The Eternal Paddy: Irish Identity and the British Press, 1798-1882 [1 ed.] 9780299186630, 9780299186647

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The Eternal Paddy

HISTORY O/IRELAND

and the IRISH DIASPORA James S. Donnelly, Jr. Thomas Archdeacon SERIES EDITORS

HISTORY of IRELAND

and the IRISH DIASPORA

The Eternal Paddy Irish Identity and the British Press/ 1798-1882

Michael de Nie

The University of Wisconsin Press

The University of Wisconsin Press 1930 Monroe Street Madison, Wisconsin 53711 www.wisc.edu/wisconsinpress/ 3 Henrietta Street London WC2E 8LU, England Copyright © 2004 The Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System All rights reserved 5

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Printed in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data De Nie, Michael Willem. The eternal paddy: Irish identity and the British press, 1798-1882/ Michael de Nie. p. cm.- (History of Ireland and the Irish diaspora) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-299-18660-1 (cloth: alk. paper)-ISBN 0-299-18664-4 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Ireland-History-19th century-Press coverage-Great Britain. 2. IrelandPress coverage-Great Britain-History-l9th century. 3. Ireland-Foreign public opinion, British-History-l9th century. 4. National characteristics, Irish-Press coverage-Great Britain-History-19th century. 5. National characteristics, Irish-Foreign public opinion, British-History-19th century. 6. Irish question-Press coverage-Great Britain-History-19th century. Z Irish questionForeign public opinion, British-History-19th century. 8. Stereotype (psychology)-Great Britain-History-l9th century. 9. Ireland-Relations-Great Britain. 10. Great Britain-Relations-Ireland. I. Title. II. Series. DA950.D37 2004 941.5081-dc22 2003020565

For Karen

Contents

List of nIustrations ix Acknowledgments xi Introduction 3 1. 1798 and the Union 36 2. The Great Famine, 1845-52 82 3. The Fenian Era, 1867-70 144 4. The Land War, 1879-82 201

Conclusion 267 Notes 279 Bibliography 311 Index 331

IDustrations

1. James Gillray, French Liberty. British Slavery

51 Gillray, London Corresponding Society, alarm'd 55 3. James Gillray, Un Petit Souper 56 4. 'The English Labourer's Burden" 92 5. "Dnion is Strength" 97 6. "The New Irish Still" 98 7. "Young Ireland in Business for Himself" 110 8. "A Physical Force Chartist Arming for the Fight" 124 9. "The British Lion and the Irish Monkey" 125 10. "The New St. Patrick" 136 11. "Presenting a Bill" 149 12. "Natural Allies" 150 13. "St. George and the Dragon" 151 14. "Mercy v. Justice" 156 15. "Justice Tempers Mercy" 160 16. "The Mad-Doctor" 165 17. "A Fancy Portrait" 168 18. "The Irish 'Tempest'" 171 19· "Justice-For Ireland" 174 20. "The Four-Leaved Shamrock" 184 21. "Absolution" 185 22. /IIFor He's a Jolly Good Fellow!'" 186 23. "The Martyr Church" 188 24. "A Sop for Cerberus" 193 25. "The Impatient Patient" 194 26. "The Irish Treason Shop" 198 27. "The Persuasive Beggar and the Frightened Politician" 207 28. "The Irish Grievance Grinder" 211 29. "Led Astray" 212 30. "The Wind-Raiser" 215 31. "The Irish Caliban" 218 32. "The Modem Oedipus (7) and the Irish Sphinx" 219 33. "The Dragon and St. George" 220 2. James

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34. "Popular Sport in Scotland and Ireland" 221 35. "The Good Crop" 224 36. "Not a Moment Too Soon" 227 37. ,I/Now, God Help Thee, Poor Monkey!'" 228 38. "'Urgency!'" 230 39· "The Bill-Sticker" 234 40. "Soothing the Savage Beast" 235 41. "The Most Recently Discovered Wild Beast" 238 42. "In Bad Company" 244 43. "Sops to Cerberus" 247 44. "The Irish Frankenstein" 250 45. 'Two Forces" 259 46. "Irish 'Disturbance'" 260 47. "At Last!" 261 48. liThe Rivals" 262 49. "The 'Friends' of Erin" 263

Acknowledgments

I would like to first thank James S. Donnelly, Jr., of the University of Wisconsin-Madison for his careful reading, suggestions, and encouragement in each of the phases of this project. Thanks are also due to Suzanne Desan and Johann Sommerville of Wisconsin-Madison, both of whom helped me to hone my rhetorical edges and reconsider my major points in addition to showing me many kindnesses. I am also grateful to Matt O'Brien, Tim McMahon, Brian Bunk, and Erik Jensen for their excellent advice and assistance and, at Texas Christian University, Karen Steele, Bonnie Blackwell, and Anne Helmreich for their suggestions and support. I can never properly acknowledge the debt lowe to my wife, Karen. Several of the chapters in this work incorporate material that previously appeared in Eire-Ireland 32:1 (1997), Irish Studies Review 6:1 (1998), Working Papers in Irish Studies 99:3 (1999), and the Journal of British Studies 40:2 (2001). I would like to thank the publishers for their kind permission to reproduce this material. I would also like to acknowledge the assistance I received with some of the illustrations from the UniverSity of Wisconsin-Madison Memorial Library, the British Museum, the British Library, and the Boston Public Library.

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The Eternal Paddy

Introduction

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for the proposed Act of Union of Great Britain and Ireland, the Times predicted in April 1799 that "nothing can tend to humanize the barbarous Irish as an habitual intercourse with this country and the opportunities of observing the civilized manners of those who are from it."· The Act of Union was widely regarded by the British press as an opportunity to remodel Ireland politically, economically, and morally. After the act was passed, the "Irish question" came to focus largely on how Britain might reconstruct Ireland in its own image. The most commonly prescribed cure for Britannia's "sick sister" Erin was anglicization, the transplantation of the qualities that supposedly made Britain first among nations. Simply put, Ireland needed to become less Irish and more British. This transformation proved elusive in the decades following the union, but a second opportunity came in 1846, when the cultural and social forces that had resisted British civilization were weakened by famine and disease. Many British newspapers regarded the potato blight and subsequent distress as a providentiallesson that would force the Irish peasants and their landlords to adopt British characteristics and economic models. In the opening years of the famine, large sections of the press boldly predicted that a moral and social revolution was imminent in Ireland, sharing in the Timess confidence that "an island, a social state, a race is to be changed."2 The optimism that accompanied the Act of Union and famine-era legislation such as the reformed poor laws was followed by disappointment and nagging doubts as to whether the Irish could, after all, become British. Public faith in anglicization was already flagging by the fall of 1867, when Britain was rocked by its first experience with Irish nationalist political violence in British cities. These episodes and the FFERING ITS SUPPORT

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Introduction

general "Fenian Panic" that followed did not extinguish British sympathy for the Irish people or cease popular interest in solving the Irish question. They did, however, throw even more doubt on the anglicization project, leaving newspapers such as the Daily Telegraph with "a feeling that Ireland is inflicted with an incurable disease, and that though we may use the strait-waistcoat for her mad fits, we can have no certain hope of seeing her one day clothed and in her right mind."3 By the end of the Land War in 1882, popular hopes for the transformation of Ireland had disSipated. What began in 1800 as a hopeful endeavor to improve the Irish character, develop the Irish economy, and ensure justice in the neighboring isle became a Simple, if extremely thorny, question of political expediency. The Irish had resisted all British attempts to mollify them with conciliatory measures or to force them into line with coercion bills. As a result, the Sheffield Independent revealed in May 1882 that even Ireland's old friends in the Liberal party found their enthusiasm to aid their neighbor "sensibly cooled, and in some cases extinguished by the desponding feeling that the regeneration of Ireland is nearly hopeless."4 One could no longer hope to transform Ireland and the Irish, but only somehow to govern them. This study will explore how and why British views of Ireland evolved in this manner over the course of the nineteenth century. 5 To accomplish this, I examine more than ninety London and local newspapers published in England, Wales, and Scotland during four key periods: 1798-1800, 1845-52, 1867-70, and 1879-82. These dates encompass the most important events in the history of Anglo-Irish relations prior to the home rule bill of 1886. These include the 1798 rebellion and Act of Union of 1800, the Great Famine, the Fenian rising and terrorism in Britain, the disestablishment of the Irish church, William Gladstone's land acts, and the political ascension of Charles Stewart Parnell and the Irish Parliamentary party. All of these episodes captured popular and press attention, demanded parliamentary time, and forced Britons to think seriously about the Irish question and its possible solutions. By closely examining reporting on Ireland and its people in these years I will reveal not only how Britons interpreted and responded to these crucial events as they unfolded, but also the progression of popular British conceptions about Ireland and the Irish question in the period between the union and the first Irish home rule bill. Throughout the nineteenth century, British reporting on Ireland was crucially informed by the enduring stereotypes that constituted Irish identity. "Paddy," the objectified Irishman, was discursively constructed in leading articles, editorial cartoons, and letters to the editor using a

Introduction

number of different elements. The most important components in this manufacture were stereotypes of race, religion, and class. Rooted in traditional anti-Irish prejudices, these stereotypes were all revived and reaffirmed for the press by episodes of violence or distress in nineteenth-century Ireland. British conceptions of Ireland, the Irish, and themselves were thus always the product of both timeworn stereotypes and contemporary crises and concerns. This study will demonstrate that chauvinistic notions of Ireland's racial, class, and religious identity were fundamental to British constructions of Paddy and Paddyism, to the hierarchical relationship of Ireland and Britain, and instrumental in how Britons interpreted the Irish question and Irish policy.

Race Few scholars would deny the existence of anti-Irish prejudice in Victorian Britain, but some disagree over the extent of this prejudice and its cultural and intellectual roots. For the past thirty years much, though by no means all, of the scholarship in this area has focused on race and religion. Scholars who seek to portray anti-Irish sentiment as a pervasive and deeply implanted strain in British society tend to emphasize the racial aspects of Irish stereotypes. 6 Conversely, those who argue for a less virulent antipathy toward the Irish usually deny that the Irish had any racial identity distinct from the English or British and focus instead on Irish religiOUS or class status to explain negative popular attitudes. 7 In the following pages I will demonstrate that race was a metalanguage in Anglo-Saxonist discourse, a vehicle for expressing multiple anxieties and preconceptions, among them class concerns and sectarian prejudices. Newspapers, depending on their ideological bent or the matter under discussion, might emphasize each of these key elements differently, but collectively British conceptions of Irish identity were always a combination of ethnicity, religion, and class. In British eyes, the eternal Paddy was forever a Celt, a Catholic, and a peasant. Discourses that portrayed the Irish as the "Celtic fringe," the cultural and racial Other, have existed since the Normans first invaded in the twelfth century. One of the earliest and most influential writers to portray the Irish in this manner was Geraldus (or Giraldus) Cambrensis, or Gerald of Wales, who described the Irish as barbarous murderers and thieves. In two works, The Topography ofIreland (1187) and The Conquest of Ireland (1189), Gerald set out what would become the standard English view of Ireland for hundreds of years, and his works were still produced and read in both Latin and English into the seventeenth century.8

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Introduction

Gerald's view of the Irish as savage and uncivilized resonated with the Tudor image of the Irish woodkarne, the crude outlaw who lived in the wild forests.9 These descriptions of the Irish persisted and appeared in works of history well into the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, including those by Edmund Spenser, Sir Richard Musgrave, and David Hume. While the early antagonistic accounts of Ireland by Gerald and Spenser endured through the centuries, they were at least partially displaced in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries by the Irishman depicted as a bumbling drunkard or fool in many plays.lo In the late eighteenth century and for much of the nineteenth century, however, the stage Irishman was often pushed aside in favor of the original stereotype of the violent and alien Irish Other. Throughout the nineteenth century, these older hostile stereotypes were also blended with popular theories about race and national character. As Perry Curtis demonstrates in AnglO-Saxons and Celts and Apes and Angels, new trends in ethnology and anthropology were used to justify existing ideas about inherited natural capacities for success or failure among different peoples. British writers, politicians, and comic artists used these theories to "prove" what many Britons already strongly suspected, that the Irish were naturally inferior to the Anglo-Saxons in almost every way. The cultural differences and violent outbreaks that marred Anglo-Irish relations for hundreds of years could now be explained by supposedly scientific reasoning. Simply put, the Irish came to be seen by many as "a subrace or people with habits antithetically opposed to English norms of thought and behavior," a people whose telltale and inherent defects were theirs alone. I I These racialized conceptions of the Irish were the product of the new scientific racism that developed in Britain over the course of the nineteenth century. In Victorian usage, "race" was a flexible term used to describe cultural, social, linguistic, religious, and ethnic groups alike. 12 Regardless of whom it signified, the concept of race is inherently hierarchical and is based on the ideas of difference and inequality. The scientific racism that evolved in Europe during the nineteenth century was built on many preexisting conceptions about other nationalities as well as about Europeans themselves. The writings of ethnologists and anthropologists developed in parallel with popular ideas of difference and long-held stereotypes and lent them a stamp of scientific approval. The spread of empire fed the compulsion to rank cultures and people. 13 This fascination was especially evident in European travel writing, which was an exercise in gathering information that often laid the

Introduction

groundwork for, or justified, acts of conquest or imperial rule. 14 The desire to catalog exotic flora and fauna was carried into the study of humankind. Cataloging was not confined to "biological" subjects alone, as Edward Said reminds us in his classic Orientalism: "Orientalism, then, is the knowledge of the Orient that places things Oriental in class, court, prison, or manual, for scrutiny, study, judgment, discipline, or governing." 15 Even the briefest review of Anglo-Irish relations or British middleclass attitudes toward the working classes in the nineteenth century reveals that Orientals were not the only group scrutinized, judged, and diSciplined. At the tum of the nineteenth century, most scientists in Britain and Europe subscribed to monogenism, the belief that all human beings belonged to a single species and that all the races had a common origin. Rooted in Christian theology, monogenism also appealed to humanitarian groups and abolitionists who argued for a brotherhood of man, though it did not preclude European ethnocentrism or beliefs in natural hierarchies. Opposite the monogenists stood a small but growing number of polygenists, those who argued that the different races of humankind were so unalike mentally, morally, and physically that they constituted distinct and immutable species. Though religiously unorthodox, the polygenetic view held considerable appeal to those who sought to explain and justify European and white superiority over nonwhite peoples. In the debate between the monogenists and the polygenists, the polygenist or quasi polygenist approaches steadily gained in popularity and authority during the first half of the nineteenth century.16 The increasing acceptance of polygenism was closely connected with the expanding popularity and authority of cranialogy, the science of skull shapes, and phrenology, the study of the relation between mental abilities and character traits and the structure of the skull and brain sizeP Both ofthese were modernized incarnations of the ancient practice of physiognomy, the art of divining personal or national character from physical appearances, especially of the face. While the precise measurements of the phrenologists seemed to offer a more sophisticated and scientific approach to the study of race, they actually reinforced prevailing prejudices and provided additional arguments for fixed and distinct racial types. As Douglas Lorimer points out, "since the European head shape was always the standard of comparison, any deviation from this ideal revealed degeneration in form or inferior development." ls The upshot, as many historians have noted, was that while British racial science may have been more scientific by the mid-century, it was also more racist.

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Introduction

As racial science became more deterministic, the idea of static and innate racial types was increaSingly used to explain not only physical differences, but also cultural, social, and economic disparities. The result was a racial and cultural great chain of being, with the Europeans at the top and Africans or aboriginal Australians at the bottom. 19 One of the most influential advocates of racial determinism in mid-nineteenthcentury Britain was the Scottish anatomist Robert Knox. Knox disapproved of the imprecise way in which his contemporaries used the word "race" and sought to restore the primacy of the "zoological," or biolOgical element in explanations of racial difference. 2o "Race," he famously declared, "is everything: literature, science, art-in a word, civilisationdepends on it."21 In The Races ofMen (1850) Knox sought to convince his readers that the various European peoples were distinct races perpetually in conflict because of biologically determined human nature and national characteristics. He was especially interested in the differences between AnglO-Saxons and Celts. Contrary to the prevailing Wisdom, Knox argued that there had "been no amalgamation of the Celtic and Saxon races in Ireland," and in fact "the Irish Celt is as distant from the Saxon as he was seven hundred years ago."22 For Knox, the unique qualities of each race explained the wide disparity in living conditions, economic development, and political maturity in the two islands. Speaking to the Celt about the Saxon's character, he claimed that "with him all is order, wealth, comfort; with you reign disorder, riot, destruction, waste."23 Knox attracted a number of students who became prominent physicians and anatomists and helped to spread his theories, including James Hunt, who called together number of Knox supporters to found the Anthropological Society of London in 1863.24 Although few Victorian scientists and members of the educated public were won over to Knox's strict biological definition of race, they increaSingly came to share his belief that race was indeed "everything." The publication of Charles Darwin's The Origin ofSpecies (1859) and The Descent ofMan (1871) and the popularization of evolutionarytheory undermined and ultimately discredited the polygenists' attempts to differentiate the "species" of humankind. At the same time, however, they were also used to reinforce arguments for a biologically determined hierarchy of races and nations. While "inferior" and "savage" peoples no longer constituted a separate branch of the human species, to European observers they were less developed or even less evolved and thus closer to humankind's origins. As a result, Jean Jacques Rousseau's state of nature was recast, and although the savage was still childlike, he had lost his noble and primeval innocence. In George W. Stocking's words,

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Introduction

"Evolutionary racism did not merely assert the existence of a hierarchy of distinct races, it offered a secular explanation of how that hierarchy had arisen, and gave to it the accumulated weight of evolutionary processes in a greatly expanded span of time."25 As :l result, race became both a popular and scientifically respectable explanation for inequality, human behavior, and indeed the course of human history. Darwinian theory succeeded not only because of its scientific merits, but also because of the conjunction of time and place in which it was introduced. The seemingly progressive nature of evolution had an appeal well beyond biologists and natural historians. Social scientists, as well as the general public, were qUick to grasp the teleological possibility of constant cultural and social progress. As a result, cultural anthropologists began to describe cultural or social differences in Darwinian terms of evolutionary stages of development. 26 This again reconciled the concept of single human race with the ideas of inequality and hierarchy Europeans took for granted. For example, E. B. 'JYlor, one of the most prominent cultural anthropologists of the nineteenth century, wished to substitute culture for race as the engine of human development; yet he still believed that culture developed unevenly and "persisted in placing whites at the top of a rank-ordering of various cultural and racial groups." This in tum led him to doubt whether "there were ever any White savages."27 Cultural anthropology and phrenology were not limited to the study of Africans and Australians; they were also used to explain various differences among the people of Europe, including AnglO-Saxons and Celts, particularly Irish Celts. As was the case with other "inferior" peoples, these theories reinforced traditional stereotypes and offered a scientific explanation for both Irish poverty and disorder and English prosperity and stability. In Anglo-Saxonist thought, England's preeminent position in the world-its wealth, its empire, and especially its achievements in representative government-were all attributed to its distinct racial identity and the collection of hereditary character traits passed down from the original AnglO-Saxon settlers led by Hengest and Horsa. In order to make these claims for AnglO-Saxon distinctiveness and superiority Englishmen and women compared and ranked their nation against France, Germany, the United States, India, China, and Africa on many levels. Protestantism was compared with (and found superior to) Catholicism, Judaism, and Islam. 28 Anglo-Saxons were commonly believed to possess an intrinsic genius for self-government, industry, justice, honesty, and fair play. While other peoples, especially in Northern

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Introduction

Europe, shared some of these characteristics, it was never in quite the same happy formula. Within the United Kingdom the self-made middleclass man or sturdy laborer was ranked above unruly trade unionists, the lazy poor, or spendthrift landowners, especially in the latter half of the century. Rarely, however, were any of these scoundrels regarded as below Paddy, and no group was more degraded or dehumanized in the pages of the press than Irish rebels and nationalist leaders. One of the most systematic attempts to quantify the racial differences between the Irish and English was carried out byJohn Beddoe, who later became president of the AnthropolOgical Institute.29 In Races ofBritain (1862), Beddoe posited an "Index of Nigressence" that measured the ratio of fair-skinned to more melanous persons in various parts of Great Britain and Ireland. He implied that one end of the scale, the fair-skinned orthognathous (straight-jawed) people, were superior to the darkerprognathous (pronounced jaw line) population. Beddoe found his index rose steadily as he moved east to west, and the darkest and most prognathous Celts he encountered, in the west of Ireland, he classified as "Africanoid," speculating on their African roots. The Irish, the "European Negroes," were thus accounted by some anthropolOgists as inferior to those of Germanic or Northern European origin. As Perry Curtis skillfully demonstrates in Apes and Angels, this assumed inferiority was increasingly symbolized by the simianization of the Irish beginning around mid-century. Portrayed in cartoons as dark, heavy-jawed criminals, semibestial apemen, or even outright inhuman monsters, these Irish subjects inhabited a lower branch on the human family tree. Victorian readers encountered arguments for Irish and English racial difference in a wide range of works, not just scientific studies and the popular press. For example, in his History ofEngland (1848) one of the most famous and popular historians of the Victorian era, Thomas Babington Macaulay, offered his judgment that "the difference of religion was by no means the only difference, and perhaps not even the chief difference" that existed between the Irish and the English. "They sprang from different stocks. They spoke different languages. They had different national characters, as strongly opposed as any two national characters in Europe. They were in widely different stages of civilisation."30 Macaulay argued that at the time of the Glorious Revolution, "no man of English blood then regarded the abOriginal Irish as his countryman. They did not belong to our branch of the great human family. They were distingUished from us by more than moral and intellectual peculiarity, which the difference of situation and of education, great as that difference was, did not seem altogether to explain."31

Introduction

In the opinion of other commentators, the Irish Celt stood even lower than some African peoples. The anonymous author of What Science Is Saying about Ireland (1862) asserted that some scientists regarded the agricultural tribes in Africa "as representing humanity in a state of childhood, developed only a short way, but still so far rightly developed ... whilst they look upon the aboriginal Irish Celt as being wrongly developed."32 As far as the author was concerned, there was no hope for Irish improvement, because heredity teaches "the almost impossibility of altering the nature and character of savage and barbarous people, and that animal character is always observed to accompany animal and strongly prognathous cast of features."33 In this account the Irish have misevolved and stand closer to animals than to other men. Charles Kingsley, one of the most prominent public intellectuals of mid-Victorian Britain, expressed similar sentiments in a letter to his wife describing his travels in Ireland in 1860: "I am haunted by the human chimpanzees I saw ... I don't believe they are our fault ... But to see white chimpanzees is dreadful; if they were black, one would not feel it so much."34 Curtis attributes the transformation of Paddy into the simianized Caliban to both evolutionary science and the discoveries of new ape species, particularly the gOrilla in the late 1840S.35 Paddy's devolved condition was thus symbolized in numerous ways, such as drawing him with ape-like features, jokes about "Mr. G'Orilla," naming a new chimpanzee brought to the London Zoo in 1892 "Paddy," and even cOmically positing in the pages of Punch that the "Irish Yahoo" was the missing link between man and the gorilla. 36 Contemporary radical political and agrarian activity in Ireland also played an important role in these negative depictions of Ireland and the Irish. The largest number of vicious, racialized cartoons and print deSCriptions of the Irish appeared when Ireland seemed most violent, disloyal, and disorderly to British observers. In the eyes of these observers, it seemed that the Irish people were less civilized and that their society was less evolved or premodern. As Knox remarked on the "true Celt" in Races a/Men, neither "time nor circumstances have altered him from the remotest period."37 Even as late as 1881 newspapers such as the Manchester Courier could argue: the truth of the matter is that no government can expect to deal satisfactorily with the Irish people which does not recognise that they are only just emerging from a state of absolute barbarism and their civilisation is at best but skin deep. A hundred years ago, the people of Kerry, of Connemara, and of the south and west of Ireland generally were half-naked savages, and they seem to retain a vast amount of their primitive savagery to this day.38

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Introduction

In this account Ireland is suffering from arrested development; its social and civil maturation has been stunted by inherent defects in the Irish character. The words of the Courier carry even more of a sting when we consider the use of the words "savages" and "savagery." Asians, Indians, and some "dark comers" of Europe might have been associated with "barbarism" at mid-century, but "savagery" was primarily reserved for descriptions of Africans or Pacific Islanders. 39 By describing the Irish peasantry in these terms the Courier highlights just how far Ireland lagged behind the rest of the United Kingdom. Like the evolutionary infants emerging from "a state of absolute barbarism" in other areas of the empire, the Irish needed a civilizing influence, a guardian and mentor to oversee their social, cultural, and political maturation. For most of the nineteenth century, Britons sought to tutor their ignorant wards, the Irish peasants, by encouraging them to emulate the most advanced and civilized race in the history of the world-the Anglo-Saxons. The use of these evolutionary themes in anti-Irish cartoons and reporting on Ireland is representative of the influential and enduring connections between popular attitudes and prejudices and the new racial science. As Nancy Stepan aptly states, "to a large extent, the history of racial science is a history of a series of accommodations of the sciences to the demands of deeply held convictions about the 'naturalness' of the inequalities between human races."40 Scholars in new diSciplines such as anthropology and ethnology tended to follow rather than lead public opinion on race. As the empire expanded and the British middle classes grew accustomed to and legitimized social inequalities at home, the result was "a social and political climate conducive to the acceptance of the scientific defence of inequality."41 As interest in scientific matters grew among the educated public, scientists made efforts to address this curiOSity, leading to what Lorimer describes as a process of "secularization" in science.42 The result was an important exchange in which scientists often borrowed from preexisting beliefs to write about race. "From the 1830S through to the 1870S," Lorimer maintains, "Victorian racial discourse took place within a common context in which scientific papers presented at learned societies were indistinguishable from the books and articles seeking to address an educated public."43 Several of the popular subfields of Victorian science, most notably phrenology, have since been discredited, leading some to dismiss this scientific racism as "pseudoscience." By describing scientific racism as pseudoscience, however, we risk downplaying the authority and appeal that it held for educated Victorians. Stepan argues convinCingly that

Introduction

wWle the connection between racism and science may have been bad science, it would be careless to label it as pseudoscience, which implies that the scholars and works involved existed only on the fringes of academia and popular society, with little or no wider recognition of their theories. 44 Although the science that placed the Irish and other colonized peoples low on the evolutionary ladder was flawed, it was nonetheless extremely popular and generally respected, even after Darwin's ideas took a firm hold. Indeed, the British public and scientific community managed to hold onto ideas of racial types and natural inequality well after evolutionary theory became popular, merging the two in a combination that persisted until the First World War. There was clearly a scientific component to these racial conceptions of Ireland, but many of the stereotypes legitimized by ethnologists existed long before the spread of the new science. As Hannah Arendt submits, race-thinking "sharpened and exploited existing conflicting interests or existing political problems, but it never created new conflicts or produced new categories of political thinking."45 In Apes and Angels Curtis offers a masterful account of how scientific racism influenced political cartoons, but his study does not constitute a complete explanation of British views of Ireland. Curtis agrees that religion and class also played a role in these views of Ireland, but affords them little space in his work. His focus on cartoons-specifically the worst examples of simianization-leaves out not only the considerable number of sympathetic cartoons in the satirical j oumals, but also the great bulk of the most useful medium for analyzing the arc of opinion in Victorian SOCiety: the newspaper press. In other words, British press opinion on the Irish, even that of Punch and its peers, was much more mixed and complex than it might seem in the light of the racialized cartoons that Curtis analyzes. 46

Religion Popular and scientific conceptions of ethnicity and race certainly figured prominently in British understandings of Irishness, but Ireland's religiOUS and class status were equally important. Anti-Catholicism was a persistent social and intellectual trend in Victorian Britain, and although it began to lose favor in the latter part of the century, tensions remained at least into the 1920S.47 Resistance to Catholic tyranny was one of the foundational myths of Britain, stretcWng from AnglO-Saxon resistance to the "Norman Yoke" to the Spanish Armada of 1588 to the Glorious Revolution and the Protestant constitution. In this Protestant narrative, the development of Britain was thus inseparable from the his-

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Introduction

tory of resistance to Catholic hegemonic schemes. At the core of British anti-Catholicism was the belief that God was, after all, on their side. Proof of this could be found not only in their history books, but also whenever Victorians compared their own prosperous and well-ordered country to the disorder and violence of Ireland, Italy, and other Catholic countries.48 Britain had achieved its preeminent position in the world, many argued, with the help of God in order to do his will, which entailed the spread of Protestantism. As with any ideology, the appeal of anti-Catholicism varied substantially among different regions and social classes. Liberals throughout Europe regarded the Catholic Church as a reactionary force that blocked necessary social and political reform. British Protestants, particularly evangelicals, opposed Roman Catholicism on theological, moral, and political grounds. 49 At the center of these objections stood the priesthood, a celibate class that wielded special powers and stood between the soul and its salvation. The priest was suspect not only because of his claim to miraculous powers, but also because of popular concern over immoralities produced by celibacy and cloistering. Victorian Protestants were very distrustful of the confessional as well as disturbed by the threat the priest posed as a rival father figure. Evangelicals also objected to the papacy itself for its claims to supremacy over Christ's church and its history of interfering in the religious and secular affairs of sovereign nations. The papacy's claims to religiOUS supremacy also raised the specter of divided loyalties among Roman Catholic citizens, certainly a long-running theme in British views of Ireland. As a result ofthese suspicions and objections, many members of the educated and middle classes in Britain regarded Catholicism as a system that, as John Wolffe describes it, "was fundamentally inimical to the British society and its embodiment in constitutional and politicallife."50 Like antislavery or other moral-reform campaigns, anti-Catholicism was bound up with a desire to promote morality and spiritual revival and to advance the nation politically and culturally. As a result, according to E. R Norman, these groups saw Catholics, and especially Irish Catholics, as ideal candidates for control and even suppression. In short, Norman argues, "educated Protestants regarded Catholicism as inimical to the proper conduct of civil affairs and national prosperity alike."51 It was simply taken as a truth that no nation could reach its full potential and political maturity under Catholicism. Protestant-Catholic tensions in Victorian Britain peaked during two periods in particular: 1850-52 and 1867-70. Pope Pius IX's papal bull restoring the Catholic hierarchy to England instigated the first of these.

Introduction

The so-called "papal aggression" was vigorously condemned in Britain, particularly in the numerous "No Popery" processions and demonstrations staged across the country. Parliament responded by passing the Ecclesiastical Titles Act of 1851, which, though never enforced, was intended to prevent any of the new Catholic dioceses from taking existing Anglican diocese names. The second peak in religious tensions was produced by several factors: the Murphy riots, the declaration of papal infallibility at the Vatican Council of 1869-70, and the movement instigated by Charles Newdegate to inspect Roman Catholic convents and monasteries. 52 Added to these factors were the public demands made by a newly self-confident and assertive Catholic Church emerging from the "devotional revolution" of the mid-century. Before, between, and even after these two periods various measures of religiOUS liberalization were passed by parliament, keeping the Catholic threat alive in the minds of British evangelicals. Also, as Walter Arnstein reminds us, this threat would not have loomed so large among evangelicals "had they not seen their 'own' Church of England undermined from within by a theolOgical fifth column."53 The Oxford movement within the Anglican Church, which reinstated some elements of Catholic ritual, as well as a number of high-profile Catholic conversions, such as that by John Henry Newman, convinced many devout Protestants of the need always to keep a watchful eye against the spread of "popish" influences in their church and country. Well into the century, a core group of committed, mostly middleclass activists joined various Protestant societies and produced reams of anti-Catholic tracts and periodicals. How were these received at the popular level? More to the point of this study, how did anti-Catholicism affect British views of Ireland and the Irish question? Some scholars, such as Norman, fmd a tangible connection between Ireland and British anti-Catholicism. In his account, the Irish question pushed anti-Catholicism into the political sphere and kept it there, most importantly because of fundamental doubts over the loyalty of Catholics. 54 AntiCatholicism also naturally factored into British views of Irish men and women living in Britain, as Neville Kirk and Alan O'Day have revealed. 55 In combination with other traditional prejudices, anti-Catholic feelings helped delay the immigrants' integration into the host community and contributed to episodes of intracommunal violence. Most historians of anti-Catholicism portray this prejudice as a cultural undertone, which stayed beneath the surface in parliamentary debates on Ireland and ecclesiastical issues, and bled through to the surface during elections, especially in areas with substantial Irish pop-

16

Introduction

ulations. Not all agree, however, that the rise in sectarian tensions at mid-century was brought on by Irish immigration. John Wolffe, for example, cites internal changes within British Protestantism as the driving force behind "No Popery." In a period when the established church was struggling to defend itself against Nonconformist attack, and when both Anglican and dissenting evangelicals searched for a new identity as the evangelical fervor of the early nineteenth century subsided, antiCatholicism became a powerful rallying point and one that could reach across class lines. 56 On the popular level, Wolffe posits, "hatred of Catholicism was associated with the popular culture of Guy Fawkes celebrations, the communal rivalries of Lancashire and Clyde side, the sexual attitudes of Victorian middle-class society, and the yeaming of all groups for excitement and entertainment." 57 In other words, most people attended anti-Catholic meetings and lectures more for their entertainment value than out of devotion to their cause. As alternative forms of entertainment became popular in the last quarter of the century, anti-Catholicism gradually lost its appeal and its audience. To discern what the middle and working classes thought about the Roman Catholic Church and the Irish, D. G. Paz examines popular Victorian fiction. He finds that fictional representations were quite mixed-both used and challenged some of the preVailing stereotypes, especially in stories aimed at the lower middle and working classes. 58 In the end, he argues, these periodicals "rarely linked together Roman Catholics and Irish, despite the demographic facts of the day, which showed that the vast majority of Roman Catholics were Irish." 59 Anti-Catholic prejudice was a pervasive, perhaps even inescapable, subtext of Victorian public life and culture. Itinerant speakers regaled packed lecture halls with tales of scheming priests and licentious convents. Whether or not their publications were read beyond a select audience, various Protestant associations left behind thousands of pamphlets exposing the social and religious evils of Catholicism. This much we can prove. What is more difficult for historians to determine is whether any positive correlation existed between anti-Catholicism and anti-Irish prejudice. Although events in Ireland, such as the Maynooth Grant in 1845, could ignite an anti-Catholic backlash, it would be more productive to search for the roots of anti-Catholicism in British national myths and the contemporary difficulties of the various British Protestant sects than in AnglO-Irish relations. Nonetheless, popular opinions on Catholicism, especially its social and cultural effects, could be and were used to explain events in Ireland or elements of Irish behavior. Traditional stereotypes about Catholic societies were easily applied to Ire-

Introduction

land, and commentators freely blended them with other notions to paint their discursive portraits of Ireland and its ills. These stereotypes were well established and widespread in the pages of British newspapers by the early nineteenth century. According to British commentators, Paddy's religion denoted superstition, mysticism, and allegiance to a foreign despot. His priests waxed fat on fees by encouraging Paddy to marry early and have many children, causing overpopulation and land hunger. ReligiOUS subservience led to intellectual and economic stagnation, backwardness, and sloth. Paddy's religion and his class status also inclined him toward ignorance and gullibility, as among the lower classes in most Catholic societies. Jokes about Irish stupidity were a frequent staple of nineteenth-century British (and American) comic weeklies. Among other things, Irish ignorance supposedly led to indifference and squalor. The British press often claimed that an Irishman did not know the difference between dirtiness and cleanliness. His cabin was filthy and badly lit, and he shared it with his livestock. The Irish alleged love for muck and supposed contentment to live in abject poverty were seen as clear indications of their uncivilized state. Thus they were often symbolized in the satirical press by the pig, especially by the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Another product of the innate subservience of the Irish was their readiness to serve as dupes to professional agitators and firebrands. The interplay between Irish gulls and their leaders was a favorite theme, especially in times of political or civil strife. The identity of the agitators might change over time, but they supposedly always found a willing and easily fooled audience among the Irish people. According to British observers, the Irish were easily led in part because of their ignorance but also because of their readiness for a fight and natural disaffection from the state, which was partly the product of their loyalty to Rome.

Class Although Britons regarded their nation as the most prosperous in the world, they also recognized that it contained a large underclass, often concentrated in pockets of rural and urban poverty. These members of the "dangerous classes" were the subject of a great deal of theorizing, moralizing, and hand-wringing among Britons, which in tum also influenced conceptions of Ireland, widely regarded as a nation of peasants mired in poverty and backwardness. In the early nineteenth century, British society began to draw a number of distinctions between the "deserving" and "undeserving" poor. The poor law was the clearest

17

18

Introduction

expression of the new legal and philosophical distinctions between these two groups. These divisions were the product of new ideas about the poor that established a clear moral division between natural, unavoidable poverty and voluntary pauperism. 60 By substituting a moral interpretation for an economic one, liberal theorists in Britain and on the continent sought to depoliticize poverty and relieve the economic system of responsibility.61 The Irish peasant, who supposedly hated work and preferred to live off the British taxpayer, was also morally impoverished and thus undeserving of public charity. This lack of compunction for receiving public assistance, combined with a propensity for violence and unsanitary living conditions, placed the Irish peasant, and the Irish immigrant in Britain, firmly at the bottom of the dangerous classes. like Henry Mayhew's nomadic street folk (many of whom he believed had Irish roots), they stood apart from society as social, economic, moral, and racial outsiders. Recent studies of class in British history have focused on the power of language and the role of politics in the creation of class identity. This shift toward discourse analysis has led historians to favor conceptions of class as an imagined community, one identity among several that any individual could possess or adopt. 62 This sense of belonging could be based as much on occupation as on a common political stance. Membership in the British middle-class community was probably best marked by the badge of respectability, which in middle-class terms connoted the possession of character, social and moral independence, and property. Some sections of the working classes could also be respectable in their own way and were regarded as a valuable part of the wider British political nation, especially after the 1867 and 1884 Reform Acts. 63 The casual poor, the dangerous classes, and the Irish peasantry were not respectable and were thus a threat, or at least an unwelcome part of SOciety. The qualities of character, such as sincerity, moral virtue, and independence of mind, were the basis of the claim of Britain's middle classes to participation in the political process. The absence of these qualities in the national temperament of foreign countries explained their failures-for example France's unstable government or Ireland's incapacity to rule itself. Character was a concept built on ideas of dynamism and progress. The opposite of character was stagnation, the lack of desire to improve one's lot. "In character discourse," Stefan Collini pOSits, "the individual is not primarily regarded as a member of a political community, but as an already private (though not thereby selfish) moral agent whose mastering of his circumstances is indirectly a contribution

Introduction

to the vitality and prosperity of his society."64 The basis of character, then, was self-reliance, and its opposite was dependence. As a nation of peasants who were content to live in squalor and poverty, never lifting a finger to improve themselves and dependent on support from British taxpayers, the Irish demonstrated their utter lack of character and voided any claims to British charity and self-government. British observers in search of examples of Irish poverty could begin their investigation much closer to home. In many urban areas, especially in Lancashire, parts of Scotland, and London, the Irish question had a concrete manifestation: hundreds of thousands of Irish men and women who immigrated there throughout the nineteenth century.65 By 1851 there were over 500,000 Irish-born people in England and Wales, four-fifths of them in towns of over 10,000. This was the first large-scale migration since the Norman Conquest and in Lynn Hollen Lees's estimation, "amounted to an urban invasion."66 Irish immigration served both to reinforce and to challenge some of the traditional stereotypes deployed to describe Ireland and the Irish.67 Irish ghettoes were notorious for drunkenness, poverty, violence, and criminality. Yet commentators decrying the lack of motivation and improvidence of the Irish peasantry in Ireland often contrasted them with their countrymen who had gone abroad to England or the United States. Irish migrants were noted for their willingness to work extremely long hours at hard jobs (for little money) in America and Britain. This observation in tum created some backlash and increased communal tensions in Britain, where it was often alleged that Irish migrants drove down wages. Irish immigrants were of speCial concern to those researching disease and social decay in Britain's sprawling industrial towns. Although an English translation was not published in Britain until 1892, Friedrich Engels's The Condition of the Working Class in England (1845) is today one of the best known contemporary accounts of the living and working conditions in the industrial slums. Throughout his expose, Engels exercised a number of already well-worn Irish stereotypes. These include their inclination to live in filth and dress in rags, their drunkenness, their crude and uncivilized behavior, and their tendency to lower both wages and the general standard of living wherever they settled in England. Appalled by the conditions he observed in Manchester's Little Ireland, Engels concluded, "The race that lives in these ruinous cottages ... in measureless filth and stench, in this atmosphere penned in as if with a purpose, this race must have reached the lowest stages of humanity."68 In his commentary on the Irish immigrant population, concerns of class, race, and morality converged. While many

19

20

Introduction

nineteenth-century commentators worried that Irish immigrants seemingly refused to integrate into the host society, Engels was more concerned about what could be termed reverse assimilation. Writing before the first great waves of Irish migration to Britain during the famine years, Engels claimed that Irish-born workers or their children already constituted up to a quarter of the population in Britain's great cities. When the these cities contained so many "who have grown up amid Irish filth," he warned, "no one can wonder if the life, habits, intelligence, moral status-in short the whole character of the working class, assimilates the great part of Irish characteristics."69 Thirteen years before the publication (in Germany) of The Condition of the Working Class in England, James Phillips Kay, secretary to the Manchester board of health, produced a report on The Moral and Phys-

ical Condition of the Working Classes Employed in the Cotton Manufactories in Manchester. 70 Like Engels, Kay blamed the Irish for lowering the standard of living in Manchester's slums, and dragging the native lower classes down to their own level. Kaywas particularly concerned with the spread of cholera, which he deemed a moral rather than a medical problem. In other words, it was the working classes' corrupt and immoral lifestyle that made them susceptible to disease. Kay described this moral sickness in medical terms, tracing the degradation of England's lower orders directly to the foreign Irish contagion and recommended its removal. 71 Kay's report reflects not only contemporary racialized prejudices about Irish immigrants, but also another long-running concern and theme in nineteenth-century social and political commentary: the diseased body politiC. Tropes of illness and disease, both moral and mental, were also Widely utilized in reporting on the Irish question and its solution. British concern over Irish immigration was most pronounced around mid-century, when an estimated 1.5 million people left Ireland to escape the famine. A large proportion of the famine emigrants passed through Liverpool. Most went on to the United States or Canada, but large numbers, often those who were too poor or sick to continue their journey, stayed on and settled in Britain.72 British conceptions of Ireland as an essentially premodern society were reaffirmed by the arrival of hordes of emaciated and diseased paupers, some of them falling on public support. In a study ofIrish immigrants in York, Frances Finnegan finds that both journalists and magistrates portrayed the Irish "not only as savage, wild, and reckless, but as Simple idlers, who, though disloyal, were eager to avail themselves of British charity."73 These stereotypes predated the famine immigrants, but with the inundation of Irish pau-

Introduction

pers after 1846 anti-Irish prejudice could take on a more "personal" dimension in York. To British observers, the violent tendencies of the Irish were demonstrated by communal riots pitting the Irish against the English or the Scottish, Orange against Green, or factions of Catholic Irish against one another. Reporters commenting on violent "No Popery" demonstrations or the Murphy riots may have expressed outrage and shock at the behavior of English toughs, but they often took for granted that the Irish sections of town were disorderly and thoroughly unrespectable. Police statistics, which generally overrepresented the Irish, reinforced these assumptions. 74 While the living conditions and criminal statistics of the Irish quarters bolstered images of the Irish as half-Civilized, another trend complemented traditional doubts over Irish Catholic loyalty. Most noticeably in the second half of the century, Irish immigrant support for revolutionary republican organizations or the Irish Parliamentary party often incited alarm in the British press. Although the roots of this concern can be traced to accounts of United Irish cells in Britain and especially in the army and navy in the 1790S, this worry was especially pronounced from the late 1860s onward. The rescue of Fenian prisoners in Manchester and the explOSion at Clerkenwell gaol in London, along with other attempted or supposed bombings, left the British press and public with the unsettling feeling that they harbored a fifth column, and that every city held a "Fenian army in waiting." Irish immigrant votes for home rule candidates or nationalist politicians in British parliamentary elections reinforced the long-held assumption that the Irish gave their political loyalty not to the state, but to their demagogic nationalist leaders.75 The poverty, violence, and supposed disloyalty that marked Irish quarters of English cities ensured that the Irish were the most prominent, or most infamous, outcast social group for most of the nineteenth century. In a study of the Irish in the Victorian city, Roger Swift argues that the status of the Irish was the result of a combination of several negative factors: Outcast from British capitalism as the poorest of the poor, from mainstream British politics as separatist nationalists and republicans, from the '~glo-Saxon" race as "Celts," and as Catholics from the dominant forms of British Protestantism, the Irish were the outcasts of Victorian Britain on the basis of class, nationality, race, and religion, with an accumulated body of disadvantages possessed by no other group of similar size until the East European, largely Jewish immigration of the lateVictorian period. 76

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22

Introduction

While discussing Irish immigrants, Swift could also be describing British views of Ireland more generally. Irish identity was a combination of several factors, not simply a matter of race or religion alone. This combination was central to British thinking on Irish immigrants, but it was not the product of Irish immigration. Migration may have reinforced or focused hostile images of the Irish, mainly by providing supposed examples closer to home, but it did not create them. These stereotypes were central to public discourse on Ireland well before the "green wave" of 1846, and persisted in discussions on the Irish question well after the public lost interest in Irish migration. Britons'views of Ireland and Irishness were shaped not only by traditional anti-Irish stereotypes, but also by the concerns that informed their own sense of identity. Throughout this text I prefer "British" to "English" in describing the press and popular attitudes toward Ireland. I recognize that there was a growing sense of Englishness in the nineteenth century, based partly on the antiquarians' celebration of England's glorious Teutonic past. This Anglo-Saxonism engendered a sense of difference not only from Ireland but also from the rest of the Celtic fringe. In addition, while I do draw on some Welsh and Scottish newspapers, the bulk of the sources used in this study were published in England. The majority of these newspapers, however, tended to use "British" and "Britain" to describe themselves and their country (this was always the case in the Welsh and Scottish papers). Comparisons of morality, temperament, criminality, political ability, and so on between Ireland and "the mainland" were framed in similar terms. Editors and journalists were just as likely to describe the contrast of national character in terms of Irish and British as Celtic and AnglO-Saxon. Most importantly, the widely canvassed solution to the Irish question-anglicization-entailed making Ireland more British, not AngloSaxon. In other words, commentators hoped to fashion a social and economic reformation in Ireland that would lead to it becoming a full participating member of a united kingdom on the same terms as Scotland and Wales. While the Welsh and Scots might have had their humorous idiosyncrasies in English eyes, they were full partners in Great Britain and the administration of the empire.77 When journalists wrote of making Ireland more "British," they were expressing the desire and hope that the Irish, like the Scots and Welsh, would emulate and adopt the positive qualities that were increaSingly believed to be representative of the British nation as a whole, though these qualities may have had AnglO-Saxon or English origins. The foil to the Celtic Caliban was the industrious and upright Anglo-

Introduction

Saxon. Whereas Paddy was a Catholic, a Celt, and a peasant, the symbolic Englishman, John Bull, was Protestant, Anglo-Saxon, and (usually) middle-class. 7s The qualities that made up Britishness included self-control, reason, honesty, love for order and freedom, manliness, character, respect for the law, sobriety, and a firm dislike for enthusiasm or emotionalism. These characteristics uniquely qualified Britain to serve as a mentor or custodian for less developed nations such as Ireland or India. Irishness, in contrast, connoted everything that the British were not: superstitious, feckless, improvident, duplicitous, violent, excitable, subservient to priests and demagogues, and given to drink. According to Britons these qualities left the Irish, like other subject peoples of the empire, half-civilized, unstable, and unprepared to govern their own affairs. Anglo-Saxonism was essentially the belief that the "free-born Englishmen" possessed some natural and inheritable genius for political order, justice, efficiency, and commerce. These skills allowed Britain to become first a commercial and then an imperial world power, while other nations failed for lack of the traits that had led to AnglO-Saxon and British success. Since the publication of Gerald Newman's The Rise of English Nationalism: A Cultural History, 1740-1830 and, even more importantly, Linda Colley's Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707-1837- the study of British identity has turned largely on the idea that Britons dermed themselves by comparison and contrast. 79 That is to say, Britons classified who they were by whom and what they were not. Colley posits that British, as opposed to English or Scottish, consciousness originated and crystallized between the Act of Union with Scotland in 1707 and the beginning of Victoria's reign in 1837. Britons came to see themselves as a Single people "not because of any political or cultural consensus at home, but rather in reaction to the Other beyond their shores."so The role of the Other could at times be the entirety of Catholic Europe, but more often France alone sufficed. Britons defined themselves in terms of their common Protestantism; their nation was the "Protestant Israel." "Britons," Colley argues "were encouraged to look through the Catholic glass darkly so as to see themselves more clearly and complacently."sl Britishness as opposed to Englishness or Scottishness is impOSSible to quantify in any exact manner. While regional identities obviously persisted and sometimes grew stronger after 1707 and 1801, this not did not preclude the construction of a national identity-a core set of "British" values or qualities that most people in Britain could agree represented them and explained their success as a commercial, industrial, and impe-

23

Introduction

rial power. In the press, popular fiction, and political dialogue, these qualities were used to explain Britain's unique success and superiority compared to the rest of the world, especially Ireland and the colonies. Ireland's role in the construction of British identity has been underestimated or ignored by most historians, including Colley.82 There was never one single nation or group against whom the British compared themselves exclUSively, though certainly some nations played a more prominent role than others at different periods. For example, France loomed large in British national conceptions during the Napoleonic Wars, as did Germany during the two World Wars. This study is largely concerned with the period in between, when Britain was at peace with Europe and intensely concerned with Ireland and other areas of the empire. If social identity is ever variable and contingent, and identity construction was an ongoing process, then the considerable time and energy spent on the Irish question ensured Ireland a prominent place in the construction of Britishness in the nineteenth century. In writing about Irish disorder, desperation, or treason, the British press was also heartily congratulating its readers on their prosperous, stable, and patriotic nation. For British readers and journalists, Irishness explained both the condition of Ireland and to some degree the success of Britain. Irish and British identities, however deeply rooted, were never fixed, and the political process of inventing and reinventing them through the century involved both sympathetic and hostile elements. One of the most famous defenses of the Irish Celt was penned by Matthew Arnold. 83 Arnold was heavily influenced by the work of the French scholar Ernest Renan, particularly his essay, La Poesie des Races Celtiques (1854).84 Renan argued that Celts were a naturally imaginative, emotional, and melancholic race. "If it be permitted us to assign sex to nations as to individuals," he concluded, "we should have to say without hesitance that the Celtic race . . . is an essentially feminine race."85 Arnold celebrated Celtic contributions to British culture and promoted the study of Celtic literature, calling for the establishment of a university chair in Celtic Studies. Even this defense of the Irish Celts, however, was predicated on the concept of innate racial, cultural, and gender differences between the Irish and English national characters. Arnold bemoaned the traditional estrangement of Irish and English, denied that Celt and Saxon were "aliens in blood," and blamed the "Philistines" (the middle classes) for authoring Fenianism. 86 At the same time he described the Celts as sensuous, impetuous, "ineffectual in material civilization and politics," and sentimental. These qualities both attracted and repulsed Arnold:

Introduction The Celt, undisciplinable, anarchical and turbulent by nature, but out of affection and admiration giving himself body and soul to some leader, that is not a promising political temperament, it is just the opposite of the Anglo-Saxon temperament, disciplinable and steadily obedient within certain limits, but retaining an inalienable part of freedom and selfdependence; but it is a temperament for which one has a kind of sympathy notwithstanding. And, very often, for the gay defiant reaction against the fact of the lively Celtic nature one has more than sympathy; one feels, in spite of his extravagance, in spite of good sense disapproving, magnetized and exhilarated by it. 87

Arnold was fascinated by the extravagance and style of the Celt, especially compared to the dull and steady Germans. But he also portrays them as unruly and child-like, and while they might have made many contributions to British literature and helped to soften the national character, the Celts also lacked Germanic patience, precision, and political maturity. For its part, the British press could also offer considerable sympathy for Ireland and the Irish people. A number of newspapers repeatedly criticized misgovernment in Ireland and promoted reform or conciliation. British optimism, however, never fully displaced the traditional prejudicial stereotypes that informed British ideas of Irishness. In periods of radical political activity or national distress and dependence, the British returned to these stereotypes and to the notion that perhaps Irishness was the true root of the neighboring isle's difficulties. The ultimate product of these overlapping strands of thought on Ireland and Irishness was a profound ambivalence toward the Irish people. Throughout the century, the British press and public oscillated in a constant dialogue of sympathetic and hostile responses toward Ireland while their governors crafted Irish policies that offered conciliation and coercion in equal measures. From its first inception through the nineteenth century, the union was often portrayed as an onerous burden borne by the British for the benefit of their poorer neighbor. If not for Britain, it was often argued, Ireland would be in an even deeper abyss than the one in which it found itself. To ensure that both nations would be free to grow and prosper, it was necessary that the British intervene in Ireland to assist, instruct, and when necessary, punish. Thus the numerous coercion laws passed and the repeated revocations of habeas corpus in Ireland during this period were usually portrayed as entirely necessary measures, or even as acts of "justice and mercy" that would redound to Ireland's eventual benefit. British journalists' portrayal of the union as a one-sided burden was

25

26

Introduction

closely related to another trend in reporting on the Irish question: the tendency of British journalists to set strict definitions of what were "genuine" Irish grievances and what was unreasonable or merely the wild ravings of professional agitators. For instance, until the 1870S the press was generally willing to concede that Ireland had indeed been the victim of neglect and misgovernment on the part of past generations. This last distinction is critical: it was always the previous age that was guilty; the present generation, according to the press, was doing its best to set things right and to give "justice to Ireland." By the last quarter of the century the press grew quite tired of Irish nationalists recounting the crimes of Cromwell and the injustice of the Penal Laws, much less the alleged sins of more recent administrations. As the Standard complained inJune 1867, "England did doubtless many wrong and foolish things in the past. But Ireland has no peculiar and especial property in wrong-suffering. She was not exactly an angel of light herself at any time."88 This weariness over Irish complaints was analogous to a discursive tactic identified in imperial travel writing by Mary Louise Pratt. In her book Imperial Eyes, Pratt describes an "anti-conquest" strain in travel writing, "a strategy of representation whereby European bourgeOiS subjects seek to secure their innocence in the same moment as they assert European hegemony."89 In these periods the British press consistently argued that Britain had repaid its debt to Ireland for past misdeeds, and that with specific exceptions, such as a reformed poor law or the established church, Ireland was on the same legal and political footing as the rest of the kingdom. While Britain bore no responsibility for causing the social and political problems that plagued the neighbor isle, they could not be solved without British guidance as a political and moral example. In this way British hegemony over Ireland was taken for granted while any social ills were portrayed as purely Irish in origin. This anticonquest discourse speaks to the core of the fundamental ambivalence over Ireland and the Irish question. For every sympathetic or benign element of Irishness celebrated by Arnold and others, there was a corresponding negative, usually grounded in traditional stereotypes. The character traits and values that defined the Irish were the opposite of those that accounted for Britain's success. At least until the latter part of the nineteenth century; however, journalists and manyothers argued that the Irish could be anglicized or at least improved to the point that they might become equal partners in the union. At its most basic level, anglicization involved the substitution of "British" values for "Irish," a process frequently and vaguely referred to in the press as a "moral revolution." Confidence in anglicization and British optimism for

Introduction

Ireland were at their strongest in the first half of the century, though both occasionally resurfaced later, especially dUring William Gladstone's ministries. Popular explanations for the failure of Irish reform efforts, however, remained consistent. Whenever much hoped for measures of improvement or conciliation failed to produce the desired result in Ireland, the British press invariably cited one overriding cause-Irishness.

The Press, Politics, and Public Opinion While a few newspapers were extant for the entire period examined in this study, substantial runs of numerous papers survive for all of the latter three eras under examination: 1845-52, 1867-70, and 1879-82. In addition to the major national or London newspapers, this study draws on some of the smaller London dailies and weeklies as well as several weeklies from the Home Counties. The leading local dailies and weeklies are well represented, as are important papers from Scotland and Wales. 90 Although some scholars have used the Times and other major London newspapers as if they spoke for the entire British press, most newspaper historians argue against the existence of anything like a "national" press until the end of the nineteenth century. The Times could and did wield extraordinary political and social influence, at least until the 1860s. Some of the dailies and Sundays, and especially periodicals published in London, were widely read across Great Britain. Local newspapers, however, were still the primary source of news for most readers. The local and London press each satisfied a separate need for readers outside the metropolis. Like many readers today, Victorians perused local papers for news and opinion on local issues, and the London, or national, press for international news, national politics, and cultural topiCS. For most readers, especially new newspaper audiences with more modest incomes, the local paper remained the primary and often the sole source of news, a daily reference point in the lives of millions of Britons. Any examination of the British press must therefore afford the regional and special-interest publications equal weight with their better-known London peers. A large number of newspapers consulted were Conservative or independent in their politics and ideology, but the majority of papers were Liberal, reflecting contemporary ratios (particularly in the local press). I have determined the political or ideological affiliation of individual newspapers by consulting contemporary volumes of the Newspaper Press Directory and by noting newspapers' own declarations of party allegiance. In most cases the political affiliations or sympathies of par-

27

28

Introduction

ticular newspapers are noted the first time they are mentioned in each chapter in order to help the reader distinguish one from another. This proved more difficult for the years 1798-1800 than for later periods. Thus the papers cited in chapter 1 are identified primarily as government, or opposition newspapers rather than as Liberal or Conservative. The majority of nineteenth-century newspapers, and certainly those allied with the political parties, were understood by contemporaries to have mainly middle-class readerships. I focus on these newspapers because they were the most numerous and the most active participants in the dialogue with the political classes. In addition to the mainstream press, I also use general-interest, religious, and especially comic newspapers. Among religious newspapers, the leading Catholic, Evangelical, Methodist, and Anglican periodicals are included. This study also draws on the Chartist Northern Star, the Beehive, and the major London Sunday papers aimed at the lower and lower-middle classes. Comic weeklies surveyed for this study include Punch, Judy, Fun, Funny Folks, Tomahawk, and the Satirist. Several leading quarterly journals have also been consulted, especially the Edinburgh Review and the Quarterly Review. This study centers on the press but it is not an exercise in formal newspaper history.91 I treat the newspaper press more broadly as a cultural product rather than investigate how particular editors or owners shaped a specific newspaper's opinions on Irish policy. I have examined a wide range of national, local, and special-interest newspapers to detect majority opinions on Irish policy and to discover dissenting voices that challenged these beliefs. This work deals with the British press as a whole, but I also recognize that the newspapers rarely, if ever, spoke with a unified voice on any single issue. The opinion of a particular paper on a subject cannot automatically be inferred from its politics; on selected issues individual papers could follow an editorial line that might seem out of character with its ideology. Throughout the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the emotional and political issues tied to the Irish question often had this effect. While disunity and inconsistencies often marked reporting on Ireland, we can still trace a number of dominant trends, opinions, and beliefs that crossed or blurred partisan lines and collectively informed a "British" view of Ireland and the Irish people during the nineteenth century. This idea of "British" opinion on Ireland brings us to a central issue in any study of the popular press-the role of the press in society and the formation of "public opinion." The arrival of the cheap news, the penny and halfpenny press, helped cement the claims of the press to be the guardian and beacon of democracy, the essential component of the new

Introduction

educated voting citizenry that was being widely visualized by the late 1860s.92 By mid-century, Alan Lee holds, "perhaps only the steam railway rivaled the newspaper press in the Victorian estimation of the progress of civilisation."93 The power of the press to guide and influence society, accurately or not, was taken as a self-evident truth by many nineteenth-century journalists, editors, advertisers, readers, and politicians. James Montgomery, editor of the Sheffield Iris, explained the influence of newspapers in 1820: "Newspapers are first what public opinion makes them; then, by a peculiar reaction they make public opinion what they please, so long as they act with discretion, and seem to follow when in reality they lead."94 Nevertheless, there was still considerable debate among Victorians over the relationship between the press and public opinion, a debate that continues today. Public opinion is a very slippery subject even in the present pollster-dOminated news environment, much less the nineteenth century. Scholars such as Lyn Pykett, Margaret Beetham, Tony Bennet, and Aled Jones persuasively argue that the press does not exist above or outside society.95 Instead, they posit an active, mediating role for the press in culture and politics. 96 In Victorian Britain, readers, journalists, and editors of the periodical press were engaged in an ongoing cooperative effort to understand and order the world in which they lived. In the process, the press both produced and reflected dominant trends in opinion in a constant dialectic with its readers. I find this approach very satisfying principally because it corresponds so well to contemporary understandings of the press and public opinion. Victorian Britons, especially after mid-century, took it for granted that their newspaper press was an active social and political agent that informed and expressed the public mind. Victorian journalists and politicians firmly identified this public opinion with the middle classes. As the most accessible daily expression of public opinion, the newspaper supposedly stood between the people (or least those with a vote) and the government. The middle classes played a similar mediating role, connecting the aristocratic classes and the lower orders. Scholarship on the intersections between the press and politics has emphasized the role of periodicals in expanding the political sphere to include new groups of Britons, especially after 1867. As Alan Lee has observed, "If few politicians conceded the typical journalists' claim that the press was indeed a 'fourth estate,' at least by the 1870S it was almost universally acknowledged that it did have a valuable political function, namely, that it helped politicise in an acceptable way those who were in increasing numbers being brought within the politi-

29

30

Introduction

cal pale."97 For Lee, the press served as a conduit in the public and political spheres, vertically connecting the electorate to their governors and hOrizontally connecting different groups of individuals within the governing classes, including the press itself.98 How did the press secure this authority? At the tum of the nineteenth century many newspapers were often regarded as mere mouthpieces for the government or particular political parties. Within the first few decades of the century most forms of overt political control had dissipated, but members of the governing classes still regarded the newspapers as written by and for themselves. By mid-century and especially after the late 1860s, however, the press had firmly established itself as the independent "fourth estate" and challenged parliament as the central forum for political discussion. While related to the surge in circulation and readership following the repeal of newspaper taxes between 1853-61, this transformation from party rag to autonomous watchdog was also the product of a new commercialization of the press and especially of concerted efforts by editors and journalists to fashion an authoritative role for themselves in the political nation. 99 Besides imposing taxes, British politicians used a variety of strategies to influence the press. Politicians in the 1790S hoped to sway newspapers by the judicious use of subSidies, government advertiSing, inside information, and payments to individual journalists. Editors who incurred the government's disfavor might find themselves prosecuted for libel, shut out from official information channels, or denied the all-important government advertising revenues. Small-circulation newspapers in particular were vulnerable to this type of pressure. While subsidies to ensure favorable coverage or the placement of articles for a fee were the most common methods used by political parties, the ministry could also play an even more direct role, as it did by purchaSing the Morning Postin 1776 or assisting in the foundation of the Sun and True Briton in October 1792 and January 1793 respectively.lOo Despite the purchase of newspapers by the government and the prevalent opinion that favorable press coverage could be bought and sold, historians have begun to question the effectiveness and extent of government subsidies. 101 Another important consideration is the fact that newspapers in this period, especially those outside London, contained very little of what might be termed original content. While a majority of papers had a distinct editorial section or leader by the 1790S, most newspaper columns contained verbatim items such as parliamentary debates, court transcripts, and political speeches. Foreign and Irish news, and even news from other areas of England and Scotland, were

Introduction

usually lifted entirely from other newspapers. The majority, but by no means all, of these pieces were culled from London papers, the most important sources for international and political news. These practices continued well into the next century. During the famine, for instance, very few newspapers sent their own correspondents to Ireland; most filled their Ireland section with snippets culled from various Irish or sometimes other British newspapers. These news reports and transcripts were not always necessarily in line with the paper's overall editorial view, which was represented in the leaders. Thus, even if an editor could be persuaded to support a certain view, this by no means assured that the remainder of that newspaper would contain items follOwing the same tack. Although the amount of political control in the decades before and after 1800 can be debated, it is also clear that rising circulations and advertising revenues in the early nineteenth century afforded the British press the financial freedom it needed to begin its transition to independence from the government. As is well known, this process began with the Times, which steadily outpaced the circulation of all its competitors between 1820 and 1850. The newspaper's strides toward independence began even earlier, in 1803, after John Walter II took over the paper and ceased inserting paragraphs for government money. While some papers could be and still were bought by politicians in the first half of the century (in fact, candidates could legally purchase papers until the Corrupt Practices Act of 1883), the relationship between the press and the government changed. Political figures certainly continued to exercise influence on many newspapers, but in a slightly subtler manner.102 Personal relationships, flattery, and social patronage replaced subsidies, but the core of the relationship remained unchanged: the newspapermen needed information, and the politicians needed to win public support for their views or poliCies. This relationship has continued to the present day. Although newspapers had freed themselves from open dependence on politicians and parties, politics remained central to the press, so also did mutual relationships with the nation's representatives. 103 Despite these complicated interconnections, the press propounded an image of itself as the fourth estate, above party and politics, and answering to the public alone. The classic statement of this theory came from Henry Reeves in 1855, soon after he became editor of the Edinburgh Review. In an article entitled "The Newspaper Press," Reeves contended that "Journalism, therefore, is not the instrument by which the various divisions of the ruling class express themselves; it is rather the instrument by

31

Introduction

means of which the aggregate intelligence of the nation criticises and controls them all It is indeed the 'fourth estate' of the realm."104 By midcentury the idea of the fourth estate had served its purpose, securing for the British press "a recognized and respectable place in the British political system, even in the British constitutional system."105 Building on the idea of public opinion put forward byJames Mill and Jeremy Bentham in the first few decades of the century, the press created a selfserving myth that linked public opinion and governing institutions. 106 The accelerated commercialization of the press after 1861 added another element of complexity to the political role of the newspapers. The transformation of newspapers into a big business was, not surprisingly, paralleled by the professionalization of journalism. Both trends led to an increasing focus on their readership and their main source of revenue-advertisements. In his classic treatise on the public sphereJiirgen Habermas views the commercialization of the press in strictly negative terms, as leading to manipulation and enmeshing papers in "a web of interests extraneous to business that sought to exercise influence upon it."lo7 Most newspaper historians, however, view the increased reliance on advertising as a primary route to independence, at least from the government. While the new stress on economic competition among papers changed British journalism, it forced newspapers to represent the views of its readers much more closely. lOB Although historians might question the accuracy of journalists' boasts about the press as the fourth estate, contemporaries believed that their newspapers exercised considerable social and political influence. For instance, Tom Morley's account of politicians and the Times in the 1840S contains a number of revealing quotations from politicians. When commenting on middle-class protest against the proposal to raise the income tax in 1848, Charles Greville groused to the Earl of Clarendon: "The 'Times' is going ding dong ag[ains]t the budget and I can't stop it."lo9 In his standard work on the political press, Stephen Koss notes that the political power of the press was more apparent than real, but nonetheless this perception of power and influence had a genuine hold on journalists and politicians alike. Koss argues that the newspapers' "persuasiveness, no less than the uncertainties that attended the evolution of popular democracy, ensured that they were alternately courted and feared for the authority at their disposal, and, more vaguely, for the authority which they imputed to command."llo Two important case studies of Irish policy in the late 1840S and late 1860s also reveal direct links between the press, ideology, and policy. Peter Gray and E. D. Steele demonstrate that government ministers and

Introduction

party leaders were intensely aware of how their policy prescriptions for Ireland were received in the press. These editorials and the politicians' understanding of public opinion had a direct impact on their approach to governing Ireland. I I I In this study I analyze the numerous occasions between 1798 and 1882 when Irish policy initiatives closely resembled those prescribed, though often in more general terms, by members of the press. It is unlikely that every Irish bill was drafted in response to a clearly articulated demand from the press or public. But the press did have a role in defIning political boundaries. EditOrials, cartoons, and letters to the editor on the Irish question did not necessarily tell British politicians what they must do, but the press did prOvide a sense of what politicians could or should not attempt in Ireland. The result, I argue, was a mutually dependent triangular relationship between the press, its readers, and politicians. The newspaper press consciously positioned itself as the fourth estate, connecting the electorate and the political classes. Journalists, readers, and politicians regarded the press as an authoritative expression of public opinion. The public in tum used newspapers as a primary source of political information and as a tool to effect desired political change. The press was also essential to pressure groups and to those extraparliamentary political associations that wished to spread their message and to increase public awareness of their activities. A perusal of any typical mid-Victorian newspaper, especially the local papers, will usually reveal numerous notices of meetings, transcripts, or reports concerning the activities of local groups. For the political classes, the popular press furnished important inSights into the march of opinion, particularly in newspapers identilled with the party faithful. These insights were especially useful to politicians during periods of weak government, or when a parliamentary dissolution seemed likely and the readers/voters would soon express these opinions at the polls. Members of parliament also employed public opinion as a political tool. Popular mandates expressed by the middle-class press or better yet, by recent election results, were cited as grounds to pursue or abandon various Irish policy initiatives, such as William Gladstone's conciliatory measures of the late 1860s. The most notorious example of this was Lord John Russell's repeated claims after 1847 that no more could be done for famine Ireland because British opinion was fIrmly opposed. Another interesting facet in the relationship between the press and popular attitudes is the role and reception of political cartoons. I have examined every cartoon touching on Ireland and Irish matters printed in the major comic weeklies during the periods covered in this study;

33

34

Introduction

forty-six of which are reproduced in the following pages, and I wholeheartedly agree with Curtis that these cartoons should be regarded as "multilayered graphic texts filled with values and beliefs of political import."112 In order for political cartoons to "work," that is, to be funny, two requirements must be met. The first of these is a common cultural background. The cartoonists and their readers must share some basic knowledge of the issue or events referred to and recognize the figures being lampooned. Second, the humor of a political cartoon usually relies on its bite or sting, and this requires that it contain some element of perceived truth. So, although not all readers of Punch, Judy, and the other comic weeklies shared the opinions or prejudices behind every joke and cartoon, the majority certainly understood them because they were based on these shared truths and preconceptions. The majority of the cartoons Curtis analyzes are examples of caricature, pictorial representations that overstate certain physical features or character defects of the subject for comic effect. Caricature thrives on (exaggerated) ideas of difference and contrast. I 13 At times this contrast can boil down to insiders and outsiders, "us" and "them," a construction that easily lends itself to negative, prejudicial, and racialized depictions of "them." Some scholars such as Lawrence Streicher conceive of caricature solely in negative terms, describing it as "a guide for the aggressor" that defines targets and collectively integrates "'private' feelings into public sentiments of 'self-defense."'114 For his part, Curtis amply demonstrates how images of violent and simianized Paddies served to undermine Irish political demands. In essence, political cartoons prOvided an acceptable outlet for "private" class, gender, and racial prejudices. Since they were "only joking," Victorian political cartoonists could publicly express anxieties and animosities that were often frowned upon in a SOciety that prided itself on its liberal and progreSSive outlook. 115 The comic press provided a safe outlet for the full scope of anti-Irish prejudices. Their humorous nature allowed these papers to portray Ireland and the Irish in a much more bigoted fashion than would have been acceptable in the more "serious" dailies and weeklies. But Paddy was almost never alone in these drawings. Political cartoons commenting on the Irish question contained a number of characters, including John Bull, Britannia, British and Irish politicians, BrotherJonathan (the American Yankee), Pat (the loyal Irishman), and Erin or Hibernia (the feminine representation of Ireland). Although portrayals of Paddy as an ape-man or monster have certainly garnered the most attention (then and now), these cartoons were actually a minority of those touching on Ireland and the Irish question. More common were images that con-

Introduction

tained one or more of the characters listed above, and the majority of these offered support for the politicians' efforts to pass various measures of reform and secure "justice to Ireland." These cartoons sometimes employed caricature, but they are more properly regarded as examples of satire. Satire exposes certain vices or follies of individuals or societies mainly through comic exaggeration, but with a corrective purpose. In these cartoons, viewers and members of the political classes were asked to reexamine their view of the Irish question and support or, in some cases, reject proposed reforms. This again speaks to the ambivalence at the heart of British views of Ireland and the Irish question. The constant dialogue of sympathy and hostility for Ireland was present even in the pages of the comic press, which alternated vicious, simian Celtic Calibans with earnest pleas for reform and conciliation. By examining British newspaper reporting and editorial cartoons on Ireland over the course of the nineteenth century, we can more fully appreciate the ebb and flow of contemporary British opinion. We can also begin to understand how this reporting may have affected Irish policy and nineteenth-century Anglo-Irish relations in general. To understand how and why the British reacted in the manner they did to the 1798 rebellion and Act of Union, the Irish famine, the Fenian Panic of 1867-68, or the Land War, we must explore the racial, religious, and class contrasts implicit in British constructions of lrishness and Britishness. In the following pages, I situate the key government decisions and legislation of these four periods in the context of the immediate concerns and opinions on Ireland and the traditional stereotypes that informed lrishness and Britishness. This combination produced results that were both unique to the historical moment and yet retained the fundamental assumption that the root of the eternal Paddy's difficulties was his lrishness.

35

1. 1798 and the Union

The 1798 Rebellion s it found Ireland a deeply trouA bled land. To many observers the country seemed on the brink of THE NEW YEAR ARRIVED IN

1797,

civil war, pitting the forces of order, stability, and loyalty against those of Jacobinism, anarchy, and (for some) popish conspiracy. Others saw the impending contest as one between the advocates of reform and the civil and religious rights of man against repression, reaction, and Protestant tyranny. Advocates of the first version included the Irish administration, the British government, and the majority of the British and Irish people. Locked in an intermittent war with republican France and managing various coalitions on the continent, the British government viewed the situation in Ireland with growing alarm. On the other side of the divide stood the Society of the United Irishmen and its allies, the Catholic Defenders. Formed in Belfast in October 1791, the United Irishmen was originally a middle-class, nonsectarian, and primarily Protestant constitutional organization that advocated radical parliamentary reform and Catholic emancipation. Under leaders such as Theobold Wolfe Tone and Arthur O'Connor, the United Irishmen developed a new and distinctively Irish language of political democracy, a language of French ideas merged with currents of Irish and British political discourse-namely, Scottish political economy, Thomas Paine, John Locke, and the radical Whig tradition. A series of events over the next several years radicalized the Society of the United Irishmen, however, which then reconstituted itself in 1795-96 as a secret, oath-bound association dedicated to creating an independent Irish republic. Many United Irishmen began to argue, in Lockean terms, that the administration of William Pitt had effectively created a ministerial despotism and usurped the constitution. As Locke had main-

1798 and the Union

tained, this freed the people of Ireland to establish a new government that represented the people as a whole. While this argument retained the original egalitarian, democratic, and nonsectarian vision of the United Irishmen, events were already nullifying the last of these three goals. Significant among the events that radicalized the United Irishmen was the infamous Fitzwilliam affair. The removal of the reform-minded but politically naive Lord Fitzwilliam from the lord lieutenancy in March 1795 occurred after only three months in office when he attempted to force through Catholic emancipation. Even more important to the radicalization of the United Irishmen was government repression, which began in earnest in 1794. This radicalization was spurred on by numerous influences, but two in particular were critical to the course of future events: alliance with France and the absorption of the Defenders into its ranks. In]uly 1795 Wolfe Tone became the United Irishmen's first ambassador to France, where he eventually convinced the revolutionary government that any French invasion attempt would be warmly welcomed and assisted by the Irish population, which was chafing at years of misrule and desired to form its own independent and democratic government. French military assistance subsequently became the central plank of United Irish plans for an armed rising. While the French did assemble several invasion fleets between 1796 and 1798, only one actually placed troops on Irish soil several months after the back of the United Irish rising had been broken. While the United Irish vision for an independent democratic government could have benefited from a French invasion to establish their republic, it could not in the end survive the strategic alliance with the lower-class (though not strictly peasant) Defenders. Originally formed in County Armagh, the Defenders were in many areas of Ireland quite similar to the Whiteboys and other agrarian secret societies, using violence and intimidation to enforce rural codes of behavior and to press for lower rents, reduced tithes, and higher wages. But, unlike other agrarian societies, the Defenders were rabidly sectarian, a product of numerous violent clashes with Protestant groups such as the Peep 0' Day Boys and especially the Loyal Orange Order. In need of numbers to mount a rebellion, the United Irishmen played into both this embryonic nationalism and sectarianism, in part by using the "Orange bogey," that is, tales of Protestant atrocities and conspiracies to annihilate the Catholics. Although the recruiting efforts of the United Irishmen were quite successful, they also helped to insure that when the rebellion did arrive, it would not be a nonsectarian affair. This chauvinistic Catholicization of the United Irish ranks boded ill for the fortunes of the movement in

37

1798 and the Union

Ulster and was at least partially responsible for the failure of the rising in the original center of the United Irishmen. While United Irish agents actively recruited Defenders around the country, the government responded aggressively. The years leading up to the events of 1798 were marked by a cycle of provocation and reaction in which United Irish drilling, public addresses, and "wearing of the green"were answered with prosecutions, suppression, and violence. The government's response reached new heights of severity in the wake of the failed French invasion attempt at Bantry Bay in southwest Cork in December 1796. This harshness was primarily felt in the north, where republican sympathies and preparations for another French invasion seemed rampant. Under Commander in Chief General Lake the government issued two successive proclamations of Ireland in March and May of 1797, demanding that all civilians surrender their arms within a certain period. All who complied would be pardoned and protected from prosecution. Those who did not, and those who were suspected of hiding arms, were treated with increasing harshness. Illegal house burnings and the free-quartering of troops in suspects' homes, accompanied by a host of abuses and atrocities by the troops, especially the Orange yeomen, and the wholesale arrest of United Irish leaders and organizers, were so successful that within a few months Ulster had gone from the most unstable and rebellious prOvince to the most secure. The ruthless efficiency of this so-called "dragOOning of Ulster" was such that the United Irishmen were forced to place their political structure on new foundations. In December 1797 the first Supreme National Directory of the United Irishmen was formed, its membership largely overlapping with the Leinster Provincial Committee, which had taken the lead after the crackdown in the north. By early 1798 a majority of the United Irish leaders decided that they needed to act, even without French assistance, before the organization was completely demolished by the government. Accordingly, 23 May 1798 was set as the date of the beginning of the insurrection, and disorganized planning commenced. Unfortunately for the SOciety, the United Irishmen were riddled with spies and informants, a recurring difficulty for Irish Republican organizations for at least the next one hundred years. In the spring of 1798 a Dublin merchant named Thomas Reynolds informed the authorities that the Leinster Provincial Committee would be meeting on 12 March at the home of another merchant, Oliver Bond. The government raided the meeting and netted eighteen high-ranking members. The biggest fish, Lord Edward Fitzgerald, escaped but was apprehended the next month and in the process received a wound that eventually proved

1798 and the Union

fatal. 1 In the wake of the Leinster arrests, the government moved forcefully against the United Irish rank and file in that province. In the midst of a government-sponsored reign of terror, more than a dozen uncoordinated risings began in the counties around Dublin on 23-25 May. While the military and yeomanry easily put down most of these, the rising that began on 26 May in County Wexford was initially successful, with rebels routing the government forces in their early meetings. The fighting in Wexford was the bloodiest of the rebellion, and the events in that county remained central to popular memories of the rising on both sides. The sectarian pandering of United Irish recruiters came home to roost at places like Wexford Bridge, where about a hundred Protestant civilians and yeomen were killed and thrown off on 20 June, and Scullabogue, where on 8 June about eighty men, women, and children were packed in a bam that was then set alight. While some recent reappraisals of the rising have downplayed sectarian animosities, events in Wexford are difficult to interpret as a conflict between monarchical and republican ideals, but rather seem more like a religiOUS war. As government forces poured into the troubled region, led after 20 June by Lord Cornwallis who arrived in Dublin to relieve Lord Camden as lord lieutenant and to serve as commander in chief, the balance of slaughter shifted deciSively against the rebels. The rebellion effectively ended at the Battle of Vinegar Hill on 21 June, when 10,000 troops bombarded 20,000 rebels and then mowed them down as they retreated. Those who survived melted into bands and scattered into the surrounding hills, some carrying on guerilla-warfare campaigns for some time before they were finally defeated. The mopping-up operations that followed over the next months were even bloodier, and by the end of hostilities an estimated 25,000 were killed-more than during the entire war for American independence. Despite the ruthlessness of the government forces, public safety and civic order remained very uncertain in many areas of Ireland for at least another year, and even longer in some areas. In an effort to restore order the administration under Cornwallis applied the full brunt of punishment selectively. United Irish leaders were dealt with harshly, with many summary executions, while the rank and file, many of whom were regarded as merely "deluded" or ignorant, were permitted to surrender their arms and return to civilian life if they took an oath of loyalty. With a few notable exceptions, the elite of the United Irish leadership were already in custody when this policy was adopted. Because the rebellion was clearly broken, a number of them, including Arthur O'Connor and

39

1798 and the Union

Thomas Addis Emmet, agreed to divulge what they knew of the origins of the United Irish movement in exchange for the commutation of their capital sentences to banishment for life. 2 In the countryside the mixture of pardon and military repression was only partially effective. There remained large swaths where the king's writ did not apply and "predatory bands" of United Irishmen and Defenders continued to terrorize the local Protestant gentry. The unstable condition of Ireland was further underscored in August 1798, when the third French invasion fleet finally managed to put troops on Irish soil at Killala. However, the invasion force was too small and came too late. After some limited initial victories the French invaders and their Irish train were crushed at the Battle of Ballinamuck on 8 September. Another and even smaller attempt to invade Donegal in October resulted only in the capture of the last leading United Irishmen still at large: James Napper Tandy and Theobold Wolfe Tone. The rebellion of 1798 and its aftermath had significant long- and short-term consequences. In the long run the United Irishmen established a tradition of revolutionary and republican separatism that continues to this day. In the more immediate view the rising and its aftermath convinced many in Britain and Ireland that some fundamental change was needed in the AnglO-Irish relationship, a change that would end Ireland's status as a permanent source of instability and a backdoor to foreign invasion. The result was the introduction and eventual passage of legislation to join the two countries constitutionally into a United Kingdom of Britain and Ireland. These events will be examined in detail at the close of this chapter.

Religion and the Rising Neither religion ... can be appealed to in the present contest. London Packet 10 JUNE 1798

One of the first and certainly most influential histories of the rebellion, Sir Richard Musgrave's Memoirs ofthe Various Rebellions in Ireland, first appeared simultaneously in London and Dublin in March 1801. In this large tome Musgrave very consciously attempted to uncover the popish origins of the rising in order to portray it as a national Catholic conspiracy. For Musgrave, the rising of 1798 was Simply another in a line of traitorous Irish Catholic rebellions, such as those of 1641 and 1689-90. Musgrave depoliticized the rebellion, especially in the north, and downplayed Catholic-Presbyterian cooperation in favor of the sectarian

1798 and the Union

violence that occurred in Wexford. 3 Musgrave's language belied this agenda with frequent descriptions of the rebels, especially those who were Catholic, as "barbarous," "ignorant," fanatic," "cruel," and so on. "The cumulative effect," Kevin Whelan argues, "is to represent Irish Catholics as barbarians frozen in the formaldehyde of seventeenth-century antagonisms, steeped in their superstitious stupor. The ultimate result is to present them as depoliticised, even dehumanised."4 Musgrave's book was written with a British audience firmly in mind. He was attempting to influence the "opinion-forming and decision-making levels of British high politics" in order to prevent any challenge to the Church of Ireland, separate the question of Catholic emanCipation from that of the union, and undermine Lord Cornwallis's lenient policy toward former rebels. 5 Musgrave knew, as the British press and policymakers knew and often remarked, that the British public was largely ignorant of Ireland and Irish affairs. 6 The views of Musgrave and likeminded chroniclers of the 1790S qUickly gained favor and became the standard account among Irish loyalists. Musgrave and his peers also had a considerable impact on British popular memory of Ireland in the 1790s; his portrait of the 1798 rising as a stab in the back by fanatical and barbarous Irish Catholic peasants resonated well into the nineteenth century, with such occasional reiterations as W. H. Maxwell's History of the Irish Rebellion in 1798.7 Published in 1845, Maxwell's book came complete with a number of plates by George Cruikshank, graphically depicting the United Irishmen and their followers in various acts of violence and depraved cruelty. To be sure, there was a strong challenge to this interpretation of the events of 1798 byvarious parties in both islands. Later Irish nationalists and republicans saw the 1790S as the beginning of a tradition of resistance to an oppressive and foreign regime. There were also a number of contemporary works that downplayed the idea of a Catholic plot and the rebels' responsibility for the rising. Instead violence was blamed on the refusal to grant parliamentary reform and Catholic emancipation, Orangeism, and widespread excesses of the military and government.s Writers in this tradition, such as James Gordon, an Anglican clergyman, and Joseph Stock, an Anglican bishop, were criticized by their Loyalist enemies as hired mouthpieces for the union, which most Protestant Loyalists opposed. 9 Indeed, Gordon and Stock were pro-union and representatives of the Whig approach, which wanted to move politics beyond the rebellion, interpreting the union as a new beginning in AnglO-Irish relations and an opportunity to govern the country more fairly. In order to do so, they needed to shift the focus away from

1798 and the Union

"native" Irish defects in religion or temperament, which could not be quickly or easily amended, and instead place it on government policy and conduct, which could be improved or transformed by political and constitutional measures. The chief of these was the union, which offered to wipe the slate clean and place all parties in Ireland on the same playing field. This view of Ireland as a blank slate in the wake of social upheaval or violence had deep roots, and as will be shown, was a distinguishing characteristic of nineteenth-century conceptions of the Irish question at key points. Despite the popularity of these works in certain circles, the conservative vision of Musgrave and his peers made a more lasting impression on British popular memory. Few nineteenth-century newspapers continued to depict the rebellion as a popish plot, but references to 1798 often echoed the prevalent themes found in Musgrave: sectarianism, violence, and savagery. The longevity of this interpretation is even more striking because for the most part the contemporary press did not share the conservative authors' view. Many of the London and local papers consistently downplayed religious animosities or at least the sole complicity of the Irish Catholics. "French principles" and "French innovation," not the Irish Catholic lower classes, were the usual villains of contemporary accounts of the 1798 rising. While the sectarian horrors of Wexford Bridge were not ignored, most newspapers continued to urge conciliation and emancipation through the years 1798-1800. Nonetheless, at the same time popular ideas about mob violence and the bloodthirsty masses of the French Revolution resonated strongly in descriptions of the rising and the United Irish rebels by these same newspapers. Catholics in particular were Singled out and complimented for their loyalty on several occasions during the year or so before the rebellion, particularly after the failed French expedition to Bantry Bay.lO This was often contrasted with the behavior of certain Protestants in the north, who, it was believed, "still hope for a speedy and more successful return of the enemy, with whom they have kept up a regular course of traitorous correspondence."ll Throughout 1797 attention focused on Ulster, where a number of newspapers were often careful to point out the prominent role of Protestants in the growing disaffection. The Times, for instance, highlighted the connection between the north and France in May 1797, arguing that the principles of the revolution were "more congenial to the democratic system of the Dissenters ... , who have shown themselves extremely anxious to introduce the French system."12 The refusal to typecast the rebels as Catholics was most widespread in 1798, especially at the highpoint of the rebellion in June, as rumors of sectar-

1798 and the Union

ian massacres began to drift across the Irish Sea. Newspapers pOintedly reported that the majority of rebel leaders were not Catholics and that theirs was "a political and not a religious insurrection."13 Reports that the United Irishmen were motivated by religious prejudice were discarded as hackneyed stories of "party writers" [Tories], particularly by the opposition newspapers. 14 Even progovernment organs, such as the True Briton, which was founded in January 1793 with support from Pitt's ministry, denied that the rebellion was Catholic in origin, arguing instead that a review of the parties involved shows "much more alliance with the Corresponding Society and the French Republic than with the Catholic religion."15 Although much of the fighting occurred in the southeast, the press still continued to trace the roots of the rising to Ulster, described as "the prime nursery of disaffection," by the True Briton, where the rebellion "was not only first conceived, but brought to ample maturity; and there the hideous monster now strides forth in all his natural defOrmity, and in the open face of day."16 Commenting on reports of risings in Down and Antrim, the opposition Morning Post and Gazetteer asserted, "This is not a religious war, as it has been represented [by Loyalists and the Irish administration]; for the majority of the insurgents in the north are Protestants, cool, wary, resolute, and united to rise with deliberation and concert."17 These cool, wary Protestants were often contrasted with the Catholics, the "children of impulse," as the progovernment Observer described them, "who from the warm[th] of their unsuspecting natures [are] liable to be led too far."ls This idea of Irish Catholic susceptibility to rabble-rousers and agitators was a common theme in British views of Ireland both before and well after the 1798 rebellion. Many newspaper writers saw this as a natural result of their superstitious and submissive religion, an argument that was only strengthened when it became known that some "turbulent priests" were at the head of some rebel groups. The most famous of the clerical insurgents was Father John Murphy, a leader of the Wexford rebels, who was captured and beheaded after the collapse at Vinegar Hill. Despite the prominent role played by Murphy and several other priests, the vast majority of the Irish clergy, and especially the hierarchy; denounced the rising and the "French contagion" that inspired it. 19 The official attitude of the church was widely recognized by the contemporary press. Commenting on the purported role of priests in the rebellion, the tri-weekly Evening Mail dismissed claims that these reports signified a popish conspiracy. "Can anything be more unjust and absurd," the paper asked, "than to suppose that, as for instance, in

43

44

1798 and the Union

the rebellion of Ireland, because we have reported in private letters and newspaper articles written from Dublin, that several Roman Catholic priests have headed the rebellion and instigated their flocks to the murder of Protestants, we should attribute cruel war to the Catholics? No such thing."20 The paper then went on to make an important distinction: In respect to Roman Catholics, we mean the enlightened part of that respectable body of men, not the unhumanized savages who have perpetrated such horrid murders, we are anxious to offer them every tribute of praise. At the time of the French invasion of Ireland no people, particularly the higher orders of the clergy, could show a stronger attachment to the government; and in the present instance of the rebellion the heads of the clergy have also been anxious to inculcate the doctrine of allegiance. 21 This contrast between the "unhumanized savages" and the respectable classes in Ireland was a constant theme in this period, as was that between the immoral demagogues polluted by French principles and their witless lower-class dupes. In both cases the British press seemed to exonerate the majority of the Irish people but at the same time condemned a significant minority as violent and barbaric.

Government Security Policies, 1797-98 The sword is drawn, and the scabbard thrown away. Cambridge Intelligencer, 7 APR. 1798

The Irish parliament appears unanimous supporting the system of terror in that unhappy country. To use a proverb, "they agree like bells, they want nothing but hanging." Obseroer, 14 JAN. 1798

Instead of focusing on religion, some newspapers located the roots of the rebellion in either the conduct of the Irish government or the soldiers stationed in Ireland. Numerous historians also focus on the behavior of the Irish administration and the military. In his lengthy account of the rebellion W. E. H. Lecky commented often on the use of torture and "sadistic methods" to disarm and cow the populace, including half-hangings, house bUrnings, floggings, and the infamous "pitchcapping" in which suspected republicans had paper caps filled with molten pitch placed on their head and then set alight. In a typical passage Lecky describes the situation in early 1798:

1798 and the Union

The crimes and panics of the last few years, the fierce passions that had been aroused, and the tension of long-continued danger and suspense had filled them with savage and inveterate hatreds, broken down all discipline in the army, set class against class, creed against creed. When a half-diSciplined yeomanry and militia, demoralised by a long course of license and irritated by many outrages, came to live at free quarters upon a hostile peasantry, who regarded them as Orangemen, and who were taught that every Orangeman had sworn to exterminate the Catholics, it was difficult not to anticipate the result. 22

In a passage that perhaps evades the sometimes vicious and often terroristic behavior of the militia and soldiery in 1797-98, R. B. McDowell described the situation thus: "The response of the Irish administration to the growing menace of civil war and invasion was Simple-an unflinching and inflexible defence of the established order by every means at its command."23 In his account Jim Smyth argues that the government's "mail-fisted security policy" and the "officially sanctioned lawlessness" polarized Irish politics to new extremes. 24 Robert Kee characterizes the diSCipline among the militia and yeomanry living at free quarters as "poor at the best of times." Kee maintains that in the spring of 1797, the situation in Ulster was so unstable, with widespread republican sympathies and a French invasion and uprising apparently imminent, that counterterror seemed the only answer. The result was General Lake's brutal but very effective campaign to disarm and pacify the north of Ireland. 25 Kee also helpfully reminds us that most of the troops involved in these abuses were not British but were in fact lower-class Irish Catholics, with the exception of bodies of Orange yeomanry. Thus, when it did break out, the 1798 rebellion was not so much "Irish" versus "British" as republican Irish against loyalist Irish. The conduct of the military in Ireland was also the subject of considerable comment and criticism at the time. Perhaps the most famous statement was made by the Commander in Chief Sir Ralph Abercromby, who arrived in Ireland in November 1797 and, after only three months, publicly remarked that his army was "in a state of licentiousness which must render it formidable to everyone but the enemy." Abercromby's observation was widely reported in the British press, and he was all but forced to resign shortly afterward. Despite this, a number of politicians and public figures also spoke out against British security policies in Ireland. One example is Lord Moira's speech in parliament in November 1797. This speech was printed and commented on in a number of newspapers, espeCially the follOWing passage:

45

1798 and the Union

The sanguinary excesses which disgraced the French character in La Vendee become insignificant and harmless, when compared with the atrocious violations of every principle of law and humanity that distinguish the proceedings of the British soldiery against the wretched and, in some degree, innocent inhabitants of the North of Ireland. 26

Criticism of military policy was also widespread in the British press, most notably in the prominent opposition papers the Morning Chronicle and Morning Post and Gazeteer, which argued that the security policies of the government only stoked resentment among the populace, ultimately helping the cause of the United Irishmen. Chief among the acts of "indiscriminate severity" by the government was the practice of soldiers living at free quarters. These methods, the Chronicle inSisted, fed into a system in which "a kind of vindictive licentiousness is permitted to supersede the operation of the law."27 Or, as the Gazeteer put it more directly, "In exact proportion as the system of coercion becomes extensive and vigorous, disaffection spreads and acquires strength."28 Both papers repeatedly asked their readers to imagine themselves living under martial law. Not only were these policies unsuited for Britain, according to these papers they had no place anywhere in Europe. Commenting on the government's claims that coercion had qUieted discontent, the Gazeteerscoffed, "We hope we shall never have to boast in this country of the quiet that reigns in Turkey and Algiers."29 This sentiment was also expressed in the previous year by the Morning Post and Fashionable World, which described General Lake's proclamation of Ulster in the spring of 1797 as "calculated for the meridian of Delhi rather than that of Dublin."30 Comments such as these were an early expression of the imperial hierarchy that developed over the next few decades. Within this scheme Ireland stood at the top, above Africans, Asians, and South Asians, but still firmly below Britain and, for that matter, the rest of Europe. Although celebrated or at least accepted by some government papers, many opposition papers roundly criticized General Lake's "dragooning of Ulster." His actions, it was argued, had far exceeded the law and his authority; and his proclamation was "universally reprobated as a scandalous and unconstitutional manifesto."31 Britons, the Newcastle Chronicle suggested, were ignorant of the "horrors at present acting in Ireland," where "the liberty of speech and liberty of press are equally extinguished" and the Irish parliament has "become little more than the regiStry of the death-warrants of their fellow-subjects, the tool of the most savage oppression."32 "Of Ireland," the paper concluded, "it is difficult to speak without wetting the record with tears."33

1798 and the Union

Expressing its disdain for the repressive policies of the Irish administration, the Morning Herald, an opposition paper, declared a few months later, "Wretched and shallow policy! They are but ill acquainted with the character of the people of Ireland, who think that their affections are to be conciliated by the infliction of the sword, or the menace of the halter."34 This would become a common refrain among Liberal newspapers over the course of the next century, as numerous coercion bills and the repeated suspension of habeas corpus usually failed to bring order to the sister island. Attempts to pacify Ireland by force only seemed to backfire, and many newspapers noted, as the Morning Post and Gazeteer did in May 1798, the irony "that the peace and allegiance of the capital city of the kingdom, are, it seems, only to be preserved by excluding it from the protection of the laws, and abandoning it to the excesses of military violence."35 While some newspapers offered lurid and shocking accounts of military excesses in Ireland, others placed the blame for Irish disaffection on the Irish or British governments (or both) more generally. The conduct and policies of ministers on both sides of the Irish Sea were frequently criticized by opposition or radical newspapers such as the Cambridge Intelligencer, which excoriated the Irish administration for "ruling the people with a rod of iron, and chastising them not only with whips, but with scorpions," ultimately driving them into revolution. 36 Others pointed to the system of patronage that systematically awarded positions in Ireland to people ignorant of the country and its people. The result was that "government loses that necessary tie between itself and the people."37 Prejudice and implied mistrust of the natives "tended to estrange affection from minds not lost to sensibility" and poisoned the minds of Protestant and Catholic against one another.38 This estrangement and the coercive policies that it fostered was piled on the backs of the Irish until "the weight of the administration became intolerable to the people."39 In this account, the Irish were victims rather than conspirators and traitors, driven to rebel in self-defense after years of government tyranny and state-sponsored terror. As a letter writer to the Morning Chronicle asked in May 1798, "Should not the system then be abandoned which has driven this country to this convulsed and agitated state?"40 These arguments, which stressed the depth of Ireland's difficulties and traced them back primarily to the Irish and British governments, were an early manifestation of what became one of the orthodox arguments in favor of the Act of Union in 1799-1800. For some observers in the press, the sheer scale of the 1798 rising did not prove Tory claims about natural Irish disaffection and Catholic dis-

47

1798 and the Union

loyalty, but rather the failure of government policies. As the Morning Chronicle proclaimed, "A few individuals may be guilty of treason, but a whole people can scarcely be guilty of rebellion. If they revolt, it is the fault of those by whom they are governed."41 Of all the newspapers examined from this period, the Chronicle was the least likely to blame the rebellion on either the "French disease" or religiOUS bigotry. "Men who fmd themselves well, who are really happy," the paper argued, "are not very forward to embark on fanciful speculations.... If there had been no practical oppressions," it claimed, "no arts of seduction could have attained such success."42 In other words, while only a small number of French-inspired conspirators bore responsibility for the rebellion, their ability to attract a following of misled and foolish followers would not have been possible if Ireland and its people did not suffer from some genuine problems that merited the government's attention. These arguments were echoed by the Morning Post and Gazeteer, which claimed in May 1798, "It is vain to assert that the machinations of a few conspirators could debauch a whole people from their loyalty; and it is equally vain to expect that the bayonet can make them loyal and affectionate subjects. Nothing but misgovernment could have alienated them. Nothing but wise and firm conciliation can reclaim them."43 The Gazeteerwas an even stronger critic of the Irish administration and later supported the union as a means to sweep College Green clean of the vested bigoted Protestant interests that commanded the Irish administration. This almost Singular emphasis on the government and its conduct as the true source of Irish discontent and rebellion placed the paper apart from its peers. Even other newspapers that shared the Gazeteet's disdain for the Irish administration also placed the blame for the events of 1798 on French intrigue and self-serving Irish demagogues. Regardless of their stance on the behavior of the yeomanry or the policies of the Irish or British governments, almost every Single British newspaper supported those administrations in their efforts to suppress the rebellion once it arrived in late May 1798. But, as we shall also see, many newspapers tempered their support for efforts to put down the "deluded rebels" with a consistent demand that conciliation and reforms follow. As a whole, newspaper commentary on government security policies in the period leading to the rebellion differed quite dramatically from the portrait later painted by Musgrave and his successors. Whereas Musgrave went to considerable lengths to frame the 1798 rising in terms of natural Irish disaffection and a tradition of treacherous rebellion, the contemporary press interpreted events much differently, citing heavy-handed behavior by the military and general misgovern-

1798

and the Union

ment. While due account was taken of the negative influences of revolutionary France and "self-serving" United Irish leaders, the idea that the Irish had somehow been driven to rebellion by their governors remained a significant undercurrent. Britain and Revolutionary France Interestingly, the Times, undoubtedly the most influential paper of the period, made few comments on either the conduct of the military or the Irish administration previous to the rebellion. Perhaps more than any other newspaper, the Times firmly identified the secret conspiracies of the United Irishmen and the bloodshed of 1798 with French influence. In its condemnation of Arthur O'Connor and the Press, a United Irish newspaper, the Times remarked in February 1797 on the connections between northern Ireland and republican France: "The people of Ireland have long known by multifarious acts the disposition of a few in the north to the adoption of French principles-their correspondence with the enemy, the invitation of descent, and promise to support it, are facts notorious."44 Reporting on the frequency of murder in Ireland in the spring of 1798, the paper claimed that it was concerned not only because of the loss of life but also "because it plainly proves that the Irish plebeian proceeds on the same prinCiples as have involved France in all the horrors which surround her."45 The paper also fretted that the same methods used to revolutionize the French public were at work in Ireland. Even portions of the military had become debauched by "the absurd, impracticable, yet delusive doctrines of equality and agrarian law," which the United Irishmen were attempting to inculcate in the lower orders "in order to seduce them from their allegiance."46 When news of massacres and other outrages began to drift across the Irish Sea in the spring and summer of 1798, the Times, along with the rest of the British press, ratcheted up its invective. As stories of piked infants and grandmothers burned alive drove some newspapers to resurrect the popish specter, however, the Times held its ground. While admitting that some may have taken the field for religiOUS reasons, the paper maintained in late June that "French politics and French innovation appear to us to have had a far greater ascendancy in promoting that horrid war which still continues to defoliate Ireland."47 A number of other newspapers shared these beliefs, though to varying degrees. After weeks of recounting various horrors and plots in Ireland in the summer of 1798, the Sun, a steadfast government paper founded in October 1792 with official support, complained that "every

49

50

1798 and the Union

day produces some new stain upon the character of our country; the diabolical labours of French agency are only now coming into effect."48 In explaining the relative peacefulness of Connaught in the spring of 1798, the Kentish Chronicle attributed it to "the ignorance of the people," which "prevented them from becoming acquainted with the hateful principles of the Modern Rights of Man."49 A letter to the editor of the London Chronicle in June 1798 spoke of the livery distressful and dangerous times" in which lithe French want to swallow us alive, if they can; on the other hand, there is an unnatural and cruel rebellion in Ireland, where they make a point of it to massacre men, women, and children without mercy.... All these English and Irish malcontents," the writer concluded, "act as if they are stark raving mad," leading to chaos and the transformation of free-born Englishmen into "abject slaves as the French now are."50 The "abject slavery" of the French under the revolution was a wellworn theme by 1798, part of a wider collection of stereotypes and characterizations applied to revolutionary France since the beginning of the decade. Naturally, many of these stereotypes dated back far before 1789. Contrasts between the robust, prosperous, beef-eating Englishman and the skinny, effeminate, snail-sucking Frenchman can be dated at least to the 1740S (figure 1).51 Traditional Francophobia, rooted in religious conflict, can be traced back even further to the sixteenth century. By the eighteenth century it had become a constant feature of the British worldview and one that varied in intensity over time according to the degree of commercial, imperial, or military rivalry between the two powers. Popular memory of the last Catholic king of England, James II, and his attempt to use Ireland as a backdoor to reclaim his throne and introduce the Counter-Reformation in Britain with the aid of the French King Louis XIV contributed to these traditional fears and tensions. As Robin Eagles argues, however, this did not prevent a widespread Francophilia among Britain's upper classes, whose love affairwith France and things French was strong both before and after the Napoleonic Wars. 52 For large sections of the privileged classes French fashions and a trip "abroad" (meaning to France) were de rigueur. Also, in the early stages it actually seemed that some of the ideals of the revolution might also become a popular import. Others welcomed the revolution simply because it weakened Britain's primary commercial and imperial rival. The loss of sympathy seems to have occurred in 1791-92, as the revolution took a more radical tum. Traditional scholarship often cited the 1790 publication of Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France as the turning point in British conceptions of the revolution, but

1798 and the Union

1. James

Gillray, French Liberty. British Slavery (1792) (British Museum)

more recent works have qualified Burke's role. Indeed, when his famous tract was first published, it was widely scorned by people on both sides of the political divide. 53 According to David Bindman, the change in opinion was more the result of events in France-namely, the "leveling tendencies" of the sans-culottes and their allies-than of Burke's condemnation. 54 Nonetheless, Burke still deserves a prominent place in understanding British popular reaction to the revolution. Burke, inJohn Brewer's description, "composed the score which others revised and embellished."55 While recognizing Burke's influence, we must also realize that his reaction to the revolution was in many ways a new salvo in political battles being fought at home. Many of the like-minded writers who followed in his footsteps did so first and foremost to combat the threat of radicalism in Britain and Ireland. The image and effects of the revolution were, Brewer argues, "constantly refracted through the twin lenses of British history and British politics."56 In the end, British popular reaction to traditional anti-French cartoons was much more about the threat, both internal and external, to the elements of British identity represented in these images. "An extremely partial, deliberately exaggerated, and deeply hostile depiction

51

52

1798 and the Union

of the French Revolution was," Brewer argues, "an essential part of the English conservative counterattack against British radicals and reformers."57 One manifestation of this was the widespread frenchification of domestic enemies and opposition politicians. Caricaturists Singled out Charles James Fox in particular, portraying him at French courts, at the head of a French invasion force, or dressed as a sans-culotte. One example is James Gillray's Promis'd Horrors of the French Invasion, in which Fox thrashes Pitt, who is stripped to the waist and tied to a liberty tree capped by a bonnet that has been erected on St. James's Street in London. As Gerald Newman demonstrates in his study of English nationalism, this practice oflampooning Englishmen who adopted French manners and style already had a long history by the outbreak of the revolution. 58 Despite the new images of the liberty tree, red caps, and the will of the people filtering across the channel, the old stereotypes persisted and were in fact reinforced as tensions rose and warfare broke out between the two nations. Brewer contends that the revolution failed to eliminate the old stereotypes of the French as either craven and duplicitous subordinates or effete, vicious, and arbitrary wielders of power. Nor could it dispel the cliche that Frenchmen were impoverished and emaciated, forced or gulled into eating soup, snails, and garlic. On the contrary, those figures of contempt provided an important contrast with the conservative stereotypes oOohn Bull and his England: the mad, starvedJacobin counterpoints the well-fed, contented, and devotedly patriotic John Bull; a barren and blasted landscape makes England's fertile fields seem all the more attractive. 59

France, like Ireland, India, and other countries instrumental in the construction of British identity, was used as a foil to craft a semifictional vision of Britain. In contrast to the poor, hungry, and repressed French, the British supposedly were comfortable, ate well, and enjoyed their rights as freeborn men and women. How closely either caricature resembled reality was irrelevant as each served its purpose in helping Britons create an affirmative and flattering image of themselves and their nation. An appreciation for the continued power of these traditional stereotypes has inspired new interpretations of popular responses to the revolution in Britain. In place of older models that put Britain's propertied classes on the right and the masses on the left, suppressed and repressed by the government, some scholars have argued for a better understanding of the appeal and power of popular loyalism. 60 Above all, this new approach emphaSizes the extent and strength of Conservative

1798 and the Union

counterpropaganda. While some of this was undoubtedly bought and paid for by the government, many writers and cartoonists "developed an intellectual and moral defence of the existing political and social order that carried conviction not only with the propertied elite but also with the large sections of the British people."61 The appeal and strength of radicalism has been exaggerated, H. T. Dickinson argues, while the popular appeal of loyalism has been downplayed or written off as the product of propaganda. Dickinson points in particular to the local newspapers, most of which were owned by independent middle-class proprietors who, like their readers, seem to have held conservative views. 62 Historians have highlighted the struggle of radical papers, but they have not given equal weight to the numerous papers that tended to support the status quo and consistently outsold the radical press. 63 This popular conservatism, Dickinson holds, "was a virulent outbreak of political prejudices which had existed throughout the eighteenth century but which only emerged in times of severe crisis."64 Like anti-French prejudices, traditional antiIrish stereotypes were also longstanding, but emerged most potently in times of political stress, violence, or Irish dependency. While keeping in mind that the government did go to considerable lengths to undermine the radicals and bolster loyalty to king and country, we need to recognize that its propaganda also struck a cord with the British masses. This resulted in part because of traditional contrasts between the French and British, but also because of the new and even more negative stereotypes that appeared as events turned more radical and bloody in Paris and Britons grew increaSingly apprehensive about the French threat. One of the most important of these anti-French stereotypes was the idea that chaos and disorder reigned in France. In contrast to the pastoral, well-ordered, and prosperous land of freeborn Englishmen stood a land where millions suffered at the hands of popular tyranny and constant upheaval. Central to this vision was the image ofthe mob and mob rule, both of which degenerated into savagery and worse. Fears of the mob were already longstanding in Britain, which had seen its own share of confrontations with "King Mob," most recently in the destructive Gordon Riots of June 1780.65 British anxieties over their own mobs continued well into the next century, as was demonstrated by Henry Mayhew's depiction of the nomadic tribes "who will not work," Chartist demonstrations, and the disturbances leading to the 1832 and 1867 reform bills. The French mobs, as depicted by English caricaturists like James Gillray or Isaac Cruikshank, sought "only the basest physical pleasures" and were "motivated by envy, either of the luxury of French

53

54

1798 and the Union

aristocratic life or of John Bull's roast beef."66 This was well represented in a poem that appeared in the True Briton in March 1798: CHARACTER OF A REPUBLICAN

A republican's picture is easy to draw, He can't hear to obey; but will govern the law; His manners unsocial, his temper unkind, He's a rebel in conduct, a tyrant in mind; He is envious of those who have riches and power, Discontented, malignant, implacable, sour; Never happy himself, he would wish to destroy The comforts and blessings which others enjoy.·7

The ultimate symbol of French mob rule was the sans-culotte, especially after the September massacres of 1792. While there were some exceptions among the local papers, most of the press "fed the British public on a harrowing diet of French butchery" in its coverage of the massacres, which marked a decisive turning point in support for the revolution among moderate reformers in Britain. 68 Playing on the literal translation of sans-culotte, caricaturists often depicted them as halfnude, usually with elongated, enlarged jaws and sunken eyes. Gillray also used these same pictorial techniques to represent Irish and British radicals (figure 2). These themes were most forcefully represented in contemporary cartoons of Republican France. One of the most famous, Un Petit Souper; by Gillray, depicts a family of sans-culottes in a horrific scene, eating various human body parts, including an eye gouged out of a head and a pair of testicles (figure 3). Naked from the waist down, one of the men rests his bare buttocks on the breasts of a dead woman while three children eat entrails from a bucket on the floor and a woman roasts a baby on a spit. Cannibalism was a common theme in numerous deSCriptions and cartoons of the sans-culottes, the crazed revolutionaries who tore apart and devoured the body politic. 69 Another famous cartoon of the period with this theme was Isaac Cruikshank's A Republican Beau and Belle: A Picture for Paris for 1794. This pair of portraits depicts a sans-culotte and his wife, "allegorical figures" in James Leith's account, "representing the dark depths of human nature which the revolution purportedly had opened Up."70 Both portraits feature subhuman-looking figures in revolutionary garb. The husband stands in the midst of a desolated scene, marked by a guillotine and a crucifix trampled in the dust. In his hand he wields a spiked club,

55

L()nd()n·frm:efpollda~q 2. James

SqCY!7, .alarmd . _Vide. GWlfy0ms fi(.w

Gillray, London Corresponding Society, alarm'd (1798) (British Museum)

1798 and the Union

~ ,,,_ .Ii.Famz{y of J"ow (/I[d!; rqiwhllif _

_

Iv".,,,,,,... ..... .,A_.

Ai>Yrtnnt t«U"!fX1"eon_'/fitkalmd'rinl. -!"'i""]}'IfS""".Nul ""~'" \ ' B.t,1lJ!fC. 8. P.a",-u.)t,P.)

44. "The Irish Frankenstein." Punch.

20

May 1882

lOren

(Jr.p • • • H&dlaotbtoMthtKo

The Land War, 1879-82

convince everyone. 143 Still, the majority of newspapers were prepared to move on to the crimes and arrears bills, which they hoped would prove the right combination to finally pacify Ireland. Before Gladstone introduced these bills, however, he had to first endure some parliamentary scrutiny into his arrangement with the leader of the Irish party. Whisperings of a secret deal between the prime minister and Parnell began almost immediately after Parnell's release, but it was not until question time on 15 May that the House heard the exact words exchanged between them. After Gladstone was pressed to produce documentary evidence of their communications, Parnell stood and offered to read the key letter aloud. He then did so but omitted the crucial portion regarding the Irish members "cooperating cordially for the future with the Liberal Party in forwarding Liberal principles." Forster produced another copy of the letter, most probably in an attempt to further justify his resignation, and Captain O'Shea read the missing passage. 144 While technically correct, the opposition and the Conservative press scorned Gladstone's denials of an understanding. Most Liberal newspapers were prepared to admit that some sort of bargain was struck, but insisted that the deal was effectively a wash, or that Gladstone would eventually get the better end. 145 The denunciations of Conservative papers such as the StJames's Gazette-which declared that "a more disgraceful story cannot be found in the annals of any government, however immoral"-were dismissed by their Liberal counterparts, who argued that the controversy was essentially a tempest in a t~acup.146 Press reaction to the phoenix Park murders was similar to Manchester and Clerkenwell in that newspapers already in favor of further reform in Ireland were not deterred. The murders were also seen as an act committed by Irish Americans, so there was no Significant backlash against the Irish people in Britain or against the Irish MPs. But, the murders were different on several other accounts. Though just as shocking as the shooting of Sergeant Brett, the stabbing death of the chief secretary for Ireland did not occur on the British mainland, so no new Fenian panic followed. After years of Land War violence in which processservers, policemen, landlords, and other figures of authority had been injured or killed, the British public was somewhat inured to violence that occurred on Irish soil. A stiff new crimes bill was widely demanded, but there were no widespread fears of Fenian terrorism operating in the Irish quarter of English cities. Even more important, whereas Manchester and Clerkenwell were followed by some degree of soul-searching and a renewed commitment to secure "justice for Ireland," the phoenix Park murders served as affirmation of Ireland's hopelessness.

The Land War, 1879-82

Coercion and Conciliation In his present mood ... the 'honest Irishman' seems incapable of weighing the niceties of circumstantial evidence; and that is one reason he should be kept out of the jury-box for a time. Bristol Mercury, 9 JUNE 1882

The ministry had been considering both a new crimes bill and an amendment to the Land Act before the release of the Land Leaguers and before the murders in Phoenix Park, but the political climate in the wake of these events necessitated certain changes, especially to the former. Introduced on 11 May, the Prevention of Crime (Ireland) Bill was quite strict. Among other things, it replaced trial by jury with a trial by three judges, extended police powers of search, placed some restrictions on the press, and gave magistrates increased powers of summary jurisdiction. l47 Parnell was obligated to offer some opposition to the bill in order to maintain his credibility with his left wing, but no extensive efforts at obstruction or extraparliamentary protest were made. The bill became law on 12 July 1882. The bill was welcomed by the press, but with widely differing degrees of enthusiasm. Liberal papers expressed their support, but also took pains, as if to reassure themselves, to note that ordinary law abiding Irish people would not be deprived of any liberties. l48 Although it was harsh, the Times felt that the bill was clearly necessary.l49 Commentators on the other end of the political spectrum generally had fewer qualms about more coercion for Ireland. The Essex Standard, for instance, was prepared to adopt whatever measures were necessary: "Should not this measure have the desired effect of stamping out outrage then repressive legislation must continue until it does take effect."l5o The Liberal Daily Chronicle, however, expressed a more common judgment of the new bill: "We look to the coercion bill for the repression of disorder; but we expect the arrears bill to aid in the restoration of peace by removing a fruitful source of crime." l5l The new land and crimes bills then, were molded on the others already passed. While the first would pave the way for the successful operation of the second, only a conciliatory measure could restore order in Ireland. Of all the measures contained in the bill, the abolition of jury trials in certain cases (mainly agrarian offenses) in favor of a three-judge special commission elicited the most comment. The response was primarily positive, as British observers had complained throughout the century about the difficulty in securing convictions in Irish courtrooms.

The Land War, 1879-82

While trial by jury was "the palladium of English liberty," in Ireland it had become "such an utter farce that no one will regret its suppression."152 Its sympathy for Ireland noticeably flagging by mid-1882, the Sheffield Independent welcomed the revocation of jury trials "until the Irish national consciousness is awakened, and people are taught to feel that the escape of the criminal tends to the destruction of the framework of society and their own liberties." 153 While these measures "would be entirely out of place among thoughtful, well-conducted, and manly people, like those on this side of St. George's Channel," the York Post and Leeds Intelligencer averred, "it would be little better than lunacy to treat Englishman and Irishmen alike until the latter accept the manly principles which ordinarily guide the former."154 Undeterred by public outrage over the phoenix Park murders, Gladstone pushed ahead with his plans to reform the Land Act, introducing an arrears bill on 16 May. Basically, the bill provided for the Consolidated Fund commissioners to payoff the arrears of indebted tenants so they could become eligible for the benefits of the 1881 Land Act. The bill received the royal assent on 18 August 1882. According to Kee, "almost all of the more than 100,000 tenants in arrears of rent who applied to be admitted to the benefits of the land act were successfu1."155 Like many of its peers, the Liverpool Mercury strongly supported the provision that most of the estimated £2 million needed to compensate landlords be taken out of the surplus fund left from the disestablishment of the Irish church in 1869, which would substantially reduce the strain on British taxpayers. 156 Other supporters, such as the Bristol Mercury, recognized the "anomalous" character of the bill but also supported it on grounds of practicality. "Its principles have been accepted," the paper contended, "only because the diseases of Ireland unquestionably demanded an exceptional remedy."157 Once again, the press accepted in the interest of pure practical politics an Irish measure that was indefensible on economic grounds. Opponents of the arrears bill argued that it was not the proper time to introduce such a measure and complained that it rewarded violence and conspiracy as well as the lazy and dissolute tenants while giving nothing to the honest and industrious. 158 Though the arrears bill was seen as a necessary accompaniment to the new crime bill, it received hardly a fraction of the enthusiasm expressed over earlier reform measures. Even the Radicals by this point were well and truly tired of Ireland. The prime minister worked ceaselessly in parliament to see the bills through, but less and less was expected of them in the long term. As the Sheffield Independent explained in May 1882:

253

254

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The old warm glow of sympathy and that earnest zeal which were wont to characterise English Liberal action for the removal of Irish grievances have-and we regret to notice it-perceptibly diminished. The Liberals of England, Scotland, and Wales are no less anxious than heretofore to deal out justice to Ireland ... but the enthusiasm which enkindled them ... is in most cases sensibly cooled, and in some cases extinguished by the desponding feeling that the regeneration of Ireland is nearly hopeless. But for that feeling of despondency and for that lack of zeal, caused by dintinished hope, the Irish people in Ireland and Great Britain are alone responsible. 159

As in the latter stages of the famine, compassion fatigue had set in, even among Ireland's strongest supporters in parliament. The hopes raised in 1849, 1870, and 1881 had all fallen by the wayside, as Ireland once again seemed to sink into violence and despondency, even while parliament worked to pass yet more legislation to address the Irish problem. Given this situation, the Nonconformist remarked in June 1882, "it would not be surprising if Englishmen, even with the best intentions and of the most Liberal principles, began to despair of Ireland."160 This despair and disgust were fed throughout the summer of 1882 by continued reports of widespread agrarian agitation and rural violence in the Irish countryside. After two land acts, several coercion acts, the imprisonment of the Irish leaders, the "Kilmainham treaty," and pending legislation to essentially pay the back rent of thousands of Irish tenants, order and security for life and property were still not firmly established in Ireland. For much of July and August the attention of the press was diverted by events in Egypt, where Arabi Pasha incited antiforeigner riots and fortified Alexandria harbor. This ultimately led to a bombardment of Alexandria on 11 July, a land expedition in September, and the resignation ofJohn Bright from the cabinet. 161 Though temporarily eclipsed, events in Ireland, including a threatened police strike in late July and early August, did not go unnoticed. After a rousing British success in Egypt in mid-September, the press turned its eye back to Ireland and found conditions improved, though continued vigilance was counseled. Opinion was divided on the source of this improvement, with some newspapers attributing it to the workings of the Land Act and others to coercion. Regardless of the source of the calm, the British press was simply gratified that Ireland was quiet after three years of turbulence. In the wake of this extended focus on Ireland and the Irish question the press was not overly concerned with the future of Ireland or AnglO-Irish relations. For the moment, it was simply enough that calm had apparently

The Land War, 1879-82

returned to Ireland, enabling the imperial parliament to get on with long neglected business.

Britain and Ireland Very few Englishmen really understand Ireland or Irishmen. Liverpool and Southport News, 10 AUG. 1880

We only occupy Ireland with a military force and a police constabulary; we do not govern her. Reynold's Weekry, 29 AUG.

1881

Within four years of the Irish National League's founding William Gladstone's administration introduced its first Irish home rule bill. The political roots of this development are relatively easy to find in the Land War years: Parnell's political ascendancy, the Irish-Liberal alliance first broached in the "Kilmainham treaty," and the role of the new National League in transforming the Irish Parliamentary party. It is also possible to trace some of the ideological roots behind the home rule bill to the Land War, most importantly the "Irish fatigue" felt by many Liberals and Radicals by mid-1882. No doubt many MPs supported the home rule bill as the next step in "justice to Ireland," but it also seems probable that others in the House and among the British press began to see Ireland as hopeless and immune to British remedies or the British example. Although most British newspapers rejected the idea of Irish self-rule during the Land War, the continued hostility of Irish nationalists after extraordinary government efforts to placate them must have informed sections of press opinion on the issue of home rule a few years later. As in the previous periods exanlined in this study, the social and political crises of the Land War drove journalists to explore the AngloIrish relationship and the future of Ireland. As we have seen, however, these commentators were much more hard-pressed to find optimism for Ireland's future. The press still used the physician-illness motif to explain Britain and Ireland, but it placed far less confidence in the cures. Irishness, it seemed, was incurable and ineradicable. Although very few newspapers continued to attribute the state of Ireland to centuries of British misrule, this argument was out of favor with the majority. The strategies of innocence deployed during the famine and again in the Fenian years, most importantly those of blaming the Irish for their own condition, held sway. After years of reform, multiple conciliatory laws, and the Herculean efforts of William Gladstone, it was argued, Ireland

255

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no longer had any legitimate grievances; and yet the Irish remained intractable and ungrateful. As always, there were some dissenting voices and criticisms of the majority view of Ireland, although they were markedly fewer than in previous periods. For example, the Week{y Dispatch questioned the seemingly universal confidence in British rule over "lesser" nations. "The average Englishman," the paper complained, "always regards the man who questions the excellence of British rule, whether in India, in the Transvaal, or in Ireland, as a person plainly unfit to live. He cannot always hang such persons, but he is always glad to hear that they are being hanged or otherwise maltreated as much as possible."162 The Newcastle Chronicle was one of the sternest critics of its countrymen where opinions on Ireland were concerned. While "the old stage Irishman, with his 'Be me sowl,' and 'Wont ye be afther treading on the tail of me coat,' has disappeared ... , we have yet Thackeray'S disgusting compound of vulgar ignorance, and Punclts typical Irishman, seen so frequently in his cartoons, informing the world how accurately and appreciatively Irishmen are studied by those who cater for the entertainment and instruction of the British public."163 The Liberal Liverpool Journal was also critical of Punch, particularly in a lengthy leading article published in September 1882 in which the paper observed: On the general question it is enough to remark that Punch might have done justice all round without making Irish peasants, even of the outrage-committing kind, so utterly hideous. . . . A worse charge against Punch in this matter is that his illustrations, even when most kindly; have favoured that most ridiculous and philistine of British delusions-that the Irish question practically is one solely between willful laziness and mischief and honest, willing industry.... On the whole, however, Punch has got credit for many years for adhering very closely to the spirit of society and London. Now society and London are not in the least annoyed when an imaginary Erin is represented as everything that can be agreeable towards England, any more than when Irishmen [who] revolt against England are represented as truculent and ruffianly. But these representations neither can be expected to satisfy Irish national susceptibilities, nor can they be alleged to exhaust the whole question as it might be dealt with by pictorial satire and pleasantry.164

The multiple and overlapping varieties of Irishness and the interplay of hostile and sympathetic conceptions of Paddy discussed in previous chapters were reCOgnized by some contemporary journalists. Newspapers that criticized British views of Ireland were also generally, but not always, among the most sympathetic and optimistic toward

The Land War, 1879-82

the neighboring isle. The most effective method of expressing optimism was the use of feminine representations of Ireland, especially in the comic press. While Erin or Hibernia had long been a staple in cartoons on Ireland, she took on new importance during the Land War, when she appeared in considerably more cartoons than in previous periods. The general Irish population was identified with the disorder and violence of the Land War to a far greater degree than before, but Erin remained a hopeful figure and a salve to Liberal consciences bruised by multiple Irish crimes bills. In this period Erin was generally positioned as either a helpless maiden saved by William Gladstone, Britannia, or John Bull; or as a strong and independent figure that the prime minister or John Bull attempted to woo. These representations were a foil to the subhuman monsters in Punch and the other comic weeklies. The bestial Paddy represented the threat of violence and terrorism that had to be contained and coerced. In other cartoons he symbolized the advanced Irish nationalists who could never be won over by concession or reform. Conversely, the helpless maid Erin was the Ireland to be saved from her violent brothers, while the strong Erin stood for the reluctant Irish majority whom the government sought to persuade to back the Land Act, reject the Land League, and support the union. Political reality forced the government to pass anticrime bills and combat sedition. But Liberals did not forget, or at least claimed that they did not forget, that the Irish nation had to be pacified and developed. To accomplish this, the government and the British people had to win the hearts of the vast majority of those Irish men and women who were neither insurgents nor enthusiastic supporters of the political union. Erin was an effective and useful graphical device for representing both wings of Irish policy. The major satiric papers depicted a range of Paddies, from the shabbily dressed but sly and scheming peasant or terrorist of Fun and Judy to John Tenniel's heavy-jowled Calibans in Punch. Erin, however, was almost always drawn in the same way: as a smooth-limbed, young, and comely maiden. Her clothes might be claSSical, contemporary and stylish, or a tattered shawl, but she was never anything less than a human being, and an attractive one at that. In "Two Forces," which appeared in Punch on 29 October 1881, we find a strong, defiant Britannia protecting her poor sister from "Anarchy" with the sword of "Law" (figure 45). Hibernia is wracked with grief and fear, while Britannia steps on the banner of the Land League and faces one of the most famous simianized Irish Calibans. Funs "Irish 'Disturbance'" is a bit more lighthearted, with William Gladstone attempting to quiet the "babies," the Irish landlords

257

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and tenants, so that young mother Erin might sleep aided by "Forster's Soothing Syrup," the Compensation for Disturbance Bill (figure 46). This cartoon utilizes not only the theme of a young and attractive Erin, but also remarks on the childishness of the Irish. In this case both the tenants and their landlords are presented as troublesome minors in need of a firm paternal hand. While Erin faced peril on many fronts, the device of the rescued maiden was most prevalent in commentary on the Irish land bill. The initial optimism felt in some corners over the new bill was also displayed by some of the comic newspapers. For instance, in "The Irish Cinderella and Her Fairy Godmother," which appeared in Fun shortly after the bill was introduced, Gladstone is the fairy godmother who has come to free Erin from her drudgery with hislher magic wand-the land bill. 165 The prime minister's skillful and determined efforts to maneuver the bill past the opposition in parliament, not least that of the Irish party, was also noted by the comic press. In "Bravo William," Fun depicted Gladstone as a daring actor on the parliamentary stage, defending Erin and her infant land bill. 166 Punch devoted a rare two-page cartoon to this theme in late August 1881 after the bill had received the royal assent. In "Out of the Wood" Gladstone is the valiant knight emerging from the dark forest with Land Act and Irish maiden safely in his arms. 167 Land League opposition to the bill irked members of the comic press just as much as their peers in the mainstream papers. In "At Last," Judy demonstrated its approval (and impatience) with the ministry'S decision to arrest Parnell and ban the Land League (figure 47). In this cartoon the knight William Forster lances the Land League dragon as it threatened Erin and the infant Land Act. This cartoon plays on the myth of Andromeda, the chained princess, and Perseus, a theme also used by Punch on the cover of its volume for the first half of 1882. While civic order and security had to be established in Ireland and Erin had to be protected from her domestic enemies, the central question remained how to win the hearts of the Irish people and make them satisfied and productive partners in the United Kingdom. Ireland, in the words of the Bristol Mercury, was to be raised "to the level of the model wife whose privilege and delight is to merge her own individuality into that of her spouse."168 Merely bringing rebellious Paddy to heel was not enough to win over his sister. Erin reqUired the attention and affections ofa suitor. The most common wooer was William Gladstone. For instance, in "The Rivals," the prime minister hands a claSSically dressed Hibernia a land bill bouquet, while scruffy-looking Paddy offers nothing but bayo-

259

'1'\\ II F< 11WES. 45. "Two Forces," Punch, 29 Oct. 1881

260

The Land War, 1879-82

1RI It ,. DISTURIt-L.'CE." TRYING

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46. "Irish 'Disturbance,'" Fun, 28 July 1880

nets, guns, and powder in a Land League tray (figure 48) . John Bull also attempted to charm Erin, as in the Fun cartoon, "John Bull's Valentine of Love and Reconciliation to Erin."169 In this cartoon John Bull pledges his troth on bent knee while Erin looks away shyly. John Bull wears Shamrocks on his vest to indicate his affinity with Erin, while a Gladstone cupid flies above with a quiver of "coercion" arrows. In "Erin's Valentine," published a year earlier, a more self-confident Erin receives a valentine

The Land War, 1879-82

47. "At Last!" Judy, 26 Oct. 1881

of relief donations from Brother Jonathan, though John Bull hurries along down the path to offer his valentine toO.170 Erin is not presented as a helpless maiden in Punch's "Suspense," which appeared shortly before the land bill was passed. Rather, she is a strong mother figure who scans the horizon for the "good ship Land Act" that will save her children.17l Erin was also presented as a strong figure in some of the many cartoons commenting on violence in Ireland. For instance, in "The 'Friends' of Erin" a stem Erin refuses the outstretched hand of Fenianism, still wet with blood from the recent Phoenix Park murders (figure 49). In his Apes and Angels Curtis offers an excellent analysis of Erin as a provocative sexualized symbol of Anglo-Irish relations. l72 In his view Erin represents Ireland's aboriginal innocence "before rebellion or Fenianism raised its simian head."173 Threatened by lecherous and violent Calibans and phallic dragons, she looks to John Bull or William Gladstone for heroic intervention. Our interpretations are complementary rather than contradictory. In addition to representing a sexualized threat to Erin, the dehumanized Irish rebels also exemplified the competition over masculinity implicit in the formation of British and Irish

262 PUNCIl. OR THE LONDON CHARIVARI.-.\',,''''' 13, 11S81._ _ __ __

THE RIV. L8. 48. 'The Rivals," Punch, 13 Aug. 1881

THE "FIUENDS"

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May 1882

The Land War, 1879-82

national identities. These shadowy man-monsters stood in stark contrast to the upright British suitors and saviors. As previously discussed, the Irish were viewed as unmanly because of their lack of self-control, their subservience to priests and demagogues, and especially their cowardly manner of fighting. This unmanliness did not translate into effeminacy, as in cartoons of the French, but rather into inhumanity. The most degraded of the Irish were so unmanly, in fact, that they became less than human-they were drawn as Calibans and eventually as creatures with little or no human features at all. Smooth-limbed Erin, the simianized Paddies' opposite, was never dehumanized because she represented the more hopeful elements of Irish policy. She was the innocent child in need of tutoring and protection from her savage brother. These images reminded readers that crimes bills and reform legislation were passed not only to punish sedition and undercut Irish demagogues but also to protect the Irish majorityand address their most pressing needs. Images of proud Erin and her British suitors reflected the reality that most Irish people seemed somewhat discontented with their position in the United Kingdom, as well as implicitly admitting that the union offered was one in which she would occupy an inferior position. At the same time, these cartoons also belied the optimistic belief that, if offered the correct valentine and properly seduced, Erin would indeed accept this subordinate position and become a "model wife" to John Bull.

Conclusion Compared to British attitudes in the other periods discussed in this study, this optimism was muted or half-hearted during much of the Land War. The land bill and British reaction to the Land War completed a Significant transformation first hinted at in the late 1860s. No longer was each new measure to be regarded as the key to unlocking the Irish question. Rather, the majority of newspapers began to agree that they were Simply politically necessary "sops to Cerebus." By the spring of 1882 even the most ardent supporters of Gladstone and "justice to Ireland" based their arguments for reform on strict grounds of expediency. This was largely due to the success of the Land League, but this transformation also restructured the Anglo-Irish relationship as seen by the British press. The "moral plague," it seemed, still afflicted the Irish people despite their eighty-year membership in the United Kingdom. For some observers this continued moral inversion called into ques-

The Land War, 1879-82

tion just how much British rule in Ireland had accomplished. They wondered if the union had as the Times predicted in April 1799, "humanize[d] the barbarous Irish."174 The entire Irish population, not just demagogues and Fenians, were increasingly regarded as beyond the reach of reasoned appeals. If Irishness could not be eradicated by the application of British institutions and British values it was still necessary that the sick sister isle should at least be stabilized, by whatever means, for the good of the union and the empire. The best that could be hoped was to buy off the Irish majority with land reform and prevent a unified agitation for home rule. Irishness was still clearly inferior, but it was no longer the subject of far-reaching attempts at a cure. It could not be removed, only sedated enough to enable the United Kingdom to get on with its business. As O'Callaghan elegantly phrases it, "Though the complex mesh of life lived on the island of Ireland always went on, the Irish question existed only when the noise of that life spilled over into English political culture."175 As we have seen, the British response to this noise evolved over the course of the century. Ireland was brought into a united kingdom, efforts were made to angliCize it, halting attempts to govern "according to Irish ideas" were undertaken, and finally, far-reaching land law reform was granted. For some, the Irish question was not just a nuisance but also a threat, as government efforts to quiet the clamor coming from across the Irish Sea set dangerous precedents that might shortly endanger the Church and property rights in Britain. Throughout these periods coercion was also applied liberally to combat Irish disaffection and to insure a suitable atmosphere for reforms to take hold. Heyck reveals, however, that by mid-1882 the majority of the Radical elite had turned their backs forever on coercion as an acceptable means of keeping order in Ireland. 176 This can be interpreted in two ways. One could argue that these men rejected coercion in favor of pursuing only conciliatory measures, a stance that ultimately led to the 1886 home rule bill. Their decision might also be interpreted as an effective abandonment of "justice to Ireland" as it was previously understood. This justice required not only farreaching and farSighted measures of reform to transform Ireland, but also firm yet fair steps to insure that these reforms could take root and develop in Ireland. Refusing to countenance further coercion for Ireland was in effect an admission that Ireland could never be properly anglicized, and that a complete cure for Britannia's sick sister was simply not pOSSible. Home rule, then, was perhaps not the crowning achievement

266

The Land War, 1879-82

of decades of the sympathy of Liberals and Radicals for Ireland, nor the product of Gladstone's moralistic approach to Irish policy, nor even a cynical political maneuver, but rather a sign that the British physician had finally lost hope for his sick sister and was prepared to abandon her to her own misery and discord. 177

Conclusion

T

HIS STUDY HAS HIGHLIGHTED NUMEROUS disagreements over Irish policy between individual newspapers or groups of newspapers, especially those with a pronounced political identification. On some issues, such as the disestablishment of the Irish church, there was a clear divide between Liberal and Conservative newspapers. On many others the boundaries were not so easily drawn. While we can identify a general "Liberal" or "Conservative" line in Irish policy, we must also recognize that on many issues a consensus was reached that did not necessarily harmonize with either approach. While disunity and inconsistencies often marked reporting on Ireland, there were a number of dominant trends, opinions, and beliefs that crossed or blurred party lines and collectively informed a "British" view of Ireland and the Irish people. The history of party politics and the personal motivations of political leaders are important to our understanding of Anglo-Irish relations, but they cannot stand alone. This study has sought to reveal the key elements of the public discussions that formed the wider context in which these critical political decisions were taken. The central component of this context was the hierarchical relationship of Irish and British identity. Although these identities were never static, they were consistently positioned in a manner that stressed Irish inferiority and British superiority. Ireland was the minor, the disobedient child, the sick patient, and the helpless lunatic. In all instances Ireland was in need of assistance, guidance, and discipline from its elder sister Britannia. Conceptions of the Irish and Irishness were constructed from multiple elements, most importantly ethnicity, class, and religion. Paddy's negative qualities were inherent, almost unavoidable, and produced by his Celtic inheritance, religion, and peasant status. For

268

Conclusion

instance, the Irish love of violence and disorder was seen as the result of an inborn fiery temperament and the brutality of Irish peasant society. Because of his servile status and idolatrous religion Paddy also proved an easy mark for demagogues, both native and foreign. The Irish were disloyal by nature, and furthermore, as Catholics they could never offer the state their fidelity. Paddy's laziness, moral inversion, ingratitude, unreasonableness, and other negative attributes were similarly explained. Collectively; these traits formed the core of Irish identity as seen from Britain. They were also the exact opposite of those that formed the core of British identity. The absence of British values and British traits among the Irish constituted the kernel of the Irish question as it was understood by Britons. It was also instrumental in Victorians' conceptions of their Britishness. I agree with Linda Colley that Britons were encouraged to "look through the Catholic glass darkly" in order to see themselves more clearly; but this glass was crafted in Cork, Mayo, and Skibbereen as well as in Normandy and Gascony. This is not to say that the Irish were the sole group against whom the British compared themselves in the nineteenth century. However, there was a degree of Otherness, both in terms of how far removed the group was from the British and its importance to British self-conceptions. The British frequently compared themselves to other Europeans, especially the French. In contrast to the European Others (with the exception of Catholic Italy), the Irish and the other subject peoples of the empire in Africa and India were commonly described as childlike, emotional, impulsive, superstitious, and generally unstable. These descriptions were used to justify British political and economic control. John Bull, it was argued, was merely a guardian who had his wards' best interest at heart. Comparisons between Britain and other Europeans, however, had to explain British commercial ascendancy, not political domination. Hence, the French were portrayed not as dehumanized monsters but as undisciplined fops who cared more for exotic foods and frivolous fashions than for the hard realities of the mill and the shop floor. On the scale of civilization the European Others stood at the top (below the British). Beneath them were the Irish and below them the Indians and then the Africans. Although the Irish shared many of the negative qualities of the other imperial subjects, there were crucial distinctions. British and Irish intermarriage was always acceptable and not regarded as miscegenation. Among the subjects of the empire, the Irish alone were capable of being anglicized and the Irish alone were permitted to send their elected representatives to the "imperial" parliament at

Conclusion

Westminster. Thus, when British newspapers sought to denigrate the Irish peasantry; they described them as "Thuggee" or "Hottentots." Similarly, the press ridiculed the Chartists and other British rabble-rousers by characterizing their behavior as "Irish." The Irish were below other Europeans and above the darker-skinned peoples of the empire. The Irish were the only Other actually contained within the physical boundaries of a united kingdom. They were also the only Other with whom Britons, particularly those living in urban areas, had regular and sustained contact. Until the latter part of the nineteenth century the Irish were in fact the only migrant group living in British cities in sizable numbers. The Irish were a constant and undeniable presence, a group that was inside the political union yet not "one of us." While certain qUirks or mannerisms of the Scots and Welsh continued to serve as fodder for jokes, they were still regarded as equal members of the United Kingdom. The Irish, however, were not. Still, at least until the latter part of the nineteenth century it was popularly believed that the Irish could be anglicized or at least improved to the point that they might become equal partners in the union. This belief could not have been so widely held if Britons did not see at least something of themselves in the Irish, a kernel or seed of Britishness that could be nurtured with the proper guidance and suitable political and economic conditions. The Irish, then, represented qualities the British sought to deny within themselves and their society-emotionalism, intemperance, violence, and ignorance. While the different Others may have also possessed these negative qualities, they did not have the same inborn potential for improvement and the chance to merge their identity with that of the Britons in a Single political entity. The Irish were the mirror opposite of the British, but they were still a reflection. The evaporation of popular belief in Britain that Irishness could be overcome, and the Irish angliCized, shattered this mirror and ultimately set Anglo-Irish relations on a path leading to Irish independence. Throughout the century there were multiple and overlapping strands of thought on Ireland and Irishness. The invention and reinvention of both Irish and British identity constituted a political process involving both sympathetic and hostile elements. Sympathetic discourses expressed the belief that the Irish people and SOciety could be anglicized through either an act of union, a moral revolution, or the introduction of British capitalists into Ireland. These dialogues also admitted past misgovernment of Ireland, the injustice of an alien church, and the religiOUS bigotry of Protestant domination. They urged "justice to Ireland," reform, and governing "according to Irish ideas."

Conclusion

Outbreaks of violence or distress were interpreted as signs of a deeper illness, a malady that the British government could cure with conciliatory measures and reform. Rebellion and agrarian violence were seen as the work of foreigners or their dupes, not of the Irish majority, whose loyalty was defended. At times positive dialogues involved consent to coercive measures, but always with the understanding that they were passed only to pave the way for measures of justice. These sympathetic elements never fully displaced the traditional stereotypes that informed Irishness. In periods of radical political activity or national distress these prejudicial notions returned. Even the very same newspapers that pleaded against anti-Irish backlashes and supported "justice to Ireland" could also portray the neighboring isle and its people as half-civilized, barbaric, and undeserving of constitutional liberties or the right to trial by jury. In all of the periods examined, it was argued that the Irish people suffered from a moral plague that made them disloyal, ungrateful, and unwilling to lift a finger to improve themselves. Paddy chose to listen to fiery "patriots," treasonous priests, or Irish American adventurers rather than to the voice of reason. Even though a minority committed outrages or terroristic attacks, they received the implicit or open support of the general populace and of the Irish diaspora in Britain. Paddy was not, and would never be, completely loyal to the British state. British newspapers expressed both their displeasure and their sympathy with Ireland by using baldly prejudicial and bigoted leading articles. The preeminent national and local newspapers described the Irish with phrases and terms from which even the most rabid modern tabloid would shy away. When all the negative connotations associated with Irishness were not enough, British newspapers looked to other corners of the empire to make their point. Ireland was described as the furthest regions of darkest Africa, Turkey, the jungles of India, or Algiers. The Irish people were Vendetta, red Indians, Thuggee, New zealand savages. When this was not enough, they were dehumanized, most dramatically in the comic press. Paddy became an ape, dragon, feral pig, snake, sea-monster, sphinx, vampire, Frankenstein's monster, devil fish, and so on. He and his kind were described in the mainstream newspapers as barbarous monsters in human form, cannibals who licked Protestant blood. Even when human, Paddy was less than a man. He displayed his lack of manliness in the first instance by his constant poverty, his lack of self-sufficiency, and his general lack of "character." During the famine this lack of manly character placed Paddy firmly on the wrong side of the moral divide between the deserving and undeserving poor. More dramatical-

Conclusion

ly, he demonstrated his unmanliness through cowardly assassinations and attacks. Whereas John Bull engaged only in fair fights, bare-fisted whenever possible, Paddy delighted in shooting landlords in the back, blowing up tenement buildings with barrels of gunpowder, piking innocent Civilians, and mutilating defenseless animals. This contrast of craven Paddy and manly John Bull was one of many dichotomies used to frame and reinforce an idealized conception of Britain and the British. Journalists highlighted Irish poverty, violence, and treason to craft a portrait of Britain as a stable, law-abiding, and prosperous nation. While extolling the supposed benefits and results of anglicization in Ireland, writers were perhaps not describing Britain as it was, but as they thought it could and should be. Even if the British people had not yet reached their full potential, their God-given superiority and right to serve as guardians and mentors of less developed nations was made plain by comparing themselves to those they had taken under their care. In the nineteenth century, the most constantly visible of these peoples was the Irish. As a result, the Irish question was always in a very real sense a British question as well. In the first period examined in this study, 1798-1801, the Irish question involved the issues of how to address the "great and radical vice" afflicting Ireland, pacify the people, and end the neighboring isle's perennial status as a weak backdoor to invasion. Several solutions were put forward. First, the rebellion of 1798 had to be suppressed quickly and firmly. Since the rebellion was the work of French-inspired United Irish leaders and their miserable dupes, and was not regarded as a national uprising, the restoration of order was to be followed by a generally conCiliatory regime. This was best exemplified by Cornwallis's clemency poliCies. Those who rejected British lenity, such as the "banditti" and other rebel holdouts, essentially surrendered their claims to fair treatment and deserved to be exterminated like vermin. By late 1798 and early 1799 press opinion converged on a bold and far-reaching cure for Ireland's ills-a union between Great Britain and Ireland. Even at its inception, optimism for the union was hedged by nagging doubts that the Irish could become more British. While reporting on the 1798 rebellion emphasized the wicked influence of "French principles," the press also focused on rebel atrocities such as Wexford Bridge, thus insuring that depictions of the barbarous Irish and of sectarian slaughter dominated the British popular memory of 1798. While the horrors of Wexford Bridge were described with references to the "cannibalistic" sans-culottes, these images were easily integrated into traditional stereotypes about the Irish people. In the end, contemporary and subsequent

Conclusion

accounts of the rebellion were composed from both sources-views of revolutionary France and the trinity (race, class, and religion) of the eternal Paddy's identity. This trinity was used to explain both the character of the rebellion and the subsequent failure of the union to solve the Irish question. As Ireland slid into despair and crisis in 1846, Irishness assumed even more importance in newspaper reporting, as older prejudicial notions of Irish identity were combined with new concerns for Irish selfreliance and providential interpretations of the potato blight. Press opinion on the famine and Ireland's future was dominated by three ideas: the need for Irish self-reliance, popular hostility toward the Irish, and the desirability of transplanting British institutions. These ideas were conSistently reflected in interpretations of the famine and in relief policies. As a result, proposals that emphaSized Irish responsibility for their plight and their future were well received, while those that looked to the imperial government to support Ireland were much less popular. For many British observers the famine represented a new opportunity to reconstruct Ireland. The forces of Irishness that had so far blunted or blocked British influences were now laid low and could not resist the prescriptions advocated by the press and enacted by the government. This line of reasoning, combined with traditional anti-Irish attitudes and an unswerving demand that Ireland support itself, virtually insured an extended period of starvation, disease, and mass death. Improvement schemes for Britannia's sick sister became more important in the press and among the political classes than the preservation of life. Convinced of the value of these schemes and believing that the Irish alone (or Irish landlords) were responSible for their condition, the British press was well prepared to witness without flinching the necessary misery that must accompany this "salutary lesson." During the famine the Irish question was essentially one about relief and the reconstruction of Ireland. Popular ideas about the lazy Irish tenantry and their improvident landlords, along with concerns that the "Irish cancer" would consume the treasury, created a ftrm demand that "Irish property pay for Irish poverty." The reform of the poor laws was strongly called for by the press and warmly welcomed once passed, despite clear evidence that Irish property could not bear the burden. While some members of the press recognized that the system was breaking down almost immediately, others decided that the proper institutions were in place and that the famine, or at least British involvement in it, was now over. Still other members of the press, public, and parliament looked for a longer-term solution, concerned that Ireland's

Conclusion

dependence would continually recur unless some fundamental changes were made. These changes centered around ideas of a vague moral and social revolution in which Irish peasants would renounce the potato and become sober, bread- and beef-eating landless laborers, as their English counterparts had already done. The anglicization of the peasantry required fundamental changes in the Irish agricultural economy. When these were not immediately forthCOming, the Incumbered Estates Acts were passed to encourage British capitalists to purchase Irish propertyand to require their tenants to change. After this new plantation of Ireland did not occur, British commentators blamed the Irish people. The Manchester killing and Clerkenwell explosion in 1867 forced Britain to again take an active interest in Ireland and the Irish question. As in 1798, acts of violence were generally attributed to a minority, in this case Irish American adventurers, while their hapless dupes-most Irish Catholics-were excused. What popular support the Fenians did receive was interpreted as a sign of a deeper illness. Thus, even at the height of the Fenian panic large sections of the press supported calls for "justice to Ireland." But these expressions of sympathy were also paralleled by the widespread use of anti-Irish stereotypes and some of the most infamous anti-Irish cartoons of the century. As in previous periods, the result was a deep ambivalence in which hostile and sympathetic conceptions of the Irish were in constant play. While Gladstone's church and land acts marked the first serious attempt at "governing according to Irish ideas," their goal was essentially the same as the union and the anglicization measures of the famine: the paCification, development, and maturation of Ireland. Ireland was positioned as a minor in John Bull's care and was expected to follow his prescriptions and advice. When the Irish seemed unwilling to listen or to be satisfied with the solutions emanating from Westminster, theywere criticized as fractious, insatiable, and ungraCiOUS. Irish criticisms of the 1870 Land Act and continued disorder in the Irish countryside in 1869-70 were marked down as further evidence that their Hibernian neighbors were naturally turbulent and lawless. The Irish, it seemed, took all that was given to them, refused to express thanks or even offer acknowledgment, and then demanded more. As the century wore on, this ingratitude seemed a distressing trend throughout the empire. The widespread violence and agrarian terrorism of the Land War was also interpreted as evidence of a deeper illness, but this time the pathogen was the Irish people themselves. Despite eighty years of conciliation and coercion, the Irish moral plague continued unabated. Popular support for the Land League and complicity in agrarian intimida-

273

274

Conclusion

tion, boycotting, houghing, and other "unmanly" practices reduced Ireland to what was seen as a state of near chaos for much of 1880-82. As the two rulers of Ireland battled in the countryside and at Westminster, all hope for eradicating Irishness was dissipated. British confidence in anglicization had been fading since 1849, and by 1881 it had disappeared. Irishness could not be transformed by the application of British institutions and values, but it was still absolutely necessary that the Irish patient be stabilized, by whatever means, for the good of the union and the empire. The parameters of the Irish question changed over the course of the century, reflecting not only the political realities at hand, but also the trajectory of British opinion. One constant and essential element of the Irish question and Anglo-Irish relations was British self-interest. British interest in Ireland and Irish policy was not lilnited to Ireland's role in crafting an idealized British identity; there were also more tangible political and economic concerns as well. For example, the union was passed to insure British security by closing the exposed backdoor to invasion. Irish property was made to pay for Irish poverty in order to protect the Consolidated Fund. The Irish church was disestablished and the first Land Act was granted to undercut support for the Fenians and to end attacks on the streets of British cities. For much of the century the Irish question touched on justice, national character, morality; religion, and econolnic structures. With the final abandonment of anglicization the Irish question essentially became a political one, to be resolved using political means and addressed for political reasons. This is not to cast doubt on the sincerity of those who genUinely hoped to address Irish grievances and to convince Hibernia to become a "model wife" ofJohn Bull. For most ofthe press, however, Gladstone's 1881 land bill and the conciliatory gestures of 1882 were primarily supported as measures of political expediency. How then did British attitudes toward Ireland at the close of the Land War compare with those a decade, fifty years, or eighty years earlier? The passage of the union was marked by considerable optilnism over Ireland and its future in the United Kingdom. These hopes were not realized in the follOwing forty years, but for many the crisis of the famine represented a new opportunity to remake Ireland. The neighboring isle was seen as a blank slate, as it had been in 1800 and during the Cromwellian plantations. On this blank slate, journalists, economists, and politicians argued, Britain lnight inscribe a morally and econolnically reformed Ireland. These two types of reform proved inseparable, and when the hoped-for moral revolution did not occur in Ireland, it was inevitable

Conclusion

that the conversion to high-farming and capitalistic agriculture would not materialize. In fact, while the Incumbered Estates Acts represented the full extension of the logic of anglicization-importing British and Scottish capitalists to make the Irish peasantry more British-they also mark the first cracks in public confidence in this idea. Arguing that it was necessary to import Britons into Ireland in order to anglicize the island was an implicit admission that the Irish were incapable of doing the job themselves. This was again demonstrated by Gladstone's commitment to "governing according to Irish ideals" in the late 1860s. Gladstone's policies and the popular reaction to them marked a decisive shift in British thought on the Irish question. While governing according to Irish ideas was another unspoken declaration that anglicization was not possible or practical, it also Signaled the beginning of a strictly pragmatic and political conception of the Irish question, a process that reached its fruition in the 1881 Land Act. By 1881 few journalists genuinely believed that anyone key could be found to unlock the Irish question and make the Irish people prosperous, content, and loyal to the British state. The entire Irish population, not just French-inspired United Irishmen or American Fenians, were increasingly regarded as beyond the influence of reason. In the absence of any genuine opportunities to reform and develop Ireland, the best that could be hoped was to buy off the majority with land reform and to discourage widespread support for the new home rule movement. Ireland and Irishness were still undoubtedly inferior to Britain and Britishness, but far-reaching cures were not possible any longer. John Bull could not change the eternal Paddy; he could only hope to pacify him or, failing that, place him in a strait-waistcoat so that the empire could get on with its business. What did not change in these years? A Simple answer is Paddy's Irishness. The primary elements that informed British views of Ireland-race, class, and religion-remained a constant throughout the century. Despite John Bull's earnest efforts to reform and improve him, Paddy remained a peasant, a Celt, and Catholic. Paddy's class status remained essentially the same throughout these years, as Ireland was almost universally conceived of as an agricultural country, an image reinforced by the Irish nationalists' own celebration of the rural west and Irish pastoral values. Religion was a less salient issue in the 1880s than it had been in 1800 or 1847, as British society became more secular. All the same, Protestant-Catholic friction, as well as Protestant anxieties over "popish" influences within their own church and high-profile "defections" continued into the next century. These tensions continually rein-

275

Conclusion

forced conceptions of difference between the theocratic, intolerant, and illiberal Catholic world and Britain's rational, scientific, and progressive society. While crude anti-Catholicism dissipated as the century progressed, the ill effects of Paddy's religion were still easy to find for British observers. The demagogue may have replaced the priest as the most likely figure to lead Paddy astray, but he was able to do so because of the servility engendered in the Irish by their religiOUS upbringing. Even more important were continued doubts that the Irish, as Catholics, could ever offer the state their complete loyalty. Finally, despite eighty years of political union and exposure to British moral values, the inborn deficiencies of Paddy's Celtic heritage, such as violence and emotionalism, seemed just as prominent in 1882 as they had been in 1798. In the end the inability of the British to change or mitigate these elements of Irishness doomed the entire project of anglicization and ultimately the union itself. This was perhaps best reflected by the evolution of liberal or sympathetic thought on the Irish question. Early in the century a majority of newspapers were willing to concede that Ireland had been misruled and that some amends were due. Indeed, many commentators argued that these past errors were equally responsible for Ireland's condition. By the late 1860s, however, Ireland was increasingly seen as "our misfortune but not our fault." If the state of Ireland could no longer be attributed to Cromwell, Protestant ascendancy, or government repreSSion, that left only Irishness. Irishness was the most important element in British understandings of the Irish question in all these periods but by the time of the Land War it was essentially the only explanation for Ireland's unsatisfactory condition. Sympathy for Ireland and optimism about it gave way to frustration and finally to disgust. British observers wearied of their obstinate Irish patient and concluded that Ireland and Irishness could not, after all, be cured. This was reflected in pragmatiC poliCies in response to the Land War and in the subsequent avowal by the Radicals that Irish policy would never again encompass coercion. Previously, most liberals had grudgingly accepted coercion at key points as an unpleasant but necessary sedative to stabilize the Irish patient so that various cures might take effect. By abandoning this bitter tonic, they effectively admitted that Ireland was hopeless after all, and should perhaps be granted enough autonomy to compel its nationalist leaders to find their own remedies for Irish ills. Continuing this analogy, one might argue that over the next two decades the Conservatives adopted their own Irish sedation strategy with various efforts to "kill Home Rule by kindness." As in the case of the 1881 land legislation, few believed that the Tories' land

Conclusion

purchase acts would transform or anglicize the Irish peasantry. They merely hoped to tranquilize Ireland so that it might be governed with the least trouble and disruption to the rest of the empire. Within a few years of the Radicals' rejection of coercion, Gladstone's government introduced the first Irish home rule bill. The motivations of Gladstone and the Liberals have been Widely debated. Unionist and Conservative critics condemned the bill as a cynical political ploy deSigned to secure crucial Irish support and maintain Gladstone's majority in parliament. Some Liberals, as well as sympathetic historians and biographers of Gladstone, celebrated Irish home rule as the penultimate expression of the party's commitment to "justice for Ireland" and Gladstone's moralistic approach to Irish policy. More recent interpretations have tended toward synthesis. Most scholars seem to grant that Gladstone sincerely believed in home rule, at least by late 1885, but they take the view that the form and time frame in which it was introduced were dictated by contemporary political realities in parliament and within the Liberal party. The evolution of British opinion on Ireland and the Irish question analyzed in this study suggests an additional or alternative interpretation of the home rule bill. Among some sections of the Liberal party, or at least their newspapers, Irish home rule was perhaps not so much a creative measure designed to secure political justice and a degree of autonomy for Ireland, but rather an admission of defeat, an acknowledgement that the Irish could never be British.

277

Notes

INTRODUCTION

Times, 12 Apr. 1799. Times, 7 Oct. 1846. 3- Daily Telegraph, 19 Dec. 1867. 4. Sheffield Independent, 16 May 1882. 1.

2.

5. While recognizing the potential difficulties, I have opted for the term "British" over "English" in this text, as explained later in this introduction. 6. The seminal studies are 1. P. Curtis Jr., Anglo-Saxons and Celts: A Study of Anti-Irish Prejudice in Victorian England (Bridgeport, Conn., 1968), and his Apes andAngels: The Irishman in Victorian Caricature, rev. ed. (Washington, 1997). See also Richard Ned Lebow, White Britain and Black Ireland: The Influence ofStereotypes on Colonial Policy (philadelphia, 1976); and M. A. G. 6 Thathaigh, "The Irish in Nineteenth-Century Britain: Problems of Integration," in The Irish in the Victorian City, ed. Roger Swift and Sheridan Gilley (London, 1985), 13-36. 7. For example, see Sheridan Gilley, "English Attitudes to the Irish Minority in England, 1789-1900," in Immigrants and Minorities in British Society, ed. Colin Holmes (London, 1978), 81-110; Roy Foster, "Paddy and Mr. Punch," in his Paddy and Mr. Punch: Connections in Irish and English History (London, 1993), 171-94; and D. G. Paz, "Anti-Catholicism, Anti-Irish Stereotyping, and Anti-Celtic Racism in Mid-Victorian Working-Class Periodicals," Albion 18:4 (1986): 601-16. 8. John Gillingham, "Images of Ireland, 1170-1600: The Origins of English Imperialism," History Today 3T2 (1987): 16-22. 9. See Edward D. Snyder, "The Wild Irish: A Study of Some English Satires Against the Irish, Scots, and Welsh," Modern Philology IT12 (1920): 147-77. 10. See David Hayton, "From Barbarian to Burlesque: English Images of the Irish, c. 1660-1750," Irish Economic and Social History 15 (1998): 5-31, for an excellent account of how the "Wild Irishman" was transformed into the blundering stage Irishman of Restoration and eighteenth-century drama. 11. Curtis, Apes and Angels, 21.

279

Notes to Pages 6-11

280

12. See Curtis, Apes and Angels, 110; Nancy Stepan, The Idea of Race in Science: Great Britain, 1800-1960 (Hamden, Conn., 1982), xvii. 13. See H. L. Malchow, "Frankenstein's Monster and Images of Race in Nineteenth-Century Britain," Past and Present, 139 (1993): 90-130. 14. See Rana Kabbani, Europe's Myths of Orient (Bloomington, Ind., 1986), 1-10. 15. Edward Said, Orientalism (New York, 1979), 41. See also his Culture and Imperialism (New York, 1994). 16. See Stepan, The Idea ofRace in Science, 30. 17. See, for example, Henry Mayhew's discussion of the difference in skull shapes between nomadic and civilized tribes in the opening pages of his London Labour and the London Poor (1851; reprint, New York, 1967), 1-3. 18. Douglas Lorimer, Colour, Class, and the Victorians: English Attitudes to the Negro in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (Leicester, 1978), 137. 19. Stepan, The Idea ofRace in Science, 46. 20. Douglas Lorimer, "Race, Science and Culture: Historical Continuities and Discontinuities, 1850-1914:' in The Victorians and Race, ed. Shearer West (Hants, U.K., 1996), 12-33, 15-16. 21. Robert Knox, The Races ofMen: A Fragment (1850; reprint Miami, 1969), 7. 22. Ibid., 54. 23. Ibid., 217· 24. Lorimer, Colour, Class, and the Victorians, 138. 25. George W. Stocking Jr., Victorian Anthropology (New York, 1987), 237. 26. SeeJohn S. HallerJr., Outcastsfrom Evolution: ScientificAttitudes ofRacial

Inferiority, 1859-1900 (Urbana, 1971), esp. 95-99. 27. Douglas Lorimer, "Nature, Racism, and Late Victorian Science," Canadian Journal ofHistory 25:3 (1990): 369-85, 374-76. 28. See Anthony S. Wahl, "'Ben Juju': Representations of Disraeli's Jewishness in the Victorian Political Cartoon," Jewish History 10:2 (1996): 89-134; Walter L. Arnstein, Protestant versus Catholic in Mid-Victorian England (Columbia, Mo. and London, 1982); David Newsome, The Victorian World Picture: Perceptions and Introspections in an Age of Change (New Brunswick, N.J., 1997); and G. F. A. Best, "Popular Protestantism in Victorian Britain," in Ideas and Institutions ofVictorian Britain: Essays in Honour of George Kitson Clark, ed. Robert Robson (New York, 1967), 115-42. 29. See Curtis, Apes and Angels, 19-21. 30. Thomas Babington Macaulay, The History ofEngland (1848), rev. ed., ed. Hugh Trevor Roper (London, 1968), 145. 31. Ibid., 243. 32. Anonymous, What Science Is Saying about Ireland, rev. ed. (1862; Kingston-upon-Hull, 1882), 15. Quoted in Richard Ned Lebow, "British Historians and Irish History;" Eire-Ireland 8:4 (1973): 3-38, 38. 33· Ibid, 37· 34. Quoted in Curtis, AnglO-Saxons and celts, 84. AnlOng other things, Kings-

Notes to Pages 11-15

ley was a leading Christian Socialist, a novelist (most notably The Water Babies [1863]), Regius Professor of Modern History at Cambridge (1860-69), a chaplain to the Queen, and canon of Westminster. For more on Charles Kingsley's racial ideas, see chapter four of Michael Banton, The Idea ofRace (Boulder, Colo., 1977). 35. Curtis, Anglo-Saxons and Celts, 99-101. 36. Ibid., 100-101. 37- Knox, Races ofMen, 213. 38. Manchester Courier, 25 July 1881. 39. Michael Biddis, Images ofRace (New York, 1979), 22. 40. Stepan, The Idea ofRace in Science, xx-xxi. 41. Lorimer, "Nature, Racism, and Late Victorian Science," 385. See also Stepan,

The Idea ofRace in Science, 4. 42. Douglas Lorimer, "Science and the Secularization of Victorian Images of Race," in Victorian Science in Context, ed. Bernard Lightman (Chicago, 1997), 212-35· 43. Ibid., 213. 44. Stepan, The Idea ofRace in Science, xvi. 45. HarmahArendt, The Origins ofTotalitarianism (New York, 1958), 183. 46. Although the main thrusts of their criticisms of Curtis remain unconvincing, Sheridan Gilley and R. F. Foster do effectively suggest that we must consider more than the negative racialized images of Paddy analyzed by Curtis to fully understand British views of the Irish (Gilley, "English Attitudes to the Irish Minority in England"; Foster, "Paddy and Mr. Punch"). 47- See Arnstein, Protestant versus Catholic in Mid-Victorian England, 215, 218; and James Whisenant, "Anti-Ritualism and the Moderation of Evangelical Opinion in England in the Mid-1870S," Anglican and Episcopal History 70A (2001): 45 1-477. 48. See Newsome, The Victorian World Picture. 49. See D. G. Paz, Popular Anti-Catholicism in Mid-Victorian England (Stanford, Calif., 1992), 2-3; Arnstein, Protestant versus Catholic, 3-5; and Best, "Popular Protestantism in Victorian Britain." 50. John Wolffe, The Protestant Crusade in Great Britain, 1829-1860 (Oxford, 1991), 131-32. 51. E. R. Norman, Anti-Catholicism in Victorian England (New York, 1968), 18. 52. For a detailed account of Newdegate's campaign, see Arnstein, Protestant

versus Catholic. 53. Ibid., 212. 54. Norman, Anti-Catholicism in Victorian England, 18. 55. Alan O'Day, "Varieties of Anti-Irish Behaviour in Britain, 1846-1922," in Racial Violence in Britain in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, ed. Panikos Panayi, rev. ed. (London, 1996), 26-43; Neville Kirk, "Ethnicity, Class, and PopularToryism, 1850-1870," in Hosts, Immigrants and Minorities: Historical Responses to Newcomers in British Society, 1870-1914, ed. Kenneth Lunn (New York, 1980), 64-106.

281

Notes to Pages 16-20 56. Wolffe, The Protestant Crusade in Great Britain, 7. See also Arnstein, Protestant versus Catholic; and David Hempton, Methodism and Politics in British Society, 1750-185°, (London, 1984). 57. Wolffe, The Protestant Crusade in Great Britain, 2. Guy Fawkes Day, 5 Nov., is the anniversary of the Gunpowder Plot, a conspiracy by a group of Catholics, including Guy Fawkes, to blow up parliament in 1605 and install a Catholic monarch. On Guy Fawkes Day Fawkes, and sometimes the pope, were burnt in effigy. The burning of the latter could lead to communal violence in areas with a substantial Catholic population, such as Lancashire and Clydeside, which were known for sectarian tensions into the twentieth century. 58. Paz, Popular Anti-Catholicism in Mid-Victorian England, 58. 59. Paz, "Anti-Catholicism, Anti-Irish Stereotyping, and Anti-Celtic Racism in Mid-Victorian working-Class Periodicals," Albion 18:4 (1986): 601-16, 604. 60. The standard work on the subject is Gertrude Himmelfarb, The Idea of Poverty: England in the Early Industrial Age (New York, 1985). 61. Giovanni Procacci, "Governing Poverty: Sources of the Social Question in Nineteenth Century France," in Foucault and the Writing ofHistory, ed. Jan Goldstein (Oxford, 1994), 206-19, 211-12. 62. For instance, see Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Working Class History, 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1983); Dror Wahrman,

Imagining the Middle Class: The Political Representation of Class in Britain, C.1780-1840 (Cambridge, 1995); Patrick Joyce, Democratic Subjects: The Self and the Social in Nineteenth-Century England (Cambridge, 1994); and James Vernon, Politics and the People: A Study in English Political Culture, 1815-1867 (Cambridge, 1993). 63. For an excellent reappraisal of the 1867 Act see Catherine Hall, Keith McClellan, and Jane Rendall, Defining the Victorian Nation: Class, Race, Gender and the British Reform Act of1867 (Cambridge, 2000). 64. Stefan Collini, "The Idea of 'Character' in Victorian Political Thought," Transactions ofthe Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 35 (1985): 29-50, 42-43. 65. For an excellent review of recent scholarship in this field see Roger SWift, "Historians and the Irish: Recent Writings on the Irish in NineteenthCentury Britain," in The Great Famine and Beyond: Irish Migrants in Britain in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, ed. Don M. MacRaild (Dublin, 2000), 14-39· 66. Lynn Hollen Lees, Exiles ofErin: Irish Migrants in Victorian London (Ithaca, N.Y., 1978), 15. 67. See Graham Davis, The Irish in Britain, 1815-1914 (Dublin, 1991), 73-76, for an interesting discussion of British ambivalence toward the Irish living in Britain, who received both sympathy and suspicion from their British neighbors. 68. Friedrich Engels, The Condition ofthe Working Class in England, ed. Victor Kiernan, rev. ed. (London, 1987), 98. 69. Ibid., 126. 70. James Phillips Kay, The Moral and Physical Condition of the Working

Notes to Pages 20-23 Classes Employed in the Cotton Manufadories in Manchester (1832; reprint, London, 1970). See also Mary Poovey's essay "Curing the Social Body in 1832: James Phillips Kay and the Irish in Manchester," in her Making a Social Body: British Cultural Formation, 1830-1864 (Chicago, 1995), 55-72; and Catherine Hall, "The Nation Within and Without," in Defining the Vidorian Nation, ed. Hall, McClellan, and Rendall (Cambridge, 2000), 179-233, 208-10. 71. Hall, 'The Nation Within and Without," 209-to. 72. See Frank Neal, Black 4T Britain and the Famine Irish (London, 1997). 73. Frances Finnegan, Poverty and Prejudice: A Study of Irish Immigrants in York, 1840-1875 (Cork, 1982), 166-67. 74. See Roger Swift, "Crime and the Irish in Nineteenth Century Britain," in The Irish in Britain, 1815-1939, ed. Roger Swift and Sheridan Gilley (Savage, Md., 1989), 163-82; and "'Another Stafford Street Row': Law, Order, and the Irish Presence in Mid-Victorian Wolverhampton," Immigrants and Minorities 3=1 (1984): 5-29. See also, Paul Mulkern, "Irish Immigrants and Public Disorder in Mid-Victorian Britain, 1830-80" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1996). 75. This notion has been challenged by Alan O'Day in his "Revising the Dias-

para," in The Making of Modern Irish History, ed. Alan O'Day and D. George Boyce (New York, 1996), 188-215. 76. Roger Swift, "The Outcast Irish in the British Victorian City: Problems and Perspectives," Irish Historical Studies 25:99 (1987): 274. 77. For an interesting study of the experiences of Ireland and the Irish people in the empire, see Keith Jeffrey, ed., ':An Irish Empire"? Aspects ofIre land and the British Empire (Manchester, 1996). 78. For a history of the graphical representation of John Bull and his use in national contrasts, see Jeanine Surel, "John Bull," in Patriotism: The Making and Unmaking ofBritish National Identity, ed. Raphael Samuel, vol. 3 (London, 1989), 3-2 5. 79. Gerald Newman, The Rise of English Nationalism: A Cultural History, 1740-1830 (New York, 1987), 128-30. While her work has largely framed the debate, Colley does have her critics. For instance, see the essays in Laurence Brockliss and David Eastwood, eds., A Union of Multiple Identities: The British Isles, c. 1750-c. 1850 (New York, 1997); Stephen Haseler, The English Tribe: Identity, Nation, and Europe (London, 1996); Eric Evans, "Englishness and Britishness: National Identities, C.1790-C.1870," in Alexander Grant and Keith]. Stringer, Uniting the Kingdom? The Making ofBritish History (London, 1995), 223-43; and Hugh McLeod, "Protestantism and British National Identity, 1815-1945," in Nation and Religion: Perspectives on Europe and Asia, ed. Peter van der Veer and Hartmut Lehman (Princeton, 1999), 44-70. 80. Colley, Britons, 6. 81. Linda Colley, "Britishness and Otherness: An Argument," Journal ofBritish Studies 31:4 (1992): 309-29. Colley also assigns a secondary role in British identity formation to the Empire, in part because so many Welsh and Scots participat-

Notes to Pages 24-28

ed and also because possession of such a huge empire provided another opportunity for flattering self-reflection. 82. Important exceptions can be found briefly in Kevin Whelan, "'98 after '98: The Politics of Memory," in his Tree ofLiberty: Radicalism, Catholicism, and the Construction ofIrish Identity, 1760-1830 (Cork, 1996); and at length in Kathleen M. Noonan, 'liThe Cruell Pressure of an Enraged, Barbarous People': Irish and English Identity in Seventeenth-Century Policy and Propaganda," Historical

Journal41:1 (1998): 151-77. 83. See Arnold's On The Study ofCeltic Literature (1867; reprint, London, 1916), and Culture and Anarchy (London, 1868). See also the Victorian Studies special issue on "Victorian Ethnologies," 41:3 (1998), especially Vincent P. Pecora, "Arnoldian Ethnology," 355-79, and Christopher Herbert, "Epilogue: Ethnography and Evolution," 485-94. See also Gilley, "English Attitudes to the Irish in England." 84. For more on Renan's influence on Arnold, see Robert]. C. Young, Colonial Desire: Hybrldity in Theory, Culture and Race (London, 1995), esp. 68-72. 85. Ernest Renan, The Poetry of the Celtic Races, and Other Essays by Ernest Renan, trans. William G. Hutchinson (London, 1896), 1-2. 86. Arnold, On the Study of Celtic Literature, 26, 136. 87. Ibid., 86-87. 88. Standard, 1 June 1867. 89. Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London, 1992), 7. 90. Following the lead ofAledJones, I have avoided the more common term provincial press not only because of its disparaging overtones, but also because it is Simply too general and assumes the presence of a uniform national and provincial press, neither of which existed. Aled Jones, "Local Journalism in Victorian Political Culture," in Investigating Victorian Journalism, ed. Laurel Brake, Aled Jones, and Lionel Madden (London, 1990), 63-70. 91. For information on newspaper production, circulation, and their cultural and social roles, see A. Aspinall, Politics and the Press, C.1750-1850 (London, 1949); Alan]. Lee, Origins of the Popular Press in England, 1855-1914 (London, 1976); Stephen Koss, The Rise and Fall ofthe Political Press in Britain, vol. 1, The Nineteenth Century (London, 1981); AledJones, Powers ofthe Press: Newspapers, Power and the Public in Nineteenth-Century England (Hants, 1996); Laurel Brake, Aled Jones, and Lionel Madden, eds., Investigating Victorian Journalism (London, 1990); Jeremy Black, "Continuity and Change in the British Press, 1750-1833" Publishing History 36 (1994): 39-85; Lucy Brown, Victorian News and Newspapers (Oxford, 1985); George Boyce, James Curran, and Pauline Wingate, eds., Newspaper History from the Seventeenth Century to the Present Day (London, 1978); Joanne Shattock and Michael Wolff, eds., The Victorian Periodical Press: Samplings and Soundings (Leicester, 1982); and Richard D. Altick, The English Common Reader: A Social History of the Mass Reading Public, 1800-1900 (Chicago, 1975)·

Notes to Pages 29-32

92. The first London penny daily was the Daily Telegraph, which reduced its price in 1856, followed by the Standard in 1858. Halfpenny papers began to appear in the 1880s. For an intriguing exploration of the new "democratic imaginary" in nineteenth century Britain, see Joyce, Democratic subjects. 93. Lee, Origins of the Popular Press in England, 21. 94. Read, Press and People, 205. 95. Lyn Pykett, "Reading the Periodical Press: Text and Context," in Investigating Victorian Journalism, ed. Brake et. al., 3-18; Margaret Beetham, "Towards a Theory of the Periodical as a Publishing Genre," in Investigating Victorian Journalism, ed. Brake, et. al., 19-32; Jones, Powers of the Press; Tony Bennet, "Media, 'Reality;' Signification," in Culture, Society, and the Media, ed. Michael Gurevitch, Tony Bennet, James Curran, andJanetWoollacott (London, 1982), 268-86. 96. One of the influences behind this interactive construction is a set of newer ideas about the act of reading itself. See, for example, Roger Chartier, "Texts, Prints, Readings," in The New Cultural History, ed. Lynn Hunt (Berkeley; Calif., 1989), 154-75. Theoretical approaches that examine the role of the media in the manufacture of a shared reality or perhaps a shared imaginary reality have also played an important part in current understandings of the press. See Antonio Gramsci, Prison Notebooks (New York, 1992), and Noam Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent: Noam Chomsky and the Media (New York, 1994). 97. Lee, Origins ofthe Popular Press in England, 182. 98. Ibid., 185. 99. The most authoritative account of this process is Koss, The Rise and Fall

of the Political Press. 100. Black, "Continuity and Change in the British Press," 76. 101. Ibid.; Ivan Asquith, "The Structure, Ownership, and Control of the Press, 1780-1855" in Newspaper History from the Seventeenth Century to the Present Day, ed. George Boyce, James Curran, and Pauline Wingate (London, 1978), 98-116, 111. 102. See Tom Morley; '''The Arcana of That Great Machine': Politicians and The Times in the late 1840S," History 73 (1988): 38-54; and Koss, The Rise and Fall of

the Political Press. 103. R K. Webb, "Victorian Reading Public," in The New Pelican Guide to English Literature, vol. 6, ed. Boris Ford, (Hammondsworth, Middlesex, 1982), 198-219, 211-12. 104. "The Newspaper Press," Edinburgh Review 102:208 (1855): 470-98, 487. 105. Boyce, "The Fourth Estate: the Reappraisal of a Concept," in, Newspaper History, ed. Boyce, et. al., 19-40, 27. 106. Ibid., 21. 107. Jiirgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation ofthe Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a category of Bourgeois Society (Cambridge, Mass., 1989), 185. See also Michael Schudson's review essay, "News, Public, Nation," American Historical Review lOT2 (2002): 481-95. 108. Brian Harrison, "Press and Pressure Groups in Modem Britain," in The Victorian Periodical Press: Samplings and Soundings, ed. Joanne Shattock and

286

Notes to Pages 32-41

Michael Wolff (Leicester, 1982), 261-95. See also Asquith, "Structure, Ownership, and Control," 116. 109. Morley, "'Arcana of that Great Machine,'" 48. 110. Koss, The Rise and Fall ofthe Political Press in Britain, 2. m. Peter Gray, Famine, Land and Politics: British Government and Irish Society, 1843-1850 (Dublin, 1999); E. D. Steele, Irish Land and British Politics: Tenant Right and Nationality, 1865-1870 (Cambridge, 1974). 112. Curtis, Apes and Angels, 147. 113. Ibid., 149. See also Anne Helmreich's intriguing essay on representations of Britannia in Punch in the 1870S: "Domesticating Britannia: Representations of the Nation in Punch, 1870-1880," in Art, Nation and Gender: Ethnic Landscapes, Myths, and Mother Figures, ed. Tricia Cusack and Sfghle Breathnach-Lynch (Aldershot, u.K. and Burlington, Vt., 2003); Judith Wechsler, A Human Comedy: Physiognomy and Caricature in 19th Century Paris (Chicago, 1982); and W. A. Coupe, "The German Cartoon and the Revolution of 1848," Comparative Studies in Society and History 9:2 (1967): 137-67. 114. Streicher, "On a Theory of Political Caricature," 438. See also Wohl, '''Ben Juju': Representations of Disraeli's Jewishness in Victorian Political Cartoons," 90 -91. 115. This was not confined to the nineteenth century alone. See John Kirkaldy, "English Cartoonists; Ulster Realities," Eire-Ireland 16:3 (1981): 27-42.

1. 1798 AND THE UNION

1. For more on Fitzgerald, see Stella Tillyard, Citizen Lord: Edward Fitzgerald, 1763-1798 (London, 1997), and Kevin Whelan "New Light on Lord Edward Fitzgerald," History Ireland T4 (1999): 40-44. 2. Robert Kee, The Green Flag: A History ofIrish Nationalism (London, 1972), 124. 3. Kevin Whelan, The Tree of Liberty: Radicalism, Catholicism, and the Construction of Irish Identity, 1760-1830 (Cork, 1996), 136-37. Some of the most important recent works on this era include Nancy Curtin, The United Irishmen: Popular Politics in Ulster and Dublin, 1791-1798 (Oxford, 1994); Jim Smyth, The Men of No Property: Irish Radicals and Popular Politics in the Late Eighteenth Century (New York, 1992); David Dickson, Daire Keogh, and Kevin Whelan, eds., The United Irishmen: Republicanism, Radicalism, and Rebellion (Dublin, 1993); Daire Keogh and Nicholas Furlong, eds., The Women Of1798 (Dublin, 1998); E. W. McFarland, Ireland and Scotland in the Age of Revolution: Planting the Green Bough (Edinburgh, 1994); and Daire Keogh, "The French Disease": The Catholic Church and Radicalism in Ireland, 1790-1800 (Dublin, 1993). Also of interest are Marianne Elliott's Partners in Revolution: The United Irishmen and France (New Haven and London, 1982), and Louis Cullen's "The 1798 Rebellion in Its Eighteenth-Century Context:' in P. J. Cornish, ed., Radicals, Rebels, and Establishments, (Belfast, 1985): 91-113. See also Ian McBride's lively critique of Whelan and

Notes to Pages 41-46

Louis Cullen and the new postrevisionist orthodoxy of "Ninety-Eight Studies": "Reclaiming the Rebellion: 1798 in 1998," Irish Historical Studies 3t:l23 (1999): 395-410. McBride is critical of the tendencies to downplay sectarian violence and the neat classification of writers as propagandists for the "loyalist" or "Catholic" party. In a phrase reminiscent of Brendan Bradshaw's now famous criticism of revisionist history in Ireland, McBride accuses the 1798 postrevisionists of "tak_ ing the pain out of '98." 4. Whelan, The Tree ofLiberty, 138. 5. Ibid., 142 . 6. Ibid., 142. 7. W. H. Maxwell, History of the Irish Rebellion of 1798, with Memoirs of the Union and Emmet's Insurrection in 1803 (London, 1845). 8. Whelan, Tree ofLiberty, 146. Probably the best known of these was Edward Hay, History of the Insurrection of the County ofWexford. ... (Dublin, 1803). 9. James Gordon, History of the Rebellion in Ireland in the Year 1798.... (Dublin, 1801); Joseph Stock, Narrative ofWhat Passed at Killala in the County of Mayo . ... (Dublin, 1800). 10. For instance, Kentish Gazette (KG), 19 May 1797; Times, 3 Jan. 1797. 11. KG, 19 May 1797. 12. Times, 18 May 1797. As on a surprising number of occasions in this period, this exact phrase reappeared in a number of British newspapers. 1J Kentish Chronicle (KC), 8 June 1798. 14. For instance, Morning Herald (MH), 7 June 1798. 15. True Briton (TB), 16 June 1798. 16. TB, 15 June 1798. 17. Morning Post and Gazetteer (MPG), 13 June 1798. 18. Observer, 24 Mar. 1798. 19. See Keogh, hThe French Disease, h for a detailed account of the Irish Catholic Church's response to 1798. 20. Evening Mail (EM), 13 July 1798. 21. EM, 13 July 1798. 22. W. E. H. Lecky, A History ofIreland in the Eighteenth Century, ed. 1. P. Curtis (Chicago, 1972), 353. 23. R. B. MCDowell, Ireland in the Age of Imperialism and Revolution, 1760-1801 (Oxford, 1979), 596. 24. Smyth, Men ofNo Property, 173. 25. Kee, Green Flag, 86. 26. Bell's Weekry Messenger (BWM), 26 Nov. 1797. 27. BWM, 21 May 1798. 28. MPG, 29 May 1798. 29. MPG, 10 May 1798. 30. Morning Post and Fashionable World (MPFW), 7 Apr. 1797. This same passage appeared in the Newcastle Chronicle (NC) on 15 Apr. 1797. 31. NG, 12 Apr. 1797.

288

Notes to Pages 46-53

32. NG, 12 Aug. 1797. 33· NG, 4 Nov. 1797· 34. MH, 26 Feb. 1798. See also BWM, 21 Jan. 1798. 35· MPG, 19 May 1798. 36. cambridge Intelligencer (a), 21 July 1798. 37. Observer, 18 Mar. 1798. 38. Observer, 25 Mar. 1798. 39. Morning Chronicle (MC), 19 June 1798. 40. MG, 3 May 1798. 41. MC 30 June 1798. 42. MG, 25 July 1798, 20 Aug. 1798. 43. MPG, 31 May 1798. See also 29 May 1798. 44· Times, 7 Feb. 1797· 45. Times, 2 Apr. 1798. 46. Times, 2 Apr. 1798. This passage also appeared a week earlier in the EM on 26 Mar. and the London Chronicle (LC) on 27 Mar. 47· Times, 29 June, 13 July 1798. 48. Sun, 28 June 1798. 49. KG, 17 Apr. 1798. See also London Packet (LP), 29 June 1798. 50. LG, 7 July 1798. 51. See David Bindman's introduction in his Shadow ofthe Guillotine: Britain and the French Revolution (London, 1989). 52. Robin Eagles, "Beguiled by France? The English Aristocracy, 1748-1848," in A Union ofMultiple Identities, ed. Brockliss and Eastwood, 60-77. 53. Bindman, Shadow of the Guillotine, 27· 54. Ibid. 55. John Brewer, introduction to Shadow of the Guillotine: Britain and the French Revolution, 16. 56. Ibid., 1757· Ibid., 19· 58. See Newman, The Rise ofEnglish Nationalism, chapter 6. 59. Brewer, introduction to Shadow of the Guillotine: Britain and the French Revolution, 24. 60. For instance, see H. T. Dickinson, "Popular Conservatism and Militant Loyalism, 1789-1815," in H. T. Dickinson, ed., Britain and the French Revolution (New York, 1989), 103-25; and his British Radicalism and the French Revolution (Oxford, 1985). See also Clive Emsley, "The Impact of the French Revolution on British Politics and SOCiety," in Ceri Crossley and Ian Small, eds., The French Revolution and British Culture (Oxford, 1989), 31-62. 61. Dickinson, British Radicalism, 25. 62. Ibid., 31. 63. Frank 0' Gorman, "Pitt and the 'Tory' Reaction to the French Revolution," in Dickinson, ed., Britain and the French Revolution, 21-37. 64. Dickinson, "Popular Conservatism and Militant Loyalism," 120.

Notes to Pages 53-61 65. For more on the Gordon Riots, see Christopher Hibbert, King Mob: The Story ofLord George Gordon and the London Riots Of1780 (London, 1950), and,

more recently, Nicholas Rogers, "Crowd and People in the Gordon Riots," in Eckhart Hellmuth, ed., The Transformation of Political Culture: England and Germany in the Late Eighteenth Century (Oxford and New York, 1990), 39-55. Also of interest is E. P. Thompson's classic essay, "The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century," Past & Present 50 (1971): 76-136, and his 1993 reappraisal, "The Moral Economy Reviewed," in his Customs in Common: Studies in Traditional Popular Culture (New York, 1993), 259-351. 66. Bindman, introduction to Shadow ofthe Guillotine, 45. 67. TB, 13 Mar. 1798 68. Emsley, "Impact of the French Revolution," 39. 69. Brewer, introduction to Shadow of the Guillotine, 19. See also H. 1. Malchow, Gothic Images of Race in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Stanford, 1996), which examines cannibalism and popular culture. 70. James Leith, "Historical Introduction," in Leith and Andrea Joyce, Face a

Face: French and English Caricatures of the French Revolution and Its Aftermath (Toronto, 1989). 71. RogerWells, Insurrection: The British Experience, 1795-1803 (Gloucester, 1983), xiii. 72. EM, 30 May 1798. 73. See W. Benjamin Kennedy, "The United Irishmen and the Great Naval Mutiny of 1797," Eire-Ireland 25: 3 (1990): 7-18. 74. Wells, Insurrection, xiii. 75. Times, 20 Mar. 1798. 76. Times, 7 Apr. 1798. See also EM, 14 Mar. 1798; BristolJournal (BRJ), 24 Mar. 1798; TB, 20 Mar. 1798. 77. Times, 19 Mar. 1798; LP, 21 Mar. 1798; BR], 24 Mar. 1798. 78. Leeds Mercury (LM), 24 Mar. 1798. See also TB, 20 Mar.; Lloyd's Evening Post (LEP), 21 Mar. 1798. 79. Sun, 19 Mar. 1798. 80. Le, 29 May 1798; Times, 29 May 1798; LEP, 4 Apr. 1798. 81. Times, 30 May 1798. See also 2 Apr. 1798. 82. Me, 6 June 1798. 83. Sun, 31 May 1798. 84. Sun, 6 June 1798. This account appeared in numerous other newspapers

as well. 85. Sun, 8 Aug. 1798. 86. Sun, 7 June 1798. See also Sun, 20 June, 4 July 1798; LEP, 6 July 1798. 87· Ne, 9 June 1798. 88. Manchester Mercury (MM), 12 June 1798. 89. Times, 29 June 1798. See also TB, 25 June 1798; Le, 25 June 1798. 90. EM, 11 June 1798. This account also appeared in the Times on the same day. 91. Times, 31 May 1798.

289

Notes to Pages 61-68

290

92. Times, 28 June 1798. 93. Times, 29 June 1798. See also 23 Aug. 1798; Derby Mercury (DM), 12 July 1798.

94. Times, 11 July 1798. 95. MPG, 7 July 1798. Among the newspapers repeating these claims were the Sun, EM, LEP, TB (11 July); KG (6 July), BRJ (14 July), and the LC(12July). 96. Times, 29 June 1798. 97· LP, 1June, 6 July 1798; KG, 8 June 1798; MH, 8 June 1798; LG, 5 June 1798. 98. Times, 5 Oct. 1797· 99· For instance, see TB, 25 June 1798; LG, 25 June 1798; LP, 6 July 1798. 100. Times, 7 Feb. 1797· 101. NG, 24 Mar. 1798. 102. KG, 30 Nov. 1798. 103. NG, 1 Dec. 1798. 104. MPG, 1 Oct. 1798. 105. MG, 26 Nov. 1798. 106. See LEP, 29 Aug. 1798, for a detailed account of the reading of the Report in the Irish House of Commons. 107. MM, 4 Sept. 1798. 108. KG, 28 Aug. 1798. 109· Times, 27 Aug. 1798. 110. KG, 17 July 1798. 111. Sun, 21 Sept. 1798. 112. MG, 30 May 1798. 113· MG, 25 June 1798. See also MG, 7, 14, 28 June; 7, 12July; 20 Aug. 1798. 114· MPG, 4 June 1798. See also MPG, 21 June, 26 July 1798. 115. Obseroer, 20 Aug. 1798. 116. KG, 8 June 1798. 117· Times, 7 Apr. 1798. 118. MM, 26 June 1798. 119· CI, 6 Oct. 1798. 120. a, 29 Sept. 1798. 121. McDowell, Ireland in the Age o/Imperialism and Revolution, 653. 122. KG, 17 July 1798. 123. MPG, 30 Aug. 1798. There are some interesting parallels here with the uses of "majesty, justice, and mercy" that Douglas Hay traces in the eighteenthcentury criminal-justice system in his extremely influential and much criticized essay, "Property, Authority, and the Criminal Law,' in Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century Englanfi ed. Peter Hay linebaugh, John G. Rule, E. P. Thompson, and Cal Winslow (New York, 1975): 17-64. 124. BWM, 29 July 1798. See also MH, 7 July 1798; LG, 7, 24 July 1798. 125. MPG, 19 June 1798. See also NG, 28 July, 4 Aug. 1798; a, 2 July 1798; KG, 10 Aug. 1798.

Notes to Pages 69-75 126. 127. 128. 129.

Sun, 1 Aug. 1798. Observer, 14 Oct. 1798.

LP, 8 Oct. 1798. For instance, see Me, 24 Sept., 1, 10 Oct. 1798; Le, 8 Jan. 1799. 130. Ke, 19 Oct. 1789. See Luke Gibbons, "Race against Time: Racial Discourses and Irish History," in his Transformations in Irish Culture (Notre Dame, Ind., 1996), for a discussion on views of American Indians and the Irish from the sixteenth through the nineteenth centuries. 131. Me, 19 Mar. 1799. 132. KG, 29 Mar. 1799. 133· BWM, 14 Oct. 1798. 134. Me, 10, 17 July 1798. 135· MPG, 17 July 1798. 136. James Kelly, Prelude to Union: Anglo-Irish Politics in the 1780s (Cork, 1992). 137· Kee, Green Flag, 154-55. 138. MCDowell, Ireland in the Age ofImperialism and Revolution, 697-98. 139. See David Wilkinson, '''How Did They Pass the Union?': Secret Service Expenditure in Ireland, 1799-1804," History 82:266 (1997): 223-51. Wilkinson

makes use of secret-service papers that were not made available to scholars until nearly two hundred years after these events to explore the illegal use of secretservice money in Ireland as well as other measures taken by the Irish administration to insure success. See also G. C. Bolton, The Passing of the Irish Act of Union: A Study in Parliamentary Politics (London, 1966); and Patrick M. Geoghegan, The Irish Act ofUnion:A Study in High Politics, 1798-1801 (New York, 1981). 140. Wilkinson, '''How Did They Pass the Union?'" 247. 141. Kee, Green Flag, 150. 142. Ibid., 150-51. 143. Bolton, Passing ofthe Irish Act of Union, 191. 144. Ibid., 200-201. 145. MPG, 13 Oct. 1798. 146. See MPG, 16 Oct. 1798, 10 Jan. 1799; Ke, 15 Oct. 1798. 147· Times, 5 Dec. 1798. 148. Me, 20 Nov. 1798. 149. Times, 22 Jan. 1799. 150. Times, 7 Jan. 1799· 151. TB, 4 Jan. 1799· 152. Little work has been done on the pamphlet war of 1799-1800, and it remains a topiC with considerable potential for future research. 153· Me, 7 Dec. 1798. 154· Me, 21 Jan. 1799. 155· Observer, 10, 24 Feb. 1799. 156. a, 16 Feb. 1799.

291

Notes to Pages 75-86

157· CI, 26 Feb., 16 Mar. 1799. 158. Sun, 19 Jan. 1799. 159. Sun, 26 Feb. 1799. 160. Sun, 30 Jan. 1799. This same passage appeared in the MM on 5 Feb. and the TB on 30 Jan. 1799. 161. Sun, 9, 19 Feb. 1799. 162. Sun, 21 Feb. 1799. 163. MM, 16 Apr. 1799. See also TB, 16 Oct. 1799; Leeds Intelligencer, 25 Feb. 1799· 164. Times, 12 Apr. 1799.

2. THE GREAT FAMINE, 1845-52 1.

There has been a surge in books and essays on the famine since the early

1990S, the most important of these include: James. S. Donnelly, Jr., The Great Irish Potato Famine (phoenix Mill, U.K, 2001); Peter Gray, Famine, Land and Politics: British Government and Irish Society, 1843-1850 (Dublin, 1999); Cormac 6 Grada, The Great Irish Famine (London, 1989); Christine Kinealy, This Great Calamity: The Irish Famine, 1845-52 (Dublin, 1994); Christopher Morash and Richard Hayes, eds., "Fearful Realities": New Perspectives on the Famine (Dublin, 1996); and Cathal P6irteir, ed., The Great Irish Famine (Cork, 1995). 2. Donnelly, "The Administration of Relief, 1846-47," in A New History ofIreland, vol. 5, Ireland under the Union, Part 1, 1801-70, ed. W. E. Vaughan (Oxford, 1989),294-306,299.

3. Donnelly, "The Soup Kitchens," in New History of Ireland, ed. Vaughan, 30 7-15, 310. 4. John Mitchel, The Last Conquest ofIreland (Perhaps) (Dublin, 1861). 5. Ibid., 219. See also James S. DonnellyJr., "The Construction of the Memory of the Famine in Ireland and the Irish Diaspora, 1850-1900," Eire-Ireland 31:1, 2 (1996): 26-51. 6. Ibid., 104.

7- Gray, Famine, Land and Politics; "Potatoes and Providence: British Governments' Responses to the Great Famine," Bullan 1:1 (1994): 75-90; "Punch and the Great Famine," History Ireland 1:2 (1993): 26-33; "Ideology and the Famine,· in The Great Irish Famine, ed. P6irteir, 86-103; and "National Humiliation and the Great Hunger: Fast and Famine in 1847," Irish Historical Studies 32:126 (2000): 193-216. See also James S. Donnelly Jr., '''Irish Property Must Pay for Irish Poverty': British Public Opinion and the Great Irish Famine," in HFearJul Realities, ed. Morash and Hayes, 60-96; and "Mass Eviction and the Great Famine," in The Great Irish Famine, ed. P6irteir, 155-738. For a thorough discussion of evangelicalism and the role of providentialist thinking in British social thought see Boyd Hilton, The Age ofAtonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Political Thought, 1795-1865 (Oxford, 1988). For an analysis of providentialist thinking among senior members of the H

Notes to Pages 87-95 British government during the famine, see Gray, "Potatoes and Providence," and

Famine, Land and Politics, 96-106. 9. News of the World (NOW), 3 Oct. 1847. See also 6 Aug., 17 Dec. 1848. 10. Lloyd's Weekry London Newspaper (LWLN), 23 July 1847. 11. Table~

26 Apr. 1846. 12. Bristol Mercury (BME), 14 Mar., 11 July 1846. 13. Record, 15 Feb. 1847. 14. Economist (Beon.), 3 Oct. 1846. 15. Econ., 3 Oct. 1846, "Ireland," QJ,tarterry Review 83 (Sept. 1848): 584-614, 595.

For a discussion of the legal and political advantages enjoyed by the Irish landowning class and landlord-tenant relations in this period, see Donnelly, The

Great Irish Potato Famine, 132-68. 16. "State of Ireland," QJ,tarterry Review 79:1 (Dec. 1846): 238-69, 261. 17. Beon., 12 Sept. 1846. 18. Econ., 21 Mar. 1846. 19. Beon., 15 Aug. 1846. 20. Times, 24 Aug. 1847. 21. Times, 12 Jan. 1847. 22. Times, 2 Sept. 1846. 23. Illustrated London News (ILN), 20 Mar. 1847. 24. For example, see Weekry Times (WT), 21 Mar. 1847; NOW, 28 Feb. 1847; Nonconformist (Noncon.), 8 Mar. 1846. 25· ILN, 20 Feb. 184726. Times, 1 Sept. 1846. This echoes the anti-Irish immigrant stereotypes discussed in the introduction, particularly those found in Engels and Kay. 27. See Joan W. Scott, Gender and Politics ofHistory (New York, 1988), 4-5, for a discussion of objective and contextual interest in the creation of identity. 28. See George 1. Bernstein, "Liberals, the Irish Famine and the Role of the State," Irish Historical Studies 29:116 (1995): 513-36, 515, 534, for an excellent exanlination of how the economic doctrine of nonintervention was rhetOrically elevated and celebrated as a self-defense mechanism by British Liberals. This myth, he argues, was used to ease the Liberal conscience because it asserted that there was nothing that the government could have done to avert the tragedy. 29. Bristol Mirror (BMI), 19 Aug. 1848. See also BM!, 19 May, 20 Oct. 1849. 30. Times, 10 May 1847. 31. "Relief of Irish Distress," Edinburgh Review 89 Oan. 1849): 221-68, 235. 32. Econ., 10 Oct. 1846. 33. LWLN, 17 May 1846. 34. Birminghamjournal (Bj), 23 Jan. 1847. 35. Econ., 10 Oct., 26 Sept. 1846. 36. Times, 1 Sept. 1846. 37. Morning Post (MP), 19 Jan. 1847. 38. See, for instance, Cecil Woodham-Smith, Great Hunger (New York, 1962), 157-59, 169-71, 321-31, 366-67; T. P. O'Neill, "The Organisation and Administra-

293

294

Notes to Pages 95-100 tion of Relief, 1845-52," in The Great Famine: Studies in Irish History, 1845-52, ed. R. D. Edwards and T. D. Williants (Dublin, 1956), 209-62, 235-37, 241-43, 258-59. See also O'Neill's "The Society of Friends and the Great Fantine," Studies 39 (1950): 203-13. 39. All told, the British government spent approximately £7 million on Irish

relief. At least £9 million was raised in fantine Ireland itself through the poor rate, loans for estate improvement, and private charity. See Donnelly; The Great Irish Potato Famine, 118-19; Kinealy, This Great Calamity, 162-64. See also Kinealy's chapter, "Philanthropy and Private Donations," in her The Great Irish Famine: Impact, Ideology and Rebellion (Basingstoke, 2002), 61-89. 40. Gray; Famine, Land, and Politics, 256. 41. See, for instance, MP, 19 Jan. 1847; NOW, 14 Feb. 1847; LWLN, 17 Jan. 1847; Tablet, 21 Nov. 1847. 42. Econ., 15 Aug. 1846. 43· Liverpool Journal (IJ), 9 Jan. 1847. 44. Times, 17 Aug. 1846. 45. Times, 13 Aug. 1846. 46. Gray, "Punch," 32-33. 47. Kentish Gazette (KG), 2 Feb. 1847. 48. Pictorial Times (PT), 29 Aug., 26 Sept. 1846. 49. Times, 28 Dec. 1847. 50. For instance, Times, 28 Dec. 1847. See also Bernstein, "Liberals, the Irish Fantine, and the Role of the State," 530. Perhaps taking a cue from these accounts, in a footnote to his Irish Crisis (London, 1848), Charles Trevelyan bemoaned the privations suffered by Brighton confectioners because of the diversion of English ladies' money into charitable subSCriptions (81)! 51. Times, 25 Feb. 1847. See also Manchester Examiner (ME), 30 Jan., 6 Feb. 1847, 23 May 1848; Manchester Guardian (MG), 13 Oct. 1847; and LWLN, 28 Feb. 1847.

52. ILN, 10 Feb. 1849. 53. Satirist, 14 Mar. 1847. 54. Satirist, 28 Nov. 1847. 55. ILN, 15 May 1847, 15 Apr. 1848. 56. ILN, 30 Jan. 184757. See Woodham-Smith's chapter on emigration to Britain in Great Hunger, 270-84; and Frank Neal, Black '47: Britain and the Famine Irish (London, 1997). For some contemporary remarks on Irish emigration, see the Spectator, 15 Aug. 1846; BME, 20 Feb. 1847, 21 Oct. 1848; BM!, 15 May 1847. 58. See Liverpool Times (LT), 10 Nov. 1846, 19 Jan. 1847; IJ, 22 May 1847, 25 May 1850. 59. MP, 2 November 1847. 60. See the evangelist Thomas Chalmer's view of the fantine as a national

disgrace in Hilton, Age ofAtonement, 112. 61. Times, 28 Jan. 1847.

Notes to Pages

101-111

62. Times, 24 Sept. 1846. 63. Eeon., 14 Apr. 1849. See also Eeon., 17 Oct. 1846. 64. See Gray, Famine, Land, and Politics, 106-25; and Bernstein, "liberals, the Irish Famine, and the Role of the State," 518-21. See also Peter Gray, "Nassau Senior, the Edinburgh Review, and Ireland, 1843-49," in Ideology and Ireland in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Tadhg Foley and Sean Ryder (Dublin, 1998), 130-42. 65. Times, 18 Sept. 1846. 66. Times, 17 Aug. 1846. 67. Times, 17 Aug. 1846. 68. Times, 17 Aug. 1846. 69. For additional criticism of Peel's intervention see BJ 26 Sept., 10 Oct., 12 Dec. 1846, 23 Jan. 1847; Manchester Examiner (ME), 10 Oct. 1846; Sheffield Independent (SI), 16 Jan. 1847. 70. LT, 9 Mar. 1847. 71. Morning Herald (MH), 21 Jan. 1847. 72. Noneon., 18 Mar. 1846. See also BME, 3 Oct. 1846; Northern Star (NS), 17 Oct. 1846; Tablet, 2 Sept., 10 Oct. 1846. 73. See Gray, Famine, Land, and Politics, 256-83. 74. LWLN, 18 Apr. 1847. 75. Times, 15 Sept. 1846. 76. Times, 2 Sept. 1846. 77. Trevelyan, Irish Crisis, lOB. 78. Ibid., 185. 79· Times, 5 Nov. 1846. 80. Times, 17 Oct. 1846. 81. Morning Chronicle (MC), 1 Jan. 1847. 82. LT, 6 Apr. 1847. See also BME, 20 Feb., 20 Mar. 1847; Newcastle Chronicle (NC), 12, 19 Feb. 1847. 83. Times, 19 Feb. 1847; WT, 14 Nov. 1847. See also Leeds Mercury (LM), 22 May 1847; BME, 20 Mar. 1847; Watchman, 24 Feb. 1847. 84. Trevelyan, Irish Crisis, 59-60. 85. 9 & 10 Vict., c. 107 (28 Aug. 1846). 86. ME, 10 Oct. 1846. 87. Times, 22 Sept. 1846. 88. Eeon., 10 Oct. 1846. See also Leeds Intelligeneer (U), 23, 30 Jan. 1847. 89. "Out-Door Relief," Quarterly Review 79:2 (Mar. 1847): 463-84, 480. 90. Eeon., 22 Aug. 1846. 91. For instance, NS, 12 Dec. 1846; BJ, 12 Dec. 1846; NC, 11, 18, 25 Dec. 1846, 1 Jan. 1847. See also Bernstein, "liberals, the Irish Famine, and the Role of the State,· 524,535. 92. See Bernstein, "liberals, the Fantine, and the Role of the State," 535; Gray, "National Humiliation and the Great Hunger," 206; and Gray, Famine, Land, and Politics, 305. 93- Times, 10 Dec. 1846.

295

Notes to Pages 111-118 94· MH, 19 Mar. 1847. 95· NS, 9 Jan. 1847. 96. BM!, 9 Oct. 1847. 97. Times, 12 Jan. 1847. 98. WT, 7 Mar. 1847. 99.10 & 11 Vict., c. 7 (26 Feb. 1847). 100.10 & 11 Vict., c. 31 (8 June 1847); 10 & 11 Vict., c. 90 (22 July 1847). 101. Times, 28, 31 May 1847; NOW, 13 June 1847. 102. LT, 20 May 1847. 103. ILN, 25 Dec. 1847. 104. Trevelyan, Irish Crisis, 185. 105. Observer, 6 June 1847; ME, 21 Aug., 9 Nov. 1847. 106. Donnelly, "Production, Prices, and Exports," in New History of Ireland, ed. Vaughan, 287107.ILN, 25 Nov. 1848. 108. Times, 22 Nov. 1848. 109. Times, 13 Jan. 1849. 110. Times, 2 Apr. 1849. 111. Beon., 3 Feb. 1849. 112. ME, 28 Nov. 1849. 113. R D. Collison Black, Economic Thought and the Irish QJi-estion, 1817-1870 (Cambridge, 1960), 127114· ILN, 31 Mar. 1849. 115. ILN, 28 Apr. 1849. 116. For more information on clearances and the massive changes in Irish

landholding resulting from the famine, see Donnelly, "Mass Eviction and the Great Famine." See also Donnelly's chapter, "Landlord and Tenants," in New History ofIreland, ed. Vaughan, 332-49. For evictions under the quarter-acre clause specifically, see Kinealy; Great Calamity, 216-27. An excellent account of the eviction process in one particular townland can be found in Robert James Scally's history of Ballykilcline during the famine, The End ofHidden Ireland: Rebellion, Famine, and Emigration (New York, 1995), 105-29. 117. Donnelly, "Mass Eviction and the Great Famine," 156. 118. BME, 5 June 1847119. Noncon., 22 Sept. 1847; Times, 8 May 1847. 120. Derbyshire Courier (DC), 25 Sept. 1847. 121. ILN, 16 Dec. 1848. 122. ILN, 16 Dec. 1848. 123. Letter to the editor of the Me, quoted in George Poulet Scrape, Some Notes ofa Tour in England, Scotland, and Ireland (London, 1849), 26. 124. ILN, 20 Oct. 1849. 125. Times, 2 Apr. 1849. 126. Trevelyan, Irish Crisis, 176. See Gray, Famine, Land, and Politics, 142-96 for more on Russell's ill-fated proposals for Irish tenants.

Notes to Pages 119-127

Econ., 26 Sept. 1846. Times, 22 Sept. 1846. 129. MP, 6 Apr. 1847. 130. KG, 2 Feb. 1847. 131. Spectator, 2 Jan. 1848. 132. Spectator, 25 Mar. 1848. 127.

128.

133. NOW, 6 Feb. 1848. See also 28 Nov. 1847. 134. Times, 10 Nov. 1847. 135. MG, 13 Nov. 1847. See also 12 Aug. 1848. 136. WT, 21 Nov. 1847. 137· BMI, 4 Dec. 1847. 138. IJ, 5 Feb. 1848. 139. Times, 4 Mar. 1848. 140. BMI, 2 July 1847. 141. LI, 20 Nov. 1847. Additional attacks on Irish Catholicism can be found in Watchman, 13 Oct., 24 Nov. 1847; Record, 29 Apr., 28 Oct., 2 Dec. 1847, 17 July, 24 Aug., 18 Sept. 1848; KG, 1 Feb. 1848; Pictorial Times (PT), 7 Nov. 1847; MH, 17 Aug. 1847; MP, 29 Oct. 1847; Derby Mercury (DM), 29 Nov. 1847; and LI, 14 Nov. 1848. 142. For example, Watchman, 24 Nov. 1847; DM, 1 Dec. 1847. 143. Times, 28 Dec. 1847. 144· MP, 31 July 1848. 145. Spectator, 25 Mar. 1848. All quotes in this paragraph are from the article. 146. B], 29 July 1848. 147. Times, 8 July 1848. 148. Econ., 5 Aug. 1848. 149. Econ., 2 Sept. 1848. 150. Spectator, 19 Aug. 1848. See also ILN, 5 Aug. 1848; DM, 9 Aug. 1848 ; LM, 5 Aug. 1848; MG, 2 Aug. 1848; Satirist, 5 Aug. 1848. 151. Only £27,000 was collected that autumn, with the entire city of Liverpool subscribing less than £180. See Gray, "National Humiliation and the Great Hunger,' 200; and Famine, Land and Politics, 290. 152. Spectator, 20 Nov. 1847; Church and State, 29 Jan. 1847. See also BME, 8 Apr. 1848. 153. DM, 2 Aug. 1848. See also BME, 8 Apr. 1848. 154. See Christine Bolt, Victorian Attitudes to Race, (London and Toronto, 1971), 157-60; E. M. PaImegiano, "The Indian Mutiny in the Mid-Victorian Press," Journal of Newspaper and Periodical History T1 (1991): 3-11; Lorimer, Colour, Class and the Victorians, 178-200; and Catherine Hall, Civilising Subjects: Colony and Metropole in the English Imagination, 1830-1867 (Chicago and London, 2002), and "The Nation Within and Without." 155. ILN, 27 May 1848. 156. Satirist, 18 Nov. 1848. 157. Spectator, 2 Dec. 1848. 158. ILN, 16 Dec. 1848.

297

Notes to Pages 128-139 159. See Gray, "Potatoes and Providence." 160. "Out-door Relief," Quarterly Review, 478. 161. Donnelly, The Great Irish Potato Famine, 9. 162. See P. M. A. Bourke, nThe Visitation ofGod7 The Potato and the Great Irish Famine, ed. Jacqueline Hill and Cormac O'Grada (Dublin, 1993) for more on the potato and its role in the Irish economy and diet. See Redcliffe N. Salaman, The History and Social Influence of the Potato, 2d ed. (Cambridge, 1985); and Larry Zuckerman, The Potato: How the Humble Spud Rescued the Western World (Boston, 1999) for more general histories of the potato. 163. Times, 1 Sept. 1846. 164. Trevelyan, Irish Crisis, 5. 165. Beon., 10 Oct. 1846. See also ILN, 8 Sept. 1849. 166. BM!, 1 Apr. 1848. 167. Times, 18 Sept. 1846. 168. Trevelyan, Irish Crisis, 164. See also LT, 22 Feb. 1849. 169. Times, 7 Oct. 1846. 170. 13 Oct. 1846. 171. 13 Oct. 1846. 172. See Gray, Famine, Land, and British Politics, 158-62. 173. Beon., 15 July 1848. 174. Times, 31 Mar. 1849. 175· Beon., 14 Mar. 1849· 176. Padraig G. Lane, "The Encumbered Estates Court, Ireland, 1848-1849," Economic and Social Review 3 (1972): 413-53. 177.11 & 12 Vict., c. 48 (14 Aug. 1848). 178. Beon., 3 Feb. 1849; B], 7 Apr. 1849. 179. Times, 31 Mar. 1849. 180. Times, 2 Apr. 1849. 181. Beon., 7 Apr. 1849. 182. ME, 17, 24 Apr., 22 May 1849. 183. ILN, 28 Apr. 1849. 184. 12 & 13 Vict., c. 77 (28 July 1849). 185. Times, 13 June 1849. 186. Donnelly, "Landlords and Tenants," in New History ofIreland, ed. Vaughan,348. 187. Gray, Famine, Land, and Politics, 223-24; Bernstein, ·Uberals, the Irish Famine, and the Role of the State," 531. 188. Times, 14 Sept. 1848. 189. Beon., 2 Sept. 1848. 190. Beon., 2 Sept. 1848. 191. Spectator, 19 Aug. 1848; MP, 30 Mar. 1847, 18 Nov. 1848. 192. DM, 26 July 1848. See also ILN, 29 Sept. 1848, 10 Feb. 1849. 193. Observer, 23 July 1848. See also Observer, 17 Sept. 1848. 194· MP, 3 Aug. 1848.

Me. Me.

Notes to Pages 139-153

195. LI. 2 June 1849. 196. LI. 2 June 1849. 3. THE FENIAN ERA, 1867-1870 1. Aside from biographies, the Fenians have received surprisingly little attention from historians. One of the most influential accounts is R. V. Comerford's The Fenians in Context (Dublin, 1985), though he is strongly criticized by John Newsinger in his Fenianism in Mid-Victorian Britain (London, 1994). Also of interest is Leon 6 Broin, Fenian Fever: An Anglo-American Dilemma (New York, 1971); Oliver P. Rafferty, The Church, the State, and the Fenian Threat, 1861-1875 (London, 1999); Norman McCord, "The Fenians and Public Opinion in Great Britain," in Fenians and Fenianism, ed. Maurice Harmon (Dublin 1968); and Patrick Quinlivan and Paul Rose, The Fenians in England, 1865-72: A Sense of Insecurity (London, 1982). 2. Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood to some. 3. Kee, Green Flag, 327. 4. Kevin B. Nowlan, "The Fenian Rising of 1867," in The Fenian Movement, T. w. Moody (Dublin, 1968), 23-36, 23; see also R. V. Comerford, "Comprehending the Fenians," Saothar17 (1992): 52-56, 55. 5. Kee, Green Flag, 331. 6. Illustrated London News (ILN), 23 Sept. 1865. 7. Times, 18 Sept. 1865. 8. Kenneth Bourne, The Foreign Policy ofVictorian England, 1830-1902 (Oxford, 1970), 90. This and the following paragraph rely heavily on Bourne, 90-96. 9. For more on the Alabama, see Arnold Whitridge, "The Alabama, 1862-64: A Crisis in Anglo-American Relations," History Today 5:3 (1955): 174-85; and Kenneth Poolman, The Alabama Incident (London, 1958). 10. Bourne, The Foreign Policy ofVictorian England, 96. 11. Manchester Guardian (MG), 2 Jan. 1867. 12. Week{y Dispatch (WD), 24 Feb. 1867. See also ILN, 23 Feb. 1867.

13. News of the World (NOW), 13 Oct. 1867. 14. Tomahawk, 11 Jan. 1868. 15. Tomahawk, 1, 15 Feb. 1868. 16. Thomas Kemnitz, "Matt Morgan of "Tomahawk" and English Cartooning,

1867-1870," Victorian Studies, 19:1 (1975): 5-34, 9. See also Christopher Kent, "The Angry Young Gentlemen of Tomahawk," in Victorian Journalism: Exotic and Domestic, ed. Barbara Garlick and Margaret Harris (St. Lucia, Australia, 1998), 75-94· 17. For more on Anglo-American tensions and Irish republicans see Terry Gol-

way, Irish Rebel: John Devoy and America's Fight for Ireland's Freedom (New York, 1998). 18. "Transatlantic Fenianism," Blackwood's Magazine 101:639 (1867): 590-605, 590.

299

Notes to Pages 153-161

300

19. Manchester Courier (MAC), 20 Sept., 11 Oct. 1867. See also Birmingham Daily Gazette (BDG), 9 Oct. 1867. 20. Liverpool Mercury (LM), 23 Sept. 186721. For instance MAC, 7 Dec. 1867; "The Irish Abroad," Edinburgh Review, 127 (1868): 502-36, 511. 22. Times, 27 Sept. 1865.

23. Bristol Mercury (BM), 16 Mar. 1867. See also Lloyd's Weekly London News (LWLN), 17 Mar. 1867; Glasgow Herald (GH), 11 Mar. 1867. 24. Standard, 3 May 1867. See also Observer, 24 Feb. 1867; Scotsman, 23 Dec. 1867; "The Irish Church," Quarterly Review 124:248 (Apr. 1868): 279-301, 280; Stephen Koss, The Rise and Fall of the Political Press, 154. 25. Punch, 6 June 1883. Quoted in Oscar Maurer, '''Punch' on Slavery and Civil War in America, 1841-1865," Victorian Studies 1:1 (1957): 5-28, 17. 26. Morning Post (MP), 2 Oct. 1867. See also WD, 2 June 186727- BDG, 13 Mar. 1867; Standard, 12 Mar. 186728. GH, 6 May 1867. 29. Cardiff Times (CT), 3 Mar. 1867. 30. Times, 5, 11 Nov. 1867. 31. LM, 14 Mar. 1867. See also Standard, 3 May 1867. 32. Spectator, 9 Mar. 1867; Morning Herald (MH), 11 Mar. 1867; GH, 11 Mar. 1867; Record, 25 Feb. 1867. 33- CT, 5 Oct. 1867. 34. LWLN, 29 Dec. 1867. See also Penny nlustrated Paper (PIP), 16, 23 Mar. 1867; NOW; 17 Mar. 1867; Lady's Own Paper (LOP), 21 Dec. 1867. 35. Standard, 21 Mar. 1867. 36. Sheffield Independent (SI), 14 Nov. 1867- See also GH, 13 Mar. 1867. 37. Watchman, 13 Mar. 1867. 38. Record, 25 Feb. 186739. Nonconformist (Noncon.), 2 Oct. 1867. 40. Times, 1 Oct. 1867. 41. Daily News (DN), 15 Feb. 1868. 42. MAC, 1 Oct. 1867. 43. Scotsman, 21 Sept. 1867. See also MH, 20 Sept. 1867. 44. MP, 2 Nov. 1867; Standard, 2 Nov. 1867- See also NOW; 10 Nov. 1867. 45. Watchman, 25 Sept. 1867; Standard, 20 Sept. 1867. See also MH, 7 Oct. 1867.

46. MAC, 1 Oct. 186747. Times, 17 Dec. 1867. 48. While Murphy was the best known, he was one of many anti-Catholic orators active in this period. See Best, "Popular Protestantism in Victorian Britain," 140 .

49. Punch, 12 Oct. 1867; MH, 4 Oct. 1867; Cardiff Guardian (CG), 18 Oct. 1867. 50. Quinlivan and Rose, The Fenians in England, 33-41.

Notes to Pages 161-172 51. Walter Arnstein, "The Murphy Riots: A Victorian Dilemma," Victorian Studies 19:1 (1975): 51-71. See also Hall, "The Nation Within and Without," 214-20; H. ]. Hanham, Elections and Party Management (London, 1959),304-8 . 52. cr, 22 June 1867; Tablet, 22 June 1867.

53· MH, 19 June 1867.

54. BDG, 19 June 1867. See also fllustrated Times (IT), 12 Sept. 1868. 55. MG, 4 June 1868. 56. Comerford, Fenians in Context, 149. See also Gary Owens, "Constructing the Martyrs: the Manchester Executions and the Nationalist Imagination" in Images, Icons, and the Irish Nationalist Imagination, 1870-1925, ed. Lawrence McBride (Dublin, 1999), 18-36. 57. MH, 20 Sept. 1867. 58. Morning Advertiser (MA), 25 Nov. 1867; See also BDG, 25 Nov. 1867. 59· ILN, 30 Nov. 186760. Daily Telegraph (DT), 2 Nov. 1867. See also 4, 23, 25 Nov. 1867. 61. DT, 16 Dec. 1867. 62. Spectator, 9 Nov. 1867. See also LWLN, 1 Dec. 1867. 63. Manchester Examiner (ME), 23 Nov. 1867. 64. Scotsman, 16, 28 Dec. 1867. See also MG, 18 Dec. 1867. 65. Kentish Gazette (KG), 17 Dec. 1867. See also BDG, 16 Dec. 1867. 66. DT, 19 Dec. 1867. See also Sunday Times, 22 Dec. 1867; MAC, 16 Dec. 1867. 67. Liverpool Journal (LJ), 21 Dec. 1867. See also ILN, 21 Dec. 1867. 68. Rafferty, Church, the State, and the Fenian Threat, 102-3; Elaine McFarland, "A Reality Yet Impalpable: The Fenian Panic in Mid-Victorian Scotland," Scottish

Historical Review, 77:2 (1998): 215. 69. Rafferty, Church, the State, and the Fenian Threat, 103; Kee, Green Flag, 347; Newsinger, Fenianism in Mid-Victorian Britain, 65. 70. McFarland, "A Reality Yet Impalpable," 215.

71. Bristol Times and Mirror (BTM), 20 Sept. 1867. See also DT, 23 Sept. 1867. 72. ILN, 26 Sept., 30 Nov. 1867. See also MG, 20 Sept. 1867; 20 Sept. 1867. 73· DN, 14 Dec. 186774. Beehive, 19 Oct. 1867. 75. BTM, 9 Oct. 1867. See also LWLN, 5 Jan. 1868; S1, 14 Nov. 1867. 76. Spectator, 21 Sept. 1867. 77. Times, 14 Dec. 1867. See also Tablet, 21 Dec. 1867; ME, 16, 18 Dec. 1867; Noncon., 24 Dec. 1867; ILN, 4 Jan. 1868. 78. For an interesting discussion of how these sentiments played out in debates over the 1867 reform bill, see Hall, "The Nation Within and Without," 221-33. 79. Spectator, 19 Mar. 1870. 80. Spectator, 26 Mar. 1870. See also 2, 9 Apr., 28 May 1870. 81. Birmingham Daily Post andJournal (BDPJ), 12 Mar. 1870. The Birmingham Journal and Birmingham Daily Post merged on 20 Feb. 1869. 82. See the introduction, 43-45, for more on popular reception of political cartoons.

301

302

Notes to Pages 173-182 83. DT, 16 Dec. 1867. 84. DT, 11 Mar. 1867. 85. MG, 21 Sept. 1867. 86. MA, 11 Apr. 1867. See also Times, 27 May 1867. 87. Punch, 15 Feb. 1868. 88. CT, 3 Mar. 1867. 89· BDG, 9 Oct. 1867. 90. SI, 5 Oct. 1867. See also LWLN, 13 Oct. 1867. 91. Standard, 1 June 1867. 92. Record, 29 Nov. 1867. 93. ME, 18 Dec. 1867. See also Scotsman, 25 Nov. 1867; PIp, 30 Nov. 1867; MH, 4 Oct. 1867; BTM, 23 Oct. 1867; SR, 14 Dec. 1867. 94. See Pratt, Imperial Eyes, 5. 95. KG, 1 Oct. 1867. 96. BTM, 6 Sept. 1867. See also BDG, 4 Oct. 1867; Times, 25 Mar. 1867. 97. MG, 9 July 1870; BTM, 23 Mar. 1870; Times, 17 Dec. 1867. 98. CG, 9 Oct. 1869. See also CG, 8 May 1868. 99. DM, 1 Dec. 1867. 100. MAC, 15 Apr. 1869. 101. BM, 19 Mar. 1870. 102. Record, 23 Dec. 1867. See also Standard, 8 Mar. 1867; CG, 9 Oct. 1869. 103. Scotsman, 21 May 1869. 104. WD, 24 Mar. 1867. 105. "'!be Truth About Ireland," Qyarterly Review 127:253 OulY1869): 142-54, 150. 106. "'!be Irish Abroad," Edinburgh Review, 507. 107. Theodore Hoppen, The Mid-Victorian Generation, 1846-1886 (Oxford, 1998),220. 108. Robert Blake, Disraeli, (New York, 1967), 500-501; RoyJenkins, Gladstone (London, 1995), 283-85· 109. For more on Gladstone's thoughts on the Irish question in this period, see H. C. G. Matthew, ed., The Gladstone Diaries, vols. 5, 6, 1855-1868 (Oxford, 1978), and vol. 7, 1869-71 (Oxford, 1982). 110. Kee, Green Flag, 347. 111. Morning Star (MS), 13 Apr. 1868. See also Times, 18 Mar. 1868; MG, 17 Nov. 1869. 112. KG, 11 May 1869. See also MAC, 30 Apr. 1869. 113. Hoppen, Mid-Victorian Generation, 220. 114. Ibid., 243. See also David W. Bebbington, "Gladstone and the Nonconformists: A ReligiOUS Affinity in Politics," in Derek Baker, ed., Church Society and Politics 12 (1975): 369-82. 115. Bebbington, "Gladstone and the Nonconformists," 372. 116. "'!be Settlement of Ulster," Edinburgh Review 129: (1869): 213-32, 231. 117. DN, 2 Mar. 1869; Pall Mall Gazette (PMG), 2 Mar. 1869; Globe, 2 Mar. 1869; Northern Whig, 2 Mar. 1869; CT, 27 Mar. 1869; Scotsman, 8 Mar. 1869.

Notes to Pages

182-192

118. BDP], 15 Apr. 1869. 119. For example, see LM, 26 July 1869; NOW, 26 July 1869. 120. BM, 6 Mar. 1869. See also EM, 20, 27 Mar. 1869. 121. MG, 18 Mar. 1869. 122. Newcastle Chronicle (NC), 13, 30 July 1867. 123- Tomahawk, 13 June 1868. 124. Fun, 19 June 1869. 125. See Punch, 28 Mar., 25 Apr. 1868; 3 Apr. 1869. 126. Spectator, 27 June 1868. 127. Essex Standard (ES), 27 Sept. 1867. 128. See Judy, 6 Jan., 30 June, 11 Aug. 1869. 129. CG, 6 Mar. 1869. See also CG, 13 Feb., 13, 27 Mar. 1869. 130. DM, 7 July 1869. See also DM, 10, 17, 31 Mar., 6 Apr., 12, 26 May, 2, 16 June 1869. 131. Record, 14 Apr. 1869. See also Record, 31 May, 2, 25 June, 19 July 1869. 132. BTM, 12 Mar. 1869; Nottingham Guardian (NG), 2 Mar. 1869; Record, 26 Feb. 1869. 133. See, for instance, Noncon., 23 June, 14 July 1869; Watchman, 30 June 1869; LWLN, 27 June 1869. 134. Hoppen, Mid-Victorian Generation, 595. 135. BM, 31 July 1869. 136. E. D. Steele, Irish Land and British Politics: Tenant Right and Nationality, 1865-187 0 (Cambridge, 1974), 75· 137. Ibid., 96-101. 138. Ibid., 100. 139. BTM, 18 Mar. 1869. 140. MAC, 29 Mar. 1869. 141. MAC, 30 July 1869; MP, 14 Sept. 1869. 142. Steele, Irish Land and British Politics, 255. 143. Ibid., 263. 144. This paragraph draws from Steele, Irish Land and British Politics, 277. 145. Ibid., 281. 146. Punch, 26 Feb. 1870. See also Punch, "The Harp That Once &c.," 7 Aug. 1869. 147. Fun, 12 Feb., 5 Mar. 1870. 148. Standard, 16 Feb. 1870. 149. In Roy Douglas, Liam Harte, and Jim O'Hara, Drawing Conclusions: A Cartoon History of AnglO-Irish Relations, 1798-1998 (Belfast, 1998), n the authors argue that the third figure resembles Cardinal Paul Cullen, but the image does not seem to match paintings of Cullen seen by this writer. 150. Judy, 16 Mar. 1870. 151. See MG, 17 Feb. 1870; MA, 16 Feb. 1870. 152. BM, 19 Feb. 1870. 153- Illustrated Times (IT), 19 Feb. 1870.

Notes to Pages 192-204 154. Sf, 28 May 1870. 155· Kee, Green Flag, 357. 156. Ibid. 157. BJ, 29 Mar. 1870. These increased numbers were still below those recorded for 1861 and 1851, which totaled 3,881 and 4,652 incidents, respectively. 158. Times, 25 Nov. 1869. 159. Times, 6 Dec. 1869. 160. ILN, 4 Dec. 1869. 161. Comerford, Fenians in Context, 181. 162. For example, see Econ., 19 Mar. 1870; ILN, 26 Mar., 2, 9 Apr. 1870; Standard, 22 Mar. 1870; PMG, 23 Mar. 1870. 163. PMG, 21 Mar. 1870. 164. BJ, 18 Mar. 1870. See also LWLN, 20 Mar. 1870. 165. BM, 19 Mar. 1870. See also BM, 20 Mar. 1870. 166. Comerford, Fenians in Context, 182. 167. Tomahawk, 18 Dec. 1869. 168. See also "The Irish Vampire," Tomahawk, 7 Aug. 1869. 169. Punch, 12 Mar. 1870. 170. Punch, 9 Apr. 1870. 171. Fun, 19 Apr. 1870.

4. THE LAND WAR, 1879-82 1. The key works on the Land War include: James S. Donnelly Jr., The Land and the People of Nineteenth-Century Cork: The Rural Economy and the Land Q],testion (London, 1975); Barbara Solow, The Land Q],testion and the Irish Economy, 1870-1903 (Cambridge, Mass., 1971); T. W. Moody, Davitt and the Irish Revolution (Oxford, 1981); Samuel Clark, Social Origins ofthe Irish Land War (princeton, 1979); Paul Bew, Land and the National Question in Ireland, 1858-1882 (Dublin, 1978); and W. E. Vaughan, Landlords and Tenants in Mid-Victorian Ireland (Oxford, 1994). See also Thomas Heyck, The Dimensions ofBritish Radicalism: The Case of Ireland, 1874-95 (Urbana, 1974); and Margaret O'Callaghan, British High Politics and a Nationalist Ireland: Criminality, Land and the Law Under Forster and Balfour (Cork, 1994). 2. Cavendish was married to Lucy Lyttelton, Catherine (William's wife) Gladstone's niece. H. C. G. Matthew, Gladstone, 1809-1898 (Oxford, 1997), 455. The murderers were members of a breakaway society composed of former IRB men known as the Irish National Invincibles. 3. Birmingham Daily Gazette (BDG), 9 Feb. 1880. See also "Ireland, Her Present and Her Future," Edinburgh Review 151 (1880): 50-72, 60; Sheffield Independent (SI), 3 Sept. 1879. 4. For instance, Newcastle Chronicle (NC), 15 Nov., 27 Dec. 1879, 1, 7, 8 Jan. 1880; Manchester Guardian (MG), 10 Nov., 19 Dec. 1879; Daily Chronicle (DC), 21 Nov. 1879.

Notes to Pages 204-:nO

5. News ofthe World (NOW), 4 Jan. 1880. 6. NOW, 4 Jan., 8 Feb., 7 Mar. 1880. See also fllustrated London News (ILN), 29 Nov. 1879; 7, 21 Feb., 20 Mar. 1880; Manchester Courier (MAC), 28 July 1880; Scotsman, 5 Jan. 1881. 7. See MAC, 28 July 1880; Morning Post (MP), 14 Oct. 1879; Echo, 30 Sept. 1879; Pall Mall Gazette (PMG), 1, 29 Sept. 1879; Morning Advertiser (MA), 2 Sept. 1879; and Daily Telegraph (DT), 27 Sept., 11 Oct. 1879. 8. Moody, Davitt, 351-64. 9. Matthew, Gladstone, 1809-1898,351. The Irish home rule party won sixtyfive seats, thirty-five of whom were frrmly attached to Parnell. Roy Jenkins, Gladstone (New York, 1997), 435· 10. O'Callaghan, British High Politics, 23. 11. Namely, those who were evicted for nonpayment of rent, whose holdings were valued at £30 or less, and who could claim that their inability to pay stemmed from the bad seasons of 1877-79. Donnelly, Land and the People, n. 305; and Conor Cruise O'Brien, Parnell and His Party, 1880-90 (Oxford, 1964), 181-83. 12. Lloyd's Weekly London Newspapers (LWLN), 23 May 1880. 13. PMG, 14 May 1880; Daily News (DN), 14 May 1880; Economist (Econ.), 22 May, 23, 30 Oct. 1880; ILN, 22 May 1880. 14. Bristol Times and Mirror (BTM), 29 June, 1 July 1880. 15· BTM, 7 July 1880. 16. BDG, 6 July, 5 Aug. 1880. See also Yorkshire Post (YP), 17, 20 July 1880. 17. See also "Thriving on Poverty," Judy, 14 July 1880. 18. Birmingham Daily Post (BDP), 24 July 1880. See also LWLN, 4 July 1880. 19. Liverpool Mercury (LM), 28 July 1880. See also ILN, 10 July 1880. 20. LWLN, 4, 8 Aug. 1880. See also BDP, 5 Aug. 1880. 21. See Bew, Land and the National Question, 119-21, and Moody, Davitt, 417. 22. LWLN, 22 Aug. 1880. 23. See Lawrence McBride, "Nationalist Political nIustrations and the Parnell Myth, 1880-1900," 73-94, and Gerard Moran, "The Imagery of the Irish Land War, 1880-1890," 37-52, in Images, Icons, and the Irish Nationalist Imagination, ed. McBride (Dublin, 1999). The standard biographies of Parnell include Robert Kee,

The Laurel and the Ivy: The Story of Charles Stewart Parnell and Irish Nationalism (London, 1993); Conor Cruise O'Brien, Parnell and His Party, 1880-90 (Oxford, 1964); F. S. 1. Lyons, Charles Stewart Parnell (London, 1977); and Roy Foster, Charles Stewart Parnell: The Man and His Family (Hassocks, Sussex, 1976). 24. BTM, 17 Aug. 1880. 25. S1, 11 Oct. 1881.

26. Kentish Gazette (KG), 21 Sept., 16 Nov. 1880. 27. Funny Folks, 16 Oct. 1880. 28. For more seeJoyce Marlow, captain Boycott and the Irish (New York, 1973). 29. BTM, 24 Dec. 1880; "England and Ireland," Edinburgh Review 153 (1881): 140-156; Liverpool Journal (LJ), 24 Dec. 1880; Sheffield Daily Telegraph (SDT), 1 Jan. 1881.

306

Notes to Pages 212-225

30. LM, 2 Feb. 1882. 31. Penny ntustrated Paper (PIP), 30 Oct. 1880. 32. For instance, Nonconformist (Noncon.), 20 Oct. 1881; World, 9 Feb. 1881. 33. Record, 8 June 1881. 34. Bristol Mercury (BM), 21 Jan. 1881; Weekry Dispatch (WD), 27 Nov. 1880. See also Weekry Times (WT), 26 June 1881; Times, 9 Dec. 1881. 35. "England and Ireland," Edinburgh Review, 151. For more on the activities of the American Land League, see Thomas N. Brown, Irish-American Nationalism, 1870-1890 (Westport, Conn., 1980). 36. London Figaro (LF), 8Jan. 1881. See also Glasgow News (GN), 28 Sept. 1880. 37. MAC, 20 Sept. 1881. 38. judy, 24 Nov. 1880. 39. judy, 16 Mar. 1881. 40. judy, 28 June 1882. See also "The Irish-American Pet," and "The Attitude of America," Funny Folks, 5 Nov. 1881 and 22 Apr. 1882; and "An Appeal to Jonathan," Fun, 29 June 1881. 41. Fun, 12 Apr. 1882. 42. KG, 24 Aug. 1880. See also Standard, 19 Aug. 1880; Saturday Review (SR), 21 Aug. 1880. 43. BDG, 4, 25 Oct. 1880. 44. Record, 1June 1881. See also "England and Ireland," Edinburgh Review, 153; LF, 5 Oct. 1881; "The Truth about Ireland," QJ4arterry Review 151:1 (1881): 126-148. 45. BM, 25 Jan. 1881; World, 1 June 1881. 46. DC, 18 Oct. 1880. 47. WT, 29 May 1881, 23 Apr. 1882; BDG, 4 Oct. 1880. 48. Reynold's Weekry (RW), 13 Feb. 1881. 49. Times, 22 Oct. 1880. See also Beon., 28 May 1881; LWLN, 21 Nov. 1880. 50. Sf, 14, 18 Aug. 1880. See also the Essex Standard (ES), 13 Aug. 1881. 51. York Post and Leeds Intelligencer (¥PLI), 21 Dec. 1881. 52. For more on the Radicals' vision of Ireland in 1880-1881 see Heyck, Dimensions ofBritish Radicalism, 61-67. 53. GN, 28 Sept. 1880. See also BTM, 6 Oct., 22 Nov. 1880. 54. MP, 29 Sept. 1880; Standard, 28 Sept. 1880. 55. MA, 11 Oct. 1880. 56. BDP, 22 Oct. 1880. 57. DN, 12 Oct. 1880. 58. Punch, 20 Nov. 1880. 59. See Heyck, Dimensions ofBritish Radicalism, 56-62. 60. It passed the Lords on 2 Mar. 1881 and received the royal assent that same day. It was supplemented by an arms bill (peace Preservation Act), introduced on 11 March and made into law on 21 March, which made the possession of arms and ammunition illegal in districts proclaimed by the Viceroy. 61. Moody, Davitt, 482, 498, 565-68. 62. NOW, 30 Jan. 1881.

Notes to Pages 225-233 63· BDP, 25 Jan. 1881; Noncon., 13, 27 Jan. 1881; GH, 14, 25 Jan., 9 Feb. 1881. 64. DC, 24 Jan. 1881. See also Bradford Chronicle (Be), 25 Jan.; Birmingham Mail (BM), 25 Jan. 1881; Scotsman, 25 Jan. 1881. 65. Record, 26 Jan. 1881. See also Glasgow Mail (GM), 25 Jan. 1881; LM, 27 Dec. 1880. 66. Punch, 5 Feb. 1881. 67. Punch, 12 Mar. 1881. 68. NC, 25 Jan., 4 Feb. 1881; See also Reynold's Week{v Newspaper (RWN), 30 Jan., 6 Feb. 1881. 69. NC, 21 Jan. 1881. On 31 Jan. the paper also posted notice of a large public demonstration against the new coercion bill held two days earlier in Newcastle. 70. LM, 20 Jan. 1881. 71. Punch, 29 Jan. 1881. 72. See also "Stable Companions," Punch, 5 Mar. 1881. 730 See BDG, 2 Feb. 1881; 27 Jan., 3, 4 Feb. 1881; BDP, 4 Feb. 1881; Noncon., 20 Jan., 3 Feb. 1881; SR, 22 Jan. 1881. 74. Heyck, Dimensions ofBritish Radicalism, 67. 75. See Donnelly, Land and the People, 287-88. For detailed analysis of the bill and Gladstone's views on Irish land see R. R. Cherry, The Irish Land Law and Land Purchase Acts 1860 to 1891, 2d ed. (Dublin, 1893); and A. Warren, "Forster, the Liberals and New Directions in Irish Policy, 1880-1882," Parliamentary History 6 (1987): 95-126, and "Gladstone, Land, and Social Reconstruction in Ireland, 1881-87," Parliamentary History 2 (1983): 153-730 76. Bew, Land and the National ~estion, 235-36. 77. H. C. G. Matthew, Gladstone, 1875-1898 (Oxford, 1995), 194. 78. J, 1. Hammond, Gladstone and the Irish Nation, 2d ed. (Hamden, Conn., 1964),224. 79· Matthew, Gladstone, 1875-1898, 194· 80.Jenkins, Gladstone, 476. 81. Heyck, Dimensions of British Radicalism, 69. Working-class Radicals, he notes, welcomed the bill but were less sanguine over its effects on the Irish question as a whole. 82. Matthew, Gladstone, 1809-1898, 447. 83. BDP, 22 Apr. 1881. 84. WT, 10 Apr. 1881. 85· BDP, 17 Aug., 31 May, 9 Aug. 1881. 86. Observer, 17 Apr. 1881. See also 10 Apr. 1881. 87. Times, 17 Aug. 1881. See also 18-27 Aug. 1881. 88. DC, 3 May 1881. 89. Spectator, 21, 28 May 1881; SI, 31 May 1881; LWLN, 11 Sept. 1881; Scotsman, 11 Apr. 1881. 90. World, 24 Aug. 1881. 91. See also Punch, "Going Up!," 2 July 1881; "Au Revoir!," 6 Aug. 1881; "Skittles!," 20 Aug. 1881; and Fun, "Irish Land Bill," 10 Aug. 1881.

308

Notes to Pages 233-241 92. BDG, 1 June 1881. See also 26 Apr., 27 May 1881; BTM, 12 Apr. 1881; ES, 30 Apr. 1881. 93- YPL1, 24 Sept. 1881. See also 13July, 20, 27, 31 Aug., 14 Sept. 1881; Derby Mercury (DM), 3 Aug. 1881; SR, 23 Apr. 1881. 94. Judy, 22 June 1881. 95. Times 26 July 1881. 96. Spectator, 7 May 1881. 97. See Moody, Davitt, 534, 561-62. See also Lyons, Charles Stewart Parnell, 157-61. 98. See Donnelly, Land and the People, 290; and Bew, Land and the National QJ,testion, 194-96. 99. Heyck, Dimensions ofBritish Radicalism, 69-70. 100. S1, 16 July 1881. See also BTM, 12 Apr. 1881; Noncon., 8 Sept. 1881; WT, 2 Oct. 1881; Scotsman, 12, 22 Aug. 1881. 101. BM, 19 Aug. 1881. See also BM, 1June 1881. 102. Heyck, Dimensions ofBritish Radicalism, 70. 103. See Kee, Laurel and the Ivy, 380-90. 104. BDP, 13 Oct. 1881. See also L], 22 Oct. 1881; Times, 14 Oct. 1881. 105. LF, 19 Oct. 1881. Rossa refers to Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa, a prominent Fenian in New York who in March 1876 founded the Skinnishing Fund for the express purpose of collecting money for terroristic attacks on English cities (Comerford, Fenians in Context, 207). 106. DC, 14 Oct. 1881; Econ., 15 Oct. 1881; YPL1, 17 Oct. 1881. 107. Donnelly, Land and the People, 290; Bew, Land and the National QJ,testion, 197. 108. Kee, Laurel and the Ivy, 394. 109. Captain Moonlight was the mythical leader of agrarian rebels who engaged in moonlighting-nighttime attacks on the property (especially livestock) of landlords and those who paid their rents or otherwise contravened Land League edicts. 110. For example, see BDP, 21 Oct. 1881(7); S1, 20 Oct. 1881; Tablet, 29 Oct. 1881; Record, 26 Oct. 1881; WD, 23 Oct. 1881; Times, 19, 20 Oct. 1881; Econ., 22 Oct. 1881. 111. RW; 23 Oct. 1881. 112. Times, 7 Dec. 1881. 113. Spectator, 22 Oct. 1881. 114. BDP, 12 Dec. 1881. 115. LM, 6 Feb. 1882. 116. DM, 29 Mar. 1882. See also Times, 3 Apr. 1882; KG, 27 Dec. 1881; Econ., 10 Dec. 1881. 117· MAC, 23 Jan. 1882. 118. Noncon., 6 Apr. 1882. 119. See Margaret Ward, Unmanageable Revolutionaries: Women and Irish Nationalism (London, 1983); Marie O'Neill, "The Ladies' Land League," Dublin Historical Record 35:4 (1982): 122-133; and Jane McL. Cote, Fanny and Anna Parnell: Ireland's Patriot Sisters (Dublin, 1991).

Notes to Pages 242-253 120. Ward, Unmanageable Revolutionaries, 14-22. 121. Ibid., 23-30. 122. The manuscript was published with an introduction in 1986: Anna Parnell, The Tale ofa Great Sham, ed. Dana Hearne (Dublin, 1986). 123. Noncon., 3 Nov. 1881. 124. SR, 19 Feb. 1881. See also WT, 4 Sept. 1881. 125. Scotsman, 31 Aug. 1881. 126. Times, 22 Oct. 1881. 127- LWLN, 25 Dec. 1881. 128. For more on hysteria and the medical treatment of Victorian women see

Mary Poovey, Uneven Developments: The Ideological Work of Gender in Mid-Victorian England (Chicago, 1988), 24-50. 129. Kee, Green Flag, 381. 130. MAC, 3 May 1882. See also MC, 4, 5 May 1882; BTM, 3, 4 May 1882; Standard, 8 May 1882. 131. Judy, 10 May 1882. 132. See Times, 3 May 1882; LWLN, 7 May 1882; NOW; 7 May 1882; LM, 3 May 1882. 133· See NOW; 7 May 1882; SI, 3 May 1882; BM, 3 May 1882; DN, 4 May 1882. 134. NC, 3 May. Davitt was released on 5 May. See also MP, 3 May 1882. 135. Heyck, Dimensions ofBritish Radicalism, 78. 136. BDP, 8 May 1882. 137. WT, 14 May 1882. See also ILN, 20 May; NOW; 14 May; LM, 8 May 1882; SI, 8 May 1882. 138. BTM, 9 May 1882. See also SR, 13 May 1882; LF, 10 May 1882. 139· SI, 9 May 1882. 140. DM, 10 May 1882. 141. Times, 8 May 1882. 142. Times, 9 May 1882. 143. For example, MAC, 8 May 1882. 144. See Kee, Laurel and the Iry, 447-48. 145. LWLN, 21 May 1882; Tablet, 20 May 1882; NC, 20 May; Spectator, 18 May 1882. 146. St. James's Gazette, 16 May 1882; DN, 16 May 1882; Econ., 20 May 1882. 147. Kee, Laurel and the Iry, 448; 0' Callaghan, British High Politics, 93148. For instance, LWLN, 14 May 1882; Spectator, 13 May 1882. 149. Times, 18 May 1882. 150. ES, 27 May 1882. 151. DC, 20 May 1882. 152. MAC, 13 May 1882. 153. SI, 13 May 1882. 154. YPLI, 23 June 1882. 155. Kee, Laurel and the Iry, 457. See also Moody, Davitt, 534-35. 156. LM, 23 May 1882. See also RWN, 28 May 1882.

310

Notes to Pages 253-266

157. BM, 12 Aug. 1882. 158. See BDG, 25 May 1882; DM, 24 May 1882; ES, 8, 22 July 1882; and L1, 23 May, 21 June, 6 July 1882; SR, 12 Aug. 1882. 159. S1, 16 May 1882. 160. Noncon., 15 June 1882. 161. Jenkins, Gladstone, 503-6. 162. WD, 16 Oct. 1881. 163. NC, 23 Aug. 1882. 164. IJ, 30 Sept. 1882. 165. Fun, 4 May 1881. 166. Fun, 25 May 1881. 167. Punch, 27 Aug. 1881. 168. Bristol Mercury, 14 Aug. 1882. 169. Fun, 16 Feb. 1881. 170. Funny Folks, 21 Feb. 1880. 171. Punch, 30 July 1881. 172. Curtis, Apes and Angels, 155-74. 173· Ibid., 174· 174. Times, 12 Apr. 1799. 175. O'Callaghan, British High Politics, 12. 176. Heyck, Dimensions ofBritish Radicalism, 81. 177. For the most recent reassessment of Gladstone's attitude to both Irish nationalism and unionism, see especially the essays by Alan O'Day, "Gladstone and Irish Nationalism: Achievement and Reputation," and D. George Boyce, "In the Front Rank of the Nation: Gladstone and the Unionists of Ireland, 1868-1893:' in Gladstone Centenary Essays, ed. David Bebbington and Roger Swift (Liverpool, 2000), 163-83; 184-202. For a useful review of the major works and trends in the substantial literature on Irish home rule see Alan O'Day, "Home Rule and the Historians," in The Making of Modern Irish History: Revisionism and the Revisionist Controversy, O'Dayand D. George Boyce (New York, 1996), 141-62.

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Bibliography Stout, Matthew. "The Geography and Implications of Post-Famine Population Decline in Baltyboys, County Wicklow." In HFearful Realities": New Perspectives on the Famine. Edited by Christopher Morash and Richard Hayes. Dublin, 1996, 15-34. Streicher, Lawrence H. "On a Theory of Political Caricature." Comparative Studies in Society and History 9:4 (1967): 427-45. Surel, Jeanine. "John Bull." In Patriotism: The Making and Unmaking of British National Identity. Vol. 3. Edited by Raphael Samuel. London, 1989, 3-25. Swift, Roger. ·'Another Stafford Street Row': Law, Order, and the Irish Presence in Mid-Victorian Wolverhampton." Immigrants and Minorities 3:1 (1984): 5-29. - - . "Crime and the Irish in Nineteenth-Century Britain." In The Irish in Britain 1815-1939. Edited by Roger Swift and Sheridan Gilley. Savage, Md., 1989, 163-82. - - . "Historians and the Irish: Recent Writings on the Irish in Nineteenth-Century Britain." In The Great Famine and Beyond: Irish Migrants in Britain in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. Edited by Don M. MacRaild. Dublin, 2000, 14-39. - - . "The Outcast Irish in the British Victorian City: Problems and Perspectives." Irish Historical Studies, 25:99 (1987): 264-76. Swift, Roger, and Sheridan Gilley, eds. The Irish in Victorian Britain: The Local Dimension. London, 1999. Takagami, Shin-lehi, "The Fenian Rising in Dublin, March 1867." Irish Historical Studies 39:115 (1995): 340-62. Thompson, Dorothy. Outsiders: Gender, Class, and Nation. London, 1993. Thompson, E. P. "The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century." Past & Present 50 (1971): 76-136. - - . "The Moral Economy Reviewed." In Customs in Common: Studies in Traditional Popular Culture. New York, 1993, 259-351. Thompson, James. "After the Fall: Class and Political Language in Britain, 1780-1900." Historicaljournal39:3 (1996): 785-806. Tillyard, Stella. Citizen Lord: Edward Fitzgerald, 1763-1798. London, 1997. Vann, J. Don, and RosemaryT. VanArsel, eds. Victorian Periodicals and Victorian Society. Toronto, 1994. Varouxakis, Georgios. Victorian Political Thought on France and Frenchness. New York,2002. Vaughan, W. E. Landlords and Tenants in Ireland, 1848-1904: Studies in Irish Economic and Social History. Dublin, 1985. - - . Landlords and Tenants in Mid-Victorian Ireland. Oxford, 1994. Vernon, James. Politics and the People: A Study in English Political Culture, 1815-1867. Cambridge, 1993. Vincent, Joan. "A Political Orchestration of the Irish Famine." In Approaching the Past: History and Anthropology through Irish Case Studies. Edited by Marilyn Silverman and P. H. Gulliver. New York, 1993, 75-98. Wahrman, Dror. Imagining the Middle Class: The Political Representation ofClass in Britain, C.1780-1840. Cambridge, 1995.

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Index

Alabama, U.S.S., 147, 148, 149 American Civil War, 147-48, 154 anglicization, 3,4, 22, 26-27, 268-69; and Act of Dnion, 73, 79; failure of, 200, 237, 269, 274-76; and famine relief, 86, 94, 128, 131, 141, 272-73;]. S. Millon, 132 Anglo-Saxonism, 9; and Catholicism, 13-14; qualities of 22-23 anthropology, Victorian, 9, 12 anti-Catholicism, 13-17, 80, 275-76; during the famine, 121-22 Apes and Angels (Curtis), 6, 13, 261 Arendt, Hanna, 13 Arnold, Matthew, 24-25 Arnstein, Walter, 15, 161 arrears bill, 253

Birmingham Dairy Post and Journal, 196,224; criticism of Times, 240; Irish land bill (1881), 231, 232; Parnell's arrest, 239; Phoenix Park murders, 248 Birmingham Journal, 93, 123 Blackwood's Magazine, 153 Bourke, Thomas, 155 Boycott, Charles. See boycotting boycotting, 208, 210, 211 Brett, Police Sergeant Charles, 146, 162 Brewer, John, 51-52 Bright, John, 184 Bristol Mercury: arrears bill, 253; coercion, 196; famine, 88, 116, 127; fenianism, 154, 182, 189; Irish Americans, 213; Irish land bill (1870), 192; Land League, 238 Bristol Mirror, 91, 11, 121, 129 Bristol Times and Mirror, 166, 170, 176; Compensation for Disturbance Bill, 206; Irish land bill (1870), 190; Parnell's arrest, 209; Phoenix Park murders, 249 Britishness, 23-24, 269 Brother Jonathan (American Yankee), 148-49,214 Burke, Edmund, 50-51 Burke, Richard O'Sullivan, 146 Burke, Thomas. See Phoenix Park murders

barbarism, British views of in Ireland. See savagery Beddoe, John, 10

Beehive,

169

Beetham, Margaret, 29

Bell's Weekry Messenger, 68, 69 Bennet, Tony, 29 Bernstein, George, 102 Bindman, David, 51

Birmingham Dairy Gazette, 161, 175, 182; Compensation for Disturbance Bill, 206; condition of Ireland in 1880-81, 216; criticism of Punch, 172; Irish land bill (1881), 233

331

Index

33 2

Caliban, Celtic, 11,35,264; cartoons of, 171, 218; and Punch, 170, 172, 197, 200, 257 Cambrensis. See Gerald of Wales Cambridge Intelligencer, 47, 67, 75 cannibalism, 54-55, 56, 61, 270 cardiff Guardian, 177, 187 cardiffTimes, 155, 157, 174, 181 caricature, 34 cartoons, editorial, 33-35, 270; and Irish-Americans, 148-52, 172. See

also Fun; Funny Folks; Judy; Punch Catholic clergy, 44, 80, 119, 121-22, 276; and agrarian crime, 119, 122, 184,222; Irish church bill, 187; Land League, 209; "No Rent Manifesto," 235. See also anti-Catholicism; loyalty Catholic Defenders, 36, 37-38 Catholic emancipation, 37, 57-58, 66, 80; and Act of Union, 74 Cavendish, Lord Frederick. See Phoenix Park Murders Chamberlain, Joseph, 245 charity: dUring famine, 98, 100, 126; in 1879-80, 204. See also ingratitude Chartists, 124-25, 269

202, 205-8; and Irish land bill (1881),208 conacre tenancy; 128, 130, 132 com laws, 82, 88, 134 Cornwallis, Lord Charles: and Act of Union, 72; amnesty policy; 41, 67-68, 271; appointment as lord lieutenant, 39 cottier tenancy, 130, 131, 132, 141 cranialogy; 7 Cromwell, Oliver, 58, 123, 176,241, 276 Cruikshank, Isaac, 53, 54, 56 Curtis, 1. P., 6, 10, 11, 13, 34, 261

Daily Chronicle, 222, 225, 232, 252 Daily News, 158, 166, 206 Daily Telegraph, 164, 173, 181 Darwin, Charles, 8, 9 Darwinian theory; 9, 13 Davitt, Michael, 205 Derby Mercury, 126, 139, 187, 241, 249 Descent ofMan (Darwin), 8 Devoy; John, 201 Dickinson, H. T., 53 Dillon, John, 208 Disraeli, Benjamin (Lord Beaconsfield), 179, 182, 187, 204

Church and State, 126 Church of Ireland, 179; British views of, 181-83; disestablishment, 146, 181-89, 233, 274. See also Irish church bill Clan na Gael, 201, 202 Clarendon, 4th earl of, 138-39 clearances. See evictions Clerkenwell Prison explosion, 146, 164,165,249 coercion, in Ireland: after 1798 rebellion, 67; criticism of, 46; during famine, 138-39; during Land War, 202, 203, 205, 223-25, 251-52; in Fenian era, 196, 200 Colley, Linda, 23, 268 Collini, Stefan, 18-19 Comerford, R. V., 196 Compensation for Disturbance Bill,

Eagles, Robin, 50 Economist: causes offamine, 88-89; coercion, 138; 1848 rebellion, 126; Incumbered Estates Acts, 134, 135; Irish distress, 96, 101; Irish poverty, 93; laissez-faire ideology, 102; poorlaw reform, 115; potato diet, 129; public works schemes, 109; support for Gladstone, 206 Edinburgh Review, 31, 181, 213 Engels, Friedrich, 19-20 Erin (Hibernia), 34, 184, 243, 245, 257-64 Essex Standard, 183, 252 ethnology, 12 Evening Mail, 43, 60 evictions, 116-18, 141

Index famine fatigue, 84, 127 Fenianism, 144-46, 167, 177, 197, 199; and Irish-Americans, 147-55,215; and justice to Ireland, 173-75; and Land League, 209 Fenian panic, 146, 161, 163, 166-69, 172; criticism of, 169-70 Finnegan, Francis, 20 Fitzgerald, Lord Edward, 38, 63 Fitzwilliam Affair, 37 Forster, William, 225, 245, 246, 251 France: British views of French Revolution, 49-58, 59, 79; French revolutionary ideology and the United Irishmen, 42-43, 49-50, 59-62, 79, 199; role in British identity, 23, 50-51; role in 1798 Rebellion, 37, 48,57-58,64-65 Fun: coercion, 197; Irish-Americans, 214; Irish land bill (1870) 191-92; Irish land bill (1881), 258; justice to Ireland, 152; -cartoons: "A Fancy Portrait: John Bull in His New Walking Dress," 167, 168; "The Four-Leaved Shamrock," 183, 184; "Irish 'Disturbance,'" 257-58,260; "Natural Allies," 148, 150; "Presenting a Bill," 148-49; "Soothing the Savage Beast," 233, 235 Funny Folks cartoons: "The Dragon and st. George," 217, 220; "The 'Friends' of Erin," 261,263; "In Bad Company," 243,244; "The Irish Caliban," 217, 218; "The Irish Grievance Grinder," 210,211; "Led Astray," 210, 212; "The Modem Oedipus and the Irish Sphinx: 217, 219; "Not a Moment Too Soon," 225, 227; "Now, God Help Thee, Poor Monkey," 225-26, 228; "Sops to Cerberus," 246, 247 Gerald of Wales, 5, 79 Gillray, James, 53, 54 Gladstone, William E.: Alabama claim, 148; arrears bill, 253; cartoons of, 171, 183, 184, 188,

333 191-92, 193, 194, 197, 198,217, 219, 224, 225-26, 227, 233, 234, 235, 236, 238, 246, 247, 257, 258, 260; coercion in 1880,205; coercion in 1881,223-25; Compensation for Disturbance Bill, 208; fIrst ministry, 146, 175; Irish church bill, 181-89; Irish home rule, 277; Irish land bill (1870), 189-94; Irish land bill (1881), 229, 236; "IGlmainham treaty," 245-46, 251; motivations for church and land bills, 179-81; and NonconfOrmists, 180-81; Parnell's arrest, 239; second ministry, 202-3

Glasgow Herald, 127 Glasgow News, 223 Globe, 181 Gordon, James, 41 Gray, Peter, 32, 85-86, 95, 102 Gregory Clause, 113, 116. See also evictions Guy Fawkes, 16 Habermas, Jiirgen, 32 Heyck, Thomas, 231, 237, 248, 265 Hibernia. See Erin History ofEngland (Macaulay), 10

History ofthe Irish Rebellion in 1798 (Maxwell), 41 home rule. See Irish home rule bill (1886) Hoppen, Theodore, 180 houghing, 210-13 illness, themes of in British views of Ireland, 20, 192, 206, 225, 253, 255, 270. See also mental illness fllustrated London News: American origins of Fenianism, 147, 163; British misgovernment of Ireland, 87, 99, 100; coercion, 139, 195; evictions, 116, 117; famine fatigue, 127; Irish immigrants in Britain, 166; Irish landlords, 89-90; poor law reform, 113, 115; support for Gladstone, 206; sympathy for Ireland, 90, 217

Index

334 illustrated Times, 192

immigrants, Irish: in Britain, 16, 18, 19-22, 198, 269; during famine, 100; and Fenianism, 166-67, 169. See also evictions imperial hierarchy, 46, 59, 66, 69, 120-21,177-78,213-14,217, 220-23,268-70 Incumbered Estates Acts, 133-39; and anglicization, 273, 275; British optimism for, 84, 128 India, 52; 1857 Mutiny, 126-27, 200. See also Thuggee ingratitude, Irish: during famine, 66, 122, 126-27; during Fenian era, 177, 189; during Land War, 202, 273 Irish Americans: in cartoons, 148-52, 167, 168, 172,214-15,236,238; and Clerkenwell prison explosion, 164; "filibusters," 148, 155, 199, 213; and Land League, 209, 213-15; negative impact on British SOciety, 159-60; and Phoenix Park murders, 248-49, 251; political influence in United States, 153; role in Fenianism, 144, 147-55, 198-99,273; role in Manchester rescue, 158 Irish church bill, 181-89. See also Church of Ireland The Irish Crisis (Trevelyan), 107, 109, 129 Irish home rule bill (1886), 255, 265-66,276-77 Irish land bill (1870), 146, 189-93, 200 Irish land bill (1881), 202, 203, 229-37, 239, 258, 274

Irishman, 196-97 Irish National Land League, 201-2, 264; and Compensation for Disturbance Bill, 206, 207; and Irish American~20~213-15,248;and

Irish distress, 204; response to Irish land bill (1881), 237-39; tactics, 208-16

Irish National League, 203 Irishness, 24-25, 27, 267, 269-70, 275-76; and agrarian violence, 200; and Britishness, 80, 222; and the famine, 94, 272. See also stereotypes Irish Parliamentary Party, 202, 209 Irish People, 145, 147 Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), 144. See also Fenianism

Irish World, 236 Jamaica, 1865 revolt in, 127, 200 John Bull, 23, 34, 200, 268; cartoons of, 51, 96, 97, 149, 165, 218; and Erin, 257, 260, 261, 264; and Francophobia, 52, 54; and Paddy, 121, 160-61,271,275; as a physician, 164-65, 173, 273; Jones, Aled, 29 Judy, 214, 236, 246; -cartoons: "Absolution," 184, 185; "At Last," 258,261; "For He's aJolly Good Fellow," 184, 186; "The Good Crop,' 223,224; "The Impatient Patient," 192, 194; "Justice Tempers Mercy," 159, 160; "The Martyr Church," 187, 188; "Mercyv.Justice," 155, 156; "The Most Recently Discovered wild Beast," 236, 238; "The Persuasive Beggar and the Frightened Politician," 206,207; "A Sop for Cerberus," 192, 193; "St. George and the Dragon," 149, 151-52; "TheWind-Raiser," 214, 215 Kay, James Phillips, 20 Ke~Robert,45, 193,253 Kelly, Thomas J., 144, 146 Kemnitz, Thomas, 152 Kentish Chronicle, 50, 64, 67, 68, 69 Kentish Gazette: British charity, 98; Catholic clergy, 119; Clerkenwell Prison explOSion, 164; condition of Ireland in 1799,69; condition

Index of Ireland in 1880, 216; Irish church bill, 180; Irish credulity, 176; Wolfe Tone, 63 "Kilmainham treaty," 203, 245, 246, 251,255 Kingsley, Charles, 11 Knox, Robert, 8, 11 Labour Rate Act. See public works Ladies'Land League, 203, 241-45 laissez-faire ideology, 86, 92, 102-5 Lake, General, 38, 46 Land Law (Ireland) Act. See Irish land bill landlords, Irish: British opinion of, 89-90, 106-~ 133-34;Compensation for Disturbance Bill, 206; evictions, 116-18; Incumbered Estates Acts, 133-34; Irish land bill (1870), 191; Irish land bill (1881), 233; and poorlaw reform, 106-8, 111, 112, 113, 115; responsibility for famine, 89-90, 105 Lecky, W. E. H., 44 Lee, Alan, 29-30

Leeds Intelligencer, 121 Leeds Mercury, 58 Lees, Lynn Hollen, 19

LiverpooIJournal,96, 121, 127, 139, 165

Liverpool Mercury: arrears bill, 253; criticism of anti-Irish behaVior, 169; Fenian dupes, 155; Fenianism and America, 153; houghing, 211-12; obstruction, 226 Liverpool Times, 104, 108, 127

Lloyd's Weekry London Newspaper: criticism ofJohn Dillon, 207-8; famine coverage, 127; Irish poverty, 93; Ladies' Land League, 243; public works, 106; support for Gladstone, 206;

London Chronicle, 50 London Figaro, 213 London Packet, 69 Lorimer, Douglas, 7, 12 Loyal Orange Order, 37

loyalty, Catholic: British doubts over, 14, 17, 21, 157, 187, 214, 276 Macaulay, Thomas Babington, 10 Mahon, Major Denis, 121 Manchester Courier: agrarian violence, 178; coercion, 241; Irish Americans, 213; Irish barbarism, 11; Irish land bill (1870), 190; "Kilmainham treaty," 246; Manchester Martyrs, 159 Manchester Examiner, 115, 137, 163, 176 Manchester Guardian, 120, 127, 148, 173, 182 Manchester Martyrs, 158, 162-63, 164 Manchester Mercury, 60, 64, 67, 78 Manchester rescue, 146, 158-62 Maxwell, W. H., 41 Mayhew, Henry, 18, 53 Maynooth Grant, 16 MCDowell, R. B., 45 Meagher, Thomas Francis, 154

Memoirs of the Various Rebellions in Ireland (Musgrave), 40 mental illness, themes of in British views of Ireland: during famine, 139; during Fenian era, 164-65, 195,200; during Land War, 215; in 1798,59,63,79 The Mid-Victorian Generation (Hoppen),180 Mill, J. S., 132, 133 misgovernment of Ireland, 269; contributing to famine, 87-88; denial of, 176; leading to 1798 rebellion, 41,45-48 Mitchel,John, 84-85,125, 183, 210 monogenism, 7 moralism, 85, 87. See also providentialism "moral plague," 118, 139, 222, 264, 270,273 Morley, Tom, 32 MorningAdvertiser, 162, 173,223

335

Index

Morning Chronicle: Act of Union, 73, 75, 76; coercion, 66; J. S. Mill articles in, 132; misgovernment of Ireland, 46, 47, 70; United Irish followers, 59 Morning Herald, 47, 104, 111, 161, 162 Morning Post: Fenianism, 154; government purchase of, 30; Irish character, 119, 122; Irish immigrants, 100; sympathy for Ireland, 94

Morning Post and Fashionable World, 46

Morning Post and Gazeteer: Act of Union, 73; conciliatory policies, 66, 68, 70; misgovernment of Ireland, 46, 48; Ulster and United Irishmen, 43; Wexford Bridge massacre, 61; Wolfe Tone, 64

Morning Star, 180 Murphy, Father John, 43, 80 Murphy Riots, 15, 21, 144, 161-62 Musgrave, Richard, 40-42, 48

Newcastle Chronicle, 46, 60, 63, 226, 256 Newman, Gerald, 23, 52 News ofthe World: anti-Irish attitudes, 120; famine coverage, 127; Irish Americans, 148; Irish distress in 1879, 204; misgovernment of Ireland, 87; Protection of Persons and Property (Ireland) Bill, 225 newspaper press: as fourth estate, 30, 31,32; and politicians, 30-33; and public opinion, 27-35 Nonconformist: agrarian violence, 241; clearances, 116; Irish church bill, 182; Irish loyalty, 157; Ladies' Land League, 242-43; laissez-faire ideology, 104 "no popery," 15, 16, 21, 80 "No Rent Manifesto," 203, 239, 242 Norman, E. R., 14

Northern Star, 111 Northern Whig, 181

O'Brien, William, 239 Observer:Act of Union, 75; coercion, 139; Irish credulity, 43; Irish land bill (1881), 232; Irish peasantry, 66,67 obstruction, parliamentary, 202, 208, 226,229 O'Callaghan, Margaret, 205, 265 O'Connor, Arthur, 36, 39, 49; arrest of, 63-64 O'Day, Alan, 15 O'Mahony,John, 144, 145 Origin of the Species (Darwin), 8 O'Shea, Katherine, 245 O'Shea, William, 245, 251 Paddy, 4-5,77, 222, 268, 270; cartoons of, 91-92, 110, 164-65, 171,185,186,194,212,214,215, 219,221,224,259,262,263; and Erin, 257, 259, 262, 263; and John Bull, 23, 118, 121, 160-61, 199,271,275; as a patient, 164-65, 192 Pall Mall Gazette, 181, 196, 206 Parnell, Anna, 203, 242, 243 Parnell, Charles Stewart, 201; arrest, 202-3, 238; cartoons of, 209-11, 212, 225, 227, 228, 243, 244, 250; Irish land bill (1881), 237; "Kilmainham treaty," 203, 245; "No Rent Manifesto," 203; obstruction, 202, 226; Phoenix Park murders, 249-51; Prevention of Crime (Ireland) Bill, 252 Parnell, Fanny, 203, 242 Paz, D. G., 16 Peace Preservation (Ireland) Bill, 196, 200. See also coercion Peel, Robert: famine relief, 82, 89, 101, 102, 103, 104; "plantation scheme," 84, 115, 135 Penny nlustrated Paper, 217, 221

Penny Pictorial News, 217 Phoenix Park murders, 203, 245, 248-51,253 phrenology, 7, 9 phYSiognomy, 7

Index

phytophthora infestans (potato blight). See potato blight (phytophthora infestans) Pictorial Times, 98

"Urgency!" 229, 230; "Young Ireland in Business for Himself," 110 Pykett, Lynn, 29

pig, as symbol ofthe Irish, 17, 92, 194,233,235 Pitt, William, 36, 71, 74 polygenism, 7, 121 poor law, amended, 83, 101, 105-15, 272; and anglicization, 140-41; failure of, 114-15 potato: British views of, 128-31, 232; consumption, 129; cultivation, 128-29, 130 potato blight (phytophthora infestans), 82, 85, 86, 114, 130 Pratt, Mary Louise, 26 Prevention of Crime (Ireland) Bill, 251, 252. See also coercion Protection of Persons and Property (Ireland) Bill, 223-25. See also coercion providentialism, 85-86, 89, 101. See also moralism public opinion: the newspaper press and, 27-35; and the middle classes, 29 public works, 82, 109 Punch, 13, 127, 226, 229, 233; Celtic Caliban, 199; criticism of, 170, 172,256; Irish Americans, 154, 172; and justice to Ireland, 152, 224; -cartoons: "The Bill-Sticker," 233, 234; "The British Lion and the Irish Monkey," 125; "The English Labourer's Burden," 91-92; "The Irish Frankenstein," 249, 250; "The Irish Tempest," 170, 171; "The Irish Treason Shop," 197, 198; "Justicefor Ireland," 173, 174; "The MadDoctor," 164, 165; "The New Irish Still," 96, 98; "The New St. Patrick," 135, 136; "A Physical Force Chartist Arming for the Fight," 124, 125; "The Rivals," 258-59, 262; "Two Forces," 257, 259; "Union is Strength," 96, 97;

Quakers, 83, 95

QJt.arterly Review, 88, 179 race: role of in views ofIreland, 5-13, 79-80, 178; scientific racism, 6-9, 12-13 Races ofBritain (Beddoe), 10 Races ofMen (Knox), 8, 11 rates-in-aid, 83 rebellion of 1798,36-40,44,57-62 rebellion of 1848, 123-27 rebellion of 1867, 145-46, 155, 157 Record: Catholicism, 88; Catholic loyalty, 157; Irish Americans, 213; Irish character, 178; Irish church bill, 187; Land League, 217; Protection of Persons and Property (Ireland) Bill, 225 Renan, Ernest, 24 Reynold's Weekly, 222, 239 Roberts, William, 145 Rossa, Jeremiah O'Donovan, 165, 195 Russell, Lord John, 33, 82, 85, 118, 133, 139 Said, Edward, 7 sans-culottes: and cannibalism, 56, 62, 217, 271; as symbol of mob rule and savagery, 51, 54, 60, 79 satire, 35 Satirist, 99, 127

Saturday Review, 243 savagery, British views of in Ireland, 11-12, 59, 60, 69, 78, 79, 80, 199, 241 Scotsman, 159, 164, 177, 181,243 Scrope, George Poulet, 117, 139 Senior, Nassau, 92 Sheffield Independent: arrears bill, 253-54; Irish character, 157, 222; Irish land bill (1870), 192; need for reform in Ireland, 175; Parnell, 209-10; Phoenix Park murders, 249; trial by jury; 253

337

Index Smyth, Jim, 45 soup kitchen act, 83, 113 Spectator: criticism of Punch, 170; criticism of Times, 240; 1848 rebellion, 126; famine fatigue, 127; Irish church bill, 183; Irish land bill (1881), 236; Irish "recipes," 122-23; Manchester Martyrs, 163; sympathy for Ireland, 120 Spenser, Edmund, 6 Standard: British governance of Ireland, 175-76; Fenian leadership, 154; Irish Americans, 159; Irish character, 157; Irish land bill (1870), 192 Steele, E. D., 32, 190, 191 Stepan, Nancy; 12-13 Stephens, James, 144, 145 stereotypes: anti-Irish, 19,91,94, 142, 268,270-71;childlik~222,223;

credulity, 17, 43, 93, 176-77; disloyal, 177 (see also anti-Catholicism); emotional/unstable, 23, 157, 222; ignorance, 17, 76; laziness, 17, 19, 91, 105, 119, 129, 272; uncivilized, 11-12,21,23,93, 121, 176, 178-79, 241, 270; violence, 23, 176, 177, 178,222,271. See also Irishness

St. James's Gazette, 251 Stock, Joseph, 41 Stocking, George, 8-9 Sun: Act of Union, 77; France and United Irishmen, 49-50,58,65; and the government, 30; United Irish atrOcities, 59-60 Swift, Roger, 21-22

Tablet, 88 Tale ofa Great sham (parnell), 242 Temporary Relief Act. See soup kitchen act Thornton, William, 133 Thuggee, 121, 217 Times (London): Act of Union, 74, 78; British charity, 98-99; Catholic emancipation, 57; Chartists, 124;

Clerkenwell Prison explOSion, 160, 170; coercion, 138; condition of Ireland in 1799, 69; condition of Ireland in 1881,240; criticism of, 112,240; 1848 rebellion, 123; evictions, 116-17; famine coverage 127; Fenianism, 154, 155, 195; French principles, 61; Incumbered Estates Acts, 134, 135, 137; Irish Americans, 147, 158; Irish character, 119, 120,222; Irish complicity forfamine, 94; Irish ingratitude, 91-92; Irish land bill (1870), 190; Irish land bill (1881) 232; Irish landlords, 89; Ladies' Land League, 243; laissez-faire ideology; 103-4; Phoenix Park murders, 249; political influence of, 27, 112, 240; poorlaw reform, 106-7, 108, 114-15; the potato, 129, 130; providence, 85, 87, 101; public works, 109; 1798 rebellion, 59, 60, 64-65; sympathy for Ireland, 90, 96; United Irish in Ulster, 42, 49 Tomahawk, 152, 182-83, 197 Tone, Theobold Wolfe, 36, 37, 40, 62, 63-64 Trevelyan, Charles, 107, 109, 129 trial by jury, in Ireland, 120, 252-53, 270 True Briton, 30, 43, 74 lYlor, E. B., 9 Ulster, and 1798 rebellion, 42-43, 45 Ulster custom, 191 Union, Act of, 3, 25-26, 47, 70-78, 271 United Irishmen, 36-40, 62-64; and France, 43, 49,57-58,64-65 Vinegar Hill, Battle of, 39, 43, 63. See also rebellion of 1798 wasteland reclamation, 83, 104, 118, 133,140 Watchman, 157, 159 Weekry Dispatch, 177, 213, 256

Index

339

Weekry Times, 108, 112, 232 Wexford Bridge massacre, 39, 59, 60, 61-62. See also rebellion of 1798

Wolife,Jolun, 14, 16

What Science Is Saying about Ireland

York Post and Leeds Intelligencer,

(Anon.), 11 Whelan, Kevin, 41

World, 232 222,253

HISTORY O/IRELAND

and the IRISH DIASPORA The Eternal Paddy: Irish Identity and the British Press, 1798-1882 MICHAEL DE NIE

Sinn Fein: A Hundred Turbulent Years BRIAN FEENEY

New Directions in Irish-American History EDITED BY KEVIN KENNY