u ­lar Relief to ­t hese P ­ eople, ­because we furnished them with Knives, Scissers, Spades, Shovels, Pick-­a xes,1956 and all ­Things of that kind which they could want.1957 With the Help of ­t hese Tools1958 they ­were so very handy, that they came at last to build up their Huts, or our Houses,1959 very handsomely; raddling† or working it up like Basket-­work‡ all the way1960 round, which was a very extraordinary Piece of Ingenuity, and look’d very odd, but was an exceeding good Fence, as well against * wonderfully civilliz’d] The notion that the Indians had to adapt to some basic notions of “civilization” (which is to say Eu­ro­pean civilization) appears to have been an early attitude in the encounter between Eu­ro­pean colonists and the native population. See Roy Pearce, Savagism and Civilization: A Study of the Indian and the American Mind (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988). †  raddling] Interweaving and twisting together. The OED quotes this passage. ‡  Basket-­work] A pos­si­ble source for this interest in such work might be found in Hendrik Smeeks’s The Mighty Kingdom of Krinke Kesmes (1708), ed. David Fausett and Robert-­H. Leek (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1995), 65–68, in which the El Ho, a cabin boy who becomes separated from his ship a­ fter landing in Australia, builds a walled compound made of such materials.

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Heat, as against all Sorts1961 of Vermine,1962 and our Men ­were so taken with it, that they got the wild Savages to come and do the like for them; so that when I came to see the two En­glish Mens Colonies, they look’d, at a distance, as if they liv’d all1963 like Bees in a Hive; and as for W.1964 Atkins, who was now become a very industrious necessary1965 and sober Fellow, he had made himself such a Tent* of Basket-­ work 1966 as I believe was never seen; it was 120 Paces round in the out-­side, as I measur’d by my Steps; the Walls w ­ ere as close work’d1967 as a Basket in Pannels, or 1968 Squares of 32 in Number, and very strong, standing about seven Foot high; in the m ­ iddle was another,1969 not above 22 Paces round, but built stronger, being Eight-­square in its Form,1970 and in the eight Corners stood eight very strong Posts, round the top1971 of which he laid strong Pieces pinn’d together with wooden Pins, from which he rais’d a Piramid for the Roof of eight Raf­ters,1972 very handsome1973 I assure you, and join’d together very well, tho’ he had no Nails, and only a few Spikes, which he made himself too, out of the old that I had left t­ here; and indeed this Fellow shew’d abundance1974 of Ingenuity in several ­Things, which he had no Knowledge of; he made him1975 a Forge, with a Pair1976 of wooden Bellows to blow the Fire; he made himself Charcoal for his Work, and he form’d out of one of the Crows1977† a middling good Anvil to hammer upon; in this manner he made many Th ­ ings, but1978 especially Hooks, Staples and Spikes, Bolts and Hinges. But1979 to return to the House; a­ fter he had pitch’d the Roof of his inner-­most1980 Tent, he work’d it up between the Raf­ters with Basket-­work, so firm, and thatch’d that over again so ingeniously1981 with Rice-­straw, and over that a large Leaf of a Tree, which cover’d the Top, that his House was as dry as if it had been til’d or slated. Indeed1982 he own’d that the Savages made the Basket-­work for1983 him. The outer Cir­cuit was cover’d, as a Lean-­to,1984 all round this inner Apartment, and long Raf­ters lay from the two and thirty1985 ­Angles to the top Posts of the inner House, being about 20 Foot distant;1986 so that ­there was a Space like a Walk within the outer Wicker-­wall, and without the inner, near 20 Foot wide. The1987 inner Place he partition’d off with the same Wicker-­work, but much fairer, and divided it into six Apartments, so that he had six Rooms1988 on a Floor; and out of e­ very one of t­ hese ­t here was a Door, first into the Entry or Coming into the main-­Tent,1989 and another Door into the Space or Walk that was round it; so that Walk was also divided into six equal Parts, which serv’d not only for Retreat, but to store up any Necessaries which the ­Family had occasion1990 for. ­These six Spaces not taking up the ­whole Circumference, what other Apartments1991 the outer Circle had, w ­ ere thus order’d: As soon as you 1992 ­were in at the Door of the outer Circle, you had a short Passage strait1993 before you to the Door of the inner House, but on ­either Side was a wicker Partition,1994 and a Door in it, by which you went, first, into a large Room or Store-­house, 20 Foot wide,1995 and * Tent] Used in the sense of a tent-­like building in which the wicker-­work replaced the usual canvas. Since Crusoe describes the building as extremely firm and durable, it was hardly tent-­like in being easily dismantled. †  Crows] Modern crowbars. Crusoe speaks of t­ hese in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 53.

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about 30 Foot long,1996 and thro’ that into another not quite so long; so that in the outer Circle was ten handsome Rooms, six of which1997 ­were only to be come at thro’ the Apartments1998 of the inner Tent, and serv’d as Closets or retiring Rooms to the respective Chambers of the inner Circle,1999 and four large Ware­houses or Barns, or what you please to call them,2000 which went in thro’ one another, two on ­either Hand of the Passage, that led thro’ the outer Door to the inner Tent. Such 2001 a Piece of Basket-­work, I believe, was never seen in the World,* nor House, or Tent, so neatly contriv’d, much less, so built.2002 In this g­ reat Bee-­hive liv’d the three Families, that is to say, W.2003 Atkins and his Companion; the third was kill’d, but his Wife remain’d with three C ­ hildren; for she was, it seems,2004 big with Child when he dy’d, and the other two w ­ ere not at all backward to give the ­Widow her full Share of e­ very t­ hing, I mean,2005 as to their Corn, Milk, Grapes, &c. and when they kill’d a Kid or found a Turtle on the Shore; so that they all liv’d well enough,† tho’ it was true, they ­were not so Industrious2006 as the other two, as has been observ’d already. One ­thing, however, cannot be omitted, (viz.) that as2007 for Religion, I ­don’t know that ­t here was any ­t hing of that kind 2008 among them; they pretty often indeed put one another in Mind that ­t here was a God,2009 by the very common Method of Seamen, (viz.) Swearing2010 by his Name: Nor ­were their poor ignorant Savage-­Wives2011 much the better for having been married2012 to Christians, as we must call them; for as they knew very ­little of God themselves, so they ­were utterly uncapable of entring2013 into any Discourse with their Wives about a God, or to talk any ­t hing to them concerning Religion. The utmost of all the Improvement,2014 which I can say the Wives had made from them, was, that they had taught 2015 them to speak En­glish pretty well, and all the ­Children they had, which was near 20 in all, ­were taught to speak En­glish too, from their first learning to speak, tho’ they at first2016 spoke it in a very broken manner,2017 like their ­Mothers. ­There ­were none of ­these ­Children above six Year2018 old when I came thither, for it was not much above seven Year‡ that they had fetch’d ­t hese five Savage Ladies2019 over, but they had all been pretty fruitful, for they had all C ­ hildren, more or less: I think the Cook-­mate’s Wife was big of her sixth2020 * Such a Piece . . . ​World] This structure is illustrated in the Pine and Clark frontispiece to Serious Reflections of Robinson Crusoe (1720), in the upper right-­hand section of the depiction of the island. The complexity and length of Defoe’s description of this edifice goes beyond what might be expected in what Roland Barthes called the “real­ity effect,” and is somewhat puzzling. Defoe did go into considerable detail in his description of Sir Christopher Wren’s St. Paul’s Cathedral in his Tour (1:334–337), but in his fiction, in describing the structure repaired by the three artisans in The Journal of the Plague (ed. Louis Landa [London: Oxford University Press, 1969]), 149, he devoted less than half a page to that building. For Barthes’s argument, see “The Real­ity Effect,” trans. R. Car­ter, in French Literary Criticism ­Today, ed. Tzvetan Todorov (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 11–17. †  all liv’d well enough] While not entirely idealized, this picture of communal living fits into such communal schemes as his Protestant Monastery (1726 [1727]), 24–31, with its planned residence for the aged. ‡  Year . . . ​Year] Examples of the uninflected plural typical of Defoe and of much colloquial speech at the time.

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Child; and the ­Mothers w ­ ere all a good sort of well-­govern’d, quiet,2021 laborious ­Women, modest and decent, helpful to one another;2022 mighty observant and subject to their Masters, I cannot call them Husbands;2023 and wanted nothing but to be well instructed in the Christian Religion, and to be legally married;2024 both which ­were happily brought about afterwards by my Means, or,2025 at least, in Consequence2026 of my coming among them. Having thus given an Account of the Colony in general, and pretty much of my five runagate* En­glish Men,2027 I must say something of the Spaniards, who w ­ ere the main Body of the ­Family; and in whose Story ­t here are some Incidents also remarkable enough. I had a ­great many Discourses with them about their Circumstances2028 when they w ­ ere among the Savages:† They told me readily, that they had no Instances to give of their Application or Ingenuity in that Country; that they ­were a poor miserable dejected Handful of ­People,2029 that if Means had been put into their Hands, had yet so abandon’d2030 themselves to Despair,‡ and so sunk ­under the Weight of their Misfortunes, that they thought of nothing but starving:2031 One of them, a grave and very sensible Man, told me, he was convinc’d they ­were in the Wrong;2032 that it was not the Part of wise Men2033 to give up themselves to their Misery, but always to take hold2034 of the Helps which Reason§ offer’d, as well for pre­sent Support, as for f­ uture Deliverance. He told me2035 that Grief was the most senseless insignificant Passion in the World; for that it regarded only ­Things past, which w ­ ere 2036 generally impossible to be recall’d, to or to be remedy’d, but had no View to ­Things to come, and had no Share in any ­Thing that look’d like Deliverance, but rather added to the Affliction, than proposed a Remedy: And upon this, he repeated a Spanish Proverb; which tho’2037 I cannot repeat in just the same Words that he spoke it in,2038 yet I remember I made it into an En­glish Proverb of my own, thus: In Trou­ble to be troubl’d, Is to have your Trou­ble doubl’d.¶ * runagate] Usually used as a term of abuse for a “deserter,” “fugitive,” or “runaway,” it was sometimes used interchangeably with “renegade,” and the status of ­t hese sailors as having engaged in a mutiny against their captain might better fit that word. See OED. †  among the Savages] The narrative of how they ­were forced to abandon their ship and how they lived among the natives for a period of time is narrated in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 203–204. ‡  Despair] This discussion of despair reflects Defoe’s frequently repeated dismissal of it as a futile and self-­pitying emotion. In its place, he suggested taking actions that would cure the prob­lem. See Novak, Defoe and the Nature of Man, 84, 144–147. §  Reason] For a treatment of Defoe’s fiction as an illustration of the ways in which the reason should work to conquer the passions, see Sill, Cure of the Passions. ¶  In Trou­ble . . . ​doubl’d] Not very dif­fer­ent from the En­glish proverbs “­Don’t cry over spilled milk,” or “­Things past cannot be recalled” (Tilley, 461 [M939]; 661 [T203]). James Howell’s list of Spanish proverbs, published in 1660, provides no exact parallel to this, though t­ here are a number that urge action rather than introspection and brooding over the past. Some of ­t hese include: “Better to go about then fall into the ditch,” “The World goes round, who cannot swim must go to the bottom,” and “A man dyes of the ill he fears.” See “Refranes o Proverbios en Romance,” in Lexicon Tetraglotton (London, 1660), 5, 6, 27.

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He run on then2039 in Remarks upon all the l­ ittle Improvements I had made in my Solitude; my unwearied 2040 Application, as he call’d it, and how I had made a Condition, which, in its Circumstances was at first2041 much worse than their’s a thousand Times,2042 more happy than theirs was, even now, when they ­were all together.2043 He told me, it was remarkable, that En­glish Men had a greater Presence of Mind2044 in their Distress,* than any P ­ eople that ever he met with,2045 that their unhappy Nation, and the Portuguese, ­were2046 the worst Men in the World to strug­gle with Misfortunes;† for that their first Step in Dangers, a­ fter the common2047 Efforts are over, was always to despair, lie down u ­ nder it, and die, without rousing their Thoughts up to proper Remedies for Escape. I told him, their Case and mine differ’d exceedingly, that they w ­ ere cast upon the Shore without Necessaries, without Supply of Food, or of pre­sent Sustenance, ’till2048 they could provide: That it is true, I had this Disadvantage and Discomfort, that I was alone; but then the Supplies I had providentially thrown into my Hands, by the unexpected driving of the Ship on Shore, was such a Help2049 as would have encourag’d any Creature in the World to have apply’d himself as I had done. Seignior,2050 says the Spaniard, had we poor Spaniards been in your Case, we should never have gotten half ­t hose ­Things out of the Ship, as you did: Nay,2051 says he, we should never have found Means to have gotten a Raft to carry them, or to have gotten the2052 Raft on Shore without Boat or Sail; and how much less should we have done, said he, if any of us had been alone? Well, I desir’d 2053 him to abate his Compliment, and go on with the History of their coming on Shore, where they landed, he told2054 me, they unhappily landed at a Place where ­t here ­were ­People without Provisions; whereas2055 had they had the common Sense to have put off to Sea again, and gone to another Island a ­little farther, they had2056 found Provisions, tho’ without ­People; t­ here being an Island that Way, as they had been told, where ­t here was Provisions, tho’ no P ­ eople;‡ that is to say, That2057 the Spaniards of Trini* En­glish Men . . . ​Distress] The afterimage of the self-­reliant En­glishman owes much to that of Crusoe himself. However, the Spanish proverb “Three En­glish men, two of them theeves, the third a rebel,” views the En­glish as lacking in dignity, and that, in part, from the Spanish standpoint, may explain Crusoe’s willingness to put up with anything to survive. Crusoe had, of course, rebelled against his ­father’s advice, and his removal of ­t hings from the wreck had ele­ments of robbery. ­There was a certain nationalist promotion in this view of the En­glish. Dampier described how, following the wreck of Count d’Estree’s multinational fleet in the Ca­rib­bean, the En­glish underwent the ordeal of being stranded on an island with equanimity while the French seamen “died like rotten Sheep.” See Howell, “Refranes,” 26 (a separately paged section of Lexicon Tetraglotton); and Dampier, New Voyage, 43–44. †  their unhappy Nation . . . ​Misfortunes] In his True-­Born En­glishman, Defoe assigned “Pride” to the Spanish and described how they would “proudly starve” rather than be viewed as less wealthy and ­grand than they ­were. ­Under t­ hese circumstances, it would follow that despair might well be the result of being reduced to the miseries and loss of dignity subsequent to a shipwreck. See A True Collection of the Writings of the Author of the True-­Born En­glishman, 1:2. ‡  Provisions . . . ​no ­People] The islands of the area varied considerably in regard to the abundance of food and ­water. For example, Captain John Poyntz depicted Tobago as a kind of paradise with ample food of all kinds, while Henry Pitman had a difficult time finding sustenance and w ­ ater on Tortuga. See Poyntz, The Pre­sent Prospect of the Famous and Fertile

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dad* had frequently been ­t here, and had fill’d the Island with Goats and Hogs at several Times;2058 where they have bred in such Multitudes, and where Turtle and Sea Fowls2059 ­were in such Plenty, that they could ha’ been in no Want 2060 of Flesh, tho’ they had found no Bread;† whereas h ­ ere, they w ­ ere only sustain’d2061 with a few Roots and Herbs, which they understood not, and which had no Substance in them, and which the Inhabitants gave them sparingly enough, and who could treat them no better, ­unless they would turn Cannibals,2062 and eat Mens Flesh, which was the ­great Dainty of their Country. They gave me an Account 2063 how many Ways they strove to civilize the Savages they w ­ ere with, and to teach them rational Customs in the ordinary Way of Living,2064 but in vain; and how they2065 retorted it upon them, as unjust, that they who came ­t here for Assistance and Support, should attempt to set up for Instructors of ­t hose that gave them Bread; intimating, it seems, that none should set up for the Instructors of ­others, but ­t hose who could live without them. They gave me dismal Accounts of the Extremities they ­were driven to; how sometimes they w ­ ere many Days2066 without any Food at all; the Island they ­were upon being inhabited by a Sort of Savages that liv’d2067 more indolent,‡ and for that Reason ­were2068 less supplied with the Necessaries of Life, than they had Reason to believe o ­ thers ­were in the same Part of the World; and yet they found, that t­ hese Savages ­were less ravenous and voracious,§ than t­ hose who had better Supplies of Food. Also2069 they added, That they could not but see with what Demonstrations of Wisdom and Goodness the governing Providence of God¶ directs the Events of ­Things in the World; Which,2070 they said, appear’d in their Circumstances; for if Island of Tobago (London, 1683), especially 1–4; and Pitman, A Relation of the G ­ reat Sufferings and Strange Adventures of Henry Pitman (1689), in An En­glish Garner, 12 vols., ed. Edward Arber (London: Constable, 1909), 2:453–461. * Trinidad] This island had been visited by Sir Walter Raleigh in his attempt to find El Dorado, the mythical kingdom of Guiana, and was associated with the general picture of wealth of all kinds that Raleigh wanted to provide as a rationale for colonization. See Raleigh, in Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, 7:284, and the note to 35 above. †  Bread] Used h ­ ere as a meta­phor for food. The staple food of most of the natives of this area was manioc root. ‡  more indolent] In a more indolent manner. §  less ravenous and voracious] This comment may perhaps have some relation to the debate over luxury that had been sparked by Bernard Mandev­i lle’s Fable of the Bees (1714), though its purpose is not entirely clear. Defoe certainly would not have entirely approved of ­t hese “indolent” (129:1) natives, leading a relatively impoverished life, but he may not have been able to resist a comment on the way in which a more luxurious supply of food leads to behavioral excesses. ¶  Providence of God] H ­ ere, indeed, Defoe’s belief in a Providential plan governing all impor­ tant actions on earth rivals that of Voltaire’s Dr. Panglos’s “best of all pos­si­ble worlds” in Candide from the standpoint of arguing for a generally benevolent purpose in what­ever evil may be found on earth. In this case, Defoe seems to insist that the sufferings experienced by the Spaniards w ­ ere aimed at some ultimate good. In Defoe’s time such a view seemed to be supported by theology, philosophy, and science. See Nehemiah Grew, Cosmologia Sacra (London, 1701), 85–105; and Larry Stewart, “Providence and the Newtonians,” in The Rise of Public Science (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 31–59.

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press’d2071 by the Hardships they ­were ­under, and the Barrenness of the Country where they ­were, they had search’d2072 ­after a better Place to live in; they had then been out of the Way of the Relief that happen’d to them by my Means. Then they gave me an Account, how the Savages, who2073 they liv’d among, expected them to go out with them into their Wars: And it was true, that, as they had Fire-­Arms with them, had they not had the Disaster to lose their Ammunition, they should not have been ser­v iceable only to their Friends, but have made themselves terrible2074 both to Friends and Enemies; but being without Powder and Shot, and yet in a Condition, that they could not in Reason deny to go out with their Landlords to their Wars; so when2075 they came into the Field of ­Battle, they ­were in a worse Condition than the Savages themselves; for they neither had Bows or2076 Arrows, nor could they use ­those the Savages gave them,2077 so that they could do nothing but stand still, and be wounded with Arrows, ’till2078 they came up to the Teeth of their E ­ nemy; and then indeed the three Halberds they had, w ­ ere of Use2079 to them; and they would often drive a ­whole ­little Army before them with ­t hose Halberds and sharpen’d Sticks put into the Muzzles of their Muskets: But that for all this they ­were sometimes surrounded with Multitudes, and in ­great Danger from their Arrows, till at last they found the Way to make themselves large Targets of Wood, which they cover’d with Skins of wild Beasts, whose Names they knew not; and ­t hese cover’d them from the Arrows of the Savages; that notwithstanding ­these, they ­were some Times2080 surrounded with Multitudes, and in ­great Danger from their Arrows, ’till2081 at last they found the Way to make themselves large Targets of Wood, which they cover’d2082 with Skins of Wild Beasts, whose Names they knew not; and ­these cover’d2083 them from the Arrows of the Savages; that notwithstanding ­these, they ­were some Times2084 in ­great Danger, and ­were once five of them knock’d down together with the Clubs of the Savages, which was the time2085 when one of them2086 was taken Prisoner; that is to say, the Spaniard, whom I had reliev’d: That at first they thought2087 had been kill’d: but2088 when after­ ere ­under the greatest Grief imagwards they heard he was taken Prisoner,2089 they w inable, and would willingly have all ventur’d their Lives to have rescu’d2090 him. They2091 told me, That when they ­were so knock’d down, the rest of their Com­ pany rescu’d them, and stood over them, fighting ’till2092 they w ­ ere come to themselves, all but him who they thought had been dead; and then they made their Way with their Halberds2093 and Pieces, standing close together in a Line, thro’ a Body of above a thousand Savages, beating down all that came in their Way, got the Victory over their Enemies, but to their ­great Sorrow, ­because it was with the Loss2094 of their Friend; who the other Party, finding him alive, carry’d2095 off with some ­others, as I gave an Account in my former.2096* They describ’d most affectionately, how they w ­ ere surpriz’d2097 with Joy at the Return of their Friend and Companion in Misery, who they thought had been * Account in my former] This narrative fills in the narrative of how the Spanish “Governor” and Friday came to Crusoe’s island. See The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 203–204.

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devour’d by wild Beasts of the worst Kind, (viz.)2098 by wild Men;* and yet how more and more they ­were surprized2099 with the Account he gave them of this2100 Errand, and that t­ here was a Christian in any Place near, much more one that was able,2101 and had Humanity enough to contribute to their Deliverance.2102 They describ’d how they w ­ ere astonish’d2103 at the Sight of the Relief I sent them, and at the Appearance of Loaves2104 of Bread, ­Things they had not seen since their2105 coming to that miserable Place; how often they cross’d it, and bless’d it,2106 as Bread sent from Heaven;† and what a reviving Cordial it was to their Spirits to taste it, as also of the other ­Things I had sent for their Supply:2107 And a­ fter all, they would have told me something of the Joy they ­were in, at the Sight of a Boat and Pi­lots to carry them away to the Person and Place from whence all ­t hese new Comforts came; but they told me it was impossible to express it by Words,‡ for their excessive Joy, naturally driving them to unbecoming2108 Extravagancies,2109§ they had no way to describe them, but by telling me that they border’d2110 upon Lunacy, having no Way to give vent to their2111 Passion, suitable to the Sense that was upon them;2112 that in some it work’d2113 one Way, and in some another; and that some of them thro’ a Surprize of Joy,2114 would burst out into Tears, ­others be stark mad, and ­others immediately faint.2115 This Discourse extreamly2116 affected me, and call’d to my Mind Friday’s Extasy, when he met his ­Father, and the poor ­Peoples Extasy, when I took them2117 up at Sea, ­after their Ship was on Fire; the Mate of the Ship’s Joy, when he found himself deliver’d in the Place where he expected to perish: and my own Joy, when2118 ­after 28 Years Captivity, I found a good Ship ready * wild Beasts . . . ​w ild Men] The wild man of Eu­ro­pean my­t hol­ogy was sometimes idealized into a being capable of natu­ral kindness along with his g­ reat feats of strength. In the story of Valentine and Orson, only education is needed to convert Orson into a knight guided by the rules of chivalry. Defoe found the idea of such a transformation tempting enough to use it with Friday in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, but, for all Crusoe’s arguments to himself about the cultural nature of cannibalism, both he and his author find the notion of cannibalism an example of the degree to which ­human nature, without education, may fall to an animalistic level. See Defoe, Mere Nature Delineated, passim; Edward Dudley and Maximillian Novak, eds., The Wild Man Within (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1972); and Richard Bernheimer, Wild Men in the ­Middle Ages (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1952). †  Bread sent from Heaven] Th ­ ere is some suggestion of a sacramental ele­ment in the bread ­here, not only the mystical distribution of the bread at the Last Supper that became part of the Mass (Matthew 26:26) but also an echo of the equation of bread and spiritual food (John 6:51). However, on a realist level, bread was the staple of Eu­ro­pean culture. William Dampier, who remarks on the lack of bread and the kinds of replacements for it while traveling in the Far East, describes how the Portuguese made a pre­sent of flour and some loaves of bread to Dampier and his fellow sailors as something precious. See Dampier, New Voyage, especially 283, but also 205, 216, 225. ‡  impossible . . . ​Words] Crusoe makes the proper previous connections for ­t hese moments equivalent to the sublime in which language fails before an overwhelming emotion. Kant called it “the feeling of a momentary check to the vital forces followed at once by a discharge all the more power­f ul.” See, for example, above, 30–31; and Immanuel Kant, Critique of Judgment (bk. 2, sec. 23). §  Extravagancies] For another example of this kind of “Frenzy,” see above, 22.

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to carry me to my own Country:2119 All t­ hese Th ­ ings made me more sensible of the Relation of t­ hose poor Men, and more affected with it. Having2120 thus given a View of the State of Th ­ ings, as I found them, I must relate the Heads* of what I did for t­ hese ­People, and the Condition in which I left them: It was their Opinion and mine too, that they would be troubl’d 2121 no more with the Savages; or that if they ­were, they would be able to cut them off, if they ­were twice as many as before; so they had no Concern about that:2122 Then I entred into a serious Discourse with the Spaniard, whom I call Governour, about their Stay2123 in the Island; for as I was not come to carry any of them off, so it would not be just to carry off some, and leave ­others, who perhaps would be unwilling to stay, if their Strength was diminished. On the other hand,2124 I told them, I came to establish them ­there, not to remove them;2125 and then I let them know, that I had brought with me2126 Relief of sundry Kinds for them; That2127 I had been at a ­great Charge to supply them with all ­Things necessary, as well for their Con­ve­nience, as their Defence; and that I had such and such par­tic­u­lar Persons with me, as well to encrease and recruit their Number, as by the par­tic­u ­lar necessary Employments which they w ­ ere bred to, being Artifi2128 cers, to assist them in ­t hose ­Things, in which, at pre­sent, they w ­ ere to seek.2129 2130 They ­were all together when I talk’d thus to them; and before I deliver’d to them2131 the Stores I had brought, I ask’d them2132 one by one, If they had entirely forgot and bury’d2133 the first Animosities that had been among them, and would shake2134 Hands2135 with one another, and engage in a strict Friendship and Union of Interest,† that so t­ here2136 might be no more2137 Misunderstandings or Jealousies.2138 ­Will. Atkins, with abundance2139 of Frankness and good Humour, said they2140 had met with Afflictions enough to make them all sober, and Enemies enough to make them all Friends; that for his Part,2141 he would live and die with them; and was so far from designing any ­Thing against2142 the Spaniards, that he own’d they had done nothing to2143 him, but what his own mad Humour made necessary, and what he would have done, and perhaps much worse in their Case; and that he would ­ ings he had done ask them2144 ­Pardon2145 if I desir’d it, for the foolish and brutish Th to them; and2146 was2147 very willing and desirous of living in Terms of entire Friendship and Union with them;2148 and would do any ­Thing2149 that lay in his Power to convince them of it; and as for ­going to ­England, he car’d not if he did not go thither t­ hese2150 twenty Years. The Spaniards said, they had indeed at first disarm’d 2151 and excluded ­Will. Atkins2152 and his two Country-­men2153 for their ill Conduct, as they had let me know; and they appeal’d to me, for the Necessity they w ­ ere ­under,2154 to do so: But 2155 that ­Will Atkins had behaved himself so bravely in the g­ reat Fight they had with the Savages, and on several Occasions since; and had shewn himself so faithful to, * Heads] The impor­tant points. See OED. †  Union of Interest] In Defoe’s concept of the state, the awareness of a common interest binds the society together and allows the formation of a nation. See Jure Divino, bk. 2, pp. 4–5; bk. 4, p. 8.

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and concern’d for,2156 the general Interest of them all;2157 that they had forgotten all that was past, and thought he merited as much to be trusted with Arms,2158 and supply’d with Necessaries2159 as any of them; and that they had testify’d 2160 their Satisfaction in him, by committing the Command to him, next to the Governour himself:2161 And as they had an entire Confidence in him and all his2162 Country-­ men, so they acknowledg’d2163 they had merited that Confidence by all the Methods that honest Men could merit to be2164 valued,2165 and trusted; and they most heartily embrac’d the Occasion of giving me this Assurance, that they would never have any Interest2166 separate from one another.2167 Upon 2168 ­t hese frank and open Declarations of Friendship, we appointed the next Day to dine all together; and indeed we made a splendid Feast: I caused the Ship’s Cook and his Mate to come on Shore, and dress our Dinner; and the old Cook’s Mate, we had on Shore, assisted.2169 We brought on Shore six Pieces of good Beef, and four Pieces of Pork out of the Ship’s Provision, with our Punch Bowl,2170 and Materials* to fill it; and in par­tic­u­lar, I gave them ten B ­ ottles of French Claret,† 2171 and ten ­Bottles of En­glish Beer; Th ­ ings that neither the Spaniards, or the En­glish Men had tasted for many Years;2172 and which, it may be supposed, they w ­ ere exceeding glad of. The Spaniards added to our Feast five ­whole Kids,2173 which the Cooks roasted; and three of them ­were sent cover’d up close on board2174 the Ship, to the Seamen, that they might feast on fresh Meat from on Shore, as we did with their Salt Meat2175‡ from on Board. A ­ fter2176 this Feast,2177 at which we ­were very innocently merry, I brought out my Cargoe of Goods, wherein, that ­t here might be no2178 Dispute about dividing, I shew’d them that t­ here was sufficient for them all; desir’d2179 that they might all take an equal Quantity of the Goods that w ­ ere for wearing; that is to say, equal when made up;2180 as first, I distributed Linnen sufficient to make e­ very one of them four Shirts,2181 and at the Spaniards request afterwards, made them2182 up six; ­these ­were exceeding comfortable to them, having been what, as I may say, they had long since forgot the use2183 of, or what it was to wear them. I allotted the thin En­glish Stuffs,§ which I mention’d before, to make e­ very one a light Coat, like a Frock, which I judg’d 2184 fittest for the Heat of the Season; cool * Punch Bowl, and Materials] According to the entry ­under “punch” in Chambers’s Cyclopaedia, punch consisted of cool ­water, lemon and/or lime juice, sugar, and ­either brandy or rum. †  French Claret] Sometimes a term for any red wine but prob­ably used ­here for one from the area of Bordeaux. See OED. ‡  fresh Meat . . . ​Salt Meat] The pro­cess of salting meat as a method of preserving it also changes its taste, and it had already come to be regarded as a delicacy. Hence the sailors who had been eating salted meats would have regarded the fresh meat with plea­sure as a variation in their diet, and the other way around for t­ hose on the island. See Kurlansky, Salt, passim. See also the 1815 Hydrographer’s edition of Robinson Crusoe, 300–301, which provides a number of ­recipes, drawn from the Naval Chronicle, for salting vari­ous meats. §  En­glish Stuffs] See above, the note to 17.

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and loose, and order’d, that whenever they decay’d,2185 they should make more, as they thought fit.2186 The like for Pumps,* Shoes, Stockings,2187 and Hats, &c. I cannot2188 express what Plea­sure, what Satisfaction, sat upon the Countenances of all ­t hese poor Men, when they saw the Care I had taken of them, and how well I had furnish’d them; they told me,2189 I was a F ­ ather† to them, and that having such a Correspondent as I was, in so remote a Part of the World, it would make them forget that they ­were left in a desolate Place,2190 and they all voluntarily engag’d to me not to leave the Place without my Consent. Then2191 I presented to them the ­People I had brought with me, particularly2192 the Taylor, the Smith, and the two Carpenters, all of them most necessary P ­ eople; but above all, my general Artificer, than whom2193 they could not name any t­ hing that was more useful to them: And the Taylor, to shew his Concern for them2194 went to work immediately, and, with my leave,2195 made them e­ very one a Shirt the first Th ­ ing he did; and which was still more, he taught the W ­ omen, not only how to sow2196‡ and stitch, and use the Needle, but made them assist to make the Shirts for their Husbands, and for all the rest. As to the Carpenters, I scarce need mention,2197 how useful they w ­ ere, for they 2198 took in pieces all my clumsy unhandy Th ­ ings, and made them clever con­ve­ nient ­Tables, Stools, Bed-­steads, Cup-­boards, Lockers, Shelves, and ­every ­Thing2199 they wanted of that Kind. But to let them see how Nature made Artificers at first,§ I carried2200 the Carpenters to see ­Will.2201 Atkins’s Basket-­house, as I call’d it, and they both own’d they never saw an Instance of such natu­ral Ingenuity before; nor any2202 ­t hing so regular, and so handily built, at least of its Kind; and one of them,2203 when he saw it, a­ fter musing a good while, turning about to me, I am sure, says he, that Man has no need of us, you need do nothing,2204 but give him Tools.2205 Then I brought them out all my Store of Tools;2206 and gave e­ very Man a Digging-­ spade, a Shovel, and a Rake, for we had no Harrows or Plows;2207 and to ­every separate Place, a Pick-­a xe, a Crow,2208 a broad Axe, and a Saw; always appointing, * Pumps] As ­today in ­women’s shoes, a shoe that fit tightly without the need of lacing. See OED. †  ­Father] Such a reference has to be read in the context of Sir Robert Filmer’s Patriarcha, first published in 1680, though written in the 1630s, in which the notion of government as founded on the power that Adam originally had over his f­amily, as the ­father, became the basis for defending monarchy as the divine form of government. John Locke had given over a large part of his Two Treatises to refuting this idea. In Jure Divino, Defoe argued that although the origin of government may have been the ­family with the ­father as the leader, most modern states w ­ ere based on ideas of common interest. And whereas Filmer saw the monarch as above the law, Defoe viewed any king as obligated to follow the laws of a par­tic­u ­lar nation. See Filmer, Patriarcha . . . ​and Other Po­liti­cal Works, ed. Peter Laslett (Oxford: Blackwell, 1949), 49–126; Locke, Two Treatises, 159–367; and Jure Divino, bk. 2, pp. 4–7; bk. 3, p. 20. ‡  sow] A common con­temporary spelling of “sew.” §  Nature . . . ​at first] This continues the theme presented in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures that the ability to re­create the manner of living in con­temporary society—­its inventions and practices—­lies inherent in the ­human mind.

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that as often as any was broken,2209 or worn out, they should be supply’d without grutching,2210* out of the general Stores that I left ­behind. Nails, Staples, Hinges, Hammers, Chissels,2211 Knives, Scissars, and all sorts of Tools, and—­work, they had without Tale,† as they requir’d, for no Man would care to take more than they wanted, and he must be a Fool that would wast2212 or spoil them, on any Account what­ever; and for the2213 Use of the Smith, I left two Ton of unwrought for a Supply. My2214 Magazine of Powder and Arms, which I brought them,2215 was such, even to Profusion, that they could not but rejoice at them; for now they could march as I us’d to do, with a Musket2216 upon each Shoulder,‡ if t­ here was occasion, and w ­ ere able to fight a thousand2217 Savages, if they had but some l­ ittle Advantages of Situation, which also they could not miss of2218 if they had Occasion. I carry’d2219 on Shore with me the young Man, whose ­Mother was starv’d to Death, and the Maid also; she was a sober well educated 2220 religious2221 young ­Woman, and behav’d so inoffensively, that ­every one gave her a good Word; she had indeed an unhappy Life with us, t­ here being no W ­ oman in the Ship but her self; but she bore it with Patience; a­ fter a while2222 seeing Th ­ ings so well order’d, 2223 and in so fine a way of thriving upon my Island, and considering2224 that they had neither Business or Acquaintance in the East-­Indies, or Reason for taking so long a Voyage: I say, considering all this, both of them came to me, and desir’d2225 I would give them leave2226 to remain on the Island, and be enter’d among my ­Family,2227§ as they call’d it. I agreed2228 to it readily, and they had a l­ittle Plat of Ground allotted to them, where they had three Tents or Houses set up, surrounded with a Basket-­work, Pallisado’d like Atkins’s, adjoyning2229 to his Plantation: Their Tents w ­ ere contriv’d, 2230 so that they had each of them a Room apart to lodge in, and a m ­ iddle Tent like a ­great Store-­house to lay all their Goods in, and to eat and drink in; and2231 now the other two En­glish Men2232 remov’d their Habitation to the same Place, and so the Island was divided into three Colonies, and no more, viz.2233 the Spaniards with old Friday, and the first Servants, at my old Habitation ­under the Hill; which was, in a word, the capital City; and where they had so enlarg’d2234 and extended their Works, as well ­under as on the outside2235 of the Hill, that they liv’d, tho’ perfectly conceal’d, yet full at large; never was t­ here2236 such a l­ ittle City in a Wood, and so hid, I believe, in any Part of the World; for I verily believe, a thousand Men might have rang’d2237 the Island a Month, and if they had not known ­t here was such a ­Thing, and look’d on Purpose for it, they would not have found it; for the Trees * grutching] Variant spelling of “grudging.” In this context, without complaint or objection. See OED. †  without Tale] Numberless. The OED describes this usage as now obsolete. ‡  Musket upon each Shoulder] This is the way Crusoe is depicted in the Clark and Pine frontispiece to The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, and if, as is likely, Defoe was indeed thinking of this illustration, it is an unusual example of such an influence on a subsequent text. §  my ­Family] Another po­liti­cal image suggestive of the patriarchal state of an early society.

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stood so thick 2238 and so close, and grew so fast,2239 matted into one another, that nothing but cutting them down first could discover the Place; except the only two2240 narrow Entrances, where they went in and out, could be found, which was not very easy; one2241 of them was just down at the Water-­Edge of the Creek,2242 and it was afterwards above two hundred2243 Yards to the Place; and the other was up the Ladder at twice,* as I have already formerly describ’d it; and they had a large Wood thick planted, also, on the2244 Top of the Hill, which contain’d2245 above an Acre, which grew apace, and cover’d the Place from all Discovery t­ here, with only one narrow Place between two Trees, not easy to be discover’d 2246 to enter on that Side. The other Colony was that of W. Atkins’s, where t­ here ­were four2247 Families of En­glish Men,2248 I mean ­t hose I had left ­t here, with their Wives and ­Children; three2249 Savages that ­were Slaves; the ­Widow and ­Children of the En­glish Man that was kill’d;2250 the young Man and the Maid; and by the way, we made a Wife of her also, before we went away: Th ­ ere w ­ ere2251 also the two Carpenters and the Tay2252 lor, who I brought with me for them; also the Smith, who was a very necessary Man to them, especially as a Gunsmith, to take care of their Arms; and my other Man, who2253 I call’d, Jack of all Trades; who was in himself as good, almost, as 20 Men,2254 for he was not only a very ingenious Fellow,2255 but a very merry Fellow, and before I went away, we married2256 him to the honest Maid that came with the Youth in the Ship,2257 I mention’d before. And2258 now I speak of Marrying, it brings me naturally to say something of the French Ecclesiastic2259 that I had brought with me out of the Ship’s Crew, who2260 I took up at Sea. It is true, this Man was a Roman,† and perhaps2261 it may give Offence to some hereafter, if I leave any ­Thing extraordinary upon Rec­ord, of a Man, who, before I begin, I must, (to set him out 2262 in just Colours) represent in Terms very much to his Disadvantage, in the Account of Protestants; as first, that he was a Papist;2263 secondly, a popish Priest; and thirdly, a French popish Priest.2264‡ * up the Ladder at twice] See The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 136–137, where Crusoe describes how he makes a double fence around his enclosure and uses a ladder to climb over each of them to reach his cave. The OED defines the phrase “at twice” as referring to an action performed “in two distinct operations.” †  Roman] Roman Catholic. Crusoe rightly assumes a prejudice against Catholics among his readers, but as someone who has lived in Brazil, where he generally worshipped as a Catholic, and as someone who experienced the generosity of the Catholic Portuguese Captain who rescued him and ­later arranged to have Crusoe’s wealth from his Brazilian plantation paid to him ­a fter his stay on the island, Crusoe is in a position to preach a broad and tolerant Chris­ tian­ity. It should be noted that Crusoe’s Chris­tian­ity is far more tolerant than the pose usually struck by a Defoe who spent much of his youth and ­middle years fearing and opposing the presence of a Catholic monarch, James II, on the British throne and ­later d ­ oing his best to prevent the Jacobites from achieving their goal of restoring the heirs of James to the En­glish throne. For the “Protestant” bias of most Britons and the way in which it informed their sense of nationalism, see Linda Colley, Britons (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992), 18–55. For Defoe’s complex judgment of ­England’s Catholics, see Manuel Schonhorn, “Defoe and the Limits of Jacobite Rhe­toric,” En­glish Literary History 64 (1997): 871–886. ‡  a French popish Priest] Although t­ here was a rapprochement between France and Hanoverian Britain in 1719, France had been an ­enemy during the Nine Years’ War (1688–1697) and

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But Justice demands of me2265 to give him a due Character; and I must say, he was a grave, sober, pious, and most religious Person; exact in his Life, extensive in his Charity, and exemplar in almost e­ very Th ­ ing he did; what2266 then can any one say, against my being very sensible of the Value of such a Man, notwithstanding his Profession? Tho’2267 it may be my Opinion, perhaps, as well as the Opinion of ­others, who s­ hall read this, that he was mistaken?2268* The first Hour that I began to converse with him,2269 ­after he had agreed to go with me to the East-­Indies,2270 I found Reason to delight exceedingly in his Conversation; and he first began with me about Religion2271 in the most obliging Manner imaginable. Sir, says he, you have not only, u ­ nder God,2272 (and at that he cross’d his Breast) sav’d my Life, but you have admitted me to go this Voyage in your Ship, and by your obliging Civility have taken me into your F ­ amily, giving me an Opportunity 2273 2274 of f­ ree Conversation. Now Sir, says he, you see by my2275 Habit what my Profession is, and I guess by your2276 Nation2277 what yours is: I may think it is my Duty, and doubtless it is so, to use my utmost 2278 Endeavours,2279 on all Occasions, to bring all the Souls I can to the Knowledge of the Truth, and to embrace the Catholick Doctrine;† but 2280 as I am h ­ ere ­u nder your Permission, and in your ­Family, I am2281 bound2282 in Justice to your2283 Kindness, as well as in Decency and2284 good Manners, to be u ­ nder your Government; and therefore2285 I ­shall not, in the War of the Spanish Succession (1702–1713) and continued to be Britain’s chief Eu­ro­ pean rival through to the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815. For a discussion of this enmity during this period, see Jeremy Black, Natu­ral and Necessary Enemies (London: Duckworth, 1986), especially 3–15, 161–165. * mistaken] Mistaken in his religious beliefs or “Profession.” This favorable view of the French Priest may have some connection to con­temporary events in France. ­There was some thought in Britain during the first two de­cades of the eigh­teenth ­century that France might be ready to move in the direction of the Jansenists, who ­were strongly opposed to the authority of the Pope, and ­toward an in­de­pen­dent Gallic church. Some conceived of this as a transition t­ oward a Protestant France. One pamphlet about Pasquier Quesnel, the exiled leader of the Jansenists, suggested that all France needed was a monarch like ­England’s Henry VIII to carry out such a program. The Pope condemned Quesnel’s writings on Chris­tian­ity as heretical, but Quesnel insisted that he was simply stating basic Christian tenets. Both Louis XIV and Pope Clement XI ­were motivated less by theology than by politics. See A Short History of the Famous Constitution, or Bull Unigenitus, Thunder’d Out by Pope Clement XI (London, 1720), sig. A2. See also Anne-­Marie York, “Pasquier Quesnel and the Third Generation of Jansenism” (PhD diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1992), especially 148–164; and John Traver, “Defoe, Unigenitus, and the Catholic Crusoe,” Studies in En­glish Lit­er­a­ture 51 (2011): 545–563. †  Catholick Doctrine] Among the many differences between the beliefs of En­glish Protestants, both members of the Church of E ­ ngland and Nonconformists, and the “Church of Rome,” aside from the refusal of Protestants to accept the hierarchy of the Catholic Church, with the Pope at its head, was the attitude ­toward transubstantiation, or ­whether the wine and wafer at the Mass constituted a “real” or “symbolic” presence. Archbishop John Tillotson had actually argued that the Catholic view constituted a form of cannibalism. For an excellent summary of the debates between Protestantism and Catholicism during Defoe’s lifetime, see Sharon Achinstein, “Dryden and Dissent,” in Enchanted Ground: Reimagining Dryden, ed. Jayne Lewis and Maximillian Novak (Toronto: Toronto University Press, 2004), 70–90.

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without your Leave, enter into any Debates on the Point of Religion in which we may not agree, farther2286 than you ­shall give me Leave. I told him, his Carriage was so modest, that I could not but acknowledge it; that it was true, we w ­ ere such P ­ eople as they call’d Hereticks;* but that he was not the first Catholick that I had convers’d with, without falling into any2287 Incon­ve­ niences, or carry­ing the Questions to any height in Debate: That he should not find himself the worse used2288 for being of a dif­fer­ent Opinion from us, and if we did not converse without any Dislike on ­either Side upon that Score, it should be his Fault, not ours.2289 He reply’d, that he thought all our2290 Conversation might be easily separated from Disputes:2291 That it was not his Business to cap Princi­ples† with ­every Man he discours’d with; and that he rather desir’d me to converse with him as a2292 Gentleman, than as a Religieuse;2293‡ that if I would give him Leave at any time to discourse2294 upon religious Subjects, he would readily comply with it; and that then, he did not doubt but I would allow him also to2295 defend2296 his own Opinions, as well as he could; but that without my2297 Leave he would not break in upon me with any such t­ hing.2298 He told me farther, that2299 he would not cease to do all that became him in his Office, as a Priest, as well as a private Christian, to procure the2300 Good of the Ship, and the Safety of all that was in her; and 2301 tho’2302 perhaps we would not join with him, and he could not pray with us, he2303 hop’d he might pray for us, which he would do upon all2304 Occasions. In this manner2305 we convers’d, and as he was of a most obliging gentleman-­like Behaviour;2306 so he was, if I may be allow’d to say so,2307 a Man of good Sence,2308 and as I believe, of ­great Learning. He2309 gave me a most diverting Account of his Life, and of the many extraordinary Events of it; of many Adventures which had befallen him in the few Years that he had been abroad in the World, and particularly2310 this was very remarkable, (viz.) That in the Voyage he was now engag’d2311 in; he had had the Misfor­ hether tune to be five times ship’d and unship’d, and2312 never to go to the Place w 2313 any of the Ships he was in, w ­ ere at first design’d: That his first Intent was to have gone to Martinico,§ and that he went on board a Ship bound thither, at St. Malo;¶ but being forc’d into2314 Lisbon by bad Weather, the Ship receiv’d some Damage, * Hereticks] Defoe was to note continued Catholic pressure upon Protestants in Eu­rope, particularly at Thorn (modern Toruń). In his Memoirs of a Cavalier (1720), published only nine months a­ fter The Farther Adventures, he glorified the military efforts of the Protestant King of Sweden, Gustavus Adolphus, to stem the advances of the Catholic Counter-­Reformation in Eu­rope. †  cap Princi­ples] To argue as if in a contest, the end of which is to continually surpass an opponent and “have the last word.” See OED. ‡  Religieuse] A member of a religious order. Defoe uses the feminine form. In correct French it should be “religieux.” §  Martinico] Modern Martinique. A French island colony in the Lesser Antilles at 14°50′ north and 60°40′ west. ¶  St. Malo] A French seaport just across the En­glish Channel from Dartmouth and Torquay at 48°40′ north and 2°00′ west.

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by r­ unning2315 a-­ground in the Mouth of the River Tagus,* and was oblig’d2316 to unload her Cargo ­t here; that 2317 finding a Portuguese Ship ­t here bound to the Maderas,† and ready to sail. and supposing he should easily meet with a Vessel ­t here bound to Martinico; he went on board, in2318 order to sail to the2319 Maderas; but the Master of the Portuguese Ship being but an indifferent Mari­ner, had been out in his Reckoning, and they drove to Fial;‡ where, however,2320 he happen’d to find a very good Market for his Cargo, which was Corn, and therefore2321 resolv’d not to go to the Maderas, but to load Salt at the Isle of May,§ and go away to2322 Newfoundland:2323¶ He had no Remedy in this Exigence, but to go with the Ship, and had a pretty good Voyage as far as the Banks,** so they call the Place,2324 where they catch the Fish, where meeting with a French Ship, bound from France to Quebeck in the River of2325 Canada,†† and from thence to Martinico, to carry Provisions, he thought he should have an Opportunity to compleat his first Design: But when he came to Quebeck, the Master of the Ship dy’d, and the Ship proceeded no farther; so the next Voyage he2326 shipp’d2327 himself for France, in the Ship that was burnt, when we took them up at Sea, and then2328 shipp’d with us for the East Indies, as I have already said:2329 Thus he had been disappointed in five Voyages, all, as I may call it, in one Voyage, besides what I s­ hall have Occasion to mention farther of the same Person. But, I ­shall not make Digressions into other Men’s2330 Stories, which have no Relation to my own,2331 I return to what concerns our Affair in the Island: He came to me one Morning, for he lodg’d among us all the while2332 we w ­ ere upon the Island; and it happen’d to be just when I was g­ oing to visit the En­glish Men’s Colony, at the farthest Part of the Island,2333 I say, he came to me,2334 and told me, with a very grave Countenance, that 2335 he had for two or three Days desir’d an Opportunity of some Discourse with me, which he hop’d 2336 should2337 not be displeasing to me, ­because he thought it might in some Mea­sure correspond with my * Tagus] Lisbon is situated on the river Tagus. †  Maderas] Madeiras. A collective name for a group of islands some 400 miles west of the coast of modern Morocco in Africa, then as now a colony of Portugal. ‡  Fial] An island in the group called the Açores or Azores at 37°44′ north and 29°25′ west. The Açores are approximately five hundred miles northwest of the Madeiras. ­Under ­these circumstances the statement that the Portuguese captain was “an indifferent Mari­ner” (142:26) has to be read as an understatement. §  Isle of May] ­Today, Maio, one of the islands in the Cape Verde group at 15°15′ north and 22°50′ west. Bohun’s Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary (sig. Gg2) lists it ­under Mayo and notes that it is “famous for its Salt Works.” ¶  Newfoundland] The rationale for such a voyage to this island off the coast of Canada had to do with the fishing trade for which Newfoundland was famous and its need for salt to preserve the fish. ­A fter salting, the fish ­were sent back to Eu­rope. See Kurlansky, Salt, 121, 207. ** Banks] The Atlas Manuale, published in 1713 by John Churchil[l], with maps by Herman Moll, supplies a broken line indicating the vari­ ous banks to the west and south of Newfoundland. ††  Quebeck . . . ​R iver of Canada] Québec was the major French settlement in Canada at the time and was located on the Saint Lawrence River, often called “Canada River” by contemporaries. See the map of Canada in Atlas Manuale (1713).

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general Design, which was the Prosperity of my new Colony, and perhaps might put it, at least more than he yet thought it was, in the Way of God’s Blessing.2338 I look’d2339 a l­ ittle surpriz’d at the last Part of his Discourse, and turning a l­ ittle short, How Sir, said I, can2340 it be said, that we are not in the Way of God’s Blessing, ­after such2341 vis­i­ble Assistances and2342 wonderful Deliverances* as we have seen ­here,2343 and of which I have given you a large Account? If you had pleas’d Sir, said he, with a world of Modesty, and yet with g­ reat Readiness,2344 to have heard me, you would have found no room to have been 2345 displeas’d,2346 much less to think so hard of me, that I should suggest, that you have not had wonderful Assistances and Deliverances; and I hope, on your Behalf, that you are in the Way of God’s Blessing, and your Design is exceeding good, and w ­ ill prosper:2347 But, Sir, tho’2348 it w ­ ere more so, than is even pos­si­ble to you, yet ­t here may be some among you that are not equally right in their Actions: And you know, that in the2349 Story of the C ­ hildren of Israel, one Achan† in the Camp 2350 removed God’s Blessing from them, and turn’d 2351 his Hand so against them, that six and thirty‡ of them,2352 tho’ not concern’d in the Crime, ­were the2353 Object of Divine Vengeance, and bore the Weight of that Punishment.2354 I was sensibly touch’d with his Discourse, and told him,2355 his Inference was so just, and the ­whole Design seem’d so sincere, and was ­really so religious in its own Nature, that I was very sorry I had interrupted him, and begg’d 2356 him to go on;2357 and in the mean time,2358 ­because it seem’d, that what we had both to say might take up some Time, I told him, I was g­ oing to the En­glish Mens2359 Plantations, and ask’d him to go with me, and we might discourse of it by the Way:2360 He told me, he would more willingly wait on me thither, b ­ ecause ­t here2361 partly the Th ­ ing was acted, which he desir’d to speak to me2362 about,2363 so we walk’d 2364 on; and I press’d him to be f­ ree and plain with me, in what he had to say.2365 Why then, Sir, says he, be pleased 2366 to give me Leave to lay down a few2367 Propositions, as the Foundation of what I have to say, that we may not differ in the general Princi­ples, tho’ we may be of some differing Opinions in the Practice of Particulars. First, Sir, tho’ we differ in some of the2368 doctrinal 2369 Articles of Religion;§ and it is very unhappy that it is so, especially in the Case before2370 * vis­i­ble . . . ​Deliverances] As evidence of God’s presence in the world, Protestant writers published numerous accounts illustrating seemingly miraculous interventions, often resulting in the conversion of the person saved. For a discussion of this tradition in writers such as John Flavell and James Janeway, see J. Paul Hunter, The Reluctant Pilgrim: Defoe’s Emblematic Method and the Quest for Form in Robinson Crusoe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966), 51–75. †  Story of . . . ​Achan] See Joshua 7:1–26. ­Because Achan disobeyed the expressed ­w ill of God to the effect that no personal loot should be taken from Jericho ­a fter the successful siege by taking and hiding “a goodly Babylonish garment, and two hundred shekels of silver, and a wedge of gold of fifty shekels weight,” God refused to allow the Israelites any victories in ­battle u ­ ntil this deed was punished. Joshua had Achan and his entire f­ amily stoned to death. ‡  six and thirty] See Joshua 7:5. This refers to the thirty-­six soldiers slain by the men of Ái. Although the Israelites attacked in superior force, God granted their ­enemy the victory. §  Articles of Religion] See the note to 100 above.

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us,2371 as I ­shall shew afterwards: Yet t­ here are some general Princi­ples* in which we both agree, (viz.) first, That ­t here is a God; and2372 that this God having given us some stated general Rules for our Ser­v ice and Obedience, we ­ought not willingly and knowingly to offend him; e­ ither by neglecting to do what he has commanded, or by d ­ oing what he has2373 expressly2374 forbidden: And let our dif­fer­ent Religions be what they w ­ ill, this general Princi­ple is readily own’d by us all, That the Blessing of God does not ordinarily follow a presumptuous sinning2375 against his Command;2376 and ­every good Christian ­will be affectionately concern’d to prevent any that are ­under his Care, living in a total Neglect of God and his Commands. It is not your Men being Protestants,2377 what­ever my Opinion may be of such, that discharges me from being concern’d for their Souls, and from endeavouring, if it2378 lyes2379 before me, that they should live in as l­ ittle Distance from2380 and2381 Enmity with their Maker,† as2382 pos­si­ble, especially2383 if you give me Leave to meddle so far in your Cir­cuit.2384 I could not yet imagine what he aim’d at, and told him, I granted all he had said, and thank’d him, that he would so far concern himself for us; and2385 begg’d he would explain the Particulars of what he had observed,2386 that, like Joshua, to take his own Parable, I might put away the accursed Th ­ ing‡ from us.2387 2388 Why then, Sir, says he, I ­will take the Liberty you give me; and t­ here are three ­Things, which, if I am right, must stand in the Way of God’s2389 Blessing, upon your Endeavours ­here, and which I should rejoice for your2390 Sake, and their own, to see remov’d. And, Sir, says he, I promise2391 myself, that you ­will fully agree with me in them all, as soon as I name them;2392 especially,2393 ­because I s­ hall convince you, that ­every one of them may, with ­great Ease, and very much to your Satisfaction, be remedy’d.2394 He2395 gave me no Leave to put in any more Civilities, but went on: First, Sir, says he, you have h ­ ere four En­glish Men,2396 who have fetch’d W ­ omen from among * general Princi­ples] During his early ­career as a writer, Defoe urged all Dissenting Protestant groups in E ­ ngland, including the Quakers, to bury their religious differences and unite as a po­liti­cal block in confronting the intolerance of the Church of ­England. For a brief time during the 1690s, Presbyterians and Congregationalists united, and Defoe attended the sermons of the Congregationalist minister John Collins in 1681. In setting down t­ hese “general Princi­ples,” the French Priest does not raise questions about the Trinity, a subject that divided both the Nonconformists and some members of the Church of ­England at this time. For a discussion of this in relation to Defoe’s attitudes, see Maximillian Novak, Daniel Defoe: Master of Fictions, 523–524. †  Distance . . . ​w ith their Maker] The French Priest appears to suggest that all ­t hose who profess a faith in Chris­tian­ity might be capable of salvation. In this belief, he shows himself to be not very dif­fer­ent from the spirit of Enlightenment Chris­tian­ity that was to produce Jean-­ Jacques Rousseau’s Savoyard priest, of whom Rousseau remarks, “I should have thought him a Protestant in disguise.” See Emile or Education, trans. Barbara Foxley (London: Dent [Everyman’s Library], n.d.), 224–278. ‡  like Joshua . . . ​accursed Th ­ ing] See Joshua 6:18. Having pronounced the city of Jericho to be accursed, Joshua warns that the Israelites must “keep yourselves from the accursed ­t hing, lest ye make yourselves accursed, when ye take of the accursed ­t hing, and make the camp of Israel a curse, and trou­ble it.” As above (note to 103), Achan v­ iolated Joshua’s warning and was punished.

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the Savages and have taken them as their Wives, and have had many ­Children by them all, and yet are not marry’d to them ­after any stated ­legal Manner, as the Laws of God and Man require; and therefore are yet, in the2397 Sence2398 of both, no less than Adulterers, and living in Adultery. To this, Sir, says he, I know you ­will2399 object, that2400 ­t here was no2401 Clergy-­man2402 or Priest, of any Kind, or of any Profession, to perform the Ceremony; nor any2403 Pen,2404 and Ink, or Paper, to write down a Contract of Marriage, and have it sign’d between them:2405 And I know also, Sir, what the Spaniard Governour has told2406 you; I mean,2407 of the Agreement that he oblig’d them to make, when they took ­t hese ­Women (viz.)2408 That they should chuse them out by Consent, and keep separately to them; which, by the way,2409 is nothing of a Marriage,* no Agreement with the ­Women, as Wives,† but only an Agreement among themselves, to keep them from quarrelling.2410 But, Sir, the Essence of the Sacrament of Matrimony2411‡ (so he call’d it, being a Roman) consists not only in the mutual Consent of the Parties to take one another, as Man and Wife, but in the formal and l­ egal Obligation,§ that ­t here is in the Contract, to compel the Man and ­Woman at all Times, to own and acknowledge each other,2412 obliging the Men2413 to abstain from all other W ­ omen, to engage in no other Contract while t­ hese subsist; and on all Occasions, as Ability allows, to provide honestly for them and their C ­ hildren,2414 and to oblige the W ­ omen to the 2415 same, or like Conditions, mutatis mutandis,¶ on their Side.2416 Now, Sir, says he,2417 ­These Men may, when they please, or when Occasion pre­ sents, abandon ­these ­Women, disown their ­Children, leave them to perish, and take other W ­ omen, and marry them2418 while t­ hese are2419 living; and2420 h ­ ere he added, with some Warmth, How, Sir, is God honour’d in this unlawful 2421 Liberty?2422** And how s­ hall a Blessing succeed your Endeavours in this2423 Place? * nothing of a Marriage] Perhaps no subject was so impacted by voyage lit­er­a­ture as that of marriage, since it became obvious that marriage customs had varied throughout history and differed among the vari­ous nations of the world. In trying to arrive at something like a standard of marriage u ­ nder natu­ral law, Samuel Pufendorf devoted close to forty folio pages to the subject without coming to anything resembling a satisfactory conclusion concerning a single “natu­ral” standard. On the other hand, he argued that “it would be idle and ridicu­lous for such Persons, as have not the Power of making or of reversing Civil Law, to plead the Indifference of Natu­ral Law in the pre­sent Case.” See Pufendorf, Of the Law of Nature and Nations, 2:72–110 (bk. 6, chap. 1, secs. 1–36). †  ­Women as Wives] In the Old Testament, marriage conferred vari­ous rights to ­women. See Deuteronomy, chapters 20–25. ‡  Sacrament of Matrimony] The Catholic Church considered marriage a “sacrament” in a way that the Protestants did not. Saint Paul’s comparison between the marriage of husband and wife and that of Christ to his church (Ephesians 5:23–32) established marriage as a mystic u ­ nion. §  formal and ­legal Obligation] Despite his reference to marriage as a “Sacrament,” the French Priest stresses the notion of marriage as a binding, ­legal contract. ¶  mutatis mutandis] Latin phrase meaning “with the necessary changes,” applied to laws governing slightly dif­fer­ent groups, in this case husbands and wives. ** unlawful Liberty] When the En­g lish on the island selected ­women from among the natives, they tell the Spanish Captain that they w ­ ill take the w ­ omen as both “Servants” and “­Women” (67), and it is the Captain who insists that t­ here be only one ­woman to each of the sailors. In this sense, a form of temporary, civil marriage has already taken place. The Libertines,

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However good in themselves, and however 2424 sincere in your Design, while t­ hese Men, who at pre­sent are your Subjects, ­u nder your absolute Government and Dominion,* are allowed2425 by you to live in open Adultery?2426 I confess, I was struck at the Th ­ ing itself,2427 but much more with the convincing Arguments he supported it with; for it was certainly true, that tho’ they had no Clergy-­man2428 upon the Spot, yet a formal Contract† on both Sides, made before Witnesses, and confirm’d2429 by any Token, which they had all agreed to be bound by, tho’2430 it had been but breaking a Stick‡ between them, engaging the Men to own t­ hese ­Women for their Wives, upon all Occasions, and never to abandon them2431 or their ­Children, and the W ­ omen to the same with their Husbands,2432 had been an effectual lawful Marriage in the Sight of God; and it was a ­great Neglect that it was not done. But2433 I thought to have gotten off with my young Priest, by telling him, that all that Part was done when I was not ­here, and they had liv’d so many Years with them now, that if it was an Adultery, it was past Remedy, they could do nothing in it now.2434 Sir, says he, asking your P ­ ardon for such Freedom,2435 you are right in this, that it being done in your Absence, you could not be2436 charg’d2437 with that Part of the Crime: But I beseech you, flatter not2438 your self,2439 that you are not therefore ­under an Obligation to do your utmost 2440 now to put an End to it.2441 How can you think, but that, let the Time past lie on who2442 it ­w ill, all the Guilt, for the f­ uture ­will lie2443 entirely upon you? ­Because it is certainly in your Power now to put an End to it, and in no Body’s Power but your’s.2444 I was2445 so dull still, that I did not take him right; but I imagin’d, that by putting an End to it, he meant 2446 that I should part them, and not suffer them to live together any longer; And I said to him, I could not do that2447 by any Means, for with whom Defoe was well familiar through the works of John Wilmot, 2nd Earl of Rochester, regarded marriage as an attempt by t­hose in power to control sexual passion—­ passion that, to their minds, flourished best ­u nder conditions of complete freedom. The French Priest appeals to Crusoe’s desire to establish his colony as a stable society, ­u nder established laws. * absolute Government and Dominion] That this view of Crusoe’s power comes from someone (French and a Catholic priest) who holds membership in a nation and a church associated with absolutism places it within the bounds of what might be expected from him as part of Defoe’s realism in treating characters. See below, 107. †  formal Contract] Peter Laslett has argued that in some parts of ­England and Scotland the espousal contract was more impor­tant than the marriage and perhaps more solemn an occasion than marriage in the church. The contract was apparently often followed by the sexual ­union of the ­couple. He even quotes one seventeenth-­century Presbyterian divine who argued against the necessity of the church ceremony. See The World We Have Lost (London: Methuen, 1965), 142–144. ‡  breaking a Stick] Gestures such as ­t hese sometimes served as public expressions of a marriage. Slaves in North Amer­i­ca would jump over a broomstick as a sign of marriage, and the breaking of a glass at the wedding of Ashkenazic Jews, what­ever its larger symbolism may be, has a number of parallels in Eastern Eu­ro­pean ceremonies. In addition, sticks ­were sometimes used in sealing a contract. See Bernard Hibbitts, “Re-­membering Law: L ­ egal Gesture in the Past, Pre­sent and ­Future” (1996), https://­w ww​.­law​.­pitt​.­edu​/­archive​/­hibbitts​/­re​_ ­mem​.­htm.

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that it would put the w ­ hole Island into Confusion:2448 He seem’d surpriz’d,2449 that I should so far ­mistake him. No, Sir, says he, I do not mean, that you should now separate them,2450 but legally and effectually marry them now; and as, Sir, my Way of marrying them, may not be so easy to reconcile them to, tho’ it ­will be as effectual, even by your own Laws, so your Way may be as well before God, and as valid among Men; I mean, by a written Contract, sign’d by both Man and W ­ oman, and by all the Witnesses pre­sent, which all the Laws of Eu­rope2451* would decree to be valid.2452 I was amaz’d2453 to see so much true Piety, and so much Sincerity of Zeal, besides the unusual Impartiality in his Discourse, as to his own Party or Church, and such true Warmth for the preserving ­People,2454 that he had no Knowledge of, or Relation to,2455 I say, for preserving them from transgressing the Laws of God; the like of which I had indeed not met with any2456 where: But recollecting what he had said, of marrying them by a written Contract, which I knew would stand, too,2457 I return’d it back upon him, and told him, I granted all that he had said to be just, and on his Part very kind, that I would discourse with the Men upon the Point now, when I came to them:2458 And I knew no Reason why they should 2459 scruple to let him2460 marry them all, which I knew well enough would be granted to be as authentick and valid in ­England, as if they ­were marry’d 2461 by one of our own Clergy-­men.2462 What was afterwards done in this M ­ atter, I ­shall speak of by2463 itself. I then press’d him to tell me what was the second2464 Complaint which he had to make,2465 acknowledging, that I was very much his Debtor for the First,2466 and thank’d him heartily for it.2467 He told me, he would use the same Freedom and Plainness in the Second, and hop’d I would take it as well; and this was, that2468 notwithstanding ­t hese En­glish Subjects of mine, as he call’d2469 them,† had lived with ­t hose ­Women for almost seven Years, had taught them to speak En­glish, and even to read it; and that they w ­ ere, as he perceiv’d, W ­ omen of tolerable2470 Understanding, and capable of Instruction; yet they had not to this Hour taught them any ­Thing2471 of the Christian Religion,2472 no not so much as to know that ­t here was a God, or a Worship, or in what Manner God was to be served, or that their own Idolatry, and worshipping they knew not who,2473 was false and absurd. This, he said, was an unaccountable Neglect, and what God would certainly call them2474 to Account2475 for, and perhaps at last take the Work out of their Hands: * Contract . . . ​Eu­rope] This was certainly true u ­ nder natu­ral law (see Pufendorf, Of the Law of Nature and Nations, 2:83 [bk. 6, chap. 1, sec. 14]), but in Catholic countries such as France, despite a trend t­ oward state control of marriage, it was still a sacrament and in need of blessing by the Church. Quakers, on the other hand, married without oaths and with a s­ imple contract. See James Traer, Marriage and the ­Family in Eighteenth-­Century France (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1980), 22–38; and Augusta Hamilton, Marriage Rites, Customs and Ceremonies (London: J. Robins, 1824), 176–177. †  En­glish Subjects . . . ​them] Crusoe’s use of “as he call’d them” to suggest that this concept of monarchy was part of the way the French Priest viewed politics would be characteristic of his nationality and position. Defoe always used this phrase to undercut interpretations of this kind. See above, the note to 106.

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He spoke this very affectionately and warmly.2476 I am perswaded, says he, had t­ hose Men liv’d in the Savage2477 Country, whence their Wives came,2478 the Savages would have taken more Pains to have brought them to be2479 Idolaters,2480 and to worship the Dev­il,* than any of ­t hese Men, so far as he could see, had taken with them to teach them the Knowledge of the true2481 God: Now, Sir, said he,2482 tho’ I do not acknowledge your Religion,2483 or you mine, yet we should be glad to see the Dev­il’s Servants, and the Subjects of his Kingdom, taught to know the general Princi­ples of the Christian Religion; that they might, at least, hear of God, and of a Redeemer, and of the Resurrection, and of a f­ uture State, Th ­ ings which we all believe; they had at least been so much nearer coming into the Bosom of the true Church, than they are now in the publick Profession of Idolatry2484 and Devil Worship.2485† I could2486 hold no longer; I took him in my Arms, and embrac’d him with an Excess of Passion: How far, said I to him,2487 have I been from understanding the most essential Part of a Christian!2488 (viz.) to love the Interest of the Christian Church, and the good of other Mens Souls?2489 I scarce have known what belongs to being a Christian.2490 O, Sir, do not say so, reply’d he, this Th ­ ing is not your 2491 Fault. No, says I, but why did I never lay it to Heart as well as you? ’Tis not too late yet, said he, be not too forward to condemn yourself:2492 But what can be done now, said I, you see I am2493 ­going away? W ­ ill you give me Leave, said he, to talk with t­ hose poor Men about it?2494 Yes, with all my Heart, said I, and ­will2495 oblige them to give Heed to what you say too: As to that, said he, we must leave them to the Mercy of Christ; but 2496 ’tis2497 our Business to assist them, encourage them, and instruct them; and if you ­will give me Leave, and God his Blessing, I do not doubt but the poor ignorant Souls s­ hall be brought home2498 into the g­ reat Circle of Chris­tian­ity, if not into2499 the par­tic­u ­lar Faith that we all embrace, and that even while you stay2500 ­here:2501 Upon this, I said, I ­shall not only give you Leave, but give you a thousand Thanks for it.2502 What follow’d on this Account,2503 I ­shall mention also again in its Place. I now press’d him for the Third Article, in which we w ­ ere to blame.2504 Why 2505 2506 r­ eally, says he, it is of the same Nature, and I ­will proceed, asking your Leave, with the same Plainness as2507 before; it is about your poor2508 Savages, who are, as * worship the Devil] The French Priest’s view of Ca­rib­bean religion is hardly an informed one. Rochefort commented mainly on the general lack of religion among the natives of the area. He remarked on the existence of an evil spirit named Mapoya or Maboya, but this spirit was certainly not worshipped. The natives also believed in good spirits and in Gods who dwelled in Heaven, but they did not think ­t hese Gods had very much influence upon their lives. See History of the Caribby-­Islands, 276–283. †  Idolatry and Devil Worship] Seven years l­ater, in his Po­liti­cal History of the Dev­il (1726), Defoe was to suggest that the Roman Catholic Church often acted as an agent of the Devil. ­A fter giving numerous examples of the corrupt Popes throughout history, he wrote, “. . .’tis a question not yet thorowly de­cided, ­whether the Medly of Superstition and horrible Heresies, that Mass of Enthusiasm and Idols call’d the Catholick Hierarchy, was a Church of God or a Church of the Devil.” In other words, Crusoe’s ecumenical spirit was not always embraced by Defoe. See The Po­liti­cal History of the Dev­il, ed. Irving Rothman and R. Michael Bowerman (New York: AMS Press, 2003), 160.

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I may say, your conquer’d Subjects. It is2509 a Maxim, Sir, that is or ­ought to be received among all Christians of what Church or pretended Church soever, (viz.) The Christian Knowledge o­ ught to be propogated by all pos­si­ble Means, and on all pos­si­ble Occasions:2510* ’Tis on this Princi­ple that our Church sends Missionaries into Persia, India, and China,2511† and that our Clergy, even of the superior Sort, willingly engage in the most hazardous Voyages, and the most dangerous Residence among Murtherers2512 and Barbarians, to teach them the Knowledge of the true God, and to bring them over to embrace the Christian Faith.2513 Now, Sir, you have such an Opportunity ­here, to have six or seven and thirty2514 poor Savages brought over from Idolatry to the Knowledge of God2515 their Maker and Redeemer, that I won­der how you can pass such an Occasion of d ­ oing Good, which is r­ eally worth the Expence of a Man’s ­whole life. I was now struck dumb indeed, and had not one Word to say. I had ­here a Spirit of true Christian Zeal for God and Religion before me, let his par­tic­u­lar Princi­ ples be of what Kind soever; as for me, I had not so much as entertain’d2516 a Thought of this in my Heart before, and I believe should not have thought of it; for I look’d upon t­ hese Savages as Slaves, and P ­ eople, who, had we had any Work for them to do, we would ha’ used as such, or would ha’2517 been glad to have transported them‡ to any other Part of the World; for our Business was to get rid of them, and we would all have been satisfy’d,2518 if they had been sent to any Country, so they had never seen their own: But to the Case, I say,2519 I was confounded at his Discourse, and knew not what Answer to make him. He look’d2520 earnestly at me, seeing me in some Disorder;2521 Sir, says he, I ­shall be very sorry, if what I have said gives you any Offence: No, No, says I,2522 I am offended with no Body but my self; but I am perfectly confounded,2523 not only to think that I should never take any Notice of this before, but with reflecting what Notice I am able to take of it now. You know, Sir, said I, what Circumstances I am in, I am bound to the East-­Indies2524 in a Ship freighted by Merchants, and to whom it would be an unsufferable Piece2525 of Injustice to detain their Ship h ­ ere, the Men lying all this while at Victuals and Wages upon the ­Owners Account.2526 It is true, I agreed to be allow’d twelve2527 Days ­here, * Christian Knowledge . . . ​Occasions] The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, founded in 1701, and its offshoot, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, founded two years ­later, both acted upon this “Maxim.” They and their ideals ­were very much part of the religious scene in Defoe’s time. See W. K. Lowther Clarke, Eigh­teenth ­Century Piety (London: SPCK, 1944), passim; and H. P. Thompson, Into All Lands (London: SPCK, 1951), 3–103. †  Persia, India, and China] The accounts of Catholic missionaries throughout the Far East ­were legendary, and their accounts of China ­were among the earliest encounters with that nation. The Jesuits w ­ ere especially adventurous and zealous in this re­spect. See, for example, Dominique Bouhours, The Life of Francis Xavier, trans. John Dryden, in The California Edition of the Works of John Dryden, ed. Alan Roper et al. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), 19:59–443. ‡  transported them] In fact ­there ­were mass transportations of natives to vari­ous islands, such as St. Vincent, by Eu­ro­pean colonists, though more typically, they ­were e­ ither slaughtered or enslaved. See Charles Strachan Sanders Higham, The Development of the Leeward Islands ­under the Restoration, 1660–1688 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1921), 122–142.

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and if I stay more, I must pay 3l. Sterling per Diem Demorage,* nor can I stay upon Demorage above eight Days more, and I have been h ­ ere thirteen2528 Days already, so that I am perfectly unable to engage in this Work, ­unless I would suffer my self2529 to be left ­behind ­here again, in which Case, if this single Ship should miscarry in any Part2530 of her Voyage, I should be just in the same Condition that I was left in ­here at first, and from which I have been so wonderfully delivered.2531 He own’d the Case was very hard upon me, as to my Voyage; but laid it home2532 upon my Conscience, w ­ hether the Blessing of saving seven and thirty Souls, was not worth my venturing all I had in the World for;2533 I was not so sensible of that as he was? I return’d upon him thus, why, 2534 Sir, it is a valuable ­T hing indeed to be an Instrument in God’s Hand to2535 convert seven and thirty Heathen to the Knowledge of Christ, but as you are an Ecclesiastic, 2536 and are given over to the Work, so2537 that it seems so naturally to fall into the Way of your Profession; how is2538 it, that2539 you do not rather offer your self2540 to undertake it, than press me to it? Upon this he fac’d about, just before me, as we walk’d 2541 along, and putting me to a full Stop, made me a very low Bow;2542 I most heartily thank God and you, Sir, says he, for giving me so evident a Call to so blessed a 2543 Work,2544 and if you think your self discharg’d from it, and desire me to undertake it, I ­will most readily do it, and think it a happy Reward for all the H ­ azards and Difficulties of such a broken2545 disappointed Voyage as I have met with, that I2546 may be drop’d at last into so glorious a Work.2547 I discover’d a kind of Rapture in his Face,2548 while he spoke this to me; his Eyes sparkl’d2549 like Fire, his Face glow’d, and his Colour came and went, as if he had been falling into Fits;† in a word,2550 he was fir’d with the Joy of being embark’d in such a Work. I paus’d a considerable while before I could tell what to say to him, for I was ­really surpriz’d to find a Man of such Sincerity ‡ and Zeal, and carry’d * Demorage] Falconer’s Marine Dictionary defines “DEMURRAGE” as “an allowance given to the commander of a trading ship by the merchants, for having detained him longer in port than the time previously appointed for his departure” (99). But ­here it appears to be an agreement between the “­Owners” and Crusoe or his nephew, the ship’s Captain, about how long they may be allowed to stop at Crusoe’s island and the daily fee to be charged Crusoe for an extended stay, as many as nine days longer than the eight days that had originally been contracted. Both instances, however, involve delays in departure. For the original arrangements, see above, 15–16. For Defoe’s unfortunate personal experiences with a law case involving demurrage, see James Sutherland, “Some Early Trou­bles of Daniel Defoe,” Review of En­glish Studies 9 (1933): 277–280. †  falling into Fits] The “Zeal” that Crusoe appreciates so much was the kind of religious emotion that Jonathan Swift attacked as a form of madness in his Tale of a Tub (1704). By the end of the ­century, “enthusiasm” of all kinds was considered to be a sign of genuine sensibility. But despite the attempts of Anthony Ashley Cooper, Third Earl of Shaftesbury, to bring the notion of enthusiasm into some repute in his Characteristicks (1711), it still had the onus of a kind of religious fanat­i­cism. Crusoe is very much of a religious enthusiast, but not every­one felt comfortable with this aspect of the trilogy. For example, see Jean Le Clerc, Bibliothèque Ancienne et Moderne, vol. 15 (1721), 440–441. ‡  Sincerity] Always a popu­lar word among the Dissenters in describing the basis for their scruples in refusing to accept the Church of E ­ ngland, it became a term of derision and debate

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out in his Zeal beyond the ordinary rate2551 of Men, not of his Profession only, but even of any Profession whatsoever. But a­ fter I had consider’d it while,2552 I ask’d him seriously if he was in earnest,2553 and that he would venture on the single Consideration of an Attempt on ­t hose poor ­People, to be lock’d up in an2554 unplanted* Island for, perhaps, his Life,2555 and at last might not know w ­ hether he should be 2556 able to do them any Good, or not? He2557 turn’d short upon me, and ask’d me what I call’d a Venture? Pray, Sir, said he,2558 what do you think I consented to go in your Ship to the East-­Indies2559 for? Nay, said I, that I know not, ­unless it was to preach2560 to the Indians:† Doubtless it2561 was, said he; and do you think,2562 if I can convert ­t hese seven and thirty Men to the Faith of Christ, it is not worth my time,2563 tho’ I should never be fetch’d off the Island again; nay, is it not infinitely of more worth2564 to save so many Souls, than my life is, or the Life of2565 twenty2566 more of the same Profession? Yes, Sir, says he, I would give Christ and the blessed2567 Virgin Thanks all my Days, if I could be made the least happy Instrument of saving the Souls of ­t hese poor Men, tho’ I was never to set my Foot off this Island, or see my native Country any more.2568 But since you ­will honour me, says he, with putting me into this Work,2569 for which I ­will pray for you all the Days of my Life;2570 I have one h ­ umble Petition to you, said he, besides; What is that, said I? Why, says he,2571 it is, that you w ­ ill leave your Man Friday with me, to be my Interpreter to them,2572 and to assist me, for without some2573 Help I cannot speak to them, or they to me.2574 I was2575 sensibly troubled at his requesting Friday, ­because I could not think of parting with him, and that for many Reasons; he had been the Companion of my Travels; he was not only faithful to me, but sincerely affectionate to the last Degree,2576 and I had resolv’d to do something considerable for him, if he out-­liv’d me, as it was probable he would; then2577 I knew that, as I had bred Friday up to be a Protestant, it would quite confound him to bring him to embrace another Profession; and he would never, while his Eyes ­were open, believe2578 that his old Master was a Heretick and would be damn’d,2579 and this might in the End ruin the poor Fellow’s Princi­ples, and so turn him to2580 his first Idolatry. at this time ­because of its use by the Bishop of Bangor as a partial excuse for doubtful actions. “Bangorian Sincerity” became equivalent to a complete lack of conscience. Defoe’s use of the word at this time has to be considered deliberate. He repeats the word (107) as a high compliment in explaining the impulse b ­ ehind the French Priest’s attitudes t­oward marriage. Indeed, during the following de­cades, despite attacks upon the word and its connotations, sincerity became one of the impor­tant qualities in describing persons of sensibility and high moral values. For the argument that Defoe’s involvement in this controversy influenced his creation of character, see Maximillian Novak, “Sincerity, Delusion, and Character in the Fiction of Defoe and the ‘Sincerity Crisis’ of His Time,” in Augustan Studies, ed. Douglas Lane Patey and Timothy Keegan (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1984), 109–126. For the importance of this term for the period, see Leon Guilhamet, The Sincere Ideal: Studies on Sincerity in Eighteenth-­Century En­glish Lit­er­a­ture (Montreal: McGill-­Queens University Press, 1974). * unplanted] In relation to the island as a colony, it would mean that it is undeveloped compared to such islands as w ­ ere producing sugar and other products for exportation. †  Indians] A general name for indigenous ­peoples. See above, the annotation to 72:34.

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However, a sudden2581 Thought reliev’d me in this Strait, and it was this; I told him, I could not say2582 that I was willing to part with Friday on any Account what­ ever,2583 tho’ a Work that to him was of more Value than his Life, o ­ ught to be to me of much less2584 Value than the keeping or parting with a Servant: But on the other hand, I was persuaded,2585 that Friday would by no Means consent to part with me, and I could not force2586 him to it without his Consent, without manifest Injustice,2587 b ­ ecause I had promised I would never put him away, and he had promis’d and engag’d to2588 me, that he would never leave me, u ­ nless I put him away.2589 He2590 seem’d very much concern’d at it, for he had no rational Access to t­ hese poor ­People, seeing he did not understand one word of their Language, nor they one word2591 of his:2592 To remove this Difficulty, I told him, Friday’s F ­ ather had learn’d Spanish, which I found he also understood,2593 and he should serve him for an Interpreter; so he was much better satisfied, and nothing could persuade him,2594 but he would stay to endeavour to convert them; but Providence gave another, and very happy2595 Turn to all this. I come back now to the first Part of his Objections. When we came2596 to the En­glish Men, I sent for them all together,2597 and ­after some Account given them of what I had done for them, (viz.)2598 what necessary Th ­ ings I had provided for them, and how they w ­ ere distributed, which they w ­ ere very sensible of, and very thankful for.2599 I began to talk to them of the scandalous Life they led, and gave them a full Account of the Notice the Clergy-­man2600 had already taken of it, and arguing how unchristian and irreligious a Life it was.2601 I first ask’d them if they ­were married Men or Batchelors? They soon explain’d their Condition to me, and shew’d me that two of them ­were Widowers, and the other three2602 ­were single Men or Batchelors.2603 I ask’d them with what Consciences they could take ­t hese ­Women and lie with them,2604 as they had done, call them their Wives, and have so many C ­ hildren by them, and not be marry’d lawfully to them. They all gave me the Answer that I expected, (viz.)2605 that t­ here was no Body to marry them; that they agreed before the Governour to keep them2606 as their Wives; and to keep them, and own them as their Wives; and they thought as Th ­ ings stood with them, they w ­ ere as legally married2607 as if they had been married2608 by a Parson, and with all the Formalities in the World. I told them, that no doubt they w ­ ere married in the Sight of God, and w ­ ere bound in Conscience to keep them as their Wives, but that the Laws of Men being other­w ise, they might pretend they w ­ ere not married, and so desert the poor ­Women and ­Children hereafter; and that their Wives being poor desolate ­Women, friendless and moneyless,2609 would have no way2610 to help themselves. I therefore told them, that ­unless I was assur’d of their honest Intent, I could do nothing for them; but would take Care2611 that what I did should be for the W ­ omen and their ­Children 2612 without them, and that ­u nless they would give some Assurances,2613 that they would marry the W ­ omen, I could not think it was con­ve­nient 2614 they should continue together as Man and Wife, for that it was both scandalous to Men, and offensive to God, who they could not 2615 think would bless them, if they went on thus.

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All2616 this went on as I expected, and they told me, especially ­Will. Atkins, who seem’d now to speak for the rest, that they2617 loved their Wives as well, as if they had been born in their own2618 Native2619 Country, and would not leave them upon any Account what­ever; and they did2620 verily2621 believe their Wives w ­ ere as virtuous and as modest, and did to the utmost of their Skill, as much for2622 them, and for their C ­ hildren, as any W ­ omen could possibly do, and they would not part with them on any2623 Account:2624 And ­Will. Atkins for his own Par­tic­u ­lar added, if2625 any Man would take him away, and offer to carry him2626 home to ­England,2627 and make him Captain of the best Man of War in the Navy, he would not go with him, if he might not carry his Wife and C ­ hildren with2628 him; and if ­t here was2629 a Clergy-­man in the Ship, he would be married to her now2630 with all his Heart.2631 This was just as I would have it; the Priest was not with me at that Moment, but was not far off: So to try him farther, I told him I had a Clergy-­man with me, and if he was sincere, I would have him married the next Morning, and bid him consider of it, and talk with the2632 rest;2633 he said, as for himself, he2634 need not consider of it at all, for he was very ready to do it, and was glad I had2635 a Minister with me, and he believ’d they would be all willing also. I then told him 2636 that my Friend the Minister was a French Man,2637 and could not speak En­glish,2638 but that I would act the Clerk between them:2639 He never so much as ask’d me ­whether he was Papist or Protestant, which was indeed what I was afraid of: But, I say, they never enquir’d2640 about it. So we parted, I went back to my Clergy-­man, and ­Will. Atkins went in to talk with his Companions.2641 I desir’d the French Gentleman not to say anything to them, till the Business was thorough ripe, and I told him what Answer the Men had given me. Before2642 I went from their Quarter, they all came to me, and told me, they had been considering what I had said,2643 that they w ­ ere very glad to hear I had a Clergy-­ man in my Com­pany, and they w ­ ere very willing2644 to give me the Satisfaction I desir’d, and to be formally married2645 as soon as I pleas’d,2646 for they ­were far from desiring to part with their Wives, and that they meant nothing but what was very honest when they chose them; so2647 I appointed them to meet me the next Morning, and that in the mean time they should let their Wives know the meaning of the Marriage-­Law; and that it was not only to prevent any Scandal, but also to oblige them, that they should not forsake them, what­ever might happen. The2648 ­Women w ­ ere easily made sensible of the Meaning of the ­Thing,2649 and ­were very well satisfied with it, as, indeed,2650 they had Reason to be; so they fail’d not to attend all together at my Apartment 2651 the next Morning, where I brought out my Clergy-­man;2652 and tho’ he had not on a Minister’s2653 Gown, ­a fter the Manner of ­England,* or the Habit of a Priest, ­after the Manner of France;† yet hav* Minister’s Gown . . . ​­England] A long black gown accompanied by a split white collar was a typical costume for an En­glish clergyman of the period. †  Priest . . . ​France] Priests in France wore a variety of outfits during the seventeenth ­century. This variety is well illustrated in Claude Du Molinet’s Figvres des dif­fer­ents habits des chanoines regvliers en ce siecle (Paris, 1666). For examples of t­ hose with black cassocks tied with a sash, see t­ hose associated with St. Rufe in Dauphiné (37), that of la Congregation de nostre

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ing a black Vest something like a Cassock,* with a Sash round it, he did not look very unlike a Minister; and as for his Language, I was his Interpreter. But2654 the Seriousness of his Behaviour to them, and the Scruples he made of marrying the ­Women, ­because they w ­ ere not baptiz’d,2655 and profess’d Christians, gave them an exceeding Reverence for his Person; and ­there was no need ­after that, to enquire ­whether he was a Clergy-­man or no. Indeed, I was afraid his Scruple would have been carry’d so far, as that he would not have marry’d them at all; nay, notwithstanding all I was able to say to him, he resided me, though modestly, yet very steadily, and at last refus’d absolutely to marry them, ­u nless he had first talk’d with the Men, and the ­Women too; and though at first I was a ­little backward to it, yet at last I agreed to it with a good ­Will, perceiving the Sincerity of his Design. When he came to them, he let them know, that I had acquainted him with their Circumstances, and with the pre­sent Design: That he was very willing to perform that Part of his Function, and marry them as I had desir’d; but that before he could do it, he must take the Liberty to talk with them. He told them, that in the Sight of all indifferent† Men, and in the Sense of the Laws of Society, they had liv’d all this while in an open Adultery;‡ and that it was true, that nothing but the consenting to marry, or effectually separating2656 them from one another now, could put an End to it; but t­ here was a Difficulty in it too, with re­spect to the Laws of Christian Matrimony, which he was not fully satisfy’d about, viz. That of marrying one that is a profess’d Christian, to a Savage, an Idolater, and a Heathen, one that is not baptiz’d; and yet that he did not see that ­t here was Time left for it to endeavour to persuade the W ­ omen to be baptiz’d, or to profess the Name of Christ, whom they had, he doubted, heard nothing of, and without which they could not be baptiz’d. He told them, He doubted they w ­ ere but indifferent Christians themselves; that they had but l­ ittle Knowledge of God, or of his Ways; and therefore, he could not expect that they had said much to their Wives on that Head yet; but that ­unless they would promise him to use their Endeavour with their Wives, to persuade them to become Christians, and would as well as they could instruct them in the KnowlSauveur en Lorraine (45), and that at Roncevaux in Navarre (117). But some of the plates in this book seem to show white or light-­colored cassocks. See also the following note. * Vest . . . ​Cassock] Both ­were generally long garments that fit close to the body and w ­ ere worn ­under a gown. The cassock was a usual part of a clergyman’s costume in the eigh­teenth ­century and during the preceding centuries. For ordinary priests it was often black in color and was frequently tied with a sash in front. Thus this French Priest was dressed appropriately. The vest was often a sleeveless gown worn close to the body but like the cassock was an outer garment. The clergyman in William Hogarth’s Paul before Felix Burlesqued appears to be wearing such a garment ­under his robe. See R.A.S. Macalaster, Ecclesiastical Vestments (London: Elliot Stock, 1896), 138–140; Herbert Norris, Church Vestments (New York: Dutton, 1950), 165–166; and George Tyack, Historic Dress of the Clergy (London: William Andrews, 1897), 20–25. †  indifferent] Impartial. See OED. ‡  Laws of Society . . . ​Adultery] This appears to contradict Crusoe’s notion of marriage (see above, 106–107) and may be seem as a rhetorical flourish to convert the wives of the En­glishmen.

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edge and Belief of God that made them, and to worship Jesus Christ that redeem’d them, he could not marry them; for he would have no Hand in joining Christians2657 with Savages; nor was it consistent with the Princi­ples of the Christian Religion; and was indeed expressly forbidden in God’s Law. They heard all this very attentively, and I deliver’d it very faithfully to them, from his Mouth, as near his own Words as I could, only sometimes adding something of my own to convince them how just it was, and how I was of his Mind; and I always very faithfully distinguish’d between what I said from myself, and what ­were the Clergy-­man’s Words. They told me, it was very true, what the Gentleman had said, that they ­were but very indifferent Christians themselves, and that they had never talk’d to their Wives about Religion. Lord! SIR! says ­Will. Atkins, How should we teach them Religion? Why we know nothing ourselves; and besides, Sir, said he, should we go to talk to them of God, and Jesus Christ, and Heaven and Hell, ’twould be to make them laugh at us, and ask us, What we believe our selves? And if we should tell them we believe all the ­Things that we speak of to them,2658 such as of good ­People ­going to Heaven, and wicked P ­ eople to the Dev­il,2659 they would ask us, Where we intend to go our selves, that believe2660 all this, and are such2661 wicked Fellows, as we indeed are? Why, Sir, ’tis2662 enough to give them a Surfeit of Religion at first2663 Hearing:2664 Folks must have some Religion2665 themselves, before they pretend to teach other P ­ eople: ­Will Atkins, said I to him; though2666 I am afraid what you say has too much Truth in it, yet can you not tell your Wife that she’s2667 in the Wrong?2668 That ­t here is a 2669 God, and a Religion better than her own; that2670 her Gods are Idols, that they can neither2671 hear or speak; that2672 ­t here is a ­great Being that made all ­Things, and that 2673 can destroy all that he had made; that he rewards the Good, and punishes the Bad, and 2674 that we are to be judg’d2675 by him at2676 last for all we do h ­ ere:2677 You are not so ignorant, but even Nature it self ­will teach you that all this is true,* and I am satisfy’d2678 you know it all to be true, and believe it your2679 self.2680 That’s true, Sir, said Atkins; but with2681 what Face can I say any Th ­ ing to my 2682 Wife of all this, when she w ­ ill tell me immediately it cannot be true? Not true, said I, What do you mean by that? Why,2683 Sir, said he, She w ­ ill tell me it cannot be true, that this2684 God I s­ hall tell her of can2685 be just, or can punish, or reward, since I am not punish’d, and sent to the Devil, that have been such a wicked Creature as she knows I have been, even to her, and to ­every Body ­else; and that I should2686 be suffer’d2687 to live, that have been always acting so contrary to what I must tell her is Good, and to what I o ­ ught to have2688 done.2689 Why, truly, Atkins, said I, I am afraid thou speakest too much2690 Truth;2691 and with that I let the Clergy-­man know what Atkins had said, for he was impatient to know: O! said the Priest;2692 tell him t­ here is one ­Thing w ­ ill make him the best Min-

* Nature . . . ​true] That the evidence of the tenets of the Christian religion w ­ ere rooted in Nature was a constant theme of con­temporary theology, particularly that of the Boyle Lecturers during this period.

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ister in the World to his Wife, and that is, Repentance;* for none teach Repentance like true Penitents:2693 He wants nothing but to repent, and2694 then he ­w ill be so much the better qualify’d2695 to instruct his2696 Wife:2697 He ­will be then able to tell her, that ­there is not only a God, and that he is the just Rewarder of Good and2698 Evil,2699 but that he is a merciful Being, and with infinite Goodness and 2700 Long-­ suffering forbears to punish t­ hose that2701 offend,2702 waiting to be gracious, and willing not the Death of a Sinner, but rather that he should return and 2703 live; that often-­times2704 suffers wicked Men to go on a long Time, and even reserves Damnation to the general Day of2705 Retribution;† that2706 it is a clear Evidence of God, and of a f­ uture State, that righ­teous Men receive not their Reward, or wicked Men their Punishment,2707 ’till2708 they come into another World; and this ­will lead him to teach his Wife2709 the Doctrine of the Resurrection,‡ and of the last Judgment; let him but repent for himself, he ­w ill be an excellent Preacher of Repentance to his Wife. I repeated all this to Atkins, who2710 look’d very serious all the while, and who, we could easily perceive, was more than ordinarily affected with it: When being ­eager, and hardly suffering me to make an End, I know all this, Master, says he, and a g­ reat deal more; but I ha’nt 2711 the Impudence to talk thus to my Wife, when God,2712 and my own Conscience knows;2713 and my Wife w ­ ill be an undeniable Evidence against me, that I have liv’d, as if I had never heard of a God, or f­ uture2714 State, or any Th ­ ing about it; and to talk of my repenting, ALAS!2715 And with that he fetch’d a deep Sigh; and I could see, that Tears stood in his Eyes; ’tis past all that with me. Past it! ATKINS, said I, What dost thou mean by that? I know well enough what I2716 mean, says2717 he, I mean ’tis too late, and that is too true.2718 I told my Clergy-­man Word for Word what he said;2719 the poor zealous Priest (I must call him so; for be his Opinion what it w ­ ill, he had certainly a most singular Affection for2720 the Good of other Mens Souls;2721 and it would be hard to think he had not the like for his own)2722 I say, this zealous affectionate Man,2723 could not refrain Tears also: But, recovering himself, he said to me, ask 2724 him but one Question, Is he easy§ that it is too late, or is he troubled, and wishes it w ­ ere not * Repentance] The call to repentance, the turning away from sin, was an ethical ideal that Chris­tian­ity took over from Judaism, but in Chris­tian­ity, the belief in Christ and his resurrection along with baptism brought along with it the experience of a turning from sin. Hence the joining together of the belief in a day of judgment as part of the call for repentance. See Romans 6:2 and Colossians 2:12. See also A Dictionary of the Bible, ed. James Hastings, 5 vols. (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1906), 4:225–226. †  Day of Retribution] The Last Judgment, when, according to Christian theology, Christ ­w ill come to judge the living and the dead. See especially Revelations 20 and 21. See also Dictionary of the Bible, 2:821. ‡  Doctrine of the Resurrection] Christ’s resurrection on the third day of his death is put forward as evidence of a general resurrection of mankind as a central tenet of Chris­tian­ity. See, for example, Luke 24:1–53. §  Is he easy] This form of questioning a sinner about his concern for his life in the hereafter was fairly typical. In Joseph Andrews, Henry Fielding has Parson Adams question an innkeeper, “And doest not thou then t­ remble . . . ​at the Thought of eternal Punishment?” Unlike Atkins, who does indeed “­tremble,” Fielding’s innkeeper replies, “I never once thought about

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so?2725 I put the Question fairly to Atkins, and he answered with a ­great deal of Passion, How could any Man be easy in a Condition that2726 certainly must end in eternal2727 Destruction; that he was far from being easy, but that, on the contrary, he2728 believed it would one Time or other ruin him.2729 What do you mean by that? said I. Why, he said he believ’d 2730 he should, one Time or other, cut his Throat to put an End to the Terror of it.2731 The Clergy-­man2732 shook his Head with a ­great Concern in his Face, when I told him all this: But turning quick to me upon it, says he,2733 If that be his Case, you may assure2734 him it is not too late; Christ w ­ ill give him2735 Repentance: But 2736 pray, says he, explain this to him, That as no Man is sav’d but by Christ and the2737 Merit of his Passion, procuring divine2738 Mercy for him, how can it be too late for any Man to receive Mercy? Does he think he is able to sin beyond the Power or Reach of divine Mercy? Pray tell him, ­t here2739 may be a Time when provok’d Mercy ­w ill no longer strive, and when God may refuse to hear, but that ’tis never too late for Men to ask Mercy; and we that are Christ’s Servants are commanded2740 to preach Mercy at all Times,2741 in the Name of Jesus Christ, to all ­those that sincerely repent; so that ’tis never too late to repent.2742* I told2743 Atkins all this, and he heard me2744 with ­great Earnestness; but it seem’d as if he turn’d off the Discourse to the rest; for he said to me he would go and have some Talk with his Wife; so he went out a while,2745 and we talk’d to the rest. I perceiv’d they ­were all stupidly ignorant as to ­Matters of Religion;2746 much as I was when I went rambling away from my ­Father; and yet that ­t here ­were none of them backward to hear what had been said; and all of them seriously promis’d2747 that they would talk with their Wives about it, and do their Endeavour to persuade2748 them to turn Christians. The Clergy-­man2749 smil’d upon me, when I reported what Answer they gave, but said nothing a good while; but, at last, shaking his Head, We that are Christ’s Servants,2750 says he, can go no farther than to exhort and instruct,2751 and when Men comply, submit to the Reproof, and promise2752 what we ask ’tis all we can do; we are bound to accept their good Words:2753 But believe me, Sir, said he, what­ever you may have known of the Life of that Man you call2754 ­Will. Atkins,2755 I believe he is the only sincere Convert among them; I take that Man to be a true Penitent; I2756 wont despair of the rest;2757 but that Man is apparently struck with the Sense of his past Life;2758 and I doubt not, but when he comes to talk Religion2759 to his Wife, he ­will talk himself effectually into it; for attempting to teach ­others, is sometimes the best way of teaching2760 our selves. I knew a2761 Man, who having nothit: but what signifies talking about m ­ atters so far off?” See The Adventures of Joseph Andrews, ed. Martin Battestin (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1967), 100. * never too late to repent] ­There was much debate over the efficacy of deathbed repentance. But Defoe was a g­ reat admirer of the repentance of that chief of sinners, John Wilmot, 2nd Earl of Rochester, as told by Gilbert Burnet. Burnet explains that his purpose in using Rochester as an example was “the reforming of a loose and lewd age.” See Burnet, Some Passages of the Life and Death of the Right Honourable John, Earl of Rochester (London, 1680), sig. A7v. For Burnet on “Death-­Bed Repentance,” see 140–148.

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ing but a summary Notion of Religion himself, and being wicked and profligate to the last Degree in his Life, made a thorough Reformation in himself, by labouring to convert a Jew.* If2762 that poor Atkins begins but once to talk seriously of Jesus Christ to his Wife, my Life for it, he talks himself into a thorough Convert, makes himself a Penitent: And who knows what may follow?2763 Upon this Discourse however, and their promising, as above,2764 to endeavour to persuade2765 their Wives to embrace Chris­tian­ity, he marry’d the other three ­Couple; but ­Will.2766 Atkins and his Wife ­were not yet come in; ­after this, my Clergy-­ man, waiting a while, was curious to know where2767 Atkins was gone; and, turning to me, says he, I entreat2768 you, Sir, let us walk out of your Labyrinth† ­here, and look; I dare say, we ­shall find this poor Man2769 some-­where or other2770 talking seriously to his Wife, and teaching her already something of Religion.2771 I began to be of the same Mind; so we went out together, and I carry’d him a Way which none knew but myself,2772 and where the Trees ­were so thick set, as that it was not easy to see thro’ the Thicket of Leaves, and far harder to see in,2773 than to see out; when,2774 coming to the Edge of the Wood, I saw Atkins and his tawny Savage Wife2775 sitting ­under the Shade of a Bush, very e­ ager in Discourse; I stopp’d short till my Clergy-­man2776 came up to me; and then having show’d him where they ­were, we stood and look’d very steadily2777 at them a good while.2778 We2779 observ’d him‡ very earnest with her, pointing up to the Sun, and to ­every Quarter of the Heavens,2780 then down to the Earth, then out to the Sea, then to himself, then to her, to the Woods, to the Trees. Now,2781 says my Clergy-­man, you see my Words are made good,2782 the Man preaches to her; mark him now,2783 he is telling her, that our God has made him, and her, and the Heavens, the Earth, the Sea, the Woods, the Trees, &c. I believe he is,2784 said I; immediately we perceiv’d ­Will.2785 Atkins start up upon his Feet, fall down on his Knees, and lift up both his Hands: We suppose2786 he said something, but we could not hear him, it was too far for that; he2787 did not continue kneeling half a Minute, but comes and sits down again by his Wife, and talks to her again; we perceiv’d then the ­Woman2788 very attentive, but w ­ hether she said any t­ hing or no we could not tell;2789 while the poor Fellow was upon his Knees2790 I could see the Tears run plentifully down my Clergy-­ man’s2791 Cheeks, and I could hardly forbear my self; but it was a ­great Affliction to us both 2792 that we w ­ ere not near enough to hear any Th ­ ing 2793 that pass’d between them.  convert a Jew] For a discussion of Christian interest in converting Jews during this period, see Richard Popkin, “Jewish Messianism and Christian Millenarianism,” in Culture and Politics from Puritanism to the Enlightenment, ed. Perez Zagorin (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 67–90. †  Labyrinth] Presumably a reference to the complicated wickerwork structure that ­Will Atkins and the other En­glish had built. ‡  observ’d him] The use of an observer secretly viewing or overhearing a scene is a traditional device as old as fiction and drama itself. Shakespeare used it in tragedies such as Othello and in comedies such as Twelfth Night and Much Ado about Nothing. Jane Austen was to employ it in Persuasion. *

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Well, however, we could come no nearer for fear of disturbing them,2794 so we resolv’d to see an End of this Piece of still Conversation,* and it spoke loud enough to us without the Help of Voice. He sat down again, as I have said, close by her, and talk’d again earnestly to her,2795 and two or three times we could see him embrace her most passionately; another2796 time we saw him take out his Handkerchief and wipe her Eyes, and then kiss her again with a kind 2797 of Transport very unusual; and a­ fter several of t­ hese ­Things we see him, on a suddain, jump up again2798 and lend her his Hand to help her up, when immediately,2799 leading her by the Hand a Step or two, they both kneel’d down together, and continu’d so about two Minutes. My2800 Friend could bear it no longer, but cries out aloud, St. PAUL! St. PAUL!† behold2801 he prayeth; I was afraid Atkins would hear him, therefore I entreated him to with-­hold himself awhile,2802 that we might see an End of the Scene, which to me, I must confess, was the most affecting, and yet the most agreeable that ever I saw in my Life:2803 Well, he strove with himself and contain’d himself for a while,2804 but was in such Raptures of Joy, to think that the poor Heathen W ­ oman was become a Christian, that he was not able to contain himself; he wept several times,2805 then throwing up his Hands2806 and crossing his Breast, said over several Th ­ ings Ejaculatory and by way2807 of giving God Thanks for so miraculous a Testimony of the Success of our Endeavours; some2808 he spoke softly, and I could not well hear ­others audibly,2809 some in Latin, some in French; then two or three Times2810 the Tears of Joy would interrupt him, that he could not speak at all: But I begg’d 2811 that he would compose himself, and let us more narrowly and fully observe what was before us, which he did for a Time, and the Scene was2812 not ended ­t here yet; for ­after the poor Man and his Wife ­were risen again from their Knees, we observ’d he stood talking still eagerly to her; and we observ’d by her Motion, that she was greatly affected with what he said, by her frequent lifting up her Hands, laying her Hand to her Breast, and such other Postures, as usually express the greatest Seriousness and Attention; this2813 continu’d about half a Quarter of an Hour, and then 2814 they walk’d away too; so that we could see no more of them in that Situation,2815 I took this Interval to talk with my Clergy-­man: And first,2816 I told him, I was glad to see the Particulars we had both been Witnesses to; that tho’2817 I was hard enough of Belief in such Cases, yet that I began to think it was all very sincere ­here, both in the Man and his Wife, however ignorant they might both be; and I hop’d such a Beginning would have a yet more happy End; and who knows, said I, but ­t hese two may in Time,2818 by Instruction and Example, work upon some of the * still Conversation] The rendering of the scene involving ­Will Atkins and his wife is similar in some ways to that involving the rescue of the passengers and crew of the ship that had caught fire (22). Once again the emphasis is upon gesture rather than words. †  St. PAUL] The conversion of W ­ ill Atkins’s Wife reminds the French Priest of the way in which Saul of Tarsus is transformed into Paul through a sudden conversion experience. See Acts 9:1–18.

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o ­ thers?2819 Some of them! said he, turning quick upon me,2820 ay, upon all of them; depend upon it, if t­ hose two Savages, for he has been but l­ ittle better, as you relate it, should embrace Jesus Christ, they ­w ill never leave ’till2821 they work upon all the rest; for true Religion is naturally communicative,2822* and he that is once made a Christian, ­w ill never leave a Pagan ­behind him, if he can help2823 it. I own’d2824 it was a most Christian Princi­ple to think so, and a Testimony of a true Zeal, as well as a generous Heart in him: But, my Friend,2825 said I, ­w ill you give me Leave to start one Difficulty2826 ­here, I cannot tell how to object the least Th ­ ing against that affectionate Concern, which you shew for the turning the poor P ­ eople from their 2827 Paganism to the Christian Religion: But how does this comfort you, while t­ hese ­People are in your Account out of the Pale of the Catholick Church, without which you believe ­there is no Salvation; so that you esteem ­these but2828 Hereticks,2829 and for other Reasons as effectually lost,2830 as the Pagans themselves.2831 To this he answered with abundance2832 of Candor and Christian Charity, Thus; Sir, I am a Catholick of the Roman Church2833 and a Priest of the Order of St.2834 Benedict,† and I embrace all the Princi­ples of the2835 Roman Faith: But yet if you ­will believe me, and that2836 I do not speak in Compliment to you, or in re­spect to my Circumstances,2837 and your Civilities; I say, nevertheless, I do not look upon you, who call your selves2838 reform’d, without some Charity:‡ I dare not say,2839 tho’ I know it is our Opinion in general; I say,2840 I dare not say, that you cannot be sav’d: I ­will by no2841 Means2842 limit the Mercy of Christ so far, as to think that he cannot receive you into the Bosom of his2843 Church in a Manner2844 to us unperceivable, and which it is impossible for us to know, and I hope you have the same Charity for2845 us;2846 I pray daily for your being all restor’d to Christ’s Church, by whatsoever Methods he, who is All-­wise, is2847 pleas’d2848 to direct: In the mean time,2849 sure you ­w ill allow it to consist with me, as a Roman, to distinguish 2850 far2851 between a Protestant and a Pagan; between one that calls on Jesus Christ, tho’ in a Way which I do not think is according to the true2852 Faith,2853 and a Savage, a Barbarian, that knows no God, no Christ, no2854 Redeemer; and2855 if you are not within the Pale of the Catholick Church, we hope you are nearer being restor’d to2856 it than t­ hose that know2857 nothing of God or his Church: And I rejoice2858 therefore,2859 when I see this poor Man, who you say has been a Profligate, and almost a2860 Murtherer,2861 kneel down and pray to Jesus Christ, as we suppose he * true Religion . . . ​communicative] Again, the example of Saint Paul (Acts 9:20–22) is apt, for no sooner was he recovered from the fit of blindness that accompanied his conversion but he started preaching Christian beliefs to the Jews of Damascus. †  St. Benedict] One of the many ­orders in the Roman Catholic Church, the Benedictines, also known as the “Black Monks,” w ­ ere famous for their austerity. St.  Benedict of Nursia (ca. 490–ca. 543) founded his order based on strict discipline. Although the original monastery was at Monte Cassino in Italy, the reforms instituted by the Benedictine monastery at Cluny (910) established a strong French connection. ‡  reform’d . . . ​Charity] Jeremy Black has suggested that during this period t­here was some credit given to the possibility of a split between the Gallican branch of the Roman Catholic Church and the Vatican, that might lead the French in the direction of Protestantism. He quotes a 1718 report from the Whitehall Eve­ning Post, then one of Defoe’s newspapers. See Black, Natu­ral and Necessary Enemies, 164.

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did, tho’ not fully2862 enlighten’d2863 believing that God, from whom ­every such Work proceeds, ­will sensibly touch his Heart, and bring him to the further Knowledge2864 of that Truth in his own2865 Time; and if God s­ hall influence this poor Man to convert and instruct2866 the ignorant Savage his Wife, I can never2867 believe, that he s­ hall be cast away himself; and have I not Reason then to2868 rejoyce, the nearer any are brought to the Knowledge of2869 Christ, tho’ they may not be brought quite home into the Bosom of the2870 Catholick 2871 Church, just at the time when I may desire2872 it;2873 Ieaving it to the Goodness of Christ to perfect his Work in his own Time, and his own Way. Certainly,2874 I would rejoyce if all the Savages in Amer­i­ca ­were brought like this poor W ­ oman to2875 pray to God, tho’ they w ­ ere to 2876 be all Protestants at first, rather than they should continue Pagans and Heathens; firmly believing, that2877 he that had bestow’d the first Light to them, would farther2878 illuminate them with a Beam of his2879 heavenly Grace, and bring them into the Pale of his Church, when he should see good.2880 I was astonish’d2881 at the Sincerity and Temper of this truly pious Papist, as much as I was oppress’d by the Power of his Reasoning; and it presently occur’d2882 to my Thoughts, that if such a Temper was universal, we might be all Catholick Christians, what­ever Church or par­tic­u­lar Profession we joyn’d to, or joyn’d2883 in; that a Spirit of Charity would soon work us all up into right Princi­ples; and in a word, as he thought2884 that the like Charity would make us all Catholicks, so I told him I believ’d,2885 had all the Members of his Church the like Moderation,* they would soon be all Protestants. And ­t here we left that Part, for we never disputed at all. However, I talk’d to him another way, and taking him by the Hand, my Friend,2886 says I, I wish all the Clergy of the Roman2887 Church ­were blest with such Moderation, and had an equal Share of your Charity.2888 I am entirely of your Opinion; but I must tell you, that if you should preach such Doctrine in2889 Spain or Italy, they would put you into the Inquisition.2890† It may be so, said he,2891 I know not what they might do in Spain or Italy, but I ­w ill not say,2892 they would be the better Christians for that Severity, for I am sure ­t here is no Heresy in too much Charity.2893 Well, as ­Will. Atkins and his Wife ­were2894 gone, our Business ­t here was over; so we went back our own Way;2895 and when we came back, we found them waiting to be call’d in; observing2896 this, I ask’d my Clergy-­man if2897 we should discover to him that we had seen him u ­ nder the Bush, or no;2898 and it was his Opinion 2899 we should not, but that we should talk to him first, and hear what he would say * the like Moderation] At this time, Protestant ­England and Hanover ­were allied with Catholic Austria and France against the ambitions of Catholic Spain and Cardinal Alberoni. ­Behind this plea for a united Christian front t­ oward the pagan world, t­ here may lie an appeal to a certain cosmopolitan attitude t­ oward Catholic Eu­rope supporting the goals of George I and his Whig ministers. †  Inquisition] The Inquisition, with its famous tortures and executions of Jews and Moors, continued to function in Spain during this period. In Italy t­ here was more concern with heresy. The horror it created in the minds of En­glishmen is suggested by its evocation in Ann Radcliffe’s The Italian (1797), set in mid-­eighteenth-­century Italy.

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to us; so we call’d him in alone,2900 no Body being in the Place but our selves; and I began with him thus:2901 ­W ill. Atkins, said I, prethee2902 what Education had you? What was your ­Father? W. A. A better Man than ever I s­ hall be. Sir, my ­Father, was a Clergy-­man.2903 R. C. What Education did he give you? W. A. He would have taught me well, Sir, but I despis’d2904 all Education, Instruction, or Correction, like a Beast as I was. R. C. It’s true, Solomon says, He that despises Reproof is brutish.2905* W. A. Ay, Sir, I was brutish indeed, I muther’d my F ­ ather:2906 For God’s sake, Sir,2907 talk no more about that, Sir, I murther’d2908 my poor F ­ ather. 2909 Pr. Ha! a Murtherer! * *Here the Priest started2910 (for I interpreted ­every Word as he spoke it) and look’d pale. It seems he believ’d that ­Will. had r­ eally kill’d2911 his own ­Father. R.  C. No, no, Sir, I do not understand him so; ­Will. Atkins, explain yourself, you2912 did not kill your ­Father, did you, with your own Hands?2913 W.  A. No, Sir, I did not cut his Throat,2914 but I cut the Thread of all his Comforts,2915† and shortn’d 2916 his Days; I broke his Heart by the most ungrateful2917 unnatural Return, for the most tender affectionate Treatment that ever ­Father2918 gave, or Child could receive. R. C. Well, I did not ask you about your ­Father, to extort this Confession; I pray God give you Repentance for it, and forgive you that, and all your other Sins; but I ask’d you, b ­ ecause I see that,2919‡ tho’ you have not much Learning, yet you are not so ignorant as some are2920 in Th ­ ings that are Good;2921 that you have known more of Religion a g­ reat deal than you have practiced.2922 W. A. Tho’ you, Sir, did not extort the Confession that I make about my ­Father, Conscience does; and when ever2923 we come to look back upon our Lives, the Sins against our indulgent Parents§ are certainly the first that touch us; the Wounds they make lie deepest, and the2924 Weight they leave, ­w ill lie2925 heaviest upon the Mind, of all the Sins we can commit. * Solomon . . . ​brutish] Proverbs 12:1: “Whoso loveth instruction loveth knowledge: but he that hateth reproof is brutish.” †  Thread . . . ​Comforts] The emotional, moral, and religious connections that made his life meaningful. See OED, definition 8. ‡  I see that,] The printing of the first edition has “It see that.” Defoe’s manuscript may have been defective h ­ ere. It might equally have read, “It seems that.” §  Sins against . . . ​Parents] In treating this theme ­here, in addition to connecting it with Crusoe’s disobedience to his ­father in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, Defoe may have been thinking of his relationships with his own ­father and with his sons, Daniel and Benjamin Norton. James Foe died while Defoe was working for Robert Harley in Scotland in December 1706. He spoke to Harley of his grief, but he clearly had l­ ittle time to mourn. (See Defoe, The Letters of Daniel Defoe, ed. George Healey [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955], 180.) The sons appear to have started the pro­cess of separating themselves from the Defoe ­house­hold around 1719, when The Farther Adventures was being written.

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R. C. You talk too feelingly and sensibly for me Atkins; I cannot bear it. W. A. You bear it, Master! I dare say you know nothing of it. R. C. Yes, Atkins,2926 ­every Shore, e­ very Hill, nay, I may say, e­ very Tree in this Island is witness2927 to the Anguish of my Soul, for my Ingratitude and base Usage of a good tender F ­ ather; a F ­ ather much like yours, by your Description; and I murther’d my ­Father as well as you,2928 ­Will. Atkins, but I2929 think for all that, my Repentance is short of yours too* by a g­ reat deal. *I would have said more, if I could have restrain’d 2930 my Passions; but I thought this poor Man’s 2931 Repentance was so much sincerer than mine, that I was ­going to leave off the Discourse and retire, for I was surpriz’d with what he said; and thought, that instead of my g­ oing about to teach and instruct him, the Man was made a Teacher and Instructor 2932 to me, in a most surprizing and unexpected manner.2933

I laid all this before the young Clergy-­man,2934 who was greatly affected with it, and said to me; Did 2935 I not say, Sir, that when this Man was converted, he would preach2936 to us all? I tell you, Sir, if this one Man be made a true Penitent, h ­ ere ­will be no need2937 of me, he ­w ill make Christians of all in the Island. But having a ­little compos’d my self, I renew’d2938 my Discourse with ­Will. Atkins.2939 But, ­WILL, said I,2940 How comes the Sense of this ­Matter to touch you just now?2941 W.  A. Sir, you have set me about a Work that has struck a Dart thro’ my very Soul;2942 * I have been talking about God and Religion to my Wife, in order, as you directed me2943 to make a Christian of her, and she has preach’d2944 such a Sermon to me, as I s­ hall never forget while I live. R. C. No, no, it is not your Wife has preach’d to you,2945 but when you ­were moving religious Arguments to her,† Conscience has flung them back upon you. W. A. Ay, Sir, with such a Force as is not to be resisted. R.  C. Pray ­Will.2946 let us know what pass’d between you and your Wife, for I know something of it already.2947 W. A. Sir, it is impossible to give you a full Account of it; I am too full to hold it, and yet have no Tongue to express; but 2948 let her have said what she ­w ill,‡ and tho’ I cannot give you an Account of it, this I can tell you of it, that I resolve to amend and reform my Life. R.  C. But tell us some of it. How did you begin ­Will?2949 For this has been an extraordinary Case, that’s certain. She has preach’d a Sermon2950 indeed, if she has wrought this upon you.2951 * Dart . . . ​Soul] An echo of Proverbs 7:23, in which a young man is seduced by a w ­ oman and follows her “ ’ Till a dart strike through his liver.” Defoe sometimes used this as a description of a venereal disease, but ­here the emphasis is upon awakening to a sense of sin. †  religious Arguments to her] In saying this, Crusoe reveals his knowledge of the scene between Atkins and his wife. ‡  let her . . . ​­w ill] Atkins assumes that Crusoe’s knowledge has had to come through his wife’s confession.

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W. A. Why, I first told her the Nature of our Laws about Marriage, and what the Reasons ­were, that Men and ­Women ­were oblig’d2952 to enter into such Compacts, as it was neither in the Power of one or other to break; that other­w ise, Order and Justice could not be maintain’d,2953 and Men would run from their Wives, and abandon their ­Children,2954 mix confusedly with one another, and neither Families be kept entire,2955 or Inheritances be settled by ­legal Descent.* R. C. You talk like a Civilian,† ­Will.2956 could you make her understand what you meant by Inheritance and Families; they2957 know no such ­Thing among the Savages, but marry any how, without regard2958 to Relation, Consanguinity, or ­Family; ­Brother and ­Sister, nay, as I have been told,2959 even the ­Father and ­Daughter, and Son and the ­Mother.2960‡ W.  A. I believe, Sir, you are misinform’d,§ and my Wife assures me of the2961 contrary, and that they abhor it; perhaps, for any farther Relations they may not be so exact as we are,2962 but2963 she tells me they never touch one another in the near Relations you speak of. R. C. Well, what did she say, to what you told her?2964 W. A. She said, she lik’d it very well, and it was much better than in her Country. R. C. But did you tell her what Marriage was? W. A. Ay, ay, t­ here began all our Dialogue. I ask’d her2965 if she would be marry’d to me2966 our Way? She ask’d me what Way that was? I told her Marriage was appointed by2967 God; and h ­ ere we had2968 a strange Talk together, indeed, as ever Man and Wife had I believe. N. B. This Dialogue between W. Atkins and his Wife, as I took it down in Writing,2969 just ­after he told it me, was as follows. Wife. Appointed by your God! Why2970 have you a God in your Country? * Inheritances . . . ​­legal Descent] Samuel Johnson argued similarly that the basis for marriage was essentially a m ­ atter of inheritance and that for this reason the adultery of the wife was potentially the greater crime in creating a “confusion of progeny.” See James Boswell, The Life of Samuel Johnson, ed. George Birkbeck Hill and L. F. Powell, 6 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1934–1950), 2:55–56. †  Civilian] A student or practitioner of civil law, often dealing with rights (see OED). Crusoe feels that ­Will Atkins’s approach to the prob­lem is too theoretical. ‡  Savages . . . ​­Mother] The notion that the natives of South Amer­i­ca practiced vari­ous forms of incest is not difficult to find in the travel lit­er­a­ture. Rochefort, in his History of the Caribby-­ Islands (332), remarked, “­There are in Amer­i­ca some savages so savage and so brutish, that they know not what Marriage is, but go indifferently together like beasts. This among o ­ thers, is affirm’d of the ancient Peruvians, and the Inhabitants of the Islands of Robbers: But the Caribbians, with all their barbarism, subject themselves to the Laws of this strict Alliance.” On the other hand, among the crimes of the Indians that might be justifiable c­ auses for war Francisco de Vitoria listed “promiscuous intercourse with m ­ other or ­sisters and with males.” See On the Indians and on the Law of War, trans. John Bate (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1934), 145. See also Garcilaso de la Vega’s account of the ­people who preceded the Incas or who lived outside their civilizing influence, First Part of the Royal Commentaries of the Yncas, trans. Clements Markham (London: Hakluyt Society, 1869), 58. §  misinform’d] Claude Lévi-­Strauss argued that the incest prohibition was essentially a universal ele­ment in ­human socie­ties. See The Elementary Structures of Kinship, trans. James Bell, John von Sturmer, and Rodney Needham (Boston: Beacon Press, 1969), 12–52.

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W. A. Yes, my Dear, God is in ­every Country. Wife. No, you2971 God in my Country; my Country have the g­ reat old Benamuckee* God. W. A. Child, I am very unfit to shew you who God is;2972 God is in Heaven, and made the Heaven and the Earth, the Sea, and all that in them is. Wife. No makee de Earth; no, you God make all Earth,2973 no make my Country.†* *W. A. laugh’d a ­little at her Expression2974 of God not making her Country. Wife. No Laugh, why Laugh me? This no ­Thing to Laugh.2975* *He was justly reprov’d 2976 by his Wife, for she was more serious than he at first. W. A. That’s true, indeed, I w ­ ill not Laugh2977 any more my Dear. Wife. Why you say, you God make all?2978 W. A. Yes, Child, our God made the w ­ hole World, and you, and I;2979 and all ­Things; for he is the only true God, ­t here is no God but him,2980 he lives for ever in Heaven. Wife. Why you no tell me long go?2981 W. A. That’s true2982 indeed, but I have been a wicked Wretch, and have not only forgotten to acquaint thee with any ­Thing before, but have lived without God in the World my self. Wife. What have you de g­ reat God in you Country, you no kno’ him? No say O to him?‡ No do good Th ­ ing for him? That no pos­si­ble!2983 W. A. It is too true; tho’2984 for all that, we live as if ­t here was no God in Heaven, or that he had no Power on Earth.2985 Wife. But why, God let you do so? Why he no makee you good live.2986 W. A. It is all our own Fault. Wife. But you say me, he is G ­ reat, much ­Great, have much ­great Power; can makee kill,2987 when he w ­ ill; why he no makee kill when you no serve him? No say O to him? No be good Mans.2988 W.  A. That is true; he might strike me Dead, and I ­ought to expect it,2989 for I have been a wicked Wretch, that is true; but God is merciful, and does not deal with us as we deserve.2990 * Benamuckee] This is also the god mentioned by Friday in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 181. †  no make my Country] See Rochefort’s History of the Caribby-­Islands, where he reports, “But only when it is said to them, that the God we adore is he who hath made Heaven and Earth, and that it is he who causeth the Earth to bring forth ­t hings for our nourishment; they answer; True, thy God hath made the Heaven and the Earth of France (or some other Country which they name) and c­ auses thy Wheat to grow t­ here: But our Gods have made our Country, and cause our Manioc to grow” (278). ‡  No say O to him] Presumably an expression of re­spect and worship as the wife of ­Will Atkins conceives it. ­There is no equivalent expression in Rochefort’s discussion of Ca­rib­bean religion in History of the Caribby-­Islands, 276–283, but l­ater in The Farther Adventures it is described as part of the worship of Benamuckee by the “old Men” who pray to him. See 127; La Borde notes that the Caribs ­were less concerned with a creating deity (Louquo) and a good deity (Chemeen) than with avoiding the wrath of the evil deity (Mapoia). See Voyage, 524, 539, 545.

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Wife. But then, do not you tell God Tankee* for that too.2991 W. A. No, indeed, I have not thank’d God for his Mercy, any more than I have fear’d God for his Power. Wife. Than 2992 you God no God; me no think, believe, he be such one, g­ reat much Power, Strong; 2993 no makee kill you tho’ you makee him much Angry.2994 W. A. What! W ­ ill2995 my wicked Life hinder you from believing in God? what a dreadful Creature am I; and 2996 what a sad Truth is it, that the horrid Lives of Christians hinders the Conversion2997 of Heathens? Wife. How me tink you have ­great much God* up t­ here, and yet no do well no do good ­Thing? can he tell? Sure he no tell what you do.2998 *She points up to Heaven. W. A. Yes, yes, he knows and sees all Th ­ ings; he hears us speak, sees what we do, knows what we think, tho’ we do not speak. Wife. What! he no hear you swear, curse, speak the g­ reat Damn.2999 W. A. Yes, yes, he hears it all. Wife. Where be then the muchee ­great Power strong?3000 W. A. He is merciful, that’s all we can say for it; and this proves him to be the true God; he is God and not Man; and therefore we are not consum’d.*3001 *Here W ­ ill. Atkins told us3002 he was struck with Horror, to think how he could tell his Wife so clearly 3003 that God sees, and hears, and knows the secret Thoughts of the Heart, and all that we do; and yet3004 that he had dar’d to do all the vile Th ­ ings he had done. Wife. Merciful! what you call that?3005 W. A. He is our F ­ ather and Maker, and he pities and spares us. Wife. So then he never makee kill, never angry when you do wicked; then he no good himself, or no g­ reat able. W. A. Yes, yes, my Dear,3006 he is infinitely good, and infinitely g­ reat, and able to punish too, and some Times3007 to shew his Justice and Vengeance;3008 he lets fly his Anger to destroy Sinners, and make Examples; many are cut off in their Sins. Wife. But no make kill you yet, than he tell you may be3009 that he no make you kill, so you make de Bargain with him, you do bad Th ­ ing, he no be angry at 3010 you, when he be angry at other Mans. W. A. No indeed, my Sins are all Presumptions upon his Goodness; and he would be infinitely just if he destroy’d me, 3011 as he has done other Men.3012 Wife. Well, and yet no kill, no makee you dead, what you say to him for that, you no tell him Tankee for all that too?3013 W. A. I am an unthankful, ungrateful Dog, that’s true. Wife. Why? He no makee you much good better,3014 you say he makee you. * Tankee] Thanks. For a discussion of Defoe’s rendering of broken En­glish or a kind of “instant pidgin,” see the note to 179 in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures.

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W. A. He made me as he made all the World; ’tis I have deform’d myself,* and abus’d his Goodness, and made myself3015 an abominable Wretch. Wife. I wish you makee God know me, I no makee him angry, I no do bad wicked ­Thing.3016

­Here W ­ ill. Atkins said his Heart sunk within him, to hear a poor untaught Creature desire to be taught to know God, and he such a wicked Wretch, that he could not say one Word3017 to her about God, but what the Reproach of his own Carriage would make most irrational to her to believe; nay, that already she had told him, that she could3018 not believe in God, ­because he that was so wicked was not destroy’d.† W. A. My Dear, you mean, you wish I could teach you to know God, not God to know you; for he knows you already, and e­ very Thought in your Heart. Wife. Why then he know what I say to you now? He know me3019 wish to know him; how s­ hall me know who makee me? W. A. Poor Creature, he must teach thee, I cannot teach thee, I’ll pray to him to teach thee to know him, and to forgive me that I am unworthy to teach thee.

The poor Fellow was in such an Agony at her desiring him to make her know God, and her wishing to know him, that, he said, he fell down on his Knees before her, and pray’d to God3020 to enlighten her Mind with the saving Knowledge of Jesus Christ,3021 and to ­pardon his Sins, and accept of his being the unworthy Instrument of instructing her in the Princi­ples of Religion; ­after which,3022 he sat3023 down by her again, and their Dialogue went on. N.B. This was the Time when we saw him kneel down, and hold3024 up his Hands. Wife. What you put down the Knee for? What you hold 3025 up the Hand for? What you say? Who you speak to? What is all3026 that? W. A. My Dear, I bow my Knees in Token of my Submission to him that made me; I said O to him, as you call it, and as you say, your old Men do to their Idol Benamukee;3027 that is, I pray’d to him. Wife. What you say O to him for? W. A. I pray’d to him to open your Eyes, and your Understanding, that you may know him, and be accepted by him. Wife. Can he do that too? W. A. Yes, he can, he can do all ­Things. Wife. But now3028 he hear what you say? W. A. Yes, he has bid us pray to him, and promis’d to hear us. Wife. Bid you pray? When he bid you? How he bid you? What! you 3029 hear him speak? * ’tis I have deform’d myself] ­Will Atkins expresses the traditional Protestant notion of reason and ­f ree ­w ill. God had created him with the power of reason that should have enabled him to make the choice of leading a virtuous and religious life. †  so wicked was not destroy’d] To some extent this is a reprise of Friday’s question to Crusoe concerning God’s failure to destroy evil and the Devil in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 183.

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W. A. No, we do not hear him speak, but he has reveal’d3030 himself many Ways to us.

­ ere he was at a ­great Loss to make her understand, that God has reveal’d3031 H himself to us by his Word, and what his Word* was: But at last he told it her thus:3032 W. A. God has spoken to some good Men in former Days, even from Heaven, by plain Words; and God has inspir’d good Men by his Spirit;† and they have written all his Laws down in a Book. Wife. Me no understand that, where is Book? W. A. Alas, my poor Creature, I have not this Book;3033 but I hope I s­ hall one Time or other get it for you, and help you to read it.3034

­Here he embrac’d her with ­great Affection; but with inexpressible Grief, that he had not a Bible. Wife. 3035 But how you makee me know, that God teachee them to write that Book? W. A. By the same Rule that we know him to be God. Wife. What Rule, what Way you know him?3036 W. A. ­Because he teaches and commands nothing but what is good, righ­teous, and holy; and tends to make us perfectly3037 good, as well as perfectly happy; and ­because he forbids and commands us to avoid all that is wicked, that is evil in itself, or evil in its Consequence.3038 Wife. That me would understand, that me fain see; if he teachee all good ­Thing, forbid all wicked ­Thing, he reward all good ­Thing, punish all wicked ­Thing, he makee3039 all ­Thing, he give all ­Thing, he hear me when I say O to him, as you go do just now; he makee me good,3040 if I wish be good, he spare me, no makee kill me, when I no be good; all this you say he do, yet3041 he be g­ reat God; me take, think, believe him be g­ reat God; me say O to him too with you3042 my Dear.

­ ere the poor Man3043 could forbear no longer; but raising her up, made her H kneel by him, and he pray’d to God aloud3044 to instruct her in the Knowledge of himself by his Spirit, and that by some good Providence, if pos­si­ble, she might sometime or other come to have a Bible, that she might read the Word of God, and be taught by it to know him. This was the Time that we saw him lift her up by the Hand, and saw him kneel down by her, as above.3045 * his Word] That is, the word of God as revealed in the Old and New Testaments. †  inspir’d . . . ​Spirit] During the seventeenth and eigh­teenth centuries, critics of the literal truth of the Bible, such as Benedict Spinoza, John Toland, and Anthony Collins, pointed to passages such as the report of the death of Moses as evidence that Moses could not have literally written ­every word of a biblical book like Deuteronomy. But defenders of the text, including Defoe, argued that, whoever the literal writer, ­every word was inspired by God. For attempts to subject the text of the Bible to rational criticism, see Gerard Reedy, The Bible and Reason: Anglicans and Scripture in Late Seventeenth-­Century ­England (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985), 20–45.

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They had several other Discourses it seems3046 ­after this too long to set down ­here; and particularly she made him promise, that since he confest3047 his own Life had been a wicked abominable Course of Provocations3048 against God, that he would reform it, and not make God angry any more, least 3049 he should make him dead, as she call’d it, and then she should be left alone, and never be taught to know this God better; and least3050 he should be miserable, as he had told her3051 wicked Men should be ­after Death. This3052 was a strange Account, and very affecting to us both, but particularly to the young Clergy-­man;3053 he was indeed wonderfully surpriz’d with it, but ­under the greatest Affliction imaginable,3054 that he could not talk to her, that he could not speak En­glish to make her understand him; and as she spoke but very broken En­glish, he could not understand her;3055 However3056 he turn’d himself to me, and told me, that he believed3057 ­t here must be more to do with this ­Woman than to marry her: I did not understand him at first, but at length he explain’d himself, (viz.)3058 that she o ­ ught to be baptiz’d.3059 3060 I agreed with him in that Part readily, and was for ­going about it presently: No, no, hold Sir, said he, tho’ I would have her be baptiz’d3061 by all Means, yet I must observe, that ­Will. Atkins, her Husband, has indeed brought her in a wonderful Manner to be willing to embrace a religious Life, and has given her just Ideas of the Being of a God, of his Power, Justice, Mercy; yet I desire to know of him, if he has said any Th ­ ing3062 to her of Jesus Christ, and of the Salvation of Sinners, of the Nature of Faith in him, and Redemption by him, of the Holy Spirit, the Resurrection,3063 the last Judgment, and a f­ uture State. I call’d ­Will. Atkins again, and ask’d3064 him; but the poor Fellow fell immediately into Tears, and told us3065 he had said something to her of all ­those ­Things,3066 but that he was himself so wicked a Creature, and his own Conscience so reproach’d him with his horrid ungodly Life, that he trembled at the Apprehensions, that her Knowledge of him,3067 should lessen the Attention she should give to t­ hose Th ­ ings, and make her rather contemn Religion than receive it: But he was assur’d, he said, 3068 that her Mind was so dispos’d to receive due Impressions of all ­t hose ­Things, that if I would but discourse with her,3069 she would make it appear to my Satisfaction, that my ­Labour would not be lost upon her.3070 Accordingly I call’d her in, and placing my self 3071 as Interpreter between my religious Priest and the W ­ oman, I entreated 3072 him to begin with her; but since such a Sermon was never preach’d by a popish3073 Priest in ­t hese latter Ages of the World; and, as I told him,3074 I thought he had all the Zeal, all the Knowledge, all the Sincerity of a Christian, without the Error of a Roman Catholick;3075 and that I took him to be such a Clergy-­man,3076 as the Roman Bishops* ­were3077

* Roman Bishops] The Protestants argued that the Pope was properly merely another bishop and that the assumption of power by the Church of Rome was a form of usurpation. For an account of the gradual development of the power of the Church of Rome, see Paul Rycaut, “Introduction,” in The Lives of the Popes, by Baptista Platina, trans. Paul Rycaut, 2nd  ed. (London, 1688), sigs. a–­c4v.

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before the Church of Rome assum’d spiritual Sovereignty over the Consciences* of Men.3078 In a Word,3079 he brought the poor W ­ oman to embrace the Knowledge of Christ, and of Redemption by him, not with Won­der and Astonishment only, as she did the first Notions of a God, but with Joy and Faith, with an Affection and a surprizing3080 Degree of Understanding, scarce to be imagin’d, much less to be express’d; and at her own Request3081 she was baptiz’d.3082 When he was preparing to baptize her, I entreated him3083 that he would perform that Office with some Caution, that the Man might not perceive he was of the Roman Church, if pos­si­ble,3084 b ­ ecause of other ill Consequences which might attend a Difference among us in that very Religion, which we ­were instructing the other in:3085 He told me, that as he had no consecrated Chapel,3086† no proper ­Things for the Office, I should see he would do it in a Manner3087 that I should not know by it, that he was a Roman Catholick my self,3088 if I had not known it before: And so he did; for saying only some Words over to himself in Latin, which I could not understand, he pour’d a ­whole Dish-­ful3089 of ­Water upon the ­Woman’s Head, pronouncing in French, very loud, MARY, which was the Name,3090 her Husband desir’d me to give her; for I was her Godfather, I baptize3091 thee in the Name of the ­Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost;‡ so that none could know any Th ­ ing3092 by it, what Religion he was of:§ He gave the Benediction afterwards in Latin; but ­either ­Will. Atkins did not know but it was in French, or ­else did not take Notice of it, at that time.3093 As soon as this was over we married them; and ­after the Marriage was over3094 he turn’d himself to ­Will. Atkins, and in a very affectionate3095 Manner exhorted him, not only to persevere3096 in that good Disposition he was in, but to support the Convictions that w ­ ere upon him3097 by a Resolution to reform his Life; told him it was in vain to say he repented, if he did not forsake his Crimes: Represented to him, how God had honoured3098 him with being the Instrument of bringing his Wife to the Knowledge of the Christian Religion, and that he should be careful he did not dishonour the Grace of God, and that if he did, he would see the Heathen a better Christian than himself,3099 the Savage converted, and the Instrument cast away. * spiritual Sovereignty . . . ​Consciences] Defoe may be thinking of the practices of confession and absolution, rejected by the Protestant churches as part of the Reformation. †  no consecrated Chapel] Baptism according to the rites of the Roman Catholic Church was usually performed in the parish church. See The New Catholic Encyclopedia, 2nd ed. (Detroit: Gale, 2003), 2:70. ‡  I baptize thee . . . ​Ghost] The usual Roman Catholic formula for adult baptism was supposed to include a mention of belief in the “Holy Church.” This may have been part of the “Benediction” that the French priest pronounced in Latin, but was presumably omitted when Crusoe translated it (see below, 131). See New Catholic Encyclopedia, 2:62–63. §  none could know . . . ​of] No mention is made of the use of a crucifix or making the sign of the cross during baptism. The objection to this ritual was a crucial ­matter in the refusal of a number of ­t hose, such as Richard Baxter, who became Dissenters, refusing to conform to the Church of ­England at the time of the Restoration of Charles II. See Novak, Daniel Defoe: Master of Fictions, 22.

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He3100 said a g­ reat many good Th ­ ings to them both, and then recommending them in a few Words to God’s Goodness,3101 gave them the Benediction again, I repeating e­ very Th ­ ing to them in En­glish, and thus ended the Ceremony: I think it was the most pleasant,3102 agreeable Day to me3103 that ever I passed in my ­whole Life. But my Clergy-­man3104 had not done yet; his Thoughts hung continually upon the Conversion of the seven and thirty3105 Savages, and fain he would have stay’d upon the Island to have undertaken it; but I convinc’d him, first, that his Undertaking was impracticable in it self;3106 and secondly, that perhaps I would put it into a Way of being done in his3107 Absence to his Satisfaction; of which,3108 by and by. Having3109 thus brought the Affair of the Island to a narrow Compass,* I was preparing to go on board the Ship, when the young Man who3110 I had taken out of the famish’d Ship’s Com­pany came to me, and3111 told me, he understood I had a Clergy-­man with me, and that I had caused3112 the En­glish Men to be married to the Savages, whom they called Wives; that he had a Match too, which he desired3113 might be finish’d before I went, between two Christians, which he hop’d would not be disagreeable to me. I knew3114 this must be the young ­Woman who was his ­Mother’s Servant, for ­t here was no other Christian W ­ oman on the Island; so I began to persuade3115 him not to do any ­Thing of that Kind rashly, or ­because he found himself in this solitary Circumstance: I represented to him that3116 he had some considerable Substance in the World,3117 and good Friends as I understood by himself, and by his Maid also; that the3118 Maid was not only poor and a Servant, but was unequal to him, she being six or seven and twenty3119 Years old, and he not above seventeen or eigh­teen;3120 that he might very prob­ably with my Assistance, make a remove3121 from this Wilderness3122 and come into his own Country again, and that then it would be a thousand to one but he would repent his Choice; and the Dislike of that Circumstance might be disadvantagious to both: I was ­going to say more,3123 but he interrupted me, smiling, and told me, with a g­ reat Deal of Modesty, that I mistook in my Guesses,3124 that he had nothing of that Kind in his Thoughts, his pre­sent Circumstance being melancholly3125 and disconsolate enough; and he was very glad to hear that I had Thoughts of putting them in a Way to see their Country3126 again, and nothing3127 should have put him upon staying t­ here, but that the Voyage I was g­ oing was so exceeding long and hazardous, and would carry him quite out of the Reach of all his Friends; that he had nothing to desire of me, but that I would ­settle him in some l­ittle Property in the Island where he was, give him a Servant or two3128 and some few Necessaries, and he would s­ ettle himself ­here like a Planter, waiting the good Time, when3129 if ever I return’d to ­England, I would redeem him, and hop’d I would not be unmindful of him when I came into3130 ­England;3131 that he would give me some Letters to his Friends in London, to let them know how good I had been to him, and in what Part of the World, and what Circumstance I had left him in; that he promised me, that whenever I * narrow Compass] Within due limits, or ­here, with relatively few ­things remaining to be done. See OED.

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redeem’d3132 him, the Plantation and all the Improvements3133 he had made upon it, let the Value be what it would, should be wholly mine. His Discourse was very prettily delivered,3134 considering his Youth, and was the more agreeable to me, ­because he told me positively the Match was not for himself: I gave him all pos­si­ble Assurances that3135 if I liv’d to come safe to ­England, I would deliver his Letters3136 and do his Business effectually, and that he might depend I would never forget the Circumstance I had left him in; but still I was impatient to know who was3137 the Person to be married, upon which he told me3138 it was my Jack of all Trades, and his Maid Susan. I was most agreeably surpriz’d, when he nam’d the Match, for indeed I thought it very suitable; the Character of that Man I have given already; and as for the Maid, she was a very honest, modest, sober and religious young ­Woman, had a very good Share of Sense, was agreeable enough in her Person, spoke very handsomely3139 and to the Purpose, always with Decency and good Manners, and not backwards3140 to speak when any ­Thing required it,3141 or impertinently forward to speak when it was not her Business; very Handy and House­wifely3142 in any ­Thing that was before her; an excellent Man­ag­er, and fit indeed to have been Governess to the ­whole Island; she knew very well how to behave to all Kind3143 of Folks she had about her, and to better, if she had found any t­ here. The Match being proposed in this Manner, we married3144 them the same Day, and as I was ­Father at the Altar, as I may say, and gave her away, so I gave her a Portion; for I appointed her and her Husband a handsome large Space of Ground for their Plantation; and3145 indeed this Match and the Proposal the young Gentleman made to give him a small3146 Property in the Island, put me upon parcelling it out amongst them, that they might not quarrel afterwards about their Situation. This sharing3147 out the Land to them, I left to ­Will. Atkins, who indeed was now grown a most sober, grave,3148 managing Fellow, perfectly reform’d, exceeding Pious and Religious, and as far as I may be allowed3149 to speak positively in such a Case, I verily believe, was a true sincere Penitent. He divided Th ­ ings so justly, and3150 so much to e­ very one’s Satisfaction, that they only desired one general Writing ­under my Hand for the ­whole, which I caused to be drawn up and sign’d and seal’d 3151 to them, setting out the Bounds and Situation of e­ very Man’s Plantation,* and testifying that I gave them3152 thereby severally a Right to the ­whole Possession and Inheritance of the respective Plantations or Farms, with their Improvements3153 to them and their Heirs, reserving all the rest of the Island as my own Property, and a certain Rent for ­every par­tic­u­lar Plantation a­ fter eleven Years, if I, or any one from me or in my Name3154 came to demand it, producing an attested Copy of the same Writing. As to the Government and Laws among them, I told them I was3155 not capable of giving them better Rules, than they ­were able to give themselves;3156 only made * ­every Man’s Plantation] This division of the island into separate plantations helps the colony by establishing certain rights over the land.

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them promise me to live in Love and good Neighbourhood* with one another; and so I prepared to leave them. One ­Thing I must not omit, and this3157 is, that being now settled in a Kind of Common-­Wealth3158 among themselves, and having much Business in Hand, it was but odd to have seven and thirty Indians live in a Nook of the Island, in­de­pen­dent, and indeed un-­employ’d;3159 for excepting the providing themselves Food, which they had Difficulty enough in too, sometimes, they had no manner of Business or Property to manage:3160 I propos’d therefore to the Governour Spaniard, that he should go to them with Friday’s ­Father, and propose to them to remove, and ­either plant for themselves, or take them into their several Families as Servants to be maintain’d for their ­Labour, but without being absolute Slaves,3161 for I would not admit them to make them Slaves by Force3162 by any Means, b ­ ecause they had their Liberty given them by Capitulation, and as it w ­ ere Articles of Surrender,3163† which they ­ought not to break. They most willingly embrac’d the Proposal, and came all very chearfully along with him; so we allotted them Land, 3164 and Plantations, which three or four accepted of, but all the rest chose to be employ’d as Servants in the several Families we had settled; and thus my Colony was in a Manner settled, as follows:3165 The Spaniards possess’d my original Habitation, which was the capital City, and extended their Plantations all along the Side3166 of the Brook, which made the Creek that I have so often describ’d, as far as my Bower; and as they increas’d3167 their Culture, it went always Eastward; the3168 En­glish liv’d in the North-­East Part, where W.3169 Atkins, and his Comrades began, and came on Southward, and South-­West, ­towards the back Part of the Spaniards;3170 and ­every Plantation had a ­great Addition of Land to take in, if they found Occasion; so that they need not jostle3171 one another for want of Room. All the East End3172 of the Island was left uninhabited, that if any of the Savages should come on Shore ­there3173 only for their usual customary Barbarities, they might come and go, if they disturb’d3174 no Body, no Body would disturb them; and no doubt but they w ­ ere often ashore, and went away again; for I never heard that the Planters ­were ever attack’d or disturb’d3175 any more. It3176 now came into my Thoughts, that I had hinted to my Friend the Clergy-­ man, that the Work of Converting3177 the Savages, might perhaps be set on Foot in his Absence, to his Satisfaction; and I told him,3178 that now I thought it was put in a fair Way; for the Savages being thus divided among the Christians, if they would but e­ very one of them do their Part3179 with t­ hose which came u ­ nder their Hands, I hop’d it might have a very good Effect.

* Government . . . ​good Neighbourhood] Crusoe leaves his society in a state similar to the society premised in John Locke’s Two Treatises before the establishment of a specific form of government. Defoe seems to suggest that once the owner­ship of property is settled and a general harmony prevails, the exact nature of government is a m ­ atter of con­ve­nience rather than necessity. See Two Treatises, 348–371 (2:95–131). †  Articles of Surrender] See The Farther Adventures, above, 86.

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He agreed presently in that, if3180 said he, they ­w ill do their Part; but how, says he, ­shall we obtain that of them? I told him, we would call them altogether,3181 and leave it in Charge with them, or go to them one by one, which he thought best, so we divided it; he to speak to the Spaniards, who w ­ ere all Papists,3182 and I to the En­glish, who ­were all Protestants;3183 and we recommended it earnestly to them, and made them promise, that they never would3184 make any Distinction of Papist or Protestant,3185 in their exhorting the Savages to turn Christians; but teach them the general Knowledge of the true God, and of their Saviour Jesus Christ;3186 and they likewise promis’d us, that they would never have any Differences or Disputes one with another,3187 about Religion.* When I came to W. Atkins’s House, I3188 may call it so, for such a House, or such a Piece3189 of Basket-­Work, I believe, was not standing in the World again;3190 I say, when I came ­t here, I found the young ­Woman I have mention’d above, and W. Atkins’s Wife,3191 w ­ ere become Intimates; and this prudent religious young ­Woman, had perfected the Work ­Will. Atkins had begun; and tho’3192 it was not above four Days a­ fter what I have related, yet the new baptiz’d Savage W ­ oman was made such a Christian, as I have seldom heard of any like her3193 in all my Observation, or Conversation,3194 in the World. It 3195 came next into my Mind in the Morning before I went to them, that amongst3196 all the needful ­Things I had to leave with them, I had not left them a Bible,3197 in which, I shew’d my self less considering for them, than my good Friend the W ­ idow3198 was for me, when she sent me the Cargo of an hundred Pounds from Lisbon, where she pack’d up 3 Bibles,3199 and a Prayer-­book:3200 However, the good ­Woman’s Charity had a greater Extent than ever she imagin’d; for they w ­ ere reserv’d for the Comfort and Instruction of t­ hose, that made much better Use of them than I had done. I took one of the Bibles in my Pocket,3201 and when I came to ­Will.3202 Atkins’s Tent or House, and found the young W ­ oman, and Atkins’s baptized Wife, had been ­ ill. Atkins,3203 told it me, with a ­great deal of discoursing of Religion together; for W 3204 Joy: I asked if they w ­ ere together now, and he said, yes; so I went into the House, and he with me, and we found them together very earnest in Discourse; O Sir, says ­Will.3205 Atkins, when God has Sinners to reconcile to himself, and Aliens to bring Home,3206 He never wants a Messenger; my Wife has got a new Instructor;3207† I * Differences or Disputes . . . ​Religion] E ­ ngland was in the midst of a series of religious disputes, including the Bangorian Controversy and the Salters’ Hall Controversy. If the former resulted in the dismissal of any illusion of power within the Anglican establishment with the end of Convocation, the latter seemed to suggest that ­there was ­little agreement among the Dissenters on the ­matter of the Trinity. Defoe was clearly suggesting an end to disputes and a toleration of dif­fer­ent viewpoints within a broad concept of Chris­tian­ity. For a discussion of Defoe’s involvement in ­these disputes, see Novak, “Sincerity, Delusion, and Character in the Fiction of Daniel Defoe and the ‘Sincerity Crisis’ of His Time,” in Augustan Studies, ed. Douglas Lane Patey and Timothy Keegan (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1984), 109–126; and Novak, Daniel Defoe: Master of Fictions, 523–525. For a general account of ­these disputes, see Gordon Rupp, Religion in ­England 1688–1791 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), 88–101, 113–114. †  Instructor] Defoe had made use of the notion of persons of religious conviction as “Instructors” in his two volumes The ­Family Instructor (1715, 1718).

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knew I was unworthy, as I was uncapable of that 3208 Work; that3209 young W ­ oman has been sent hither from Heaven; she is enough to convert a ­whole Island of Savages; the3210 young ­Woman blush’d, and ­rose up to go away, but I desir’d3211 her to sit still; I told her, she had a good Work upon her Hands, and I hop’d God would bless her in it. We3212 talk’d a l­ittle, and I did not perceive they had any Book among them, tho’3213 I did not ask; but I put my Hand in my Pocket, and pull’d out my Bible; h ­ ere, says I,3214 to Atkins, I have brought you an Assistant that perhaps you had not3215 before; the3216 Man was so confounded, that he was not able to speak for some Time; but recovering himself, he takes it with both his Hands, and turning to his Wife, ­here, my Dear, says he;3217 did not I tell you, our3218 God, tho’ he lives above, could hear3219 what we said? ­Here’s the Book I pray’d for, when you and I kneel’d down ­under the Bush; now God has heard us, and sent it; when3220 he had said so, the Man fell into such transports3221 of a passionate Joy, that between the Joy of having it, and giving God Thanks3222 for it, the Tears run down his Face like a Child that was crying.3223 The ­Woman was surprised,3224 and was like to have run into a ­Mistake, that none of us w ­ ere aware of; for she firmly believ’d God had sent the Book upon her Husband’s Petition;3225 It is true, that providentially it was so, and might be taken so in a consequent Sense;* but I believe,3226 it would have been no difficult ­Matter at that Time, to have persuaded 3227 the poor ­Woman to have believ’d, that an express Messenger came from Heaven, on Purpose to bring that individual Book; but it was too3228 serious a M ­ atter, to suffer any Delusion to take Place; so I turn’d to the young ­Woman3229 and told her, we3230 did not desire to impose upon the new Convert, in her first, and more ignorant3231 understanding3232 of Th ­ ings; and begg’d her to explain to her, that God may be very properly said to answer our Petitions, when in the Course of his Providence, such3233 Th ­ ings are3234 in a par­ tic­u ­lar Manner brought to pass, as we petition’d for; but we do not expect 3235 Returns3236 from Heaven, in a miraculous and par­tic­u ­lar Manner,† and that it is our Mercy, that it is not so.3237 * providentially . . . ​consequent Sense] Reading the signs of Providence in the world required a degree of understanding. Thus in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, the presence of the grain growing on the island was seen at first to be a direct miracle. Further inquiry suggests it came from the leavings of a bag from the ship. Nevertheless it is to be interpreted as an example of God’s Providence. For a work discussing the reading of such examples of Providence, see Douglas Patey, Probability and Literary Form (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). †  miraculous . . . ​Manner] Protestants concluded that the age of miracles had ­either ceased with the events of the New Testament or by the time that the Christian Church became an established institution in the West. The Roman Catholic Church, on the other hand, claimed that miracles continued to occur “within the pale of the church.” Defoe argued that God mainly worked through the forces of nature or “Second ­Causes.” Crusoe’s refusal to trick the wife of ­Will Atkins may perhaps be seen as a glance at the missionaries of the Roman Catholic Church, who ­were sometimes viewed as adapting and playing upon the superstitions of the indigenous inhabitants to make converts. For an example of this among the Jesuits in China, see Louis Le Comte, Lettre à Monseigneur le Duc du Mayne sur les cérémonies de la Chine (Paris, 1700), 4–98; and Constitution de N.S.P. le Pape Clement XI (Rome, 1715), 7–31.

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This the young W ­ oman did afterwards effectually; so that ­there was,3238 I assure you, no Priestcraft used ­here; and I should have thought it one of the most unjustifiable Frauds in the World, to have had it so; but3239 the Surprise3240 of Joy upon ­Will. Atkins, is ­really not to be expressed; and ­t here we may be sure, ­t here was no Delusion: Sure,3241 no Man was ever more thankful in the World for any ­Thing of its Kind, than he was for this3242 Bible; nor I believe, never any Man was glad of a Bible from a better Princi­ple; and tho’3243 he had been a most profligate Creature, desperate, headstrong, outragious,3244 furious, and wicked to a ­great Degree; yet this Man is a standing Rule to us all,3245 for the well instructing C ­ hildren, (viz.) that Parents should never give over to teach and instruct, or ever despair3246 of the Success of their Endeavours, let the ­Children be ever so obstinate, refractory, or to Appearance, insensible of Instruction;3247 for if ever God in his Providence, 3248 touches the Consciences of such, the Force of their Education returns upon them, and the early Instruction of Parents is not lost; tho’ it may have been many Years laid asleep; but some Time or other,3249 they may find the Benefit of it. Thus it was with this poor Man; however3250 ignorant he was, or divested of Religion and Christian Knowledge: He3251 found he had some to do with now,3252 more ignorant than himself; and that the least Part of the Instruction of his good F ­ ather3253 that could now come to his Mind, was of Use to him. Among the rest it occurr’d3254 to him, he said, how his ­Father us’d to insist much upon the inexpressible Value of the Bible;3255 the Privilege and Blessing of it to Nations, Families, and Persons; but he never entertain’d3256 the least Notion of the Worth of it, till3257 now; when being to talk to Heathens, Savages, and Barbarians, he wanted the Help of the written Oracle* for his Assistance. The3258 young ­Woman was very glad of it also for the pre­sent Occasion, tho’ she had one, and so had the Youth on board our Ship among their Goods, which w ­ ere not yet brought on Shore; and3259 now having said so many Th ­ ings of this young ­Woman, I cannot omit telling3260 one Story more of her, and my self, which has something in it very informing and remarkable. I have3261 related, to what Extremity the poor young ­Woman was reduced; how her Mistress was starv’d3262 to Death, and did die on board that unhappy Ship we met at Sea; and how the ­whole Ship’s Com­pany being reduc’d to the last Extremity; the Gentlewoman, and her Son, and this Maid, ­were first hardly used as to Provisions,3263 and at last totally neglected and starv’d;3264 that is to say, brought to the last Extremity of Hunger. One Day being discoursing3265 with her upon the Extremities they suffer’d, I ask’d her3266 if she could describe by what she had felt, what it was to starve, and how it appear’d; she told me, she believ’d 3267 she could; and she told her Tale very distinctly thus.3268 See also The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, ed. F. L. Cross and E. A. Livingstone, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), 930; and A Dictionary of the Bible, ed. James Hastings, 3:393–396. * written Oracle] The Old and New Testaments.

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“First,3269 Sir, said she, we had for some Days far’d exceeding hard, and suffer’d very ­great Hunger;* but now,3270 at last, we ­were wholly without Food of any Kind, except Sugar, and a ­little Wine, and a ­little ­Water. The first Day, ­after I had receiv’d no Food at all, I found myself3271 t­ owards Eve­ning, first empty and sickish at my Stomach, and nearer Night mightily enclin’d to yawning and sleepy;3272 I laid down on a Couch in the ­great Cabin to sleep, and slept about three Hours, and awak’d a ­little refresh’d; having taken a Glass of Wine when I lay down; a­ fter being about three Hours awake, it being about five a-­Clock in3273 the Morning, I found my self empty, and my Stomach sickish, and lay’d 3274 down again, but could not sleep at all, being very faint, and ill; and thus I continu’d 3275 all the second Day, with a strange Variety, first Hungry,3276 then sick again, with reachings to vomit; the second Night being obliged 3277 to go to Bed again, without any Food, more than a Draught of fair ­Water;3278† and being asleep, I dream’d‡ I was at Barbadoes,3279§ and that the Market was mightily stock’d with Provisions; that I bought3280 some for my Mistress, and went and din’d very heartily. “I thought my Stomach was as full a­ fter this as any would have been ­after, or at3281 a good Dinner; but when I wak’d,3282 I was exceedingly sunk in my Spirits, to find my self in the extremity3283 of Famine: The last Glass of Wine we had, I drank, and put Sugar in it, b ­ ecause,3284 of its having some Spirit¶ to supply Nourishment; but ­t here being no Substance in the Stomach for the digesting Office to work upon, I found the only Effect3285 of the Wine was, to raise disagreeable Fumes from the Stomach, into the Head; and I lay, as they told me, stupid, and senseless, as one drunk 3286 for some Time. “The3287 third Day in the Morning, a­ fter a Night of strange and confus’d inconsistent Dreams;3288 and rather dozing than sleeping, I wak’d, ravenous and furious, 3289 with Hunger; and I question, had not my Understanding return’d and conquer’d it; I say, I question w ­ hether3290 if I had been a ­Mother, and had had a 3291 ­little Child with me, its Life would have been safe or not?3292 * ­great Hunger] The pre­sen­ta­tion of this account belongs to the genre of the medical case history that was used to support general descriptions of illnesses. Ordinarily, however, it is narrated by the physician rather than the victim. Daniel Turner supplied a separate list of his case histories. See De Morbis Cutaneis. A Treatise of Disease Incident to the Skin (London, 1714), 360–374. For a work detailing the effects of starvation on the crew of a ship that wrecked on an island off Bengal, see W. Glanvius, A Relation of an Unfortunate Voyage to the Kingdom of Bengala (London, 1682), 35–131. †  fair ­Water] The Maid wants Crusoe to understand that what she is describing is purely a ­matter of the symptoms of starvation and in no way caused by ­water that had become impure. ‡  I dream’d] Dreams ­were often thought to be influenced by ­matters upon which the mind had been intent during the day as well as by food or the lack thereof. See Thomas Tryon, Pythagoras His Mystic Philosophy Reviv’d; or, The Mystery of Dreams Unfolded (London, 1691), 48–49. §  Barbadoes] One of the Lesser Antilles in the West Indies, Barbados, located at 13°30′ north and 59° west, was an En­glish colony famous for its sugar production and its severe treatment of black slaves. The Maid had boarded the ship at Barbados, and this is essentially a dream that returned her to her home. See above, 32–33. ¶  Spirit] Alcoholic content. See OED.

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“This3293 lasted about three Hours; during which Time I was twice raging mad as any Creature in Bedlam,3294* as my young Master told me, and as he can now inform you. “In one of ­t hese Fits3295 of Lunacy or Distraction, ­whether by the Motion of the Ship, or some Slip of my Foot, I know not; I fell down, and struck my Face against the Corner of a Palat Bed3296† in which my Mistress lay; and with the Blow the Blood gush’d out of my Nose;3297 and the Cabin Boy bringing me a ­little Bason, I sat down and bled into it a ­great deal; and as the Blood run‡ from me, I came to my self; and the Vio­lence of the Flame or the Fever, I was in,3298 abated,§ and so did the ravenous Part of the Hunger. “Then I grew sick, and reach’d to vomit, but could not; for I had nothing in my Stomach to bring up: ­After I had bled some Time, I swoon’d, and they all believ’d I was dead; but I came to my self3299 soon ­after, and then had a most dreadful Pain in my Stomach, not to be described; not like the Cholick, but a gnawing ­eager Pain for Food; and3300 ­towards Night it went off with a kind of earnest Wishing or Longing for Food; something like, as I suppose, the Longing of a ­Woman with Child. I3301 took another Draught of W ­ ater with Sugar in it;3302 but my Stomach loathed the Sugar, and brought it all up again; then I3303 took a Draught of ­Water without Sugar, and that stay’d with me; and I3304 laid me down upon the Bed, praying most heartily, that it would please God to take me away; and composing my Mind in Hopes of it, I3305 slumber’d a while, and then waking, thought my self3306 ­dying, being light with Vapours from an empty Stomach, I recommended my Soul then to3307 God, and earnestly wish’d that some Body would throw me into the Sea. “All this while my Mistress lay by me just as I thought3308 expiring, but bore it with much more Patience than I, and gave the last bit3309 of Bread she had left to her Child, my young Master, who would not have taken it, but she oblig’d him to eat it; and I believe3310 it sav’d his Life. “­Towards the Morning I slept again, and first when I awak’d,3311 I fell into a violent Passion of Crying, and ­after that had a second Fit of violent Hunger; I got up ravenous, and in a most dreadful Condition; had 3312 my Mistress been dead, as much as I lov’d her, I am certain, I3313 should have eaten a Piece of her Flesh,¶ with as much Relish, and as unconcern’d,3314 as ever I did the Flesh of any Creature * Bedlam] An abbreviated name for the Hospital of St. Mary of Bethlehem, London’s insane asylum during this period. †  Palat Bed] Pallet or pallet-­bed. Sometimes merely a straw mattress, but ­here perhaps the frame of the bed. See OED. ‡  run] Defoe’s use of “run” rather than the modern “ran” is typical his usage and of the colloquial style of his fiction. §  Fever . . . ​abated] The notion that the loss of blood helped reduce a fever was common in con­temporary medical lit­er­a­ture and one of the theories b ­ ehind deliberate bleeding of patients. See Lazarus Riverius, The Practice of Physick, trans. Peter Cole (London, 1655), 553. ¶  eaten a Piece of her Flesh] In this version of a case in which a person shipwrecked at sea might turn to cannibalism—­a situation of par­tic­u ­lar interest to students of natu­ral law—­ Defoe chooses a w ­ oman whom he has praised for her moral virtues rather than the sailors who usually w ­ ere involved in such instances. The sailors guilty of cannibalism u ­ nder similar circumstances ­were all exonerated. See above, the notes to 29 and 65.

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appointed for Food;3315 and once or twice I was ­going to bite my own Arm: At last, I saw the Bason3316 in which was the Blood I had bled at my Nose the Day before; I ran to it, and swallow’d3317 it with such Haste, and such a greedy Appetite, as if I3318 had won­der’d no Body had taken it before, and afraid it should3319 be taken from me now. “Tho’3320 a­ fter it was down, the Thoughts of it fill’d me with Horror, yet it check’d the Fit of Hunger, and I3321 drank a Draught of fair W ­ ater, and was compos’d and refresh’d for some Hours ­after it: This was the 4th Day, and thus I3322 held it, ’till3323 ­towards Night, when within the Compass of three Hours, I had all ­t hese several Circumstances over again, one a­ fter another, (viz.)3324 sick, sleepy, eagerly hungry, Pain in the Stomach, then ravenous again, then sick again, then lunatick, then crying, then ravenous again;3325 and so e­ very quarter of an Hour,3326 and my Strength wasted exceedingly:3327 At Night I3328 laid me down, having no Comfort, but in the Hope that I should die before Morning. “All this Night I had no Sleep; but the Hunger was now turn’d3329 into a Disease; and I had a terrible Cholick and Griping, by Wind 3330 instead of Food, having found its Way into the Bowels; and3331 in this Condition I lay ’till Morning, when I was surpriz’d3332 a l­ittle with the Cries and Lamentations of my young Master, who call’d out to me that his ­Mother was dead: I lifted my self3333 up a ­little; for I had not Strength to rise, but found she was not dead, tho’3334 she was able to give very ­little Signs of Life. “I had3335 then such Convulsions in my Stomach, for want of some Sustenance, that I cannot describe;3336 with such frequent Throws and Pangs of Appetite, that nothing but the Tortures of Death can imitate; and3337 in this Condition I was when I3338 heard the Seamen above cry out, A Sail,3339 a Sail, and hallow3340 and jump about, as if they w ­ ere distracted. “I was3341 not able to get off from the Bed, and my Mistress much less; and my young Master was so sick, that I thought he had been expiring; so we could not open the Cabin Door,3342 or get any Account what it was that occasion’d such a Combustion,* nor had we had any3343 Conversation with the Ship’s Com­pany for two Days; they having told us, that 3344 they had not a Mouthful of any ­Thing3345 to eat in the Ship; and they told us afterwards, they thought we had been dead. “It3346 was this dreadful Condition we ­were in when you ­were sent to save our Lives; and how you found us, Sir, you know as well as I,3347 and better too.”3348† This was her own Relation, and is such a distinct Account of starving to Death, as I confess,3349 I3350 never met with, and was exceeding entertaining‡ to me;3351 I am the rather apt to believe it to be a true Account, b ­ ecause the Youth gave me 3352 an Account of a good Part of it; tho’ I must own, not so distinct and so feelingly * Combustion] Combustion, in seventeenth-­and eighteenth-­century usage, “violent excitement, disorder, tumult, confusion, hubbub.” See OED. †   too.”] The quotation mark ­here is an addition to the original text, indicating the end of the Maid’s narrative. ‡  exceeding entertaining] For Crusoe’s “Curiosity” and the plea­sure he finds in painful accounts of this kind, see above, 29, 31, and 40.

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as his Maid; and the rather, ­because it seems his M ­ other fed him at the Price of her own Life: But the poor Maid, tho’ her Constitution being stronger than that of her Mistress, who was in Years, and a weakly W ­ oman too, she might strug­gle harder with it; I3353 say, the poor Maid might be supposed to feel the3354 Extremity something sooner than her Mistress, who might be allowed to keep the last Bit3355 something longer than she parted with any to relieve the Maid. No Question, as the Case is ­here related, if our Ship,3356 or some other, had not so providentially met them, a few Days more would have ended all their Lives, ­unless they had prevented it by eating one another; and even, that as3357 their Case stood, would have serv’d3358 them but a ­little while, they being 500 Leagues from any Land,3359 or any Possibility of Relief, other than in the miraculous Manner it happen’d: But this is by the Way; I3360 return to my Disposition of ­Things among the P ­ eople. And,3361 First, It is to be observ’d h ­ ere, That for many Reasons I did not think fit to let them know any Th ­ ing of the Sloop I had fram’d,3362 and which I thought of setting up among them;3363 for I found, at least at my first coming, such Seeds of Divisions among them, that I saw it plainly3364 had I set up the Sloop,3365 and left it among them, they would upon ­every light Disgust have separated,3366 and gone away from one another, or perhaps have turn’d Pirates,3367 and so made the Island a Den of Thieves,* instead of a Plantation of sober and religious P ­ eople, so as I intended it; nor3368 did I leave the two Pieces of Brass Cannon that I had on Board, or the two Quarter-­Deck Guns, that my Nephew took extraordinarily3369 for the same Reason: I thought it was3370 enough to qualify them for a defensive War against any that should invade them; but not3371 to set them up for an offensive War, or to encourage them to go Abroad to attack 3372 ­others, which in the End would only bring Ruin and Destruction upon themselves and all their Undertaking: I reserv’d3373 the Sloop therefore, and the Guns, for their Ser­vice another Way, as I ­shall observe in its Place. I have now done with the Island;3374 I left them all in good Circumstances, and in a flourishing Condition, and went on board 3375 my Ship again the [fifth] day of [May,]† having been five and twenty Days among them; and as they ­were all resolv’d to stay upon the Island ’till3376 I came to remove them, I promis’d to send some further3377 Relief from the Brasils, if I could possibly find an Opportunity; and particularly3378 I promis’d to send them some Cattel, such as Sheep, Hogs, and Cows: For as to the two Cows and Calves3379 which I brought from ­England, we had been oblig’d by the Length of our Voyage3380 to kill them at Sea, for want of Hay to feed them. * Pirates . . . ​Den of Thieves] Some of the islands of the Ca­rib­bean ­were essentially ruled by vari­ous pirates, and this was long ­a fter Morgan and his buccaneers terrified the entire area. Henry Pitman, writing in the 1680s, mentions the island of “Providence,” prob­ably modern New Providence, in the Bahamas,as an island haven for pirates. See A Relation of the G ­ reat Sufferings and Strange Adventures of Henry Pitman (1689), in An En­glish Garner, 12 vols., ed. Edward Arber (London: Constable, 1909), 2:464. †  the—­of—] In the first edition Defoe left the date blank. He arrived at the island on the 10th of April 1695 (37:7) and stayed twenty-­five days. Some l­ater editions inserted the sixth day of May.

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The next Day, giving them a Salute of five Guns at Parting,3381 we set Sail, and arriv’d at the Bay of All-­Saints in the Brasils3382* in about 22 Days; meeting nothing remarkable in our Passage, but this,3383 That about three Days ­after we sail’d, being becalm’d, and the Current setting strong to the E.N.E. ­running, as it w ­ ere, into a Bay or Gulph on the Land Side,3384 we w ­ ere driven something out of our Course, and once or twice our Men cry’d Land to the East-­ward;3385 but ­whether it was the Continent or Islands, we could not tell by any Means. But the third Day t­ owards Eve­ning, the Sea smooth, and3386 the Weather calm, we saw the Sea, as it w ­ ere, cover’d3387 ­towards the Land with something very black, not being able to discover what it was, ’till ­after3388 some Time, our chief Mate ­going up the main Shrowds† a l­ittle Way, and looking at them with a Perspective, cry’d out it was an Army. I could not imagine what he meant3389 by an Army, and spoke a ­little hastily, calling the Fellow a Fool, or some such Word: Nay,3390 Sir, says he, ­don’t be angry, for ’tis an Army and a Fleet too; for I believe ­t here are a thousand Canoes, and you may see them paddle along, and they are comlng ­towards us too, apace.3391 I was3392 a l­ ittle surpriz’d then indeed, and so was my Nephew, the Captain; for he had heard such terrible Stories of them in the Island, and having never been in ­t hose Seas before, that he could not tell what to think of it, but said two or three Times, we should all be devour’d. I must confess, considering we w ­ ere becalm’d,3393 and the Current set strong ­towards the Shore, I lik’d it the worse: However, I bad him not be afraid, but bring the Ship to3394 an Anchor, as soon as we came so near to know that we must engage them. The Weather continu’d3395 calm, and they came on apace t­ owards us; so I gave Order to come to an Anchor, and furle all our Sails:3396 As for the Savages, I told them they had nothing to fear but3397 Fire; and therefore they should get their Boats out, and fasten them, one close by the Head, and the other by the Stern, and man3398 them both well, and wait the Issue in that Posture: This I did, that the Men in the Boats might be ready with Skeets3399‡ and Buckets to put out any Fire ­t hese Savages might endeavour to fix to the Out-­side3400 of the Ship. In3401 this Posture we lay by for them, and in a ­little while they came up with us; but never was such a horrid Sight seen by Christians: My Mate was much mistaken in his Calculation of their Number, I mean of a thousand Canoes; the most we could make of them when they came up, being about a hundred and six and twenty;3402 and a g­ reat many of them too; for some of them had sixteen or seventeen Men in them, and some3403 more; and the least six or seven. * Bay of All-­Saints . . . ​Brasils] This, of course, was the area where Crusoe had become a prosperous planter and manufacturer of sugar before setting out on the voyage that left him stranded on his island. †  main Shrowds] See Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 3, sig. Hhh2: “SHROUDS, are ­great Ropes in a Ship, that go up on both Sides of all the Masts, except the Bowsprit.” Th ­ ese referred to are ­t hose attached to the main mast. ‡  Skeets] Described in Falconer’s Marine Dictionary (269) as a “sort of long scoop commonly used to wet the decks and sides of a ship in hot weather, in order to keep them cool.”

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When they came nearer to us, they seem’d to be struck with Won­der and Astonishment, as at a Sight which they had doubtless never seen before; nor could they at first, as we afterwards understood, know what to make of us:3404 They came boldly up however3405 very near to us, and seem’d to go about3406 to row round us; but we call’d to our Men in the Boats, not to let them come too near them. This3407 very Order brought us to an Engagement with them, without our designing it; for five or six of their large Canoes came3408 so near our Long-­Boat, that our Men beckon’d with their Hands* to them to keep back,3409 which they understood very well, and went back; but at their Retreat, about 50 Arrows came on Board3410 us from ­those Boats; and one of our Men in the Long-­Boat was very much wounded. However,3411 I call’d to them not to fire by any Means; but we handed down some Deal Boards into the Boat, and the Carpenter3412 presently set up a kind of a Fence, like waste Boards,3413† to cover them from the Arrows of the Savages, if they should shoot again. About3414 half an Hour afterwards they came all up in a Body a-­stern of us, and pretty near us,3415 so near that we could easily discern what they ­were, tho’ we could not tell their Design: And3416 I easily found they ­were some of my old Friends, the same Sort of Savages that I had been used to engage with; and in a l­ ittle Time more they row’d a ­little farther out to Sea, ’till3417 they came directly Broad-­side with us, and then row’d down strait upon us,’till they came so near, that they could hear us speak:3418 Upon this I order’d all my Men to keep close, least they should shoot any more Arrows, and made all our Guns ready; but being so near as to be within hearing, I made3419 Friday go out upon the Deck, and call out aloud to them in his Language3420 to know what they meant, which accordingly he did; w ­ hether they understood him or not, that I knew not: But as soon as he had call’d to them,3421 six of them, who w ­ ere in the foremost or nighest Boat to us, turns3422 their Canoes 3423 from us; and stooping down, shew’d us their naked Backsides, just as if in3424 En­glish, saving your Presence,3425 they had bid us kiss—­—;­‡ ­whether this was a Defiance or Challenge, we know not; or ­whether it was done in meer Contempt, or as a Signal§ to the rest; but immediately Friday cry’d out they w ­ ere ­going to shoot, and unhappily for him poor Fellow;3426 they let fly about 300 of their Arrows, and, to my inexpressible Grief, kill’d poor Friday, no other Man being in their Sight. * beckon’d with their Hands] This gesture, at least partly understood, raises the question of the universality of such signs and plays into the theme of the postures struck by the crew of the ship rescued at the beginning of the voyage. †  waste Boards] Sometimes “wash-­boards.” ­These are boards set upon the sides of a ship or boat, raising the height, in order to keep the sea out in rough weather. See Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 3, sig. Kkk2. ‡  naked Backsides . . . ​kiss—­—] Omitted with an ellipsis in the first edition and  seemingly all subsequent editions would be something like [their Asses]. Both the gesture and the language continue as expressions of contempt among En­glish speaking ­people. Defoe suggests their universality. §  Defiance or Challenge . . . ​Signal] The gesture, called “mooning” in modern colloquial En­glish, is certainly a sign of “Contempt” for the Eu­ro­pe­a ns on the ship, but Crusoe is unwilling to conclude that this par­tic­u ­lar gesture represented more than a signal to begin the attack.

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The poor Fellow was3427 shot with no less than three Arrows, and about three more fell very near him; such unlucky* Marksmen they ­were. I was so enrag’d with the Loss3428 of my old Servant, the Companion of all my Sorrows and Solitudes, that I immediately order’d five Guns to be loaded with small Shot,† and four with ­great, and gave them such a Broad-­side, as they had never heard in their Lives before, to be sure. They ­were not above half a Cable Length off when we fir’d; and our Gunners took their Aim3429 so well, that three or four of their Canoes ­were overset, as we had reason to believe,3430 by one Shot only. The ill Manners3431 of turning up their bare Backsides to us, gave us no ­great Offence; neither did I know for certain, w ­ hether that which would pass for the greatest Contempt among us, might be understood so by them, or not; therefore,3432 in Return, I had only resolv’d to have fir’d four or five Guns at them with Powder only,3433 which I knew would fright them sufficiently: But when they shot at us directly with all the Fury3434 they w ­ ere capable of, and especially as they had kill’d my poor Friday, who3435 I so entirely lov’d and valu’d, and who indeed so well deserv’d it; I not only had been justify’d3436 before God and Man,‡ but would have been very glad, if I could,3437 to have overset ­every Canoe ­there, and drown’d ­every one of them. I can neither tell how many we kill’d, or how many we wounded, 3438 at this Broad-­side; but sure such a Fright and Hurry never was seen among such a Multitude; ­t here ­were 13 or 14 of their Canoes split and overset in all, and the Men all set a swimming; the rest3439 frighted out of their Wits, scour’d away as fast as they could,3440 taking but ­little Care to save ­those whose Boats ­were split or spoil’d with our Shot:3441 So I suppose, that they ­were many of them lost: And our Men took one poor Fellow swimming3442 for his Life, above an Hour a­ fter they w ­ ere all gone. Our small Shot from our Cannon must needs kill and wound a g­ reat many; but,3443 in short, we never knew any ­Thing how it went with them; for they fled so fast, that in three Hours or thereabouts,3444 we could not see above three or four straggling Canoes; nor did we ever see the rest any more; for a Breeze of Wind springing up the same Eve­ning, we weighed and set Sail3445 for the Brasils. We3446 had a Prisoner indeed; but the Creature was so sullen, that he would neither eat or speak; and we all fancy’d3447 he would starve himself to Death: But I took a Way to cure him; for I made them take him and turn him into the Long-­ * unlucky] In the sense of skilled. ­There is nothing random in their marksmanship. †  small Shot] When a cannon is loaded with small bullets instead of the cannonball that fits the bore of the gun. ‡  justify’d . . . ​Man] Crusoe argues that his attack was in response to the act of war perpetrated by the Indians. As such it is what Pufendorf called a “ just War,” a war based upon self-­defense. See Of the Law of Nature and Nations, 2:226–228 (bk. 8, chap. 6, secs. 3–7). Pufendorf argued against Francis Bacon, who had held that Eu­ro­pe­a ns might war against the Indians of Amer­i­ca simply on the basis of their barbarous be­hav­ior in general—­their cannibalism and their sacrificial rites. Pufendorf maintained that the natives of Amer­i­ca had to be judged on an individual basis according to their specific be­hav­ior ­toward ­t hose coming to Amer­i­ca from Eu­rope.

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boat,3448 and make him believe they would toss him into the Sea again, and so leave him where they found him, if he would not speak: Nor would that do;3449 but they ­really did throw him into the Sea, and come away from him;3450 and then he follow’d them; for he swam like a Cork, and call’d to them in his Tongue, tho’ they knew not one Word of what he said: However, at last they took him in again, and then he began to be more tractable; nor did I ever design they should drown him. We3451 ­were now u ­ nder Sail again; but I was the most disconsolate Creature alive, for want3452 of my Man Friday, and would have been very glad to have gone back to the Island, to have taken one of the rest from thence for my Occasion, but it could not be; so we went on.3453 We had one Prisoner, as I have said; and it was3454 a long while before we could make him understand any ­Thing: But, in Time,3455 our Men taught him some En­glish, and he began to be a l­ ittle tractable; afterwards we enquir’d what Country he came from, but could make nothing of what he said; for his Speech was so odd, all Guterals,* and spoke3456 in the Throat in such an hollow odd Manner, that we could never form a Word a­ fter3457 him; and we w ­ ere all of Opinion,3458 that they might speak that Language as well, if they ­were gagg’d,3459 as other­w ise: Nor could we perceive that they had any Occasion, ­either for Teeth, Tongue, Lips, or Palat.3460 but form’d their Words, just as a hunting Horn forms a Tune with an open Throat;† he3461 told us however, some Time ­after when we had taught3462 him to speak a ­little En­glish, that they ­were ­going with their Kings to fight a g­ reat ­Battle. When he said Kings, we ask’d him how many Kings? He said, they ­were3463 FIVE NATION, we could not make him understand the Plural S.3464 and that they all join’d to go against Two Nation. We ask’d him,3465 what made them come up to us? He said,3466 to makee te ­great Won­der look: Where it is to be observed,3467 That all ­those Natives, as also ­those of Africa, when they learn En­glish, they always add two E’s‡ at the End3468 of the Words where we use one, and place the Accent upon them, as makèè3469 takèè, and the like; and we could not break them of it; nay, I could hardly make Friday leave it off, tho’ at last he did.§ * Speech . . . ​a ll Guterals] The usual response to the pronunciation of languages in a manner far dif­fer­ent from that of Eu­rope was to imply that the speakers ­were somehow barely ­human. For example, Dampier, a­ fter describing the natives of New Holland as “the miserablest ­People in the World,” noted of their language, “­These ­People speak somewhat thro’ the Throat; but we could not understand one word that they said.” Crusoe merely comments on the oddity of the sounds. See Dampier, New Voyage, 312–314. †  hunting Horn . . . ​open Throat] At the time horns used for hunting had no valves and depended mainly on rhythm. The comparison suggests that all of the sound came from deep in the throat just as the sound of the horn, which might be quite long and coiled around, ­ usic and Musicians, ed. Stancame from the mouthpiece. See The New Grove Dictionary of M ley Sadie, 20 vols. (London: Macmillan, 1980), 8:697–712, especially 702. ‡  two E’s] This may be a personal observation of Defoe, who had some involvement in the Royal African Com­pany and may have been conversant with some natives from Africa. §  Friday . . . ​at last he did] Defoe may have been reacting to comments similar to those later made by Charles Gildon on Friday’s failure to improve his command of En­glish. Friday, who along with Crusoe appears before their author to make vari­ous complaints, suggests that Defoe made him “such Blockhead, so much contradictions, as to be able to speak En­glish tolerably well in a Month or two, and not to speak it better in twelve Years ­a fter.” See Gildon, Life, 71.

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And3470 now I name the poor Fellow once more, I must take my last Leave of him; poor honest Friday! We bury’d him with all the Decency3471 and Solemnity pos­si­ble, by putting him into a Coffin, and throwing him into the Sea: And I caused them to fire eleven Guns* for him,3472 and so ended the Life of the most grateful, faithful, honest, and most affectionate Servant3473† that ever Man had. We3474 went now away with a fair Wind for Brasil, and in about twelve Days Time3475 we made Land in the Latitude of five Degrees South of the Line, being the North-­Eastermost Land of all that Part of Amer­i­ca.3476 We kept on S. by E. in Sight3477 of the Shore four Days, when we made Cape St. Augustine,‡ and in three Days came to an Anchor off of the Bay of All3478 Saints, the old Place of my Deliverance, from whence came both my good and evil Fate. Never3479 Ship came to this Part that had less Business than I had; and yet it was with ­great Difficulty that we ­were admitted to hold the least Correspondence3480 on Shore, not 3481 my Partner§ himself, who was alive, and made a ­g reat Figure among them; not my two Merchants Trustees, not the3482 Fame of my wonderful Preservation in that Island, could obtain me that Favour: But my Partner remembring, that I had given 500 Moidores¶ to the Prior of the Monastery of the Augustines, and 272 to the Poor,3483** went to the Monastery, and oblig’d the Prior that then was, to go to the Governour, and get Leave for me personally, with the Captain and one more3484 besides Eight Seamen, to come on Shore, and no more; and this upon Condition absolutely capitulated for, that we should not offer to land any Goods out of the Ship, or to carry any Person away without Licence. They w ­ ere so strict with us, as to landing any Goods, that it was with extream Difficulty that I got on Shore three Bales of En­glish Goods, such as fine broad Cloaths, Stuffs, and some Linnen, 3485 which I had brought for a Pre­sent to my Partner. He was a very generous broad hearted3486 Man, tho’ like me,3487 he came from ­little at first; and tho’ he knew not that I had the least Design of giving him any Th ­ ing,3488 he sent me on Board a Pre­sent of fresh Provisions, Wine, and Sweet-­ meats,3489 worth above 30 Moidores, including some Tobacco, and three or four * eleven Guns] This large number of salutes is suggestive of the importance that Crusoe placed upon Friday as a h ­ uman being. A salute to a rear admiral was customarily thirteen guns. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 255. †  most grateful . . . ​Servant] Crusoe has sometimes been criticized for his lack of emotion, yet ­here, his love for Friday and his anger at the natives shows him ruled by appropriate passions. For a discussion of such a comment by Charles Dickens (mainly directed at sexual passion in Defoe), see Ian Watt, The Rise of the Novel (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1957), 68. ‡  Cape St. Augustine] Clearly identified on the map of Crusoe’s travels that accompanied The Farther Adventures but often omitted on modern maps. §  my Partner] Perhaps the man named Wells who had the plantation next to Crusoe. See The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 35. ¶  500 Moidores] The moidore or moeda, a gold coin of Portugal, was equal to approximately 28 shillings during the first half of the eigh­teenth ­century. ** Monastery of the Augustines . . . ​Poor] See The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 238. Crusoe actually gave 372 Moidores to the poor, not 272.

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fine Medals in Gold: But I was even with him in my Pre­sent, which, as I have said, consisted of fine broad Cloath,3490 En­glish Stuffs, Lace, and fine Hollands: Also I deliver’d3491 him about the Value of 100 lib. Sterl.* in the same Goods for other Uses; and I oblig’d3492 him to set up the Sloop which I had brought with me from ­England, as I have said, for the Use of my Colony, in order to send the Refreshments I intended to my Plantation. Accordingly3493 he got Hands, and finish’d the Sloop in a very few Days, for she was already fram’d,3494 and I gave the Master of her such Instructions, as he could not miss the Place;3495 nor did he miss them, as I had an Account from my Partner afterwards. I got him soon loaded with the small Cargoe I sent3496 them; and one of our Seamen that had been on Shore 3497 with me ­t here, offer’d to go with the Sloop, and ­settle ­t here upon my Letter to the Governour Spaniard, to allot him a sufficient3498 Quantity of Land for a Plantation; and giving him some Cloaths,3499 and Tools for his Planting Work,3500 which he said he understood, having been an old Planter at Mary­land,† and a Buckaneer3501‡ into the Bargain. I encouraged the Fellow, by granting all he desir’d;3502 and as an Addition, I gave him the Savage, which we had taken Prisoner of War, to be his Slave,§ and order’d the Governour Spaniard to give him his Share of e­ very Th ­ ing3503 he wanted, with the rest. When3504 we came to fit this Man out, my old Partner told me, t­ here was a certain very honest Fellow,3505 a Brasil Planter of his Acquaintance, who had fallen into the Dis­plea­sure of the Church; I know not what the ­Matter3506 is with him, says he, but on my Conscience, I think he is a3507 Heretick in his Heart, and he has been oblig’d to conceal himself for Fear3508 of the Inquisition;¶ that he wou’d3509 be very glad of such an Opportunity to make his Escape3510 with his Wife and two ­Daughters; and if I would let them go to my Island, and allot them a Plantation, he would give them a small Stock to begin with; for the Officers of the Inquisition had seiz’d all his Effects and Estate, and he had nothing left but a l­ ittle Houshold-­

* 100 lib. Sterl.] An abbreviation for pounds sterling. †  Mary­land] At this time a British colony in North Amer­i­ca. Defoe’s Moll Flanders has a plantation in this colony, and in Moll Flanders, he shows considerable knowledge of the geography of the area. See Moll Flanders, ed. G. A. Starr (London: Oxford University Press, 1971), 331. ‡  Buckaneer] Usually spelled “buccaneer” or “buccanier.” Defoe was familiar with Alexander Exquemelin’s The History of the Buccaneers of Amer­i­ca and may have had a copy in his library. See Helmut Heidenreich, ed., The Libraries of Daniel Defoe and Phillips Farewell (Berlin: Heidenreich, 1970), 128. §  Slave] Crusoe may have believed that having captured the native in b ­ attle, he had the right to consider him a slave. See Vitoria, On the Indians and on the Law of War, 181. Grotius believed that although slavery was generally against the Law of Nature, it was allowed in warfare by the Law of Nations. See De Jure Belli ac Pacis Libri Tres, trans. Francis Kelsey, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1925), 2:690. ¶  Inquisition] The Inquisition was active in Brazil at this time, particularly against t­ hose suspected of continuing to practice their Jewish religion. See Stuart Schwartz, Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550–1835 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 266.

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Stuff3511 and two Slaves. And adds he, Tho’3512 I hate his Princi­ples, yet I would not have him fall into their Hands; for he would as­suredly be burnt alive,3513 if he does. I granted this presently, and join’d my En­glish Man3514 with them, and we conceal’d the Man, and his Wife and D ­ aughters on Board3515 our Ship, ’till the Sloop put out3516 to go to Sea; and then (having put all their Goods on board the Sloop, some Time before) we put them on Board3517 the Sloop, ­after he was got out of the Bay. Our Seaman was mightily pleas’d with this new Partner; and their Stock indeed was much alike rich in Tools, in Preparations, and a Farm, but nothing to begin with, 3518 but as above: However, they carry’d 3519 over with them, which 3520 was worth all the rest, some Materials for planting Sugar Canes,3521* with some Plants of Canes; which he, I mean,3522 the Portugal Man, understood very well.3523 Among3524 the rest of the Supplies sent my Tenants in the Island, I sent them by their Sloop, three Milch Cows, and five Calves, about 22 3525 Hogs among them, three Sows big with Pig, two Mares, and a Stone-­Horse.3526† For3527 my Spaniards, according to my Promise, I engag’d three Portugal W ­ omen to go, and recommended it to them to marry them, and use them kindly. I could have procur’d3528 more W ­ omen, but I remember’d, that the poor persecuted Man had two D ­ aughters, and t­ here was but five of the Spaniards3529 that wanted; the rest had Wives of their own, tho’ in another Country. All this Cargoe3530 arriv’d safe, and as you may easily suppose, very welcome to my old Inhabitants, who ­were now with this Addition3531 between sixty3532 and seventy ­People, besides ­little ­Children; of which, ­there was a ­great many: I found Letters at London from them all by the Way3533 of Lisbon, when I came back to ­England; of3534 which I ­shall also take some Notice immediately.3535 I have now done with my Island, and all Manner3536 of Discourse about it; and whoever reads the rest of my Memorandums,3537 would do well to turn his Thoughts entirely from it, and expect to read of3538 the Follies of an old Man, not warn’d by his own Harms, much less by ­t hose of other Men, to beware of the like; not cool’d by almost fourty3539 Years‡ Misery and Disappointments, not satisfy’d with Prosperity beyond Expectation, not made cautious by Affliction and Distress beyond Imitation.

* Sugar Canes] This movement of sugar planting from Brazil to the islands of the Ca­rib­bean is suggestive of the gradual domination of sugar production by the islands during the latter half of the seventeenth ­century and the consequent control of the sugar trade by E ­ ngland (displacing Portugal) at about this time. See Sidney Mintz, Sweetness and Power (Harmonds­ worth, UK: Penguin, 1986), 38–42; and Schwartz, Sugar Plantations, 311. †  Stone-­Horse] A stallion, or a male ­horse that has not been gelded. ‡  almost fourty Years] If Crusoe dates his “Misery and Disappointments” from the time he leaves home in 1651, it would be more than forty years, but he may date his true misfortunes from the time of his capture and enslavement at Salé.

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I had3540 no more Business to go to the East-­Indies, than a Man at full Liberty, and having committed no Crime, has to go to the Turn-­key* at Newgate,† and desire him to lock him up among the Prisoners ­t here, and starve‡ him.3541 Had I taken a small Vessel from ­England, and went directly to the Island; had I loaded her, as I did the other Vessel, with all the Necessaries for the Plantation, and for my ­People,3542 took a Patent from the Government§ ­here, to have secur’d my Property, in Subjection3543 only to that of ­England; had I carried over Cannon and Ammunition, Servants3544 and ­People, to plant, and taking Possession of the Place, fortify’d3545 and strengthen’d it in the Name of ­England, and encreas’d3546 it with ­People, as I might easily have done; had I then settled myself3547 ­t here, and sent the Ship back, loaden with good Rice, as I might also have done in six Months Time,3548 and order’d my Friends to have fitted her out again for our Supply; had I done this, and stay’d ­t here myself,3549 I had, at least, acted like a Man of common sense; but I was possessed 3550 with a wandring Spirit, scorn’d all Advantages, I pleas’d myself3551 with being the Patron of ­those ­People I placed3552 ­there, and ­doing for them in a kind of haughty majestick Way, like an old Patriarchal Monarch;¶ providing for them, as if I had been ­Father of the ­whole ­Family, as well as of the Plantation:3553 But I never so much as pretended to plant in the Name of any Government or Nation;3554 or to acknowledge any Prince, or to call my ­People Subjects to any one Nation more than another; nay, I never so much as gave the Place a Name;** but left it as I found it, belonging to no Body;3555 and the ­People ­under no * Turn-­key] The turnkey of a prison was literally the person in charge of the keys to the institution but more generally, the jailer. See OED. †  Newgate] Newgate was London’s largest prison. Defoe’s Moll Flanders was born ­t here and discoursed at some length on the horrors of being confined in this jail. See Moll Flanders, 274–306. ‡  starve] Prisoners had to pay for their food in the prison, and ­t here was a win­dow provided for the prisoners to beg for help from ­t hose passing by. §  Patent from the Government] The British colonies in Amer­i­ca ­were often ruled by ­those who held a patent from the Crown, and this was also true of the En­glish colonies of the Ca­rib­bean. For example, in the early seventeenth ­century, letters of patent ­were granted to James Hay, Earl of Carlisle, to govern both St. Christopher and Barbados. During the Commonwealth, Daniel Searle assumed this patent and ruled as governor of t­ hese islands, to be followed at the Restoration by Sir Thomas Modyford and then by Francis, Lord Willoughby. See Charles Strachan Sanders Higham, The Development of the Leeward Islands ­under the Restoration, 1660–1688 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1921), 1–10. ¶  old Patriarchal Monarch] In his Jure Divino, Defoe assumes that the earliest governments ­were founded on the affection and re­spect owed to the f­ ather of the f­ amily, without the metaphysical implications about patriarchy that Robert Filmer developed in his Patriarcha, in which he traced the power of kingship back to God’s arrangement with Adam. See Manuel Schonhorn, Defoe’s Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 112–116. For a general discussion of this theme, see Gordon Schochet, Patriarchalism in Po­liti­cal Thought: The Authoritarian F ­ amily and Po­liti­cal Speculation and Attitudes, Especially in Seventeenth-­ Century ­England (Oxford: Blackwell, 1975). ** gave the Place a Name] The early Spanish colonists, beginning with Columbus, ­were careful to name ­every place they came to, often without any consideration of its original name in the native languages. They clearly felt it was part of their imposition of their power over the lands and the inhabitants. For Columbus’s tendencies ­toward naming, see Peter Martyr d’Anghera (De Orbe Novo, trans. Francis MacNutt, 2 vols. [New York: Putnam, 1912], 1:94),

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Discipline or Government but my own; who, tho3556 I had Influence over them as F ­ ather3557 and Benefactor, had no Authority or Power,* to Act or Command one way or other, farther than voluntary3558 Consent mov’d them to comply; yet3559 even this, had I stay’d ­there, would have done well enough; but as I rambl’d3560 from them, and came t­here no more, the last Letters I had from any of them, was by my Partners means;3561 who afterwards sent another Sloop to the Place, and who sent me Word,3562 tho’ I had not the Letter till five Years ­after it was written;3563 that they went on but poorly,† ­were Male-­content with their long Stay ­there; That3564 ­Will. Atkins was dead; that five of the Spaniards ­were come away, and that tho’ they had not been much molested by the Savages, yet they had had some3565 Skirmishes with them; and that they begg’d3566 of him to write to me, to think of the Promise I had made, to fetch them away,3567 that they might see their own Country again before they dy’d. But I was gone a Wild Goose Chase‡ indeed; and they that3568 ­will have any more of me, must be content to follow me thro’3569 a new Variety of Follies, Hardships, and Wild Adventures;3570§ wherein the Justice of Providence may be duly observ’d,3571 and we may see how easily Heaven can gorge us with our own Desires; make the strongest of our Wishes, be3572 our Affliction, and punish us most severely with ­t hose very ­Things,3573 which we think, it would be our utmost Happiness to be allow’d3574 in. Let no wise Man flatter himself, with the Strength of his own Judgment, as if he was able to chuse any par­tic­u ­lar Station of Life¶ for himself.3575 Man is a short-­ sighted Creature, sees but a very ­little Way3576 before him; and as his Passions3577 are none of his best Friends, so his par­tic­u­lar Affections,3578 are generally his worst Counsellors. I say this,3579 with Re­spect to the impetuous Desire I had from a Youth, to wander into the World; and how evident it now was, that this Princi­ple was preserv’d who notes that Columbus gave names to seven thousand islands. For a discussion of naming as a form of power, see Pierre Bourdieu, “The Force of Law: ­Towards a Sociology of the Juridical Field,” trans. Richard Terdiman, Hastings Law Journal 805 (1987): 837–838; and Jean-­ François Lyotard, The Differend, trans. Georges Van Den Abbeele (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1968), 32–58. For an application of t­ hese ideas to Robinson Crusoe, see Maximillian Novak, “Friday or the Power of Naming,” in Augustan Subjects, ed. Albert J. Rivero (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1997), 110–122. * no Authority or Power] The island is left in a state similar to that described by Locke as the loose social arrangement before the formal establishment of government. As Crusoe suggests, had he remained, he might have asserted his right to govern, just as he arranged the formal division of property, but he chooses to leave. See the notes above to 44 and 133. †  went on but poorly] The moral appears to be that society needs nurturing and government, as in Locke, not for necessity but certainly for con­ve­nience. ‡  Wild Good Chase] Proverbial. See Tilley, 725 (W390). §  Wild Adventures] It may be observed that as Defoe turns the novel, in ­t hese pages (216–217), to the wanderings of an old man that illustrate the “Justice of Providence,” he also provides the reader with the suggestion of exciting events in the ­f uture. ¶  Station of Life] This returns to the theme of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures concerning Crusoe’s refusal to follow the calling chosen for him by his f­ ather. For a discussion of this, see Maximillian Novak, “Robinson Crusoe’s ‘Original Sin,’ ” Studies in En­glish Lit­er­at­ ure 1 (1961): 19–29.

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in me for my Punishment:3580 How it came on, the Manner, the Circumstance, and the Conclusion of it, it is easy3581 to give you historically, and with its utmost Variety of Particulars: But the secret Ends of Divine Power, in thus permitting us,3582 to be hurry’d down the3583 Stream of our own Desires, is only to be understood by3584 ­t hose who can listen to the Voice of Providence, and draw religious Consequences from God’s Justice,3585 and their own M ­ istakes.* Be it, I had Business, or no Business, away I went; ’tis no Time3586 now to enlarge any farther upon the Reason,3587 or Absurdity of my own Conduct; but to come to the History, I was embark’d3588 for the Voyage, and the Voyage I went. I should only add h ­ ere, that my honest and truly pious Clergy-­man3589 left me ­here; a Ship being ready to go to Lisbon, he ask’d me leave3590 to go thither, being still as he observ’d,3591 bound never to finish any Voyage he began: How3592 happy had it been for me, if I had gone with him! But it was too late now; all ­Things Heaven appoints are best;† had3593 I gone with him, I had never had so many ­Things3594 to be thankful for, and you had never heard of the second3595 Part of the Travels and Adventures of Robin. Crusoe; so I must leave ­here the fruitless exclaiming at my self,3596 and go on with my Voyage. From the Brasils, we made directly away over the Atlantick Sea,3597 to the Cape de bon Esperance,‡ or as we call it, the3598 Cape of Good Hope; and had a tolerable good Voyage, our Course generally South-­East; now and then a Storm,3599 and some contrary Winds, but my Disasters at Sea ­were at an End; my ­future Rubs§ and cross Events w ­ ere to befal me on Shore; that it might appear the Land was as well prepar’d3600 to be our Scourge, as the Sea;3601 when Heaven, who directs the Circumstances of ­Things, pleases to appoint it to be so. Our Ship was on a Trading Voyage, and had a Supra-­Cargo3602¶ on board, who was to direct all her Motions ­after she arriv’d3603 at the Cape; only being ­limited3604 to certain Numbers of Days, for Stay, by Charter-­party,3605 at the several Ports she * Divine Power . . . ​­Mistakes] ­There is a certain Miltonic resonance in this passage. ­Human beings have reason sufficient to enable them to make proper choices. If they are led on to violate their rational faculties, and freely choose to act wrongly, it is ultimately their fault. God, who permits such choices, is always just. †  all ­Things Heaven appoints are best] This ac­cep­tance of God’s justice was typical of Christian thought in the period, finding its fullest poetic expression at the ends of the first and last epistles of Alexander Pope’s Essay on Man (ed. Maynard Mack, in Poems of Alexander Pope, 11 vols. [London: Methuen, 1940–1968], 3:51, 166), with its hortatory appeal to ac­cep­tance. Perhaps somewhat more than Pope, however, Crusoe, instead of emphasizing ­human blindness, suggests that it is pos­si­ble for the mysteries of Providence to be understood “by ­t hose who can listen.” ‡  Cape de bon Esperance] Even allowing for the vagaries of spelling at the time, Defoe seems to be mingling his languages. Bohun’s Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary (sig. H4v) lists a variety of foreign words for the En­glish “cape” and follows it with the “de bona Speranza” to honor the Portuguese who first discovered what in En­glish is the Cape of Good Hope, at the southern tip of Africa. It was ­under Dutch control during Defoe’s lifetime. §  Rubs] Difficulties, as in Hamlet’s most famous soliloquy. The OED lists this usage as obsolete, except as an allusion to Hamlet, but it was common in Defoe’s day. ¶  Supra-­Cargo] Usually supercargo, the officer in charge of the commercial side of the voyage, particularly the cargo, on merchant ships. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 284.

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was to go to:3606 This was none of my Business, neither did I meddle with it at all; my Nephew,3607 the Captain, and the Supra-­Cargo, adjusting all ­t hose Th ­ ings3608 between them, as they thought fit. We made no Stay3609 at the Cape longer than was needful, to take in fresh W ­ ater, but made the best of our Way for the Coast of Coremandel;3610* we ­were indeed inform’d, that a French Man of War† of fifty Guns,3611 and two large Merchant Ships, ­were gone for the Indies, and as I knew we w ­ ere at War with France,‡ I had some 3612 Apprehensions of them; but they went their own Way, and we heard no more of them. I s­ hall3613 not pester my Account, or the Reader, with Descriptions of Places, Journals of our Voyages, Variations of Compass, 3614 Latitudes, Meridian-­ Distances,3615 Trade-­Winds, Situation of Ports, and the like; such as almost all the Histories of long Navigation are full of,3616 and makes the reading tiresome enough,§ and are perfectly unprofitable to all that read it,3617 except only to t­ hose,3618 who are to go to ­t hose Places themselves. It3619 is enough to name the Ports and Places, which we touch’d at, and what occurr’d to us upon our passing from one to another. We3620 touch’d first at the Island of Madagascar; where, tho’ the ­People are fierce and treacherous, and in par­tic­u­lar, very well arm’d with Launces,3621 and Bows, which they use with inconceiveable Dexterity;3622 yet we fared very well with them a while, they treated us very civilly; and for some Trifles3623 which we gave them, such as Knives, Scissars, &c. they brought us eleven good fat Bullocks, middling in Size, but very good in Flesh; which we took in,3624 partly for fresh Provisions for our pre­sent spending,3625 and the rest, to salt3626 for the Ship’s Use. We ­were obliged to stay ­here some Time3627 ­after we had furnish’d our selves with Provisions; and I, that was always too curious, to look into ­every Nook of the World where ever3628 I came, was for ­going on Shore as often as I could, it 3629 was on the East Side of the Island that we went on Shore, one Eve­ning; and the ­People, who by the Way are very numerous,3630 came thronging about us, and stood gazing at us at a Distance; but as3631 we had traded freely with them, and had been kindly used, we thought our selves in no Danger; but 3632 when we saw the ­People, we cut three Boughs out of a Tree, and stuck them up at a Distance from us, which it seems, is a Mark in the Country,3633 not only of Truce and Friendship, but when it is accepted, the other Side set up three Poles or Boughs, which3634 is a Signal, * Coremandel] The Coromandel Coast, the area on the east side of India extending from approximately latitudes 13° to 14° north on modern maps, but g­ oing up to almost 20° north in Herman Moll’s Atlas Manuale (map 21) of 1713. †  French Man of War] The French had established a factory at Pondicherry near the bottom of the Coromandel Coast and had lesser settlements in Bengal. For the French investment in colonizing the Far East in the time of Louis XIV, see John Fryer, A New Account of East-­India and Persia (London, 1698), 41–42. ‡  War with France] ­England was at war with France at this time and continued so ­until the Treaty of Ryswick in 1697. §  reading tiresome enough] Defoe indulged in a similar critique of most voyage lit­er­a­ture by way of introducing his New Voyage Round the World in 1724.

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that they accept the Truce too; but then, this is a known Condition of the Truce, that you are not to pass beyond 3635 their three Poles ­towards them, nor they to come3636 past your three Poles or Boughs, ­towards you; so that you are perfectly secure within the three Poles, and all the Space between your Poles and theirs, is allow’d like a Market, for ­free Converse, Traffick, and Commerce:3637 When you go t­ here, you must not carry your Weapons with you; and if they come into that Space3638 they stick up their Javelines3639 and Launces, all at the first Poles, and come on unarm’d; but if any Vio­lence is offer’d them, and the Truce thereby broken;3640 away they run to the Poles, and lay hold of their Weapons, and then the Truce is at an End. It3641 happen’d one Eve­ning when we went on Shore, that a greater Number of their ­People came down than usual, but 3642 all was very friendly and civil, and they3643 brought in several Kinds of Provisions, for which we satisy’d them, with such Toys as we had; their ­Women3644 also brought us Milk, and Roots, and several Th ­ ings very acceptable to us, and all was quiet; and we made us a l­ ittle Tent or Hut, of some Boughs of Trees,3645 and lay on Shore all Night. I know not what was the Occasion, but I was not so well satisfied to lye on Shore as the rest,3646 and the Boat riding3647 at an Anchor, about a Stone-­cast3648 from the Land, with two Men in her to take Care3649 of her; I made one of them come on Shore, and getting some Boughs of Trees to cover us also in the Boat, I spread the Sail on the Bottom of the Boat, and lay ­under3650 the Cover of the Branches of Trees all Night in the Boat.3651 About two a-­Clock 3652 in the Morning, we heard one of our Men make a terrible Noise on the Shore, calling out for God’s Sake,3653 to bring the Boat in, and come and help them,3654 for they ­were all like to be murther’d; at the same Time, I heard the Fire of 5 Muskets,3655 which was the Number of the Guns they had, and that, three Times over; for it seems, the Natives h ­ ere3656 ­were not so easily frighted with Guns, as the Savages w ­ ere in Amer­i­ca, where I had to do with them. ­ atter; but rouzing immediately All 3657 this while, I knew not what was the M 3658 from Sleep with the Noise, I caused the Boat to be thrust in, and resolv’d, with three Fusils* we had on board, to land,3659 and assist our Men. We got the Boat soon to the Shore, but our Men w ­ ere in too3660 much Haste: For being come to the Shore, they plung’d3661 into the W ­ ater to get to the Boat3662 3663 with all the Expedition they could, being pursu’d by between three and four hundred Men: Our Men w ­ ere but nine3664 in all, and only five of them had Fuzees with them; the rest had indeed3665 Pistols and Swords, but they ­were of small Use3666 to them. We3667 took up seven of our Men, and with Difficulty enough too, three of them being very ill wounded; and that which was still worse, was,3668 that while we stood in the Boat to take our Men in, we w ­ ere in as much Danger as they w ­ ere in on Shore; for they pour’d their Arrows in upon us so thick, that we w ­ ere fain to barricade the Side of the Boat up with the Benches, and two or three loose Boards, * Fusils] A “light musket.” See OED.

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which to our g­ reat Satisfaction we had by meer3669 Accident or Providence3670 in the Boat. And yet, had it been Day-­light, they are it seems3671 such exact Marks-­men,3672 that if they could have seen but the least Part of any of us, they would have been sure of us; we3673 had by the Light of the Moon a l­ ittle Sight of them, as they stood pelting us from the Shore with Darts and Arrows; and having got ready our Fire-­ Arms,3674 we gave them a Volley, that we could hear by the Cries of some of them, that3675 we had wounded several; however, they stood thus in ­Battle Array on the Shore till break 3676 of Day, which we suppose was, that they might see the better to take their Aim at us. In3677 this Condition we lay, and could not tell how to weigh our Anchor,3678 or set up our Sail, ­because we must needs stand up in the Boat, and they w ­ ere as sure to hit us, as we w ­ ere to hit a Bird in a Tree with small Shot; we made Signals of Distress to the Ship, which, tho’ we3679 rode a League off, yet my Nephew the Captain hearing our firing, and by Glasses,3680 perceiving the Posture we lay in, and that we fir’d ­towards the Shore, pretty well understood us; and weighing Anchor, with all Speed,3681 he stood as near the Shore as he durst with the Ship, and then sent another Boat with ten Hands in her3682 to assist us; but we call’d to them not to come too near, telling them what Condition we w ­ ere in; however,3683 they stood in nearer to us; and one of the Men taking the End of a Tow-­Line in his Hand, and keeping our Boat between him and the E ­ nemy, so that they could not perfectly see him, swam on board us, and made fast the Line to the Boat; upon which, we slipp’d3684 our l­ittle Cable, and leaving our Anchor ­behind, they tow’d us3685 out of Reach3686 of the Arrows, we all the while lying close b ­ ehind the Barricado we had made. As3687 soon as we w ­ ere got from between the Ship and the Shore, that she could lay her Side to the Shore, she run along just by them, and pour’d in a Broad-­side among them 3688 loaden with Pieces of and Lead, small Bullets, and such Stuff, besides the ­great Shot,3689 which made a terrible Havock amongst them. When we w ­ ere got on board and out of Danger, we had Time3690 to examine into the Occasion of this Fray; and indeed our Supra-­Cargo3691 who had been often in ­t hose Parts, put me upon it; for he said, he was sure the Inhabitants would not have touch’d us3692 ­after we had made a Truce, if we had not done something to provoke them to it; at3693 length it came out, (viz.) that an old3694 ­Woman who had come to sell us some Milk, had brought it within our Poles with a young W ­ oman, with her, who also brought some Roots or Herbs; and while the old3695 ­Woman, ­whether she was M ­ other to the young W ­ oman or no, they could not tell, was selling us the Milk, one of our Men offer’d some Rudeness to the Wench that was with her, at which the old W ­ oman made a ­great Noise:3696 However, the Seaman would not quit his Prize, but carried3697 her out of the old W ­ oman’s Sight among the Trees, it being almost dark; the3698 old ­Woman went away without her, and as we suppose, made an Out-­cry among the ­People she came from; who upon Notice, rais’d this g­ reat Army upon us in three or four Hours; and it was ­great odds,3699 but we had been all destroy’d.

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One of our Men was killed3700 with a Launce thrown at him3701 just at the beginning3702 of the Attack, as he sally’d out of the Tent they had made; the rest came off ­free, all but the Fellow who was the Occasion of all the Mischief, who paid dear enough for his black Mistress;* for we could not hear what became of him, a g­ reat while; we3703 lay upon the Shore two Days ­after, tho’3704 the Wind presented, and made Signals for him; made our Boat sail up Shore and down Shore, several Leagues, but in vain; so we ­were oblig’d to give him over, and if he alone had suffer’d for it, the Loss had been the less. I could3705 not satisfie my self, however, without venturing on Shore once more, to try if I could learn any ­Thing of him3706 or them; it was the third Night ­after the Action, that I had a g­ reat Mind to learn3707 if I could by any Means what Mischief we had done3708 and how the Game stood on the Indians† Side: I was careful to do it in the dark, lest we should be attack’d3709 again; but I o ­ ught indeed to have been 3710 sure, that the Men I went with had been u ­ nder my Command, before I engag’d in a Th ­ ing so hazardous and mischievous3711 as I was brought into by it, without my Knowledge or Design. We took twenty stout Fellows with us as any in the Ship, besides the Supra-­Cargo and my self, and we landed two Hours before Midnight, at the same Place where the Indians stood drawn up the Eve­ning before; I landed ­here, ­because3712 my Design3713 as I have said, was chiefly to see if they had quitted the Field, and if they had left any Marks b ­ ehind them of the Mischief we had done them; and I thought, if we could surprize one or two of them, perhaps we might get our Man again3714 by Way of Exchange. We landed without any Noise, and divided our Men into two Bodies,3715 whereof, the Boatswain commanded one, and I the other; we3716 neither saw or heard3717 any Body stir when we landed, and we march’d up3718 one Body at a Distance from the other, to the Place, but at first could see nothing3719 it being very dark; till by and by, our Boatswain that led3720 the first Party, stumbled and fell over a dead Body; this3721 made them halt a while, for knowing by the Circumstances that they ­were at the Place,3722 where the Indians had stood, they waited for my coming up h ­ ere;3723 we concluded to halt till the Moon began to rise, which we knew would be in less than an Hour, when we could easily discern the Havock we had made among them;3724 we told two and thirty Bodies upon the Ground, whereof two ­were not quite dead: Some had an Arm, and some a Leg shot off, and one his Head; t­ hose that ­were wounded we suppose3725 they had carried away. When3726 we had made, as I thought, a full Discovery of all we could come at the Knowledge of, I was resolv’d for ­going on board;3727 but the Boatswain and his Party sent3728 me Word, that they ­were resolv’d to make a Visit to the Indian Town, where ­t hese Dogs, as they call’d them,3729 dwelt, and ask’d me to go along with them; and if they could find them,3730 as still they fancy’d3731 they should, they did * black Mistress] The w ­ oman was hardly a “mistress,” but rather the victim of a rape. If t­ here may be a degree of miscegenation in this, it is clear that Crusoe disapproves of what was clearly a crime and sees his punishment as just. †  Indians] ­Here used to indicate any native p ­ eoples. See the note to 58 above.

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not doubt getting a good Booty, and it might be, they might find Tho. Jeffry3732 ­there, that was the Man’s Name we had lost. Had3733 they sent to ask my Leave to go, I knew well enough what Answer to have given them; for I would3734 have commanded them instantly on board, knowing it was not a H ­ azard fit for us to run, who had a Ship, and Ship-­loading3735 in our Charge, and a Voyage to make, which depended very much upon the Lives of the Men; but as they sent me Word they w ­ ere resolved to go, and only ask’d me and my Com­pany to go along with them;3736 I positively refus’d it, and ­rose up, for I was sitting on the Ground in Order to go to the Boat; one or two of the Men3737 began to importune me to go, and when I refus’d3738 positively, began to grumble, and say they w ­ ere not ­under my Command3739 and they would go: Come Jack, says one of the Men, w ­ ill go with me? I’ll go for one,3740 Jack said he would, and another followed, and then another; and 3741 in a Word, they all left me but one, who I persuaded to stay, and a Boy left in the Boat;3742 so the Supra-­Cargo and I, with the third Man, went back to the Boat, where we told them3743 we would stay for them, and take Care to take in as many of them as should be left; for I told them it was a mad Th ­ ing they ­were ­going about, and suppos’d3744 most of them would run the Fate of Thom. Jeffry.3745 They told me, like Seamen, they would warrant it they would come off again, and they would3746 take Care, &c. So away they went; I entreated them3747 to consider the Ship and Voyage; that their Lives ­were not their own, and that they ­were entrusted with the Voyage in some Mea­sure, that if they miscarried,3748 the Ship might be lost for want of their Help, and that they could not answer it to God or Man; I said a ­great deal more to them3749 on that Head, but I might as well have talk’d to the Main-­mast3750 of the Ship; they ­were mad upon their Journey, only they gave me good Words, and begg’d I would not be angry; that3751 they would be very cautious, and they did not doubt but they would be back again in about an Hour at farthest,3752 for the Indian Town, they said, was not above half a Mile off, tho’ they found it above two Miles before they got to it.3753 Well, they all went away,3754 as above; and tho’ the Attempt was desperate, and such, as none but mad Men3755 would have gone about, yet to give them their due, they went about it warily as boldly; they3756 ­were gallantly arm’d,3757 that’s true, for they had ­every Man a Fuzee3758 or Musquet, a Bayonet, ­every Man a Pistol,3759 some of them had broad Cutlasses, some of them Hangers,* and the Boatswain and Two3760 more, had Pole-­a xes; besides all which they had among them thirteen3761 Hand-­Grenadoes;† Bolder3762 Fellows, and better provided, never went about any wicked Work in the World. When they went out, their chief Design was Plunder and they w ­ ere in mighty Hopes3763 of finding Gold t­ here; but a Circumstance which none of them w ­ ere aware of, set them on Fire3764 with Revenge, and made Dev­ils of them all. When they came to the few Indian Houses3765 which they thought had been the Town, * Hangers] Short swords. See OED. †  Hand-­Grenadoes] Equivalent to the modern hand grenade.

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which was not above Half3766 a Mile off; they ­were ­under a ­great Disappointment, for t­ here ­were not above twelve3767 or thirteen Houses,3768 and where the Town was, or how big, they knew not; they3769 consulted therefore what to do, and ­were some Time3770 before they could resolve: for3771 if they fell upon ­t hese, they must cut all their Throats, and it was ten to one but some of them might escape, it being in the Night, tho’ the Moon was up; and if one escap’d, he would run away,3772 and raise all the Town, so they should have a ­whole Army upon them; again,3773 on the other Hand, if they went away and left ­those untouch’d, 3774 for the ­People ­were all asleep,3775 they could not tell which Way to look for the Town. However, the last was the best Advice; so they resolv’d3776 to leave them, and look for the Town as well as they could, they3777 went on a l­ ittle Way, and found a Cow ty’d to a Tree; this they presently concluded 3778 would be a good Guide to them; for they said, the Cow certainly belong’d to the Town before them, or the Town b ­ ehind them; and if they unty’d her, they should see which Way she went; if she went back, they had nothing to say to her,3779 but if she went forward, they had nothing to do but to follow her: so they cut the Cord,3780 which was made of twisted Flags,* and the Cow went on before them; in a Word, the Cow led them directly to the Town, which as they report,3781 consisted of above 200 Houses, or Huts; and in some of t­ hese, they found several Families living together. ­Here they found all in Silence,3782 as profoundly secure, as Sleep, and a Country that had never seen an ­Enemy of that Kind3783 could make them; and first, they call’d another Council,3784 to consider what they had to do; and in a Word, they resolv’d to divide themselves into three Bodies, and to set three Houses on Fire in three Parts of the Town; and as the Men came out, to seize them and bind them; if any resisted, they need not be ask’d what to do then, and so to search the rest of the Houses for Plunder; but they resolv’d to march silently first, thro’ the Town, and see what Dimensions it was of, and if they might venture upon it3785 or no. They3786 did so, and desperately resolv’d that they would venture upon them; but while they w ­ ere animating one another to the Work, three of them that w ­ ere a 3787 ­little before the rest, call’d out aloud to them, and told them they had found Thom. Jeffry; they all run3788 up to the Place, and so it was indeed; for t­ here they found the poor Fellow3789† hang’d up naked by one Arm, and his Throat3790 cut; ­t here was an Indian House just by the Tree, where they found sixteen or seventeen of the principal Indians who had been concern’d in the Fray with us before;3791 and two or three of them wounded with our Shot; and our Men found they ­were awake, and talking one to another in that House, but 3792 knew not their Number. The Sight of their poor mangled Comrade so enrag’d them,3793 as before, that they swore to one another they would be reveng’d,‡ and that3794 not an Indian who * Flags] Rushes, as Crusoe explains in the text of The Farther Adventures, 157. †  Thom. Jeffry . . . ​poor Fellow] Defoe renders the sympathy that Thomas Jeffry’s fellow sailors feel for him ­here. Crusoe’s own feelings are far less sympathetic. ‡  reveng’d] Defoe may have taken some hints for this revenge from an adventure of Captain Kidd on the Malabar Coast. One of his men went ashore and was discovered with his throat cut. Kidd then took his revenge, plundering and burning several ­houses and killing one of

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came into their Hands should have Quarter, and to Work 3795 they went immediately;3796 and yet not so madly as by the Rage and Fury they w ­ ere in might be expected:3797 Their first Care was to get something that would soon take Fire; but ­after a l­ ittle search,3798 they found that would be to no Purpose; but the most3799 of the Houses ­were low, and thatch’d3800 with Flags or Rushes, of which the Country is full; so they presently made some wild Fire, as we call it,3801 by wetting a ­little Powder in the Palms of their hands, and in a quarter of an Hour they set the Town on Fire3802 in four or five Places; and particularly that House where the Indians ­were not gone to Bed. As soon as the Fire began to blaze, the poor frighted Creatures began to rush out to save their Lives,3803 but met with their Fate in the Attempt, and especially at the Door, where they drove them3804 back, the Boatswain himself killing one or two with his Pole-­A x; The House being large, and many in it, he did not care to go in,3805 but call’d for a Hand-­Grenado, and threw it among them, which at first frighted them;3806 but when it burst, made such Havock among them,3807 that they cried out in a hideous manner.3808 In short,3809 most of the Indians who w ­ ere in the open Part of the House, w ­ ere killed3810 or hurt with the Grenado, except two or three more who press’d to the Door, which the Boatswain3811 and two more kept with their Bayonets in the Muzzles of their Pieces, and dispatch’d all who came3812 that Way:3813 But ­t here was another Apartment in the House where the Prince or King, or what­ever he was and several ­others ­were, and ­these they3814 kept in till the House, which was by this Time3815 all of a light Flame, fell in upon them, and they ­were smother’d3816 or burnt together. All this while3817 they fir’d not a Gun, b ­ ecause they would not waken the P ­ eople faster than they could master them; but the Fire began to waken them fast enough, and our Fellows w ­ ere glad to keep a l­ittle together in Bodies;3818 for the Fire grew so raging, all the Houses being made of light combustible Stuff, that they could hardly bear the Street between them, and their Business was to follow the Fire for the surer Execution:3819 As fast as the Fire ­either forc’d the ­People out of ­t hose Houses which ­were burning, or frighted them out of ­others, our P ­ eople w ­ ere ready at their Doors to knock them on the Head, still calling and hallowing to one another to remember Thom. Jeffries.3820 While this was d ­ oing, I must confess I was very uneasy,3821 and especially when I saw the Flames of the Town, which, it being Night, seem’d to be just by me. My Nephew, the Captain, who was rous’d3822 by his Men too, seeing such a Fire, was very uneasy,3823 not knowing what the ­Matter was, or what Danger I was in; especially hearing the Guns too; for by this Time3824 they began to use their Fire-­ Arms; a thousand Thoughts oppress’d3825 his Mind concerning me and the Supra-­ cargo,3826 what should become of us: And at last, tho’3827 he could ill spare any more Men, yet not knowing what Exigence we might be in, he takes another Boat, and with 13 Men and himself, comes3828 on Shore to me. the natives. See The Trial of Captain Kidd, ed. Graham Brooks (Edinburgh: William Hodge, 1930), 97, 177.

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He was surpriz’d to see me and the Supra-­cargo3829 in the Boat with no more than two Men; and tho’3830 he was glad that we w ­ ere well, yet he was in the same Impatience with us to know what was d ­ oing; for the Noise continu’d, and the Flame encreas’d: In short,3831 it was next to an Impossibility for any Men in the World, to restrain their Curiosity, to3832 know what had happen’d, or the Concern for the3833 Safety of the Men: In a word, the Captain told me3834 he would go and help his Men, let what would come.* I argu’d with him as I did before3835 with the Men, the Safety of the Ship, the Danger of the Voyage, the Interest 3836 of the ­Owners and Merchants, &c. and told him, I would go and the two Men,3837 and only see if we3838 could at a Distance learn what was like to be the Event, and come back and tell him. It3839 was all one, to talk to my Nephew, as it was to talk to the rest before; he would go he said,3840 and he only wish’d he had left but ten Men in3841 the Ship; for he could not think of having his Men lost for want of Help, he had rather lose3842 the Ship, the Voyage, and his Life and all; and away3843 he went. In a Word, I was no more able to stay ­behind now, than I was to persuade them not to go; so in short, the Captain3844 order’d two Men to row back the Pinnace, and fetch twelve Men more, leaving the Long-­Boat3845 at an Anchor, and that when they came back, six Men should keep the two Boats,3846 and six more come ­after us; so that he left only 16 Men in the Ship; for the w ­ hole Ship’s Com­pany consisted of 65 Men, whereof two ­were lost in the last3847 Quarrel, which brought this Mischief on. Being now on the March,3848 you may be sure we felt ­little of the Ground we trode on; and being guided by the Fire, we kept no Path, but went directly to the Place of the Flame:3849 If the Noise of the Guns was surprising to us before;3850 the Cries of the poor P ­ eople ­were now of quite another Nature, and fill’d us with Horror. I must confess,3851 I never was at the sacking a City,3852 or at the taking a Town by Storm. I had heard of Oliver ­Cromwell taking Drogheda† in Ireland,3853 and killing Man, ­Woman and Child: And I had read of Count Tilly,3854 sacking of the City of Magdeburgh,‡ and cutting the Throats of 22000 of all Sexes:3855 But I never had an Idea of the ­Thing itself3856 before, nor is it pos­si­ble to describe it, or the Horror which was3857 upon our Minds at hearing it. * let what would come] What­ever might be the consequences of his action. †  Oliver ­Cromwell . . . ​Drogheda] The taking of Drogheda, in Ireland, accompanied by a bloody slaughter occurred on 11 September 1649. For some suggestion of a racial and religious component in this action that has some parallels to the killings in Madagascar experienced by Crusoe, see Austin Woolrych, Britain in Revolution, 1625–1660, quoted in “When the Lid Came Off ­England,” by Keith Thomas, New York Review of Books, 27 May 2004, 49. See also Antonia Fraser, ­Cromwell the Lord Protector (New York: Knopf, 1973), 337–340. ‡  Count Tilly . . . ​Magdeburgh] Tilly, the commander of the Imperial forces, captured Magdeburg, a city on the Elbe river in Germany, on 20 May 1631. The city was burned and most of the inhabitants slaughtered. It was considered the high point of vio­lence during the Thirty Years’ War. Defoe provided a vivid, if distanced, description of the taking of Magdeburg in his 1720 Memoirs of a Cavalier, ed. James Boulton (London: Oxford University Press, 1972), 44–45.

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However, 3858 we went on, and at length came to the Town tho’ ­t here was no entring the Streets of it for the Fire: The first Object we met with,3859 was the Ruins of a Hut or House, or rather the Ashes of it, for the House was consum’d;3860 and just before it, plain now to be seen by the Light of the Fire,3861 lay four Men and three W ­ omen kill’d; and as we thought, one or two more lay in the Heap among the Fire: In short, t­ here ­were such Instances of a Rage altogether barbarous,* and of a Fury, something beyond what was ­human, that we thought it impossible our Men could be guilty of it,3862 or if they w ­ ere the Authors of it, we thought they o ­ ught to be ­every one of them3863 put to the worst of Deaths:3864 But this was not all, we saw the Fire encreas’d foreward,3865 and the Cry went on just as the Fire went on; so that we ­were in the utmost Confusion. We advanc’d3866 a ­little Way farther, and behold, to our Astonishment, three ­Women naked, and crying3867 in a most dreadful Manner, come flying,3868 as if they had indeed had Wings, and a­ fter them sixteen or seventeen Men, Natives,3869 in the same Terror and Consternation,3870 with three of our En­glish Butchers, for I can call them no better, in their Rear,3871 who, when they could not overtake them, fir’d in among them, and one that was kill’d by their Shot fell down in our Sight;3872 when3873 the rest saw us, believing us to be their Enemies, and that we would murther them as well as ­t hose that pursu’d3874 them, they set up a most dreadful Shreik, especially the ­Women; and two of them fell down as if already dead with the Fright. My very Soul shrunk within me, and my Blood run chill3875 in my Veins, when I saw this; and I believe, had the three En­glish Sailors3876 that pursu’d them come on, I had made our Men kill them all: However3877 we took some Ways to let the poor flying Creatures3878 know, that we would not hurt them, and immediately they came up to us, and kneeling down, with their Hands lifted up,† made piteous3879 Lamentation to us to save them, which we let them know we would; whereupon they crept3880 altogether in a Huddle close ­behind us, as for Protection.3881 I left my Men drawn up together, and charg’d them to hurt no Body,3882 but if pos­si­ble to get at some of our ­People, and3883 see what Devil it was them, and what they intended to do; and in a word,3884 to command them off; assuring them, that if they stay’d till Day-­l ight, they would have an hundred 3885 thousand Men about their Ears:3886‡ I say, I left them, and went among ­t hose flying P ­ eople, taking only * Rage altogether barbarous] Defoe almost certainly drew upon a painting manual that presented the way the sacking of a city (clearly influenced by the destruction of Magdeburg) might be painted to gain the maximum vividness and pathos. He wrote similarly in Memoirs of a Cavalier (44) that the “Rage of the Imperial Soldiers was most intolerable.” For Defoe’s borrowing, see Franciscus Junius, The Paintings of the Ancients (London, 1638), 69–72. For a discussion of Defoe’s use of this work, see Maximillian Novak, “Picturing the ­Thing Itself, or Not: Defoe, Painting, Prose Fiction and the Arts of Describing,” Eighteenth-­Century Fiction 9 (1996): 14. †  kneeling . . . ​Hands lifted up] This depiction of ­t hose begging for help owes something to the discussion of scenes from a city that has been taken by the e­ nemy in Junius’s Paintings of the Ancients, 69–72, and is an additional example of Defoe’s interest in the passions and their postures that appears at the beginning of The Farther Adventures. ‡  about their Ears] Fighting against them. This usage is related to the proverbial phrase “to set (fall) together by the ears.” See Tilly, 179 (E23).

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two of our Men with me; and ­t here was indeed a piteous3887 Spectacle among them:3888 Some of them had their Feet terribly burnt3889 with trampling and ­running thro’ the Fire, o ­ thers their Hands burnt; one of the W ­ omen had fallen down in the Fire, and was very much burnt before3890 she could get out again, and two3891 or three of the Men had Cuts in their Backs and Thighs from our Men pursuing; and another was shot thro’ the Body, and dy’d3892 while I was t­ here. I would fain have learn’d3893 what the Occasion of all this was, but I could not understand one Word they said; tho’ by Signs I perceiv’d3894 that some of them knew not what was the Occasion themselves. I was so terrify’d3895 in my Thoughts at this outrageous Attempt, that I could not stay ­t here; but went back to my own Men,3896 and resolv’d3897 to go into the ­Middle of the Town thro’ the Fire, or what­ ever might be in the Way, and put an End to it, cost what it would:3898 Accordingly, as soon as I came back to my Men,3899 I told them my Resolution, and commanded them to follow me, when in the very Moment came four of our Men with the Boatswain at their Head, roving over the Heaps of Bodies they had killed, all cover’d 3900 with Blood and Dust, as if they wanted more ­People to massacre,3901* when our Men hallow’d to them as loud as they could hallow,3902 and with much ado one of them made them hear; so that they knew who we w ­ ere, and came up to us. As soon as the Boatswain saw us, he set up a Hollow3903 like a Shout of Triumph; for having, as he thought, more Help3904 come, and without bearing to hear me, Captain, says he, noble3905 Captain, I am glad you are come, we have not half done yet, villainous Hell-­hound Dogs,3906 I’ll kill as many of them as poor Tom.3907 has Hairs upon his Head. We have sworn to spare none of them,3908 ­we’ll root out the very Nation of them from the Earth, and thus he run on3909 out of Breath too with Action, and would not give us Leave3910 to speak a Word. At last, raising my Voice, that I might silence him a l­ittle; barbarous3911 Dog, said I,3912 what are you d ­ oing? I ­won’t have one Creature touch’d more, upon pain of Death;3913 I charge you upon your Life, to stop your Hands, and stand still ­here, or you are a dead Man this Minute.3914 Why, Sir, says he, Do you know what you do, or what they have done?3915 If you want a Reason for what we have done, come hither; and 3916 with that he shew’d me the poor Fellow hanging with3917 his Throat cut. I confess, I was urg’d then myself, and at another Time should3918 have been foreward enough; but I thought they had carry’d3919 their Rage too far, and thought of Jacob’s Words to his Sons Simeon and Levi;3920 Cursed be their Anger, for it was fierce; and their Wrath,3921 for it was cruel:† But I had now a new Task upon my * more ­People to massacre] Junius describes how ­t hose almost satiated by the slaughter “still looke about with a sterne countenance.” See Paintings of the Ancients, 70. †  Jacob’s Words . . . ​cruel] Genesis 49:7. Crusoe is h ­ ere referring to Genesis 34:1–35, the story of the revenge taken by Simeon and Levi upon Shechem, his ­father Hamor, and all of his ­people for what they regarded as the dishonoring of their ­sister Dinah. The events in The Farther Adventures, however, are somewhat dif­fer­ent—­a rape, revenge for the rape, followed by the destruction of most of the villa­gers. Crusoe, unlike the sailors, feels that Thomas Jeffry was guilty of the original crime, and like Jacob, judges the revenge as excessive.

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Hands; for when the Men I carry’d 3922 with me saw the Sight3923 as I had done, I had as much to do to restrain them, as I should have had with the other; nay,3924 my Nephew himself fell in with them, and told me in their Hearing, that he was only concern’d for fear3925 of the Men being overpower’d;3926 for as to the P ­ eople, he thought not one of them ­ought to live;* for they had all glutted themselves with the Murther3927 of the poor Man, and that they o ­ ught to be used like Murtherers:3928 Upon ­t hese Words, away run eight of my Men with the Boatswain and his Crew, to compleat3929 their bloody Work; and I seeing it quite out of my Power to restrain them, came away pensive and sad; for I could not bear the Sight, much less the horrible Noise and Cries of the poor Wretches that fell into their Hands.3930 I got no Body to come back with me but the Supra-­Cargo3931 and two Men; and with t­ hese I walk’d back to the Boats.3932 It was a very g­ reat Piece of Folly in me, I confess, to venture back, as it w ­ ere alone; for as it began now to be almost Day, and the Alarm had run over the Country, t­ here stood about 40 Men arm’d with Launces3933 and Bows at the l­ ittle Place where the 12 or 13 Houses stood mention’d3934 before; but by Accident I miss’d the Place, and came directly to the Sea-­side,3935 and by the Time I got to the Sea-­side it was broad Day; immediately3936 I took the Pinnace,† and went aboard,3937 and sent her back to assist the Men in what might happen. I observ’d about the Time that I came to the Boat-­side, that the3938 Fire was pretty well out, and the Noise abated; but in about half an Hour ­after I got on Board, I heard a Volley of our Mens3939 Fire-­Arms, and saw a g­ reat Smoak; this, as I understood afterwards,3940 was our Men falling upon the Men, who as I said stood at the few Houses on the Way,3941 of whom they kill’d sixteen or seventeen, and set all ­t hose Houses on Fire, but did not meddle with the ­Women or C ­ hildren. 3942 By that Time the Men got to the Shore again with the Pinnace, our Men began to appear; they came dropping in, some and some,3943 not in two Bodies and in Form as they went, but all in Heaps, straggling ­here and ­t here,3944 in such a Manner, that a small Force of resolute Men might have cut them all off. But3945 the Dread of them was upon the ­whole Country; and the Men3946 ­were amaz’d, and surpriz’d, and so frighted that I believe a hundred of them would have fled at the Sight of but five of our Men; nor3947 in all this terrible Action was ­t here a Man that made any considerable Defence,3948 they w ­ ere so surpriz’d between the 3949 3950 Terror of the Fire, and the sudden Attack of our Men in the Dark, that they knew not which Way to turn themselves; for if they fled one Way, they ­were met by one Party,3951 if back again, by another; so that they w ­ ere ­every where knock’d * not one . . . ​­ought to live] In some sense, through Crusoe’s half-­critical eyes, Defoe depicts some of the potential prob­lems with colonialism—­the feelings of superiority ­toward the native population. Although the crime of rape committed by Thomas Jeffry might have warranted severe punishment in ­England, his fellow sailors regard the natives’ treatment of him as justification for a mass slaughter. Crusoe and the Boatswain argue over this. L ­ ater in the ­century, Captain Cook, attempting to be sensitive to dif­fer­ent ethnic feelings, still found himself killing natives for relatively trivial reasons. †  Pinnace] A boat carried by larger ships and used for landing. See Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 3, sig. Fff4.

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down: Nor did any of our Men receive the least Hurt, except one who strain’d3952 his Foot, and another had one of his Hands very much burnt. I was3953 very angry with my Nephew the Captain, and indeed with all the Men in my Mind, but with him in par­t ic­u ­lar;3954 as well for his acting so out of his Duty3955 as Commander of the Ship, and having the Charge of the Voyage upon him, as in his prompting rather than cooling3956 the Rage of his Men in so bloody and cruel an Enterprize. My Nephew answer’d3957 me very respectfully, but told me, that3958 when he saw the Body of the poor Seaman, whom they had murther’d3959 in such a cruel and barbarous Manner,3960 he was not Master of himself, neither could he govern his Passion:* He own’d,3961 he should not have done so, as he was Commander of the Ship,3962 but as he was a Man, and Nature mov’d him, he could not bear it:3963 As for the rest of the Men, they ­were not subject to me at all, and they knew it well enough; so they took no Notice3964 of my Dislike. The next Day we set sail,3965 so we never heard any more of it: Our Men differ’d in the Account of the Number they kill’d: Some said one ­Thing,3966 some another; but according to the best of their Accounts put altogether,3967 they kill’d or destroy’d about 150 ­People, Men, ­Women, and ­Children, and left not a House standing in the Town. As for the poor Fellow Tho. Jeffrys,3968 as he was quite dead, for his Throat was so cut, that his Head was half off, it would do him no Ser­v ice to bring him away, so they left him where they found him, only took him down from the Tree,3969 where he was hang’d by one Hand. However just our Men thought this Action,3970 I was against them in it; and I always, ­after that Time, told them, God would blast the Voyage;3971 for3972 I look’d upon all the Blood they shed that Night to be Murther in them: For tho’ it is true, that they had kill’d Tho. Jefffreys,3973 yet it was as true, that Jeffrys3974 was the Aggressor, had broken the Truce, and had ­v iolated or debauch’d a young ­Woman of theirs who came down to them3975 innocently, and on the Faith of their publick Capitulation.3976 The3977 Boatswain† defended this Quarrel when we ­were afterwards on board: He said, It is true that we seem’d to break the Truce, but ­really had not, and that3978 the War was begun the Night before by the Natives themselves, who had shot at3979 us, and kill’d one of our Men without any just Provocation; so that as we w ­ ere in a Capacity to fight them now, we might also be in a Capacity to do our selves Justice upon them 3980 in an extraordinary Manner, 3981 that tho’ the poor Man had taken a ­little Liberty with a Wench, he o ­ ught not to have been murther’d,3982 and * not . . . ​govern his Passion] For the notion that in Robinson Crusoe, Defoe was intent on treating the ways in which ­humans might govern their passions, see Sill, Cure of the Passions, passim. †  Boatswain] The boatswain was nominally the officer in charge of seeing that the sails, anchors, and ropes ­were in proper condition and of commanding the watch. The warning at the end of the entry in Falconer’s Marine Dictionary (41) that the boatswain should do all of this “with as l­ittle noise as pos­si­ble” suggests that he often assumed more prominence on the ship than he ­ought to have.

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Figure 4. ​The Massacre and Burning the Two Villages at Madagascar (1726 [original 1722]).

that in such a villainous Manner; and3983 that they did nothing but what was just, and what the Laws of God allow’d to be done to Murtherers.3984 One would think this should have been enough to have warn’d us3985 against ­going on Shore among Heathens and Barbarians. But3986 it is impossible to make Mankind wise, but at their own Expence and Experience3987 seems to be always of most Use to them, when it is dearest bought. We3988 ­were now bound to the Gulph of Persia, and from thence to the Coast of Coremandel, only to touch at Surrat:* But the chief 3989 of the Supra-­Cargo’s3990 Design lay at the Bay of Bengale,† where if he miss’d of his3991 Business outward bound, he was to go up to China, and return to the Coast as he came Home. The first Disaster that befel us, was in the Gulph of Persia, where five of our ­ ere surrounded Men venturing on Shore3992 on the Arabian Side of the Gulph,‡ w by the Arabians, and ­either all kill’d or carry’d3993 away into Slavery; the rest of the Boat’s Crew ­were not able to rescue them, and had but just Time to get off their Boat.3994 I began to upbraid them with the just Retribution of Heaven in this Case:3995 But the Boatswain very warmly told me, he thought I went farther in my Censures3996 than I could shew any Warrant for in Scripture, and referr’d3997 to * Surrat] Surat is located on the Tāpi river on the west coast of India. In Defoe’s time it had more prominence than Bombay (Mumbai) to the south. Both the En­glish and the Dutch had factories t­ here. †  Bay of Bengale] In con­temporary maps, the entire sea between eastern India and the Malay Peninsula. Modern maps identify the area of the ocean off the western part of the peninsula as the Andaman Sea. See Herman Moll, Atlas Manuale, map 21. ‡  Arabian Side of the Gulph] If the ship sailed far enough into the Persian Gulf, they would have landed in modern Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, or Qatar, though at that time it was all identified as Arabia.

Figure 5. ​Crusoe Rescuing the Natives from the “Massacre of Madagascar.” T. H. Nicholson (1862).

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the 13 St Luke, Vers. 4th.3998 where our Saviour intimates, that ­those Men, on whom the Tower of Siloam fell, ­were not Sinners above all the Galileans:* But3999 that which indeed put me to Silence in the Case, was, That not one4000 of t­ hese five Men, who ­were now lost, ­were of the Number of ­t hose who went on Shore to the Massacre of Madagascar; (so I always call’d it, tho’4001 our Men could not bear the Word Massacre with any Patience:) And indeed, this last Circumstance, as I have said, put me to Silence for the pre­sent. But my frequent preaching to them on this Subject4002 had worse Consequences than I expected; and the Boatswain, who had been the Head of the Attempt, came up boldly to me one Time, and told me, he found,4003 that I continually brought that Affair upon the Stage, that I made unjust Reflections upon it, and had used the Men very ill on that Account, and himself in par­tic­u ­lar; that as I was but a Passenger, and had no Command in the Ship, or Concern in the Voyage,4004 they ­were not oblig’d to bear it; that they did not know, but I might have some ill Design in my Head, and perhaps to call them to Account for it,4005 when they came to ­England; and that therefore, u ­ nless I would resolve to have done with it, and also, not to concern myself4006 any farther with him, or any of his Affairs, he would leave the Ship; for he did not think it was safe to sail with me among them. I heard4007 him patiently enough ’till he had done, and then told him, that I did confess I had all along oppos’d4008 the Massacre of Madagascar, for such I would4009 always call it; and that I had on all Occasions spoken my Mind freely about it, tho’ not more upon him than any of the rest: That4010 as to my having no Command in the Ship, that was true;4011 nor did I exercise any Authority, only took my Liberty of speaking my Mind in Th ­ ings which publickly concern’d us all; and what4012 Concern I had in the Voyage was none4013 of his Business; that I was a considerable Owner of the Ship; and in that Claim I conceived I had a Right to speak even farther4014 than I had yet done, and would not be accountable to him or any one e­ lse, and begun to be a ­little warm† with him:4015 He made but ­little Reply to me at that Time, and I thought that Affair had been over.4016 We ­were at this Time in the Road at Bengale,4017‡ and being willing to see the Place, I went on Shore with the Supra-­ * not Sinners above . . . ​Galileans] Jesus (Luke 13:2–5) argues that all sinners are subject to God’s punishments and that just ­because eigh­teen ­were killed by the fall of a tower in Siloam does not mean that the sins of ­t hose slain ­were worse than ­t hose of anyone e­ lse. The subsequent evidence that ­t hose who w ­ ere captured in Arabia had no involvement in the “Massacre of Madagascar” suggests that h ­ uman attempts to understand God’s ways are not always successful. †  a ­little warm] A modern equivalent would be to speak heatedly with someone. ‡  Road at Bengale] On modern maps the area that was once West Bengal in India is divided between that country and the nation of Bangladesh. The entire area at the sea is designated “Mouths of the Gan­ges” on modern maps. ­England had a number of settlements in this area, though Fort William near Calcutta was the largest. ­There is not sufficient detail to determine the exact location where Crusoe is set ashore, but in the 1815 Hydrographer’s edition of Robinson Crusoe (356–358), it is asserted that Crusoe has to be located somewhere on the shores of the Hooghly River that leads to Calcutta. The French and the Dutch as well as the En­glish had settlements in the area. On the other hand, Crusoe may be referring to a specific city. Bohun describes the city of Bengala as being at the most northeastern ­a ngle of the bay on the river Cosmite, and Herman Moll places a city called Bengall near the mouth of the Caor

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Cargo in the Ship’s Boat, to divert myself,4018 and ­towards Eve­ning4019 was preparing to go on Board, when one of the Men came to me, and told me, he would not have me trou­ble my self4020 to come down to the Boat, for they had O ­ rders not to carry me on Board4021 any more.4022 Any one may guess what a Surprize I was in at so insolent a Message, and I ask’d the Man, who bad4023 him deliver that Errand to me? He told me, the Cockswain.4024* I said no more to the Fellow, but bad him let them know he had deliver’d4025 his Message, and that I had given him no Answer to it I immediately went and found out the Supra-­Cargo, and told him the Story, adding what I presently foresaw, (viz.) That t­ here would certainly be a Mutiny in the Ship, and entreated4026 him to go immediately on Board the Ship in an Indian Boat, and acquaint the Captain of it: But4027 I might ha’ spar’d this Intelligence;4028 for before I had spoken to him on Shore, the M ­ atter was effected on board. The Boat4029 swain, the Gunner, the Carpenter; and in a Word, all the Inferiour4030 Officers, as soon as I was gone off in the Boat, came up to the Quarter-­Deck,4031 and desir’d to speak with the Captain, and t­ here the Boatswain making a long Harangue4032 for the Fellow talk’d very well, and repeating all he had said to me, told the Captain in few Words, That as I was now gone peaceably on Shore, they w ­ ere loth4033 to use any Vio­lence with me; which, if I had not gone on Shore, they would other­ wise have done,4034 to oblige me to have gone: They therefore thought fit to tell him, That as they shipp’d themselves to serve in the Ship u ­ nder his Command, they would perform it well and faithfully: But if I would not quit the Ship, or the Captain oblige me to quit it, they would all leave the Ship,4035 and sail no farther with him; and at that Word,4036 ALL, he turn’d his Face about t­ owards the Main-­mast, which was it seems the Signal agreed on between them; at which,4037 all the Seamen being got together, they cry’d4038 out, One and ALL, One and ALL.† My4039 Nephew, the Captain, was a Man of Spirit, and of ­great Presence of Mind; and tho’4040 he was surpriz’d, you may be sure, at the Th ­ ing, yet he told them calmly, that he would consider of the Th ­ ing, but that he could do nothing in it ’till he had spoken to me about it.4041 He us’d some Arguments with them, to shew them the Unreasonableness4042 and Injustice of the ­t hing: But it was all in vain, they swore and shook Hands round4043 before his Face, that they would go all on Shore, ­unless he would engage to them, not to suffer me to come any more on Board4044 the Ship. (Ghora Ura) River as it flows into the Gan­ges. Sometimes the entire area around modern Chittagong was called Bengala. See Bohun, Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sig. E8. See also Moll, Atlas Manuale, map 27; and James Rennell, A Bengal Atlas (n.p., 1781), index, maps 1 and 3. Nathaniel Cutler (A General Coasting Pi­lot, in Atlas Maritimus, 112) confessed that l­ ittle was known about the area and that “in par­tic­u ­lar a capital City call’d Bengal, . . . ​upon examination cannot be found.” * Cockswain] The officer in charge of the boat. He also steers the boat. See Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 3, sig. Bbb2. †  One and ALL] For an account of the in­de­pen­dence and frequent solidarity of merchant seamen at the time, see Marcus Reddiker, Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea: Merchant Seamen, Pirates, and the Anglo-­Amercan Maritime World, 1700–1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).

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This4045 was a hard Article upon him, who knew his Obligation to me, and did not know how I might take it; so he began to talk cavalierly to them, told them that I was a very considerable Owner of the Ship, and that in Justice he could4046 not put me out of my own House; that this was next Door to serving me, as the famous Pirate Kid* had done, who made the Mutiny in a Ship, set the Captain on Shore in an uninhabited Island, and run away with the Ship; that let them go into what Ship they would, if ever they came to ­England again, it would cost them dear; that the Ship was mine, and that he could not put me out of it; and that he would rather lose4047 the Ship and the Voyage too, than disoblige me so much; so they might do as they pleas’d: However,4048 he would go on Shore, and talk with me on Shore, and invited the Boatswain to go with me,4049 and perhaps they might accommodate the M ­ atter with me. But4050 they all rejected the Proposal, and said, they would have nothing to do with me any more, neither on Board, or on4051 Shore; and if I came on Board, they would all go on Shore.4052 Well, said the Captain, if you are all of4053 this Mind, let me go on Shore and talk with him; so away he came to me with this Account, a ­little ­after the Message had been brought to me from the Cockswain. I was4054 very glad to see my Nephew, I must confess; for I was not without Apprehensions, that they would confine him by Vio­lence, set sail, and run away with the Ship, and then I had been stripp’d4055 naked in a remote Country, and nothing to help myself: in short,4056 I had been in a worse Case, than when I was all alone in the Island. But they had not come that length, it seems, to my g­ reat Satisfaction;4057 and when my Nephew told me what they had said to him, and how they had sworn, and shook Hands, that they would one and all leave the Ship, if I was suffer’d to come on Board,4058 I told him, he should not be concern’d at it at all, for I would stay on Shore.4059 I only desir’d he would take Care and send me all my necessary ­Things on Shore, and leave me a sufficient Sum of Money, and I would find my Way to ­England, as well as I could. This4060 was a heavy Piece of News to my Nephew; but t­ here was no Way to help it, but to comply with it: So, in short, he went on Board4061 the Ship again, and satisfy’d the Men, that his U ­ ncle had yielded to their Importunity, and had sent for his Goods from on Board the Ship; so that4062 ­Matter was over in a very few Hours, the Men return’d to their Duty, and I began to consider what Course I should steer. * Pirate Kid] Famous Captain William Kidd (d. 1701) was active as a pirate at approximately this time, but Defoe prob­ably made a m ­ ental slip h ­ ere, since Kidd was legally commissioned as the captain of a ship that was to engage in privateering before he took to piracy. Defoe was almost certainly thinking of Captain John Avery, who was also active as a pirate around 1696. Avery certainly engaged in a mutiny and put the captain into a boat close to an island. Both Kidd and Avery ­were “famous,” Kidd for his cruelty and eventually for the trial that involved members of the government, Avery for his success in gathering trea­sure and for supposedly setting up an in­de­pen­dent pirate state in Madagascar. See Daniel Defoe, A General History of the Pyrates, ed. Manuel Schonhorn (London: Dent, 1972), 51–52, 442–446.

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I was4063 now alone in the remotest Part of the World, as I think I may call it; for I was near three thousand Leagues by Sea farther off from ­England, than I was at my Island; only4064 it is true, I might travel ­here by Land over the ­Great Mogul’s Country* to Surratte,† might4065 go from thence to Basora4066‡ by Sea, up the Gulph of Persia, and from thence might take the Way of the Caravans4067 over the Desert of Arabia§ to Aleppo¶ and Scanderoon;4068** from thence by Sea again to4069 Italy, and so over Land into France, and this put together might be, at least,4070 a full Dia­meter of the Globe; but if it w ­ ere to be measur’d, I suppose it would appear to be a ­great deal more. I had4071 another Way before me, which was to wait for some En­glish Ships, which ­were coming to Bengale4072 from Achin†† on the Island of Sumatra, and get Passage on Board4073 them for ­England: But as I came hither without any Concern with the En­glish East-­India Com­pany,‡‡ so it would be difficult to go from hence without their Licence,4074 ­unless with ­great Favour of the Captains of the Ships, or of the Com­pany’s ­Factors,§§ and to both,4075 I was an utter Stranger. H ­ ere4076 I had the par­tic­u ­lar Plea­sure, speaking by Contraries, to see the Ship set sail without me, a Treatment I think4077 a Man in my Circumstances scarce ever met with, except from Pirates r­ unning away with a Ship, and setting ­t hose that would not agree with their Villany, on Shore: indeed4078 this was next Door to it, both Ways; however,4079 my Nephew left me two Servants, or rather one Companion, and one Servant, the first was Clerk4080 to the Purser, who4081 he engag’d to go * ­Great Mogul’s Country] The Mogul leaders, descended from Baber and ultimately from Tamerlane, had conquered and ruled over Northern India from Delhi for centuries. At the time of Crusoe’s residence Aurangzeb was still reigning a­ fter he had assumed the throne in 1658. †  Surratte] Often spelled “Surat,” this was a major city on the northwestern coast of India at 21°8′ north and 73°22′ east. Mandelso, with whose travels Defoe was familiar, spent considerable time ­here and described it thoroughly. ‡  Basora] Modern Al-­Basrah in southern Iraq. Bohun (Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sig. D7v), who calls it Balsera or Balsara, states, “It is a ­great City of good Trade, and stands at the Conjunction of the Tigris and Euphrates, where they fall into the Persian Gulph.” §  Desert of Arabia] For travel through Arabia, Defoe might have been familiar with John Fryer, A New Account of East-­India and Persia (London, 1698), 221–222. ¶  Aleppo] A city in northern Syria. At the time it was a large city with many Eu­ro­pean merchants d ­ oing business t­ here. ** Scanderoon] Also called Alexandretta, or modern Iskenderun. ††  Achin] Bohun (Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, B2-­B2v), writing in 1688, describes Achem as a very large city, the capital of the northern area of Sumatra. He states the King was “in the League with the Dutch, who export from hence many rich Commodities, and much Spice.” In his map of this area, Moll (Atlas Manuale, map 28) spells it in the manner of Defoe and indicates that it was a considerable city. ‡‡  En­glish East-­India Com­pany] Growing in wealth and power since its founding during the reign of Queen Elizabeth, this semiautonomous com­pany acted as a branch of the En­glish government, particularly in India. During the time of Crusoe’s stay, the com­pany was being challenged by interlopers who claimed their right to establish a New East India Com­pany. The two w ­ ere merged in 1702. §§  Com­pany’s F ­ actors] “­Factors” is prob­ably being used h ­ ere in the general sense of an agent, but within the East India Com­pany, it was technically the third rank of agent, below se­nior and ju­nior merchant. See OED.

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with me, and the other was his own Servant;4082 I took me also a good Lodging in the House of an En­glish W ­ oman, where several Merchants lodg’d; some French, two Italians, or rather, Jews, and one En­glish Man:4083 ­Here I was handsomely enough entertain’d;4084 and that I might not be said to run rashly upon any Th ­ ing, I stay’d h ­ ere above nine Months, considering what Course to take, and how to manage myself,4085 I had some En­glish Goods with me of Value, and a considerable Sum of Money, my Nephew furnishing me with a thousand Pieces of Eight,* and a Letter of Credit for more, if I had Occasion, that I might not be straiten’d what­ ever might happen. I quickly4086 dispos’d of my Goods, and to Advantage too; and, as I originally intended, I bought4087 ­here some very good Diamonds,† which, of all other ­Things, was the most proper for me in my pre­sent4088 Circumstances, ­because I might always carry my w ­ hole Estate about me. ­After a long Stay h ­ ere, and many Proposals made for my Return4089 to ­England, but none falling out to my4090 Mind,‡ the En­glish Merchant who lodged with me, and who4091 I had contracted an intimate Acquaintance with, came to me one Morning: Country-­man, says he,4092 I have a Proj­ect to communicate to you, which, as it suits with my4093 Thoughts, may for ­ought I know, suit with your’s4094 also, when you ­shall have thoroughly4095 consider’d it.4096 ­Here we are posted, says he, you by Accident, and I by my own Choice, in a Part of the World very remote from our own Country; but it is in a Country, where, by us who4097 understand Trade and Business, a ­great deal of Money is to be got: If you ­w ill put a thousand4098 Pound4099 to my thousand Pound,4100§ we ­will hire a Ship h ­ ere, the first we can get to our Minds; you ­shall be Captain, I’ll be Merchant, and we w ­ ill go a4101 trading4102 Voyage to China; for what should we stand still for? The ­whole World is in Motion,4103 rouling¶ round and round; all the Creatures of God, heavenly Bodies and4104 earthly are busy and diligent,** Why should we be idle? ­There are no4105 Drones in the World but Men, Why should we be of that Number?4106 I lik’d4107 his Proposal very well, and the more, b ­ ecause it seem’d to be express’d with so much good W ­ ill, and in so friendly a Manner: I ­will not say, but that I might by my loose and unhing’d Circumstances4108 be the fitter to embrace a Proposal * thousand Pieces of Eight] See above, the note to 33. The Spanish silver dollar made up of eight reals. †  Diamonds] For the trade in diamonds that often went from India in a rough state to Eu­rope for cutting and sometimes back again to India at a g­ reat profit for all the merchants involved, see Fryer, East-­India and Persia, 88–89, 113. ‡  none falling out to my Mind] Happening to be particularly appealing to me. The OED provides a number of senses that fit the use of “falling” in this passage. §  thousand Pound] A typical use of the singular for the plural in Defoe’s writings. According to one estimate this would be the equivalent of £92,309.20 in currency as of 2002. ¶  rouling] Alternate spelling for “rolling.” It may indicate that, like many of his contemporaries, Defoe sounded a ū sound in words that presently have an ō sound. See Henry Wyld, History of Modern Colloquial En­glish (New York: Dutton, 1920), 173. ** diligent] Defoe was fond of quoting part of Proverbs 10:4, “the hand of the diligent maketh rich.”

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for Trade, or4109 indeed for any Th ­ ing e­ lse; whereas,4110 other­w ise, Trade was none of my Ele­ment: However, I might perhaps say with some Truth, that if Trade was not my Ele­ment, Rambling was, and no Proposal for seeing any Part of the World which I had never seen before, could possibly come amiss to me. It was however, some Time4111 before we could get a Ship to our Minds; and when we had got a Vessel, it was not easy to get En­glish Sailors; that is to say, so many as ­were necessary to govern the Voyage, and manage the Sailors which we should pick up ­there: A ­ fter some Time4112 we got a Mate, a Boatswain, and a Gunner4113 En­glish; a Dutch Carpenter, and three Portugueze Fore-­mast Men; with ­t hese4114 we found, we could do well enough, having Indian Seamen,4115 such as they are, to make up. ­There are so many Travellers, who have wrote4116 the History of their Voyages and Travels this Way, that it would be very4117 ­little Diversion to any Body, to4118 give a long Account of the Places we went to, and the ­People who inhabit ­there; ­those4119 ­Things I leave to ­others, and refer the Reader to ­those Journals and Travels of En­glish Men,4120* of which, many I find are publish’d, and more promis’d† ­every Day ’tis enough to me4121 to tell you, That4122 I made this Voyage to Achin, in the Island of Sumatra,4123 and from thence to Siam,‡ where we exchang’d some of our Wares for Opium,§ and some4124 Arrack,¶ the first, a Commodity which bears a g­ reat Price among the Chinese, and which at that Time, was very much wanted t­ here; in a Word, we went up to Suskan,4125** made a very g­ reat Voyage; was4126 eight Months out, and return’d to Bengale,4127 and I was very well satisfied4128 with my Adventure: I observe that our ­People in ­England,4129 often admire how the Officers4130 which the Com­pany send into India, * Journals and Travels of En­glish Men] Woodes Rogers’s Voyage Round the World came out in a second edition in 1718, hardly surprising since the first edition, published in 1712, had been a ­great success. Edward Cooke’s account of the same voyage also appeared in 1712. If the statement is taken in historical context (in the time that Crusoe is writing), during the 1690s, the voyages of William Dampier and Lionel Wafer ­were appearing. †  more promis’d] Captain George Shelvocke’s account of his voyage did not appear ­until 1726, but the expedition started out in 1719. Defoe’s own fictional A New Voyage Round the World (1724) shows some knowledge of similar expeditions. ‡  Siam] Modern Thailand. §  Opium] An extract from poppies used throughout the East and M ­ iddle East at the time. Although Richard Mead classified opium as both a poison and a medicine in 1702, it remained among the drugs used by doctors throughout the eigh­teenth and nineteenth centuries, particularly when mixed with wine as laudanum. In his Treatise on Opium (London, 1753), George Young found it to be useful in most illnesses. See Richard Mead, A Mechanical Account of Poisons in Several Essays (London, 1702), 131–148; and Chambers, Cyclopaedia, 2:7O. ¶  Arrack] A kind of brandy generally made out of toddy, an extract of the coconut tree. William Dampier noted the popularity of this drink among the natives of the Pacific islands, but John Fryer thought that too much indulgence in “Indian brandy” was the chief cause of sickness among the En­glish colonists in India. See Fryer, East-­India and Persia, 69, and index, i. See also Chambers, Cyclopaedia, 1:1Ggv; and Dampier, New Voyage, 322. ** Suskan] Crusoe says that this was “a very g­ reat voyage,” and the likelihood is that this is a reference to the area of China south of Shanghai between latitudes 30° and 31° north that includes the city of modern Songjiang and the island of Zhoushan. Moll’s map (Atlas Manuale, map 29) makes the island, which he calls Cheuxan, much larger than it actually is and indicates a city that he calls Sumkiam on the mainland in the general area of modern Songjiang. It is clear that exact information on China’s geography was relatively sketchy.

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and the Merchants which generally stay ­there, get such very ­great Estates* as they do, and sometimes come Home worth 60, to 70 and 100 thousand Pound4131 at a Time. But4132 it is no Won­der, or at least we ­shall see so much farther into it, when we consider the innumerable Ports and Places where they have a ­free Commerce;4133 that it w ­ ill then be no Won­der; and much less ­will it be so, when we consider, that at all t­ hose Places and Ports4134 where the En­glish Ships come, t­ here is so much, and such constant Demand for the Growth of all other Countries, that ­there is a certain Vent for the Returns, as well as a Market abroad, for the Goods carried out. In4135 short, we made a very good Voyage, and I got so much Money by the first Adventure, and such an Insight into the Method of getting more, that had I been twenty Year4136 younger, I should have been tempted to have staid ­here4137 and sought no farther, for making my Fortune; but what was all this, to a Man on the wrong Side of threescore, that4138 was rich enough, and came abroad,4139 more in Obedience to a restless Desire of seeing the World, than a covetous Desire of getting it;4140 abroad and indeed I think, ’tis with ­great Justice, that I now call it a restless Desire for it was so; when4141 I was at Home,† I was restless to go abroad; and now I was abroad,4142 I was restless to be at Home: I say, what was this Gain to4143 me? I was rich enough, nor had I any uneasie Desires about getting more Money and therefore,4144 the Profit4145 of the Voyage to me, w ­ ere ­Things of no g­ reat Force, for the prompting me forward to farther Undertakings; and I thought4146 that by this Voyage, I had made no Pro­gress at all, ­because I was come back4147 as I might call it, to the Place from whence I came as to a Home;4148 whereas, my Eye, which like that,4149 which Solomon speaks of, was never satisfy’d with Seeing,‡ was still more desirous of Wand’ring and Seeing;4150 I was come into a Part of the World, which I was never in before; and that Part in par­ tic­u­lar, which I had heard much of;4151 and was resolv’d to see as much of as I could,4152 and then I thought, I might say, I had seen all the World, that was worth seeing . But my Fellow Traveller and I,4153 had dif­fer­ent Notions;§ I do not name this, to insist upon my own, for I acknowledge his ­were the most just4154 and the most suited * very ­great Estates] In his book of 1698, Fryer warned that too often visitors seeking wealth ­were sickened by the climate and that w ­ omen particularly “beget a sickly Generation.” He blamed this partly on the tendency of the En­glish to drink too much. He also thought that life in India was “a wretched remedy” and only for t­hose who w ­ ere desperately poor. But Crusoe’s comment on the wealth brought back to E ­ ngland by t­hose working for the East India Com­pany became ever more true as the ­century progressed. ­These “Nabobs” w ­ ere often made the object of satire. See Fryer, East-­India and Persia, 62. †  restless Desire . . . ​Home] Although Crusoe gives a biblical source, this description of Crusoe’s state is reminiscent of Thomas Hobbes’s analy­sis of the nature of humanity. He remarked in Leviathan that “­there is no such ­thing as perpetual Tranquility of mind, . . . ​ ­because Life itself is but Motion, and can never be without Desire.” Elsewhere in the same text he commented, “Felicity is a continuall progresse of the desire, from one object to another. . . . ​I put a general inclination of all mankind, a restlesse desire of Power ­a fter power that ceaseth only in Death.” Leviathan, ed. A. R. Waller (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1935), 38 (pt. 1, chap. 13), 62 (pt. 1, chap. 9). ‡  never satisfied with Seeing] Ecclesiastes 1:8. The full passage reads: “All t­ hings are full of l­ abour; man cannot utter it: the eye is not satisfied with seeing, nor the ear filled with hearing.” §  dif­fer­ent Notions] In this passage Crusoe delineates the distinction between the merchant and the venture cap­i­tal­ist. In aligning himself with the latter, Crusoe judges himself (and ­those

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to the end4155 of a Merchant’s Life; who, when he is abroad upon Adventures, ’tis his Wisdom to stick to that4156 as the best ­Thing for him, which he is like to get the most Money by:4157 My new Friend kept himself to the Nature of the ­Thing, and would have been content to have gone like a Carrier’s Horse,* always to the same Inn, backward and forward, provided he could, as he call’d it, find his Account in it;† on4158 the other Hand,4159 mine was the Notion of a mad rambling Boy, that never cares to see a ­Thing twice over. But this was not all;4160 I had a Kind of Impatience upon me to be nearer Home, and yet, the most unsettled Resolution imaginable4161 which Way to go;‡ in4162 the Interval of t­ hese Consultations, my Friend, who was always upon the Search for Business, propos’d another Voyage to me among4163 the Spice Islands,4164§ and to bring Home a Loading of Cloves from the Manillas,¶ or t­ here abouts; Places where indeed the Dutch** do trade,4165 but Islands, belonging4166 partly to the Spaniards;†† of his kind) as “a mad rambling Boy” (172), yet in suggesting the immaturity of the venture cap­ i­tal­ist, he also argues the essential boredom entailed in pursuing the safe and secure profit. In his Compleat En­glish Tradesman, dedicated to warning tradesmen against deviating from the straight path, Defoe cautioned his tradesman from yielding to vari­ous temptations. * like a Carrier’s Horse] The image is not very dif­fer­ent from the proverbial mill ­horse that goes around in a constant circle. Tilley, 326 (H697), quotes Thomas Shadwell in his address to the reader before The True ­Widow, “I had rather suffer by venturing to bring new ­t hings upon the stage, than go on like a mill-­horse in the same round.” †  find his Account in it] Make a profit. See OED. ‡  which Way to go] The route described above (168) would have been the most direct, but it would more or less have followed well-­k nown paths. With his interest in seeing new places, Crusoe is apparently searching for an adventurous journey. From Defoe’s standpoint, ­going by this relatively unknown route allowed him to use his imagination rather than relying on strict geo­graph­i­cal sources. §  Spice Islands] The Molucca Islands or Maluku, presently part of Indonesia, w ­ ere at this time controlled by the Dutch, who had taken them from the Portuguese in 1599. Before that, a variety of nations had attempted to control ­these islands, mainly for their cloves. The island of Ternate was particularly rich in this product, which, in addition to its use in cooking, was valued for medicinal properties. See Bohun, Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sigs. Hh5v–­Hh6. See also the Hydrographer’s edition, 370. ¶  Manillas] The Philippine Islands. Manila was the main city of t­ hese islands, and Luzon, the island on which it is located, was sometimes called by the name of its chief city. See Bohun, Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sig. Ff3v. In his 1815 edition of Robinson Crusoe, the Hydrographer of the Naval Chronicle finds some confusion in this, and, treating Defoe as the “editor” (371), suggests he misread the manuscript and that it was intended to be “Moluccas or Malucos.” But the Maluku Islands are close enough to Mindinao, the most southerly of the Philippine Islands, for what is admittedly (“or ­t here abouts”) a vague geo­graph­i­cal location. See below, 175, where Crusoe ­couples the “Phillippine and Mollucco Isles.” ** Dutch] The En­glish w ­ ere continually trying to make inroads on Dutch control in Indonesia. The most famous clash of the two nations in this region occurred at Amboyna in February 1623, when the Dutch tortured and killed a number of En­glish settlers. The memory of this event continued throughout the seventeenth ­century and was revived whenever it was con­ve­nient to instill hatred of the Dutch. For a good summary of English-­Dutch conflicts in this region, see the commentary to John Dryden’s play Amboyna, in The California Edition of the Works of John Dryden, ed. E. N. Hooker, H. T. Swedenberg, and Vinton Dearing, 20 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1956–2000), 12:261–264. ††  Spaniards] The Philippine Islands ­were ­under the control of Spain, and for a time, Spain challenged Portugal for control of the Malaku Islands.

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tho’ we went not so far, but to some other, where they have not the w ­ hole Power4167 † 4168 as they have at Batavia,* Ceylon, &c. we ­were not long in preparing for this Voyage; the chief Difficulty was in bringing me to come into it; however, at last4169 nothing ­else offering, and finding that ­really stirring about and trading, the Profit being so g­ reat, and as I may say4170 certain, had more Plea­sure in it, and more Satisfaction to the Mind than sitting still, which to me especially,4171 was the unhappiest Part of Life: I resolv’d4172 on his Voyage too, which we made very successfully, touching at Borneo,‡ and several Islands, whose Names I do not remember, and came Home in about five Months; we4173 sold our Spice, which was chiefly Cloves,4174 and some Nutmegs,§ to the Persian Merchants, who carried4175 them away for the Gulph; and making near five of one,¶ we r­ eally got a ­great deal of Money. My Friend, when we made up this Account smil’d at me; well now,4176 said he, with a Sort of agreeable insulting my4177 indolent Temper; is not this better than walking about ­here, like a Man4178 of nothing to do,4179 and spending our Time in staring at the Nonsense and Ignorance of the Pagans? Why truly, says I, my Friend,4180 I think it is; and I begin to be a Convert to the Princi­ples4181 of Merchandizing; but4182 I must tell you, said I,4183 by the Way, you do not know what I am4184 a ­doing; for if once I conquer, my backwardness,4185 and embark heartily;4186 as old as I am, I ­shall harrass you up and down the World,4187 till I tire you; for I ­shall pursue it so eagerly, I ­shall never let you4188 lye still.4189 But to be short with my Speculations,4190 a l­ ittle while ­after this, t­ here came in a Dutch Ship from Batavia;4191 she was a Coaster,** not an Eu­ro­pe­an Trader, and of about two hundred Ton4192 Burthen: The Men, as they pretended4193 having been so sickly, that the Captain had not Men enough to go to Sea with; he lay by at Bengal, and having it4194 seems got Money enough, or being willing for other Reasons, to go for Eu­rope, he gave publick Notice, that he would sell his Ship: This came to my Ears before my new Partner heard of it; and I had a g­ reat Mind to buy it, so I goes Home to him, and told him of it; he considered4195 a while, for he was no rash Man neither; but musing some Time, he reply’d, she4196 is a ­little too big; but how* Batavia] Modern Jakarta on the island of Java. This city and its fortress ­were built by the Dutch as the center of their trade among the islands of Indonesia. Bohun (Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sigs. E3v–­E4) describes it as “one of the principal Cities in that part of the World.” It was also the center of operations for the Dutch East India Com­pany. †  Ceylon] Modern Sri Lanka. Originally colonized by the Portuguese, the city of Colombo and other parts of the island ­were ­under Dutch control at this time. But as the account of Robert Knox makes clear, most of the island was ­under the control of native princes. See Bohun, Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sig. Ddd5v. ‡  Borneo] A major island, now divided between Indonesia, Malaysia, and Brunei. In 1718, just the year before the publication of The Farther Adventures, one of Defoe’s impor­tant publishers, Thomas Warner, brought out A Voyage to Borneo by Daniel Beeckman. §  Nutmegs] In addition to being a spice, as it is thought of ­today, nutmeg was considered to be a medicine, and the Hydrographer’s edition of Robinson Crusoe, published in 1815, treats it as having “excellent virtue as a medicine; it is a good stomachic, promotes digestion, and strengthens the stomach. It is also stops vomiting, is an excellent remedy in flatulences, and is happily joined with rhubarb, and other medicines, in diarrhœa” (375). ¶  five of one] A 400 ­percent clear profit. ** Coaster] A vessel built for sailing along the coast. See OED.

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ever, we ­will have her; accordingly4197 we bought the Ship, and agreeing with the Master, we paid for her, and took Possession;4198 when we had done so, we resolved to entertain the Men4199 if we could, to join them with t­ hose we had, for the pursuing our Business; but on a sudden, they having receiv’d not their Wages, but their Share of the Money,4200 not one of them was to be found; we4201 enquir’d much about them, and at length ­were told, that they ­were all gone together by Land to Agra, the g­ reat City of the Mogul’s Residence;* and from thence w ­ ere to travel to Suratte,† and so by Sea, to the Gulph of Persia. Nothing had so heartily troubled me a good while,4202 as that I miss’d the Opportunity of g­ oing with them; for such a Ramble I thought, and in such Com­pany, as would both have guarded me4203 and diverted me, would have suited mightily with my ­great Design; and I should both have seen the World, and gone homewards too; but I was much better satisfy’d4204 a few Days a­ fter, when I came to know what sort of Fellows they w ­ ere; for4205 in short, their History was, that this Man they 4206 call’d Captain was the Gunner only, not the Commander; that they had been a trading4207 Voyage, in which, they w ­ ere attack’d on Shore,4208 by some of the Mallayans,‡ who had kill’d the Captain,4209 and three of his Men; and that ­after the Captain was kill’d, t­ hese Men Eleven in Number, had resolv’d4210 to run away with the Ship, which they did; and brought her in at the Bay of Bengale,4211 leaving the Mate and five Men more on Shore, of whom,4212 we s­ hall hear farther.4213 Well,4214 let them come by the Ship how they would, we came honestly by her, as we thought, tho’ we did not I confess,4215 examine into Th ­ ings so exactly as we ­ought, for we never enquir’d4216 any Th ­ ing of the Seamen; who, if we had examin’d, would certainly have falter’d in their Account,4217 contradicted one another, and perhaps contradicted themselves,4218 or one how or other, we should have seen Reason to have suspected them; but4219 the Man shew’d us a Bill of Sale for the Ship, to one Emanuel Clostershoven,§ or some such Name; for I suppose it was all a Forgery, and call’d himself by that Name, and we could not contradict him; and being * Agra . . . ​Mogul’s Residence] The former capital of the ­Great Mogul and a center of trade before the seat of government was moved to Delhi in 1647. It is located a hundred and ten miles southeast of Delhi and is most famous ­today as being the location of the Taj Mahal. Bohun (Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sig. B4v), writing in 1688, still describes it as a “Capital” and wealthy. †  Suratte] Surat. See above, 163. The sailors apparently take the same route that Crusoe sketched out as a pos­si­ble way of getting to Eu­rope. ‡  Mallayans] ­Today Malaysia includes the Malay Peninsula, a number of islands, and the northern part of Borneo. William Dampier recounted an attack upon an En­glish ship by Malayan pirates, and this was apparently quite common. Writing in 1815, the editor of the Hydrographer’s edition of Robinson Crusoe (378) describes Malaysia or Malacca as a place of impenetrable forests and a “wild and dangerous” ­people: “The authority of law and justice is still so very imperfectly established among the Malays, that trading vessels which visit their ports must be armed, and be constantly upon their guard; and, notwithstanding ­t hese habitual precautions, are not unfrequently cut off, and their crews murthered with circumstances of singular atrocity.” See William Dampier, Voyages and Discoveries, ed. Clennel Wilkinson (London: Argonaut Press, 1931), 80. §  Clostershoven] If this name is supposed to be Dutch in origin, it seems to be made up of words meaning “dashing waves” and “harbor.” But since Crusoe himself is not sure this is

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withal,4220 a ­little too unwary, or at leat having no Suspicion of the Th ­ ing, we went 4221 thro’ with our Bargain. We pick’d up some more4222 En­glish Seamen ­here a­ fter this, and some Dutch; and now we resolved for a second Voyage, to the South East4223 for Cloves, &c. that is to say, among the Phillippine and Mollucco Isles; and4224 in short, not to fill this Part of my Story with Trifles, when what is yet to come, is so remarkable; I spent from first to last4225 six Years in this Country, trading from Port to Port, backward and forward, and with very good Success; and was now the last Year with my new4226 Partner, g­ oing in the Ship above-­mention’d, on a Voyage to China; but designing first to Siam,4227 to buy Rice. In this Voyage, being by contrary Winds oblig’d4228 to beat up and down a g­ reat while in the Straits of Mallacca,4229* and among the Islands; we ­were no sooner got clear of ­those difficult Seas, but we found our Ship had sprung a Leak, and we ­were not able by all our Industry to find it out4230 where it was: This forc’d us to make for some Port, and my Partner4231 who knew the Country better than I did, directed the Captain to put into the River of Cambodia,† for I had made the En­glish Mate, one Mr. Thomson,4232 Captain, not being willing to take the Charge of the Ship upon my self: This River lies4233 on the North Side of the ­great Bay or Gulph,4234 which goes up to Siam.‡ While4235 we ­were ­here, and g­ oing often on Shore for Refreshment, ­t here comes to me one Day an En­glish Man, and he was it seems4236 a Gunner’s Mate,4237 on board an En­glish East-­India Ship, which rode in the same River, up at, or near the City of Cambodia;§ what brought him hither we know not; but he comes up to me, and speaking En­glish: Sir,4238 says he,4239 you are a Stranger to me, and I to you; but I have something to tell you, that very nearly concerns you.4240 I look’d4241 steadily at him a good while, and thought at first I had known him,  but I did not; if it very nearly concerns me, said I, and not your self, what moves you to tell it me?4242 I am moved says he, by the4243 eminent Danger you are4244 in, and for ­ought I see, you have no Knowledge4245 of it; I know no Danger I am in,4246 said I, but that my Ship is leaky, and I cannot find it out; but I4247 purpose4248 to lay right and since it is a fictitious name, it might be useless to speculate on any hidden meaning. * Straits of Mallacca] This body of ­water separates Malaysia from Sumatra. ­There are numerous islands between Singapore at the tip of the Malay Peninsula and in the sea-­lanes north to Cambodia. †  River of Cambodia] Almost certainly the Mekong River that flows through present-­day Cambodia into Vietnam. In Moll’s Atlas Manuale (map 28), Cambodia extends to the mouth of the Mekong Delta, and Vietnam or Cochin China is a separate country to the north. William Dampier reported that the river was navigable up to sixty or seventy leagues but that “This River and Kingdom (if it be one) is but l­ittle known to our Nation.” Voyages and Discoveries, 75. ‡  Bay or Gulph . . . ​Siam] On modern maps the Gulf of Thailand. §  City of Cambodia] Reported in Bohun to be the capital of the country that he calls Cambaya and located on the Mekong River. Since Atlas Maritimus & Commercialis (198) reports that it was located a considerable distance up the river, it is likely that it was modern Phnom Penh. But geo­graph­i­cal knowledge of the area was sparse and Defoe is prob­ably deliberately vague. See Bohun, Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sig. H2v.

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her a-­Ground to Morrow, to see if I can find4249 it; but Sir, says he, leaky, or not leaky, find it, or4250 not find it, you w ­ ill be wiser than to lay your Ship on Shore to Morrow, when you hear what I have to say to4251 you; do you know Sir, said he,4252 the Town of Cambodia,* lyes about fifteen Leagues up this River? and4253 ­t here are two large En­glish Ships about five Leagues on this Side, and three4254 Dutch; well4255 said I, and what is that to me? Why4256 Sir, said he, is it for a Man that is upon such Adventures as you are upon, to come into a Port, and not examine first what Ships ­t here are t­ here, and w ­ hether he is able to deal with4257 them? I suppose you d ­ on’t think you are a Match for them:4258 I was amused very much at his Discourse, but not4259 amaz’d at it, for I could not conceive what he4260 meant; and I turn’d short upon him and4261 said, Sir, I wish you would explain your self;4262 I cannot imagine what Reason I have to be afraid of any4263 Com­pany Ships, or Dutch Ships; I am no Interloper,4264† what can they have to say to me?4265 He look’d4266 like a Man half angry, half pleas’d, and pausing a while, but smiling; well Sir, says4267 he, if you think your self secure, you must take your Chance; I am sorry your Fate should blind you against good Advice; but assure your self,4268 if you4269 do not put to Sea immediately, you w ­ ill the very next Tide be attack’d4270 4271 by five Long-­Boats full of Men, and perhaps if you are taken, you’ll be hang’d for a Pirate, and the Particulars be examin’d afterwards: I thought Sir, added he,4272 I should have met with a better Reception than this, for ­doing you a Piece4273 of Ser­ vice of such Importance: I can never be ungrateful, said I, for any Ser­vice,4274 or to any Man that offers me any Kindness, but it is past my Comprehension said4275 I, what they should have such a Design upon me for, however,4276 since you say, t­ here is no Time to be lost, and that t­ here is some villainous Design in Hand against me;4277 I’ll go on board this Minute, and put to Sea immediately, If my Men can stop the leak, or if we can swim without stopping it?4278 But, Sir, said I,4279 ­shall I go away ignorant of the Reason of all this? Can you give me no farther Light into it?4280 I can tell you but Part of the Story, Sir, says he,4281 but I have a Dutch Seaman ­here with me, and I believe I could persuade4282 him to tell you the rest; but t­ here is scarce time for it. But the short of the Story is this, the4283 first Part of which, I suppose, you know well enough, (viz.) that you was with this Ship at Sumatra, that ­t here your Captain was murther’d‡ by the Mallayans, with three of his Men,4284 and that you or some of ­t hose who ­were on board with you,4285 ran away with the Ship, and are since turn’d PIRATES; this is the Sum of the Story, and you ­will be all seiz’d as Pirates I can assure you, and executed, with very l­ ittle Ceremony; for * Town of Cambodia . . . ​Leagues] The fifteen leagues from the mouth of the river would be too short a distance for Phnom Penh. Crusoe may be referring to modern Can Tho (now in Vietnam), where the En­glish had a factory ­until 1705. See Atlas Maritimus, 198. †  Interloper] Although the ­battle between the Old East India Com­pany and the New East India Com­pany during the 1690s was close to resolution, during the historical time of The Farther Adventures, the word would have had some par­tic­u ­lar resonance. ‡  Captain was Murther’d] This bears some resemblance to the death of Captain Swan and the activities of Captains Teat and Read as narrated by Dampier. See New Voyage Round the World, 300, 341–342.

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Figure 6. ​Crusoe at Cambodia in Danger of Being Seiz’d by the East India Com­pany’s Boats for a Pyrate (1726 [original 1722]).

you know, Merchants Ships shew but ­little Law to Pirates,4286* if they get them4287 into their Power. Now you speak plain En­glish, said I,4288 and I thank you; and tho’ I know nothing,4289 that we have done, like what you talk of, but am sure we came honestly and fairly by the Ship, yet seeing such Work is a ­doing4290 as you say, and that you seem to mean honestly, I’ll be upon my guard; nay, Sir, says he,4291 do not talk of being upon your guard; the best Defence, is to be out of the Danger;4292 if you have any Regard to your Life, and the Life of all your Men;4293 put out to Sea without fail at High ­Water,4294 and as you have a ­whole Tide before you, you ­w ill be gone too far out before they can come down, for they came away at High W ­ ater;4295 and as they have twenty Miles to come, you get near two Hours of them, by the Difference of the Tide, not reckoning the Length of the Way; besides,4296 as they are only Boats, and not Ships, they ­w ill not venture to follow you far out to Sea, especially if it blows. Well,4297 says I, you have been very kind in this, what ­shall I do for you, to make you amends? Sir, says he,4298 you may not be so willing to make me any amends, ­because you may not be convinc’d of the Truth of it: I’ll make an offer to you;4299 I * ­little Law to Pirates] Defoe may have been thinking of the “­little Law” shown to Captain Green, who was accused of being a pirate and ­a fter l­ittle evidence, hanged by a Scottish court. Defoe told this story at length in his History of the Union (1709). The entire narrative of a false accusation appears to lie b ­ ehind this part of the narrative. See The History of the Union of G ­ reat Britain, ed. D. W. Hayton, 2 vols., in Writings on Travel and History, ed. P. N. Furbank and W. R. Owen (London: Pickering and Chatto, 2002), 7:126–131. See also James Kelly, “The Worcester Affair,” Review of En­glish Studies 51 (2000): 1–23.

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have nineteen Months Pay due* to me,4300 on board the Ship—­—— ­ — ­ — ­ ­which I 4301 came out of ­England in, and the Dutch Man that is with me, has seven Months Pay due to him; if you ­w ill make good our Pay to us, we ­w ill go along with you; if you find nothing4302 more in it, we w ­ ill desire no more; but4303 if we do convince you, that we have sav’d your Lives,4304 and the Ship, and the Lives of all the Men in her, we ­w ill leave the rest to you. I consented4305 to this readily, and went immediately on board, and the two Men with me; as soon as I came to the Ship Side, my Partner4306 who was on board, came out on the Quarter-­Deck, and call’d4307 to me with a g­ reat deal of Joy, O ho! O oh! we have stop’d4308 the leak! we have ­stopped the leak! Say you so, said I, thank God;4309 but weigh the Anchor then immediately; weigh! Says he:4310 What do you mean by that? What4311 is the ­Matter, says he?4312 Ask no Questions, says I, but all Hands to work, and weigh, without losing† a Minute; he was surpriz’d, but however, he call’d4313 the Captain, and he immediately order’d the Anchor to be got up; and4314 tho’ the Tide was not quite done, yet a ­little Land Breeze4315 blowing, we stood out to Sea; then I call’d him into the Cabin and told him the Story at large,4316 and we call’d in the Men, and they told us the rest of it; but4317 as it took us up a g­ reat deal of Time, so before we had done, a Seaman4318 comes to the Cabin Door, and calls out to us, that the Captain bad him tell us, we ­were chas’d; chas’d, says I! by who,4319 and by what? By five Sloops or Boats, says the Fellow, full of Men; very well, said I,4320 then it is apparent ­t here is something in it; in the next Place I order’d4321 all our Men to be call’d4322 up, and told them, that t­ here was a Design to seize the Ship, and to take us for Pirates, and ask’d4323 them, if they would stand by us, and by one another; the Men answer’d4324 chearfully, that one and all, they would live and die with us;‡ then I asked the Captain,4325 what Way he thought best for us to manage a Fight with them; for resist them I was resolv’d4326 we would, and that, to the last Drop; he said readily, that4327 the Way was to keep them off with our g­ reat Shot, as long as we could, and then to fire at them with our small Arms4328 as long as we could; but when neither of t­ hese would do any longer, we should retire to our close Quarters;§ perhaps they had not Materials to break open our Bulk-­Heads,¶ or get in upon us. * Pay due] Sailors ­were usually paid when the voyage was completed, often leaving their families in desperate financial condition. Defoe depicted this situation in Some Considerations on the Reasonableness and Necessity of Encreasing and Encouraging the Seamen (London, 1728), 26–31. †  losing] “loosing” is a variant spelling used in the first edition. ‡  live and die with us] In his Essay upon Proj­ects, Defoe told the story of a similar appeal made by a captain when threatened by pirates in the Indies. In that case, the crew refused to fight, pointing out that they had no insurance to cover injuries that might ensue from such a fight. On the other hand, he also pointed to the amazing courage of sailors on a day-­to-­day basis. See An Essay upon Proj­ects, 50. §  close Quarters] This refers to “where the Seamen quarter themselves in case of Boarding, for their own Defence, and for Clearing the Decks.” Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 3, sig. Fff8. A good example of the retreat to close quarters when threatened by being boarded by an e­ nemy may be found in William Dampier, Voyages and Discoveries, 81. ¶  Bulk-­Heads] The partitions of a ship. Th ­ ese would be more difficult to overcome than the close quarters. See Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 3, sig. Aaa6v.

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The Gunner had in the mean Time, Order4329 to bring two Guns to bear fore and aft out of the Steerage, to clear the Deck, and loaded4330 them with Musquet-­ Bullets,4331 and small Pieces of old, and what next came to Hand, and thus we made ready for Fight; but all this while we4332 kept out to Sea, with Wind enough; and could see the Boats at a Distance,4333 being five large Long-­Boats, following us with all the sail4334 they could make. Two of t­ hose Boats, which by our Glasses we could see4335 ­were En­glish, out sailed the rest, ­were near two Leagues a-­Head4336 of them, and gain’d upon us considerably; so that we found they would come up with us; upon which, we fir’d a Gun without4337 Ball, to intimate, that they should bring too, and we put out a Flag of Truce; as a Signal for Parley,4338 but they kept crowding ­a fter us, till they came within Shot;4339 when we took in our White Flag, they having made no Answer to it, hung out a red Flag, and fir’d4340 at them with a Shot: Notwithstanding this, they came on, till4341 they w ­ ere near enough to call to them with a speaking Trumpet,* which we had on board;4342 so we call’d to them, and bid them keep off at their Peril. It4343 was all one, they crowded ­after us, and endeavoured to come ­under our Stern, so to board us on our Quarter; upon which, seeing they w ­ ere resolute for Mischief, and depended upon the Strength that followed4344 them, I ordered to bring the Ship too,4345 so that they lay upon our Broad-­Side,4346†when immediately we fir’d4347 five Guns at them; one of which, had been levelled so true, as to carry away the Stern of the hindermost Boat, and bring them to the Necessity of taking down their Sail, and ­running all to the Head of the Boat to keep her from sinking;4348 so she lay by, and had enough of it; but seeing the foremost Boat crowd on4349 ­after us, we made ready to fire at her in par­tic­u ­lar. While4350 this was ­doing, one of the three Boats that was ­behind, being forwarder than the other two, made up to the Boat which we had disabl’d,4351 to relieve her, and we could afterwards see her take out the Men; we call’d again to the foremost Boat, and offer’d a Truce to parley again, and to know what was her Business with us; but had no Answer, only she crowded close u ­ nder our Stern; upon this4352 our Gunner, who was a very dexterous Fellow, run out his two Chase-­Guns‡ and fired again at her; but the Shot4353 missing, the Men in the Boat shouted, wav’d their Caps, and came on; but4354 the Gunner getting quickly ready again, fir’d among them the second Time; one Shot of which, tho’ it miss’d the Boat it self, yet fell in among the Men, and we could easily see, had done a ­great deal of Mischief among * speaking Trumpet] An instrument used to amplify sound. This instrument was made of tin and might be from two to fifteen feet long. The Hydrographer’s edition (381–383) has a lengthy note on this subject, noting that although this invention was usually ascribed to Sir Samuel Moreland, it might better be given to Athanasius Kircher. †  our Broad-­Side] H ­ ere not the full discharge of artillery, but the side of the ship that has the fullest number of guns. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 51. ‡  Chase-­Guns] Th ­ ese guns w ­ ere in the bow of the ship or the stern, the former used when pursuing a ship, the latter, for defense, when being pursued. See Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 3, sig. Bbb1.

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them; but we taking no Notice4355 of that, war’d the Ship* again, and brought our Quarter† to bear upon them; and firing three Guns more, we found the Boat was split almost to Pieces; in par­tic­u ­lar, her Rudder, and a Piece of her Stern was shot quite away, so they handed their Sail immediately, and ­were in ­g reat Disorder; but4356 to compleat their Misfortune, our Gunner let fly two Guns at them again; where he hit them we could not tell, but we found the Boat was sinking, and some of the Men already in the ­Water; upon this, I immediately man’d4357 out our Pinnace, which we had kept close by our Side, with ­Orders to pick up some of the Men if they could, and save them from drowning, and immediately to come on board with them,4358 ­because we saw the rest of the Boats began to come up; our Men in the Pinnace followed4359 their ­Orders, and took up three Men; one of which,4360 was just drowning, and it was a good while before we could recover him; as soon as they ­were on board,4361 we crowded all the Sail we could make, and stood farther out to Sea, and we found that when the other three Boats came up to the first two, they gave over their Chace.4362 Being thus deliver’d from a Danger, which tho’4363 I knew not the Reason of it, yet seem’d to be much greater than I apprehended; I took Care that we would change our Course, and not let any one imagine whither4364 we w ­ ere g­ oing; so we stood out to Sea Eastward,‡ quite out of the Course of all Europian Ships, ­whether they ­were bound to China, or any where ­else, within the Commerce of the Europian Nations. When4365 we ­were now at Sea, we began to consult with the two Seamen, and enquire first what the meaning4366 of all this should be, and the Dutch Man4367 let us into the secret of it at once; telling us4368 that the Fellow that sold us the Ship, as we said, was no more than a Thief, that had run away with her: Then he told us, how the Captain, whose Name too he told us, tho’ I do not remember, was treacherously murther’d4369 by the Natives on the Coast of Mallaca,§ with three of his Men, and that he, the Dutch Man,4370 and four more, got into the Woods, where they wandered4371 about a ­great while; till4372 at length, he in par­tic­u­lar, in a miraculous Manner4373 made his Escape, and swam off to a Dutch Ship, which sailing near the Shore, in its Way from China, had sent their Boat on Shore for fresh ­Water; that he durst not come to that Part of the Shore¶ where the Boat was, but shift** in the Night, to take the W ­ ater†† farther off, and the4374 Ship’s Boat took him up. * war’d the Ship] Veered or turned. See the text of the Hydrographer’s edition, 383. Sometimes specifically turning by using the wind. Gentleman’s Dictionary (pt. 3, sig. Kkk1v) gives the phrase “WAR no more” in place of “veer no more” in a manner similar to Defoe’s. †  Quarter] The upper part of the ship’s stern. See OED. ‡  Eastward] China would have been to the northeast. §  Mallaca] The lower part of the Malay Peninsula was called Malacca. See Moll, Atlas Manuale, map 21. ¶  that Part of the Shore] Presumably the Dutch sailor was still fearful of meeting the same fate at the hands of the natives as the captain and the three crew members who had been murdered. ** shift] Shifted, provided for his safety. See OED. ††  take the ­Water] Modern usage would be take to the ­water.

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He then told us, that he went to Battavia, where two of the Sea-­men belonging to the Ship arriv’d,4375 having deserted the rest in their Travels, and gave an Account that the Fellow4376 who had run away with the Ship, sold her at Bengale,4377 to a Set of Pirates,* which ­were gone a Cruising in her; and that they had already taken an En­glish Ship4378 and two Dutch Ships very richly laden. This ­later Part4379 we found to concern us directly, and tho’ we knew it to be false; yet as my Partner said very well, if we had fallen into their Hands, and they had had such a Prepossession against us beforehand,4380 it had been in vain for us to have defended our selves, or to hope for any good Quarter† at their Hands, and especially4381 considering that our Accusers had been our Judges,‡ and that we could have expected nothing from them, but what Rage would have dictated, and an4382 ungoverned passion have executed; and4383 therefore it was his Opinion, we should go directly back to Bengale,4384 from whence we came, without putting in at any Port what­ever; ­because ­there, we could give a good Account of our selves, could4385 prove where we ­were when the Ship put in, who4386 we bought her of, and the like; and which was more than4387 all the rest, if we w ­ ere put to the Necessity of bringing it before the proper Judges, we should be sure to have some Justice, and not be hang’d first, and judg’d afterward.4388 I was4389 sometime of my Partner’s Opinion; but ­after a ­little more serious thinking, I told him, I thought it was a very ­great H ­ azard for us to attempt returning to Bengale, for that we w ­ ere on the wrong Side4390 of the Straits of Malacca; and that if the Alarm was given, we should be sure to be Way-­laid on e­ very side, as well by the Dutch of Battavia,4391 as the En­glish else-­where; that if we should be taken, as it ­were,4392 ­running away, we should even condemn our selves,§ and ­t here would want no more Evidence to destroy us;4393 I also asked the En­glish Sailor’s Opinion, who said, he4394 was of my Mind, and that we should certainly be taken. * sold her at Bengale . . . ​Pirates] Again, events that appear to have a vague connection to the “Worcester affair.” The ship that Captain Green was supposed to have taken, the Speedy Return, commanded by Captain Drummond, was captured off Madagascar by pirates led by Captain John Bowen. He was supposed to have been active in capturing ships around the Indian coast before destroying this vessel. See Kelly, “Worcester Affair,” 8. †  good Quarter] Terms of surrender that would have spared their lives. The OED provides a quotation concerning “quarter” from the siege of Magdeburg in the seventeenth ­century, when almost every­one was put to death by Tilly’s forces. During the 1690s rules of war ­were established that attempted to treat prisoners fairly. On the other hand, pirates ­were often considered to be at war with all mankind and therefore open to a dif­fer­ent kind of treatment. For the siege of Magdeburg, see above, notes to 158–159. For pirates as the enemies of mankind, see Defoe, General History of the Pyrates, 377–379. ‡  Accusers . . . ​Judges] In defending the ­handling of the Worcester affair that saw the punishment of Captain Green and his men as pirates during a period when t­ here was considerable anti-­English feeling in Scotland, Defoe argued, in the Review, that, w ­ hether ­t hose punished ­were guilty or not, the proceedings had been carried out according to the rules of the Scottish l­egal system. H ­ ere, through Crusoe’s Partner, Defoe is clearly making a commentary against what, in the United States, is now called “vigilante justice.” See Review, 2:90–92, 5:433. §  condemn our selves] By showing “consciousness of guilt,” a l­egal concept that, however vague it may be, remains part of the Anglo-­A merican system of jurisprudence.

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This Danger, a l­ittle startled my Partner and all the Ship’s Com­pany; and we immediately resolv’d4395 to go away to the Coast of4396 Tonquin,* and so on to the Coast of China, and pursuing the first Design4397 as to Trade, find some Way or other to dispose of the Ship, and come back in some of the Vessels of the Country, such as we could get:4398 This was approved of as the best Method for our Security; and accordingly we steer’d4399 away N. N. E. keeping above fifty Leagues off from the usual Course to the Eastward. This however4400 put us to some Incon­ve­niences; for first: the4401 Winds, when we came to the Distance from the Shore, seem’d to be more steadily against us, blowing almost Trade,† as we call it, from the East, and E.N.E. so that we w ­ ere a long while upon our Voyage, and we w ­ ere but ill provided with Victuals for so long a Voyage; and4402 which was still worse, ­t here was some Danger that t­ hose En­glish and Dutch Ships, whose Boats pursued us,4403 whereof some w ­ ere bound that Way, might be got in before us, and if not, some other Ship, bound to China, might have Information of us from them, and pursue us with the same Vigour. I must confess, I was now very uneasy, and thought myself,4404 including the late Escape from the Long-­Boats, to have been in4405 the most dangerous Condition that ever I was in thro’ all my past Life; for what­ever ill Circumstances I had been in, I was never pursu’d4406 for a Thief before; nor had I ever done any ­Thing that merited the Name of Dishonest or Fraudulent, much less, Thievish. I had chiefly been my own4407 ­Enemy, or as I may rightly say, I had been no Body’s4408 ­Enemy but my own: But now I was embarrass’d in the worst Condition imaginable;4409 for tho’ I was perfectly innocent, I was in no Condition to make that Innocence appear; and4410 if I had been taken, it had been ­under a supposed Guilt of the worst Kind; at least, a Crime esteem’d4411 so among the ­People I had to do with. This made me very anxious to make an Escape, tho’,4412 which Way to do it, I knew not, or what Port or Place we should go to; my4413 Partner seeing me thus dejected, tho’ he was the most concern’d at first, began to encourage me; and discribiing to me the several Ports of that Coast, told me he would put in on the Coast of Cochinchina,4414‡ or the Bay of Tonquin,4415§ intending to go afterwards to Macao,¶ a Town once in the Possession of the Portuguese,4416 and where still a g­ reat many * Coast of Tonquin] Modern Vietnam. At the time, it was not the unified country that it is at pre­sent. †  blowing almost Trade] Blowing in the manner of the Trade Winds, constantly from one direction. The Hydrographer’s edition, composed during the age of sailing ships, has the following note: “A regular or periodical wind: t­ hese winds are partly general, and blow all the year round the same way; and partly periodical, i.e. half the year they blow one way, and the other half year on the opposite points: and ­t hose points and times of shifting differ in dif­fer­ ent parts of the ocean. ­These latter are what we call monsoon.” Hydrographer’s edition, 385n. ‡  Coast of Cochinchina] Modern Vietnam. §  Bay of Tonquin] The area of the sea between Vietnam and China is still called the Bay of Tonkin. ¶  Macao] An island to the southwest of Hong Kong, ­until recently controlled by the Portuguese. It is still famous as a place for gambling.

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Eu­ro­pe­an Families resided, and particularly the missionary4417 Priests* usually went thither, in order4418 to their g­ oing forward to China. Hither then we resolv’d4419 to go; and accordingly, tho’ ­after a tedious and irregular Course, and very much straitned4420 for Provisions, we came within Sight of the Coast very early in the Morning; and upon Reflection4421 upon the past Circumstances we ­were in, and the Danger if we had not escaped, we resolv’d to put into a small River, which however4422 had a Depth enough of ­Water for us, and to see if we could, e­ ither over Land, or by the Ship’s Pinnace, come to know what Ships ­were in any Port thereabouts. This happy Step, was indeed our Deliverance; for tho’ we did not immediately see any Eu­ro­pe­an Ships in the Bay of Tonquin, yet the next Morning ­t here came into the Bay two Dutch Ships,4423 and a third without any Colours spread out, but which we believ’d to be a Dutch Man,4424 pass’d by at about two Leagues Distance, steering for the Coast of China; and in the After­noon went by two En­glish Ships4425 steering the same Course; and thus, we thought, we saw our selves beset with Enemies, both one Way or other. The Place we ­were in was wild and barbarous,4426 the P ­ eople Thieves, even by Occupation or Profession; and tho’ it is true4427 we had not much to seek of them, and except getting a few Provisions, car’d not how l­ ittle we had to do with them, yet it was with much Difficulty4428 that we kept our selves from being insulted by them several Ways. We4429 ­were in a small River of this Country, within a few Leagues of its4430 utmost Limits Northward; and by our Boat we coasted North-­East to the Point of Land, which opens the ­great Bay of Tonquin; and it was in this beating up along the Shore, that4431 we discover’d, as above, that in a word,4432 we ­were surrounded with Enemies. The P ­ eople we w ­ ere among, w ­ ere the most barbarous† of all the Inhabitants4433 of the Coast; having no Correspondence with any other Nation, and dealing only in Fish, and Oil, and such gross Commodities; and it may be particularly seen, that they are, as I said, the most barbarous of any of the Inhabitants, (viz.) that4434 among other Customs they have this as one, (viz.) That if any Vessel have the Misfortune to be4435 shipwreck’d upon their Coast, they presently make4436 their4437 Men all Prisoners or Slaves; and it was not long before we4438 found a Spice of their Kindness this Way,4439 on the Occasion following. I have observ’d4440 above, that our Ship sprung a Leak at Sea, and that we could not find it out; and however, it happen’d, that as I have said4441 it was stopp’d unexpectedly in the happy Minute of our being to be seiz’d by the Dutch and En­glish Ships4442 in the Bay4443 of Siam; yet as we did not find the Ship so perfectly fit and sound as we desir’d, we resolv’d,4444 while we w ­ ere in this Place, to lay her on Shore, * missionary Priests] The Jesuits ­were particularly active in China during this period as they had been throughout the seventeenth ­century. Louis Le Comte, who arrived in China in 1687 and published a popu­lar description of China in 1696, was a member of this order. †  most barbarous] The Jesuit missionary Alexandre de Rhodes describes the Cochinchinese in laudatory terms as “innocent” and sweet tempered. See Rhodes of Vietnam [Divers voyages et missions du Père Alexandre de Rhodes en la Chine et autres royaumes de l’orient], trans. Solange Hertz (Westminster, MD: Newman Press, 1966), 53–54.

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take out what heavy Th ­ ings we had on Board, which w ­ ere not many, and to wash4445 4446 and clean her Bottom, and, if pos­si­ble, to find out where the Leaks w ­ ere. Accordingly, having lighten’d the Ship, and brought all our Guns4447 and other moveable ­Things to one Side,4448 we try’d to bring her down,* that we might come at her Bottom; but on second Thoughts4449 we did not care to lay her dry on Ground,4450 neither could we find out a proper Place for it. The Inhabitants,4451 who had never been acquainted with such a Sight, came wondring down to4452 the Shore, to look at us; and seeing the Ship lie4453 down on one Side in such a manner, and heeling in ­towards the Shore;4454 and not seeing our Men, who ­were at Work on her Bottom, with Stages4455† and with their Boats on the off-­Side,4456 they presently concluded, that the Ship was cast away, and lay so fast4457 on the Ground. On this Supposition4458 they came all about us in two or three Hours time,4459 with ten or twelve large Boats, having some of them eight, some ten Men in a Boat, intending, no doubt, to have come on Board, and plunder’d the Ship;4460 and if they had found us ­t here, to have carry’d us away for Slaves to their King, or what­ ever they call him; for we knew nothing4461 who was their Governour. When4462 they came up to the Ship, and began to row round her, they discover’d us all hard at Work on the Out-­side of the Ship’s Bottom and Side,4463 washing, and graving,‡ and stopping, as ­every seafaring4464 Man knows how. They4465 stood for a while gazing at us, and we, who ­were a ­little surpriz’d, could not imagine what their Design was; but,4466 being willing to be sure, we took this Opportunity4467 to get some of us into the Ship, and o ­ thers to hand down Arms and Ammunition to t­ hose that ­were at Work,4468 to defend themselves with,4469 if ­there should be Occasion; and it was no more than Need; for4470 in less than a quarter of an Hour’s Consultation, they agreed, it seems, that the Ship was ­really a Wreck, that we ­were all at Work4471 endeavouring to save her, or to save our Lives by the Help of our Boats, and when we handed4472 our Arms into the Boats, they concluded, by that Motion, that we ­were endeavouring to save some of our Goods; upon this they took it for granted4473 we all belong’d to them; and away they came down4474 upon our Men, as if it had been in a Line of B ­ attle. Our4475 Men, seeing so many of them, began to be frighted; for we lay but in an ill Posture to fight, and cry’d out to us to know what they should do:4476 I immediately call’d to the Men who work’d upon the Stages,4477 to slip them down, and get up the side4478 into the Ship; and bad ­t hose in the Boat to row round and come on * bring her down] This pro­cess was known as careening, or tilting a ship on one side “that her Sides or Bottom may be Trimm’d, Seams Caulk’d, or any ­t hing that’s faulty ­under ­Water, mended.” See Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 3, sig. Aaa7. †  Stages] In this case, a platform from which ­t hose attempting to caulk the ship would be able to do their work. The illustration to the Hydrographer’s edition of Robinson Crusoe (389) appears to show this as a floating platform, but the instruction to “slip them down” (below 184) suggests they ­were above the ­water line. ‡  graving] “GRAVING of a Ship, or To Grave a Ship; is to bring her to lie dry a-­ground, then burn off the old Filth that sticks to her Sides without board.” Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 3, sig. Ccc7v.

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Board; and4479 t­ hose few of us, who w ­ ere on Board, work’d with all the Strength4480 and Hands we had, to bring the Ship to Rights;* but however, neither the Men upon the Stages or4481 ­those in the Boats, could do as they ­were order’d, before the Cochinchinesses† ­were upon them;4482 and two4483 of their Boats boarded our Long-­Boat, and began to lay hold of the Men as their Prisoners. The first Man they laid hold of was an En­glish Seaman,4484 a stout strong Fellow, who having a Musket in his Hand, never offer’d4485 to fire it, but laid it down in the Boat, like a Fool, as I thought:4486 But he understood his Business better than I could teach him; for he grappled the Pagan, and dragg’d him4487 by main Force, out of their own Boat into ours; where,4488 taking him by the two Ears, he beat his Head, so against the Boat’s4489 Gunnel,‡ that the Fellow dy’d4490 instantly in his Hands; and in the mean time,4491 a Dutch Man, who stood next, took up the Musket, and with the But-­end of it, so laid about him, that he knock’d down five of them, who attempted to enter the Boat;4492 But this was ­doing l­ ittle t­ owards resisting thirty or fourty4493 Men, who fearless, b ­ ecause ignorant of their Danger, began to throw themselves into the Long-­Boat, where we had but five Men in all to defend it: But one Accident gave our Men a compleat4494 Victory, which deserv’d our Laughter rather than any Th ­ ing ­else, and4495 that was this:4496 4497 Our Carpenter being preparing to grave the Out-­side of the Ship, as well as to pay the Seams,§ where he had caulk’d her to stop the Leakes,4498 had got two ­Kettles just let down into the Boat; one fill’d with boiling Pitch, and the other with, Tallow, and Oil, and such Stuff,4499 as the Ship-­Wrights use for that Work; and the Man that tended the Carpenter,4500 had a ­great ladle in his Hand, with which he supply’d4501 the Men that w ­ ere at Work with that hot Stuff; two of the Enemies4502 Men entred the Boat just where this Fellow stood, being in the Fore-­sheets; he immediately saluted them with a Ladle full of the Stuff, boiling hot, which so burnt4503 and scalded them being half naked, that they roar’d4504 out like two Bulls, and, enrag’d with the Fire, leap’d both into the Sea: The Carpenter saw it, and cry’d4505 out, Well done, Jack, give them some more of it; and stepping foreward4506 himself, takes one of their Mops, and dipping it in the Pitch-­Pot, he4507 and his Man threw it among them so plentifully that,4508 in short, of all the Men in three Boats, t­ here was not one that was not scalded, and burnt with it in a most frightful pitiful4509 Manner, and made such a Howling and Crying,4510 that I never heard a worse Noise, and indeed nothing like it; for it is worth observing, That tho’4511 Pain naturally makes all ­People cry out, yet ­every Nation has4512 a par­tic­u­lar Way of Exclamation,¶ and make4513 Noises as dif­fer­ent from one another, as their Speech; * to Rights] Upright. †  Cochinchinesses] The attempt to add an ses or, in this case, sses as a way of creating a plural form for Chinese was common at this time. ‡  Gunnel] Also gun-­wale, gun-­wail, or wun-­wale, the upper edge of the boat’s side. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary, 142. §  pay the Seams] To lay hot pitch and tar on the bottom of the ship ­a fter caulking. ¶  Way of Exclamation] This comment may be partly true and belongs to the discussion of language and emotion that is a subtext r­ unning through The Farther Adventures. But it is also part of the negative folklore about the Far East that produced the sound “Aiiieeeee” in

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I cannot give the Noise,4514 ­t hese Creatures made, a better Name than Howling, nor a Name more proper to the Tone of it; for I never heard any ­Thing more like the Noise of the Wolves, which as I have said, I heard howl in the Forest on the Frontiers of Languedoc.* I was never pleas’d with a Victory better in my Life; not only as it was a perfect Surprize4515 to me, and that our Danger was imminent before: but4516 as we got this Victory without any Blood shed, except of that Man4517 the Fellow kill’d with his naked Hands, and which I was4518 very much concern’d at; for I was sick of killing such poor Savage4519 Wretches, even tho’ it was in my own Defence, knowing they came on Errands4520 which they thought just, and knew no better; and4521 that tho’ it may be a just Th ­ ing, ­because necessary, for ­t here is no necessary Wickedness in Nature,† yet I thought it was a sad life, which we must be always oblig’d4522 to be killing our Fellow-­Creatures to preserve,‡ and indeed I think so still;4523 and I would even now suffer a ­great deal, rather than I would take away the Life, even of that Person injuring me:4524 And I believe, all considering P ­ eople, who know the Value of Life, would be of my Opinion,4525 at least, they would, if they entred seriously into the Consideration4526 of it. But to return to my Story, all4527 the while this was ­doing, my Partner and I, who manag’d the rest of the Men on Board,4528 had with ­great Dexterity brought the Ship almost to Rights;4529 and having gotten the Guns into their Places again, the Gunner call’d to me,4530 to bid our Boat get out of the Way, for he would let fly among them. I call’d back again to him,4531 and bid him not offer to fire, for the Carpenter would do the Work without him, but bad him heat another Pitch-­Kettle, which our Cook, who was on Board, took Care of: But the ­Enemy w ­ ere so terrify’d with what they had4532 met with in their first Attack,4533 that they would not come on again; and4534 some of them that w ­ ere farthest off, seeing the Ship swim, as it ­were upright, begun, as we supposed, to see their ­Mistake, and give over the Enterprize, finding it was not as they expected:4535 Thus we got clear of this merry Fight; and having gotten some Rice, and some Roots, and Bread, with about sixteen good big Hogs on Board, two Days before,4536 we resolv’d to stay ­here no longer, but go foreward4537 what­ever came of it; for we made no Doubt but we should be surrounded the next Day with Rogues enough, perhaps more than our Pitch ­Kettle4538 would dispose of for us. the speech balloons of twentieth-­century comic books or comic strips such as Terry and the Pirates. See Jeffery Chan, Frank Chin, et  al., eds., The Big Aiiieeeee (New York: Penguin, 1991), xi. * Wolves . . . ​Languedoc] See the end of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures as Crusoe returns to ­England through Spain and into France. †  no necessary Wickedness in Nature] According to Natu­ral Law doctrine, “necessity,” or acting out of the need to preserve one’s life, was part of the system of nature created by God. ­Under ­t hese circumstances, no action of this kind could be judged to be wicked. See above, the notes to 29 and 34. ‡  sad Life . . . ​preserve] This condemnation of the almost inevitable cost of life involved in colonial enterprises rises, in part, from Crusoe’s internal strug­gle with his feelings about the cannibals who come to his island to hold their feasts in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures.

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We therefore got all our Th ­ ings on Board4539 the same Eve­ning, and the next Morning was ready to sail; in4540 the mean time, lying at an Anchor at some Distance,4541 we w ­ ere not so much concern’d, being now in a fighting Posture, as well as in a sailing Posture, if any E ­ nemy had presented:4542 The next Day having finish’d our Work within Board,4543 and finding our Ship was perfectly heal’d of all her Leaks, we set sail; we4544 would have gone into the Bay of Tonquin; for we wanted to inform ourselves of what was to be known concerning the Dutch Ships that had been ­there;4545 but we durst not stand in ­there,4546 b ­ ecause we had seen several Ships go in, as we suppos’d,4547 but a ­little before; so we kept on N. E. ­towards the Isle of Formosa,* as much afraid of being seen by a Dutch or En­glish Merchant Ship, as a Dutch or En­glish Merchant Ship in the Mediterranean4548 is of an Algerine Man of War.† When we w ­ ere thus got to Sea, we kept out4549 N. E. as if we would go to the Munillas or the Phillippine Islands; and this we did,4550 that we might not fall into the Way of any of our4551 Eu­ro­pe­an Ships; and then we steer’d North ’till we came to the Latitude of 22 Degrees, 30 Min.;4552‡ by which Means we made the Island Formosa4553 directly, where we came to an Anchor, in order to get ­Water4554 and fresh Provisions, which the ­People ­t here, who are very courteous and civil in their Manners,4555 supply’d us with willingly, and dealt very fairly and punctually with us in all their Agreements and Bargains; which is what we did not find among other ­People; and may be owing to the Remains of Chris­tian­ity, which was once planted ­here by a Dutch Missionary of Protestants,4556§ and is a Testimony of what I have often observ’d, viz. That the Christian Religion always civilizes the P ­ eople, and reforms their Manners, where it is receiv’d, ­whether it works4557 saving Effects upon them or no. From4558 hence we sail’d still North, keeping the Coast of China at an equal Distance, ’till4559 we knew we w ­ ere beyond all the Ports of China, where our Eu­ro­pe­an Ships usually come; being resolv’d, if pos­si­ble, not to fall into any of their Hands, especially in this Country, where, as our Circumstances ­were, we could not fail of being entirely ruin’d; nay, so ­great was my Fear in par­tic­u ­lar, as to my being taken by them, that I believe firmly, I would much rather have chosen to fall into the Hands of the Spanish Inquisition. * Isle of Formosa] Modern Taiwan off the coast of China. †  Algerine Man of War] Such ships, operating out of Algiers and other coastal ports, preyed upon Eu­ro­pean shipping. Defoe dealt with Crusoe’s capture and enslavement at Salé in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures. Bohun identifies the home port of Algiers as being “Famous for Piracies” and recounts a number of attempts by En­glish fleets to keep ­these pirates u ­ nder control. See Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sigs. B7–­B7v. ‡  22 Degrees, 30 Min.] This would have to be near the southern tip of the island. §  Dutch Missionary of Protestants] Taiwan (Formosa) was once in the possession of the Dutch East India Com­pany, but the Dutch ­were expelled in 1661–1662 a­ fter a rebellion by the natives led by Coxinia or Coxinga. It soon a­ fter came ­under the control of China. See Arnoldus Montanus, Atlas Chiniensis, in An Embassy from the East-­India Com­pany of the United Provinces to the ­Grand Tartar Cham Emperour of China, trans. John Ogilby, 2 vols. (London, 1669–1671), 1:111. See also the plate depicting the Dutch settlement at Zelandia, 1:38–39.

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Being now come to the Latitude of 30 Degrees,4560 we resolv’d to put into the first trading Port we should come at; and standing in for the Shore, a Boat came off two Leagues to us, with an old Portuguese Pi­lot on Board,4561 who knowing us to be an Eu­ro­pe­an Ship, came to offer his Ser­v ice, which indeed we ­were very glad of, and took him on Board; upon which, without asking us ­whether4562 we would go, he dismiss’d the Boat he came in, and sent them4563 back. I thought4564 it was now so much in our Choice, to make the old Man carry us whither we would;4565 that I began to talk with him about carry­ing us4566 to the Gulph of Nanquin,* which is the most Northern Part of the Coast of China:† The old Man said he knew the Gulph of Nanquin very well; but smiling, ask’d us what we would do t­ here?4567 I told him, we would sell our Cargo, and purchase China Wares,4568 Callicoes, raw Silks, Tea, Wrought-­Silks,4569 &c. and so would return by the same Course we came:4570 He told us our best Port had been to have put in at Macao, where we could not have fail’d4571 of a Market for our Opium, to our Satisfaction, and might for our Money have purchas’d4572 all Sorts of China Goods,4573 as cheap as we could at Nanquin. Not4574 being able to put the old Man out of his Talk, of which he was very opiniated or conceited, I told him, we ­were Gentlemen,4575 as well as Merchants,‡ and that we had a Mind to go and see the g­ reat City of Pecking,4576§ and the famous Court of the Monarch of China. Why then, says the old Man, you should go to Ningpo,¶ where,4577 by the River which runs into the Sea t­ here, you may go up within * Gulph of Nanquin] Modern Nanjing, sometimes Nanking, is on the Yangtze river hundreds of miles from where it empties into the East China Sea. In his section of Atlas Maritimus (222), Defoe confessed that despite disbelief about many of the won­ders reported by travelers concerning China, he was “almost convinc’d” that some w ­ ere true, and this included the notion that “Nanking” was a city with a huge population, perhaps close to eight million ­people. †  most Northern . . . ​China] Although the Gulf of Nanjing is in the north, China’s coast extends much further to the north. ‡  Gentlemen, as well as Merchants] Defoe did not believe that working at some kind of profession, such as that of a merchant, disqualified a person from being able to lay claim to gentility. His Compleat En­glish Gentleman, which was not published from the manuscript ­until 1890 by Karl Bülbring, was an attempt to prove this point. §  Pecking] Modern Beijing, the capital of modern China and the former seat of the Emperors. It is located in the northeastern section of China, not far from the border with Inner Mongolia (Nei Mongol) and from the section of the ­Great Wall intended to keep out the northern tribes. ¶  Ningpo] Modern Ningbo, just south of latitude 30°. Traders from Eu­rope to China generally fared best at Canton. Ningbo was the scene of anti-­foreign and specifically anti-­ Portuguese riots in 1545, but during the reign of Kangxi (1661–1722) the Chinese attitude ­toward trade with the West improved. Nevertheless, it appears that the duties at Ningbo ­were much higher than at Canton and that sometimes foreign commerce at that city was entirely forbidden. See Earl Pritchard, Anglo-­Chinese Relations during the Seventeenth and Eigh­teenth Centuries (New York: Octagon, 1970; reprint of 1929 volume), 97; and Hosea Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Com­pany Trading to China, 5 vols. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1926–1929), 1:241, 5:54–55. Defoe mentions this port in Atlas Maritimus, 223.

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five Leagues of the ­Great Canal.* This Canal is a navigable River,† which goes thorow4578 the Heart of that vast Empire of China, crosses all the Rivers, passes some considerable Hills4579 by the Help of Sluices and Gates, and goes up to the City of Pecking,4580 being in Length near 270 Leagues. Well,4581 said I, Seignior Portuguese, but that is not our Business now: The ­great Question is, If4582 you can carry us up to the City of Nanquin, from whence we can travel to Pecking4583 afterwards? Yes, he said, he could do so very well, and that ­there was a ­great Dutch Ship‡ gone up that Way just before.4584 This gave me a ­little Shock; and a Dutch Ship was now our Terror, and4585 we had much rather have met the Dev­il,4586 at least, if he had not come in too frightful a Figure; and4587 we depended upon it, that a Dutch Ship would be our Destruction, for we ­were in no Condition to fight them; all the Ships they trade with into4588 ­t hose Parts being of ­great Burthen, and of much greater Force than we ­were. The old Man found me a ­little confus’d,4589 and ­under some Concern, when he nam’d a Dutch Ship, and said to me, Sir4590 you need be ­under no Apprehensions4591 of the Dutch, I suppose they are not now at War with your Nation: No, says I,4592 that’s true; but I know not what Liberties Men may take when they are out of the Reach of the Law:4593 Why, says he, you are no Pirates, what need you4594 fear? They ­will not meddle with peaceable Merchants sure. If I had any Blood in my Body that did not flie4595 up into my Face at that Word, it was hinder’d by some Stop in the Vessels, appointed by Nature to prevent4596 it; for it put me into the greatest Disorder and Confusion imaginable: Nor4597 was it pos­si­ble for me to conceal it so, but that the old Man easily perceiv’d it. Sir, says he, I find you are in some Disorder in your Thoughts at my Talk,4598 pray be pleas’d to go which Way you think fit, and depend upon it, I’ll do you all the Ser­v ice I can. Why, Seignior, said I, it is true4599 I am a l­ittle unsettled in my Resolution at this Time whither to go in par­tic­u­lar;4600 and I am something more so, for what you said about Pirates, I hope t­ here are no Pirates4601 in t­ hese Seas; we are but in an ill Condition to meet with them;4602 for you see we have but a small Force, and but very weakly mann’d.4603 O Sir, says he, do not be concern’d, I do not know that t­ here has been any Pirates in ­t hese Seas ­t hese fifteen Years, except one which was seen, as I hear, in the Bay of Siam, about a Month since,4604 but you may be assur’d4605 she is gone to the Southward; nor was she a Ship of any g­ reat Force, or fit for the Work; she was not * ­Great Canal] Though one of the marvels of ancient China, it was not quite as famous as the ­Great Wall. It extended 1,200 miles, connecting the north and south of China. Parts may have been constructed as early as 486 B.C.E. Other sections ­were added in 1283 C.E. It still seemed a wonderful t­ hing to the British who visited China in the Macartney expedition in 1793–1794. See Alain Peyrefitte, The Immobile Empire, trans. Jon Rothschild (New York: Knopf, 1992), 80, 384. See also Matteo Ricci, China in the Sixteenth ­Century: The Journals of Matthew Ricci, 1583–1610, trans. Louis Gallagher (New York: Random House, 1953), 305. †  navigable River] Much of the ­Great Canal made use of China’s river system. ‡  Dutch Ship] The presence of Dutch ships in several passages is not surprising, since the Dutch negotiated a treaty with China as early as 1655 that allowed them to trade with that nation. See Pritchard, Anglo-­Chinese Relations, 98.

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built4606 for a Privateer,* but was run away with by a reprobate4607 Crew that ­were on Board, a­ fter the Captain and some of his Men had been murther’d by the Malayans, at4608 or near the Island of Sumatra. What! SAID I, seeming to know nothing of the M ­ atter, Did4609 they murther the Captain?† No, said he, I do not understand that they murther’d4610 him; but as they afterwards run away with the Ship, it is generally believ’d they betray’d4611 him into the Hands of the Malayans, who did murther him, and perhaps they procur’d4612 them to do it: Why then, said I, they deserve Death as much as if they had done it themselves:4613 Nay, says the old Man, they do deserve it, and they ­w ill certainly have it, if they light upon any En­glish or Dutch Ship; for they have all agreed together, that if they meet that Rogue, they w ­ ill give him no Quarter. But, said I to him, you say the Pirate is gone out of ­t hose Seas, how can they meet with him?4614 Why, that is true, says he,4615 they do say so; but he was, as I tell you, in the Bay of Siam, in the River Cambodia, and was discover’d ­t here by some Dutch Men who belong’d4616 to the Ship, and who w ­ ere left on Shore when they run away with her; and4617 some En­glish and Dutch Traders being in the River, they ­were within a ­little of taking him:4618 Nay, said he, if the foremost Boats had been well seconded by the rest, they had certainly taken him; but he finding only two Boats within Reach of him, tack’d about, and fir’d at t­ hese two, and disabled them before the other came up, and then standing off to Sea, the other w ­ ere not able to follow him, and so he got away:4619 But they have all so exact a Description of the Ship, that they w ­ ill be sure to know him; and where-­ever4620 they find him, they have vow’d to give no Quarter4621 to ­either the Captain, or the Seamen, but to hang them all up at the Yard-­Arm. What! says I, w ­ ill they execute them right or wrong,4622 hang them first, and judge them afterwards? O Sir! says the old Pi­lot, ­there’s no Need4623 to make a formal Business of it with such Rogues as ­t hose, let them tye4624 them Back to Back, and set them a diving;‡ ’tis no more than they richly4625 deserve. I knew I had my old Man fast aboard,4626 and that he could do me no Harm, so that I turn’d short upon him: Well now, Seignior, said I,4627 and this is the very Reason, why I would have you carry us up to Nanquin, and not to put back to Macao,4628 or to any other Part of the Country, where the En­glish or Dutch Ships come; for be it known to you,4629 Seignior, ­those Captains of the En­glish and Dutch Ships, are a Parcel of rash, proud, insolent Fellows, that neither knows what belongs to Justice, nor how4630 to behave themselves, as the Laws of God and Nature direct; * Privateer] U ­ nder this entry, Falconer’s Marine Dictionary (220) describes “a vessel of war, armed and equipped by par­tic­u ­lar merchants . . . ​to cruise against the ­enemy, and take, sink, or burn their shipping.” This would have required both greater speed at sea and more guns than Crusoe’s ship possessed. †  murther the Captain] Crusoe’s seeming ignorance of this story does not disguise how quickly news may spread across half a continent, including news of his ship’s encounter with the boats attempting to take him and his crew as prisoners. ‡  Back to Back . . . ​diving] At Execution Dock in Wapping in the East, on the left bank of the Thames, pirates ­were hanged at the low ­water mark u ­ ntil three tides had washed over them. See Defoe, General History of the Pyrates, 676.

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but being proud of their Offices, and not understanding their Power, they would act the Murtherers to punish Robbers; would take upon them to insult Men4631 falsly accused, and determine them guilty without due Enquiry; and perhaps I may live to call some of them to an Account for it, where they may be taught how Justice is to be executed, and that no Man ­ought to be treated as a Criminal, ’till4632 some Evidence* may be had of the Crime, and that he is the Man. With this I told him, that this was the very Ship they attack’d,4633 and gave him a full Account of the Skirmish we had with their Boats, and how foolishly and coward-­like they behav’d.4634 I told him all the Story of our buying the Ship, and how the Dutch Men serv’d us.4635 I told him the Reasons I had to believe that this Story of killing the Master by the Malayans was true; as also the ­running away with the Ship; but4636 that it was all a Fiction of their own, to suggest that the Men w ­ ere turn’d Pirates; and they o ­ ught to have been sure it was so, before they had ventur’d to attack us by Surprize, and oblige us to resist them;4637 adding that they would have the Blood of ­t hose Men, who4638 we kill’d ­t here in our just Defence, to answer for. The4639 old Man was amaz’d at this Relation, and told us, we ­were very much in the Right4640 to go away to the North, and that if he might advise us, it should be to sell the Ship in China, which we might very well do, and buy or build another in the Country; and, said he, though4641 you w ­ ill not get so good a Ship, yet you may get one able enough to carry you and4642 all your Goods back again to Bengale,4643 or any where e­ lse. I told4644 him, I would take his Advice, when I came to any Port where I could find a Ship for my Turn, or get any Customer to buy this:4645 He reply’d, I should meet with Customers enough for the Ship at Nanquin, and that a Chinese Jonk4646† would serve me very well to go back again; and that he would procure me ­People, both to buy one4647 and sell the other. Well, but Seignior, says I, as you say they know4648 the Ship so well, I may4649 perhaps, if I follow your Mea­sures, be instrumental to bring some honest innocent4650 Men into a terrible Broil, and perhaps to be murther’d4651 in cold Blood; for wherever4652 they find the Ship, they w ­ ill prove the Guilt upon the Men, by proving this was the Ship, and so innocent Men may prob­ably be4653 overpower’d and murther’d: Why, says the old Man, I’ll4654 find out a Way to prevent that also; for * Evidence] Although Defoe argued that ­t here had been due pro­cess in the Worcester affair (see above, the note to 181) the nature of the evidence against Captain Green and his crew might not have satisfied an En­glish court. John Locke had put forward a number of rules for determining evidence in his Essay Concerning ­Human Understanding, including a sketch of weighing “The testimony of o ­ thers.” Th ­ ese w ­ ere to be codified by Sir Geoffrey Gilbert in The Law of Evidence and made part of British ­legal procedure. See Locke, An Essay Concerning ­Human Understanding, ed. Alexander Campbell Fraser, 2 vols. (New York: Dover, 1959; reprint of 1891 edition), 2:365–366 (4.15.4). †  Chinese Jonk] Modern spelling would be “junk.” Perhaps, from a Western standpoint, the most distinguishing features of ­t hese ships, found in the East Indies as well as China, ­were their sails which ­were often made of reeds rather than canvas and folded like an accordion when lowered. The g­ reat collection of works about China (see the note 201) compiled by John Ogilby between 1669 and 1671 has numerous illustrations of junks in China’s harbors.

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as I know all ­t hose Commanders you speak of very well, and ­shall see them all as they pass by, I ­will be sure to set them to4655 Rights in the ­Thing, and let them know that they had been so much in the4656 Wrong; that tho’ the ­People, who w ­ ere on board at first,4657 might run away with the Ship, yet it was not true that they had turned4658 Pirates; and that in par­tic­u­lar, ­t hese w ­ ere not the Men that first went off with the Ship, but innocently bought her for their Trade; and I am4659 persuaded4660 they ­w ill so far believe me, as at least to act more cautiously for the Time to come. Well, says I, And ­w ill you deliver one Message to them from me? Yes, I ­w ill, says he, if you ­w ill give it ­under your Hand in Writing, that I may be able to4661 prove, that it4662 came from you, and not out of my own4663 Head. I answered,4664 That I would readily give it him ­under my Hand;4665 so4666 I took a Pen, and Ink, and Paper, and wrote at large the Story of assaulting me with the Long-­Boats, &c. the pretended Reason of it, and the unjust cruel Design of it,4667 and concluded to the Commanders, that they had done what they not only should ha’4668 been asham’d of, but also, that if ever they came to ­England, and I liv’d to see them t­ here, they should all pay dearly for it, if the Laws of my Country* ­were not grown out of Use before I arrived4669 ­t here. My4670 old Pi­lot read this over and over again, and ask’d me several Times if I would stand to it? I answer’d,4671 I would stand to it as long as I had any ­Thing left in the World, being sensible that I should one Time4672 or other find an Opportunity to put it home to them:4673 But we had no Occasion ever to let the Pi­lot carry this Letter; for he never went back again: While t­ hose ­Things w ­ ere passing between us, by Way4674 of Discourse, we went forward,4675 directly for Nanquin, and in about thirteen Days Sail came to an Anchor at the South-­West4676 Point of the ­great Gulph of Nanquin, where, by the Way, I came by Accident to understand, that4677 two Dutch Ships ­were gone the length4678 before me, and that I should certainly fall into their Hands;4679 I consulted my Partner again in this Exigency, and he was as much at a Loss4680 as I was, and would very gladly have been safe on Shore almost any where; however, I was not in such Perplexity neither,4681 but I ask’d the old Pi­lot, if t­ here was no Creek or Harbour, which I might put in to,4682 and pursue my Business with the Chinese privately, and be in no Danger of the E ­ nemy; he4683 told me, if I would sail to the Southward about two and forty Leagues, t­ here was a ­little Port call’d Quinchang,† where the F ­ athers of the Mission4684‡ usually landed * Laws of my Country] The boats that attacked Crusoe’s ship u ­ nder the mistaken notion that they ­were attempting to capture a pirate ­were violating laws protecting private property and might be charged with attempted theft or even piracy, both of which ­were punishable by death. †  Quinchang] Prob­ably Jiangyin, a city on the Yangtze river east of Nanjing. In older atlases it appeared as Chin-­K iang or Ching-­K iang. The Jesuit missionary Matteo Ricci, calling it “Chiengan,” ­stopped h ­ ere in his attempt to reach Nanjing. See China in the Sixteenth ­Century, 265. ‡  ­Fathers of the Mission] ­These would prob­ably have been Jesuits, though ­there ­were also Franciscans and Dominicans in China. The Jesuits w ­ ere almost too successful in their efforts during this period. In 1716 an effort was made to curb their activities, and in 1724 all missionaries w ­ ere temporarily banished to Macao. See Pritchard, Anglo-­Chinese Relations, 105– 106. See also Earl Pritchard, The Crucial Years of Early Anglo-­Chinese Relations (New York:

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Figure 7. ​Crusoe Escaping from Cambodia Enters a Port in the North Part of China (1726 [original 1722]).

from Macoa, on their Pro­gress4685 to teach the Christian Religion to the Chineses, and where no Eu­ro­pe­an Ships ever put in; and if I thought to put in ­t here, I might consider what farther Course to take when I was on Shore: He confess’d,4686 he said, it was not a Place for Merchants, except that at at some certain Times, they had a Kind of a Fair ­t here,4687 when the Merchants from Japan came over thither to4688 buy the Chinese Merchandizes. We4689 all agreed to go back to this Place; the Name of the Port, as he call’d it, I may perhaps spell wrong; for I do not particularly remember it, having lost this, together with the Names of many other Places, set down in a l­ ittle Pocket-­Book, which was spoil’d by the ­Water, on an Accident, which I ­shall relate in its Order; but this I remember, that the Chinese,4690 or Japonese Merchants we corresponded with, call’d it by a differing Name* from that which our Portugueze4691 Pi­lot gave it, and pronounc’d it as above, Quinchang.4692 As we ­were unan­i­mous in our Resolutions4693 to go to this Place, we weigh’d the next Day, having only gone twice on Shore,4694 where we w ­ ere to get fresh W ­ ater; on both which Occasions,4695 the ­People of the Country ­were very civil to us, and brought us abundance4696 of Th ­ ings to sell to us; I mean, of Provisions, Plants, Roots, 4697 Tea, Rice, and some Fowls; but nothing without Money. We came to the other Port, (the Wind being contrary) not till4698 five Days, but it was very much to our Satisfaction; and I was joyful, and I may say, thankful, Octagon, 1970; reprint of 1936 ed.), 115; and Arnold Rowbotham, Missionary and Mandarin: The Jesuits at the Court of China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1942), 53–54. * differing Name] See the variety of pronunciations above in the note to 192.

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when I set my Foot safe on Shore; resolving,4699 and my Partner too, that if it was pos­si­ble to dispose of our selves and Effects,4700 any other Way, tho’ not ­every Way to our Satisfaction, we would never set one Foot on board4701 that unhappy Vessel more; and indeed I must acknowledge, that of all the Circumstances of Life,4702 that ever I had any Experience of, nothing makes Mankind so compleatly miserable,4703 as that, of being in constant Fear:4704 Well does the Scripture say, the Fear of Man brings a Snare;* it is a Life of Death, and the Mind is so entirely4705 suppress’d by it, that it is capable of no Relief; the animal Spirits† sink,4706 and all the Vigour of nature, which usually supports Men ­under other Afflictions, and is pre­sent to them in the greatest Exigencies, fails them h ­ ere. Nor did it fail of its usual4707 Operations upon the Fancy, by heightening e­ very Danger, representing the En­glish and Dutch Captains,4708 to be Men uncapable of hearing Reason, or of distinguishing between honest Men and Rogues; or between a Story calculated for our own Turn, made out of nothing, on Purpose to deceive;4709 and a true genuine Account of our w ­ hole Voyage, Pro­gress, and Design; for we might many Ways have convinc’d4710 any reasonable Creature, that we ­were not Pirates; the Goods we had on board,4711 the Course we steer’d, our frankly shewing our selves, and4712 entring into such and such Ports; and even our very Manner, the Force we had, the Number of Men, the few Arms, l­ittle Ammunition, short Provisions; all ­these would have serv’d4713 to convince any Men, that we ­were no Pirates; the Opium, and other Goods we had on board,4714 would make it appear, the Ship had been at Bengale;‡ the Dutch Men,4715 who it was said, had the Names of all the Men that was4716 in the Ship, might easily see that we w ­ ere a Mixture of En­glish, Portugueze,4717 and Indians, and but two Dutch Men on board: Th ­ ese, and many other par­tic­u­lar Circumstances,4718 might have made it evident to the Understanding of any Commander, whose Hands we might fall into, that we w ­ ere no Pirates. But4719 Fear, that blind useless Passion,§ work’d another Way, and threw us into the Vapours; it bewildred our Understandings, and set the Imagination at Work,4720 * Fear of Man . . . ​Snare] Proverbs 29:25. The passage continues, “but whoso putteth his trust in the Lord ­shall be safe.” †  animal Spirits] Equivalent h ­ ere to ner­vous energy or what we might think of as a flow of adrenaline. The belief in such an entity in the body was part of medical lore well into the nineteenth ­century. By 1738, the theory that such reactions w ­ ere controlled by the brain through the nerves had gained currency, but Chambers’s Cyclopaedia (1:1Aa2), published in that year, was reluctant to dismiss the idea entirely, while admitting that no one had ever found such a ­thing. Defoe seems to place the animal spirits in the heart and blood rather than the nerves. ‡  Opium . . . ​Bengale] Opium was a product grown in India and Af­ghan­i­stan and sold first by Arab and l­ ater Eu­ro­pean merchants to the Chinese, fostering addiction and consequent misery in China. As E ­ ngland gained domination in India, En­glish merchants, generally centered in Bengal, became the major exporters of this drug. By way of forcing China to open itself to this trade, Britain actually fought a series of wars with China during the nineteenth ­century. See Priscilla Napier, Barbarian Eye: Lord Napier in China, 1834 (London: Brassey’s, 1995), 64–66, 213, 238–239; and Rajat Kanta Ray, “Indian Society and the Establishment of British Supremacy, 1765–1818,” in The Oxford History of the British Empire, ed. P. J. Marshall and Alaine Low, 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 2:522–523. §  Fear, that blind useless Passion] Defoe may be echoing René Descartes’s The Passions of the Soul, where he wrote of this passion, “I do not see that it can ever be praiseworthy or useful.”

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to form a thousand terrible Th ­ ings, that perhaps might never happen; we first 4721 suppos’d, as indeed e­ very Body had related to us, that the Seamen on board the En­glish and Dutch Ships, but especially4722 the Dutch, ­were so enraged at the Name of a Pirate, and especially at our beating of their Boats, and escaping, that they would not give themselves leave4723 to enquire, ­whether we ­were Pirates or no; but would execute4724 us off Hand, as we call it, without giving us any Room for a Defence; we reflected4725 that ­t here was ­really so much apparent Evidence before them, that they would scarce enquire ­after any more; as first, That4726 the Ship was certainly the same, and that some of the Seamen among them knew her, and had been on board her; and secondly,4727 That when we had Intelligence at the River of4728 Cambodia, that they w ­ ere coming down to examine us, we fought their Boat and fled;4729 so that we made no doubt but they w ­ ere fully satisfy’d of our being Pirates, as we ­were satisfy’d of the contrary; and as I often said, I know not4730 but I should have been apt to have taken ­t hose4731 Circumstances for Evidence, if the ­Tables ­were turn’d, and my Case was theirs, and have made no Scruple of cutting all the Crew to Pieces,4732 without believing, or perhaps considering, what they might have to offer in their Defence. But4733 let that be how it w ­ ill, ­those ­were our Apprehensions; and both my Partner and I too,4734 scarce slept a Night,4735 without dreaming of Halters, and Yard-­ Arms; that is to say, Gibbets,* of fighting, and being taken; of killing and being kill’d; and one Night,4736 I was in such a Fury in my Dream,† fancying the Dutch Men4737 had boarded us, and I was knocking one of their Seamen down, that I struck my double Fist against the Side4738 of the Cabin I lay in, with such a Force,4739 as wounded my Hand most grievously, broke my Knuckles, and cut and bruised the Flesh;4740 so that it not only wak’d me out of my Sleep, but I was once afraid,4741 I should have lost two of my fin­gers. Another Apprehension I had, was of the cruel Usage we might4742 meet with from them, if we fell ill to their Hands; then the Story of Amboyna‡ came into my Head, and how the Dutch, might perhaps torture us, as they did our Country Men ­there; and make some of our Men, by Extremity4743 of Torture, confess ­those Crimes they never ­were guilty of; own themselves, and all of us to be Pirates, and so they would put us to death,4744 with a formal Appearance of Justice; and that they might Bravery, on the other hand, Descartes described as “always good, provided that the end proposed is good.” Philosophical Works, ed. Elizabeth Haldane and G.G.R.T. Ross, 2 vols. (New York: Dover, 1955; reproduced from the 1931 ed.), 1:412. * Halters . . . ​Gibbets] ­These are all metonymic symbols of execution by hanging. †  Fury in my Dream] Defoe seems to have been intrigued by the ways in which the body might respond involuntarily to strong emotions w ­ hether in the waking state or when asleep. In some ways, Crusoe’s strong reaction to his fear of fighting for his life bears some resemblance to the scene in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, when Crusoe finds himself involuntarily clamping his jaws together as he states his longing for some kind of companion on the island. See The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 157 and note. ‡  Story of Amboyna] For a discussion of the events at Amboyna and the En­glish preoccupation with this event during the seventeenth c­ entury, as an indication of Dutch perfidy, see the note above to 172.

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be tempted to do this, for the Gain of our Ship and Cargo, which was worth four or five thousand Pound, put altogether.4745 Th ­ ese4746 Th ­ ings tormented me and my Partner too, Night and Day; nor did we consider that the Captains of Ships4747 have no Authority to act thus; and if we had surrender’d Prisoners to them, they could not answer the destroying us, or torturing us, but would be accountable for it,4748 when they came into their own Country;4749 this I say, gave me no Satisfaction; for if they ­w ill act thus with us,4750 what Advantage would it be to us, that they would be call’d to an Account for it; or if we ­were first to be murthered, what Satisfaction would it be to us to have them punish’d4751 when they came Home? I cannot refrain taking Notice ­here, what Reflections I now had upon the past Variety of my par­tic­u­lar Circumstances; how hard I thought it was, that I who had spent forty Years in a Life of continued4752 Difficulties, and was at last come as it ­were to the Port or4753 Haven, which all Men drive at, (viz.) to have Rest and Plenty, should be a Voluntier in new Sorrows, by my own unhappy Choice; and that I, who had escaped4754 so many Dangers in my Youth, should now come to be hang’d in my old Age, and in so remote a Place, for a Crime I was not in the least inclin’d to, much less, ­really guilty of; and in a Place and Circumstance, where Innocence4755 was not like to be any Protection at all to me. A ­ fter4756 ­these Thoughts, something of Religion would come in; and I should4757 be considering, that this seem’d to me to be a Disposition of immediate Providence,4758 and I o ­ ught to look upon it, and submit to it as such; that altho’ I was innocent as to Men,4759 I was far from being innocent as to my Maker; and I ­ought to look in and examine, what other Crimes in my Life,4760 ­were most obvious to me; and for which,4761 Providence might justly inflict this Punishment, as a Retribution;4762 and that I ­ought to submit to this, just as I would to a Shipwreck, if it had pleased God,4763 to have brought such a Disaster upon me. In its Turn, Natu­ral Courage would some Times take4764 its Place; and then I would be talking my self4765 up to vigorous Resolutions, that I would not be taken, to be barbarously used by a Parcel of merciless Wretches,4766 in cold Blood; that it ­were much better to have fallen into the Hands of the Savages, who ­were Man-­ Eaters,4767 and who, I was sure, would feast upon me, when they had taken me;4768 than by t­ hose, who would perhaps glut their Rage upon me, by inhuman Tortures and Barbarities;* that in the Case of the Savages, I always resolv’d to die fighting, to the last Gasp;4769 and why should I not do so,4770 seeing it was much more dread* Tortures and Barbarities] Crusoe’s fear of being devoured by wild beasts and cannibals forms a significant psychological motif in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures. This sudden revival of anxiety over Dutch mistreatment has far less psychological depth, especially since, from the standpoint of the chronology of the novel, ­England had just been ­under the rule of William III, a Dutchman who had rescued ­England from James II and his threat of a gradual Catholic takeover. In addition, Defoe worshipped William III as a genuine hero. On the other hand, Defoe did not hesitate to mention the “horrid massacre” at Amboyna in Atlas Maritimus, 202, when he came to discuss the dominance of the Dutch in the East Indies.

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ful to me at least, to think of falling into ­t hese Mens Hands, than ever it was to think of being eaten by Men; for the Savages, give them their due,4771 would not eat a Man till4772 he was dead, and kill’d them first, as we do a Bullock; but that ­these Men had many Arts beyond the cruelty of Death: When ever4773 ­t hese Thoughts prevail’d, I was sure to put my self in a kind of Fever,4774 with the Agitations of a supposed Fight; my Blood would boil, and my Eyes sparkle,4775 as if I was engag’d; and I always resolv’d that I would take no Quarter at their Hands;4776 but even at last, if I could resist no longer, I would blow up the Ship and all that was in her, and leave them but ­little Booty to boast of. By how much the greater Weight,4777 the Anx­i­eties and Perplexities of ­t hese Th ­ ings4778 ­were to our Thoughts while we w ­ ere at Sea, by so much the greater was our Satisfaction, when we saw our selves4779 on Shore; and my Partner told me he dream’d, that he had a very heavy Load upon his Back,* which he was to carry up a Hill, and found that he was not able to stand long ­under it; but that the Portugueze Pi­lot4780 came and took it off of his Back, and the Hill dis­appear’d, the Ground before him shewing all smooth and plain,4781 and truly it was so, we ­were all like Men, who had a Load taken off their Backs. For4782 my Part, I had a Weight taken off from my Heart, that I was not able any longer to bear; and4783 as I said above, we resolv’d to go no more to Sea in that Ship: When we came on Shore, the old Pi­lot4784 who was now our Friend, got us a Lodging and a Ware-­house for our Goods, which4785 by the Way, was much the same; it was a l­ ittle House or Hut, with a large House joyning4786 to it, all built with Canes, and pallisadoed round with large Canes, to keep out pilfering Thieves, of which, it seems4787 t­ here w ­ ere not a few in that Country; however,4788 the Magistrates allowed us also a ­little Guard, and we had a Sentinel with a kind of Halberd, or Half-­pike,4789† who stood Sentinel4790 at our Door; to whom we allow’d a Pint4791 of Rice, and a ­little Piece of Money, about the Value of three Pence4792 per Day,‡ so that our Goods ­were kept very safe. The Fair or Mart,4793 usually kept in this Place, had been over some Time; however, we found that ­t here ­were three or four Jonks4794 in the River, and two Japanners, I mean, Ships from Japan,4795§ with Goods which they had bought in China, and ­were not gone away, having some Japonese4796 Merchants on Shore. * dream’d . . . ​Load upon his Back] This dream is reminiscent of that portrayed by John Bunyan in the opening of his Pilgrim’s Pro­gress, but this “Load” has nothing to do with the sin that Bunyan’s Christian bears. Instead it appears to symbolize a general sense of anxiety. See Pilgrim’s Pro­gress, ed. James Wharey and Roger Sarrock, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1960), 8. †  Half-­pike] The full pike was a kind of spear with a narrow point, thirteen to fourteen feet long. The “Half-­pike” was eight or nine feet long with an even smaller and narrower point. See Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 2, sigs. Ff3–­Ff3v. ‡  three Pence per Day] By En­glish standards, this would have been extremely low wages. §  Japan] Japa­nese merchants traded throughout the Far East and had access to Chinese markets that w ­ ere not open to Eu­ro­pe­a ns. On the other hand, at this time the only Eu­ro­pe­a ns granted access to trading with the Japa­nese ­were the Dutch, and their activities ­were l­ imited. See Atlas Maritimus, 224–225.

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The first Th ­ ing our old Portugueze4797 Pi­lot did for us, was to bring us acquainted with three missionary Romish Priests* who ­were in the Town,4798 and who had been ­t here some Time,4799 converting the ­People to Chris­tian­ity; but we thought they made but poor Work of it,4800 and made them but sorry Christians when they had done; however,4801 that was none of our Business: One of t­ hese was a French Man, who4802 they call’d F ­ ather Simon; he was a jolly well condition’d4803 Man, very f­ ree in his Conversation, not seeming so serious and grave,4804 as the other two did; one of whom was a Portugueze,4805 and the other a Genoese;† but F ­ ather Simon was4806 courteous, easy in his Manner, and very agreeable Com­pany; the4807 other two ­were more reserv’d, seem’d rigid and austere, and apply’d seriously to the Work they came about, (viz.) to talk with, and insinuate them selves among the Inhabitants, wherever4808 they had Opportunity; we4809 often eat and drank with ­those Men, and tho’ I must confess, the Conversion as they call it, of the Chineses4810 to Chris­tian­ity,‡ is so far from the true Conversion requir’d, to bring Heathen P ­ eople to the Faith of Christ, that it seems to amount to ­little more, than letting them know the Name of Christ, and4811 say some Prayers to the Virgin Mary, and her Son, in a Tongue which they understand not, and to cross themselves and the like; yet it must be confess’d, that t­ hese Religious, who4812 we call Missionaries, have a firm Belief§ that t­ hese P ­ eople ­shall be sav’d, and that they are the Instruments of it; and on this Account, they undergo not only the Fatigue of the Voyage, and ­Hazards of living in such Places, but oftentimes4813 Death it self, with the most violent Tortures, for the Sake4814 of this Work; and it would be a ­great Want of Charity in us, what­ever4815 Opinion we have of the Work it self, and the manner4816 of their ­doing it, if we should not have a good Opinion of their Zeal, who undertook4817 * Romish Priests] Roman Catholic missionaries. †  Genoese] From Genoa, now part of modern Italy but at this time an in­de­pen­dent city-­state. Bohun (Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sigs. R8v–­S1v), a­ fter recounting its fortunes as a ­great mercantile power, describes it as “Governed as a Common Wealth ­under a Duke, who is to continue but two years, and two Senates or Councils.” ‡  Conversion . . . ​Chris­tian­ity] As the following discussion makes clear, the reservation “as they call it” is intended to be at least partly ironic. Matteo Ricci, the first Jesuit priest to begin converting the Chinese to Chris­tian­ity with some success, proceeded with g­ reat caution and came to believe that some aspects of Chinese religion, such as ancestor worship, might be overlooked in attempting to gain converts. In 1700 Louis Le Comte’s Nouveaux mémoires sur l’état présent de la Chine (1696; 2nd ed., 1699) created considerable controversy by representing the Jesuit’s viewpoint on Chinese religion and conversion. On 19 November  1704 and again in 1710, the Vatican proclaimed that par­tic­u ­lar aspects of worshipping ancestors and the Emperor as a god would not be tolerated. A pamphlet of 1715, made u ­ nder the impression that the ­earlier edicts had not been put in place, demanded immediate enforcement of the Vatican’s decisions. See Rowbotham, Missionary and Mandarin, 62–65; Louis Le Comte, Lettre à Monseigneur le Duc du Mayne sur les cérémonies de la Chine (Paris, 1700), passim but especially 35; and Constitution de N.S.P. le Pape Clement XI (Rome, 1715), 7–8. §  firm Belief] Defoe keeps Crusoe in character as a believer in a broadly ecumenical Chris­ tian­ity and an admirer of the Catholic priest who converts W ­ ill Atkins and his wife to a genuine faith. It should be pointed out, however, that as a result of the Bangorian Controversy and its focus on “sincerity,” Defoe may well have come to admire t­ hose who held to and acted upon “firm Belief,” however wrongheaded such a belief may have been. See Novak, Daniel Defoe: Master of Fictions, 521–523.

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it with so many ­Hazards, and who have no Prospect of the least Temporal Advantage4818 to themselves. But to return to my Story; this French Priest,4819 ­Father Simon, was appointed it seems, by Order of the Chief of the Mission,4820 to go up to Peking,* the Royal Seat of the Chinese Emperor, and waited only for another Priest, who was order’d to come to him from Macao, to go along with him; and we scarce ever met together, but he was inviting me to go that Journey4821 telling me, how he would shew me all the glorious ­Things of that mighty Empire; and among the rest, the greatest City in the World; a City, said he, that your London,4822 and our Paris put together, cannot be equal to:4823 This was the City of Peking, which I confess is very ­great, and infinitely full of P ­ eople; but as I look’d4824 on t­ hose Th ­ ings with dif­fer­ent Eyes from other Men, so I s­ hall give my Opinion of them in few Words, when I come4825 in the Course of my Travels, to speak more particularly of them. But4826 first, I come to my Fryar or Missionary; dining with him one Day, and being very merry together, I shew’d some l­ ittle Inclination to go with him, and he press’d me and my Partner very hard, and with a ­great many Persuasions to consent; why ­Father Simon, says my Partner,4827 why should you desire our Com­pany so much: You4828 know we are Hereticks, and you do not love us, nor cannot4829 keep us Com­pany with any Plea­sure? O says he! You may perhaps be good Catholicks in Time;4830 my Business h ­ ere is to convert Heathens, and who knows,4831 but I may convert you to; very well, ­Father, said I, so you ­w ill preach4832 to us all the Way; I w ­ on’t be troublesome to you, says he;4833 our Religion does not divest us of good Manners;† besides, says he,4834 we are ­here like Countrymen, and so we are, compar’d to the Place we are in; and if you are4835 Hugonots,‡ and I a Catholick, we may be all Christians at last; at least,4836 said he, we are all Gentlemen, and we may converse so, without being uneasy to one another;4837 I lik’d that Part of his Discourse very well, and it began to put me in Mind of my Priest, that I had left in the Brasils; but this ­Father Simon did not come up to his Character, by a ­great deal; for tho’ ­Father Simon4838 had no Appearance of a Criminal4839 Levity in him nei* Peking] Modern Beijing. †  good Manners] An ideal for Defoe and for his age. ­Under the rubric of “Conversation,” Crusoe, in The Serious Reflections of Robinson Crusoe (75–76), extols the benefits of a benevolent outward be­hav­ior. While he was in Edinburgh, Defoe became an active member of the local Society for the Reformation of Manners. See Backscheider, Daniel Defoe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), 235–240. ‡  Hugonots] Usually spelled “Huguenots”; French Protestants. In 1685, a­ fter the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, a l­imited toleration of the Huguenots established originally in 1598, Louis XIV commanded that all Huguenots e­ ither leave France or accept Catholicism. As a result many fled to ­England or Holland. And during the years before 1685, the Huguenots had put up with a variety of indignities, torture, and even death. ­Under ­t hese circumstances, the comparison made by ­Father Simon does not seem entirely appropriate. See John Wolf, Louis XIV (New York: Norton, 1968), 378–401. For a detailed (Wolf would say exaggerated) account of the sufferings of the Huguenots in the years leading up to the revocation, see Jean Claude, A Short Account of the Complaints and Cruel Persecutions of the Protestants in the Kingdom of France (London, 1707). A shorter pamphlet by Claude appeared in 1686 as An Exact Account of the Persecutions and Oppressions of the Protestants in France.

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ther, yet he had not that Fund of Christian Zeal, strict Piety, and sincere Affection to Religion, that my other good Ecclesiastick had, of whom I have said so much. But to leave him a l­ittle, tho’ he never left us, nor solliciting4840 us to go with him; but we had something e­ lse before us at first;4841 for we had all this while our Ship, and our Merchandize to dispose of, and we began to be very doubtful what we should do, for we ­were now in a Place of very ­little Business; and once I was about to venture to sail for the River of Kilam,* and the City of Nanquin;† but4842 Providence seem’d now more visibly as I thought, than ever, to concern it self4843 in our Affair; and I was encouraged from this very Time, to think, I should one Way or other get out of this tangl’d4844 Circumstance, and be brought Home to my own Country again, tho’ I had not the least View of the Manner: and4845 when I began sometimes to think of it, could not imagine by what Method it was to be done:4846 Providence, I say, began h ­ ere to clear up our Way a ­little; and the4847 first ­Thing that offer’d was, that our old Portugueze Pi­lot4848 brought a Japan Merchant to us, who began to enquire what Goods we had;4849 and in the first Place, he bought all our Opium, and gave us a very good Price for it, paying us in Gold by Weight, some in small Peices4850 of their own Coin, and some in small Wedges,‡ of about ten or eleven Ounces each.4851 While4852 we w ­ ere dealing with him for our Opium, it came into my Head, that he might perhaps deal with us for the Ship too, and I order’d4853 the Interpreter to propose it to him; he4854 shrunk up his Shoulders at it, when it was first propos’d4855 to him; but in a few Days ­after, he came to me with one of the missionary4856 Priests for his Interpreter, and told me, he had a Proposal to make to me, and that was this; he4857 had bought a g­ reat Quantity of Goods of us, when he had no Thoughts (or Proposals4858 made to him) of buying the Ship;4859 and that therefore, he had not Money enough to pay for the Ship; but if I would let the same Men who ­were in the Ship navigate her, he would hire the Ship to go to Japan, and would send them from thence to the Philippine Islands with another Loading, which he would pay the Freight of, before they went from Japan; and that at their Return,4860 he would buy the Ship: I began to listen to his Proposal, and so ­eager did my Head still run upon Rambling, that I could not but begin to entertain a Notion of g­ oing my self with him, and so to sail from the Philippine Islands, away to the South Seas;§ and accordingly I ask’d4861 the Japonese4862 Merchant, if * River of Kilam] Prob­ably an oddly spelled version of the Chang river, another name for the Yangtze. This river would have taken Crusoe to Nanjing. In older atlases it was sometimes spelled “Kiang,” which is a ­little closer to “Kilam.” †  City of Nanquin] Nanking or, as it is spelled in modern atlases, Nanjing. In Ogilby’s collection of documents concerning China, it is described as China’s greatest city: “Although the Chineses reckon (except the chief Province of Peking, where the Court and Seat of the Emperor is kept) . . . ​yet setting aside the Emperor’s residence t­ here, it cannot be compar’d to this of Nanking, ­either in Magnitude, Fertility, or o ­ ught e­ lse.” Ogilby, China, 2:284). See also above, the note to 188. ‡  Wedges] Ingots of gold or silver, prob­ably in the shape of a wedge. See OED. §  South Seas] The islands of the Pacific along with Australia ­were alluring insofar as they ­were not yet properly explored. William Dampier’s South Sea Islander, Jeoly, with his strange tattoos, suggested the possibility of unknown and strange socie­ties. Dampier also held out the possibility that Jeoly’s island had ample supplies of gold. The explorations of Tahiti by

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he would not hire us to the Philippine Islands, and discharge us t­ here; he said, no4863 he could not do that, for then he could not have the return of his Cargo; but he would discharge us in Japan,4864 he said, at the Ship’s Return; well,4865 still I was for taking him at that Proposal, and g­ oing my self; but my Partner, wiser than my self, persuaded me from it,4866 representing the Dangers4867 as well of the Seas, as of the Japoneses, who are a false, cruel, and4868 treacherous ­People;* and then of the Spaniards,4869† at the Philippines, more false, more cruel, and more treacherous than they. But4870 to bring this long Turn of our Affairs to a Conclusion; the first ­Thing we had to do, was to consult with the Captain of the Ship, and with his Men, and know if they ­were willing to go to Japan; and while I was d ­ oing this, the young Man, who,4871 as I said, my Nephew had left with me as my Companion‡ for my Travels, came to me, and told me, that he thought4872 that Voyage promised very fair, and that ­there was a g­ reat Prospect of Advantage, and he would be very glad if I undertook it; but that if I would not, and would give him leave, he would go as a Merchant, or how I pleas’d to order him; that if ever he came to ­England, and I was ­t here and alive,4873 he would render me a faithful Account of his Success, and it shou’d be as much mine as I pleas’d.4874 I was r­ eally loth to part with him,4875 but considering the Prospect of Advantage4876 which was r­ eally considerable, and that he was a young Fellow, as likely to do well in it, as any I knew, I enclin’d to let him4877 go; but first I told him, I would consult my Partner, and give him an Answer the next Day; my Partner and I discours’d4878 about it, and my Partner made a most generous Offer; he told me, you know it has been an unlucky Ship, and we both resolve not to go to Sea in it again; if your Steward,4879 so he call’d my Man, ­will venture the Voyage, I’ll leave my Share of the Vessel to him and let him make his best4880 of it; and if we live to meet in ­England, and he meets with Success abroad, he ­shall account for one Half of the Profits of the Ship’s Freight to us, the other,4881 ­shall be his own.

Samuel Wallis, Louis Antoine de Bougainville, and James Cook in the 1760s ­were to electrify Eu­rope. See Dampier, New Voyage Round the World, 343–348. See also Andrew Sharp, ed., The Discovery of Australia (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963), 1–97. * Japoneses . . . ​treacherous ­People] It was prob­ably the sometimes violent suppression of the Jesuits and of Chris­tian­ity beginning in 1622 that earned the Japa­nese this reputation. This was ­a fter Saint Xavier had preached ­there with ­great success in 1556. In his Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary (sig. Y5), Bohun remarks that Chris­tian­ity “was extirpated by Fire and Sword . . . ​ [in] the bloodiest Persecution that ever was practised amongst men.” Tavernier remarked that “the Japonners are the most ingenious in cruelty of any ­people in the World.” See John Baptista Tavernier, A Collection of Several Relations & Treatises, ed. Edmund Everard (London, 1680), 12. †  Spaniards] Crusoe’s Partner reflects an attitude t­oward the Spanish that, as Crusoe remarked in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, arose from the cruel be­hav­ior of the Spanish t­ oward the native ­peoples of Amer­i­ca: “. . . ​for which the very Name of a Spaniard is reckon’d to be frightful and terrible to all P ­ eople of Humanity, or of Christian Compassion” (203). Crusoe’s experience with the Spanish Captain whom he rescues convinces him that, as a judgment upon con­temporary Spaniards, this was an unfair characterization. ‡  young Man . . . ​Companion] See the text of The Farther Adventures, 200–203.

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If my Partner, who was no Way concern’d4882 with my young Man, made him such an Offer, I could do no less than offer him the same; and all the Ship’s Com­ pany being willing to go with him, we made over Half4883 the Ship to him in Property, and took a Writing from him, obliging him to account for the other, and away he went to Japan:4884 The Japan Merchant prov’d a very punctual honest* Man to him, protected him at Japan, and got him a License to come on Shore,† which the Eu­ro­pe­ans in general,4885 have not lately obtain’d; pay’d4886 him his Freight very punctually, sent him to the Philippines, loaded with Japan, and China Wares,4887 and a Supra-­Cargo of their own, who trafficking with the Spaniards,4888 brought back Eu­ro­pe­an Goods again, and a g­ reat Quantity of Cloves, and other Spice;4889 and ­t here he was not only pay’d4890 his Freight very well, and at a very good Price, but being not willing to sell the Ship then,4891 the Merchant furnish’d him with Goods,4892 on his own Account; that for some Money, and some Spices of his own, which he brought with him, he went back to the Manillas to the Spaniards, where he sold his Cargo very well:4893 H ­ ere having gotten a good Acquaintance at Manilla, he got his Ship made a ­free Ship;‡ and the Governour of Manilla hired him, to go to Accapulco,4894§ in Amer­i­ca, on the Coast of Mexico, and gave him a License to Land4895 ­t here, and travel to Mexico, and to pass in any Spanish Ship to Eu­rope, with all his Men. He4896 made the Voyage to Accapulco very happily, and ­t here he sold his Ship; and having ­t here also obtain’d4897 Allowance to travel by Land, to Porto Bello,¶ he found Means some how or other, to get to Jamaica,4898** with all his Trea­sure; and

* Japan Merchant . . . ​honest] Although Crusoe has remarked that the Japa­nese ­were “false, cruel, and treacherous” (292), François Caron stressed the notion that they w ­ ere “faithful” and honorable in their dealings. See A True Description of the Mighty Kingdoms of Japan and Siam, trans. Roger Manley (London, 1671), 78. †  License . . . ​Shore] ­A fter the expulsion of the Portuguese and the Jesuits, the Japa­nese ­limited their Eu­ro­pean trade contacts to occasional ships from Holland. As Jonathan Swift remarked satirically, they showed by their trampling on a crucifix that, as a nation of traders, they disdained Chris­tian­ity and w ­ ere therefore dif­fer­ent from other Eu­ro­pe­a ns. Bohun (Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sig. Y5) notes that Dutch traders w ­ ere ­limited to a small peninsula for their activities. See also Swift, Gulliver’s Travels, in Prose Works, ed. Herbert Davis, 14 vols. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1939–1968), 11:216–217. ‡  ­free Ship] Once again, this image of a legitimate trade with the Spanish colonies had to remind readers of the Asiento Treaty with Spain that was supposed to give Britain an opportunity to send one ship a year to the Spanish colonies of Amer­i­ca. See above, the note to 72. §  Accapulco] This city on the west coast of Mexico was the port that received the richly laden Spanish galley from Manila once a year. William Dampier described how the ship he was on hovered about the coast of Mexico in a vain attempt to capture this rich prize. ¶  Porto Bello] Portobello in modern atlases. A city on the Ca­rib­bean Sea in modern Panama. In 1668 it was sacked by Henry Morgan and his buccaneers in a daring attack described vividly by Alexander [John] Exquemelin in The Buccaneers of Amer­i­ca, trans. William Stallybrass, Broadway Translations (London: George Routledge, no date), 135–142, a book Defoe knew well. ** Jamaica] This “very ­great Island,” as Bohun describes it, was taken by the En­glish from the Spaniards in 1653 and became the center of En­glish colonization in the West Indies. See Bohun, Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sigs. Y4–­Y4v.

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about eight Years ­after,4899 came to ­England exceeding Rich; of the which,4900 I s­ hall take Notice in its Place; in the mean Time, I return to our par­tic­u ­lar Affairs. Being4901 now to part with the Ship, and Ship’s Com­pany; it came before us of Course, to consider what Recompence we should give to the two Men, that gave us such timely Notice of the Design against us in the River of Cambodia: The Truth was, they had4902 done us a considerable Ser­v ice, and deserv’d well at our Hands; tho’4903 by the Way, they w ­ ere a ­Couple of Rogues too;* for as they believ’d the Story of our being Pirates, and that we had ­really run away with the Ship4904 they came down to us, not only to betray the Design that was form’d against us, but to go to Sea with us as Pirates; and one of them confess’d afterwards, that nothing e­ lse but the Hopes of ­going a Roguing brought him to do it; however,4905 the Ser­v ice they did us was not the less; and therefore, as I had promis’d4906 to be grateful to them, I first order’d the Money to be pay’d4907 to them, which they said was due to them on board their respective Ships; that is to say, the En­glish Man nineteen Months Pay, and to the Dutch Man seven; and over and above that,4908 I gave them, each of them, a small Sum of Money in Gold, and which contented them4909 very well; then4910 I made the En­glish Man4911 Gunner in the Ship, the Gunner being now made Second Mate,4912 and Purser; the Dutch Man,4913 I made Boatswain; so they ­were both very well pleas’d, and prov’d very ser­v iceable, being both able Seamen, and very stout Fellows. We ­were now on Shore in China; if I thought myself banish’d,4914 and remote from my own Country at Bengale,4915 where I had many Ways to get home for my Money; what could I think of my self4916 now? When I was gotten about a thousand Leagues farther off from Home,4917 and perfectly destitute of all Manner4918 of Prospect of Return. All4919 we had for it was this, that in about four Months Time, t­ here was to be another Fair at the Place where we ­were;4920 and then we might be able to purchase all sorts4921 of the Manufactures of the Country, and withal, might possibly find some Chinese Jonks or Vessels from Tonquin,4922 that would be to be sold, and would carry us and our Goods, whither we pleas’d;4923 this I lik’d very well, and resolv’d4924 to wait; besides, as our par­t ic­u ­lar4925 Persons ­were not obnoxious, so if any En­glish or Dutch Ships came thither, perhaps we might have an Opportunity to load our Goods, and get Passage to some other Place in India, nearer Home.4926† * ­Couple of Rogues] It was not uncommon for seamen to become privateers and pirates and perhaps even respectable businessmen at dif­fer­ent stages of their ­careers. The pirate life offered far more freedom than might be found anywhere ­else in E ­ ngland, and it was tempting to many. The life of “Sir” Henry Morgan suggested that something close to piracy might be easily forgiven if the success was g­ reat enough. See the account of Sir Henry Morgan, Dictionary of National Biography, 13:914–920; and Exquemelin, Buccaneers of Amer­i­ca, 119–223. See also Robert Ritchie, Pirates: Myths and Realities (Minneapolis: James Ford Bell Library, University of Minnesota, 1986). †  India, nearer Home] The “En­glish or Dutch Ships” to which Crusoe refers might be found in a number of factories up and down the west coast of India. He had previously mentioned Surat as a possibility, but ­t here ­were many ­others. See Atlas Maritimus, 193–194.

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Upon t­ hese Hopes we resolv’d to continue h ­ ere,4927 but to divert our selves,4928 we took two or three Journeys into the Country; first we went ten Days Journey to see the City of Nanquin, and a City well worth seeing indeed; they say it has a Million of ­People in it; which however,4929 I do not believe; it4930 is regularly built,* the Streets all exactly strait, and cross one another,4931 in direct Lines, which gives the Figure of it ­great Advantage. But when I come4932 to compare the miserable ­People of t­ hese Countries with ours, their Fabricks, their manner4933 of Living, their Government, their Religion, their Wealth, and their Glory, as some call it,4934 I must confess, I do not so much as think it is worth4935 naming, or worth my while to write of, or any that ­shall come a­ fter me to read. It is very observable4936 that we won­der at the Grandeur, the Riches, the Pomp,4937 the Ceremonies, the Government, the Manufactures, the Commerce, and the Conduct of ­t hese ­People; not that it is4938 to be won­der’d4939 at, or indeed in the least to be regarded; but ­because, having first a true Notion4940 of the Barbarity of ­t hose Countries,† the Rudeness and the Ignorance that prevails ­there, we do not expect to find any such ­t hings4941 so far off. Other­w ise, what are their Buildings to the Palaces and Royal4942 Buildings of Eu­rope? What their4943 Trade, to the universal Commerce of ­England, Holland, France and Spain?4944 What are4945 their Cities to ours, for Wealth, Strength, Gaiety of Apparel,4946 rich Furniture, and an infinite Variety? What are their Ports, supply’d with a few Jonks4947 and Barks, to our Navigation, our Merchant Fleets, our large and power­ful Navys? Our4948 City of London has more Trade than all their mighty Empire:4949 One En­glish, or Dutch, or French Man of War, of 80 Guns, would fight and4950 destroy all the Shipping of China:4951 But the Greatness of their Wealth, their Trade, the Power of their Government, and Strength of their Armies, is surprising to us, b ­ ecause, as I have said, considering them as a barbarous Nation of Pagans, ­little better than Savages, we did not expect such ­Things among them; * Nanquin . . . ​regularly built] Defoe, who was to complain about the formlessness of London as a “Disaster,” with buildings placed “in a most straggling, confus’d Manner, out of all Shape, uncompact and unequal,” had to be impressed by what he read of the regularity of a variety of Chinese cities. For example, he praised Canton as “regularly and exactly built, the Streets in exact Lines crossing one another.” See Tour, 1:316–317; and Atlas Maritimus, 200. See also Ogilby, China, 1:81–82. †  Barbarity of ­t hose Countries] Works such as Ogilby’s China along with some of the Jesuits’ accounts presented an image of China’s magnificence and its highly developed culture. But ­t here ­were a number of dissenters, among them Giovanni Ghirardini, who went on a voyage to China in 1698. Ghirardini thought t­ here was more show than substance to the Chinese. They gave names to places like “the port of the tiger,” but they ­were militarily weak. Their cities could not compare to Paris or Turin; their ­houses had no win­dows. He thought their ­music was like the meowing of cats and the barking of dogs, their painting far inferior to that of Eu­rope, and despite their politeness, he found their eating habits, particularly their lack of napkins at the t­ able, barbarous. He also noticed the deep poverty of the majority of ­people and the Mandarins carried in chairs by bare-­legged servants. See Ghirardini, Relation du voyage fait à la Chine . . . ​en l’année 1698 (Paris, 1700), 69–78. Defoe may have known this work since it appears in his library sale cata­log. See Heidenreich, The Libraries of Daniel Defoe and Phillips Farewell (Berlin: Heidenreich, 1970), 81.

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and this indeed is the Advantage with which all their Greatness and Power is represented to us; other­wise it is in itself4952 nothing at all; for as I have said of their Ships, so may be said of their Armies and Troops;* all4953 the Forces of their Empire, tho’ they w ­ ere to bring two Millions of Men into the Field together, would be able to do nothing but ruin the Country, and starve themselves:4954 If they ­were to besiege a strong Town in Flanders,† or to fight a disciplin’d Army,4955 one Line of German Curiassiers,‡ or of French4956 Cavalry, would overthrow all the Horse of China; A Million of their Foot could not stand before one embattled Body of our Infantry, posted so as not to be surrounded, tho’ they ­were to be not One4957 to Twenty in Number; nay, I do not boast, if I say4958 that 30000 German or En­glish Foot, and 10000 French Horse,§ would fairly beat all the Forces of China; and so of our fortified Towns, and of the Art of our Engineers¶ in assaulting and defending Towns; ­there’s not a fortified Town in China,4959 could hold out one Month against &c. the Batteries and Attacks of an Eu­ro­pe­an Army;** and at the same time, all the * Armies and Troops] Eu­ro­pe­ans w ­ ere astonished at the ease with which China was conquered by the Tatars in the seventeenth ­century, and in the eyes of many Eu­ro­pe­ans this seemed to suggest a kind of cowardice. The notion that the invaders would be gradually absorbed into Chinese society did not, for the most part, strike an appreciative chord in the West. †  besiege . . . ​Town in Flanders] Both the Nine Years’ War (1688–1697) and the War of the Spanish Succession (1702–1713), fought against Louis XIV by ­England and her allies, involved sieges. William III’s and E ­ ngland’s victory at the siege of Namur (1695) was one of g­ reat events in the first of ­t hese wars. ‡  German Curiassiers] Properly spelled “cuirassiers,” for their breastplates in front and backplates in the rear that ­were sometimes made of leather. Defoe wrote appreciatively of the warlike nature of ­these troops in his Memoirs of a Cavalier, ed. James Boulton (London: Oxford University Press, 1972), 62. §  French Horse] Defoe’s protagonist Col­o­nel Jack describes the military effectiveness of this group: “On the Right of the Royal Army, was Posted the Flower of the French Cavalry; Namely, the Gens de Arms, the Royal Carbineers, and the Queen’s Horse-­Guards . . . ; the Horse advanc’d first to Charge and they carried all before them Sword in Hand, receiving the Fire of two Imperial Regiments of Curiassers, without firing a Shot, and falling in among them, bore them down by the strength of their Horses, putting them into Confusion.” See The History and Remarkable Life of the Truly Honourable Col. Jacque Commonly Call’d Col­ o­nel Jack, ed. Samuel Monk (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), 219. ¶  Art of our Engineers] The importance of fortification methods in warfare during the end of the seventeenth and beginning of the eigh­teenth centuries is best displayed in the ­career of Sébastien le Prestre de Vauban (1633–1707), whose knowledge of fortifications brought him to the rank of Marshal of France. He worked closely with Louis XIV at the siege of Maestricht and in 1673 succeeded in achieving a French victory within twenty-­t wo days. He was equally ­adept at constructing fortifications, and his g­ reat reputation for creating impregnable bastions may have led to the overconfidence of the French defenders of Namur in 1695. L ­ ater in the c­ entury, the many terms of art concerning fortifications developed by Vauban and o ­ thers ­were to be the subject of Laurence Sterne’s satire in Tristram Shandy, a work in which ­Uncle Toby is made hors de combat at the siege of Namur. See Wolf, Louis XIV, 231–233, 531–532; and Stephen Baxter, William III (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1966), 327. ** Attacks of an Eu­ro­pe­an Army] A similar idea is expressed by the Jesuit Louis Le Comte, in assessing the strength of Chinese fortified cities: “I confess my lord, that in viewing all ­t hese Cities which their Inhabitants esteem the strongest in the World, I have often, with no l­ ittle Plea­sure, thought myself how easily Lewis the ­Great would subdue ­t hose Provinces, if Nature had made us a ­little nearer Neighbours to China.” Memoirs and Observations . . . ​Made in a Late Journey through the Empire of China (London, 1698), 73.

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Armies of4960 China could never take such a Town as Dunkirk,* provided it was not starv’d; no, not in a ten Years Siege:4961 They have Fire-­Arms, ’tis true, but they are awkward, clumsy, and uncertain in ­going off; They4962 have Powder, but it is of no Strength;† They4963 have neither Discipline in the Field, Exercise to their Arms, Skill to attack, or Temper to Retreat;4964 and therefore, I must confess, it seem’d strange to me, when I came home,4965 and heard our P ­ eople say such fine ­Things of the Power, Riches, Glory, Magnificence, and Trade of the Chinese; b ­ ecause I saw and knew,4966 that they w ­ ere a contemptible Hoord or Crowd of ignorant sordid Slaves;4967 subjected to a Government‡ qualified only to rule such a ­People; and in a word,4968 for I am now launch’d quite beside my Design, I say, in a word,4969 ­were not its Distance inconceivably4970 ­great from Muscovy, and was not the Muscovite Empire§ almost as rude, impotent, and ill-­govern’d4971 a Crowd of Slaves as they, the Czar4972 of Muscovy¶ might with much Ease drive them all out of their Country, and conquer them in one Campaign; and4973 had the Czar,4974 who I since hear is a growing Prince, and begins to appear formidable in the World, fallen this Way, instead of attacking the Warlike Swedes,** in which Attempt4975 none of the Powers * Dunkirk] A city in the northwestern corner of France. During wars between France and ­England, this well-­fortified port on the Straits of Dover was used by French privateers to attack En­glish and Dutch shipping during the Nine Years’ War and the War of the Spanish Succession. It had withstood a siege by the Dutch in 1628 but fell to Turenne in 1658. A ­ fter British ships had attempted to bombard the port without much success, Defoe wrote in his Review (4:570) at the beginning of 1708 that in the case of cities like Dunkirk, it is the army that has to besiege the ­enemy and “dig him out.” The destruction of the fortifications at Dunkirk was one of the conditions Britain set in the Treaty of Utrecht. See also David Ogg, Eu­rope in the 17th ­Century, 4th ed. (London: A&C Black, 1946), 224, 417; and Wolf, Louis XIV, 581. †  Powder . . . ​of no Strength] Ricci remarked about Chinese saltpeter that it was “plentiful but . . . ​not used extensively in the preparation of gunpowder, b ­ ecause the Chinese are not expert in the use of guns and artillery, and make but l­ittle use of t­ hese in warfare.” Instead they used it mainly for fireworks. See China in the Sixteenth C ­ entury, 18. ‡  sordid Slaves . . . ​Government] Since many observers of China came from governments that ­were despotic compared to E ­ ngland, they ­were impressed by the power of the Emperor and by the orderly nature of Chinese society. Defoe insists on applying Whig ideals to China and sees l­ ittle but tyranny and a subservient population. §  Muscovite Empire] The Rus­sian Empire. In his Atlas Manuale, Moll calls the nation “MOSCOVIA or RUSSIA.” ¶  Czar of Muscovy] Peter the ­Great (1672–1725). In the opening paragraphs of his Consolidator (1705), Defoe praised Peter for improving his country in general and his military in par­tic­u­ lar: “and we now see his Forces besieging strong Towns, with regular Approaches; and his Engineers raising Batteries, throwing Bombs, &c. like other Nations; whereas before, they had nothing of Order among them.” Peter had visited ­England for three months in January 1698 to inform himself about improvements he might make in his native country. See The Consolidator, ed. Michael Seidel, Maximillian Novak, and Joyce Kennedy (New York: AMS Press, 2001), 1. For the use of this title for Peter, see a work usually attributed to Defoe, The ­ ngland, see History of the Wars of His Late Majesty (London, 1720), 100. For Peter’s visit to E Robert Massie, Peter the ­Great: His Life and World (New York: Knopf, 1980), 207–209. ** Warlike Swedes] U ­ nder Gustavus Adolphus (1592–1631) and his Swedish troops the Protestant forces turned back the Catholic offensive during the Thirty Years’ War. Defoe memorialized him in his Memoirs of a Cavalier (1720). Defoe was far less enthusiastic about Charles XII, the Swedish monarch, whose military exploits caused his admirers to praise him as “The Alexander of the North.” He had been killed in ­battle at the siege of Fredrikshald a­ fter invading Norway.

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of Eu­rope would have envy’d or interrupted him; he might by this time4976 have been Emperor of China, instead of being beaten by the King of Sweden4977* at Narva,† when the latter was not One to Six in Number. As their Strength4978 and their Grandeur, so their Navigation, Commerce, and Husbandry4979 is imperfect and impotent, compar’d to the same ­Things in Eu­rope; also in their Knowledge, their Learning, their Skill in the Sciences; they4980 have Globes and Spheres,‡ and a Smatch§ of the Knowledge of the Mathematicks; but when you come to enquire4981 into their Knowledge, how short-­sighted are the wisest of their Students!4982 they know nothing of the Motion of the Heavenly Bodies;¶ and so grosly absurdly4983 ignorant, that when the Sun is eclips’d,** they think ’tis a g­ reat Dragon†† has assaulted it,4984 and run away with it, and they fall a clattering with all the Drums and K ­ ettles‡‡ in the Country, to fright the Monster away, just as we do to hive a Swarm of Bees. As this is the only Excursion of this kind4985 which I have made in all the Account I have given of my Travels, so I ­shall make no more Descriptions of Countrys and ­People, ’tis none of my Business,4986 or any part4987 of my Design; but giving an Account of my own Adventures, through4988 a Life of inimitable Wandrings, and * King of Sweden] Charles XII (reigned 1697–1718). Defoe thought that he led Sweden into military ventures that ­were ruinous to his country and was motivated by a love of warfare rather than the high ideals that had inspired Gustavus Adolphus. See Defoe, Review, 4:263– 264, 310, 460; 6:234–235. †  Narva] A town in the northeastern corner of modern Estonia, near the border with Rus­sia. At the time of this b ­ attle this area was controlled by Sweden, which also controlled modern Finland. This astonishing victory at Narva over the forces of Peter came in 1700. In keeping with the historical nature of Crusoe’s experience, Defoe has Crusoe show no knowledge of the defeat suffered by Charles XII at Poltava in 1709 ­a fter the Swedish King invaded Rus­sia for a second time. Excellent accounts of ­these ­battles are contained in two works usually ascribed to Defoe, The History of the Wars, of His Pre­sent Majesty Charles XII (1715) and An Impartial History of the Life and Actions of Peter Alexowitz, the Pre­sent Czar of Muscovy (1722 [1723]). Th ­ ese works are mainly compilations of con­temporary newsletters, but Defoe’s interest in and knowledge of the ­careers of ­t hese two monarchs make him a prime candidate for the authorship of both. He was able to draw upon that knowledge in this passage of The Farther Adventures. P. N. Furbank and W. R. Owens have challenged ­t hese ascriptions. See The Canonisation of Daniel Defoe (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1988), 17–28. ‡  Globes and Spheres] ­These ­were left by Arab visitors in the thirteenth ­century, but by the time Ricci and the Jesuits arrived in the sixteenth c­ entury, the Chinese no longer knew how to use them. See Henri Bernard, Matteo Ricci’s Scientific Contribution to China, trans. Edward Werner (Westport, CT: Hyperion Press, 1973; reprint of 1935 ed.), 7–14. §  Smatch] Smattering or slight amount. See OED, which quotes this passage. ¶  Motion of the Heavenly Bodies] One of the ways in which Jesuits such as Matteo Ricci impressed the Emperor was by their knowledge of mathe­matics and astronomy. The Chinese felt they ­were benefiting themselves by using such knowledge, and the Jesuits used it as a way ­toward making converts. See China in the Sixteenth C ­ entury, 325. ** Sun is eclips’d] Le Comte (Memoirs and Observations, 480) tells how terrified the Chinese ­were when an eclipse occurred in 1688 and how they feared that the darkness would last forever. ††  ­great Dragon] Ricci reports this b ­ attle with a devouring dragon. See China in the Sixteenth ­Century, 32. ‡‡  Drums and ­Kettles] Ides speaks of the incredible din from “an infinite Quantity of Drums” and other noise makers as part of an ordinary holiday, comparing the sound to that of two armies of a hundred thousand men each in the midst of ­battle. Evert Ysbrants Ides, Three Years Travels from Moscow Over-­Land to China (London, 1706), 189.

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a long Variety of Changes, which perhaps few that come ­after me w ­ ill have4989 heard the like of; I s­ hall therefore say very l­ittle of all the mighty Places,4990 desart Countrys,4991* and numerous ­People, I have yet to pass thro’ more than relates to my own Story, and which my Concern among them w ­ ill make necessary.4992 I was now, as near as I can compute, in the heart4993 of China, about the Latitude of thirty Degrees North of the Line,† for we was return’d from Nanquin;4994 I had indeed a Mind to see the City of Peking,4995 which I had heard so much of, and ­Father Simon importun’d me daily to do it; at4996 length his Time of ­going away being set, and the other Missionary, who was to go with him, being arriv’d4997 from Macao, it was necessary that we should resolve, e­ ither to go, or not4998 to go; so I referr’d him to my Partner, and left it wholly to his Choice, who at length resolv’d it in the Affirmative, and we prepar’d4999 for our Journey.5000 We set out with very good Advantage, as to finding the Way, for we got leave to travel in the Retinue of one of their Mandarins,5001 a kind of Viceroy,5002‡ or principal Magistrate in the Province where they reside, and who take ­great State upon them, travelling with g­ reat Attendance, and with ­great Homage from the ­People, who are sometimes greatly impoverish’d§ by them, ­because all the Countries5003 they pass thro’ are oblig’d to furnish Provisions for them and all their Attendance:5004 That which I particularly observ’d, as to our travelling with his Baggage,5005 was this, that tho we receiv’d5006 sufficient Provisions, both for our selves and our Horses, from the Country, as belonging to the Mandarin, yet5007 we ­were oblig’d to pay for ­every ­Thing we had, ­after the Market Price5008 of the Country, and the Mandarin’s Steward5009 or Commissary of the Provisions, collected it duly from us;5010 so that our travelling in the Retinue of the Mandarin,5011 tho’ it was a very ­great Kindness to us, was not such a mighty Favour in him, but was indeed a g­ reat Advantage to him, considering ­t here ­were above thirty other ­People travell’d5012 in the same Manner besides us, ­under the Protection of his Retinue, or as we may call it, ­under his Convoy:5013 This, I say, was a ­great Advantage to him, for the Country furnish’d5014 all the Provisions for nothing, and he took all our Money for them. We ­were five and twenty Days travelling to Peking, through a Country infinitely populous, but miserably5015 cultivated; the Husbandry, the Oeconomy, and the Way * desart Countrys] Barren and sparsely populated. See OED. †  the Line] The equator. ‡  Mandarins . . . ​Viceroy] Le Comte wrote: “­Every Mandarin thinks himself the Sovereign of his Province or City. . . . ​The Vice Roys become so many l­ittle Tyrants. . . . ​The Governours observe no more the Rules of Justice. The ­People by t­ hese means [are] oppressed and trampled ­under foot, and by Consequence miserable.” Memoirs and Observations, 256. This view contrasts with Ricci’s pre­sen­ta­tion, in which the education of a Mandarin is viewed as a way of training philosopher-­magistrates. See China in the Sixteenth C ­ entury, 34–53. §  ­People . . . ​impoverish’d] The Jesuit Gabriel de Magalhães (Magaillans) complained of the “avarice and corruption” of the Mandarins and gave as an example a Christian Mandarin named Simon who refused to pay a huge sum that the tribunal of Mandarins demanded for becoming the ruler over Pim Yam, a wealthy city. Simon pointed out that the indebtedness created by such a payment would cause him to oppress “the miserable ­people . . . ​t hey ­were other­w ise bound to protect and defend.” See A New History of China, Containing a Description of the Most Considerable Particulars of That Vast Empire (London, 1688), 204, 246.

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of living miserable; tho’5016 they boast so much of the Industry of the ­People; I say, miserable;5017 and so it is, if we who understand how to live w ­ ere to endure it, or to compare it with our own, 5018 but not so to ­t hese poor Wretches who know no other:5019 The Pride of t­ hese P ­ eople is infinitely g­ reat, and exceeded by nothing, but their Poverty, which adds to that which I call their Misery; and5020 I must needs think the naked Savages of Amer­i­ca live much more happy, ­because, as they have nothing, so they desire nothing; whereas t­ hese are proud and insolent, and in the main are meer Beggars and Drudges;5021 their Ostentation is inexpressible, and is chiefly shew’d in their Cloths* and Building,5022 and in the keeping5023 Multitudes of Servants or Slaves, and, which is to the last Degree ridicu­lous, their Contempt of all the World† but themselves. I must confess, I travell’d5024 more pleasantly afterwards in the Desarts and vast Wildernesses of G ­ rand Tartary,‡ than h ­ ere; and yet the Roads h ­ ere are well pav’d, 5025 and well kept, and very con­ve­nient for Travellers; but nothing was more awkward5026 to me, than to see such a haughty, imperious, insolent P ­ eople,5027 in the midst of the grossest Simplicity and Ignorance, for all their fam’d Ingenuity is no more:5028 And my Friend ­Father Simon and I, us’d to be very merry upon ­t hese5029 Occasions, to see the beggarly Pride of t­ hose P ­ eople; for5030 Example: Coming by the House of a Country Gentleman, as F ­ ather Simon call’d him, about ten Leagues off of the City of Nanquin, we had first of all5031 the Honour to ­ride with the Master of the House about two Miles: The State he rode in,5032 was a perfect Don Quixotism,§ being a Mixture of Pomp and Poverty. The Habit of this greasy Don was very proper for a Scaramouch or Merry-­ Andrew,¶ being a dirty Callico, with all the tawdry5033 and Trapping of a Fool’s Coat, such as Hanging-­sleeves, Tossels, and Cuts and Slashes** almost on e­ very Side; * Ostentation . . . ​Cloths] The clothes of the Mandarins ­were intended to distinguish the par­tic­u­ lar order to which they belonged. The editor (Sieur Bernon?) of Magalhães’s New History of China (300) wrote, “Their Habits also serve to distinguish the vari­ous ­Orders of Mandarins. The learned Mandarins of the three first ­Orders, and the Military Mandarins of the four first ­Orders are distinguis’d from the Inferior ­Orders by their Garments enricht with Figures of Dragons. The also wear a certain sort of Surcoat, variegated with the Figures of Birds and Beasts in Embroidery.” †  their Contempt of all the World] Ricci commented, “The Chinese are so self-­opinionated that they cannot be made to believe that the day w ­ ill ever come when they w ­ ill learn anything from foreigners, which is not already set down in their own books.” And again, “. . . ​they look on all other ­people not only as barbrous but as unreasoning.” China in the Sixteenth C ­ entury, 142, 167. ‡  ­Grand Tartary] In his Atlas Manuale (map 26), Moll lists most of Western Siberia as “­Great Tartary.” Much of this is left blank, indicating that it had not been explored. §  Don Quixotism] This allusion to the novel of Miguel de Cervantes has less to do with a quest ­a fter high ideals than with the appearance of Don Quijote—­t he way his chivalric quest is belied by his rusty armor and skeleton-­like ­horse, Rozinante. Defoe may have tended to read this novel as a satire on pretensions to nobility among the Spaniards and their consequent avoidance of l­ abor. ¶  Scaramouch or Merry-­Andrew] Scaramouch was a figure out of commedia dell’arte who was often used as a comic, miming figure, often making grotesque grimaces to entertain audiences at fairs, sometimes by way of accompanying a mountebank. The same was true of the Merry-­Andrew. ** Hanging-­sleeves . . . ​Cuts and Slashes] If one compares Jacques Callot’s illustrations of actors in the commedia dell’arte with the illustrations of Chinese costumes in works such as

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it cover’d5034 a Taffaty* Vest, as greasy as a Butcher, and which testify’d5035 that his Honour must needs be a most exquisite Sloven. His Horse was a poor, lean, starv’d, hobbling Creature,† such as in ­England might sell for about 30 or 40 Shillings,5036 and he had two Slaves follow’d him, on Foot, to drive the poor Creature along; he5037 had a Whip in his Hand, and he belabour’d the Beast5038 as fast about the Head, as his Slaves did about the Tail,5039 and thus he rode by us with about ten or twelve Servants,5040‡ and we w ­ ere told he was g­ oing from the City to his Country Seat, about half a League before us: We travell’d 5041 on ­gently, but this Figure of a Gentleman rode away before us, and as we stop’d 5042 at a Village about an Hour to refresh us, when we came by the Country-­Seat5043 of this ­great Man, we saw him in a ­little Place, before his Door, eating his Repast; it was a kind5044 of a Garden, but he was easy to be seen, and we ­were given to understand that the more we look’d on him, the better he would be pleas’d.5045 He sat ­under a Tree, something like the Palmetto Tree,§ which effectually shaded him over the Head, and on the South-­side, but u ­ nder the Tree also, was plac’d5046 ¶ a large Umbrello, which made that Part look well enough; he sat lolling back in a ­great Elbo-­Chair,5047** being a heavy corpulent Man, and his Meat†† being brought him by two ­Women Slaves;5048 he had two more, whose Office, I think, few Gentlemen in Eu­rope would accept of their Ser­v ice in, (viz.) One fed the Squire with a Spoon, and the other held the Dish with one Hand, and scrap’d 5049 off what he let fall upon his Worship’s Beard and Taffaty Vest, while the g­ reat fat Brute thought it below him to employ his own Hands in any of ­those familiar Offices, which Kings and Monarchs would rather do, than be troubled with the clumsy Fin­gers of their Servants. I took this time to5050 think what Pain Mens Pride puts them to: and how troublesome a haughty Temper, thus ill manag’d, 5051 must be to a Man of common Sense; and leaving the poor Wretch to please himself with our looking at him, as if we admir’d his Pomp,‡‡ whereas we ­really pity’d 5052 and contemn’d him, we Ogilby’s China (vol. 1, appendix between 70 and 71), it is easy enough to see some similarities. See Callot’s Etchings, ed. Howard Daniel (New York: Dover, 1974), 88, 114, 126–127. * Callico . . . ​Taffaty] This critique of cotton (callico) and silk (taffaty or taffeta) may be a subtle attack upon the importing of cloth from the East, in ­great part by the East India Com­ pany. Defoe defended the British cloth workers who ­were protesting that such imports ­were destroying their livelihood. See Defoe, The Just Complaint of the Poor Weavers (London, 1719); and his journal The Manufacturer (1719–1720). †  His Horse . . . ​Creature] Perhaps a deliberate imitation of Don Quijote’s Rozinante. ‡  ten or twelve Servants] One con­temporary economic theory was that the wealth of a nation depended upon its numbers of ­people. Defoe’s picture of China reveals a nation in which numbers of ­people might mean widespread poverty. The poor are reduced to a diet consisting of ­little more than rice. See Atlas Maritimus, 221. §  Palmetto Tree] A term usually applied to small fan palms. ¶  Umbrello] Variant spelling for “umbrella.” ** Elbo-­Chair] A chair with supports for the elbows. See OED. ††  his Meat] For a somewhat dif­fer­ent critique of Chinese ­table manners from a somewhat dif­ fer­ent perspective, see Ghirardini, Relation du voyage, 76–77. ‡‡  Pomp] For an example of the elaborate ceremonies used in China, see the description of the pro­cession of the Emperor on leaving his palace, Magalhães, New History of China, 334–337.

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persu’d5053 our Journey; only F ­ ather Simon had the Curiosity to stay to inform himself what Dainties the Country Justice had to feed on, in all his State, which he said5054 he had the Honour to taste of, and which was, I think, a Dose that an En­glish Hound would scarce have eaten, if it had been offer’d5055 him, (viz.) a Mess of boil’d Rice, with a g­ reat Piece of Garlick in it, and a l­ittle Bag fill’d with Green5056 Pepper, and another Plant which they have ­there, something like our Ginger, but smelling like Musk, and tasting like Mustard;* all5057 this was put together, and a small Lump or Piece of lean Mutton boil’d in it; and this was his Worship’s Repast, four or five Servants more attending at a Distance. If he fed them meaner than he was fed himself, the Spice excepted, they must fare very coarsely5058† indeed. As for our Mandarin, with whom we travell’d, he was respected like a King;‡ surrounded always with his Gentlemen, and attended in all his Appearances§ with such Pomp, that I saw ­little of him but at a Distance; but this I observ’d, that ­t here was not a Horse¶ in his Retinue, but that our Carriers Pack-­Horses in ­England seem to me to look much better,5059 but they ­were so cover’d with Equipage, Mantles, Trappings, and such like Trumpery, that you cannot see w ­ hether they are fat or lean; in a word,5060 we could see scarce any t­ hing but their Feet and their Heads. I was now light hearted,5061 and all my Trou­ble and Perplexity that I have given an Account of being over, I had no anxious Thoughts about me;5062 which made this For the display used by the Mandarins see Ghirardini, Relation du voyage, 74. * Plant . . . ​Musk . . . ​Mustard] This is a typical detail in the manner of Defoe, creating a sense of the real, while actually providing very l­ittle information. Being unable to find a printed source for this observation, I asked the participants of the online site C-18L@Lists for help. Several suggested variants of mustard greens, with the best coming from Cindy Chen, MA, who named a dish called Tsai Hua, with which she was familiar from her grand­mother, prepared from preserved mustard greens. Allen Michie pointed out that ­t here was something called “musk mustard” (Chorispora tenella), but this is apparently used mainly in salads. Defoe may have known a merchant who had traveled to China and was able to supply him with this detail. Of course, ginger itself was widely available throughout China. See Ides, Three Years Travels, 189. The odor of musk, from the glands of the musk deer (Moschus moschiferus), was indeed a product of China and seemed “exquisite” to Marco Polo. See Polo, Travels (New York: Dorset Press, 1987; reprint of Dent edition of 1908), 137–138, 238. †  Servants . . . ​fare very coarsely] John Nieuhof noted that the poor in China “­w ill feed upon any Carrion, ­either of a Horse, Mule, Ass, Dogs, or any other Creatures.” Ogilby, China, 1:176. ‡  Mandarin . . . ​respected like a King] A Mandarin was considered to be a representative of the Emperor and to be honored “as they would the Emperor himself.” See Le Comte, Memoirs and Observations, 269. §  his Appearances] To retain the exalted connection to the Emperor, “the Mandarins never appear in Publick without a Retinue, and Face of Grandeur that commands Re­spect.” Le Comte, 269. ¶  Horse] Crusoe’s criticism of Chinese h ­ orses is, as he admits, based on scant information, but in his suggestion that “our Carriers Pack-­Horses in ­England” appeared to be superior, it has the appearance of an answer to the comments made by Matteo Ricci. ­A fter noting that “Neither ­horses nor other beasts of burden are the equal of ­t hose in Eu­rope, in stature or in form,” Ricci went on to praise them as superior in “carry­ing power” to t­ hose in the West, but then contradicted himself somewhat by stating that the Chinese knew ­little about training ­horses, that their h ­ orses w ­ ere completely useless in b ­ attle and that their hooves w ­ ere tender and could not endure long journeys over hard ground. See China in the Sixteenth ­Century, 12–13.

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Journey the pleasanter to me, nor had I any ill Accident attended me, only in the5063 passing or fording a small River, my Horse fell, and made me ­free of the Country, as they call it, that is to say, threw me in; the Place was not deep, but it5064 wetted me all over; I mention it ­because it spoil’d my Pocket-­Book, wherein I had set down the Names of several ­People and Places which I had Occasion to remember, and which, not taking due Care of, the Leaves rotted, and the Words ­were never a­ fter to be read, to my ­great Loss, as to the Names of some Places I touch’d at in this Voyage. At length we arriv’d at Pecking;5065 I had no Body with me but the Youth, who5066 my Nephew, the Captain, had given me to attend me as a Servant, and who proved very trusty and diligent,5067 and my Partner had no Body with him but one Servant, who was a Kinsman: as for the Portuguese Pi­lot5068 he being desirous to see the Court, we gave him his Passage, that is to say, bore his Charges for his Com­ pany;5069 and to use him as an Interpreter,5070 for he understood the Language of the Country, and spoke good French, and a l­ittle En­glish, and5071 indeed5072 this old Man was a most useful Impliment to us ­every where;5073 for we had not been above a Week at Pecking, when he came laughing, Ah5074 Seignior Inglese, says he, I have something to tell you ­will make your Heart glad. My Heart glad, says I, What can that be? I don’t know any ­thing in this Country can ­either give me Joy or Grief to any ­great degree. Yes, Yes, said the old Man in broken En­glish, make you glad, me sorrow; sorry he would have said. This made me more inquisitive. Why, said I, ­will it make you sorry? B ­ ecause, said he, You have brought me ­here 25 days Journey, and ­will leave me to go back alone, and which way s­hall I get to my Port afterwards without a Ship, without a Horse, without Peccune?5075 So he call’d Money, being his broken Latin, of which he had abundance5076 to make us merry with. In short, he told us t­ here was a g­ reat Caravan5077 of Muscovite and Polish Merchants in the City, and they ­were preparing to set out on their Journey by Land to Muscovy* within four or five Weeks, and he was sure we would take the Opportunity to go with them, and leave him b ­ ehind to go back all alone. I confess, I was surpris’d5078 with his News, a secret Joy spread it self over my w ­ hole Soul, which I cannot describe, and never felt before or since, and I had no power for a good while to speak a Word to the old Man; but at last I turn’d to him;5079 How do you know this, said I, are you sure it is true? Yes, says he, I met this Morning in the Street an old Acquaintance of mine, an Armenian, or one you call a Grecian,† who is among * Journey . . . ​to Muscovy] In praising Peter the G ­ reat in his Consolidator (1), Defoe noted, “he has settled a new, but constant Trade, between his Country and China, by Land; where his Caravans go twice or thrice a Year.” Ides’s journey across Siberia and back, between 1692 and 1695, is a rec­ord of such a “Caravan.” †  Armenian . . . ​Grecian] The Encyclopaedia Britannica of 1810 (4th ed., 20 vols. [Edinburgh: Constable, 1810], 2:325) described the Armenians as “an honest, civil, polite p ­ eople, scarce troubling themselves about anything ­else but trade, which they carry on in most parts of the world.” It is not clear why t­ here would have been confusion between ­t hese two terms, though, like the Armenians, Greek merchants ­were active throughout the M ­ iddle East. During this period, Greece was ­under the control of the Ottoman Empire, but the Armenians had a national and, in part, a geo­graph­i­cal unity. For a con­temporary account of the Armenians, see Fryer, East-­India and Persia, 263–284, where he speaks of their “travelling to the remotest Kingdoms” and of their “Thrift.”

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them; he came last from Astracan,* and was designing to go to Tonquin,5080 where I formerly knew him, but has alter’d his Mind, and is now resolv’d to go with the Caravan5081 to Muscow, and so down the River Wolga† to Astracan. Well, Segnior,5082 says I, do not be uneasy about being left to go back alone, if this be a Method for my return5083 to ­England, it s­ hall be your Fault if you go back to Macao at all. We then went to consulting together what was to be done, and I ask’d my Partner what he thought of the Pi­lot’s News, and ­whether it would suit with his Affairs? He told me he would do just as I would, for he had settled all his Affairs so well at Bengale, and left his Effects in such good Hands;5084 that as we had made a good Voyage ­here, if he could vest it in China Silks,‡ wrought and raw, such as might be worth the Carriage, he would be content to go to ­England, and then make his Voyage back to Bengale,5085 by the Com­pany’s Ships. Having resolv’d upon this, we agreed, that if our Portugal Pi­lot would go with us, we would bear his Charges to Muscow, or to ­England if he pleas’d; nor indeed ­were we to be esteem’d over generous in that Part neither, if we had not rewarded him farther, for the Ser­v ice he had done us was ­really worth all that, and more;5086 for he had not only been a Pi­lot to us at Sea, but he had been like a Broker for us on Shore,5087 and his procuring for us the Japan Merchant, was some hundreds5088 of Pounds in our Pocket: So we consulted together about it, and being willing to gratify him, which was indeed but ­doing him Justice, and very willing also to have him with us besides, for he was a most necessary Man on all 5089 Occasions, we agreed to give him a Quantity of coin’d Gold, which, as I compute it, came to about 175 Pounds Sterling§ between us, and to bear all his Charges, both for himself and Horse, except only a Horse to carry his Goods. Having settled this among our selves, we call’d him to let him know what we had resolv’d; I told him, he had complain’d of our being to let him go back alone, and I was now to tell him we was resolv’d he should not go back at all; that 5090 as we had resolv’d to go to Eu­rope with the Caravan, we resolv’d also he should go with us, and that we call’d him, to know his Mind.5091 He shook his Head, and said, it was a long Journey,5092 and he had no Pecune¶ to carry him thither, or to * Astracan] Astrakhan is in southern Rus­sia on the Volga as that river enters the Caspian Sea at 45°15′ north and 48° east. †  Wolga] The Volga, one of the main rivers of Rus­sia, ­running from north to south. It is spelled with a W in con­temporary atlases such as Moll’s Atlas Manuale, map 26. ‡  For a brief discussion of the En­glish involvement in the silk trade, see Nuala Zahedieh, “Overseas Expansion and Trade in the Seventeenth C ­ entury,” in The Origins of Empire, ed. Nicholas Canny and Alaine Low, 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 1:417–418. §  175 Pounds Sterling] Trying to convert money into modern terms is always difficult. One could buy a loaf of bread in London for a pence. A person might live comfortably with a servant in an apartment outside London for fifty pounds a year. And a leather-­bound copy of a book like The Farther Adventures might be bought new for five shillings. The f­ amily encountered in Defoe’s Tour, composed of a c­ ouple and five young c­ hildren, who live in a cave on the scant proceeds from mining lead, manages to survive on five to eight pence a day. See Tour, 2:568–571. According to one estimate, this would be equivalent to £16,154.11 in currency in the year 2002. ¶  Pecune] Latin, pecunia.

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subsist himself when he came t­ here. We told him, we believ’d it was so, and therefore we had resolv’d to do something for him, that should let him see how sensible we w ­ ere of the Ser­v ice he had done us, and also how agreeable he was to us; and then I told him what we had resolv’d to give him h ­ ere, which he might lay out as w e would do our own; and that as for his Charges, if he would go with us, we would set him safe a-­shore, (Life and Casualties excepted)* ­either in Muscovy or E ­ ngland, which he would, at our own Charge, except only the Carriage of his Goods. He receiv’d the Proposal like a Man transported, and told us he would go with us over the ­whole World; and so, in short, we all prepar’d our selves for the Journey: However, as it was with us, so it was with the other Merchants, they had many t­ hings5093 to do, and instead of being ready in five Weeks, it was four Months and some odd Days, before all ­Things w ­ ere got together. It was the Beginning of February,† our Stile,‡ when we set out from Peking; my Partner and the old Pi­lot had gone express5094 back to the Port where we had first put in, to dispose of some Goods which we had left t­ here; and I with a Chinese Merchant, who5095 I had some Knowledge of at Nanquin, and who came to Pecking5096 on his own Affairs, went to Nanquin, where I bought ninety Pieces of fine Damasks, with about two hundred Pieces of other very fine Silks, of several Sorts, some mix’d with Gold, and had all t­hese brought to Peking against my Partner’s Return; besides5097 this, we bought a very large Quantity of raw5098 Silk, and some other Goods, our Cargo amounting in t­ hese Goods only to about three thousand five hundred Pounds Sterling, which, together with Tea and some fine Callicoes, and three Camels Loads of Nutmegs and Cloves, loaded in all eigh­teen Camels for our Share, besides ­those we rode upon; which with two or three spare Horses, and two Horses loaded with Provisions, made us in short 26 Camels and Horses in our Retinue. The Com­pany was very ­great, and, as near as I can remember, made between three and four hundred Horse, and upwards of a hundred and twenty Men, very well arm’d and provided for all Events; for5099 as the eastern Caravans§ are subject to be attack’d5100 by the Arabs,¶ so are t­hese by the Tartars;5101** but they are not altogether so dangerous as the Arabs, nor so barbarous when they prevail. * Life and Casualties excepted] This has a formulaic, contractual feel, as in a statement in a modern contract that has a reserve clause setting forth conditions subject to chance. †  Beginning of February] This would be in the year 1703, if we assume that the year began on the first of January, rather than some time around 23 March, which was often the way of reckoning the beginning of the year at this time. ‡  our Stile] Sometimes “old style,” for the Julian calendar. At this time the En­glish calendar was eleven days b ­ ehind the corrected (Gregorian) calendar followed on most of the Continent and did not change to comport with the calendar used by the major states of Eu­rope ­until the day following 2 September 1752, which became 14 September 1752. See above, the note to 16. §  eastern Caravans] ­These would be taking a more southerly route. This was the path taken by Fryer and Mandelso in their travels. ¶  Arabs] The indigenous inhabitants of the Arabian Peninsula. Writing of the inhabitants of Muscat, Fryer (East-­India and Persia, 220) stated, “They are a Fierce Treacherous ­People, gaining as much by Fraud as Merchandize.” ** Tartars] Marco Polo admired the courage and fortitude of the Tatars but judged that their “disposition is cruel.” See Travels, 128.

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The Com­pany consisted of ­People of several Nations, such as Muscovites chiefly, for t­ here ­were above Sixty5102 of them who w ­ ere Merchants or Inhabitants of Muscow, tho’5103 of them, some ­were Livonians,* and to our par­tic­u­lar Satisfaction, Five of them w ­ ere Scots,† who appear’d5104 also to be Men of g­ reat Experience in Business, and Men of very good Substance. When we had travell’d one Days Journey, the Guides, who ­were Five5105 in Number, called all the Gentlemen and Merchants, that is to say, all the Passengers, except the Servants, to a g­ reat Council, as they call’d it: At5106 this g­ reat Council ­every one deposited a certain Quantity of Money to a common Stock, for the necessary Expence of buying Forage5107 on the Way, where it was not other­wise to be had, and for satisfying the Guides, getting Horses, and the like; and 5108 ­here they constituted the Journey, as they call it, (viz.) They nam’d5109 Captains and Officers, to draw us all up, and give the Command in case5110 of an Attack, and gave ­every one their turn of Command: nor5111 was this forming us into Order any more than what we found needful upon the Way, as ­shall be observ’d5112 in its Place. The Road all on this Side of the Country is very populous, and is full of Potters and Earth-­makers, that is to say, ­People that tamper’d‡ the5113 Earth for the China Ware; and as I was coming along, our Portugal Pi­lot, who had always something or other to say to make us merry, came sneering to me, and told me he would show5114 me the greatest Rarity in all the Country, and that I should have this to say of China, ­after all the ill-­humour’d ­t hings I had said of it, that I5115 had seen one ­Thing which was not to be seen in all the World beside. I was very importunate to know what it was:5116 At last he told me it was a Gentleman’s House built all with China Ware.§ Well, says I, are not the Materials of their Building5117 the Product of their own Country,5118 and so it is all China Ware, is it not?5119 No no, says he, I mean it is a House all made of China Ware, such as you call it in ­England; or as it is call’d5120 in our Country, Porcellain. Well, says I, such a Th ­ ing may be; how big is it? Can we carry it in a Box upon a Camel? If we can we ­w ill buy it. Upon5121 a Camel! says the old Pi­lot, holding up both his5122 Hands, why t­ here is a ­Family of Thirty P ­ eople lives5123 in it.5124 I was then curious indeed to see it, and when I came to it, it was nothing but this; it was a Timber House,5125 or a House built, as we call it in ­England, with Lath * Livonians] A nation roughly equivalent to modern Latvia and Estonia. In 1703 it was ­under the control of Sweden, but following Peter the ­Great’s defeat of Charles XII at Poltava and a siege of Riga, in 1710 it fell ­under Rus­sian domination—­a domination that was formally established in 1721 with the Treaty of Nystad. Peter allowed the Livonians most of the rights and privileges they enjoyed as an in­de­pen­dent Baltic state ­under the Teutonic Knights and as part of the Hanseatic League. See Massie, Peter the ­Great, 298–301, 525–526, 739. †  Scots] The Farther Adventures is set during the years preceding the Union (ratified in 1707) between E ­ ngland and Scotland, which, at this time, was a sovereign nation. ‡  tamper’d] The OED gives this a separate entry from “tempered,” a method of mixing and preparing clay, while maintaining that it prob­ably was a pronunciation used by the workmen engaged in this pro­cess. §  House . . . ​China Ware] In Ogilby’s China, 2:287, the Western visitors admire a tower made entirely of porcelain, “so curiously cemented together that it seems to be one intire ­t hing.”

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and Plaister,* but all the Plaistering was ­really China Ware, that is to say, it was plaister’d5126 with the Earth that makes China Ware. The Outside, which the Sun shone hot upon, was glaz’d, and look’d5127 very well, perfect white, and painted with blue Figures, as the large China Ware in ­England† is painted, and hard as if it had been burnt:5128 As to the Inside, all the Walls, instead of Wainscot, ­were lin’d up with harden’d5129 and painted Tiles, like the ­little square Tiles,5130 we call Galley Tiles5131‡ in ­England, all made of the finest China, and the Figures exceeding fine indeed, with extraordinary Variety of Colours mix’d5132 with Gold, many Tiles making but one Figure, but join’d so artificially,§ the Mortar5133 being made of the same Earth, that it was very hard to see where the Tiles met:5134 The Floors of the Rooms w ­ ere of the same Composition, and as hard as the earthen Floors we have in use in several Parts of ­England, especially Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire,¶ &c. as hard as Stone,5135 and smooth, but not burnt and painted, except some smaller Rooms like Closets, which ­were all as it ­were pav’d5136 with the same Tile; the Ceilings, and in a word,5137 all the plaistering Work in the ­whole House ­were of the same Earth; and ­after all, the Roof was covered5138 with Tiles of the same, but of a deep shining black.5139 This was a China-­Ware-­house indeed, truly and literally5140 to be call’d so; and had I not been upon the Journey, I could have staid5141 some Days to see and examine the Particulars** of it: they5142 told me t­ here ­were Fountains and Fish-­Ponds in the Garden, all paved at the Bottom and Sides with the same, and fine Statues set up in Rows on the Walks, entirely form’d 5143 of the Porcellain Earth, and burnt ­whole. As this is one of the Singularities of China, so they may be allow’d 5144 to excel in it,5145 but I am very sure they excel in their Accounts of it; for they told me such incredible ­Things of their Per­for­mance in Crockery Ware, for such it is, that I care * Lath and Plaister] Usually lathe and plaster. This method of building walls, using lathes, or strips of wood, plastered over, was the usual technique ­until the ­middle of the twentieth ­century, when it was almost entirely replaced by drywall construction. †  China Ware in ­England] Wycherley’s The Country Wife (1675), with its famous “china scene,” suggests something of the eagerness to acquire porcelain pieces, mainly blue and white vases. “China,” as it was always called in ­England, was rare at the time of Wycherley’s play, but by the beginning of the eigh­teenth c­ entury, the desire for teapots and cups, with their blue and white patterns, inspired a wide importation of such goods from China. Adolf Reichwein argues that the Rococo was essentially a movement influenced by chinoiserie. See Sarah Richards, Eighteenth-­Century Ceramics (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999), 56–59; and Adolf Reichwein, China and Eu­rope (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1968), especially 27–28. ‡  Galley Tiles] Glazed tiles used as wall decorations. See OED. §  artificially] Artfully. ¶  Lincolnshire . . . ​Leicestershire] This comment on ­these three adjacent shires in the Midlands is the kind of observation that should have found a place in Defoe’s Tour (1724–1727) but is not mentioned ­t here. ** examine the Particulars] Defoe had a factory at Tilbury where he manufactured bricks, pantiles, and other items of clay. Crusoe’s fascination for the production of porcelain, then, is one of a number of points at which the characters of Crusoe and Defoe stage an encounter. See Novak, Daniel Defoe: Master of Fictions, 118–119.

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not to relate, as knowing it could not be true; they5146 told me in par­tic­u­lar, of one Workman that made a Ship with all its Tackle, and Masts, and Sails, in earthen Ware, big enough to carry fifty Men;5147 if he had told me he launch’d5148 it, and made a Voyage to Japan in it, I might have said something to it indeed,5149 but as it was, I knew the ­whole of the Story, which was in short, asking ­Pardon for the Word, that the Fellow ly’d; so I smil’d,5150 and said nothing to it. This odd Sight kept me two Hours ­behind the Caravan,5151 for which, the Leader of it for the Day, fin’d5152 me about the Value of three Shillings,* and told me, if it had been three Days Journey without the Wall, as it was three Days within, he must have fin’d me four Times5153 as much, and made me ask P ­ ardon the next Council Day; so I promised to be more orderly;5154 for indeed I found afterward the ­Orders made for keeping altogether,5155 ­were absolutely necessary for our common Safety. In two Days more, we pass’d the G ­ reat China Wall,† made for a Fortification ‡ against the Tartars; and a very ­great Work it is,5156 ­going over Hills and Mountains in a n ­ eedless Track, where the Rocks are impassible, and the Precipices such5157 as no E ­ nemy could possibly enter, or indeed climb up, or where if they did, no Wall could hinder them; they tell us, its Length5158 is near a thousand En­glish Miles, but that the Country is five hundred in a strait measur’d 5159 Line, which the Wall bounds, without mea­sur­ing the Windings and Turnings it takes; ’tis5160 about four Fathom high, and as many thick in some Places. I stood still an Hour5161 or thereabout, without trespassing our ­Orders, for so long the Caravan was in passing the Gate; I say, I stood still an Hour to look at it on ­every Side, near, and far off,5162 I mean, that was within my View; and the Guide of our Caravan,5163 who had been extolling it for the Won­der of the World, was mighty ­eager to hear my Opinion of it;5164 I told him it was a most excellent ­Thing to keep off the Tartars,5165 which he happen’d5166 not to understand as I meant it, and so took it for a Compliment; but the old Pi­lot laugh’d: O Seignior Inglese, says he,5167 you speak in Colours; in5168 Colours, said I, what do you mean by that? Why, you speak what looks white this Way, and black that Way; gay one Way, and dull another Way; you5169 tell him it is a good Wall to keep out Tartars; you5170 tell me by that, it is good for nothing but to keep out Tartars; or it ­will keep out none but Tartars; I understand you, Seignior Inglese; I understand you says he,5171 but Seignior Chinese understood5172 you his own way.5173 * three Shillings] A shilling was equal to twelve pence. ­There w ­ ere twenty shillings in a pound. For a notion of the value of this fine, see 257. †  ­Great China Wall] Dionysius Kao (A Short Description of China, in Ides, Three Years Travels, 161) describes the Wall as “prodigious,” its length as a thousand miles, and its antiquity as ­going back some centuries before the birth of Christ. The fame of the G ­ reat Wall of China as a massive ­human proj­ect was not entirely matched by re­spect for its efficacy as a fortification. See Sieur Duval, Geographia Universalis, 2nd ed. (London, 1691), 157. ‡  against the Tartars] Keeping out the Tatars from the north and west was the reason for building the ­Great Wall, but despite a huge army used to guard the wall, the Tatars frequently managed to breach it. See Martin Martinius, Bellum Tartaricum, or the Conquest of the ­Great and Most Renowned Empire of China, in Alvarez Semedo, The History of That G ­ reat and Renowned Monarchy of China (London, 1655), 256–259.

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Well, says I, Seignior, do you think it would stand out an Army of our Country ­People,* with a good Train of Artillery;† or our Engineers, with two Companies of Miners;‡ would not they batter it down in ten Days, that an Army might enter in Battalia,5174§ or blow it up in the Air, Foundation and all, that t­ here should be no Sign of it left? Ay, ay, says he, I know that:5175 The Chinese wanted mightily to know what I said, and I gave him leave to tell him a few Days a­ fter, for we5176 was then almost out of their Country, and he was to leave us in a ­little Time afterward; but when he knew what I had said, he was dumb all the rest of the Way, and we heard no more of his fine Story of the Chinese Power and Greatness, while he stay’d. ­After we had pass’d this mighty Nothing call’d a Wall, something like the Picts Wall,¶ and so famous5177 in North­umberland, and built by the Romans; we began5178 to find the Country thinly inhabited, and the P ­ eople rather confin’d to live in fortify’d5179 Towns and Cities, as being subject to the Inroads5180 and Depredations of the Tartars, who rob in g­ reat Armies, and therefore,5181 are not to be resisted by the naked Inhabitants of an open Country. And ­here I began to find the Necessity of keeping together in a Caravan as we travell’d;5182 for we saw several Troops of Tartars roving about; but when I came to see them distinctly, I won­der’d more that the Chinese Empire could be conquer’d by such contemptible Fellows; for they are a meer Hoord or Crowd of wild Fellows, keeping no Order, and understanding no Discipline, or Manner of Fight. Their Horses are poor lean starv’d Creatures, taught nothing,5183 and fit for nothing; and this we said, the first Day we saw them, which was ­after we enter’d the wilder Part of the Country; our5184 Leader for the Day, gave Leave for about sixteen of us to go a Hunting,5185 as they call it; and what was this, but hunting of Sheep;** however, it may be call’d Hunting5186 too; for the Creatures are the wildest and swiftest of Foot,5187 that ever I saw of their Kind; only they w ­ ill not run a g­ reat Way, and you are sure of Sport when you begin the Chace;5188 for they appear generally thirty or forty in a Flock, and like true Sheep, always keep together when they fly. In Pursuit5189 of this odd sort of Game, it was our Hap to meet with about forty Tartars; ­whether they ­were hunting Mutton as we ­were, or w ­ hether they look’d * our Country P ­ eople] In speaking to the Portuguese Pi­lot, Crusoe seems to be generalizing about any Eu­ro­pean army. †  Train of Artillery] The artillery as including all of the men, weapons, animals, and equipment accompanying it. See OED. ‡  Miners] In con­temporary military terms, ­t hose who excavate the areas ­under a fortification into which explosives are placed. The miner was supposed to be an expert in the method of placing the explosives to create the maximum destruction. See Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 2, sigs. Ee4v–­Ee5. §  in Battalia] Prob­ably a version of the French, en bataille, or in formation. ¶  Picts Wall] Defoe gives this designation to Hadrian’s Wall in the Tour, 2:661, but aside from being built (ca. 123 A.D.) to keep out a ­people considered to be barbarians (Picts as opposed to Tatars), the comparison is absurd. Hadrian’s wall was approximately seventy-­t hree miles long, and while it was an impressive achievement, it did not compare to the ­Great Wall. ** hunting of Sheep] Ides (Three Years Travels, 33) describes the hunting of wild sheep and deer in Siberia and the easiness by which this is accomplished.

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Figure 8. ​Crusoe with the Muscovite Caravan Pass the Chinese Wall from Peking (1726 [original 1722]).

for another Kind of Prey, I know not; but as soon as they saw us, one of them blew a kind of a Horn very loud, but with a barbarous Sound, that I had never heard before; and by the way,5190 never care to hear again; we5191 all suppos’d this was to call their Friends about them, and so it was; for in less than Half 5192 a Quarter of an Hour, a Troop of forty or fifty more appear’d, at about a Mile Distance,5193 but our Work was over first, as it happen’d. One of the Scots Merchants of Muscow,5194 happen’d to be amongst us, and as soon as he heard the Horn, he told us in short, that we had nothing to do, but to charge them immediately without loss of Time; and drawing us up in a Line, he ask’d if we ­were resolv’d, we told him5195 we ­were ready to follow him; so he rode directly up to them: they5196 stood gazing at us like a meer Crowd, drawn up in no Order, nor shewing the Face of any Order at all; but as soon as they saw us advance, they let fly their Arrows, which however miss’d us very happily; it 5197 seems they mistook not their Aim, but their Distance; for their Arrows all fell a l­ ittle short of us, but with so true an Aim,* that had we been about twenty Yards nearer, we must have had several Men wounded, if not kill’d. Immediately we halted, and tho’ it was at a ­great Distance,5198 we fir’d, and sent them Leaden Bullets,5199 for Wooden Arrows,† following our Shot full Gallop, to fall in among them Sword in Hand, for so our bold Scot that led us directed;5200 he * so true an Aim] For an example of the marksmanship with their bows and arrows of t­ hese Siberian ­peoples, see Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrims, 20 vols. (Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1905–1907), 13:173. †  Leaden Bullets . . . ​Arrows] For an example of the way in which, on one occasion, the technology of con­temporary Eu­ro­pean warfare impacted the Chinese in their war against the

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was indeed but a Merchant, but he5201 behav’d with that Vigour and Bravery on this Occasion;5202 and yet, with such a cool Courage too, that I never saw any Man in Action fitter for Command:5203 As soon as we came up to them, we fir’d our Pistols in their ­Faces, and then drew, but they fled in the greatest Confusion imaginable; the5204 only Stand any of them made, was on our Right, where three of them stood, and by Signs call’d the rest to come back to them, having a kind of Scymitar5205 in their Hands, and their Bows hanging at their Backs:5206* Our brave Commander, without asking any Body to follow him, gallops up close to them, and with his Fuzee5207 knocks one of them off his Horse, kill’d the second with his Pistol, and the third ran away, and thus ended our Fight; but 5208 we had this Misfortune attending it, (viz.) that5209 all our Mutton that we had in chace, got away:5210 We had not a Man kill’d or hurt; but as for the Tartars, ­t here was about five of them kill’d; who5211 ­were wounded, we knew not; but this we knew, that the other Party was so frighted with the Noise of our Guns, that they made off, and never made any Attempt upon us. We ­were all this while in the Chinese Dominion, and therefore5212 the Tartars ­were not so bold as afterwards; but in about five Days we enter’d a vast g­ reat wild Desart,† which held us three Days and Nights March,5213 and we ­were oblig’d to carry our W ­ ater with us5214 in ­great Leather B ­ ottles, and to encamp all Night, just as I have heard they do, in the Desart of Arabia. I ask’d whose Dominion this was in, and5215 they told me, this was a kind5216 of Border, that might be called no Man’s Land; being a Part of the G ­ reat Karakathaie,5217‡ § or ­Grand Tartary, but that however it was all reckon’d to China; but that ­t here was no Care taken ­here, to preserve it from the Inroads of Thieves, and therefore it was reckon’d the worst Desart in the w ­ hole World;5218 tho’ we w ­ ere to go over some much larger. In passing this Wilderness, which I confess was at the first very frightful to me;5219 we saw two or three Times l­ittle Parties of the Tartars, but they seem’d to be upon their own Affairs, and to have no Design upon us; and so like the Man Tatars, see the account of the effect of Portuguese weaponry, in Magalhães, New History of China, 99. * Bows hanging at their Backs] In the illustrations provided in Ide’s account of Siberia, most of ­t hose showing native men have them with their bows. †  wild Desart] The caravan route traced in the map included at the beginning of Philip John von Strahlenberg’s An Historico-­Geographical Description of the North and Eastern Parts of Eu­rope and Asia; . . . ​Particularly Rus­sia, Siberia, and ­Grand Tartary (London, 1738) shows a passage that goes through the eastern part of the Gobi Desert and into the Desertum Mungalicum. ‡  ­Great Karakathaie] Cathay. Sometimes—as in Alfred, Lord Tennyson’s famous, disparaging remark on a “cycle of Cathay” in “Locksley Hall”—­equivalent to China itself, but ­here a specific region north of China proper but still ­under Chinese control. Herman Moll (Atlas Manuale, map 26) shows this as the area above Tartary. This part of the world was so ­little known at this time that Bohun, in his Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary of 1688 (sig. I), is deliberately vague, describing it as “supposed by Learned men to be China, or some part of it.” §  ­Grand Tartary] Herman Moll’s map (Atlas Manuale, map 26) identifies this area as “­Great Tartary.” The map provided in the front of Ides’s account of his journey through Siberia to China identifies the area beyond the ­Great Wall as Tartaria.

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who met the Dev­il,* if they had nothing to say to us, we had nothing to say to them; we let them go. Once however, a Party of them came so near,5220 as to stand and gaze at us; ­whether it was to consider what they should do, w ­ hether attack us, or not attack us, that we knew not; but when we ­were pass’d at some distance by them, we made a Rear-­Guard of forty Men, and stood ready for them, letting the Caravan pass half a Mile, or thereabouts,5221 before us; but a­ fter a while they march’d off, only we found they saluted us with five Arrows at their parting; one of which wounded a Horse, so5222 that it disabled him; and we left him the next Day, poor Creature, in ­great need of a good Farrier; we supposed5223 they might shoot more Arrows, which might fall short of us, but we saw no more Arrows or Tartars,5224 that Time. We travell’d near a Month a­ fter this, the Ways being not so good as at first, tho’ still in the Dominions of the Emperor of China, but lay for the most part in Villages,5225 some of which ­were fortified, ­because of the Incursions of the Tartars. When we came to one of ­t hese Towns, (it was about two Days and a Half Journey before we ­were to come to the City Naum.)† I wanted to buy a Camel, of which ­t here are plenty5226 to be sold all the Way upon that Road, and of Horses also, such as they are, b ­ ecause so many Caravans coming that Way they are often wanted:5227 The Person that I spoke to to get me a Camel, would have gone and fetch’d it for me, but I like a Fool5228 must be officious, and go my self along with him: The Place was about two Miles out of the Village, where, it seems, they kept the Camels and Horses feeding ­under a Guard. I walk’d it on Foot with my old Pi­lot, being very desirous, forsooth, of a ­little Variety:5229 When we came to the Place, it was a low marshy Ground, wall’d round with a Stone Wall,5230 pil’d up dry, without Mortar or Earth among it, like a Park, with a ­little Guard of Chinese Soldiers at the Door. Having bought a Camel, and agreed for the Price, I came away, and the Chinese Man5231 that went with me, led the Camel; when on a sudden came up five Tartars on Horse­back; two of them seiz’d5232 the Fellow, and took the Camel from him, while other Three5233 step’d up to me, and my old Pi­lot, seeing us as it ­were unarm’d, for I had no Weapon about me but my Sword, which could but ill defend me against three Horse-­men; the first that came up stop’d short upon my drawing my Sword; (for they are errant Cowards) but a Second5234 coming upon my Left, gave me a Blow on the Head, which I never felt till afterward, and won­der’d when I came to my self, what was the m ­ atter5235 with me, and where I was, for he laid me flat on the Ground; but my never failing old Pi­lot, the Portuguese (so Providence unlook’d5236 for directs Deliverances from Dangers, which to us are unforeseen) had a Pistol in his Pocket,5237which I knew nothing of, nor the Tartars neither; if they had, I suppose they would not have attack’d us: But Cowards are always boldest when ­there is no Danger. * Man . . . ​Devil] In his Po­liti­cal History of the Dev­il (1726), Defoe’s Devil is often relatively passive, and has l­ittle need to initiate contact, since, usually, it is the ­human being who is more than ready and ­eager to involve himself in sin. †  City Naum] Prob­ably Naunkoton on Ides’s map, and Gunnogon on Strahlenberg’s. Both maps trace the caravan route.

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The old Man seeing me down, with a bold Heart step’d5238 up to the Fellow that had struck me, and laying hold5239 of his Arm with one Hand, and pulling him down by main Force a l­ittle ­towards him with the other, shot him into the Head, and laid him dead upon the Spot; he5240 then immediately step’d up to him who had stop’d5241 us, as I said, and before he could come forward again, (for it was all done as it ­were in a Moment) made a Blow at him with a Scymetar which he always wore,5242 but missing the Man, cut his Horse into the Side of his Head, cut one of his Ears off by the Root, and a g­ reat Slice down the Side of his Face; the poor Beast enrag’d5243 with the Wound, was no more to be govern’d 5244 by his Rider, tho’ the Fellow sat well enough too; but away he flew, and carried him quite out of the Pi­lot’s Reach, and at some Distance rising up upon his hind Legs, threw down the Tartar, and fell upon him. In this Interval5245 the poor Chinese came in, who had lost the Camel, but he had no Weapon; however, seeing the Tartar down, and his Horse fallen upon him, away he runs to him, and seizing upon an ugly ill-­favour’d Weapon he had by his Side, something like a Pole-ax, but not a Pole-ax neither,5246 he wrench’d it from him, and made shift to knock his Tartarian Brains out with it. But my old Man had the Third5247 Tartar to deal with still, and seeing he did not fly, as he expected, nor come on to fight him, as he apprehended, but stand stock still, the old Man stood still too, and falls to work with his Tackle to charge his Pistol again; but5248 as soon as the Tartar saw the Pistol, ­whether he suppos’d5249 it to be the same, or another, I know not, but away he scower’d,5250* and left my Pi­lot, my Champion I call’d him afterward, a compleat Victory. By this time5251 I was a l­ ittle awake, for I thought when first I began to wake, that I had been in a sweet Sleep; but as I said above, I won­der’d5252 where I was, how I came upon the Ground, and what was the ­matter:5253 In a word,5254 a few moments ­after, as Sense return’d, I felt Pain, th’ did not know where; I clap’d5255 my Hand to my Head, and took it away bloody; then I felt my Head ach, and then in another Moment Memory return’d,5256 and ­every ­thing5257 was pre­sent to me again. I jump’d up upon my Feet instantly, and got hold of my Sword, but no Enemies in View: I found a Tartar lie dead5258 and his Horse standing very quietly by him; and looking farther, I saw my Champion and Deliverer, who had been to see what the Chinese had done, coming back with his Hanger in his Hand; the5259 old Man seeing me on my Feet, came ­running to me and embrac’d5260 me with a ­great deal of Joy, being afraid before that I had been kill’d,5261 and seeing me bloody, would see how I was hurt,5262 but it was not much, only what we call a broken Head; neither did I afterwards find any ­great Incon­ve­nience from the Blow, other than the Place which was hurt; and which was well again in two or three Days. We made no g­ reat Gain however by this Victory, for we lost a Camel, and gain’d a Horse; but that which was remarkable, when we came back to the Village, the Man demanded to be paid for the Camel;5263 I disputed it, and it was brought to a * scower’d] Retreated hastily. The OED quotes this passage.

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hearing5264 before the Chinese Judge* of the Place; that is to say, in En­glish, we went before a Justice of the Peace: Give him his due, he acted with a g­ reat deal of Prudence and Impartiality; and having heard both Sides, he gravely ask’d the Chinese Man, that went with me to buy the Camel, whose Servant he was;5265 I am no Servant, says he, but went with the Stranger; at whose Request, says the Justice? At the Stranger’s Request,5266 says he:5267 Why then, says the Justice, you ­were the Stranger’s Servant for the Time, and the Camel being deliver’d to his Servant, it was delivered5268 to him, and he must pay for it?5269 I confess the ­Thing was so clear,5270 that I had not a Word to say; but admiring to see such just Reasoning † upon the Consequence, and so accurate stating the cause,5271 I pay’d willingly for the Camel, and sent for another; but you may observe, I sent for it, I did not go to fetch it my self any more,5272 I had enough of that. The City of Naum is a Frontier of the Chinese Empire; they call it fortify’d,5273 and so it is, as Fortifications go ­t here; for this I ­w ill venture to affirm, that all the Tartars in Karakathie,5274 which I believe, are some Millions, could not batter down the Walls with their Bows and Arrows; but5275 to call it strong, if it w ­ ere attack’d5276 with Cannon, would be to make ­t hose who understand it, laugh at you. We wanted, as I have said, above two Days Journey of this City, when Messengers ­were sent Express to ­every Part of the Road, to tell all Travellers and Caravans,5277 to halt till they had a Guard sent for them; for that an unusual Body of Tartars, making ten thousand in all, had appear’d5278 in the Way, about thirty Miles beyond the City. This was very bad News to Travellers; however, it was carefully done of the Governour, and we ­were very glad to hear we should have a Guard; accordingly,5279 two Days ­after, we had two hundred Soldiers sent us from a Garrison of the Chineses, on our left,5280 and three hundred more from the City of Naum, and with ­t hose we advanc’d boldly; the5281 three hundred Soldiers from Naum, march’d in our Front, the two hundred in our Rear, and our Men on each Side of our Camels with our Baggage, and the ­whole Caravan in the Center; in this Order, and well prepar’d5282 for ­Battle, we thought our selves a Match for the ­whole ten thousand Mongul5283 Tartars, if they had appear’d;5284 but the next day when they did appear, it was quite another ­t hing.5285 It was early in the Morning, when marching from a l­ittle well situated Town call’d Changhu,5286 we had a River to pass, where we ­were oblig’d5287 to ferry;5288 and had the Tartars had any Intelligence, then had been the Time to have attack’d us, when the Caravan5289 being over, the Rear-­Guard was ­behind; but they did not appear. * Chinese Judge] For an account of the manner of administering justice in China, see Magalhães, New History of China, 135–143. Magalhães maintains that, in many ways, the system is similar to the way ­matters are handled in Eu­ro­pean courts, being dif­fer­ent mainly in the efficiency with which justice is dispensed. †  just Reasoning] In many accounts of Eu­ro­pean travelers, the Chinese ­were praised for their rational approach to life. See, for example, Ogilby, China, 2:560.

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About three Hours ­after, when we w ­ ere enter’d upon a Desart of about fifteen or sixteen Miles over, behold, by a Cloud of Dust they rais’d, we saw an ­Enemy was at Hand, and they w ­ ere at Hand indeed, for they came on upon the Spur. The Chineses, our Guard on the Front, who had talk’d so big the Day before, began to stagger, and the Soldiers frequently look’d ­behind them, which is a certain Sign in a soldier, that he is just ready to run away; my5290 old Pi­lot was of my Mind, and being near me, he call’d out, Seignior Inglese, says he,5291 ­t hose Fellows must be encourag’d, or they w ­ ill ruin us all; for if the Tartars come on,* they w ­ ill never stand it;5292 I am of your Mind said I, but what Course must be done!5293 says he; let fifty of our Men advance, and flank them on each Wing, and encourage them, and they w ­ ill fight like brave Fellows in brave Com­pany; but without, they ­will ­every Man turn his Back; immediately5294 I rode up to our Leader, and told him, who was exactly of our mind,5295 and accordingly, fifty of us march’d to the right Wing, and fifty to the left, and the rest made a Line of Rescue;5296 and so we march’d, leaving the last two hundred Men to make another body by themselves, and to guard the Camels; only that if Need5297 ­were, they should send a hundred Men, to assist the last fifty. In a Word, the Tartars came on, and an innumerable Com­pany they ­were; how many, we could not tell, but ten thousand 5298 we thought was the least: A Party of them came on first,5299 and view’d our Posture, traversing the Ground in the Front of our Line; and as we found them within Gun-­shot, our Leader ordered the two Wings to advance swiftly, and give them a Salvo on each Wing with their Shot, which was done, but they went off, and I suppose back to give an Account of the Reception they w ­ ere like to meet with, and indeed that Salute clogg’d 5300 their Stomach,† for they immediately halted, stood a while to consider of it, and wheeling off to the left, they gave over the Design,5301 and said no more to us for that Time;5302 which was very agreeable to our Circumstances, which ­were but very indifferent, for a ­Battle with such a Number. Two Days a­ fter this, we came to the City Naun, or Naum; we thank’d the Governour for his Care for us, and collected to the Value of a hundred Crowns,‡ or thereabouts, which we gave to the Soldiers sent to guard us; and h ­ ere we rested one Day:5303 This is a Garrison indeed, and t­ here ­were nine hundred Soldiers kept ­here; but the Reason of it, was, that formerly the Muscovite Frontiers lay nearer to them than they do now, the Muscovites having abandon’d that Part of the Country5304 (which lies from this City, West, for about two hundred Miles) as desolate and unfit for Use; and more especially, being so very remote, and so difficult to * Tartars come on] Crusoe refers to the Tatars as “Cowards,” but as many Eu­ro­pean commentators remarked, the Chinese soldiers ­were inferior to the Tatars in almost ­every re­spect. See Atlas Maritimus, 222–223. †  clogg’d their Stomach] In an understated sense, the salvo is sufficient to change their longing for plunder and make them more than satisfied with the attack they received instead. “Clogg’d” ­here means to satiate or cloy. “Stomach” is equivalent to desire or longing. The eating aspect of this meta­phor was prob­ably not entirely “dead.” See OED. ‡  hundred Crowns] A crown was a silver coin worth five shillings or one quarter of a pound sterling.

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send Troops thither for its Defence; for we had yet above two thousand Miles to Muscovy,* properly so call’d. ­A fter this, we pass’d several ­g reat Rivers, and two dreadful Desarts; one of which,5305 we ­were sixteen 5306 Days passing over, and which as I said, was to be call’d no Man’s Land; and on the 13th of April,5307 we came to the Frontiers of the Muscovite Dominions: I think 5308 the first City, or Town, or Fortress, what­ever5309 it might be call’d, that belong’d to the Czar of Muscovy, was call’d Argun,† being on the West Side of the River Argun. I could not but discover an infinite Satisfaction, that I was so soon arriv’d 5310 in, as I call’d it, a Christian Country, or at least in a Country govern’d by Christians; for tho’ the Muscovites do, in my Opinion5311 but just deserve the Name of Christians,‡ yet such they pretend to be, and are very devout in their Way:5312 It would certainly occur to any Man who travels the World as I have done, and who had any Power of Reflection; I say, it would occur to him, to reflect what a Blessing it is to be brought into the World, where the Name of God, and of a Redeemer is known, worship’d5313 and ador’d; and not where the P ­ eople given up by Heaven to strong Delusions,§ worship the Devil, and prostrate themselves to Stocks and Stones; worship Monsters,¶ Ele­ments, horrible shap’d 5314 Animals, and Statues, or Images of Monsters: Not5315 a Town or City we pass’d thro’, but had their Pagods,** their Idols, and their T ­ emples, and ignorant P ­ eople worshipping,5316 even the Works of their own Hands. Now we came,5317 where at least a Face of the Christian Worship appear’d,5318 where the Knee was bow’d to Jesus; and ­whether ignorantly or not, yet the Christian Religion was own’d, and the Name of the True God, was call’d upon, and ador’d;5319 and it made the very Recesses of my Soul rejoice to see it: I saluted the brave Scots Merchant I mention’d above, with my first acknowledgement5320 of this; and taking him by the Hand, I said to him, Blessed5321 be God, we are once again come among Christians; he smil’d,5322 and answered, do not rejoice too soon Countryman, ­t hese Muscovites are but an odd sort 5323 of Christians; and but for the Name of it, you may see very ­little of the Substance, for some Months farther of our Journey. * two thousand Miles to Muscovy] Although the maps in both Ides and Strahlenberg show the area north of Mongolia (Tartaria Magna) as part of the Muscovite or Rus­sian Empire, Crusoe uses “Muscovy, properly so call’d” in terms of Eu­ro­pean Rus­sia, or the area west of the Ural Mountains. †  Argun] Ides’s map places Argun on the border and on the west side of the Argun river. ‡  just . . . ​Christians] Rus­sia followed the rituals of the Orthodox Greek Church, which differs in a number of re­spects from the Roman Catholic Church. §  strong Delusions] An allusion to 2 Thessalonians 2:11–12, where Paul maintains that such worshippers are in the power of Satan and that “God s­ hall send them strong delusions, that they should believe a lie: That they all might be damned who believe not the truth, but had plea­sure in unrigh­teousness.” ¶  worship Monsters] William Dampier (New Voyage, 278–229) expressed similar sentiments. For numerous and vivid illustrations of some of the idols in the ­temples of China, see Ogilby’s China. ** Pagods] ­Either the building housing an idol of some sort or the idol itself. See OED.

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Well, says I, but still ’tis better than Paganism, and worshipping of Dev­ils: Why,5324 I’ll tell you, says he, except the Rus­sian Soldiers in Garrisons, and a few of the Inhabitants of the Cities upon the Road, all the rest of this Country, for above a thousand Miles farther, is inhabited by the worst, and most ignorant of Pagans;* and so indeed we found it. We w ­ ere now launch’d into the greatest Piece of solid Earth, if I understand any ­Thing of the Surface of the Globe, that is to be found in any Part of the Earth, we5325 had at least twelve hundred Miles to the Sea, Eastward; we had at least two thousand to the Bottom of the Baltick 5326† Sea, Westward; and above three thousand Miles, if we left that Sea, and went on West to the British and French Channels: We had full five thousand Miles to the Indian, or Persian Sea, South; and about eight hundred Miles to the Frozen Sea,‡ North; nay,5327 if some P ­ eople may be believed, t­ here might be no Sea North-­East,5328 till we came round the Pole, and consequently into the North-­West, and so had a Continent of Land into Amer­ic­ a, the Lord knows where,5329§ tho’ I could give some Reasons, why I believe that to be a M ­ istake.¶ As we enter’d into the Muscovite Dominions, a good while before we come to any considerable Towns, we had nothing to observe t­ here but this; first, that all the Rivers that run to the East, as I understood by the Charts, which some in our Caravan5330 had with them; it was plain, all ­those Rivers5331 ran into the ­Great River Yamour, or Gammour:** This River, by the natu­ral Course of it must run into the East Sea, or Chinese Ocean;†† the5332 Story they tell us, that the Mouth of this River, is choak’d up with Bullrushes, of a monstrous5333 Growth, (viz.) three Foot about, and twenty or thirty Foot high, I must be allow’d5334 to say, I believe nothing of; but as its Navigation is of no Use, b ­ ecause ­there is no Trade that way, the Tartars,5335 * worst, and most ignorant of Pagans] Ides (Three Years Travels) refers to ­these ­people as “Heathens” and attempts to describe their religion as he traveled through Siberia. See, for example, 19–20, 31, 34, 36, 43. †  two thousand . . . ​Baltick] More like 2,500 miles. ‡  Frozen Sea] It was actually at least 1,500 miles to the nearest location on the Arctic Ocean. §  the Lord Knows where] This was corrected to “no Mortal knows” in D3, D4, and D5. Defoe may have been responsible for this correction, which appears to better express the meaning of the passage. On the other hand, “the Lord knows whither” was a common expression of Defoe, particularly when he was describing another unknown region: the pos­si­ble destination of a sinner ­a fter death. In this instance, Crusoe is expressing his exasperation over speculations about the arctic region—­speculations that had l­ittle basis in fact since no explorer had been able to investigate this area of the earth. ¶  Continent of Land . . . ​­Mistake] Defoe believed in the possibility of a Northeast Passage that might enable Rus­sia to dominate the trade to China and a Northwest Passage between the Arctic and Canada. It was not u ­ ntil the late twentieth c­ entury that the latter was made pos­ si­ble when ships ­were able to forge a way through the ice. See Atlas Maritimus, 130, 279. For the argument that ­t here was a continuous land mass between Siberia and Amer­i­ca, see Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrims, 13:263. ** ­Great River Yamour, or Gammour] Ides’s map incorrectly shows the Amur River located close to Argun, whereas it was separated from it by the Yablonovy mountain range. ††  East Sea, or Chinese Ocean] The Amur River empties into the area between the mainland of Siberia and the northern part of the island of Sakhalin, near the Sea of Okhotsk. At the time, this part of the world had not been thoroughly explored or mapped, and the Strahlenberg map of 1738, while a vast improvement over the Ides map of 1706, still did not have it exactly right.

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to whom alone it belongs, dealing in nothing but ­Cattle,5336 so no Body that ever I heard of, has been curious enough, ­either to go down to the Mouth of it in Boats, or come up from the Mouth of it in Ships; but this is certain, that this River r­ unning due East, in the Latitude of* 60 degrees, carries5337 a vast Concourse or Rivers along with it, and finds an Ocean to empty it self in that Latitude; so5338 we are sure of Sea ­t here. Some Leagues to the North of this River, t­ here are several considerable Rivers, whose Streams run as due North as the Yamour, runs5339 East, and ­t hese are all found to join their W ­ aters5340 with the ­Great River Tartarus,† nam’d so, from the 5341 northernmost Nations of the Mongul Tartars, who the Chinese say, w ­ ere the first Tartars in the World; and who, as our Geographers alledge, are the Gog and Magog,‡ mention’d5342 in sacred Story. ­These Rivers r­ unning all Northward, as well as all the other Rivers, I am yet to speak of, make it evident, that the Northern Ocean bounds the Land also on that side;5343 so that it does not seem rational in the least to think, that the Land can extend it self to join with Amer­i­ca on that side,5344 or that t­ here is not a Communication between the Northern and the Eastern Ocean; but of this I ­shall say no more,5345 it was my Observation at that time, and therefore I take Notice of it in this Place. We now advanc’d5346 from the River Arguna§ by easy and moderate Journeys, and ­were very visibly oblig’d to the Care the Czar of Muscovy has taken to have Cities and Towns built in as many Places as are pos­si­ble to place them, where his Soldiers keep Garrison¶ something like the Stationary Soldiers plac’d5347 by the Romans** in the remotest Countries of their Empire, some of which I had read par* Latitude of] Defoe left this blank in the first edition. It should be approximately at 53 degrees north. †  ­Great River Tartarus] The two g­ reat rivers r­ unning to the north into the Arctic Ocean ­were the Lena and the Jenesia, both of which had many tributaries. Bohun (Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sig. Zz1v) mentions a river in Tartary called Tartar or Occhardus, but the exact location is not clear. Nicolas Sanson (L’Asie en plusiers cartes [Paris, 1667]), whose map of Siberia appears to be almost entirely fanciful, has a river called Tartar flowing north into the ocean out of a large lake. ‡  Gog and Magog] Gog and Magog, as names, are mentioned in a number of places in the Bible, but the relevant passages h ­ ere are from Ezekiel 38:2–3, 15–16, 18, and 39:11. Ezekiel portrays Gog, from “the land of Magog, the chief prince of Meshech and Tubal,” as an ­enemy of Israel and someone upon whom the Lord God ­w ill take revenge, who ­w ill find death rather than victory in Israel. His army is described as “riding upon ­horses, a ­great com­pany, and a mighty army . . . ​as a cloud to cover the land.” And in Revelations 20:8 his army is described as numerous “as the sand of the sea.” Since his forces ­were supposed to come from the north, it is easy enough to see how Gog and Magog ­were associated with the massive armies of the Tatars who swept into Eu­rope and the Near East on their ­horses. For a lengthy (and somewhat futile) attempt to sort this out, see Philip John von Strahlenberg, 44–52. §  River Arguna] The Angara River on modern maps. ¶  Soldiers keep Garrison] Ides (Three Years Travels) discusses such army posts as Nerzinskoy and Argunskoy, describing the quality of the fortifications. See, for example, 42–43, 46. But for a discussion of the way in which the Tsars pushed eastward, building garrison ­a fter garrison, see Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrims,13:184–185. ** Stationary Soldiers . . . ​Romans] In his Tour (2:470), Defoe discusses the city of Chester as “a Frontier of the Roman Empire.”

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ticularly w ­ ere plac’d in Britain for the Security of Commerce, and for the lodging Travellers; and thus it was ­here; for where-­ever5348 we came, tho’ at ­t hese Towns and Stations, the Garrisons and Governor ­were Rus­sians, and profess’d Christians, yet the Inhabitants of the Country w ­ ere meer Pagans,5349 sacrificing to Idols, and worshipping the Sun, Moon, and Stars, or all the Host of Heaven, and not only so, but ­were of all the Heathens and Pagans that ever I met with, the most barbarous, except only that they did not eat Man’s Flesh, as our Savages of Amer­i­ca did. Some Instances of this we met with in the Country between Arguna, where we enter the Muscovite Dominions, and a City of Tartars and Rus­sians together, call’d Nortziuskoy,* in which is a continu’d Desart or Forest, which cost us twenty Days to travel over it; in5350 a Village near the last of ­t hose Places I had the Curiosity to go and see their Way of Living, which is most brutish and unsufferable; they had I suppose a g­ reat Sacrifice that Day, for ­there stood out upon an old Stump of a Tree, an Idol made of Wood,† frightful as the Dev­il,5351‡ at least as any ­Thing we can think of to represent the Devil, can be made; it had a Head certainly not so much as resembling any Creature that the World ever saw; Ears as big as Goats Horns, and as high; Eyes as big as a Crown-­Piece; a Nose like a crooked Ram’s Horn, and a Mouth extended four corner’d,5352 like that of a Lion, with horrible Teeth, hooked like a Parrot’s u ­ nder Bill; it was dressed up in the filthiest manner5353 that you could suppose; its upper Garment was of Sheep-­Skins, with the Wool outward, a g­ reat Tartar Bonnet§ on the Head, with two Horns growing through it; it was about eight Foot high, yet had no Feet or Legs, or any other Proportion of Parts. This Scare-­crow was set up at the outer Side of the Village, and when I came near to it,5354 ­there was sixteen or seventeen5355 Creatures, w ­ hether Men or W ­ omen, I could not tell, for they make no Distinction by their Habits, ­either of Body or Head: ­These5356 lay all flat on the Ground, round this formidable Block of shapeless Wood: I saw no Motion among them, any more, than if they had been all Logs of Wood like the Idol, and at first, r­ eally thought they had been so; but when I came a ­little nearer, they started up upon their Feet, and rais’d a howling Cry, as if it had been so many deep-­mouth’d Hounds, and walk’d away as if they ­were displeas’d at our disturbing them:5357 A ­little way off from the Idol,5358 and at the Door of that Tent or Hut,5359 made all of Sheep-­Skins and Cow-­Skins, dry’d, stood three Butchers, I thought they ­were such;5360 when I came nearer to them, I found they had * Nortziuskoy] Almost certain Ides’s Nerzinskoy or modern Nershinsk. He provided an engraving with a view of the city. †  Idol made of Wood] See Ides’s description of an idol among the Siberian tribes: “All of them have ­t hese Idols placed in their Hutts, which are made of Barks of Trees, sewed together with Harts Guts. On one side of the God hangs a bunch of humane and ­horse Hair, and next that a wooden Vessel, with Milk Pap, with which they daily supply their Gods, and thrust it into their Mouths with a Spoon for that purpose; but by reason the Idols cannot swallow this their Milk diet, it runs out gain at both sides of their Mouth, down their w ­ hole Bodies.” Three Years Travels, 19–20; see also 20, 30. ‡  frightful as the Devil] Ides (20) noted that they call their god “Saitan” and observes that they “indeed might very well say Satan.” §  ­great Tartar Bonnet] Ides provides a number of illustrations of Tatar costumes with a variety of hats, including some extremely large. See, for example, the engraving between 36 and 37.

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long Knives in their Hands, and in the m ­ iddle of the Tent appear’d three Sheep 5361 kill’d, and one young Bullock or Steer: ­These it seems, w ­ ere Sacrifices to that sensless Log of an Idol, and t­ hese three Men, Priests belonging to it; and the seventeen5362 prostrated Wretches, ­were the ­People who brought the Offering, and ­were making their Prayers to that Stock. I confess I was more mov’d at their Stupidity and brutish Worship of a Hob­ goblin,* than ever I was at any Th ­ ing in my Life; to see God’s most glorious and best Creature, to whom he had granted so many Advantages, even by Creation, above the rest of the Works of his Hands, vested with a reasonable Soul, and that Soul adorn’d with Faculties and Capacities, adapted both to honour his Maker;5363 and be honoured by him, sunk and degenerated to a Degree so more than stupid, as to prostrate it self to a frightful Nothing, a meer5364 imaginary Object dress’d up by themselves, and made terrible to themselves by their own Contrivance; adorn’d only with Clouts and Rags; and that this should be the Effect of meer Ignorance, wrought up into hellish Devotion by the Devil himself; who envying (to his Maker) the Homage and Adoration of his Creatures, had deluded them into such gross, surfeiting, sordid and brutish t­ hings, as one would think should shock Nature it self.5365 But what signify’d all the Astonishment and Reflection of Thoughts; thus it was, and I saw it before my Eyes, and ­t here was no room to won­der at it, or think it impossible; all my Admiration turn’d to Rage, and I rid up to the Image, or Monster, call it what you w ­ ill, and with my Sword cut the Bonnet that was on its Head in two in the m ­ iddle, so that it hung down by one of the Horns; and one of our Men that was with me took hold of the Sheep-­Skin that cover’d it, and pull’d at it, when behold a most hideous Outcry and Howling run thro’ the Village,5366 and two or three hundred ­People came about my Ears,† so that I was glad to scour for it; for we saw some had Bows and Arrows but I resolv’d5367 from that Moment to visit them again . Our Caravan5368 rested three Nights at the Town, which was about four Miles off, in order to provide some Horses which they wanted;5369 several of the Horses having been lam’d, and jaded5370 with the badness of the Way and long March over the last Desart;5371 so we had some Leisure ­here to put my Design in Execution:5372 I communicated my Proj­ect to the Scots Merchant of Muscovy of whose Courage I had had sufficient Testimony, as above;5373 I told him what I had seen, and with what Indignation I had since thought that ­human Nature could be so degenerate: I told him, I was resolv’d if I could get but four or five Men well arm’d to go with me, I was resolv’d to go and destroy that vile, abominable Idol,‡ and let them see * Hob­goblin] H ­ ere used not as a terrifying or demonic apparition but contemptuously, as the kind of figure that might appear frightening to a child. †  came about my Ears] Attacked him. Defoe uses this expression frequently. ‡  destroy that vile, abominable Idol] The spirit of iconoclasm, based on the commandments against idol worship (Exodus 20:3–5), had been a power­f ul (and much lamented) force among the Puritans during the En­glish Revolution, bringing with it the destruction of a g­ reat many ecclesiastical sculptures and paintings throughout the nation. In this par­tic­u ­lar case, Crusoe’s action derives, in part, from a similar kind of enthusiasm and imperils the entire caravan. It is never entirely clear w ­ hether the reader is supposed to admire Crusoe’s courage or

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that it had no power to help itself, and consequently could not be an Object of Worship, or to be pray’d to, much less5374 help them that offer’d Sacrifices to it. He laugh’d at me; says he, Your Zeal may be good, but what do you propose to your self by it? Propose, said I,5375 to vindicate the Honour of God, which is insulted by this Devil Worship. But how w ­ ill it vindicate5376 the Honour of God, said he? 5377 While the P ­ eople ­will not be able to know what you mean by it, u ­ nless you could speak to them and tell them so, and then they w ­ ill fight you, and5378 beat you too, I’ll assure you, for they are desperate Fellows, and that especially in Defence of their Idolatry. Can we not, said I, do it in the Night5379 and then leave them the Reasons and ­Causes in Writing in their own Language? Writing! said he, why t­ here is not a Man in five Nations of them that know any ­t hing of a Letter, or how to read a Word in any Language, or in their own. Wretched Ignorance! said I to him;5380 however I have a g­ reat Mind to do it; perhaps Nature may draw Inferences from it to them, to let them see how brutish they are, to5381 worship such horrid ­Things. Look you, Sir, said he, if your Zeal prompts you to it so warmly, you must do it; but in the next Place I would have you consider,5382 ­these wild Nations of ­People are subjected by Force* to the Czar of Muscovy’s Dominions, and if you do this, ’tis ten to one but they w ­ ill come by Thousands to the Governour of Nertsinskay,† and complain, and demand Satisfaction;5383 and if he cannot give them Satisfaction, ’tis ten to one but they revolt, and it w ­ ill occasion a new War with all the Tartars in the Country. This, I confess, put new Thoughts into my Head for a while;5384 but I harp’d upon the same String‡ still, and all that Day I was uneasy to put my Proj­ect in Execution; t­ owards5385 the Eve­ning the Scots Merchant met me by Accident in our Walk about the Town, and desir’d to speak with me; I believe, said he, I have put you off of your good Design,5386 I have been a l­ittle concern’d about it since, for I abhor the Idol and the Idolatry as much as you can do: Truly, says I, you have put it off a ­little as to the Execution of it, but you have not put it all out5387 of my Thoughts, and I believe I s­ hall do it still before I quit this Place, tho’ I ­were to be deliver’d up to them for Satisfaction. No, no, says he, God forbid they should deliver you up to such a Crew of Monblame his foolhardiness. The Scottish merchant’s objections appear more sensible than what he calls Crusoe’s “Zeal.” See John Walter, Understanding Popu­lar Vio­lence in the En­glish Revolution: The Colchester Plunderers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 66 and passim. The destruction of idols was a policy of the Rus­sian government. For an incident in which a Dutch traveler among the Samoides took away an idol and then was forced to return it, see René Augustin Constantin de Renneville, A Collection of Voyages Undertaken by the Dutch East-­India Com­pany, for the Improvement of Trade and Navigation (London, 1703), 13. The Samoides let them know “what an ill Action it was, to steal away their Idol.” * subjected by Force] Ides (45) remarks, “it is customary on ­t hese frontier places (by reason a ­great many several sorts of P ­ eople put themselves u ­ nder his Czarish Majesties protection, which live dispersed in Siberia and vari­ous parts,) to keep some ­Children of the Principal Men, and if they are very g­ reat, themselves in the Amandiveratskoy or Court for some time . . . ​by way of Security.” †  Nertsinskay] The same as Nortziuskoy above, 228. ‡  harp’d . . . ​same String] A proverb (Tilley, S936) that usually involves “speaking” one’s mind over and over again on the same subject. ­Here, however, Crusoe is describing his inner thoughts, so that the psychological state he is describing is similar to an idée fixe or obsession.

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sters,5388 they s­ hall not do that neither, that would be murdering you indeed. Why, says I, how would they use me? Use you, says he,5389 I’ll tell you how they serv’d a poor Rus­sian, who affronted them in their Worship just as you did, and who they took Prisoner; a­ fter they had lam’d him with an Arrow that he could not run away,5390 they took him and stripp’d him stark naked, and set him up on the Top of the Idol5391 Monster, and stood all round him, and shot as many Arrows into him as would stick over his ­whole Body, and then they burnt him and all the Arrows sticking in him as a Sacrifice to the Idol: And was this the same Idol? Yes, says he, the very same. Well, says I, I’ll tell you a Story,5392 so I related the Story5393 of our Men at Madagascar,* and how they burnt and sack’d the Village ­there, and kill’d Man, ­Woman and Child, for their murdering one of our Men, just as it is related before; and when I had done, I added, that I thought we o ­ ught to do so to this Village. He listen’d very attentively to the Story; but when I talk’d of ­doing so to that Village, says he, You m ­ istake very much, it was5394 not this Village, it was almost a hundred Mile from this place, but it was the same Idol, for they carry him about in Pro­cession all over the Country: Well, then, says I, then that Idol ­ought to be punish’d for it, and so it s­ hall, says I, if I live this Night out. In a word, finding me resolute, he lik’d the Design, and told me I should not go alone, but he would go with me, and bring a stout Fellow, one of his Countrymen5395 to go also with us; and one, says he, as famous for his Zeal as you can desire any one to be, against such Dev­ilish ­Things5396 as ­t hese. In a word,5397 he brought me his Comrade, a Scots Man, who he call’d Captain Richardson, and I gave him a full Account of what I had seen; and in a word,5398 of what I intended; and he told me readily, he would go with me if it cost him his Life; so we agreed to go only us three. I had indeed propos’d it to my Partner, but he declin’d it; he said, he was ready to assist me to the utmost, and upon all Occasions for my Defence;† but that this was an Adventure quite out of his way; so, I say, we resolv’d upon our Work only us three and my Man-­Servant, and to put it in Execution that Night about Midnight, with all the Secrecy5399 imaginable. However, upon second Thoughts, we ­were willing to delay it till the next Night, ­because the Caravan5400 being to set forward in the Morning; we suppos’d the Governour could not pretend to give them any Satisfaction upon us5401 when we ­were out of his Power. The Scots Merchant, as steady in his Resolution for the Enterprize, as bold in executing, brought me a Tartar’s Robe or Gown of the Sheep-­Skins, and a Bonnet,‡ with a Bow and Arrows, and had provided the same for himself and his Countryman, that the P ­ eople, if they saw us, should not be able to determine who we ­were. * Story of our Men at Madagascar] See above, 156–158. Since Crusoe criticized the crew of his ship for the “Massacre” that occurred ­t here, his zeal for something similar in Siberia seems odd. †  Occasions for my Defence] Crusoe’s partner refuses to participate on the same grounds that Crusoe himself had argued against taking the offensive against the cannibals who visit his island in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures. ‡  Tartar’s Robe . . . ​Bonnet] See the illustration between 54 and 55 in Ides.

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All the first Night we spent in mixing up some combustible ­Matter with Aqua-­ vitae,* Gun-­powder, and such other Materials as we could get;5402 and having a good Quantity of Tar in a ­little Pot, about an Hour ­after Night we set out upon our Expedition. We came to the Place about eleven a Clock at Night, and found that the ­People had not the least Jealousy of Danger attending their Idol; the5403 Night was cloudy, yet the Moon gave us Light enough to see that the Idol stood just in the same Posture and Place that it did before:5404 The P ­ eople seem’d to be all at their Rest, only, that in the g­ reat Hut,5405 or Tent, as we call’d it, where we saw the three Priests, who5406 we mistook for Butchers,† we saw a Light, and g­ oing up close to the Door, we heard P ­ eople talking,5407 as if ­there ­were five or six of them; we5408 concluded therefore, that if we set the Wild-­Fire5409‡ to the Idol, t­ hese Men would come out immediately, and run up to the Place to rescue it from the Destruction that we intended for it, and what to do with them we knew not; once5410 we thought of carry­ing it away and setting5411 Fire to it at a Distance; but when we came to ­handle it, we found it too bulky for our Carriage, so we ­were at a Loss again: The5412 second Scots Man was for setting Fire to the Tent or Hut,5413 and knocking the Creatures that ­were ­there on the Head when they came out; but I could not joyn with that,5414 I was against killing them, if it was pos­si­ble to be avoided: Well, then said the Scots Merchant, I’ll tell you what we w ­ ill do, we ­will try to take them Prisoners, tye their Hands b ­ ehind them, and make them stand still, and see their Idol destroy’d. As it happen’d, we had Twine or Packthread enough about us, which was used to tye our Fire-­Works together with;5415 so we resolv’d to attack t­ hese ­People first, and with as ­little Noise as we could; the5416 first ­Thing we did, we knocked at the Door, which issued just as we desired it; for one of their Idol Priests came to the Door: we immediately seiz’d upon him, stop’d his Mouth, and ty’d his Hands ­behind him, and led him to the Idol, where we gagg’d him, that he might not make a Noise; ty’d his Feet also together, and left him on the Ground. Two of us then waited at the Door, expecting that another would come out to see what the M ­ atter was; but we waited so long ’till the third Man came back to us; and then no Body coming out, we knock’d 5417 again ­gently, and immediately out came two more, and we served5418 them just in the same Manner, but was oblig’d5419 to go all with them, and lay them down by the Idol some Distance from one another; when5420 ­going back, we found two more ­were come out to the Door, and a third stood ­behind them within the Door: We seiz’d5421 the two, and immediately ty’d them, when the third stepping back, and crying out, my Scots Merchant went in ­after him, and taking out a Composition we had made, that would only smoke and * Aqua-­v itae] H ­ ere prob­ably alcohol rather than brandy or whiskey. †  Priests . . . ​Butchers] See Purchas (13:263), where the ritual, among Siberian tribes, of rubbing blood on the idol is described. ­These “Priests” w ­ ere undoubtedly shamans who dominated the religious life of the Siberian ­peoples. See James Forsyth, A History of the ­Peoples of Siberia: Rus­sia’s North Asian Colony 1581–1990 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 15, 20–21, 52. ‡  Wild-­Fire] An inflammable mixture difficult to put out once ignited.

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stink, he set Fire to it, and threw it in among them;5422 by that Time the other Scots Man and my Man taking Charge of the two Men who w ­ ere already bound, and ty’d together also by the Arm, led them away to the Idol, and left them t­ here, to see if their Idol would relieve them, making Haste back to us. When the Fuze we had thrown in had fill’d the Hut with so much Smoak,5423 that they ­were almost suffocated, we then threw in a small Leather Bag of another kind, which flam’d like a Candle, and following it in, we found ­t here was but four ­People left, who, it seems, ­were two Men and two ­Women; and, as we suppos’d,5424 had been about some of their Diabolick Sacrifices: They appear’d, in short, frighted to Death, at least so as to sit trembling and stupid, and not able to speak neither for the Smoak.5425 In a word, we took them, bound them as we had the other, and all without any Noise;5426 I should have said, we brought them out of the House or Hut first; for indeed we ­were not able to bear the Smoak 5427 any more than they w ­ ere. When we had done this, we carry’d them all together to the Idol: when we came ­t here, we fell to work with him: And 5428 first we daub’d him all over, and his Robes also, with Tar and such other Stuff as we had, which was Tallow mix’d with Brimstone; then we stopp’d his Eyes, and Ears, and Mouth full of Gun-­Powder, and then we wrapp’d up a g­ reat Piece of Wild-­fire in his Bonnet, and then sticking all the Combustibles we had brought with us upon him, we look’d about to see if we could find any Th ­ ing ­else to help to burn him, when my Man remembred, that by the Tent or Hut5429 where the Men w ­ ere, ­there lay a heap of dry Forrage, ­whether Straw or Rushes I do not remember; away he and one of the Scots Men run, and fetch’d their Arms full of that: When5430 we had done this, we took all our Prisoners, and brought them, having unty’d their Feet, and ungagg’d their Mouths, and made them stand up, and set them just before their monstrous Idol, and t­ here set Fire to the ­whole.* We stay’d by it a quarter of an Hour, or there-­abouts, ’till the Powder in the Eyes, and Mouth, and Ears of the Idol blew up,5431 and we could perceive had split and deform’d the Shape; and in a word,5432 ’till we saw it burn into a meer Block or Log of Wood, and then setting the dry Forage5433 to it, we found it would be quite consum’d,5434 when we began to think of ­going away; but the Scots Man5435 said no, we must not go, for t­ hese poor deluded Wretches ­will all throw themselves into the Fire5436 and burn themselves with the Idol; so we resolv’d to stay ’till the Forage5437 was burnt down too, and then we came away,5438 and left them. In the Morning we appear’d among our fellow5439 Travellers exceeding busy, in getting ready for our Journey; nor could any Man suggest that we had been any where but in our Beds, as Travellers might be suppos’d5440 to be, to fit themselves for the Fatigues5441 of that Day’s Journey. * set Fire to the ­whole] Defoe, who was a careful reader of foreign newsletters, may have been aware of Peter the ­Great’s efforts to convert the Asian ­peoples of his empire and that this included a deliberate policy of burning the idols of the natives. See Lindsey Hughes, Rus­sia in the Age of Peter the ­Great (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998), 353.

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But it did not end so; the5442 next Day came a g­ reat Multitude of the Country ­People, not only of this Village, but of a hundred more, for o ­ ught I know, to the Town-­Gates, and in a most outragious5443 Manner, demanded Satisfaction of the Rus­sian Governour, for the insulting their Priest,5444 and burning their g­ reat Cham-­ Chi-­Thaungu,* such a hard Name they gave the monstrous Creature they worship’d; the5445 ­People of Nertsinskay, ­were at first in a g­ reat Consternation, for they said, the Tartars5446 ­were no less than thirty thousand, and that in a few Days more, would be one hundred thousand strong. The Rus­sian Governour5447 sent out Messengers to appease them, and gave them all the good Words imaginable; he5448 assured them, he knew nothing of it, and that ­t here had not a Soul of his Garrison been abroad; that it could not be from any Body t­ here; and if they would let him know who it was, they should be examplarily punished. They return’d 5449 haughtily, that all the Country reverenced5450 the ­Great Cham-­Chi-­Thaungu, who dwelt in the Sun, and no Mortal would have decreed to offer Vio­lence to his Image, but some Christian Miscreant, so they call’d them it seems; and they therefore denounc’d 5451 War against him, and all the Rus­ sians, who,5452 they said ­were Miscreants and Christians. The Governour still Patient,5453 and unwilling to make a Breach, or to have any Cause of War alledg’d5454 to be given by him, the Czar having straitly charged them to treat the conquer’d5455 Country with Gentleness and Civility; gave them still all the good Words he could, at5456 last he told them, t­ here was a Caravan gone t­ owards Rus­sia that Morning, and perhaps it was some of them, who had done them this Injury; and that if they would be satisfy’d with that, he would send a­ fter them, to enquire into it;5457 this seem’d to appease them a ­little,5458 and accordingly the Governour5459 sent a­ fter us, and gave us a par­tic­u ­lar Account how the ­Thing was;5460 intimating withal, that if any in our Caravan had done it, they should make their Escape; but that ­whether they had done it or no, we should make all the Haste forward that was pos­si­ble; and that in the mean time,5461 he would keep them in Play † as long as he could. This was very friendly in the Governour; however,5462 when it came to the Caravan, t­here was no Body knew any Th ­ ing of the ­Matter; and as for us5463 that w ­ ere guilty, we w ­ ere the least of all suspected; none so much as ask’d us the Question; however,5464 the Captain of the Caravan for the Time, took the Hint that the Governour * ­Great Cham-­Chi-­Thaungu] We have been unable to make a certain identification of such a deity, and since Defoe was depending on his sources, it is difficult to know how Eu­ro­pe­a ns heard the sounds. The religion encountered by travelers in the seventeenth ­century was essentially shamanism, a worship of dead ancestors and nature, though some ele­ments of Lamaism had begun to influence it. “Cham” is equivalent to khan or prince, and the ­great Genghis (Cinngis) Khan and Geser Khan became deities. “Chi” may be ch′i, which refers to spirits or holiness. We have not found “Thaungu.” According to Strahlenberg (118), Thorum was a name for the ­mother of the Gods, the “Golden ­Woman,” among the Ostiacks. It is pos­ si­ble that Thaungu might be a male equivalent. The usual word for god was “tnigri.” See Walther Heissig, The Religions of Mongolia, trans. Geoffrey Samuel (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1980), 3, 59–105; and Folke Boberg, Mongolian-­English Dictionary, 3 vols. (Stockholm: Förlaget Filadelfia, 1954), 2:1331. †  keep them in Play] Delay ­matters by using a variety of diversionary tactics.

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gave us, and we march’d5465 or travell’d5466 two Days and two Nights, without any considerable Stop; and then we lay at a Village called Plothus;* nor did make5467 any long Stop ­here, but hasten’d5468 on t­ owards Jarawena,† another of the Czar of Muscovy’s Colonies, and where we expected we should be safe; but it is to be observ’d,5469 that ­here we began for two or three Days March, to enter upon the vast nameless Desart, of which I s­ hall say more in its Place; and5470 which, if we had now been upon it, ’tis more than probable,5471 we had been all destroy’d: It was the second Day’s March5472 from Plothus, that by the Clouds of Dust ­behind us5473 at a ­great Distance, some of our ­People began to be sensible we ­were pursued; we had enter’d5474 the Desart, and had pass’d by a ­great Lake call’d Shacks Oser‡ when we perceiv’d5475 a very ­great Body of Horse appear on the other Side of the Lake to the North, we travelling West: We observ’d5476 they went away West as we did, but had supposed we would have taken that Side of the Lake, whereas, we very happily took the South Side; and in two Days more, we saw them not, for they believing we w ­ ere still before them, push’d5477 on till they came to the River Udda;§ this5478 is a very g­ reat River when it passes farther North; but where we came to it, we found it narrow, and fordable. The third Day, they e­ ither found their M ­ istake, or had Intelligence of us, and came pouring in upon us, ­towards the Dusk of the Eve­ning: We had to our ­great Satisfaction, just pitch’d upon a Place for our Camp, which was very con­ve­nient for the Night; for as we w ­ ere upon a Desart, tho’ but at the beginning of it,5479 that was above five hundred Miles over, we had no Towns to lodge at, and indeed expected none but the City Jarawena, which we had yet two Days march to; the Desart however,5480 had some few Woods in it on this Side, and ­little Rivers,5481 which ran all into the ­g reat river Udda: It was in a narrow Strait between two ­little5482 but very thick Woods, that we pitch’d our ­little Camp for that Night, expecting to be attack’d in the Night. No Body knew but ourselves, what we ­were pursued for; but as it was usual for the Mongul Tartars to go about in Troops in that Desart, so the Caravans always fortify themselves e­ very Night against them, as against Armies of Robbers,5483 and it was therefore no new ­Thing to be pursued.5484 But we had this Night, of all the Nights of our Travels, a most advantageous Camp; for we lay between two Woods, with a ­little Rivulet ­running just before our Front, so that we could not be surrounded5485 or attack’d any Way, but in our Front or Rear; we took Care also to make our Front as strong as we cou’d,5486 by placing our Packs, with our Camels and Horses, all in a Line on the Inside of the River, and felling some Trees in our Rear. * Plothus] The caravan trail traced on the Strahlenberg map passes from Nerschinski through a place called Plodbische, which is prob­ably what is meant ­here. †  Jarawena] Jarauna on Ides’s map; Jerawna on Strahlenberg’s. ‡  Shacks Oser] Ides (41) speaks of Lake Schackze-­Oser in this general area. Strahlenberg only gives Lake Jerawinski on the route between Plodbische and Jerawna. The word “Ozero” is often used to indicate a lake. §  River Udda] The Uda on Strahlenberg’s map was indeed a relatively small stream at this point, south of Lake Jerawinski. The Uda flowed into the Selinga River, which then flowed into Lake Baikal.

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In this Posture we encamp’d for the Night, but the ­Enemy was upon us,5487 before we had finish’d our Situation: They did not come on us like Thieves5488 as we expected, but sent three Messengers to us, to demand the Men to be delivered to them, that had abus’d their Priests, and burn’d5489 their God, Cham-­Chi-­Thaungu with Fire, that they might burn them with Fire; and upon this, they said they would go away, and do us no farther harm,5490 other­wise, they would burn us all with Fire; our Men look’d very blank at this Message, and began to stare at one another, to see who look’d with most Guilt in their F ­ aces;5491 but no Body was the Word,5492 no Body did it; the Leader of the Caravan sent Word, he was well assur’d, it was not done by any of our Camp; that we w ­ ere peaceable Merchants, travelling on our Business; that we had done no harm5493 to them, or to any one ­else; and that therefore, they must look farther for their Enemies who had injur’d them, for we ­were not the ­People; so desir’d them not to disturb us, for if5494 they did, we should defend our selves. They w ­ ere far from being satisfy’d with this for an Answer, but a g­ reat Crowd of them came down in the Morning by break of Day to our Camp,5495 but seeing us in such an unaccountable Situation, they durst come no farther than the Brook in our Front, where they stood and shew’d us such a Number, that indeed terrify’d us very much,5496 for t­hose that spoke least of them, spoke of ten thousand: ­here5497 they stood and look’d at us a while,5498 and then setting up a ­great Howl, they let fly a Cloud of Arrows among us,5499 but we w ­ ere well enough fortify’d5500 for that; for we shelter’d u ­ nder our Baggage,5501 and I do not remember that one Man of us was hurt. Some Time a­ fter this, we see them move a l­ittle5502 to our Right, and expected them on the Rear; when a cunning Fellow, a Cossack,5503* as they call them, of Jarawena, in the Pay of the Muscovites, calling to the leader of the Caravan, said to him, I’ll go send all ­t hese P ­ eople away5504 to Siheilka;† this was a City, four or five Days Journey at least to to the South, and rather b ­ ehind us: so5505 he takes his Bow 5506 and Arrows, and getting on Horse-­back, he rides away from our Rear directly, as it ­were back to Nertsinskoy; ­a fter5507 this, he takes a ­g reat Cir­cuit about, and comes to the Army of the Tartars, as if he had been sent Express to tell them a long Story; that the P ­ eople who had burnt the Cham-­Chi-­Thaungu,5508 ­were gone to Siheilka, with a Caravan of Miscreants, as he call’d them, that is to say, Christians; and that they had resolv’d to burn the God Schal Isar,5509‡ belonging to the Tongueses.§ * Cossack] A p ­ eople originating from north of the Black Sea, who ­were often used by the Rus­ sian government to guard the frontiers. Although they often fought the Tatars, they sometimes lived among them and adapted many of their ways. Ides describes garrisons of Cossacks in Siberia. See, for example, Ides, Three Years Travels, 39, 41. †  Siheilka] Ide’s map has a river named the Sihilka to the south and east of where the caravan was located. ‡  God Schal Isar] We have not been able to identify a deity with anything like this name in any of the sources. As Walther Heissig suggests, in addition to their main deities, the nature religion of the vari­ous Mongol and Tatar tribes tended to make deities out of local streams and mountains. See Heissig, Religions of Mongolia, 106–107; and above, the note to 234. §  Tongueses] Ides (41) speaks of the “Tunguzians,” or “Konni Tunguzi,” of this area in some detail as g­ reat hunters of sables. On the Strahlenberg map, the area is designated as Tungusi. See also the section on “The Tungus” in Forsyth, History of the P ­ eoples of Siberia, 48–55.

Figure 9. ​Crusoe with the Muscovite Caravan Passing the Desarts Are Attack’d by the Tartars (1726 [original 1722]).

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As this Fellow was himself a meer Tartar, and perfectly spoke their Language, he counterfeited so well, that they all took it from him, and away they drove in a most violent Hurry to Siheilka, which it seems was five Days Journey to the North,* and in less than three Hours, they ­were entirely out of our Sight, and we never heard any more of them; and we never knew ­whether they went to that other Place called Siheilka, or no. So we pass’d safely on to the City of Jaravena,5510 where t­ here was a Garrison of Muscovites, and t­ here we rested five Days, the Caravan being exceedingly fatigued with the last Day’s hard march, and with want5511 of Rest in the Night. From this City we had a frightful Desart, which held us three and twenty Days march:5512 We furnish’d our selves with some Tents ­here, for the better accommodating our selves in the Night; and the Leader of the Caravan, procured sixteen Carriages or Waggons of the Country, for carry­ing our W ­ ater and Provisions, and ­t hese Carriages ­were our Defence ­every Night round our ­little Camp; so that had the Tartars appeared,5513 u ­ nless they had been very numerous, indeed, they would not have been able to hurt us. We may well be suppos’d5514 to want Rest again ­after this long Journey; for in this Desart5515 we saw neither House or Tree, or scarce a Bush; we saw abundance of the Sable-­Hunters,† as they call’d them: ­These5516 are all Tartars of the Mongul Tartary, of which this Country is a Part, and they frequently attack small Caravans, but we saw no Numbers of them together: I was curious to see the Sable Skins they catch’d,5517 but could never speak with any of them, for they durst not come near us, neither durst we straggle from our Com­pany, to go near them. ­After we had pass’d this Desart, we came into a Country pretty well inhabited; that is to say, we found Towns and ­Castles, settled by the Czar of Muscovy, with Garrisons of Stationary Soldiers to protect the Caravans, and defend the Country against the Tartars, who would other­wise make it very dangerous travelling; and his Czarish5518 Majesty has given such strict O ­ rders for the well guarding the Caravans and Merchants, that if ­there are any Tartars heard of in the Country, Detachments of the Garrisons are always sent to see the Travellers safe from Station to Station. And thus the Governour of Adinskoy,‡ who I5519 had Opportunity to make a Visit to, by means of the Scots Merchant who was acquainted with him, offer’d us a Guard of fifty Men, if we thought ­t here was any Danger5520 to the next Station.

* North] This contradicts 236, where this “Cossack” or “meer Tartar” speaks of sending the ­enemy off to the south. If the “City” of Sihilka was on the river of that name, as indicated by the Ides map, it was slightly south and east of Jerawna. †  Sable-­Hunters] “They live intirely on Sable-­hunting, and the Furrs of ­these Animals are extraordinarily black in this place.” Ides, Three Years Travels, 41. ‡  Adinskoy] Ides (Three Years Travels, 39–40) describes “Udinskoy” as a “City or Fortress . . . ​ situate on a high Hill, but most of its inhabitants live below the Fortress at the foot of the Hill, on the River Uda, which falls into the Silinga, about a quarter of a Mile Westward below the City, which bordering on the Mongolians, is inforced with a strong Garrison of Rus­sian Cozacks.” He notes the frequent raids by the “Mongolians,” who carry off the h ­ orses of the

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I thought long before this, that as we came nearer to Eu­rope we should find the Country better peopled, and the P ­ eople more civiliz’d, but I found my self 5521 mistaken in both, for we had yet the Nation of the Tongueses to pass through; where we saw the same Tokens of Paganism and Barbarity, or worse, than before, only as they w ­ ere conquer’d by the Muscovites, and entirely reduc’d, they w ­ ere not so dangerous; but for Rudeness of Manners, Idolatry, and Multi-­t heism5522 no P ­ eople in the World ever went beyond them: They are cloth’d 5523 all in Skins of Beasts, and their Houses are built of the same:5524 You know not a Man from a W ­ oman, neither by the Ruggedness of their Countenances or their Cloths;5525 and in the Winter, when the Ground is cover’d with Snow, they live ­under Ground in Houses like Vaults, which have Cavities g­ oing from one to another. If the Tartars had their Cham-­Chi-­Toungu for a w ­ hole Village or Country, t­ hese had Idols in ­every Hut5526 and in ­every Cave; besides, they worship the Stars, the Sun, the ­Water, the Snow,* and in a word, ­every ­t hing5527 that they do not understand, and they understand but very ­little,5528 so that almost ­every Ele­ment, ­every uncommon ­t hing,5529 sets them a sacrificing.† But I am no more to describe ­People than Countrys, any farther than my own Story comes to be concern’d in them:5530 I met with nothing peculiar to my self 5531 in all this Country, which I reckon was from the Desart which I spoke of last, at least 400 Miles, Half5532 of it being another Desart, which took us up twelve5533 Days severe travelling, without House, or Tree, or Bush, but ­were oblig’d again to carry our own Provisions, as well W ­ ater as Bread. A ­ fter we w ­ ere out of this Desart, and had travell’d two Days, we came to Janezay; a Muscovite City or Station, on the g­ reat River Janezay:‡ this5534 River they told us parted Eu­rope from Asia,§ tho’ our Map-­makers, as I am told, do not agree to it; however, it is certainly the Eastern Boundary of the ancient Siberia, which now makes up a Province only of the vast Muscovite Empire, but is it self 5535 equal in Bigness to the w ­ hole Empire of Germany.¶ And yet ­here I observ’d Ignorance and Paganism, still prevail’d, except in the Muscovite Garrisons;5536 all the Country between the River Oby** and the River inhabitants, and the lack of trees. The Strahlenberg map locates it close to latitude 51° north and longitude 128° east. * worship the Stars . . . ​Snow] Ides (19) describes the Ostiacks as worshipping a God of nature who dwells in Heaven. †  ­every Ele­ment . . . ​sacrificing] Ides (20) says he had to hide a clockwork bear from the natives ­because upon seeing it, they w ­ ere ready to worship it as a deity. ‡  Janezay . . . ​Janezay] On the Ides map, the city is Jenizeskoy and the river, Jenisia. Ides (27) describes it as “considerably large and populous.” In modern atlases the city is Yeniseysk and the river Yenisey. §  parted Eu­rope from Asia] This division is usually made at the Ural Mountains, but Moll (map 18) thinks in terms of the control of the Tsar and extends the border to the river (which Moll calls the Ienisea). ¶  Empire of Germany] Not modern Germany, but, at this time, an area encompassing modern Austria and most of northern Eu­rope. See Bohun, Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sig. S2v. ** River Oby] This “vast river of Rus­sia” (Bohun, Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sig. Ll4) rises in the Altai Mountains and flows north east to the Obskaya Guba and out into the Kara Sea.

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Janezay is as entirely Pagan,5537 and the P ­ eople as barbarous, as the remotest of the Tartars, nay, as any Nation for ­ought I know in Asia or Amer­i­ca;5538 I also found, which I observ’d to the Muscovite Governours who I5539 had Opportunity to converse with, that the poor Pagans are not much the wiser or the nearer Chris­tian­ity for being ­u nder the Muscovite Government; which they acknowledg’d was true enough,5540 but, as they said, was none of their Business: That if the Czar expected to convert his Siberian, or Tonguese, or Tartar Subjects, it should be done by sending Clergy-­men5541 among them, not Soldiers; and they added, with more Sincerity than I expected, that they found it was not so much the Concern of their Monarch* to make the ­People Christians, as it was to make them Subjects.† From this River to the ­great River Oby, we cross’d a wild uncultivated Country,5542 I cannot say ’tis a barren Soil,5543 ’tis only barren of P ­ eople, and good Management, other­wise it is in it self5544 a most pleasant, fruitful and agreeable Country: What5545 Inhabitants we found in it are all Pagans, except such as are sent among them from Rus­sia,5546 for this is the Country I mean on both Sides5547 the River Oby, whither the Muscovite Criminals5548‡ that are not put to Death,§ are banish’d, and from whence it is next to impossible they should ever come away. I have nothing material to say of my par­tic­u­lar Affairs till I came to Tobolski,¶ the Capital City of Siberia, where I continu’d 5549 some time on the following Occasion. We had been now almost seven Months on our Journey, and Winter began to come on, apace, whereupon my Partner and I call’d5550 a Council about our par­ tic­u­lar Affairs, in which we found it proper, considering that we ­were bound for ­England, and not for Muscow, to consider how to dispose of our selves: they told us of Sledges and Rain5551 Deer to carry us over the Snow in the Winter time, and indeed they have such Th ­ ings,5552 that it would be incredible to relate** the Particu* their Monarch] Peter the ­Great. See the note to 206. †  Christians . . . ​Subjects] A similar criticism may be found in ­Father Philippe Avril’s Travels into Divers Parts of Eu­rope and Asia (London, 1693), bk. 3, p. 185. Ides notes that most of the ­peoples in this area w ­ ere followers of Islam, though ­t here ­were also Christian clerics assigned to the region. See Ides, Three Years Travels, 11–13. ‡  Muscovite Criminals] See Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrims, 13:178, where ­t here is a discussion of the use of banishment as a punishment for both po­liti­cal prisoners and a­ ctual criminals. §  put to Death] Peter the ­Great’s punishment of his own son and of the many who w ­ ere accused of plotting to revolt against his reign during the year 1718 may have had a general influence over both The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures and The Farther Adventures. The events ­were reported in the British newspapers, including ­t hose with which Defoe was involved. For a discussion of this, see Maximillian Novak, Realism, Myth, and History in Defoe’s Fiction (Lincoln: Nebraska University Press, 1983), 28–29. ¶  Tobolski] Modern Tobol’sk. Ides (11) describes it as “the chief City of Siberia” and provides an illustration of a fortress overlooking the confluence of the Tobol and Irtis Rivers. ** incredible to relate] In F ­ ather Philippe Avril’s second­hand and occasionally fabulous account of travel in Siberia, he told of the ability to travel huge distances by using the frozen rivers to travel with sleds drawn by reindeer or through the use of sails. See Travels into Divers Parts of Eu­rope and Asia, bk. 3, p. 172.

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lars of, by which means5553 the Rus­sians travel more in the Winter* than they can in Summer, ­because in ­t hese Sledges† they are able to run Night5554 and Day; the Snow being frozen, is one universal Covering to Nature, by which the Hills, the Vales, the Rivers, the Lakes, all are smooth,5555 and hard as a Stone, and they run upon the Surface, without any regard to what is under­neath. But I had no occasion to push at a Winter Journey of this kind:5556 I was bound to ­England, not to Muscow,‡ and my Rout lay two Ways, e­ ither I must go on as the Caravan went5557 till I came to Jeroslaw,§ and then go off West for Narva,¶ and the Gulph of Finland; and so e­ ither by Sea or Land to Dantzick,** where I might possibly sell my China Cargo to good Advantage, or I must leave the Caravan at a ­little Town on the Dwina,†† from whence I had but six Days by W ­ ater to Arch-­Angel,5558‡‡ and from thence might be sure of Shipping, ­either to ­England, Holland, or Hamburgh.5559§§ Now to go any of t­ hese Journeys in the Winter, would ha’ been preposterous; for as to Dantzick, the Baltick would be frozen up, and I could not get Passage, * Rus­sians travel . . . ​Winter] In describing the snow in Rus­sia as “one universal Covering to Nature,” Defoe was predicting the wonderful scene in one of the versions of James Thomson’s Winter, first published in 1726, in which ­t here is a scene in Siberia. ­There the bear is a kind of meta­phor for the inhabitants, both the natives and the Rus­sian exiles, who accept their lot amidst the snow and cold, and is contrasted with the Rus­sian who travels so rapidly over the snow: While tempted vigorous ­o’er the marble waste On sleds reclin’d, the furry Rus­sian sits: And, by his rain-­deer drawn, ­behind him throws A shining kingdom in a winter’s day. The Seasons, ed. James Sambrook (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981), 223. †  Sledges] During this period, the words “sledges” and “sleds” w ­ ere used interchangeably (see this text, 240) for carriages using runners to navigate through the snow. ‡  ­England, not to Muscow] From Tobol’sk, proceeding in a northwesterly direction, Crusoe would want to bypass Moscow, ­whether ­going to Narva or Archangel. §  Jeroslaw] Jereslaf on Ides’s map, modern Yaroslavl is about 160 miles northeast of Moscow. ¶  Narva] Now part of Estonia, at this time Narva was a port fought over by the Rus­sians and the Swedes. ** Dantzick] Modern Gdansk in Poland. Bohun (Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sigs. L4–­L4v) has a relatively long entry, describing it as “a vast and well fortified City of Poland.” It was a “­Free City” and open to trade. ††  Town on the Dwina] The Severnay Dvina, or Northern Dvina, flowed northward for hundreds of miles before reaching the White Sea. In the sixteenth c­ entury the En­glish ambassador, traveling to Moscow, went from Archangel by way of the Dvina u ­ ntil it met the Sukhona River, from ­t here he went close to Vologda, and then to Yaroslavl, or Crusoe’s Jeroslaw. Crusoe may have been thinking of such a route, but he would have saved time by reaching the Dvina at Kotlas. See Hakluyt, 2:253. ‡‡  Arch-­Angel] A city on the Dvina as it flowed into the White Sea. En­glish merchants did most of their trading through this city. See, for example, the many letters from merchants in Hakluyt, 2:135–209. §§  Hamburgh] Defoe treats this city in a list of sovereign nations b ­ ecause it had something similar to that status. Bohun (Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary, sig. U5v) describes this as “one of the most Celebrated Cities and Sea-­Ports of Germany, seated in the Lower Saxony, in the Dukedom of Holstein, upon the River Elbe; which is yet an Imperial and ­f ree City and not subject to any Prince, and one of the principal Hanse Towns in Germany.”

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and to go by Land in ­t hose Countrys,5560 was far less safe than among the Mongul Tartars; likewise5561 to go to Arch-­Angel in October, all the Ships would be gone from thence, and even the Merchants who dwell t­ here in Summer, retire South to Muscow in the Winter when5562 the Ships are gone; so that I should have nothing but Extremity of Cold to encounter, with a Scarcity of Provisions, and must lie t­ here in an empty Town all the Winter: so5563 that upon the ­whole I thought it much my better Way to let the Caravan go, and to make Provision to Winter where I was, (viz.)5564 at Tobolski in5565 Siberia,* in the Latitude of sixty Degrees,5566 where I was sure of three ­Things to wear out a cold Winter with, (viz.) Plenty of Provision such as the Country afforded; a warm House, with Fuel enough, and excellent Com­ pany; of all which I ­shall give a full Account in its Place. I was now in a quite dif­fer­ent Climate from my belov’d5567 Island,† where I never felt Cold except when I had my Ague;‡ on the Contrary,5568 I had much to do to bear any Cloths5569 on my Back, and never made any Fire but without Doors, and for my Necessity in dressing my Food, &c. Now I made me three good Vests, with large Robes or Gowns over them to hang down to the Feet, and button close to the Wrists,5570 and all t­ hese lin’d with Furs§ to make them sufficiently warm. As to a warm House,¶ I must confess I greatly dislik’d5571 our Way in ­England of making Fires in ­every Room in the House, in open Chimneys, which5572 when the Fire was out, always kept the Air in the Room cold as the Climate: But taking an Appartment5573 in a good House in the Town, I order’d5574 a Chimney to be built like a Furnace, in the Center of six several Rooms, like a Stove,** the Funnel to carry the Smoak went up one Way, the Door to come at the Fire,5575 went in another, and all the Rooms ­were kept equally warm, but no Fire seen, just as they heat the Bagnios5576†† in ­England. * Tobolski . . . ​Latitude] Tobolski or Tobol’sk is exactly at latitude 58°9′ north. Defoe left it blank in the first edition, prob­ably having ­little accurate information. In 1815 the edition of Robinson Crusoe prepared by the Hydrographer of the Naval Chronicle inserted “sixty degrees,” suggesting how l­ ittle accurate information was available about Siberia. †  my belov’d Island] This affectionate remark about his island is one of the few direct statements about the plea­sure Crusoe felt about his island experience. ‡  Ague] For Crusoe’s illness, see The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 80. §  large Robes . . . ​Furs] For the manner of dressing for winter in Rus­sia and comments on the cold from an En­glish perspective, see Hakluyt, 2:101, 105, 290. It should be noted that shortly ­a fter he came to the throne, Peter the ­Great ordered the Rus­sian p ­ eople to assume a style of dress more like that used in Western Eu­rope. On the other hand, the ­people living in Siberia petitioned that, ­because of the severe cold, they be permitted to keep their long robes. The petition was granted in 1705–1706. See Hughes, Rus­sia in the Age of Peter the ­Great, 285. ¶  warm House] The Rus­sians kept their ­houses extremely warm, according to En­glish observers. See Hakluyt, 2:290. ** like a Stove] The use of similar stoves in ­houses ­were common through Eastern Eu­rope into the twentieth ­century. They ­were often covered with ceramic tiles and had places for sleeping. Adam Olearus, writing of his observations of Rus­sia in 1636, used the word “stove” as synonymous with the hot baths that ­were so common in Rus­sia. See The Voyages and Travels of the Ambassadors, trans. John Davies (London, 1662), 89. ††  Bagnios] A word of Italian origin, now obsolete, indicating establishments offering hot baths and sometimes medical treatments. They ­were popu­lar in E ­ ngland at this time. The

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By this means5577 we had always the same Climate in all the Rooms, and an equal Heat was preserv’d;5578 and how cold soever it was without, it was always warm within, and yet we saw no Fire, nor was ever incommoded5579 with any Smoke. The most wonderful Th ­ ing of all5580 was, that it should be pos­si­ble to meet with good Com­pany ­here, in a Country so barbarous as that of the most northerly5581 Parts of Eu­rope, near the frozen Ocean, and within but a very few Degrees of Nova Zembla.* But this being the Country where the State Criminals of Muscovy, as I observ’d before,† are all banish’d,5582 this City was full of Noblemen, Princes, Gentlemen, Col­o­nels, and in short 5583 all Degrees of the Nobility, Gentry, Soldiery and Courtiers of Muscovy:5584 ­Here was the famous Prince Galliczen,‡ the old General Robostiski,§ and several other Persons of note,5585 and some Ladies. By means of my Scots Merchant, who nevertheless I parted with ­here, I made an Acquaintance h ­ ere with several of t­hese Gentlemen, and some of them of the first Rank, 5586 and from t­ hese in the long Winter Nights in which I stay’d h ­ ere, I receiv’d 5587 several very agreeable Visits: It was talking one Night word was neutral enough during this period, but as their use in con­temporary novels, as places of seduction, suggests, they became synonymous with ­houses of ill fame. See OED. * Nova Zembla] At the time the island of Nova Zembla (modern Novaya Zemlya) was considered the epitome of a frozen land. Crusoe’s statement, that Tobol’sk, at latitude 58° north, was “a very few Degrees” from this island, is inaccurate. Novaya Zemlya extends from latitudes 71° to 77° north. †  State Criminals . . . ​observ’d before] See above, 240. The image of Tobol’sk as filled with exiles sent ­there by Peter the ­Great plays on the events of both 1689 and 1718, when Peter reacted to revolts against him by torture, executions, and banishments. Eliding historical events in this manner was typical of Defoe, though, as in a novel such as Roxana, it can cause confusion. The events of 1718 would, of course, be relatively fresh in his readers’ minds. A notable exile from the more recent events was Vasily Dolgoruky, who was banished to Kazan. See Robert Massie, Peter the ­Great: His Life and World (New York: Knopf, 1980), 100–105, 692–697. ‡  Prince Galliczen] Prince Vasily Vasilievich Golitsyn was the most famous of the Rus­sian po­liti­cal exiles at this time. When Sophia Alexeevna became regent of Rus­sia in 1682, she was guided by Golitsyn, an urbane, Westernized adviser, who was also her lover. He was a ­great admirer of Louis XIV and the kind of culture that he had created at Versailles. Golitsyn fought two disastrous campaigns against the Turks and returned to sham victorious welcomes in Moscow. Peter deliberately refused to appear at the second one. When Peter took power and removed Sophia from the throne in 1689, Golitsyn was exiled and remained so ­until his death in 1714 at the age of seventy-­one. The places of his exile, however, w ­ ere Kargopol, Vychegda, Pustozersk, and Mezen. He died in a village in the province of Archangel. All of t­hese ­were in Rus­sia proper and not Tobol’sk in Siberia. See Massie, Peter the ­Great, 80–105; and Lindsey Hughes, “Vasili Vasil’evich Golitsyn,” in The Modern Encyclopedia of Rus­sian and Soviet History, ed. Joseph Wieczynski (Gulf Breeze, FL: Academic International Press, 1976–2000), 13:6–9. §  General Robostiski] We have not been able to discover someone with this exact name. Defoe may have been thinking of a famous conflict between Golitsyn and General Romodanovsky, along with General Samoilovich, who was on the side of Romodanovsky. Samoilovich was exiled to Tobol’sk in 1687. See Lindsey Hughes, Rus­sia and the West: The Life of a Seventeenth-­ Century Westernizer, Prince Vasily Vasil’evich Golitsyn (1643–1714) (Newtonville, MA: Oriental Research Partners, 1984), 51–52.

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with Prince—­—— ­ ­5588* one of the banish’d Ministers of State belonging to the Czar of Muscovy, that my Talk of my par­t ic­u ­lar Case began; he had been telling me abundance5589 of fine Th ­ ings of the Greatness, the Magnificence, the Dominions, and the absolute Power of the Emperor† of the Rus­sians. I interrupted him, and told him I was a greater and more power­ful Prince than ever the Czar of Muscovy was, tho’ my Dominions ­were not so large, or my ­People so many. The Rus­sian Grandee look’d a l­ittle surpriz’d, and fixing his Eyes steddily upon me, began to won­der what I meant. I told him, his Won­der would cease when I had explain’d my self:5590 First, I told him, I had the absolute Disposal of the Lives and Fortunes of all my Subjects: That notwithstanding my absolute Power, I had not one Person disaffected to my Government, or to my Person, in all my Dominions. He shook his Head at that, and said, ­t here indeed I out-­did5591 the Czar of Muscovy. I told him, That all the Lands in my Kingdom w ­ ere my own, and all my Subjects w ­ ere not only my Tenants, but Tenants at W ­ ill: That they would all fight for me to the last Drop; and that never Tyrant,‡ for such I acknowledg’d5592 myself to be, was ever so universally belov’d, and yet so horribly fear’d5593§ by his Subjects. ­After amusing them with t­hese Riddles in Government for a while, I open’d the Case,5594 and told them the Story at large of my living in the Island, and how I manag’d5595 both my self and the P ­ eople t­ here that w ­ ere ­under me, just as I have since minuted it down.¶ They w ­ ere exceedingly taken with the Story, and especially the Prince, who told me5596 with a Sigh, that the true Greatness of Life** was to be * Prince—­—­—] Although this appears to be someone other than the Prince Golitsyn discussed above on this page, at a time when many Rus­sian noblemen ­were, by con­temporary Western Eu­ro­pean standards, a fairly crude bunch, Golitsyn was educated in history and theology and could speak and write Latin, Greek, and Polish. Massie (Peter the ­Great, 80) describes him as an “experienced statesman and soldier, an urbane lover of the arts and a cosmopolitan po­liti­cal visionary.” It is prob­ably Golitsyn, then, who is the model for this anonymous prince. The governor, or voevoda, of Tobol’sk, at this time, was Prince  M. Ia. Cherkassky. See Hughes, Rus­sia in the Age of Peter the ­Great, 114. †  absolute Power . . . ​Emperor] George Turberville, an early En­glish visitor to Rus­sia, was struck by a country where the monarch did not have to obey any laws and might kill any of his enemies at ­w ill. The result was a ­people who lived in “dread.” See Hakluyt, 2:105. ‡  Tyrant] For Crusoe’s imaginative play with being an absolute monarch on his island, see The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 123–124. §  universally beloved . . . ​fear’d] In depicting his own reign as “Tyrant,” Crusoe clearly compares himself to Peter the G ­ reat. In putting down the Streltsy, a part of the army that revolted against him in 1698, Peter may have executed p ­ eople with his own hands and had fits of vio­ lence that certainly created fear. But he was also widely admired and loved by the ­people for his common touch and generosity. See Massie, Peter the ­Great, 257–260. ¶  minuted it down] As in noted it down. See OED. ** true Greatness of Life] In his account of Rus­sia in 1689, Foy de la Neuville created the myth of Golitsyn as a philosophical statesman, capable of utopian dreams that would benefit Rus­ sia and of calmly accepting his exile. Of him, Neuville wrote, “So he preferred stoutly to await the final stroke of his disgrace and suffer death with the same resolve, rather than let his flight expose his ­family to what­ever outrages his enemies’ malice might dream up, and see himself, ­a fter such a ­great fortune, destitute and penniless, a poor fugitive in a foreign

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Master of our selves;5597 That he would not have exchanged5598 such a State of Life as mine, to have been Czar5599 of Muscovy; and that he found more Felicity in the Retirement he seem’d to be banish’d to t­ here, than ever he found in the highest Authority he enjoy’d in the Court of his Master the Czar; That the Heighth of ­human Wisdom was to bring our Tempers down to our Circumstances,5600 and to make a Calm within,* ­under the Weight of the greatest Scorns without. When he came first hither, he said he us’d 5601 to tear the Hair from his Head, and the Cloths5602 from his Back, as ­others had done before him; but a l­ittle time5603 and Consideration had made him look into himself, as well as round him to ­Things without;5604 That he found the Mind of Man, if it was but once brought to reflect upon the State of universal Life, and how ­little this World5605 was concern’d in its true Felicity, was perfectly capable of making a Felicity for it self, fully satisfying to it self, and suitable to its own best Ends and Desires, with but very ­little Assistance from the World; That Air to breath in, Food to sustain Life, Cloths for Warmth, and Liberty for Exercise in order5606 to Health,† compleated, in his Opinion, all that the World could do for us; and tho’ the Greatness, the Authority, the Riches, and the Pleasures which some enjoy’d in the World, and which he had enjoy’d his Share of, had much in them that was agreeable to us, yet he observ’d5607 that all t­ hose ­Things chiefly gratify’d the coarsest of our Affections, such as our Ambition, our par­tic­u ­lar Pride, our Avarice, our Vanity, and our Sensuality;‡ all which w ­ ere indeed the meer Product of the worst Part of Man, ­were in themselves Crimes, and had in them the Seeds of all manner of Crime,5608 but neither ­were related to or concern’d with any of t­ hose Virtues that constituted us wise Men, or of ­t hose Graces which distinguish’d us as Christians: That being now depriv’d5609 of all the fancy’d Felicity which he enjoy’d in the full Exercise of all ­t hose Vices, he said,5610 he was at leisure5611 to look upon the dark Side of them, where he found all manner of Deformity, and was now convinc’d,5612 that Virtue only makes a Man truly wise, rich5613 and ­great, and preserves him in the Way to a superior Happiland.” See A Curious and New Account of Muscovy in the Year 1689, ed. Lindsey Hughes, trans. J. A. Cutshall (London: School of Slavonic and East Eu­ro­pean Studies, 1994), 51, 53. * a Calm within] This weaving together of po­liti­cal exile and Crusoe’s island experience is part of the pro­cess of transforming that experience into one of philosophical detachment and contemplation. In so d ­ oing, Defoe deliberately opened his text to being seen as a kind of allegory for ­mental and spiritual isolation and its benefits. He developed this notion more fully in Serious Reflections of Robinson Crusoe. †  in order to Health] A word such as “sustain” is missing in the first edition. ‡  Pride . . . ​Avarice . . . ​Vanity . . . ​Sensuality] Vasily Golitsyn, who is apparently the model for this prince, might be considered to have been guilty of all of ­these sins. As a military commander who allowed two ­great victory marches into Moscow ­a fter what w ­ ere actually two defeats, he may certainly be considered to have been guilty of pride. As adviser to the Regent, Sophia, and the equivalent of Prime Minister (Keeper of the ­Great Seal), he ­rose to be the second most power­f ul figure in Rus­sia. He might be considered vain for having a palace in Moscow that had carved ceilings, gilded chairs, inlaid ebony ­tables, Gobelin tapestries on the walls, paintings, and an elegant library. And as the lover of Sophia, fifteen years his ju­nior, while being married and having six c­ hildren, he might be viewed as guilty of sensuality. See Massie, Peter the ­Great, 80–105.

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ness in a f­ uture State. And in this,5614 he said, they w ­ ere more happy in their Ban5615 ishment, than all their Enemies w ­ ere, who had the full Possession of all the Wealth and Power that they (the Banish’d) had left b ­ ehind them. Nor, Sir, says he, do I bring my Mind to this po­liti­cally, by the Necessity of my Circumstances, which some call miserable; but if I know any ­t hing5616 of my self, I would not now go back, tho’ the Czar, my Master, should call me, and re-­instate me in all my former Grandeur,5617 I say, I would no more go back to it, than I believe my Soul, when it s­ hall be deliver’d from this Prison of the Body, and has had a Taste of the glorious State beyond Life, would come back to the Jail5618 of Flesh* and Blood it is now enclos’d in, and leave Heaven to deal in the Dirt and Crime of ­human Affairs. He spoke this with so much Warmth in his Temper, so much Earnestness and Motion of his Spirits, which w ­ ere apparent in his Countenance,5619 that it was evident it was the true Sense of his Soul: ­There was no room to doubt his Sincerity. I told him, I once thought my self a kind of a Monarch5620 in my old Station, of which I had given him an Account, but that I thought he was not a Monarch only, but a g­ reat Conqueror; for he that has got5621 a Victory over his own exorbitant 5622 Desires, and has the absolute Dominion over himself, whose Reason entirely governs his W ­ ill, is certainly5623 greater than he that conquers a City:† But,5624 my Lord, said I, ­shall I take the Liberty to ask you a Question? With all my Heart, says he.5625 If the Door of your Liberty was open’d,5626 said I, would you not take hold of it to deliver your self from this Exile. Hold, said he, your Question is subtil,5627 and requires some serious just Distinctions, to give it a sincere Answer; and I’ll give it you from the Bottom of my Heart. Nothing that I know of in this World would move me to deliver my self from this State of Banishment, except t­ hese two,5628 First, the Enjoyment of my Relations, and Secondly, a l­ittle warmer Climate; but I protest to you, that to go back to the Pomp of the Court, the Glory, the Power, the Hurry of a Minister of State, the Wealth, the Gaiety, and the Pleasures, that is to say, Follies of a Courtier; if my Master should send me Word this Moment, that he restores me to all he banish’d me from; I protest, If I know my self at all, I would5629 not leave this Wilderness, t­ hese Desarts, and ­t hese frozen Lakes, for the Palace5630 at Muscow.‡ * Soul . . . ​Jail of Flesh] The idea of the body as a prison for the soul was often illustrated in seventeenth-­century emblems in which the ribcage of the skeleton is depicted as a kind of jail holding the soul inside. It is also the subject of much Christian poetry from the M ­ iddle Ages onward, including Andrew Marvell’s “A Dialogue between the Resolved Soul, and Created Plea­sure” and “A Dialogue between the Body and the Soul,” Poems and Letters, ed. H. M. Margoliouth, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1927), 1:9–12, 20–21. For an example of emblems depicting such a scene, see Rosalie Colie, My Echoing Song (Prince­ton, NJ: Prince­ ton University Press, 1970), illustrations 2 and 3. †  Conqueror . . . ​City] As with the strug­gle between the body and the soul, the allegorical images of the conflict between the reason and the passions as a kind of warfare was the subject of much Christian poetry during the ­Middle Ages and the Re­nais­sance. ‡  Palace at Muscow] If this Prince is modeled on Prince Golitsyn, his palace in Moscow would have been an example of the best that the “world” could offer. See above, the note to 245.

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But, my Lord, said I, perhaps you not only are banish’d from the Pleasures5631 of the Court, and from the Power, and Authority, and Wealth you enjoy’d before, but you may be absent too from some of the Con­ve­niences of Life, your Estate perhaps confiscated and your Effects plunder’d, and the Supplies left you h ­ ere may not be suitable to the ordinary Demands of Life. Ay, says he, that is as you suppose me to be a Lord, or a Prince, &c. So indeed I am; but you are now to consider me only as a Man, a h ­ uman Creature, not at all distinguish’d from another, and so I can suffer no Want, ­unless I should be visited with Sickness and Distempers. However, to put the Question* out of Dispute; you see our Manner; we are in this Place five Persons of Rank,5632 we live perfectly retir’d, as suited to a State of Banishment; we have something rescu’d from the Shipwreck of our Fortunes, which keeps us from the meer Necessity of hunting for our Food; but5633 the poor Soldiers who are h ­ ere, without that Help, live in as much Plenty as we, who go into the Woods and catch Sables and Foxes;5634 the ­Labour of a Month w ­ ill maintain them a Year; and as the Way of living5635 is not expensive, so it is not hard to get sufficient to our selves. So that Objection is out of Doors. I have not room to give a full Account of the most agreeable Conversation I had with this truly g­ reat Man; in all which he shew’d, that his Mind was so inspir’d with a superior Knowledge of ­Things, so supported by Religion, as well as by a vast Share of Wisdom; that his Contempt of the World† was r­ eally as much as he had express’d, and that he was always the same to the last, as w ­ ill appear in the Story I am g­ oing to tell. I had been h ­ ere 8 Months, and a dark dreadful Winter I thought it to be, the Cold so intense that I could not so much as look abroad5636 without being wrap’d5637 in Furs, and a Mask of Fur before my Face, or rather a Hood with only a Hole for Breath, and two for Sight: The ­little Day-­light we had, was, as we reckon’d,5638 for three Months, not above five Hours a day, and six at most; only that the Snow lying on the Ground continually, and the Weather clear, it was never quite dark: Our Horses w ­ ere kept (or rather starv’d) ­under Ground, and as for our Servants, for we hir’d three Servants h ­ ere to look ­after our Horses and selves, we had e­ very now and then their Fin­gers and Toes to thaw and take care of, least5639 they should mortify and fall off. It is true, within Doors we w ­ ere warm, the Houses being close, the Walls thick, the Lights small, and the Glass all double; our Food was chiefly the Flesh of Deer dry’d and cur’d in the Season; good Bread enough, but bak’d as Biskets; dry’d Fish * Question] Crusoe’s “Question” is significant for him, ­because despite his moments of contentment on his island, Crusoe takes the first true opportunity—­t he arrival of the En­glish ship—to return to ­England and Western civilization. †  Contempt of the World] An En­glishing of the phrase and Christian doctrine known as contemptus mundi, which is the basis for the Prince’s argument. Since ­human life is but a short span of years compared to the certainty of eternal bliss experienced by the believer ­a fter death, all of the pleasures of the world may be regarded as foolish. One of the classic statements of this theme appears in the writings of Pope Innocent III. See Platina, The Lives of the Popes, 257.

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of several Sorts, and some Flesh of Mutton, and of the Buffeloes,* which is pretty good Beef:5640 All the Stores of Provision for the Winter are laid up in the Summer, and well cur’d; our Drink was ­Water mix’d with Aqua-­vitae instead of Brandy, and for a Treat, Mead instead of Wine, which, however, they have excellent good:5641 The Hunters, who venture abroad all Weathers, frequently brought us in fresh Venison, very fat and good, and sometimes Bear’s5642 Flesh, but we did not much care for the last: We had a good Stock of Tea, with which we treated our Friends, as above; and in a word,5643 we liv’d very chearfully and well, all t­ hings consider’d. It was now March, and the Days grown considerably longer, and the Weather, at least, tolerable,5644 so the other Travellers began to prepare Sleds to carry them over the Snow, and to get t­ hings ready to be ­going; but my Mea­sures being fix’d, as I have said, for Arch-­Angel, and not for Muscovy5645 or the Baltick, I made no Motion; knowing very well that the Ships from the South do not set out for that Part of the World till May or June, and that if I was t­ here by the beginning of August,† it would be as soon as any Ships would be ready to go away, and therefore,5646 I say, I made no haste to be gone, as o ­ thers did; in a word,5647 I saw a g­ reat many ­People, nay, all the Travellers go away before me: It seems e­ very Year they go from thence5648 to Muscow for Trade, (viz.) to carry Furs, and buy Necessaries with them, which they bring back to furnish their Shops; also o ­ thers went of the same Errand to Arch-­Angel, but then they also being to come back again above 800 Miles, went all out before me. In short, about the latter End of May I began to make all ready to pack up; and as I was ­doing this, it occurr’d5649 to me, that seeing all t­ hese ­People ­were banish’d by the Czar of Muscovy to Siberia, and yet when they came t­ here, w ­ ere left at Liberty to go whither they would; why did they not then go away to any Part of the World where ever5650 they thought fit, and I began to examine what should hinder them from making such an Attempt. But my Won­der was over, when I enter’d upon that Subject with the Person I have mention’d, who answer’d me thus: Consider,5651 First, Sir, said he, the Place where we are; and Secondly, the Condition we are in; especially, said he, the Generality5652 of the P ­ eople who are banish’d hither; we are surrounded, said he, with stronger ­Things than Bars and Bolts;‡ on the North Side an unnavigable Ocean, where Ship never sail’d, and Boat never swam; neither, if we had both, could we know where to go with them: ­Every other Way, said he, we have above a thousand Miles5653 to pass through the Czar’s own Dominions and By-­Ways utterly unpassable, except by the Roads made by the Governour,§ and by the Towns garrison’d * Buffeloes] Variant spelling for “buffaloes,” a name for several species of oxen throughout Asia. †  Arch-­Angel . . . ​August] Crusoe’s account is generally accurate. Massie (Peter the ­Great, 124– 126) states that t­ here ­were up to a hundred ships in this port between May and October. Peter spent a considerable amount of time h ­ ere in 1696, inspired by his contact with foreign merchants and seamen, but he was eventually to promote St. Petersburg as Rus­sia’s major port. ‡  Bars and Bolts] Crusoe used the same phrase to describe the ocean surrounding his island in The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures, 96–97. §  Governour] At this time Prince Cherkassky. See above, the note to 350:23.

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by his Troops; so that we could neither pass undiscover’d by the Road, or subsist any other Way, so that it is in vain to attempt it. I was silenc’d indeed at once, and found that they w ­ ere in a Prison, e­ very Jot as secure as if they had been lock’d up in the ­Castle at Muscow;* however, it came into my Thought, that I might certainly be made an Instrument to procure the Escape of this excellent Person, and that what­ever ­Hazard I run, I would certainly try if I could carry him off. Upon this I took an Occasion one Eve­ning to tell him my Thoughts: I represented to him, that it was very easy for me to carry him away, ­t here being no Guard over him in the Country, and as I was not ­going to Muscow, but to Arch-­Angel, and that I went in the nature of a Caravan,5654 by which I was not oblig’d to lye in the stationary Towns in the Desart, but could encamp e­ very Night where I would, we might easily pass uninterrupted to Arch-­Angel, where I would immediately secure him on board an En­glish or Dutch Ship, and carry him off safe along with me; and as to his Subsistence,5655 and other Particulars, it should be my Care till he could better supply himself. He heard me very attentively, and look’d earnestly on me all the while I spoke;5656 nay, I could see in his very Face, that what I said put his Spirits into an exceeding Ferment; his Colour frequently chang’d, his Eyes look’d red, and his Heart flutter’d, that it might be even perceiv’d in his Countenance; nor could he immediately answer me, when5657 I had done, and as it w ­ ere expected what he would say to it; but ­after he had paus’d a ­little he embrac’d me, and said, how unhappy5658 are we unguarded Creatures as we are, that even our greatest Acts of Friendship are made Snares to us, and we are made Tempters of one another! My dear Friend, said he, your Offer is so sincere, has such Kindness in it, is so disinterested in it self, and is so calculated for my Advantage, that I must have very ­little Knowledge of the World, if I did not both won­der at it, and acknowledge the Obligation I have upon me to you for it. But did you believe I was sincere in what I have so often said to you of my Contempt of the World? Did you believe I spoke my very Soul to you, and that I had r­ eally obtain’d that Degree of Felicity h ­ ere, that had plac’d me above all that the World could give me, or do for me? Did you believe I was sincere, when I told you I would not go back, if I was re-­call’d even to be all,5659 that once I was in the Court with the Favour of the Czar my Master? Did you believe me, my Friend, to be an honest Man, or did you think me to be a boasting Hypocrite? ­Here he stop’d,5660 as if he would hear what I would say, but indeed, I soon ­after perceiv’d, that he stop’d5661 b ­ ecause his Spirits ­were in Motion, his ­great Heart was full of Strug­gles, and he could not go on. I was, I confess, astonish’d at the t­ hing5662 as well as at the Man, and I us’d some Arguments with him to urge him to set himself ­free;5663 That he ­ought to look upon this as a Door open’d by Heaven for his Deliverance, and a Summons by Providence, who has the Care and Disposition of all Events, to do himself good, and to render himself useful in the World. He had by this time5664 recover’d himself: How do you know Sir, says he warmly, that instead of a Summons from Heaven, it may not be a Feint of another * ­Castle at Muscow] The Kremlin, including its prisons.

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Instrument?* Representing in all the alluring Colours to me the Shew5665 of Felicity as a Deliverance, which may in itself be my Snare, and tends directly5666 to my Ruin: ­Here I am ­free from the Temptation of returning to my former miserable Greatness; ­there I am not sure but that all the Seeds of Pride, Ambition, Avarice and Luxury, which I know remain in Nature, may revive and take Root,5667 and in a Word, again overwhelm me, and then the happy Prisoner, who you5668 see now Master of his Soul’s Liberty,5669† ­shall be the miserable Slave of his own Senses, in the Full of all personal Liberty: Dear Sir, let me remain in this blessed Confinement, banish’d from the Crimes of Life, rather than purchase a Shew5670 of Freedom, at the Expence of the Liberty of my Reason, and at the Expence of the f­ uture Happiness which now I have in my View, but s­ hall then, I fear, quickly lose5671 Sight of; for I am but Flesh, a Man, a meer Man, have Passions and Affections as likely to possess and overthrow me as any Man: O be not my Friend and my Tempter both together.5672 If I was surpriz’d before, I was quite dumb now, and stood ­silent, looking at him, and indeed admir’d at what I saw; the Strug­gle in his Soul was so ­great, that tho’ the Weather was extreamly cold, it put him into a most violent Sweat, and I found he wanted to give Vent to his Mind; so I said a Word or two, that I would leave him to consider of it, and wait on him again, and then I withdrew to my own Apartment.5673 About two Hours ­after I heard some Body at, or near, the Door of my Room, and I was g­ oing to open the Door, but he had open’d it, and came in: My dear Friend, says he, you had almost overset me, but I am recover’d; do not take it ill that I do not close with your Offer, I assure you, ’tis not for want of a Sense of the Kindness of it in you, and I came to make the most sincere Acknowl­edgment of it to you; but I hope I have got the Victory over my self. My Lord, said I, I hope you are fully satisfy’d that you do not resist the Call of Heaven. Sir, said he, if it had been from Heaven,5674 the same Power would have influenc’d me to accept it; but I hope, and am fully satisfy’d, that it is from Heaven that I decline it, and I have an infinite Satisfaction in the parting,5675 that you s­ hall leave me an honest Man still, tho’ not a f­ ree Man. I had nothing to do but to acquiesce, and make Professions to him of my having no End in it, but a sincere Desire to serve him: He embrac’d me very passionately, and assur’d me, he was sensible of that, and should always acknowledge it, and with that he offer’d me a very fine Pre­sent of Sables, too much indeed for me to accept from a Man in his Circumstances, and I would have avoided them, but he would not be refus’d. The next Morning I sent my Servant to his Lordship, with a small Pre­sent of Tea, and two Pieces of China Damask,‡ and four ­little Wedges of Japan Gold, which * Feint of another Instrument] A stratagem of the Devil. “Feint” is used h ­ ere in the same sense it has in modern prizefighting, and which it already had in military operations, as a movement intended to deceive an opponent. †  Master of his Soul’s Liberty] Defoe was to develop this paradox of freedom as an internal state in “Of Solitude,” in Serious Reflections of Robinson Crusoe (1720). ‡  China Damask] “A rich silk fabric woven with elaborate designs and figures, often of a variety of colours.” OED.

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did not all weigh above six Ounces, or thereabout, but w ­ ere far short of the Value of his Sables,* which, indeed, when I came to ­England, I found worth near 2001. He accepted the Tea, and one Piece of the Damask, and one of the Pieces of Gold, which had a fine Stamp upon it, of the Japan Coinage, which I found he took for the Rarity5676 of it, but would not take any more, and he sent word by my Servant that5677 he desir’d to speak with me. When I came to him, he told me, I knew what had pass’d between us, and hop’d I would not move him any more in that Affair; but that since I had made such a generous Offer to him, he ask’d me, if I had Kindness enough to offer the same to another Person that he would name5678 to me, in whom he had a g­ reat Share of Concern;5679 I told him, that I could not say I enclin’d to do so much for any one but himself, for whom I had a par­tic­u­lar Value, and should have been glad to have been the Instrument of his Deliverance; however, if he would please to name the Person to me, I would give him my Answer, and hop’d he would not be displeased with me, if he was with my Answer; he5680 told me, it was only his Son,† who,5681 tho’ I had not seen, yet was in the same Condition with himself, and above two hundred Miles from him, on the other side the Oby;‡ but that if I consented, he would send for him. I made no Hesitation, but told him I would do it:5682 I made some Ceremony in letting him understand that it was wholly on his Account, and that seeing I could not prevail on him, I would shew my Re­spect to him, by my Concern for his Son, but ­t hese ­Things are too tedious to repeat ­here: He sent away the next Day for his Son, and in about twenty Days he came back with the Messenger, bringing six or seven Horses, loaded with very rich Furs, and which in the ­whole, amounted to a very g­ reat Value. His Servants brought the Horses into the Town, but left the young Lord at a Distance, till Night, when he came incognito into our Apartment,5683 and his F ­ ather presented him to me; and in short, we concerted t­ here the manner5684 of our travelling, and e­ very ­Thing proper for the Journey. I had bought a considerable Quantity of Sables, black Fox Skins, fine Ermines, and such other Furs as are very rich; I say, I had bought them in that City in Exchange for some of the Goods I brought from China; in par­tic­u­lar for the Cloves and Nutmegs, of which, I sold the greatest Part h ­ ere, and the rest afterwards at Arch-­Angel, for a much better Price than I could have done at London; and my Part* Value of his Sables] When Peter the G ­ reat was making his famous travels through Eu­rope, he gave gifts of sables to vari­ous monarchs as a near-­priceless commodity. For an account of hunting sables, see Philippe Avril, Travels into Divers Parts of Eu­rope and Asia (London, 1693), bk. 3, p. 139–141. See also Massie, Peter the ­Great, 199, 215. †  his Son] In Neuville’s account of Golitsyn’s ­career, Peter had the Prince exiled along with his son, Aleksei, with the implication of solitude and loneliness. Golitsyn’s entire ­family accompanied him into exile, at first not that far from Moscow, and he actually had several ­children with his wife during this period. Nevertheless, Golitsyn’s life was hard enough, and Aleksei was apparently driven to near madness by the terrible conditions. See A Curious and New Account, xxxiii; and Hughes, Rus­sia and the West, 78–83. ‡  Oby] See above, 240.

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ner who was sensible of the Profit, and whose Business more particularly than mine was Merchandize, was mightily pleas’d with our Stay, on Account of the Traffick we made ­here. It was the beginning of June, when I left this remote Place, a City, I believe, l­ ittle heard of in the World; and indeed it is so far out of the Road of Commerce, that I know not how it should be much talk’d of. We5685 ­were now come to a very small Caravan,5686 being only thirty two Horses and Camels in all, and all of them pass’d for mine, tho’ my new Guest was Proprietor of eleven of them; it5687 was most natu­ ral also that I should take more Servants with me than I had before, and the young Lord pass’d for my Steward; what g­ reat Man I pass’d for my self, I know not, neither did it concern me to enquire; we5688 had h ­ ere, the worst and the largest Desart to pass over that we met with in all the Journey; indeed I call it the worst, b ­ ecause the Way was very deep in some Places, and very uneven in ­others; the best we had to say for it, was, that we thought we had no Troops of Tartars and Robbers to fear, and that they never came on this Side the River Oby, or at least, but very seldom, but we found it other­wise. My young Lord had with him, a faithful Muscovite Servant, or rather a Siberian Servant, who was perfectly acquainted with the Country, and led us by private Roads, that we avoided coming in to the principal Towns and Cities, upon the g­ reat Road, such as Tumen,* Soly-­Kamskoi,† and several ­others; ­because the Muscovite Garrisons which are kept t­ here, are very curious and strict in their Observation upon Travellers; and searching least any of the banish’d Persons of Note should make their Escape that Way into Muscovy; but by this Means, as we ­were kept out of the Cities, so our ­whole Journey was a Desart, and we ­were oblig’d to encamp and lye in our Tents, when we might have had very good Accommodation in the Cities on the Way: This the young Lord was so sensible of, that he would not allow us to lye abroad, when we came to several Cities, on the Way, but lay abroad himself with his Servant in the Woods, and met us always at the appointed Places. We ­were just enter’d Eu­rope, having pass’d the River Kama,‡ which in ­t hese Parts, is the Boundary between Eu­rope and Asia, and the first City on the Eu­ro­ pe­an Side was call’d Seloy-­Kamaskoy,§ which is as much as to say, the ­great City, on the River Kama; and h ­ ere we thought to have seen some evident Alteration in the ­People; their Manner, their Habit, their Religion, and their Business; but we * Tumen] Modern Tyumen is to the southeast of Tobol’sk. †  Soly-­Kamskoi] Defoe spells this “Seloy-­Kamskoy” in the next paragraph; it is Solikamiskoy on Ides’s map, and Solikumski on Strahlenberg’s. It is to the northeast of Tobol’sk, but whereas on Ides’s map Solikamiskoy (modern Solikamsk, just north of the much larger city of Berezniki) seems only a ­little further than Tyumem, it was actually close to 500 miles away from Tobol’sk, compared to about 125 miles to Tyumem. ‡  River Kama] The Kama runs north out of the east side of the Ural Mountains. The maps that Defoe was using ­were highly inaccurate. It is likely that Defoe meant the Kolva River, which is to the east of the Kama. The Strahlenberg map has the Koltwa flowing into the Kama. §  Seloy-­Kamaskoy] Variant spelling of Soly-­Kamskoi (364:10–11).

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­ ere mistaken, for as we had a vast Desart to pass, which by Relation, is near seven w hundred Miles long in some Places, but not above two hundred Miles over where we pass’d it; so ’till we came past that horrible Place, we found very ­little Difference between that Country and the Mongul Tartary;5689 the P ­ eople, mostly Pagans, and ­little better than the Savages of Amer­i­ca, their Houses and Towns full of Idols, and their Way of Living, wholly barbarous, except in the Cities as above, and the Villages near them; where they are Christians as they call themselves, of the Greek Church, but have their Religion mingled with so many Reliques of Superstition,* that it is scarce to be known in some Places from meer Sorcery and Witchcraft. In passing this Forest, I thought indeed we must, ­after all our Dangers ­were in our Imagination escap’d as before have been plunder’d and robb’d, and perhaps murther’d by a Troop of Thieves; of what Country they ­were, ­whether the roving Bands of the Ostiachi,† a Kind of Tartars or wild ­People on the Bank of the Obi, had rang’d thus far, or ­whether they ­were the Sable-­Hunters of Syberia,5690 I am yet at a Loss to know; but they ­were all on Horse­back, carry’d Bows and Arrows, and ­were at first about five and forty in Number; they came so near to us, as within about two Musquet-­Shot, and asking no Questions, they surrounded us with their Horse, and look’d very earnestly upon us twice; at length they plac’d themselves just in our Way, upon which, we drew up in a ­little Line before our Camels, being not above sixteen Men in all; and being drawn up thus, we halted and sent out the Siberian Servant, who attended his Lord, to see who they ­were; his Master was the more willing to let him go, ­because he was not a ­little apprehensive, that they ­were a Syberian Troop5691 sent out ­after him: The Man came up near them with a Flag of Truce, and call’d them, but tho’ he spoke several of their Languages or Dialects of Languages rather, he could not understand a Word they said; however, a­ fter some Signs to him, not to come nearer to them at his Peril; so he said, he understood them to mean offering to shoot at him if he advanc’d; the Fellow came back no wiser than he went, only that by their Dress, he said, he believ’d them to be some Tartars of Kalmuck,5692‡ or of the Circassian Hoords;§ and that ­t here must be more of them upon the ­great Desart, tho’ he never heard that any of them ever ­were seen so far North before.

* Greek Church . . . ​Superstition] In his account of the “Greek” church and its religion, Neuville, whose viewpoint is strongly French and Catholic, found it “marked by frightful superstitions.” See A Curious New Account, 60. †  Ostiachi] Philippe Avril mentioned the “Ostiaki” among the many tribes of Tartars in the area, but found it difficult to distinguish among them: “But in regard they have all the same Physiognomy, and use the same Language as the Calmoucs, ’tis very probable that they are only some separated Hordes.” See Travels, 164–165. The Ostiacks ­were the same as the Khantys, who did indeed dwell in the area around Tobol’sk. For a map giving the distribution of the ­peoples of Siberia, see James Forsyth, A History of the P ­ eoples of Siberia: Rus­sia’s North Asian Colony 1581–1990 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 17. ‡  Kalmuck] The area of the Kalmyk Tartars (the Oirat or Western Mongols) would have been far to the southeast in what is now Kazakhstan. §  Circassian Hoords] The Circassians ­were far to the west between the Caspian and Black Seas.

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This was small Comfort to us; however, we had no Remedy; ­t here was on our left Hand at about a Quarter of a Mile’s Distance, a l­ ittle Grove or Clump of Trees which stood close together, and very near the Road; I immediately resolv’d we would advance to ­t hose Trees, and fortify our selves as well as we could ­t here; for first I considered, that the Trees would in a ­g reat Mea­sure cover us from their Arrows, and in the next Place, they could not come to charge us in a Body; it was indeed my old Portuguese Pi­lot who proposed it, and who had this Excellency attending him, namely, that he was always readiest, and most apt to direct and encourage us in Cases of the most Danger; we advanc’d immediately with what Speed we could, and gain’d that ­little Wood, the Tartars or Thieves, for we know not what to call them, keeping their Stand, and not attempting to hinder us; when we came thither, we found to our ­great Satisfaction, that it was a swampy springy Piece of Ground, and on the one Side, a very g­ reat Spring of ­Water, which r­ unning out in a ­little Rill or Brook, was a ­little farther, joyn’d by another of the like bigness,5693 and was in short, the Head or Source of a considerable River, call’d afterwards the Wirtska;* the Trees which grew about this Spring, ­were not all above two hundred, but ­were very large, and stood pretty thick; so that as soon as we got in, we saw our selves perfectly safe from the E ­ nemy, ­u nless they alighted and attack’d us on Foot. But to make this more difficult, our Portugueze, with indefatigable Application, cut down g­ reat Arms of the Trees, and laid them hanging not quite cut off from one Tree to another, so that he made a continued Fence almost round us. We stay’d5694 ­here waiting the Motion of the E ­ nemy some Hours, without perceiving they made any Motion; when about two Hours before Night, they came down directly upon us, and tho’ we had not perceiv’d it, we found they had been join’d by some more of the same, so that they ­were near fourscore Horse, whereof however, we fancy’d some w ­ ere W ­ omen: They came on till they w ­ ere within half Shot of our ­little Wood, when we fir’d one Musquet without Ball, and call’d to them in the Rus­sian Tongue, to know what they wanted, and bid them keep off; but as if they knew nothing of what we said, they came on with a double Fury directly up to the Wood-­side, not imagining we ­were so barricado’d that they could not break in; our old Pi­lot was our Captain, as well as he had been our Engineer, and desir’d of us not to fire upon them till they came within Pistol-­Shot, and that we might be sure to kill, and that when we did fire, we should be sure to take good Aim; we bad him give the Word of Command, which he delay’d so long, that they w ­ ere some of them within two Pikes length† of us when we fir’d. We aim’d so true, (or Providence directed our Shot so sure) that we kill’d fourteen of them, and wounded several o ­ thers, as also several of their Horses; for we had all of us loaded our Pieces with two or three Bullets at least.5695 * River . . . ​Wirtska] Prob­ably the Vishera River that rises in the Urals around latitude 62° north. †  two Pikes length] The shaft of a pike was “about 13 or 14 foot long,” with an additional length for the metal point attached to the shaft. See Gentleman’s Dictionary, pt. 2, sigs. Ff3–­Ff3v.

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They ­were terribly surpriz’d with our Fire, and retreated immediately about one Hundred Rods5696* from us; in which Time, we loaded our Pieces again, and seeing them keep that Distance, we sally’d out and catch’d four or five of their Horses, whose Riders we suppose w ­ ere kill’d, and coming up to the dead, we could easily perceive they w ­ ere Tartars, but knew not from what Country, or how they came to make an Excursion such an unusual Length. About an Hour ­after they made a Motion to attack us again, and rode round our ­little Wood, to see where ­else they might break in; but finding us always ready to face them,5697 they went off again, and we resolv’d not to stir from the Place for that Night. We slept ­little you may be sure, but spent the most Part of the Night in strengthning our Situation, and barricadoing the Entrances into the Wood, and keeping a strict Watch, we waited for Day-­Light, and when it came, it gave us a very unwelcome Discovery indeed; for the ­Enemy, who we thought ­were discourag’d with the Reception they had met with, ­were now encreas’d to no less than three hundred, and had set up eleven or twelve Huts and Tents, as if they ­were resolv’d to besiege us; and this l­ ittle Camp they had pitch’d upon the open Plain, at about three Quarters of a Mile from us. We ­were indeed surpriz’d at this Discovery; and now I confess, I gave my self over for lost, and all that I had: The Loss of my Effects did not lye so near me, (tho’ they w ­ ere very considerable) as the Thoughts of falling into the Hands of such Barbarians, at the latter End of my Journey, ­after so many Difficulties and ­Hazards as I had gone thro’; and even in Sight of our Port, where we expected Safety and Deliverance; as for my Partner, he was raging; he declar’d, that to lose his Goods would be his Ruin; and he would rather die than be starv’d; and he was for fighting to the last Drop. The young Lord, as gallant as ever Flesh shew’d it self, was for fighting to the last also; and my old Pi­lot was of the Opinion we w ­ ere able to resist them all, in the Situation we w ­ ere then in; and thus we spent the Day in Debates of what we should do; but ­towards Eve­ning, we found that the Number of our Enemies still encreas’d, perhaps as they ­were abroad in several Parties for Prey; the first had sent out Scouts to call for Help, and to acquaint them of the Booty, and we did not know, but by the Morning they might still be a greater Number; so I began to enquire of ­t hose ­People we had brought from Tobolski, if t­ here was no other, or more private Ways by which we might avoid them in the Night, and perhaps e­ ither retreat to some Town, or get Help to guard us over the Desart. The Syberian, who5698 was Servant to the young Lord, told us, if we design’d to avoid them and not fight, he would engage to carry us off in the Night, to a Way that went North t­ owards the Petrou,† by which he made no Question, but we might get away, and the Tartars never the wiser; but he said, his Lord had told him, he would not retreat, but would rather chuse to fight. I told him, he mistook his Lord, * one Hundred Rods] A rod was five and a half yards or sixteen and a half feet. This means that the attackers retreated a considerable distance, beyond the point that they might be hit by the fire coming from the flintlocks. †  the Petrou] Possibly the Pechora River.

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for that he was too wise a Man to love Fighting for the sake of it; that I knew his Lord was brave enough by what he had shew’d already; but that his Lord knew better, than to desire to have seventeen or eigh­teen Men fight five hundred, ­unless an unavoidable Necessity forc’d them to it; and that if he thought it pos­si­ble for us to escape in the Night, we had nothing e­ lse to do but to attempt it. He answer’d, if his Lord gave him such O ­ rders, he would lose his Life if he did not perform it; we soon brought his Lord to give that Order, tho’ privately, and we immediately prepar’d for the putting it in Practice. And first, as soon as it began to be dark, we kindled a Fire in our l­ittle Camp, which we kept burning, and prepar’d so as to make it burn all Night, that the Tartars might conclude we ­were still ­t here; but as soon as it was dark, (that is to say) so as we could see the Stars (for our Guide5699 would not stir before) having all our Horses and Camels ready loaden, we followed our new Guide, who I soon found steer’d himself by the Pole, or North Star, all the Country being level for a long Way. ­After we had travell’d two Hours very hard, it began to be lighter still, not that it was quite dark all Night, but the Moon began to rise, so that in short, it was rather lighter than we wish’d it to be; but by six a Clock the next Morning we w ­ ere gotten near forty Miles, tho’ the Truth is, we almost spoil’d our Horses. ­Here we found a Rus­sian Village named Kirmazinskoy,5700* where we rested, and heard nothing of the Calmuck Tartars that Day; about two Hours before Night we set out again, and travell’d till eight the next Morning, tho’ not quite so hard 5701 as before, and about seven a Clock we pass’d a l­ ittle River call’d Kirtza,† and came to a good large Town inhabited by Rus­sians, and very populous, call’d Ozomoys;‡ ­t here we heard that several Troops or Hoords of Calmucks had been abroad upon the Desart, but that we w ­ ere now compleatly out of Danger of them, which was to our g­ reat Satisfaction you may be sure. ­Here we ­were oblig’d to get some fresh Horses, and having * Kirmazinskoy] Crusoe is proceeding east along what is roughly the 62nd and 63rd north parallel. The map accompanying The Farther Adventures is inaccurate in showing the route to Archangel as being below the 60th parallel. None of the con­temporary maps we examined had a name close enough to identify as such a place with complete certainty. One possibility, from a twentieth-­century map (The Globe and Commercial Advertiser New Atlas of the World [Chicago: Rand, McNally, 1904], 124), is Kertchemskoy. For an example of the inaccuracy of maps of Rus­sia published during this period, see the collection published by George Wildey (Composite Atlas Consisting of Thirteen Engraved Maps [London, ca. 1723]). †  River call’d Kirtza] According to the map of Nicolas Sanson, in a large atlas that we have examined in a Spanish version, t­ here is a town called Kirza on what Crusoe calls the Witzogda River and that is called, on modern maps, the Wychegda. Presumably the town is on this smaller river near its encounter with the larger one. See Nuevo Atlas Contiene la Geographia Universal o Todas las Partes del Mundo (Amsterdam, 1696), map 23, “Nova Rus­siae Albae.” ‡  Ozomoys] None of the maps we have examined has a village with a name close enough to this to h ­ azard more than a guess at such a place. The closest we can come is a village called Ousixoli. Another village called Oserkoi seems to be placed too far north for Crusoe’s route. See Herman Moll, “Map of Eu­rope” and “Map of the Whole World,” in A New and Correct Map of the World (London, 1709–1720).

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need enough of Rest, we stay’d five Days; and my Partner and I agreed to give the honest Syberian,5702 who brought us thither, the Value of ten Pistoles,* for his conducting us. In five Days more we came to Veustima,† upon the River Witzogda,‡ and r­ unning into the Dwina,§ we w ­ ere ­t here very happily near the end of our Travels by Land, that River being navigable in seven Days Passage to Arch-­Angel:¶ From hence we came to Lawrenskoy** the 3d of July, and providing our selves with two Luggage Boats,†† and a Barge for our own Con­ve­nience, we embark’d the 7th, and arriv’d all safe at Arch-­Angel the 18th, having been a Year and five Months and three Days on the Journey, including our Stay of eight Months and odd Days at Tobolski. We ­were oblig’d to stay at this Place six Weeks for the Arrival of the Ships, and must have tarry’d longer, had not a Hamburgher come in above a Month sooner than any of the En­glish Ships; when ­after some Consideration, that the City of Hamburgh might happen to be as good a Market for our Goods as London, we all took Freight with him, and having put my Goods on board, it was most natu­ral for me to put my Steward on board to take care of them, by which means my young Lord had a sufficient Opportunity to conceal himself, never coming on Shore in all the time we stay’d ­t here; and this he did, that he might not be seen in the City, where some of the Muscow Merchants would certainly have seen and discover’d him. We sailed from Arch-­Angel the 20th of August the same Year, and ­a fter no extraordinary bad Voyage, arriv’d in the Elbe‡‡ the 13th of September. H ­ ere my Partner and I found a very good Sale for our Goods, as well t­hose of China, as the * Value of ten Pistoles] A Spanish gold coin ranging in worth from 16s. 6d. to 18 s. Estimating this in terms of modern currency values for the year 2002, one estimate would put this at £95.69, taking the value of the pistole at 17s. See John McCusker, “Comparing the Purchasing Power of Money in ­Great Britain from 1264 to Any Other Year Including the Pre­sent,” Economic History Ser­v ices, http://­w ww​.­eh​.­net​/­hmit​/­ppowerbp. For a discussion of the relative value of eighteenth-­century in comparison to modern prices, see Robert Hume, “The Value of Money in Eighteenth-­Century ­England: Incomes, Prices, Buying Power and Some Prob­ lems in Cultural Economics,” Huntington Library Quarterly 77 (2015): 373–415. †  Veustima] Nicolas Sanson places a village with this name on the Witzogda (Wychegda) River. Apparently the caravan is following the banks of this lengthy river. ‡  River Witzogda] Identified in modern atlases as the Wychegda River, it wanders eastward from the Timan mountain range some 350 miles before joining the even larger Dvina. §  the Dwina] The Dvina is a large river. It meets the Wychegda at approximately 62° north and 47° east. ¶  Arch-­Angel] Although Peter was already attempting to make St. Petersburg Rus­sia’s most impor­tant port, Archangel still had that position at this time (1704). ** Lawrenskoy] Herman Moll’s Atlas Manuale (map 18) places a village with the name of Larenskoy on the south bank of the Wychegda (Witzog) River ­a fter it is joined by the Vyni (Wium on Strahlenberg’s map) and a considerable distance before it joins the Dvina. This is the same as Iarensk or, on the Strahlenberg map, Iarenski, on the north bank of the river. ††  Luggage Boats] “Luggage,” at this time, meant extremely heavy baggage—­t he kind of equipment that an army might have to carry. In this case the boats would have had to have been capable of carry­ing a large and bulky cargo. ‡‡  the Elbe] A large Eu­ro­pean river r­ unning through northern Germany, by Hamburg and into the North Sea.

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Sables, &c. of Syberia; and dividing the Produce of our Effects, my Share amounted to 3475—17—3d.* notwithstanding so many Losses we had sustain’d, and Charges we had been at; only remembring that I had included in this, about six hundred Pounds worth of Diamonds which I had purchas’d at Bengal. ­Here the young Lord took his leave of us, and went up the Elbe in order to go to the Court of Vienna,† where he resolv’d to seek Protection, and where he could correspond with ­t hose of his ­Father’s Friends who ­were left alive: He did not part without all the Testimonies he could give me of Gratitude for the Ser­v ice I had done him, and his Sense of my Kindness to the Prince his F ­ ather. To conclude, having stay’d near four Months in Hamburgh, I came from thence over Land to the Hague,‡ where I embark’d in the Pacquet,§ and arriv’d in London the 10th of January, 1705,¶ having been gone from ­England ten Years and nine Months. * 3475—17—3d.] As Samuel Macey suggested (The Novel and Money [Victoria, BC: Sono Nis Press, 1983], 48–55), Defoe thought that many of his readers would want an exact accounting of his profits. Although we have expressed some doubt about the reliability of attempts to estimate the true purchasing power of currency over the centuries, one estimate puts this at £366,792.92 as of 2002. See John McCusker, “Comparing the Purchasing Power of Money in ­Great Britain from 1264 to Any Other Year Including the Pre­sent,” Economic History Ser­ vices, http://­w ww​.­eh​.­net​/­hmit​/p ­ powerbp​/­. For a discussion of the relative value of eighteenth-­century in comparison to modern prices, see Hume, “The Value of Money in Eighteenth-­Century ­England,” 373–415. †  Court of Vienna] The court of Leopold I (1640–1705), Holy Roman Emperor. As a member of the Hapsburg ­family, King of the Austrian-­Hungarian Empire, he pursued its own interests in relation to Rus­sia and created some friction with that nation by signing the Treaty of Karlowitz with the Ottoman Empire in 1698. When Peter the ­Great began building his port at St.  Petersburg in 1703, it certified Rus­sia’s entrance into the Baltic as a major power in Eu­rope. At vari­ous times during the ­Great Northern War (1700–1721) pitting Rus­sia against Sweden along with a number of other nations, including Britain, Austria threatened to become actively involved but never did. Although the Austrians ­were not on bad terms with Peter at the historical time of The Farther Adventures, they might have afforded protection to the son of this exiled Prince. In 1717 the Emperor, Charles VI, did indeed provide a refuge for Alexis, the son of Peter, fleeing from his f­ ather’s wrath, a fact that Defoe would certainly have known. From the viewpoint of 1719, Rus­sia’s growing strength would have been obvious, but Defoe made a point of frequently speaking about it in his Review (for example, 4:42–47), a journal that was already being published when Crusoe arrived in E ­ ngland at the beginning of 1705. He thought that the result of Charles XII’s rout of Peter’s forces at Narva (1700) would only teach Peter how to make his army more efficient. Rus­sia’s victory over Charles XII at the ­battle of Poltava on 27 June 1709 showed that Defoe was right. See David Kirby, “Peter the ­Great and the Baltic,” in Peter the ­Great and the West, ed. Lindsey Hughes (London: School of Slavonic and East Eu­ro­pean Studies, University College London, 2001), 178–180; M.  S. Anderson, “Poltava and Eu­rope,” in Peter the G ­ reat Transforms Rus­sia, ed. James Cracraft (Lexington, MA: Heath, 1991), 37–52; and Hughes, Rus­sia in the Age of Peter the ­Great, 53–56, 407–408. ‡  the Hague] The Dutch port still has regular transportation to Britain, often to the port of Harwich. §  Pacquet] A ship traveling regularly between two ports, usually, at this time, transporting mail. ¶  10th  of January, 1705] Th ­ ere does not appear to be any par­tic­u ­lar significance in Defoe’s choice of this date. In his Review issues for 9 January and 13 January, he devoted the main essays to a discussion of the British navy’s successful control of the French privateers, attacks against En­glish shipping, and the evils and absurdity of impressing citizens into the En­glish

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And ­here, resolving to harrass my self no more, I am preparing for a longer Journey than all t­ hese, having liv’d 72 Years a Life5703 of infinite Variety, and learn’d sufficiently to know the Value of Retirement, and the Blessing of ending our Days in Peace. F I N I S.

navy. In the sections of the Scandal Club, he addressed subjects such as love, the ­causes of theft, adultery, and the drunkenness of some Justices. He also advertised his poem to the Duke of Marlborough, The Double Welcome, prob­ably published on the 9th, praising the General for his victories. Marlborough was in London at this time and was being hosted at the Goldsmiths’ Hall. The London Gazette issues for 4–8 and 8–11 January reported on ­t hese events and printed several addresses to Queen Anne congratulating her on the wonderful victories over France. ­These included the amazing defeat of the French at Blenheim in August 1704.

Notifications of Books Printed and Sold

BOOKS Printed for, and Sold by William Taylor, at the Sign of the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row.

Folio. 1. ST. Cyprian’s Works translated into En­glish by Dr. Marshall. 2. Bishop Hopkin’s Works. 3. Mr. Marshall’s Chronological ­Table revis’d, by the late Bishop of Worcester. 4. Mr. Bayle’s Critical and Historical Dictionary. 5. Six Maps of Scripture Geography, proper to bind up with Folio Bibles: Or, Dean Prideaux’s Connection. 6. Archbishop Usher’s Life and Letters. 7. Mr. Chillingworth’s Safe Way to Salvation. 8. Boyle’s Exposition on the 39 Articles of the Church of ­England. 9. Bishop Beveridge’s Exposition on the 39 Articles. 10. —­—­His Sermons in a Vol. in Folio, with an Account of his Life, preparing for the Press. 11. Votes of Parliament, for the Years 1715, 1716, 1717, 1718. 12. Reports of the Committee of Secrecy, by the Right Honourable Robert Walpole, Esq. 13. Archdeacon Echard’s Ecclesisastical History: N. B. this History begins where Dr. Prideaux’s ends, and which he recommends, as the best in the En­glish Tongue. 14. Theatrum Scotiæ, containing Views of the most considerable Cities, Towns, Abbies, Monastries, &c of Scotland. 15. A new general Atlas, with above 40 large Maps, printed on an Elephant Paper, is in the Press, and in g­ reat Forwardness. 16. The Works of the Rev. and Learn’d Dr. Barrow, publish’d by Archbishop Tillotson. 261

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17. The Life of Archbishop Whitgist, publish’d by Mr. Stripe. 18. The Works of the Rev. and Learned Mr. John Kettlewell, to which is prefix’d, a large Account of his Life, by Dr. Hickes, Mr. Nelson, &c. 19. Bishop Taylor’s Life of Christ, with the Lives of the Apostles, by Dr. Cave, is in the Press, with new Cuts, design’d by the best Masters. 20. Dr. Salmon’s compleat Herbal, with Cuts. 21. Vitruvius Britannicus: Or, the British Architect, in two hundred large Plates, by Mr. Campbell. 22. Dugdale’s Monasticon Anglicanum in En­glish, adorn’d with above 100 Copper Plates. 23. The Life of Archbishop Tillotson, with an Appendix of very curious Original Papers: N. B., They may be bound with the Folio Edition of his Works. 24. Collection of Tryals. 4 Vol. 25. An exact Plan of the most famous Mountain, call’d Athos, from Athon, a Son of Neptune, situate in Macedonia, lying directly West from Lemnos, and so high, that tho’ it be 70 Furlongs distant; yet before the setting of the Sun it casts a Shadow over the greatest Part of that Island; it’s about three Days Journey in Length, and Half a Day’s over, the Top whereof resembles two Pyramids; and what is prodigious, a vast Torrent of clear W ­ ater flows from the Point of the Mountain: It is inhabited by the Clergy of the Greek-­Church, Subject to the Patriarchs of Constantinople, in Number about six thousand, who never eat Flesh, and a ­great Part of the Year, they eat no Fish, they never marry, &c. the Description given with the Print, done from the Original brought over by the Reverend Gennadius Archimandrite, of Alexandria, now in London.

Quarto 1. LIttleton’s Dictionary. 2. Demonstratio de Deo, Authore Josepho Raphson. 3. —­—­Analy­sis equationum, ab eodem Authore. 4. Bloom’s History of the Bible. 5. Lowth’s Commentary on Isaiah and Jeremiah. 6. Bibliotheca Biblica, or a Commentary on the Bible, to be publish’d Monthly. 7. Mr. James’s Theory of Gardening. 8. Mr. Turretin’s 2 Orations of the dif­fer­ent Fates of the Christian Religion, and of composing Differences among Protestants. 9. Mr. Senex’s Survey of the Roads of ­England and Wales.

Octavo and Duodecimo. 1. THE Life and strange surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, Mari­ner; who liv’d eight and twenty Years all alone in an un-­inhabited Island on the Coast of Amer­i­ca, near the g­ reat River Oronooque; having

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been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, wherein all the Men perish’d but himself. With an Account how he was at last as strangely deliver’d by Pyrates. Written by himself. To which is added a Map of trhe World, in which is delineated the Voyages of Robinson Crusoe. 2. The Religious Phi­los­o­pher: Or, the right Use of contemplating the Works of the Creator. 1st. In the wonderful Structure of Animal Bodies, and in par­tic­u­lar Man. 2dly, In the no less wonderful and wise Formation of the Ele­ments, and their vari­ous Effects upon Animal and Vegetable Bodies. And, 3dly, In the most amazing Structure of the Heavens, with all its Furniture; design’d for the Conviction of Atheists and Infidels. Throughout which, all the late Discoveries in Anatomy, Philosophy, and Astronomy, together with the vari­ous Experiments made use of to illustrate the same, are most copiously handled by that Learned Mathematician, Dr. Nieuwentyt. Translated from the Original, by John Chamberlayne, Esq; F. R. S. Adorn’d with Cuts. 3. Dr. Quincy’s Dispensatory, 8o. 4. —­—­His Physical Dictionary. 5. The History of the Turks, with the Life and Alchoran of Mahomet, in 4 Vol. 8o. 6. Plutarch’s Lives and Morals, in 10 Vol. 12mo. 7. Ovid’s Metamorphosis in 2 Vol. 12mo. translated by several Hands, and adorn’d with Cuts. 8. —­—­Epistles in En­glish, with Cuts. 12mo. 9. —­—­Art of Love, Remedy of Love, Art of Beauty, and his Amours, &c. translated by Mr. Dryden, Mr. Congreve, &c. 12mo. 10. Milton’s Paradise Lost, with new Cuts, and Mr. Addison’s Notes, 12mo. 11. Sir John Suckling’s Works, with some Account of his Life, 12mo. 12. Sir John Denham’s Poems, with the Sophy, a Tragedy, 12mo. 13. Poems on several Occasions, by the Rev. Mr. Pomfret, 12mo. 14. The celebrated Poems of Dr. John Donne, Dean of St. Paul’s, 12mo. 15. The Devil on two Sticks, an agreeable and Instructive Satyr on the Virtues and Vices of the Age, 12mo. 16. Lady Winchelsea’s Poems, 8o. 17. Mr. Dryden’s Miscellany Poems, 6 Vol. 18. —­—­His Virgil, in 3 Vol. 19. —­—­His Plays, 6 Vol. 12mo. 2 0. —­—­His Fables, &c. 8o. 21. Plautus Comedies, translated by Mr. Echard, with Remarks. 22. The new Atlantis in 2 Vol. 12mo. 23. Dr. Garth’s Dispensary with Cuts, and a compleat Key, 12mo. 24. Mr. Arthur Manwaring’s Works, in Prose and Verse. 25. The reward of Virtue, being the Adventures of Theagines, and Cariclia, 2 Vol. 12mo. 26. Boetius, of the Consolation of Philosophy, translated by Lord Preston.

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27. Dr. Desaguliers’s Hydrostaticks, 8o. 28. Bysshe’s Art of En­glish Poetry, being a compleat Common-­Place-­Book to the Works of our most eminent En­glish Poets, 4 Vol. 29. Memoirs of the En­glish Court, during the Reigns of K. Charles II. and K. James II. Containing in par­tic­u ­lar, the Amorous Intrigues of K. C. and K. J. Dutchesses of York, Orleans, Portsmouth, Cleaveland, Richmond, Ladies Shrewsbury, Middleton, Chesterfield, Mrs. Jennings, Mrs. Churchill, Mrs. Ballandin, Mrs. Hamilton, &c. the Dukes of Buckingham, Ormond, Dover, Montague, Earls of Rochester, Arran, Lumley, Carlingford, Lords Churchill, Cornwallis, &c. Written Originally in French by Count de Grammont. Translated into En­glish by Mr. Boyer. To which is added a compleat Key. 30. Lord Clarendon’s History in 6 Vol. large and small Paper, 8o. 31. The Annals of K. George, 4 vol. 8o. 32. Bishop Veveridge’s Thoughts in 2 Vol. 8o. adorn’s with Cuts. 33. —­—­His g­ reat Necessity of Publick Prayer, and frequent Communion, 8o. and 12mo. 34. —­—­His Sermons in 12 Vol. 8o. 35. —­—­His Thesaurus Theologicus, 4. vol. 8o. 36. —­—­His Exposition of the 39 Articles, 8o. 37. Fair Warnings to a careless World, or the Serious Practice of Religion, recommended by the Admonitions of ­dying Men, and the Sentiments of all ­People in their most serious Hours: And other Testimonies of an extraordinary Nature. By Josiah Woodward, D. D. To which is added, Serious Advice to sick Persons, by Archbishop Tillotson. As also a Prospect of Death: A Pindarique Essay. With suitable Cuts. 38. The Sick Man visited, and furnish’d with Instructions, Meditations, and Prayers, suitable to his Condition, for putting him in Mind of his Change, for supporting him ­under his Destemper, and for preparing him for, and carry­ing him through his last Conflict with Death. By N. Spinckes, a Presbyter of the Church of ­England. 39. Dr. Barrow of Contentment, Patience and Resignation to divine ­Will. 40. Advice to a Son, directing him how to demean himself, in the most impor­ tant Passages of Life. 41. Bishop Taylor’s Rule and Exercise of Holy Living and D ­ ying 8o. 42. —­—­his golden Glove, a Manual of Prayers, 8o. 43. Bishop Patrick’s Devout Christian, 12mo. 44. —­—­His Christian Sacrifice, 12mo. 45. —­—­His Advice to a Friend, 12mo. 46. Dr. Patrick’s Version of the Singing Psalms, 12mo. 47. A Description of the Western Islands of Scotland. Containing a full Account of their Situation, Soils, Product, Harbours, Bays, Tides, Anchoring-­Places, and Fisheries. The Antient and Modern Government, Religion and Customs

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of the Inhabitants; particularly of their Druids, Heathen T ­ emples, Monasteries, Churches, Chapels, Antiquities, Monuments, Forts, Caves, and other Curiosities of Art and Nature: Of their Admirable and Expeditious Way of curing most Diseases by S­ imples of their own Product. A par­tic­u ­lar Account of the Second Sight, or Faculty of foreseeing t­ hings to come, by way of Vision, so common among them. A brief Hint of Methods to improve Trade in that Country, both by Sea and Land. With a new Map of the Whole, describing the Harbours, Anchoring-­Places, and dangeous Rocks, for the Benefit of Sailors. To which is added, A brief Description of the Isles of Orkney and Scotland. By M. Martin, Gent. 48. Memoirs of the Church of Scotland, 8o. 49. Memoirs of Scotland since the Commencement of the Union. By G. L—­ck— rt, Esq. 50. Memoirs of Ireland from the Restoration to the Revolution. 51. E. of Belcarras’s Account of the Revolution in Scotland. 52. The Life of K. Charles the 1st. By Mr. Larrey, in 2 Vol. 8o. 53. Mr. Whiston’s Astronomical Lectures, 8o. 54. —­—­His Astronomical Princi­ples of Religion, Natu­ral and Reveal’d. 55. —­—­His Demonstration of Sir. Isaac Newton’s Mathematical Philosophy. 56. —­—­His Translation of Euclid’s Ele­ments, with Tacquet’s Commentaries. 57. —­—­His Address to the Princes of Eu­rope. 58. —­—­His Scripture Politicks, 8o. 59. —­—­His Two Letters to the Bishop of London. 60. —­—­His Letter to the E. of Nottingham. 61. —­—­His Paraphrase on the 1st. Epistle of St. John. 62. Dr. Desagulier’s Sermon before the King at Hampton-­Court. 63. —­—­Lex Mercatoria; Or, the Laws relating to Merchants. 64. The Compleat Sportsman, with all the Laws relating to the Game. 65. Militia-­Law. Being an Abstract of all the Acts relating to the Militia, &c. 66. Landlord and Tenants-­Law, continu’d to this pre­sent time. 67. The Justice of Peace’s Vade Mecum, 12mo. 68. The Office of Executors. By Went­worth, 8o. 69. Cato, a Tragedy. By Mr. Addison, 12mo. 70. The Distressed ­Mother, a Tragedy. By Mr. Philips. 71. The Careless Husband, a Comedy. By Mr. Cibber. 72. Sir Richard Steel’s 3 Plays. 73. Mr. Congreve’s Plays and Poems, in 3 Vol. in 8o. 74. The Country Gentleman’s Vade Mecum, 12mo. 75. The Turkish Spy continu’d, Vol. I. 12mo. 76. A Compleat History of Magick, Sorcery, and Witchcraft; containing, I. The most Authentick and best attested Relations of Magicians, Sorcerers, Witches, Apparitions, Spectres, Ghosts, Dæmons, and other preternatural Appearances. II. A Collection of several very scarce and valuable Tryals of

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Witches, particularly that famous one, of the Witches of Warboyse. III. An Account of first Rise of Magicians and Witches; shewing the Contracts they make with the Devil, and what Methods they take to accomplish their Infernal Designs. IV. A Full Confutation of all the Arguments that have e­ very been produc’d against the Belief of Apparitions, Witches, &c. with a Judgment concerning Spirits, by the late Learned Mr. John Locke. 77. Logick, or the Art of Thinking, 12mo. 78. The Art of Speaking, 12mo. 79. Lawrence’s Clergy-­man and Gentleman’s Recreation, 8o. 80. The Lady’s Recreation. By C. Evelyn, Esq. 81. A Dictionary of Country Affairs, &c. 82. Belgium Britannicum. Authore Guil. Musgrave, F. R. S. 83. Medulla Hist. Anglicanæ. Adorn’d with Cuts. 8 4. Kersey’s Dictionarium. Anglo-­Britannicum. 85. Love’s ­whole Art of Surveying and Mea­sur­ing of Land. 86. Wingate’s Arithmetick, with a Supplement by G. Shelley. 87. Swift’s Miscellanies, in Prose and Verse, 8o. 88. Ashmole’s Order of the Garter Abridg’d, with Cuts, 8o. 89. A Treatise of the Globes, 12mo. 90. Wit’s Common Wealth for the Use of Schools. 91. Gulielmi Nicholsii Historiæ Sacræ. 92. De Christo Imitando, Authore Thoma à Kempisio cum Figuris. 93. Georgii Buchanani Epistolæ. 94. Pietas Londinensis, or the pre­sent Ecclesiastical State of London. 95. Swinden’s Enquiry into the Nature and Place of Hell. 96. The pre­sent State of France, in two Vol. 12mo. 97. Mr. Hawksbee’s Phisico-­Mechanical Experiments, with Cuts. 98. The Adventures of Telemachus, in a Volumes, Adorn’d with Cuts. 99. Mr. Boyle’s Works Epitomiz’d, in 3. Vol. 8o. 100. The Devout Communicant Exemplify’d. 12mo. 101. Epistolaæ Abelardi & Heloissæ, 8o. 102. Wiseman’s Surgery, 2 Vol. 8o. 103. Kettlewell on the Sacrament, 8o. 104. Ward’s Clavis Usuræ, or Key to Interest, 12mo. 105. An Account of the Revolution in Sweden. by Abbot Vertot. 106. Dr. Pitcairn’s Works, with some Account of His Life. 107. Dr. Marshall’s Penitential Discipline of the Primitive Church. 8o. 108. —­—­His Sermon on the Death of Q. Anne. 109. —­—­His Sermon at the Funeral of Mr. Blondell. 110. The History of the Wars of the late K. of Sweden. 111. Dr. Bolton’s Sytem of Rational and Practical Surgery. 112. —­—­His 3 Chirurgical Treatises of the Gout, Kings-­Evil and French Disease, 8o.

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1 13. 114. 115. 116.

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Perspective made Easy. By ­Father Lamy Mr. Spincke’s Answer to Mr. Hoadly’s Mea­sures of Submission. Houtton’s Bridle for the Tongue. Dr. Hickes’s Collection of Tracts, relating to the Government and Authority of the Church of ­England, 8^. 117. —­—­His 3 Short Treatises, 8o. 118. Archbishop of Cambray, of the Existence of God, &c. 119. The Compleat Fencing-­Master. By Sir William Hope, Kt. 120. ­Father Montfaucon’s Travels thorugh Italy. 121. The Swordman’s Vade Mecum. 122. The Curse of Popery and Popish Princes, to the Civil and Ecclesiastical Government of E ­ ngland. 123. Daventer’s Art of Midwifry improv’d. 124. Puffendorf’s Law of Nature Abridg’d and improv’d, 2 Vol. 8o. 125. Mr. Maxwell’s Discourse concerning God. 126. A Discourse of God’s Fore-­k nowledge, and Man’s Free-­agency. 127. Mr. Whiston’s Account of the ­great Meteor, March 1716. 128. —­—­His Account of that which appear’d, March 1718–19. 129. Archbishop Wakes’s Sermons on several Occasions. 130. Dr. Wise’s Sermons on several Occasions. 131. Archdeacon Pearson’s Sermons, on several Occasions, at the Cathedral of York. 132. The Antiquities of York, by J. Torr. Gent. 133. The Spanish Polecat; or, the Adventures of Se­nior Rufina. 134. The Life of Archbishop Titllotson. 8o. 135. Bishop Taylor’s Liberty of Prophesying. 136. The Way to be Wise and Wealthy: Or the Excellency of Industry and Frugality, as the due and regular Exercise thereof is the necessary Means of procuring the Happiness of this Life, and preparing for that of a better. Recommended in par­tic­u­lar to the Gentleman, Scholar, Soldier, Trader, Sailor, Artificer, and Husbandman. With a short Preface, perswading all Protestants to lay aside all Party-­Prejudices, and to unite and love one another. By Mr. J. S. 137. Bishop Blackhall’s Sermons, Publish’d in his Life time. 138. How to Walk with God all the Day long. 139. A Con­ve­nient Prayer-­Book for Private and F ­ amily Use. 140. The Country Life. A Poem. 141. Dr. Moor, Late Ld. Bishop of Ely’s Sermons, 2 Vol. 8o. 142. Dr. Warder’s true Amazons, or Monarchy of Bees. 143. Dr. Desagulier’s Mechanical Experiments. 144. A Collection of Divine Poems, Publish’d by Mr. Singers, &c.

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Beautifully Engrav’d on Copper. 1. THE Tunbridge Beau’s Love Letter, wherein the Art of Love is represented in above 60 Hierogliphical Figures; and that tender Passion described ­after the most moving Manner. 2. The Epsom Lady’s Answer to the Tunbridge Beau’s Love Letter: Price, 1 s. 3. The Hampton-­Court Letter, being a Reply to the Epsom Lady’s Answer. 4. The ingenious and diverting Love Letter in Hierogliphicks, Numb. 4. being the Country Assembly’s Answer to the Hampton-­Court’s Letter. 5. Dr. Halley’s Description of the total Eclipse of the Sun, the 22d of April, 1715. 6. An exact Description of the Total and Vis­i­ble Eclipse of the Moon, August 29, 1717.

Editor’s Emendations Bb5:38 21.] 21^ Bb5v:10 28. Bysshe’s] 28^ Bisse’s Bb5v:38–39 Testimonies] Testimonics Bb6:21 Patrick’s] Patricks Bb8v:5 138.] 138^ Bb8v:28 Eclipse] Ecclipse

Textual Notes

The complexities of the publication of the separate editions and issues of The Farther Adventures of Robinson Crusoe (1719) have been detailed in Henry Clinton Hutchins’s Robinson Crusoe and Its Printing, 1719–1731, published in 1925 and reissued in 1967 by the AMS Press. He accounts for five editions. The first edition, in octavo, was published on 20 August 17191 by William Taylor at the Ship in Pater-­ Noster-­Row. Taylor followed with three l­ater editions. The second, also in octavo, appeared soon ­after the first, in 1719. Both a third edition (duodecimo) and a fourth (duodecimo) w ­ ere published in 1722, with Taylor listing himself at the Ship and Black Swan. At a sale of Taylor’s literary property at his death in 1724, copyright to The Farther Adventures was purchased by William Mears and Thomas Woodward, who issued a duodecimo fifth edition in 1726. The fifth edition is unique in typesetting large ele­ments of dialogue into italic, which had appeared in roman type in all ­earlier editions. Mears and Woodward issued the fifth edition uniformly with a seventh edition of volume one, The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, Mari­ner.2 Hutchins reports three issues of The Farther Adventures, which he labels B1, B2, and B3. B1 is the earliest setting, and it is identified with the text in the Harvard Widener Library. B2 has numerous changes and modernization of the typesetting, which, Hutchins, points out, proved to be the major textual source for the second edition. B3, he claims, “was hastily printed, and badly, too.”4 One distinction is that the first edition, first issue, the Widener edition, invariably utilizes Defoe’s stylistic synaeresis, whereby words in the past tense are shortened; thus you w ­ ill have “stay’d” in the first writing and “stayed” in the second edition. The text is identified by the orthography of “cabbin” in the first edition, first issue, and “cabin” in ­later issues and in the second and subsequent editions. The aberrant “appartment” is found in the first edition, first issue, and changed to “apartment” in l­ ater issues and subsequent editions. The Stoke Newington Edition utilizes the first edition, first issue, Widener text as its copy-­text. This is a definitive edition, which attempts to correct errors in the 269

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copy-­text and incorporate necessary changes authorized by ­later editions. It is editorial policy, for example, to reduce all verbs to lowercase letters where authority is found in subsequent editions. However, emendations are relatively few. The list of variants in this edition accounts for a minimum of 7,072 lines showing agreement or changes in the separate editions, with some lines showing two or more variants. In the total text, 194 emendations have been made. This number is not inconsequential, for the emendations are necessary, but it is minimal. The Stoke Newington text has sought to be faithful to the copy-­text and to Defoe’s style. Other than his synaeresis, Defoe often punctuated in breath stops, such that commas divide in­de­pen­ dent clauses, rather than more restrictive punctuation, as he rushes to make a point, explicate his cause, or advance the narrative. The nature of punctuation based upon breath stops is documented and need not be discussed h ­ ere, other than to point out that it is the justification for the relatively few emendations, although subsequent editions observe a more formal and conservative punctuation practice.3 The list of variants in this edition incorporates findings in the following editions but excludes first-­edition issues other than the Widener issue. If this is a point of contention, its defense is that the copy-­text best comprehends Defoe’s style and the practice of the first typesetters, employed by Taylor, in Henry Parker’s shop5 who had the formidable task of bringing Defoe’s manuscript to print. The Stoke Newington text has utilized the following editions in determining the copy-­text and in compiling the list of variants: copy-­text: first edition, Harvard H.E.W. 2.3.7; second edition, Boston Public Library (BPL) **Defoe 13.1720.v2; third edition, Boston BPL **Defoe 13.1722.2C; fourth edition, University of Michigan PR3403.A1722, v.2; and fifth edition, BPL 13.1726.v.2. While bibliographic descriptions are provided for first-­edition issues in the Boston Public Library and the British Library, t­ hese l­ater issues are not documented in the list of variants. Copies of the second, third, and fifth editions in the Boston Public Library are utilized as primary editions.

Notes 1. ​Henry Clinton Hutchins, Robinson Crusoe and Its Printing, 1719–1731: A Bibliographical Study (New York: Columbia University Press, 1925; repr., New York: AMS Press, 1967), 103. 2. ​Hutchins, 113. 3. ​See Jim S. Borck, “Blake’s ‘The Lamb’: The Punctuation of Innocence,” Tennessee Studies in Lit­er­at­ ure 19 (1974): 163–175; and Irving N. Rothman, “Coleridge on the Semi-­colon in Robinson Crusoe: Prob­lems in Editing Defoe,” Studies in the Novel 27, no. 3 (Fall 1995): 320–340. Also note that Samuel Johnson describes the colon as “a point [:] used to mark a pause greater than that of a comma, and less than that of a period” in A Dictionary of the En­glish Language, vol. 1 (1755), 4X2v. Johnson considers the comma to be “the point which notes the distinction of clauses, and order of construction in the sentence, marked thus [,]” (1:4Z2r). A “semi-­colon” is “half a colon; a point made thus [;] to note a greater pause than a comma” (23Nv). Johnson does not define a period, per se, as a mark of punctuation; the “period” in his definitions applies to m ­ atters of duration and termination, although his seventh citation u ­ nder “period” reads, “a complete sentence from one full stop to another” (19Mv). A “stop” is characterized as “a point in writing, by which sentences are distinguished” (25Hv). 4. ​Hutchins, Robinson Crusoe and Its Printing, 109. 5. ​Keith I. Maslen, “The Printers of Robinson Crusoe,” Library, 5th series, 7 (1952): 124.

Bibliographic Descriptions

Title page: [within double-­framed rules, 9.4 cm × 18.0 cm within 10.3 cm × 18.2 cm] THE FARTHER | ADVENTURES | OF | ROBINSON CRUSOE; | Being the Second and Last Part | OF HIS | LIFE, [comma centered] | And of the Strange Surprizing | Accounts of his Travels | Round three Parts of the Globe. | [rule 9.0 cm] | Written by Himself. | [rule 9.2 cm] | To which is added a Map of the World, in which is | Delineated the Voyages of ROBINSON CRUSOE. | [rule (broken) 9.2 cm] | [printer’s device, three-­masted ship, 39 mm × 53 mm] LONDON: Printed for W. Taylor at the | Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Mdccxix. [Harvard Widener/Houghton HEW 2.3.7] Collation: [engr. /*************/] 8o. [A]4, B-­I8, K-­U8, X-­Aa8, Bb3 (-­Bb4), [X]6; [A1–­A4 ‘unnumbered’], 1–373, [X]6 (‘unnumbered,’ advertisements). Sign: $4 Contents: A2 ‘THE PREFACE.’ [period centered], B1 ‘THE Farther | ADVENTURES OF Robinson Crusoe, &c.’, Bb3v ‘BOOKS Printed for, and Sold by William Taylor, at the Sign of the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row.’ ­Running heads: A2v-­A4 ‘The Preface.’, Bb3v-­Bb8v (recto) at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­ Row.’ (verso) ‘Books Printed for W. Taylor,’. Typography: Page: 11.8 cm × 19.3 cm; 8.3 cm × 15.3 cm, with catchword 15.7 cm Ornaments: A2 [headpiece, squirrel eating a nut on a bowl surrounded by flowers, 21 mm × 85 mm]; Bb3 [tailpiece, squirrel on shelf eating a nut with flowers on ­either side, 30  mm × 43  mm]; BB3v [headpiece: printer’s device, three-­ masted ship 35 mm × 47 mm]. Catchword hyphenations: 7 irre-­/irresistible, 20 Per-­/Perhaps, 23 I can-­/I cannot, 36 Wea-­ /Weather, 45 Pro-­ /Provisions, 67 Pur-­ /Pursuit, 79 Mur-­ /Murder, 98 toge-­ / together, 103 per-­/perhaps, 105 Country-­/Countrymen, 108 com-­/commanded, 110 Man-­/Manner, 237 com-­/compleat, 266 respon-­/respondence, 368 Situ-­/Situation, 371 Lawren-­/Lawrenskoy Catchword anomalies: [A8v THE/The, 85 men/Men, 199 but/”but, 200 swoon’d/ “swoon’d, 246 En-­/English, 277 I know/I knew, 338 tion/tion,, 354 Manner/Manner;, 271

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Plates: [map] 173 mm × 310 mm, ‘A MAP of the WORLD, on wch. is Delineated the Voyages of ROBINSON CRUSO’. Paper: Provincial; chain mark 2.5 cm Press figures: None [Following need verification] Cover: 12.0 cm × 20.2 cm Binding: Bound in full diced brown leather (prob­ably calf) with a single gold fillet framing the edges of the upper and lower covers. Turn-­ins tooled in gold. Spine: 2.5  cm × 20.1  cm; original spine replaced by the British Museum Library bindery by a spine of brown sheep with 5 raised bands (each band with a gold fillet above and beneath) and six panels. It is plain except for the title ROBINSON | CRUSOE and volume number VOL. 2. lettered in gold on panels 2 and 4, and place of publication, LONDON. | 1719 in smaller gold capitals at the tail, typical of BM Library binding style. (Dimensions provided and confirmed by Harvard personnel)

Title page: [within double-­framed rules, 8.5 cm × 16.0 cm within 9.3 cm × 16.7 cm] THE FARTHER | ADVENTURES | OF | ROBINSON CRUSOE; | Being the Second and Last Part | OF HIS | LIFE, [comma centered] | And of the Strange Surprizing | Accounts of his Travels | Round three Parts of the Globe. | [rule 8.0 cm] | Written by Himself. | [rule 8.2 cm] | To which is added a Map of the World, in which is | Delineated the Voyages of ROBINSON CRUSOE. | [broken rule 8.2 cm] | [printer’s device, three-­masted ship, 45 mm × 47 mm] LONDON: Printed for W. Taylor at the | Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Mdccxix. [BPL 13.1719.2] Note: This is considered a first issue, first edition in the BPL card cata­log. Collation: [engr. map] 8o. [A]4, [engr.], B-­I8, K8–­U8, X-­B b8; [i–­viii], [1]–373, 11 pp. [advertising, 374–382]. Plates: [map, inserted a­ fter the preface] 172 mm × 302 mm; platemark discernble, 177 deep, ‘A MAP of the WORLD, on wch is Delineated the Voyages of ROBINSON CRUSO’ Sign $4: Contents: A2 ‘THE PREFACE.’ [period centered], B1 ‘THE Farthfr [sic] ADVENTURES OF Robinson Crusoe, &c.’, Bb3v ‘BOOKS Printed for, and Sold by William Taylor, at the Sign of the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row.’ Notes: ­Running heads: A2v-­A4 ‘The Preface.’, Bb3v-­Bb8v (recto) at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­ Row.’ (verso) ‘Books Printed for W. Taylor,’. Page: 195 mm × 122 mm Typography: 8.2 cm × 15.2 cm, with catchword 15.5 cm Ornaments: A2 [headpiece, squirrel eating a nut on a bowl surrounded by flowers, 21 mm × 85 mm]; B1 [headpiece, figure with sheaves in the right arm and sun over the left, flanked by cornucopia of fruit, 39 mm × 85 mm], B1 factotum ‘T’, 22 mm × 22mm, Bb3 [tailpiece, squirrel on shelf eating a nut with flowers on ­either side, 30 mm × 43 mm];

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BB3 [printer’s device, three-­masted ship, 35 mm × 47 mm]; Aa8v, tailpiece, two segments in parallel, 11 mm × 11 mm each Catchword hyphenations: 7 irre-­/irresistible, 20 Per-­/Perhaps, 36 Wea-­/Weather, 44 Country-­ /Countrymen, 45 Pro-­ /Provisions, 67 Pur-­ /Pursuit, 68 no-­ /only, 73 Spa-­/Spaniard, 79 Mur-­/Murther, 98 toge-­/together, 103 per-­/perhaps, 105 Country-­ /Country-­ men, 108 Com-­ /Commanded, 110 man-­ /manner, divi-­[final ‘i’ obscure]/dividing, 213 I en-­/I encourag’d, 237 com-­/compleat, 246 En-­/English, 266 respon-­ /respondence, 368 Situ-­ /Situation, 371 Lawren-­/Lawrenskoy, Bb3v consi-­/considerable Catchword anomalies: 23 I c/I cannot, 68 no-­/only, 84 spects [initial ‘s’ ital]/spects, 338 tion/tion [‘t’off base line], 359 tends/tends [‘s’ above baseline], 369 might [‘mi’ above baseline]/might, 211 Life [‘i’ obscure]/Life, 277 I know [‘o’ obscure]/I knew, 220 tures,/~. [period improper]359 tends [‘s’ above baseline]/tends, Paper: Provincial; chain mark 2.8 cm. Press figures: None Cover: calf, 12,4 cm × 20.0 cm; reconstructed with remnants from original leather and l­ ater panels embracing the back of the cover and the spine. A panel 3.7 cm × 10.7 cm framed with tooled rules and dash rules, within a larger frame 7.4 cm × 14.0 cm with broad thistles at each of four corners, within a broader frame of double rules 11.2 cm × 19.2 cm. Spine: 3.3 cm × 19.3 cm, 6 panels with bands framed by double rules; no lettering.

Title page: [within double-­framed rules, 9.4 cm × 18.0 cm within 10.3 cm × 18.2 cm] THE FARTHER | ADVENTURES | OF | ROBINSON CRUSOE; | Being the Second and Last Part | OF HIS | LIFE, [comma centered] | And of the Strange Surprizing | Accounts of his Travels | Round three Parts of the Globe. | [rule 9.0 cm] | Written by Himself. | [rule 9.2 cm] | To which is added a Map of the World, in which is | Delineated the Voyages of ROBINSON CRUSOE. | [rule (broken) 9.2 cm] | [printer’s device, three-­masted ship, 39 mm × 53 mm] LONDON: Printed for W. Taylor at the | Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Mdccxix. [BL C.30.f.7] Collation: [engr. map] 8o. [A]4, B-­I8, K-­U8, X-­Aa8, Bb3, [advertisement pages wanting], [1]-373 Sign $4: Contents: A2 ‘THE PREFACE.’ [period centered], B1 ‘THE Farther | ADVENTURES OF Robinson Crusoe, &c.’, Bb3v ‘BOOKS Printed for, and Sold by William Taylor, at the Sign of the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row.’ ­Running heads: A2v-­A4 ‘The Preface.’, Bb3v-­Bb8v (recto) at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­ Row.’ (verso) ‘Books Printed for W. Taylor,’. Typography: Page: 11.8 cm × 19.3 cm; 8.3 cm × 15.3 cm, with catchword 15.7 cm Ornaments: A2 [headpiece, squirrel eating a nut on a bowl surrounded by flowers, 21 mm × 85 mm[; Bb3 [tailpiece, squirrel on shelf eating a nut with flowers on ­either side, 30  mm × 43  mm]; BB3v [headpiece: printer’s device, three-­ masted ship 35 mm × 47 mm].

274

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

Catchword hyphenations: 7 irre-­/irresistible, 20 Per-­/Perhaps, 23 I can-­/I cannot, 36 Wea-­ /Weather, 45 Pro-­ /Provisions, 67 Pur-­ /Pursuit, 79 Mur-­ /Murder, 98 toge-­ / together, 103 per-­/perhaps, 105 Country-­/Countrymen, 108 com-­/commanded, 110 Man-­/Manner, 237 com-­/compleat, 266 respon-­/respondence, 368 Situ-­/Situation, 371 Lawren-­/Lawrenskoy Catchword anomalies: [A8v THE/The, 85 men/Men, 119 They/The, 199 but/”but, 200 swoon’d/ “swoon’d, 246 En-­/English, 252 Batavia,/Batavia;, 277 I know/I knew, 338 tion/tion,, 354 Manner/Manner;, Plates: [map] 173 mm × 310 mm, ‘A MAP of the WORLD, on wch. is Delineated the Voyages of ROBINSON CRUSO’. Paper: Provincial; chain mark 2.5 cm Press figures: None Cover: 12.0 cm × 20.2 cm Binding: Bound in full diced brown leather (prob­ably calf) with a single gold fillet framing the edges of the upper and lower covers. Turn-­ins tooled in gold. Spine: 2.5  cm × 20.1  cm; original spine replaced by the British Museum Library bindery by a spine of brown sheep with 5 raised bands (each band with a gold fillet above and beneath) and six panels. It is plain except for the title ROBINSON | CRUSOE and volume number VOL. 2. lettered in gold on panels 2 and 4, and place of publication, LONDON. | 1719 in smaller gold capitals at the tail, typical of BM Library binding style. (Dimensions provided and confirmed by John Dowson, BL, Early Printed Collections)

Title page: [within a double-­rule frame 9.4 × 16.3  cm] THE FARTHER | ADVENTURES | OF | ROBINSON CRUSOE, | Being the Second and Last Part | OF HIS | LIFE, | And Strange Surprizing | Accounts of his Travels | Round three Parts of the Globe. [rule 8.3 cm] Written by Himself. | [rule 8.3 cm] | The Second Edition. | [rule 8.0 cm] | To which is added a Map of the World, in which is | Delineated the Voyages of ROBINSON CRUSOE. | [printer’s device, 35 mm × 47 mm, three-­masted ship within the winds] | LONDON: Printed for W. Taylor at the | Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Mdccxix. [BPL Defoe 13.1720 v.2] Collation: 8o. [A]4, [engr. gatefold], B8–­I8, K-­U8, X8–­Z8 [-­Z8], [A]2; [i-­viii], [engr. gatefold], [1]-207. 228 [208], 209–348,A1–­A2. Signature: $4 ­Running heads: A2v-­A4 ‘The Preface.’; A1v-­A2: (recto) at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­ Row, (verso) BOOKS Sold by W. Taylor,’. Contents: A2 ‘THE | PREFACE. [period raised];[A8]] ‘Just Published, the 4th Edition; B1 ‘The Farther | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe, &c.;’ ‘Books Printed for and Sold by W. Taylor, at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row.’ Typography: 8.0  cm wide × l3.5 deep; with r­unning heads and catchwords 8.0 cm wide × 15.0 cm deep; 23 lines per page; Y8 29 pages. Typographic characteristics.

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Catchword line: Note: Each signature begins with the citation ‘Part II.’ Indented from the left margin. Note: At page  348, below the tailpiece, the oversized word ‘FINIS.’ Ornaments: [1] headpiece, 31 mm × 83 mm,[phoenix rising in the sun in an oval frame surrounded by flowers ina frame’; [1] factotum ‘T, 22  mm × 22  mm’; 59 mm × 72 mm; 348: tailpiece: phoenix rising from fire on a pedestal (dissimilar from the phoenix in the third edition of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe); A: printer’s device, 35 mm × 47 mm [three-­masted ship sailing the British flag, with winds] Catchword hyphenations: 16 perceiv-­/perceived, 26 West-­/Westward, 35 point-­/ pointing, 41 pos-­/possessed, 49 Tar-­/Tarpaulin, 71 Plant-­/Plantings, 107 Na-­/Nations, 112 sub-­/^ubjected, 117 mise-­/miserable, 120 ap-­/appear’d, 125 Bot-­/Bottles, 144 Instru­/Instrument, 157 Moti-­/Motion, 160 Cha-­/Charity, 170 per-­/perfectly, 173 Dish-­/ Dishful, 164 der-­/dertaken, 176 suita-­/suitable, 177 Situ-­/Situation, 188 I ne-­/I never, 190 Con-­/Continent, 198 a Plan-­/a Plantation, 201 Hard-­/Hardships, 231 in-­/innumerable, 249 I im-­/I immediately, 302 a Chri-­/a Christian, 319 a Ci-­/a City, 321 Na-­/Nation, 322 Boun-­/Boundary, 324 Like-­/Lkewise, [initial ‘i’ wanting], 331 Mut-­/Mutton, 335 over-­/overthrow, 337 unde^/understand, 341 pro-­/proposed, A1 16. B I-­/16. Bishop, Catchword anomalies: A4 THE/[target ‘The’ at B1], 20 dead;/~., 55 swer/swer [‘s’ above baseline], 62 like/like [‘li’ above baseline], 85 selve/selves, 98 Country-­/Countrymen, 112 sub-­/ubjected [‘s’ lifted off], 130 say,/say^, 196 the/^he [‘t’ lifted off], 199 tants/ tants [initial ‘t’ above baseline, as well as ‘si’ of ‘sixty’ in the line below]; 206 have/ have [‘h’ above baseline], 209 that/that [initial ‘t’ above baseline], 218 Thigh/Thighs, 240 ther?/~;, 294 us,/~^, 317 ing./~:, 318 their/their [‘t’ above baseline], 324 Like-­/ Lkewise, [initial ‘i’ wanting], 325 all [‘a’ below baseline]/all, 327 came/came [‘c’ above baseline], Plates: [engr.] 68mm × 123 mm, ‘A MAP of the WORLD, on wch is Delineated the Voyages of ROBINSON CRUSO’. Page: 11.6 cm × 19 cm Paper: Chain lines, 2.6 cm Press Figures: None Cover: 12.0 cm × 19.3 cm Design: cowhide, golden rule 11.2 cm × 19 cm Spine: 2.3 cm × 19. cm, 6 panels, tooled in gold flowers; 2nd panel on red label ­‘ROBINSON | CRUSOE’; 3rd panel, the number ‘2.’ within an embellished round gold frame on a red label impressed upon a black label. Note: A4v, [on piracy: [Heading] Just Published, the 4th Edition; [text]: Of the Life and strange surprising Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, Mari­ner: Who lived eight and twenty Years all alone in an un-­inhabited Island on the Coast of Amer­i­ca, near the Mouth of the G ­ reat River Oroonoque; having been cast on Shore lby Shipwreck, wherein all the Men perished but himself. With an Account how he was at last as strangely deliver’d by Pyrates. Written by himself. To this Edition is added a Map of the World, in which is Delineated the Voyages of Robinson Crusoe. Printed for W. Taylor, at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row.

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N.B. The pretended Abridgment of this Book, clandestinely Printed for T. Cox, at the Amsterdam Coffee-­House, consists only of some scatter’d Passages incoherently tacked together; wherein the Author’s Sense throughout is wholly mistaken, the ­Matters of Fact misrepresented, and the Moral Reflections misapplied. It’s hop’d; the Publick ­will not give Encouragement to so base a Practice, the Proprietor intending to Prosecute the Venders according to Law.

Title page: [within a frame with two rules 8.8 cm × 16.1 cm within 9.6 cm × 16.2 cm] THE FARTHER | ADVENTURES | OF | ROBINSON CRUSOE; | Being the Second and Last Part | OF HIS | LIFE, | And of the Strange Surprizing | Account of his Travels | Round three Parts of the Globe. | [broken rule 8.7 cm] | Written by Himself. | [rule 8.5 cm] | The Third Edition, [Text obscured] Adorned with Cuts. | [rule 8.7 cm] | [printer’s device, 34 mm × 47 mm, three-­masted ship with winds] | [rule 8.8 cm] | LONDON: Printed for W. Taylor, at the | Ship and Black Swan in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Mdccxxii. [BPL **Defoe 13.1722.2C] Collation: [engr.] [A8]-­B8 [+B1]-­I8, K8–­N8 [+N3]-­O [+O7], P-­Q [+Q3], R [+R5]-­T {+T2]-­U8; [engr.], [1–5], 6–81, 81 [82], 82 [83], 84–85, 85 [86], 86 [87], 88–89, 89 [90], 90 [91], 92–93, 93 [94], 94 [95], 96–146, 133 [147], 148–157, 162 [158], 159–198, [engr.], 199–222, [engr.], 223–246, [engr.], 247–266, [engr.], 267–292, [engr.], 293–318, [2 pp. advertising] Signature: $4 [‘U4’ signed ‘U3’] ­Running heads: A2v ‘The Preface.’; passim, page numbers in brackets, centered; U8v ‘Books printed for W. Taylor.’ Contents: A2 ‘THE | PREFACE.’, A3 ‘The Farther | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe, &c.’; U8 ‘BOOKS Printed for, and Sold by | William Taylor, at the Sign of the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row.’ Typography: 8.5 cm wide × 16.0 deep; with ­running heads and catchwords 8.5 cm wide × 16.3 cm; 39 lines per page; B5 39 lines without a catchword; R7 38 lines; S6 40 lines. Ornaments:; A2 headpiece, 24 mm × 86 mm, segmented flowers; design initial ‘T’, 20 mm × 20 mm; A3 headpiece, 21 mm × 85mm, squirrel on a basket of cones, framed in spiral leaves; factotum ‘T’, 21 mm × 21 mm. Note: S4v (p. 280), emulating the first edition (327), omits statistics that ­were to have been inserted and reads as follows at lines 11–13: This River r­ unning due East, in the Latitude of carries a vast Concourse of Rivers along with it, and finds an Ocean to empty itself in that S6 (p. 283) runs line 40 on the catchline, doubtless ­because of a confusion in the typesetting at lines 22–24, where lines are transposed, as follows: but I resolved from that Moment to visit them Our Caravan rested three Nights at the Town, again. which was about four Miles off, in order to provide whereas the first edition (BPL Defoe.13.1719.1R [331]) reads,

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

277

. . . ​but I resolved from that Moment to visit them again. Our Caravan rested three Nights at the Town, which was about four Miles off, in order to proCatchword hyphenations: 7 no-­/nothing, 27 a ter-­/a terrible, 35 Shal-­/Shalloup, 90 pre-­/present, 123 De-­/Deliverances, 131 De-­/Demorage, 142 I be-­/I believe, 162 [misnumbered at 158] per-­/perfectly, 160 Accord-­/Accordingly, 174 Com-­/Combustion, 188 dian-­/dian-­Distances, 255 grow-­/growing, 302 Con-­/Conveniences, A8 Con-­/ Conflict Catchword anomalies: A2v THE/The, 14 an/an [‘an’ letters obscured], 24 thev/they, 25 [omit]]/to, 64 ­were/where, 65 men;/man;, 93/93 [note, the page number repeats itself, whereas page 93 should lead into page 94] down/the [word ‘down’ omitted from text, p.93], 101 any,/any, [‘a’ above baseline], 192 man,/man^, 311 selves;/~,, Plates: [Pre-­title page]” engraving, 174  mm × 306  mm, heading: ‘A MAP of the WORLD, on wch is Delineated the Voyages of ROBINSON CRUSO; [+B1] 143x 91 mm, on a plate 150 mm × 95 mm, ‘R. Crusoe saves the Crew of a Ship that took fire at Sea. Vol.II p 18’; [+N3] 89mm × 142 mm on plate 95 × 149 mm [horizontal], ‘The Massacre & Burning the two Villages at Madagascar. Voll.II.p.199.’; [+O7] 89 mm × 142 mm on a plate99 mm × 149 mm [horizontal], ‘R. Crusoe at Cambodia in danger of being Seiz’d by the East India Com­pany’s Boats for a Pyrate. Vol. II p. 223’.; [+Q3] 88 mm × 133 mm on a plate 95 mm × 145 mm [horizontal], ‘R. Crusoe Escaping from Cambodia enters a port in ye North part of China. Vol II p. 246.’; [+R5] 89 mm × 140 mm on a plate 93 mm × 146 mm [horizontal’, ‘R.Crusoe with the Muscovite Caravan pass the Chinese Wall from Peking. Voll II.p.267; [+T2] 140  mm  ×  89  mm on a plate e 144  mm × 96  mm, ‘R. Crusoe with y Muscovite Caravan passing ye Desarts are attack’d by Tartars. V.II.p.292. Page: 194 mm × 110 mm Paper: Coarse provincial; chain lines 2.8 cm. Press figures: None Cover: 12 cm × 19.7 cm; front, new board; back, original. Design: Frame with double-­gold rules, 11.2 cm × 19.1 cm (outer) Spine: 3.4  cm × 20  cm; 6 panels, design worn, no titling discernible; modern headbands.

Title page: [within a double-­frame rule, 7.2 cm × 13.2 cm frame within a frame 7.5 cm wide × 13.6 cm deep] THE FARTHER | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe; | Being the Second and Last Part | OF HIS | LIFE, | And of the strange surprising | Account of his TRAVELS | Round three Parts of the Globe. | [rule 6.9 cm] | Written by Himself. | [rule 6.85 cm] | The Fourth Edition, Adorned with Cuts. | [rule 6.8 cm] | [printer’s device] 36  mm × 47  mm, three-­masted ship, with winds] | LONDON: | Printed for W. Taylor, at the Ship and Black Swan | in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Mdccxxii. [Michigan PR3403.F5 v.2]

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Collation: 12. A12–­L12; Signature: $5, $4: G, L; [1–5], 6–240, 231 [241], 242–264 ­Running heads: page numbers within parentheses Contents: A2 ‘THE | PREFACE.’; A3 ‘The Farther | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe, &c.’; Typography: 7.5 cm × 13.3; with catchwords 7.5 cm wide × 13.6 cm; 42 lines per page; p. 264, 21 lines Ornaments: A2 headpiece, 27  mm × 70  mm, floral and leaf mirrored, with centerpiece within a ­triple frame, the center in a translation axis; design ‘T’, 18  mm × 19  mm; A3 headpiece, 27  mm × 71  mm, open thistle with leaves mirrored, with an oriental mask centerpiece topped with a feathered hat, within a ­triple frame, the center in a translation axis; factotum ‘T’, 31 mm × 31 mm, within the masts of a triple-­masted ship within a double frame; tailpiece, 31 mm × 54 mm, centered floral basket, in parallel on opposite pedestals, squirrels eating nuts looking outward. Catchword hyphenations: 29 mat-­/matter’d, 67 imme-­/immediately, 95 Hal-­/Halbards, 113 How-­/However, 117 Clergy-­/Clergyman’s, 213 con-­/considering, 234 Em-­/ Empire, 249 Af-­/After, 252 Ser-­/Servants Catchword anomalies: 12 take/not take, him;/but alas! [sense completed in l. 37 as ‘with [cw] him;], 68 t­ hing,/thing^, Spaniards/Spaniard, 73 Time:/Time., 124 W ­ oman,/ Woman^, 140 Wehn/When, 97 Number./~,, Plates: [frontispiece] 171 mm × 306 mm, platemark, [indiscernible], ‘A MAP of the WORLD, on wch is Delineated the Voyages of Robinson Cruso’, and the notation upper l., ‘Fronting the title of the II. Vol.’; [Note, passim, tight binding throughout prevents precise mea­ sure­ ment of width and width platemarks]: [A9  +  1], engr. 143  mm × 82+, platemark, top and left margins, show 3  mm platemark, ‘R. Crusoe saves the Crew of a Ship that took fire at Sea. VII..’; [H2 + 1], engr. 142 mm × 88. mm, with 2mm platemark, illus. vertical, positioned verso, ‘The Massacre & Burning the two Villages at Madagascar. Voll. II p. 171,’; H9 + 1, engr. 143 mm × 89 mm, with 2 mm top platemark, illus. vertical, positioned verso, ‘R. Crusoe at Cambodia in danger of being Seiz’d by the East India Com­pany’s Boats for a Pyrate. Vol. II. p. 185.’; I4 + 1, engr. 137 mm × 87 mm, illus. vertical, positioned verso, ‘R. Crusoe Escaping from Cambodia enters a Port in ye North part of China. Vol.II.p 199.’; K1 + 1 [designated p.  227, inserted at 217], engr. 140 mm × 89 mm, illus. vertical, positioned verso, ‘R. Crusoe with the Muscovite Caravan pass the Chinese Wall from Peking. Voll.II.p. 227. [217]; K3 + 1, eng. 139mm × 88mm, illus. vertical positioned verso, [designated for insertion at p. 244, inserted at p. 221] ‘R.Crusoe with ye Muscovite Caravan passing Desarts are attack’d by ye Tartars. V.II.p.244.’, Page: 9.7 cm (wide) × 16.2 cm Paper: chain lines, horizontal, 2.6 cm between each line. Top line, approximately 1 cm from the top left hand side of the page. Press figures: None Cover: 10.0 cm wide × 16.8 cm deep Design: Calfskin with a single gold frame, 9.3 cm × 16.2 cm

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

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Spine: 2.5 cm × 16.8 cm [top and bottom spine worn away; top band exposed, bottom showing 1.3 cm of gatherings and string; 5 panels; ridges; Number ‘2’ centered in second panel in gold.

Title page: [within a double-­frame rule, 7.2 cm × 13.2 cm framer within a frame 7.5 cm wide × 13.6 cm deep] THE FARTHER | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe; | Being the Second and Last Part | OF HIS | LIFE, | And of the strange surprising | Account of his TRAVELS | Round three Parts of the Globe. | [rule 6.85 cm]| Written by Himself. | [rule 6.85 cm] | The Fourth Edition, Adorned with Cuts. | [rule 6.8 cm] | [printer’s device] 36  mm × 47  mm, three-­masted ship, with winds | LONDON: | Printed for W. Taylor, at the Ship and Black Swan | in Pater-­Noster-­Row. Mdccxxii. [BL 12614.a 24.] Collation: 12. A12–­L12; Signature: $5, $4: G, L; [1–5], 6–240, 231 [241], 242–264 ­Running heads: page numbers within parentheses Contents: A2 ‘THE | PREFACE.’; A3 ‘The Farther | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe, &c.’; Typography: 7.5 cm × 13.3 cm; with catchwords 7.5 cm wide × 13.6 cm; 42 lines per page; p. 264, 21 lines Ornaments: A2 headpiece, 27 mm × 70 mm, floral and leaf mirrored, with centerpiece within a ­triple frame, the center in a translation axis; design ‘T’, 18 mm × 19 mm; A3 headpiece, 27 mm × 71 mm, open thistle with leaves mirrored, with an oriental mask centerpiece topped with a feathered hat, within a ­triple frame, the center in a translation axis; factotum ‘T’, 31 mm × 31 mm, within the masts of a triple-­masted ship within a double frame; tailpiece, 31 mm × 54 mm, centered floral basket, in parallel on opposite pedestals, squirrels eating nuts looking outward. Catchword hyphenations: 29 mat-­/matter’d, 67 imme-­/immediately, 95 Hal-­/Halbards, 113 How-­/However, 117 Clergy-­/Clergyman’s, 213 con-­/considering, 234 Em-­/ Empire, 249 Af-­/After, 252 Ser-­/Servants Catchword anomalies: 12 take/not take, him;/but [sense completed in l. 37 and cw: with him;], 97 Number./~,, Plates: [frontispiece] 171 mm × 306 mm, platemark, [indiscernible], ‘A MAP of the WORLD, on wch is Delineated the Voyages of Robinson Cruso’, and the notation upper l., ‘Fronting the title of the II. Vol.’; [Note, passim, tight binding throughout prevents precise mea­sure­ment of width and width platemarks]: A9 + 1, engr. 143 mm × 82+, platemark, top and left margins, show 3 mm platemark, ‘R. Crusoe saves the Crew of a Ship that took fire at Sea. VII..’; F12v +1, engr. 139 mm × 73+ mm, with 3mm platemark top and 4 mm platemark (r) positioned recto, ‘My Muscovite Caravan passing ye Desarts are attack’d by ye Tartars. VII., p. 144’; H2 + 1, engr. 142 mm × 88. mm, with 2 mm platemark, illus. vertical, positioned verso, ‘The Massacre & Burning the two Villages at Madagascar. Voll. II p. 171,’; H9 + 1, engr. 143 mm × 89 mm, with 2 mm top platemark, illus. vertical, positioned verso, ‘R. Crusoe at Cambodia in danger of being Seiz’d by the East India Com­pany’s Boats for a Pyrate. Vol. II. p.  185.’; I4 + 1, engr.

280

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

137 mm × 87 mm, illus. vertical, positioned verso, ‘R. Crusoe Escaping from Cambodia enters a Port in ye North part of China. Vol.II.p 199.’; K1 + 1, engr. 140 mm × 89 mm, illus. vertical, positioned verso, ‘R. Crusoe with the Muscovite Caravan pass the Chinese Wall from Peking. Voll.II.p. 227. [217]’. Page: 9.7 cm (wide) × 16.2 cm Paper: chain lines, horizontal, 2.6 cm between each line. Top line, approximately 1 cm from the top left hand side of the page. Press figures: None Cover: 10.0 cm wide × 17.0 cm deep Design: Bound by the British Library bindery, in a brown half goatskin binding with buckram boards, with a crown motif [2.4 cm high × 2.6 cm wide], blocked in blind on the upper cover. Spine: 3.2 cm × 17.1 cm, 5 panels, 4 raised bands, lettered in gold capitals on the second panel: FARTHER | ADVENTURES | OF ROBINSON | CRUSOE. Lettered in smaller gold capitals: LONDON. 1722, at the tail end of the spine. Mea­sure­ments provided by John Dowson, Early Printed Collections, the British Library.

Title page: [double-­rule frame 7.5 cm × 13.9 cm within 7.8 cm × 14.4 cm] THE FARTHER | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe; | Being the Second and Last Part | OF HIS | LIFE, | And of the strange surprising | Account of his TRAVELS | Round three Parts of the Globe. | [rule 7.1 cm] | Written by Himself. | The Fifth Edition, | [Adorned with Cuts.] | [rule 6.8 cm] | [printer’s device 32 mm × 38 mm] | LONDON: Printed for W. Mears, at the Lamb without ­Temple-­ | Bar; and T. Woodward, at the Half-­Moon over a-­| gainst St.  Dunstan’s Church in Fleet-­street. Mdccxxvi. [BPL Defoe 13.1726 v.2] Collation: [frontispiece, map], A12–­L12; [1]–216, 117 [217], 218–223, 241 [224], 225–240, 142 [241], 242–264 Signature: $5 ­Running heads: A2v The Preface., A2v-­L12v (6)-(264): Contents: A2–­A2v ‘The Preface.’, A3 ‘The Farther | ADVENTURES | OF | Robinson Crusoe, &c.’ Typography: 7.8 cm × 13.2 cm, with catchword 14.0 cm; 42 lines per page, Ornaments: A1, printer’s device 32 mm × 38 mm, florals spreading from vase; A2 headpiece 22 mm × 79 mm, emperor’s profile framed by trumpeters facing outward toward floral frame; A2 design ‘T’, 18  mm  ­ ×  18  mm, A3 23  mm  ×  67  mm; 85 mm × 139 mm Catchword hyphenations: 13 Ja-­/January, 29 mat-­/matter, 37 Na-­/Nature, 40 de-­/ desperate, 42 Whe-­/Whether, 62 Open-­/Opening, 65 under-­/understand, 67 imme-­/ immediately, 95 Hal-­/Halbards, 113 How-­/However, 117 Clergy-­/Clergyman’s, 213 con-­/considering, 234 Em-­/Empire, 244 Cham-­/Cham-­Chi-­Thaungu, Catchword anomalies: A2v THE/The, 15 While/while, him;/but alas!, 72 Spaniads/ Spaniard-­Governour, 85 them/them, 95 Hal-­(slipped type) / Halbards, was (slipped

Bibliogr aphic Descr iptions

281

‘s’)/was, 138 him/left, I was/I was, 166 they/they (raised ‘t’), l75 it/it (raised ‘I’), 175 this/ his, 183 ry/ry (raised ‘r’), Imust/I must, lent/lent (raised ‘le’), 220 Iwas/I was, 223 Thing/Things, 240 w ­ ere:/~. Plates: [Pre-­title page]” engraving, 174  mm × 306  mm, heading: ‘A MAP of the WORLD, on wch is Delineated the Voyages of ROBINSON CRUSO; 143x 91 mm, on a plate 150  mm × 95  mm, ‘R. Crusoe saves the Crew of a Ship that took fire at Sea’; 89mm × 142 mm on plate 95 × 149 mm [horizontal], ‘The Massacre & Burning the two Villages at Madagascar.’; 89 mm × 142 mm on a plate 99 mm × 149 mm [horizontal], ‘R. Crusoe at Cambodia in danger of being Seiz’d by the East India Com­pany’s Boats for a Pyrate.’ 88 mm × 133 mm on a plate 95 mm × 145 mm [horizontal], ‘R. Crusoe Escaping from Cambodia enters a port in ye North part of China.’; 89 mm × 140 mm on a plate 93 mm × 146 mm [horizontal], ‘R.Crusoe with the Muscovite Caravan pass the Chinese Wall from Peking.’; 140 mm × 89 mm on a plate 144 mm × 96 mm, ‘R. Crusoe with ye Muscovite Caravan passing ye Desarts are attack’d by Tartars.’ signed engravings, Clark & Pine. In Hutchins: “Plates: The same as in the Third Edition and inserted in the same sequence, facing pages 17, 171, 185, 199, 117 (217), and 142 (241).” Press figures: 2: 22, 71, 93, 94, 191, 213 [check pf], 214, 226 3: 52, 141 Page: 167 mm × 97 mm Paper: Chain lines 2.8 cm Cover: 9.8 cm × 17.2 cm Design: Calf, 2 cm × 16.8 cm, with a golden single frame of dashes Spine: 6 panels, 5 bands each separated by a double golden rules; second panel with letters tooled into the hide and plain, ‘CRUSO | LIFE | VOL 2’, surrounded by a frame emulating the cover

Variants

The effort is made to incorporate second-­edition emendations in the copy-­text where ­these changes are supported in subsequent editions. The word “Appartment,” employed throughout the first edition, is replaced with the conventional “Apartment” ­because the OED does not list “Appartment”; the closest variant it mentions is “Appartiment.” Two orthographic features are nevertheless retained, even though all subsequent editions change to modern convention, its purpose to offer readers the timbre of the copy-­text; specifically, “Cabbin,” rendered in subsequent editions as “Cabin,” and “Syberia,” found intermixed with “Siberia.” The first edition inserts a line space between each paragraph. This characteristic is retained in the text, although all other editions run paragraphs consecutively without intervening line spaces. The fourth and fifth editions begin all paragraphs with one or two words in small caps, uncharacteristic of previous editions. Where all editions utilize quotation marks or basic roman type in situations of dialogue, the fifth edition anomalously sets the ­matter in italics. This fifth-­edition characteristic is not replicated in the variants below except in two examples: 199:3–203:23, with quotation marks, and 255:33–256:25, where the fifth supplants roman type with italics. The following editions have been utilized in determining the copy-­text and in compiling the list of variants: first edition: (O1), Harvard H.E.W. 2.3.7 second edition: (O2), Boston Public Library (BPL) **Defoe 13.1720.v2 third edition: (D3), BPL **Defoe 13.1722.2C fourth edition: (D4), Michigan PR3403.A1722, v.2 fifth edition: (D5), BPL 13.1726.v.2

283

284 Va r i a n t s

Notes to Variants 1. ​A1[t.p.]:4 ROBINSON CRUSOE;] O1, D3; ~, O2; Robinson Crusoe; D4, D5. 2. ​A1[t.p.]:9 Accounts] O1, O2; Account^ D3, D4, D5. 3. ​A1[t.p.]:11 + 1] The Second Edition O2; The Third Edition, Adorned with Cuts. D3; ~ Fourth Edition, ~; ~ Fourth Edition, ~ D4; ~ Fifth Edition,~ D5. 4. ​A1[t.p.]:14–15 LONDON: Printed for W. Taylor at the Ship in Pater-­Noster-­Row. ­Mdccxix.] O1, O2; ~ at the Ship and Black Swan. Mdccxxii. D3, D4; Printed for W. Mears at the Lamb without Temple-­Bar; and T. Woodward, at the Half-­Moon over against St. Dunstan’s-­Church in Fleet-­Street. Mdccxxvi. D5. 5. ​Factotum ‘T’ in THE] O1, O2, D4; design ‘T’ D3, 35; Work] O1, O2, D3; Work D4, D5. 6. ​ other than] O1, O2, D3; other, ~ D3, D4, D5. 7. ​ All] O1, O2, D3; ALL D4, D5. 8. ​ The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5. 9. ​ The] O1, O2, D3; THE, D4, D5. 10. ​ surprising] O1, O2, D3; surprizing D4, D5. 11. ​ suitable;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 12. ​diverting; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: And O2; Work,] O1, O2, D3; Work, D4, D5. 13. ​ ridicu­lous, seeing,] O1, O2; ~; ~ D3, D4, D5. 14. ​ Beautys] O1, D3; Beauties O2, D4, D5; Work,] O1, O2, D3; Work D4, D5. 15. ​ Reader.] O1, O2, D3; Reader. D4, D5. 16. ​ By this] O1, O2, D3; BY D4, D5. Work] O1, O2, D3; Work D4, D5. 17. ​ if they would,] O1, O2, D3, D5; yet ~ ~, D4; Time] O1, O2, D3, D5; time D4. 18. ​ The Injury] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; do the] O1, O2, D3; do to the D4, D5; Proprietor of this Work,] O1, O2, D3, D4; PROPRIETOR ~ ~ WORK. D5. 19. ​ abhor;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 20. ​ Difference between] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~ Differace ~ D4; breaking] O1, D3, D4; Breaking O2, D5. 21. ​Punishment and: He] O1, D3; Punishment: And he O2, D4, D5. 22. ​wanting, on] O1, D3; wanting^ on O2, D4, D5. 23. ​Life.] O1, O2, D3; Life. D4, D5. 24. ​thought] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; rambling,] O1; Rambling, O2, D3, D4, D5. 25. ​been so predominate] O1, D3, D4, D5; been predominant O2. 26. ​volatile] O1, O2, D3, D4; Volatile D5. 27. ​condens’d,] O1, O2, D4, D5; conbens’d, D3. 28. ​enclin’d] O1, D4; inclin’d O2, D3, D5. 29. ​Nay] O1, O2, D3; NAY D4, D5. 30. ​encreasing;] O1, O2, D3, D4; increasing; D5. 31. ​Servants] O1, D4, D5; ~, O2, D3. 32. ​encrease] O1, O2, D4; increase D3, D5. 33. ​Yet] O1, O2, D3, D4; YET D5; least,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 34. ​Abroad] O1, D4, D5; abroad O2, D3. 35. ​in my] O1, D3, D4, D5; out of O2. 36. ​have] O1, O2, D3, D4; HAVE D5; Judgment] O1, O2, D3, D4; Judgement D5; Stir] Stir O2, D3, D5; Stirr O1. 37. ​in] O1, D3, D4, D5; on O2. 38. ​­Peoples] O1, D3, D4, D5; P ­ eople’s O2; poreing] O1, D4; poring O2, D3, D5. 39. ​fancying] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 40. ​them;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; answered] O1, O2, D3, D4; answer’d D5; them,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; when,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 41. ​­Thing;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 42. ​For] O1, O2, D3, D4; FOR D5. 43. ​­Things] O1; Th ­ ings O2, D3, D4, D5; ­Thing O1; walking] O1, D3, D4, D5; Walking O2; dead,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 44. ​Kind,] O1, O2, D5; kind D3, D4.

Va r i a n t s

285

45. ​Fancies;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: O2. 46. ​Extasies] O1, O2; Exccess D4, Excess D3, D5. 47. ​often-­times] O1, O2, D4; oftentimes D3, D5. 48. ​Sailors I] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ who ~ D5. 49. ​did] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 50. ​Fancy] O1, D3, D4, D5; fancy O2; me:] O1, D3, D4; me. O2, D5. 51. ​Villany] O1, D3, D4, D5; Villainy O2; 3] O1; three O2, D3, D4, D5; me] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 52. ​murther] O1; murder O2, D3, D4, D5. 53. ​up,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3; Purpose] O1, O2, D3, D4; purpose D5. 54. ​them,] O1, D3, D5; ~; O2, D4. 55. ​that indeed ­were never all] O1, O2, D3, D4; that yet w ­ ere all D5. Fact: But] O1, O2, D3, D4; fact: And D5. 56. ​was] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; perswaded,] O1, O2; persuaded, D3; persuaded^ D4, D5. 57. ​Spaniards] O1, D4, D5; Spaniard O2, D3. 58. ​hang’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 59. ​however,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5; ­Things] O1, O2, D3, D5; t­ hings D4. 60. ​of it true. I say] O1, O2; very much of it true. D3, D4, D5. 61. ​true: But] O1, O2, D4; ~; but D3, D5. 62. ​base villainious] O1, O2; base villanious D3; ~ and ~ D4, D5. 63. ​Fact,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2, D5. 64. ​justifiable] O1, O2, D4; justified D3, D5. 65. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Story;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; in] O1, D3, D4, D5; In O2. 66. ​Diversion,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; Th ­ ing] O1, D3; t­ hing O2, something D4, D5. 67. ​to go thither] O1, O2 D4, D5; to^ thither D3. 68. ​hindred] O1, O2, D3, D4; hindered D5. 69. ​me] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; true] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 70. ​­Thing] O1, O2, D3, D5; ­t hing D4. 71. ​would] O1, D3, D4, D5; should O2; Obstruction;] O1, O2; ~: D3, D4, D5; for] O1; For O2, D3, D4, D5. 72. ​­here] O1, O2, D3; ­Here D4, D5. 73. ​say?] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; But] O1, D3, D4, D5; but O2. 74. ​Eyes: Speak] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; ~ D5. 75. ​go?] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~! D5. 76. ​ she] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5. 77. ​Hinderance,] O1, D4; Hinderance, O2, D3, D5. 78. ​­Thing] O1, O2, D3, D5; t­ hing D4; Condition,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; must] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~, D3. 79. ​it. Th ­ ere] O1, O2, D3; ~, ­t here D4, D5. 80. ​the] O1, D3, D4, D5; my O2; was a d ­ oing] O1, D3, D4, D5; was ­doing O2. 81. ​Manner,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: O2. 82. ​I had] O1, O2, D3; had I D4, D5. 83. ​Adventures,] O1, D3, D4, D5; Adventures^ O2; into.] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~? O2. 84. ​With] O1, O2, D3; WITH D4; need D5. 85. ​Need] O1, O2, D3, D5; need D4. 86. ​encrease] O1, O2, D3; increase D4, D5. 87. ​my self] O1, D3, D4, D5; myself O2. 88. ​ Cases,] O1, O2, D3; Case, D4, D5. 89. ​occurr’d] O1, D3, D4; occur’d O2, D5. 90. ​Thought,] O1, O2, D4; Thoughts, D3, D5. 91. ​tye] O1, O2, D3; tie D4, D5. 92. ​­Thing] O1, O2, D3, D5; ­t hing D4. 93. ​To] O1, O2, D3, D4; TO D5; County] O1, O2, D4, D5; Country D3. 94. ​that] O1, O2, D3; the D4, D5; return] O1, O2; return’d D3, D4, D5; nor] O1, O2, D3, D4; or D5.

286 Va r i a n t s 95. ​Ways] O1, O2, D3, D4; ways D5. 96. ​Planting,] O1, D3, D5; ~^ O2, D4. 97. ​Country,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Country D5. 98. ​Part] O1, O2, D3, D4; Parts D5. 99. ​In] O1, O2, D3; IN D4, D5; ­Family] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3. 100. ​Wagon,] O1, D3; Waggon, O2, D4, D5. 101. ​entirely] O1, O2, D4, D5; intirely D3; managing] O1, D3, D4, D5; Managing O2. 102. ​cultivating] O1, D3, D4; Cultivating O2, D5. 103. ​farm’d] O1, D3; farmed O2; FARM’D D4, D5. 104. ​my self] O1, D3, D4, D5; myself O2. 105. ​indeed,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; enjoy’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; enjoyed O2. 106. ​that] O1, O2; which D3, D4, D5; early] O1; earnestly O2, D3, D4, D5. 107. ​me, and liv’d a kind] O1, O2; me: A kind D3, D4, D5. 108. ​But] O1, O2, D3, D4; BUT D5; unforeseen] O1, O2; unseen D3, D4, D5. 109. ​inevitable] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5; incurable,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; consequences, into] O1, O2; Consequence, upon D3, D4, D5; into] O1, D4, D5; of O2; on D3. 110. ​wandring] wandring O1, O2, D3, D4; wandering D5. 111. ​recover’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; recovered O2; hold] O1; Hold O2, D3, D4, D5; its] O1, O2, D4, D5; is D3. 112. ​It] O1, O2, D3, D4; IT D5. 113. ​Affairs,] O1, O2, D4, D5; Affair, D3; Centre] O1, D4; Center O2, D3, D; Enterprizes,] O1, O2, D4; ~; D3, D5. 114. ​reduc’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; reduced O2. 115. ​flutter’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; fluttered O2. 116. ​mov’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; moved D3. 117. ​Entreaties,] O1, D3, D4, D5; Intreaties, O2; Degree] O1, O2, D3; degree D4, D5. 118. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5. 119. ​one] O1, D3, D4, D5; and O2. 120. ​other Part] O1, O2, D3, D4; other^ D5; Pleasures,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; squandring in] O1, O2; squandering it, in D3, D4, D5. 121. ​Man of Plea­sure] O1, O2, D3, D5; Men ~ Plea­sure, D4; his] O1, O2; their D3, D4, D5; heap’d] O1; heaped O2, D3, D4, D5. 122. ​Strug­gles] O1; Strugglings O2, D3, D4, D5; ­labour’d] O1, D4; laboured O2; ~; D3; with; D5. 123. ​This] O1, O2, D3, D4; THIS D5; liv’d] O1, O2, D4; lived D3, D5. 124. ​’till] O1, O2, D3;^till D4, D5; mouldy] O1, O2, D3; mill-­dewed D4; mill-­dew’d D5. 125. ​All] O1, O2, D3; ALL D4, D5; improv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; improved O2. 126. ​to all ­t hese] O1, D3, D4, D5; to^ t­ hese O2; possess’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; possessed O2; hop’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; hoped O2. 127. ​Side] O1, O2, D3, D5; side D4. 128. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Sage] O1; sage O2, D4, D5; gone,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 129. ​afore the Wind] O1, O2, D3; afore the Wind D4, D5. 130. ​Affair,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; Head quite was turn’d] O1, D4; Head was quite turned O2; Head; was quite turn’d D3; Head was quite D5. 131. ​Adventures,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; pleasant] O1, O2, D3, D4; pleasing D5. 132. ​Cattel] O1; ­Cattle O2, D3, D4, D5; possest] O1, D3, D4, D5; possess’d O2; me] O1, O2, ~; D3, D4, D5. 133. ​resolv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; resolved O2. 134. ​When] O1, O2, D3, D4; WHEN D5; before,] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5. 135. ​Creation;] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5; M ­ atter] O1, O2, D3, D5; m ­ atter D4. 136. ​employ’d,] O1, D3, D4, D5; employed, O2; 26] O1, D3, D4, D5; twenty six O2. 137. ​It] O1, O2, D3, D4; IT D5; Beginning] O1, D3, D4, D5; beginning O2. 138. ​as I had observ’d before] O1; as I had observed ~, O2; as I have observed before, D3; as I have observed before^ D4, as I had observ’d before, D5.

Va r i a n t s

287

139. ​made; and he] O1, O2; ~: He, D3, D4, D5. 140. ​Acquaintance] O1, D3, D4, D5; Acquaintane O2. 141. ​ East Indies] O1, D4; ~ ~, O2, D5; ~-­~ D3. 142. ​now ­Uncle, says he, if you ­w ill go to Sea with me, I’ll engage to land you upon your old Habitation in the Island, for we are to touch at the Brasils.] O1, O2, D3; now ­Uncle, says he, if you w ­ ill go to Sea wilth me, I’ll engage to land you upon your old Habitation in the Island, for we are to touch at the Brasils. D4, D5. 143. ​Nothing] O1, O2, D3, D4; NOTHING D5. 144. ​­Causes,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 145. ​Ideas] O1, O2, D3, D4; Idea’s D5. 146. ​reserv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; reserved O2. 147. ​My] O1, O2, D3, D4; MY D5. 148. ​Wandring] O1, O2; wandring D3; wandering D4, D5. return’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; returnd O2. 149. ​say,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5. 150. ​­t here.] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~: D5; pleas’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; pleased O2; my self with] O1, O2, D3; my self also with D4, D5. 151. ​ East Indies] O1, O2, D4; ~-­~ D3, D5. 152. ​I pause’d] O1, O2, D3; I PAUS’D D4; PAUS’D D5. 153. ​ unlucky] O1, O2, D3, D4; unluckly D5; startl’d] O2, D3, D4, D5; star’d O1. 154. ​Sir, says he,] O1, O2; Sir, says he, D3, D4, D5. 155. ​Temper,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 156. ​says, he] O1, O2, D4; say, with the D3, D5. 157. ​Why Sir, says he, you ­don’t want to be left ­t here again, I hope? Why, said I, can you not take me up again in your Return?] O1, O2, D3; Why, Sir, says he, you d ­ on’t want to be left t­ here again, I hope? Why, said I, can you not take me up again in your Return? D4; Why Sir, says he, you d ­ on’t want to be left t­ here again, I hope? Why^ said I, can you not take me up again in your Return? D5. 158. ​it] O1, O2, D3, D4; It D5; pos­si­ble, that] O1, O2, D4; pos­si­ble to do so, that D3, D5. 159. ​would allow] O1, O2, D4; would never allow D3, D5. 160. ​loaden] O1, D3, D4, D5; loaded O2. 161. ​Besides, Sir, if I should miscarry, said he, and not return at all, then you would be just reduced to the Condition you w ­ ere in before.] O1, O2 D3; Besides, Sir, if I should miscarry, said he, and not return at all, then you would be just reduced to the Condition you w ­ ere in before. D4, D5. 162. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5. 163. ​Carpenters,] O1, O2, D3, D4 ~^ D5; who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 164. ​finish’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; finished O2. 165. ​I was] O1, O2, D3; I WAS D4, D5. 166. ​in so] O1, O2; ~, ~ D3; ~, to D4, D5. 167. ​hand] O1, O2, D3; Hand D4, D5; no Body] O1, O2, D3; no body D4; no-­body that D5. 168. ​perswade Way] O1, O2; persuade way D3, D4, D5. 169. ​­Hazards] O1, O2, D3; ­Hazard D4, D5. 170. ​all,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 171. ​an] O1, O2, D3, D4; and D5. 172. ​kind] O1, D3, D4; Kind O2, D5. 173. ​ceas’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; ceased O2. 174. ​providing] O1, D3, D4, D5; Providing O2. 175. ​In Order] O1, O2, D3; IN ORDER D4; IN Order D5; had,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 176. ​placed in] O1, O2, D3, D4; placed it in D5. 177. ​satisfy’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; satisfied O2. 178. ​deserv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; deserved O2. 179. ​understand] O1, D4; understood O2, D3, D5; liv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; lived O2; ’till] O1, 2, D3;^till D4, D5; liv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; lived O2.

288 Va r i a n t s 180. ​My] O1, O2, D3, D4; MY D5. 181. ​8th] O1, O2, D3, D4; 8th D5. 182. ​mention’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; mentioned O2. 183. ​First] O1, O2, D3, D4; FIRST D5; carry’d] O1, D3, D4; carried O2, D5; who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2; purpos’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; purposed O2. 184. ​forward] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; willing; particularly,] O1; willing. Particularly, O2; willingly; par­tic­u ­lar, D3, D4, D5; carry’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; carried O2. 185. ​dextrous] O1, D3, D4, D5; dexterous O2. 186. ​him,] O1, D4; ~^ O2, D3, D5. 187. ​carry’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; carried O2. 188. ​With] O1, O2, D3; WITH D4, D5; carry’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; carried O2; offer’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; offered O2. 189. ​ East Indies] O1, O2, D4; ~-­~ D3, D5. 190. ​Fellow,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 191. ​observ’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; observed O2. 192. ​My] O1, O2, D3; MY D4, D5. 193. ​cloathing] O1, D3, D4, D5; clothing O2. 194. ​­t here,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 195. ​Years; if] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. If O2; Matterials] O1; Materials O2, D3, D4, D5; carry’d] O1, D3, D4, D5. 196. ​carried O2; cloathing] O1, D3, D5; clothing O2, D4. 197. ​wearing] O1, D3, D4, D5; Wearing O2. 198. ​Kitchen-­Utensils] O1, D3, D4, D5; Kitchen^Utensils O2; Peuter,] O1, D3, D4, D5; Pewter, O2; and near] O1, O2, D4; besides, ~ D3, D5. 199. ​Pound] O1, O2, D4; Pounds D3, D5. 200. ​Hinges;] O1; ~, O2; ~, and D5; ~^ D3, Hooks D4; Hooks,] O1, O2, D3, D5; Hinges D4. 201. ​carry’d] O1, D3; carried O2; CARRY’D D4, D5; Muskets,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Muskets^ D5. 202. ​Sizes, and] O1, O2; ~, three or] D3; ~, three or four Ton of Lead, D4; ~, three or four Ton of Lead, and D5. 203. ​Canon] O1, D3, D4, D5; cannon O2. 204. ​Cutlasses,] O1, O2; and ~, D3, D4, D5; Halberts;] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; short^] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 205. ​man] man D3, D4; Man O2, D5; mann O1. 206. ​Enemies:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; was Need] O1, O2; would be Need D3, D4, D5. 207. ​be] O1, O2, D4, D5; be be D3; of that Story] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ the ~ D5. 208. ​I had] O1, O2, D3; I HAD D4, D5; Voyage] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5. 209. ​happen’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; happened O2; setting out] O1, D3, D4; Setting-­Out O2; Setting out D5. 210. ​ Guinea] O1, D3, D4, D5; Guinea O2. 211. ​design’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; designed O2. 212. ​to be never] O1, D3, D4, D5; never to be O2; being on] O1, O2; my own D3, D5; being on my own D4. 213. ​Contrary] O1, O2, D3; CONTRARY D4, D5; oblig’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; obliged O2. 214. ​where] O1, D3, D4, D5; where O2. 215. ​­here also] O1, D4, D5;^ ~ O2; ~^ D3; took in] O1, O2, D3, D4; took^ D5. 216. ​Cows, and Calves,] O1, O2, D4; Cows with their Calves, D3, D5. 217. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5; 5th] O1, O2, D3, D4; 5th D5; Ireland,] O1, O2, D4; Ireland^ D3, D5. 218. ​Days,] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; ~; D5; as] O1, D3, D4; As O2;^ D5; 20th] O1, O2, D3, D4; 20th D5. 219. ​Gun fir’d,] O1, O2, D4, D5; Gunfir’d D3. 220. ​Botswain] O1, D3, D4; Boatswain O2, D5. 221. ​nothing] O1, D3, D4, D5; Nothing O2; in few] O1, O2, D4; in a few D3, D5.

Va r i a n t s

289

222. ​Distance;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; immediately] O1, D3, D4, D5; Immediately O2. 223. ​show’d] O1; shewed O2; shew’d D3, D4, D5; 500] O1, D3, D4, D5; five hundred O2; appear’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; appeared O2. 224. ​off: We] O1, D3, D4; ~, we O2, D5. 225. ​and w ­ ere presently satisfy’d we should discover it,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ^ O2. 226. ​appear’d,] O1, D3, D4, D5; appeared, O2. 227. ​while; in] O1, D3, D4; ~. in O2; While: In D5; in] O1, D3, D4, D5; In O2; half] O1, D3, D4, D5; Half O2. 228. ​tho’] O1, D3, D4, D5; though O2. 229. ​fire] O1, D3, D4, D5; Fire O2. 230. ​I was] O1, O2, D3; I WAS D4, D5; Disaster,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 231. ​engag’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; engaged D5. 232. ​and in what] O1, O2, D3, D4;^ ~ ~ D5. 233. ​them] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; this] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 234. ​hand] O1, O2, D3, D4; Hand D5. 235. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5; Burning] O1, D3; burning O2, D4, D5. 236. ​Day-­Light,] O1; Day-­Light; O2, D3, D4; Day-­light; D5; when] O1, D3, D4, D5; when, O2. 237. ​tho’] O1, O2, D5; though D3, D4. 238. ​who] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5; concluded] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 239. ​ Newfound-­Land,] O1, O2, D3; ~-­land, D3; ~-­land, D5; fair,] O1, O2, D3, D4; fair; D5. 240. ​easie] O1; easy O2, D3, D4, D5. 241. ​Door] O1, O2, D3, D4; door D5; starving] O1; Starving O2. 242. ​twelve Days,] O1; 12 ~; ~ O2, D3, D5. 243. ​get to the] O1; get the O2, D3, D4, D5. 244. ​ Newfound-­Land,] O1, O2, D4; ~-­land, D3; ~-­land D5; ’till] O1, D4; ^till O2, D3, D5. 245. ​as,] O1, O2, D4; ~^ D3, D5; them,] O1, O2, D4; ~; D3, D5. 246. ​Limbs,] O1, O2, D4; ~; D3, D5; them,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3. 247. ​miraculous] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 248. ​In] O1, O2, D3; IN D4, D5; hopeless] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5. 249. ​more,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5; Guns] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5. 250. ​This reviv’d] O1, O2, D4; this revived D3, D5; their] O1, O2, D4; t­ here D3, D5. 251. ​upon the hearing] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^~ O2. 252. ​Sails, the] O1; ~; the O2, D3; ~; and the D4, D5. 253. ​’till] O1;^till O2, D3, D4, D5; lye] O1, O2; lie D3, D4, D5; fired] O1; fir’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 254. ​While] O1, O2, D3; while D4, D5. 255. ​Some] O1, O2, D3; SOME D4, D5; again] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 256. ​Oars] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 257. ​last] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 258. ​It] O1, O2, D3; IT D4, D5; impossible] O1, D3, D4, D5; imposible O2. 259. ​­t hese] O1, D3, D4, D5; t­ hose O2; into] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 260. ​of the Head] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5; make] O1, O2, D4, D5; made D3. 261. ​Thousand] O1, O2, D3, D4; thousand D5; Joy] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; Extravagancies] O1, D3, D4; Extravagances O2, D5. 262. ​Tears,] O1, O2, D4; ~; D3, D5; raging,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 263. ​Sorrow,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 264. ​lunatick,] O1; Lunatick O2 Lunatick; D3, D4, D5. 265. ​vomiting,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5; a few] O1, O2; a few D3, D5;^ few, D4. 266. ​I would] O1, O2, D3; I WOULD D4, D5; neither] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 267. ​it] O1, D3; ~; O2, D5; t­ here D4; Extasies] O1, D4, D5; ~, O2. 268. ​was but] O1, O2, D3; w ­ ere ~ D4; so t­ here ­were but D5; that] O1, O2, D3; who D4, D5. 269. ​Perhaps the Case] O1, O2; Perhaps also the ~ O2; Perhaps also D4; PERHAPS also ~ D5; it] O1, O2; ~, D3; D4, D5; from] from O2, D3, D5;^rom O1, D4; of that Nation] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ the ~ D5. 270. ​ French,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5.

290 Va r i a n t s 271. ​not Phi­los­o­pher] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~ a ~ D3. 272. ​my trusty] O1, O2, D4; my trusty D3, D5; in] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 273. ​who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2; deliver’d] O1, O2, D4; delivered D3, D5. 274. ​Island] O1, D3, D4, D5; Islands O2. 275. ​it,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 276. ​it is further] O1, O2, D3; IT farther D4, D5; Extravagancies] O1, D3, D4, D5; Extravagances O2. 277. ​mention’d . . . ​only:] O1, O2, D4; ~^ D3; mentioned, D5. 278. ​Moments^] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 279. ​confounded,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 280. ​hallowing] O1, D3, D4; hallooing O2; hollooing D5; tearing] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 281. ​Cloaths] O1; Clothes O2, D3, D4, D5. 282. ​mad Man; a] O1, D3; mad Man; and a O2; Madman; a D4, D5. 283. ​swooning,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 284. ​more have] O1, O2, D3; more, have D4, D5; dead; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. And O2. 285. ​and^ if] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 286. ​oblig’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; obliged D5. 287. ​Blood.] O1, O2, D3, D5; blood, D4. 288. ​­There] O1, O2, D3; ­THERE D4, D5. 289. ​As] O1, O2, D3; AS D4, D5. 290. ​dropt] O1, O2, D3, D4; dropp’d D5; dead, not] O1, O2, D4; ~, to all Appearance, ~ D3, D5. 291. ​dead; at] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. At O2; opened] O1, D4; open’d O2, D3, D5; Vein] O1, D3, D4, D5; Vain O2. 292. ​Blood] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 293. ​quarter] O1, D3, D4; Quarter O2, D5; that] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 294. ​spoke, grew] O1, D4; spoke, and ~ O2, D3, D5; well; a­ fter] O1, D4; well. A ­ fter O2; ~, and in a l­ ittle Time quite well D3, D5; stopp’d] O1; ~, O2. 295. ​about, told] O1; ~ and ~ O2. 296. ​call’d come] O1; ~, Come O2; call’d come D4, D5; to himself; about] O1; to himself. About O2; to himself; about D4, D5. 297. ​quarter] O1, D3, D4; Quarter O2, D5; ­a fter] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2; ­a fter this, D5; Cabbin] O1; Cabin O2, D3, D4, D5. 298. ​Surgeon] O1, D4; Surgeon, O2, D3, D5. 299. ​him] O1; ~, O2, D3, ~; D4; D5; stark-­mad] O1, D3, D4, D5; stark^mad O2; it] O1, D3, D4, D5; It O2. 300. ​Circumstance, and again this] O1, O2; Circumstances^ and again this. D5; Circumstances^ in his Mind, and^ this D3; Circumstances^ in his Mind, and this put him D4, D5. 301. ​feaverish] O1, D3, D4; feverish O2, D5; it;] O1, D4; ~. O2; ~, D3; ~: D5. 302. ​ Bedlam] O1, O2, D3, D4; Bedlam, D5; the] O1, D4; The O2, D3; ^ D5. 303. ​dose] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; sleep] O1, D3, D4, D5; Sleep O2; which^] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 304. ​compos’d] O1, D4, D5; compos’d, O2, D3. 305. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; behav’d with] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ himself ~ D5; Passions] O1, D3, D4; Passion O2, D5. 306. ​Mind; at] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. At O2. 307. ​Deliverance,] O1, O2, D4; ~; D3, D5; me] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5; that] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5; Maker] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 308. ​I was] O1, O2, D3; I WAS D4, D5; sorry] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 309. ​also; he] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. He O2; continued] O1, O2, D3, D4; continu’d D5. 310. ​him] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; Creatures^] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 311. ​Lives:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 312. ​me,] O1; ~: O2, D3, D4; ~; D5; but] O1; But O2, D3, D4, D5; that] O1; That O2, D3, D4, D5.

Va r i a n t s

291

313. ​God] O1; ~, O2, D3, D5; as he] O1, O2; as he D3, D4, D5. 314. ​­A fter] O1, O2, D3; ­AFTER D4, D5; this] O1; ~, O2, D3, D5; Country-­Folks. 315. ​laboured] O1; ~, and l­ abour’d O2; ~, ^ ­labour’d D3, D4, D5. 316. ​perswaded] O1, O2, D3; persuarded, D4; persuaded, D5; entreated, argued, reason’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; intreated, argue’d, reason’d, D5. 317. ​Reason,] O1, D4; ~; O2, D3, D5. 318. ​Extravagancies] O1, D4; Extravagances O2, D3, D5; Passions] O1, D4; ~; O2, D3, D5. 319. ​Extravagancies] O1, D4; Extravagances O2, D3, D5; Mind] O1, D3, D4, D5; Mind, O2. 320. ​and] O1, D3, D4; And O2, D5. 321. ​disorder’d D5; Extravagancies] O1; Extravagances O2, D3, D4, D5; Day,] O1, O2, D4; ~; D3, D5. 322. ​sort] O1; Sort O2, D3, D4, D5. 323. ​Nothing] O1, O2, D3; NOTHING D4, D5; Manners] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 324. ​way.] O1, D3, D4; Way. O2; Way: D5; Priests] O1, O2, D4, D5; Priest D3. 325. ​Commander] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5; them,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 326. ​we] O1, D4; they O2, D3, D5. 327. ​that] O1, O2, D3; the D4, D5. 328. ​they had saved] O1, D3, D4, D5; they^ saved O2; them;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: O2. 329. ​hastily up out] O1, D3; hastily^ out O2, D4, D5. 330. ​it] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 331. ​desired] O1, O2, D3, D4; desire’d D5. 332. ​way, where] O1, D4; Way, ~, O2; Way, Where D3; Way where D5; pos­si­ble] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 333. ​My] O1, O2, D3; MY D4, D5; Money] O1, O2, D4, D5; Mony D3. 334. ​part,] O1; Part, O2, D3, D4, D5. 335. ​Captain] O1, O2, D4; Captain, D3, D5; Sea] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; serv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; served O2. 336. ​ Brasils] O1, O2, D3; Brasils, D4, D5; Barbary;] O1; ~, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 337. ​ Mahometan excepted;] O1, O2, D3; ~ only ~; D4, D5; Portuguese] O1, O2, D3, D4; Portugueze D5. 338. ​I therefore] O1, O2, D3; I THEREFORE D4, D5; Captain] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5. 339. ​deliver’d] O1; delivered O2, D3, D4, D5; like] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 340. ​­t hing] O1; Th ­ ing O2, D3, D4, D5. 341. ​That] O1, D3, D4, D5; that O2. 342. ​drowning] O1, D3, D4, D5; Drowning O2. 343. ​starving] O1, D3, D4, D5; Starving O2; ­t hing] O1, D3; Th ­ ing O2, D4, D5. 344. ​them:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; indeed] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 345. ​ East-­Indies,] O1, D4; ~^~; O2, D3, D5; way,] O1, D4; Way, O2, D3, D5; was] O1, D3, D4, D5; ­were O2; and] O1, O2, D3, D4; which D5; purpose] O1, D3, D4, D5; Purpose O2. 346. ​Account] O1, O2, D4; ~; D3, D5; Nephew] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Captain] O1; ~, O2, D3, D5; captain, D4. 347. ​Fraighters,] O1, D4; Freighters, O2, D3; Freighters D5; way] O1, D4; Way O2, D3, D5; Brasil, D3; Brasil; O2; Brasil, D3; Brasil, D5; Brasils, O1, D4. 348. ​way] O1, D4; Way O2, D3, D5. 349. ​ West-­Indies,] O1, D4, D5; ~^~, O2, D3; Passage] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5; pos­si­ble,] O2, D3, D5; O1, D4 ~^. 350. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; part] O1, D4; Part O2, D3, D5; kind] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 351. ​it,] O1, D4; ~; O2, D3, D5. 352. ​ Indies,] O1, D4; ~; O2, D3, D5; carried] O1, O2; carry’d D3, D4, D5; entreated] O1; intreated O2, D3, D4, D5. 353. ​Westward] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5; wou’d] O1; would O2, D3, D4, D5. 354. ​ Newfound-­Land,] D3; Newfound-­Land D4; Newfound-­land D5; Newfound Land, O1; Newfound-­land, O2.

292 Va r i a n t s 355. ​ Canada] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 356. ​inclined] O1, O2, D4; inclin’d D3, D5; it,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; consider’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; considered O2. 357. ​ East-­Indies] O1, D3, D4, D5; East^Indies O2. 358. ​intolerable O2, D3, D4, D5; intollerable O1; Severity upon the] O1, O2, D3; ~ to ~ D4, D5. 359. ​say] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; blame,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 360. ​forbid that] O1, O2, D3; ~, ~ D4, D5. 361. ​Distress’d] O1; distress’d O2, D3, D4, D5; Condition,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 362. ​nature] O1; Nature O2, D3, D4, D5. 363. ​other] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 364. ​Deliverance: so] O1; ~: So O2; ~, so D3, D4, D5; would] O1; should O2, D3, D4, D5. 365. ​ New-­found Land] O1; Newfound-­Land, O2; Newfound-­Land D3; Newfound-­Land, D4, D5. 366. ​ West-­Indies] O1; West Indies O2, D3, D4, D5. 367. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; good,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 368. ​as the Winds had continued] O1, O2, D3; as it had blowed continually D4; as it had blowed continually in the D5; continued] O1, O2; continually D3, D4, D5. 369. ​time] O1; Time O2, D3, D4, D5. 370. ​ French] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 371. ​obliged] O1, O2, D3, D4; oblig’d D5. 372. ​ New-­Found Land] O1; Newfound-­land O2; Newfound-­Land, D3 Newfound-­Land, D4; Newfound-­Land, D5; where] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 373. ​Board] O1, O2, D3, D4; board D5. 374. ​ France] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 375. ​Provision] O1; Provisions O2, D3, D4, D5; with.] O1, O2, D3; with: D4, D5. 376. ​remember] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 377. ​ East-­Indies,] O1; East^Indies, O2, D3, D4, D5; desired] O1, O2, D3; desir’d D4, D5. 378. ​agreed to,] O1, O2; agreed to that, D3, D4, D5. 379. ​entered] O1, O2, D3; enter’d D4, D5. 380. ​proved] O1, O2, D3; prov’d D4, D5. 381. ​From] O1, O2, D3; FROM D4, D5; for] O1; to O2, D3, D4, D5; West Indies] O1; West^Indies O2, D3, D4, D5. 382. ​twenty] O1, O2; 20 D3, D4, D5. 383. ​It] O1, O2, D3; IT D4, D5; Degrees] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; North,] O1, O2; N. D3, D4, D5. 384. ​We] D3, D4, D5; we] O1, O2; perceiv’d] O1; perceived O2, D3, D4, D5. 385. ​Main-­top-­mast] O1; ~-­~-­Mast O2; ~^~^~ D3, D4; Main Top-­mast D5. 386. ​signal] O1; Signal O2, D3, D4, D5. 387. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5; home] O1; Home O2, D3, D4, D5. 388. ​blown] O1, O2; blow D3, D4, D5. 389. ​Chief] O1; chief O2, D3, D4, D5. 390. ​Shore] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; that] O1; that, O2, D3, D4, D5; beside] O1; besides O2; beside D3, D4, D5; Storm] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 391. ​home:] O1; Home. O2, D3, D4, D5. 392. ​Sea] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 393. ​above; they] O1; ~. They O2; above; they D3; above; they D3, D4, D5; us] O1, O2, D3, D4; us, D5. 394. ​South East] O1; South-­East O2, D3, D4; South-­East, D5. 395. ​with] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; main Course,] O1, O2; Main-­Course D3, D4, D5; kind] O1, O2, D3, D4; Kind D5. 396. ​Fore-­mast,] O1, O2; Jury-­Fore-­Mast^ D3, D4; Jury-­Fore-­Mast, D5; lye] O1, O2, D3; lie D4, D5. 397. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5.

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293

398. ​Provisions,] O1, D3; ~; O2, D4, D5; under­gone;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 399. ​gone,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 400. ​had had none for eleven] O1, O2; had^ 11; ~ ~ 11 D3, D4, D5. 401. ​Succads] O1; Succades, O2; ~, D3; Succades D4, D5; Sweet-­meats] O1; ~, O2; Sweet-­ Meats D3, D4, D5. 402. ​­There] O1, O2, D3; T ­ HERE D4, D5; M ­ other] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 403. ​themselves] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 404. ​Passengers, and] O1, O2, D3; Passengers; ~ D4, D5. 405. ​Part] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 406. ​fair] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Board] O1, O2, D3; board D4, D5. 407. ​Ship] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 408. ​Board] O1, O2, D3; board D4, D5; indeed they] O1, O2, D3; ~, that ~, D4, D5. 409. ​­great Cabbin,] O1; G ­ reat Cabin, O2;^ Cabin, D3, D4, D5; that they w ­ ere] O1; that^ w ­ ere O2, D3, D4, D5; Condition,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 410. ​dead] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 411. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5; we] O1, O2; he D3, D4, D5. 412. ​victual’d] O1; victuall’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 413. ​selves,] O1; selves; O2, D3, D4, D5. 414. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5. 415. ​too] O1, O2; to D3, D4, D5; them the Mate] O1; ~. The ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Commander] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 416. ​the] O1; The O2, D3, D4, D5. 417. ​sick] O1; Sick, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; order;] O1; Order; O2, D3, D4, D5. 418. ​Broth,] O1, O2; Broath, D3, D4, D5. 419. ​it, he] O1, O2, D3; it he D4, D5; better:] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 420. ​Men,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; ordered] O1; order’d O2, D3, D4, D5; them;] O1; ~, O2, D5; ~; D3, D4. 421. ​ravenous,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 422. ​Greediness,] O1, O2; greediness, D3, D4, D5. 423. ​their] O1; their O2, D3, D4, D5. 424. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; P ­ eoples] O1; ­People’s O2, D3, D4, D5. 425. ​any,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 426. ​Creatures:] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~. D5. 427. ​­great Cabbin,] O1; G ­ reat Cabin, O2, D3, D4, D5. 428. ​servant] O1, O2, D3, D4; Servant D5; who] O1; whom O2, D3, D4, D5; Days,] O1, O2; Days; D3, D4, D5. 429. ​who] O1; whom O2, D3, D4, D5. 430. ​Cabbin] O1; Cabin O2, D3, D4, D5. 431. ​As I] O1, O2, D3; AS I D4, D5; who] O1; whom O2, D3, D4, D5. 432. ​Men] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4; Mens D5. 433. ​it] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 434. ​well boiled] O1, O2, D3, D4; well-­boil’d D5. 435. ​kill’d] O1; killed O2; killed, D3, D4, D5; themselves] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; them,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 436. ​Purpose] O1, O2; purpose D3, D4, D5. 437. ​order’d] O1, O2; ordered D3, D4, D5; Cabbin,] O1; Cabin, O2, D3, D4; Cabin^ D5. 438. ​proper,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 439. ​board,] O1, O2; Board, D3, D4, D5. 440. ​question] O1, O2; Question D3, D4, D5. 441. ​I was not satisfy’d] O1, O2, D3; I WAS satisfied D4, D5; but] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 442. ​it self] O1; itself O2, D3, D4, D5. 443. ​my] O1; myself O2, D3, D4, D5. 444. ​I found] O1, O2, D3; I FOUND D4, D5; Tumult] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Boyler] O1, O2, D3; Boiler D4, D5.

294 Va r i a n t s 445. ​Persuasion] O1, D4, D5; Perswasion O2, D3. 446. ​Force:] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 447. ​call Brewes,] O1; calls Brews, O2; call Brews, D3, D4; call Brewis D5. 448. ​one,] O1, O2; One, D3, D4; One D5. 449. ​obliged] O1; oblig’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 450. ​Time:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; time: D5; board,] O1; Board, O2, D3, D4, D5. 451. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Cabbin] O1; Cabin, O2, D3; Cabin D4, D5. 452. ​first^] O1, O2; first, D3, D4, D5. 453. ​before] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5; M ­ other, who as] O1, O2, D3; ­Mother, who, as D4, D5; the Men] O1, O2, D3; the first Men D4; the first Mate D5. 454. ​Sense] O1, O2; Sence D3, D4, D5. 455. ​get, so] O1, O2, D3; ~^ ~ D4, D5. 456. ​open’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; opened D5. 457. ​intimating,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 458. ​However] O1; ~, O2; HOWEVER D3, D4, D5. 459. ​and^] O1, O2, D3, D4; and, D5. 460. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; Youth] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5; preserved] O1, O2, D3, D4; preserv’d D5. 461. ​Life] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; gone,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5; Cabbin] O1; Cabin O2, D3, D4, D5. 462. ​him;] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5; piece] O1; Piece O2, D3, D4, D5; Mouth] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 463. ​it, however] O1; ~; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; young] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 464. ​Throat] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; tho’] O1, O2, D3; though D4, D5. 465. ​extraordinary] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; sick] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 466. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Maid,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 467. ​Deck] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 468. ​Apoplexy] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 469. ​of a Chair] O1, O2, D3; D4; ~ the ~ D5; hard] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 470. ​together] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 471. ​Cabbin T ­ able.] O1; Cabin-­Table. O2, D3; Cabin-­table. D4; Cabin-­table; D5; in] O1; In O2, D3, D4, D5; Death,] O1, O2, D4; Death; D3, D5. 472. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5. 473. ​but] O1, O2, D3; but, D4, D5. 474. ​who] O1; whom O2, D3, D4, D5. 475. ​who] O1; whom O2, D3, D4, D5. 476. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5; Girl,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 477. ​her] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; Hands] O1; Hand O2, D3, D4, D5. 478. ​time] O1; Time O2, D3, D4, D5. 479. ​­a fter,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 480. ​Whoever] O1, O2, D3; WHOEVER D4, D5. 481. ​lie] O1, D3, D4, D5; lye O2. 482. ​Masts; however] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. However O2. 483. ​kind] O1, D3, D4, D5; Kind O2; Top-­Mast] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^~ D3. 484. ​lie] O1, D3, D4, D5; lye O2. 485. ​Beef, a] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~ and a O2. 486. ​Proportion] O1, O2, D3, D5; Porportion D4; Flour,] O2, D3; Flowr, D4; Flower, O1, D5; ­t hings] O1; Th ­ ings O2, D3, D4, D5. 487. ​ Barbadoes,] O1, D4, D5; Berbadoes, O2, D3; say] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 488. ​tho’] O1, O2, D4, D5; though D3. 489. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5. 490. ​as ­t hose we] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5; him] O1, O2, D3, D4; them D5. 491. ​World:] O1, O2, D3, D4; World. D5. 492. ​mattered] O1; ­matter’d O2, D3, D4, D5; whither] O1, D4; ­whether O2, D3, D5.

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295

493. ​delivered] O1, O2; deliver’d D3, D4, D5; Crew he] O1, O2; ~, that he D3, D4, D5. 494. ​wou’d] O1; would O2, D3, D4, D5. 495. ​sure] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 496. ​where] O1, O2, D3, D4; ­were D5. 497. ​Board] O1; board O2, D3, D4, D5. 498. ​removed] O1, D3, D4, D5; remov’d O2; at,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; them] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 499. ​go] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 500. ​ Bristol] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 501. ​Condition] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 502. ​afterwards] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 503. ​I was] O1, O2, D3; I WAS D4, D5. 504. ​tho’] O1, O2; though D3, D4, D5. 505. ​contrary,] O1, D4, D5; ~. O2, D3; no body] O1, O2, D4, D5; no Body D3. 506. ​on the 10th] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ 10th D4; April] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; 1695:] O1; ~. O2, D3, D5. 507. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5; while,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3. 508. ​Mouth] O1, O2, D4; Mouth D3, D5. 509. ​kind,] O1; Kind, O2, D3, D4, D5. 510. ​In] O1, O2, D3; IN D4, D5. 511. ​­t here,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; them, found] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~ I ~ O2. 512. ​and^ they] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ that ~ D5. 513. ​Muscles] O1; Mussels O2, Mussels D3, D4, D5; 1 could, but that they] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; ~^ ~ D5. 514. ​North] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5. 515. ​But at last] O1, O2, D3, D5; But^ ^ D4; coasting] O2, D3, D4, D5; Coasting O1. 516. ​Mens Shallop,] O1; Man’s Shalloup O2, D3; Mens Shalloup, D4; Man’s Shalloup, D5. 517. ​which we had found a . . . ​good W ­ ill;] O1, O2; (which we had found a . . . ​good W ­ ill;) D3, D4, D5. 518. ​South Side] O1, O2, D4, D5; Southside D3. 519. ​broadside] O1, D4; Broadside O2, D3, D5. 520. ​As] O1, O2, D3; AS D4, D5. 521. ​presently clapping] O1, O2, D3; ~, ~ D4, D5. 522. ​cry’d,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 523. ​Well] O1, O2, D3, WELL D4, D5; Body] O1, O2, D3, D4; body D5; no?] O1, O2, D4, D5; no; D3. 524. ​while,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 525. ​ why so] O1, O2, D3, D4; Why D5; I] O1, O2, D3, D4; I, D5. 526. ​that?] O1, D3, D4, D5; that? O2; die, long] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; ~ D5. 527. ​ago; he] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 528. ​then?] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~? O2. 529. ​we see! we see! yes, we see much] O1; ~ ~! ~ ~! ~, ~ ~ ~ O2, D3; me ~! me ~! ~, yes me ~ ~ D4; me ~! me ~! ~, yes, ~ ~ much D5; Men] O1, O2, D4; Man D3, D5. 530. ​body,] O1, O2, D4, D5; Body, D3. 531. ​Glass,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 532. ​As] O1, O2, D3; AS D4, D5. 533. ​Antient] O1, O2, D3; Ancient D4, D5; notice] O1, D4, D5; Notice O2, D3. 534. ​quarter] O1; Quarter O2, D3, D4, D5. 535. ​Smoke] O1, O2, D3; Smoak D4, D5; Side] O1, O2, D4, D5; side D3; Creek,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; or] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ a D5; a Flag] O1, O2, D3, D4;^ Flag D5. 536. ​manner] O1, D4; Manner O2, D3, D5; of] O1, D3, D4, D5; of O2; on] O1, D3, D4, D5; on O2; t­ hose I] O1, O2, D4; ­t hose that I D3, D5. 537. ​me] O1, D3, D4, D5; me O2. 538. ​well] O1, D3, D4, D5; well O2.

296 Va r i a n t s 539. ​­t here] O1, D3, D4, D5; there O2; need] O1, D4, D5; Need O2, D3. 540. ​As] O1, O2, D3; AS D4, D5. 541. ​Man I] O1, O2, D3; ~, ~ D4, D5. 542. ​who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 543. ​Way] O1, O2, D3, D4; way D5. 544. ​Spight] O1, O2, D3, D4; spight D5. 545. ​him,] O1, O2, D4, D5; him; D3. 546. ​him, as] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^~ D5; Picture,] O1, D4, D5; ~^ O2, D3. 547. ​lie] O1; lye O2, D3, D4, D5. 548. ​ha’] O1, O2, D4; have D3, D5. 549. ​then he would] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5. 550. ​Bisket Cake,] O1, O2, D3; Bisket,^ D4, D5. 551. ​make] O1, O2, D4; made D3, D5. 552. ​thousand] O1, D4; Thousand O2, D3, D5. 553. ​Travels] O1, O2, D3; Travel D4, D5. 554. ​Part] O1, O2, D3, D4; Parts D5. 555. ​fifth] O1, D3, D5; Fifth O2; fiftth D4. 556. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Landing:] O1, D4; ~. O2, D3, D5. 557. ​Civilities] O1, O2, D3, D4; Civilitirs D5. 558. ​who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 559. ​who’s] O1; whose O2, D3, D4, D5. 560. ​’till] O1, D4; till O2, D3, D5; I in] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5; Portuguese] O1, O2, D3, D4; Portugueze D5. 561. ​abroad;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 562. ​comes] O1, O2; come D3; came D4, D5; me,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 563. ​Heaven sent] O1, O2, D3; ~, ~, D4, D5. 564. ​abundance] O1, D4; Abundance O2, D3, D5; well bred] O1, D3, D4, D5; well-­bred O2. 565. ​how,] O1, D4; ~; O2, D3, D5. 566. ​Comrades,] O1, O2, D4; Comerades. D3, D5. 567. ​they had made] O1, D4; ­t here had been O2, D3, D5. 568. ​alas] O1, D3, D4; ~! O2, D5. 569. ​Years] O1, O2, D3, D4; Year’s D5. 570. ​I ask’d] O1, O2, D3; I ASK’D D4, D5; fortifications?] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~? O2. 571. ​Need] O1, O2, D4; need D3, D5. 572. ​Island;] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2; D5; gone; he] O1, D4; ~. He O2; ~; He D3; ~: He D5. 573. ​me] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 574. ​away] O1, O2;^ D3, D5; in D4. 575. ​Satisfaction,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; Persuasion,] O1, D4, D5; Perswasion, O2, D3. 576. ​surprizing] O1, O2, D3, D4; surprising D5. 577. ​As] O1, O2, D3, D5; AS D4; Barbarians] O1, D4; Barbarians O2, D3, D5. 578. ​: But] O1, O2, D3, D4;: ~, D5; displeas’d,] O1, O2, D4; displeased, D3, D5. 579. ​how forc’d] O1, O2, D3, ~, ~, D4, D5. 580. ​Necessity] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 581. ​make] O1, O2, D3, D4; makeing D5. 582. ​manner] O1, D4, D5; Manner O2, D3. 583. ​While] O1, O2, D3; WHILE D4, D5. 584. ​Dress] O1, D4, D5; Distress O2; ~, D3. in] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 585. ​­were] O1, O2, D3, D5; are D4. 586. ​some of the] O1, D4; ~ of ~ O2, D3, D5. 587. ​manly majestic] O1; ~, ~ D4, D5; Manly, Majustick O2; Manly, Majestick D3. 588. ​kind] O1, D4, D5; Kind O2, D3. 589. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5. 590. ​­w ill in most] O1, O2, D3; ~, ~ ~ D4, D5. 591. ​reading] O1, D3, D4; Reading O2, D5.

Va r i a n t s

297

592. ​­shall] O1, O2, D3, D4; ­SHALL D5. 593. ​thousand] O1, O2, D3, D4; Thousand D5; said] O1, D3, D4, D5; Said O2; said] O1; Said O2, D3, D4, D5. 594. ​ me’s,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; I] O1, O2, D3, D4; I D5; told] O1, D3, D4, D5; Told O2; told] O1, O2, D3, D4, D5; Told O2; like,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2, D5. 595. ​Historically] O1, D3, D4, D5; historically O2; them^] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 596. ​In] O1, O2, D3; IN D4, D5; order] O1, D3, D4, D5; Order O2. 597. ​Island,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; and in which] O1, O2, D3; and which D4; ~^ ~ D5. 598. ​­were,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D5; w ­ ere in, D4; first,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 599. ​Savages,] O1, D3, D4; ~: O2; ~; D5. 600. ​companions] O1, D3, D4, D5; companions, O2; who] O1, D3; whom O2, D4, D5. 601. ​that,] O1, D4; ~^ O2, D3, D5. 602. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5. 603. ​room] O1, D4; Room O2, D3, D5. 604. ​Year before,] O1, D3, D4; Years before; O2, D5. 605. ​fore Knowledge] O1; Fore-­k nowledge O2, D3, D4, D5; afterward] O1, D3, D4; afterwards O2; ­a fter D5. 606. ​gone,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 607. ​possess’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; possessed O2. 608. ​enquir’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; enquired O2. 609. ​desir’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; desired O2. 610. ​over] O1, D4; ~. O2, D3, D5. 611. ​happen’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; happened O2. 612. ​overjoy’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; overjoyed O2; him:] O1; him, O2; ~^ D3; him: D4, D5. 613. ​in,] O1, D3, ~^ O2, D4, D5. 614. ​surpriz’d] O1, D4; surprized O2, D3, D5. 615. ​satisfy’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; satisfied O2. 616. ​their Prisoners,] O1; the ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 617. ​furnish’d for] O1, D3, D4, D5; furnished in O2. 618. ​somewhat] O1, D4; something O2, D3, D5. 619. ​shew’d] O1; shewed O2, D3, D4, D5. 620. ​restor’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; restored O2. 621. ​prepar’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; prepared O2. 622. ​Canoes,] O1, D4; ~; O2, D3, D5; oblig’d] O1; obliged O2, D3, D4, D5. 623. ​Canoes] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; Periaguas,] O1; Periagua’s, O2, D3, D4, D5. 624. ​fishing] O1, D3, D4; Fishing O2, D5. 625. ​In] O1, O2, D3; IN D4, D5; Morning, it] O1, D4; ~. It O2; Morning; it D3, D5. 626. ​ready;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; Cloaths] O1; Clothes O2, D3, D4; Clothes, D5. 627. ​used] O1, O2, D3, D4; us’d D5. 628. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5; Time,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 629. ​offer’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; offered O2; mention’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; mentioned O2. 630. ​Part] O1, O2, D3, D4; PART D5; Island,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 631. ​harden’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; hardned O2; ungovern’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; ungoverned O2. 632. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5. 633. ​That] O1, O2, D3, D4; that D5. 634. ​Provisions] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 635. ​order’d] O1, D4, D5; ordered O2, D3; do,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 636. ​Directions] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 637. ​par­tic­u ­lar] O1, O2, D5; Par­tic­u ­lar D3, D4. 638. ​­t here,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; tame Goats] O1, O2, D3; my tame Goats D4, D5; cur’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; cured D5. 639. ​Pots, and,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; ~^ O2. 640. ​did, all] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. All O2; written] O1, O2, D3, D5; Written D4. 641. ​understand] O1, D3, D4; understood O2, D5.

298 Va r i a n t s 642. ​­every] O1, O2; any D3, D4, D5; ­Thing] O1, D3, D4; ­t hing O2, D5. 643. ​well] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; Time;] O1, D4, D3, D5; ~. O2; House,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; Cave,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 644. ​manag’d] O1, D3, D4; managed O2, D5; Affairs; for] O1, D3, D4, D5; Affairs: For O2; En­glish Men,] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen^ D4, D5. 645. ​ramble] O1, O2, D3, D5; Ramble D4; ketch] O1, D4; catch O2, D3, D5. 646. ​home] O1, D4; Home O2, D3, D5. 647. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; satisfy’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; satisfied O2. 648. ​them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5. 649. ​long; but,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, ~^ O2. 650. ​neither;] O1, D4; ~. O2; ~: D3, D5. 651. ​last,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5; into open] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~ an ~ D3. 652. ​imagin’d] O1, D3, D4; ­imagined O2, D5. 653. ​Sence;] O1; Sense; O2, D3, D4, D5. 654. ​who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 655. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Particulars] O2, D3, D5; Par­tic­u ­lar O1, D4. 656. ​that] O1, O2, D3, D4; That, D5. 657. ​happen’d] O1, D4, D5; happened O2, D3. 658. ​turn’d] O1, D5; turned O2, D3, D4; appeas’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; appeased O2; ’till] O1;^till O2, D3, D4, D5. 659. ​refractory] O1, D4, D5; refactory O2, D3. 660. ​Irons] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 661. ​ugly dangerous] O1, D3, D4, D5; dangerous ugly O2. 662. ​threaten’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; threatned O2; hang’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; hanged O2. 663. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5. 664. ​’till] O1;^till O2, D3, D4, D5. 665. ​try’d] O2, D3, D4, D; Tryed O1. 666. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; it,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 667. ​desir’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; desired O2; pass’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; passed D5. 668. ​assur’d] O1; assured O2, D3, D4, D5; behaved] O1; behav’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 669. ​­pardon’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; pardoned O2. 670. ​appear’d easy,] O1; appeared ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 671. ​caused] O1, O2, D3, D4; caus’d D5; Men] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5; Irons] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5; released,] O1; ~^ O2; releas’d D3, D4, D5. 672. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Night,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; calm, next] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; ~ D5. 673. ​Men who] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 674. ​Musket,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2; Musquet, D5. 675. ​Weapons,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; had] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 676. ​Companions] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5; Roguery] O1, D3; ~, O2; Rogury, D4; Roguery D5. 677. ​As] O1, O2, D3; AS D4, D5; order’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; ordered O2. 678. ​them; or] O1; ~, nor O2, D5; them, or D3, D4; rest,] O1, D3; ~; O2, D4, D5. 679. ​destroy’d] O1 D3, D4, D5; destroyed O2; burn’d] O1; burnt O2, D3, D4, D5. 680. ​let it all] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5. 681. ​board] O1, D3, D4; Board O2, D5. 682. ​­These] O1, O2, D3; T ­ HESE D4, D5; five,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 683. ​2] O1, D3, D4; two O2, D5; 3] O1, D3, D4; three O2, D5. 684. ​turn’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; turned D3; New-­Comers] O1, D3, D4, D5; new-­Comers O2. 685. ​perswaded] O1, O2; persuaded D3, D4, D5. 686. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5. 687. ​persuaded] O1, D3, D4, D5; perswaded O2. 688. ​Country-­men] O1, D3; Countrymen O2, D4, D5. 689. ​it:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 690. ​Industry] O1; O2, D4, D5; Industery D3.

Va r i a n t s

299

691. ​ North Shore] O1, O2, D3, D5; North-­shore D4. 692. ​to] O1, D3, D4, D5; on O2. 693. ​­Here] O1, O2, D3; ­HERE D4, D5. 694. ​Peas] O1, D3, D4, D5; Pease O2. 695. ​them,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; dug,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5; enclosed] O1, O2, D3, D4; inclos’d D5. 696. ​began] O1, O2, D4, D5; begin D3; well; their] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. Their O2. 697. ​Ground,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; Bit] O1, O2, D3, D5; bit D4. 698. ​enough] O1, O2, D4, D5; enought D3. 699. ​Bread] O2, O3, D4, D5; Brea^d O1; Fellows] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 700. ​ready] O1; ready^ O2, D3, D4, D5; ~, O1. 701. ​furnish’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; furnished O2. 702. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5; Posture] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; this] O1, O2, D3; a D4, D5. 703. ​unnatural] O1, O2, D4, D5; unnatural D3; Country-­men] O1; ~^~ D3; countrymen O2; Countrymen D4, D5. 704. ​came] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; bully’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; bullied O2; theirs,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5. 705. ​Governor,] O1, O2; Governour D3, D4, D5. 706. ​no Body] O1, O2, D3, D4; no-­body D5; Right] O1, O2, D5; right D3, D4. 707. ​Ground] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 708. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; first,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; and D5; them to come in and] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, to come and D5. 709. ​­were] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 710. ​demanded,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; them,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4; ’em; D5. 711. ​hoped] O1; hop’d O2, D3, D4; hop’d D5. 712. ​their Land] O1, O2, D3; the ~ D4, D5. 713. ​Custom of Landlords] O1, O2, D3; ~ ~ all ~ D4, D5. 714. ​raging] O1, O2, D3, D5; rageing D4. 715. ​Jest,] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ D4. 716. ​Fire] O1, O2, D3, D4; fire D5. 717. ​trod] O1, D3, D4, D5; trode O2. 718. ​Difficulty] O1, O2, D4, D5; difficulty D3. 719. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5. 720. ​return’d] O1; returned O2; turn’d D3, D4, D5. 721. ​once; his] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. His O2. 722. ​Muskets,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Musquets D5; Pole] O1, D5; ~, O2, D3, D4. 723. ​down, that had begun] O1; down^ that^ begun O2, D3; down; who begun D4; down, who begun D5; his Musket,] O1, O2, D3; the Musket, D4; the Musquet D5. 724. ​him,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 725. ​them] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; and presenting] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5; Ends] O1, O2, D4, D5; End D3. 726. ​bad] O1, O2, D3, D4; bade D5. 727. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; Fire-­Arms] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^~ D3. 728. ​Comrade,] O1, O2, D4, D5; Comerade, D3. 729. ​Foot] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; w ­ ere dead] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ all ~ D5. 730. ​and boldly] O1, O2, D3, D5;^ boldly D4; Arms:] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5; not indeed lay] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~, ~ D5. 731. ​so resolute,] O1, O2, D3, D5;^ resolute, D4. 732. ​Parley;] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~, D3; Man] O1, O2, D3, D4; Men D5. 733. ​indeed it] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 734. ​Blow; however] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. However O2; wrong] O1, O2, D3, D4; Wrong D5. 735. ​studied] O1, O2, D3, D4; study’d D5. 736. ​Intimation] O1, O2, D5; intimation, D3, D4.

300 Va r i a n t s 737. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Part] O1, O2, D3, D4; PART D5; crowd] O1, O2, D5; crow’d D3, D4. 738. ​as,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; Kids] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 739. ​tame] O1, O2, D5; Tame D3, D4. 740. ​Word] O1, D3, D4, D5; word O2. 741. ​opportunity; in] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. In O2; Order] O1, O2; order D3, D4, D5; this] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 742. ​call’d] O1, O2, D5; called D3, D4. 743. ​Time] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 744. ​Play,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 745. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5. 746. ​ Spaniard,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 747. ​It] O1, O2, D3, IT D4, D5; before] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; happen’d,] O1, O2, D3, D4; happened^ D5. 748. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5; who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 749. ​ Men,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D5; ~^ D4. 750. ​barbarous] O1, O2, D4, D5; Barbarous D3; Country-­men,] O1, D4; Countrymen, O2, D3; Conutrymen D5. 751. ​Milch-­Goat] O1, O2; Miltch-­Goat, D3; Miltch-­Goat D4; Milch-­Goat, D5. 752. ​sustenance,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; Friends] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 753. ​starved] O1, O2, D3, D4; starv’d D5. 754. ​home,] O1; ~^ O2; Home^ D3, D4; home^ D5. 755. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5; thou’] O1, O2, D3, D4; though D5; very gentle] O1, O2, D3;^ gentle D4, D5; Terms;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; ask’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; as’d D3. 756. ​inoffensive D3, D5; innoffensive O1, O2, D3; ­were only putting] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5; way] O1, O2; Way D3, D4, D5. 757. ​­t hings] O1, O2; ­Things D3, D4, D5; to such Perfection] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~ ~ a ~ D4. 758. ​One] O1, O2, D3; ONE D4, D5; En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5; what] O1, D3, D4; What O2, D5. 759. ​Plant] O1, D3, D4; plant O2, D5; Build] O1, D3, D4; build O2, D5. 760. ​Seignior Inglese] O1, O2, D3, D4; Seignior Inglese D5. 761. ​ starve?] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5; En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5; replyd] O1, O2, D3, D4; replyd, D5; they] O1, O2, D3, D4; They D5. 762. ​Starve] O1, D3; starve O2, D4; starve, D5; Damn’d] O1, D3; damn’d O2, D4, D5; Plant] O1, O2, D3, D4; plant, D5; Build.] O1, O2; ~ in that Place. D3, D4; build in that Place. D5. 763. ​But what must they do then, Seignior, said] O1, O2, D3, D4; But what must they do then, Seignoior, says D5. 764. ​D. . . . ​m] O1, D3, D4; D. . . . ​n O2; D—­—­m D5; return’d,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3; Servants] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5. 765. ​But how can you expect that of] O1, O2, D3, D4; But how can you expect that of D5; them, says the Spaniard,] O1, O2, D3; ~,^ ^ ^ D4; them,^ ^ ^ D5. 766. ​they are not bought with your] O1, O2, D3, D4; they are not bought with your D5. 767. ​Money;] O1, D3, D4; ~? O2; Money; D5; you] O1, D3, D4; You O2; you D5; Servants;] O1; ~. O2; ~? D3, D4; Servants? D5. 768. ​5 En­glish Man] O1, O2; ~ Men D3; En­glishman D4, D5; the] O1, O2, D3, D4; The D5. 769. ​Huts,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 770. ​Why] O1, O2, D3; WHY D4, D5; Seignior] O1, O2, D3, D4; Seignior D5; by the same] O1, O2, D3, D4; by the same D5. 771. ​Rule we must be your Servants too?] O1, O2, D3, D4; Rule we must be your Servants too? D5; Ay] O1, D3, D4, D5; Ah O2. 772. ​G-­d Damme’s O2, D3, D4, D5; G.d Dame’s O1; proper] O1, D3, D4, D5; prope O2; Speech; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. The O2. 773. ​smill’d] O1; smil’d O2, D3, D5; smild D4; Answer:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5.

Va r i a n t s

301

774. ​However.] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5. 775. ​other,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; call’d] O1, O2, D3, D5; call^d D4. 776. ​t’other] O1, O2, D4, D5; the t’other D3. 777. ​you,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 778. ​Upon] O1, O2, D3; UPON D4, D5; trooping] D5; Trooping O1, O2, D3, D4. 779. ​Sword,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 780. ​themselves] O1, D3; ~, O2; ~^ D4, D5. 781. ​offer’d] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; Spaniards it seems] O1, O2, D3; ~, ~ ~, D4, D5. 782. ​Particulars,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; that] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 783. ​threatned] O1, O2, D3, D4; threaten’d D5; En­glish Mens] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmens D4; En­glishmen D5. 784. ​part.] O1; Part. O2, D3, D4, D5; W ­ hether] O1, O2, D3; ­W HETHER D4, D5; went,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3; bestow’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; bestowed D5; time] O1, D3; Time O2, D4, D5. 785. ​wandred] O1, O2; wander’d D3, D4, D5. 786. ​part] O1, D4; Part O2, D3, D5. 787. ​Bower;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; weary] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 788. ​resolv’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; resolved D5. 789. ​two poor Men] O1, O2, D3; the ~ ~ D4,^ poor ~ D5; and as] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; acknowledg’d] O1, O2; acknowledged it D3, D4; acknowledged^ D5. 790. ​afterwards] O1, O2, D3, D4; it ~ D5. 791. ​murther] O1; murder O2, D3, D4, D5; out,] O1; ~; O2; ~: D3, D4, D5; and] O1, O2, D3, D4; And D5. 792. ​However] O1, O2, D3; HOWEVER D4, D5; I] O1, O2, D3, D4; I D5. 793. ​Murthering;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D5; Murdering, D4. 794. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5. 795. ​Comrades,] O1, O2, D4, D5; Comerades D3; ha] O1, D4; ~! O2; ~’ D3, D4, D5. 796. ​D. . . . ​m ’em] O1, D4; D—­-­n’ ~ O2; D. . . . ​n ~ D3, D5; flown;] O1, O2, D3, ~: D4, D5; they] O1, O2, D3; They D4, D5. 797. ​presently] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 798. ​Hands] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 799. ​reveng’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; revenged D5; Spaniards; as] O1; ~. As O2, D3, D4, D5. 800. ​Bargain] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5; Men’s Habitation,] O1, D5; Mens ~; O2, D3; Men^s ~ D4. 801. ​­t hing] O1, O2; ­Thing D3, D4, D5; ­little Houses,] O1, O2;^ ~, D3, D4, D5. 802. ​stood; they] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: They O2. 803. ​Stuff] O1, O2, D4, D5; stuff D3; Pieces] O1, O2, D3, D5; pieces D4; ­Thing] O1, O2, D3, D5; ­t hing D4. 804. ​manner,] O1, O2; Manner, D3, D4, D5; afterwards found] O1, O2; found afterwards D3, D4; found afterwards, D5. 805. ​off of their] O1, D3, D4; off^ their O2; ~ from ~ D5. 806. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5; this,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3; Trees,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; planted,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5. 807. ​an] O1, O2; the D3, D4, D5. 808. ​and^] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; word,] O1; Word, O2, D3, D5; Word^ D4; plunder’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; plundered D5. 809. ​Hoord] O1, O2, D3, D4; Hoard D5. 810. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; them] O1, O2, D3, D4; em’ D5. 811. ​where-­ever] O1, O2, D4, D5; whereever D3. 812. ​blood-­shed] O1; Bloodshed O2; Blood D3, D4; Blood shed D5. 813. ​due] O1, O2, D3, D4; Due D5. 814. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5. 815. ​dogg’d] O2, D3, D4, D5; dog’d O1. 816. ​­here,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5.

302 Va r i a n t s 817. ​the] O1, O2, D4, D5; and D3. 818. ​presently:] O1, D3; ~. O2, D4, D5; back] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 819. ​Creatures] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; Rage,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 820. ​about had put] O1, O2, D3; ~^ ~ D4, D5. 821. ​way] O1, O2, D3, D4; Way D5. 822. ​­couple] O1, D4; ­Couple O2, D3, D5; Play,] O1, O2, D3; play, D4, D5. 823. ​twirle] O1; Twril O2; Twirl D3, D4, D5; sleering] O1, D3, D4, D5; smeering O2. 824. ​brave] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; withal] O2, D3, D4, D5; withall O1. 825. ​then] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 826. ​blow] O1; Blow O2, D3, D4, D5; Fist] O1, O2, D3, D4; First D5. 827. ​Pole-­A xe,] O1; ~; O2, D3 Pole-­A x; D4, D5. 828. ​as] O1, O2; at D3, D4, D5. 829. ​immediately; he] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. He O2. 830. ​tip] O1, O2, D3, D4; Tip D5; much:] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 831. ​than] O1, D3, D4, D5; then O2. 832. ​Heat,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; before, he] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5; Calm,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 833. ​thro’ with his] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~ his with D4. 834. ​Fellow’s] O2, D3, D4, D5; Fellows O1; who] O1, D3; whom O2, D4, D5; shoot] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; Man, and] O1, O2; ~^ who D3, D4, D5. 835. ​Spaniards] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 836. ​Cave] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; came] O1, O2, D3; D5; come D4; step’d] O1, D4; stept O2, D3, D5. 837. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5; disarm’d,] O1, O2, D3, D4; dismarm’d, D5. 838. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4; En­glishmen, D5. 839. ​take] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; from killing one] O1; from^ one O2, D3, D4, D5; harm] O1, D3, D4, D5. 840. ​Harm O2; they] O1, O2, D4, D5;^ D3; peaceably,] O1, O2, D4, D5; peacibly, D3. 841. ​before;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; and being] O1, O2, D3, D5; but ~ D4. 842. ​resolv’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; resolved D5. 843. ​all] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 844. ​The] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; no] O1, O2;^ D3, D4, D5; Reason, and refus’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, but refused D5. 845. ​away] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 846. ​mad Men,] O1, O2, D3; Madmen, D4; Man men, D5. 847. ​Fire-­Arms.] O1, O2; ~: D3; ~-­~: D4, D5. 848. ​should] O1, O2, D3, D4; would D5. 849. ​Care] O1, O2, D3; care D4, D5. 850. ​wherever] O1, D3; where^ever O2, where-­ever D4, D5; them,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 851. ​Rage] O1, O2, D4, D5; rage D3. 852. ​Kind] O1, O2, D3, D5; kind D4. 853. ​demolish’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; demolished D3; destroy’d,] O1, O2, D4, D5; destroy’d^ D3. 854. ​suppos’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; supposed D5; Room] O1, O2, D3; room D4, D5. 855. ​theirs;] O1, O2, D3; ~? D4, D5. 856. ​find three] O1, O2, ~ that ~ D3, D5; ~ that Three D4; thus] O1, O2; should thus D3, D4, D5; nineteen,] O1, O2, D3; Nineteen, D4, D5. 857. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5. 858. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5. 859. ​resolv’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; resolved D5; Pain] O1, O2; Pains D3, D4, D5. 860. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; interpos’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; interposed D5. 861. ​had disarm’d them] O1, O2; ­were already disarm’d, D3, D4; ­were already disarmed, they D5; persue] O1, D4; pursue O2, D3, D5. 862. ​Fire-­Arms] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 863. ​Justice] O1, O2; Justice, D3, D4, D5; us,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5.

Va r i a n t s

303

864. ​Assistance,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 865. ​promise] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 866. ​you; upon] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; and ~ D5; hope,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 867. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5; awkardly] O1, O2, D3, D4; awkwardly D5. 868. ​Relunctance;] O1, O2; Relunctance, D3, D4, D5. 869. ​Blood-­shed] O1, D3; Bloodshed O2, D5; bloodshed, D4; for said] O1, O2, D3; ~, ~ D4; ~,^ D5; we] O2, D3, D4, D5; We O1. 870. ​room] O1; Room O2, D3, D4, D5; Pity] O1, O2, D4, D5; pity D3. 871. ​consent^] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 872. ​­t hing,] O1; Th ­ ing, O2, D3, D4, D5. 873. ​destroy’d.] O1; destroyed. O2, D3, D5; destroyed, D4. 874. ​In] O1, O2, D3; IN D4, D5; time] O1; Time O2, D3, D4, D5; tyr’d] O1; tir’d O2, D3, D4, D5; Wandering,] O1, O2, D3; wandering, D4, D5. 875. ​Grove,] O1, O2, ~; D3, D4, D5. 876. ​as I have said,] O1, O2; as I have said, D3, D4, D5. 877. ​him,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 878. ​creek;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 879. ​receiv’d] O1, O2, D3; received D4, D5; them] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 880. ​grosly] O1, D4; grossly O2, D3, D5. 881. ​Conclusion] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5. 882. ​should] O1, D3, D4, D5; would O2. 883. ​guess’d,] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~; D4. 884. ​it, for] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; ~, O2. 885. ​Answer] O1, D3, D4, D5; Answer O2. 886. ​begg’d he] O1, D3, D4, D5; beggged they O2. 887. ​broil’d] O1; broiled O2; boil’d D3, D4, D5. 888. ​­A fter] O1, O2, D3; ­AFTER D4, D5; half] O1, D3, D4, D5; Half O2; Hour’s ‘ O2, D3, D4, D5; Hours O1; Countrymen] O1, D3, D4, D5; Contrymen O2. 889. ​murther] O1, D3, D4, D5; murder O2. 890. ​own’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; owned O2; now; upon] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. Upon O2. 891. ​ Spaniard] O1, O2, D3, D4; Spaniards D5; Moderator] O1, O2, D3; Moderators D4, D5; oblig’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; obliged O2. 892. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5. 893. ​unarm’d] O1, D3, D4; unarmed O2, D5; oblig’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; obliged O2; build] O1, O2; rebuild D3, D4, D5. 894. ​one of the] O1, O2; one to be of the D3, D4, D5; same, and the other of larger Dimensions,] O1, O2; same Dimensions, and the other larger D3, D4; same Dimensions, and the other larger D5. 895. ​again] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5; to] O1, O2, also to D3, D4; also D5; pull’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; pulled O2. 896. ​room] O1, D4; Room O2, D3, D5; pull’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; pulled O2. 897. ​spoil’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; spoiled O2; word,] O1; Word, O2, D4, D3, D5. 898. ​­t hing] O1; Th ­ ing O2, D3, D4, D5; State as they] O1, D3, D4, D5; State^ they O2. 899. ​Trees,] O1, D3; ~^ O2, D4, D5; recover’d.] O1, D4, D5; recovered. O2, D3. 900. ​Well] O1, O2, D3; WELL D4, D5; this,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5; plenty] O1; Plenty O2, D3, D4, D5. 901. ​pleasantly and] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5; together,] O1, O2; ~ again; D3, D4, D5. 902. ​work,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; persuaded] O1, D4, D5; perswaded O2, D3. 903. ​pleased; however,] O1, D3, D4; pleas’d. however] O2; pleased, however, D5. 904. ​study] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 905. ​about] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; be as idle] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~ idle as D4; pleas’d,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; liv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; lived O2. 906. ​gave] O1, O2, D4, D5; give D3.

304 Va r i a n t s 907. ​It] O1, O2, D3; IT D4, D5; Arms] O1; ~, O2, D3, D5; Arm, D4. 908. ​be as Insolent] O1, D4, D5; be^ insolent O2, D3; Troublesome] O1; troublesom O2, D3; troublesome D4, D5. 909. ​endanger’d] O1, D3, D4; endangered O2, D5; oblig’d] O1, D3, D4; obliged O2, D5. 910. ​It] O1, O2, D3; IT D4, D5; happen’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; happened O2; Spaniard,] O1, O2, D4; ~^ D3, D5; Governour] O1, D3, D5; Governor O2; Governnour D4. 911. ​sav’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; saved O2. 912. ​Governour] O1, D3, D5; Governor O2; Governnour, D4. 913. ​Sleep; he] O1, O2; ~: He D3, D4, D5. 914. ​tumultuous,] O1, O2, ~; D3, D4, D5. 915. ​fighting] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; killing of one] O1, O2, D3; ~^ ~ D4, D5. 916. ​Sleep; in short,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. In ~^ O2. 917. ​resolv’d] O1, D3, D4; resolved O2, D5. 918. ​being] O1, O2; (being D3, D4, D5; lay,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~. D5; Goats-­skins,] O1, O2, D4, D5; Goat-­skins, D3. 919. ​Couches] O1; ~, O2, D3, D5; couches, D4; Hamocks] O1; Hammocks O2, D3, D4, D5. 920. ​Ship-­beds] O1, D4; ship Beds O2; Ship-­Beds, D3; Ship-­Beds D5; one, so] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; ~ D5; Feet, and] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5. 921. ​Being] O1, O2, D3; BEING D4, D5. 922. ​nothing,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2; ~^ D5; besides] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 923. ​tall] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 924. ​return’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; rereturned O2. 925. ​­t hing] O1, D4, D5; ­Thing O2, D3. 926. ​Having] O1, O2, D3; HAVING D4, D5; rising,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 927. ​wak’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; waked O2; ask’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; asked O2; who] O1, O2, D3, D5; Who D4. 928. ​The] O1, O2, D3, D4; the D5; Governour] O1, D3, D5; Governor O2, D4; him.] O1, O2; ~: D3, D4, D5. 929. ​­t hings] O1; ­Things O2, D3, D4, D5. 930. ​us,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 931. ​ask’d him where] O1; asked ~, Where O2, D3; asked ~, where D4, D5; En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5. 932. ​Possesion] O1; Possession O2, D3, D4, D5. 933. ​Appartment,] O1; Apartment, O2, D3, D4, D5; Place,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 934. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3, En­glishmen D4, D5. 935. ​Mutiny] O1, O2, D3; Mutiny, D4, D5; quarter’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; quartered O2. 936. ​persuaded] O1, D3, D4, D5; perswaded O2; satisfied] O1, O2, D4, D5; satisy’d D3. 937. ​embodied,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 938. ​unembodied] O1; ~, O2, D3, D5; from] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 939. ​use] O1, D3, D4, D5; Use O2; says he] O1, O2, D3; says he D4, D5. 940. ​I’ll] O1, D3, D4, D5; I ­w ill O2. 941. ​In] O1, O2, D3; IN D4, D5; word,] O1; Word, O2, D3, D4, D5; out,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; go up to] O1, go^ to O2, D3, D4, D5; top] O1; O2, D3, D4, D5; us’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; used O2. 942. ​go,] O1, O2, D3, D4; go; D5. 943. ​us’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; used O2. 944. ​unconcerne’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; unconcerned O2; thro’] O1, O2; through D3, D4, D5; unwary,] O1, O2, D4, D5; unweary, D3; surpriz’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; surprized O2. 945. ​Fite,] O1, D3; Fire, O2, D4, D5. 946. ​In] O1, O2, D3; IN D4, D5. 947. ​Occasion] O1, O2; Neccessity D3, D4, D5. 948. ​away,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; it,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; dis­appear’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; dis­appeared O2. 949. ​pos­si­ble,] O1, D3, D4, D5; pos­si­ble; O2.

Va r i a n t s

305

950. ​was] O1, D3, D4, D5; ­were O2. 951. ​jump’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; jumped O2; I] O1, O2, D3, D4; I D5; mention’d,] O1, D3, D4, D5; mentioned, O2. 952. ​­W hether] O1, O2, D3; ­W HETHER D4, D5. 953. ​Ignorantly] O1; ~, O2; ~; D3; ignorantly D4, D5; together,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5. 954. ​Accident] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; they] O1, O2; the Spaniards D3; the Spaniards D4, D5. 955. ​concealed] O1, O2; conceal’d D3, D4, D5; all,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 956. ​Place, or] O1, O2; ~: But D3, D4, D5. 957. ​escap’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; escaped O2; been] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 958. ​Tranquillity] O1, O2, D4, D5; Tranquility D3; while] O1, O2, D3, D4; While D5. 959. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5. 960. ​surpriz’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; surprized O2; Sight,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; run] O1, O2, D3, D4; ran D5; immediately] O1, D3, D4, D5; imediately O2. 961. ​iminent] O1; imminent O2, D3, D4, D5. 962. ​persuade] O1, D4, D5; perswade O2, D3. 963. ​­t hings] O1; ­Things O2, D3, D4, D5; stood] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 964. ​While] O1, O2, D3; WHILE D4, D5. 965. ​at a Distance] O1, O2, D3; ~ some ~ D4, D5; another;] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4. 966. ​not.] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; For,] O1, O2, D3, D4; for, D5. 967. ​­Enemy] O2, D3, D4, D5; Fnemy O1; w ­ ere] O1, O2, D4, D5; where D3. 968. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; Sight,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 969. ​doubt,] O1; Doubt, O2, D3, D4, D5. 970. ​Token] O1, O2, D3, D4; Tokens D5. 971. ​Inhabitants,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5; perplexity] O1; Perplexity O2, D3, D4, D5. 972. ​should] O1, O2, D4, D5; would D3; ­Thing] O1, D3, D4, D5; t­ hing O2. 973. ​Light,] O1; light. O2; light, D3, D4, D5; (viz.)] O1;^~^ D3, D4, D5;^viz.^ O2. 974. ​ En­glish Man] O1; En­glishman, O2, D3, D4, D5; Valley,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; ­were] O1, D3, D4; where O2, D5. 975. ​it self] O1, D4, D5; itself O2, D3. 976. ​Could] O1, O2, D3; COULD D4, D5; all together] O1, O2, D3, D5; altogether D4. 977. ​Hundred] O1; hundred O2, D3, D4, D5. 978. ​and] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 979. ​­A fter] O1, D3; And ­a fter O2; A ­ FTER D4, D5. 980. ​Circumstances,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 981. ​was still dark] O1, D4; was^ dark O2, D3, D5. 982. ​ Friday’s ­Father,] O1, O2, D3; (Friday’s ­Father) D4, D5. 983. ​out as] O1, O2, D3, D4; out, as D5; learn] O1, D4, D5; ~, O2, D3. 984. ​them, what] O1, O2, D3; ~ as ~ D4; ~, as ~ D5. 985. ​do; the old] O1, O2; ~, ans the like; the old D3; do, and the like; D4, D5. 986. ​Naked,] O1; naked O2, D3, D5; naked; D4. 987. ​went; ­a fter] O1; ~. A ­ fter O2, D3; ~: A ­ fter D4, D5. 988. ​word,] O1; Word, O2, D3, D4, D5. 989. ​Prisoners] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 990. ​Merry;] O1; merry O2; merry; D3, D4, D5. 991. ​Rage,] O1, O2, D5; ~^ D3, D4. 992. ​they ­were] O1, O2;^ ^ D3, D4, D5; believed] O1, D4; believ’d O2, D3, D5; again] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 993. ​appear] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 994. ​any Body’s] O1, O2, D3; ~ body’s D4, D5. 995. ​perceive] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 996. ​engaged] O1; engag’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 997. ​persuade] O1, D3, D4, D5; perswade O2. 998. ​lie] O1, D3, D4, D5; lye O2; not be] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ to ~ D5.

306 Va r i a n t s 999. ​lie] O1, O2, D3, D4, D5; lye O2. 1000. ​then] O1, O2, D4;^ D3, D5. 1001. ​tittle.] O1; Tittle. O2, D3, D4, D5. 1002. ​ En­glish Men,] O1; En­glishmen, O2; En­glishmen; D3, D4, D5. 1003. ​the] O1, O2, D4, D5; the the D3; too,] O1, D4; ~. O2, D3;^ D5. 1004. ​(viz.)] O1, O2, D3, D4; (viz^) D5. 1005. ​and] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 1006. ​not to be] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5; them,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1007. ​hereafter.] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 1008. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; En­glish Men,] O1; En­glishmen, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1009. ​­Peoples] O1; P ­ eople’s O2, D3, D4, D5; Habitation,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1010. ​least] O1, D3, D4; lest O2, D5; Grove] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1011. ​Dwelling] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; shelter,] O1; Shelter O2; Shelter, D3, D4; Shelter. D5. 1012. ​like] O1; like O2, D3, D4, D5; search] O1; Search O2, D3, D4, D5. 1013. ​this,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; arm’d] O2, D3, D4, D5; Arm’d O1. 1014. ​that] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1015. ​it; they ordred] O1; ~. They order’d O2, D3, D4; they ordered D5. 1016. ​Musket,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Musquet, D5; but not] O1, O2, D3, D4;^ ~ D5. 1017. ​for fear of the Noise.] O1, O2; for fear of raising on Alarm by the Noise. D3, D5; fear of raising an Alerm by the Noise D4. 1018. ​As] O1, O2, D3; AS D4, D5. 1019. ​and, crossing] O2, D3, D4, D5; and crosing O1. 1020. ​shelter;] O1, D4; Shelter O2; Shelter; D3; Shelter; D5. 1021. ​abroad,] O1; Abroad O2; Abroad, D3, D4, D5. 1022. ​Satisfaction] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 1023. ​gone; upon] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. Upon O2; Spaniard Governour,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Spaniard-­Governour, D5. 1024. ​Fugitives, D3, D5; ~^ O2, D4; Fugatives O1. 1025. ​ordred] O1; order’d O2, D3, D4, D5; surprize] O1, D3; ~, O2; surprise D4, D5. 1026. ​take them] O1, O2, D3; take ’em D4, D5. 1027. ​done; the residue] O1; ~. The Residue O2, D3; the Residue D4, D5. 1028. ​Canoes] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; made no] O1, O2, D3; and ~ ~ D4, D5; Pursuit] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5. 1029. ​supposed] O1; suppos’d O2, D3, D4, D5; way] O1, O2, D3; Way D4, D5. 1030. ​Canoes,] O1; ~; O2; ~. D3, D4, D5. 1031. ​­A fter] O1, O2, D3; A ­ FTER D4, D5. 1032. ​kill’d] O1, D4; killed O2, D3, D5. 1033. ​killed] O1, O2, D3; kill’d D4, D5. 1034. ​Wooden] O1; wooden O2, D3, D4, D5. 1035. ​­Battle;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Arrows:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 1036. ​unweildy] O1, O2; D4, D5; unwealdy D3. 1037. ​u s’d them:] O1; used ~. O2, D3; used ~: D4; used ~: D5; kill’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; killed O2. 1038. ​pieces,] O1, D4, D5; Pieces, O2, D3; or as] O1, O2, D3; ~, ~ D4, D5. 1039. ​it’s] O1; ’tis O2, D3, D4, D5; Fury. We] O1, O2, D3; Fury: They D4, D5. 1040. ​stone dead;] O1, O2, D3; ~-­~: D4, D5. 1041. ​quite] O1, O2, D3, D5; qute D4. 1042. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5; En­glish Men] O1, O2; En­glishmen D3, D4, D5. 1043. ​such] O1, D3, D4, D5; much O2. 1044. ​This,] O1, O2; ~^ THIS, D3, D4; THIS^ D5; tam’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; tamed O2; Brutes] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 1045. ​­a fter] O1, O2, ~, D3, D4, D5. 1046. ​of their ­whole] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ the ~ D5; enough;] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~: D4.

Va r i a n t s

307

1047. ​began] O1, D3, D4, D5; begun O2; naturaliz’d] O2, D3, D4, D5; naturalliz’d O1; Country.] O1, O2; ~, D3; ~; D4, D5. 1048. ​this] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Mea­sures, which] O1; Mea­sures^ as O2; Mea­sures^ again as D3, D4, D5. 1049. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5; observ’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; observed O2. 1050. ​them, and Slaves] O1, O2; ~; ~, ~, D3, D4, D5. 1051. ​them^] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; (viz.)] O1;^viz.^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1052. ​sav’d] O1, D3; saved O2, D4, D5. 1053. ​Usage] O1, D3, D4, D5; Usuage O2. 1054. ​employ’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; employed O2. 1055. ​them] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1056. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Friends,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1057. ​reconcil’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; reconciled O2. 1058. ​Security] O1; Safety O2; Safety, D3, D4; Safety D5. 1059. ​Upon] O1, O2, D3; UPON D4, D5; concluded,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 1060. ​­because,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 1061. ​Governour] O1, D3, D4, D5; Governor O2. 1062. ​demolish’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; demolished O2. 1063. ​Supply] O1, O2, D4, D5; supply D3. 1064. ​to] O1, D3; too O2, D5; away too D4. 1065. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5. 1066. ​for both] O1, O2, D3; to ~ D4, D5. 1067. ​However,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; Thought,] O1; Thoughts O2; Thoughts, D3, D4, D5. 1068. ​alter’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; altered O2; Resolution] O1, O2, D3, D4; their ~ D5; resolv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; resolved O2. 1069. ​­Cattle] O1, O2, D4, D5; Cattel D3. 1070. ​destroy’d,] O1, D4; ~^ D3, D5; destroyed, O2; sav’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; saved O2. 1071. ​­t hose] O1, O2, D3; t­ hese D4, D5; they had Prisoners,] O1, O2, D3; ~ ~ taken Prisoners, D4, D5. 1072. ​­Thing] O1, O2, D4, D5; ­t hing D3. 1073. ​kept] O1, D4, D5; ~, O2, D3. 1074. ​whither] O1, O2 thither D3, D4, D5; carry’d] O1; carried O2, D3, D4, D5. 1075. ​coming] O1, O2, D4, D5; comming D3. 1076. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; however,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; resolv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; resolved O2. 1077. ​cover’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; covered O2. 1078. ​Trees;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; so seeing] O2; so, seeing D4, D5; so seing] O1, D3. 1079. ​conceal’d;] O1; ~, D3, D4, D5; concealed, O2. 1080. ​convinc’d] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; Work] O1, D3; work O2, D4, D5; Place,] O1, D4; ~^ O2, D3, D5. 1081. ​before; to] O1; ~. To O2; ~: To D3, D5; before: to D4; Trees, or . . . ​Trees] O1; Trees, (or . . . ​Trees) O2, D5; Trees^ (or . . . ​Trees) D3, D4. 1082. ​Apartment;] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5. 1083. ​fill’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; filled O2; Ground] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1084. ​Creek;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1085. ​into] O1, D3, D4, D5; in O2; Ouze] O1, D3, D4, D5; Ooze O2. 1086. ​landing thereabout; t­ hese] O1; Landing ~: Th ­ ese D3, D4, D5; Landing thereabout. ­These O2; also] O1, D4; also, O2, D3, D5. 1087. ​planted; and as they grew apace, so they planted them so very thich and close together,] O1, O2; ~^ very thick and close together D3; plant, and placed them so very thick and close D4; ~, ~ placed them close, D5. 1088. ​Plantation:] O1, D4, D5; ~. O2, D3; And as] O1, O2, D3;^ As D4, D5. 1089. ​Pallisado] O1, D3, D4; Pallisado, O2; Pallisade, D5; quarter] O1; Quarter O2, D3, D4, D5.

308 Va r i a n t s 1090. ​Impossible] O1; impossible O2, D3, D4, D5. 1091. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; all;] O1; ~, O2; ~? D3, D4, D5. 1092. ​Right-­hand,] O1; right Hand O2; right Hand, D3, D4, D5; Hill,] O1, D5; ~; O2, D3, D4. 1093. ​up] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1094. ​Ladder] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; down] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1095. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5; for,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5; contriv’d; nor] O1, O2; ~: Nor D3, D4, D5. 1096. ​the] O1, O2;^ D3, D4, D5. 1097. ​has doubtless] O1; ~, ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1098. ​persuaded] O1, D3, D4, D5; perswaded O2. 1099. ​Disasters,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; Negligence,] O1, O2, D3, D5; Neligence, D4; now,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; to:] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 1100. ​I return] O1, O2, D3, D4; I RETURN D5; liv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; lived O2. 1101. ​had indeed] O1; ~, ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1102. ​Morning,] O1, D5; ~^ O2, D3, D4. 1103. ​rather the find] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5; which] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5; Way] O1; ~; O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 1104. ​Fear] O1; fear O2, D3, D4, D5; discover’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; discovered O2. 1105. ​surpriz’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; surprized O2; Indians] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1106. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5; Home] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; enough,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1107. ​Day;] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1108. ​Night] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; Observation:] O1, O2, D4, D5; observation: D3. 1109. ​for where-­ever] O1; ~, wherever O2, D3; ~, ~-­~ D4, D5. 1110. ​land that] O1, O2; Land at that D3, D4, D5. 1111. ​ And] O1, O2, D3; AND D4, D5; En­glish Men;] O1, O2; En­glishmen; D3, D5; En­glishmen^ D4. 1112. ​I mention’d] O1; ~ mentioned D4, D5; I had mentioned O2, D3. 1113. ​some ­Thing] O1; something O2, D3, D4, D5; him do,] O1, O2, D3; them do, D4, D5; seem’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; seemed O2. 1114. ​showing] O1, D3, D4, D5; shewing O2; Frog-­Belt] O1; Frog-­Belt, O2, D4; Frog B ­ elt, D3, D5. 1115. ​wore] O1, D3, D4, D5; wrote O2. 1116. ​him.] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4. 1117. ​aim’d] O1, D3, D5; aimed O2; am’d D4. 1118. ​Head,] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ D4; Shoulder;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1119. ​run] O1, D4; ran O2, D3, D5; entreating] O1, D3; entreated O2; Entreating D4, D5; murther] O1; murder O2, D3, D5; Murder D4. 1120. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; enrag’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; enraged O2. 1121. ​perceiving,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3; Blow;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 1122. ​Hand, for they ­were all working . . . ​Corn-­land] O1; Hand, (for they ­were all working . . . ​Corn-­Land) O2, D3, D4, D5. 1123. ​down:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 1124. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2; En­glishmen D3, D4, D5. 1125. ​in to] O1, O2, D3, D4;^ ~ D5; En­glish Man] O1, O2; En­glishmen D3, D4, D5. 1126. ​in upon] O1, O2, D3;^ ~ D4, D5; them:] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 1127. ​Fire Arms,] O1, O2, D3; Fire-­Arms, D4, D5; any] O1, D3, D4, D5; then O2. 1128. ​Man,] O1; ~; O2; En­glishman; D3, D4, D5; Cutlashes] O1, D3, D4, D5; Cutlasses O2. 1129. ​the two last] O1, O2, D3; the^ last D4, D5; both:] O1, D4, D5; ~. O2, D3. 1130. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2; En­glishmen D3, D4, D5. 1131. ​them,] O1, O2, D3; ~? D4, D5. 1132. ​mischievous] O1, D3, D4, D5; mischevous O2; highest] O1, O2, D4, D5; heighest D3. 1133. ​to] O1, O2, D4;^ D3, D5.

Va r i a n t s

309

1134. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; Governour] O1, D3, D4, D5; Governor O2. 1135. ​That if they had] O1, O2, D3, D4; That if they had D5; been of his] O1, O2, D3; been^ his D4; been^ his D5; Country,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4; Countrymen^ D5; he would have hang’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; he wouldhave hang’d D5; them;] O1, O2, D3; them all; D4; them all; D5; for] O1, O2, D3, D4; for D5. 1136. ​all Laws and all Governours] O1, O2, D3, D4; all Laws and all Governours D5; was] O1, D3; ­were O2, ­were D4, D5; to preserve Society; and . . . ​Society, out to be] O1, O2, D3, D4; to preserve Society; and . . . ​Society; ­ought to be D5. 1137. ​expell’d] O1, D3, D4, expell’d D5; expelled O2; out of it; but as they w ­ ere] O1, O2, D3, D4; out of it; but as they w ­ ere D5. 1138. ​expell’d] O1, D3, D4, expell’d D5; expelled O2; out of it; but as they w ­ ere] O1, O2, D3, D4; out of it; but as they w ­ ere D5; En­glish Men,] O1, O2; En­glishmen, D3, D4; En­glishmen, D5. 1139. ​and that it was to the generous Kindness of an] O1, O2, D3, D4; and that it was to the generous Kindness of an D5. 1140. ​that they all ow’d their Preservation] O1, O2, D3, D4; that they all ow’d their Preservation D5. 1141. ​and] O1, O2, D3; an D4; and D5. 1142. ​Deliverance, he . . . ​Lenity, . . . ​two] O1, O2, D3, D4; Deliverance, he . . . ​Lenity; . . . ​two D5. 1143. ​ En­glish Man] O1, O2; En­glishmen D3; En­glishman D4; En­glishman D5. 1144. ​who w ­ ere their Countrymen.] O1, O2, D3, D4; who w ­ ere their Countrymen. D5. 1145. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2, En­glishmen D3, D4; En­glishmen D5. 1146. ​One] O1, O2, D3; ONE D4, D5; En­glish Men] O1, O2; En­glishmen D3, D4, D5; said] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; for,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2; For, D5; they] O1, O2, D3, D4; They D5. 1147. ​I am sure we ­ought to] O1, O2, D3, D4; I am sure, we ­ought to D5; sentence] O1, O2, D3; Sentence D4, sentence D5; them to the] O1, O2, D3, D4; them to the D5. 1148. ​Gallows:] O1, O2, D3, D4; Gallows: D5; he] O1, O2, D4, D3;^ D5; ­Will.] O1, O2, D3; William D4, D5. 1149. ​proposed] O1, O2, D3, D4; props’d D5; En­glish Men] O1, O2; En­glishmen D3, D4, D5. 1150. ​murther] O1, D3, D4, D5; murder O2; Spaniards] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 1151. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5; Governour] O1, D3, D4, D5; Governor O2; William Atkins,] O1, O2, D3; ­Will. Atkins, D4; ­Will. ~^ D5; How] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3; How, D5. 1152. ​Seignior Atkins] O1, O2, D3, D4; Seignior Atkins D5; murther] O1; murder O2, D3; Murther D4; murther D5. 1153. ​that?] O1, D3, D4; ~: O2; that? D5; hardened] O1, D3, D4; hardned O2; harden’d D5. 1154. ​said] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; G—­d d—­m him they would do] O1; G—­d d—­n him if they would not do O2, D3; G—­d d—mn him they would do D4; G—­d d—mn him, they would do D5; still] O1, O2, D3, D5; stil^ D4. 1155. ​Well, but Seignior] O1, O2, D3, D4; Well, but Seignior Attkins, D5; says] O1, O2, D3, D4; said D5. 1156. ​What have we done to you,] O1, O2, D3, D4; what have we done to you, D5. 1157. ​­w ill] O1, D3, D4; would O2; ­will D5; kill us? And what would you get by killing us? And what must we do to prevent] O1, O2, D3, D4; kill us? and what would you get by killing us? and what must we do to prevent D5. 1158. ​you] O1; your O2, D3; your D4, D5. 1159. ​killing us? Must . . . ​Necessity of this, Seignior] O1, O2, D3, D4; killing us? Must . . . ​ Necessity of this, Seignior D5; Atkins,] O1, O2; ~? D3, D4; Atkins? D5; says] O1, O2, D3, D4; Says D5. 1160. ​calmly] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; smiling.] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~? O2. 1161. ​Seignior] O1, O2, D3; SEIGNIOR D4, D5. 1162. ​that had] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1163. ​near] O1; with O2, D3, D4, D5. 1164. ​­Middle] O1, O2, D3, D5; widdle D4. 1165. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5; oblig’d] O1, D3, D4; obliged O2, D5.

310 Va r i a n t s 1166. ​done; the] O1; ~. The O2, D3, D4, D5; En­glish Men] O1, O2; En­glishmen D3, D4, D5; Spaniard who] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~, D5. 1167. ​ Savage] O1; Savage, O2, D3, D4, D5; Opinion, they] O1, O2, D3; ~, that they D4; ~. That they D5; should hang one] O1, O2, D3, D4; should hang one D5. 1168. ​of the three . . . ​rest, and] O1, O2, D3, D4; of the three . . . ​rest, and D5; that] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4; that D5. 1169. ​particulary,] O1, O2, D3; Particularly D4; particularly, D5. 1170. ​it should . . . ​attempted to commit] O1, O2, D3, D4; it should . . . ​attempted to commit D5. 1171. ​Murther] O1; Murder O2, D3, D4; Murder D5; Hatchet,] O1; Hatchet; O2, D3, D4; Hatchet; D5. 1172. ​Savage] O1, D4; savage O2; Savage D3, D5. 1173. ​Condition,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; receiv’d,] O1, D5; received, O2, D3, D4; that it] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1174. ​thought he] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1175. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Governor Spaniard] O1, O2, D3, D4; Governour-­~ D5; No, it was an] O1, O2, D3, D4; No, it was an D5; En­glish Man] O1, O2; En­g lishman D3; En­glishman D4; En­glishman D5. 1176. ​that had sav’d . . . ​Lives, . . . ​never] O1, O2, D3, D4; that had sav’d . . . ​Lives, . . . ​never D5; consent] O1, O2, D3; Consent D4; consent D5; to put an] O1, O2, D3, D4; to put an D5. 1177. ​ En­glish Man] O1, O2; En­glishman D3, D5; En­glishman D4. 1178. ​to Death, tho’ he had] O1, O2, D3, D4; to Death, tho’ he had D5. 1179. ​murther’d half] O1, D4; murdered Half O2; murder’d Half D3; murther’d half of D5; them,] O1, D3; ~; O2, D4; them; D5; nay, if . . . ​by an] O1, O2, D3, D4; nay, if . . . ​by an D5. 1180. ​ En­glish Man] O1, O2; En­glishman D3; En­glishman, D4; En­glishman D5; and had Time left to] O1, D3, D4; ~ ~ time ~ ~ O2; and had time left to D5. 1181. ​should be, that they] O1; ~ would ~, ~ ~ O2, D3, D4; it should be, that they D5; ­pardon him.] O1, O2 D3, D4; ­pardon him. D5. 1182. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5; Governor-­Spaniard] O1, O2, D3; Governour D4; Governour-­~ D5. 1183. ​gain-­saying it,] O1; gainsaying ~; O2; gainsaying it? D3, D4, D5; and] O1, O2, D3, D4; And D5; councils] O1, D3, D4, D5; counsels O2. 1184. ​consider’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; considered O2. 1185. ​Governor] O1, O2, D3; Governour D4, D5. 1186. ​that Means ­were to be used .. Danger; ­a fter Debate, it] O1, O2, D3, D4; That Means ­were to be us’d . . . ​Danger: A ­ fter Debate, it D5. 1187. ​First, they should be] O1, O2, D3, D4; First, That they should be D5; disarm’d,] O1, D3, D4; disarmed, O2; disarm’d. D5. 1188. ​and not permitted to have e­ ither Gun, or] O1, O2, D3, D4; and not permitted to have ­either Gun, or D5. 1189. ​Powder,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2; Powder, D5. 1190. ​or Shot, or Sword, or any Weapon, and should be] O1, O2, D3, D4; or Shot, or Sword, or any, Weapon, and should be D5. 1191. ​turn’d] O1, D3, D4; turned O2; turn’d D5. 1192. ​would,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4; would, D5; and how they would, . . . ​t hemselves, . . . ​rest, ­either] O1, O2, D3, D4; and how they would, . . . ​themselves, . . . ​rest, ­either D5. 1193. ​ Spaniards] O1, O2, D3; Sprniards D4; Spaniards D5; En­glish] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1194. ​or] O1, O2, D3, D4; or D5; 53:12 ­t hing] O1; Th ­ ing O2, D3, D4; ­Thing D5. 1195. ​to do with them; . . . ​rest] O1, O2, D3, D4; to do with ’em; . . . ​rest D5. 1196. ​dwelt,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4; dwelt; D5; and] O1, O2, D3; and that if D4; and D5. 1197. ​they] O1, O2, D3, D4; they D5; if] O1; that if O2, D3, D4; if D5; offer’d] O1, D3, D4; offered O2; offer’d D5. 1198. ​should . . . ​t hem, . . . ​t hem, . . . ​a ny] O1, O2, D3, D4; should . . .’em; . . .’em, any D5. 1199. ​to commit any Disorder, . . . ​spoil, burn, kill, or . . . ​Corn, Planting, Buildings, Fences, or . . . ​Society,] O1, O2, D3, D4; to commit any Disorder, . . . ​spoil, burn, kill, or . . . ​Corn, Planting, Buildings, Fences, or . . . ​Society, D5.

Va r i a n t s

311

1200. ​they] O1, O2, D3; that they D4; that they D5; should] O1, O2, D3, D4; should D5; dye] O1, O2, D3; die D4; die D5; without Mercy, and they] O1, O2, D3, D4; without Mercy, and they D5; would] O1, O2, D3; should D4; should D5; shoot them] O1, O2, D3, D4; shoot them D5. 1201. ​wherever] O1, O2; where-­ever D3, D4; wherever D5. 1202. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; Governor,] O1; Governour O2; Governour, D3, D4, D5; Humanity,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 1203. ​ En­glish Men] O1; En­glish Man, O2; En­glishmen D3, D4; En­glishmen, D5. 1204. ​Hold,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4; Hold; D5; you must reflect, that it w ­ ill be long] O1, O2, D3, D4; you must reflect, that it w ­ ill be long D5. 1205. ​e’er they can raise Corn and ­Cattle of their own,] O1, O2, D3, D4; e’re they can raise Corn and C ­ attle of their own, D5. 1206. ​and they must not] O1, O2, D3, D4; and they must not D5; starve:] O1, O2, ~; D3, D4; starve; D5. 1207. ​We must therefore allow them] O1, O2, D3, D4; we must, therefore, allow them D5. 1208. ​Provisions,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2; Provisions: D5; caused] O1; caus’d O2, D3, D4; caus’d D5; so] O1, O2, D3, D4; So D5. 1209. ​That they . . . ​Months, . . . ​sow, . . . ​to] O1, O2, D3, D4; That they . . . ​Months, . . . ​ Sow, . . . ​to D5. 1210. ​raise] O1, O2, D4; raised D3; raise D5. 1211. ​some of their own; that they should have six] O1, O2, D3, D4; some of their own; that they should have six D5. 1212. ​Milch Goats,] O1; Milch-­Goats, O2, D3, D4; Milch-­Goats, D5. 1213. ​four He-­Goats, . . . ​them, . . . ​Subsistence, . . . ​Store; . . . ​Fields; such as, six Hatchets, an] O1, O2, D3, D4; four He-­Goats, . . . ​them, . . . ​Subsistence, . . . ​Store; . . . ​Fields; such as, six Hatchets, an D5. 1214. ​Axe,] O1, O2; Ax D3; Ax, D4, Ax, D5. 1215. ​a Saw, and the like: But they should have none of ­t hese] O1, O2, D3, D4; a Saw, and the like: But they should have none of t­ hese D5. 1216. ​Tools,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4; Tools^ D5; or Provisions, ­unless they would swear solemnly, that] O1, O2, D3, D4; or Provisions, ­unless they would swear solenly That D5. 1217. ​En­glish Men.] O1; En­glish Man. O2; En­glishmen. D3, D4; En­glishmen D5. 1218. ​Thus] O1; O2, D3; THUS D4, D5; them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5. 1219. ​pretending,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; choose] O1, D3; chuse O2, D4, D5; Place] O1, O2, D4; D5; Plaee D3; themsleves] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 1220. ​plant and] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5; provisi—(rest of word missing)] O1; Provisions O2; Provision D3; Provisions D4, D5. 1221. ​About] O1, O2, D3; ABOUT D4, D5. 1222. ​Governour] O2, D3, D4, D5; Governor O1. 1223. ​a] O1, D3, D4; an O2, D5; Planation;] O1, O2, D4; Plantation; D3; Plantation D5. 1224. ​I landed] O1, O2; ~ providentially ~ D3, D4, D5. 1225. ​knows my Attempt] O1, O2; ~ ~ foolish ~ D3, D4, D5; w ­ hether] O1, O2, D3, D4; whiter D5. 1226. ​­Here] O1, O2, D3; H ­ ERE D4, D5. 1227. ​a] O1, O2, D3, D4; an D5. 1228. ​dryed] O1; dry’d O2, D3, D4, D5; Goats-­Skins] O1, D4; Goats-­skins O2, D3, Goat-­ Skins D5. 1229. ​them] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; and upon] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1230. ​spare] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5; Hatchets,] O1, D4, D5; ~^ O2, D3. 1231. ​sowing; and] O1; ~, ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; ­t hing] O1; ­Thing O2, D3, D4, D5. 1232. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5; seperate] O1, O2, D3, D5; separate D4. 1233. ​their first Harvest] O1, D3, D4, D5; their Harvest O2; Parcel] O2, D3, D4, D5; Quantity O1. 1234. ​Hands; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: And O2. 1235. ​Boards] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1236. ​spoiling;] O1; ~: O2, D3, D4, D5.

312 Va r i a n t s 1237. ​did,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5. 1238. ​Rain,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1239. ​especially,] O1, D4; ~^ O2, D3, D5. 1240. ​enlarg’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; enlarged D5. 1241. ​About] O1, O2, D3; ABOUT D4, D5; quarters] O1; Quarters O2, D3, D4, D5. 1242. ​which] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Villany] O1, D3, D4, D5; Villainy O2. 1243. ​The] O1, O2, D3, D4; the D5; began] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; seems] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 1244. ​Home] O1, O2, D3, D4; home D5. 1245. ​The] O1, O2, D3, D4; home D5; not] O1, O2, D3, D5; uot D4; further;] O1; farther O2, D5; farther; D3, D4. 1246. ​posed] O1; pos’d O2; propos’d D3, D4, D5. 1247. ​­Things,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; Justice?] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3. 1248. ​Villanies] O1, D3, D4, D5; Villainies O2; the] O1, O2, D3, D4; that D5. 1249. ​Villanies] O1, D3, D4, D5; Villainies O2; the] O1, O2, D3, D4; that D5. 1250. ​monstrous] O1, O2, D3, D5; mostrous D4; Cruelty,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1251. ​murtherous] O1, D4, D5; murderous O2, D3;] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5; or] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 1252. ​Murther,] O1, D4; Murder O2; Murder, D3; murder D5. 1253. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Story:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 1254. ​comes] O1, D3; come O2; came D4, D5; and in] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5; Terms desir’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1255. ​that having] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1256. ​Leave to] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1257. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; them] O1, O2, ~, D3, D4, D5. 1258. ​could] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Prophesy,] O2, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O1. 1259. ​or be] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; murther’d,] O1, D4; murder’d O2; murder’d D3, D5; bad] O1, O2, D3, D4; bade D5. 1260. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; audaciously,] O2, D3, D4, D5; audauciously, O1. 1261. ​abroad,] O1; Abroad; O2; Abroad, D3, D5; Abroad, D4; murther’d,] O1, D4, D5; murder’d, O2, D3. 1262. ​and] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 1263. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; that] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; tho’] O1, O2, D5; though D3, D4. 1264. ​Cutlash] O1, D3, D4, D5; cutlass O2. 1265. ​word,] O1; Word, O2, D3, D4, D5; baked] O1, O2, D3, D4; bak’d D5; them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5. 1266. ​Goats Flesh] O1; ~-­~ O2, D3, D4; Goats-­Flesh, D5. 1267. ​eat] O2, D3, D5; Eat O1, D4. 1268. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5. 1269. ​twenty O2, D3, D4, D5; twetny O1. 1270. ​and] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 1271. ​Goat Skins] O1, D5; Goat-­Skins O2, D3; Goat-­skins D4; sow’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; sew’d D5; together,] O1; ~; O2, D3; ~: D4, D5. 1272. ​merrily] O1, O2, D4, D5; merily D3. 1273. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; one] O1, O2, D3, D4;^ D5. 1274. ​Men,] O1; ~^ O2;^ the ~^ D3; En­glishmen D4, D5. 1275. ​­t hing] O1; Th ­ ing O2, D3, D4, D5. 1276. ​two and twenty] O1, O2, D3, D4; 22 D5. 1277. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3, En­glishmen D4, D5; Planting-­Work] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­work D5. 1278. ​Away] O1, O2, D3; AWAY D4, D5; run] O1, O2, D4; runs D3, D5; En­glish Man] O1, O2, D3; En­glishman D4, D5; comes] O1, O2, D3; and came D4, D5. 1279. ​a mazed] O1; amaz’d O2, D3, D4, D5; Spaniard,] O1, O2, D4; ~; D3; Governour-­ Spaniard D5; him they] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5.

Va r i a n t s

313

1280. ​undone;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; landed] O1, O2, D3, D5; landen D4. 1281. ​who:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; he D5; they] O1, O2, D4; he D3; who: D5; says to] O1, D3, D4, D5; says he to O2. 1282. ​How do you mean, you cannot tell who? They are the Savages to be] O1, O2, D3, D4; How do you mean, you cannot tell who? They are the Salvages to be D5. 1283. ​sure.] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5. 1284. ​ En­glish Man] O1, O2; En­glishman D3, D4, D5; cloaths] O1, D3, D4, D5; clothes, O2; Nay, then,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Nay then, D5. 1285. ​t hey must be Friends, for ­t here is no Christian Nation upon] O1, O2, D3, D4; they must be Friends; for their is no Christian Nation upon D5. 1286. ​Earth] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2; Earth D5; good] O1, D3; Good O2, D4; Good D5; but w ­ ill do us rather than] O1, O2, D3, D4; but w ­ ill do us rather than D5. 1287. ​harm.] O1; Harm. O2, D3, D4; Harm. D5. 1288. ​While] O1, O2, D3; WHILE D4, D5; En­glish Men,] O1, O2; En­glishmen, D3; En­glishman D4; En­glishmen^ D5. 1289. ​new planted] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­~ D5; hallo’d] O1, D3, D4; halloo’d O2, D5; them:] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1290. ​They] O1; they O2, D3, D4, D5; Won­der] O1, O2, D3, D5; won­der D4; kind] O1, O2, D3, D4. ceased] O1; ceas’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 1291. ​what] O1, D3, D4, D5; What O2; ­matter] O1, D3, D4, D5; m ­ atter O2. 1292. ​It] O1, O2, D3; IT D4, D5; again?] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~? O2; enquiring where] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1293. ​­doing;] O1, O2, D5; ~, D3, D4. 1294. ​(viz.)] O1, O2, D3, D4; viz. D5; they] O1, O2, D3, D4; They D5. 1295. ​alarmed] O1; alarm’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 1296. ​entring] O1, O2, D3, D4; entering D5; opening] O1; Opening O2, D3, D4, D5. 1297. ​perceived,] O1; perceiv’d, O2; preceiv’d; D3, D4, D5. 1298. ​Sea,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3; Right-­Hand] O1, O2, D4, D5; Righthand D3. 1299. ​and that they] O1, O2, D3; and^ they D4, D5; Roots] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; dried] O1; dry’d O2, D3, D4, D5; Fish, and] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; ~ D5. 1300. ​­t hing] O1, O2, D3, D4; Th ­ ing D5. 1301. ​way] O1; Way O2, D3, D4, D5. 1302. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5; continued] O1; continu’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 1303. ​them] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; way] O1; Way O2, D3, D4, D5; way] O1; Way O2; Way; D3, D4; Way D5. 1304. ​us’d] O1, D5; used O2, D3, D4; themselves] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1305. ​said,] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ D4. 1306. ​then] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; own’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 1307. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5; enquir’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; kind,] O1; Kind, O2, D3, D5; kind^ D4. 1308. ​two hundred] O1, O2, D3, D4; 200 D5. 1309. ​fat] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5; En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5. 1310. ​Prisouers,] O1; Prisoners O2; Prisoners, D3, D4; Prisoners D5. 1311. ​them] O1, O2, D5; them, D3, D4; eating] O1, O2, D3, D4; Eating D5. 1312. ​beckoned] O1; beckon’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 1313. ​rising] O1, O2, D3; Rising D4, D5; Morning] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; Sun rising] O1; ~-­~ D3, D4; sun-­rising O2; Sun rising, D5. 1314. ​them,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; accordingly] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; Morning] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 1315. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5. 1316. ​As] O1, O2, D3; AS D4, D5; Home,] O1, O2; home, D3, D4, D5. 1317. ​Savage] O1; savage O2, D3, D4; Savage D5. 1318. ​not; however] O1, D4; ~. However, O2; however, D3, D5. 1319. ​Debates] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; and in] O1, O2, D3, D4; and, in D5.

314 Va r i a n t s 1320. ​return] O1; Return O2; Return, D3, D4, D5; them] O1, O2, D3; them, D4, D5. 1321. ​which] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; tho’] O1, O2, D5; though D3, D4. 1322. ​extremely] O1, O2; extreamly D3, D4, D5; then tying] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5; Creatures] O1, O2, D4, D5. 1323. ​Creatutes D3; poor] O1, O2;^ D3, D4, D5. 1324. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5; obliged] O1, D5; oblig’d O2, D3, D4. 1325. ​Pre­sent,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 1326. ​work] O1, O2, D3, D4; Work D5. 1327. ​and perhaps have] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~, ~ D5. 1328. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Re­spects] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5. 1329. ​Boat] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1330. ​arrived] O1; arriv’d O2, D5; arriv’d, D3, D4. 1331. ​Occasion.] O1, O2, D3; D5; Occasions. D4. 1332. ​Voyage] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; endeavoured] O1; endeavour’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 1333. ​­t hing;] O1; ­Thing O2, D5; Th ­ ing; D3, D4; nothing] O1, O2, D5; Nothing D3, D4. 1334. ​murder them.] O1, O2, D3; murther them: D4, D5. 1335. ​Knife] O1, O2, D4, D5; Kife D3. 1336. ​concluded] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; purpose] O1, O2, D3; Purpose D4, D5. 1337. ​If] O1, O2, D3; IF D4, D5; t­ hing] O1; Th ­ ing O2, D3, D4, D5; eat] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1338. ​concluded] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 1339. ​kill.] O1, O2; ~ first. D3; ~: D4, D5; If] O1, O2, D3, D4; if D5. 1340. ​fattest] O1, O2, D3; fatest D4; ~, D5. 1341. ​kill.] O1, O2, D3; kill first; D4, D5; Nay] O1, O2, D3, D4; nay D5. 1342. ​expected] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; Day] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 1343. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5. 1344. ​Voyage,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 1345. ​was, and] O1; ~? And O2, D3, D4, D5; told that] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1346. ​come up to] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5. 1347. ​they,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; En­glish Men,] O1, O2; En­glishmen, D4, D5; En­glishmen^ D3. 1348. ​Place and] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1349. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5; sat] O1, O2; sate D3, D4; sate D5. 1350. ​Shore,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; Hands] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 1351. ​Boats] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; Escape. ­There] O1, O2; escape. ~ D3; ~; ­there D4; ~: ­there D5. 1352. ​naked:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; stark-­naked: D5; t­ here] O1; ­There O2, D3, D4, D5. 1353. ​shap’d] O1, O2; well-­shap’d D4, D5; s­ haped D3; strait] O1, O2, D3, D4; straight, D5; thirty] O1, O2, D3; 30 D4, D5; thirty five] O1, O2, D3, D4; 35 D5. 1354. ​thirty] O1, O2, D3, D4; 30 D5; forty] O1, O2, D3, D4; 40 D5. 1355. ​fifth] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Maiden] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 1356. ​sixteen] O1, O2, D3, D4; 16 D5; seventeen:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; 17 D5; favour’d agreeable Persons,] O1, O2; favoured ~^ D3; well-­favoured ~, D4; well-­favour’d ~, D5. 1357. ​tawny,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~: D5. 1358. ​white,] O1; White, O2, D3, D4, D5; pass’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; passed D5. 1359. ​it self,] O1; itself O2; itself; D3, D4, D5; ­Women,] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ D4; having pleasant] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ very ~ D5; Contneances,] O1, O2; D4, D5; ~^ D3. 1360. ​cloathed] O1; cloth’d O2; cloath’d, D3, D4; cloath’d D5. 1361. ​indifferent] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; the] O1, O2, D4; that D3, D5. 1362. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5. 1363. ​ Spaniards;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1364. ​Behaviour,] O1, O2, D5; ~; D3, D4; good Humor] O1; Good-­humor O2, D3, D4, D5. 1365. ​Men,] O1, D4, D5; ~^ O2, D3; the] O1, O2; D4, D5; a D3. 1366. ​­human] O1, D4, D5; H ­ uman O2, D3; (viz.)] O1;^viz.^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1367. ​up like] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1368. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5.

Va r i a n t s

315

1369. ​first] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; them,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 1370. ​Speech:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 1371. ​However] O1, O2, D3; HOWEVER D4, D5; was] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 1372. ​abhorr’d O2, D3, D4, D5; abhor’d O1. 1373. ​kill’d:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 1374. ​such a Joy] O1, D3, D4, D5; such Joy O2; Ways] O1, O2, D3, D5; ways D4. 1375. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; bid in] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5; if] O1, O2, D3; If D4, D5. 1376. ​work] O1, O2, D4, D5; Work D3. 1377. ​Lives;] O1, O2, D3; ~? D4, D5; at] O1, O2, D3, D4; At D5. 1378. ​a Dancing] O1, O2, D3, D4; a-­dancing D5. 1379. ​that any] O1, D3, D4, D5; that, or any O2. 1380. ​intimate] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 1381. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5. 1382. ​occasion] O1, O2, D4, D5; Occasion D3; what] O1, O2, D3, D4; What D5. 1383. ​­Women?] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5. 1384. ​both:] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 1385. ​Governour] O1, D3, D4, D5; Govvernor O2. 1386. ​I am not g­ oing to restrain you from it, you are your own Masters as to that: but this I think is but just, for avoiding Disorders and Quarrels] O1, O2, D3, D4; I am not ­going to restrain you from it, you are your own Masters as to that: but this I think is but just, for avoiding Disorders and Quarrels D5. 1387. ​among you,] O1; amongst ~; O2, D3 D4; among you; D5. 1388. ​and I desire it of you, for that Reason only, viz. THat you ­w ill all engage, that if any of you take any of ­t hese ­Women, as a ­Woman or Wife, that he] O1, O2, D3, D4; and I desire it of you, for that Reason only, viz. That you w ­ ill all engage, that if any of your take any od ­these ­Women, aas a W ­ oman, or Wife,that he D5. 1389. ​­shall] O1; should O2, D3, D4; should D5. 1390. ​take but one; and that having taken one, none e­ lse s­ hall touch her; for tho’ we cannot marry any of you, yet ’tis but reasonable, that while you stay ­here, the] O1, O2, D3, D4; take but one; and that, having taken one, none ­else should touch her; for, tho’ we cannot marry any of you, yet^tis but reasonable, that while you stay ­here, the D5. 1391. ​­Woman] O1, O2; ­Women D3, D4; ­Women D5. 1392. ​any of you takes, should be maintain’d by the Man that takes her, and should be his] O1, O2, D3, D4; any of your takes, should be maintain’d by the Man that takes her, and should be his D5. 1393. ​Wife,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4; Wife; D5. 1394. ​I mean, says he, while he continues ­here, and that none ­else] O1, O2, D3, D4; I mean, ~ ~, while he continues ­here; and that none ­else D5. 1395. ​­shall] O1, O2, D3; should D4; should D5; have any] O1, O2, D3, D4; have any D5; to do with her:] O1, O2, D3, D4; to do with her. D5. 1396. ​just,] O1, O2, D4, D5; Iust D3. 1397. ​Then] O1, O2, D3; THEN D4, D5; En­glish Men] O1, O2; En­glishmen D3, D4, D5; if] O1, O2, D3; If D4, D5; one of them] O1, O2, D3; ­every one D4; ~^ ^ D5. 1398. ​answer’d,] O1, O2,; answered^ D3; answer’d^ D4, D5; them,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 1399. ​them,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; virtue] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 1400. ​Travels.] O1, O2; Travils. D3; ~: D4, D5; hand,] O1, D4, D5; Hand, O2, D3. 1401. ​within. The] O1, O2, D3; ~; the D4, D5. 1402. ​Servants,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; taken] O1, O2, D3, D5; they had taken D4. 1403. ​carry’d] O1, O2, D3; carried D4, D5. 1404. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; refractory ill match’d] O1, D3; ~, ill-­match’d O2, D4, D5. 1405. ​­Woman] O1, D3, D4, D5; ­Women O2. 1406. ​­were] O1, D5; ~, O2, D3, D4. 1407. ​quarelling] O1, O2, D4, D5; quarreling D3. 1408. ​He] O1, O2, D3; HE D4, D5; Hutt] O1; Hut O2, D3, D4, D5.

316 Va r i a n t s 1409. ​Mirth] O1, O2, D3, D5; mirth D4. 1410. ​laught] O1; laugh’d O2, D3, D4, D5; it] O1, O2, D4, D5;^ D3. 1411. ​prov’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; proved O2; of all the] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5. 1412. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5. 1413. ​returned] O1, O2; return’d D3, D4, D5. 1414. ​believed] O1, O2; believ’d D3, D4, D5; now a ­going] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5. 1415. ​devour’d] O1, D3; devoured O2; devoured: D4, devour’d; D5; accordingly,] O1, D3; ~^ O2; Accordingly, D4; Accordingly D5; in] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; fetch’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; fetched O2; out] O1, O2, D3; but D4, D5. 1416. ​them;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 1417. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2; En­glishmen D3, D4, D5. 1418. ​murther’d,] O1, D4, D5; murder’d O2; murder’d, D3; till] O1, O2, D3;^till D4, D5; fetch’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; fetched O2. 1419. ​know] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; out,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1420. ​them] O1, D3, D4, D5; ’em O2. 1421. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5; done,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 1422. ​Work,] O1, O2, D3; work, D4, D5; helped] O1, O2; help’d D3, D4, D5. 1423. ​Hut] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; Tent] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 1424. ​already,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; crowded] O1, O2, D3, D4; crouded D5. 1425. ​Houshold-­Stuff] O1, D3, D4; ~^~ O2; Houshould-­Stuff D5; three] O2, D3, D4, D5; 3 O1; ones] O1, D4; Ones O2, D3, D5. 1426. ​pitch’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; pitched O2; ones] O1, D3, D4, D5; Ones O2. 1427. ​continu’d seperated] O1; continued separate O2, D3, D4, D5; before:] O1, D3, D4, D5; before. O2. 1428. ​Places;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; three] O1, O2, D3; Three D4, D5. 1429. ​And] O1, O2, D3; AND D4, D5; That] O1, O2, D3, D4; that D5. 1430. ​say;] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; two O2, D3, D4, D5; 2 O1; three] O2, D3, D4, D5; 3 O1. 1431. ​seem’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; seemed O2; good,] O1; Good, O2; D3, D4, D5. 1432. ​Wives,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 1433. ​Wives: But] O1; ~, but O2, D3; Wives; but D4, D5. 1434. ​Another] O1, O2, D3; ANOTHER D4, D5; dilligent] O1, O2, D4; diligent D3, D5. 1435. ​other,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5; Place] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1436. ​Plantings] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; Management] O2, D3, D4, D5; Managment O1; Colonies;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 1437. ​Comparison.] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5; They] O1, O2; they D3, D4, D5. 1438. ​Corn,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; wanted,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1439. ​wanted, but] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; ~ D5. 1440. ​indeed of ­every] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5; ­Thing] O1, D3, D4, D5; ­t hing O2; ­else was] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5; View] O1, O2, D3, D5; Viw D4. 1441. ​The] O1, O2, D3, THE D4, D5. 1442. ​Wood,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 1443. ​twice had their] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5; Plantation] O1, D3, D4, D5; Plantations O2; demolish’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; demolished D5. 1444. ​Countrymen,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 1445. ​restor’d] O1, D3, D4; restored O2, D5. 1446. ​Order,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5; manag’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; managed O2. 1447. ​­Thing] O1, D3, D4, D5; t­ hing O2; Kind,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1448. ​Vines] O1, O2, D3, D4; Veins D5; again,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1449. ​tho’] O1; though O2, D3, D4, D5. 1450. ​where] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; follow’d happen’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; followed happened O2; secur’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; secured O2. 1451. ​which,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 1452. ​Wood] O1, O2; Grove D3, D4, D5; some Places] O1, O2, D3, D4; one Place D5.

Va r i a n t s

317

1453. ​climb’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; climbed O2; out-­side] O1, O2, D4, D5; outside D3; Part,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5; went on] O1, O2, D3; ~ in D4, D5. 1454. ​As] O1, O2, D3; AS D4, D5. 1455. ​civiliz’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; civilized O2. 1456. ​quarrelsome,] O1; quarrelsom, O2, D3; quarrelsome, D4, D5; yet] O1, O2, D3; Yet D4, D5. 1457. ​Idelness; it] O1; ~. It O2, D3; ~: D4, D5. 1458. ​them,] O1; ~. O2, D3; ~: D4, D5. 1459. ​ Slothful,] O1, O2, D3; Sloathful, D4, D5. 1460. ​weeds; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. The O2. 1461. ​got] O1, D3; gotten O2, D4, D5. 1462. ​cramm’d O2, D3, D4, D5; cram’d O1. 1463. ​Stable-­door] O1; Stable Door O2, D3, D4, D5; Steed] O1, D3, D4, D5; Stead O2; stolen; whereas] O1; stol^n. Whereas, D3, D4; stoln. Whereas O2, D5. 1464. ​look’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; looked O2. 1465. ​Hedges; and] O1; ~: And O2, D3, D4, D5. 1466. ​verified] O1, O2; verify’d D3, D5; verifyd D4; Place,] O1; ~. O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 1467. ​makes rich,] O1, D4; maketh rich; O2; ~ rich; D3; ~ rich; D5; thriv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; thrived O2. 1468. ​It] O1, O2, D3; IT D4, D5; is true] O1, O2, D3, D4; it ~ D5; three] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~, D3. 1469. ​learn’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; learned O2; Dressing] O1, O2, D3, D4; dressing D5. 1470. ​ En­glish Men,] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen, D4, D5; Cook’s-­mate] O1, O2, D3; Cook’s-­Mate D4; a Cook’s-­Mate D5. 1471. ​Ship;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; dress’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; dressed O2. 1472. ​then] O1, D4; than O2, D3, D5. 1473. ​well; whereas] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5; it, but] O1; ~. But O2; ~; ~ D3, D4, D5; who] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 1474. ​say,] O1, O2; said, D3, D4, D5; Cook’s-­mate,] O1, O2, D3; Cook’s-­Mate, D4, D5. 1475. ​the] O1, O2, D4, D5;^ D3; loytr’d] O1; loiter’d O2; loyter’d D3, D4; loitered D5; Turtles] O1, O2, D3, D5; Turels D4. 1476. ​Fish,] O1, D3; ~^ O2, D4, D5; Birds; in] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: In O2; word,] O1; Word O2, D3, D4, D5. 1477. ​fared] O1; far’d O2, D3, D4, D5; Diligent] O1, O2, D3, D4; diligent D5. 1478. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; I now] O1; now I O2, D3, D4, D5; Scene] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; happen’d] O1, D3, D4; happened O2, D5. 1479. ​this.] O1, O2; ~: D3, D4, D5. 1480. ​Early] O1, O2, D3; EARLY D4, D5; came] O1, O2, D3, D4; come D5. 1481. ​room] O1, D3, D4; Room O2, D5. 1482. ​doubt, they] O1; ~^ that they O2, D3, D4, D5. 1483. ​too;] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 1484. ​Experience,] O1, O2, D3; Experiences, D4, D5; only] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4; lie] O1, D3, D4, D5; lye O2. 1485. ​concealed,] O1, O2; conceal’d, D3, D4, D5. 1486. ​yet,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1487. ​haing] O1, O2, D4, D5; having D3. 1488. ​Plantations, to] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5. 1489. ​ to Sea] O1, O2, D3; off ~ ~ D4, D5. ^ 1490. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5; right,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1491. ​they] O1; t­ here O2, D3, D4, D5. 1492. ​­Here] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5; Surprize] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1493. ​Feast,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; that] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5; Beasts] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1494. ​wandred] O1; wander’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 1495. ​time] O1, O2, D3; Time D4, D5; take in.] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~ ~, D4. 1496. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5.

318 Va r i a n t s 1497. ​loss] O1, D4; Loss O2, D3, D5; do; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. The O2; Spaniard Governour] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­~ D5; happen’d] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3; happened, D5. 1498. ​ask’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; asked D5; profess’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; professed D5. 1499. ​already,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 1500. ​that;] O1, D3; ~. O2; ~: D4, D5; the] O1, D3, D5; The O2, D4. 1501. ​Blood,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 1502. ​Creatures,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; had done them no] O1, O2, D3; ~ ~^ ~ D4, D5. 1503. ​And] O1, O2, D3; AND D4, D5; must] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1504. ​foreign] O1, O2, D3; Foreign D4, D5. 1505. ​Temperate] O1, O2, D3, D5; Temparate D4. 1506. ​good Humour’d,] O1, D4, D5; Good-­humor’d O2; Good-­humour’d, D3; Cruelty,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 1507. ​Nature,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 1508. ​out-­rageous] O1; outrageous O2, D3; outragaus D4; outragious D5. 1509. ​appear’d] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5. 1510. ​ En­glish Men;] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen; D4, D5. 1511. ​above; a­ fter] O1; ~. ­A fter O2, D3; ~: ­A fter D4, D5. 1512. ​resolv’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; resolved D5; lie] O1, D3, D4, D5; lye O2. 1513. ​till] O1, D4; till, O2, D5; ‘till, D3. 1514. ​Governour-­Spaniard] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­~ D5. 1515. ​way.] O1; Way. O2, D3, D4, D5. 1516. ​Upon] O1, O2, D3; UPON D4, D5. 1517. ​still,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; resolv’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; resolved D5. 1518. ​so; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. The O2. 1519. ​afraid] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; W ­ omen] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1520. ​murther’d] O1, D4; murder’d O2, D3; murthered D5; all the World does] O1, O2, D3;^ ~ ~ do D4, D5. 1521. ​It] O1, O2, D3; IT D4, D5. 1522. ​­Castle,] O1, O2; ~. D3, D4, D5; carry’d] O1, O2; carried D3, D4, D5. 1523. ​ En­glish Men.] O1, O2; En­glishmen. D3, D4, D5. 1524. ​­Here] O1, O2, D3; H ­ ERE D4, D5; work] O1, D3, D4, D5; Work O2. 1525. ​do;] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, ~. D5; and] O1, O2, D3, D4; And D5; they] O2, D3, D4, D5; ahey O1. 1526. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5; reason] O1; Reason O2, D3, D4, D5; believe,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1527. ​Savages] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 1528. ​who] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1529. ​time:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; exceedingly,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1530. ​that if] O1, O2, D4, D5; that is is D3. 1531. ​Account,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 1532. ​they] O1, D3, D4, D5; ­t here O2. 1533. ​Places: Such] O1; ~; such O2, D3, D4, D5. 1534. ​Retreat,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1535. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2; En­glishmen D3, D4, D5. 1536. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; had,] O2; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1537. ​came] O1, D3, D4, D5; coming O2. 1538. ​North Side] O1; North-­side O2, D4, D5; North-­Side D3. 1539. ​Place,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 1540. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2; En­glishmen D3, D4, D5; escap’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; escaped D5. 1541. ​kept] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; keept D5; Spaniard Governour] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­~ D5. 1542. ​had they been all t­ here, the Damage would not have heen so much, for not a Man of them would have] O1, O2, D3, D4; Had they been all t­ here, ther Damage would not have been so much, for not a Man of them would have D5. 1543. ​escaped;] O1, D3; escap’d; O2, D4; escaped; D5.

Va r i a n t s

319

1544. ​was] O1, O2, D3; ­were D4, D5; odds] O1, O2, D3; Odds D4, D5; happiness] O1; Hapiness O2, D3; Happiness D4, D5. 1545. ​landed,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 1546. ​landed a Mile] O1, O2, D3; ~, about a Mile D4, ~ about ~ ~ D5; time] O1, O2, D3, D4; Time D5. 1547. ​Now having] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1548. ​the two Slaves] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5. 1549. ​who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2; ­Women, who] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~, D5; seems] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; proved] O1; prov’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 1550. ​what­ever] O1, O2, D4, D5; what^ever D3. 1551. ​Fellows] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4; till] O1, D4, D5; ’till O2, D3. 1552. ​In] O1, O2, D3; IN D4, D5. 1553. ​Milch-­Goats] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5. 1554. ​Woods,] O1, D4; Wood O2, D5; Woods D3; ­whether] O1; whither O2, D3, D4, D5. 1555. ​all,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1556. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5. 1557. ​accident,] O1; Accident O2, D5; Accident, D3, D4; speed,] O1; Speed O2, D5; Speed, D3, D4; Alarm] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Help,] O1; ~, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5. 1558. ​time] O1; Time O2, D3, D4, D5. 1559. ​keeping] O1, O2, D4, D5; teeping D3; see,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3; Way] O1, O2, D4, D5; way D3. 1560. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5; Ground] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1561. ​Houshold-­Stuff] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ ~ D4. 1562. ​Mortification,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1563. ​time. ] O1; Time. O2, D3, D4, D5. 1564. ​while] O1, O2, D3, D4; While D5; till] O1, D5; ’till O2, D3, D4. 1565. ​rummaging] O2, D5; rumaging O1, D3, D4. 1566. ​search] O1, D3, D4; Search O2, D5. 1567. ​appear’d] O2, D3, D4, D5; pear’d O1; had] O1; had^ O2, D3, D4; had ^ had D5. 1568. ​The] O1, O2, D3, D4; THE D5; En­glish Men] O1; En­glishmen O2, D3, D4, D5. 1569. ​­because] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 1570. ​believing,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 1571. ​stroul’d,] O1; stroll’d, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1572. ​Their next] O1; The ~ O2, D3; The ~D4, D5. 1573. ​large,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; standing] O1, D3, D4; Standing O2, D5. 1574. ​large,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; standing] O1, D3, D4; Standing O2, D5. 1575. ​They] O1, O2, D3, D4; THEY D5. 1576. ​spied] O2; ‘spy’d D5; three] O1, O2, D3, D4; 3 D5; them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5; five] O1, O2, D3, D4; 5 D5. 1577. ​for in] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5; word,] O1; Word, O2, D3, D4, D5; Way,] O1, D5; ~^ O2, D3, D4. 1578. ​Way,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; seven] O1, O2, D3, D4; 7 D5; five] O1, O2, D3, D4; 5 D5. 1579. ​Sports-­men] O1; Sportsmen O2, D3, D4, D5. 1580. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5. 1581. ​consider’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; considered O2; ranged] O1; rang’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 1582. ​might perhaps find] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~, ~ D5. 1583. ​then] O1, O2, D4; and then D3, D5; resolv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; resolved O2; t­ here, and] O1; ~: And O2, D3; t­ here; and D4, D5. 1584. ​was] O1, O2, D3, D4; ­were D5; fifty,] D3, D4; 50, O1, D5; fifty^ O2; them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5. 1585. ​Having] O1, O2, D3; HAVING D4, D5; resolv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; resolved O2; consider’d] O1, D5; considered O2; ~, D3; consider’d, D4. 1586. ​two] O1, O2, D3, D4; 2 D5; three] O1, O2, D3, D4; 3 D5; take the m ­ iddle] O1, O2, D5; ~^ ~ D3, D4.

320 Va r i a n t s 1587. ​two] O1, O2, D3, D4; 2 D5; five] O1, O2, D3, D4; 5 D5; follow’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; followed O2; separated,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1588. ​them;] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5; the] O1; The O2, D3, D4; THE D5. 1589. ​Regulation,] O1, O2, D3; Resolution, D4, D5. 1590. ​Wood,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; three] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1591. ​ En­glish] O1, O2; En­glish D3, D4, D5. 1592. ​Seeing] O1, O2, D3; SEEING D4, D5; strait] O1, O2, D3, D4; straight D5; resolv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; resolved O2. 1593. ​resolv’d] O1, D3, D4; resolved O2, D5; time,] O1, O2; Time, D3, D4, D5. 1594. ​three, to] O1; ~. To O2; three; To D3, D4; three; to D5; purpose] O1; Purpose O2, D3, D4, D5. 1595. ​small Bullets] O1, D4; ~^ Bulfets O2; ~^ Bullets D3, D5. 1596. ​Peice,] D3, D4, D5; Peice] O1, O2; ­were] O1, D5; ~, O2, D3, D4. 1597. ​aim,] O1, D5; Aim; O2; Aim, D3, D4. 1598. ​While] O1, O2, D3; WHILE D4, D5. 1599. ​run-­away] O1; Run-­away O2, D3, D4, D5; escap’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; escaped D5. 1600. ​fire,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1601. ​Peice,] O1, O2; Piece, D3, D4, D5. 1602. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Marks-­man] O1; Marksman O2, D3, D4, D5. 1603. ​kept] O1, O2, D3, D4; keep D5; word,] O1; Word^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1604. ​fir’d,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; them] O1, O2, D3; ’em D4, D5. 1605. ​run-­away] O1, D3, D4, D5; Run-­away O2. 1606. ​thro’] O1, O2, D4, D5; through D3. 1607. ​second;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; tho’] O1, O2, D4, D5; though D3. 1608. ​Ground,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; manner] O1, O2, D3, D4; Manner D5. 1609. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; Noise,] O1, D4, D5; ~^ O2, D3; of the Danger] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ their ~ D5. 1610. ​still] O1, O2, D3, D4; stil D5; Sound] O1, D3, D4, D5; sound O2. 1611. ​thousand] O1, O2, D3; Thousand D4, D5; Echo’s] O1, O2, D3; Eccho’s D4, D5. 1612. ​Parts] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 1613. ​skreaming,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; making] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1614. ​Gun,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; Place,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1615. ​However, all] O1, O2, D3; HOWEVER, all D4, D5. 1616. ​’till] O1, O2, D3, D4;^~ D5; to the Place] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ that ~ D5. 1617. ​huddle] O1; Huddle O2, D3, D4, D5; Man] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; talking;] O1; talking, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1618. ​suppos’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; supposed D5; him,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 1619. ​kill’d ­t hose two] O1; killed^ two O2, D3, D4, D5; This,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 1620. ​Man] O1, D3, D4, D5; Men O2. 1621. ​­Thing] O1, O2, D3; t­ hing D4, D5. 1622. ​unconcern’d,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2; unconcerned D5. 1623. ​Our] O1, O2, D3; OUR D4, D5; tho’] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; griev’d them] O1, O2, D3; grieved ’em D4, D5. 1624. ​who] O1, D5; ~, O2, D3, D4. 1625. ​their] O1, O2; D4, D5; the D3. 1626. ​again] O1, O2, D5; ~; D3, D4. 1627. ​out] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Agreement] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1628. ​kill’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; fifth] O1, D4; ~, D3, D5. 1629. ​tho’] O1, O2, D3; though D4, D5; rest; so] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: So O2. 1630. ​Man,] O1, D4; ~^ O2, D3, D5. 1631. ​Moans] O1, O2, D3; Moan^ D4, D5. 1632. ​However] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1633. ​ En­glish] O1, O2; En­glishmen D3, D4; En­glishmen, D5; Rope-­Twine,] O1, D5; ~^~, O2; ~^~^ D3, D4.

Va r i a n t s

321

1634. ​Wives] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1635. ​lay] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5; two] O1, O2, D3, D4; 2 D5. 1636. ​however, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5; ever O1. 1637. ​Rope-­Yarn,] O1, O2; Rope-­Yarne, D3; Rope^ Yarn D4; Rope^ Yarn, D5. 1638. ​­great a Concern] O1, D3, D4, D5; g­ reat^ Concern O2. 1639. ​Country Folk] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­~ D5. 1640. ​them.] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4. 1641. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5. 1642. ​that Place] O1, O2, D3, D4; the ~ D5. 1643. ​had] O1, O2; ­unless D3, D4, D5. 1644. ​not the Persons] O1, O2; the persons;^ the ~ D3, D4, D5. 1645. ​it been] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ had ~ D5. 1646. ​­t hese did not] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ w ­ ere ~ D5. 1647. ​found] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; therefore ­every] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1648. ​Fright] O1, D5; ~. O2; ~: D3; fright: D4; to have seven] O1, O2; of seven D3, D4; of 7 D5. 1649. ​come to] O1, O2, D3; comeing ~ D4, coming ~ D5; ten] O1, O2, D3, D4; 10 D5. 1650. ​old] O1, O2, D3, D4; Old D5; ­Father,] O1, O2, D5; ~^ D3, D4. 1651. ​Country;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 1652. ​far. With] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~: ~ D5; seven] O1, O2, D3, D4; 7 D5. 1653. ​who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 1654. ​eighth] O1, O2, D3, D4; 8th D5. 1655. ​where,] O1, O2, D4; ~^ D3, D5; oblig’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; obliged D5. 1656. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; Burthen] O1, D4, D5; Burden O2, D3. 1657. ​once resolving to hill them all believing they ­were] O1, O2;^ D3, D4, D5. 1658. ​Perservation:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; Spaniard Governour] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­~ D5. 1659. ​order’d,] O1, D3, D5; ~^ O2, D4; for the pre­sent, that they should] O1, O2, D3;^ ^ ^ that they should D4, D5; Way] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 1660. ​Food for their Subsistence, which] O1, O2, D3; ~,^ ^ ^ ~ D4, D5. 1661. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5; two] O1, O2, D3, D4, 2 D5; En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5; encourag’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; encouraged D5. 1662. ​­t here: But] O1; ~; but O2, D3, D4, D5. 1663. ​ Spaniards] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5; four] O1, O2, D3, D4; 4 D5; Muskets] O1, O2, D3, D4; Musquets D5; them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5. 1664. ​Quarter-­staves;] O1; Quarter-­Staves, O2, D3, D4; Quarter-­Staffs, D5; quest] O1, D4; Quest O2, D3, D5. 1665. ​Savages.] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; first they] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1666. ​dragg’d] O1, O2, D3, D5; dragg^d D4; over. From] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~: ~ D5; thence] O1, D3, D4, D5; whence O2. 1667. ​they stood,] O1, O2; ~ had ~, D3, D4, D5; saw] O1, O2; seen D3, D4, D5. 1668. ​destoy’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; destroyed D3. 1669. ​Smoak] O1, D3, D4, D5; Smoke O2; Savages:] O1, D4, D5; ~. O2;^ D3. 1670. ​forward] O1; forwards O2, D3, D4, D5; Plantation:] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 1671. ​Sea Shore] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­shore D5; embarking] O1, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1672. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5. 1673. ​But] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; w ­ hole] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 1674. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5. 1675. ​Improvement] O1, O2; Improvements D3, D4, D5; rest] O1, O2, D3, D4; Rest D5. 1676. ​them rebuild] O1, D3, D4, D5; them to rebuild O2. 1677. ​Country-­men,] O1, D3; Country^men, D4; Countrymen O2, D5. 1678. ​Good;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1679. ​’till] O1, O2, D3, D4;^~ D5. 1680. ​Habitation] O1, O2, D3, D4; Habitations D5; And] O1, O2, D3, D4; and D5; thus] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5.

322 Va r i a n t s 1681. ​Time] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1682. ​About] O1, O2, D3; ABOUT D4, D5. 1683. ​three] O1, O2, D3, D4; 3 D5; Shore,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~. D3. 1684. ​two drown’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; 2 drowned D5; Reason] O1, O2, D3, D5; reason D4. 1685. ​the very Night] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5. 1686. ​However] O1, O2, D3; HOWEVER D4, D5; hand,] O1; Hand, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1687. ​them,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1688. ​them,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3; for execpt] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1689. ​them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5. 1690. ​It] O1, O2, D3; IT D4, D5. 1691. ​Time,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D5; TIME D4. 1692. ​Hopes,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; when on] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5; sudden they] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1693. ​a] O1, D3, D4, D5; the O2. 1694. ​eight and twenty] O1, O2, D3, D4; 28 D5. 1695. ​that] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 1696. ​As] O1, O2, D3; AS D4, D5; Easter-­most] O1, O2, D3, D4; Eastermost D5. 1697. ​and] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1698. ​conceal’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; concealed O2; before,] O1, O2, D5; ~^ D3, D4. 1699. ​­great, they] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; ~ D5; resolv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; resolved O2. 1700. ​all to] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1701. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5. 1702. ​Cave,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5; suppos’d] O1, O2, D5; supposed D3, D4. 1703. ​two] O1, O2, D3, D4; 2 D5. 1704. ​In] O1, O2, D3; IN D4, D5; place] O1; Place, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1705. ​old] O1, O2, D3, D4; Old D5; belong’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; belonged O2; and] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 1706. ​any where] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­~ D5. 1707. ​Force,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1708. ​and wait] O1;^ waiting O2, D3, D4, D5; coming:] O1, D4; Coming. O2; Coming: D3, D5. 1709. ​happen’d; ­t hese] O1, D3, D4, D5; happened: ­These O2; East End] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­~ D5. 1710. ​two hundred and fifty] O1, O2, D3, D4; 250 D5. 1711. ​neither:] O1; ~. O2; ~; D4; D3, D5; Account] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ D4; thus; First] O1; ~. First O2; ~: First D3; ~: First D4, thus; First D5. 1712. ​to Men.] O1, D3; to the Men^ O2; to Men, D4, D5. 1713. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5; old] O1, D3, D4; Old O2, D5. 1714. ​the] O1; ~^ The O2, D3, D4; 3^ D5; who prov’d] O1, D3, D4, D5;^ prov’d O2. 1715. ​other] O1, D3; Other O2, D4, D5. 1716. ​to arm t­ hese, they had,] O1; to Arm, t­ hese they had D3; to arm t­ hese, they had, O2; to Arm ­t hese they had. D4; Arm ­t hese they had D5. 1717. ​Muskets] O1, O2, D3, D4; Musquets D5. 1718. ​Peices] O1, O2, D3, D4; Pieces D5. 1719. ​Muskets] O1, O2, D3, D4; Musquets D5; Fowling-­Peices,] O1; Fowling Pieces O2; Fowling-­Pieces, D3, D4, D5. 1720. ​mutinous] O1, O2, D3, D5; mutunous D4; who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 1721. ​Slaves,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; Musket,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4; Musquet D5; Fuzee] O1, O2, D3, D4; Foozee D5. 1722. ​Staff] O1, O2, D3, D4; staff D5. 1723. ​fasten’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; fastened O2; and,] O1; and^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1724. ​Hatchet,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; Hatchet:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 1725. ​prevailed upon,] O1, D3, D4, D5; prevailed ~^ O2; Fight,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 1726. ​happen’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; happened O2. 1727. ​­Women Hatchets] O1, O2, D3; ~ had ~ D4, D5.

Va r i a n t s

323

1728. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; Spaniard Governour, who] O1; Spaniard Governor, whom O2, D3, D4; Spaniard-­Governour D5. 1729. ​­whole] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4; Whole; D5; Wm.] O1; William O2, D4, D5; William D3; who tho’] O1; ~, though O2, D3; who, tho’ D4, D5; Fellow,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 1730. ​commanded] O2, D3, D4, D5; Commanded O1. 1731. ​Lyons] O1, D3, D4, D5; Lions O2; Mens,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 1732. ​only,] O1; only^ O2, D3, D4, D5; ­Will.] O1; William O2, D3, D4, D5. 1733. ​Men,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; proved] O1, O2; prov’d D3, D4, D5’ planted,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1734. ​advanc’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; advanced O2; ­Orders,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1735. ​into] O1, D3, D4, D5; in O2; ­middle] O1, D4; ­Middle O2, D3, D5; them, fir’d] O1, D3, D5; ~; fired O2, D4. 1736. ​nimbly] O1, D4, D5; nimble O2, D3; could] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 1737. ​also] O1; all O2, D3, D4, D5. 1738. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5; straggling about, way] O1, O2, D4; ~ ~^ Way D3; ~ ~^ way D5. 1739. ​manner] O1, O2, D3, D4; Manner D5; W.] O1, D3, D4, D5; William O2; fifty] O2, D3, D4, D5; 50 O1. 1740. ​him,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 1741. ​three] O1, O2, D3, D4; 3 D5; Musquest] O1, D5; Muskets O2; Musquets D3, D4; six] O1, O2, D3, D4; 6 D5; seven] O1, O2, D3, D4; 7 D5. 1742. ​a piece] O1, O2; ~-­~ D4, D5; apiece D3; Pistol Bullets] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­~ D5. 1743. ​kill’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; killed O2. 1744. ​Surprize,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1745. ​no Body] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­body D5; when in] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5; m ­ iddle] O1, D4; M ­ iddle O2, D3, D5. 1746. ​ W. Atkins,] O1, D3; William ~^ O2; Williams Atkins, D4, D5. 1747. ​three] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; again,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; the thickest] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 1748. ​Minute^ the] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5; three, being] O1, O2, D3, D4; 3^ ~ D5. 1749. ​Had] O1, O2, D3; HAD D4, D5; W. Atkins,] O1; William ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; retir’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; retired O2. 1750. ​order’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; ordered O2. 1751. ​pour’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; poured O2. 1752. ​That they ­were] O1, O2, D3, D4;^viz.^ That they ­were D5; kill’d] O1, D3, D4; killed O2; kill’d D5; by the Gods with Thunder and Lightning,] O1, O2, D3, D4; by the Gods with Thunder and Lightning, D5. 1753. ​discover’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; discovered O2; cheat;] O1; ~. O2, D3; ~: D4; Cheat: D5; some] O1; Some O2, D3, D4, D5; savages] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; distance,] O1; Distance O2; Distance, D3, D4, D5. 1754. ​spying them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ‘spying ’em D5; them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5; tho’] O1, D3, D4, D5; though O2; W.] O1, D3; William O2; William D4, D5. 1755. ​Men.] O1, D4; ~^ O2, D3, D5. 1756. ​times,] O1, D4; Times O2, D5; Times, D3; kill’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; killed O2; twenty O2; twenty, D3, D4; 20, O1, D5. 1757. ​fellow] O1, D3, D4; Fellow O2, D5. 1758. ​­Women; this] O1, D3, D4, D5; ­Women. This O2. 1759. ​killing] O1, D3, D4, D5; killed O2. 1760. ​Arm’d-­staves] O1; arm’d Staves, O2; arm’d Staves D3, D4, D5. 1761. ​Our] O1, O2, D3, D4; OUR D5; two] O1, O2, D3, D4; 2 D5; kill’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; killed O2. 1762. ​Wood,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1763. ​three] O1, O2, D3, D4; 3 D5; them] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2; em’ D5; also,] O1; also; O2, D3, D4, D5. ­Great,] O1; g­ reat^ O2; g­ reat, D3, D4, D5. 1764. ​Desperate,] O1; desperate^ O2; desperate, D3, D4, D5; tho’] O1, D3, D4, D5; though O2; fifty O2, D3, D4; 50 O1.

324 Va r i a n t s 1765. ​kill’d] O1; killed, O2; wounded;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1766. ​fearless] O1, O2, D4, D5; fear^less D3. 1767. ​observ’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; observed O2. 1768. ​Out-­rageous] O1; outrageous O2; out-­rageous D3; outragious D4, D5; Mad-­men] O1, O2, D3; Madmen D4, D5. 1769. ​kill’d,] O1; ~^ D3; killed O2; kill’d^ D4, D5; them,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4; ’em; D5; Savages] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1770. ​kill’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; killed O2; them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ‘ em D5; them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ‘ em D5; manner] O1, D4; Manner O2; Manner, D3; Manner D5. 1771. ​Legs,] O1, D3; ~^ O2, D4, D5. 1772. ​kind] O1, D3, D4; Kind O2, D5. 1773. ​token] O1; Token O2, D3, D4, D5; Victory:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 1774. ​mere] O1, D4; meer O2, D3, D5. 1775. ​Governour] O1, D3, D4; Governor O2; Spaniard-­Governour D5. 1776. ​wounded,] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~; D4; tho’] O1, D3, D4, D5; though O2; ha’] O1, D3; have O2, D4, D5. 1777. ​march’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; marched O2; charg’d] O1; charged O2, D3, D4, D5; them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5; altogether] O1, O2, D3, D4; all^together D5. 1778. ​’till] O1;^till O2, D3, D4;^till D5; Morning; all ­t hese wounded Men w ­ ill be stiff and sore with their Wounds, and faint with the Loss of Blood; and so we s­ hall have the fewer to engage.] O1, O2, D3, D4; Morning all ­these wounded Men ­will be stiff and sore with their Wounds, and faint with the Loss of Blood; and so we ­shall have the fewer to engage. D5. 1779. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; ­Will.] O1, D3, D4, D5; William O2; merrily] O1, O2, D3; D5; merily D4; reply’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; replied O2. 1780. ​That’s true, Seignior, and so ­shall I too; and that’s the Reason I would go on while I am warm. Well, Seignior Atkins,] O1, O2, D3, D4; That’ s true, Seignior, and so ­shall I too; and that’s the Reason I would go on while I am warm. Well, Seignior Atkins, D5. 1781. ​ Spaniards,] O1, D3, D4; Spaniard, O2, D5; behav’d] O1, D3, D4; behaved O2; behav’d D5. 1782. ​Part,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4; Part; D5; we w ­ ill fight for you, if you can-­not come] O1, O2, D3, D4; we ­will fight for you, if you cannot come D5; on,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2; on; D5. 1783. ​but I think it best to stay ’till] O1, O2, D3, D4; but I think it best to stay^till D5; Morning; so] O1, D3; Morning: So O2; Morning. D4; Morning, D5. 1784. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5. 1785. ​them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5; resolv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; resolved O2; them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5. 1786. ​them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5. 1787. ​discover’d,] O1, D3; discovered O2; discover’d: D4, D5; which they] O1, O2, D3; This they D4, D5. 1788. ​do;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; En­glish Men] O1, O2; En­glishmen, D3; En­glishmen^ D4, D5. 1789. ​them round] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em ~, D5; Woods,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 1790. ​Sea Side] O1; Sea-­side O2, D3, D5; Sea-­ide D4. 1791. ​them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5; eight] O1, O2, D3, D4; 8 D5. 1792. ​them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5; them] O1, O2 D3, D4; ’em D5; them; in half] O1, D3, D4; ~. In Half O2; ’em; in half D5; fir’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; fired O2. 1793. ​small] O1, D3, D4, D5; Small O2. 1794. ​abundance] O1, D3, D4; Abundance O2, D5; kill’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; killed O2; while] O1, O2, D3, D4; While D5. 1795. ​them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5. 1796. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4; T D5; charged] O1, O2, D5; charg’d D3, D4. 1797. ​three] O1, O2, D3, D4; 3 D5; resolv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; resolved O2; them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5. 1798. ​altogether:] O1, D3, D4, D5; altogether. O2; eight] O1, O2, D3, D4; 8 D5; eight] O1, O2, D3, D4; 8 D5.

Va r i a n t s

325

1799. ​who] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4; 2] O1, D3, D4, D5; two O2; way] O1, D3; Way O2; Way, D4, D5. 1800. ​Fire Arms] O1; Fire-­Arms O2, D3, D4, D5. 1801. ​Staves:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; back;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1802. ​said] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; Husbands:] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~. D5. 1803. ​form’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; formed O2. 1804. ​and came] O1, O2, D4, D5; and they came D3. 1805. ​shouting] O2, D3, D4, D5; Shouting O1; hallowing] O1, D4; hallooing O2, D5; hallowing D3. 1806. ​could; the Savages,] O1; ~. The ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; all togegether] O1, O2, D3; altogether D4, all^together D5. 1807. ​Shouting] O1; shouting O2, D3, D4, D5. 1808. ​us:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 1809. ​dangerously:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 1810. ​fir’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; fired O2. 1811. ​But-­ends] O1, O2, D3, D4; But-­Ends D5; Muskets] O1, O2, D3, D4; Musquets D5. 1812. ​Hatchets,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; that,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; word,] O1; Word O2, D5; Word, D3, D4. 1813. ​Skreaming] O1, O2, D3, D4; screaming D5; Lives,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5; Way] O1, O2, D5; way D3, D4. 1814. ​Our] O1, O2, D3; OUR D4, D5; tyr’d] O1; tired O2; tir’d D3, D4, D5; kill’d] O1, D3, D4; killed, O2; kill’d, D5. 1815. ​thro’] O1, D4, D5; though O2, D3. 1816. ​Speed, Fear, and] O1; ~^ and ~^ that O2, D3, D4, D5; and^as] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 1817. ​our^selves] O1, O2, D4, D5; ourselves D3; all together] O1, D5; altogether O2, D3, D4; Sea^Side] O1; ~^~, O2; ~^side, D3, D4, D5. 1818. ​lay:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 1819. ​Wind,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; Eve­ning,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1820. ​Sea-­ward;] O1; Seaward, O2; Sea-­ward, D3, D4, D5; to go off] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ put ~ D5. 1821. ​Sea,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1822. ​off;] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5. 1823. ​Our] O1, O2, D3; OUR D4, D5. 1824. ​in:] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 1825. ​Minds: For] O1; ~; for O2, D3, D4, D5; obliged,] O1; obliged^ O2; oblig’d D3, D4, D5; ­Battle,] O1, D3; ~^ O2, D4, D5. 1826. ​However,] O1, O2, D3; HOWEVER, D4, D5; Need] O1, O2, D3, D5; need D4. 1827. ​length,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; view] O1; View O2, D3, D4, D5; Place,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1828. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5; Musket-­shot] O1; Musket^Shot O2; Musquet D3, D4, D5. 1829. ​Governour] O1; Governor O2, D3, D4, D5; Muskets] O1, O2, D3, D4; Musquets D5. 1830. ​(viz.)] O1;^~^ O2, D4, D5;^viz.^ D3; ­whether] O1; ­W hether O2, D3, D4, D5. 1831. ​discourag’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; discouraged D5. 1832. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4; THIS D5; for] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1833. ​up upon] O1, D3, D4, D5; up from O2; Feet,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1834. ​advanced] O1, D3; advanc’d O2, D4, D5. 1835. ​run] O1; ran O2, D3, D4, D5; kind] O1, O2, D4; Kind D3, D5; a] O1, O2, D3, D4; an D5; run] O1, D4; ran O2, D3, D5. 1836. ​At] O1, O2, D3; AT D4, D5. 1837. ​then] O1; ~, O2, D3, D5; often, D4; consider,] O1, D4, D5; ~^ O2, D3. 1838. ​or] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 1839. ​them:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; ’em, D5; Atkins,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1840. ​Counsellor] O2, D3, D4, D5; Counselour O1; was] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; to] O1, O2, D3, D4; To D5.

326 Va r i a n t s 1841. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5; fear] O1, O2, D3, D4; Fear D5. 1842. ​desperate,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1843. ​continually rifled] O2, D3, D4, D5; continuall riffled] O1. 1844. ​and] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1845. ​t hey] O2, D3; THEY D4, D5; They O1; had better have] O1, O2, D3, D4; had better have D5; to do with] O1, O2, D3, D4; to do with D5; a hundred] O1, O2, D3; an hundred D4; 100 D5. 1846. ​than with] O1, O2, D3, D4; than with D5; Nations; that] O1; ~: That O2, D3, D4; Nations: That D5; as they must destroy their Boats,] O1, O2, D3, D4; as ~ must dstroy their boats, D5. 1847. ​so they must destroy the Men, or be all of them destroy’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; so ~ must destroy the Men, or be all of them destroy’d D5; themselves:] O1; ~^ O2; ~. D3, D4, D5. 1848. ​word,] O1; Word O2; Word, D3, D4, D5; it,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1849. ​Work] O1; work O2, D3, D4, D5; Boats;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; together,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1850. ​them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5; Fire;] O1; ~, O2, D3; fire, D4, D5; burn;] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5. 1851. ​swiming] O1; swimming O2, D3, D4, D5. 1852. ​ Waramokoa] O1, D3, D4, D5; Waramoka O2; down,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 1853. ​their] O1, D4; ­t here O2, D3, D5. 1854. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; satisfied] O1, D3, D4, D5; satisfy’d O2. 1855. ​effectually] O1, O2, D4, D5; Effectually D3. 1856. ​Home] O1, O2, D3; home D4, D5; depending] O1, O2, D4, D5; depended D3. 1857. ​know,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1858. ​destroy’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; destroyed D3; them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5. 1859. ​hideous] O1, O2, D3, D5; hedious D4; which,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 1860. ​Men,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1861. ​that] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; word,] O1; Word O2, D3, D4, D5. 1862. ​our Men did not ­really know at first what to do with them.] O1, O2, D3, D4; Our Men did not r­ eally know at first what to do with them. D5. 1863. ​Nor] O1, O2, D3; NOR D4, D5; Prudence,] O1, O2, D4, D5; prudence, D3. 1864. ​Desperate] O1, D4; desperate O2, D5; desperate, D3; time] O1; Time O2, D3, D4, D5. 1865. ​Valley, yet] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; ~ D5; Bower,] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ D4. 1866. ​pieces,] O1; Pieces, O2, D3, D5; Peices, D4. 1867. ​underfoot;] O1; ­under^Foot O2, D4, D5; u ­ nder^Foot; D3. 1868. ​did to our] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5; and inestimable] O1, O2, D3, D4; in inestimable D5; tho’] O1, O2, D4, D5; though D3. 1869. ​Farthing-­worth] O1, O2; Farthingworth D3; Farthing’s-­worth D4, D5. 1870. ​Tho’] O1, O2, D3; THO’ D4, D5. 1871. ​and] O1, D3, D4, D5; or O2. 1872. ​Numbers] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5; weapons,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 1873. ​Bows] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 1874. ​Extremity] O2, D4, D5; Extremety] O1, D3; reduced] O1, O2, D4, D5; reduced D3. 1875. ​time,] O1, D5; Time O2; Time, D3, D4. 1876. ​preserv’d,] O1, O2; preserved, D3, D4; preserved^ D5. 1877. ​destroy’d] O1, O2, D5; destoyed, D3; destroyed, D4. 1878. ​way] O1; Way O2, D3, D4, D5. 1879. ​­t here; and] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~;^ D4. 1880. ​the Plantation of the three] O1;^ O2, D3;^ ^ ^ The three D4, D5. 1881. ​ En­glish Men,] O1; En­glishmen, O2, D3, D4, D5; ­Will.] O1; William O2, D3, D4, D5; who ­were] O1, O2, D3;^ ~ D4, D5. 1882. ​reduced] O1, D3; reduc’d O2, D4, D5; Arrow] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 1883. ​murther’d] O1, D4, D5; murder’d O2, D3. 1884. ​I look’d] O1, O2, D3; I LOOK’D D4, D5; worse] O1, O2, D4, D5; Worse D3. 1885. ​time,] O1; Time, O2, D3, D4, D5; discovered] O1; discover’d O2, D3, D4, D5.

Va r i a n t s

327

1886. ​manner] O1; Manner O2; Method D3, D4, D5; Corn] O1, O2, D3, D5; Corm D4. 1887. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5. 1888. ​was,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; pos­si­ble,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 1889. ​South-­West,] O1, O2; South-­west D3; South-­East, D4; South-­East^ D5. 1890. ​another.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, ~, D5. 1891. ​harrass] O1, O2, D3; harass D4, D5. 1892. ​reduced] O1, D3; reduc’d O2, D4, D5. 1893. ​­t hing,] O1; ­Thing O2, D5; Th ­ ing, D3, D4. 1894. ​In] O1, O2, D3; IN D4, D5; followed] O1, D3; follow’d O2, D4, D5; terrified] O1; terrify’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 1895. ​fir’d] O1, O2; fired D3, D4, D5. 1896. ​sight] O1; Sight O2, D3, D4, D5. 1897. ​reduced] O1; reduc’d O2, D3, D4, D5; want] O1, D3, D4, D5; Want O2. 1898. ​hurt,] O1; Hurt O2, D5; Hurt, D3, D4. 1899. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5. 1900. ​them,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; Spainard^Governour] O1, O2, D3, D4; Spainard-­ Governour D5; a] O1, D4; the O2, D3, D5. 1901. ​generous minded Man, as ever] O1; generous-­minded ~^ that ever O2, D3, D4, D5. 1902. ​them] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1903. ​upon] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; and do] O1, O2, D3; ~ to ~ D4, D5. 1904. ​It] O1, O2, D3; IT D4, D5; while] O1, O2, D3, D4; While D5; taken,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1905. ​half-­starved,] O1; ~^~, D3, D4; half starved O2; half^starv’d D5; Prisoner; he] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: He O2. 1906. ​or] O1; and O2, D3, D4, D5. 1907. ​drink,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 1908. ​offer’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; offered D3. 1909. ​tractable] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5. 1910. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5; talk’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; talked D5; Friday] O1, O2, D3, D5; Fridad D4; talk’d] O1, O2, D5; talked D3, D4. 1911. ​all,] O1, D3; ~; O2, D4, D5. 1912. ​Satisfaction] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 1913. ​beyond it,] O1, O2, D3; ~ them, D4, D5; ­others,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5. 1914. ​Subsistence] O1, O2, D3, D4; Subsistance D5. 1915. ​Contrymen,] O1, O2, D4, D5; Countrymen’ D3. 1916. ​immediately,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 1917. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; Wretches] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; thoroughly] O1, O2, D3; throughly D4, D5. 1918. ​37,] O1; thirty seven] O2, D3, D4, D5; 37 O1; clos’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; closed O2; offer] O1; Offer O2, D3, D4, D5. 1919. ​which,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; twelve Spaniards] O1, O2, D3, D4; 12 ~ D5; two En­glish Men] O1, O2 two En­glishmen D3, D4; 2 En­glishmen D5. 1920. ​well-­arm’d,] O1, D4; well^arm’d O2; well arm’d, D3, D5; with three] O1, O2, D3; and ~ D4; and 3 D5; with three Indian Slaves,] O1, O2, D3, D4; 3 ~ D5. 1921. ​where they ­were, the] O1; ~ ­were; ~ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1922. ​Sun;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1923. ​three live Goats; O1, O2, D3, D4; 3 D5. 1924. ​Provisions] O1, O2, D5; ~, D3, D4. 1925. ​Words,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; for,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1926. ​liv’d] O1, O2, D3; lived D4, D5. 1927. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5. 1928. ​Goats] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 1929. ​Nation.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5; confin’d] O1, O2, D5; confined D3, D4. 1930. ​South-­east] O1; South-­East O2, D3, D4, D5.

328 Va r i a n t s 1931. ​fruitful; they had] O1, O2, D3; ~, for ~ ~ D4, ~, for they had D5. 1932. ​three] O1, O2, D3, D4; 3 D5; four Mile] O1, O2, D3, D4; 4 Mile D5; length.] O1; Length. O2, D3, D4, D5. 1933. ​Our] O1, O2, D3; OUR D4, D5. 1934. ​my self] O1, D3, D4, D5; myself O2; twelve] O1, O2, D3, D4; 12 D5; three] O1, O2, D3, D4; 3 D5; Hatchets,] O1, O2, D5; ~^ D3, D4. 1935. ​three or four Knives,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4; 3 or 4 Knives; D5. 1936. ​Creatures^] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 1937. ​­A fter] O1, O2, D3; A ­ FTER D4, D5; re­spect] O1, D3, D4, D5; Re­spect O2. 1938. ​was above two Years] O1, O2, D3; was in about two ~ D4, was in about 2 ~ D5. 1939. ​now and then] O1, O2; now and then, D3, D4, D5. 1940. ​Feasts,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 1941. ​and perhaps had] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~, ~ D5. 1942. ​Countrymen,] O1; Countrymen; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1943. ​hard to have] O1, O2, D3; very hard for them to have D4;^ ~ for them ~ ~ D5. 1944. ​Thus] O1, O2, D3; THUS D4, D5. 1945. ​return,] O1; Return O2, D5; Return, D3, D4; least] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; Indians] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 1946. ​civilliz’d] O1; civiliz’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 1947. ​forbid] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; anyone of] O1, D3, D4; any^ of O2, D5. 1948. ​again] O1, D3, D4, D5; them O2. 1949. ​One] O1, O2, D3; ONE D4, D5; (viz.)] O1;^viz.^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1950. ​out-­did] O1; outdid O2, D5; out did D3, D4. 1951. ​abundance] O1, D3, D4; Abundance O2, D5. 1952. ​sorts] O1; ^Sorts O2, D3, D4, D5; Baskets] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3. 1953. ​also^] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; abundance] O1, D3, D4; Abundance O2, D5. 1954. ​way] O1; Way O2, D3, D5. 1955. ​My] O1, O2, D3; MY D4, D5; coming] O1, O2, D3, D4; Coming D5. 1956. ​furnished] O1; furnish’d O2, D3, D4, D5; Scissers] O1, D4; Scissans O2, D5; Scissars, D3; axes] O1, O2, D3, D4; Axes D5. 1957. ​kind] O1; Kind O2, D3, D4, D5; want.] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 1958. ​Tools,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1959. ​came] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; or Houses] O1, D3, D4, D5; of our ~ O2. 1960. ​raddling] O2, D3, D4; raddling, D5; radling O1; way] O1, O2; Way D3, D4, D5. 1961. ​sorts] O1; Sorts O2, D3, D4, D5. 1962. ​Vermine,] O1; Vermin; O2, D3, D4, D5. 1963. ​distance] O1; Distance, O2, D3, D4, D5; look’d at] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, at D5; all,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1964. ​Hive; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. And O2; Bees] O1, O2, D3; Bees, D4, D5; W.] O1; ­Will. O2, D3, D4, D5. 1965. ​industrious necessary] O1, D3; ~, ~, O2, D4, D5. 1966. ​Basket-­work] O1, O2; ~-­~, D3, D4, D5. 1967. ​out-­side,] O1, D4; Out-­side O2; Out-­side, D3; Outside D5; close work’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; close-­work’d D5. 1968. ​Basket] O1, O2, D3, D4; Basket, D5; Pannels,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Pannels^ D5; Squares] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; of] O1, O2, D3, D4;^ D5. 1969. ​seven Foot high] O1, O2, D3, D4; 7 ~ D5; high; in] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. In O2; m ­ iddle] O1, D3, D4; ­Middle O2, D5; another,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 1970. ​Eight-­square] O2, O2, D3, D4; eight-­square D5; Form,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 1971. ​eight Corners] O2, O2, D3, D4; 8 ~ D5; eight very strong Posts] O2, O2, D3, D4; 8 ~ D5; top] O1, D4; Top O2, D3, D5. 1972. ​rais’d] O1, O2, D5; raised D3, D4; Piramid] O1, D3, D4; Pyramid O2, D5; a Roof] O1; the ~, O2; the ~^ D4, D5; eight Raf­ters] O1, O2, D3, D4; 8 ~ D5. 1973. ​handsome] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5.

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1974. ​Spikes] O1, O2; Spikes D3; ~-­~, D4; ~-­~^ D5; he made] O1, O2, D3; ~ had ~ D4, D5; indeed] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; shew’d] O1, O2, D3, D5; show’d D4; abundance] O1, O2, D3, D4; Abundance D5. 1975. ​­Things, which] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^~ D5; Knowledge] O1, O2, D3, D5; Knowlede D4; of; he] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. He O2; made him] O1, O2, D3; ~ himself D4, D5. 1976. ​pair] O1; Pair O2, D3, D4, D5. 1977. ​Crows,] O1; D4, ~^ O2, D3, D5. 1978. ​Anvil] O1, D3, D4, D5; Anvel O2; manner] O1; Manner O2, D3, D4, D5; but] O1, O2, D3, D4; But D5. 1979. ​Staples] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; s; but] O1; ~; But D5; ~. But O2; ~: But D3, D4. 1980. ​House,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; inner-­most] O1; inner^most D4; innermost O2, D3, D5. 1981. ​ingeniously] O1, O2, D3, D5; ingenioasly D4. 1982. ​Indeed] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 1983. ​own’d that the Savages made the Basket-­work for] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, That the Savages made the Basket-­work for D5. 1984. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; Lean too] O1; Lean-to, O2; Lean-­too, D3, D4; Lean-­to^ D5. 1985. ​Apartment, and] D3, D4; Apartment^ ~ O2, D5; Appartment, ~O1; two and thirty] O1, O2, D4; two and thiry D3; 32 D5. 1986. ​House,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; 20] O1, D5; twenty O2, D3, D4; distant;] O1, D4, D5; Distance; O2; Distant; D3; 20] O1, D3, D4, D5; twenty O2. 1987. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5. 1988. ​Apartments, so] O2, D4; Appartments, so O1, D3, D5; six Rooms] O1, O2, D3, D4; 6 D5. 1989. ​Main-­tent] O1, D3, D4, D5; main Tent O2. 1990. ​occasion] O1, D4; Occasion O2; Occasion D3, D5. 1991. ​Apartments] O2, D4, D5; Appartments O1, D3. 1992. ​order’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; As soon] O1, O2, D3, D5; AS soon D4; as you] O1, O2, D3; D5;^ ~ D4. 1993. ​strait] O1, O2, D3, D4; straight D5. 1994. ​w icker Partition,] O1, D3; Wicker Partition O2; Wicker-­Partition, D4; Wicker-­ Partition D5. 1995. ​Store-­house, 20 Foot Wide] O1, D5; ~ twenty Foot O2, D3, D4. 1996. ​Foot long,] O1, D5; thirty Foot long O2, D3, D4. 1997. ​ten handsome] O1, O2, D3, D4; 10 ~ D5; six of which] O1, O2, D3, D4; 6 ~ D5. 1998. ​Appartments] O1; Apartments O2, D3, D4, D5. 1999. ​retiriing] O1, O2, D3; retired D4; retire’d D5; Circle,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 2000. ​large Ware­houses] O1; ~ Ware-­houses O2, D3, D4; 4 large Ware-­houses D5; them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5. 2001. ​Such] O1, O2, D3, SUCH D4, D5. 2002. ​House] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; built.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5. 2003. ​three] O1, O2, D3, D4; 3 D5; W.] O1; ­Will. O2, D3, D4, D5. 2004. ​three] O1, O2, D3, D4; 3 D5; ­Children,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; was] O1, D5; ~, O2, D3, D4; seems] O1, D5; ~, O2, D3, D4. 2005. ​­t hing] O1; Th ­ ing O2, D5; ­Thing, D3, D4; mean] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5. 2006. ​Industrious] O1; industrious O2, D3, D4, D5. 2007. ​­Thing however] O1; ~, ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; omitted (viz.)] O1; ~,^viz.^ O2, D3, D4, D5; that as] O1; That is O2, D3, D4, D5. 2008. ​­t hing] O1, D5; Th ­ ing O2, D3, D4; kind] O1, D4; Kind O2, D3, D5. 2009. ​Mind that] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, that D5; ­t here was a God,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ­there was a God, D5. 2010. ​(viz.)] O1, D3;^viz.^ O2, D4, D5; Name; nor] O1, D3; ~: Nor O2, D4, D5; Swearing] O1, O2, D3, D4; swearing D5.

330 Va r i a n t s 2011. ​savage-­Wives] O1, D5; Savage Wives O2, D3, D4. 2012. ​married] O1; marry’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 2013. ​entring] O1, D3, D4; entering O2, D5. 2014. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; Improvement,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2015. ​from them] O1, O2, D3; for ~ D4, D5; was] O1, D3, D4, D5; w ­ ere O2; taught] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 2016. ​first,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2017. ​manner,] O1; Manner O2, D5; Manner, D3, D4. 2018. ​Year] O1; Years O2, D3, D4, D5. 2019. ​Year] O1; Years O2, D3, D4, D5; Savage Ladies] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­~ D5. 2020. ​less;] O1; ~: O2, D3, D4, D5; Cook’s-­mate’s Wife,] O1; Cook’s^ Mate’s ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; sixth] O1, O2, D4, D5; Sixth D3. 2021. ​sort] O1; Sort O2, D3, D4, D5; govern’d quiet] O1; ~, ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 2022. ​another;] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 2023. ​Husbands:] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 2024. ​married] O1; marry’d O2, D5; marry’d; D3, D4. 2025. ​which,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; or] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 2026. ​in Consequence] O1, O2, D3; by the Conequence D4, D5. 2027. ​runagate] O1; Runagate O2, D3, D4, D5; En­glish Men] O1, O2; ~,^ D3; En­glishmen D4, D5. 2028. ​I had] O1, O2, D3; I HAD D4, D5; Circumstances] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 2029. ​­People,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 2030. ​Hands, had] O1, D3; ~ they ~ O2; D4, ~, the ~ D5; abandon’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; abondon’d D3. 2031. ​starving:] O1; Starving O2, D5; Starving: D3, D4. 2032. ​convinc’d,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; Wrong;] O1, O2; wrong; D3, D4, D5. 2033. ​wife] O1, O2, D4, D5; Wife D3; Men] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 2034. ​hold] O1, D4, D5; Hold O2, D3. 2035. ​Deliverance.] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; me] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 2036. ​to be remedy’d O2, D5; to remedy’d] O1, D3, D4. 2037. ​proposed] O1, D3, D4, D5; propos’d O2; this] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; tho’] O1, O2, D3; though D4, D5. 2038. ​spoke it in] O1; spoke^ in O2; spoke it,^ D3, D4, D5. 2039. ​He] O1, O2, D3; HE D4, D5; run] O1; ran O2, D3, D4, D5; then] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 2040. ​unwearied] O1; unweary’d O2, D3, D4; unwearyd D5. 2041. ​which] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; Circumstances] O1; Curcumstances, O2, D3, D4, D5; their’s] O1; first] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 2042. ​their’s O1; theirs O2, D3, D5; their^s D4; Times,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 2043. ​now] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; together.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5. 2044. ​Mind,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2045. ​with,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 2046. ​­were] O1, D3, D4; are O2, D5. 2047. ​for that their] O1, D3, D4, D5; for^ their O2; a­ fter the common] O1, O2, D3, D4; a­ fter^ common D5. 2048. ​’till] O1, D3, D4;^till O2, D5. 2049. ​Help] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 2050. ​apply’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; applied O2; had done.] O1, O2; have ~, D3; done: D4; have ~: D5; Seignior,] O1, O2; Seignior, D3, D4, D5. 2051. ​Ship,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5; Nay,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 2052. ​the] O1, O2; a D3, D4, D5. 2053. ​desir’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; desired O2. 2054. ​landed; he told] D3, D4, D; landed, he told] O2; landed, He told O1. 2055. ​whereas] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 2056. ​had] O1, D5; have O2, D3, D4.

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331

2057. ​That] O1, O2; that D3, D4, D5. 2058. ​Times;] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3. 2059. ​Multitudes,] O1, O2, D3; Multitude, D4, D5; Sea Fowls] O1; Sea-­Fowls O2, D3, D4, D5. 2060. ​ha’ been] O1, O2, D3; have ~ D4, D5; Want] O1, O2, D3, D5; want D4. 2061. ​sustain’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; sustained D5. 2062. ​Cannibals,] O1; canibals O2; Canibals, D3, D5; Can^ibals, D4. 2063. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5; Account,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2064. ​living,] O1; Living O2; Living, D3, D4, D5. 2065. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5. 2066. ​Days] O1, D3, D4, D5; Ways O2. 2067. ​liv’d] O1; lived O2, D3, D4, D5. 2068. ​­were] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~, D3. 2069. ​Also,] O1, O2, D3; ALSO D4, D5. 2070. ​World: Which,] O1; ~; which^ O2; ~; which, D3, D4, D5. 2071. ​Circumstances;] O1, O2; Circumstance; D3, D4, D5; press’d] O1, O2; pressed D3, D4, D5. 2072. ​search’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; searched O2. 2073. ​Then] O1, O2, D3; THEN D4, D5; who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 2074. ​terrible,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2075. ​so when] O1;^ ~ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2076. ​or] O1, O2, D4; nor D3, D5. 2077. ​them,] O1, D4; ~; O2, D3, D5. 2078. ​nothing,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; be wounded] O1, O2, D3, D5; bewounded D4; ’till] O1;^till O2, D3, D4, D5. 2079. ​Halberds] O1; Halbards O2, D3, D4, D5; Use] O1, O2, D3, D4; use D5. 2080. ​Halberds] O1, D4; Halbards O2, D3, D5; them] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; sharpen’d] O1, O2; sharpned D3, D4, D5; this] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; some Times] O1; sometimes O2, D3, D4, D5. 2081. ​Arrows,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D3, D4, D5; ’till] O1;^till O2, D3, D4, D5. 2082. ​cover’d] O1, O2; covered D3, D4, D5. 2083. ​cover’d] O1, O2; covered D3, D4, D5. 2084. ​some Times] O1; sometimes O2, D3, D4, D5. 2085. ​time] O1; Time O2, D3, D4, D5. 2086. ​them] O1, O2, D3; em’ D4, D5. 2087. ​ Spaniard, whom] O2, D3, D4, D5; Spaniard who O1; reliev’d: That] O1; relieved, that O2, D3; relieved: That D4, D5; thought had] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ he ~ D5. 2088. ​kill’d; but] O1; killed: But O2, D3; killed, But D4, D5. 2089. ​Prisoner,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 2090. ​have all ventur’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; have^ ventured O2; rescu’d] O1; rescued O2, D3, D4, D5. 2091. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5. 2092. ​rescu’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; rescued O2; ’till] O1;^till O2, D3, D4, D5. 2093. ​Halberds] O1, O2; Halbards D3, D4, D5. 2094. ​Loss] O1, O2, D5; loss D3, D4. 2095. ​who] O1; whom, O2; who, D3, D4, D5; Party,] O1; ~^ O2, D4; party^ D3, D5; carry’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; carried O2. 2096. ​former.] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4. 2097. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5; describ’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; described O2; surpriz’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; surprized O2. 2098. ​devour’d] O1, D3, D4; devoured O2, D5; (viz.)] O1, O2, D3, D4; (viz^) D5. 2099. ​surprized] O1, O2, D4; surpriz’d D3, D5. 2100. ​this] O1; his O2, D3, D4, D5. 2101. ​was able] O1, D3, D4, D5; was not able O2.

332 Va r i a n t s 2102. ​Deliverance,] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 2103. ​They] O1, O2, D3, D4; THEY D5; describ’d] O1; described O2, D3, D4, D5; astonish’d] O1, D3, D4; astonished O2, D5. 2104. ​Loaves] O1, O2, D4, D5; Loves D3. 2105. ​Place; how] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. How O2; their] O1, O2, D4, D5; t­ here D3. 2106. ​cross’d] O1, O2, D4; crossed D3, D5; bless’d] O1, O2, D3; blessed D3, D5; it,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 2107. ​Supply:] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 2108. ​me,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; it was impossible to rexpress it by Words, for their excessive Joy, naturally driving them to unbecoming] O1, O2, D3, D4; it was impossible to express it by Words, for their excessive Joy, naturally driving them to unbecoming D5. 2109. ​Extravagancies,] O1, D3, D4, D5; Extravagancies, O2. 2110. ​they had no way to describe them, but by telling me that they] O1, O2, D3, D4; they had no Way to describe them, but by telling me, that they D5; border’d] O1; bordered O2, D3, D4; border’d D5. 2111. ​Way] O1, D3, D4; way O2; Way D5; Ventto] O1; vent to O2, D3; Vent to D4; vent to D5; to to give] O1, O2, D3, D4; to^ give D5; to their] O1, O2, D3, D4; to their D5. 2112. ​Passion, suitable to the Sense that was upon them;] O1, O2, D3, D4; Passion, suitable to the Sense that was upon them; D5. 2113. ​that in some it] O1, O2, D3, D4; that in some it D5; work’d] O1; worked O2, D3, D4; worked D5. 2114. ​them] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3; them, D5; Joy] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4; Joy, D5. 2115. ​would burst out into] O1, O2, D3, D4; would burst out into D5; Tears, ­others be stark mad] O1; ~; o ­ thers^ stark mad O2, D3; ~;^ half mad, D4; Tears; ­others be half mad, D5; immediately faint.] O1, O2, D3, D4; immediately faint. D5. 2116. ​extreamly] O1, D3, D4, D5; extremely O2. 2117. ​­Peoples Extasy] O1; P ­ eople’s ~, O2; P ­ eople’s Extacy, D3, D4; P ­ eople’s Extasy. D5; them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5. 2118. ​perish] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; when] O1; O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 2119. ​Country:] O1, D4, D5; ~. O2, D3. 2120. ​Having] O1, O2, D3; HAVING D4, D5. 2121. ​them:] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5; Opinion] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; that they would be] O1, O2, D3, D4; that they would be D5; troubl’d] O1; troubled O2, D3, D4; troubled D5. 2122. ​that:] O1, D4; ~. O2, D3; ~: D5. 2123. ​who] O1; whom O2, D3, D4, D5; Governour,] O1, D4, D5; Governor^ O2; Governor, D3; Stay] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 2124. ​hand,] O1; Hand, O2, D3, D4, D5. 2125. ​I came to establish them t­ here, no to remove them] O1, O2, D3, D4; I came to establish them ­there, not to remove them D5. 2126. ​that I had brought with me] O1, O2, D3, D4; that I had brought with me D5. 2127. ​Relief of sundry] O1, O2, D3, D4; Relief of sundry D5; Kinds for them;] O1, O2, D3, D4; Kinds for them; D5; That] O1, D3, D4; that O2; that D5. 2128. ​been at a g­ reat Charge to supply them with all Th ­ ings neccessary, as well for their Con­ve­nience, as their Defence; and htat I had such and such par­tic­u ­lar Persons with me, as well to encrease and recruit their Numbers, as by the par­tic­u­lar necessary Employments which they ­were bred to, being Artificers, to assist them in ­t hose] O1, O2, D3, D4; been at a g­ reat Charge to supply them with all Th ­ ings neccessary, as well for their Con­ve­nience, as their Defence; and htat I had such and such par­tic­u­lar Persons with me, as well to encrease and recruit their Numbers, as by the par­tic­u­lar necessary Employments which they w ­ ere bred to, being Artificers, to assist them in t­ hose D5. 2129. ​­Things,] O1, D3, D4; ­t hings O2; ­Things, D5; in which, at pre­sent, they ­were to seek] O1, O2, D3, D4; in which, at pre­sent, they ­were to seek. D5. 2130. ​all together] O1, D5; altogether O2, D3, D4; them;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 2131. ​deliver’d] O1, D5; delivered O2, D3, D4; them] O1, O2, D3, D5; ’em D4.

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333

2132. ​had] O1, D3, D4, D5; has O2; I ask’d them,] O1;^ ask’d ~^ O2, D3, D4; ~ ~ ’em D5. 2133. ​If they had entirely] O1, O2, D3, D4; If they had entirely D5; forgot] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4; forget, D5; bury’d] O1; buried O2; burry’d D3; bury’d D4, D5. 2134. ​that had been among them, and] O1, O2, D3, D4; that had been among them, and D5; would] O1, O2; should D3, could D4; could D5; shake] O1, O2, D3, D4; shake D5. 2135. ​Hands] O1, O2, D3; hands D4; Hands D5. 2136. ​with one another, and engage in a strict Friendship and Union of Interests, that so ­t here] O1, O2, D3, D4; with one another, and engage in a strict Friendship and Union of Interests, that so ­there D5. 2137. ​might be no more] O1, O2, D3, D4; might be no more D5. 2138. ​Misunderstandings] O1, D4; Misunderstanding O2, D3; Misunderstandings D5; or Jealousies.] O1, O2, D3, D4; or Jealousies. D5. 2139. ​ ­Will.] O1, D3; William O2, D4, D5; abundance] O1, D3, D4; Abundance O2, D5. 2140. ​said they] O1; ~, They O2, D3, D4, They D5. 2141. ​had met with Afflictions enough to make them all sober, and Enemies enough to make them all Friends; that for his Part] O1, O2, D3, D4; had met with Afflictions enough to make them all sober, and Enemies enough to make them all Friends; that for his Part D5. 2142. ​­Thing] O1, D3, D4; ­t hing O2; ­Thing D5; against] O1, O2, D3, D4; against D5. 2143. ​the Spaniards,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2; the Spaniards, D5; Own’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; owned O2; that] O1, O2, D3, D4; that D5; they had done nothing to] O1, O2, D3, D4; they had done nothing to D5. 2144. ​him, but what his own mad Humour made necessary, and what he would have done, and perhaps much worse in their Case; and that he would ask them] O1, O2, D3, D4; him, but what his own mad Humour made necessary, and what he would have done, and perhaps much worse in their Case; and that he would ask them D5. 2145. ​­Pardon] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, ­Pardon D5. 2146. ​desir’d] O1; desired O2, D3, D4; desired D5; it, for the foolish] O1, O2, D3, D4; it, for the foolish D5; and brutish Th ­ ings he had done to them; and] O1, O2, D3, D4; and brutish ­Things he had done to them; and D5. 2147. ​was] O1, O2, D4; was^ D3; was D5. 2148. ​very willing and desirous of living in Terms of entire Friendship and Union with them;] O1, O2, D3, D4; very willing and desirous of living in Terms of entire Friendship and Union with them; D5. 2149. ​­Thing] O1, D3, D4; ­t hing O2; ­Thing D5. 2150. ​car’d] O1, D3, D4; cared O2; cared D5; this] O1; ­t hese O2, D3, D4; ­these D5. 2151. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; they] O1; They O2, D3, D4; They D5; indeeed] O1, O2, D3; indeed D4; indeed D5; at first] O1, O2, D3, D4; at first, D5; disarm’d] O1, D3; disarmed O2; disarmed D4; disarm’d D5. 2152. ​and excluded ­Will.] O1, D3, D4; William O2; ­Will. D5; Atkins] O1, O2, D3, D4; and excluded W ­ ill. Atkins D5. 2153. ​Country-­men] O1; Countrymen O2, D3, D4; Countrymen D5. 2154. ​appeal’d] O1, D3, D4; appealed O2; appeal’d D5; u ­ nder,] O1; ~^ O2, D3; u ­ nder D4; ­under^ D5. 2155. ​to do so: But that] O1, O2, D3, D4; to do so: But that William Atkins had D5; behaved] O1 O2; behav’d D3, D4; behav’d D5; ­Will.] O1, D3; William O2, D4, D5. 2156. ​shew’d] O1, D3, D4; shewn O2; shewed D5; himself so faithful to, and] O1, O2, D3, D4; himself so faithful to, and D5; concern’d for,] O1, D3, D4; concerned ~^ O2; concerned for, D5. 2157. ​all;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4; all, D5; that they had forgotten all that was past, and thought. 2158. ​he merited as much to be trusted with Arms,] O1, O2, D3, D4; that they had forgotten all that was past, and thought he merited as much to be trusted with Arms, D5. 2159. ​and supply’d] O1, D3, D4; and to be supply’d O2; and supplied D5; with Necessaries,] O1, O2, D3, D4; with Necessaries D5. 2160. ​testify’d] O1, D3, D4; testified O2; testified D5.

334 Va r i a n t s 2161. ​Governour himself:] O1; Governor himself O2; ~ himself. D3 ~ himself; D4; Governour himself: D5. 2162. ​And as they had an entire Confidence in him and all his] O1, O2, D3, D4; And as they had an entire Confidence in him and all his D5. 2163. ​ C ountry-­ men] O1; countrymen O2; Countrymen, D3; D4; Countrymen, D5; acknowledg’d] O1, D3; acknowledged O2, D5; acknowledge’d D4. 2164. ​they had merited that Confidence by all the Methods that honest Men could merit to be] O1, O2, D3, D4; they had merited that Confidence, by all the Methods that honest Men could merit to be D5. 2165. ​valued,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2; valued, D5. 2166. ​embrac’d] O1, D3, D4; embraced O2; embraced D5; the Ocassion . . . ​a ny Interest] O1, O2, D3, D4; the Ocassion . . . ​any Interest D5. 2167. ​separate] O1, O2, D3, D4; seperate D5; from one another] O1, O2, D3, D4; from one another. D5. 2168. ​Upon] O1, O2, D3; UPON D4, D5. 2169. ​Mate,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; Shore,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; assisted.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5. 2170. ​Punch Bowl] O1, O2; ~ ~, D3; Punch-­Bowl, D4, D5. 2171. ​I gave] O1, D3, D4, D5;^ gave O2; them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ’em D5; ten B ­ ottles of French Claret] O1, O2, D3, D4; 10 ~ D5; ten ­Bottles of En­glish Beer] O1, O2, D3, D4; 10 ~ D5. 2172. ​ En­glish Men,] O1; ~ ~^ O2, D3; En­glishmen D4, D5; Years,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 2173. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; five ­whole Kids] O1, O2, D3, D4; 5 ~ D5. 2174. ​three of them] O2, O2, D3, D4; 3 ~ D5; cover’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; covered D5; close] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; board] O1, O2, D5; Board D3, D4. 2175. ​Salt Meat] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­~ D5. 2176. ​­A fter] O1, O2, D3, D4; A ­ FTER D5. 2177. ​feast] O1, O2, D5; Feast D3, D4. 2178. ​Cargoe] O1, O2; Cargo D3, D4, D5; no] O1, O2, D4, D5; on D3. 2179. ​that ­t here] O1, O2;^ t­ here D3, D4, D5; desir’d] O1, D4; and desired O2; desired, D5;^ D3. 2180. ​up,] O1, D5; ~; O2, D3, D4. 2181. ​Shirts,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 2182. ​request] O1; Request O2, D3, D4, D5; them] O1, O2, D4, D5;^ D3. 2183. ​use] O1, D5; Use O2, D3, D4. 2184. ​judg’d] O1, D5; judged O2, D3, D4. 2185. ​Season;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; cool,] O1; cool^ O2, D3, D4, D5; and loose,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ ~; D5; decay’d] O1, D5; decayed O2, D3, D4. 2186. ​fit.] O1; ~: O2, D3, D4, D5. 2187. ​Stockings,] O1, D5; ~^ O2, D3, D4. 2188. ​I cannot] O1, O2, D3, D4; I CANNOT D5. 2189. ​me] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 2190. ​I was a F ­ ather . . . ​in a desolate Place,] O1, ~ ~ ~ ~ . . . ​~ ~ ~ ~; O2, D3, D4; I was a ­Father . . . ​in a desolate Place; D5. 2191. ​Then] O1, O2, D3; THEN D4, D5. 2192. ​particularly,] O1, D5; ~^ O2, D3, D4. 2193. ​whom,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2194. ​­Thing] O1, D3, D4, D5; t­ hing O2; them:] O1; ~. O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; And] O1, O2, D3; and D4, D5; them] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 2195. ​and] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; leave,] O1; Leave O2; Leave, D3, D4, D5. 2196. ​­Women,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; sew D5; sow] O1, O2, D3, D4. 2197. ​As] O1, O2, D3; AS D4, D5; mention,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5. 2198. ​pieces] O1; Pieces O2, D3, D4, D5; clumsy] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 2199. ​­Thing] O1, D5; ­t hing O2, D3, D4. 2200. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; carried] O1, O2, D3, D4; carry’d D5. 2201. ​ ­Will.] O1, O2, D3; William D4, D5.

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335

2202. ​own’d they never . . . ​nor any] O1, O2, D3, D4; own’d, They never . . . ​nor any D5. 2203. ​Kind;] O1; ~: O2, D3, D4; Kind: D5; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; And O2; them] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 2204. ​I am sure;] O1, O2, D3, D4; I am sure, D5; that Man . . . ​need do] O1, O2, D3, D4; that Man . . . ​need do D5; nothing,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2205. ​but give him] O1, O2, D3, D4; but give him D5; Tools] O1, O2, D3, D4; Tools D5. 2206. ​Then] O1, O2, D3; THEN D4, D5; Tools;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 2207. ​Digging spade,] O1; Digging-­Spade O2; Digging-­Spade, D3, D4; Digging-­Spade D5; Plows] O1, O2, D3, D4; Ploughs D5. 2208. ​seperate] O1, O2, D3, D5; seperate D4; a crow] O1, D3, D4, D5;^ ~ O2. 2209. ​was broken] O1; w ­ ere ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 2210. ​grutching,] O1; grudging^ O2, D5; grudging, D3, D4. 2211. ​chisels,] O1; chissels, O2, D3, D4, D5. 2212. ​wast] O1, D3, D4, D5; waste O2. 2213. ​the] O1, O2, D4, D5; a D3. 2214. ​My] O1, O2, D3; MY D4, D5. 2215. ​rejoice] O1, O2, D3, D5; rejoyce D4; them,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 2216. ​us’d] O1, O2, D3; used D4, D5; Musket] O1, O2, D3, D4; Musquet D5. 2217. ​occasion,] O1; Occasion O2; Occasion, D3, D4, D5; thousand] O1, O2, D5; Thousand D3, D4. 2218. ​of] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 2219. ​I carry’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; I CARRY’D D5. 2220. ​Death,] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4; sober] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; educated] O1, D3; ~, O2; Educated D4; well-­educated D5. 2221. ​religious] O1, O2, D3; Religious D4, ~, D5. 2222. ​her self;] O1; herself O2, D5; herself; D3, D4; Patience; ­a fter] O1; ~. ­A fter O2, D3; ~: ­A fter D4, D5; while] O1, O2, D3, D4; While, D5. 2223. ​way] O1, O2; Way D3, D4, D5. 2224. ​considering] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 2225. ​desir’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 2226. ​leave] O1, O2, D3; Leave D4, D5. 2227. ​my ­Family,] O1, O2, D3, D4; my ­Family, D5. 2228. ​I agreed] O1, O2, D3; I AGREED D4; I AGREE’D D5. 2229. ​Pallisado’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; Palisado’d O2; adjoyning] O1; adjoining O2, D3, D4, D5. 2230. ​Their] O1, O2, D3, D4; their D5; contriv’d, so] O1, D3, D4; ~^ ~, O2, D5. 2231. ​in: and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. And O2. 2232. ​ En­glish Men] O1, O2; En­glishmen D3, D4, D5. 2233. ​three] O1, O2, D3, D4; 3 D5; Colonies,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5; viz.] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ D4. 2234. ​word,] O1; Word O2; Word, D3, D4, D5; enlarg’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; enlarged D5. 2235. ​­under] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; outside] O1, D3, D4; Out-­side O2; Outside D5. 2236. ​large; never] O1; ~. Never O2, D3; ~: Never D4, D5; ­t here] O1, D3, D4, D5; their O2. 2237. ​a thousand] O1, O2, D3, D4; 1000 D5; rang’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; ranged D5. 2238. ​Purpose] O1, D5; purpose O2, D3, D4; thick] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 2239. ​fast,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2240. ​the only two] O1, O2, D3; ~^ ~ D4, D5. 2241. ​easy; one] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. one O2. 2242. ​Water-­Edge of] O1, O2; ­Waters^Edge on the Side of D3; ­Water’s Edge on the Side of D4, D5; Creek,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 2243. ​200] O1, D5; two hundred O2, D3, D4. 2244. ​planted,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5; the] O1, O2;^ D3, D4, D5. 2245. ​contain’d] O1, O2, D3, D5; contained D4. 2246. ​Trees,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5; discover’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 2247. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; W.] O1; ­Will. O2, D3, D4, D5; four] O1, O2, D3, D4; 4 D5.

336 Va r i a n t s 2248. ​ En­glish Men,] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen, D4, D5. 2249. ​ three] O1, O2, D3, D4; 3 D5. 2250. ​ En­glish Man] O1, O2, D3; En­glishman D4, D5; kill’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 2251. ​way,] O1, O2; Why, D3; Way, D4, D5; ­There] O1, O2, D3, D4; ­t here D5; was] O1; w ­ ere O2, D3, D4, D5. 2252. ​who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 2253. ​Care] O1, D5; care O2, D3, D4; who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 2254. ​Trades;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; almost,] O1, O2, D4; ~^ D3, D5; 20] O1, O2, D3, D5; twenty D4; Men,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 2255. ​Fellow,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 2256. ​married] O1, O2, D3; marry’d D4, D5. 2257. ​Ship,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 2258. ​And] O1, O2, D3; AND D4, D5. 2259. ​Ecclesiastic] O1, D3, D4; Ecclesiastick O2, D5. 2260. ​crew, who] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ whom O2. 2261. ​perhaps] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 2262. ​who] O1, D4; whom, O2; who, D3, D5; must,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; out,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2263. ​Protestants] O1, O2, D3, D4; Protestants D5; first] O1, O2, D3, D4; first D5; Papist;] O1, O2, D3; Papist; D4, D5. 2264. ​ secondly,] O1, O2, D3, D4; 2ndly, D5; popish] O1, D3; Popish O2, D4; popish D5; Priest; and thirdly,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Priest; ~ 3dly, D5; popish] O1; Popish O2, D4; Popish D5; Priest] O1, O2, D3, D4; Priest D5;] O1, O2, D3, D4; Priest. D5. 2265. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; me,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2266. ​­Thing] O1, D4, D5; t­ hing O2, D3; did; what] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. What O2. 2267. ​Tho’] O1, O2, D3; Though D4, though D5. 2268. ​mistaken?] O1; mistaken. O2, D3, D4, D5. 2269. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; him] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 2270. ​exceedingly] O2, D4, D5; exceedly O1, D3; East-­Indies,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^~, D3. 2271. ​Religion] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 2272. ​Sir] O1, O2, D3; SIR D4, D5; you have . . . ​­under God,] O1, O2, D3, D4; You have . . . ​ ­under God, D5. 2273. ​sav’d my . . . ​Conversation.] O1, O2, D3, D4; sav’d my . . . ​Conversation. D5. 2274. ​Now,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4; Now D5; Sir,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Sir, D5; says he,] O1, O2, D3, D5; says he, D4. 2275. ​you see by my] O1, O2, D3, D4; you see by my D5. 2276. ​Habit] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4; Habit D5; what my . . . ​by your] O1, O2, D3, D4; what my . . . ​ by your D5. 2277. ​Nation] O1, O2, D3, D4; Nation, D5. 2278. ​what yours . . . ​my utmost] O1, O2, D3, D4; what yours . . . ​my utmost D5. 2279. ​Endeavours] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 2280. ​embrace O2, D3, D4; embrace D5; Embrace O1; the Catholick Doctrine;] O1, O2, D3, D4; the Catholic Doctrine; D5; but] O1, O2, D3, D4; but, D5. 2281. ​as I am . . . ​I am] O1, O2, D3, D4; as I am . . . ​I am D5. 2282. ​bound] O1, O2, D3, D4; bound, D5. 2283. ​in Justice . . . ​your] O1, O2, D3, D4; in Justice . . . ​your D5. 2284. ​Kindness,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Kindness D5; as well . . . ​a nd] O1, O2, D3, D4; as well . . . ​ and D5. 2285. ​therefore,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4; therefore, D5. 2286. ​Religion] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; agree,] O1; agree^ O2, D3, D4, D5; then] O1, D3, D4, D5; than O2; in which . . . ​may not] O1, O2, D3, D4; in which . . . ​may not D5; farther] O1, O2, D3, D4; farther D5. 2287. ​I told] O1, O2, D3; I TOLD D4, D5; Carriage . . . ​into any] O1, O2, D3, D4; Carriage . . . ​ to any D5.

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337

2288. ​height] O1, D3; Height O2, D4; Height D5; Debate:] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4; Debate, D5; that he . . . ​himself] O1, O2, D3, D4; that he . . . ​himself D5; the worse] O1, O2, D3; the ~ ~ D4; the worse D5; used] O1, O2; us’d D3, D4; us’d D5. 2289. ​should] O1, O2; would D3, D4; would D5; be his Fault, not ours.] O1, O2, D3, D4; be his Fault, not ours. D5. 2290. ​He] O1, O2, D3; HE D4, D5; that] O1, D3, D4; That O2, D5; he thought] O1, O2, D3, D4; he thought, D5; all our] O1, O2, D3;^ our D4;^ our D5. 2291. ​Disputes;] O1; ~: O2, D3, D4, D5. 2292. ​That it . . . ​as a] O1, O2, D3, D4; That it . . . ​a s a D5. 2293. ​Religieuse] O1, D3, D4, D5; Religieuse O2. 2294. ​that if . . . ​to discourse] O1, O2, D3, D4; that if . . . ​to discourse D5. 2295. ​Leave] O1, O2, D4, D4; leave D3; upon religious . . . ​a lso to] O1, O2, D3, D4; upon Religious . . . ​also to D5. 2296. ​defend] O2, D3, D4, D5; Defend O1. 2297. ​his own . . . ​w ithout my] O1, O2, D3, D4; his own . . . ​without my D5. 2298. ​Leave,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2; Leave, D5; he would . . . ​a ny such] O1, O2, D3, D4; he would . . . ​any such D5; ­t hing.] O1, D3; Th ­ ing O2, D5; ­Thing. D4. 2299. ​He] O1, O2, D3; HE D4, D5; that] O1, D3, D4; That O2; That D5. 2300. ​he would . . . ​procure the] O1, O2, D3, D4; he would . . . ​procure the D5. 2301. ​Good] O1, O2, D3; good D4; Good D5; of the . . . ​her; and] O1, O2, D3, D4; of the . . . ​ her; and D5. 2302. ​tho’] O1, O2, D3; though D4; though D5. 2303. ​perhaps we . . . ​us, he] O1, O2, D3, D4; perhaps we . . . ​u s, he D5. 2304. ​he might . . . ​upon all] O1, O2, D3, D4; he might . . . ​upon all D5. 2305. ​manner] O1; Manner O2, D3, D4, D5. 2306. ​convers’d] O1, D3, D4; convers’d; O2; convers’d, D5; gentleman-­like Behaviour;] O1; Gentleman-­like ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 2307. ​allow’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; allowed O2; so] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 2308. ​Sence] O1, O2; Sense D3, D4, D5. 2309. ​He] O1, O2, D3; HE D4, D5. 2310. ​abroad] O1, O2, D3, D4; Abroad D5; World,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; particularly] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 2311. ​(viz.)] O1, O2, D3, D4; viz. D5; That] O1, O2, D3, D4; That D5; the Voyage . . . ​engag’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; the Voyage he was now engaged D5. 2312. ​in;] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4; in, D5; had] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2; had D5; times ship’d] O1, D3; Times shipp’d O2, D4, D5; unship’d] O1, D3, D4; unshipp’d O2; unship’d D5; and] O1, O2, D3, D4; and D5. 2313. ​­whether] O1, D3, D4, D5; whither O2; ships] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 2314. ​and never . . . ​forced into] O1, O2, D3, D4; and never . . . ​forced into D5. 2315. ​ Lisbon] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5; by bad . . . ​by ­running] O1, O2, D3, D4; by bad . . . ​by ­running D5. 2316. ​in the Mouth . . . ​a nd was] O1, O2, D3, D4; in the Mouth . . . ​and was D5; oblig’d] O1, D3, D4; obliged O2, D5. 2317. ​­t here; that] O1, D3, D4; ~. That O2; ~; that D5. 2318. ​finding a Portuguese . . . ​board, in] O1, O2, D3, D4; finding a Portuguese . . . ​board, in D5. 2319. ​order] O1, D3, D4, D5; Order O2; Maderas; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. But O2; to sail to the] O1, O2, D3, D4; to sail to the D5. 2320. ​however,] O1, O2; D4; ~^ D3; however, D5. 2321. ​he happen’d . . . ​a nd therefore] O1, O2, D3, D4; he happen’d . . . ​and therefore D5. 2322. ​resolv’d] O1, D3, D4; resolved O2; resolv’d D5; not to go . . . ​away to] O1, O2, D3, D4; not to go . . . ​away to D5. 2323. ​ Newfoundland:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; Newfoundland: D5. 2324. ​Place,] O1, D4; ~^ O2, D3, D5.

338 Va r i a n t s 2325. ​where they . . . ​French Ship,] O1, O2, D3, D4; where they . . . ​French Ship, D5; bound from France to] O1, O2, D3, D4; bound from France to D5; Quebeck] O1, O2, D3, D4; Quebeck, D5; in the River of] O1, O2, D3, D4; in the River of D5. 2326. ​ Canada, and . . . ​Voyage he] O1, O2, D3, D4; Canada, and . . . ​Voyage he D5. 2327. ​shipp’d] O1, O2; ship’d D3, D4; ship’d D5. 2328. ​himself for . . . ​a nd then] O1, O2, D3, D4; himself for . . . ​and then D5. 2329. ​shipp’d] O1, O2; ship’d D3, D4; ship’d D5; with us] O1, O2, D3; them ~ ~ D4, them with us D5; for the] O1, O2, D3, D4; for the D5; as] O1, O2, D3, D4; as D5; have already] O1, O2, D3, D4; I have already D5; said:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 2330. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Men’s] O1; Mens O2, D3, D4, D5. 2331. ​own,] O1, O2; ~. D3, D4, D5. 2332. ​He] O1, O2, D3, D4; he D5; us] O1, O2, D5; ~, D3, D4; while] O1, O2, D3, D4; While D5. 2333. ​En­glish Men’s Colony,] O1, D3; ~ Mens ~^ O2; En­glishmen’s D4, D5; Island,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 2334. ​ say,] O1; ~ O2; say, D3, D4, D5; me] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5. 2335. ​that] O1, D3, D4; That O2, D5. 2336. ​he had . . . ​he hop’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; he had . . . ​he hoped D5. 2337. ​should] O1, D3, D4; would O2; should D5. 2338. ​not be . . . ​God’s Blessing.] O1, O2, D3, D4; not be . . . ​God’s Blessing. D5. 2339. ​I look’d] O1, O2, D3; I LOOK’D D4, D5. 2340. ​ Sir,] O1, O2; ~! D3; Sir! D4, D5; can] O1, O2, D3, D4; Can D5. 2341. ​that we . . . ​­a fter such] O1, O2, D3, D4; that we . . . ​­after such D5. 2342. ​ Assistances] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; and] O1, O2, D3, D4; and D5. 2343. ​ Deliverances] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; as we have seen h ­ ere,] O1, O2, D3, D4; as we have seen ­here, D5. 2344. ​If] O1, O2, D3, IF D4, D5; he] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2; he D5; with a world of Modesty, and yet with g­ reat Readiness,] O1, O2, D3; with a World of Modesty, and yet with ­great Readiness) D4, D5. 2345. ​to have . . . ​have been] O1, O2, D3, D4; to have . . . ​have been D5. 2346. ​displeas’d,] O1, O2, D3; displeased D4; displeased, D5. 2347. ​much less . . . ​­w ill prosper:] O1, O2, D3, D4; much less . . . ​­will prosper: D5. 2348. ​But, Sir, tho’] O1, O2; ~^ Sir, Said he, tho’ D3; ~, ~, said he, ~ D4; But Sir, said he, tho’ D5. 2349. ​it w ­ ere more . . . ​t hat in the] O1, O2, D3, D4; it ­were more . . . ​that in the D5. 2350. ​Story of the C ­ hildren of Israel,] O1, O2, D3; Story of Israel, D4; Story of Israel, D5; removed] O1; remov’d O2, D3, D4; removed D5. 2351. ​His God’s . . . ​turn’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; his God’s . . . ​turned D5. 2352. ​Hand so . . . ​of them,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Hand so . . . ​of them, D5. 2353. ​tho’] O1, O2, D3; though D4; though D5; not concern’d . . . ​­were the] O1, O2, D3, D4; not concern’d . . . ​­were the D5. 2354. ​Object of . . . ​t hat Punishment.] O1, O2, D3; Objects of that Punishment. D4; Objects of . . . ​that Punishment. D5. 2355. ​him,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 2356. ​his Inference . . . ​him, and] O1, O2, D3, D4; his Inference . . . ​him, and D5; begg’d] O1, O2, D4; beg’d D3; begg’d D5. 2357. ​him to go on;] O1, O2, D3, D4; him to go on; D5. 2358. ​say] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~, D3; time,] O1; Time O2, D5; Time, D3, D4. 2359. ​I was ­going to the] O1, O2, D3, D4; I was ­going to the D5; En­glish Mens] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen’s D4; En­glishmen’s D5. 2360. ​Plantations, and ask’d him to go with me, and we might discourse of it by the Way:] O1, O2, D3, D4; Plantations, and ask’d him to go with me, and we might discourse of it by the Way: D5. 2361. ​he would . . . ​­because ­t here] O1, O2, D3, D4; he would . . . ​­because ­there, D5.

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339

2362. ​partly] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3; partly, D5; the ­Thing . . . ​to me] O1, O2, D3, D4; the ­Thing . . . ​ to me D5. 2363. ​about,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4; about; D5; on;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 2364. ​me, about] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2; ~ about; D5. 2365. ​to be . . . ​plain with] O1, O2, D3, D4; to be . . . ​plain with D5; in what..to say.] O1, O2, D3, D4; in what . . . ​to say. D5. 2366. ​Why] O1, O2, D3; WHY D4, D5; then, Sir,] O1, O2, D3, D4; then, Sir, D5; be pleased] O1, O2, D3; be pleas’d D4; be pleas’d D5. 2367. ​to give . . . ​a few] O1, O2, D3, D4; to give . . . ​a few D5. 2368. ​Propositions,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2; Propositions, D5; as the Foundation . . . ​some of the] O1, O2, D3, D4; as the Foundation . . . ​some of the D5. 2369. ​doctrinal] O1, O2; Doctrinal D3, D4; Doctrinal D5. 2370. ​Articles of . . . ​Case before] O1, O2, D3, D4; Articles of . . . ​Case before D5. 2371. ​us,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4; us, D5. 2372. ​first,] O1, O2, D3; first D4; First, D5; That t­ here is a] O1, O2, D3, D4; That ­there is a D5; God; and] O1, O2, D3, D4; God; and D5. 2373. ​that this God . . . ​what he has] O1, O2, D3, D4; that this God . . . ​what he has D5. 2374. ​expresly] O1, D3, D4; expressly O2; expressly D5. 2375. ​sinning] O1, D3, D4; Sinning O2; sinning D5. 2376. ​against his Command;] O1, O2, D3, D4; against his Command; Men being D5. 2377. ​Protestants,] O1, O2, D3; Protestants D4; ~, D5. 2378. ​what­ever my . . . ​if it] O1, O2, D3, D4; what­ever my . . . ​if it D5. 2379. ​lyes] O1; lies O2, D3, D4, D5. 2380. ​before . . . ​Distance from] O1, O2, D3, D4; before . . . ​Distance from, D5. 2381. ​and] O1, D3, D4; an O2; and D5. 2382. ​Emmity with their Maker, as] O1, O2, D3, D4; Emmity . . . ​Maker, as D5. 2383. ​pos­si­ble,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4; pos­si­ble; D5; especially] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4; especially, D5. 2384. ​if you give . . . ​your Cir­cuit.] O1, O2, D3, D4; if you give . . . ​your Cir­cuit. D5. 2385. ​I could] O1, O2, D3; I COULD D4, D5; I granted . . . ​us; and] O1, O2, D3, D4; I granted . . . ​us; and D5. 2386. ​begg’d] O1, O2, D4; beg’d D3; begg’d D5; he would . . . ​he had] O1, O2, D3, D4; he would . . . ​he had D5; observed,] O1; observ’d O2, D3; observ’d, D4, D5. 2387. ​that] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; like Joshua, to . . . ​f rom us.] O1, O2, D3, D4; like Joshua, to . . . ​from us. D5. 2388. ​Why] O1, O2, D3; WHY D4, D5; then, Sir,] O1, O2, D3, D4; then, Sir, D5; says he,] O1, O2, D5; says he, D3, D4. 2389. ​I w ­ ill take . . . ​of God’s] O1, O2, D3, D4; I ­will take . . . ​of God’s D5. 2390. ​Blessing,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; upon your . . . ​rejoice for your] O1, O2, D3, D4; upon your . . . ​rejoice for your D5. 2391. ​Sake] O1; sake, O2, D3; Sake, D4, D5; and their] O1, O2, D3, D4; and their D5; own] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; And] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4; And D5; to see you remov’d.] O1, O2, D3, D4; to see remov’d. D5; Sir, I promise] O1, O2, D3, D4; Sir, I promise D5. 2392. ​myself, that . . . ​name them;] O1, O2, D3, D4; myself, that . . . ​name them; D5. 2393. ​especially,] O1, D4, D5; ~^ O2, D3. 2394. ​­because I s­ hall . . . ​be remedy’d.] O1, O2, D3, D4; ­because I ­shall . . . ​be remedy’d. D5. 2395. ​He] O1, O2, D3; HE D4, D5. 2396. ​ Sir,] O1, D5; Sir, O2, D3; Sir^ D4; says he;] O1, O2, D3, D4; you have ­here 4 D5; En­glish Men,] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen, D4; En­glishmen, D5. 2397. ​who have . . . ​yet, in the] O1, O2, D3, D4; who have . . . ​yet, in the D5. 2398. ​Sence] O1; Sense O2, D3, D4, D5. 2399. ​of both, no . . . ​you w ­ ill] O1, O2, D3, D4; of both, no . . . ​you ­will D5. 2400. ​that] O1, D3, D4, D5; That O2. 2401. ​­t here was no] O1, O2, D3, D4; ­there was no D5. 2402. ​Clergy-­man] O1; Clergyman O2, D3, D5; Clergy man D4.

340 Va r i a n t s 2403. ​Priest,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4; Priest^ D5; of any Kind, or . . . ​nor any] O1, O2, D3, D4; of any Kind, or . . . ​nor any D5. 2404. ​Pen,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2405. ​and Ink, or . . . ​between them:] O1, O2, D3, D4; and Ink, or . . . ​between them: D5. 2406. ​them:] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4; them. D5; And I . . . ​has told] O1, O2, D3, D4; And I . . . ​has told D5. 2407. ​you,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; mean,] O1; ~^ O2, D4; ~; D3; mean D5. 2408. ​­Women] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4; ­Women, D5; (viz.)] O1, O2, D3; (viz) D4;^viz.^ D5. 2409. ​That they . . . ​by the way,] O1, O2, D3, D4; That they . . . ​by the way, D5. 2410. ​is nothing . . . ​t hem from quarrelling] O1, D3, D4; is nothing . . . ​­Women, as Wives, but . . . ​t hem from Quarrelling O2; is nothing . . . ​­Women^ as Wives, but . . . ​them from quarrelling D5. 2411. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Sir, the . . . ​of Matrimony] O1, O2, D3, D4; Sir, the . . . ​ of Matrimony D5. 2412. ​consists not . . . ​acknowledge each other,] O1, O2; ~ ~ . . . ​~ ~ ~; D3, D4; consists not . . . ​ acknowledge each other; D5. 2413. ​obliging the Men] O1, O2, D3, D4; obliging the Men D5. 2414. ​to abstain . . . ​t heir ­Children,] O1, O2, D3, D4; to abstain . . . ​their ­Children, D5. 2415. ​and to oblige the ­Women] O1, O2, D3, D4; and to oblige the ­Women D5; same] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4; same, D5. 2416. ​or like Conditions, mutatis mutandis, on their Side] O1, O2, D3, D4; or like Conditions, mutatis mutandis, on their Side D5. 2417. ​Now] O1, O2, D3; NOW D4, D5; ­These] O1; ­t hese O2, D3, D5; this D4; Sir, says he,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Sir, says he, D5. 2418. ​Men may, when . . . ​marry them] O1, O2, D3, D4; Men may, when . . . ​marry them D5. 2419. ​while] O1, O2, D3; whilst D4; whilst D5; ­t hese are] O1, O2, D3, D4; ­these are D5. 2420. ​living; and] O1; ~. And O2, D3, D4, D5. 2421. ​How, Sir, is . . . ​unlawful] O1, O2, D3, D4; How, Sir, is . . . ​ulawful D5. 2422. ​Liberty?] O1, D3, D4; ~? O2; Liberty?D5. 2423. ​And how . . . ​Endeavours in this] O1, O2, D3, D4; And how . . . ​Endeavours in this D5. 2424. ​Place?] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4; Place, D5; However] O1, O2, D3, D4; however D5; and however] O1, O2, D3, D4; and ~ D5. 2425. ​while ­t hese . . . ​Dominion, are] O1, O2, D3, D4; while ­these . . . ​Dominion, are D5; allowed] O1, D3; allow’d O2, D4; allow’d D5. 2426. ​by you . . . ​Adultery?] O1, O2, D3, D4; by you..Adultery. D5. 2427. ​I confess,] O1, O2, D3; I CONFESS, D4, D5; itself,] O1, O2, D3, D5; it^self, D4. 2428. ​tho’] O1, O2, D3, D5; though D4; Clergy-­man] O1; Clergyman O2, D3, D4, D5. 2429. ​confirm’d] O2, D3, D4, D5; confirm’] O1. 2430. ​tho’] O1, O2, D3, D5; though D4. 2431. ​Occasions,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; them] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 2432. ​Husbands;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 2433. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5. 2434. ​that all . . . ​it now.] O1, O2, D3, D4; that all . . . ​it now. D5. 2435. ​ you] O1, D4; your O2, D3; your D5; Sir] O1, O2, D3; SIR D4, D5; says he,] O1, O2, D3, D4; says he, D5; Freedom,] O1, O2, D3; FREEDOM D4; FREEDOM, D5. 2436. ​you are . . . ​not be] O1, O2, D3, D4; you are . . . ​not be D5. 2437. ​charg’d] O1, O2, D3; charged D4; charged D5. 2438. ​with that . . . ​flatter not] O1, O2, D3, D4; with that . . . ​flatter not D5. 2439. ​your self] O1, D3, D4; your-­self^ O2; your self, D5. 2440. ​that you . . . ​your utmost] O1, O2, D3, D4; that you . . . ​uttermost D5. 2441. ​now,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2; now, D5; to put an End to] O1, O2, D3, D4; to put an End to D5; it.] O1, O2, D3, D4; it: D5. 2442. ​now,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2; now, D5; to put an End to] O1, O2, D3, D4; to put an End to D5; it.] O1, O2, D3, D4; it: D5.

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341

2443. ​How can . . . ​Time past] O1, O2, D3, D4; how can . . . ​Time past D5; lie] O1, D3, D4; lie D5; lye O2; who] O1, D3, D4; who D5; whom O2. 2444. ​your’s] O1, D3; yours O2; yours. D4; yours. D5. 2445. ​I was] O1, O2, D3; I WAS D4, D5. 2446. ​meant O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; mean’d] O1. 2447. ​longer;] O1, D3; ~: O2, D4, D5; And I said to him,] O1, O2, D3, D4; And I said to him, D5; I could not do] O1, O2, D3, D4; I could not do D5; that] O1, D3, D4; this O2; that D5. 2448. ​Confusion:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; Confusion: D5. 2449. ​surpriz’d,] O1, D3; surprized O2, D5; surpriz’d D4. 2450. ​them,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2451. ​sign’d] O1, D3, D4; signed O2; sign’d D5; by both Man . . . ​t he Laws of Eu­rope] O1, O2, D3, D4; by both Man . . . ​the Laws of Eu­rope D5. 2452. ​would decree to be valid.] O1, O2, D3; D4; would decree to be valid. D5. 2453. ​I was] O1, O2, D3; I WAS D4, D5; amaz’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; amazed O2. 2454. ​­People,] O1; ~^ O2, D4, D5; ~; D3. 2455. ​for preserving . . . ​the like of which] O1, O2, D3, D4; for preserving . . . ​the like of which, D5; to,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 2456. ​I had indeed . . . ​w ith any] O1, O2, D3, D4; I had indeed . . . ​with any D5. 2457. ​where:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; where D5; stand, too,] O1; ~^ ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 2458. ​them:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; him D5. 2459. ​should] O1, O2, D5; shou’d D3, D4. 2460. ​him] O1, O2, D3, D4; them D5. 2461. ​marry’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; married O2. 2462. ​Clergy-­men:] O1; Clergymen. O2, D3; Clergmen: D4, D5. 2463. ​of by] O1, O2, D4; of it by D3, D5. 2464. ​I then] O1, O2, D3; I THEN D4, D5; second] O1; Second O2, D3, D4, D5. 2465. ​which he had to make,] O1, O2, D3, D4; which he had to make, D5. 2466. ​that I . . . ​Debtor for the First,] O1, O2, D3, D4; that I . . . ​Debtor for the first, D5. 2467. ​and thank’d] O1, D3, D4; and thanked O2; and thank D5; it:] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 2468. ​Second,] O1; Second, O2, D3; second, D4, D5; and] O1; ~. And O2, D3, D5; ~: And D4; hop’d] O1, D3, D4; hoped O2; hop’d D5; well; I would take it as] O1, O2, D3, D4; I would thake it as D5; that] O1, D3, D4, D5; That O2. 2469. ​call’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; called O2. 2470. ​perceiv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; perceived O2; tolerable] O1, O2, D4, D5; tollerable D3. 2471. ​­Thing] O1, D5; t­ hing O2, D3, D4. 2472. ​no] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Religion,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5. 2473. ​who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 2474. ​This] O1; ~, O2, D3; THIS, D4, D5; said] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; was an unaccountable . . . ​call them] O1, O2, D3, D4; was an unaccountable . . . ​call them D5. 2475. ​Account] O1, O2, D3; account D4; account D5. 2476. ​Hands:] O1, D4; ~. O2, D3; Hands: D5; warmly.] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~; D4, D5. 2477. ​persuaded,] O1; perswaded O2; perswaded, D3, D4, D5; says he,] O1, O2, D3, D4; says he, D5; had t­ hose Men] O1, O2, D3, D4; had ­those Men D5; liv’d] O1; lived O2, D3, D4; lived D5; in the] O1, O2, D3, D4; in the D5; Savage] O1, O2; savage D3, D4; savage D5. 2478. ​Country, whence their Wives came,] O1, O2, D4; Country, whence their Wives came; D3; Country, whence their Wives came, D5; came,] O1, O2, D4; ~; D3; came, D5. 2479. ​the Savages would . . . ​t hem to be] O1, O2, D3, D4; the Savages would . . . ​them to be D5. 2480. ​Idolators,] O1; Idolaters O2; Idolaters, D3, D4; Idolater, D5. 2481. ​and to worship . . . ​K nowledge of the true] O1, O2, D3, D4; and to worship . . . ​Knowledge of the true D5. 2482. ​said he, tho’ I do . . . ​your Religion, D5. 2483. ​God:] O1, D4; ~. O2, D3; God: D5; said he, tho’ I do . . . ​your Religion,] O1, O2, D3, D4.

342 Va r i a n t s 2484. ​or you mine, yet . . . ​Profession of Idolatry] O1, O2, D3, D4; or you mine, yet . . . ​Professor of Idolatry D5. 2485. ​Idolatry] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4; Idolatry, D5; and] O1, O2, D3, D4; and D5; Devil Worship,] O1, O2; ~-­~. D3, ~-­worship. D4; Devil-­worship. D5. 2486. ​I could] O1, O2, D3; I COULD D4, D5. 2487. ​ far, said I to him,] O1, D3, D4, D5; far, said I to him, O2. 2488. ​Christian!] O1; ~^ O2; ~, D3, D4; ~: D5. 2489. ​good] O1, O2, D3, D4; Good D5; Souls?] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 2490. ​Christian.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5. 2491. ​Fault] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5. 2492. ​self:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 2493. ​But . . . ​now, said I, you see I am] O1, O2, D3, D4; But . . . ​now, said I, you see I am D5. 2494. ​­going away? W ­ ill you give me] O1, O2, D3, D4; ­going away? ­Will you give me D5; Leave,] O1, O2, D3; leave, D4, Leave, D5; said he] O1, O2, D3, D4; said he D5; to talk to] O1, O2, D3, D4; to talk to D5; ­t hose] O1, D3, D4, D5; ­t hese O2; it?] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~? O2. 2495. ​ said I] O1, O2, D3, D4; said I D5; and ­w ill] O1, D3, D4; and I w ­ ill O2; and ­will D5. 2496. ​too:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; Heed] O1, O2; heed D3, D4; heed D5; to what you say too: As to that, . . . ​Christ; but] O1, O2, D3, D4; to what you say too: As to that, Christ; but D5. 2497. ​’tis] O1, D3, D4; it is O2; tis D5. 2498. ​home] O1, D3, D4; Home O2; home D5. 2499. ​if not into] O1, D3, D4;^ ^ into O2; if not into D5. 2500. ​the par­tic­u ­lar . . . ​while you stay] O1, O2, D3, D4; the par­tic­u­lar  .  .  . ​while you stay D5. 2501. ​­here: O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5. 2502. ​Upon this, I said . . . ​Thanks for it.] O1, O2, D3, D4; Upon this, I said . . . ​Thanks for it. D5. 2503. ​follow’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; followed O2; Account,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 2504. ​I now] O1, O2, D3; I NOW D4, D5; third] O1, D3, D4, D5; Third O2; blame.] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5. 2505. ​Why ­really, says he . . . ​t he same] O1, O2, D3, D4; Why ­really, says he . . . ​the same D5. 2506. ​Nature] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2; Nature D5. 2507. ​and I ­w ill proceed, asking your Leave, with the same Plainness as] O1, O2, D3, D4; and I ­will proceed, asking your Leave, with the same Plainness as D5. 2508. ​before; it] O1, D3, D4; ~. It O2; before; it D5; is about your poor] O1, O2, D3, D4; is about your poor D5. 2509. ​Savages, who] O1, O2; ~^ younder, who D3; ~^ yonder, ~ D4; Savages, yonder, who D5; are, as I may say, your] O1, O2, D3, D4; are, as I may say, your D5; conquer’d] O1, D3, D4; conquered O2; conquer’d D5; is] O1, D4, D5; ~, O2, D3. 2510. ​ occasions:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 2511. ​ China,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 2512. ​Murtherers] O1, D4, D5; Murderers O2, D3. 2513. ​Faith.] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~: D5. 2514. ​you have . . . ​seven and thirty] O1, O2, D3, D4; you have . . . ​seven and thirty D5. 2515. ​poor Savages . . . ​to the Knowledge of God] O1, O2; poor Savages . . . ​to the Knowledge of God, D3, D4; poor Savages . . . ​to the Knowledge of God, D5. 2516. ​soever; as] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. As O2; entertain’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; entertained O2. 2517. ​who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2; ha’] O1, O2; have D3, D4, D5. 2518. ​satisfy’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; satisfied O2. 2519. ​own:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; case,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; say] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 2520. ​knew] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; him.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5; look’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; looked O2. 2521. ​Disorder;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 2522. ​Offence:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; Offence: D5; No,] O1, O2, D3, D4; No, D5; No] O1, D3; no O2, D4; no D5; says I,] O1, O2, D3, D4; says I, D5.

Va r i a n t s

343

2523. ​I am offended . . . ​Body but] O1, O2, D3, D4; I am offended . . . ​Body but D5; myself; but] O1, D3; my^self: But O2; myself; but D4; my^self; but D5; I am perfectly] O1, O2, D3, D4; I am perfectly D5; confounded] O1, O2, D3;^onfounded D4; confounded D5. 2524. ​in,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2; in, D5; I am bound to the] O1, O2, D3, D4; I am bound to the D5; East-­Indies] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 2525. ​in a Ship freighted . . . ​be an unsufferable Piece] O1, O2, D3, D5; in a Ship freighted . . . ​ be an unsufferable piece D4. 2526. ​of Injustice . . . ​Wages upon the Own­er^s Account.] O1, O2, D3; of Injustice . . . ​Wages upon the Own­er’s Account, D4; of Injustice . . . ​Wages upon the Own­er’s Account; D5. 2527. ​allow’d 12] O1; allowed twelve O2, D3; allow’d twelve D4, D5. 2528. ​13] O1; thirteen O2, D3, D4; thirteen D5. 2529. ​Days already, so . . . ​I would suffer] O1, O2, D3, D4; Days already, so . . . ​I would suffer D5; my self] O1, O2, D4; myself D3; myself D5. 2530. ​Case] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4; Case, D5; if . . . ​t his . . . ​miscarry in any] O1, O2, D3, D4; if this . . . ​miscarry in any D5; Part] O1, O2, D3; part D4; Part D5. 2531. ​of her Voyage, I . . . ​delivered.] O1, O2, D3, D4; of her Voyage, I . . . ​delivered. D5. 2532. ​He] O1, O2, D3; HE D4, D5; own’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; owned O2; Voyage;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; home] O1, D3, D4, D5; Home O2. 2533. ​­whether the Blessing . . . ​World for;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ­whether the Blessing . . . ​World for; D5. 2534. ​ was?] O1; ~^ O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; return’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; returned O2; thus, why,] O1, D3; ~. Why, O2; thus; Why, D4, thus; Why, D5. 2535. ​indeed] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; to be . . . ​Hand to] O1, O2, D3, D4; to be . . . ​Hand to D5. 2536. ​convert] O1, D3, D4; Convert O2; convert D5; seven and thirty . . . ​Christ, but as you are an Ecclesiastic] O1, O2, D3, D4; seven and thirty . . . ​Christ; but as you are an Ecclesiastic D5. 2537. ​Work,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Work, D5; so] O1, O2;^ D3, D4; so D5. 2538. ​that it seems so naturally . . . ​how is] O1, O2, D3, D4; that it seems^ naturally D5. 2539. ​that] O1, O2; it then, that D3, ~ then, ~ D4; it^ then, that D5. 2540. ​you do not rather offer] O1, O2, D3, D4; you do not rather offer D5; your self] O1, O2, D4; yourself D3; your self D5. 2541. ​we walk’d] O1; we^walk’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 2542. ​Bow;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 2543. ​ says he] O1, O2, D3, D4; says he D5; for giving me so evident a Call to so blessed a] O1, O2, D3, D4; for giving me so evident a Call to so blessed a D5. 2544. ​Work,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 2545. ​and if . . . ​Difficulties of such a broken] O1, O2, D3, D4; and if . . . ​Difficulties of such a broken, D5. 2546. ​disappointed Voyage as I have met with, that I] O1, O2, D3, D4; disappointed Voyage as I have met with, that I D5. 2547. ​may be] O1, O2, D3; have D4; have D5; drop’d] O1; dropt O2, D3, D4, D5; at last into so glorious a Work.] O1, O2, D3, D4; at last into so glorious a Work. D5. 2548. ​I discover’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ DISCOVER’D D5; Face,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2549. ​spark l’d] O1, O2, D3, D5; sparkel^d D4. 2550. ​Fits;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; in] O1, D3, D4, D5; In O2; word,] O1; Word O2, D5; Word, D3, D4. 2551. ​rate] O1; Rate O2, D3, D4, D5. 2552. ​whatsoever.] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~: D4, D5; a while] O1, D3, D4, D5; a-­while O2. 2553. ​earnest] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 2554. ​lock’d up in an] O1, D4, D5; any O2; loc’d D3. 2555. ​Life,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 2556. ​Good,] O1, O2, D3, D5; good, D4. 2557. ​He] O1, O2, D3; HE D4, D5. 2558. ​Pray, Sir, said he,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Pray, Sir, said he D5.

344 Va r i a n t s 2559. ​what do . . . ​East-­Indies] O1, O2, D3, D4; what do . . . ​East-­Indies D5. 2560. ​for?] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~? O2; preach] O2, D3, D4, D5; Preach O1. 2561. ​to the Indians Doubtless it] O1, O2, D3, D4; to the Indians: Doubtless it D5. 2562. ​was, you think,] O1, O2; ~^ you think, D3; ~ think^ D4, was, you think D5. 2563. ​if I can . . . ​worth my time] O1, D3, D4; if I can . . . ​worth my Time O2; if I can . . . ​worth my Time D5. 2564. ​worth] O1, D3; Worth O2, D4, D5. 2565. ​to save so many Souls, than . . . ​Life of] O1, O2, D3, D4; to save so many Souls, than . . . ​ Life of D5. 2566. ​twenty] O2, D3, D4; twenty D5; 20 O1. 2567. ​more of the same Profession? Yes, Sir, says he, I would give Christ and the blessed] O1, O2, D4; more of the same Profession? Yes, Sir, says he, I would give Christ and the Blessed D3; more of the same Profession? Yes, Sir, says he, I would give Christ and the Blessed D5. 2568. ​Virgin Thanks . . . ​C ounty any more.] O1, O2, D3; Virgin Thanks . . . ​C ounty any more: D4; Virgin Thanks . . . ​County any more: D5. 2569. ​But since you ­w ill honor me,] O1, O2, D3, D4; But since you ­will honor me, D5; says he,] O1, O2, D3; says he, D4; says he D5; with putting me into this Work,] O1, O2, D3, D4; with putting me into this Work, D5. 2570. ​ Life.] O1; ~; O2, D3; Life; D4, D5. 2571. ​ said he,] O1, O2, D3; sasd he, D4; said he, D5; besides;] O1, D3; ~. O2, D5; ~, D4; says he,] O1, O2, D3; says he, D4, D5. 2572. ​it is, that you . . . ​to them,] O1, O2, D3, D4; it is, that you . . . ​to them, D5. 2573. ​and] O1, O2, D4; aud D3; and D5; to assist] O1, O2, D3, D4; to assist D5; me,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; Help,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; for without some] O1, O2, D3, D4; for without some D5. 2574. ​I cannot . . . ​to me.] O1, O2, D3, D4; I cannot . . . ​to me. D5. 2575. ​I was] O1, O2, D3; ~ WAS D4, D5. 2576. ​affectionate] O1, O2, D3, D5; Affectionate D4; Degree,] O1, O2, D3; degree; D4, D5. 2577. ​would;] O1; ~. O2, D3, D5; ~: D4; then] O1; Then O2, D3, D4, D5. 2578. ​believe,] O1; believe^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2579. ​Heretick] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5; damn’d,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 2580. ​Fellow’s] O2, D3, D4, D5; Fellows O1; him to] O1, O2; ~ back again ~ D3, D4, D5. 2581. ​However,] O1, O2, D3; HOWEVER, D4, D5; suddain] O1; sudden O2, D3, D4, D5. 2582. ​him,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5; say,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2583. ​what­ever,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 2584. ​less] O1, O2; more D3, D4, D5. 2585. ​servant:] O1, D4, D5; ~. O2; ~; D3; persuaded,] O1, D3; perswaded O2, D4, D5. 2586. ​and I could not force] O1, O2, D3; and then to force D4, D5. 2587. ​without] O1, O2; would D3; would be D4, D5; Injustice,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 2588. ​promised I would never put him away, and he had promis’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; promis’d^ O2; engag’d to] O1, D3, D4, D5; engag’d him to O2. 2589. ​me,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; away.] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4. 2590. ​He] O1, O2, D3; HE D4, D5. 2591. ​word] O1; Word O2, D3, D4, D5. 2592. ​his:] O1, D3; ~. O2, D4; ~^ D5. 2593. ​also understood,] O2, D3, D4, D5; ~^nderstood, O1. 2594. ​persuade] O1, D3; perswade O2, D4, D5; him,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 2595. ​another] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; happy] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~, D3. 2596. ​I come] O1, O2, D3; ~ COME D4, D5; came] O1, O2, D4, D5; come D3. 2597. ​ En­glish Men,] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen, D4, D5; altogether,] O1, D5; all together O2; all together, D3, D4. 2598. ​(viz.)] O1;^ ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2599. ​­were very sensible] O1, O2, D3; ~^ ~ D4, D5; for.] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 2600. ​Clergy-­man] O1; Clergyman O2, D3, D4, D5. 2601. ​was.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5.

Va r i a n t s

345

2602. ​two] O1, O2, D3, D4; 2 D5; three] O1, O2, D3, D4; 3 D5. 2603. ​Men or Batchelors.] O1, O2, D3; ~, ~ ~: D4, D5. 2604. ​lie] O1, D3, D4, D5; lye O2; them.] O1, O2, D3; ~? D4, D5. 2605. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5; (viz.)] O1;^ ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2606. ​Governour] O1, D4, D5; Governor O2, D3; them,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2607. ​thought] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; married,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2608. ​married,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2609. ​moneyless,] D3, D4, D5; moniless, O1; monyless O2. 2610. ​way] O1, O2, D3; Way D4, D5. 2611. ​Care] O1, O2, D3, D4; care D5. 2612. ​did,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; ­Children] O1, O2, D3; D5; Childrdn D4. 2613. ​them,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; Assurances,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2614. ​continue] O1, O2, D4, D5; countinue D3. 2615. ​not] O1, O2, D4, D5;^ D3. 2616. ​All] O1, O2, D3; ALL D4, D5. 2617. ​rest,] O2, D3, D4; rest D5; rest; O1; loved] O1; lov’d O2, D3, D4, D5; that they] O1, O2, D3, D4; that they D5. 2618. ​their Wives . . . ​t heir own] O1, O2, D3, D4; their Wives . . . ​their own D5. 2619. ​native] O1; Native O2, D3, D4; Native D5. 2620. ​Country, and . . . ​t hey did] O1, O2, D3, D4; Country, and . . . ​they did D5. 2621. ​verily] O1, D3, D4; very O2; very D5. 2622. ​believe their . . . ​modest, and] O1, O2, D3, D4; believe their . . . ​modest, and D5; did] O1, D4, D5; ~, O2, D3; to the utmost . . . ​as much for] O1, O2, D3, D4; too the utmost . . . ​a s much for D5. 2623. ​and for their . . . ​t hem on any] O1, O2, D3, D4; and for their . . . ​them on any D5. 2624. ​Account:] O1, D4; ~. O2; ~^ D3; Account: D5. 2625. ​Par­tic­u ­lar,] O1, D5; ~^ O2; par­tic­u ­lar^ D3, D4; 158:12 if] O1, O2, D3, D4; If D5. 2626. ​any Man would take him away, and offer to carry him] O1, O2, D3, D4; any Man would take him away, and offer to ocarry him D5. 2627. ​home] O1, D3, D4; Home O2; home D5; to] O1, O2, D3, D4; to D5; ­England] O1, O2, D3, D4; E ­ ngland D5. 2628. ​and make . . . ​­Children with] O1, O2, D3, D4; and make . . . ​­Children with D5. 2629. ​him,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; and if ­t here was] O1, O2, D3, D4; and if ­there was D5. 2630. ​Clergy-­man] O1; clergyman O2; Clergyman D3, D4, D5; in the Ship, he would be married to her] O1, O2, D3, D4; in the Ship, he would be married to her D5; now] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4; now D5. 2631. ​with all his Heart.] O1, O2, D3, D4; with all his Heart. D5. 2632. ​Clergy-­man] O1; Clergyman O2, D3, D4; Clergyman D5; with me, and . . . ​talk with the] O1, O2, D3, D4; with me, and . . . ​talk with the D5. 2633. ​rest;] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; rest; D5. 2634. ​as for himself,] O1, O2, D3, D4; as for himself, D5; he] O1, D3, D4; He O2; he D5. 2635. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5; him] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; I had a] O1, O2, D3, D4; I had a D5. 2636. ​also.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, also: D5; him] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 2637. ​that my Friend the Minister was a] O1, O2, D3, D4; That my Friend the Minister was a D5; French Man,] O1; French Man^ O2; French Man, D3; Frenchman D4; French-­man D5. 2638. ​and could not speak] O1, O2, D3, D4; and could not speak D5; En­glish] O1, O2, D3, D4; En­glish D5. 2639. ​but that I would act the Clerk between them:] O1, O2, D3, D4; but that I would act the Clerk between them: D5. 2640. ​enquir’d] O1, O2, D5; enquired D3, D4. 2641. ​Clergy-­man,] O1; Clergyman, O2, D3, D4, D5; ­Will.] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3; Companions.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5. 2642. ​Before] O1, O2, D3; BEFORE D4, D5.

346 Va r i a n t s 2643. ​said,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 2644. ​Clergy-­man] O1; Clergyman O2, D3, D4, D5; willing] O1, O2, D3, D4; willingly D5. 2645. ​married] D3, D4, D5; Married O1, O2. 2646. ​pleas’d,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 2647. ​them; so] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: So O2. 2648. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5. 2649. ​­t hing] O1, O2, D3, D4; Th ­ ing D5. 2650. ​as] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; indeed,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 2651. ​Apartment] O2, D3, D4, D5; Appartment O1. 2652. ​Clergy-­man] O1, D3; Clergyman O2, D4, D5. 2653. ​Minister’s] O2, D3, D4, D5; Ministers O1. 2654. ​But] O1, O2, D3, D4; BUT D4, D5. 2655. ​baptiz’d] O2, O2, D3, D4; baptized D5. 2656. ​separating] O2, D3, D4, D5; seperating O1. 2657. ​joining Christians] O1, O2; joyning ~ D3, D4; joyning D5. 2658. ​believe . . . ​speak of to] O1, O2, D3, D4; believe . . . ​speak of to D5; them,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2; them, D5. 2659. ​such as of . . . ​to the Dev­il,] O1, O2, D3, D4; such as of . . . ​to the Devil, D5. 2660. ​Where we intend to go ourselves,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Where we intend to go ourselves, D5; that believe] O1, O2, D3; who ~ D4, who believe D5. 2661. ​all this, and are such] O1, O2, D3, D4; all this, and are such D5. 2662. ​wicked Fellows, as we indeed are? Why,] O1, O2, D3, D4; wicked Fellows, as we indeed are? Why, D5; Sir, ’tis] O1, O2; Sir, said ­Will, ’tis D3; Sir, says W ­ ill. ’tis D4; Sir, said W ­ ill. ’tis D5. 2663. ​enough to give them . . . ​at first] O1, O2, D3, D4; enough to give them . . . ​at first D5. 2664. ​Hearing:] O1, D3; ~. O2; ~, D4; Hearing. D5. 2665. ​Folks must have some Religion] O1, O2, D3, D4; Folks must have some Religion D5. 2666. ​­People:] O1, D4; ~. O2; ~^ D3; ­People: D5; said I to] O1, O2, D3, D4; said I to D5; him;] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2; him, D5; though] O1, D3, D4; tho’ O2; though D5. 2667. ​I am afraid . . . ​Wife that she] O1, O2, D3, D4; I am afraid . . . ​Wife that she D5. 2668. ​she] O1; she’s O2, D3, D4; she’s D5; Wrong?] O1; wrong? O2, D3, D4; wrong? D5. 2669. ​That ­t here is a] O1, O2, D3, D4; That ­there is a D5. 2670. ​God,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4; God D5; and a Religion . . . ​her own;] O1, O2, D3, D4; and a Religion . . . ​her own; D5; that] O1, D3, D4; That O2; that D5. 2671. ​her Gods . . . ​can neither] O1, O2, D3, D4; her Gods . . . ​can neither D5. 2672. ​hear or speak;] O1, O2, D3; ~ nor ~; D4; hear nor speak; D5; that] O1, D3, D4; That O2; that D5. 2673. ​that] O1, D3, D4; That O2; that D5. 2674. ​he rewards the Good, and punishes the] O1, O2, D3, D4; he rewards the Good, and punishes the D5; Bad, and] O1; ~: And, O2; ~; And D3, D4, D5. 2675. ​that we are to be] O1, O2, D3, D4; that we are to be D5; judg’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; judged O2. 2676. ​by him at] O1, O2, D3, D4; by him at D5. 2677. ​You are . . . ​a nd I am] O1, O2, D3, D4; You are . . . ​and I am D5. 2678. ​satisfy’d] O1, D3, D4; satisfied O2; satisfied D5. 2679. ​you know . . . ​believe it] O1, O2, D3, D4; you know . . . ​believe it D5; your] O1, O2, D3, D4; your D5. 2680. ​self.] O1, O2, D4; yourself. D3; self. D5. 2681. ​said Atkins] O1, D3, D4, D5; said Atkins O2; What] O1; what O2, D3, D4; What D5; but with] O1, O2, D3, D4; but with D5. 2682. ​Face can I say any Th ­ ing . . . ​be true?] O1, O2, D3, D4; Face can I say any ­thing . . . ​be true? D5. 2683. ​Not] O1, O2, D3; NOT D4, D5; I,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~! O2; ~. D5; true,] O1, O2, D3; true! D4; true, D5; said I] O1, O2, D3, D4; said I D5; What do you mean by that?] O1, O2,

Va r i a n t s

347

D3, D4; What do you mean by that? D5; She] O1, D3, D4, D5; she O2; Why,] O1, O2, D4; ~^ D3; Why D5. 2684. ​Sir, said he, She . . . ​t his] O1, O2, D3, D4; Sir, said he, She . . . ​this D5. 2685. ​God I ­shall tell . . . ​of can] O1, O2, D3; ~ (~ ~ ~ ~ ~) ~ D4; God (~ ~ ~ ~ ~) can D5. 2686. ​be just, or can punish, or . . . ​a nd to e­ very Body e­ lse; and that I should] O1, O2, D3; be just, or can punish, or . . . ​a nd to e­ very Budy ­else; and that I should D4; be just, or can punish, or . . . ​to ­every Body D5. 2687. ​be] O1, O2, D3, D4; be D5; suffer’d] O1, D3, D4; suffered O2; suffer’d D5. 2688. ​to live, that . . . ​Good, and . . . ​to have] O1, O2, D3, D4; to live, that . . . ​Good, and . . . ​ to have D5. 2689. ​done.] O1; ~? O2; ~, D3, D4; done. D5. 2690. ​Why] O1, O2, D3; WHY D4, D5; truly] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3; truly D5; said I, I am afraid thou speakest too much] O1, O2, D3, D4; said I, I am afraid thou speakest too much D5. 2691. ​speakest] O1, O2, D4, D5; speak’st D3; Truth; and] O1, D3, D4; Truth; and D5; ~: And O2. 2692. ​Clergy-­man] O1; Clergyman O2, D3, D4; Clergyman D5; know: O!] O1, D3, D4; ~. O! O2, D5; Priest;] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2; Priest; D5. 2693. ​tell him . . . ​Repentance like true Penitents:] O1, D3, tell him . . . ​Repentance like true Penitents. O2; tell him . . . ​Repentance like true Penitents; D4; tell him . . . ​Repentance; like true Penitents; D5. 2694. ​He wants nothing but to repent, and] O1, O2, D3, D4; He wants nothing but to repent, and D5. 2695. ​than] O1, D3, D4; then O2, D5; he ­w ill . . . ​better] O1, O2, D3, D4; he ­will..better D5; qualify’d] O1, D3, D4; qualified O2; qualify’d D5. 2696. ​to instruct his] O1, O2, D3, D4; to instruct his D5. 2697. ​Wife:] O1, D3; ~. O2; ~; D4, D5. 2698. ​He ­w ill . . . ​Good and] O1, O2, D3, D4; He ­will . . . ​Good and D5. 2699. ​Evil,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2; Evil, D5. 2700. ​but that he . . . ​Goodness and] O1, O2, D3, D4; but that he . . . ​Goodness and D5. 2701. ​Long-­suffering,] O1, D3; ~^ O2, D4, D5; forebears to . . . ​t hat] O1, O2, D3, D4; forebears to . . . ​that D5. 2702. ​offend,] O1, D3; ~^ O2; ~; D4; offend; D5. 2703. ​waiting to be . . . ​should return and] O1, O2, D3, D4; waiting to be . . . ​should return and D5. 2704. ​live; that often-­times] O1; ~: That oftentimes O2, D3, D5; that he oftentimes D4. 2705. ​suffers wicked Men . . . ​Day of] O1, O2, D3, D4; suffers wicked Men . . . ​Day of D5. 2706. ​Retribution; that] O1, D3, D4, D5; Retribution. That O2. 2707. ​it is a clear . . . ​their Punishment,] O1, O2, D3, D4; it is a clear . . . ​their Punishment, D5. 2708. ​’till] O1; u ­ ntil O2;^till D3, D4, D5. 2709. ​they come into . . . ​Judgment; let . . . ​to his Wife.] O1, O2, D3, D4; they come into . . . ​ Judgement; let . . . ​to his Wife. D5. 2710. ​I repeated] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ REPEATED D5; while] O1, O2, D3, D4; While D5; who] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 2711. ​ know] O1, O2, D3; knew D4, D5; Master,] O1; Master, O2, D3, D4, D5; ha’nt] O1, D3, D5; han’t O2, D4. 2712. ​God] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 2713. ​knows;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 2714. ​as if I] O1 D3, D4, D5; as^ I O2; or ­f uture] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ a ~ D5. 2715. ​and] O1; ~: And O2; it; And D3; it; and D4, D5; Alas!] O1, O2, D3, D4; ALAS! D5. 2716. ​it,] O1; ~! O2; D3, D4, D5; me:] O1, O2; ~. D3, D4, D5; ATKINS, said I,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ATKINS, said I, D5; What] O1, O2, D3, D4; What D5; dost] O1, D4; do’st O2, D3; do’st D5; thou mean . . . ​what I] O1, O2, D3, D4; thou mean . . . ​what I D5. 2717. ​mean, says] O1, O2; ~, Sir, ~ D3, D4; mean, Sir, says D5. 2718. ​and that is too true.] O1, O2, D3, D4; and that is too true D5.

348 Va r i a n t s 2719. ​I told] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ TOLD D5; Clergy-­man,] O1; Clergyman^ O2, D3, D4, D5; Word,] O1, D5; ~^ O2, D3, D4; said;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 2720. ​so;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; for] O1, D5; ~, O2, D3, D4. 2721. ​Souls;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 2722. ​own] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5. 2723. ​zealous] O1, D3, D4, D5; zealous, O2; Man,] O1 D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 2724. ​ask] D3, D4, D5; Ask O1, O2. 2725. ​Is he easy . . . ​not so?] O1, O2, D3, D4; Is he easy . . . ​not so? D5. 2726. ​How could . . . ​Condition that] O1, O2, D3, D4; How could . . . ​Condition that D5. 2727. ​certain] O1; certainly O2, D3, D4; certainly D5; must end in eternal] O1, O2, D3, D4; must end in eternal D5. 2728. ​Destruction; that] O1; ~? That O2, D3, D4; Destruction? That D5; he was . . . ​easy, but] O1, O2, D3, D4; he was . . . ​easy, but D5; that,] O1, O2, D3, ~^ D4; that, D5; on the contrary, he] O1, O2, D3; D4; on the contrary, he D5. 2729. ​believed] O1, O2; believ’d D3, D4; believ’d D5; it would one Time or other ruin him.] O1, O2, D3, D4; it would one Time or other ruin him. D5. 2730. ​What] O1, O2, D3; WHAT D4, D5; do you mean by] O1, O2, D3, D4; do you mean by D5; that,] O1; ~? O2, D3, D4, D5; I?] O1; ~. O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; Why, he] O2, D3, D4, D5; Why? He O1; said he] O1, O2, D3, D4; said he D5; believ’d] O1; believed O2, D3, D4, D5. 2731. ​should] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; other] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; one Time or] O1, O2, D3, D4; one Time or D5; cut] O1, O2, D3, D4; cut D5; his Throat] O1, O2, D3; ~ own ~ D4; his own Throat D5; to put and End . . . ​of it.] O1, O2, D3, D4; to put an End . . . ​of it. D5. 2732. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; Clergy-­man] O1; Clergyman O2, D3, D4, D5. 2733. ​this:] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5; But] O1, O2, D4; but D3, D5; But] O1, O2, D4; but D3, D5; says he,] O1, O2, D3, D4; says he, D5. 2734. ​If that be his Case, you may assure] O1, O2, D3, D4; If that be his Case, you may assure D5. 2735. ​him] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5; it is not too late; Christ ­w ill give him] O1, O2, D3, D4; it is not too late; Christ w ­ ill give him D5. 2736. ​Repentance:] O1, O2, D3, D4; Repentance; D5; But pray, says he,] O1, O2, D3, D4; But pray, says he, D5. 2737. ​explain this to . . . ​Christ and the] O1, O2, D3, D4; explain this to . . . ​Christ and the D5. 2738. ​Merit] O1, D3, D4; Merits O2; Merit D5; of his Passion, procuring . . . ​Mercy?] O1, O2, D3, D4; of his Passion, procuring . . . ​Mercy? D5; divine] O1, O2, D5; Divine D3, D4. 2739. ​­t here] O1, O2, D3, D4; ­There D5. 2740. ​may be a Time . . . ​Servants are commanded] O1, O2, D3, D4; may be a Time . . . ​Servants are commanded D5. 2741. ​Mercy at all] O1, O2, D3, D4; Mercy at all D5; Times,] O1, O2, D4; times, D3; times, D5. 2742. ​so that ’tis . . . ​repent.] O1, O2, D3, D4; so that ’tis . . . ​repent. D5. 2743. ​I told] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ TOLD D5. 2744. ​me] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 2745. ​while] O1, O2, D3, D4; While D5. 2746. ​Religion;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 2747. ​promis’d,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2748. ​and do] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ to ~; D5; persuade] O1, D3, D4, D5; perswade O2. 2749. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; Clergy-­man] O1; Clergyman O2, D3, D4, D5. 2750. ​We that . . . ​Servants,] O1, O2, D3, D4; We that . . . ​Servants, D5. 2751. ​ says he] O1, O2, D3, D4; says he D5; farther] O1; further O2, D3, D4, D5; than to exhort and] O1, O2, D3, D4; than to exhort and D5; instruct,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 2752. ​and when Men comply, submit to the] O1, O2, D3, D4; and when Men comply, submit to the D5; Reproof] O1, D4, D5; ~, O2, D3; promise^] O2, D3, D4, D5; Promise, O1; and] O1, O2, D3, D4; and D5.

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349

2753. ​ask] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; do; we] O1, D3, D4; ~: We O2; do; we D5; ’tis all we can] O1, O2, D3, D4; tis all we can D5; Words:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; Words: D5. 2754. ​But believe . . . ​said he, what­ever . . . ​you call] O1, O2, D3, D4; But believe . . . ​said he, what­ever . . . ​you call D5. 2755. ​ ­Will.] O1, O2, D3; William D4; William D5; Atkins] O1, O2, D3, D4; Atkins D5. 2756. ​I believe he . . . ​Penitent; I] O1, O2, D3, D4; I believe he . . . ​Penitent; I D5. 2757. ​wont despair] O1, D3; ­won’t despare O2; ­won’t despair D4; wont despair D5; of the] O1, O2, D3, D4; of the D5; rest;] O1, O2, D3, D4; rest, D5. 2758. ​but that Man is] O1, O2, D3, D4; but that Man is D5; apparently] O1, O2; patiently D3; perfectly D4; perfectly D5; struck with the Sense of his past Life;] O1, O2, D3, D4; struck with the Sense of his past Life; D5. 2759. ​and I doubt] O1, O2, D3, D4; and I doubt D5; not,] O1, O2, D3; net D4; not, D5; but when he comes to talk] O1, O2, D3, D4; but when he comes to talk D5; Religion] O1, O2, D4; religion D3; Religion D5. 2760. ​to his Wife, he . . . ​way of teaching] O1, O2, D3, D4; to his Wife, he . . . ​way of teaching D5. 2761. ​our selves.] O1, O2, D4; ourselves D3; our selves: D5; Man, who] O1, O2; ~ added he, who D3; Man, added he, who D4; Man, added he, who D5; I knew a] O1, O2, D3, D4; I know a D5. 2762. ​having nothing but . . . ​labouring to convert] O1, O2, D3, D4; having nothing but . . . ​ labouring to convert D5; a] O1, D3, D4, D5; a O2; Jew. If] O1, O2, D3; Jew; and if D4; Jew; and if D5. 2763. ​that poor Atkins . . . ​may follow?] O1, O2, D3, D4; that poor Atkins . . . ​may follow? D5. 2764. ​Upon] O1, O2, D3; UPON D4, D5; above] O1, D3, D4, D5; above O2. 2765. ​persuade] O1, D3, D4, D5; perswade O2. 2766. ​three] O1, O2, D3, D4; 3 D5; ­Will.] O1, O2, D5; ~^ D3; ­Will D4. 2767. ​in; ­a fter] O1; ~. A ­ fter O2, D3; in: ­A fter D4, D5; Clergy-­man,] O1; Clergyman, O2, D3, D4, D5; while] O1, O2, D3, D4; While D5; where] O1, O2, D4, D5; ­were D3. 2768. ​ says he, I] O1, O2, D3, D4; says he, I D5; entreat] O1, O2, D3; intreat D4; intreat D5. 2769. ​you Sir, let . . . ​poor Man] O1, O2, D3, D4; you Sir, let . . . ​poor Man D5. 2770. ​some-­where] O1; somewhere O2, D4; Somewhere D3; somewhere D5; or] O1, O2, D3, D4; or D5; other] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4; other D5. 2771. ​talking seriously . . . ​of Religion.] O1, O2, D3, D4; talking seriously . . . ​of Religion. D5. 2772. ​knew but myself,] O1; but knew myself O2, but knew my^self, D3; knew but my^self, D4, D5. 2773. ​Leaves, and] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5; see in] O1, O2, D3, D4; see in D5. 2774. ​ see out] O1, O2, D3, D4; see out D5; when,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 2775. ​Savage Wife] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­~ D5. 2776. ​Discourse;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; ‘till] O1, D3, D4, D5;^ till O2; Clergy-­man] O1, D3; Clergyman O2, D4, D5. 2777. ​show’d] O1, D3, D4; shew’ O2; shew’d D5; steadily] O1, D3, D4, D5; stedily O2. 2778. ​while] O1, O2, D3, D4; While D5. 2779. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5. 2780. ​Heavens,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 2781. ​Trees.] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; Now] O1, O2, D3, D4; Now D5. 2782. ​Clergy-­man,] O1; Clergyman, O2, D3, D4, D5; You see my Words are made good,] O1, O2, D3, D4; You see my words are made good, D5. 2783. ​him] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4; him, D5; now,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4; now^ D5. 2784. ​he is telling her, that our God . . . ​I believe he is,] O1, O2, D3, D4; he is telling her, that our God . . . ​I believe he is, D5. 2785. ​ said I] O1, O2, D3, D4; said I D5; ­Will.] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 2786. ​supposed] O1; suppose O2, D3, D4, D5. 2787. ​that; he] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. He O2.

350 Va r i a n t s 2788. ​again; we] O1; ~. We O2, D3; ~: We D4, D5; ­Woman] O1, O2, D4, D5; ­Women D3. 2789. ​no we] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5; tell;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 2790. ​knees] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 2791. ​Clergy-­man’s] O1; Clergyman’s O2, D3, D4, D5. 2792. ​both] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 2793. ​­Thing] O1, D3; ­t hing O2, D4, D5. 2794. ​Well,] O1, O2, D3; WELL, D4, D5; fear] O1, O2, D3, D4; Fear D5; them,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 2795. ​us] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; Voice.] O1, O2; Voce. D3; ~; D4, D5; sat] O1, O2, D3, D4; sate D5; her,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5. 2796. ​her most] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ D4; passionately; another] O1, D3, D4, D5; passionately: Another O2. 2797. ​again] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; kind] O1, O2, D3, D4; Kind D5. 2798. ​­Things] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; suddain,] O1; sudden O2; sudden, D3, D4, D5; again] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 2799. ​immediately,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 2800. ​My] O1, O2, D3; MY D4, D5. 2801. ​PAUL] O1, O2, D3; PAUL! D4; Paul, D5; PAUL!] O1, O2, D3; PAUL! D4; Paul! D5; b hold] O1, O2, D5; behold D3; behold D4. 2802. ​with-­hold] O1, D4; withold O2, D3, D5; a while] O1, O2, D4; awhile, D3; While D5. 2803. ​Life:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 2804. ​himself] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; while] O1, O2, D3, D4; While D5. 2805. ​himself;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; he] O1, D3, D4, D5; He O2; times] O1, O2, D5; Times, D3; Times D4. 2806. ​Hands] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 2807. ​Ejaculatory] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2; ejaculatory, D5; way] O1, O2, D3, D4; Way D5. 2808. ​Endeavours; some] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. Some O2. 2809. ​hear] O1; ~, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; audibly,] O1, O2, D3, D5; audably, D4. 2810. ​Times] O1, O2, D3, D4; times D5. 2811. ​begg’d] O1, O2, D5; beg’d D3, D4. 2812. ​for] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; was] O1, D5; where O2; ­were D3, D4. 2813. ​Attention; this] O1; ~. This O2, D3; Attention: D4, D5. 2814. ​Hour, and then] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, ~ and ~ D4. 2815. ​Situation,] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 2816. ​I took] O1, O2, D3; I TOOK D4, D5; Interval] O1, O2, D4, D5; interval D3; Clergy-­ man:] O1; clergyman O2; Clergyman D3; Clergyman; D4, D5; And] O1, O2, D3; And D4; and D5; first] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 2817. ​I was . . . ​to; that] O1, O2, D3, D4; I was . . . ​to; that D5; tho’] O1, D3, D4; ~^, O2; tho’ D5. 2818. ​I was hard . . . ​more happy] O1, O2, D3, D4; I was hard . . . ​more happy D5; End; and] O1, D3, D4; ~: And O2; End; and D5; who knows, said I, but t­ hese two may in] O1, O2, D3, D4; who knows, said I, but t­ hese two may in D5; Time,] O1, O2, D3; time, D4; Time, D5. 2819. ​by Instruction . . . ​some of the ­others?] O1, D3, D4; ~ ~ . . . ​~ ~ ~ other^ O2; by Instruction . . . ​some of the ­others? D5. 2820. ​them! said he,] O1, O2, D3; ~, said he, D4; them, said he, D5; turning quick upon me,] O1, O2, D3, D4; turning quick upon me, D5. 2821. ​’till] O1, O2, D3;^~ D4;^till D5. 2822. ​communicative,] O1; communicative O2, D5; communicative, D3, D4. 2823. ​and he . . . ​if he can help] O1, O2, D3, D4; and he . . . ​if he can help D5. 2824. ​it.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4; it: D5; own’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 2825. ​it was a . . . ​But my Friend,] O1, O2, D3, D4; It was a . . . ​But my Friend, D5. 2826. ​­w ill you give . . . ​one Difficulty] O1, O2, D3, D4; ­will you give . . . ​one Difficulty D5; ­here,] O1; ~? O2, D3, D4, D5. 2827. ​I cannot tell . . . ​t his comfort] O1, O2, D3, D4; I cannot tell . . . ​this comfort D5.

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2828. ​you, while t­ hese . . . ​­t hese but] O1, O2, D3, D4; you,while ­these but D5. 2829. ​Hereticks,] O1, O2, D3; ~ still, D4; Hereticks still, D5. 2830. ​Reasons] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; lost,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4; lost D5. 2831. ​as the Pagans themselves.] O1, O2, D3, D4; as the Pagans themselves. D5. 2832. ​To] O1, O2, D3; TO D4, D5; answered] O1; answer’d O2, D3, D4, D5; abundance] O1, O2, D3, D4; Abundance D5. 2833. ​Charity, Thus;] O1; ~^ thus: O2, D4, D5; ~^ thus; D3; Sir, I am a Catholick of the] O1, O2, D3, D4; Sir, I am a Catholick of the D5; Roman] O1, O2, D3, D4; Roman D5; Church,] O1; ~,^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2834. ​and a Priest of the Order of St.] O1, O2, D3, D4; and a Priest of the Order of St. D5. 2835. ​ Benedict] O1, O2, D3, D4; Benedict D5; and I embrace all the Princi­ples of the] O1, O2, D3, D4; and I embrace all the Princi­ples of the D5. 2836. ​ and that] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ this D5. 2837. ​ Circumstances,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2838. ​I say, nevertheless, I . . . ​your selves] O1, O2, D3, D4; I say, nevertheless, I . . . ​yourselves D5. 2839. ​reform’d] O1; Reform’d, O2, D3, D4, D5; without some Charity: I dare not say,] O1, O2, D3, D4; without some Charity: I dare not say, D5. 2840. ​I say,] O1, O2; ~ say^ D3, D4; I say D5. 2841. ​I dare . . . ​sav’d: I ­w ill by no] O1, O2, D3, D4; I dare . . . ​sav’d: ­will by no D5. 2842. ​Means] O1, D3; means O2, D4; means D5. 2843. ​limit the Mercy . . . ​as to think that . . . ​Bosom of his] O1, O2, D3, D4; limit the Mercy . . . ​ as to think, that . . . ​Bosom of his D5. 2844. ​Church] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4; Church, D5; Manner] O1, O2, D3; manner D4; Manner D5; in a] O1, O2, D3, D4; in a D5. 2845. ​have the same Charity for] O1, O2, D3, D4; have the same Charity for D5. 2846. ​know,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4; know; D5; I hope] O1, O2, D3, D4; and I hope D5; yon] O1, D3, D4, D5; you O2; us;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 2847. ​I pray . . . ​All-­wise, is] O1, O2, D3, D4; I pray . . . ​A ll-­w ise, is D5. 2848. ​pleased] O1; pleas’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 2849. ​to direct: I the mean] O1, O2, D3, D4; to direct: I the mean D5; time,] O1, O2, D4; Time, D3; Time, D5. 2850. ​sure you ­w ill . . . ​me, as a Roman, to distinguish] O1, O2, D3, D4; sure, you ­will . . . ​ me, as a Roman, to distinguish D5. 2851. ​far,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2852. ​between a Protestant . . . ​on Jesus Chirst, tho’ in . . . ​to the true] O1, O2, D3, D4; between a Protestant . . . ​on Jesus Christ, tho’ in . . . ​to the true D5. 2853. ​Faith,] O1, O2; ~: D3, D4; Faith; D5. 2854. ​and a Savage, a . . . ​God, no Christ, no] O1, O2, D3, D4; and a Savage, a . . . ​God, no Christ, no D5. 2855. ​Redeemer; and] O1, O2; ~^ at all; and D3, D4; Reedeemer at all; and D5. 2856. ​if you . . . ​Church, we . . . ​being restor’d to] O1, O2, D3, D4; if you . . . ​Church, we . . . ​ being restor’d to D5. 2857. ​it] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4; it, D5; know] O1, D3, D4, D5; kn^w O2. 2858. ​of God] O1, O2, D3, D4; of God D5; or his Church:] O1, O2, D3, D4; or his Church: D5; and] O1, D3, D4; And O2;^ D5; therefore,] O1, D4; ~^ O2, D3; therefore, D5; I rejoice] O1, O2, D3, D4; I rejoice D5. 2859. ​and] O1, D3, D4, D5; And O2; therefore,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 2860. ​when I see . . . ​who you say has . . . ​a lmost a] O1, O2, D3, D4; when I see . . . ​who, say, has . . . ​almost a D5. 2861. ​Murtherer,] O1, D4; Murderer, O2; Murderer, D3; Murtherer, D5. 2862. ​kneel down and pray] O1, O2, D3, D4; kneel down and pray D5; to] O1, O2, D3, D4; to D5; as we suppose he did, tho’ not fully] O1, O2, D3, D4; as we suppose he did, tho’ not fully D5. 2863. ​enlighten’d O2; enlighten’d; D3, D4; enlighten’d D5; inlighten’d; O1.

352 Va r i a n t s 2864. ​farther] O1; further O2, D3, D4; farther D5; Knowledge] O1, O2, D3, D4; Knowledge D5. 2865. ​of that Truth] O1, O2, D3; ~ the ~ D4; of the Truth D5; that Time;] O1, O2, D4; the ~^ D3; Time; D5; on his own] O1, O2, D3, D4; on his own D5. 2866. ​and if God . . . ​a nd instruct] O1, O2, D3, D4; and if God . . . ​and instruct D5. 2867. ​the ignorant] O1, D3, D4; the poor ignorant O2; ~ ignorant D5; believe,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; Savage his Wife, I can never] O1, O2, D3, D4; Savage his Wife, I can never D5. 2868. ​t hat he ­shall be cast away] O1, O2, D3, D4; that he ­shall be cast away D5; himself; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. And O2; himself; and] O1, D3, D4; ~. And O2; himself; and D5; have I not Reason] O1, O2, D3, D4; have I not Reason D5; than] O1; then O2, D3, D4; then D5; to] O1, O2, D3, D4; to D5. 2869. ​the nearer . . . ​K nowledge of] O1, O2, D3, D4; the nearer . . . ​Knowledge of D5. 2870. ​tho’ they . . . ​Bosom of the] O1, O2, D3, D4; tho’ they . . . ​Bosom of the D5. 2871. ​Catholick O2, D3, D5; Catholiok] O1. 2872. ​just at the] O1, O2, D3, D4; just at the D5. 112:12 when I may desire] O1, O2, D3, D4; when I may desire D5. 2873. ​it;] O1; ~? O2, D3, D4; it? D5. 2874. ​leaving it . . . ​Christ . . . ​in his own] O1, O2, D3, D4; leaving it..Christ . . . ​in his own D5; and] O1, O2, D3, D4; and D5; Time,] O1, O2, D4; time, D3; Time, D5; and in his] O1, D3, D4, D5; and^ his O2; Certainly,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2875. ​rejoyce] O1, O2; rejoice D3, D4; rejoice, D5; own] O1, O2, D3, D4; own D5; I would] O1, O2, D3, D4; I would D5; if all the Savages in Amer­i­ca ­were brought like this] O1, O2, D3, D4; if all the Savages in Amer­i­ca ­were brought like this D5; poor ­Woman to] O1, O2, D3, D4; poor W ­ oman to D5. 2876. ​Pray] O1, O2, D3; pray D4; pray D5; to God, tho’ they ­were to be all] O1, O2, D3, D4; to God, tho’ they w ­ ere to be all D5. 2877. ​at first, rather . . . ​Pagans and Heathens; firmly believing, that] O1, O2, D3, D4; at first, rather . . . ​Pagans and Heathens; firmly believing, that D5. 2878. ​bestow’d] O1, D3, D4; bestowed O2; bestow’d D5; first Light] O1, O2, D3, D4; first Light D5; to them,] O1, O2, D3, D4; to them D5; would] O1, O2, D3, D4; would D5; farther] O1; further O2, D3, D4, D5. 2879. ​illuminate . . . ​Pale of his] O1, O2, D3, D4; illuminate . . . ​Pale of his D5. 2880. ​Church,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; when he should see good.] O1, O2, D3, D4; when he should see good. D5. 2881. ​I was] O1, O2, D3; ~ WAS D4, D5; astonish’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; astonished O2. 2882. ​occur’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; occurred O2. 2883. ​joyn’d] O1; joined O2; join’d D3, D4, D5; joyn’d] O1; joined O2; join’d D3, D4, D5. 2884. ​Princi­ples; and] O1, D5; ~. And O2; ~; and, D3, D4; word,] O1; Word O2, D3, D4, D5; thought] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 2885. ​Catholicks,] O1, D3, D4, D5; Catholicks; O2; him] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; believ’d] O1; believed O2, D3, D4, D5. 2886. ​talk’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; talked O2; way] O1, D3, D4; Way O2, D5; taking him by the Hand,] O1, O2, D3, D4; taking him by the Hand, D5; my] O1, D3, D4; My O2, D5; says I] O1, D3, D4, D5; says I O2; Friend] O1, O2, D3, D4; Friend D5. 2887. ​I wish all the Clergy of the] O1, O2, D3, D4; I wish all the Clergy of the D5; Roman] O1, D3, D4; Romish O2; Roman D5. 2888. ​Church ­were blest . . . ​a nd had an . . . ​of your Charity.] O1, O2, D3, D4; Church ­were bless’d . . . ​and^ an . . . ​of your Charity; D5. 2889. ​I am entirely . . . ​Doctrine in] O1, O2, D3, D4; I am entirely . . . ​Doctrine in D5. 2890. ​Spain] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4; Spain D5; or Italy, they would put tou into the Inquisition.] O1, O2, D3, D4; or Italy, they would put you into the Inquisition. D5. 2891. ​said he,] O1, D3, D5; said he, O2, D4. 2892. ​but I ­w ill not] O1, O2, D3, D4; but I w ­ ill not D5; say,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4; say, D5. 2893. ​they would be . . . ​Severity, for . . . ​much Charity.] O1, O2, D3, D4; they would be . . . ​ Severity, for . . . ​much Charity. D5.

Va r i a n t s

353

2894. ​Well] O1, O2, D3, D4; Well D5; ­were] O2, D3, D5; was O1, D4. 2895. ​over; so] O1, D3; ~: So O2, D4, D5; Way,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 2896. ​call’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; called O2; observing] O1, O2; Observing D3, D4, D5. 2897. ​Clergy-­man if] O1; Clergyman ~ D3, D4; Clergyman, If O2; Clergyman, if D5. 2898. ​him] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; no;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~? O2. 2899. ​and] O1, D3, D4, D5; And O2; not,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; should] O1, D3, D4, D5; would O2. 2900. ​us; so] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. So O2; call’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; called O2; alone] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 2901. ​the the Place] O1; the ^ Place O2, D3, D4, D5; selves; and] O1; ~: And O2; selves, and D3, D4, D5; thus:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 2902. ​ ­Will.] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5; said I] O1, D3, D4, D5; said I O2; prethee] O1, D4; prithee O2, D3, D5. 2903. ​ Clergy-­man.] O1; Clergyman O2; Clergyman. D3, D4, D5. 2904. ​Sir,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; despis’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; despised O2. 2905. ​ Solomon,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; he] O1, D3, D4; He O2, D5; brutish] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 2906. ​murther’d] O1, D4, D5; murdered O2; murder’d D3; ­Father;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: O2. 2907. ​God sake,] O1; God’s Sake, O2, D3, D4, D5; Sir,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 2908. ​murther’d] O1, D4, D5; murdered O2; murder’d D3. 2909. ​Murtherer!] O1, D4, D5; Murderer O2; Murderer! D3. 2910. ​ started,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 2911. ​ pale.] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; believ’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; believed O2; ­Will.] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5; kill’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; killed O2. 2912. ​so;] O1, D4, D5; ~; O2; ~^ D3; Atkins] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; self, you] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. You O2. 2913. ​Hands] O1, D3, D4, D5; Hand O2. 2914. ​Throat,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 2915. ​of all his comforts,] O1, D3, D4, D5; of^ his ~; O2. 2916. ​shortn’d] O1, D4; shortned O2; shorten’d D3, D5. 2917. ​ungrateful] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 2918. ​­Father,] O1, O2, D5; ~^ D3, D4. 2919. ​ask’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; asked O2; I see] O2, D3, D4, D5; It ~ O1; see that,] O1; ~, ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2920. ​Ignorant] O1; ignorant O2, D3, D4, D5; are,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 2921. ​Good;] O1, O2, D3; good; D4, D5. 2922. ​Practiced] O1, O2, D3, D4; practis’d D5. 2923. ​when^ever] O1, D3, D4; whenever O2, D5. 2924. ​touch] O1, O2, D3; touches D4, D5; lie deepest, and the] O1, D3, D4, D5; lye ~^~ O2. 2925. ​leave,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; lie] O1, D3, D4, D5; lye O2. 2926. ​me Atkins;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~, D5; it] O1, O2, D4; ~. D3, D5; Atkins] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 2927. ​Island,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; witness] O1, D3, D4, D5; Witness O2. 2928. ​murther’d] O1, D4, D5; murdered O2; murder’d D3; you] O1, D4, D5; ~, O2, D3. 2929. ​Atkins,] O1; Atkins; O2, D3, D4, D5; think] O1, D4; ~^ O2; ~, D3, D5; but I] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 2930. ​ restrain’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; restrained O2. 2931. ​ Man’s] O2, D3, D4, D5; Mans O1. 2932. ​ was made a] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ ~ O2; Instructer] O1, O2, D3, D4; Instructor D5. 2933. ​ manner] O1, D3, D4; Manner O2, D5. 2934. ​Clergy-­man,] O1; Clergyman O2; Clergyman, D3, D4, D5. 2935. ​me;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; did] O1, D5; Did O2, D3, D4. 2936. ​preach O2, D3, D4, D5; Preach O1. 2937. ​need] O1, O2, D3, D4; Need D5.

354 Va r i a n t s 2938. ​But] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; compos’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; composed O2; renew’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; renewed O2. 2939. ​ ­Will.] O1, O2, D3; ­Will^ D4, D5; Atkins] O1, O2, D3, D4; Atkins D5. 2940. ​ ­WILL,] O1, D3; ­Will. O2; ­Will, D4, D5; How] O1, D3, D4, D5; how O2; Sence] O1; Sense O2, D3, D4, D5; said I] O1, O2, D3, D4; said I D5. 2941. ​now?] O2, D3, D4, D5; ~. O1. 2942. ​thro’] O1, D3, D4, D5; tho’ O2; soul;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 2943. ​order] O1, D3, D4; Order O2; Order; D5; me] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 2944. ​preach’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; preached O2. 2945. ​ No] O1, D3, D4, D5; No O2; no] O1, D3, D4, D5; no O2; you,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 2946. ​Pray] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; ­Will.] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 2947. ​already.] O2, D3, D4, D5; ~? O1. 2948. ​express; but] O1; ~^ it ~ O2, D5; ~^ it; ~ it; D3, D4. 2949. ​begin ­Will?] O1, D3, D4; begin, ~? O2, D5. 2950. ​certain. She] O1, O2, D3; ~; she D4; ~; She D5; Sermon] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 2951. ​ you] O1, D3, D4; you O2, D5. 2952. ​oblig’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; obliged D5. 2953. ​maintain’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; maintained O2. 2954. ​­Children] O2, D3, D4, D5; Chiidren O1. 2955. ​entire] O1, D3, D4, D5; intire O2. 2956. ​ ­Will.] O1, O2; ­Will; D3; ­Will; D4; ~; D5. 2957. ​Inheritance,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; Families;] O1; ~? O2, D3, D4, D5; they] O1, D3, D4, D5; They O2. 2958. ​how] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; regard] O1, D3; Regard O2, D4, D5. 2959. ​­Family;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; ­Sister,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; told,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3. 2960. ​Son] O1, O2, D3, D4; the Son D5; and the ­Mother] O1; and^ ­Mother O2, D3, D4, D5. 2961. ​me of the] O1, D3, D4, D5; me^ the O2. 2962. ​Relations] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; are,] O1, D4; ~: O2; ~; D3, D5. 2963. ​but] O1, D3, D4, D5; But O2. 2964. ​R] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~. D5; say,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; told her?] O1, O2, D5; ~. D3, D4. 2965. ​ask’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; askd O2; her] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 2966. ​me] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 2967. ​her Marriage] O1, O2; ~ that ~ D3; ~, ~ D4, ~, ~ D5; by] O1, O2, D4; of D3, D5. 2968. ​had] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 2969. ​Writing] O1, O2, D4, D5; writing, D3. 2970. ​Appoint’d] O1; Appointed O2, D3, D4, D5; why] O1, D3, D4, D5; Why, O2. 2971. ​No,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; you] O1, O2; your D3, D4, D5. 2972. ​is;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 2973. ​No] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; no,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5; make all Earth,] O1, O2; ~^ Earth, D3; makee de ~, D4; makee de Earth, D5. 2974. ​laugh’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; laughed O2; Expression] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 2975. ​Laugh,] O1, D3, D4; laugh O2; laugh, D5; Laugh] O1, D3, D4; laugh O2, D5. 2976. ​reprov’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; reproved O2. 2977. ​Laugh] O1; laugh O2, D3, D4, D5. 2978. ​all?] O1, D4, D5; ~. O2, D3. 2979. ​World,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; I] O1, D3, D4, D5; me O2. 2980. ​God, t­ here] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. ­There O2; him,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 2981. ​go] O1, D3, D5; ago O2, D4. 2982. ​true,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 2983. ​him?] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~? O2; no pos­si­ble!] O1, O2, D3; ~ impossible! D4, D5. 2984. ​It] O1, O2, D3, D4; I^ D5; true;] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4; ~^ D5; tho’] O1, O2, D3, D4; tho’, D5. 2985. ​Earth.] O1, O2, D3; ~? D4, D5.

Va r i a n t s

355

2986. ​live.] O1, D3; ~? O2, D4, D5. 2987. ​kill,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 2988. ​Mans.] O1, O2, D3; ~? D4, D5. 2989. ​Dead] O1, D3, D4, D5; dead O2; it,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 2990. ​deserve] O1, O2, D3, D4; de^erve D5. 2991. ​not] O1, O2, D4; no D3, D5; T^ankee] O1, O2, D3, D4; Thankee D5; too.] O1, D3; ~? O2, D4, D5. 2992. ​Than] O1, D3, D4; Then O2, D5. 2993. ​Strong] O1, D3, D4, D5; strong O2. 2994. ​Angry.] O1, D3; angry O2; Angry? D4, D5. 2995. ​What? ­Will] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~! ­w ill O2. 2996. ​God! what] O1, D3; ~? What O2, D4; God! What D5; I;] O1; ~! O2, D3, D4, D5; and] O1, O2, D3; And D4, D5. 2997. ​Conversion] O1, D4; Conversions O2, D3, D5. 2998. ​well] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5; Th ­ ing; can] O1; ~? Can O2; Ting? Can D3, D4, D5; tell?] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~? O2; do?] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 2999. ​Damn.] O1; ~? O2, D3, D4, D5. 3000. ​strong?] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3001. ​consum’d.] O1, O2, D3; consumed. D4, D5. 3002. ​ ­Will.] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3; us] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 3003. ​ clearly,] O1, D4, D5; ~^ O2, D3. 3004. ​ yet] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 3005. ​what] O1, O2, D3; What D4, D5; that?] O1, O2, D3; dat? D4; dat D5. 3006. ​ Yes, yes, my Dear] O1, O2, D3, D4; Yes, yes, my Dear D5. 3007. ​some Times] O1; sometimes O2, D3, D4; sometimes, D5. 3008. ​Vengeance;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3009. ​you,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; than] O1, O2, D3, D4; then D5; be] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 3010. ​Mans.] O1, O2, D3; ~? D4, D5. 3011. ​me,] O1, D5; ~^ O2, D3, D4. 3012. ​Men.] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4. 3013. ​Tankee] O1, O2, D3, D4; Tankee D5; too] O1; ~? O2, D3, D4, D5. 3014. ​Why? He] O1, O2; Why^ he D3, D4, D5; better,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 3015. ​myself,] O1; my^self, D3; my^self^ O2, D4, D5; and^ made] O1, O2, D3; ~ have ~ D4, D5; myself] O1; my^self O2, D3, D4, D5. 3016. ​­Thing] O1, O2, D4, D5; ­t hing D3. 3017. ​Wretch,] O1, O2, D4, D5; wretch, D3; Word] O1, O2, D4, D5; word D3. 3018. ​ already she had told him, that she could] O1, O2, D3; already^ she could D4; already^ she could not D5. 3019. ​now?] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5; me] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 3020. ​God] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 3021. ​ Jesus Christ] O1, O2, D3, D4; Jesus Christ D5. 3022. ​ which] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 3023. ​sat] O1, O2, D4; sate D3, D5. 3024. ​hold] O1; lift O2, D3, D4, D5. 3025. ​hold] O1, O2; lift D3, D4, D5. 3026. ​all] O1, O2, D4, D5;^ D3. 3027. ​ Benamukee;] O1, O2; Benamuckee; D3; Benemurkee; D4; Benamuckee; D5. 3028. ​now] O1, O2; no D3, D4, D5. 3029. ​What! you] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~! You D5. 3030. ​reveal’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; revealed O2. 3031. ​ reveal’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; revealed O2. 3032. ​ thus:] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 3033. ​Alas,] O1, O2, D3; ~! D4, D5; Book;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5.

356 Va r i a n t s 3034. ​you,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5; and help you to read it] O1, O2;^ D3, D4;^ to read it D5. 3035. ​Wife.] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 3036. ​know^ him?] O1, O2; know.^ D3; ~?^ D4, D5. 3037. ​perfectly] perfect^y O1; perfectly O2, D3, D4, D5. 3038. ​evil] O1, O2, D3, D5; Evil D4; itself,] O1; it^self O2; it^self, D3, D4, D5; Consequence.] O1; Consequences O2; consequences. D3; Consequences. D4, D5. 3039. ​makee] O1; make O2, D3, D4, D5. 3040. ​justnow;] O1, D4; just^now^ O2; just^now; D3, D5; me good] O1, D3, D4, D5; kill me O2. 3041. ​do, yet] O1, O2; ~; yes D3, D4, D5. 3042. ​you] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 3043. ​­Here] O1, O2, D3; ­HERE D4, D5; Man] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 3044. ​God aloud] O1, O2; ~, ~, D3, D4, D5. 3045. ​was the Time . . . ​as above.] O1, O2, D3, D4; was the Time . . . ​a s above. D5. 3046. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5; Discourses] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; seems] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5. 3047. ​confest] O1, O2, D3; confess’d D4, D5. 3048. ​Provocations] O1; Provocation O2, D3, D4, D5. 3049. ​least] O1, D3; lest O2, D4, D5. 3050. ​alone,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5; least] O1, O2; lest D3, D4, D5. 3051. ​her] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 3052. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5. 3053. ​Clergy-­man] O1, O2, D3; Clergyman D4, D5. 3054. ​imaginable,] O1, O2, D3; D5; ~^ D4. 3055. ​her;] O1, D3; ~. O2; ~: D4, D5. 3056. ​However] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5. 3057. ​believed] O1, O2, D3; believ’d D4, D5. 3058. ​(viz.)] O1, D3, D4;^~^ O2, D5. 3059. ​baptiz’d.] O1, D5; Baptiz’d O2; Baptiz’d. D3, D4. 3060. ​I agreed] O1, O2, D3; ~ AGREED D4, D5. 3061. ​baptiz’d] O1, D4, D5; Baptiz’d O2, D3. 3062. ​has] O1, O2, D4; had D3, D5; ­Thing] O1, O2, D3, D4; ­t hing D5. 3063. ​him, and] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ him, and D5; Redemption] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~, D3; holy] O1, D3; Holy O2, D4, D5; Resurrection,] O1, O2, D4, D5; Resurection, D3. 3064. ​I call’d] O1, O2, D3; ~ CALL’D D4, D5; ask’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; as’d D3. 3065. ​us] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 3066. ​­Things,] O1, D4, D5; ­t hings O2; ­t hings, D3. 3067. ​him,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 3068. ​Religion] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; assur’d,] O2, D5; assur’d^ D3, D4; assur’,d O1; said,] O1, O2, D5; ~^ D3, D4. 3069. ​her,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 3070. ​her,] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ D4. 3071. ​Accordingly] O1, O2, D3; ACCORDINGLY D4, D5; myself] O1; my^self O2, D3, D4, D5. 3072. ​entreated] O1, O2, D3, D4; intreated D5. 3073. ​popish] O1, D3; Popish O2, D4, D5. 3074. ​ a s I] O1, O2, D3, D4; as I D5; 1 told him] O1, O2, D3, D4; told him D5. 3075. ​Error] O1, O2, D3, D4; Errors D5; Catholick] O1, D3, D4; ~ O2; Catholick D5. 3076. ​Clergy-­man] O1, O2, D3; Clergyman D4, D5. 3077. ​­were] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4. 3078. ​Men.] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~: D4. 3079. ​In] O1, O2, D3; IN D4, D5; word,] O1, D3; Word, O2, D4, D5. 3080. ​surprising] O1, D3, D4; Surprizing O2, D5. 3081. ​and] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; Request] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5.

Va r i a n t s

357

3082. ​baptiz’d.] O1, D4, D5; Baptiz’d O2; Baptiz’d, D3. 3083. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5; baptize] O1, D3, D4, D5; Baptize O2; entreated] O1, O2, D3, D4; intreated D5; him] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5. 3084. ​pos­si­ble,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5. 3085. ​in:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3086. ​Chapel,] O1, O2, D4; Chappel, D3, D5. 3087. ​Manner] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 3088. ​myself,] O1; my^self, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3089. ​Dish-­f ul] O1, D3; Dishful O2, D4, D5. 3090. ​ which was the] O1, O2, D3, D4; which was the D5; Name,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5. 3091. ​baptize] O1, D3, D4, D5; Baptize O2. 3092. ​­Thing] O1, O2, D3, D4; t­ hing D5. 3093. ​it,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5; Time] O1, D3, D4, D5; time O2. 3094. ​As] O1, O2, D3, D5; AS D4; over] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; married] O1, O2, D3; marry’d D4, D5; over] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 3095. ​affectionate] O1, O2, D4, D5; Affectionate D3. 3096. ​persevere] O1, O2, D4, D5; percevere D3. 3097. ​him] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 3098. ​honoured] O1, O2, D3; honour’d D4, D5. 3099. ​himsef,] O1; himself O2; himself; D3, D4, D5. 3100. ​He] O1, O2, D3; HE D4, D5. 3101. ​recommending] O1, O2; recomending D3; recommended D4, D5; goodness,] O1, D3; Goodness, O2, D4, D5. 3102. ​Ceremony:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; pleasant] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 3103. ​me] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 3104. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Clergy-­man] O1, D3; Clergyman O2, D4, D5. 3105. ​seven and thirty] O1, O2, D3, D4; 37 D5. 3106. ​first,] O1, O2, D3; first, D4; First D5; it self] O1, D3, D4; itself O2, D5. 3107. ​secondly,] O1, O2, D3; secondly, D4; 2dly D5; done] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; his] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 3108. ​which,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 3109. ​Having] O1, O2, D3; HANING D4; HAVING D5. 3110. ​Man who] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, whom O2. 3111. ​com­pany] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; and] O1, O2, D3, D5; aed D4. 3112. ​Clergy man] O1; Clergy-­man O2, D3; Clergyman D4, D5; I had caused] O1, D3, D4; I^ caused O2; caus’d D5. 3113. ​desired] O1, D3, D4; desir’d O2, D5. 3114. ​I knew] O1, O2, D3; ~ KNEW D4, D5. 3115. ​persuade] O1, D3, D4; perswade O2, D5. 3116. ​circumstance:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; him] O1, D3; ~, O2;^ D4, D5; represented to him that] O1, O2, D3; ~^ ^ ~ D4; ~,^ ^ that D5. 3117. ​World] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5. 3118. ​Friends] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; his O2. 3119. ​six or seven and twenty] O1, O2, D3, D4; 26 or 27 D5. 3120. ​seventeen or eigh­teen] O1, O2, D3, D4; 17 or 18 D5. 3121. ​prob­ably] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5; remove] O1, D3; Remove O2, D4, D5. 3122. ​Wilderness] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 3123. ​disadvantagious] O1, D5; disadvantageous O2, D3, D4; both:] O1, D4, D5; ~. O2, D3; more] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5. 3124. ​Deal] O1, D4; deal O2, D3, D5; Guesses,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 3125. ​melancholly] O1, O2, D3, D4; melancholy D5. 3126. ​their  ^ Country] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ own ~ D5. 3127. ​and nothing] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ that ~ D5. 3128. ​two] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5.

358 Va r i a n t s 3129. ​Planter,] O1, O2; Paint­er^ D3; Painter, D4; Paint­er^ D5; Time,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; when] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 3130. ​into] O1, O2, D3, D4; ^to D5. 3131. ​­England;] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4. 3132. ​promised] O1, O2, D3, D4; promis’d D5; when ever] O1, D3, D4; whenever O2, D5; redeem’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; redeemed O2. 3133. ​Plantation] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; improvements] O1, D3, D4, D5; improvement O2. 3134. ​His] O1, O2, D3; HIS D4, D5; delivered,] O1; deliver’d, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3135. ​Assurances] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5; that] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 3136. ​Letters] O1, D3; Letter, O2, D4, D5. 3137. ​know] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; was] O1, D3, D4, D5; ­were O2. 3138. ​Person] O1, D3, D4, D5; Persons O2; me] O1; ~, O2, D4, D5. 3139. ​handsomely] O1, D3, D5; ~, O2; handsomely D4. 3140. ​backwards] O1, D3, D4; backward O2, D5. 3141. ​required it,] O1, O2, D3; requir’d ~, D4, D5. 3142. ​Handy] O1, D3; handy O2, D4, D5; House­w ifely] O1; ­house­w ifely O2, D3, D4, D5. 3143. ​behave^ to] O1, O2, D3; ~ herself ~ D4, D5; Kind] O1, O2; kind D3, D4, D5. 3144. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; proposed] O1, O2, D3; propos’d D4, D5; married] O1, O2, D3, D5; married D4. 3145. ​handsome O2, D5; handsom] O1, D3, D4; Plantation; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. And O2. 3146. ​Match] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5; made to give a small] O1, O2; made to me to give a small D3; ~ to me, to give ~ ~ D4, D5. 3147. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5; sharing] O1, D3; Sharing O2, D4, D5. 3148. ​sober, grave,] O2, D3, D4, D5; sober grave O1. 3149. ​Pious] O1, D3, D5; pious O2, D4; Religious,] O1, D3; religious, O2, D4, D5; allowed] O1; allow’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 3150. ​He] O1, O2, D3; HE D4, D5; justly] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D; and] O2, D3, D4, D5; aud O1. 3151. ​­whole] O1, O2, D3; Whole D4, D5; sign’d] O1, O2, D3; signed D4, D5; up] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; seal’d] O1, O2, D3; sealed D4, D5. 3152. ​testifying] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; them] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~, D3. 3153. ​Improvements] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 3154. ​I] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; me] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Name] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3155. ​As] O1, O2, D3; AS D4, D5; was, I O2, D3, D4, D5; was^ ~ O1. 3156. ​them; selves,] O1; ~—­O2; themselves; D3, D4; them D5. 3157. ​omit] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; this] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3158. ​Kind] O1, O2, D3; kind D4, D5; Common-­Wealth] O1, O2, D3; ~-­wealth D4, D5. 3159. ​Island,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; un-­employ’d;] O1, D3; unemploy’d; O2, D4, D5. 3160. ​Manner] O1, D3; manner O2, D4, D5; manage:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3161. ​Slaves,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2, D5. 3162. ​Force] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 3163. ​given them by] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5; ­were] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; Surrender,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 3164. ​allotted] O1, D3, D4, D5; alloted O2; Land,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 3165. ​follows:] O1; ~. O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 3166. ​Side] O1, O2, D4, D5; side D3. 3167. ​encreased] O1; increas’d O2, D3; encreas’d D4, D5. 3168. ​Eastward; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. The O2. 3169. ​ W.] O1; ­Will. O2, D3, D4, D5. 3170. ​ Spaniards;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3171. ​Occasion;] O1; Occasion, D4; occasion, O2, D3, D5; jostle] O1, D3, D4, D5; justle O2. 3172. ​All] O1, O2, D3; ALL D4, D5; East End] O1, O2; West ~ D3, D4; West-­End D5. 3173. ​­t here] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5. 3174. ​Barbarities] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5; go,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5; disturb’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; disturb D3.

Va r i a n t s

359

3175. ​­were ever attack’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; w ­ ere^ attack’d O2; disturb’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; distur’d D5. 3176. ​It] O1, O2, D3; IT D4, D5. 3177. ​Clergy-­man,] O1, D3; Clergyman, O2, D4, D5; converting] O1, D3, D4, D5; Converting O2. 3178. ​Foot] O1, O2; foot D3, D4, D5; him,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 3179. ​Part] O1, O2, D4, D5; part D3. 3180. ​He] O1, O2, D3; HE D4, D5; if] O1; ~, O2, D3; If, D4, D5. 3181. ​altogether,] O1;together O2; all together D3, D5; all together, D4. 3182. ​Papists,] O1, O2, D3; Papists, D4, D5. 3183. ​Protestants;] O1, O2, D3; Protetestants; D4, D5. 3184. ​promise, . . . ​would never] O1, O2; Promise, . . . ​never would D3, D4; ~, never would D5. 3185. ​Papist or Protestant] O1, O2, D3; Papist ~ Protestant D4, D5. 3186. ​Christ;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 3187. ​another,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 3188. ​ W. Atkins’s] O1, D3, D4, D5; ­Will. Atkins’s O2; House, I] O1, O2, D3; House, (I D4, D5. 3189. ​House,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5; Piece] O1, O2, D3; piece D4, D5. 3190. ​again;] O1, O2, D3; ~;) D4, D5. 3191. ​ W. Atkins’s Wife,] O1, D4, D5; Atkins’s Wife O2; Atkins’s Wife, D3. 3192. ​ ­Will.] O1; William O2; W. D3, D4, D5; tho’] O1, D3, D4, D5; though O2. 3193. ​her] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 3194. ​Conversation;] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ D4. 3195. ​It] O1, O2, D3; IT D4, D5. 3196. ​amongst] O1, O2, D3, D4; among D5. 3197. ​them,] O1, O2; ~^ D3;^ D4, D5; Bible;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3198. ​­w idow] O1, O2, D4, D5; Widdow D3. 3199. ​an hundred Pounds] O1, O2, D3, D4; 100 l. D5; Bibles,] O1, O2, D3, three ~^ D4; 3 D5. 3200. ​Prayer-­book:] O1, O2; Prayer-­Book: D3; ~-­Book D4, D5. 3201. ​I took] O1, O2, D3; ~ TOOK D4, D5; Pocket,] O1, O2, D4, D5; Poket, D3. 3202. ​ ­Will.] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4; William D5. 3203. ​ ­Will.] O1, O2, D3; ~l^ D4; William D5; Atkins,] O1, O2, D5; ~^ D3, D4. 3204. ​asked] O1; ask’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 3205. ​Discourse;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; Sir,] O1, D3, D4; ~! O2; Sir, D5; O] O1, O2, D3, D4; O D5; ­Will.] O1, O2, D3, D4; William D5. 3206. ​when God . . . ​bring Home,] O1, O2, D3, D4; when God . . . ​bring Home, D5. 3207. ​He] O1, D3, D4; he O2; He D5; never wants . . . ​got a new] O1, O2, D3, D4; never wants . . . ​got a new D5; Instructor;] O1, D3, D4; ~! O2; Instructor; D5. 3208. ​I knew I . . . ​of that] O1, O2, D3, D4; I knew I . . . ​of that D5. 3209. ​Work;] O1, D3, D4; ~! O2; Work; D5; that] O1, D3, D4; That O2; that D5. 3210. ​Savages; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~! The O2. 3211. ​desir’d] O1, O2, D3, D5; desired D4. 3212. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5. 3213. ​tho’] O1, D3; though O2, D4, D5. 3214. ​­here, says I,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ­here, says I, D5. 3215. ​I have brought you . . . ​had not] O1, O2, D3, D4; I have brought you . . . ​had not D5. 3216. ​before;] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; before; D5; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; The O2. 3217. ​­Here,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ­Here D5; he;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 3218. ​did not I tell you, our] O1, O2, D3, D4; did not I tell you, our D5. 3219. ​God] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5; tho’] O1, O2, D3, D4; tho’ D5; lives above, could hear] O1, O2, D3, D4; lives above, could hear D5. 3220. ​what we said? . . . ​sent it; when] O1, O2, D3, D4; what we said? . . . ​sent it. When D5. 3221. ​transports] O1; Transports O2, D3, D4, D5; it,] O1, O2, D5; ~^ D3, D4. 3222. ​Thanks] O1, D3, D4, D5; thanks O2.

360 Va r i a n t s 3223. ​crying.] O1, O2, D3, D5; Crying. D4. 3224. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; surprised] O1, D3, D4, D5; surprized O2. 3225. ​Petition;] O1, D3, D4; ~: O2, D5. 3226. ​believe,] O1; believ’d^ O2, D3, D5; believ’d, D4. 3227. ​Time,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; persuaded] O1, D3, D4, D5; perswaded O2. 3228. ​Purpose] O1; purpose O2, D3, D4, D5; too] O1, O2, D4, D5; to D3. 3229. ​­Woman] O1, D3, D4, D5; W ­ oman, O2. 3230. ​her,] O1, D4, D5; ~^ O2, D3; we] O1, O2, D3, D4; We D5. 3231. ​did not . . . ​more ignorant] O1, O2, D3, D4; did not . . . ​more ignorant D5. 3232. ​understanding] O1, D3, D4; Understanding O2; understanding D5. 3233. ​of Th ­ ings; and . . . ​Providence, such] O1, O2, D3, D4; of ­Things; and . . . ​Providence, such D5. 3234. ​­Things] O1, D3, D4; t­ hings O2; ­Things D5; are] O1, O2, D3, D4; are D5. 3235. ​in a par­tic­u ­lar . . . ​do not expect] O1, O2, D3, D4; in a par­tic­u­lar  .  .  . ​do not expect D5. 3236. ​Returns] O1, O2; returns D3, D4; Returns D5. 3237. ​from Heaven, in a miraculous . . . ​it is not so.] O1, O2, D3, D4; from Heaven^ in a miraculous. . . . ​it is not so. D5. 3238. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5; was] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3239. ​so; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. But O2. 3240. ​Surprise] O1, D3, D4, D5; Surprize O2. 3241. ​Sure,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 3242. ​this] O1, D3, D4, D5; his O2. 3243. ​Princi­ple;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: O2; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; And O2; tho’] O1, O2; though D3, D4, D5. 3244. ​outragious] O1, D3, D4, D5; outrageous O2. 3245. ​all,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 3246. ​despair] O1, O2, D4, D5; dispair D3. 3247. ​Appearance] O1, O2, D3, D4; appearance D5; Instruction] O1, O2, D3, D5; instruction D4. 3248. ​Providence,] O1, D3, D4; Providence^ O2, D5. 3249. ​tho’] O1, O2; though D3, D4, D5; Time] O1, O2, D3, D5; time D4; other,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 3250. ​Thus] O1, O2, D3; THUS D4, D5; Man;] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; however O1, O2, D5; However, D3, D4. 3251. ​Knowledge: He] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; he O2. 3252. ​now,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 3253. ​­Father] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 3254. ​Among] O1, O2, D3; AMONG D4, D5; occur’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; occured O2. 3255. ​Bible;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 3256. ​entertain’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; entertained O2. 3257. ​it] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; till] O1, O2, D4, D5; ‘till D3. 3258. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5. 3259. ​Shore; and] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~: And D5. 3260. ​omit telling] O1, O2; ~ of ~ D3, D4, D5. 3261. ​I have] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ HAVE D5. 3262. ​starv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; starved O2. 3263. ​used] O1, O2, D3, used, D4; ~, D5; Provisions;] O1, D3, D4, D5; Provisions, O2. 3264. ​starv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; starved O2. 3265. ​One] O1, O2, D3; ONE D4, D5; discoursing] O1, O2; Discoursing D3, D4, D5. 3266. ​suffer’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; suffered O2; her,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 3267. ​appear’d; she] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~? She D5; believ’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; believed O2. 3268. ​thus.] O1; thus: O2, D4, D5; thus, D3. 3269. ​First,] O1, O2, D3; First, D4, D5. 3270. ​now,] O1, D4; ~^ O2, D3; now^ D5.

Va r i a n t s

361

3271. ​myself] O1; my^self O2, D3, D4, D5. 3272. ​enclin’d] O1, D3; inclin’d O2, D4, D5; sleepy;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3273. ​a-­Clock in] O1; a^Clock^in O2, D3, D5; a-­Clock in D4. 3274. ​my self empty,] O1, O2; myself ~^ D3; empty^ D4; empty D5; sickish,] O1, O2, D3; ~ again, D4; sickish again, D5; lay’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; lay O2. 3275. ​continu’d] O1, D3, D4; continued O2, D5. 3276. ​Hungry] O1, D3, D4, D5; hungry O2. 3277. ​reachings] O1, D3; Reachings O2, D4, D5; vomit; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; vomit. The O2; obliged] O1, D3; oblig’d O2, D4, D5. 3278. ​­Water;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 3279. ​ Barbadoes] O1, D3, D4; Berbadoes O2; Barbadoes D5. 3280. ​bought] O1, O2, D5; brought D3, D4. 3281. ​I thought] O1, O2, D3; ~ THOUGHT D4, D5; this,] O1, D4, D5; ~^ O2, D3; this,] O1, D4, D5; ~^ O2, D3; at] O1, O2, D3, D4; at, D5. 3282. ​wak’d] O1, O2; awak’d, D3; awak’d D4; awak’d D5. 3283. ​extremity] O1, D3, D4; Extremity O2, D5. 3284. ​­because,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 3285. ​Effect] O1, O2, D3; effect D4, D5. 3286. ​senseless] O2; senseless, D3, D5; sensless, O1, D4; drunk] O1, O2, D5; Drunk D3, D4. 3287. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5. 3288. ​Dreams;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 3289. ​furious,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 3290. ​question, w ­ hether] O1, D4; ~^ ­whether, O2, D3, D5. 3291. ​me,] O2, D3, D4, D5; ~; O1. 3292. ​not?] O1, O2, D3, D4; not. D5. 3293. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5. 3294. ​mad] O1, O2, D3, D5; Mad D4; Bedlam] O1, O2, D3, D4; Bedlam D5. 3295. ​Fits] O1, O2, D4, D5; fits D3. 3296. ​Bed] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 3297. ​Nose;] O1, D4, D5; Noise; D3. 3298. ​Flame or Fever,] O1; ~—­~, D3; Flame or the Fever O2; Flame, or the Fever D4, D5; in,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, in^ D5. 3299. ​Then] O1, O2, D3; THEN D4, D5; reached] O1; reach’d O2, D3, D4, D5; I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4; myself] O1, D3; my^self O2, D4; my^self D5. 3300. ​described] O1, O2, D3; describ’d D4; describ’d D5; not] O1, O2, D4, D5; nor D3; Food; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: And O2. 3301. ​I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4; Child. I] O1, O2, D3; ~: I D4; Child: ~ D5. 3302. ​it;] O1, D4, D5; ~, O2, D3. 3303. ​I] O1, O2, D3, D4; I D5. 3304. ​I] O1, O2, D3, D4; I D5. 3305. ​I] O1, O2, D3, D4; I D5. 3306. ​my self] O1, O2, D4, D5; myself D3. 3307. ​stomach,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; I] O1, O2, D3, D4; I D5; Soul then to] O1, O2, D3; ~^ ~ D4; Soul^ to D5. 3308. ​All] O1, O2, D3; ALL D4, D5; me just] O1, D3, D5; ~, ~, O2, D4; thought] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 3309. ​Bit] O1, O2, D4, D5; bit D3. 3310. ​oblig’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; obliged O2; believe] O1, O2, D3, D4; believ’d D5. 3311. ​­Towards] O1, O2, D3; ­TOWARDS D4, D5; first] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; awak’d] O1, D3, D5; awaked O2; wak’d D4. 3312. ​Hunger;] O1, D3; ~. O2; ~, D4; Hunger; D5; I] O1, O2, D3; so that I D4, D5; Condition; had] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. Had O2. 3313. ​I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4; lov’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; loved O2; I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4; I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4.

362 Va r i a n t s 3314. ​unconcern’d,] O1, D3, D5; unconcerned O2; unconcern’d D4. 3315. ​the the Flesh] O1; the^ Flesh O2, D3, D4; Flesh D5; Food;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4; Food; D5. 3316. ​I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4; Arm:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4; Bason] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4; Bason D5. 3317. ​I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4; Nose] O1, O2, D4, D5; Noise D3; before;] O1, D3, D4, D5; before. O2; swallow’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; swallowed O2. 3318. ​I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4. 3319. ​won­der’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; wondred O2; Body] O1, O2, D3, D5; body D4; should] O1, D3, D4, D5; would O2. 3320. ​Tho’] O1, O2, D3; THO’ D4, D5. 3321. ​I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4. 3322. ​it:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4. 3323. ​’till] O1, O2, D3;^~ D4; ’till D5. 3324. ​(viz.)] O1, O2, D3, D4; (viz.) D5. 3325. ​again;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4; again; D5. 3326. ​quarter] O1, D3, D5; Quarter O2, D4; Hour,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4; Hour, D5. 3327. ​exceedingly:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3328. ​I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4. 3329. ​I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4; All] O1, O2, D3; ALL D4, D5; Sleep; I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4; but] O1, D3, D5; ~. But O2; ~, D4; turn’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; turned O2. 3330. ​Wind] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 3331. ​Bowels;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; And O2. 3332. ​’till] O1, O2, D3;^~ D4; ’till D5; I was surpriz’d] O1, D3, D4, D5;^ was surprized O2. 3333. ​dead:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; lifted] O1, D3, D4, D5; lifted up O2; myself up] O1, D5; my self O2, D3, D4. 3334. ​tho’] O1, D3, D4, D5; though O2. 3335. ​had] O1, O2, D3; HAD D4, D5. 3336. ​Sustenance,] O1, O2, D4, D5; sustenance, D3; I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4; describe;] O1, D3, D5; ~, O2; ~^ D4. 3337. ​imitate; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: And O2. 3338. ​was] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4. 3339. ​when I] O1, O2, D3, D5; in ~ I D4; out, A] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ a D3; A Sail] O1, O2, D3; a ~ D4; a Sail D5. 3340. ​ a Sail,] O1, O2, D3, D4; a Sail, D5; hallow] O1, D3, D4, D5; haloo O2. 3341. ​I was] O1, O2, D3; ~ WAS D4, D5. 3342. ​my young Master] O1, O2, D3; ~^ ~ D4, D5; I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4; Cabin Door] O1, O2; ~-­~ D3, D4, D5. 3343. ​occasion’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; occasioned O2; we had any] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5. 3344. ​us, that] O1, O2; ~^ ^ D3, D5; ~^ ~ D4. 3345. ​­Thing] O1, O2, D3, D5; ­t hing D4. 3346. ​It] O1, O2, D3, D5; IT D4. 3347. ​I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4. 3348. ​“First . . . ​better too.”] O1, O2, D3, D4; (italic type) D5. 3349. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5; starving] O1, D3, D4, D5; Starving O2; confess,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 3350. ​I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4. 3351. ​me;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3352. ​tho’] O1, D3, D5; though O2, D4. 3353. ​it;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4. 3354. ​supposed] O1, O2, D3; suppos’d D4; suppos’d D5; the] O1, O2, D4;^ D3, D5. 3355. ​Bit] O1, O2, D3; Bits D4, D5. 3356. ​Ship,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 3357. ​even, that] O1, D3, D5; ~^~, O2, D4; as,] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ D4.

Va r i a n t s

363

3358. ​serv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; served O2. 3359. ​Land,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 3360. ​happen’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; happened O2; Way;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4. 3361. ​And] O1, O2, D3; AND D4, D5. 3362. ​fram’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; framed O2. 3363. ​I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4; them;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4. 3364. ​I] O1, O2, D3, D5; I D4; plainly] O1, D3, D5; ~, O2, D4. 3365. ​the the Sloop] O1, O2, D3, D4;^ ~ ~ D5. 3366. ​separated,] O1, O2, D5; seperated, D3, D4. 3367. ​turn’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; turned O2; Pirates] O1, D3, D4, D5; Pyrates O2. 3368. ​so as I intended] O1, O2, D3;^ ~ ~ ~ D4, D5; it; nor] O1, D3, D5; ~. Nor O2; it to be; D4. 3369. ​extraordinarily] O1, D3, D5; ~, O2, D4. 3370. ​Reason:] O1, D3, D4, D5; Reason. O2; it was] O1, O2; they had D3, D4, D5. 3371. ​but^ not] O1, O2; but I was not D3; ~ I was ~ D4, D5. 3372. ​Abroad] O1, O2, D3, D4; abroad D5; attack] O1, O2, D3, D4; attaque D5. 3373. ​Undertaking:] O1, D3, D5; Undertaking. O2; Undertakings: D4; reserv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; reserved O2. 3374. ​Island;] O1, D5; ~. O2; ~: D3, D4. 3375. ​Board] O1, D5; board O2, D3, D4. 3376. ​them; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. And O2; resolv’d] O1, D3, D4; resolved O2, D5; ‘till] O1, O2, D3, D4; ‘til^ D5. 3377. ​promis’d] O1, D3, D4; promised O2, D5; further] O1, D3, D4, D5; farther O2. 3378. ​opportunity; and particularly] O1, D3, D4, D5; Opportunity: And ~, O2. 3379. ​promis’d] O1, D3, D4; promised O2, D5; cattel] O1, D3, D4, D5; ­cattle O2; Hogs,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; cows:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; Calves] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 3380. ​oblig’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; obliged O2; Voyage] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 3381. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; Parting,] O1, O2, D4, D5; parting, D3. 3382. ​ All-­Saints] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­~, D5; Brasils] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 3383. ​this,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3384. ​Land Side,] O1, O2, D3; ~-­side, D4; Land-­side, D5. 3385. ​cry’d] O1, O2, D3, ~, D4, D5; East-­ward;] O1; Eastward O2; Eastward; D3; Westward; D4, D5. 3386. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; smooth, and] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 3387. ​­were,] O1, D3, D4, D5;~^ O2; cover’d] O1, O2, D3; covered D4, D5. 3388. ​was, ’till ­a fter] O1, O2, D3; ~; but ~ D4, D5. 3389. ​Army.] O1, O2; ~, D3; ~; D4; Army; D5; meant] O1, O2, D3, D4; ment D5. 3390. ​Nay] O1, O2, D3, D4; Nay D5. 3391. ​apace.] O1, O2, D3; ~, and full of Men. D4; apace and full of Men. D5. 3392. ​was] O1, O2, D3; WAS D4, D5. 3393. ​confess] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3; becalm’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; beclam’d D5. 3394. ​to] O1, O2, D4; as to D3, D5. 3395. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; continu’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; continued D5. 3396. ​furle] O1, D3, D4, D5; furl O2; Sails:] O1, O2, D3; ~. D4, D5. 3397. ​but] O1, O2, D4, D5; but to D3. 3398. ​man] O1, D3; Man O2, D4, D5. 3399. ​Posture:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; Skeets] O1, O2, D3; Sheets D4; Sheats D5. 3400. ​Fire] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; fix to] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~ upon D4; Out-­side] O1, D3, D4, D5; Outside O2. 3401. ​In] O1, O2, D3; IN D4, D5. 3402. ​twenty;] O1, O2; ~^ D3; ~, D4, D5. 3403. ​them, and some] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~,^ ~ D5. 3404. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5; us:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3405. ​up however] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, ~, O2.

364 Va r i a n t s 3406. ​about] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 3407. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5. 3408. ​designing] O1, O2, D3, D5; desiging D4; came] O1, O2, D3, D4; come D5. 3409. ​back,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 3410. ​50] O1, O2, D3, D4; 500 D5; Board] O1, D4; board O2, D3, D5. 3411. ​However] O1, O2, D3; HOWEVER D4, D5. 3412. ​Deal Boards] O1, D5; ~-­~ O2, D3, D4; Carpenter] O1, D3, D4, D5; Carpenters O2. 3413. ​kind] O1, O2, D3, D4; Kind D5; Fence] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; Boards] O1, D4, D5; ~, O2, D3. 3414. ​About] O1, O2, D3; ABOUT D4, D5. 3415. ​near us,] O1, O2, D4; near,^ D3, D5. 3416. ​And] O1, O2, D4;^ D3, D5. 3417. ​’till] O1, O2, D3, D4;^till D5; row’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; rowed D5. 3418. ​strait] O1, O2, D3, D4; straight D5; ’till] O1, O2, D3, D4;^till D5; near,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5; speak:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3419. ​made] O1, O2, D3, D4; make D5. 3420. ​Language,] O1, D4, D5; ~^ O2, D3. 3421. ​them,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 3422. ​turns] O1, D3, D4; turn’d O2, D5. 3423. ​us;] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 3424. ​Backsides] O1, O2, D3; Back-­sides D4, D5; if in] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ an D5. 3425. ​Presence,] O1, O2, D4, D5; presence, D3;—­—­; w ­ hether] O1, D3, D4, D5;—­—. ­W hether O2. 3426. ​poor Fellow;] O1, O2, D3; (~ ~) D4, D5. 3427. ​was] O1, O2, D3; WAS D4, D5. 3428. ​Loss] O1, O2, D4, D5; loss D3. 3429. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5; Cable] O1, O2, D3; Cable’s D4, D5; fir’d;] O1, O2, D5; ~^ D3; fir’d, D4; Aim] O1, O2, D4, D5; aim D3. 3430. ​as] O1, O2, D3, D5; (as D4; Reason] O1, D4, D5; reason O2, D3; believe,] O1, O2, D3; ~) D4, D5. 3431. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; Manners] O1, O2, D4, D5; manners D3. 3432. ​therefore,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 3433. ​Guns at them with Powder only,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ ^ ~ ~, D4; ~^ ^ ~ ~; D5. 3434. ​the Fury] O1, O2, D3, D4; their ~ D5. 3435. ​who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 3436. ​justify’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; justified D5. 3437. ​could] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 3438. ​can] O1, O2, D3; CAN D4, D5; neither,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; wounded,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 3439. ​swimming] O2; swimming; D3, D4, D5; swiming O1; rest] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; rest] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 3440. ​could,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5. 3441. ​spoil’d] O1, D3, D4; spoiled O2, D5; Shot:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3442. ​lost:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; took up one] O1, D3, D4, D5; took^one O2; swimming O2, D3, D4, D5; swiming O1. 3443. ​many; but,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: But^ O2. 3444. ​Hours] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; thereabouts,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 3445. ​Eve­ning] O1, D3, D4, D5; Fvening O2; Sail] O1, O2, D3, D4; sail D5. 3446. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5. 3447. ​fancy’d] O1, O2; fansied D3, D5; fancied D4. 3448. ​Long-­boat,] O1, O2, D4; Long-­Boat, D3, D5. 3449. ​speak:] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5; do;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D4, D5. 3450. ​him;] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5. 3451. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5.

Va r i a n t s

365

3452. ​want] O1, O2, D3, D4; Want D5. 3453. ​on.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5. 3454. ​it was] O1, D5; ‘twas O2, D3, D4. 3455. ​­Thing:] O1, D5; t­ hing O2; t­ hing: D3; t­ hing, D4; But,] O1, O2, D3; but, D4, D5; Time,] O1, D5; time O2; time, D3, D4. 3456. ​Gutterals,] D3, D5; Gutterals^ O2; Gutterals, D3, D5; Gutturals^ D4; Guterals O1; spoke] O1, O2, D3; spoken D4, D5. 3457. ​odd] O1, O2, D3, D5; and ~ D4; a­ fter] O1; from O2, D3, D4, D5. 3458. ​Opinion,] O1, O2, D5; opinion^ D3, D4. 3459. ​gagg’d,] O1, O2, D3, D4; gagged, D5. 3460. ​Lips,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; Palat, O1; ~; O2; Palate; D3, D5; Palate, D4. 3461. ​Throat; he] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. He O2. 3462. ​however] O1, D5; ~, O2, D3, D4; Time] O1, D5; time O2, D3, D4; a­ fter] O1, D5; ~, O2, D3, D4; we had taught] O1, D3, D4, D5; we^taught O2. 3463. ​ask’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; as’d D3; said] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; they w ­ ere] O1, O2, D3, D4; t­ here ~ D5. 3464. ​FIVE NATION,] O1, O2, D3, D4; FIVE NATION, ( D5; we] O1, O2, D3; (~ D4, D5; plural] O1; Plural O2; Plurial D3; Plural D4, D5; S.] O1, O2, D3; ~) D4; S D5. 3465. ​him,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 3466. ​said,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 3467. ​observed] O1, D3, D4, D5; observ’d O2. 3468. ​End] O1, O2, D3, D5; end D4. 3469. ​place] O1, O2, D4, D5; make D3; upon them,] O1, O2, D3, ~ the last of ~, D4, D5; makèè] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 3470. ​And] O1, O2, D3; AND D4, D5. 3471. ​ Friday! we bury’d] O1; Friday! We buried O2, D3, D4, D5; all the Decency] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5. 3472. ​caused them] O1; caus’d ’em O2, D3, D4; caus’d them D5; him,] O1, D5; ~; O2, D3, D4. 3473. ​Servant,] O1, D3, D5; ~^ O2, D4. 3474. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5. 3475. ​Time] O1, O2, D3; time D4, D5. 3476. ​North-­Eastermost] O1, D3, D4, D5; North^Eastermost O2; Amer­i­ca.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5. 3477. ​Sight] O1, O2, D3; sight D4, D5. 3478. ​oft] O1, O2, D3, D5; off D4; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; he O2; all] O1, D3, D4, D5; All O2. 3479. ​Never] O1, O2, D3; NEVER D4, D5. 3480. ​correspondence] O1, O2, D4, D5; correspondency D3. 3481. ​not] O1, O2; nor D3, D4, D5. 3482. ​the] O1, D4, D5; that O2, D3. 3483. ​Monastery] O1, O2, D3; Monastry D4, D5; 272] O1, O2, D3; 372 D4, D5; Poor,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 3484. ​more] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3485. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5; as] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; Linnen] O1, D5; Linnen, O2, D3, D4. 3486. ​generous broad hearted] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, broad-­hearted O2. 3487. ​tho’] O1, O2, D4, D5; though D3; like me,] O1, O2, D3; (~ ~) D4, D5. 3488. ​­Thing,] O1, O2, D3, D5; t­ hing, D4. 3489. ​Sweet-­meats] O1, D3, D4, D5; Sweat-­meats O2. 3490. ​which,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; Cloath] O1, O2, D3, D4; Cloth D5. 3491. ​Hollands:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; deliver’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; delivered D5. 3492. ​100 lib.] O1, O2, D3, D4; 100 l. D5; oblig’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; obliged D5. 3493. ​Accordingly] O1; ~, O2, D3; ACCORDINGLY, D4, D5. 3494. ​fram’d,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2.

366 Va r i a n t s 3495. ​Place;] O1, D5; ~, O2, D3, D4. 3496. ​Cargoe] O1, D5; cargo O2; Cargo D3, D4; I sent] O1, O2, D3; ~ had ~ D4, D5. 3497. ​Shore] O1, O2, D4, D5; shore D3. 3498. ​Governour Spaniard,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­~ D5; sufficiont] O1, D4, D5; sufficient O2; sufficient D3. 3499. ​Cloaths] O1, D3, D4, D5; Clothes O2. 3500. ​Planting-­Work] O1, O2, D3; ~-­work D4, D5. 3501. ​Buckaneer] O1, D3, D4, D5; Buccaneer O2. 3502. ​encourag’d] O1; encouraged O2, D3; ENCOURAGED D4, D5; desir’d;] O1; desired O2; desired; D3, D4, D5. 3503. ​Share] O1, O2, D4, D5; share D3; Th ­ ing] O1, D3, D5; ­t hing O2, D4. 3504. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5. 3505. ​Fellow,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 3506. ​­Matter] O1, O2, D4, D5; ­matter D3. 3507. ​ he,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; a] O1, O2, D4; an D3, D5. 3508. ​oblig’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; obliged O2; Fear] O1; fear O2, D3, D4, D5. 3509. ​wou’d] O1, D3; would O2, D4, D5. 3510. ​Escape] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 3511. ​Houshold-­Stuff] O1, D5; ~^~ D3, D4; ~, O2. 3512. ​And] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Tho’] O1, O2, D3; tho’ D4, D5. 3513. ​Hands;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; alive,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 3514. ​granted] O1, O2, D3; GRANTED D4, D5; En­glish Man] O1, O2, D3; En­glishman D4, D5. 3515. ​Wife,] O1, D4; ~^ O2, D3, D5; Board] O1, D3, D4, D5; board O2. 3516. ​’till’] O1, D3, D5;^till O2, D4; out] O1, O2, D5; ~, D3, D4. 3517. ​Board] O1; board O2, D3, D4, D5; Time] O1, D4, D5; time O2, D3; Board] O1; board O2, D3, D4, D5. 3518. ​Our] O1, O2, D3; OUR D4, D5; Seaman] O1, O2, D4, D5; Seamen D3; with,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 3519. ​carry’d] O1; carried O2, D3, D4, D5. 3520. ​them, which] O1, O2, D3; ~^ (~ D4, D5; rest,] O1, O2, D3; ~^) D4, D5. 3521. ​Sugar Canes] O1, D3, D4, D5; Sugar-­Canes O2. 3522. ​mean] O1, D3, D4, D5; meant O2. 3523. ​well,] O1 ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 3524. ​Among] O1, O2, D3; AMONG D4, D5. 3525. ​their] O1, O2; this D3, D4, D5; calves, about] O1, O2, D3, D5; Calves, about D4; 22] O1, O2, D3; Twenty two D4, D5. 3526. ​them] O1; ’em O2, D3, D4, D5; Stone-­Horse] O1, O2, D3; ~-­horse D4, D5. 3527. ​For] O1, O2, D3; FOR D4, D5. 3528. ​procur’d] O1; procured O2, D3, D4, D5. 3529. ​ Spaniards] O1, O2, D3, D5; Sprniards D4. 3530. ​All] O1, O2, D3; ALL D4, D5; Cargoe] O1, D3; Cargo O2, D4, D5. 3531. ​now] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; Addition] O1, D3, D5; ~, O2; Addition) D4. 3532. ​sixty] O1, D3, D4, D5; si xty O2. 3533. ​many:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; the Way] O1, O2, D3, D4;^ ~ D5. 3534. ​ ­England; of] O1, O2; ~; being sent back to the brasils by this Sloop, of D3; ~; being sent back to the Brasils by this Sloop, of; ­England; being sent back to the Brasils by this Sloop, of D4, D5. 3535. ​immediately] O1; ~. O2; in it’s Place. D3, D4, D5. 3536. ​I have] O1, O2, D3; ~ HAVE D4, D5; Manner] O1, O2, D3, D5; manner D4. 3537. ​who ever] O1; whoever O2, D3, D4, D5; Memorandums] D3, D4, D5 Memorandums O2; Memorandum’s O1. 3538. ​read of] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ only ~ D5. 3539. ​forty] O2, D3, D4, D5; fourty O1.

Va r i a n t s

367

3540. ​had] O1, O2, D3; HAD D4, D5. 3541. ​him.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5. 3542. ​­People,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 3543. ​Government] O1, D3, D4, D5; Governour O2; Subjection] O1, O2, D5; subjection D3, D4. 3544. ​carry’d] O1; carried O2, D3, D4, D5; Ammunition] O2, D3, D4; Ammunion O1, D5; Servants] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 3545. ​­People,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5; to plant] O1, O2, D3, D5; to Plant D4; fortify’d] O1; fortified O2, D3, D4, D5. 3546. ​encreas’d] O1; increas’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 3547. ​settled] O1, D4, D5; settl’d O2, D3; myself] O1, D3; my^self O2, D4, D5. 3548. ​Time,] O1, D5; time O2, D4; time, D3. 3549. ​stay’d] O1; staid O2, D3, D4, D5; myself] O1, D3, D5; my^self O2, D4. 3550. ​Sense] O1, D3, D4, D5; sense O2; possessed] O1, D3; possest O2; possess’d D4, D5. 3551. ​Advantages,] O1, D3, D4, D5; Advantages; O2; pleas’d myself] O1, D5; pleased my^self O2, D3, D4. 3552. ​plac’d] O1; placed O2, D3, D4, D5. 3553. ​Plantation:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3554. ​Nation;] O1, D5; ~, O2, D3, D4. 3555. ​Name;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; it] O1; it, O2, D3, D4, D5; no Body;] O1; Man O2; Man; D3, D4, D5. 3556. ​Goverment] O1; Government O2, D3, D4, D5; tho’] O1, D3, D4, D5; though O2. 3557. ​as a ­Father] O1; as^ ­Father O2, D3, D4, D5. 3558. ​Act] O1; act O2, D3, D4, D5; Command] O1; command O2, D3, D4, D5; Way] O1; way O2, D3, D4, D5; voluntary] O1; voluntarily O2, D3, D4, D5. 3559. ​mov’d] O1; moved O2, D3, D4, D5; comply;] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5; yet] O1; Yet O2, D3, D4, D5; yet] O1, D3, D4, D5; Yet O2. 3560. ​rambl’d] O1; rambled O2, D3, D4, D5. 3561. ​Partners] O1, D3; Partner’s O2, D4, D5; Means;] O1, O2, D4, D5; means; D3. 3562. ​Place,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; Word,] O1, O2; word, D3, D4, D5. 3563. ​till] O1, D4, D5; till, O2; ’till’ D3; written;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 3564. ​Male-­content] O1; ~-­~ D3; male-­content O2; Malecontent D4, D5; ­t here:] O1, D3; ~. O2; t­ here; D4, D5; dead;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: O2; That] O1, O2, D3; that D4, D5. 3565. ​had had some] O1, D3, D4, D5; had^ some O2. 3566. ​begg’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; begged O2. 3567. ​them away,] O1, O2; ’em ~^ D3, D4, D5. 3568. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Wild Goose] O1, D3, D4, D5; Wild-­Goose O2; indeed;] O1; indeed O2; indeed; D3, D4, D5; they that] O1, O2; They who D3, D4, D5. 3569. ​thro’] O1, O2, D3; through D4, D5. 3570. ​wild] O1, O2, D4, D5; Wild D3; Adventures] O1, D3, D4, D5; Adventers O2. 3571. ​observ’d,] O1; observed O2, D5; observed, D3, D4. 3572. ​Desires;] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5; Wishes, be] O1, O2; ~^ to be D3, D4, D5. 3573. ​­Things,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 3574. ​allow’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; allowed O2. 3575. ​Let] O1, O2, D3; LET D4, D5; himself,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; himself;] O1, D5; ~. O2; ~: D3, D4, D5. 3576. ​Man is] O2, D5; Man, ~ D3, D4; Man; ~ O1; Way] O1, O2, D3; way D4, D5. 3577. ​Passions,] O1, D3, D5; ~^ O2, D4. 3578. ​Affections,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 3579. ​say] O1, O2, D3; SAY D4, D5; this,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 3580. ​Punishment:] O1, D3, D4, D5; Punishment. O2. 3581. ​easy] O1, D3, D4, D5; easie O2. 3582. ​historically,] O1, D4, D5; Historically O2; Historically, D3; Particulars:] O1, D3, D5; ~. O2, D4; Power, us,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5.

368 Va r i a n t s 3583. ​hurry’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; hurried O2; the] O1, O2, D4, D5; to the D3. 3584. ​by] O1, O2, D4; of D3, D5. 3585. ​Justice,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 3586. ​Be] O1, O2, D3; BE D4, D5; went;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; ’tis] O1, D3, D4, D5; ’Tis O2; Time] O1, O2, D3, D5; time D4. 3587. ​farther] O1, O2, D3, D4; fatrher D5; Reason] O1, D3, D4, D5; Reasons O2. 3588. ​Conduct; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; Conduct. But O2; History,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; embark’d] O1, D3; embarked O2; embarqued D4, D5. 3589. ​should] O1, O2, D3; SHOULD D4, D5; honest] O1, O2, D4, D5; Honest D3; Clergy-­ man] O1; Clergyman O2, D3, D4, D5. 3590. ​leave] O1, D3; Leave O2, D4, D5. 3591. ​still] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; observ’d,] O1, D3; observed O2; observ’d, D4, D5. 3592. ​began:] O1, D3; ~. O2; began; D4, D5; How] O1, O2, D3; how D4, D5. 3593. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; now; all ­Things] O1, D4, D5; ~. All ­t hings O2, D3; best; had] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. Had O2. 3594. ​­Things] O1, O2, D4, D5; ­t hings D3. 3595. ​second] O1, D3, D4, D5; Second O2. 3596. ​ Robin. Crusoe; so] O1; Robinson ~. So O2, D3, D4, D5; my self,] O1, O2, D4, D5; myself, D3. 3597. ​From] O1, O2, D3; FROM D4, D5; Sea] O1, O2, D3, D5; Sea D4. 3598. ​the] O1, D3, D4, D5; the O2. 3599. ​tolerable] O2, D3, D4, D5; tollerable O1; generally] O2, D3, D4, D5; generaliy O1; South-­ East] O1; South-­East O2, D4, D5; South East D3; Storm,] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ D4. 3600. ​Shore;] O1, O2, D4, D5; shore; D3; appear] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; prepar’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; prepared O2. 3601. ​Sea;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 3602. ​Our] O1, O2, D3; OUR D4, D5; trading] O1; Trading O2, D3, D4, D5; Supra-­Cargo] O1; Supra Cargo O2, D3; Supra-­Cargo D4, D5. 3603. ​arriv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; arrived O2. 3604. ​­limited] O1, D3, D4, D5; limied O2. 3605. ​Charter party,] O1; Charter-­party O2; D3; Charter-­party, D4, D5. 3606. ​to:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3607. ​my Nephew] D4, D5; My ~ O2, D3; my Newhew O1. 3608. ​Supra-­Cargo,] O1; Supra-­Cargo^ O2, D3; Supra-­Cargo, D4, D5; ­Things] O1, D4, D5; ­t hings O2, D3. 3609. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5; Stay] O1, O2; stay D3; stay D4, D5. 3610. ​­Water,] O1, O2, D5; ~; D3, D4; way, D3; way D4; Way, D5; Coremandel;] O1, D3, D5; coromandel. O2; Coromandel; D4. 3611. ​we] O1, D3, D4, D5; We O2; inform’d] O1, O2; informed D3, D4, D5; Guns] O2, D5; Guns, D3, D4; Gnns, O1; Way] O1, O2. 3612. ​them; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: But O2. 3613. ​­shall] O1, O2, D3; S­ HALL D4, D5. 3614. ​of the compass] O1, D3, D4, D5; of^Compass O2. 3615. ​Meridian-­Distances,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ ~, D4, D5. 3616. ​of;] O1, D4, D5; ~, O2, D3. 3617. ​reading] O1, D3, D4, D5; Reading O2; read it,] O1, O2; ~,^ D3, D4, D5. 3618. ​­t hose,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 3619. ​It] O1, O2, D3; IT D4, D5. 3620. ​occurr’d] O1, D3; occurred O2; occur’d D4, D5; another; we] O1; ~. We O2, D3; another: We D4, D5. 3621. ​arm’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; armed O2; Launces,] O1, D3, D4; Lances^ O2, D5. 3622. ​inconceiveable Dexsterity] O1, D3; inconceivable Dexterity O2, D4; ~ Dexterity, D5. 3623. ​while,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4; While; D5; civilly;] O1; ~, D3, D4, D5; civily O2; Trifles] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 3624. ​in,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2.

Va r i a n t s

369

3625. ​spending] O1, D3, D4, D5; Spending O2. 3626. ​salt] O1, D4, D5; Salt O2, D3; rest,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 3627. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5; Time] O1, O2; ~, D3, D5; time, D4. 3628. ​where ever] O1, D3; wherever O2; ~-­~ D4, D5. 3629. ​could, it] O1; ~. It O2; ~: It D3, D4, D5. 3630. ​East Side] O1, D3; East Side O2; East-­side D3, D4, D5; Shore,] O1, D3; ~^ O2, D4, D5; Eve­ning; who by the Way are] O1, O2, D3, D4; Eve­ning, who by the way are D5; very numerous,] O1, O2; very numerous, D3, D4, D5. 3631. ​Distance; but as] O1, O2; ~: As D3, D4, D5. 3632. ​Danger; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: But O2. 3633. ​Country,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 3634. ​Boughs, which] O1, O2; ~ also, ~ D3, D4, D5. 3635. ​beyond] O1, D3, D4, D5; between O2. 3636. ​they to come] O1, O2, D3; ~^ ~ D4, D5. 3637. ​Traffick,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; Commerce:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3638. ​Space,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 3639. ​Javelines] O1, D3, D4, D5; Javelins O2. 3640. ​broken;] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 3641. ​It] O1, O2, D3; IT D4, D5. 3642. ​but] O1, O2, D4, D5;^ D3. 3643. ​civil, and they] O1, O2; ~:^ They D3, D4, D5. 3644. ​satisfy’d] O1; satisfied O2, D3, D4, D5; ­Women] O1, O2, D4, D5; ­Woman D3. 3645. ​of Trees,] O1, O2, D3, D4; and ~, D5. 3646. ​know] O1, D3; knew O2; KNOW D4, D5; satisfy’d] O1; satisfied O2, D3, D4, D5; rest] O1; ~; O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 3647. ​to lye] O1, O2, D3; ~ lie D4, D5; riding] O1; lying O2, D3, D4, D5. 3648. ​Stone-] O1, D3, D5; stone—­O2; Stone’s D4. 3649. ​her;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; Care] O1, O2, D4, D5; care D3. 3650. ​lay u ­ nder] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ on board ~ D5. 3651. ​Cover of the] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~ on board ~ ~ D4; of Trees] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ the ~ D5; in the Boat.] O1, O2;^ ^ ^ D3, D4, D5. 3652. ​a-­Clock] O1; ~-­~ D3; a-­clock O2; a^Clock D4, D5. 3653. ​Sake,] O1, O2, D4, D5; sake, D3. 3654. ​them,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 3655. ​Time,] O1, D4, D5; ~, D3; ~^ O2; Fire] O1; firing O2, D3, D4, D5; 5] O1; five O2, D3, D4, D5; Muskets] O1, O2, D3, D4; Musquets D5. 3656. ​Times] O1, O2, D4, D5; times D3; over;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; ­here,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 3657. ​All] O1, O2, D3; ALL D4, D5. 3658. ​caused] O1; caus’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 3659. ​resolv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; resolved O2; Fusils] O1, D3, D4, D5; Fuzees O2; land,] O1, D4, D5; ~^ O2; Land, D3. 3660. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5; too] O1, O2, D3; two D4, D5. 3661. ​Haste; for] O1, O2; haste: For D3, D4, D5; plung’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; plunged D3. 3662. ​­Water . . . ​Boat] O1, O2; ~, ~, D3, D4, D5. 3663. ​pursu’d,] O1; pursued^ O2, D5; pursued, D3, D4. 3664. ​Men:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; nine] O1, O2, D4, D5; Nine D3. 3665. ​Fuzees] O1, O2; Fisils D3, D4, D5; had indeed] O1, O2; indeed had D3, D4;^ ~ D5. 3666. ​Use] O1, O2, D4, D5; use D3. 3667. ​We] O1, O2, D3; We D4, D5. 3668. ​was,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 3669. ​meer] O1, O2, D3; mere D4, D5. 3670. ​Satisfaction] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; Accident or Providence] O1, O2; ~, ~ ~ D3; ~, or Providence rather, D4, D5. 3671. ​And] O1, O2, D3; AND ~, D4, D5; seems] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4.

370 Va r i a n t s 3672. ​Marks-­men,] O1, O2, D3; Marks^men, D4; Marksmen, D5. 3673. ​us; we] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. We O2. 3674. ​Fire-­arms] O1, O2, D3; ~-­Arms D4, D5. 3675. ​that] O1, O2; and D3, D4, D5. 3676. ​­Battle Array] O1, O2, D3; ~-­~ D4, D5; Shore] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; break] O1, D3; Break O2, D4, D5. 3677. ​In] O1, O2, D3, D4; IN D5. 3678. ​Anchor] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3679. ​Shot; we] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. We O2; Signals of Distress] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~ ~ Dress D4; tho’] O1, O2, D3; though D4, D5; we] O1, O2, D3, D4; she D5. 3680. ​Nephew] O1, D5; ~, O2, D3, D4; Captain] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5; firing,] O1, D3; Firing O2; Firing, D4, D5; Glasses,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 3681. ​Speed,] O1, O2, D4, D5; speed, D3. 3682. ​Boat] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; her] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 3683. ​in; however] O1; ~: However O2, D4, D5; ~: However, D3. 3684. ​made fast the Line to] O1, O2, D3; made the Line fast to D4, D5; which,] O1, D5; ~^ O2, D3, D4; slip’d] O1; slipp’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 3685. ​us,] O1, D3, D5; ~; O2, D4; us] O1; ~, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3. 3686. ​Reach] O1, O2, D4; the reach D3; the ~ D5. 3687. ​As] O1, O2, D3; AS D4, D5. 3688. ​and pour’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; and we pour’d O2; them] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 3689. ​Shot] O1; ~, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 3690. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5; board] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; Time] O1, O2, D4, D5; time D3; board] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 3691. ​Supra-­Cargo] O1; Supra-­Cargo O2, D3; Supra-­Cargo, D4, D5. 3692. ​us] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 3693. ​it; at] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. At O2. 3694. ​old] O1, O2; Old D3, D4, D5. 3695. ​old] O1, O2, D4, D5; Old D3. 3696. ​Noise:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3697. ​carried] O1, D3, D4, D5; carry’d O2. 3698. ​Sight] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; dark; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. The O2. 3699. ​odds,] O1, D3; Odds O2; Odds, D4, D5. 3700. ​One] O1, O2, D3; ONE D4, D5; killed] O1; kill’d O2, D5; killed, D3, D4. 3701. ​thrown] O1, O2, D3, D4, D5; him] O1, O2, D3; him, D5; that would be ~ D4. 3702. ​beginning] O1; Beginning O2, D3, D4, D5. 3703. ​him,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; while;] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; While; D5; we] O1, D3, D4, D5; We O2. 3704. ​tho’] O1, O2, D3; though D4, D5. 3705. ​could] O1, O2, D3, D5; COULD D4. 3706. ​more;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; him] O1, O3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 3707. ​learn] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3708. ​Means] O1, D5; ~, O2, D3, D4; done] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3709. ​dark least] O1; Dark, lest O2; ~, lest D3; dark, lest D4; ~, ~ D5; attack’d] O1, O2, D3; attaqued D4; attaqu’d D5. 3710. ​with] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 3711. ​mischievous] O1, O2, D3; mischieveus, D4; ~, D5. 3712. ​Supra-­Cargo] O1, O2; ~^~ D3; Supra-­Cargo D4, D5; before;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; ­because,] O1, D5; ~^ O2, D3, D4. 3713. ​Design] O1, D3; De-­sign, O2; Design, D4, D5. 3714. ​again] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 3715. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5; Bodies,] O1, O2; companies, D3; Companies D4, D5. 3716. ​whereof,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; other; we] O1, O2; ~: We D3, D4, D5. 3717. ​saw or heard] O1, O2; could see or hear D3; could hear nor see D4, D5.

Va r i a n t s

371

3718. ​and] O1, O2, D4, D5; for D3; we march’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; so ~ marched D5; up] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 3719. ​nothing] O1, D3, D5; nothing, O2, D4. 3720. ​till] O1, O2, D4; But D3, D5; Boatswain] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; that] O1, D3, D4, D5;that O2; led] O1, O2, D4, D5; lead D4. 3721. ​fellover] O1, D5; fell over O2, D3, D4; Body; this] O1, D5; Boy. This O2, D3; Boy; this D4. 3722. ​Place,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 3723. ​up ­here;] O1; up-­Here O2; up; h ­ ere D3, D4, D5. 3724. ​them;] O1; them O2; them; D3, D4, D5. 3725. ​suppose,] O1; suppos’d^ O2; suppos’d, D3, D4; supposed, D5. 3726. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5. 3727. ​board;] O1; Board O2; Board again; D3, D4, D5. 3728. ​Party sent] O1, O2; ~ of ten, sent D3; Party of sent D4; Party often, sent D5. 3729. ​Dogs] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; them] O1; ~, O2; them, D3, D4, D5. 3730. ​ask’d] O1, O2; desir’d D3, D4, D5; find,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; them] O1; ~, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3; fancy’d] O1; fancied O2; find,] O2, D3, D4, D5; find^ O1; them] O1; ~, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3. 3731. ​fancy’d] O1; fancied O2; fansied D3, D4, D5. 3732. ​Jeffry] O1, D3, D4, D5; Jeffery O2. 3733. ​Had] O1, O2, D3, D5; HAD D4. 3734. ​should] O1, O2, D5; would D3, D4. 3735. ​board,] O1, D4, D5; Board O2, D3; run,] O1, O2, D5; ~; D3, D4; Ship-­loading] O1, O2, D5; Ships^laoding D3; Ship^Loading D4. 3736. ​them;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 3737. ​ Ground] O1, D4, D5; ~, O2, D3; Order] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4; Boat; one] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. One O2; Men] O1, O2, D5; ~, D3, D4. 3738. ​I refus’d] O1, O2, D5; ~ still ~ D3, D4. 3739. ​Command] O1, D5; ~, O2, D3, D4. 3740. ​­w ill go] O1, D3, D5; w ­ ill you go O2, D4; one,] O1, D5; ~; O2, D3, D4. 3741. ​another; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: And O2. 3742. ​persuaded] O1, D3, D4, D5; perswaded O2; who I stay,] O1, O2, D5; who with much difficulty too, I D3; who, with much Difficulty too, I stay; D4; and a Boy left in the Boat;] O1, O2, D5;^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ D3;^ so D4. 3743. ​where] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4; we told them] O1, O2, D5; I told them D3; I ~ ~ D4. 3744. ​suppos’d] O1; supposed O2, D3, D4, D5. 3745. ​Thom. Jeffry] O1, D4, D5; Thomas Jeffery O2; Tho. Jeffery D3. 3746. ​they would] O1; ­t hey’d^ O2, D3, D5; THEY D4. 3747. ​went; . . . ​t hem] O1; ~: ’em O2, D3, D4, D5. 3748. ​Mea­sure; miscarried,] O1; ~, miscarry’d O2; mea­sure; miscarry’d, D3, D4, D5. 3749. ​Man;] O1; ~. O2; ~: D3, D4, D5; them] O1, D5; ’em O2, D3, D4. 3750. ​Main-­mast] O1; Main Mast O2, D3; Main-­Mast D4, D5. 3751. ​angry; that] O1, D4, D5; ~ Said, D3; ~: That O2. 3752. ​farthest,] O1, D4; ~; O2, D3, D5. 3753. ​tho’] O1; though O2; Tho’ D3, D4, D5; bove two Miles before they got to it.] O1, O2; above two Miles before they got to it. D3; ~ ~ Miles before they got to it. D4; ~ above two Miles before theey got to it. D5. 3754. ​Well] O1, O2, D3; WELL D4, D5; away] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3755. ​mad Men] O1, O2, D3, D5; Madmen D4. 3756. ​boldly; they] O1; ~: They O2, D3, D4, D5. 3757. ​them] O1; They O2, D3, D4, D5; warily, O1, O2, D4, D5; warly^ D3; arm’d] O1; armed, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3758. ​arm’d] O1; armed, O2, D3, D4, D5; that’s] O1, O2, D3, D4; that is D5; true,] O1; true; O2, D3, D4, D5; Fuzee] O1, O2, D3, D4; Fruzee D5.

372 Va r i a n t s 3759. ​Musquet, . . . ​Pistol,] O1; Musket ~; O2, D4; Musket, . . . ​Pistol, D3, D5. 3760. ​two] O1; Two O2, D3, D4, D5. 3761. ​Pole-­a xes; besides] O1; Pole-­A xes: Besides O2, D3, D4, D5; thirteen] O1, O2; Thirteen D3, D4, D5. 3762. ​Hand-­Grenadoes; bolder] O1; Hand-­Grenadoes. Bolder O2; Hand Grenados, Bolder D3; Hand Grenadoes: Bolder D4, D5. 3763. ​Hopes] O1, O2, D5; hopes D3, D4. 3764. ​Fire] O1, O2; fire D3, D4, D5. 3765. ​all.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5; Houses] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5. 3766. ​Half] O1, O2; half D3, D4, D5. 3767. ​Disappointment, was twelve] O1, O2; ~; ­were 12 D3, D4, D5. 3768. ​thirteen Houses,] O1, D4, D5; 13 ~; O2, D3. 3769. ​not; they] O1; ~: They O2, D3, D4, D5. 3770. ​Time] O1; time O2, D3, D4, D5. 3771. ​resolve; for] O1, D5; ~: For O2, D3, D4. 3772. ​escap’d, away] O1; escaped ~, O2; escaped, ~, D3, D4, D5. 3773. ​them; again] O1; ~: Again, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3774. ​Hand,] O1; hand O2, D5; hand, D3, D4; away] O1, D3, D4, D5; a way, O2; untouch’d,] O1, D4, D5; ~^ O2, D3. 3775. ​for asleep,] O1; (~ ~^) O2, D3, D4, D5. 3776. ​However] O1, O2, D3; HOWEVER D4, D5; Advice,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; resolv’d] O1; resolved O2, D3, D4, D5. 3777. ​could, they] O1; ~. Thye O2; ~: They D3, D4, D5. 3778. ​ty’d] O1; tied O2, D3, D4, D5; concluded] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 3779. ​unty’d her] O1, O2; untied ~, O3, D4; untied ~ D5; back,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; her,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2, D5. 3780. ​her; so] O1, D5; ~: So O2, D3, D4; Cord] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3781. ​report] O1, O2, D3; reported D4, D5. 3782. ​­Here] O1, O2, D3; H ­ ERE D4, D5; in] O1, O2, D3, D4;^ D5; Silence,] O1, O2; ~; D3; S­ ilent; D4; s­ ilent; D5. 3783. ​ Kind] O1, O2; ~, D3; Kind, D4, D5. 3784. ​and first, they] O1, O2, D3; upon this, ~ D4; upon ~, ~ D5; Council,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 3785. ​of, and if] O1, O2, D3, D5; of, and Condsider if D4; it] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 3786. ​They] O1, O2, D3; THEY D4, D5. 3787. ​rest,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; aloud to them,] O1, O2, D5; ~,^ ^ D3; ~, and told them D4. 3788. ​ Thom. Jeffry:] O1, D3, D5; Tom. Jeffery: O2; Thom Jeffry; D4; run] O1, O2, D5; ran D3, D4. 3789. ​indeed;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; Fellow] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~, D3. 3790. ​Throat] O1, O2, D3, D4; throat D5. 3791. ​before;] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4. 3792. ​House, but] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5. 3793. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; them,] O1; ’em O2, D5; ’em, D3, D4. 3794. ​that] O1, O2, D4; who D3, D5. 3795. ​Work] O1, O2, D3, D4; work D5. 3796. ​a ny Quarter] O1, D3;^ Quarter O2, D5; have Quarter D4; immediately,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 3797. ​in] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; Their] O1, O2, D3, D4; The D5; expected:] O1, D4, D5; ~. O2, D3. 3798. ​Fire;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; Search,] O1, O2; search, D3, D5; search^ D4. 3799. ​Purpose;] O1, O2; purpose; D3; purpose D4, D5; but the most] O1, O2; for most D3, D4, D5. 3800. ​thatch’d] O1, O2; Thatch’d D3, D4; thach’d D5. 3801. ​Fire,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; as we call it,] O1, O2; ~ ~ ~ ~ D3; as we call it, D4, D5. 3802. ​Hands] O1, D3, D4, D5; hands O2; quarter] O1, D3, D4; Quarter O2, D5; Hour,] O1, D4; ~^ O2, D3, D5; Fire] O1, D4, D5; fire O2, D3.

Va r i a n t s

373

3803. ​Lives,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 3804. ​them] O1, D3, D4, D5; ’em O2. 3805. ​Pole-­A x;] O1, D3, D4, D5; Pole-­A xe. O2; The] O1, O2, D3, D4; the D5; in] O1, O2, D3; ~, D3, D4, D5. 3806. ​them;] O1; ’em O2; ’em, D3, D4, D5; them,] O1; ’em, O2, D4; ‘em; D3, D5. 3807. ​them,] O1; ’em O2; ’em, D3, D4, D5. 3808. ​cry’d] O1; cried O2, D3, D4, D5; Manner.] O1, D5; manner. O2, D3, D4. 3809. ​in short,] O1, O2, D3; IN short^ D4; IN short, D5. 3810. ​kill’d] O1, D4, D5; killed O2, D3. 3811. ​press’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; pess’d D3; Boatswain] O1, O2, D3, D4; Boar-­swain D5. 3812. ​Bayonets] O1, O2, D4, D5; Bayones D3; all that came] O1, D4; ~ who ~ O2, D3, D5. 3813. ​Way:] O1, D5; ~. O2, D3, D4. 3814. ​was] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; and t­ hese they] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5. 3815. ​Time] O1, D4, D5; time O2, D3. 3816. ​them,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; smother’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; smothered D5. 3817. ​All] O1, O2, D3; ALL D4, D5; while] O1, O2, D3, D4; While D5. 3818. ​Bodies;] O1, O2; bodies; D3, D4, D5. 3819. ​Execution:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; ~: D5. 3820. ​hallowing] O1, D3, D4; hallooing O2; hollowing D5; another] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; Jeffries.] O1; Jeffery O2, Jefferys. D3; Jefferys. D4; Jeffrys D5. 3821. ​While] O1, O2, D3; WHILE D4, D5; uneasy,] O1, D4, D5; uneasie O2; uneasie, D3. 3822. ​rous’d] O1; rouz’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 3823. ​Fire,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5; uneasy] O1, D4, D5; uneasie O2; uneasie, D3. 3824. ​too;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; Time] O1, D5; time O2, D3, D4. 3825. ​oppress’d] O1; opprest O2, D3, D4, D5. 3826. ​me] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; Supra-­c argo,] O1; Supra-­C argo^ O2; Supra^Cargo, D3; Supra-­Cargo, D4, D5. 3827. ​tho’] O1, O2, D3, D4; though D5. 3828. ​comes] O1, D3, D4, D5; come O2. 3829. ​He] O1, O2, D3; HE D4, D5; Supra-­cargo] O1; Supra-­Cargo O2, D3, D4, D5. 3830. ​Men; and tho’] O1, O2; ~, for One had been left to keep the Boat; and tho’ D3; ~, for one had been left to keep the Boat; and tho’ D4; ~, for one had been left to keep the Boat; and tho’ D5. 3831. ​continu’d,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4; continued D5; short,] O1; ~^ O2; confess, D3; Confess, D4; confess, D5. 3832. ​Impossibility,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; World,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5; Curiosity, to] O1, O2; ~^ of D3, D5; ~^ to D4. 3833. ​happen’d,] O1, O2, D3, D4; happened, D5; the] O1, D4, D5; their O2, D3. 3834. ​word,] O1; Word^ O2, D4, D5; Word, D3; me] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3835. ​come.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5; before,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 3836. ​Ship, the] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, and ~ D4; Interests] O1; Interest O2, D3, D4, D5. 3837. ​Merchants,] O1, O2, D4, D5; Merchant, D3; go] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; Men,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3; the] O1, O2, D4; and the D3, D5. 3838. ​if we] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ if ~ D5. 3839. ​It] O1, O2, D3; IT D4, D5. 3840. ​go] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; he said] O1, O2; he said D3; he said, D4, D5. 3841. ​in] O1, O2, D4; in the D3, D5. 3842. ​Help, he lose] O1, O2; Help, he loose D3; he said, loose D4; rather, he said, loose the Ship D5. 3843. ​and away] O1, O2; and so, away D3; ~ so ~ D4, D5. 3844. ​persuade] O1, D3, D4, D5; perswade O2; go;] O1, O2; go before, D3; go before; D4, D5; Captain] O1, O2, D4, D5; Capatin D3. 3845. ​more,] O1, O2; ~^ from the Ship, D3, D5; more from the Ship, D4; Long-­Boat] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^~ D3. 3846. ​Boats,] O1, O2, D5; ~^ D3, D4.

374 Va r i a n t s 3847. ​late] O1; last O2; first D3, D4, D5. 3848. ​Being] O1, O2, D3; BEING D4, D5; March,] O1, O2, D3, D5; march, D4. 3849. ​Flame:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3850. ​surprising] O1, D5; surprizing O2, D3, D4; before;] O1, D5; ~, O2, D3, D4. 3851. ​Horror.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5; confess,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 3852. ​sacking] O1, D3, D4, D5; Sacking O2; taking] O1, D3, D4, D5; ta-­k ing O2; a City;] O1, O2, D3; of ~ ~, D4, D5. 3853. ​ ­Cromwell] O1, D3, D4, D5; ­Cromwell’s, O2; Ireland,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 3854. ​Child:] O1, D4; ~. O2; ~^ D3; ­Woman^ D5; Tilly,] O1, D3, D4, D5; Tilly’s^ O2. 3855. ​sexes:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3856. ​itself] O1, D3, D4; it self O2, D5. 3857. ​Horror that was] O1; ~ Which a O2, D3; ~ which that was D4, D5. 3858. ​However] O1, O2, D3; HOWEVER D4, D5. 3859. ​Fire:] O1, D4, D5; ~. O2, D3; with] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3860. ​consum’d] O1, D3, D4, D5, consumed O2. 3861. ​Fire:] O1, D4, D5; ~. O2, D3. 3862. ​it,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 3863. ​they ­ought to be every­one of them] O1, O2; they ­every one of ’em o ­ ught to be D3; that ­every one of ’em D4; that ­every one of them o ­ ught D5. 3864. ​put] O1, O2, D3, D5; to be put D4; Deaths:] O1, D4, D5; ~. O2, D3. 3865. ​foreward,] O1, O2; forward, D3, D4, D5. 3866. ​on;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; Confusion.] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; advanc’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; advanced O2. 3867. ​farther,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5; behold,] O1, O2, D3; beheid, D4; beheld, D5; naked, and crying] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~,^ ~ D5. 3868. ​come flying,] O1, O2, D3, D4; and ~, D5. 3869. ​Natives;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 3870. ​Terror] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5; Consternation,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 3871. ​for I can call them no better,] O1, O2; for I can call them no better, D3, D4, D5. Rear,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 3872. ​fir’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; fired O2; kill’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; killed O2; Shot] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; Sight;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3873. ​when] O1, D3, D4, D5; When O2. 3874. ​murther] O1, D4, D5; murder O2; Murther D3; pursu’d] O1; persued O2; pursued D3, D4, D5. 3875. ​chill] O2, D5; chil O1, D3, D4. 3876. ​Sailors] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 3877. ​pursu’d] O1, D3; pursued O2, D4, D5; them] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; all:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; However] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3878. ​Creatures] O1, O2, D3, D4; Creaturs D5. 3879. ​piteous] O1, O2, D3; pitious D4, D5. 3880. ​would; whereupon] O1; ~: Whereupon O2; ~^ ^ for D3; would do; whereupon D4; ~; ~ us D5; crept] O1, O2, D4; kept D3, D5. 3881. ​Protection.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5. 3882. ​Body] O1, O2, D3, D5; body D4. 3883. ​word,] O1; Word O2; Word, D3, D4, D5. 3884. ​word,] O1; Word O2; Word, D3, D4, D5. 3885. ​’till] O1, O2, D3;^till D4, D5; Day-­light,] O1, O2, D3; ~-­~^ D4, D5; an hundred] O1, O2, D3, D4; a ~ D5. 3886. ​Ears:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3887. ​piteous] O1, O2, D3; pitious D4, D5. 3888. ​them:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3889. ​burnt;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 3890. ​very much burnt before] O1, O2, D3; most burnt to Death before D4; almost burnt to Death before D5.

Va r i a n t s

375

3891. ​again,] O1, D4, D5; ~; O2, D3; and two] O1, O2, D3, D4;^ ~ D5. 3892. ​dy’d] O1; died O2, D3, D4, D5. 3893. ​I would] O1, O2, D3; I WOULD D4, D5; learn’d] O1; learned O2, D3, D4, D5. 3894. ​Signs] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; perceiv’d] O1; perceived O2, D3, D4, D5. 3895. ​themselves.] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~: D4; terrify’d] O1; terrified O2, D3, D4, D5. 3896. ​Men,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 3897. ​resolv’d] O1; resolved O2;^ D3, D4, D5. 3898. ​would:] O1; ~. O2;^ D3, D4, D5. 3899. ​my Men,] O1, O2, D4;^ D3, D5. 3900. ​roving] O1, O2, D3, D4; rowing D5; kill’d,] O1, D4, D5; killed O2, killed, D3; cover’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; covered O2. 3901. ​massacre] O1, D3, D4, D5; Massacre O2. 3902. ​hallow’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; halloo’d O2; hallow] O1, D3, D4, D5; halloo O2. 3903. ​As] O1, O2, D3; AS D4, D5; Hollow] O1, D3; Halloo O2; Hallow D4, D5. 3904. ​Triumph;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; of] O1, O2, D3, D4; or D5; Help] O1, O2, D4, D5; help D3. 3905. ​says he] O1; says he O2, D3, D4, D5; noble] O1, O2; Noble D3; Noble D4, D5. 3906. ​come, we] O1; ~! We O2; ~; We D3; ~; we D4, D5; villanous] O1; villianous O2; Villains, D3; Villains! D4, D5; Dogs,] O1; ~! O2, D3, D4, D5. 3907. ​ Tom.] O1, O2, D3, D4; Tom^ D5. 3908. ​them] O1; ’em O2, D3, D4, D5. 3909. ​Earth, and] O1, D3; ~. And O2; ~; ~ D4, D5; on] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3910. ​Leave] O1, O2, D4, D5; leave D3. 3911. ​At] O1, O2, D3; AT D4, D5; l­ ittle; barbarous Dog] O1, D4; ~, Barbarous ~ O2; ~? Barbarous ~! D3, D5. 3912. ​said I,] O1; said I, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3913. ​Death;] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; ~; D5. 3914. ​and stand still] O1, O2; and stand still D3, D4, D5; and a dead Man this Minute] O1, O2; and a dead Man this Minute D3, D4, D5. 3915. ​Why, Sir] O1, O2, D3; WHY, Sir, D4, D5; says he] O1, D3, D4, D5; says he O2; Do] O1, D3; do O2; Do D4, D5; you know what you do,] O1, O2, D3; you know what you do, D4, D5; or what they have done?] O1, O2, D3; or what they have done? D4, D5. 3916. ​come] O1, O2, D3; come D4, D5; hither; and] O1, D3; ~. And O2; hither; and D4, D5. 3917. ​shew’d] O1, D3, D4; shewed O2, D5; hanging with] O1, O2, D3; ~ upon the Tree ~ D4, D5. 3918. ​I confess] O1, O2, D3; I CONFESS D4, D5; urg’d] O1; urged O2, D3, D4, D5; myself] O1; my self O2, D3, D4, D5; should] O1, D3, D4, D5; would O2. 3919. ​foreward] O1, D3; forward O2, D4, D5; carry’d] O1; carried O2, D3, D4, D5. 3920. ​ Levi;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 3921. ​ Anger] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; fierce,] O1; Fierce; O2; fierce; D3, D4, D5; cruel:] O1, D3, D4, D5; Cruel. O2; Wrath] O1, O2, D3; Wrath D4; Wrath, D5. 3922. ​carry’d] O1; carried O2, D3, D4, D5. 3923. ​Sight] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 3924. ​other; nay] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. Nay O2. 3925. ​Hearing,] O1, O2; hearing^ D3, D4, D5; concern’d] O1; concerned O2, D3, D4, D5; fear] O1, D3, D4, D5; Fear O2. 3926. ​overpowr’d] O1, D3; overpowered O2; overpower’d, D4, D5. 3927. ​them] O1, D5; ’em O2, D3, D4; Murther] O1, D3, D4, D5; Murder O2. 3928. ​Murtherers:] O1, D4, D5; ~. D3; Murderers. O2. 3929. ​compleat] O1, D3, D4, D5; complete O2. 3930. ​Hands.] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 3931. ​I got] O1, O2, D3; I GOT D4, D5; Body] O1, O2, D3, D5; body D4; Supra-­Cargo] O1, D3; supra-­cargo O2; Supra-­Cargo D4, D5. 3932. ​walk’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; walked D5; Boats.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5.

376 Va r i a n t s 3933. ​40] O1; forty O2, D3, D4, D5; arm’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; armed O2; Launces] O1, D3, D4, D5; Lances O2. 3934. ​mention’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; mentioned D3. 3935. ​Sea-­side,] O1, D5; ~^ O2, D3, D4. 3936. ​Day; immediately] O1, D4, D5; ~. Immediately O2;—­~; Immediately D3. 3937. ​aboard] O1, O2, D3; a-­board D4, D5. 3938. ​I observ’d] O1, O2, D3; I OBSERV’D D4, D5; about] O1, O2; that about D3, D4, D5; that I] O1, O2, D3, D4;^ ~ D5; that the] O1, O2, D3, D5; ^ the D4. 3939. ​Board] O1, O2, D3; board D4, D5; Mens] O1, O2, D3; Men’s D4, D5. 3940. ​Smoak] O1, D3, D4, D5; Smoke O2; afterwards,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 3941. ​who] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; said] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Way,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5. 3942. ​By] O1, O2, D3; BY D4, D5. 3943. ​some,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D4, D5. 3944. ​Bodies] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; ­here,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; ­t here,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 3945. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5. 3946. ​amaz’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; Country; and the Men] O1, O2; ^ The ­People D3; ~: The ­People ­were D4; ~: The ­People D5. 3947. ​them] O1, O2, D5; ’em D3, D4; Men; nor] O1; ~. Nor O2, D3, D4, D5. 3948. ​that] O1, O2; who D3, D4, D5; Defence,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 3949. ​Fire] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 3950. ​Attack] O1, O2, D3; Attaque D4, D5. 3951. ​they fled] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~ had ~ O2; Party,] O1, D4, D5; ~; O2, D3. 3952. ​one that] O1; ~, who O2, D3, D5; ~^ who D4; strain’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; strained O2. 3953. ​I was] O1, O2, D3; I WAS D4, D5. 3954. ​Men] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; par­tic­u ­lar;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 3955. ​Duty] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 3956. ​prompting] O1, O2; prompting, D3, D4, D5; Rage] O1, O2, D4, D5; rage D3; cooling] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 3957. ​Men] O1, O2, D5; ~, D3, D4; answer’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; answered D5. 3958. ​respectfully,] O1, D4, D5; ~; O2, D3; that] O1, D3, D4, D5; That O2. 3959. ​Seaman,] O1, D3, D4, D5; Sea-­man^ O2; who] O1; whom O2, D3, D4, D5; murther’d] O1, D3, D4; murder’d O2; murthered D5. 3960. ​Manner,] O1, O2, D4, D5; manner, D3. 3961. ​Passion:] O1, D4, D5; ~. O2, D3; own’d] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 3962. ​Ship,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 3963. ​it:] O1; D4, D5 ~. O2, D3. 3964. ​Notice] O1, O2, D5; notice D3, D4. 3965. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; sail] O1, D3, D4, D5; SAil O2. 3966. ​­Thing] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 3967. ​altogether,] O1, O2, D3, D4; all together, D5. 3968. ​As] O1, O2, D3; AS D4, D5; Fellow] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; Jeffrys] O1, D3, D4, D5; Jeffery O2. 3969. ​Tree,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 3970. ​However] O1, O2, D3; HOWEVER D4, D5; Action,] O1, O2, D3; Action to be, D4, D5. 3971. ​always,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5; Time,] O1, D4, D5; ~^ O2, D3; Voyage;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 3972. ​for] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 3973. ​true,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; Jeffreys] O1, D3, D4, D5; Jeffery O2. 3974. ​ Jeffrys] O1, D4, D5; Jeffery O2; ~^ D3. 3975. ​­violated,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; theirs who came down to them] O1, O2; ~, who cam to our Camp D3, D4, D5. 3976. ​innocently,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; their publick Capitulation] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ ~ D5. 3977. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5.

Va r i a n t s

377

3978. ​board] O1, O2, D3, D4; Board D5; It] O1, D3, D4, D5; it. O2; true] O1, D3, D5; ~, O2, D4; that that] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 3979. ​at] O1, O2, D4, D5;^ D3. 3980. ​be also] O1; also be O2, D3, D4, D5; now be also] O1, O2; then, also be D3, D4, D5; them] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 3981. ​Manner,] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~; D4. 3982. ​murther’d] O2; murther’d, D3, D4; murthered, D5; murther’,d O1. 3983. ​villainous] D4, D5; villanous O1, D3; villianous O2; Manner; and] O1, O2; ~; And D3, D4, D5. 3984. ​Murtherers] O1, D3, D4, D5; Murdererd O2. 3985. ​One] O1, O2; ONE D3, D4, D5; us] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5. 3986. ​Barbarians:] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; But] O1, O2, D3, D4; but D5. 3987. ​Expence] O1; ~, D3, D4, D5; Experience;] O2. 3988. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5. 3989. ​Coremandel] O1, D3; coromandel O2; Coromandel D4, D5; Surrat: But] O1, O2, D3, D4; Suratte; but D5; chief] O1, D3, D4, D5; Chie O2. 3990. ​Supra-­Cargo’s] O1, O2, D3; Supra-­Cargo’s D4, D5. 3991. ​ Bengale, where] O1, O2; Bengale, where D3; ~ where, D4; Bengale, ~, D5; of his] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ the D5. 3992. ​Shore] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 3993. ​ Arabians, . . . ​k ill’d] O1, O2; Arabs, ~, D3; Arabs^ . . . ​k ill’d, D4; Arabs, ~, D5; carry’d] O1, O2, D3; carried D4, D5. 3994. ​Boat.] O1, D4, D5; ~^ O2; Boats D3. 3995. ​Case: But] O1, O2, D3; ~, but D4; ~; ~ D5. 3996. ​Censures] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 3997. ​referr’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; referred O2. 3998. ​13] O1, O2, D3; 13th D4, D5; Vers. 4th] O1; Verse 4th. O2, D3; Verse 4th, D4, D5. 3999. ​Galileans:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: O2; But] O1, O2, D3, D5; but D4. 4000. ​was, That not one] O1, O2; ~^ that none D3; was that D4, D5. 4001. ​tho’] O1, D3, D4, D5; though O2. 4002. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; preaching] O1, D3, D4, D5; Preaching O2; Subject] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5. 4003. ​found] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4004. ​Voyage,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 4005. ​it,] O1, D5; ~; O2, D3, D4. 4006. ​myself] O1, D3; my self O2, D4, D5. 4007. ​I heard] O1, O2 D3; I HEARD D4, D5; ‘till] O1, O2, D3;^till D4, D5. 4008. ​oppos’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; opposed D5. 4009. ​would] O1, O2, D3, D4; wou^^ D5. 4010. ​tho’] O1, D3, D4, D5; though O2; rest: That] O1, O2, D3; ~; that D4, D5. 4011. ​true;] O1, O2, D5; ~: D3, D4. 4012. ​all; and what] O1, O2, D3; ~, as to what D4; ~: as to what D5. 4013. ​Voyage] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; was none that] O1, O2, D3, D4; that was none D5. 4014. ​speak] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; farther] O1, O2, D3, D4; farthar D5. 4015. ​him:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 4016. ​over.] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5. 4017. ​Road at] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ of D5; Bengale] O1, D3, D4, D5; Bengal O2. 4018. ​myself,] O1, O2, D3; my^self, D4, D5. 4019. ​Eve­ning] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4020. ​myself] O1, D3; my^self O2, D4, D5. 4021. ​Board] O1, O2, D3, D5; Board; D4. 4022. ​anymore.] O1, O2;^^ D3, D4, D5. 4023. ​Who] O1, D4; who O2, D3, D5; bad] O1, O2, D3, D4; bid D5. 4024. ​Cockswain.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5.

378 Va r i a n t s 4025. ​deliver’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; dilivered D5. 4026. ​entreated] O1, O2, D3, D4; intreated D5. 4027. ​it: But] O1, O2, D3; ~; but D4, D5. 4028. ​Intelligence;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4029. ​Board.] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; The] O1, O2, D3; the D4, D5; Carpenter;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4030. ​Inferiour] O1, D3, D5; inferior O2; Inferior D4. 4031. ​Quarter-­Deck,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^~, D3. 4032. ​Harangue] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5. 4033. ​That] O1, O2, D3, D4; that D5; loth] O1, D3, D4; loath O2, D5. 4034. ​done,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4035. ​Ship;] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 4036. ​Word,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4037. ​which,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 4038. ​­t here] O1, D3, D4, D5; they O2; cry’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; cried D5. 4039. ​My] O1, O2, D3; MY D4, D5. 4040. ​Mind;] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4; tho’] O1, O2, D3, D4; though D5. 4041. ​’till] O1, O2, D3;^~ D4, D5; it] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 4042. ​Unreasonabless] O1, O2, D5; Unreasonableness D3, D4. 4043. ​­t hing:] O1; ­Thing O2; Th ­ ing: D3; Th ­ ing, D4, D5; But] O1, O2, D3; but D4, D5; round] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 4044. ​any more on Board] O1, O2, D3;^ ^ ~ board D4, D5. 4045. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5. 4046. ​could] O1, O2; would D3, D4, D5. 4047. ​lose] O1, O2, D4, D5; loose D3. 4048. ​pleas’d] O1, O2; pleased: D3; pleased D4, D5; However,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4049. ​me,] O1; him O2; him, D3, D4, D5. 4050. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5. 4051. ​Board] O1, O2, D3, D5; board D4; or on] O1, O2, D3, D4; nor on D5. 4052. ​Board] O1, O2, D3; board D4; board, D5; all go] O1, O2, D3;^ go D4, D5; Shore.] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~; D4. 4053. ​of] O1, O2, D4; on D3, D5. 4054. ​I was] O1, O2, D3; I WAS D4, D5. 4055. ​sail] O1, D3, D4, D5; Sail O2; stripp’d] O1, O2, D3; strip’d D4; stript D5. 4056. ​myself:] O1, O2, D3; my^self: D4, D5; short,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4057. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Satisfaction:] O1, O2, D4, D5; satisfaction; D3. 4058. ​Board] O1, O2, D3; board D4, D5. 4059. ​Shore.] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5. 4060. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5. 4061. ​it: . . . ​Board] O1, O2, D3; ~; . . . ​board D4, D5. 4062. ​Board] O1, O2, D3; board D4, D5; that] O1, O2, D4; the D3, D5. 4063. ​I was] O1, O2, D3; I WAS D4, D5. 4064. ​only] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4065. ​­Great Mogul’s] O1, D3, D4, D5; G ­ reat Mogul’s O2; Surratte, might] O1, O2; Surratte, migh D3; Suratte, ~ D4, D5. 4066. ​Basora] O1, O2, D3; Bassora D4, D5. 4067. ​Caravans] O1, D4; ~, D3, D5; carravans O2. 4068. ​Desert] O1; Desart O2, D3; Desarts D4, D5; Scanderoon;] O1, O2, D3; Scandaroen; D4; Scandaroon; D5. 4069. ​to] O1, O2, D4, D5; into D3. 4070. ​be, least,] O1, O2; ~^ ~^ D3, D4, D5. 4071. ​I had] O1, O2, D3; I HAD D4, D5. 4072. ​ Bengale] O1, D3, D4, D5; Bengal O2. 4073. ​Board] O1, O2, D3, D4; board D5.

Va r i a n t s

379

4074. ​License] O1, D3, D4, D5; Licence O2. 4075. ​Com­pany’s O2, D4, D5; Companies] O1, D3; both,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 4076. ​­Here] O1, O2, D3; H ­ ERE D4, D5. 4077. ​sail . . . ​me,] O1, O2; Sail ~; . . . ​D3; ~ . . . ​~; D4, D5; Treatment] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; think] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4078. ​Villany] O1, D3; Villiany O2, D4, D5; Shore:] O1, D3; ~. O2; Shore, D4, D5; indeed] O1, D4, D5; Indeed O2, D3. 4079. ​Ways; however] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. However O2. 4080. ​servant,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; Clerk] O1, D3, D4, D5; Clark O2. 4081. ​who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 4082. ​servant;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 4083. ​Jews,] O1, D3, D4; Jews, O2, D5; En­glish Man:] O1, O2, D3; En­glishman: D4, D5. 4084. ​entertain’d;] O1, O2, D3, D4; entertained; D5. 4085. ​myself,] O1, D3; ~. O2; my^self: D4, D5. 4086. ​I quickly] O1, O2, D3; I QUICKLY D4, D5. 4087. ​bought] O1, O2, D4, D5; brought D3. 4088. ​me] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; pre­sent] O1, O2; ~^ D3;^ D4, D5. 4089. ​­A fter] O1, O2, D3; A ­ FTER D4, D5; Return] O1, O2, D4, D5; return D3. 4090. ​out of my] O1, O2, D3;^ ~ ~ D4, D5. 4091. ​lodged] O1, O2, D3; lodg’d D4, D5; who] O1; whom O2, D4; with whom D3, D5. 4092. ​Acquaintance with] O1; ~, ~ O2, D4; ~,^ D3, D5; Country-­Man, says he] O1, O2, D3; Countryman, says he, D4; Countryman, says he D5. 4093. ​I have a Proj­ect to communicate to you, which as it suits with my] O1, O2, D3, D4; I have a Proj­ect to communicate to you, which as it suits with my D5. 4094. ​Thoughts,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4; Thoughts, D5; may] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4; may, D5; for ­ought I know, suit with] O1, O2, D3, D4; for ­ought I know, suit with D5; your’s] O1, D3; yours O2, D4; yours D5. 4095. ​also, when you ­shall have thoroughly] O1, O2, D3, D4; also, when you ­shall have thoroughly D5. 4096. ​consider’d] O1, O2; considered D3, D4, D5; it.] O1, O2, D3, D4; it. D5. 4097. ​­Here] O1, O2, D3; H ­ ERE D4; ­Here D5; we are posted, says he, you . . . ​by us who] O1, O2, D3, D4; we are posted, says he, you . . . ​by us who D5. 4098. ​understand] O1, O2, D4; unerstood D3; understand D5; Trade and Business, put a thousand] O1, O2, D3, D4; Trade and Business, put a thousand D5. 4099. ​Pound] O1, O2, D3; Pounds D4; Pounds D5. 4100. ​to my thousand] O1, O2, D3, D4; to my thousand D5; Pound] O1, O2, D3; Pounds D4; Pounds D5. 4101. ​we w ­ ill hire . . . ​­w ill go a] O1, O2, D3, D4; we ­will hire . . . ​­will go a D5. 4102. ​trading] O1; Trading O2, D3, D4; Trading D5. 4103. ​Voyage to China; for what . . . ​is in Motion,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Voyage to China; for what . . . ​is in Motion, D5. 4104. ​rouling] O1, O2, D3; rowling D4; rowling D5; round and round; all . . . ​Bodies and] O1, O2, D3, D4; round and round; all Bodies and D5. 4105. ​earthly] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4; earthly, D5; are busy . . . ​are no] O1, O2, D3, D4; are busy . . . ​ are no D5. 4106. ​Drones in the World] O1, O2; ~, says he living ~ ~ ~ D3; ~, says he, living in the World D4; Drones, says he, living in the World D5; but Men, Why . . . ​Number?] O1, O2, D3, D4; but Men, Why . . . ​Number? D5. 4107. ​I lik’d] O1, O2, D3; I LIK’D D4, D5. 4108. ​might] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; Circumstances] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4109. ​or] O1, O2, D4; and D3, D5. 4110. ​whereas,] O1, O2; or, D3, D4, D5. 4111. ​It was] O1, O2, D3; IT ~, D4, D5; Time] O1, O2; time D3, D4, D5. 4112. ​­t here:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; Time] O1, O2; time D3, D4, D5.

380 Va r i a n t s 4113. ​Gunner] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~, D3. 4114. ​­t hese] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4115. ​Seamen,] O1, D4, D5; Sea-­men O2; Sea men, D3. 4116. ​­There are so many] O1, D3, D4, D5; ­There are^ many O2; wrote] O1, O2, D3; written D4, D5. 4117. ​be very] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ but ~ D5. 4118. ​Body, to] O1, O2, D3; body, ~ D4, D5. 4119. ​­t here;] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5; ­t hose] O1, O2; ­Those D3, D4, D5. 4120. ​Reader,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; En­glish Men,] O1, O2, D3; En­glishmen, D4, D5. 4121. ​to me] O1, O2, D3, D4; for ~ D5. 4122. ​that] O1, D4; That O2; the D3, D5. 4123. ​ Sumatra,] O1, O2; ~ first, D3, D4, D5. 4124. ​and some] O1, O2; and for some D3, D4, D5. 4125. ​­t here;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; In] O1, O2; in D3, D4, D5; Suskan,] O1, O2, D3; Sushan, D4; Susham, D5. 4126. ​Voyage; was] O1, D3, D5; ~, ­were O2, D4. 4127. ​Months] O1, O2, D3, D5; Mounths D4; Bengale] O1, D3, D4, D5; Bengal O2. 4128. ​satisfied] O1; satisfy’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 4129. ​Adventure:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; observe] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; ­England,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4130. ​Officers] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4131. ​100] O1, O2, D4; and 100 D3, D5; Pound] O1, O2, D3, D4; Pounds D5. 4132. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5. 4133. ​Commerce;] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 4134. ​Ports] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4135. ​In] O1, O2, D3; IN D4, D5. 4136. ​that] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; Year] O1, D3, D4, D5; Years O2. 4137. ​­here] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 4138. ​threescore, that] O1, O2; ~? That D3, D4, D5. 4139. ​aboard,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 4140. ​covetous] O1, O2, D4, D5; covetuous D3; getting it] O1, O2, D3; ~ in ~ D4; Getting, in it; D5. 4141. ​justice] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; Desire] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5; so; when] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. When O2. 4142. ​abroad,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 4143. ​I say,] O1, O2; I say, D3, D4, D5; what was this Gain to] O1; what^^ Gain^ was this O2; what^ ^ gain was this D3, D4, D5. 4144. ​enough,] O1, O2; ~ already, D3, D4, D5; uneasie] O1, O2; uneasy D3, D4, D5; Money,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; therefore,] O1, D4; ~^ O2; ~; D3, D5. 4145. ​Profit] O1; Profits O2, D3, D4, D5. 4146. ​Undertakings;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~: D5; and I thought] O1, O2; Hence ~, D3, D5; Hence I ~ D4. 4147. ​all,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5; back] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5. 4148. ​came] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Home;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~: D5. 4149. ​that,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 4150. ​satisfy’d] O1; satisfied O2, D3, D5; satisfied D4; Wand’ring] O1, D3, D4, D5; Wandring O2; seeing;] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5. 4151. ​of;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 4152. ​of as could,] O1, O2; of it as ~; D3, D4, D5. 4153. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Fellow Traveller] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~-­~ O2; I,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5. 4154. ​own,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; w ­ ere] O1, O2; was D3, D4, D5; just] O1 D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 4155. ​end] O1, D3, D4; End O2, D5. 4156. ​Adventures,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; that] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5.

Va r i a n t s

381

4157. ​by:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 4158. ​it; on] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: On O2. 4159. ​Hand] O1, D3, D4; hand O2; Hand, D5. 4160. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; all;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: O2. 4161. ​imaginable] O1, O2, D4; immaginable, D3; ~, D5. 4162. ​go;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; In] O1, O2; in D3, D4, D5. 4163. ​me among] O1, O2; me, (viz.) among D3; me, (viz.) among D4, D5. 4164. ​Islands,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 4165. ​trade,] O1, O2, D5; Trade, D3, D4. 4166. ​but Islands, belonging] O1, O2, D3; ~ the ~, belong D4, D5. 4167. ​Power] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 4168. ​we] O1; We O2, D3, D4, D5. 4169. ​it; however, at last] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: However,^^ nothing O2. 4170. ​stirring] O1, D3, D4; Stirring O2, D5; about] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; trading,] O1; Trading O2, Trading, D3, D4, D5; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; say] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 4171. ​Mind] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; which] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; especially,] O1; ~^ O2, D3; especially, D4, especially D5. 4172. ​Life:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; resolv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; resolved O2. 4173. ​Months; we] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. We O2. 4174. ​Cloves,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 4175. ​carried] O1, D3, D4, D5; carry’d O2. 4176. ​My] O1, O2, D3; MY D4, D5; Account] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; me; well] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: Well O2; Sort,] O1, O2; sort D3, D4, D5; now,] O1, O2, D3, D4; now, D5. 4177. ​of agreeable] O1, O2, D3; ~ an ~ D4, D5; is] O1, D3, D4, D5; Is O2; insulting my] O1, O2; insult upon my D3, D4, D5. 4178. ​is not this better . . . ​like a Man] O1, O2, D3, D4; is not this better . . . ​like a Man D5. 4179. ​ of nothing to do,] O1, O2, D3, D4; of nothing to do, D5. 4180. ​and spending . . . ​of the Pagans? Why truly, says I, my Friend,] O1, O2, D3, D4; and spending . . . ​of the Pagans? Why truly, says I, my Friend, D5. 4181. ​and I begin . . . ​Princi­ples of] O1, O2, D3, D4; and I begin . . . ​Princi­ples of D5. 4182. ​Merchandizing; but] O1, D3, D4; Merchan-­dizing: But O2; Merchandizing; but D5. 4183. ​is;] I^ D5; think it] O1, O2, D3, D4; think it D5; O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; I,] O1, O2, D4; ~^ D3. 4184. ​I must tell you, by . . . ​I am] O1, O2, D3, D4; I must tell you, by . . . ​I am D5. 4185. ​­doing;] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4; ­doing, D5; for if once I] O1, O2, D3, D4; for if once D5; conquer,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2; conquer^ D5; my backwardness] O1, D3; ~ Backwardness O2; ~ Backwardness, D4; my Backwardness D5. 4186. ​and embark] O1, O2; ~ imbark D3, D4; ~ imbark D5; heartily;] O1; heartily, O2, D3; hartily; D4; heartily, D5. 4187. ​as old as . . . ​t he World,] O1, O2, D3, D4; as old as. . . . ​the World, D5. 4188. ​till] O1, O2; ’till D3, D4; ‘till D5; I tire you; for . . . ​let you] O1, O2, D3, D4; I tire you; for . . . ​let you D5. 4189. ​lye] O1, O2, D3, D5; lie D4; still] O1, O2, D3, D4; still D5. 4190. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Speculations,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 4191. ​ Batavia;] O1, O2, D3; Battavia; D4, D5. 4192. ​Ton] O1, O2; Tun D3, D4, D5. 4193. ​as they pretended] O1, O2; as they pretended D3, D4; as they pretended, D5. 4194. ​he] O1; ~. He O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; Bengal,] O1, O2, D3; Bengale; D4, D5; with; having it seems got] O1, O2, D3; having^ ^ got; as if having^ ^ got D4, D5; it,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 4195. ​it; he] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. He O2; considered] O1, O2; considers D3, D4, D5. 4196. ​she] O1, D3, D4, D5; She O2. 4197. ​her;] O1; ~: O2, D3, D4, D5; accordingly] O1; Accordingly O2, D3, D4, D5. 4198. ​Posession;] O1, O2, D3, D4; Pessession: D5. 4199. ​resolv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; resolved O2; Men] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2.

382 Va r i a n t s 4200. ​receiv’d] O1, O2; received D3, D4, D5; Share] O1, O2; share D3, D4, D5; Money,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4201. ​found; we] O1; ~. We O2, D3, D4; ~: We D5. 4202. ​Nothing] O1, O2, D3; NOTHING D4, D5; while,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3. 4203. ​Com­pany,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5; me] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 4204. ​satisfy’d] O1; satisfied O2, D3, D4, D5. 4205. ​Sort] O1, O2, D5; sort D3, D4; for] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4206. ​in short,] O1, O2; in short, D3, D4, D5; Captain] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 4207. ​trading] O1, O2; Trading D3, D4, D5. 4208. ​attack’d] O1, O2, D3, D5; attaqu’d D4; Shore,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5. 4209. ​Captain,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 4210. ​Men Eleven] O1; ~, eleven O2, D3, D4, D5; resolv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; resolved O2. 4211. ​and brought] O1, O2; ~ had ~ D3, D4, D5; Bengale] O1, D3, D4, D5; Bengal O2. 4212. ​whom,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5. 4213. ​farther] O1, D3, D4, D5; further O2. 4214. ​Well,] O1, O2, D3; WELL, D4, D5. 4215. ​ thought,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; not] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; I confess,] O1, O2, D3; I confess, D4, D5. 4216. ​enquir’d] O1; enquired O2, D3, D4, D5. 4217. ​falter’d] O1; faulter’d O2, D3, D4, D5; Account,] O1, O2; Accounts, D3, D4, D5. 4218. ​themselves,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 4219. ​them; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. But O2. 4220. ​withal,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 4221. ​thro’] O1, O2, D3, D4; through D5. 4222. ​We pick’d some more] O1, O2, D3; HOWEVER we pick’d some^ D4, D5. 4223. ​Voyage, South East] O1, O2, D3; ~^ ~-­~ D4, D5. 4224. ​Phillippine] O1, O2, D4; Philippine D3, D5; Isles; and] O1, D3; ~: And O2; ~; and, D4, D5. 4225. ​last] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5. 4226. ​new] O1, O2;^ D3, D4, D5. 4227. ​above-­mention’d,] O1, O2, D3; abovemention’d, D4, D5; Siam,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 4228. ​In] O1, O2, D3; IN D4, D5; oblig’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; oblig’d D3. 4229. ​ Mallacca] O1, D3, D4, D5; Mallucco O2. 4230. ​sprung] O1, O2, D4, D5; sprang D3; find it out] O1, O2, D3; ~^ ~ D4, D5. 4231. ​Partner] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 4232. ​Mate,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3; Mr.] O1, O2, D4, D5; Mr. D3; Thomson] O1, D3, D4, D5; Thompson O2. 4233. ​ the Ship] O1, D3, D4, D5; two Ships O2; Self:] O1, D4, D5; Self. O2; myself: D3; lies] O1, D3, D4, D5; lyes O2. 4234. ​North Side] O1, D3; North Side O2; North-­side D4, D5; Gulph] O1, D3, D4, D5; Gulf O2. 4235. ​While] O1, O2, D3; WHILE D4, D5. 4236. ​En­glish Man,] O1, O2, D3; En­glishman, D4, D5; was] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; seems] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 4237. ​Mate,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4238. ​hither] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; know] O1, O2; knew D3, D4, D5; not; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: But O2; speaking En­glish:] O1, D3, D4, D5; speaking in En­glish, O2; Sir,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Sir, D5. 4239. ​says he] O1, D3, D4, D5; says he O2. 4240. ​you are . . . ​concerns you.] O1, O2, D3, D4; you are . . . ​concerns you. D5. 4241. ​look’d] O1, D3; looked O2; LOOK’D D4, D5. 4242. ​not;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; if] O1, D3, D4; If O2; if D5; said I] O1, D3, D4, D5; said I O2; it very . . . ​a nd not] O1, O2, D3, D4; it very . . . ​and not D5; if it very nearly concerns . . . ​ say to me?] (roman type) O1, O2, D3, D4; (italic type) D5. 4243. ​your self,] O1, O2, D4; your self D5; yourself, D3; what moves . . . ​I am] O1, O2, D3, D4; what moves . . . ​I am D5; moved] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; says he] O1, D3, D5; says he O2;

Va r i a n t s

383

says he, D4; eminent] O1, D3, D4; eminent D5; imminent O2; by the] O1, O2, D3, D4; by the D5. 4244. ​Danger you are] O1, O2, D3, D4; Danger you are D5. 4245. ​Knowledge] O1, O2, D4; knowledge D3; Knowledge D5. 4246. ​it;] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; it; D5; said I] O1, D3, D4, D5; said I O2; I know no Danger I am in,] O1, O2, D3, D4; I know no Danger I am in, D5. 4247. ​but that my ship is leaky, and I cannot find it out; but I] O1, O2, D3, D4; but that my ship is leaky, and I cannot find it out; but I D5. 4248. ​purpose] O1, O2, D4; propose D3; propose D5. 4249. ​to lay her a-­Ground . . . ​if I can find] O1, O2, D3, D4; to lay her a-­Ground . . . ​if I can find D5. 4250. ​it; but] O1, D3, D4; ~. But O2, D5; says he] O1, D3, D4, D5; says he O2; Sir,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Sir, D5; not leaky, find] O1, O2, D3, D4; not leaky, find D5; it, or] O1, O2, D3; it^ or D4; it, or D5. 4251. ​you ­w ill . . . ​have to say to] O1, O2, D3, D4; you ­will . . . ​have to say to D5. 4252. ​you; do] O1, D3, D4; ~. Do O2; you: do D5; said] O1, D3, D4, D5; said O2; you know Sir,] O1, O2, D3, D4; you know, Sir, D5; the Town of] O1, O2, D3, D4; the Town of D5; he] O1, D3, D4, D5; he O2. 4253. ​ Cambodia,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; about fifteen Leagues up this River?] O1, O2, D3, D4; about fifteen Leagues up this River? D5; and] O1, D3, D4; And O2; and D5. 4254. ​­t here are two large En­glish Ships about five Leagues on this Side, and three] O1, O2, D3, D4; ­there are two large En­glish Ships about five Leagues on this Side, and three D5. 4255. ​ Dutch; well] O1, D3; ~. Well, O2, D5; well, D4. 4256. ​ said I, and what is that to me?] O1, O2, D3, D4; said I, and what is that to me? D5; Why] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 4257. ​Sir, said he, is it. . . . ​to deal with] O1, O2, D3, D4; Sir, says he, is it . . . ​to deal with D5. 4258. ​them?] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2; them? D5; d ­ on’t] O1, D3, D4; do not O2; ­don’t D5; I suppose you] O1, O2, D3, D4; I suppose you D5; you are a Match for] O1, O2, D3, D4; you are a Match for D5; them:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; them. D5. 4259. ​Discourse,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2; Discourse, D5; amaz’d] O1, D3, D4; amazed O2; amaz’d D5; but not] O1, O2, D3, D4; but not D5. 4260. ​at it, for I could not conceive what he] O1, O2, D3, D4; at it, for I could not coveive what he D5. 4261. ​meant; and I] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~.^ I O2; turn’d short upon] O1, O2, D3, D4; turn’d short upon D5; and] O1, O2, D3, D4; and D5. 4262. ​said,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4; said, D5; Sir, I wish you would explain your self;] O1, O2, D3, D4; Sir, I wish you would explain your self; D5. 4263. ​I cannot imagine . . . ​a fraid of any] O1, O2, D3, D4; I cannot imagine . . . ​afraid of any D5. 4264. ​Com­pany Ships] O1, D3; ~ of ~ O2; of the Com­pany’s Ships D4, D5; Ships;] O1, D4; ~. O2; ~^ D3; Ships; D5; Interloperr,] O1; Interloper, O2, D3, D4; Interloper, D5. 4265. ​what] O1, O2, D3; What D4; What D5; can they have to say to me?] O1, O2, D3, D4; can they have to say to me? D5. 4266. ​He] O1, O2, D3; HE D4, D; look’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; looked O2. 4267. ​smiling; well] O1, D3, D4; ~, Well, O2; smiling; well, D5; says] O1, D3, D4, D5; said O2. 4268. ​chance;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; your self] O1, O2, D4, D5; yourself D3. 4269. ​Advice; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: But O2; your self,] O1, O2, D4, D5; yourself^ D3; you] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~, D3. 4270. ​attack’d] O1, O2, D3; attaqu’d D4, D5. 4271. ​perhaps] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4272. ​examin’d afterwards:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ex-­amined ~. O2; added] O1, D3, D4, D5; added O2; he] O1, D3, D4, D5; he O2. 4273. ​Piece] O1, O2, D3; piece D4, D5. 4274. ​Importance:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5; Ser­v ice,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3.

384 Va r i a n t s 4275. ​Kindness,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; said] O1, D3, D4; said O2, D5; Comprehension said] O1, O2, D3; ~, said D4, D5. 4276. ​I,] O1, D3; I, O2, D4, D5; for; however] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. However O2. 4277. ​me;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4278. ​leak] O1, D3; Leak O2; Leak, D4, D5; it?] O1; ~. O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 4279. ​But,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; said I] O1, D3, D4, D5; said I O2. 4280. ​it?] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~! D5. 4281. ​says] O1, D3, D4, D5; says O2; I can] O1, O2, D3; I CAN D4, D5; he,] O1, D3, D4; he O2; he; D5. 4282. ​Seaman] O1, O2, D4; Seamen D3, D5; persuade] O1, D3, D4, D5; perswade O2. 4283. ​time] O1, D3; Time O2, D4, D5; it.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5; short] O1, D3, D4, D5; Short O2; this, the] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. The O2. 4284. ​ Sumatra,] O1, O2, D4; ~; D3, D5; that] O1, D3, D4, D5; That O2; murther’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; murdered O2; Men,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 4285. ​who ­were] O1, O2, D3; that ­were D4, D5. 4286. ​executed,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5; Pirates] O1, O2, D3; Pirates, D4, D5. 4287. ​them] O1, D3, D4, D5; ’em O2. 4288. ​Now] O1, O2, D3; NOW D4, D5; said I] O1, D3, D4, D5; Said I O2. 4289. ​nothing,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 4290. ​Ship,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; a ­doing] O1, D3, D4, D5; a-­doing O2. 4291. ​guard; nay] O1; Guard. Nay O2; Guard; Nay D3, D4; Guard. Nay, D5; says he] O1, D3, D4, D5; says he O2. 4292. ​Defence,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; is] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; of the Danger;] O1, D3, D4, D5; of^ Danger, O2. 4293. ​Men;] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 4294. ​High W ­ ater;] O1; ~ ~, D3; High-­Water^ O2; High-­Water, D4, D5. 4295. ​came] O1; come O2, ­will come D3, D4, D5; High ­Water] O1, D3; High-­Water O2; High-­ Water, D4, D5. 4296. ​length] O1, D3; Length O2, D4, D5; Way; besides] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. Besides O2. 4297. ​especially] O1, O2, D3, D5; especialiy D4; Well] O1, O2, D3; WELL D4, D5. 4298. ​a mends?] O1, D3; Amends O2; Amends? D4, D5; says he,] O1, D3, D5; says he O2; says he, D4. 4299. ​amends] O1, D3, D4, D5; Amends O2; convinc’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; convinced O2; it:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; offer] O1, D3; Offer O2, D4, D5; you;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 4300. ​me,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 4301. ​ Dutch Man] O1, O2, D3; Dutchman, D4, D5. 4302. ​nothing] O1, D3, D4, D5; no more O2. 4303. ​but] O1, D3, D4, D5; But O2. 4304. ​sav’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; saved O2; Lives,] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~. D4. 4305. ​I consented] O1, O2, D3; I CONSENTED D4, D5. 4306. ​me;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; as] O1, D3, D4, D5; As O2; Farther] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; Ship Side Partner] O1, O2, D3; ~-­side ~, D4, D5. 4307. ​board] O1, D3, D4, D5; Board O2; call’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; called O2. 4308. ​ho!] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~? O2; stop’d] O1; ­stopped O2; stopp’d. 4309. ​ leak:] O1, D3, D4; Leak: O2; Leak: D5; God;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4310. ​Anchor then immediately; weigh!] O1; ~^ ~. Weigh! O2; Anchor then immediately: Weigh! D3, D4, D5; Says he:] O1, D3, D4; says he, O2; says he: D5. 4311. ​What] O1, D3, D4, D5; what O2. 4312. ​ he?] O1, D4, D5; he? O2; ~: He D3. 4313. ​losing O2, D4, D5; loosing O1, D3; Minute; he] O1; ~. He O2, D3; ~: He D4, D5; surpriz’d,] O1, D3, D4, D5; surprized; O2; call’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; called O2. 4314. ​order’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; ordered O2; up; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: And O2. 4315. ​Land Breeze] O1, O2, D3; ~-­~ D4, D5. 4316. ​Sea; then] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. Then O2; call’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; called O2; Cabin] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5; large,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2.

Va r i a n t s

385

4317. ​call’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; called O2; it;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; But O2. 4318. ​Seaman] O1, O2, D4, D5; Sea-­man D3. 4319. ​chas’d; chas’d] O1, D4; ~. Chas’d O2, D3; chased; Chas’d, D5; says I] O1, D3, D4, D5; said I, O2; I! by] O1, O2, D3; ~, By D4; I! By D5; who,] O1, D3, D5; whom O2; who, D4. 4320. ​says the Fellow,] O1, D3; says the Fellow O2; says the Fellow, D4; says the Fellow, D5; Men;] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5; very well said I] O1; very ~, said I O2, D3, D4; Very well, D5. 4321. ​it; in] O1, D3; ~. In O2; ~: In D4, D5; Place] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; order’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; ordered O2. 4322. ​call’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; called O2. 4323. ​Pirates,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2; Pirates, D5; ask’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; asked O2. 4324. ​another; the] O1, O2, D3; ~? The D4, D5; answer’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; answered D3. 4325. ​us;] O1; ~: O2, D3, D4, D5; then] O1; Then O2, D3, D4, D5; ask’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; asked O2; Captain,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4326. ​a] O1, D3, D4, D5; the O2; them; for] O1, O2, D3; ~? For D4, D5; resolv’d] O1, D4; resolved O2, D3; resolv’d D5. 4327. ​that] O1; That O2, D3, D4, D5. 4328. ​Arms,] O1, D5; ~^ O2, D3, D4. 4329. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; had] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; Time, order] O1, O2; ~^ ~, D3, D5; ~^ Order, D4. 4330. ​loaded] O1, D3, D4; load O2, D5. 4331. ​Bullets,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 4332. ​Hand] O1, O2, D3; hand D4, D5; while we] O1, O2, D3; While^ D4; ~^ D5. 4333. ​enough;] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; Distance,] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ D4. 4334. ​us] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; sail] O1, O2, D3; Sail D4, D5. 4335. ​Two] O1, O2, D3; TWO D4, D5; t­ hose] O1, O2; t­ hese D3, D4, D5; see] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4336. ​out sail’d] O1; out-­sailed O2, D3, D4, D5; rest,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; a Head] O1, D3; a-­Head O2; a-­head D4, D5. 4337. ​which,] O1, O2, D3, ~^ D4, D5; us; upon] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: Upon O2; fir’d] O1; fired O2, D3, D4, D5; Gun] O1, D4; a Gun O2, D3, D5; without a] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ D4. 4338. ​Truce;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; to,] O1; too. O2, D3, D4, D5; Parley,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 4339. ​Shot;] O1; ~, O2; ~: D3, D4, D5. 4340. ​white] O1, D3, D4, D5; White O2; it; hung] O1; ~, we hung O2, D3, D4, D5; fir’d] O1; fired O2, D3, D4, D5. 4341. ​Shot] O1, D3; ~. O2; ~; D4, D5; Notwithstanding] O1, O2, D3; notwithstanding D4, D5; till] O1, O2, D4, D5; ‘till D3. 4342. ​board;] O1, D4, D5; Board; O2, D3. 4343. ​It] O1, O2, D3; IT D4, D5. 4344. ​Strength] O1, O2, D4, D5; strength D3; followed] O1, O2, D3; follow’d D4, D5. 4345. ​too] O1, D3, D4, D5; to O2. 4346. ​Broad-­Side,] O1, O2; ~-­side, D3, D4, D5. 4347. ​fir’d] O1, O2, D3; fired D4, D5. 4348. ​sinking;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4349. ​crowd on] O1, O2, D3; ~ still ~ D4; croud still ~ D5. 4350. ​While] O1, O2, D3; WHILE D4, D5. 4351. ​disable’d] O1; disabled O2; disabled, D3, D4, D5. 4352. ​Stern; upon] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. Upon O2; this] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4353. ​Guns] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5; fired] O1, O2, D3, D4; fir’d D5; Shot] O1, O2, D4, D5; shot D3. 4354. ​on; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: But O2. 4355. ​Notice] O1, O2, D5; notice D3, D4. 4356. ​Disorder; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: But O2. 4357. ​­Water; upon] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. Upon O2; man’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; Mann’d O2. 4358. ​them,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5.

386 Va r i a n t s 4359. ​up; our] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. Our O2; followed] O1, O2, D3; followd D4; follow’d D5. 4360. ​which,] O1, D3; ~^ O2, D4, D5. 4361. ​him; as] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. As O2; board] O1, D4, D5; Board O2; Board, D3. 4362. ​Chace.] O1, D3, D4, D5; Chase. O2. 4363. ​Being] O1, O2, D3; BEING D4, D5; tho’] O1, O2, D3; though D4, D5. 4364. ​whither O2, D3, D5; ­whether] O1, D4. 4365. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5. 4366. ​first what] O1, O2, D3; ~, What D4, D5; meaning] O1, D3; Meaning O2, D4, D5. 4367. ​be, and the Dutch Man] O1, O2, D3; be: The Dutchman D4; be. The Dutchman D5. 4368. ​secret] O1, D3; Secret O2, D4, D5; us] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 4369. ​murther’d] O1, D4, D5; murdered O2; murthered D3. 4370. ​ Mallaca] O1, D3, D4, D5; Mallacca O2; Men,] O1, D3; ~; O2, D4, D5; Dutch Man,] O1, O2, D3; Dutch-­man, D4; Dutchman, D5. 4371. ​more, wandered] O1, O2; ~^ ~ D3, D4, D5. 4372. ​till] O1, O2, D4, D5; ’till D3. 4373. ​Manner] O1, O2; manner D3; ~, D4, D5. 4374. ​shift] O1, O2; made ~ D3, D4, D5; the off] O1, O2, D4, D5; into ~ ~ D3; take the ­Water] O1, O2, D3; ~ into ~ ~ D4, D5; and the] O1, O2; at last the D3; and swimming a ­great while, at last the D4, D5. 4375. ​He] O1, O2, D3; HE D4, D5; Battavia] O1, D3, D4, D5; Batavia O2; Seaman] O1, D4, D5; Sea-­men O2, D3; Ship arriv’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ had ~ D5. 4376. ​Account] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5; Fellow] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4377. ​ Bengale] O1, D3, D4, D5; Bengal O2. 4378. ​Ship] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 4379. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5; ­later] O1, D3; latter O2, D4, D5; Part] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 4380. ​Preposession] O1, D5; Prepossession O2, D4; Preposition D3; beforehand,] O1; before-­ hand O2, D3, D4; before-­hand, D5. 4381. ​Quarter] O1, O2; Quarters D3, D4, D5; Hands,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; especially] O2, D3, D4, D5; espeeially O1. 4382. ​an] O1, O2, D4, D5;^ D3. 4383. ​executed; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: And O2. 4384. ​Bengale] O1, D3, D4, D5; Bengal O2. 4385. ​ a] O1, O2, D3; an D4, D5; good Account] O1, O2, D3;^ ~ D4, D5; our selves, could] O1, O2, D4, ourselves, and could D3; our selves, and could D5. 4386. ​who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 4387. ​and which] O1, O2, D3; ~, ~ D4, D5; then] O1, D4; than O2, D3, D5. 4388. ​afterward] O1, D3, D4, D5; afterwards O2. 4389. ​I was] O1, O2, D3; I WAS D4, D5. 4390. ​ Bengale] O1, D3, D4, D5; Bengal O2; Side] O1, O2, D4, D5; side D3. 4391. ​Side,] O1, O2; side, D3, D4, D5; Battavia] O1, D3, D4, D5; Batavia O2. 4392. ​else-­where] O1, D3, D4, D5; elsewhere O2; ­were,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 4393. ​us;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 4394. ​who,] O1; ~^ O2; who said, D3, D4, D5; he,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 4395. ​resolv’d] O1; resolved O2, D3, D4, D5. 4396. ​the Coast of] O1, O2;^ ^ ^ D3, D4, D5. 4397. ​and pursuing] O1, O2; and from thence pursuing D3, D4, D5; Design] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4398. ​get:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5. 4399. ​steer’d] O1, D5; steered O2, D3, D4. 4400. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5; however] O2, D3, D4, D5; However O1. 4401. ​the] O1, O2; that D3, D4, D5. 4402. ​upon] O1, D3, D4, D5; upon O2; Voyage;] O1, O2; Run; D3, D5; Run: D4; and] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5.

Va r i a n t s

387

4403. ​us,] O1, O2, D4; ~; D3, D5. 4404. ​I must] O1, O2, D3; I MUST D4, D5; myself,] O1, D3; my self O2, D4; my^self, D5. 4405. ​in] O1, O2, D4; in, D3, D5. 4406. ​pursu’d] O1, D3; pursued O2, D4, D5. 4407. ​less,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5; Theivish.] O1, O2, D5; ~: D3, D4; my own] O1, O2, D3, D4; mine ~, D5. 4408. ​Body’s] O1, O2, D3; bodys D4; body’s D5. 4409. ​own:] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~. D5; embarrass’d O2, D3, D4, D5; embarass’d O1; imaginable;] O1, O2, D4, D5; immaginable; D3. 4410. ​appear; and] O1; ~: And O2, D3, D4; ~. And D5. 4411. ​Guilt] O1, O2, D4, D5; guilt D3; esteem’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; esteemed O2. 4412. ​This] O1, O2, D3; THIS D4, D5; tho’,] O1, O2, D3, D4; tho’^ D5. 4413. ​to; my] O1; ~: My O2, D3, D4; ~. My D5. 4414. ​of Cochinchina,] O1, O2; ~, Chachinchina D3; ~, ~, D4; ~, Chochinchina, D5. 4415. ​ Tonquin,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 4416. ​ Portuguese,] O1, O2; Portugueze, D3; Portugueze, D4, D5. 4417. ​missionary] O1, D3; Missionary O2, D4, D5. 4418. ​order] O1, D3, D4, D5; Order O2. 4419. ​Hither] O1, O2, D3; HITHER D4, D5; resolv’d] O1, O2, D3; resolved D4, D5. 4420. ​straitned] O1, O2, D4, D5; straited D3. 4421. ​Reflection] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4422. ​which] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; however] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4423. ​ Ships,] O1; Ships, O2, D3, D4, D5. 4424. ​Man] O1; ~, O2, D3; Dutchman, D4, D5. 4425. ​Ships] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4426. ​Way or] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ and D5; other.] O1, O2, D3, D4; the ~. D5; wild barbarous,] O1, O2, D4, D5; Wild Barbarous, D3. 4427. ​true] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 4428. ​Difficulty] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 4429. ​we] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5. 4430. ​its] O1, O2, D4, D5; it’s D3. 4431. ​beating] O1, O2, D3; Beating D4, D5; discover’d,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5; that] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4432. ​word,] O1; Word O2, D4; Word, D3, D5. 4433. ​Inhabitants,] O1, O2, D4, D5; Inhabitant’s^ D3. 4434. ​one, (viz.) That] O1, O2, D3; ~,^ ~ D4; ~,^ That D5. 4435. ​if any Vessel have the Misfortune to be] O1, O2, D3, D4; if any Vessel have the Misfortune to be D5. 4436. ​shipwreck’d] O1, O2; Shipwreck’d D3, D4; Shipwreck’d D5; upon their Coast, they presently make] O1, O2, D3, D4; upon their Coast, they presently make D5. 4437. ​their] O1, O2, D3; the D4; the D5. 4438. ​Men all] O1, O2, D3, D4; Men all D5; Prisoners or] O1, O2; ~, that is to say D3; ~, that D4; Prisoners, that is to say, D5; Slaves;] O1, O2, D3; is to say, Slaves; D4; Slaves; D5; and it was not long before we] O1, O2, D3, D4; and it was not long before we D5. 4439. ​Spice] O1, O2, D4; spice D3; Spice D5; of their Kindness this] O1, O2, D3, D4; of their Kindness this D5; Way,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4; Way; D5. 4440. ​I have] O1, O2, D3; I HAVE D4, D5; observ’d] O1; observed O2, D3, D4, D5; observ’d] O1; observed O2, D3, D4, D5. 4441. ​however,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; that,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5; said] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2; ~, D5. 4442. ​stopp’d unexpectedly] O1, O2, D3; stop’d ~, D4, D5; seiz’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; Ships] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4443. ​in the Bay] O1, O2, D3; near ~ ~ D4, D5. 4444. ​fit] O1, O2; tight D3, D4, D5; resolv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; resolved O2.

388 Va r i a n t s 4445. ​Board] O1, O2, D3; board D4, D5; wash] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 4446. ​Bottom,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 4447. ​Accordingly,] O1, O2, D3; ACCORDINGLY, D4, D5; lighten’d] O1, O2, D3; lightened D4, D5; Guns] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4448. ​Side,] O1, O2, D4, D5; side, D3. 4449. ​Thoughts] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5. 4450. ​dry] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5; on] O1, O2, D4, D5; a D3; on Ground] O1, O2, D3; a-­ground D4, D5. 4451. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; Inhabitants,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5. 4452. ​Sight, wondring to] O1, O2; sight, wondering^ D3; ~ wondering ~ D4, D5. 4453. ​lie] O1, D3, D4, D5; lye O2. 4454. ​Side . . . ​manner,] O1, O2, D4, D5; side . . . ​manner, D3; in ­towards] O1, O2, D3, D4;^ ~ D5; Shore;] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 4455. ​Men,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; Work] O1, O2, D3; work D4, D5; Stages] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 4456. ​off-­Side,] O1; Off-­side O2; off-­side, D3; off Side D4; ~^~, D5. 4457. ​away,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3; so fast] O1, O2; ~ very ~ D3, D4, D5. 4458. ​On] O1, O2, D3; ON D4, D5; Supposition] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 4459. ​Time] O1, D3, D4, D5; time O2. 4460. ​Board] O1, O2, D3; board D4; board, D5; Ship;] O1, O2, D3; Ship, D4, D5. 4461. ​King,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; him;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; nothing] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 4462. ​When] O1, O2, D3; WHEN D4, D5. 4463. ​Work] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; Bottom and Side,] O1, O2, D4, D5; bottom and side, D3. 4464. ​stopping,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; seafaring] O1, D3; Seafaring O2; Sea-­faring D4, D5. 4465. ​They] O1, O2, D3, D4; THEY D5. 4466. ​but,] O1, O2, D5; ~^ D3, D4. 4467. ​Opportunity] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 4468. ​Work] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4469. ​with,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 4470. ​Need;] O1, O2, D3; need; D4, D5; for] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; quarter] O1, O2, D3; Quarter D4, D5; for] O1, O2, D4, D5; far D3. 4471. ​Work] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4472. ​Boats,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; handed] O1, O2, D4, D5; hand D3. 4473. ​Goods; upon] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. Upon O2; granted] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 4474. ​down] O1, O2, D4; Directly D3; directly upon D5. 4475. ​Our] O1, O2, D3; OUR D4, D5. 4476. ​us] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5; do:] O1, O2, D3; ~? D4, D5. 4477. ​immediately] O1, O2, D4, D5; immediatly D3; Men] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; Stages] O1, D3, D4, D5; Stage O2. 4478. ​Side] O1, O2, D4, D5; side D3. 4479. ​Board; and] O1, D3; board: And O2; board; and D4, D5. 4480. ​Board, work’d] O1, D3; board, worked O2; board, work’d D4, D5; Strength] O1, O2, D4, D5; strength D3. 4481. ​Rights;] O1, D3; ~^ O2; rights; D4, D5; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; But O2; Stages] O1; ~, D3; Stage, O2, D4; Stage D5; or] O1, O2, D3, D4; nor D5. 4482. ​order’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; ordered O2; Cochinchinesses] O1, D3, D4; Cochinchineses O2; Conchinchineses D5; them;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 4483. ​and two] O1, O2, D3; ~ with ~ D4, D5. 4484. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; of] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; Seaman] O1, D4, D5; ~; O2; ~, D3. 4485. ​offer’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; offered O2. 4486. ​Boat,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3; thought:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 4487. ​him;] O1, O2; ~^ D3; ~, D4, D5.

Va r i a n t s

389

4488. ​dragg’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; dragged O2; where,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 4489. ​Boat’s] O1, O2, D3; Boats D4, D5. 4490. ​dy’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; died O2. 4491. ​time] O1, O2, D3; Time D4, D5. 4492. ​Boat:] O1; ~. O2; ~: D3; Boat; but D4, D5. 4493. ​fourty] O1, O2, D4; forty D3, D5. 4494. ​Men] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; all] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2;^ D5; it:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; compleat] O1, D3, D4, D5; complete O2. 4495. ​­Thing] O1, O2, D3; t­ hing D4, D5; ­else, and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. And O2. 4496. ​this:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 4497. ​Our] O1, O2, D3; OUR D4, D5; Carpenter] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 4498. ​Leakes,] O1, O2, D3; Leaks D4, D5. 4499. ​Stuff,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4500. ​Work; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. And O2; Carpenter,] O1, O2, D3, D5; Carperter, D4. 4501. ​ladle O2, D3, D5; Ladle D4; Laddle] O1; supply’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; supplied O2. 4502. ​Work] O1, D3; ~, O2; work D4, D5; Stuff; two] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, ~. Tow O2; Enemies] O1, D3; ­Enemy’s O2, D4, D5. 4503. ​Ladle O2, D3; Ladleful D4, D5; Laddle O1270:17 burnt] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~, D3. 4504. ​roar’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; roared O2. 4505. ​and,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; Sea:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; cry’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; cried O2. 4506. ​it; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: And O2; foreward] O1, D4; forward O2, D3, D5. 4507. ​he] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 4508. ​that,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 4509. ​frightful pitiful] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~ and ~ O2. 4510. ​Howling] O1, D3, D4, D5; howling O2; Crying] O1, D3, D5; crying O2, D4. 4511. ​tho’] O1, D3, D4, D5; though O2. 4512. ​naturally] O1, O2, D4, D5; Naturally D3; out] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; has] O1, O2, D4; have D3, D5. 4513. ​make] O1, D3, D4, D5; making O2. 4514. ​Speech] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5; Noise,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 4515. ​Surprize] O1, O2, D4; surprise D3; surprize D5. 4516. ​before: But] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; but O2. 4517. ​Blood shed,] O1, O2, D3; ~-­~, D4, D5; Man] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 4518. ​kill’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; killed O2; which] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; I was] O1, O2, D3; I WAS D4, D5. 4519. ​concern’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; concerned O2; Savage] O1, D3, D4, D5; savage O2. 4520. ​Errands] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5. 4521. ​better; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. And O2. 4522. ​Nature,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5; which] O1, O2, D4; when D3, D5; oblig’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; obliged O2. 4523. ​preserve,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; and indeed I think so still;] O1; our own; ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ O2;^ D3; and indeed, I think so still D4, D5. 4524. ​Life,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; that] O1; the O2, D3, D4, D5; me:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 4525. ​Opinion,] O1, D4; ~; O2;^ D3, D5. 4526. ​they would,] O1, O2, D3, D4;^ ^ D5; Consideration] O1, O2, D4, D5; consideration D3. 4527. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Story, all] O1; ~. All O2; ~; All D3; ~; all D4, D5. 4528. ​manag’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; managed O2; Board] O1, D3; board O2, D4; board, D5. 4529. ​Rights;] O1, O2, D3; rights; D4, D5. 4530. ​me] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 4531. ​them.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4, D5; call’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; called O2; him,] O1, O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 4532. ​Board,] O1, O2, D3; board, D4, D5; terrify’d] O1, D3; terrified O2, D4, D5; had] O1, O2, D3, D4;^ D5. 4533. ​Attack] O1, O2, D3, D5; Attaque D4.

390 Va r i a n t s 4534. ​again; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. And O2. 4535. ​Entrprize] O1, O2, D4; Enterprize, D3; Enterprize D5; expected:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 4536. ​Board] O1, O2, D3, D4; board D5; before,] O1, O2, D5; ~; D3, D4. 4537. ​foreward] O1; forward O2, D3, D4; forward, D5. 4538. ​Pitch-­Kettle] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~-­K ittle D4. 4539. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5; Board] O1, O2, D3; board D4, D5. 4540. ​was] O1, D3, D4, D5; w ­ ere O2; sail;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; time] O1, O2, D3; Time D4, D5; in] O1, D3, D4, D5; In O2. 4541. ​Distance,] O1, O2; Distance from the Shore, D3, D4, D5. 4542. ​presented:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5. 4543. ​finish’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; finished D3; Board] O1, O2, D3; board D4, D5. 4544. ​sail; we] O1, D3, D4, D5; sail. We O2. 4545. ​­t here;] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~, D3. 4546. ​­t here,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3. 4547. ​suppos’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; supposed D5. 4548. ​ Mediteranean] O1, D3, D4, D5; Mediterranean O2. 4549. ​When] O1, O2, D3, D4; WHEN D5; out] O1, O2, D4; on D3, D5. 4550. ​ Munillas] O1; Manillas O2, D3, D4; Manilla’s D5; Phillippine] O1, D3, D4, D5; Phillipines O2; did,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 4551. ​our] O1, O2, D3; the D4, D5. 4552. ​North] O1, O2, D4, D5;^ D3; ’till] O1, O2, D3;^till D4, D5; 30] O1, O2, D3; 20 D4, D5; Min.;] O1; Min.^ O2; Minutes; D3, D4, D5. 4553. ​Island Formosa] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ of ~ D5. 4554. ​­Water] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5. 4555. ​Mannners,] O1, D4; Manners, O2, D3, D5. 4556. ​planted] O1, O2, D4, D5; Planted D3; Protestants] O1, O2, D3; Protestants D4, D5. 4557. ​it works] O1, O2, D4, D5; in Works D3. 4558. ​From] O1, O2, D3; FROM D4, D5. 4559. ​’till] O1, D3;^till O2, D4, D5. 4560. ​Being] O1, O2, D3; BEING D4, D5; Degrees] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 4561. ​ Portuguese] O1, O2; Portugueze D3; Portugueze D4, D5; Board] O1, O2, D3; board D4, D5; Board] O1, O2, D3; board D4, D5. 4562. ​us] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; ­whether,] O1, D3; whither^ O2, D4, D5. 4563. ​them] O1, O2; it D3, D4, D5. 4564. ​I thought] O1, O2, D3; I THOUGHT D4, D5. 4565. ​would;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4566. ​carry­ing us] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ of ~ D5. 4567. ​but smiling,] O1, O2, D3; ~, ~ D4, D5; us] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; t­ here.] O1, D4; ~? O2, D3, D5. 4568. ​I told] O1, O2, D3; I TOLD D4, D5; China Wares,] O1, D3; China-­Wares O2, D4; ~-­~, D5. 4569. ​raw Silks] O1; Raw-­Silks, O2, D3, D4, D5; wrought Silks,] O1; Wrought-­Silks O2, Wrought-­Silks, D3, D4; Wrought Silks D5. 4570. ​came:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5. 4571. ​not have fail’d] O1, O2, D3; no^ ^ fail^ D4, D5. 4572. ​purchas’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; purchased D5. 4573. ​ China Goods,] O1; China-­Goods O2, D3, D4, D5. 4574. ​Not] O1, O2, D3; NOT D4, D5. 4575. ​opiniated] O1, O2, D3; opinionated, D4, D5; him,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; Gentlemen] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4. 4576. ​ Pecking,] O1, O2, D3, D5; Peking D4. 4577. ​where,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 4578. ​River] O1, O2; Made Stream, D3; made Stream, D4, D5; thorow] O1, D3; thourough O2, D4; thorough D5.

Va r i a n t s

391

4579. ​Hills] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4580. ​ Pecking] O1, O2, D3; Peking D4; Peking D5. 4581. ​Well] O1, O2, D3; WELL D4, D5. 4582. ​If] O1, O2, D4, D5; if D3. 4583. ​ Pecking] O1, O2, D3, D4; Peking D5. 4584. ​and that t­ here] O1, O2, D3; ~^ ~ D4, D5; up] O1, D3, D4, D5; by O2; before.] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~: D4. 4585. ​and] O1, O2;^ D3, D4, D5. 4586. ​Devil,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3. 4587. ​and] O1, O2, D4, D5;^ D3. 4588. ​into] O1, O2, D3; in^ D4, D5. 4589. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; confus’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; confused D5. 4590. ​Sir,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 4591. ​Apprehensions] O1, O2, D3; Apprehension^ D4, D5. 4592. ​Nation:] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~. D5; says I] O1, O2, D3, D4; says I D5. 4593. ​take] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; Law:] O1, O2; Laws of their own Country; D3, D4; Laws of their own Country. D5. 4594. ​you] O1, O2, D3; your D4, D5. 4595. ​If] O1, O2, D3; IF D4, D5; flie] O1; fly O2, D3, D4, D5. 4596. ​prevent] O1, O2; circulate D3, D4, D5. 4597. ​imaginable: Nor] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; nor D5. 4598. ​Talk,] O1, O2; talk, D3; talk D4; talk; D5. 4599. ​can.] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~; D4; is is] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3; said I,] O1, O2, D3, D4; said I, D5; true] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4600. ​Time] O1, O2, D3; Time, D4, D5; to to] O1, D5; ~^ O2, D3; to go D4; par­tic­u ­lar;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4601. ​Pirates,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 4602. ​them;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 4603. ​mann’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; Mann’d O2. 4604. ​since] O1, D4, D5; ~; O2, D3. 4605. ​assur’d] O1; assured O2, D3, D4, D5. 4606. ​was not built] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~ ~^ ~ D4. 4607. ​reprobate] O1, O2; Repribate D3; Reprobate D4, D5. 4608. ​murther’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; murdered O2; at] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 4609. ​What!] O1, O2, D3; WHAT! D4, D5; SAID I, seeming] O1, D3, D4, D5; said I, (seeming O2; ­Matter,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^, O2; Did] O1, D3, D4, D5; did O2. 4610. ​murther’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; murdered O2. 4611. ​believ’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; believed O2; betray’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; betrayed O2. 4612. ​murther] O1, D3, D4, D5; murder O2; procur’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; procured O2; it:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5. 4613. ​themselves:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5. 4614. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; Seas, how] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. How O2; him?] O1, D3, D5; ~; O2; him then? D4. 4615. ​says he] O1, D4; ~^ D3; says he O2, D5. 4616. ​discover’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; discovered O2; belong’d] O1, D4, D5; belonged O2, D3. 4617. ​her;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: O2; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; And O2. 4618. ​him:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 4619. ​away:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 4620. ​where-­ever] O1, D3, D4, D5; wherever O2. 4621. ​vow’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; vowed O2; Quarter] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 4622. ​What!] O1, O2, D3; WHAT! D4, D5; says I] O1, D3, D4, D5; says I O2; wrong,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 4623. ​O] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; wards] O1, D3, D4, D5; ward O2; says the old Pi­lot] O1, D3, D4, D5; says the old Pi­lot O2; Need] O1, O2, D3; need D4, D5.

392 Va r i a n t s 4624. ​tye] O1, D3; tie O2, D4, D5. 4625. ​diving; tis] O1, D3, D4, D5; driving. It is O2; richly] O1, O2, D3; rightly D4, D5. 4626. ​I knew] O1, O2, D3; I KNEW D4, D5; aboard] O1, O2, D3; a-­board D4, D5. 4627. ​Harm,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5; turn’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; turned O2; Well now,] O1, O2, D3; ~, ~^ D4, D5; him:] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2, D5; said I] O1, D3, D4; Said I O2, said I, D5. 4628. ​Macao] O1, D3, D4, D5; Macoa O2. 4629. ​come; for] O1, D3, D4; ~: For O2, ~; for, D5; you,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 4630. ​neither know] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~ knows D3; nor how] O1, O2, D3, D4; or ~ D5. 4631. ​Murtherers] O1, D3, D4, D5; Murderers O2; insult Men] O1, O2, D4, D5; insultmen D3. 4632. ​’till] O1, O2, D3;^till D4, D5. 4633. ​With] O1, O2, D3; WITH D4, D5; attack’d,] O1, D3; attacked O2; attack’d, D4, D5. 4634. ​Coward-­like] O1, D3, D4, D5; coward-­like O2; behav’d.] O1, D3; behaved O2; ~: D4, D5. 4635. ​Dutch Men] O1, O2, D3; Dutchmen D4, D5; serv’d us.] O1; served us. O2, D3; served us: D4, D5. 4636. ​Ship; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: But O2. 4637. ​ventur’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; ventured O2; attack] O1, O2, D3, D5; attaque D4; Surprize, and oblige] O1, O2, D4; ~, and obiige D3; Surprize, and D5; them] O1, O2, D3; ’em D4, D5. 4638. ​who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 4639. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5. 4640. ​Right] O1, O2, D3; right D4, D5. 4641. ​said he,] O1, O2, D3, D4; said he, D5; though] O1, O2; tho’ D3, D4, D5. 4642. ​and,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 4643. ​ Bengale] O1, D3, D4, D5; Bengal O2. 4644. ​I told] O1, O2, D3; I TOLD D4, D5. 4645. ​this:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5. 4646. ​Jonk] O1, O2; Junk D3, D4, D5. 4647. ​one] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 4648. ​ Seignior] O1, D3, D4, D5; Seignior O2; says I] O1, D3, D4, D5; says I O2; but . . . ​t hey know] O1, O2, D3, D4; but . . . ​they know D5. 4649. ​the Ship . . . ​I may] O1, O2, D3, D4; the Ship . . . ​I may D5. 4650. ​perhaps,] O1, O2, D3, D4; perhaps^ D5; if I . . . ​honest innocent] O1, O2, D3, D4; if I. . . . ​honest innocent D5. 4651. ​Men] O1, D3, D4; Man O2; Men D5; into a . . . ​perhaps to be] O1, O2, D3, D4; into a . . . ​ perhaps to be D5; murther’d] O1, D3, D4; murdered O2; murthered D5. 4652. ​in cold Blood; for] O1, O2, D3, D4; in cold Blood; for D5; wherever] O1, O2, D3; where-­ ever D4; where-­ever D5. 4653. ​they find the Ship, they . . . ​may prob­ably be] O1, O2, D3, D4; they find the Ship, they . . . ​ may prob­ably be D5. 4654. ​overpower’d] O1, D3, D4; ove-­powered O2; overpower’d D5; and] O1, O2, D3, D4; and D5; murther’d:] O1, D3, D4; murdered. O2; murther’d. D5; says the old Man] O1, D3, D4, D5; says the old Man O2; I’ll] O1, D3, D4; I ­w ill O2; I’ll D5. 4655. ​of] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2; of D5; very well, and . . . ​set them to] O1, O2, D3, D4; very well, and . . . ​set them to D5. 4656. ​Rights] O1, O2, D3; rights D4; rights D5. 183:29–30 in the Th ­ ing, and . . . ​much in the] O1, O2, D3, D4; in the ­Thing, and . . . ​much in the D5. 4657. ​Wrong;] O1, O2, D3; wrong, D4; wrong, D5; Board] O1, D4; board O2, D3, D5; at first,] O1, O2, D3, D4; at first, D5. 4658. ​that] O1, O2, D4, D5; the D3; might run . . . ​had turned] O1, O2, D3, D4; might run . . . ​ had turned D5. 4659. ​Pirates] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3; Pirates D5; and that in par­tic­u ­lar, t­ hese . . . ​I am] O1, O2, D3, D4; and that in par­tic­u­lar^ ­these. . . . ​I am D5.

Va r i a n t s

393

4660. ​persuaded] O1, D3, D4; perswaded O2; persuaded D5. 4661. ​Time] O1, O2, D3; time D4; time D5; And] O1, O2, D3; and D4; and D5; come. Well, says I,] O1, O2, D3, D4, to come. Well, says I, D5; ­w ill you deliver . . . ​Yes I ­w ill, says he, if . . . ​ be able to] O1, O2, D3, D4; ­will you deliver . . . ​Yes I w ­ ill, says he, if . . . ​be able to D5. 4662. ​prove, that it] O1, O2; ~^ ^ ~ D3, D4; prove^ it D5. 4663. ​came from you, and not out of my own] O1, O2, D3, D4; came from you, and not out of my own. D5. 4664. ​Head.] O1, O2, D3; ~: D4; Head. D5; answered,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4665. ​That] O1, O2, D3; that D4; that D5; I would readily give it him ­under my Hand;] O1, O2, D3, D4; I would readily give it him u ­ nder my Hand; D5. 4666. ​so] O1, O2, D3, D4; So D5. 4667. ​Design] O1, O2, D3, D4; design D5; it,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 4668. ​ha’ of;] O1; ~ ~, O2; have ~, D3, D4, D5. 4669. ​arrived] O1, O2, D5; arriv’d D3, D4. 4670. ​My] O1, O2, D3; MY D4, D5. 4671. ​answer’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; answered O2. 4672. ​­Thing] O1, O2, D3; ­t hing D4, D5; World,] O1, O2, D4, D5; Word, D3; Time] O1, O2, D3, D4; time D5. 4673. ​them:] O1, O2, D3; occasion D4, D5. 4674. ​again:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5; Th ­ ings] O1, O2, D3; t­ hings D4, D5; Way] O1, O2, D3; way D4, D5. 4675. ​forward,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4676. ​Sail] O1, O2, D3, D4; sail D5; South-­west] O1; South-­West O2, D4, D5; South^West D3. 4677. ​ Nanquin,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; Accident] O1, O2, D3, D4; accident D5; that] O1, O2, D4; the D3, D5. 4678. ​length] O1, D3, D4, D5; Length O2. 4679. ​Hands;] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; ~: D5. 4680. ​Loss] O1, O2, D3, D4; loss D5. 4681. ​where;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; however] O1, D3, D4, D5; However O2; neither,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 4682. ​in to,] O1; into O2; into, D3, D4, D5. 4683. ​ Chinese] O1, O2, D3, D5; Chenise D4; ­Enemy; he] O1; ~? He O2, D5; ~: He ~^ D3, D4. 4684. ​Mission] O2, D3, D5; ~, O1, D4. 4685. ​ Macoa,] O1, D4; Macao O2; Macao, D3, D5; Pro­gress,] O1, D5; ~^ O2, D3, D4. 4686. ​on Shore:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ashore. O2; confess’d] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 4687. ​Times,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5; Kind] O1, O2; kind D3, D4, D5; ­t here,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4688. ​over thither to] O1, D3, D4, D5; over^ to O2. 4689. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5; call’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; called D5. 4690. ​ Chinese,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 4691. ​ Portugueze] O1, D3, D4, D5; Portuguese O2. 4692. ​pronounc’d it] O1, D3, D4; pronounced ~, O2; pronounced it D5; as] O1, O2, D3, D4; as D5; Quinchang] O1, D3, D4, D5; Qunc hang O2. 4693. ​As] O1, O2, D3; AS D4, D5; Resolutions] O1, O2, D5; ~, D3, D4. 4694. ​having only] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ not ~ D5; on Shore] O1, D3, D4, D5; ashore O2. 4695. ​Occasions,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4696. ​abundance] O1, D3, D4, D5; Abundance O2. 4697. ​mean,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; Fowls;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4698. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5; Port,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; till] O1, O2, D4, D5; ’till D3. 4699. ​say,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5; resolving,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4700. ​Effects,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4701. ​board] O1, O2, D3, D4; Board D5. 4702. ​Life] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5.

394 Va r i a n t s 4703. ​compleatly] O1, O2, D3, D4; completely D5; miserable,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 4704. ​Fear:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 4705. ​entirely] O1, D3, D4, D5; intirely O2. 4706. ​sink,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 4707. ​Nor] O1, O2, D3, D4; NOR D5; its] O1, O2, D4, D5; it’s D3; usual] O1, O2, D3, D5; usnal D4. 4708. ​Captains,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4709. ​Purpose] O1, O2, D3, D4; purpose D5; deceive;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; deceive;] O1, D3, D4; deceive, O2, D5. 4710. ​convinc’d] O1, O2, D3; convinced D4, D5. 4711. ​board] O1, O2, D3, D4; Board D5. 4712. ​entring] O1, D3, D4, D5; entring O2; our selves,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ourselves, D3; and] O1, O2;^ D3, D4, D5. 4713. ​serv’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; served D5. 4714. ​Pirates;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~: D5; Opium,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5; board] O1, O2, D3, D4; Board D5. 4715. ​appear,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5; BEngale] O1, D3, D4, D5; BEngal O2; Dutch Men] O1, O2, D3; Dutchmen D4, D5. 4716. ​said,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; was] O1, D3, D4, D5; ­were O2. 4717. ​­were] O1, O2, D3; was D4, D5; Portugueze,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ D5; Portuguese O2. 4718. ​Dutch Men] O1, O2, D3; Dutchmen D4, D5; board:] O1, D3; ~. O2; Board D4, D5; ­These,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; Circumstances,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4719. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5. 4720. ​Work] O1, O2, D3; work D4, D5. 4721. ​happen; we] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. We O2; suppos’d, indeed] O1, O2, D3, D4; supposed, ~, D5. 4722. ​especially] O2, D3, D4, D5; espeially O1. 4723. ​leave] O1, D3; Leave O2, D4, D5. 4724. ​execute] O1, O2, D3, D4; Execute D5. 4725. ​Defence; we] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. We O2; reflected] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4726. ​That] O1, O2, D3; that D4, D5. 4727. ​board] O1, O2, D3, D4; Board D5; and secondly] O1, O2, D3; ~, ~ D4, D5. 4728. ​Intelligence] O1, O2, D4, D5; intelligence D3; River of] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 4729. ​Boat] O1, D3, D4; Boats O2, D5; fled;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4730. ​as I] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; know] O1, O2, D3; knew D4, D5; not,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 4731. ​­t hose] O1, O2; t­ hese D3; like D4; the like D5. 4732. ​Pieces,] O1, O2, D3; pieces, D4, D5. 4733. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5. 4734. ​too,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5. 4735. ​Gibbets,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; taken,] O1, D3; ~; O2, D4, D5. 4736. ​Night,] O1, D3; ~^ O2, D4, D5. 4737. ​ Dutch Men] O1, O2, D3; Dutchmen D4, D5. 4738. ​down,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3; Side] O1, O2, D3, D4; side D5. 4739. ​in,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5; Force,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4740. ​Flesh;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4741. ​afraid,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 4742. ​Another] O1, O2, D3; ANOTHER D4, D5; might] O1, O2, D3; should D4, D5. 4743. ​Country Men] O1, O2; Country-­men D3; Countrymen D4, D5; Men,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5; Extremity] O1, O2, D4, D5; extremity D3. 4744. ​death,] O1; Death O2; Death, D3, D4, D5. 4745. ​Pound] O1, D3; Pounds O2, D4, D5; altogether] O1, O2, D3, D4; all together D5. 4746. ​­These] O1, O2, D3; ­THESE D4, D5. 4747. ​Ships,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5.

Va r i a n t s

395

4748. ​it,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4749. ​Country; this] O1; Country: This O2, D3, D4, D5. 4750. ​us,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4751. ​us] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; punish’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; punished D5. 4752. ​continued] O1, O2, D5; continu’d D3, D4. 4753. ​or] O1, O2, D4, D5; of D3. 4754. ​who had escaped] O1, D3, D4, D5; who^ escaped O2. 4755. ​less,] O1, D3; ~^ O2, D4, D5; Innocence] O1, O2, D4, D5; innocence D3. 4756. ​­A fter] O1, O2, D3; ­AFTER D4, D5. 4757. ​should] O1, D3, D4, D5; would O2. 4758. ​Providence,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 4759. ​altho’] O1, D4, D5; although O2, D3; Men,] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~; D4. 4760. ​examine,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; Life,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4761. ​most] O1, D3, D4, D5; more O2; me;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; which,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4762. ​Retribution;] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 4763. ​Shipwreck,] O1, O2; Ship-­w rick, D3; Ship-­w reck, D4, D5; God,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 4764. ​In] O1, O2, D3; IN D4, D5; Turn] O1, O2, D3, D4; turn D5; natu­ral] O1; Natu­ral O2, D3, D4, D5; Times take] O1; times takes O2; sometimes it’s D3, D4; times take D5. 4765. ​my self] O1, O2, D4, D5; myself D3. 4766. ​merciless] O1, O2, D4, D5; merciless D3; Wretches,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4767. ​Hands] O1, O2, D4, D5; Hand D3; Man-­Eaters,] O1, O2, D3; Men-­~, D4, D5. 4768. ​me;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4769. ​Gasp;] O1, O2, D4; ~, D3, D5. 4770. ​so,] O1, O2; so now, D3, D4, D5. 4771. ​due] O1, D3, D4, D5; Due O2. 4772. ​till] O1, O2, D4, D5; ’till D3. 4773. ​cruelty] O1; cruelty O2; Cruelty D3, D4, D5; Death] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5; When ever] O1, O2, D3; Whenver D4, D5. 4774. ​Fever,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4775. ​sparkle,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 4776. ​Hands;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4777. ​By] O1, O2, D3; BY D4, D5; Weight,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 4778. ​­Things] O1, O2, D3, D4; t­ hings D5. 4779. ​our selves] O1, O2, D4, D5; ourselves D3. 4780. ​Portugueze] O1, D3, D4, D5; Portuguese O2; Pi­lot] O1, O2, D3, D5; Pi­lot D4. 4781. ​plain,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; so,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; Men,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; off of] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4782. ​For] O1, O2, D3; FOR D4, D5. 4783. ​and] O1, O2, D3, ~, D4, D5. 4784. ​Ship; when] O1; ~: D3, D4; ~. When O2, D5; Pi­lot] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 4785. ​Ware-­house] O1; Ware-­House O2, D3, D4, D5; which] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4786. ​Way,] O1, O2, D3, D4; way, D5; larger] O1, O2; large D3, D4, D5; joyning] O1, O2, D3; joining D4, D5. 4787. ​Canes,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; Thieves,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Theives, D5; which, it seems] O1, O2, D3; ~^ ~ ~, D4, ~^ ~ ~^ D5. 4788. ​country; however] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. However O2. 4789. ​Kind] O1, O2; kind D3, D4, D5; Half-­pike,] O1, D4, D5, O2; ~,~, D3; Halberd] O1, O2, D3; Halbert D4, D5. 4790. ​Sentinel] O1, O2; Soldier D3, D4, D5. 4791. ​Pint] O1, O2, D4; Point D3; pint D5. 4792. ​Money,] O1, O2, D5; ~^ D3, D5; Pence] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4793. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; Mart,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5.

396 Va r i a n t s 4794. ​Jonks] O1, O2; Junks D3, D4, D5. 4795. ​ Japan,] O1, O2, D5; ~; D3, D4. 4796. ​having some Japonese] O1; ~^ ~ O2, D3, D4, D5. 4797. ​The] O1, O2, D3; THE D4, D5; ­Thing] O1, O2, D3, D4; t­ hing D5; Portugueze] O1, D3, D4, D5; Portuguese O2. 4798. ​missionary] O1, D3, D4; Missionary O2, D5; Priests] O1; ~, O2, D3, D5; in Town] O1, D3, D4; ~ the ~ O2, D5. 4799. ​Time] O1, O2, D3, D4; time D5. 4800. ​thought,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; it.] O1, O2, D3, D5; it, D4. 4801. ​done; however] O1, D3, D4, D5; done. However O2. 4802. ​ French Man,] O1, O2, D3; Frenchman, D4, D5; who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 4803. ​jolly] O1, O2, D3, D5; Jolly D4; well condition’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~-­~ D5. 4804. ​grave,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 4805. ​ Portugueze] O1, D3, D4, D5; Portuguese O2. 4806. ​ Simon was] O2, D3, D4, D5; Simon, ~ O1. 4807. ​com­pany; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. The O2. 4808. ​them selves] O1; themselves O2, D3, D4, D5; wherever] O1, O2; where-­ever D3, D4, D5. 4809. ​opportunity; we] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. We O2. 4810. ​Conversion] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; Chineses,] O1, D4; ~^ O2, D3, D5. 4811. ​Christ, and] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~,^ D5. 4812. ​confess’d] O2, D3, D4, D5; confess O1; who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 4813. ​­hazards] O1; H ­ azards O2, D3, D4, D5; oftentimes] O2, D3, D4, D5; often Times O1. 4814. ​self;] O1; ~, O2; itself, D3, D4, D5; Sake] O1, O2, D3, D4; sake D5. 4815. ​Want] O1, O2, D4; want D3, D5; what ever] O1; what­ever O2, D3, D4, D5. 4816. ​it self,] O1; itself O2; itself, D3, D5; manner] O1, D3; Manner O2, D4, D5. 4817. ​undertook] O1, O2, D4; undertake D3, D5. 4818. ​temporal] O1, O2; Temporal D3, D4, D5; Advantage] O1, O2, D3, D5; advantage D4. 4819. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; this] O1, O2, D3, D4; This D5; Priest] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 4820. ​Mission,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4821. ​Journey] O1, D3, D5; Journey, O2; Journey with him, D4. 4822. ​ London,] O1, D4, D5; ~^ O2, D3. 4823. ​to:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 4824. ​look’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; looked D5. 4825. ​come] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4826. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5. 4827. ​Persuasions] O1, D3, D4, D5; Perswasions O2; consent; why] O1, D3, D4; ~. Why O2; ~: Why D5; says my Partner,] O1, O2, D3, D4; says my Partner, D5. 4828. ​much:] O1, D3, D4; ~? O2; ~; D5; You] O1, O2, D3, D4; you D4. 4829. ​can not] O1; cannot O2, D3, D4, D5. 4830. ​Plea­sure?] O1, D3; ~. O2; ~; D4, D5; O] O1, D3; ~! O2, D4, D5; he!] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4; he, D5; Time;] O1, O2, D3; time; D4, D5. 4831. ​­here,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; knows,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 4832. ​too; very well] O1; ~; Very well D4; ~. Very ~. O2, D5; ~? Very ~, D3; ­Father,] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ D4; said I] O1, O2, D3, D4; said I D5; preach] O1, O2, D4, D5; Preach D3. 4833. ​Way;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~. D5; says he;] O1, O2; says he, D3, D4, D5. 4834. ​says he,] O1, O2, D3, D4; says he, D5. 4835. ​Countrymen,] O1, O2, D4, D5; Country-­men, D3; compar’d] O1; compared O2, D3, D4, D5; you are] O1, O2, D3, D4; your ~ D5. 4836. ​ Hugonots] O1, D3, D4, D5; Hugenots O2; least] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 4837. ​another;] O1; ~. O2, D3, D5; ~: D4. 4838. ​ Simon] O2, D3, D4, D5; ~, O1; 32 Simon,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 4839. ​criminal] O1, D3, D4, D5; Criminal O2.

Va r i a n t s

397

4840. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; solliciting] O1, O2; soliciting D3, D5; Soliciting D4. 4841. ​at first;] O1, O2; at that time; D3, D4, D5. 4842. ​ Nanquin; but] O1; ~: But O2, D3, D4, D5. 4843. ​visibly] O1; ~, O2, D4, D5; vis­i­ble D3; it self] O1; itself O2, D3, D4, D5. 4844. ​other] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; tangl’d] O1; tangled O2, D3, D4, D5. 4845. ​again,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; Manner: and] O1, D3; ~; ~ O2, D5; ~, ~ D4. 4846. ​done:] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~; D3. 4847. ​not the] O1, D4; ~ only ~ O2, D3, D5; and the] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5. 4848. ​offer’d] O1; offered O2, D3, D4, D5; Portugueze Pi­lot,] O1; ~ ~^ D5; Portuguese ~^ O2, D3, D4. 4849. ​had;] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4850. ​it,] O1, O2, D5; ~^ D3, D4; Weight,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; small] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5; Peices] O1, O2; ~, D4; Pieces, D3, D5. 4851. ​each;] O1, D3; ~. O2, D5; ~: D4. 4852. ​while] O1; While O2, D3, D4, D5. 4853. ​order’d] O1; ordered O2, D3, D4, D5. 4854. ​him;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~. D5; he] O1, O2, D3, D4; He D5. 4855. ​propos’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; proposed D5. 4856. ​missionary] O1, D3; Missionary O2, D4, D5. 4857. ​this; he] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: He O2. 4858. ​or (Proposals] O1, O2; (or Proposals D3; (or Proposals D4; (or Prposals D5. 4859. ​Ship;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4860. ​Return,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 4861. ​my self] O1; myself O2, D3, D4, D5; Philippine] O2, D3, D5; Phillippine O1, D4; South Seas;] O1, O2, D3; ~-­~; D4, D5; ask’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; asked D5. 4862. ​ Japonese] O1, D3, D4, D5; Japan O2. 4863. ​no] O1, D3, D4; No, O2; no, D5. 4864. ​ Japan] O1; ~, O2, D3, D5; Japan, D4. 4865. ​Return: well,] O1; ~. Well O2; ~. Well, D3, D4, D5. 4866. ​my self] O1; myself O2, D3, D4; myself; D5; my self,] O1; myself O2, D4; myself, D3, D5; persuaded] O1, D3, D4, D5; perswaded O2; it,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 4867. ​Dangers] O1, O2, D3; ~, D4, D5. 4868. ​and] O1, O2;^ D3, D4, D5. 4869. ​ Spaniards,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 4870. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5. 4871. ​who] O1, D4; whom, O2, D3; who, D5. 4872. ​thought] O1, O2, D4, D5; Thought D3. 4873. ​ ­England,] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~^ D4; t­ here alive,] O1, O2; ~, ~; D3; ~, ~, D4, D5. 4874. ​pleas’d.] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4. 4875. ​was] O1, O2, D3, D4; WAS D5; loth] O1, D3, D4, D5; loath, O2; him,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~; D5. 4876. ​Advantage] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 4877. ​it,] O1, O2, D4; ~; D3, ~^ D5; enclin’d] O1; inclin’d O2, D3, D4, D5; him,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4878. ​Day; my] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. My O2; discours’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; discoursed D5. 4879. ​Steward,] O1, O2, D3, D4; Stewerd, D5. 4880. ​him] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; his best] O1, O2, D3; the ~ D4, D5. 4881. ​account] D4, D5; Account O1, O2, D3; one] O1, O2, D4, D5; our D3; Half] O1, O2, D3; half D4, D5; Freight] O1, O2, D3, D5; Fr^ight D4; other,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 4882. ​If] O1, O2, D3; IF D4, D5; concern’d] O1, D5; concerned O2, D3, D4. 4883. ​Half] O1, O2, D3; half D4, D5. 4884. ​ Japan:] O1, D4; ~. O2, D3, D5. 4885. ​him License] O1; ~ a ~ O2, D3, D4, D5; general,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 4886. ​obtain’d;] O1; obtained O2, D3, D4; obtained; D5; pay’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; paid O2. 4887. ​ Japan,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3; China Wares] O1, O2, D3; ~-­~ D4, D5.

398 Va r i a n t s 4888. ​Spaniards] O2, Spaniards, D3, D4, D5; Spaniardss O1. 4889. ​Cloves,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; Spice] O1, D3, D4, D5; Spices O2. 4890. ​pay’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; paid O2. 4891. ​Ship then,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~^ D5. 4892. ​ . . . ​f urnish’d Goods,] O1, O2, D3, D4; furnished ~^ D5. 4893. ​ Manillas] O1, O2, D3; Manilla’s D4; Manilla’s, D5; well:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 4894. ​Governour] O1, D3, D4, D5; Governor O2; him,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5; Accapulco,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4895. ​Land] O1, O2, D3, D4; land D5. 4896. ​He] O1, O2, D3; HE D4, D5. 4897. ​obtain’d] O1; obtained O2, D3, D4, D5. 4898. ​Porto Bello] D3, D4, D5; Porto Belo] O1; Porto-­Belle O2; Means] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5; Jamaica,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~^ D5. 4899. ​­a fter,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5. 4900. ​Rich;] O1, O2; ~: D3; rich: D4; rich. D5; of] O1, O2; Of D3, D4, D5; the which,] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, D5. 4901. ​Being] O1, O2, D3; BEING D4, D5. 4902. ​ Cambodia:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; they had] O1, D3, D4, D5; that they had O2. 4903. ​tho’] O1, O2, D3; though D4, tho’, D5. 4904. ​Ship] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 4905. ​Roguing,] O1, D4, D5; ~^ O2; Rouging, D3; it; however] O1; ~. How ever O2, D3, D5; it: However D4. 4906. ​did us was] O2, D4, D5; ~ us, was] O1, D3; therefore,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3; promis’d] 1, O2, D3, D4; promised D5. 4907. ​pay’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; paid O2. 4908. ​Man,] O1, O2; ~^ D3; En­glishman^ D4; En­glishmen^ D5; Dutch Man] O1, O2, D3; Dutchman D4, D5; above, that] O1; above^ that, O2, D3, D4, D5. 4909. ​them,] O1; them; O2, D3, D4; to ~, ’em D5. 4910. ​well; then] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. Then O2. 4911. ​ En­glish Man] O1, O2, D3; En­glishman D4, D5. 4912. ​second Mate,] O1, O2; Second ~, D3; Second-­Mate^ D4, D5. 4913. ​Man,] O1; ~^ O2, D3; Dutchman^ D4, D5. 4914. ​We] O1, O2, D3; WE D4, D5; China; if] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~. If D5; my self] O1, D4, D5; myself O2, D3; banish’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; banished D5. 4915. ​ Bengale] O1, D3, D4, D5; Bengal O2. 4916. ​Home] O1, O2, D3; home D4, D5; my self] O1, D4, D5; myself O2, D3. 4917. ​Home] O1, D3, D4, D5; home O2. 4918. ​Manner] O1, O2, D5; manner D3, D4. 4919. ​All] O1, O2, D3; ALL D4, D5. 4920. ​­were;] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 4921. ​Sorts] O1, O2, D4, D5; sorts D3. 4922. ​Vessels,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5; Jonks] O2, D3; Junks D4, D5; Jonkss O1; Tonquin] O1, O2, D3; Nanquin D4, D5. 4923. ​­whether] O1; whither O2, D3, D4, D5; pleas’d;] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~. D5. 4924. ​this . . . ​resolv’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; This . . . ​resolved D5. 4925. ​par­tic­u ­lar] O2, D3, D4, D5; paritcular O1. 4926. ​Home] O1, D3, D4, D5; home O2; India,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 4927. ​Upon] O1, O2, D3; UPON D4, D5; resolv’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; resolved D5; h ­ ere,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 4928. ​our selves,] O1, O2; ourselves, D3, D5; ~ ~^ D4. 4929. ​which however] O1, O2, D3; ~, ~ D4, D5. 4930. ​believe; it] O1, D3, D4, D5; believe. It O2. 4931. ​another] O1, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 4932. ​But] O1, O2, D3; BUT D4, D5; come] O1, O2, D3, D4; came D5.

Va r i a n t s

399

4933. ​ours,] O1, O2, D3; ~; D4, D5; Manner] O1, O2, D4, D5; manner D3. 4934. ​Glory as] O1; ~^ O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; it,] O1; (~ ~) O2, D3, D4, D5. 4935. ​it is worth] O1, O2, D3; ~^ ~ D4, D5. 4936. ​observable] O1, D3; ~, O2, D5; observeable D4. 4937. ​Pomp] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 4938. ​that it is] O1, O2, D4; that it is D3, D5. 4939. ​won­der’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; wondered D5. 4940. ​a true Notion] O1, O2, D3; ~^ ~ D4, D5. 4941. ​­t hings] O1, D3; Th ­ ings O2, D4, D5. 4942. ​Other­w ise] O1, O2, D3; OTHER­W ISE D4, D5; Palaces] O2, D3, D4, D5; Pallaces O1; Royal] O1, D3, D4, D5; royal O2. 4943. ​What their] O1, D3, D4, D5; what is their O2. 4944. ​their] O1, D3, D4, D5; their O2; Spain?] O1, D3, D4, D5; Spain? O2; What are their] O1, O2; ~^ ~ D3, D4, D5. 4945. ​are] O1, O2, D4, D5;^ D3. 4946. ​Apparel] O1, O2, D3, D5; Apparael D4. 4947. ​Jonks] O1, O2, D3; Junks D4, D5. 4948. ​Merchant] O1, O2, D3, D5; Merchants D4; Navy’s?] O1, D3, D4, D5; Navies? O2; Our] O1, O2, D4, D5; our D3. 4949. ​Empire:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 4950. ​War,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; fight and] O1, O2; fight with, and D3, D4, D5. 4951. ​ China:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 4952. ​itself] O1, D3, D5; it self O2, D4. 4953. ​Troops; all] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: All O2. 4954. ​themselves:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 4955. ​disciplin’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; disciplined D5; Army;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 4956. ​or of French] O1, O2, D3; ~ a ~ D4, D5. 4957. ​ China;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; A Million] O1, O2, D3, D5; a ~ D4; One] O1, D3; one O2, D4, D5. 4958. ​Twenty] O1, O2, D3, D5; twenty D4; Number; nay] O1, D3, D4; ~: Nay O2; Nmber; nay^ D5; boast] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5; say] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4. 4959. ​ China; and] O1; ~: And O2, D3, D4, D5; Towns; ­t here’s] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. ­There’s O2; China] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 4960. ​Attacks] O1, O2, D3, D5; Attaques D4; Army,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; time] O1, D3; Time O2, D4; Time, D5; of] O1, D3, D4, D5; in O2. 4961. ​starv’d, no] O1; ~; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Siege:] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 4962. ​awkward,] O1, D3, D4, D5; aukward O2; off;] O1, D4, D5; ~: O2, D3; They] O1, O2, D3, D4; they D5. 4963. ​it is] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~ it D5; Strength;] O1, D4, D5; ~: O2, D3; They] O1, O2, D3, D4; they D5. 4964. ​Attack,] O1, D3; attack O2 attaque D4; attack, D5; Retreat;] O1, D3; retreat O2, D4; retreat; D5. 4965. ​home] O1, D3, D4, D5; Home O2. 4966. ​ Chinese; ­because] O1, O2, D3, D4; ~, ~ D5; saw] O1, D4, D5; ~, O2, D3; knew] O1, O2, D5; ~, D3, D4. 4967. ​Hoord] O1; Herd O2, D3, D4; Herd, D5; Slaves;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 4968. ​and] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~, D4; word] O1, D3; Word O2, D4; Word, D5. 4969. ​Design,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; word,] O1, D3; Word O2, D4; Word, D5. 4970. ​inconceivably] O1, O2, D3; inconceiveably D4, D5. 4971. ​ill-­govern’d] O1; ill govern’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 4972. ​czar] O1, D3, D4, D5; czar O2. 4973. ​campaign; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: And O2. 4974. ​Czar,] O1, D3, D4; czar O2; Czar, D5. 4975. ​Warlike] O1, D3, D4, D5; warlike O2; Attempt] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2.

400 Va r i a n t s 4976. ​time] O1, D3; Time O2, D4, D5. 4977. ​ Sweden,] O1, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 4978. ​Latter] O1, D4; latter O2, D3, D5; One] O1, D3; one O2, D4, D5; Six] O1, D3; six O2, D4, D5; Strength] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 4979. ​Commerce,] O1, O2, D3; ~^ D4, D5; Husbandry] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 4980. ​Sciences; they] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. They O2. 4981. ​enquire] O1, O2, D4, D5; inquire D3. 4982. ​Students!] O1, O2, D4, D5; Studients! D3. 4983. ​Heavenly] O1, D3, D4, D5; heavenly O2; grosly absurdly] O1, D3, D4, D5; grossly and absurdly O2. 4984. ​eclips’d,] O1, O2, D3, D4; eclipsed, D5; ’tis] O1, O2, D3, D4; it is D5; assaulted it,] O1, D3; assaulted,^ O2; ~^ D4, D5. 4985. ​As] O1, O2, D3; AS D4, D5; kind] O1, D3, D4; Kind O2, D5. 4986. ​Countrys] O1, D3, D4; countries O2; Countries D5; Business] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 4987. ​part] O1, O2, D3, D4; Part D5. 4988. ​through] O1; ~, D4, D5; thro’, O2, D3. 4989. ​few that come a­ fter me w ­ ill have] O1, O2, D3; few^ have D4, D5. 4990. ​of; I s­ hall therefore say very l­ ittle of all the mighty Places,] O1, O2; ~^ the mithty Places, D3; of I s­ hall say nothing of^ the might Places, D4; ~, I s­ hall^ say^ ^ nothing of^ the ~ ~, D5. 4991. ​Countrys] O1, D4; countries O2; Country’s D3; Countries, D5. 4992. ​necessary.] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~: D4. 4993. ​heart] O1, D3, D4; Heart O2, D5. 4994. ​was] O1; w ­ ere O2, D3, D4, D5; Nanquin;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: O2. 4995. ​Mind] O1, O2, D4, D5; mind D3; Peking] O1; ~, O2, D4, D5; Pekin, D3. 4996. ​imortun’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; importuned D5; it; at] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. At O2. 4997. ​arriv’d] O1, O2, D3, D4; arrived D5. 4998. ​not] O1, O2, D4, D5; not D3. 4999. ​prepar’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; prepared D3. 5000. ​Journey.] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~: D4. 5001. ​Way,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; leave] O1, D3, D4; Leave O2, D5; Mandarins,] D3, D4, D5; Mandarins^ O1; Mandarines, O2. 5002. ​kind] O1, D3, D4; kind O2; Kind D5; Viceroy] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5003. ​Countries] O2, D3, D4, D5; Countrys O1. 5004. ​Attendance:] O1, D3; ~. O2; Attendants: D4, D5. 5005. ​observ’d,] O1, D4; observed O2; observed, D3, D5; Baggage,] O1, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 5006. ​that] O1, D3, D4, D5; That O2; receiv’d] O1, D3; received O2, D4, D5. 5007. ​Mandarin] O1, O2, D3, D5; Madarin D4; yet] O1, O2, D4, D5; ye D3. 5008. ​­Thing] O1, O2, D4, D5; ­t hing D3; Market Price] O1, O2, D3; ~-­~ D4, D5. 5009. ​Mandarin’s Steward] O1, O2, D3; Madarin ~ D4; Mandarin ~ D5; Steward] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5010. ​duly] O1, D3, D4, D5; duely O2; us,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5011. ​Mandarin,] O1, O2, D3, D5; Mandarins, D4. 5012. ​travell’d] O1, D3, D4; travelled O2, D5. 5013. ​convoy:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 5014. ​furnish’d] O1, D3, D4; furnished O2, D3, D4, D5. 5015. ​miserably] O1 D3, D4, D5; miserable O2. 5016. ​living, miserable; tho’] O1; ~^ ~, though O2; ~, all very ~, though D3; ~, all very ~, tho’ D4, D5. 5017. ​miserable,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2, D5. 5018. ​live] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; own,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2, D5. 5019. ​other:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5. 5020. ​Misery, and] O1, D4; ~: And O2; ~.^ D3, D5. 5021. ​main] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; Drudges;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2.

Va r i a n t s

401

5022. ​their] O1 D3, D4, D5; Their O2; shew’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; shewed O2; Cloths] O1, D4; clothes O2; Cloaths D3, D5; Building,] O1, D4; Buildings O2; Buildings, D3, D5. 5023. ​in the keeping] O1, D3, D4, D5; in^ keeping O2. 5024. ​travell’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; travelled. O2. 5025. ​pav’d] O1; paved O2, D3, D4, D5; Travellers; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: But O2. 5026. ​awkward; a] O1, D3, D4, D5; an O2. 5027. ​­People,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 5028. ​fam’d] O1; famed O2, D3, D4, D5; more:] O1, D3; ~. O2; ~; D4; ~:^ D5. 5029. ​us’d] O1, D3, D4; used O2, D5; t­ hese] O1, D3; ­t hose O2, D4, D5. 5030. ​­People; for] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. For O2. 5031. ​all] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5. 5032. ​Miles:] O1, D3; ~. O2; ~; D4, D5 in] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5033. ​Merry-­Andrew,] O1, D3, Merry-­Andrew; D4, D5; Merry Andrew O2; Callico,] O1; Callicoe O2; Callicoe, D3, D4, D5; tawdry] O1, D4, D5; Tawdry O2, D3. 5034. ​Side; it cover’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: It covered O2. 5035. ​testify’d] O1, D4; ~, D5; testified O2; testified, D3. 5036. ​Shillings,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 5037. ​follow’d him,] O1; followed ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; along; he] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. He O2. 5038. ​­labour’d the the] O1, D4, D5; laboured the^ O2, D3; the Beast] O2, D3, D4, D5; the the Beast O1. 5039. ​Tail,] O1, D4, D5; ~; O2, D3. 5040. ​Servants,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 5041. ​half] O1, D3, D4, D5; Half O2; us:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; travell’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; travelled O2. 5042. ​stop’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; stopp’d O2. 5043. ​us, when] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. When O2; Country-­Seat] O1, D4, D5; Country Seat O2, D3. 5044. ​Repast; it] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. It O2; kind] O1, D3, D4, D5; Kind O2. 5045. ​pleas’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; pleased O2. 5046. ​Tree,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; plac’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; placed O2. 5047. ​enough; he] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. He O2; Elbow-­Chair,] O2, D3, D4, D5 Elbo Chair, O1. 5048. ​Slaves; he] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: He O2. 5049. ​scrap’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; scraped O2. 5050. ​time] O1; Time O2, D3, D4, D5; to:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 5051. ​ill manag’d] O1; ~-­~ O2, D3; ill-­manag’d, D4, D5. 5052. ​admir’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; admired O2; pity’d] D3, D4, D5; pitied O2; pitty’d O1. 5053. ​contemn’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; contemed O2; persu’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; pursu’d O2. 5054. ​said] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 5055. ​offer’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; offered O2. 5056. ​green] O1; Green O2, D3, D4, D5. 5057. ​Mustard; all] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; All O2. 5058. ​coursly] O1, D3; coarsely O2, D4, D5. 5059. ​better,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2, D5. 5060. ​lean; in] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: In O2; word,] O1; Word O2; Word, D3, D4, D5. 5061. ​light hearted,] O1; light-­hearted O2; light-­hearted, D3, D4, D5. 5062. ​me;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5063. ​in; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. The O2. 5064. ​it] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 5065. ​ Pecking;] O1; Peking O2; Peking; D3, D4, D5. 5066. ​Youth who] O1; ~, whom O2, D3, ~, who D4, D5. 5067. ​prov’d] O1; proved O2, D3, D4, D5; diligent,] O1; ~; O2, D4, D5; dilligent D3. 5068. ​Kinsman; as] O1; ~: As O2, D3, D4, D5; Pi­lot] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5069. ​Com­pany;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 5070. ​Interpreter,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2.

402 Va r i a n t s 5071. ​ En­glish, and] O1; ~: And O2, D4; ~; and D3, D5. 5072. ​indeed] O1; ~, O2; D3, D4, D5. 5073. ​Impliment] O1, D3, D4, D5; Implement O2; where,] O1; ~, O2, ~; D3, D4, D5. 5074. ​ Pecking,] O1; Peking O2; Peking, D3, D4, D5; Ah] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5075. ​Peccune?] O1; Pecune? O2, D4, D5. 5076. ​call’d] O1; called O2, D3, D4, D5; abundance] O1, D3, D4, D5; Abundance O2. 5077. ​Caravan] O1, D3, D4, D5; Carravan O2. 5078. ​surpris’d] O1; surpriz’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 5079. ​him;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 5080. ​ Tonquin,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 5081. ​Caravan] O1, D3, D4, D5; Carravan O2. 5082. ​Segnior,] O1; Seignior O2; Seignior, D3; Siegnior, D4, D5. 5083. ​alone,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2, D5; return] O1, D3, D4; Return O2, D5. 5084. ​ Bengale] O1, D3, D4, D5; Bengal O2; Hands;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5085. ​ Bengale] O1, D3, D4, D5; Bengal O2. 5086. ​more;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: O2. 5087. ​Shore,] O1; ~: O2; ~; D3, D4, D5. 5088. ​hundreds] O1, D3; hundred O2; Hundreds D4, D5. 5089. ​was] O1, D3, D4, D5; w ­ ere O2; all;] O1; ~: O2, D3, D4, D5. 5090. ​that] O1, D4; That O2, D3, D5. 5091. ​Caravan] O1, D3, D4, D5; Carravan O2; we resolv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; ­were solv’d O2; him] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; his Mind.] O1, O2, D3, D5; ~ Mind; D4. 5092. ​Journey:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 5093. ​­t hings] O1, D3, D4; Th ­ ings O2, D5. 5094. ​ Peking,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; express] O1, D3, D4, D5; Express O2. 5095. ​who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 5096. ​Pecking] O1, D3, D4, D5; Peking O2. 5097. ​Return;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; besides] O1, D3, D4, D5; Besides O2. 5098. ​raw] O1, D3, D4, D5; Raw O2. 5099. ​arm’d] O1; armed O2, D3, D4, D5; Events; for] O1; ~: For O2, D3, D4, D5. 5100. ​eastern] O1; Eastern O2, D3, D4, D5; subject] O1, D3, D4, D5; subjected O2; attack’d] O1; attacked O2, D3, D4, D5. 5101. ​ Tartars,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5102. ​chiefly,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; Sixty] O1, D3, D4, D5; sixty O2. 5103. ​tho’] O1, D3, D4, D5; though O2. 5104. ​appear’d] O1; appeard O2; appeared D3, D4, D5. 5105. ​travell’d] O1; travelled O2, D3, D4, D5; Days] O1, D3, D4, D5; Day’s O2; Five] O1, D3, D4, D5; five O2. 5106. ​it; at] O1; ~. At O2; ~: At D3, D4, D5. 5107. ​Forage O2, D3, D4, D5; Forrage O1. 5108. ​like; and] O1; ~. And O2; ~: And D3, D4, D5. 5109. ​(viz.) They nam’d] O1;^~^ they named O2, D3; (viz) They named D4, D5. 5110. ​case] O1, D3, D4, D5; Case O2. 5111. ​turn] O1, D3, D4; Turn O2, D5; Command; nor] O1; ~: Nor O2, D3, D4, D5. 5112. ​observ’d] O1; observed O2, D3, D4, D5. 5113. ​tamper’d] O1, D3, D4; tempered O2; temper’d D5; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; rhe O2. 5114. ​show] O1, D3, D4, D5; shew O2. 5115. ​ill-­humour’d ­t hings] O1, D3; ill-­humoured Th ­ ings O2; ill-­humour’d ­Things D4, D5; that I] O2, D3, D4, D5; That O1. 5116. ​was:] O1, D3; ~. O2; ~, D4; ~; D5. 5117. ​says I] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~ ~ O2; Building,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5118. ​Country,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5119. ​Ware, is not it?] O1, D3; ~; is it not? O2; Ware, is it not? D4, D5. 5120. ​call’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; called O2.

Va r i a n t s

403

5121. ​says I] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~ ~ O2; be, how] O1; ~. How O2; ~; how D3, D4, D5; can] O1, D4; can, O2, D3, D5; Upon] O1, D3, D4, D5; Upon O2. 5122. ​ a Camel! says the old Pi­lot, holding up both his] O1, D3, D4, D5; a Camel! says the old Pi­lot, holding up both his O2. 5123. ​Hands, why ­there is a ­Family of Thirty ­People lives] O1, D3, D4, D5; Hands, why ­t here is a F ­ amily of thirty ­People lives O2. 5124. ​ in it] O1, D3, D4, D5; in it O2. 5125. ​this;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; Timber House,] O1, D4, D5; Timber-­House O2; Timber-­ House, D3. 5126. ​plaister’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; plaistered O2. 5127. ​look’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; looked O2. 5128. ​hard] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; burnt:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 5129. ​lin’d] O1; lined O2, D3, D4, D5; harden’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; hardned O2. 5130. ​Tiles,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5131. ​Galley Tiles] O1; Gally-­Tiles O2, D3, D4, D5. 5132. ​mix’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; mixed O2. 5133. ​on] O1, D4; one O2, D3, D5; joyn’d so] O1; joined ~ O2; Join’d ~ D4, D5; Mortar] O1, O2, D3, D5; Morter D4. 5134. ​met:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 5135. ​as stone] O1, D3, D4, D5; as a stone O2. 5136. ​Rooms] O1, D5; ~, O2, D3, D4; pav’d] O1; paved O2, D3, D4, D5. 5137. ​Ceilings] O1; ~ Ceiling^, O2; Cielings, D3, D4, D5; word,] O1; Word O2; Word, D3, D4, D5. 5138. ​cover’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; covered O2. 5139. ​black] O1, D3, D4, D5; Black O2. 5140. ​ China-­Ware-­house] O1; China Ware­house O2; China Ware h ­ ouse D3; China Ware-­ house D4; China^ Ware-­house D5; literally] O2, D4, D5; litterally O1, D3. 5141. ​call’d so,] O1, D3, D4, D5; called ~; O2; staid] O1, D3, D4, D5; stay’d O2. 5142. ​it; they] O1; ~. They O2; ~: They D3, D4, D5. 5143. ​form’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; formed O2. 5144. ​sigularities] O1; singularities O2; Singularities D3, D4, D5; allow’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; allowed O2. 5145. ​it,] O1; it; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5146. ​true; they] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. They O2. 5147. ​earthen] O1, D4, D5; Earthen O2, D3; Men;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 5148. ​if] O1; If O2, D3, D4, D5; launch’d] O1; launched O2, D3, D4, D5; it;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5149. ​indeed,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5150. ​ly’d;] O1; lied. O2; lyed; D3; lied; D4, D5; smil’d,] O1; smiled O2; smiled, D3, D4, D5. 5151. ​Caravan;] O1, D5; ~, O2, D3, D4. 5152. ​fin’d] O1; fined O2, D3, D4, D5. 5153. ​fin’d] O1; fined O2, D3, D4, D5; Times] O1; times O2, D3, D4, D5. 5154. ​Day; so] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. So O2; orderly,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5155. ​altogether] O1, D3, D4, D5; all^together O2. 5156. ​Tartars;] O1, D5; Tartars O2; Tartars; D3, D4; is;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5157. ​Precipices such] O2, D3, D4, D5; Precipicees such, O1. 5158. ​them; they] O1; ~. They O2; ~: They D3, D4, D5; Length,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5159. ​measur’d] O1; mea­sured O2, D3, D4, D5. 5160. ​takes; ’tis] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. ’Tis O2. 5161. ​Hour] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 5162. ​off,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 5163. ​View; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. And O2; Caravan] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5164. ​it;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 5165. ​­Thing] O1, O2; t­ hing D3, D4, D5; Tartars,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5.

404 Va r i a n t s 5166. ​happen’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; happened O2. 5167. ​compliment; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; But O2; laugh’d:] O1, D3, D4, D5; laughed. O2; says he] O1, D3, D4, D5; says he O2. 5168. ​colours; in] O1; ~. In O2, D3; ~: In D4, D5. 5169. ​what] O1, D3, D4, D5; What O2; Way; you] O1; ~. You O2; ~: ~ D3; way; you D4; way; you D5. 5170. ​ Tartars; you] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~? You O2; Tartars;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 5171. ​ Inglese; says he] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; you, says he] O2, D3, D5; you^ ~ O1, D4. 5172. ​ Chinese understood] O1, O2, D3; Chinese understand D4, D5. 5173. ​Way.] O1, D4; way^ O2; way. D3, D4, D5. 5174. ​Battalia] O2, D3, D4, D5; Batalia O1. 5175. ​ay] O1, D3, D4, D5; ah O2; that:] O1, D4; ~. O2, D3, D5. 5176. ​leave] O1, D3, D4, D5; Leave O2; we] O1, D3, D4, D5; he O2. 5177. ​Famous] O1, D3; famous O2, D4, D5. 5178. ​ Romans;] O1; ~, O2, D4, D3, D5; began,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5179. ​confin’d] O1; confined O2, D3, D4, D5; fortify’d] O1; fortified O2, D3, D4, D5. 5180. ​Inroades] O1; Inroads O2, D3, D4, D5. 5181. ​therefore,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5182. ​Caravan] O1, D3, D4; ~, D5; Carravan O2; travell’d;] O1; travelled O2; travelled; D3, D4, D5. 5183. ​starv’d] O1; starved O2, D3, D4, D5; nothing,] O1; nothing; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5184. ​enter’d] O1; entered O2; entred D3, D4, D5; wilder] O1, D3, D4, D5; wider O2; country;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; our] O1, D3, D4, D5; Our O2. 5185. ​Hunting,] O1, D4, D5; hunting O2; hunting, D3. 5186. ​this,] O1, D3; ~^ O2, D4, D5; Sheep; however] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: However O2; Hunting] O1, D4, D5; hunting O2, D3. 5187. ​Foot,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5188. ​Chace] O1, D3, D4, D5; Chase O2. 5189. ​Pursuit] O1, O2, D4, D5; pursuit D3. 5190. ​before;] O1, D3, D4; ~, O2, D5; Way,] O1; way O2; way, D3, D4, D5. 5191. ​again; we] O1; ~: We O2, D3, D4, D5. 5192. ​Half] O1, D3, D4, D5; half O2. 5193. ​Distance,] O1; ~; O2; ~, D3; distance, D4, D5. 5194. ​ Muscow,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 5195. ​resolv’d, we] O1; ~? We O2, D3, D4, D5; him] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 5196. ​them; they] O1; ~. They O2, D3, D4, D5. 5197. ​happily;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; it] O1, D3, D4, D5; It O2. 5198. ​halted,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; Distance] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5199. ​Bullets,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5. 5200. ​Bold] O1; bold O2, D3, D4, D5; directed;] O1; ~. O2, D5; ~: D3, D4. 5201. ​he] O1; He O2, D3, D4, D5. 5202. ​Occasion;] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 5203. ​Action,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; Command:] O1, D4; Command. O2, D3, D5. 5204. ​drew,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2, D5; imaginable; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; imaginable. The O2. 5205. ​Signs,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; Kind] O1; kind O2, D3, D4, D5; Scymitar] O1; Semiter O2; Symiter D3, D4; Scymiter D5. 5206. ​Backs:] O1, D4; ~. O2, D3, D5. 5207. ​Fuzee,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5208. ​away,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; Fight; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: But O2. 5209. ​that] O1, D3, D4, D5; That O2. 5210. ​Chace,] O1; Chase O2, chace, D3, D4, D5; away:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 5211. ​kill’d;] O1, D3, D4; ~: O2, ~; D5; who] O1; Who O2; how D3, D4, D5. 5212. ​therefore,] O1, D4; ~^ O2, D3, D5. 5213. ​March,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5.

Va r i a n t s

405

5214. ​us,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5215. ​in, and] O1, O2, D3; in? and D4, D5. 5216. ​Kind] O1, D3; kind O2, D4, D5. 5217. ​ Karathaie] O1; Karakathie O2; Karakathay, D3, D4; Karakathay, D5. 5218. ​World;] O1; ~, O2; March; D3, D4, D5. 5219. ​me;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5220. ​near] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5221. ​Half] O1; half O2, D3, D4, D5; Mile] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; thereabouts] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5222. ​parting] O1, D3, D4, D5; Parting O2; which,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5; Horse, so] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^~, O2. 5223. ​Farrier] O1, D3, D4, D5; Ferrier O2; supposed] O1; suppose O2, D3, D4, D5. 5224. ​us,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; Tartars,] O1, D3, D4; ~^ O2, D5. 5225. ​Villages,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 5226. ​plenty] O1, D3, D4, D5; Plenty O2. 5227. ​wanted:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5. 5228. ​I like a Fool] O1, D3, D4; I, ~ O2; I, like a Fool, D5. 5229. ​Variety:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 5230. ​Stone Wall] O1, D3, D5; Stone Wall, D4; Stone-­wall, O2. 5231. ​Man^] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 5232. ​seiz’d] O1, D4, D5; seized O2, D3. 5233. ​while other Three] O1; ~ ~ three O2, D3, D4; while the other three D5. 5234. ​Second] O1, D3; second O2, D4, D5. 5235. ​won­der’d] O1; ~, D5; wondered O2, D3, D4; m ­ atter] O1, D3, D4, D5; ­Matter O2.. 5236. ​unlook’d] O1, D3, D5; unlooked O2, D4. 5237. ​Pocket^] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5238. ​Step’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; Stepp’d O2. 5239. ​laying hold] O1, D3, D4, D5; laid ~ O2. 5240. ​Spot; he] O1, D3, D4, D5; Spot. He O2. 5241. ​Step’d] O1, D3, D4; Stepp’d O2; stept D5; Stop’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; S­ topped O2. 5242. ​Scymetar] O1; Semiter O2; Scymeter D3, D4; Scymiter, D5; wore,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 5243. ​Face; the] O1, D3, D4; ~. The O2; ~: The D5; enrag’d] O1; enraged O2, D3, D4, D5. 5244. ​govern’d] O1; governed O2, D3, D4, D5. 5245. ​Interval] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 5246. ​Pole-­a xe O2; Pole-ax neither] O1, D3, D4, D5; Pole-­a xe neither O2. 5247. ​Third] O1; third O2, D3, D4, D5. 5248. ​Third] O1; third O2, D3, D4, D5. 5249. ​suppos’d] O1; supposed O2, D3, D4, D5. 5250. ​scower’d,] O1; scowered O2; scowered, D3, D4; scowred, D5. 5251. ​time] O1, D3, D4, D5; Time O2. 5252. ​but as I] O2, D3; but, as I D4, D5; but a I ~ O1; won­der’d] O1; wondered O2, D3, D4, D5. 5253. ​­matter:] O1, D3, D4; M ­ atter. O2; ­Matter; D5. 5254. ​word,] O1, D3; Word O2, D4; Word, D5. 5255. ​clap’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; clapp’d O2. 5256. ​Moment] O1; Moment, O2, D3, D4, D5; Memory return’d,] O1; ~ returned O2; ~ returned, D3, D4, D5. 5257. ​­every ­t hing] O1, D3, D4, D5; e­ very Th ­ ing O2. 5258. ​View:] O1; ~. O2; view: D3, D4, D5; dead] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; ~, D5. 5259. ​Hand; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~ Hand. The O2. 5260. ​embrac’d] O1; embraced O2, D3, D4, D5. 5261. ​kill’d,] O1; killed O2, killed, D3, D4, D5. 5262. ​hurt,] O1, D4, D5; ~; O2; ~, D3.

406 Va r i a n t s 5263. ​Camel;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 5264. ​Hearing] O1, D3, D4, D5; hearing O2. 5265. ​was;] O1, D3, D4, D5; was? O2. 5266. ​Servant says he,] O1; Servant, says ~ O2, D3, D4, D5; Stranger; at] O1, D3, D5; Stranger. At O2; Stranger: At D4; Request] O1, D3; ~, O2, D4, D5. 5267. ​says he:] O1, D4, D5; ~. O2, D3. 5268. ​deliver’d] O1; delivered O2, D3, D4, D5. 5269. ​it?] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 5270. ​was so clear] O1, D3, D4, D5; was clear O2. 5271. ​Cause] O1, D3, D4, D5; Case O2. 5272. ​any more,] O1, D4, D5; ~; O2, D3. 5273. ​fortify’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; fortified O2. 5274. ​ Karakathaie] O1, D3, D4; Karakathie O2; Karakathay, D5. 5275. ​Arrows; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; But O2. 5276. ​attack’d] O1; attacked O2, D3, D4, D5. 5277. ​Caravans] O1, D3, D4, D5; Carravans O2. 5278. ​appear’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; appeared O2. 5279. ​Guard; accordingly] O1, D3; ~. Accordingly O2; ~; accordingly D4, D5. 5280. ​Left,] O1, D4; left O2; left, D3, D5. 5281. ​advanc’d boldly; the] O1; advanced boldly. The O2, D3; advanced boldly; the D4, D5. 5282. ​Caravan] O1, D3, D4, D5; Carravan O2; prepar’d] O1; prepared O2, D3, D4, D5. 5283. ​ Mongul] O1, D3, D4, D5; Mogul O2. 5284. ​appear’d;] O1, D4; appeared O2; appeared D3; appeared; D5. 5285. ​­Thing.] O1, D3, D4; ­t hing O2; ­t hing. D5. 5286. ​ Changhu,] O1, D4; Chagu O2; Chagu, D3; Changu, D5. 5287. ​oblig’d] O1, D4; obliged O2, D3, D5. 5288. ​ferry] O2, D3, D4, D5; Ferry O1. 5289. ​Caravan] O1, D3, D4, D5; Carravan O2. 5290. ​away; my] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. My O2. 5291. ​says he,] O1; ~^ D3, D4, D5; says he O2. 5292. ​it;] O1, D4; it. O2, D5; it: D3. 5293. ​done; done!] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~? Done ~ O2. 5294. ​Back; immediately] O1; ~. Immediately O2, D5; ~; Immediately D3; back; immediately D4. 5295. ​Mind,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5296. ​Rescue;] O1, D3; Reserve O2; Reserve; D4, D5. 5297. ​Need] O1; need O2, D3, D4, D5. 5298. ​many,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; ten thousand] O1; ten Thousand O2, D3, D4; 10000 D5. 5299. ​least:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; first^] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5300. ​with; and] O1, D5; ~: And O2, D3, D4; clogg’d] O2, D3, D4, D5; clog’d O1. 5301. ​Design] O1, D4; ~, O2, D3, D5. 5302. ​Time] O1; time; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5303. ​Day:] O1, D4; ~. O2, D3, D5. 5304. ​it,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; formerly,] O1, D4; ~^ O2, D3, D5; Country,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5305. ​Desarts;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; which,] O1; ~, O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 5306. ​sixteen] O1, D3, D4, D5; 16 O2. 5307. ​no Man’s Land;] O1; no Man’s Land O2, D3; no man’s Land D4; no Man’s Land; D5; April,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5308. ​think,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5309. ​what ever] O1; what­ever O2, D3, D4, D5. 5310. ​arriv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; arrived O2. 5311. ​C ountry, govern’d] O1; Country^governed O2, D3, D4, D5; Opinion,] O2, D3, D4, D5.

Va r i a n t s

407

5312. ​Way:] O1; ~. O2, D3, D4, D5. 5313. ​worship’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; worshipp’d O2. 5314. ​Stones;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; shap’d] O1; shap’d O2; s­ haped D3, D4, D5. 5315. ​Monsters: Not] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; not O2. 5316. ​worshipping,] O1, D3, D4; worshiping O2, D5. 5317. ​came,] O1; O2; ~^ D3, D4, D5. 5318. ​appear’d;] O1, D4, D5; ~, O2, D3. 5319. ​own’d] O1, D3, D4; ~, D5; owned, O2; True] O1; true O2, D3, D4, D5; ador’d;] O1; adored O2; adored; D3, D4, D5. 5320. ​it:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; mention’d] O1; mentioned O2, D3, D4, D5; acknowledgement] O1, D3; Acknowlegment O2, D4, D5. 5321. ​blessed] O1, D4, D5; Blessed O2, D3. 5322. ​Christians; he smil’d,] O1; ~. He smiled O2; ~. He smiled, D5; Christians: He smiled, D3, D4. 5323. ​Sort] O1, D3, D4, D5; sort O2. 5324. ​Dev­i ls: Why] O1; ~. ~ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5325. ​Earth, we] O1; ~: ~ O2; World; ~ D3, D4, D5. 5326. ​two thousand] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~ Thousand O2; Baltick] O1, D3, D4, D5; Baltick O2. 5327. ​North; nay] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: Nay O2. 5328. ​Sea North-­East] O1, D3, D4; Sea, ~ O2; SeaNorth-­East, D5. 5329. ​where,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2, D5. 5330. ​Caravan] O1; Carranvan O2; Caravan D3, D4, D5. 5331. ​Rivers,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5332. ​Ocean; the] O1; ~. The O2, D3, D5; ~: The D4. 5333. ​Bullrushes,] O1; ~ O2, D3, D4, D5; monstruos] O1, D3, D4, D5; monstrous O2. 5334. ​high;] O12, O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; allow’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; allowed O2. 5335. ​ Tartars,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 5336. ​­Cattle,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2; ~, D5. 5337. ​Latitude of [gap] carries] O1, O2, D3, D5; 60 Degrees D4. 5338. ​Latitude, so] O1, D5; ~. So O2; ~; So D3; ~; so D4. 5339. ​ Yamour, runs] O1; ~^ ~ O2, D4, D3, D5. 5340. ​their ­Waters] O2, D3, D4, D5; ­t here ~ O1. 5341. ​nam’d so] O1, D3, D4, D5; named from O2; northermost] O1, D4, D5; Northernmost O2; northernmost D3. 5342. ​ Gog,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; Magog,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2; mention’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; mentioned O2. 5343. ​side,] O1; Side; O2; side; D3, D4; Side; D5. 5344. ​side,] O1; Side O2, D3, D4; Side, D5. 5345. ​more,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 5346. ​advanc’d] O1; advanced O2, D3, D4, D5. 5347. ​oblig’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; obliged O2; plac’d] O1; placed O2, D3, D4, D5. 5348. ​where-­ever] O1, D3, D4, D5; wherever O2. 5349. ​meer Pagans,] O1, D3, D4, D5; mere Paganss O2. 5350. ​Forrest] O1; Forest O2; Forest, D3, D4, D5; twenty] O1, D3, D4, D5; 20 O2; it; in] O1; ~. In O2, D5; ~: In D3, D4. 5351. ​Dev­i l^] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5352. ​Corner’d] O1; Corner’d O2; corner’d, D3, D4, D5. 5353. ​manner] O1; Manner O2, D4, D3, D5. 5354. ​it,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5355. ​sixteen or seventeen] O1, D3, D4, D5; 16 or 17 O2. 5356. ​Head; ­These] O1; ~.~ O2; ~: ~ D3; Head, ­t hese D4; Head; ­t hese D5. 5357. ​them:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5. 5358. ​Idol, O2; Monster D3; Monster, D4, D5; Island; O1. 5359. ​Hut,] O1, D4, D5; Hutt O2; Hutt, D3. 5360. ​Butchers,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; such; ~^] O1, O2; such; D3, D4, D5.

408 Va r i a n t s 5361. ​Steer:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5. 5362. ​Seventeen] O1, D3, D4, D5; 17 O2. 5363. ​to honour O2, D3, D4, D5; to Honour O1; Maker;] O1; ~^ O2; ~, D3, D4, D5. 5364. ​a meer O2, D3, D4, D5; an meer] O1, D3. 5365. ​it self.] O1, D4, D5; itself O2; itself. D3. 5366. ​Village,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 5367. ​Arrows^] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; resolv’d] O1; resolved O2, D3, D4, D5. 5368. ​Caravan] O1, D3, D4, D5; Carravan O2. 5369. ​wanted;] O1; ~, O2, D4, D5; ~^ D3. 5370. ​lam’d and jaded] O1; ~, and ~! O2; ~, and ~, D3; lam’d and jaded, D4; lamed and jaded D5. 5371. ​Desart,] O1; ~; O2, D3 D4, D5. 5372. ​Execution;] O1; ~: O2, D3, D4, D5. 5373. ​above;] O1; ~. O2; above: D3, D4, D5. 5374. ​could get but] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~ but get O2; too,] O1; to O2; to, D3, D4, D5; pray’d to,] O2, D3, D4, D5; ~ too O1; less,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5375. ​your self] O1, D4, D5; yourself O2, D3; Propose, said I] O1, D3; ~^ ~ O2; ~! said I D4; Propose, said I D5. 5376. ​it vindicate] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~vind^cate O2. 5377. ​While] O1, D3, D4; while O2, D5. 5378. ​fight you and] O1, D3; ~ you, ~ O2; ~ you and D4, D5. 5379. ​Night^] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5380. ​him,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; do it,] O1, D3; ~; O2, D4, D5. 5381. ​they are to] O1, D3; ~ are, ~ O2, D4, D5. 5382. ​consider^] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5383. ​Complain^ . . . ​Satisfaction,] O1; Complain, ~; O2, D3; complain, D4, D5. 5384. ​awhile,] O1; a while; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5385. ​Execution; t­ owards] O1; ~. ­Towards O2; ~: T ­ owards D3, D5; ~; ­Towards D4. 5386. ​Design,] O1; ~: O2; Design; D3, D4, D5. 5387. ​put it at all out] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~it all ~ O2. 5388. ​Monsters,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5389. ​Use you, says he,] O1; ~ you! ~ he, O2; ~ you! ~ he; D3; ~ you! says he, D4, D5. 5390. ​away;] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5391. ​Top] O1, D4, D5; top O2, D3; Idol:] O1; ~. O2, D3; ~, D4; ~-­~ D5. 5392. ​Story,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5393. ​Story,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5394. ​ir was] O1; it ~ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5395. ​Countrymen^] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5396. ​Zeal as] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~ at O2; ­Things] O1, D4, D5; ­t hings O2, D3. 5397. ​word,] O1, D3; Word O2, D4, D5. 5398. ​word] O1, D3; Word O2; also D4, D5. 5399. ​Secrecy] O1, D3, D4, D5; Secresy O2. 5400. ​Caravan] O1, D3, D4, D5; Carravan O2. 5401. ​upon us] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~ us, O2. 5402. ​get,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 5403. ​Idol; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; The O2. 5404. ​before:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 5405. ​seemed] O1; seemed O2, D3, D4, D5; Hut,] O1; Hutt O2; Hutt, D3, D4, D5. 5406. ​who] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom O2. 5407. ​talking] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5408. ​them; we] O1, D3, D4, D5; Them. We O2. 5409. ​Wild-­Fire] O1, D4, D5; Wild-­fire O2, D3. 5410. ​knew not; once] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~ not. Once O2. 5411. ​it away and setting] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~ away, ~ O2.

Va r i a n t s

409

5412. ​again: The] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. ~ O2. 5413. ​Hut,] O1; Hutt O2; Hutt, D3, D4, D5. 5414. ​that,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5415. ​with,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5416. ​­t hese ­People] O1, D3, D4, D5; the ~ O2; could; the] O1; could. The O2; could: The D3, D4, D5. 5417. ​knock’d] O1, D4, D5; knocked O2, D3. 5418. ​serv’d] O1; served O2, D3, D4, D5. 5419. ​was oblig’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; w ­ ere obliged O2. 5420. ​another; when] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: When O2. 5421. ​Door; we] O1; Door: We O2, D3, D4, D5; seiz’d] O1; seized O2, D3, D4, D5. 5422. ​among them; by that] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~ them. By ~ O2. 5423. ​Hut . . . ​Smoak] O1; Hutt . . . ​Smoke O2, D3, D4, D5. 5424. ​suppos’d,] O1; supposed O2; supposed, D3, D4, D5. 5425. ​Smoak] O1, D3, D4, D5; Smoke O2. 5426. ​Noise;] O1; Noise: O2, D3, D4, D5. 5427. ​Hut] O1, D4, D5; Hutt O2, D3; Smoak] O1; Smoke O2, D3, D4, D5. 5428. ​Idol; when] O1; Idol. When O2, D5; Idol: When D3, D4; to work] O2, D3, D4, D5; ~ Work O1; with him: And] O1; ~; and O2, D3, D4, D5. 5429. ​Hut] O1; Hutt O2, D3, D4, D5. 5430. ​of that: When] O1, D3, D4, D5; that. ~ O2. 5431. ​blew up, O2, D3, D4, D5; ~; O1. 5432. ​deform’d] O1; O2; deformed D3, D4, D5; word,] O1; Word O2; Word, D3, D4, D5. 5433. ​Wood,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; 338:11 dry Forage] O2, D3, D4, D5; ~ Forrage O1. 5434. ​consum’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; consumed O2. 5435. ​away; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: But O2. Scots] O1; Scots O2; Scotsman D3, D4, D5; Man] O1, D3, D4, D5; man O2;^ D5. 5436. ​Fire] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5437. ​Idol, so we resolv’d] O1; Idol. So we resolved O2; Idol; so we resolved D3, D4, D5; Forage] O1; O2, D3, D4, D5; Forrage O1. 5438. ​away,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5439. ​Morning,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; appear’d fellow] O1; appeared Fellow O2; appear’d Fellow D3, D4, D5. 5440. ​suppos’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; supposed O2. 5441. ​Fatigues] O1, D3, D4, D5; Fatigue. O2. 5442. ​so; the] O1, D3, D4; so. The O2; so; for the D5. 5443. ​outragious] O1; outrageous O2, D3, D4, D5. 5444. ​Priest,] O1; Priests O2; Priests, D3, D4, D5. 5445. ​monstruous] O1; monstrous O2, D3, D4, D5; worship’d; the] O1, D3, D4, D5; worshipped. The O2. 5446. ​Tartars O2, D3, D4, D5; Tarters O1. 5447. ​Governour] O1, D3, D4, D5; Governor O2. 5448. ​imaginable; he] O1; inaginable. He O2; imaginable; He D3; imaginable: He D4, D5. 5449. ​examplarily O2, D3, D4; exemplarily D5; exemplarly O1; punish’d.] O1; punished O2; punished. D3, D5; punished: D4; return’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; returned O2. 5450. ​revernce’d] O1; reverenced O2, D3, D4, D5; Country] O1. 5451. ​denounc’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; denounced O2. 5452. ​who^] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5453. ​Governour] O1, D3, D4, D5; Governor O2; Patient,] O1; patient O2; patient, D3, D4, D5. 5454. ​alledg’d] O1; alledged O2, D3, D4, D5. 5455. ​charg’d] O1; charged O2, D3, D4, D5; conquer’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; conquered O2. 5456. ​could, at] O1; ~: At O2; ~; At D3, D4, D5. 5457. ​satisfy’d] O1, D4; sastistied O2; satisfied D3, D5; into it;] O1; ~ it. O2, D5; it: D3, D4.

410 Va r i a n t s 5458. ​this seem’d] O1; This seemed O2, D3, D4; this seemed D5; ­little,] O1, D4; ~; O2, D3, D5. 5459. ​Governour] O1, D3, D4, D5; Governor O2. 5460. ​was;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 5461. ​Time,] O1; time O2; time, D3, D4, D5. 5462. ​Governour;] O1, D3, D4, D5; Governor: O2; however] O1, D3, D4, D5; However O2. 5463. ​­Matter;] O1; ~. O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; and] O1; And O2; ~, D3, D4, D5; us] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 5464. ​ask’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; asked O2; Question; however,] O1, D3, D4, D5; Question. However^ O2. 5465. ​Governour] O1, D3, D4, D5; Governor O2; march’d] O1; marched O2, D3, D4, D5. 5466. ​travell’d,] O1; travelled^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5467. ​nor did make] O1; ~ did we make O2, D3, D4, D5. 5468. ​hasten’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; hastned O2. 5469. ​observ’d] O1; observed O2; observed, D3, D4, D5. 5470. ​of which,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; say,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; Place; and] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: And O2. 5471. ​’tis more] O1, D3, D4, D5; it is ~ O2; probable,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 5472. ​destroy’d:] O1, D3, D4, D5; destroyed. O2; march] O1; March O2, D3, D4, D5. 5473. ​­behind us^] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 5474. ​pursued; we] O1, D3, D4, D5; pursued. We O2. enter’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; entered O2. 5475. ​pass’d] O1; passed O2, D3, D4, D5; call’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; called, O2; Schacks Oser] O1; Shaks-­Oser, O2; Schaks Ofer D3, D4, D5; perceiv’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; perceived O2. 5476. ​West: We] O1; ~. ~ O2, D3, D4, D5; observ’d] O1; observed O2; obser’d D3, D4, D5. 5477. ​push’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; pushed O2. 5478. ​ Udda; this] O1, D3, D4, D5; Udda. This O2. 5479. ​Day,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; beginning of it] O1; Beginning of it. O2; beginning of it, D3; Beginning^ it, D4, D5. 5480. ​March] O1, O2, D4, D5; march D3; Desart however] O1; ~, ~, O2; ~, ~^ D3, D4, D5. 5481. ​Rivers^] O1; Rivers, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5482. ​ Udda; it] O1; Udda. It O2; Udda: It D3, D4, D5; ­little] O1; ­little, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5483. ​Robbers,] O1; Robbers; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5484. ​pursu’d.] O1; pursued O2; pursued. D3, D4, D5. 5485. ​Front,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; surrounded] O1; surrounded, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5486. ​cou’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; could O2. 5487. ​us,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5488. ​Thieves^ as] O1, D3, D4, D5; Thieves, ~ O2. 5489. ​burn’d] O1; burnt O2, D3, D4, D5. 5490. ​harm,] O1; Harm; O2; Harm, D3, D4, D5. 5491. ​­Faces,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5492. ​it; the] O1; it. The O2, D3, D5; it: The D4; Word] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5493. ​harm] O1, D3, D4, D5; Harm O2. 5494. ​for if] O1, D3, D4, D5; for, ~ O2. 5495. ​Camp,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5496. ​much,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5497. ​ten thousand; ­here] O1; ~: H ­ ere O2, D3; D4; ~. ­Here D5. 5498. ​while] O1, D3, D4, D5; While O2. 5499. ​Cloud of arrows among us,] O1; Cloud of arrows among us; D3; Crowd of arrows among us; O2; D4, D5. 5500. ​fortify’d] O1, O2, D4, D5; fortified D3. 5501. ​Baggage,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 5502. ​this, we see] O1; ~^ we saw O2, D3, D4, D5; ­little,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5503. ​whena] O1; when a O2, D3, D4, D5; aCossack] O1; a Cossack O2; Cossock, D3, D4, D5. 5504. ​­People away] O2, D3, D4, D5; Peop’e ~ O1.

Va r i a n t s

411

5505. ​­behind us; so] O1; ~: So O2, D3, D4, D5. 5506. ​Horse-­back [mark obscure] O1; Horse-­back O2; Horse-­back, D3, D4, D5. 5507. ​ Nertsinskoy; ­a fter] O1, D3, D4, D5; Nertfinskay . ­A fter O2. 5508. ​ Cham—­Chi—­Thaungu] O2, D3, D4; Cham-­Chi-­Taugu, D5; Cham Chi Thaungu O1. 5509. ​ Schal-­Isar O2, D3; Schal Isar] O1, D4, D5. 5510. ​ Jaravena,] O1, D3; Jarawena O2; Jarawena, D4, D5. 5511. ​fatigued] O1, D3, D4, D5; fatigu’d O2; march,] O1; March O2; March, D3, D4; March. D5; want] O1, D3, D4, D5. 5512. ​march] O1; March O2; March: D3, D4, D5. 5513. ​appear’d,] O1; appeared, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5514. ​suppos’d] O1; supposed O2, D3, D4, D5. 5515. ​Desart,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5516. ​them: ­These] O1; ~. ~ O2, D3; ~, thes D4; ~. t­ hese D5. 5517. ​together;] O1; ~. O2; ~: D3, D4; ~. D5; catch’d,] O1, D5; catched O2; catched, D3, D4. 5518. ​Czarish] O1; Czarish O2, D3, D4, D5. 5519. ​who I] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom ~ O2. 5520. ​fifty] O1, D3, D4; 50 O2, D5; Danger^] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 5521. ​my self] O1; myself O2, D3, D4, D5. 5522. ​Multi-­t heism] O1; multitheism O2; Multitheism D3; Multitheism, D4, D5. 5523. ​them:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2; cloth’d] O1, O2; cloath’d D3; cloathed D4, D5. 5524. ​same:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 5525. ​Cloths;] O1; Clothes~ O2; Cloaths; D3, D4, D5. 5526. ​Hut] O1; Hutt, O2; Hutt D3, D4, D5. 5527. ​word] O1; Word O2, D3, D4; Word, D5; every­t hing] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~­Thing O2. 5528. ​­little,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5529. ​­t hing] O1; T ­ Hing O2; ­Thing D3, D4; ­Thing, D5. 5530. ​concern’d] O1; converned O2; concerned D3, D4, D5; them:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 5531. ​my self] O1, D3, D4, D5; myself O2. 5532. ​Half] O1; half O2, D3, D4, D5. 5533. ​twelve] O1, D3, D4, D5; 12 O2. 5534. ​ Janezay; this] O1; Janezay: This O2, D3; Janeazy: This D4, D5. 5535. ​it self] O1; itself O2, D3, D4, D5. 5536. ​Paganism,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5; prevail’d,] O1, O2; prevailed D3, D4, D5; Garrisons] O2, D3, D4, D5; Garr^sons;] O1. 5537. ​ Janezay] O1, D3, D4, D5; Jauezay O2; Pagan^] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5538. ​barbarous^] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; Nation^] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; Know^] O1, D3, D4, D5; Know, O2; Amer­i­ca;] O1; ~. O2; ~: D3, D4, D5. 5539. ​Governours who I] O1, D3, D4, D5; Governors, whom I O2. 5540. ​Government,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; enough,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 5541. ​Clergy-­men] O1; Clergymen O2, D3, D4, D5. 5542. ​wild uncultivated Country,] O1; wild uncultivated Country; D3, D4, D5; wild and uncultivated Country. O2. 5543. ​Soil,] O1, D4; ~; O2, D3, D5. 5544. ​it self] O1; itself O2, D3, D4, D5. 5545. ​Country; what] O1; ~. What O2, D3, D5; Country; D4. 5546. ​Rus­sia,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D5. 5547. ​Sides] O1, O2, D3, D5; sides D4. 5548. ​Criminals] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5549. ​continu’d] O1; continued O2, D3, D4, D5. 5550. ​apace,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; call’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; called O2. 5551. ​ourselves; they] O1; ourselves. They O2; ~: They D3, D4 ~; They D5; Rain] O1, D4, D5; Rane O2; Raine D3. 5552. ​­Things] O1; Th ­ ings, O2, D4; ­t hings, D3, D5. 5553. ​Means] O1, O2, D4, D5; means D3.

412 Va r i a n t s 5554. ​Sleds] O1, D3, D4, D5; Sledges O2; run Night] O1, D3, D4, D5; run all Night O2. 5555. ​smooth] O1; smooth, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5556. ​kind:] O1, D3; Kind. O2; kind, D4; Kind; D5. 5557. ​went^] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 5558. ​ Arch Angel] O1, D3, D4, D5; Arch Angel O2. 5559. ​ Hamburgh,] O1; Hamburgh. O2, D3, D4, D5. 5560. ​Countrys] O1; Countries O2; Countries, D3, D4, D5. 5561. ​likewise] O1; Lkewise O2; likewise D3, D4, D5. 5562. ​Winter^when] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, ~ O2. 5563. ​Winter; so] O1; Winter. So O2; Winter: So D3, D4, D5. 5564. ​(viz)] O1; viz. O2; (viz.) D3, D4, D5. 5565. ​Winter] O1, D3, D4; winter O2, D5; Tobolski, in] O1; Tobolski^ in O2, D3, D4, D5. 5566. ​Latitude of Sixty Degrees] D4, D5. Latitude of [gap] Degrees O1, O2, D3. 5567. ​belov’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; beloved O2. 5568. ​Ague; on the Contrary,] O1; ~: ~ ~ contrary, D3, D4, D5; ~. One the contrary O2. 5569. ​bear any Cloths] O1, D3; bear my Clothes O2; bear any Cloaths D4, D5. 5570. ​Wrists] O1, D3, D4, D5; Wrests O2. 5571. ​dislik’d] O1; disliked O2; dislike D3, D4, D5. 5572. ​which,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5573. ​Appartment] O1; Apartment O2, D3, D4, D5. 5574. ​order’d] O1; ordered O2, D3, D4, D5. 5575. ​Fire^] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 5576. ​seen,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5; Bagnioes] O2; Bagnio’s D3, D4, D5; Bagnins O1. 5577. ​means] O1; Means O2, D3, D4, D5. 5578. ​preserv’d,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5579. ​was ever incommode.] O1, D3, D4, D5; in commoded O2. 5580. ​all,] O1; ~^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5581. ​northerly] O1; Northerly O2, D3, D4, D5. 5582. ​observ’d] O1; observed O2, D3, D4, D5; banish’d,] O1; banished^ O2, D3, D4, D5; City^] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5583. ​Col­o­nels,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2; short^] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2. 5584. ​ Muscovy:] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~. O2. 5585. ​note,] O1; Note O2; Note, D3, D4, D5. 5586. ​Rank,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 5587. ​receiv’d] O1; received O2, D3, D4, D5. 5588. ​Prince—­—­—­—­—­–­—­–­—] O1; Prince—­–­—­–­—­–­— ­O2, D3; a certain Prince, D4, D5. 5589. ​began;] O1; ~. O2; ~: D3, D4, D5; he] O1; He O2, D3, D4, D5; abundance] O1, D3, D4, D5; Abundance O2. 5590. ​my self:] O1; ~. O2; myself: D3, D4, D5. 5591. ​out-­did] O1; outdid O2, D3, D4, D5. 5592. ​ acknowledg’d] O1; acknowledged O2, D3, D4, D5. 5593. ​belov’d,] O1; beloved O2, D5; beloved, D3, D4; fear’d] O1; feared O2, D3, D4, D5. 5594. ​Case,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 5595. ​manag’d] O1; managed O2, D3, D4, D5. 5596. ​Prince^] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5; me,] O1; me^ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5597. ​our selves;] O1; ~: O2, D3; ourselves; D4, D5. 5598. ​exchang’d] O1; exchanged O2, D3, D4, D5. 5599. ​Czar;] O1; Czat: O2; Czar: D3, D4, D5. 5600. ​Circumstances,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5601. ​Scorns] O1; Storm O2, D3, D4, D5; us’d] O1; used O2, D3, D4, D5. 5602. ​Cloths] O1; Clothes O2; Cloaths D3, D4, D5. 5603. ​time] O1; Time O2, D3, D4, D5. 5604. ​without;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: O2. 5605. ​World;] O1; ~: O2, D3, D4, D5.

Va r i a n t s

413

5606. ​Cloths] O1; Clothes O2; Cloaths D3, D4, D5; order] O1, D3, D4, D5; Order O2. 5607. ​agreeable to us,] O1, D3, D4, D5; agreable ~ ~; O2; observ’d] O1; observed O2, D3, D4, D5. 5608. ​manner of Crime] O1, D3, D4, D5; Manner ~ Crimes; to] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5609. ​depriv’d] O1; deprived O2, D3, D4, D5. 5610. ​said,] O1, D5; ~^ O2, D3, D4. 5611. ​leisure] O1, D3, D4, D5; Leisure O2. 5612. ​manner] O1, D3, D4, D5; Manner O2; convinc’d,] O1; convinced O2; convinced, D3, D4, D5. 5613. ​rich] O1; ~, O2; Rich, D3; Rich^ D4, D5. 5614. ​this,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 5615. ​Banishment,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~^ O2. 5616. ​­t hing] O1, D3, D4, D5; ­Thing O2. 5617. ​Grandeur,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5618. ​Jail] O1; Jay’l O2, D3; Jayl D4, D5. 5619. ​Countanance] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5620. ​a Monarch] O2, D3, D4, D5; n ~ O1. 5621. ​for that he that has got] O2, D3, D4, D5; for that ha that has got O1. 5622. ​exorbitant] O2, D3, D4, D5; exorbitane O1. 5623. ​himself O2, D3, D4, D5; himtself O1; i—] O1; is certainly O2, D3, D4, D5; i—­certainly O1. 5624. ​City: But] O2, D5; City^ But D3; City; but D4; Citys^ But O1. 5625. ​he.] O1; he; O2; he D3; he; D4, D5. 5626. ​open’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; opened O2. 5627. ​Hold,] O1; ~, O2, D5; HOLD, D3, D4; subtil,] O1; subtle O2, D4; subtle, D3, D5. 5628. ​two,] O1, D3, D4; ~; O2, D5. 5629. ​ all, would] O1; ~ I would D3; all I would O2; all, I would D4, D5. 5630. ​­t hese Desarts] O2, D3, D4, D5; t­ hese ­t hese Desarts O1; Pallace] O1; Palace O2, D3, D4, D5. 5631. ​Pleasures] O1, D3, D4, D5; Plea­sure O2. 5632. ​Dispute;] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, O2; Manner; we] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: We O2; Rank] O1, D3, D4, D5; Rank; O2. 5633. ​Food; but] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~: But O2. 5634. ​Foxes,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5635. ​living] O1, D3, D4, D5; Living O2. 5636. ​look abroad] O1, D3; ~ about O2; ~ abroad, D4, D5. 5637. ​wrap’d] O1; wrapt O2, D3, D4, D5. 5638. ​was as we reckoned] O1; was, as we reckon’d, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5639. ​care] O1, D3, D4, D5; Care O2; least] O1; lest O2, D3, D4, D5. 5640. ​Beef:] O1, O2, D3, D4; Beef. D5. 5641. ​good:] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2, D5. 5642. ​Bear’s] O1; Bear^s O2; Bears D3, D4, D5. 5643. ​word,] O1; Word O2; Word, D3, D4, D5. 5644. ​tolerable] O2, D3, D4, D5; tollerable O1. 5645. ​not for Muscovy] O1, D3, D4, D5; not to Muscouy O2. 5646. ​away,] O1; ~: O2; ~; D3, D4, D5; and therefore] O1, D3, D4, D5; And ~ O2. 5647. ​haste] O1; Haste O2; hast D3, D4, D5; gone^] O1; gone, O2, D3, D4, D5; did; in a word,] O1; ~. In a Word O2; ~; in a Word, D3, D4, D5. 5648. ​thence] O1, D3, D4, D5; hence O2. 5649. ​occurr’d] O1, D3, D4, D5; occur’d O2. 5650. ​where ever] O1; whereever O2, D3, D4, D5. 5651. ​Consider,] O1, D3, D4, D5; Consider^ O2. 5652. ​Generality] O1; Generality O2, D3, D4, D5. 5653. ​thousand Miles] O1; Thousand Miles O2; 1000 Miles D3, D4, D5.

414 Va r i a n t s 5654. ​Caravan] O1, D3, D4; Carravan O2; Caravan, D5. 5655. ​Subsistance] O1, D3, D4, D5; Subsistence O2. 5656. ​spoke,] O1; ~; O2, D3, D4, D5. 5657. ​me,] O1; ~. O2, D5; ~: D3, D4; when] O1; When O2, D3, D4, D5. 5658. ​unhappy] O1, D3, D4, D5; happy O2. 5659. ​re-­call’d even to be all,] O1, D3, D4; recall’d even to^ all O2; recall’d even to be all^ D5. 5660. ​stop’d,] O1; stopp’d O2, D5; ­stopped, D3, D4. 5661. ​stop’d] O1; stopp’d O2, D3, D4, D5. 5662. ​­t hing] O1; ­Thing O2, D3, D4, D5. 5663. ​­free; THat] O1; ­free: ~ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5664. ​time] O1; Time O2, D4, D3, D5. 5665. ​shew] O1; Shew O2, D3, D4, D5. 5666. ​tends directly] O1, D3, D4; rend ~ O2; tend ~ D5. 5667. ​Root,] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~; O2. 5668. ​who you] O1, D3, D4, D5; whom ~ O2. 5669. ​Soul’s Liberty] O2, D3, D4, D5; Souls ~ O1. 5670. ​shew] O1; Shew O2, D3, D4, D5. 5671. ​loose] O1; lose O2, D3, D4, D5. 5672. ​together.] O1; ~! O2, D3, D4, D5. 5673. ​Apartment.] O2, D3, D4; Appartment. O1, D5. 5674. ​from Heaven^] O1; ~, O2, D3, D4, D5. 5675. ​parting] O1; Parting O2, D3, D4, D5. 5676. ​Rarity] O2, D3, D4, D5; Rariety O1. 5677. ​word] O1; Word O2, D4, D5; Servant^that] O1; Servant, ~ O2, D3, D4, D5. 5678. ​name] O2, D3, D4, D5; Name O1. 5679. ​Concern;] O1, D3, D4; ~. O2; ~? D5. 5680. ​Answer; he] O1; Answer. He O2, D5; Answer: He D3, D4. 5681. ​Son, who] O1, D3, D4, D5; ~, whom ~ O2. 5682. ​it,] O1; ~: O2, D3, D4, D5. 5683. ​Apartment] O2; D3, D4, D5; Appartment O1. 5684. ​manner] O1; Manner O2, D3, D4, D5. 5685. ​talk’d of we] O1; talk’d of. We O2, D3, D4, D5. 5686. ​Caravan] O1, D3, D4, D5; Carravan O2. 5687. ​of them; it] O1, D3, D4, D5; of them. It O2. 5688. ​enquire; we] O1, D3, D4, D5; enquire. We O2. 5689. ​ Mongul Tartary] O1, D4, D5; Mogul O2, D3. 5690. ​Sable-­Hunters of Syberia] O1; ~ Siberia O2, D3, D4, D5. 5691. ​ Syberean Troop] O1; Siberian ~] O2, D3, D4, D5. 5692. ​ Kalmuck] O2, D3, D4, D5; Kahmuch O1. 5693. ​bigness] O1; Bigness O2, D3, D4, D5. 5694. ​stay’d] O1, O2, D3; staid D4, D5. 5695. ​at least.] O2, D3, D4, D5; ~least.. O1. 5696. ​Rods] O2, D3, D4, D5; Rod O1. 5697. ​to face them] O2, D4, D5; to Face them O1. 5698. ​strengthning O1, O2, D3; strengthening] D4, D5; Syberian, who] O1, D3, D4; Siberian, ~ O2, D5. 5699. ​(for our Guide] O2, D3, D4, D5;) for our ~ O1. 5700. ​ Kirmazinskoy] D3, D4, D5; Kermazinskoy O1, O2. 5701. ​tho’ not quite so hard] O1; ~ quite so quiet O2; ~ quite so Hastily D3; ~ so hastily D4, D5. 5702. ​honest Syberian] O1, D3, D43; ~ Siberian O2, D5. 5703. ​Years a Life] O1, D3; Years, a Life O2, D4, D5.

Selected Bibliography

Works Consulted Dated before 1731 Bohun, Edmund. A Geo­graph­i­cal Dictionary. London, 1688. Burton, Robert. The Anatomy of Melancholy. 1621–1638. Edited by Floyd Dell and Paul Jordan-­Smith. New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1929. Dampier, William. A New Voyage Round the World. London: James Knapton, 1697. New York: Dover, 1968. Defoe, Daniel. An Essay on the History and Real­ity of Apparitions. 1727. Edited by Kit Kincade. The Stoke Newington Daniel Defoe Edition. New York: AMS Press, 2007. —­—­—. The ­Family Instructor. Vol. 1, 1715. Vol. 2, 1718. Edited by Irving N. Rothman. The Stoke Newington Daniel Defoe Edition. Brooklyn: AMS Press, 2015. —­—­—. The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. London, 1719. —­—­—. The Po­liti­cal History of the Dev­il. 1726. Edited by Irving N. Rothman and R. Michael Bowerman. The Stoke Newington Daniel Defoe Edition. New York: AMS Press, 2003. —­—­—. A Review of the Affairs of France. 1704. Edited by Arthur W. Secord. 9 vols. Reproduced in 22 vols. New York: Columbia University Press, 1938. —­—­—. Serious Reflections during the Life and Surprising Adventures of Robinson Crusoe: With His Vision of the Angelick World. London, 1720. —­—­—. A System of Magick. London, 1726 (1727 imprint). —­—­—. A Tour thro’ the Whole Island of G ­ reat Britain. 1724–1727. Edited by G.D.H. Cole. 2 vols. London: Peter Davies, 1927. —­—­—. A True Collection of the Writings of the Author of the True-­Born En­glishman. 2 vols. London, 1703–1705. Dubos, Abbé Jean-­Baptiste. Réflexions critiques sur la poésie et sur la peinture. Paris, 1719. Farquhar, George. The Beaux’ Strategem. London, 1707. Finch, Anne. “The Petition for an Absolute Retreat.” In Miscellany Poems on Several Occasions. London, 1713. Fryer, John. A New Account of East-­India and Persia. London, 1698. Gildon, Charles. The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Mr. Mr. D. . . . . De F . . . ​, of London, Hosier. 1719. In Robinson Crusoe Examin’d and Criticis’d, edited by Paul Dottin, 63–180. London: Dent, 1923. Guillet de Saint-­Georges, Georges. The Gentleman’s Dictionary. London, 1705.

415

416

Selected Bibliogr aph y

Hart, James. “Song.” In John Playford, Choice Ayres and Songs to Sing to the Theorbo-­Lute, or Bass-­Viol [. . .] The Fourth Book. London, 1683. Ides, Evert Ysbrants. Three Years Travel from Moscow Over-­Land to China. London, 1706. Le Brun, Charles. Conférence [. . .] sur l’expression générale & particulière. London: Mortier, 1701. Originally published in 1698 as Conférence de M. Le Brun sur l’expression générale et particulière (Amsterdam and Paris). Milton, John. Paradise Lost. 1667. Edited by Merritt Hughes. New York: Odyssey, 1957. Moll, Herman. Atlas Manuale: Or, A New Sett of Maps of All the Parts of the Earth. London, 1713. Phillips, Edward. The New World of Words: or, Universal En­glish Dictionary. Edited by John Kersey. 7th ed. London, 1720. Pufendorf, Samuel. Of the Law of Nature and Nations. Translated by Basil Kennett. Oxford, 1703. —­—­—. The Whole Duty of Man. Translated by Andrew Tooke. London, 1698. Rogers, Woodes. A Cruising Voyage Round the World: First to the South Seas, Thence to the East Indies, and Homewards by the Cape of Good Hope; Begun in 1708, and Finish’d in 1711. London: A. Bell and B. Lintot, 1712. Edited by Percy Adams and G. E. Manwaring. New York: Dover, 1970. Turner, Daniel. The Art of Surgery. 3rd ed. 2 vols. London, 1729. Wafer, Lionel. A New Voyage and Description of the Isthmus of Amer­i­ca. London, 1699. Wild, Robert. Dr. Wild’s ­Humble Thanks to His Majesties Gracious Declaration for Liberty of Conscience, March 15, 1672. London, 1672.

Works Consulted Dated a ­ fter 1731 Chambers, Ephraim. Cyclopaedia. 2 vols. London: Midwinter et al., 1738. Falconer, William. An Universal Dictionary of the Marine. London, 1780. Reprinted as Falconer’s Marine Dictionary. New York: August Kelley, 1970. Frank, Robert  G.,  Jr. “Thomas Willis and His Circle: Brain and Mind in Seventeenth-­ Century Medicine.” In The Languages of Psyche: Mind and Body in Enlightenment Thought, edited by G.  S. Rousseau, 107–146. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990. Hobbes, Thomas. Leviathan. Edited by A.  R. Waller. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1935. Hume, Robert. “The Value of Money in Eighteenth-­Century E ­ ngland: Incomes, Prices, Buying Power and Some Prob­lems in Cultural Economics.” Huntington Library Quarterly 77 (2015): 373–415. Hunter, J. Paul. Before Novels. New York: Norton, 1990. Huxley, Aldous. ­After Many a Summer Dies the Swan. New York: Harper, 1939. [Hydrographer of the Naval Chronicle], ed. Robinson Crusoe . . . ​A New Edition Revised and Corrected for the Advancement of Nautical Education. London: Joseph Mawman, 1815. Luyendijk-­Elshout, Antonie. “Of Masks and Mills: The Enlightened Doctor and His Frightened Patient.” In The Languages of Psyche: Mind and Body in Enlightenment Thought, edited by G.  S. Rousseau, 186–230. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990. Massie, Robert. Peter the ­Great: His Life and World. New York: Knopf, 1980. Mintz, Sidney. Sweetness and Power. Harmonds­worth, UK: Penguin, 1986. Novak, Maximillian. Daniel Defoe: Master of Fictions. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.

Selected Bibliogr aph y

417

—­—­—. Defoe and the Nature of Man. Oxford: Clarendon, 1963. —­—­—. “Robinson Crusoe’s Song on the ‘Country Life’ and Defoe’s Knowledge of M ­ usic.” Notes and Queries 237 (1992): 40–42. Parker, George, 2nd Earl of Macclesfield. The Earl of Macclesfield’s Speech in the House of Peers . . . ​At the Second Reading of the Bill for Regulating the Commencement of the Year. London, 1751. Robinson Crusoe Examin’d and Criticis’d. Ed. Paul Dottin (London: Dent, 1923). Schwartz, Stuart. Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550–1835. Cambridge Latin American Studies 52. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. Sill, Geoffrey. The Cure of the Passions and the Origins of the En­glish Novel. Cambridge: ­Cambridge University Press, 2001. Starr, G. A. Defoe and Casuistry. Prince­ton, NJ: Prince­ton University Press, 1971. Strahlenberg, Philip John von. An Historico-­Geographical Description of the North and Eastern Parts of Eu­rope and Asia; . . . ​Particularly Rus­sia, Siberia, and G ­ rand Tartary. London, 1738. ­ ngland in the Sixteenth and SevenTilley, Morris Palmer. A Dictionary of the Proverbs in E teenth Centuries: A Collection of the Proverbs Found in En­glish Lit­er­a­ture and the Dictionaries of the Period. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1950.

About the Editors

Maximillian E. Novak is Distinguished Research Professor of En­glish at the University of California, Los Angeles. He has published widely on seventeenth-­and eighteenth-­century lit­er­a­ture, has edited a number of volumes in the “California Dryden,” has written five books on Daniel Defoe, and is a general editor of the Stoke Newington Edition of the Writings of Daniel Defoe. Irving N. Rothman, who passed away in April 2019, was a professor of En­glish at the University of Houston, where he had taught since 1967. He was one of the general editors of the Stoke Newington Edition of the Writings of Daniel Defoe and edited or coedited three volumes, including The Po­liti­cal History of the Dev­il and two volumes of The ­Family Instructor. Manuel Schonhorn, who passed away in April 2021, was a professor of En­glish emeritus at Southern Illinois University. His books include “Defoe’s” General History of the Pirates and Defoe’s Politics: Parliament, Power, Kingship and “Robinson Crusoe.” He has published articles on Defoe, Pope, Fielding, Sterne, Austen, Twain, and Hemingway, has been the recipient of several fellowships and awards, including the Clark Library–­UCLA Fellow, Huntington Library Fellow, and Newberry Library–­British Acad­emy Exchange Fellow, and was a member of the Columbia University Seminar in Eighteenth-­Century Eu­ro­pean Culture.

419

Index

Abbeele, Georges Van Den, 149 Account passim, 94, 109, 162, 198 Accusers, 42, 181 Achinstein, Sharon, 100 Adolphus, Gustavus, xxxii, 101, 206, 207 Adultery, 105, 106, 114, 124, 259, 340 Affair(s), 12, 16, 42, 57, 80, 165, 201, 203, 213, 214, 220, 240, 246 Affection, 24, 38, 68, 116, 128, 130, 148, 200, 245, 250 Agriculture, 11, 35 Alberoni, Cardinal Julio, 72, 121 Allusion, 7, 13, 26, 41, 62, 150, 209, 225 Amandiveratskoy, 230 Ammunition, 61, 63, 74, 75, 80, 184, 194, 367 Anghera, Peter Martyr, 65, 148 Animals: Buffaloes / Buffeloes, 248; Camel(s), 214, 221, 222–224, 235, 252–253, 256; ­Cattle, xviii, 13, 47–49, 55–57, 61, 70, 77, 85, 227; Cow(s), xviii, 11, 18, 65, 140, 147; Dog, 37, 42, 46, 48, 57, 126, 154, 160, 204, 211; Dragon, 207, 209; Drones, 14, 169; Fish, xxx, 21, 41, 64, 70, 102, 183, 216, 247, 262, 264; Goat Kids, 45, 61; Hogs, 18, 33–34, 92, 140, 147, 186; Horse(s), 11, 205, 208, 211, 214–215, 218, 221, 227, 229, 235, 238, 247, 251–252, 254–256; Hound, 160, 211, 228; Milch Goat, 300; Ox / Oxen, xviii, 65, 248; Pack-­Horse, 211, 235; Parrot(s), 42; Prey, 74, 187, 219, 255; Rain-­Deer / Rain Deer, xxx, 211, 218, 240–241; Rozinante, 209, 210; Sea Fowls / Sea-­Fowls, 92, 331; Sheep, 11, 91, 140, 218, 228–229, 231, 272, 274; stallion, 147; Steed, 70, 317; Stone-­Horse, 147, 221, 366, 405; Tortoise(s), 42; Wolves, xvii, 85, 186 Animal spirits, 23, 94, 194

Apartment (Appartment), 18, 51, 57, 62, 88–89, 113, 157, 213, 242, 250, 251, 269, 283 Apparitions, 8–9, 39, 265, 415 Appetite, 139 Apoplexy, 32, 294 Arabs, 214 Arber, Edward, 50, 92, 140 Architecture, xxviii, 11 Arms (Fire-­Arms), 17, 38, 41, 45, 48, 49, 51, 55, 59, 61, 63–64, 74, 79, 81–82, 93, 96, 98–99, 108, 132, 147, 153, 157, 161, 178, 184, 194–195, 205–206, 233, 254 Army / Armies, xvii, xxiv, xxv, 53–54, 57, 65, 74, 79–80, 81–83, 93, 141, 153, 156, 204–207, 217–218, 227, 236, 244, 257, 258 Arrow(s), xviii, 55, 64, 78, 80–82, 85, 93, 97, 142–143, 152–153, 219, 221, 223, 229, 231, 236, 253–254 Articles of Surrender, 133 Artillery, 179, 206, 218 Ashkenazic Jews, 582 Asiento Treaty, 202 Astonishment, 41, 130, 159, 229 Atkins, ­Will. / William / W. A. / Wm., xvi, xviii, xix, xxiii, 9, 46–47, 59–60, 80–82, 84–85, 88–89, 95, 97–99, 113, 115–119, 121–127, 129–130, 132–136, 149, 198 Atlas Chiniensis, 187 Atlas Manuale: Or, A New Set of Maps of All the Parts of the Earth, Moll, Herman, 19, 21, 30, 102, 151, 163, 166, 168, 175, 209, 213, 220, 257, 416 Atlas Maritimus & Commercialis, Seller, John, xx, 17 Aurangzeb, Muhammad, 168 Austen, Jane, 40, 118 Austrian-­Hungarian Empire, 258

421

422 I n d e x Authority, xvii, 15, 58, 149, 165, 174, 196, 245, 267, 270 Avery, Captain John, 167, 220 Backscheider, Paula R., 199 Bacon, Francis, 143 Bagnios, 242 Ball, 41, 75, 80, 83, 179, 254 Bankruptcy, 14 Baptiz’d / Baptism, 114, 116, 130 Barbarian(s), xxix, 35, 39, 109, 120, 136, 163, 194, 218, 255, 296, 377 Bargain, 37, 126, 146, 175, 287, 301 Barns, 89 Barricado, 153, 254–255 Barthes, Roland, 89 Batchelor, 112, 345 Bate, John, 77 Battestin, Martin, 117 ­Battle(s), xvii, xxi, xxviii, 29, 45, 53–55, 68, 72, 79, 83, 93, 103, 144, 146, 153, 176, 184, 205–207, 211, 223–224, 258, 306, 325, 370 ­Battle Array, 153, 370 Baxter, Richard, 130 Baxter, Stephen, 205 Bay of Tonquin, xxxi, 182–183, 187, 387 Bayonet, 155, 157, 373 Beard, 210 Bedford, 11 Bedlam, 24, 138, 290, 361 Beeckman, Daniel, Voyage to Borneo, 173 Bees, 88, 92, 207, 267, 328 Begars / Beggars, xxviii, 209 Be­hav­ior, xviii, 26, 66, 80, 143, 199, 201; normative, xviii Bell, James, 124 Benedictine, 120 Bernard, Henri, 207 Bernheimer, Richard, 94 Bible: Abel, 62; Achan, 103–104; Acts: 9:1–18, 119; Adam, 66, 148; Brethren, 41; Christ, 105, 108, 110–111, 114–121, 123, 127, 129, 130, 134, 198, 217, 262; 1 Chronicles 11:1, 56, 188; Colossians 2.12, 116; David, 56, 70; Deuteronomy, 38, 105, 128; Deuteronomy 5:16, 38; Dictionary of the Bible, 116, 136; Dream(s), xiv, 9, 41, 137, 244, 361; Ecclesiastes 1:8, 171; Ephesians 5:23–32, 105; Eve, 59; Exod. 20:12, 38; Exod. 20:3–5, 229; Ezekiel 38:2–3, 15–16, 18; Ezekiel 39:11, 277; the Fall, 66; Fifth Commandment, 38; Genesis 4:2–17, 62; Genesis 28:12, 610; Genesis 37:2–50, 41; Genesis 49:7, 160; Gog, 227, 407; Israel, 41, 56, 70, 103–104, 227, 338; Jacob, 160; Jesus Christ, 115, 117–118, 120, 127, 129, 134, 165, 225, 351, 355; John 6:51, 94; Joseph, 41;

Joshua, 96, 384, 580, 581; Joshua 6:18, 7:1–26, 103–104; Last Supper, 94; Levi, 160; Luke 13:2–53, 165; Luke 24:1–53, 116; Magog, 227; Manger, 42; Matthew 6:11, 26:26, 13, 58, 94, 189; Meshech, 227; Pharoah, 41; Proverbs 7:23, 123; Proverbs 10:4, 69; Proverbs 12:11, 122; Proverbs 22:3, 58; Proverbs 24:30–31, 70; Proverbs 29:24, 194; Prudence, 12, 54, 57–58, 84, 181; Resurrection, 108, 116; Revelations, 20–21, 116; Revelations 20:8, 227; Romans 6:2, 116, 218, 227; 2 Samuel 5:2, 56; Saul of Tarsus, 119; Shechem, 160; Simeon, 160; Solomon, 70, 122, 171; St. Paul, 89, 105, 119–120, 263; 2 Thessalonians 2:11–2, 225; Tubal, 227; Vineyard, 69, 70 Bibliothèque Ancienne et Moderne, 110 Bilboa, 14 Bishop of Bangor, 111 Black, Jeremy, 100, 120 Black Legend, 71 Blessing, 103–105, 108, 110, 136, 225, 259 Blood, xvii, 12, 23–24, 47–49, 52–53, 56, 62, 67, 71, 81–82, 138–139, 158–162, 186, 189, 191, 194, 196–197, 201, 222, 232, 246 Boatswain, 18, 154–155, 157, 160–163, 165–167, 170, 203 Boberg, Folke, Mongolian-­English Dictionary, 234 Bohun, Edmund, 14, 27–28, 35, 47, 102, 150, 165–166, 168, 172–175, 187, 198, 201–202, 220, 227, 239, 241, 415, 530, 540, 541, 546, 553, 554, 579, 602, 607, 608, 609, 613, 616, 621, 627, 629, 630, 631, 645, 648, 654, 656 Bon Veyajo, 63 Booty, 155, 197, 255 Boswell, James, 9, 124 Bouhours, Dominique, 109 Boulton, James T., xxxiii, 158, 205 Bourdieu, Pierre, 149 Bowen, Captain John, xxvm xxvi, 181 Bower, 47, 73, 77, 79, 85, 133 Bowerman, R. Michael, 415 Bow(s), xviii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, 21, 37, 55, 64, 78, 80, 85, 93, 110, 151, 161, 179, 219–220, 223, 225, 229, 231, 236, 253 Boyle, Robert, 8, 261 Brain(s), xviii, 4, 23, 32, 53, 55, 60, 67, 194, 222, 416 Brass Cannon, 17, 140, 194, 202 British Supremacy, 194 Britons, 99 Brooks, Graham, 157 Brown, Lancelot (Capability), 11 Brutes, 43, 46, 55, 306 Bülbring, Karl, 188

Index Bullets, 48, 65, 75–76, 80, 143, 153, 179, 219, 254, 320, 323, 385, 404 Bullock, 151, 197, 229 Bunyan, John, 197 Burke, Edmund, xxxiii, 30 Burnet, Gilbert, 117 Burning, ix, xvii, 19, 47, 156–157, 163, 233–234, 256 Burns, Sir Alan, 35 Burton, Robert, 12, 415 Business, 10–12, 17, 33, 41, 43, 52, 55, 68, 71, 84, 98, 101, 108–109, 113, 121, 132–133, 145, 150–151, 157, 163, 165, 168–169, 172, 174, 179, 185, 189–190, 192, 198–200, 203, 207, 236, 240, 252, 379, 400 Byng, Sir George, 72 Calendar 1693, 14, 78, 240, 251, 322; 1694–5, xxii, 15, 16, 28, 35, 72, 78, 140, 205, 212, 295, 322; 10 April 1695, came to my old Habitation, 35, 140, 295; 13 April, arrival of Muscovite frontier, xxix, 225, 268, 295; 20 August sail’d from Arch-­Angel, xxi, 257; 27 December 1694 Death of Queen Mary, xxii, 35; 5 February from Ireland, 18, 214; 20 February Flash of Fire, 18, 76; January 1694–5, Crusoe between 62 and 63 years, 16; 10 January 1705 arriv’d in London, xxii, 258; June, 248, 252, 258; 18 July at Arch-­Angel, xxi, 257; 19th March 1694–95 spy’d a Sail, 28; 20 May 1631 capture of Magdeburg, xvii, xxxiii, 158; May 1720 Memoirs of a Cavalier, xvii, 101, 158; 9 September 1689, exile of Prince Vasily, xxviii, 2 September 1752 became 14 September 1752 [Julien to Gregorian], 16, 214; 13 September 13 arriv’d in the Elbe, xxi, 257 Calendric, xxii Callot, Jacques, Callot’s Etchings, 209, 210 Calmness, 72 Camillus, 83 Caminha, Pedro Vaz de, 66 Camp, 30, 78, 103–104, 235, 238, 255–256, 376, 410 Campe, Joachim Heinrich, and Otto Albreccht, xxxii Cannibalism, xv, xviii, 29, 64, 94, 100, 138, 143 Cannibal(s), xvi, xvii, xviii, xx, xxvii, 22, 26, 35, 52, 56, 64, 92, 186, 196, 231, 331 Cannon, 80, 140, 143, 148, 223, 288 Canoe, 40–41, 53–55, 58, 63, 71, 73, 78, 79, 83–84, 87, 141–143, 297, 306 Captain Green, xxv, xxvi, 177, 181, 191 Captivity, xxxiii, 94 Caravan(s), 168, 212, 214, 221, 235, 238, 378, 406

423 Ca­rib­bean Vocabulary, 84 Caribbees, 35 Caricature, 38 Caron, François, 202 Car­ter, R., 89 Casas de la, Bartolomé, 71 ­Castle, xxii, 9, 45–46m, 73, 85, 238, 249, 318 Catholic, xix, 99–101, 105–109, 120–121, 129–130, 135, 196, 198, 199, 206, 225, 253, 336, 351–352, 356 Cavalry, 205 Cave, xiv, xxvii, 42, 48, 53, 55, 57, 62, 70, 73, 77, 79, 85, 99, 213, 239, 262, 265, 298, 302, 322 Céard, Jean, Folie et le Corps, La, 65 Cervantes, Miguel de, 209 Chambers Ephraim, 7–9, 23, 39, 41, 79, 89, 96, 170, 194 Cham-­Chi-­Thaungu, 234, 236, 280, 411 Chandler, David G., 81 Chapman, George, 35, 40, 265 Chappel, Chapel, 130, 265, 357 Charity, 46, 100, 120–121, 134, 275, 351, 352 Charles XII, xxv, xxxii, xxxiii, 206–207, 215, 258 Chase-­Guns, 179 Chen, Cindy, 211 Cherkassky, Prince M. Ia., 244, 248 Childs, John, 81 Chin, Frank, 186, 194, 416 China Wall, xxiii, 188–189, 216–217, 220–221, 223, 277, 278, 280–281, 416 Chin-­K iang or Ching-­K iang [City on the Yangtze River], 192, 200 Chivalry, 94 Cholick, 138, 139 Christian, xiv, xvii, xix, xxiii, xxv, 26, 38, 46, 56, 64, 67, 89–90, 94, 99–101, 104, 107–109, 112, 114–123, 126, 129–131, 133–136, 141, 187, 193, 197–202, 208, 225, 228, 234, 240, 245–247, 253, 262, 264, 275, 313, 342, 346, 407 Church, xix, 39, 100, 102, 104–110, 114, 120–121, 129–130, 135–136, 146, 225, 253, 261–262, 264–267, 280, 284, 351–352 Chymistry, 7 Chymists, 7 Circassian Hoords, 253 Clarke, W. K. Lowther, 109 Claude, Jean, 199 Clock, 9, 54, 137, 232, 239, 256, 361, 369 Clostershoven, Emanuel, 174 Clothes, 209, 290; Bonnet, 228–229, 231, 233; Cassock(s), 113–114; China Damask, 250, 251; Cotton, 210; Cow-­Skins, 228, 251; Embroidery, 209; Ermines, 251; fine Hollands, 146; Fox Skins, 251; Frock, 96; Furs, 242, 247–248, 251; Garments, 114, 209;

424 I n d e x Clothes (cont.) Glove(s), 17, 32, 264; Gown(s), 113–114, 231, 242; Hanging-sleeves, 209; Hat(s), 17, 71, 97, 111, 120, 228, 343; long coats, xxx; Pocket, 76, 134–135, 193, 212–213, 221, 359, 405; Pocket-­Book, 135, 193, 212–213, 359; Pumps, 51, 97; raw Silks, 188, 213–214, 390; Sable-­Hunters, 238, 253, 414; Sable Skins / Sables, 238, 251; Sheep-­Skin, 228–229, 231; Shoes, 17, 51, 97; Silk, 188, 210, 213–214, 250, 390; Stockings, 17, 97, 334; Surcoat, 209; Taffaty or Taffeta, 210; Taffaty Vest, 210; Tossels, 209 Club(s), 78, 81, 93 Coinage, 251 Cole, G.D.H., 11 Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, 270 Colie, Rosalie, L., 246 Collection of Several Relations & Treaties, A, 201, 265 Colley, Linda, 99 Collins, Anthony, 128 Collins, John, 104, 128 Colonies, xvi, 28–29, 69, 72, 88, 98, 148, 202, 235, 335 Colony, xvii, xviii, xix, xxi, xxvii, 8, 15–18, 27–28, 30, 46, 55, 66, 68, 70, 71, 80, 84, 87, 90, 99, 101–103, 106, 111, 133, 137, 146, 232, 253, 338 Color, 114 Columbus, Christopher, 148 Combustibles, 157, 232 Combustion, 139, 277 Comedia del’arte, 638 Commerce, xx, xxv, xxviii, xxxii, xxxiv, xl, xli, 11, 35, 144, 152, 164, 171, 172, 180, 188, 195, 196, 204, 207, 216, 228, 240, 252, 369, 380, 400, 439, 459, 495, 527, 546, 622 Commodity, 36, 80, 170, 251 Compass, 21, 29, 34, 83, 131, 139, 151, 201, 239, 368 Compassion, xvii, 29, 34, 38, 45, 47, 58–59, 73, 76, 83, 133, 156, 231, 296, 299, 301 Comte, Louis Le, xxiv, xxv, xxxii, xxxiii, 135, 183, 198, 205, 207, 208, 211 Concentration camps, 30 Confession, xxxviii, 113, 114, 590 Confinement, 250 Confusion, 14, 15, 107, 124, 139, 159, 172, 189, 205, 212, 220, 243, 276, 341, 374, 882 Congregationalist, 104 Conqueror, 39, 54, 246 Conscience, 22, 110–112, 116, 122–123, 129–130, 136, 146, 416 Contract, 11, 27, 44, 59, 105–107, 110, 169, 214, 266

Conversation, xxiv, 8, 100–101, 119, 134, 139, 198–199, 247, 336, 359 Converse, 9, 51, 61, 100–101, 152, 199 Conversion(s), xvii, xix, xxiii, xvii, 103, 119–120, 126, 131, 198, 355, 396 Cooke, Edward, 170 Cooper, Anthony Ashley, 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury, 58, 110 Coromandel, 28, 151, 368, 377 Corpse, xviii, 24, 32 Council, 60, 156, 198, 215, 217, 240, 310, 372 Counsellor, 13, 84, 149, 325 Countenance, 36, 66, 83, 97, 102, 160, 239, 246, 249 Counter-­Reformation, 101 Country-­Seat, 200, 210, 401 Courage, xxix, 25, 32, 42, 72, 108, 140, 146, 178, 182, 196, 200, 214, 220, 224, 229, 254, 276, 321, 325, 366 Cox, Nicholas, 74 Coxinia / Coxinga, 187 Cracraft, James, 258 Creek, 36, 37, 50, 54, 57, 99, 133, 192, 295, 303, 307, 335 Criminal(s), 240, 243, 411 ­Cromwell, Oliver, 158, 374 Cross, F. L, 136 Crowd, xiv, 45, 68, 179, 180, 206, 218–219, 236, 300, 316, 385, 410 Cruelty, 26, 56, 59, 62, 71, 72, 167, 197, 201, 312, 318, 395 Cry/ cry’d, 36, 63, 68, 84, 90, 135, 138, 139, 141–142, 153, 159, 166, 184, 228–229, 232, 295, 373, 378 Cuirassiers, 205 Cultivating, 11, 286 Cutlass / Cutlash, 17, 59, 155, 288, 308, 312 Cutler, Nathaniel, 166 Czar, 206–207, 225, 227, 230, 234–235, 238, 244–246, 248, 399, 412 Dampier, William, xiii, 58, 91, 94, 144, 170, 174–176, 178, 200–202, 225, 415 Davenant, William, 71 Davies, John, 35, 242 Davies, Peter, 11, 415 Davis, Herbert, 202 Dearing, Vinton, 49, 172 Death, xv, xx, xxi, xxii xxv, xxxi, 26, 29, 33, 35, 60, 72, 76, 86–87, 98, 103, 116–117, 128–129, 136, 139, 143, 159–160, 171, 176, 181, 190, 192, 194, 195, 197–199, 226–227, 233, 240, 243, 244, 247, 264, 266, 269, 294, 374, 394 Defence, xxxi, xxxiv, 49, 63, 95, 161, 177–178, 186, 191, 195, 225, 230–231, 238, 332, 394 Defoe, Daniel: Appeal to Honour and Justice, An, 35, 72; Captain Singleton, xvii, xxi;

Index Col­o­nel Jack, 48, 69, 205; Compleat En­glish Gentleman, 188; Compleat En­glish Tradesman, 69, 172; Consolidator, The, xxv, 206, 212; Continuation of a Turkish Spy, 549; Double Welcome, The, 259; Essay on the History and Real­ity of Apparitions, An, 415; Essay upon Proj­ects, An, 46, 178; ­Family Instructor, The. Vol. 1. 1715, 56, 134, 415; Farther Adventures, The, Second Edition, xiii, xv, 257, 258, 266, 279, 524, 610; General History of the Pyrates, A, xxxiii, 11, 19; Histoire de Sudmer ou Robinson Crusoé, xxxii; History and Remarkable Life of the Truly Honourable Col. Jacque Commonly Call’d Col­on ­ el Jack, 205; History of the Union of ­Great Britain, 177; History of the Wars, of His Pre­sent Majesty Charles XII. King of Sweden, The, xxxiii, 207; History of the Wars of His Late Majesty, xxxiii, 206; Impartial History of the Life and Actions of Peter Alexowitz, the Pre­sent Czar of Muscovy, An, 207; Journal of the Plague Year, 30, 89; Jure Divino, 59, 95, 97, 148; Just Complaint of the Poor Weavers, The, 210; Letters of Daniel Defoe, The, xxxii, xxxiii, 122, 148, 207; Life, Adventures and Pyracies of the Famous Captain Singleton, The, xxi; Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, The, xiii, xiv, xxxiii, 1, 3, 8, 12, 14, 22; Manufacturer, The, 210; Memoirs of a Cavalier, xvii, 101, 158–159, 205–206; Mere Nature Delineated, 58, 66, 94; Moll Flanders, 42, 146, 148; New Voyage Round the World, By a Course Never Sailed Before, A, xiii, xx, xxi, 58, 62, 144, 151, 155, 158, 169, 170, 176, 201, 271, 277, 415; Observations Made in ­England on the Trial of Captain Green, xxvi, xxxii, 205, 211, 242; Plan of the En­glish Commerce, A, xx; Po­liti­cal History of the Devil, The, 8, 108, 221, 415, 419; Protestant Monastery, The, 38, 89, 120; Review of the Affairs of France, A, xxxii, 4, 415; Serious Reflections of Robinson Crusoe, xiv, 3, 10, 52, 89, 199, 245, 250, 415; Shakespeare Head Edition of the Writings of Daniel Defoe, The, 72; Some Considerations on the Reasonableness and Necessity of Encreasing and Encouraging the Seamen, 178; Stoke Newington Edition, xxiv, 3, 22, 269–270, 415, 419; System of Magick, 8, 415; True-­Born En­glishman, xxxiv, 22–23, 26, 38, 91, 415; True Collection of the Writings of the Author of the True-­born En­glishman, A. 2 vols., xxxiv, 23, 91, 415

425 Deity, 125, 234, 236, 239 Deliverance(s), xv, 22, 24–27, 40–41, 55, 59, 90, 94, 103, 183, 249–251, 255, 277, 290, 292, 309, 330, 332, 338 Delusion, xxxi, 111, 134, 135, 136, 225 Den of Thieves, xxxii, 140, 183, 220, 236, 254, 395 Descartes, René, 194–195 Devil, xiv, xxix, 8, 15, 92, 108, 115, 127, 155, 159, 166, 189, 221, 225–226, 228–231, 250, 263, 266, 342, 346, 391, 407, 415, 419 Dialogue, xix, 124, 127, 246, 269, 283 Digression(s), 38, 102 Disaster, xxiii, 10, 18, 26, 58, 71, 83, 93, 150, 163, 196, 204, 289, 308 Discourse, xxiv, xxxii, 8, 46, 50, 89, 90, 94–95, 101–103, 107, 109, 117, 118, 123, 129, 132, 267, 337 Dissenter(s), 110, 130, 134, 204 Don Quixotism, xxiii, 209 Dottin, Paul, 3, 415, 417 Dream(s), xiv, 9, 41, 137, 244, 361 Dr. Sangrado, 24 Drury, Robert, xxiv, xxvi, xxxii, xxxiii Dryden, John, 49, 100, 109, 172, 263 Dubos, Abbé Jean Baptiste, xv, 22, 30, 415 Dudley, Edward J., 94 Dutch, xxviii, xxxiii, 22, 150, 163, 165, 168, 170, 172–176, 178, 180–183, 185, 187, 189–192, 194–197, 202–204, 206, 230, 249, 258, 264, 383–384, 386–387, 392 Eclipse, 207, 268, 400 Edict of Nantes, 199 Education, 16, 94, 104, 122, 136, 208, 416 Elegy, 12 Emotions, xv, xvi, xxiii, 23, 36, 41, 195 Enclosure, 47, 52, 99 Engines of War, 78 En­glish East-­India Com­pany, xxxiii, 168, 170–171, 176–177, 187–188, 214, 230 En­glish Navy, xxvii, 80, 113, 204, 258 Estrée, Count d’, 91 Eumenides: Alecto, Megaera, Tisiphone, 49 Evelyn, John, 11, 266 Everard, Edmund, 201 Execution, xxviii, 82–83, 121, 157, 190, 195, 229–231, 243, 373, 408 Execution Dock, 190 Exile(d), xvi, xix, xxiii, xxv, xxviii, 100, 243, 251, 258 Explosives, 218 Exquemelin, Alexander O., 146, 202 Extreme / extremely, xvi, xviii, xxvii, xxviii, 19, 26, 29, 36, 37, 65, 88, 197, 228, 242, 257, 314, 326, 332

426 I n d e x Facial Expressions, xv, xvi, 22 Falconer, William, 17, 34, 416 ­Family, xiv, xxiv, 8, 11, 13, 16, 43, 49–50, 56, 59, 66, 72, 88, 90, 97, 98, 100, 103, 107, 124, 134, 148, 213, 215, 244, 251, 254, 258, 267, 286, 335, 403, 415, 419; Benjamin Norton, 122; ­Brother, 15, 41, 62, 124; Child/ ­Children, 4, 10, 15–16, 19, 32, 38, 63, 70, 81, 89, 90, 99, 103, 105–106, 112–113, 122, 124–125, 135–138, 147, 158, 161–162, 189, 213, 229–231, 245, 251, 329, 338, 340, 345, 374; Daniel Norton, 122, 199, 416; D ­ aughter(s), 124, 146–147; Families, 89, 99, 124, 133, 136, 156, 178, 183, 354; F ­ ather, xvi, xvii, xxii, xxiv, xxv, xxxviii, 7–9, 12–13, 15, 22–23, 33, 36–38, 40–42, 53, 56, 66–68, 77, 79, 91, 94, 97, 112, 117, 122–124, 126, 130, 132–133, 136, 148–149, 160, 192, 198–199, 208–209, 211, 240, 251, 258, 267, 305, 321, 334, 353, 360, 367; Husband, 70, 82, 90, 97, 105, 106, 129–130, 132, 135, 207–208, 265, 267, 325, 330, 340, 400; Kinsman, 212, 401; Maid Susan, 132; Married, 89–90, 99, 107, 112–113, 130–132, 245, 330, 336, 341, 345, 346, 357, 358; Mistress, xv, 32–33, 136–140, 154; ­Mother, xv, 9, 12, 16–17, 29, 31–33, 38, 49, 89–90, 98, 124, 131, 137, 139–140, 153, 157, 211, 234, 265, 293, 294, 354, 373; Native wife, xix, xxiii, 67, 105, 113, 124, 146; Nephew, xiv, xxviii, 14–17, 25–26, 30, 34, 110, 140–141, 151, 153, 157–158, 161–162, 166–169, 201, 212, 291, 368, 370; offspring, xviii; religious young ­Woman, 98, 123, 129, 132, 134; ­Sister, 124, 160, 354; W. Atkins’s Wife, 99, 113, 115–119, 121, 123–127; ­Widow, 15–16, 34, 89, 99, 112, 134, 172, 359; Widower, 112; Wife / Wives, xix, xxii, xxiii, xxvii, 10, 12–13, 15, 67–68, 89, 99, 105, 112–113, 115–119, 121, 123–128, 130, 132, 134–135, 146–147, 198, 216, 251, 315, 330, 346, 347, 349, 352, 356, 366; young Lad, 33, 37, 63, 99, 131, 136, 201–202, 229, 251 Farm/ Farmers, xvii, xxii, 11, 13, 132, 147, 286 Farquhar, George, 25, 415 Fate, 18, 76, 80, 145, 155, 157, 176, 180, 262, 314 ­Father Simon, xxviii, 22, 198–199, 208–209, 211, 396 Fausett, David, 87 Fear, xv, xviii, xxiii, xxvi, 8, 22, 28, 53–55, 58–59, 66, 76–77, 79, 81, 83–85, 90, 99, 119, 126, 141, 146, 161, 180, 185, 187, 189, 194–196, 207, 244, 250, 252, 306, 308, 324–326, 350, 366, 375, 394, 412 Fence, 50, 61, 69–70, 73, 85, 87, 142, 254 Fielding, Henry, 116 Fifty Guns, 151 Filmer, Sir Robert, 97, 148

Finch, Ann, Countess of Winchelsea, 11 Fire, ix, xv, 9, 16, 18–21, 26, 28, 45, 47–49, 52, 53, 59, 63, 73, 75–76, 80, 82, 84, 88, 93–94, 110, 119, 141–142, 145, 152–153, 155–161, 178–179, 185–186, 201, 205–206, 232–233, 236, 242–243, 254–256, 275, 277, 278–279, 281, 289, 299, 302, 304, 308, 320, 323, 376, 385, 409, 412 Fire-­lock, 59, 80 Fishing, 41, 102, 297 Five Nation, 144, 230 Flag of Truce, 37–38, 179, 253 Flavell, John, 103 Fleet, 78, 91, 141, 187, 204, 280, 284 Flintlocks, 255 Folklore, 82, 185 Food and drink: Aqua-­v itae, 24, 232, 248; Arrack, 170; Barley, 61, 85; Beef, 31, 33, 55, 96, 248, 294, 413; Brandy, 96, 170, 232, 248; Bread, xxix, 13, 17, 19, 29, 31–32, 41, 42, 44, 50, 63, 86–87, 92, 94, 138, 186, 213, 237, 239, 299; Broth / Broath, 30–32, 293; Cloves, 172–173, 175, 202, 214, 251, 381, 398; Cordial, 24, 94; Corn, 11, 13, 16, 42–45, 47–48, 50, 56–57, 59, 61–62, 69, 70, 73, 77, 85–89, 102, 107, 138, 148, 206, 207, 228, 245, 264, 272–273, 308, 310–311; Deer, xxx, 79, 211, 218, 240–241, 247; Fish, xxx, 21, 41, 64, 70, 102, 183, 216, 247, 262, 264, 297, 313, 317; Flowr / Flour, 33, 69, 94, 106, 114, 140, 294; Forage, 215, 233, 402, 409; Garlick, 211; Ginger, 211; Goat’s Flesh, 50, 63; Grapes, 42, 63, 69, 85, 89; lime juice, 96; manioc root, 92; Meat, 29–32, 96, 145, 210, 293, 334, 365; Meat boil’d, 31; Men’s Flesh, 72, 92; Milk, 44, 87, 89–90, 152–153, 228; Milk Pap, 228; Mustard, 211, 401; mustard greens, 211; Mutton, 55, 211, 218, 220, 248, 275; Nutmeg(s), 173, 214, 251; Opium, 170, 188, 194, 200, 394; Oxen, xviii, 65, 248; Parrot(s), 42; Pearl Muscles, 36; Peas, 33, 43; Pork, 33, 96; Provisions, xxix, 9, 16, 18, 21, 27–29, 41, 50, 61, 63, 86, 91, 102, 137, 145, 151–152, 183, 187, 193, 208, 238–239, 242, 271, 273–274, 292–293, 297, 311, 327, 360; Rhubarb, 173; Rice, 44, 61, 85–86, 88, 148, 175, 186, 197; Roots, 41, 64, 92, 152–153, 186, 193, 313; Rum, 29, 33, 96; Salt, 36, 96, 102, 134, 151, 206, 334, 369; Sauce, 48; Soup, 44; Spice, 168, 172–173, 183, 202, 211, 387, 398; Spirit(s), 8, 9, 22–24, 51–52, 54, 94, 108, 137, 194, 234, 246, 249, 266; Succads, 29, 293; Sugar, xviii, xxiv, 26, 28, 33–34, 38, 131, 132, 137–138, 141, 147; Sugar Canes, 147, 366; Sweet-­meats, 29, 145, 293, 365; Tea, xxii; Tortoises, 42; Turtles / Turtles Eggs, 50, 70; ­Water, xxix, xxx, 19, 21, 29, 37, 63,

Index 91, 96, 99, 130, 137–139, 151–152, 175, 177, 180, 187, 190, 193, 220, 238–239, 241, 248, 254, 262, 335, 369, 386; Wine, 38, 69, 76, 96, 100, 137, 145, 170, 232, 248, 320 Fool, 60, 95, 98, 141, 185, 191, 209, 221, 230, 247, 311, 333, 405 Footprint, xx, xxvii, 52 Fore-­k nowledge, 33, 304 Forster, E. M., xxvii Forsyth, James, 232, 236, 253 Fortification, xxiii, 38, 57, 205–206, 217–218, 223, 227, 296 Fowling-­Peices / Fowling-­Pieces, 79, 322 Foxley, Barbara, 104 Francis, Lord Willoughby, 148 Frank, Robert, 23, 416 Fraser, Antonia, 158 Freedom, xviii, 45, 106–107, 203, 250, 340 Freighters, 291 French, xxiii, xxiv, xxviii, 19, 22, 24–28, 36, 54, 59, 63, 72, 89, 91, 96, 99, 100–102, 104–108, 111, 113–114, 119, 130, 151, 165, 169, 198, 204–206, 212, 218, 253, 259, 292, 334, 338, 345, 396, 399 French privateers, 206, 258 Friday, xvi, xvii, xix, xx, xxi, xxii, 9, 15–16, 22–23, 36–38, 40–42, 53, 56, 66–68, 77, 79, 82, 86, 93–94, 98, 111–112, 125, 127, 133, 142–145, 149, 305, 327, 365 Friedman, Arthur, 38 Friendship, 95, 96, 151, 249, 333 Fright, xxvii, xxix, 9, 15, 23, 42, 55–56, 64, 68, 72, 74–77, 80, 83, 85, 143, 152, 157, 159, 161, 164, 184, 185, 189, 201, 207, 220, 228, 229, 233, 238, 253, 321, 389, 416 Frog-­Belt, 58, 308 Frolick, 38, 62 Frost, William, 49 Fryer, John, and William Crooke, 151, 168, 170, 415 Fulda, Daniel, and Walter Pape, 65 Full pike [13–14 feet], 197 Furbank, P. N. and W. R. Owens, 177, 207 Fury, xviii, 55, 143, 157, 159, 195, 254, 306, 364 Fusils, 152, 369 ­Future State, 14, 108, 116, 129, 149, 246, 250 Fuze, Fuzee, 17, 80, 152, 155, 220, 233, 322, 369, 371, 404 Gain, 8, 52, 164, 188, 211, 380 Gallagher, Louis, 189 Garcilaso de la Vega, 124 Gardening, 11, 262 Garrison, 223–224, 226–228, 234, 236, 238–239, 248, 252 Gayety, 8

427 Generous, xxxiii, 27, 46, 59, 72, 83, 86, 120, 145, 201, 213, 251, 309, 327, 365 Gengis Khan, 234 Gentleman, 11, 31, 37–38, 43, 46, 57, 74, 80, 86, 101, 113, 115 Gentleman’s Dictionary, 142, 161, 166, 178–180, 184, 188, 197, 209, 210, 218, 254, 265, 415 Geography, xx, xxi, xxxii, 3, 146, 170, 261; Accapulco / Acapulco, 202, 398; Achin / Achem, 168; Adinskoy / Udinskoy, 238; Africa, xxi, xxxii, 15, 29, 56, 102, 144, 150; Agra, 174; Aleppo, 168; Alexandretta / Usjebdery, 168; Amboyna, 172, 195, 196; Amer­i­ca, 21, 23, 28, 30, 35, 56, 59; Arabia, xxix, 163, 165, 168, 214, 220, 377; Arch-­ Angel /Archangel, xxv, xxviii, 241, 243, 256, 257; Asia, 220, 239–240, 248, 251–253, 417; Astracan, 213; Austria, 121, 239, 258; Azores, 102; Bahama Islands, 29, 140; Bangladesh, 165; Barbadoes, 28, 33, 137, 294, 361; Basora / Balsera / Balsara / al Basrah, 168, 378; Batavia / Battavia, 173, 274, 381, 386; Beijing / Pecking, 188, 199; Bengale / Bengal / Bengala, 163, 165, 168, 174, 181, 194, 203, 213, 377, 378, 380, 381, 382, 386, 392, 394, 398, 402; Bermuda, 44; Bilboa, 14; Blenheim, 259; Bombay, 163; Borneo, 173, 174; Brasil / Brazil / Brasils, 13, 14, 26, 27, 35, 64–65, 79, 82, 99, 140–141, 143, 150, 199, 262, 266, 287, 291; Bristol, 28, 34, 295; Brunei, 173; Cambodia, ix, xxix, 175–177, 190, 193, 195, 203, 277–279, 281; Canada, 19, 27, 102, 226, 292, 338; Canaries, 29; Can Tho (Vietnam), 175–176; Canton, 188, 204; Caribbees / Carribees, 35; Carolina, 30; Cathay, 220; Ceylon, 173; Chester, 227; Cheuxan, 170; Chittagong, 166; Cluny, 120; Cochin China / Cochinchina, 175, 182, 183, 185, 387, 388; Colombo, 173; Coromandel, 28, 151, 368, 377; Dantzick, 241; Delhi, 168, 174; Desertum Mungalicum, 220; Downs, 16; Drogheda, 158; Dunkirk, 206; East India, ix, xxii, xxiv, xxv, xxix, xxxiii, 28, 35, 71, 84, 111, 124, 133, 151, 163, 165, 168, 169, 277–279, 281, 327–328, 344, 415; East-­ Indies, 11, 14–15, 17, 26–28, 35, 98, 100, 102, 109, 148, 151, 191, 196, 287–288, 291–292, 336, 343–344, 416; Edinburgh, 22, 116, 158, 199, 212; ­England, xvii, xxii, xxiii, xxv, xxvi, xxviii, xxxii, 7, 21, 35, 88, 98, 104, 125, 134, 139, 141, 158, 160–163, 170, 184, 193–195, 198, 200–204, 230, 231, 238, 246, 248, 249, 252, 255, 267, 358, 380, 397, 416–417; Estonia, 207, 215, 241; Eu­rope, xvii, xviii, xxiii, xxix, xxv, xxvi, xxvii,

428 I n d e x Geography (cont.) xxviii, xxxi, xxxiii, 23, 27–28, 52, 55–56, 64, 75, 98, 168, 175, 179, 180, 184, 193, 195, 196, 199, 202, 228, 229, 231, 240, 252, 256–258, 265, 341, 417, 419; Fial, 102; Finland, 207, 241; Flanders, 42, 146, 148, 205; Florida, 19, 35; Formosa, 187, 390; Fredrikshald, 206; Galway, 18; Gdansk / Dantzick, 241; Genoa, 198; Germany, 158, 239, 241, 257; Gobi Desert, 220; Goldsmith’s Hall, 259; ­Grand Tartary, 209, 220, 417; ­Great Britain, xvi, xx, xxv, xxvi, 11, 21, 36, 72, 80, 177, 194, 202, 206, 228, 257; ­Great Wall, xxiii, 188, 217; Greece, 212; Grenada, 54; Guinea, 18, 288; Hadrian’s Wall, 218; Hague, The, xxii, 258; Hamburg / Hamburgh, xxii, 241, 257–258, 412; Harwich, 258; Holland, xv, 144, 146, 199, 202, 204, 241, 365; Holstein, 346; Hong Kong, 182; India, ix, xxii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, xxix, xxxiii, 28, 35, 58, 67, 71, 75, 77, 80–81, 84–87, 109, 164, 279, 327, 344; Indonesia, xxiv, 172, 173; Inner Mongolia / Nei Monggo, 188; Iraq, 168; Ireland, 18, 158, 265, 288, 374; Isle of May, 102; Italy, 120, 121, 168, 198, 267, 352; Ithaca, xxi, 107; Jakarta, 173; Jamaica, 202, 398; Janezay, 239, 240, 411; Japan, xxviii, 193, 197, 200–202, 213, 217, 250–251, 396–397; Jarawena, 235, 411; Java, Island, 173; Jenizeskoy, 234; Jereslaf / Yaroslavi, 241; Kazakhstan, 253; Kermazinskoy, 414; Kotlas, 241; Latvia, 215; Lawrenskoy / Iarensk / Iarenski, xxi, 257, 271, 273–274; Leicestershire, 216; Leith, xxv; Lesser Antilles, 27, 35, 101, 137; Lincolnshire, 216; Lisbon, 11, 94, 128, 141, 143, 337; London, xx, xxii xxv, xxxi, xxxii, xxxiii, xxiv, 1, 3, 7, 11, 13, 14, 16, 19, 125, 141, 191, 195, 239, 245, 246, 249, 253, 254, 284, 396, 415, 417; Madagascar, ix, xxvii, xx, xxii, xxiii, xxvi, xxvii, 151, 158, 163–165, 167, 181, 231, 277–279, 281; Maderas / Madeiras, 102, 337; Magdeburg, xvii, 158, 159, 181; Malabar Coast, xxv, 156; Manilla, 165, 193; Martinico / Martinique, 22, 94; Mary­ land, 146; Mezen, 243; Mindinao, 172; Molucca Islands / Malaku / Moluccas / Malucos, 172; Monte Cassino, 120; Morocco, 102; Mumbai (Bombay), 163; Muscat, 214; Muscovy, xiv, xxviii, xxxiii, 206, 207, 212, 214, 225, 228, 231, 232, 235, 236, 240, 252; Muscow, xxv, xxviii, xxxiii, 201, 203, 206, 207, 230, 234–236, 241, 243, 245, 246, 251, 257, 416; Namur, 205; Nanjing / Nanking / Chin-­K iang / Ching-­K iang / Chiengan, 188, 192, 200;

Nanquin, 188–191, 193, 197, 198, 202, 214; Narva, xxv, 207, 241, 258; Naum, 221–224; Navarre, 114; Nertsinskay. Nortziuskoy / Nerzinskoy / Nershinsk, 230, 234; Newfound-­Land, 102, 289, 292, 337; Ningpo / Ningbo, 188; Northern India, 168; North­umberland, 218; Norway, 206; Nottinghamshire, 216; Nova Zembla, 231; Nursia, 120; Oronooque Islands, 28, 546; Ozomoys, 35, 262; Peking, ix, 199, 200, 208, 271, 273, 275, 278, 280–281, 390, 402; Persia, xxix, 109, 151, 163, 168, 169–171, 173–174, 212, 214, 226; Persian Gulph, 163, 168, 173; Philippine Islands, 172, 200–201; Phnom Penh, 175; Pim Yam, 208; Plodbische, 235; Plothus, 235; Poland, xi, 24; Pole, 214, 244; Poltava, 207, 215, 258; Pondicherry, 151; Porto Bello / Porte Belo / Portobello, 202, 398; Portugal, xxxiii, 14, 15, 18, 25, 145, 147, 172, 213–215; Pustozersk, 243; Qatar, 163; Quebeck / Quebec, 19, 102, 338; Quinchang / Jiangyin, 192, 193, 393; Ridge of Islands, 28; Riga, 215; Rus­sia, xxxi, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxvii, xlii, 206–207, 223, 229, 258, 411, 417; Salé, xxxii, 14, 26, 41, 147, 174; Scandaroon / Scanderoon, 378; Scotland, xxiv, xxvi, 72, 106, 122, 181, 215, 261, 264–265; Shanghai, 170; Siam, 90, 170, 175, 183, 189, 202, 382; Siberia, xvii, xix, xx, xxi, xxv, xxvii, xxix, xxxi, xxxii, xxxiv, 209, 230, 235, 240, 241–243, 248, 253, 283, 414, 417; Siheilka, 236, 238; Solikamsk / Solikamiskoy / Solikumaski, 252; Songjiang, 170; South Amer­i­ca, 28, 35, 72, 82, 87, 124, 145, 226, 253, 416; South Seas, 192; Spain, 60, 112, 195, 362, 410; Spice Islands, 165; Sri Lanka, 173; St. Christopher, 27, 148; St. Kitts, 27; St. Lucia, 27; St. Malo, 101; St. Petersburg, 248, 257, 258; St. Vincent, 109; Sumatra, 162, 163, 167, 181; Sumkiam, 170; Suratte / Surat, 174, 377, 378; Suskan, 170, 380; Sweden, xxv, xxxiii, 101, 172, 207, 215, 258, 266, 400; Taiwan, 187; Tartary, 47, 209, 220, 227, 238, 253, 414, 417; Thailand, 170; Thorn / Toruń, 19, 70, 101; Tobago, 35, 91–92; Tobolski / Tobol’sk, xxi, 240, 242, 255, 257, 412; Tonquin, xxx, xxxi, 182, 183, 187, 203, 213, 387, 398, 402; Tortuga, 35–36, 91; Trinidad, 35, 36, 92; Tumen / Tyumen, 252; Tungusi, 236; Turkey, 26; United Arab Emirates, 163; Ural Mountains, 225, 239, 252; Utrecht, 28, 72, 206; Veustima, 257; Vienna, 258; Vietnam, 175, 176, 182, 183; V ­ irginia, xxix, 30; Vychegda, 243; Wapping, 190; West Indies, xvi, 26–28, 34–35, 102, 137, 191, 202, 291, 292;

Index Worcester, xxv, xxvi, xxxiii, 177, 181, 191, 261; Yablonvyy mountain range, 226; York, 250, 251, 255; Zelandia, 187; Zhoushan, 170 George I, 121, 149, 170, 202, 244 Gerson, Jean, 234 Geser Khan, 234 Ghirardini, Giovanni Battista, xxxii, xxxiii, 204, 210, 211 Ghost(s), 8, 39, 265 Gilbert, Geoffrey Sir, 191 Gildon, Charles, xix, xxxvi, 3, 144, 415 Giles, Jacob, 44 Glanvius, W., 137 Globe and Commercial Advertiser New Atlas of the World, The, 256 God, xv, xxxi, 9, 10, 18, 19, 20, 22, 62, 69, 74, 83, 85, 92, 95–101, 103, 105–126, 128–130, 132, 137, 143, 145, 149, 156, 163, 170, 182, 188, 214, 217, 218, 225, 228, 255, 256, 293, 355, 367, 382–385, 389, 395 Gold, xxi, 103, 145, 155, 156, 200, 203, 213, 214, 216, 234, 250, 251, 257, 259, 264, 272, 274, 275, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281 Golitsyn, Prince Vasily Vasilievich, xxviii, 243, 244, 245, 246, 251 Good Humour, 67, 69, 72, 95, 215, 318 ­Great Northern War, xxv, 174, 188, 226, 227, 257, 258 Green, Captain Thomas, xxv, xxvi, 177, 181, 191 Grenado, 155, 157, 372 Grew, Nehemiah, 92 Grotesque, xviii, 23, 209 Grotius, Hugo, 26, 46, 77 Grove, 50, 52, 54, 57, 144, 254, 303, 306, 316 Guilhamet, Leon, 111 Guilt, xxvi, 26, 49, 106, 138, 159, 160, 181, 182, 191, 195, 196, 234, 236, 245, 387 Gun(s), 17–19, 21–22, 37, 64, 73, 76, 79, 85, 99, 140–143, 145, 151–152, 157, 158, 179, 180, 184, 186, 190, 204, 206, 220, 227, 289, 364, 368, 385, 388 Gunner, 170, 174, 175, 179, 180, 186, 203, 380 Gun-­powder, 17, 41, 60, 143, 157, 206, 232, 233, 310, 364 Habitation, 14, 35–36, 38, 47–48, 50, 53–54, 56–57, 61, 68, 73–74, 78, 98, 133, 287, 301, 306, 321 Hair-­brain’d, 52 Hakluyt, Richard, xxiv, xxxii, xxxiv, 82, 84, 92, 124, 219, 226–227, 240–242, 244 Halbert, 17, 79, 288, 395 Haldane, Elizabeth, 195 Half-­pike [eight or nine feet], 197, 254, 395 Hamilton, Augusta Lady, 107, 264 Hand-­Grenadoes, 155, 372

429 Hangers, 155 Hanke, Lewis, 72 Hanoverian, 72 Hanseatic League, 215 Happiness, 73, 149, 250, 267, 319 Hapsburg, 258 Harley, Robert, 122 Hart, James, 12, 415, 416 Hastings, James, Law Journal, 116, 136 Hatchet, 58–61, 63, 65, 80–83, 85, 87, 310–311, 322, 325, 328 Hatton, Ragnhild Marie, 72 Hawkins, Richard Sir, 86 Hay, James, Earl of Carlisle, 148, 177 Hayton, D. W., 177 Head, Richard and Francis Kirkman, xxxii, 130 Healey, George Harris, xxxii, 122 Heathen(s), 126, 136, 163, 199, 226, 228, 352 Heaven, 10, 12–13, 26, 38, 61, 94, 108, 115, 118, 121, 125–126, 128, 135, 149–150, 163, 169, 207, 225, 228, 239, 249–250, 263, 349, 360, 400, 414 Heavenly Bodies, 169, 207 Heidenreich, Helmut, xxxii, 146 Heissig, Walther, 234, 236 Hell, 49, 115, 118, 160, 229, 266 Hennepin, Louis, 36 Heretick, xxiv, 101, 111, 120, 146, 199, 344, 351 Hertz, Solange, 183 Hibbitts, Bernard, 106 Higham, Charles Strachan Sanders, 35, 109, 148 Hill, George, Birkbeck Hill, 124 Hive, 14, 88–89, 106, 207, 238 Hobbes, Thomas, 25, 77, 171, 416 Hogarth, William, 114 Holy Ghost, 130 Holy Roman Emperor, 258 Homer, xxi, xxxii Hooker, Edward. N., 172 Hoords, 253, 256 Hospital of St. Mary of Bethlehem, 138 Household-­Stuff, 59, 122; Basket(s), 63, 87–89, 97–98, 134, 276, 278–279, 328–329; Basket-­work, 89, 98, 328; Bason, 138–139, 362; Bed(s), 17, 51, 61, 87, 233, 304; Bedding, 17; Bed-­steads, 97; Bird-­Cages, 87; Bordeaux, 96; Chair(s), 32–33, 87, 204, 210, 245, 294, 401; Chimney, 242; China, xxii, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, xxvii, xxviii, xxxii, 14, 109, 135, 163, 169–170, 175, 180, 182, 183, 187–189, 191–194, 200, 202–213, 215, 216, 217, 220–221, 223, 225–226, 241, 250–251, 257, 277–278, 280–281, 342, 379, 387, 390; China Damask, 250–251; China-­Ware, 390; Chinese Porcelain, xxii; Cielings, 403;

430 I n d e x Household-­Stuff (cont.) Claret, 96, 334; Couch(es), 51, 87, 304; Cup-­Boards, 87, 97; Drums, 207; Earthen Floors, 216; Elbow-­Chair / Elbo Chair, 210, 401; Funnel, 242; Furniture, 43, 204, 263; Galley-­Tiles, 216, 403; Gobelin tapestries, 245; Hatchet(s), 59, 61, 65, 80, 82–83, 87, 311, 322, 325, 328; K ­ ettles(s), 17, 185, 186, 207, 262, 266, 390; Kitchen Utensils, 17, 288; Lath, 16, 215, 216; Leather ­Bottles, xxix, 220; Light woolen cloth, 17; Lockers, 97; Needle, 97, 217; Oil, xxx, 31, 50, 53, 58, 61–62, 71, 83, 85–86, 98, 143–144, 183, 185, 191, 193, 197, 211, 212, 240, 243, 256, 264, 293, 303, 310, 364; Packthread, 232; Pallet, 138; Peuter, Brass, 17; Pitcher, 25; Pitch-­Kettle, 185, 186, 390; plaster, 216; Porcellin / Porcelain, xxii, 215, 216; Pot(s), 17, 42, 62, 216, 297; pottery, 16; Punch Bowl, 96, 334; sew / sow, 97, 132, 171, 194, 228, 312, 334, 358, 386; Shelf / Shelves, 97, 271–273; Sieves, 87; Spades, 87; Spoon, 32, 210, 228; Stools, 87, 97; Stove, 242; Straw mattress, 138; T ­ able(s), xiii, xvii, xxxi, 3–4, 7, 10, 12, 26, 29, 31, 33, 44, 50, 55, 58, 66, 68, 70, 86, 92, 94, 96–97, 106–107, 110, 132, 140, 144, 151–152, 165, 186, 195–196, 203–204, 207, 210, 212, 236, 243, 245, 247, 261, 263–264, 275, 284, 286, 294, 317, 327, 332, 341; tapestries, 245; Tile(s), 7, 22, 36, 41, 90, 91, 198, 214, 216, 227, 242, 284, 403; Twine, 76, 232, 320; ­Water, xxix, xxx, 19, 21, 29, 37, 63, 91, 96, 99, 130, 137–139, 151–152, 175, 177, 180, 183–184, 187, 190, 193, 220, 227, 238–239, 241, 248, 254, 262, 335, 361, 368–369, 384–385, 386, 390, 407; Wicker-­ work, 87, 88, 329; wooden vessels, 16 Houses, 44, 47, 87, 89, 98, 155, 156–157, 161, 204, 239, 242, 243, 247, 253, 301, 328, 329, 372 Howell, James, 90–91 Hughes, Lindsey, xliii, 651, 657, 658, 659, 660, 662, 666 Hughes, Merritt, 9, 416 Huguenots / Hugonots, 199, 396 Humor / joke, xiv, 314, 318 Humor / Laughter, 185 Hunger, 33, 34, 50, 136–139, 361 Hunter, J. Paul, 8, 103, 416 Hunting, 74, 79, 144, 218, 238, 247, 251, 257, 404, 416, 419 Hut(s), xxviii, 43, 46–47, 50–51, 61, 66, 68, 69, 73, 74, 79, 87, 156, 255, 300 Hutchins, Henry, xxxi, 269, 270 Huxley, Aldous, 11, 416 Hypochondria / Hypochondriack, 9

Ideas, xiv, xvi, xxiv, xxxiii, 14, 30, 31, 97, 129, 149, 287 Ides, Evert Ysbrants, xxv, 207, 416 Idleness, 14, 70 Idol(s), xiv, xvii, xxi, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, xxviii, 107–109, 111, 114–115, 127, 225, 228, 229–233, 239, 253, 341–342, 407, 409 Idolater / Idolator, 108, 114, 341 Idolatry, 107–109, 111, 230, 239, 342 Imagination, xiv, xxi, xxii, xxiv, xxvi, xxvii, 8–9 Indian Society, 80, 124, 133, 146, 194 Industry, 26, 43, 70, 175, 209, 267, 298 Ingrassia, Catherine, xxxii Insane asylum, 138 Intelligence, 43, 51, 54, 73–74, 166, 195, 223, 235, 378, 394 Intermarriage, 67 Interpreter, 41, 67, 86, 111, 113, 114, 129, 200, 212, 401 Invisible World, 14, 52 Islam, 26, 240 Island, xiii-xx, xxii, xxiv, xxvii, xxix, xxxii, xxxiii, 8–11, 13–15, 17–18, 21, 23, 27, 29–30, 34–36, 39–44, 46, 48, 52–56, 58, 61, 64–66, 68, 71–75, 79, 83–87, 89, 91–93, 95, 96, 98–99, 101–102, 105–111, 123–125, 131–133, 135, 137, 140–141, 144–149, 151, 167, 168, 170, 172–175, 182, 186, 187, 190, 195, 200–202, 226, 231, 242–248, 262, 264, 275, 287, 290, 296, 338, 353, 358, 363, 381, 390, 407, 415 Isolation, xiv, xv, xx, xxvii, 245 Jack of All Trades, 17, 69, 99, 132 Jacob, Giles, 44 Jacobite Rhe­toric, 99 Jacobites, 72, 99 Jail, 148, 246, 413 James, Robert, 30 Janeway, James, 103 Jeffry, Tho. / Jeffrey, Thomas, xvii, 155–156, 161–162, 371, 372, 373, 376 Jeoly’s Island, 200 Jesuit(s), xxiv, xxxii, 109, 135, 183, 192–193, 198, 201–202, 204–205, 207–208 Jews, 106, 118, 120–121, 169, 379 Johnson, Samuel, 9, 124, 270 Joint Stock Com­pany, xxii Jordan-­Smith, Paul, 12, 415 Journal, xxxii, xxxiii, 30, 34, 89, 149, 151, 170, 189, 210, 258 Julian Calendar, 16, 214 Junius, Franciscus, 159 Jury Fore-­Mast, 29, 33, 292

Index Justice, xxvi, 4, 9, 16, 25, 34–35, 43, 49, 52, 62, 71–72, 100, 124, 126, 129, 149–159, 166–167, 171, 174, 181, 190, 195, 208, 211, 213, 223, 259, 265, 302, 312, 336, 343–344, 368, 380 Kant, Immanuel, 94, 194 Kao, Dionysus, 217 Keats, John, xxii Keegan,Timothy, 111, 134 Kelly, James, xxvi, 177 Kelsey, Francis, 146 Kennedy, Joyce D., 46, 206 Kidd, William Captain, 156–157, 167 King, Gregory, 14 Kirby, David, 258 Kircher, Athanasius, xxv, 179 Kirkman, Francis, xxxii Knox, Robert, 173 Kurlansky, Mark, 36, 96, 102 La Borde, sieur de, 35 Labyrinth, 118 Ladder, 52, 57–58, 99, 308 Landa, Louis, 89 Language / Gutturals / Guterals, xx, 144 Las Casas, Bartolomé de, 71 Laslett, Peter, 50, 97, 106 Latitude, 28–29, 34, 36, 145, 151, 170, 187–188, 208, 227, 239, 242–243, 254, 276, 407, 412 Launces, 151–152, 161, 368, 376 Leadam, I. S., 72 Leaden Bullets, 219 Leader, xix, xxiii, 51, 86, 97, 100, 168, 217, 218, 224, 236, 238 Leather Bag, 233 Leather ­Bottles, xxix, 220 Le Brun, Charles, xv, xvi, xxxi, 22, 416 Leek, Robert H., 87 Leopold I, 258 Léry, Jean de, 64, 65, 72, 78–79, 179, 206, 218 Le Sage, 24 Lestringant, Frank, 64–65 Letter of Credit, 169 Letters of Patent, 148 Levi, Primo, 30 Lévi-­Strauss, Claude, 21 Lewis, Jayne Elizabeth, and Maximillian E. Novak, 100 Ley, Charles David, xxxii, 66 Liberty, xxxi, 15, 22, 51, 65, 104, 105, 114, 133, 148, 162, 245, 246, 250, 267, 340, 414, 416 Libraries, research, xx, xxxii, xxxiii, 146, 204, 243, 419 Linguistics, xxi

431 Livingstone, Elizabeth A., 136 Locke, John, 14, 51, 52, 97, 133, 191, 266, 280 London Gazette, The, 16, 35, 259 Loop-­hole, 75 Louis XIV, xxiv, xxviii, 100, 151, 199, 205, 206, 243 Low, Alaine, 194, 213 Luck, 17, 47, 58 Lucullus, 83 Luyendijk-­Elshout, Antonie, xlvi, 536 Lyotard, Jean-­François, 23, 416 Macalaster, R.A.S., 114 Macartney expedition, 189 Macey, Samuel L., 258 Mack, Maynard, 150 MacNutt, Francis, transl., 65, 148 Madagascar, or, Robert Drury’s Journal, xxvi, xxxiii Madman, 290 Maestricht, siege of, 205 Magalhães (Magaillans), Gabriel de, 208–210, 220, 223 Magdeburg, siege of, xvii, 181 Magog, 227, 407 Mahometan, 26, 291 Malayan pirates, 174, 190, 191 Malayans, 190, 191 Managing, 11, 42, 132, 286 Mandarins, xxiii, 204, 208–209, 211, 400 Mandev­i lle, Bernard, 92 Manley, Roger, 202 Man of War, of 80 Guns, 204 Map(s), xx, xxiv, xxv, 19, 102, 145, 151, 163, 165, 166, 175, 221, 225, 227, 252, 256, 261, 416 Markham, Clements, 124 Marshall, P. J., 194, 261, 266 Marshal of France, 205 Martinico (Martinique), 27, 101, 102 Martyr, Peter [Martire, Pietro d’Angierea], 65, 148 Marvell, Andrew, 246 Masks, 23, 214, 416 Massacre, xvii, xxiii, xxvi, xxvii, 71, 160, 163–165, 196, 231, 277–279, 281, 375 Massie, Robert K., xxxiii, 206, 215, 243, 244, 245, 248, 251, 416 Mathematicks, 207 Mc­Ken­zie, Alan, xxxi Mead, Richard, 170, 248 Medicine, 22, 23, 30, 62, 170, 173, 416 Meditating, 8 Merchandize, 193, 200, 214, 252 Mercy, 25, 44, 61, 84, 108, 117, 120, 126, 129, 135, 311, 348, 351 Merry-­Andrew, 23, 209, 401

432 I n d e x Messianism, 118 Michael, Wolfgang, 72 ­Middle Ages, 69, 94, 245 ­Middle State / M ­ iddle Station, xiv, 7, 12–13, 246 Miles, xxix, 53, 63, 102, 155, 174, 177, 188–189, 209, 217–218, 221, 223–226, 229, 235, 239, 241, 248, 251–253, 256–257, 276–277, 371, 401, 413 Millenarianism, 118 Milton, John, 9, 263, 416 Mintz, Sidney, W., 26, 29, 147, 416 Minuted, 244 Miscarriage, xix Miscegenation, xix, 154 Misfortune, xxx, 11, 39, 90–91, 147, 180, 183, 387 Mist, Nathaniel, xxiv Moderation, 121 Modesty, 66–67, 103, 131, 338 Modyford, Thomas Sir, 148 Mogul, 168, 174, 378, 406, 414 Molinet, Claude du, 113 Monastery of the Augustines, 145 Money, 13, 25, 34, 46, 112, 167, 169, 171–174, 188, 193, 197, 200, 202–203, 208, 212–213, 215, 257–258, 291, 300, 345, 380, 382, 395, 416; Crown, 148, 224, 228, 280; Diamonds, 169, 258; Farthing, 85, 326; Gold, xxi, 103, 145–146, 155, 200, 203, 213–214, 216, 234, 250–251, 257, 259, 264, 272, 274–281; Japan Coinage, 251; Medals in Gold, 146; Moidores, 145; Pay, 11, 44, 110, 148, 178, 185, 192, 200, 202–203, 208, 223, 236, 397–398; Pecune, 213, 402; Pence, 197, 213, 217; Pieces of Eight, 23, 33, 88, 169, 214, 216, 397; Pistoles, 257; Pounds, 17, 44, 134, 146, 213–214, 258, 288, 359, 379–380, 394; Pounds Sterling, 146, 213–214; Purchasing Power, 257–258; Shekels, 103; Shillings, 145, 210, 213, 217, 224, 401; Sterling / Sterl., 110, 146, 213–214, 224; Thousand pieces of eight, 169, 214; Wedges, 200, 250 Mongul Tartars, 223, 227, 235, 238, 242, 253 Monk, Samuel, 48, 205 Montanus, Arnoldus, 187 Mooning, 142 Moreland, Samuel Sir, 179 Morgan, Henry Sir, 140, 202–203 Morris, Rosemary, 64 Morse, Hosea Ballou, 188 Murder, xiv, xv, xix, xxxi, 39, 49, 62, 66, 69, 174, 180, 231, 271, 285, 301, 303, 308–310, 312, 314, 316, 318, 326, 342, 351, 353, 374–376, 384, 386, 391, 392 Murther / Murther’d, 6, 27, 32, 39, 42, 51, 52, 55, 61, 65, 78, 100, 112–114, 145, 153, 154, 156,

168, 173, 181–183, 188, 241, 281, 312, 315, 325, 327–330, 334, 337, 341, 346, 362, 390, 408, 410, 411, 449, 451, 453, 454, 466, 470, 480, 482, 549, 559, 615, 616, 623 Muscovite frontier, xxix, 224–225, 236 Music, 12–13, 30, 144, 204, 417 Musket(s) / Musquet(s), 17, 21, 38, 43, 45, 48, 54, 63, 76–80, 82–83, 93, 98, 152, 185, 288, 298–299, 306, 321–325, 335, 369, 372 Mutiny, 42–43, 51, 62, 90, 166–167, 304 Muzzles, 93 Myth, xxi, xxiii, 82, 92, 94, 203, 240, 244 Nabobs, 171 Naked, xix, 4, 50, 53, 63, 66–68, 142, 156, 159, 167, 185–186, 209, 218, 231, 305, 314, 374 Namur, siege of, 205 Napier, Priscilla, 194 Napoleon, xvi, 100 Nationality, 107; Algerine, 187; Arab(s), 214, 377; Arawaks, 35; Armenian, 212; Arovagues, 35; Asian, xxii, xxv, 232, 233, 253; Barbarian(s), 35, 39, 109, 136, 163, 218, 255, 296, 377; British, iv, xxiv, xxix, xxxvi, 1, 28, 35, 72, 99, 146, 148, 189, 191, 194, 210, 226, 240, 258, 262, 270, 272, 274, 280, 419; Calibs, 35; Calmucks / Calmoucs, 253, 256; Ca­rib­be­a ns / Caribbees, xviii, xxiv, 27, 28, 35–36, 50, 72, 86, 91, 108, 125, 140, 147–148, 202; Caribs, xviii, 35, 55, 65, 125; Chinese, ix, xxii, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, xxxii-­x xxiii, 183, 185, 188–189, 191–194, 197–200, 203–211, 214, 217–227, 278, 281, 388, 393, 396, 399, 404; Circassian(s), 253; Cochinchinesses, 185, 388; Dutch, xxviii, xxxiii, 22, 150, 165, 168, 170, 172–178, 180–183, 185, 187, 189–192, 194–197, 202, 203–204, 206, 230, 249, 258, 263, 264, 383–384, 386–387, 392, 394, 398; Dutchman, 196, 384, 386, 387, 398; En­glishman, xiv, xxxiv, 22–23, 26, 38, 48, 91, 300, 305, 308–310, 312–313, 336, 379, 382, 398, 415; En­glish passim, 96, 230; Eu­ro­pe­a n(s), xvii, xviii, xix, xxiii, xxiv, xxvi, xxviii, xxxi, xxxiii, 28, 52, 55, 64, 75, 79, 87, 94, 106, 109, 142–143, 168, 173, 183, 187–188, 193, 194, 197, 202, 205, 218–219, 223–225, 224, 244–245, 257–258, 419; Genoese, 198; Grecian, 212; Greek, xxi, 212, 225, 244, 253, 262; Indian(s), 58, 71, 77, 80, 84–85, 87, 111, 124, 133, 143, 146, 154, 156–157, 194, 308, 328, 344; Japoneses / Japa­nese, 197, 201, 202; Kalmucks / Calmucks, 253, 256, 414; Kalmyk Tartars, 253; Livonians, 215; Mallayans, 174, 176; Mandarin, xxiii, xxvii, xxviii, 193, 198, 204, 208, 209, 211, 400; Mongul, 223, 227, 235, 238, 242, 253,

Index 406, 414; Muscovite, ix, xxix, 206, 212, 215, 219, 224, 225–226, 228, 236–240, 252, 277–281; Oirat, 253; Ostiachi / Ostiacks / Ostyacks, 234, 239, 253; Picts, 218; Polish, 212, 244; Portuguese, xxviii, xxxiii, 26, 38, 66, 91, 94, 99, 102, 150, 172–173, 182, 188–189, 202, 212, 218, 220, 221, 254, 291, 296, 337, 390, 393, 394–397; Rus­sian, xix, xxv, xxviii, xxx, 206, 215, 225–228, 230–231, 234, 238, 241, 242–244, 254, 256; Scandinavian, xxx; Scots, xxviii, 215, 219, 225, 229–233, 238, 243, 409; Scotsman, 409; Scottish, xxiv, xxv, 177, 230; Spaniards, xvi, xviii, 9, 15, 17, 35–43, 45–53, 55, 58–59, 61–63, 66–68, 70–72, 74, 77, 79–82, 84–86, 90–92, 95–96, 98, 133–134, 147, 149, 172, 201–202, 209, 278, 285, 301–303, 305, 309–310, 314, 321, 324, 327, 333, 358, 366, 397–398; Spanish, xvii-­x viii, xxiii, xxvi, 9, 14, 26, 33, 38, 41, 46, 56, 59–60, 63, 71–72, 86, 90–91, 93, 100, 105, 112, 148, 169, 187, 201–202, 205–206, 256–257, 267; Tartar(s) / Tatar(s), ix, xvi, 47, 214, 217–218, 220–221, 223–224, 226–228, 230, 234–240, 242, 252–256, 277–279, 281, 402–405, 407, 409; Tartarian, 22; Tonguese(s), 236, 239, 240; Tupinamba Tribe, 65, 72; Turk(s), 26, 39, 243, 263, 265; Western Mongols, 253 Native(s), 23, 35, 54, 56, 58–59, 62, 65, 67, 71, 79, 86, 90, 92, 105, 108, 109, 124, 143–145, 152, 157, 159, 161–164, 170, 180, 187, 233, 239, 241, 374 Natu­ral Law, 539, 540, 542, 545, 566, 581, 582, 596, 621 Nature (Personal)/(Physical), xiv, xxv, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, xxxiv, 3, 11–12, 14, 25, 27, 29, 32, 38, 42, 46, 51, 56, 58, 66–69, 72, 74, 77–79, 90, 94, 97, 103, 105, 107–108, 115, 124, 129, 133, 135, 143, 146, 158, 162, 171–172, 186, 189–191, 194, 205–207, 229, 230, 234, 236, 239, 241, 249–250, 264–267, 270, 274–276, 278–280, 292, 318, 342, 389, 416, 417; Brush(es), 46; Channels, xxix, 226; Climate, xxx, 171, 242, 243, 246; Cloud, 81, 224, 227, 232, 235, 236, 410; Clump of Trees, 4; Cold, xxix, xxx, 21, 62, 191, 196, 241–243, 247, 250, 392; Country, 54, 62, 65, 67, 70, 77, 79, 80, 81, 83, 87, 88, 89, 95, 99, 100, 102, 103, 116, 125, 138, 141, 142, 144, 150, 155, 160, 161, 162, 163, 167, 174, 175, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 191, 194, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 203, 206, 213, 214, 216, 218, 219, 221, 223, 227, 228, 230, 231, 236; Desert, xx, xxviii, 90, 112, 168, 181, 220, 378; Earth, xviii, xx, xxi, xxix, xxxii, 8, 17, 19, 62, 64, 69, 92, 118, 125, 160, 169, 215–217, 221, 226,

433 313, 354, 375, 379, 403, 407, 416; Equator, 208; Fish-­Ponds, 216; Flags, xxxvi, 156, 157; Flood-­Tide, 37, 63; Forage, 215, 233, 402, 409; Fountains, 216; Gale, 18, 21, 28–29, 130, 163, 165, 168, 170, 174, 181, 191, 194, 203, 213, 377, 378, 380–382, 386, 392, 394, 398, 402; Grove, 50, 52, 54, 57, 144, 254, 303, 306, 316; Hills, xxx, 83, 189, 217, 241, 391; Island, xv-­x vii, xix, xx, xxii-­x xv, xxvii, xxix, xxxiv, xxxv, xli, xlii, xliv, 5, 6, 9–14, 18, 24, 28, 29, 31–34, 36, 37–39, 44, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 54, 56–58, 61, 64–66, 68, 72, 76, 77–80, 85, 88, 91, 94, 98, 101, 102, 114, 124–127, 129, 134, 135, 138–141, 144, 160, 161, 163, 179, 181, 230, 232, 250, 268, 285, 291, 303–305, 382, 411; Jungle, xxix; Lake(s), xxx, 227, 235, 241, 246, 270; Land Breeze, 178, 243, 384; Marble waste, 241; Mediterranean, xxi, 26, 187, 390; Moon, 65, 82, 142, 153–156, 228, 232, 256, 268, 280, 284; North Star, 256; Ouze, 57, 307; Palmetto Tree, 210; Poppies, 170; Rains, 21; Rushes, 156, 157, 226, 233, 270, 407; Sea, 14, 17, 21–23, 27–30, 33, 47, 54, 56–58, 64, 70, 71, 75–77, 80, 85, 87, 92, 94, 109, 116, 130, 132, 135, 136, 138–140, 143, 156, 161, 166, 168, 170–172, 174, 175, 178–180, 182, 189, 193, 194, 201, 214, 215, 230, 232, 271, 273, 275, 277, 285, 293, 296, 336, 343, 352, 357, 359, 369, 389, 391, 397, 401, 407, 416; Seed(s), 11, 140, 245, 250; Shore, 9, 14, 17, 18, 20–24, 29–31, 33, 34, 36, 38, 45, 51, 57, 59, 62, 64–66, 71, 72, 76, 79, 81, 83, 84, 85, 89, 91, 114, 127, 130, 135, 139, 140, 144, 145, 146, 147, 151, 155, 156, 158–161, 166, 167, 173, 174, 176, 180, 184, 186, 189, 190, 193, 194, 201, 202, 245, 260, 268, 296, 307, 338, 342, 352, 375, 393, 402; Smoak, 78, 161, 233, 242, 295, 321, 376, 409; Snow, xxx, 239, 240, 241, 247, 248; Soil, 240, 264, 411; Stars, 228, 239, 256; Storm, 21, 28, 34, 52, 78, 83, 84, 150, 158, 292, 368, 412; Stump, 228; Sun, 17, 19, 32, 65, 73, 86, 90, 95, 118, 127, 137, 207, 216, 228, 229, 234, 239, 262, 268, 272, 275, 313, 327, 332, 333; Tide, 37, 57, 63, 83, 176–178, 190, 264; Timan mountain range, 257; Trade Winds, xxii, 151, 182; Trees, 9, 38, 47, 50, 51, 57, 61, 69, 77, 80, 82, 98–99, 118, 152–153, 228, 235, 239, 254, 303, 307, 335, 349, 369; Vales, xxx, 241; Wind, xv, xxii, xxxiii, 13, 16, 18–19, 21, 27–30, 34, 38, 43, 83, 139, 143, 145, 148, 150–151, 154, 175, 179–180, 182, 193, 204, 217, 266, 274–277, 279, 286, 292, 325, 362; Winter, xxx, xxxiv, 7, 240–243, 247; Woods, 12, 43, 45, 54, 69, 71, 73–76, 82–84, 86, 118, 180, 235, 247, 252, 319, 324

434 I n d e x Naudin, Pierre, 65 Naval Chronicle, 19, 96, 172, 242, 416 Navigation, xx, 92, 151, 204, 207, 226, 230 Needham, Rodney, 124 Neuville, Foy de la, xxviii, 244, 251 New East India Com­pany, xxii, xxxiii, 168, 170, 173, 176, 187, 188, 230, 277 Newgate, 148 Newspapers, 120, 240 Newtonians, 92 Nieuhof, Johannes, xxv Nineteenth ­century, xxxii, xxxiii, 21, 36, 194 Nine Years War, xxxiii, 99, 203, 205, 206, 258 Norris, Herbert, 114 Novak, Maximillian E., 3, 11–12, 46–47, 65, 80, 94, 100, 104, 111, 149, 159, 206, 240, 416, 419 Obstruction, 10, 285 Occasional Papers, xxxiii, 240 Occupations: Accountant, 35; Artist, 28; Boatswain, 18, 154, 155, 157, 160–163, 165–167, 170, 203, 288, 371, 373; Buccaneer / Buckaneer / Buccanier, 140, 146, 202–203, 366; Butcher, xvii, 56, 159, 210, 232, 407; Captain, xx, xxi, xxv, xxviii, xxxi-­x xiii, xxix, xxxi, xxxii, xxxiii, xlii, 11, 14, 17, 20, 21, 23, 25, 28, 33, 35, 43, 104, 135, 139, 143, 145, 151, 152, 154, 155, 158, 160, 163, 165–168, 170, 171, 173, 181, 182, 192, 200, 219, 224, 254, 291, 373, 382, 385, 394; Carbineers, 205; Carpenter, 15, 16, 97, 99, 142, 166, 170, 185–186, 287, 364, 378, 389; Chief Mate, 28, 141; Clergyman, 113, 114, 278–280, 339, 340, 344–350, 353, 356–357, 359, 368; Cockswain, 166–167, 377; Commander, 14, 25, 30, 32, 34, 110, 158, 162, 174, 192, 194, 220, 245, 291, 293; Cook, 31–32, 44, 70, 89, 96, 161, 170, 172, 186, 201, 317, 330; Cook’s-­Mate, 96; Cooper, 16, 58, 110; Courtier(s), 246; Craftsman, 16; Crew, xiv, xv, xxi, xxiii, xxv, xxvi, xxx, 20, 27, 31, 33–34, 99, 119, 137, 142, 161, 163, 174, 178, 180, 190, 191, 195, 230, 231, 277, 278, 279, 281, 295, 336; Dutch Merchant, xxxiii, 187; Earth Makers, 215; Ecclesiastic, 99, 110, 114, 200, 229, 266, 267, 336, 343; Executors, xx, 265; ­Factors, 168; Farrier, 221, 405; Fore-­Mast Men, 28; Fryar / Fryer / Friar, 199; Governour, 46, 49, 51, 53–54, 56, 59–61, 64, 67, 71–73, 77, 80, 81, 86, 95–96, 105, 112, 133, 145–146, 184, 202, 208, 230, 234, 238, 240, 248, 280, 299, 304, 306–307, 309, 310–312, 315, 318, 321, 323–325, 327, 332, 334, 345, 366, 367, 398, 409, 410, 411;

Ground-­Landlord, 44, 299; Guides, 215; Gunner(s), xxviii, 143, 166, 170, 174, 175, 179, 180, 186, 203, 380; Horse-­Guards, 205; Hydrographer, xix, 19, 44, 48, 96, 165, 172–174, 179, 180, 182, 184, 242, 416; Jailer, 148; Landlord(s), 44, 93, 299; Maid, xv, xvi, 29, 31–34, 66, 98, 99, 131–132, 136–137, 139–140, 294, 314; Maid-­Servant, 29, 31, 98, 131; Map Makers, 239; Mechanick, 16; Merchant, xxiii, xxviii, xxxix, xxx. xxxii, xxxiv, xliii, 10, 11, 15, 28, 100, 139, 143, 152, 161–165, 167, 179–181, 184, 190, 192, 193, 195, 201–203, 206, 208, 214, 217–219, 221, 222, 225, 228, 229, 231, 245, 253, 289, 373, 399; Merchant Seaman, xxiv, xxvi, 145, 166, 190; Miners, 218; Minister, xxviii, 35, 72, 104, 113–114, 121, 223–224, 245–246, 345, 346; Minister of State, 72, 104, 244–246; Missionaries, 109, 135, 198; Missionary, 183, 187, 192–193, 198–200, 208, 387, 396, 397; Monarch, xiii, xvi, xxxii, xxxiii, 15, 39, 72, 97, 99, 100, 107, 148, 188, 206–207, 210, 217, 240, 244, 246, 251, 267, 413; Officers, 32, 80, 146, 166, 170, 215, 380; Old Pi­lot, 188, 190, 192, 197, 214, 215, 217, 221, 224, 255, 403; Paint­er(s), xvi; Pi­lot, xxviii, xxxiii, 13, 94, 166, 188, 190, 192, 193, 197, 198, 200, 212–215, 217–218, 221–222, 224, 254–255, 297, 391, 395, 401, 403; Planter, xix, 131, 133, 141, 146, 358; Portuguese Pi­lot, xxviii, xxxiii, 94, 188, 212, 218, 221, 254, 395, 397; Pot-­maker, 17, 207, 215; Potter(s), 215; Priest, xix, xxiii, xxviii, xxxiii, 24–25, 28, 33, 99–101, 104–108, 111, 113–116, 119–120, 122, 129–130, 136, 183, 198–200, 229, 232, 234, 236, 291, 336, 340, 347, 351, 396, 409; Prime Minister, xxviii, 245; Prince(s), xii, xiv, xvi, xix, xxiii, xxv, xxviii, xxix, xxx, xxxiii, 27–28, 47, 148, 157, 173, 206, 227, 234, 241, 243, 244–248, 251, 258, 265, 267, 412, 417; Prior, 145; Purser, 168, 203 Pyrate(s) / Pirates, ix, xxxiii, 9, 167, 177, 181, 190, 263, 275, 277, 278, 279, 281, 363; Romish Priests, 198; Sable-­Hunters, 238, 253, 414; Sailor(s), xvii, xviii, xxiii, 9, 11, 29, 39, 44, 90, 94, 96, 105, 138, 156, 159–161, 170, 174, 178, 265, 285, 374; Scrivener(s), 44; Seaman, 28, 46, 147, 153, 162, 176, 178, 185, 288, 366, 376, 384–385, 386; Second Mate, 203, 398; Sentinel, 197, 395; Servant(s), 8, 11, 13, 46, 49, 55–56, 67–68, 77, 83, 98, 105, 108, 117, 133, 148, 168, 204, 209–211, 215, 247, 251–252, 278–279, 284, 300, 315, 348, 367, 401, 406; Ship-­Wrights, 185; Smith(s), 16, 97–99, 259; Soldier(s), 30, 80, 103, 159, 221, 223–224, 226–227, 238, 240, 247; Spanish

Index Captain, xvii, xviii, xxxvi, 9, 14, 26, 33, 41, 46, 90–91, 105, 169, 201; Steersman, 19; Surgeon, 23–24, 30–31, 33, 34, 62, 290; Taylor, 17, 97; Trader, xxii, 14, 173, 188, 190, 202, 267; Tsar, xiii, xiv, xxviii, 227, 239; Turner, 16, 24, 137, 416; Turn-­key, 148; Workmen, 215 OED, xxxvi, 3, 9–16, 19, 21, 23, 26–29, 31, 33–34, 36, 42–49, 51, 54–60, 77, 79–83, 86, 87, 99, 124, 145, 169, 181, 215, 222, 283, 419 Ogg, David, 206 Ogilby, John, xxv Old East India Com­pany, xxii, 173, 176, 177, 188, 214, 277–279, 281 Olearus, Adam, and John Davies, 242 Orellana, Francisco, 82 Orestes, 49 “Original Sin,” 149 Orthodox Greek Church, 225 Ottoman Empire, 212, 258 Owen, W. R., 177 Paganism, xxviii, 120, 226, 239, 411 Pagods, 225 Paintings, xv, 22, 159–160, 229, 245 Palisades, 57 Pallisado, 57, 98, 197, 307, 335 Pape, Walter, 65 Papist, 99, 113, 121, 134, 336, 359 Parable, xiv, 3, 104 Parallel—60th, 62nd, 63rd, 256 Parker, Geoffrey, 568 Parker, George, 2nd Earl of Macclesfield, 16, 417 Partner, xxii, xxiii, xxvi, xxviii, 145–147, 149, 173, 175, 178, 181–182, 186, 192, 194, 196–197, 199, 201–202, 208, 212–214, 231, 240, 243, 255, 257, 367, 382, 384, 396 Party, 26–27, 54, 66, 75, 82, 93, 107, 150, 154, 161, 167, 220–221, 224, 331, 368, 371, 376 Passion(s), xxxi, 7, 22–25, 29, 30, 34, 37, 49, 69, 72, 83, 90, 94, 106, 108, 117, 119, 123, 135, 138, 145, 149, 159, 162, 181, 194, 201, 246, 250, 268, 290, 291, 332, 348, 350, 367, 376, 417 Patent, xix, 15, 148 Patey, Douglas Lane, 62, 111, 134–135 Patron, xix, 148 Payne, Oliver, xxxii, 146 Pearce, Roy Harvey, 87 Peter the ­Great, xiii, xiv, xxv, xxviii, xxx, xxxiii, 11, 50, 65, 106, 138, 206, 207, 212, 215, 233, 240, 242–245, 248, 251, 257, 258, 415, 416 Peyrefitte, Alain, 189 Phillips, Edward, 3, 416 Pike, 17, 80, 88, 197, 254, 329, 395

435 Piracy, xxii, xxv, 62, 167, 192, 203, 275 Pirate(s), xvi, xxi, xxii, xxv, xxvi, xxvvii, xxviii, xxxii, 140, 166–168, 174, 176–178, 181, 186–187, 189–192, 194–195, 203, 363, 384–385, 391, 392, 394, 419 Pistol(s), 17, 79, 80, 152, 220 Pitman, Henry, 50, 91–92, 140 Pity, 50, 83, 86, 90, 210, 303, 401 Plague, xx, 30, 84, 89 Plantation(s), 14, 23, 26, 43, 71, 84–85, 132–133, 146–147, 316–317, 338, 417 Planting, 11, 50, 61, 64, 69, 85, 146–147, 275, 286, 310, 312, 316, 366 Planting-­work, 64, 146 Platina, Baptista, 129 Playford, John, 12, 416 Plumb, J. H., 72 Pole-­A x(axes), 48, 155, 157, 222, 302, 372–373, 405 Polo, Marco, 211, 214 Poole, Matthew 2, 58 Pope, Alexander, xxii, 150 Pope Clement XI, 100, 124, 135, 198 Pope Innocent III, 247 Popish / Popish Priest, 99, 129, 267, 336, 356 Popkin, Richard, 118 Porter, David, xxxii Posture(s), xv, xvi, xvii, 22, 38, 119, 142, 159 Poverty, xxiii, xxv, 10, 17, 204, 209, 210 Powder, 17, 41, 43, 60, 93, 98, 143, 157, 206, 232–233, 310, 364 Powell, L. F., 124 Poyntz, John, 91 Prayer-­book, 134, 264, 267, 359 Presbyterian, 104, 106 Pride, 38, 67, 91, 209–210, 245, 250, 261 Prisoner, 70, 79, 86, 138, 140, 219, 237, 362, 370, 565 Prisoners, xvi, xxx, 41–42, 53–55, 57, 59, 62, 64–65, 72, 74, 76–77, 86, 93, 144, 146, 148, 181, 183, 185, 190, 196, 231–233, 250, 297, 305, 307, 313, 327, 331, 387 Pritchard, Earl Hampton, 188–189, 192 Promiscuous intercourse, 124 Proposal, xxix, 15, 27, 86, 132–133, 167, 169–170, 200, 201, 214, 397 Protection, 31, 159, 196, 208, 230, 258, 374 Protestant, 11, 38–39, 89, 99–105, 113, 120–121, 127, 129–130, 134–135, 187, 199, 262, 267, 336, 339, 351, 359, 390 Proverb(s), 7, 17, 33–34, 37, 42, 47–48, 58, 69–70, 78, 85, 90–91, 122–123, 149, 159, 169, 172, 194, 230, 417 Providence, 10, 12, 16, 48, 58, 69, 92, 112, 128, 135–136, 140, 149–150, 153, 196, 200, 221, 249, 254, 360, 369, 395 Pufendorf, Samuel, xxxi, 26, 29, 77, 105, 416

436 I n d e x Quarter-­Deck Guns, 135 Quarter-­Staff / Quarter-­Staves, 17–18, 77, 82, 140, 179, 321 Quesnel, Pasquier, 100 Radcliffe, Ann, 121 Raf­ters, 88, 328 Raleigh, Walter Sir, 82, 84, 92 Rape, xvii, xxii, 42, 63, 69, 85, 89, 154, 160–161, 401 Ray, Rajat Kanta, 194 Real­ity, xxii, 8, 89, 415 Reason, xxxiii, xxxiv, 10, 12–13, 19, 25, 27–28, 36, 42, 44, 49, 56, 60, 67, 69, 73, 76, 78, 82, 87, 90, 92–93, 100, 107, 112, 134, 137, 143, 154, 166, 168, 172, 182, 184, 186, 213, 233, 237, 289, 293, 302, 315, 318, 322, 324, 351–352, 363–364, 378 Rebellion, 187 Reddiker, Marcus, 166 Reedy, Gerard, 128, 139 Reformation, 101, 118, 130, 199 Reichwein, Adolf, 216 Religion, xix, xxv, 13, 36, 56, 89–90, 100, 101, 103, 104, 107–109, 115, 117–118, 120, 122, 123, 125, 127, 129–130, 134, 146, 187, 193, 195, 198–200, 204, 225–226, 234, 236, 247, 252, 253, 256, 262–265, 336, 341, 346–349 Re­nais­sance, 246 Rennell, James, 166 Renneville, RenéAugustin Constantin de, 230 Repentance, 13, 116, 117, 122, 123, 347, 348 Reprobate(s), xxii, 9, 70, 190, 391 Resurrection, 108, 116, 356 Retinue, 208, 211, 214 Retirement, 58, 245, 259 Retreat, 11, 57, 69, 73–74, 76, 80, 81, 85, 88, 142, 178, 206, 222, 255, 318, 399, 415 Revenge, xvii, 155–156, 160, 227, 301 Rhodes, Alexandre de, 183 Ricci, Matteo, 189, 192, 198, 207, 211 Richards, Sarah, 216 Riga, siege of, 215 Ritchie, Robert C., 203 Riverius, Lazarus, 138 Rivers, xxix, xxx, 189, 213, 225–227, 235, 240–241, 276, 407, 410; Argun / Arguna, 225–228; Cambodia, ix, xxix, 175–177, 190, 193, 195, 203, 277–279, 281, 383, 398; Canada R., 19, 102; Caor (Ghora Ura), 165–166; Cosmite, 165; Dwina / Dvina, 241, 257; Elbe, xxi, 158, 241, 257, 258; Euphrates, 158; Gammour, 226; Gan­ges, 165–166; Janezay, 239, 240, 411; Jenisia, 239; Kama, 252; Kilam / Chang / Yangtse, 200;

Kirtza, 256; Kolva / Koltwa, 252; Obskaya Guba, 653; Oby, 239, 240, 251, 252; Oronooque, 35, 262; Petrou / Petchora, 255; Quebeck, 19, 102, 338; Selinga, 235; Severnay Dvina / Northern Divina, 241; Sihilka, 236, 238; St. Laurens, 19; St. Lawrence, 19, 21, 102, 266; Tagus, 102; Tartar / Occhardus, 227; Tartarus, 227; Thames, 16, 190; Tigris, 168; Udda / Uda, 235, 350; Volga / Wolga, 213; Vologda, 241; Vyni / Wium, 257; Wirtska / Vishera, 254; Witzogda / Wychegda, 257; Yangtze, 188, 192, 200; Yenisey / Ienisea, 239 Rochefort, Charles César de, John Davies, 35 Rococo, 216 Rod [5-1/ yards], 219, 255 Rogers, Woodes, xiii, xxxvi, 170, 416 Roman, 99, 105, 108, 116, 120–121, 129–130 Roman Catholic, 99, 105, 108, 120–121, 129, 130, 135, 198, 225, 351, 352 Roman Catholic Church, 19, 105, 108, 120, 121, 130, 135, 225, 351, 352 Romance, xxi, 3, 90 Romantics, xxii Roper, Alan, 35, 109 Ross, G. R. T., 195 Rothman, Irving N., iii, iv, vii, 3, 108, 270, 415, 419 Rothschild, Jon, 189 Rousseau, G. S, 104, 416 Rousseau, Jean-­Jacques, 104, 416 Rowbotham, Arnold H., 193, 198 Royal African Com­pany, 144 Rupp, E. Gordon, 134 Rus­sian Orthodox, xix, 225 Rycaut, Paul, 129 Sacrifice(s), 229, 230, 233 Sadie, Stanley, and George Grove, 144 Saint Benedict, 111, 406, 588, 591 Saint Georges, George Guillet de, 31, 415 Saint Mary of Bethlehem, 138 Saint Paul, xxix, 105, 120, 415 Saint Paul’s Cathedral, 89 Saint-­Pierre, Bernardin de, xxix, 31 Saint Xavier, 201 Salvation, xiv, 104, 120, 129, 261 Sambrook, James, 241 Samuel, Geoffrey, 234 Sanson, Nicolas, 227, 256, 257 Sarrock, Roger, 197 Satan, 9, 225, 228 Satire, 171, 205, 209 Savage, George, 72, 114, 121, 124, 149 Savage(s), xxviii, xxix, xxxi, 23, 35–36, 39, 41, 43, 52–60, 64–65, 68, 71–85, 87–90,

Index 92–93, 95, 99, 105, 108–109, 114–115, 120–121, 124, 130–131, 133–136, 141–142, 146, 149, 152, 186, 196–197, 204, 209, 228, 253, 297, 310, 313, 318, 321, 323, 325, 330, 341, 342, 349, 351–352, 359, 389 Scandal Club, 259 Scaramouch, 209 Schal-­Isar, 236, 411 Schonhorn, Manuel, iii, v, xlii, 577, 601, 608, 623 Schwartz, Stuart B., 26, 146, 147, 417 Science, iv, xxiv, xxxi, 22, 92, 110–112, 116, 122–123, 129–130, 136, 146, 207, 400, 416 Scotsman, 409 Scott, Walter, Sir, xvi, 230 Scythe et le Brésilien, Le, 65 Searle, Daniel, 148 Second C ­ auses, 14, 69, 135 Secord, Arthur Wellesley, xxxii, xxxiii, 4, 415 Seidel, Michael, xxxii, 46, 206 Self-­discipline, xiii, 149, 206, 399 Senhor de Engenho, 13 Sermon, 12, 123, 129, 261, 264–267, 354 Settlers, 28, 52, 72, 172 Seventeenth C ­ entury, xvii, 8, 11, 22–23, 28, 33, 81, 106, 113, 128, 139, 147–148, 172, 181, 183, 195, 205, 213, 234, 243, 246, 416, 419 Severin, Timothy, 36 Sexes, 158, 374 Sexual Union, 106 Shadwell, Thomas, 172 Shakespeare, William, 25, 44, 72, 118; Dryden-­Davenant Tempest, 48; Hamlet, 150; Henry V, 25; Much Ado About Nothing, 118; Tempest, The, 44; Twelfth Night, 118 Shamanism, 234 Sharp, Andrew, 201 Ship, ix, xii, xiv, xv, xvi, xviii, xix, xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxv, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xxx, xxxi xxxvi, 1, 8, 11, 13–21, 29, 31, 33, 35, 36, 44, 58, 63, 84, 87, 89, 91–94, 100, 101, 104, 124, 130, 132–135, 139–141, 143, 144, 146–149, 152, 156, 158–161, 165–168, 170–183, 186–189, 191–194, 200, 204, 236, 248, 258; Algerine Man of War, 187; Anchor, xxii, 16, 36, 42–43, 141, 145, 152–153, 158, 162, 178, 187, 192, 264–265, 370, 384; Barge, 257; Bark, 28, 204, 228; Bill of Lading, 34; Board, xix, xxv, 14–16, 19, 24, 28–34, 42–43, 62, 70, 87, 96–97, 101, 131, 136–137, 140, 142, 145, 147, 150, 152–155, 161, 162, 166–168, 175, 176, 178–180, 184–188, 190, 192, 194–195, 203, 249, 257, 277, 280, 292, 293–295, 298, 311, 334, 337, 364, 366, 369–371, 376–378, 380, 384–386, 388–390, 392–394; Boat, ix,

437 xxvi, 18, 19, 21–23, 25, 27, 30–31, 36–38, 40, 43, 52, 55–66, 71–73, 85, 87, 136, 145, 146–148, 151, 152, 155, 158, 171–173, 175, 176–178, 180, 187, 236, 288, 289, 290, 314, 326, 364, 369–371, 373, 375, 377, 388, 389, 394; Boiler, 293; Boltsprit, 28; Bow, 37, 55, 64, 78, 80, 93, 110, 127, 151, 161, 179, 220, 223, 229, 231, 236, 253, 326; Bowsprit, 28, 141; Buckets, 16, 141; Bulk-­Heads, 178; Cabbine, 86; Cabin, 18, 19, 31, 87, 137–139, 178, 195, 269, 283, 290, 293–294, 362, 384; Cabin-­Table, 195, 294; Canoe(s), 40–41, 53–55, 58, 63, 71, 73, 78, 79, 83, 84, 87, 141–143, 297, 306; Cargo, 153–155, 157, 158, 161, 163, 166, 188, 196, 201, 202, 214, 241, 257, 334, 366, 368, 370, 373, 375, 377; Casks, 16, 29, 33; Caulk, 184–185; Charter-­Party, 26–27, 150, 368; Chase, xxii, xxvi, 44, 149, 179, 188, 203, 269, 350, 385–386, 390, 404; collation passim, 289, 297, 317, 344, 369, 378, 381, 382, 391, 396, 407, 409, 419; Compass, 21, 29, 34, 83, 131, 139, 151, 201, 239, 368; Cook-­Room, 31–32, 89, 317; Darien’s Com­pany, xxv; Deal Board, 14, 142; Deck, 17–19, 31–32, 140–142, 166, 178–179, 294, 378; Disabled, 4, 34, 81, 190, 221, 385; Disasters, xxiii, 10, 58, 150, 308; Dutch Ships, xxviii, 176, 180–183, 187, 189–192, 195, 203, 206; Fire, ix, xv, 9, 16–21, 26, 28, 45, 47–49, 52–53, 59, 63, 73, 75–76, 80, 82, 84, 88, 93–94, 110, 119, 141–142, 145, 152–153, 155–161, 178–179, 185–186, 201, 205–206, 232–233, 236, 242–243, 254–256, 277–279, 281, 289, 299, 302, 304, 308, 320, 323, 325–326, 363, 369–370, 372–374, 376, 385, 408–409, 412; Fishing, 41, 102, 297; Fleet, 78, 91, 141, 187, 204, 280, 284; Fore-­mast, xxxiii, 11, 19, 23, 26, 28–29, 33–34, 63, 66, 87, 104, 123, 130, 134, 139, 141, 155, 162, 166, 170, 174, 191, 217, 245, 250, 253, 262, 267, 292, 294, 347, 371, 416; Freight, 109, 200–202, 257, 291, 343, 397; Freighters, 291; Graving, 184; G ­ reat Cabbin, 30–31, 293; Gunnel / gun-­wale / gun-­wail, 185; Guns, 17–19, 21–22, 37, 64, 73, 76, 79, 85, 99, 140–143, 151–152, 157–158, 179–180, 184, 186, 190, 204, 206, 220, 227, 289, 364, 368, 385, 388; Hamburgher, 257; Hammock, 304; Hold, 12; Hoops, 16; Junk / Jonk, 191, 197, 203, 204, 392, 396, 398, 399; Jury-­Fore-­Mast, 29, 33, 292; Keel, 19; Lanthorn(s), 19; Leak, 34, 175–176, 178, 183–185, 187, 383, 384, 389; Light, xxiii, xxv, 7, 17–19, 21–22, 34, 49, 52–53, 79, 82, 96, 114, 121, 138, 140, 152–153, 157, 176, 190, 211, 232, 247, 255, 289, 305, 401; Long-­Boat, 19, 21–22, 27, 36–38, 43, 63, 73, 84, 94,

438 I n d e x Ship (cont.) 141–144, 153–155, 158, 165–166, 170, 176, 178–179, 182–185, 190, 192, 227, 364, 373; Luggage Boats, 257; Main Top-­Mast, 28, 33, 292; Man of War, 104, 143, 179, 195; Mast, 21, 28–29, 33, 63, 141, 155, 166, 170, 217, 271–273, 278–279, 294; Merchant Ship, 150–151, 177, 187; Mops, 185; Oars, 21, 22, 30, 289; Oil, xxx, 183, 185; Pacquet, xxii, 258; Pay the Seams, 185; Periagua, 41, 297; Perspective Glass(es), 19; Pinnace, 43, 158, 161, 180, 183; Pitch-­Kettle, 185–186; Pitch-­Pot, 185; Privateer, 167, 190, 203, 206, 258; Quarter-­Deck, 18, 166, 378; Quarter-­Deck Guns, 17, 18, 140; Round-­ house, 11, 13, 16, 18, 38, 44, 47, 69, 87–88, 98, 122, 132, 155, 167, 169, 197, 238, 239, 247, 253, 276; runagate, 90, 330; Sail(s), 21, 28–29, 33, 141, 162, 191, 217, 240, 289, 363; sequel, xiii, xviii, xx, xxvi, xxvii, xxxiii; Shallop / Shalloup, 21, 36, 295; Ship-­Bed, 51, 304; Shipwreck’d, 26, 138; Shrowds / Shrouds, 141; Skeets, 141, 363; Skiff, 21; Sloop, 15–16, 27, 36, 140, 146–147, 149, 178, 363, 366; Speedy Return, xxv, xxvi, 181; square Sail, 29; Staves, 16, 77, 81–82, 321, 323, 325; Steerage, 19, 179; Stern, 31, 141–142, 179–180, 385; Supra-­Cargo, 150, 151, 153–155, 157, 158, 161, 163, 166, 202, 368, 370, 373, 375, 377; Tallow, 185, 233; Tarpaulin, 46, 275; Tar-­Pawling, 46; Telescope(s), 19; Ton, 90, 165, 287, 289; tonnage, 19; Tow-­Line, 153; Tubs, 16; Vessels, 16, 24, 174, 182, 189, 203, 398; waste Boards / wash-­boards, 142; Wheel, 16, 19, 224; Wreck(s), xv, 26; Wrecked, xv, 26, 44, 137–138; Yard-­A rm, 190, 195 Shochet, Gordon, 148 Shot, 17, 43, 60, 75–76, 80–83, 93, 143, 153–156, 159–160, 162, 178–180, 205, 219, 222, 224, 231, 253–254, 310, 325, 364, 370, 374, 385 Siege, xvii, 30, 34, 103, 181, 205–206, 215, 255, 399 Sight, xvii, 19, 30, 32, 47, 51, 53, 55, 61, 65–66, 67, 71, 76, 78, 83–85, 94, 106, 112, 114, 141–142, 145, 149, 153, 156, 159, 161, 171, 183–184, 207, 217, 238, 247, 250, 255, 265, 305, 327, 365, 370, 374–375, 388 Sill, Geoffrey, xxxi, 23, 417 Simonin, Michel, 65 Sin(s), 38, 122, 126–127, 165, 230, 234, 236, 245, 411 Sincerity, 107, 110, 111, 114, 121, 129, 134, 198, 246 “Sincerity Crisis,” 111, 134 Skeleton, 15, 30, 209, 246

Slave(s), xxx, 26, 55, 56, 58, 67, 69, 71, 73, 79, 80–81, 86, 99, 106, 109, 133, 137, 147, 183–184, 206, 209–210, 307, 319, 322, 327, 358, 387, 399, 401 Sledges / Sleds, xxx, 240, 241, 248, 412 Sleep, 8, 9, 24, 47, 51, 60, 62, 71, 72, 136–137, 139, 152, 156, 195, 222, 242, 290, 304, 361, 362, 372 Small Shot, 82, 143, 153 Smeeks, Hendrik, David Fausett, and Robert Leek, 87 Smith, William, 34, 415 Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 109 Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 109 Society for the Reformation of Manners, 628 Solitude, xxx, 91, 143, 250–251 Sousa-­de-­Macedo, Antonio, xxxiii Spanish Inquisition, 187 Spanish Proverbs, 90, 169 Speculative science, xxiv Speech balloons, 186 Spinoza, Benedict, 128 Spirit(s), 8, 9, 22–24, 51–52, 54, 94, 108, 137, 194, 234, 246, 249, 266 Starr, G. A., 27, 42, 146, 417 Starvation, xv, 30, 46, 86, 137 St. Benedict, 120, 128, 130–131, 351 Sterne, Laurence, 205, 419 Stewart, Larry, 92 Story, xxviii, xxix, xxx, 3–4, 7, 8, 10, 17, 28, 31, 34, 36–41, 51–55, 61, 63, 77, 81, 85, 130, 131, 159, 167, 168, 170, 178, 183, 184, 186, 187, 190, 197, 205, 206, 215, 219, 227, 228, 232, 282, 288, 312, 338, 368, 389, 408, 415, 419 Stranger, 13, 40, 64, 168, 175, 223, 406 Strife, 12, 67 Strug­gles, xvii, xxvii, 13, 249, 286 Sturmer, John von, 124 Sublime, xxx, xxxiii, 7, 30–31, 94 Summons, 249 Supra-­Cargo, 150, 151, 153–155, 157–158, 161, 163, 166, 202, 368, 370, 373, 375, 377 Survival, xiv, 30 Sutherland, James, 110 Swan, Captain, 176 Swearing, 46, 49, 60, 89, 329 Swedenberg, H. T., 172 Swift, Jonathan, 110, 202 Sword(s), xviii, 17, 54–55, 78–79, 81–82, 152, 155 Symiter, 404 Sympathy, xvii, 47, 72, 156 Taj Mahal, 174 Tate, Nahum, xxii Tavernier, John Baptista, 201

Index Taylor, William, iv, xiii, xx, xxxi, xxxvi, 17, 261, 267, 269, 271, 272–273, 276 Tears, xv, 10, 12, 21–24, 36–37, 83, 94, 116, 118–119, 129, 135, 289, 332 Teat, Captain, 176 Technology, 75 Teeth, 8, 81–82, 93, 144, 228 ­Temple, Richard, xxxii, 265 Tenement, 44 Tennyson, Alfred Lord, 220 Tent(s), 43, 61, 80, 98, 116, 238, 252, 255, 271–274, 276, 278–280, 347 Terdiman, Richard, 149 Terror, xvii, xxx, 19, 28, 55, 68, 81, 117, 159, 161, 189, 374 Testimony, 73, 119–120, 187, 191, 229 Teutonic Knights, 215 Thatch’d, 88, 157, 372 Thinking, 19, 23, 67, 173, 254, 526, 533, 562, 576, 589, 592, 608, 616, 656, 658 Thirteenth C ­ entury, 207 Thirty Years War, xvii, 158, 206 Thomas, Keith, 158 Thompson, H. P., 109, 382 Thomson, James, xxxiv, 175, 382 Tide, 30, 50, 56, 76, 168, 170, 252, 547, 623 Tilley, Morris Palmer, 7, 417 Tilly, Count, 158, 181 Todorov, Tzvetan, 89 Toland, John, 591 Tooke, Andrew, 26, 416 Tools, Iron-­Work (Nails, Tools, Staples, hooks, hinges), 17, 88, 98, 288, 329; Axe, 48, 61, 87, 97, 155, 302, 311, 328, 372–373, 405; Bars, 248; Bolts, 28, 88, 248; Chissels, 98, 335; Forge, 88, 226; Hammer, 48, 88, 98; Harrows, 97; Hatchet, 58–61, 63, 65, 80–83, 85, 87, 310–311, 322, 325, 328; Hinges, 17, 88, 98, 288; Hooks, 17, 88, 288; Iron-­Spikes, 81; Nails, 17, 88, 98; Pick-­A xe, 87, 97; Plows, 97, 335; Pole-­A xe, 48, 155, 302, 372–373, 405; Rake, 97; Saw, 61, 68, 97, 311; Scissars, 98, 151, 328; Shovel, 59, 87, 97; Sledges, xxx, 240–241, 412; Staples, 17, 88, 98, 329 Townshend, Charles 2nd Viscount, 72 Trade, xxii, 14, 16–17, 28, 38, 48, 69, 72, 99, 102, 132, 147, 151, 168–170, 172–174, 182, 188–190, 192, 194, 197, 202, 204, 206, 212–213, 226, 230, 241, 248, 265, 267, 336, 379, 381 Traer, James, 107 Traveller(s), 170, 209, 223, 228, 233, 238, 248, 252, 401 Travels, xix, xx, xxii, xxv, xxvii, xxviii, xxxvi, 1, 68, 111, 145, 150, 168, 170, 181, 199, 201, 202, 207, 211, 214, 218, 225–228,

439 235–236, 238, 240–242, 251, 253, 257, 267, 271–274, 276–277, 279–280, 296, 315 Traver, John, 100 Treaty of Karlowitz, 258 Treaty of Ryswick, 151 Treaty of Utrecht, 28, 72, 206 Trinity, 104, 134 Tripos, The [journal], 77 Troop(s), 72, 205–206, 218, 225, 235, 249, 252, 256, 399 True (truth), xxi, xxiii, xxxiv, xxxvi, 6, 7, 9, 21, 26, 35, 38, 49, 52, 63, 74, 75, 78, 83, 84, 86, 92, 97–100, 105–108, 111, 113, 114, 115, 117–119, 121, 126, 128, 133, 149, 156, 159, 161, 170, 171, 175, 177, 181–183, 187, 190, 195, 196, 201, 203, 206, 208, 214, 225, 256, 347, 352, 377, 387, 391, 399, 403, 407, 415 Tsarina Sophia, xxviii Turberville, George, xxxiv, 244 Turner, Daniel, 24, 137, 416, 594 Tyack, George S., 114 Unigenitus, 100 Valentine and Orson, 94 Vapours, xxii, 7, 9, 10, 138, 194 Vatican, xxiv, 120, 198 Vauban, Sébastien le Prestre de, 205 Vega, Garcilasso de la, 124 Vengeance, 62, 103, 126, 355 Vitoria, Francisco de, 77, 124, 146 Virgil, 49, 263 ­Virginia, xxix, 30 Virgin Mary, 198 Volley, 81–82, 153, 161 Voltaire, François-­Marie d’Arouet, 92 Wafer, Lionel, 23, 170, 416, 537, 610 Walpole, Robert, 248, 565 Walter, John, 650 Wanley, Nathaniel, 569 Warfare, xx, xxi, xxii, 556, 561, 567, 568, 599, 633, 634, 635, 645, 661 Warner, Thomas, 614 War of the Spanish Succession, 577, 632, 633 Waterways: Baltick, xxix, 226, 241, 248, 407; Bay of All-­Saints, xix, 141, 145; Bay of Bengale, 163, 165, 174; Bay of Biscay, 14; Black Sea, 236, 253; Cape de ben/bon Esperance, 150; Cape of Good Hope, 150, 416; Cape St. Augustine, 145; Caspian, 213, 253; Delta Amacuro, 35; Delta Orinoco, 35; Firth of Forth, xxv; ­Great Canal, 189; Kara Sea, 239; Lake Baikal, 235; Lake Jerawinski, 235; Lake Schackze-­Oser, 135; Mediterranean Sea, 26, 187; Northeast Passage, 220; North Sea, 257, 407;

440 I n d e x Waterways (cont.) Northwest Passage, 220; Sea of Okhotsk, 226; Sea-­Port Town, xviii, 65, 176, 182, 241, 277; Straits of Mallaccca, 175 Watt, Ian, xxi, xxxii, 145 Weapons, 37, 41, 43, 59–61, 78, 85, 152, 218, 298, 326 Werner, Edward, 207 Wharey, James Blanton, 197 Whatley, Janet, 64 Whitehall Eve­ning Post, The, 120 Wieczynski, Joseph L., 243 Wild, Robert, xvi, xxvi, 22, 416 Wildey, George [map collector], 256 Wilkinson, Clennel, 174 William III, xxii, 196, 205 William and Mary, 35 William Andrews Clark Memorial Library, xxxi, 83, 114 Willis, Thomas, 23, 416 Wilmot, John, 2nd Earl of Rochester, 106, 117 Wilson, Philip K., 24 Wisdom, 58, 92, 172, 245, 247

Wolf, John, 199 Won­der, xxii, xxvii, 28, 41, 64, 68, 83, 87, 103, 109–110, 129, 130, 139, 142, 144–145, 171, 188, 189, 204, 217–218, 221–222, 229, 241, 243–244, 248–249, 259, 263, 313, 362, 388, 399, 405 Woolf, ­Virginia, xxix, 30 Woolrych, Austin, 158 Worcester affair, xxv, xxvi, xxxiii, 177, 181, 191, 261 World War II, xxxiii, 30 Wren, Christopher Sir, 89 Writing, xx, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, xxxiv, 3, 8, 23, 25–26, 28–29, 34–35, 44, 46, 72, 91, 100, 132, 140, 168–170, 174, 177, 192, 202, 214, 230, 242, 247, 269–270, 354, 415, 419 Wycherley, William, xxii, 38, 216 Wyld, Henry Cecil, 169 Young, George, 170 Zagorin, Perez, 118 Zeal, xxviii, 107, 109–111, 116, 120, 129, 198, 200, 230–231, 348, 408