The End of Paganism in the North-Western Provinces of the Roman Empire: The example of the Mithras cult 0860548163, 9780860548164

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The End of Paganism in the

North-Western Provinces of the

Roman Empire

The example of the Mithras cult

Eberhard Sauer

TEMPV: BAR

PARATVM

International

1996

Series 634

The End of Paganism 1n the North-Western Provinces of the

Roman Empire

The example of the Mithras cult

Eberhard Sauer

TEMPVS REPARATVM BAR

International Series 634 1996

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The End of Paganism in the North-Western Provinces of the Roman Empire: The example of the Mithras cult ©

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CONTENTS 3

Acknowledgements

4 4

Introduction

6

The purpose of this study Geographic and thematic limits The structure of the book A bibliographic note

7

Mithraism. A brief introduction to the cult

5 6

10 10 10 12 13 18 20 2] 2] 22 22 22 24 27 28 28 29 30 30 32

Chronology and interpretation of the dating evidence The epigraphic evidence The third century crisis Two inscriptions from Raetia and Noricum Mediterraneum as evidence for abandonment and restoration of Mithraea The last epigraphic testimonies in Late Antiquity Table: Datable dedications to deities later than AD 235 found in Britain Diagram: Stone inscriptions found in Britain, dated to the time after the death of Severus Alexander AD 235 The numismatic evidence of late occupation of Mithraea and the question of possible rededication of sanctuaries to other deities Potential sources of error: examples of post-abandonment deposition of coms 1n Mithraea Founders’ deposits in Mithraea The deposition of large numbers of coins in Gaulish Mithraea Are coin deposits in Mithraea Mithraic? The cases of Mackwiller and Biesheim and the question of a possible change in function and rededication of Mithraea in Late Antiquity The early end of Mithras worship in Britain and the rarity of coms from insular Mithraea The continuity of the Mithras cult and spring cults in Late Antiquity Com finds in Mithraea east of the Rhine Some thoughts on the limitations of the numismatic evidence and on other dating evidence not discussed in detail The end of coin deposition in Mithraic sanctuaries The composition of the com series and traces of circulation The stratigraphic position of coin finds as indicator for the continued use of Mithraea as sanctuaries in Late Antiquity: The example of Martigny The value of coin deposits recovered from Mithraea (negligible small change or a significant amount of money?) and the reasons for their presence: Offermgs m temples, loss or deposition after profanation or abandonment? Scorned by plunderers or religious fanatics?

37 37 37 38 40 42

Wilful damage to and removal of Mithraic monuments Iconoclasm and intentional damage to inscriptions

43 43 44

The sinking of cult objects: Mithraic finds from rivers

45 45 45

The deposition of stone monuments in wells

The difficulty in proving iconoclasm

Iconoclasm directed against Mithraic monuments The Sol Invictus-dedication from Corbridge Precautions against iconoclasm: The concealment of Mithraic cult objects

General considerations Mithraic monuments

General considerations Mithraic monuments

46

Fire-raising

48

The desecration of Mithraea by deposition of human remains and the question of Mithraic martyrs(?)

51 5] 5] 56 58 62

Historical conclusions Destroyers and motives: Inner or outer enemies, pagans or Christians? The fate of Mithraea in the third and fourth centuries against the background of particular historical events and processes and the religious policy of the state Examination of selected datable abandonments or acts of destruction arranged in chronological order The end of Mithraism in Britain The end of Mithraism in Germania Superior east of the Rhine

62 63

Iconoclasm in the Middle Ages? The speed of decay and the date of destruction of temples and monuments of Mithras Abandonment, decay and reuse of Mithraea The dating of the destructions

69 69 70

Alternative explanations for destruction and abandonment of Mithraea? Pagan inhabitants of the empire as 1conoclasts? The potential impact of demography and population movements

73

The reliability of the latest testimonies for Mithraic worship and the changing nature of paganism

75

Mithraism and Christian reuse of pagan sanctuaries

76

The Christian attitude towards Mithraism and the similarities between the two religions

79

The mysteries of Mithras, the most hated cult and the first victim of the Chnstian persecution of paganism’?

81 δ]

Appendices Appendix 1: Further fourth century pagan dedications in Britain? Stone inscriptions from Cirencester and Bath and an inscription on a mosaic floor in Lydney

82 84 85 86

Appendix 2: A list of partially or completely excavated temples of Mithras with a selective bibliography relating to the numismatic evidence for their use Map 1: Excavated Mithraea in the north-western parts of the Roman Empire Map 2: Coins found inside Mithraea Doubtful Mithraea, not included in the list (short compilation)

87 89 90 9]

Appendix 3: Diagram: Diagram: Diagram:

92

Appendix 4: Throwing stones at pagan images

Com series of several Mithraea Coins found in two selected Mithraea Major coin deposits and finds m Mithraea The coins from the Mithraeum in Mühlthal

92

Bibliography

106

Abbreviations

108

Illustrations

123

Geographic index

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I conceived the idea of writing this study towards the end of 1993. A short German version was written in February 1994, when I had the chance to present it in Dr. Gabriele Seitz’s seminar at the University of Freiburg 1. Br. To her and to Prof. Dr. Hans Ulrich Nuber I am also grateful for reading this draft of the paper, for helpful criticism and for their general support and for knowledge acquired during my stay in Freiburg i. Br. During the first year of my studies at Keble College/ Oxford University, generously supported by a one-year-scholarship of the German Academic Exchange Service, I resumed the work and extended and rewrote the paper between November 1994 and April 1995, including vastly more literature. After ıt had been accepted for publication in the BAR [International Series, I revised and updated it once more between September and early October and in December 1995, January and February 1996. During the whole time I have enjoyed in every respect the full support of my academic teachers Dr. Martin Henig, Professor Barry Cunliffe and (since the end of 1995) Dr. Cathy King who generously devoted a great deal of time to me. To Dr. Martin Henig I am greatly indebted for reading and discussing the different versions of the paper and for friendly advice, especially in regard to the British evidence. He has expended much time and effort to look through the English text (in its various drafts!), and without his kind help a publication in a foreign language would not have been possible. I am most grateful to Professor Barry Cunliffe for reading the paper, corrections and helpful suggestions and discussions. Invaluable was also the help of Dr. Cathy King who like Dr. Martin Henig undertook the arduous task of correcting the final version of my paper over the Christmas holidays and who made numerous significant stylistic and grammatical improvements as well. In particular I would like to thank her for a very profitable discussion of the results of my numismatic research. Professor Averil Cameron was kind enough to read an earlier draft of the paper. Her advice has been of great value and initiated some structural improvements. Responsibility for the arguments, interpretations and possible errors presented here rests of course with me. I would like to thank Dr. David Davison and Dr. Rajka Makjanic for their editorial advice and for seeing the book through the press. To Keble College, I am indebted for various things and mention only the generous open graduate scholarship 1995/97. To British Academy |

am very grateful for a one-year award 1995/ 96 and to my parents for other support. I would like to extend my thanks to Professor Fergus Millar for looking at an earlier draft of this paper and drawing my attention to an article I did not know, to Markus Scholz for two important references and to Dr. Simon Price for a letter with very critical thoughts which did not cause me to change my interpretations, but which did make me reconsider them. Consequently I have tried to present them in a clearer form, taking into account some more possible objections. Many other students and university lecturers at the universities of Freiburg 1. Br., Oxford and Tübingen have helped me to gain background knowledge during my undergraduate studies, I have profitted from. I cannot list them here and confine myself to mentioning two: Prof. Dr. Heiko Steuer and Prof. Dr. Gerold Walser. I am grateful to the directors and the staff of the following museums, institutions and publishers for providing photographs or line illustrations for this publication or allowing me to reproduce them: Corbndge Roman Museum, Romisch-Germanische Kommission des Deutschen Archäologischen Institutes (Frankfurt a. M.), Hanauer Geschichtsverein, Museum Hanau, English Hertage (London), Revue Archeologique (Paris), Musee des Antiquites Nationales (Saint-Germain-en-Laye), Historisches Museum der Pfalz (Speyer) B. G. Teubner (Stuttgart), Konrad Theiss Verlag (Stuttgart), Rheinisches Landesmuseum Tner and Museum Wiesbaden. I would like to mention in particular the Kreis- und Stadtmuseum Dieburg: I am grateful to Mrs. Maria Porzenheim for giving me photos and allowing me to take photographs in the museum and to Mrs. Schanz for her help during my visit. Dr. Ingeborg Huld-Zetsche (Frankfurt a. M.) very kindly sent me prints of an illustration in her book about Mithras in Nida - Heddemheim (1986). I would like to thank Dr. John Shepherd and the Museum of London for providing me with new photographs of Mithraic objects from the Walbrook Mithraeum in London prior to their publication in Dr. John Shepherd's forthcoming final report of the excavation of this temple. Prof. Dr. Ernest Will (Paris) not only consented to the reproduction of the drawing of the Mithras relief from Strasbourg-Koenigshoffen, but was also so kind as to give me information about its reconstruction. I am grateful to Mr. Frank Haskew (Frank Haskew Photos Images of the British Landscape, Wineham) for making an unpublished photograph available to me.

INTRODUCTION

during the first two thirds of the fourth century and by the AD 360s was a thing of the past and also investigate the similar conclusion reached by Luther Martin (1989, 12): Following the progressive Christianization of the army and the imperial court after Constantine, the Mithraic "religion of loyalty" lost much of its raison d étre. By the time of Theodosius s prohibitions of paganism during the final decade of the fourth century. Mithraism was dead. Is this interpretation valid, and was Mithraism dying on its own in a changing social and political environment? And is it therefore perhaps the wrong question to ask to what extent Christians and barbarians are responsible?

The purpose of this study The aim of this book is to investigate how long Mithraea were in use and why and under what circumstances they were deserted, re-dedicated to another cult or destroyed. The indispensable background for understanding and interpreting the archaeological traces of iconoclasm and of destruction is the ideology of Christianity which formed the basis of the religious policy of Late Antiquity as well as of private acts of violence which finally dealt the deathblow to the mysteries of Mithras. After the Christians had gained imperial support, the

victims of persecution soon became persecutors’. The

Mithraism has been the object of almost innumerable investigations. I have little new to add to some aspects, relevant to my subject, such as to the similarities between Mithraism and Christianity, thanks to many excellent, fundamental works. The intention here, however, 1s not to write a volume focussed on "Some selected aspects...", but at least to try to reveal "the complete mosaic", without claiming that | have restored it myself. By showing "the complete mosaic" my purpose is to give an impression of the overall picture. This should not imply that I intend to scrutinize every tessera and to follow up all of the existing, specialist literature. Otherwise I had to devote most space to those subjects, on which a large amount of research has been done in the past. I will instead concentrate on aspects which have not been dealt with so mtensively [n regard to some exhaustively explored questions, I vive only summaries, and do not go into full detail; it is not is my mtention to consider every theory about the Mithras mysteries.

church's claim to absolute truth did not in any case allow toleration of pagan cults, but “heretical” denommations posed an even more dangerous threat to Catholicism because they prevented the restoration of the unity of the church and their largely identical traditions and the similarity of their doctrines made them dangerous rivals. As there were also close similarities between Mithraism and Christianity, it 1s often assumed that Christians started to attack Mithraic monuments earlier than other pagan sanctuaries and that Mithraism was the first pagan religion to be eliminated after the recognition of Christianity by the state. Whether this 1s true or not, 1s one of the questions I will investigate. Knowledge of the circumstances which led to the end of the worship of Mithras and of the other pagan deities is one of the pre-requisites to understanding why Christianıty became the dominant religion of the later Roman Empire. With regard to the determining influence of Christianity on the history of the Middle Ages and modem times there is no doubt whatever about the great significance in world history of these radical changes in Late Antiquity.

Given the large number of articles and books about Mithraism, one might ask whether there is any justification for producing another. The research results of the past are indeed impressive, but as for example the recent works of Manfred Clauss (especially 1992; 1990a) show, even in the reinterpretion of the existing evidence there is still great potential. Anyhow, in particular the written evidence and iconography has now

In this study the final phase of the history of Mithraism will be analysed as an example of the way in which paganism ended in the Roman Empire in general. The final phase of the history of Mithraism in the fourth century AD can only be understood against the background of its earlier history, especially m the third century. This is necessary in order to assess the extent to which Christians on the one hand or barbarians on the other were responsible for archaeologically proved destruction. It will evaluate the theory of Robert Turcan (1984, 222-223; compare 224-226) that maybe with the exception of the city of Rome Mithraism disappeared '

been

very well researched.

This

evidence,

however,

1s

not sufficient to illuminate the latest phase of the history of Mithraism in the north-west of the Roman Empire. Sacred works of art date mainly to the second or early third century. Only a few passages in fourth century literature refer to Mithraism, and they concern the Mediterranean area. Epigraphic testimonies of this period for the Mithras cult are extremely rare outside

Compare for example Noethlichs 1986: Chuvin 1991. Geffcken 1920.

4

It is obvious that a paper about such a widely defined

Italy; the latest in the area examined here dates to AD 325. Afterwards the history of this mystery cult north of the Alps is shrouded in complete darkness. Numerous coins prove human activities in some temples of the oriental god at least until the end of the century. Whether coins which are of course found in all kinds of non-religious contexts as well allow us to tell with any degree of certainty whether the building, they were found in continued to be a place of worship, is one of the questions, I will try to answer. Only these coins and some other mute testimonies may shed some light on the question of how the end overtook Mithraism, if it is possible to make them speak. The results of an investigation, in major parts based only on mute objects, discernible, but often undatable damage to religious monuments and analogies certainly do not always Satisfy, yet, this may be the only way to get a little bit closer to the truth.

subject cannot claim to be complete. Of fundamental importance 1s of course the dating evidence for use and destruction of Mithraic monuments. Ideally a study like this should discuss the dating of every single object of any type found within a Mithraeum and of every cult object, discovered anywhere between northem Britain and the north coast of the Mediterranean Sea. (It is doubtful whether even this would be sufficient since the geographic limitation of the study to only one part of the "Mithraic world" is artificial.) Such a mammoth task which a team of specialists could undoubtedly fulfill much better than an individual person, has not been attempted here, as it was clear from the beginning that such an investigation could not possibly be completed in the time available to me - 1 at all. As far as chronology is concerned only the epigraphic and numismatic evidence is more closely examined in separate chapters; but that is not because I am unaware of the importance of other datable objects. In particular the pottery would deserve a detailed study as independent dating evidence. The dating of several Mithraea discussed here depends on pottery, and a detailed investigation by specialists certainly would refine the chronological framework.

Geographic and thematic limits The study will concentrate on the north-westem provinces of the Roman Empire, the area of the dioeceses __ Britanniae, | Galliae and septem provinciarum. | have included the territories east of the Rhine which were until about the AD 260s a part of the

The numismatic dating evidence for the usage of Mithraea is hard to interpret without detailed comparison with other sanctuaries and with non-religious sites in the areas in question. This however would be a Sisyphean task, considermg that there are thousands of sites and millions of coins which have to be analysed if one wants to do more than select a few comparative examples. Some of the coin statistics presented here are therefore not much more than suggestions of possible starting points for further research. I am aware of the fact that their interpretation by no means reaches the bounds of possibility.

province Germania Superior’. As is known, there were

various changes in the provincial administration of the empire during the principate and in Late Antiquity. In particular Diocletian’s (AD 284-305) reforms which led to the subdivision of many old provinces, have to be noted. In my descriptions I attempt to keep to the provincial administration of the period, I am writing about. Therefore it will happen that I use different names for the area of the same province at different dates. Where I use the term "Gaul", I refer to the area of both late antique dioeceses, the late antique Germanic provinces west of the Rhine of course being included. To make my text more readable, I refrain from always giving both modem and ancient place names.

Even though this investigation about the end of paganism is centred on the Mithras cult, it is not a study exclusively about a smgle cult, and phenomena such as the destruction of religious monuments by barbarians or Christians or the abandonment of sanctuaries cannot be fully understood without comparing the fate of religious monuments of other pagan cults. In the way religious monuments perished, in the ideology which led to their destruction and in the general historical background there are more similarities than disparities between the fate of different cults in the Roman world. In fact a clear subdivision of the end of paganism in the Roman Empire

No part of the Roman Empire can be looked at m isolation from the rest. Mithraism was an eastem religion and important archaeological, epigraphic and literary testimonies for the Roman Mithras mysteries and their Asian roots come not only from all over the empire, but also from Armenia, Persia, India and central Asia. Therefore Mithraism in Gaul and Britain. cannot be investigated in isolation, but only m a broad geographical context. *

Compare to date and circumstances of the end of the Roman administration of these territories Nuber Bakker 1993.

5

1990 and 1993;

into the end of various individual cults is almost impossible Mithraism ts intentionally mentioned only in the subtitle of this monograph; I did not want to write a history of the end of Mithraism, but of paganism in general, and I have chosen Mithraism simply as an example for the phenomenon.

considered in this study,

it may,

however,

be useful to

present some evidence in tabular form. An even clearer form of presenting the evidence would be maps with symbols for material evidence which could indicate certain phenomena such as iconoclasm, arson, natural decay after peaceful abandonment, late use or reuse of temples etc: which temples contained completely undamaged stone monuments and which contained smashed sculpture? where do these remains show traces of fire or where are they associated with burnt layers? where does stratigraphy prove their post-abandonment deposition? in which sanctuaries were cult objects buried before the final abandonment? which temples contain stone monuments showing signs of weathering? what is the proportion of different votive objects damaged in a particular way in sanctuaries containing various types of cult objects, dedicated to different deities, and how do such percentages in different temples compare? what are the dates of the latest inscriptions, coins or pieces of pottery in different temples? is there evidence for Christian reuse of the building? - etc.

The structure of the book

Of course there would have been many different ways for structuring this paper. One could have ordered the evidence chronologically, geographically, by the type of finds and evidence discussed or by the methods of destruction etc. Inevitably each of these options gives only a limited perspective. Because of this, I have decided to combine several of them, risking blame that my paper has an illogical and perhaps confusing structure. I could have avoided this potential criticism by producing a neat catalogue in geographic order of everything I considered to be relevant to the subject. This would have been the most conventional method - and perhaps the easiest one as I could have based this on several excellent compilations of Mithraic monuments. No doubt, geographic catalogues will always be indispensable, and my partially unconventional perspectives are certainly not meant to replace, but perhaps to supplement them. As a result of this attempt to look at the problems from different perspectives, some overlap is unavoidable, and several aspects of the evidence are discussed repeatedly or alternatively mentioned only once despite the fact that they of equal importance for other chapters. The discussion of many sites had to be split between chapters, and in order not to lengthen and complicate the text considerably, cross-references have not always be given.

A bibliographic note The references are selective, and I do not always refer to the Corpus Inscriptionum et Monumentorum Religionis Mithriacae (CIMRM) by Maarten J. Vermaseren, the mdispensable compilation of Mithraic monuments all over the ancient world which comprises almost everything known until the late 1950s. Of course his descriptions could not always be as detailed as the original excavation reports and therefore often only the latter are cited. The same 15 true for the very helpful regional compilations of testimonies for Mithraism and other oriental cults: Harns/ Harris (1965) dealing with Britan, Schwertheım (1974) conceming the area of modern Germany, Walters (1974) on Gaul, the Germanic provinces excluded (but compare Wightman (1976) about a few errors, most of them very minor) and Turcan (1972) on the Rhone valley. All these books have a logical structure, and it is easy to find further information about most Mithraic monuments mentioned in this article. An extremely valuable bibliography about Mithraic inscriptions (and much other useful information) all over the Roman Empire 1s to be found in Clauss (1992). All the evidence for each province is listed under single sites, with maps facilitating the orientation.

The possible testimonies for the end of the worship of Mithras, damage to monuments which could indicate destruction as well as finds which may attest religious activities in Late Antiquity, are numerous, but their significance for the subject m the majority of cases 1s disputable: Most antique stone monuments for example are somehow damaged today, but in particular for the single object out of context it is very often hard to say whether or not this is a result of deliberate destruction and in what circumstances it occured. Therefore this book does not contain a catalogue, and a clear distinction between the presentation of the evidence and its interpretation has not been regarded as useful.

A number of Mithraea have been excavated in recent years and decades and for many of them only preliminary reports are available to date. The full

For future investigations on the end of paganism, including a larger number of sanctuaries than those 6

publication of several of these excavations is in preparation. Dr. John Shepherd’s report about the Walbrook Mithraeum in London, for example, will appear very soon, illuminating the late history of the temple and probably largely replacing tts description in this paper and in the various brief articles about the Mithraeum published so far. There are many good general introductions to Mithraism. I confine myself here to mentioning two recent works: Manfred Clauss (19902) has written a comprehensive, up-to-date book, particularly valuable because it gives more attention to the epigraphic evidence and to small finds from Mithraea than most other introductions. Reinhold Merkelbach's (1984) very detailed account contains a large amount of important information though I share the reservations of Manfred Clauss (1990a, 138) about his unconventional interpretations of Mithraic works of art.

MITHRAISM. A BRIEF DUCTION TO THE CULT

INTRO-

Mithraism, the religion, the rituals and the iconography of the religious art 1s not the subject of this paper, in which this particular religion has only been chosen to demonstrate the end of paganism in general. Therefore a long introduction. would not be justified, but wherever important m the text, I try to include the relevant details about the cult. No investigation, however, can start with the end of a religion without devoting at least a few lines to define what actually came to an end. (For detailed introductions compare the previous chapter.) The god Mithras was already worshipped centuries before the Roman Empire came into being, in India, Persia, various parts of Asia Minor and neighbouring areas in south-western Asia. Mithraism as a mystery cult however did not exist yet - at least there 1s no proof that it did. Secret ceremonies are mentioned for the time of Pompey's campaign against the pirates in the Mediterranean in 67 BC. Plutarch (Pomp. 24, 5) who reports on these secret mysteries, but who 15 of course writing much later, traces the Roman Mithras mysteries back to ceremonies, conducted by some of the pirates at Olympos in Lycia which by the way was famous for a rare natural phenomenon nearby, the Chimaera, a perpetual fire fed with gas where Hephaistos was worshipped. The first testimonies of the Roman Mithras mysteries are dated to the late first/ early second

century AD. (The dating of a few of them is insecure’, *

but this cannot be followed up in a study about the end of Mithraism.) The gap between 67 BC and the first certam Roman testimonies 1s of course extremely long, and it has been doubted that the passage by Plutarch has any significance at all for the problem of the origin of the Roman Mithras mysteries (Clauss 1990a, 14-15). Certainly we do not have to take Plutarch's report at face value. Nobody knows whether there ever was some kind of secret worship of Mithras in Olympos at this time, and even if did take place, it may have been only one place among several others. The

question

is allowable,

however,

whether

we

have

any certamty at all and whether the existing evidence allows a solution to the disputed question of the age and ongm of the Mithras mysteries. It 1s obvious that the first Mithraea, Mithraic dedications and works of art indicate major changes. But the nature of these changes is m my view uncertain. The crucial question is whether the absence of Mithraıc monuments and written

evidence about the

secret

religion

existence

(apart

proves

that the

Mithras mysteries did not yet exist. (A question which 1s related to the one more intensively discussed here whether the end of the production of cult objects allows the conclusion that Mithraism immediately came to an end.) It might be that the first Mithraic monuments indicate the creation of the Roman form of Mithraic worship, but alternatively one could assume that we trace the time when a small minority cult began to spread more rapidly. Another potential explanation is that there were several important transformations in the development of the Roman Mithras cult, and it was only after the last one that the secret religion has left a distinctive physical manifestation to archaeology. What would we know about Christianity m the first and second centuries AD if we depended entirely on archaeological evidence? It was not only persecution which prevented early Christians from leavmg much evidence

for their

from

literature,

as

Christians did not want to keep their doctrines secret, but to disseminate them); there was also a strong reluctance to depict Biblical scenes (Kollwitz 1954); and yet only a few centuries later most European art is Christian art. The crucifixion of Christ, never depicted in the first centuries AD, became later in a certain sense a stereotyped depiction. It 1s nowadays as central in every church, as the bull-slayıng scene (the killing of the bull is the act of salvation in the Mithras cult; compare p. 77) probably was central in every Mithraeum. In the Greek and Roman world it was normal to depict derties frequently, and cult images had a central function in

Prof. Dr. Hans Ulrich Nuber has kindly drawn my attention to some of them.

almost any religious cult. The veneration of Mithras has Its origins in a different cultural environment (compare Thieme 1960, 316-317). If one considers that the earliest testumony for the veneration of Mithras dates to the fourteenth century BC and that his worship is probably far older, and if one takes into account the enormous extension of the termtories where his veneration had long been established, from Anatolia to the Indian subcontinent, the archaeological evidence for his worship in the pre-Christian period is extremely meagre (compare for example Ries 1990). Perhaps tt 1s no coincidence that the most impressive amongst these testimonies come from a strongly hellenized, small kingdom, from Commagene m south-east Anatolia. The question whether the Mithras mysteries and image-worship within. the Roman Mithras mysteries were created at once or came into being as a result of succesive developments has to be left open. Despite other theories, we cannot tell with certainty where, when and how exactly the Roman Mithras mysteries came into being, but it is beyond doubt that they retained many traditional oriental aspects of a god who was essentially oriental, transforming some elements and adding others. I cannot attempt here, however, to do justice to the existing theories about the ongins of Mithraism, not even to a fraction of them. It 1s not the purpose of this introduction to go into details about the tradition of particular Mithraic believes and rituals, but to describe briefly Mithras and his cult in the Roman world and the preconditions for its success. Chnistianity (despite the persecutions) and Mithraism both profited from the existence of the Roman Empire: The unification of a gigantic territory and a multitude of cultures, political and social unities, from former Hellenistic kingdoms in the east to tnbal societies m the north-west, in a single state and the construction of a dense road network made the movement

of individuals,

trade and communication easier than ever before in history. As a result of this, m common with our own period of history with its. highly developed communication systems, it was not only persons and goods, but also ideas that travelled. The old religions certainly persisted, but they were partially transformed and supplemented by new cults, as in modern Europe religions of Asian orıgm and without a long previous European tradition, are spreading, some of them very popular with people of non-European descent, others becoming very popular with people of native European descent. Similarly the Roman imperial period was a time *

Merkelbach

when oriental cults, such as Mithraism and Christianity could spread widely. Certainly the attitude of the provincials towards the new religions differed from area to area. There were parts of the empire where Mithraism was never very popular, as in Greece for example. Just as today in European states and in contrast to Christian

medieval society, the government did normally not interfere in private religion; Christianity and later also Manichaeism were exceptions. As long as a cult was not regarded as a danger to the state or involved practices which were against Roman law and values such as human sacrifices, everybody could make his or her individual choice. Even the secret gatherings of votaries of non-public cults which potentially could have been cause for concern, were permitted. Mithraism had a great deal to offer which will be described in more detail m the chapter dealing with "The Christian attitude towards Mithraism and the similarities between the two religions", such as the certainty of having a personal saviour god at one's side, a moral orientation, community life, the promise of an afterlife etc. (Certainly various oriental religions profited from the fact that there were pessimistic and sinister conceptions of the afterlife prevalent in the classical world.) The votaries, only men (women were excluded), met in small sanctuaries which could be natural caves,

but were much more often just buildings, symbolizing caves, frequently partially underground and always lighted artificially. The cave represented the whole cosmos. Depictions of the deeds of Mithras adorned the sanctuaries. The central relief or painting commemorated the myth of how Mithras caught and killed the divine bull, the act of creation and salvation. Often the bull slaying scene (tauroctony) was framed by a cycle of pictures, illuminating other central events in the life of the divine saviour, many of whom were also shown on separate stone monuments. Frequently depicted are his rockbirth, the arduous capture of the divine bull which he later killed, the holy meal he took with the sun-god Sol to commemorate the death of the bull and the creation of life, and how

Sol took him on

his sun chariot, probably symbolizing his ascension after fulfilment of his divine task. The sun-god Sol, the moon goddess Luna, the signs of the zodiac, astral symbols and the wind gods embellish the depictions of the omnipotent creator god. There is literary evidence for the deeper meaning or later interpretation of these symbols, but with regard to the complexity of this

subject, a short summary would not do justice to it‘. Mithras was companion to the sun-god Sol, but he was

1984, 193-244 provides an excellent account of the existing testimonies. Weiß

1994, 40-44 discusses further

also the invincible sun-god himself: deus Sol invictus Mithras. His oriental dress and the Phrygian cap which he retains thousands of kilometres away from his home countries, reveals his origin. When he kills the bull, two similarly dressed figures are standing at his sides, the torch-bearers Cautes, holding a torch upwards and Cautopates, holding a torch downwards, probably symbolizing the rising and the setting sun, east and west, fire buming up and buming down and life and death and as a whole perhaps the creation of life out of death by the sun-god Mithras whose power extends over the whole world, m east and west likewise. Mithraism was

not an exclusive cult, monuments of many other deities, classical, mdigenous and oriental, have been found m Mithraea, some classical deities are even depicted on Mithraic monuments. We will never know in detail what a Mithraic service was like. Votaries were not allowed to reveal the secrets of the mysteries to anybody who was not mitiated in the cult, and though information certainly leaked out since we can be sure that there were converts from Mithraism to Christianity, the. votaries and other people who were informed about the cult, took many secrets with them to the grave. There were seven grades in Mithraism. It 1s disputed whether all votaries belonged to a grade or only

the "priests".

It certainly required

sincere religious

dedication to withstand the initiation trials and to rise m the sacral hierarchy and possibly also the preparedness and ability to pay for the ceremonies as was certainly the case in the Isis cult (Apul. met. 11, 21-30). The lowest grade was that of the raven (corax) the others

were (in rising hierarchical order) the nymphus?, the

°

soldier (miles), the lion (/eo), the Persian (perses), the

sun-runner' (heliodromus) and the father (pater). The

pater or the pater patrum, "father of the fathers", was the leader of the local community.

During the services which included communal meals, the votaries could lie on two long benches opposite to each other at the long sides of the sanctuaries. The burning of fragrant substances, such as pine cones and certainly incense, sound and m particular lighting effects, for example the illumination from behind of a radiate crown or a crescent moon, cut through the stone of a monument, gave the ceremonies a solemn atmosphere. These rituals, though of course not all of them were specifically Mithraic, without doubt made a deep impression on people. That there certamly was often a lack of entertainment, let alone the overstimulation, characteristic of that of city life at the end of the twentieth century should not be forgotten either. But I certamly do not want to imply that Mithraism was simply entertainment; it was a religion which fulfilled mental, social and spiritual needs, and that combination was the reason for its success. This paper however is not about the success of the Mithras cult, it starts m a time when its heyday was over or, to put it more clearely, when despite a presumable long persistency in their faith, life was becoming more difficult for Mithraists, and when destruction and decline began to become a serious problem, at times dominating the history of the cult and of paganism m general.

modern theories which cannot be investigated here, in a study about the end of Mithraism. She is certainly right in stressing the importance and persistence of the eastern traditions in the Roman Mithras cult, very obvious in various written testimonies and in iconography. These traditions were without doubt central in the religion and not restricted to appearances, despite all the astrological and philosophical elements, integrated in the mystery cult. Clauss 1990b; 1992, 275-279: compare 263 and 1990a, 138-147 interprets the Mithraic grades as priestly grades, contrary to Merkelbach 1984, 77-133 and 1990; Gordon 1994b, 465-467.

° It is impossible to translate this term: Gordon 1980, 48-53. Gordon 19943, 110-113 discusses the meaning.

CHRONOLOGY PRETATION OF EVIDENCE THE EPIGRAPHIC

AND THE

INTERDATING

EVIDENCE

The third century crisis The bulk of the more closely datable dedications to Mithras in Britam, Gaul and the Germanic provinces run from the middle of the second century AD until the first third of the third century AD with a particular concentration in the time of the Severan dynasty (AD 193/ 197-235). This is hardly surprismg as the Same pattern would apply more or less to the dedications to almost any other pagan deity im this area. More inscriptions from the Roman Empire are known from the end of the second and the first decades of the third century AD than for any other period of Roman history of comparable length (Mrozek 1973). After the end of the Severan period the number of personal dedications dropped markedly. Interesungly in. Britain there was a gradual decrease in religious inscriptions on stone even though Britain was obviously less affected by civil wars and hostile incursions than other frontier zones of the Roman Empire such as the Germanic provinces (Frere, 1987, 172-176). It is also interesting to compare the decreasing number of personal inscriptions im Britam with the considerably rising number of the milestones of this period. (I have compiled this information m the diagram on p. 20). Milestones of course were public monuments. They often cluster in short reigns or after the accession of a new emperor, the latter can be clearly demonstrated at least for Constantine I. (AD 306-337). The frequency of milestones durmg the third century crisis and later therefore hardly reflects the extent of roadworks, but the need to express the "correct" political attitude, vital in unstable times. (It 1s indicative of the nature of these monuments that they disappear for ever from the dioecesis probably during the rule of Constantine I., whose sovereignty over this part of the empire was unchallenged for more than three decades; between AD 235 and AD 306 no emperor had been in >

control of Britain for more than about ten years, but the reign of most of them had been much shorter.) We do not know how the literacy rate developed, but in any case neither literacy nor the fashion of putting up stone inscniptions disappeared at once. The negative correlation between milestones and votive inscriptions in the third and early fourth century supports an economic explanation for the decreasing number of dedications, especially of civilian non-communal dedications, which certainly had an important psychological component also as we will see. The latest dated dedication to Mithras in northem Britain was set up AD 252 in Housesteads (RIB 1600 = CIL VII 646 = CIMRM I no. 863). This inscription. was dedicated by a centurio. Interestingly almost every datable dedication to any deity of this period m Britain was dedicated by members of the army or whole military units. Manfred Clauss has shown that in no other province of the Roman Empire was such a large proportion of the inscriptions of the Mithras cult (not only of the late ones) dedicated by soldiers: 83 % in Britain. (The average for the whole of the empire is

10.6 %)°. However, one has to be aware of the fact that

in general in Britain. members of the army are over-represented m the epigraphic record, even during

the earlier imperial period". But all certain Mithraea

excavated in Britam with only one exception are in the military zone (Harris/ Harris 1965, 1-54). In view of the distribution of Mithraic stone monuments and other votive objects (Harris/ Harris 1965, 38-50) it is clear that there were certainly Mithraea m some major town in Britam, but the identification of some buildings as Mithraea is doubtful (Harrs/ Harris 1965, 1-2). Probably an excavated building m Leicester can be identified as a Mithraeum and possibly another m Colchester as well (compare the list below 82 no. 5-6). Interestingly there are no third century inscriptions attesting the cult of Mithras which can be securely dated to the period after AD 236 from Gaul and the Germanic

provinces!?. One inscription (fig. 1a-b) from Frankfurt a. M.-Heddemheim'! has often been dated to AD 245, but

only a few letters of the names of the consuls are preserved: (lines 2-4:) [— — —PA] i //[ippo er] Ti/[tiano]

Clauss 1992, 267-268 with no. 12; compare Henig 1984b, 242. As early as 1943 Richmond 1943a, 7-8 points out that most of the British evidence for the Mithras mysteries is connected with the army.

> Mann 1985; Jones/ Mattingly 1990, 152 map 5: 10; 153.

0 CIMRM II no. 1243 = Ann. Épigr. 1923, 34 = Schwertheim 1974 no. 108 c. Compare Lehner 1924, 86 no. 245 about CIL XIII 7794. dating to AD 242 from Remagen, a dedication to Mithras, Deo S(oli) i(nvicto) M(ithrae) or (more probably) to Silvanus, Deo Sil[vano] - compare Schwertheim 1974, 256; Klein 1892, 216-218. ! CIL XIII 7370 = CIMRM II no. 1102 and Schwertheim 1974 no. 59 s (both erroneously aedilis/ c(oloniae) T(aunensium) instead of c(ivitatis) T(aunensium)) = Huld-Zetsche 1986, 89 no. 58 (correctly).

10

co(n)s(ulibus). This restoration does not entirely convince, especially since the letter I in line 2 is not certain, and one has to agree with the emphasis put on the fact that this restoration is just tentative, in CIL XIII

7370'*. Only the front of this altar, which was not found

inside

a

Mithraeum,

bears

a

certam

dedication

north of the Alps (outside Gaul) respect: Linz, which according to excavator Paul Kamitsch (1956, not founded before the reign of 275-276)'*.

is remarkable in this the description of the 194; 197: 207), was emperor Tacitus (AD

to

Mithras, whereas the dated inscription 1s incised on the side, but it 1s obviously by the same hand and therefore

probably contemporary’.

One further inscription (Garbsch 1985, 396-397) from outside the area investigated in this study 1s remarkable as It is the only certain epigraphic testimony for the worship of Mithras north of the Alps during the second half of the third century AD except the inscription from Housesteads: It was discovered during the excavation of the Mithraeum of Mühlthal near Pfaffenhofen am Inn (Pons Aen in Noricum) and 15 dated to AD 258. As Geza Alfoldy (1989) has convincingly shown, the decreasing number of personal dedications to oriental and indigenous deities 1s due to the severe crisis of the third century rather than to a breakaway of the people from their gods, and I am not convinced by the theory that the cult of Mithras was already on the wane during the reign of Elagabalus (AD 218-222), put forward by Gaston H. Halsberghe (1972, 121; compare 103; 122). The impact of economic, psychological and potential demographic changes during the third and fourth centuries on the material evidence which does not tell much about what was going on inside religious humans in hard times, will be discussed below.

Despite the lack of precisely datable inscriptions there 1s other evidence to show that the votaries of Mithras did not tum their backs on the god from whom they expected salvation. Even new Mithraea were founded at this time, as it seems likely for the temple of Mithras in London, probably constructed in the AD 240s (Grimes 1986, 1; Merrifield 1983, 183). Another Mithraeum

A fragmentary inscription on a white marble plaque (fig. 2) from the Mithraeum from Wiesbaden which

cannot be dated exactly is also of great interest in

respect to the history of Mithraism during the third century crisis or later. This inscription probably refers to a restoration of the Mithraeum: [— resti]tuereq u [6 —-] There is a plural subject: [-— a]rbitremu[r ---], "(as?) we believe"(?). The restoration was made necessary as a result of neglect through time, [—tem]poris negleg|entia —] and certam hostile activities which led to the destruction of the temple: [— hos]tium ita disilectum —]. Thanks to the vigilance of both... of our emperors(?), excub(iys utri[usque ---/ — im] p (eratoris) nostri (?), the protection and safety was now again guaranteed: in tut[elam -—/ --- et i]n securita [tem ---]. Traditionally the Mithraeum 15 thought to have been abandoned around AD 260 though there are later finds which however could be explained as lost or perhaps partially as deposited or washed in with sediments after the Mithraeum had been dismantled to obtain building stone for the Heidenmauer (compare p. 21; 38), a defensive wall probably constructed under Valentinian I. (AD 364-375). In this case the inscription seems to prove that as early as the middle decades of the third century (or even earlier?) the votaries of Mithras in the frontier zone had entered on hard times. Unlike most other places beyond the Rhine Wiesbaden, however, was part of the late antique empire. Could rt be that not only the famous spa town close to the provincial capital and legionary fortress in Mainz, but also the temple saw a

revival? The reign of Diocletian (AD 284/ 285-305) is a period when all over the empire quite a large number of inscriptions record the restoration of important military and public civil installations and unusally often

I? But it might be the right restoration if IL in line 2 is correct. Checking Degrassi 1952, I could not find a more convincing solution. For a probably even later dedication to an oriental deity, Jupiter Heliopolitanus, east of the Rhine (AD 249 if the restoration is correct as seems likely) see Schwertheim 1974 no. 122 = CIL XIII 6658. 13 Habel 1830, 196; pl. VII 9; Huld-Zetsche 1986, 89 no. 58; the letter S has the same unusual shape on both sides on the altar.

^ Compare Eckhart 1966; Schón, 1988, 120-129 no. 144-150.

5 Czysz 1994, 143-144; Ritterling 1916/ 1917, 242-244; CIL XIII 7571 a = Schwertheim 1974 no. 86 f. Possibly (if this uncertain restoration is correct) the inscription dates to the joint rule of two emperors: excubi(i)s utri[usque --/ --im]p(eratoris) nostri (?). There is an inscription from this Mithraeum which dates to AD 218 (Schwertheim 1974, no. 86 c = CIL XIII 7570 c; compare Schwertheim 1974, no. 86 d = CIL XIII 7570 b and Schwertheim 1974, no. 86 e = CIL XIII 7570 a, two altars, dedicated under the same pater) during the rule of Macrinus. It would be surprising, however, if Macrinus and his son Diadumenianus were the two emperors mentioned in the inscription discussed here. One would rather expect a later date. Interestingly it is the only inscription on marble; the other inscriptions from the sanctuary were incised on sandstone and limestone altars. Compare the text p. 15-17.

emphasize in what bad state of repair they had been and that they had been in disuse for a long time. We will see that beside other temples many Mithraea also benefitted from this "renaissance" under Diocletian and during the first years after his abdication. Without doubt the Roman hold on power was consolidated along the Rhine frontier under Diocletian and his co-emperors. The exceptionally high percentage of the generally rare Tetrarchic coinage in. Wiesbaden may well indicate

renewed activities in the spa town beyond the Rhine’®. It

Is not certain that the inscription is that late, but it 1s a possibility which perhaps should not be ruled out. The question whether the temple was abandoned forever not later than in the AD 260s or not, will be taken up below in this chapter and in the discussion of the numismatic evidence (p. 15-17; 21-22). Less descriptive than the inscription from Wiesbaden 1s

in the RIB I) and there is not enough space for a longer abbreviation or the epithet in full.) One has to agree that the chances that it was a dedication to Cybele, using the abbreviation [M(atri) d(eum)] m(agnae) or a similar

one, are slim'”. Even if I am right in suggesting that the

inscription is (probably) Mithraic, it can hardly refer to the Walbrook Mithraeum which is c. 700 m away from the findspot of the reused inscription, but to another undiscovered temple in its closer vicinity. I am not aware of evidence for any collapse of the Walbrook Mithraeum before c. AD 255-270 which in any case one perhaps would not have described as being the result of the age of the sanctuary constructed only in the AD 240s. Two

Possibly Mithraic is an inscription, reused in the riverside wall m London, built c. AD 255-270 (compare p. 38 for the dating and the question whether this altar may have been reused later) which reports the reconstruction of an old collapsed temple. Though the

scholars

who

published

it

consider

among

other

possibilities a reconstruction of the first line of the inscription to [D(eo) i(nvicto)| M(ithrae), they prefer [/(ovi) o(ptimo)] m(aximo). The abbreviation IOM 1s on altars certainly much more frequent than the abbreviation DIM, but I do not know of any certam epigraphic testimony for a temple dedicated solely to Jupiter optimus maximus in Britain and regard it as more likely that this inscription is indeed Mithraic. A dedication to the Syrian god Jupiter Dolichenus, /(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo) D(olicheno), would be a different matter, but the abbreviation of the epithet D 1s missing in line 1, in line 2 one would not expect such a short abbreviation (compare the other Dolichenus dedications

as

from evidence

Raetia. for

and

Noricum

abandonment

and

restoration of Mithraea

an inscription from Murrhardt!', a vicus adjacent to a

fort which was occupied from the 150s and under Roman control until about the 260s. It commemorates the restoration. of an otherwise unknown temple of Mithras from ground level. But it is impossible to say whether this restoration had similar causes as that m Wiesbaden, 1.e. hostile activities or neglect, or whether it was due to structural decay of the old temple or to an enlargement.

inscriptions

Mediterraneum

Christians are certainly not responsible for every archaeologically traceable destruction or for the desertion or neglect of old sanctuarıes. To provide a fuller picture, it may be allowable to include two inscriptions from outside Britain and Gaul, but from the Alpine area and north of it: from Virunum and from Zwiefalten. The mscription from Zwiefalten m Raetia records the complete restoration of a temple of Sol Invictus (CIL III 5862 = CIMRM II no. 1397) by the p(raeses) of this province, a v(ir) p(erfectissimus). One can never be sure that a dedication to Sol Invictus 1s Mithraic, unless the findspot or religious image support it (Clauss 1992, 280-283) which 15 not the case in Zwnefalten. The statistical chances however that it refers indeed to a Mithraeum are far too high to justify an exclusion from this discussion. If the mscription is Mithraic ıt would be tempting to date it to the late third or to the early fourth century when there are several other dedications by governors to Mithras. It is mteresting that the dedicator refers to his recovery which reveals a personal relationship to the god. The fact that the dedicator was a non-senatorial praeses, bearing the same, very common, nomen gentile (Valenus) as the emperor Diocletian (AD 284/ 285-305), does not, however, exclude with certainty the possibilty that the inscription could be earlier. (Àn inscription from Augsburg of AD 260 was set up by a v(ir) p(erfectissimus) a(gens) v(ices) pf(raesidis):

δ See the coin lists and diagrams. compiled by Stribmy 1989, especially 377 fig. 7; 378-379; 442 tab. 4. Compare Czysz 1994, 216-217. 17. CIL XIII 6530 = CIMRM II no. 1297 = Schwertheim 1974 no. 156. | 5 Wright/ Hassall/ Tomlin 1976, 378 no. 1; Hassall 1980, 195-196 no. 1; compare Ann. Epigr. 1976, 362. ? See Vermaseren 1986, 167 no. 486-171 no. 500 who lists the rare evidence for the cult in Britain.

12

Bakker 1993, 375.) The inscription from Zwiefalten is

usually dated to the late third/ early fourth century”.

This is not certam, solution, disregarding whether the inscription in Zwiefalten or if it

but it is the most convincing the findspot. It is disputed refers to a restoration of a temple was transported to the medieval

monastery only several hundred years ago”. In the first case it would be the only certain testimony to indicate that this area beyond the late antique military border was still (or agam) dominated by Roman culture and under firm control in the late third/ early fourth century. Such an interpretation, however, is unlikely as it is not only based upon too many uncertainties but also because Zwiefalten is not a place where one would normally expect such a temple restoration by the governor of the province whose residence was in Augsburg. The inscription does not state the reasons for the complete rebuilding; it was not necessarily a result ofa destruction by the Alamanni (Unruh 1993, 251-252). An inscription from Virunum in Noricum Mediterraneum tells us that in AD 311 a Mithraeum which had been abandoned for over fifty years was restored by the praeses of this province (CIL III 4796 = CIMRM II no. 1431). The restoration of a temple or temples of Mithras in Virunum 15 also proved for c. AD 183 and for AD 239 (Piccottmi 1994). In the late third and the early fourth century the cult of Sol Invictus as well as the cult of the sun-god Mithras were supported by several emperors. (Manfred Clauss (1992, 258-259) compiles remarkable inscriptions of the late third/ early fourth century, several among them by high officials.) Well known for example is an inscription (CIL III 4413 = CIMRM II no. 1698), recording the restoration of a temple of Mithras, described as the patron of their empire, fautor imperii Sul, by the religiosissimi Augusti et Caesares on the occasion of the imperial conference in Camuntum in AD 308. Therefore it was perhaps just an act of loyalty to restore the temple of Mithras in Virunum, which belonged m AD 311 to the territory of Licinius (AD 308-324). That one Mithraeum was abandoned for over fifty years should not be over-interpreted anyway. Even in the time when the Mithras cult flourished in every respect, at the

end of the second and the beginning of the third century Mithraea were deserted, the Mithraeum of Krefeld-Gellep obviously already in the second half of the second century (Pirling 1986a, 244-245; Pırling 1986b, 33). The fourth Mithraeum of Frankfurt a. M.-Heddernheim was abandoned when in about AD 210 a defensive wall was built around the settlement. One edge of the sanctuary was on the line of the inner ditch of the wall^. Unlike several indigenous cults there were no holy places in the worship of Mithras. A Mithraeum was not an inaccessible house of the god, but a meeting place for the Mithraic congregation. As the position of the temples of this eastern religion did not depend on local religious traditions, Mithraea could be abandoned and re-erected somewhere else. The desertion of single sanctuaries therefore does not indicate necessarily a dwindling popularity of Mithras during the third century. Throughout history times of war and severe economic hardship are often periods of intensive religiosity but hardly ever periods of extraordinary religious donation at temples. The last epigraphic testimonies in Late Antiquity After half a century without any exactly datable inscriptions found in the north-western provinces of the Empire, attesting the cult of Mithras, there are again testimonies in the first quarter of the fourth century AD. But in fact in the area between the Rhine, the western Alps, the Pyrenees, the Atlantic and the northern frontier of the Roman Empire in Britain. the cult of Mithras is epigraphically attested only at two, three or four places in this century: m the Mithraeum of London (Londinium) in the province of Maxima Caesaniensis andin the Mithraeum of Neustadt a. d. W -Gimmeldingen in Germania I and possibly in the Mithras temple in. Martigny (Octodurus) in the Alpes Graiae et Poeninae. There may be a fourth example in Wiesbaden (Aquae Mattiacorum) in Germania I, but I should stress that my proposal here 1s hypothetical and the dating of this inscription demands further consideration. In the Martigny Mithraeum a certain P(ublius) Acilius Theodorus, a provincial governor, according to Francois

Wiblé^ of the late third or early fourth century, has

tl UJ

Ὁ Unruh 1993, 251 with no. 66; Winkler 1971, 88-91; PLRE I 948 s. v. Valerius Venustus 4; Lambertz 1955; PIR (1898) V 151; Schwertheim 1974 no. 183; but compare also Thomasson 1984, 81 no. 15. 36. ^ Unruh 1993, 251-252; Dietz 1985, 101; Haug/ Sixt 1914, 47-48 no. 17; compare Memminger 1827, 23; Memminger 1825, 17-18. ^ Huld-Zetsche 1986, 39: 45 fig. 27; Woelcke 1929, 76: Schwertheim 1974 no. 62: compare no. 117: theory about the possible abandonment of the second Mithraeum in Stockstadt a. M. AD 210/ 211 - compare below p. 63. Wiblé 1995, 10-12, but compare the different dating on p. 12 fig. 20.

dedicated an altar to all gods and goddesses; Mithras might have been mentioned in the uppermost part of the inscription which is not preserved. Almost certainly Theodoros who dedicated a beaker with a Greek graffito

to the sun god, des Ἡλζίλλίῳ, is identical with him. If

the dating is correct, this would be another testimony for the frequent involvement of governors in the Tetrarchic period in the Mithras mysteries. (It is worth noting that there is also an altar, dedicated by a second provincial governor to Jupiter optimus maximus and recording a complete reconstruction of a temple, from the same Mithraeum, but 1s has been painted over and therefore was probably only reused.)

In the Walbrook Mithraeum, London the right side of a marble dedication slab (fig. 3) has been preserved, later broken and reused to raise the floor level of the

sanctuary^. The first line of this inscription provides the

dating: [- - -JVGGGQJ/ [- - -]. It is hard to think of any other sensible interpretation of this line than of the

abbreviation for four Augusti^: [--- A] u 2ggg(ustorum).

The V was sometimes not recognized, but it is obvious

that this thin (only 2 — Zinches = c. 16-19 mm thick)

marble plaque broke exactly where letters were incised (V in the first line, I in the third line and E in the fifth line: Harris/ Harris 1965, 13 no. 3). Theoretically the last G could be the beginning of a name or a word in the second line such as Genius, G/[enio —]. But it is rather unlikely that in a carefully made inscription a word would start with the last letter of one line. Before AD 307 there 1s no example of four Augusti being officially recognized in Britain at the same time, unless Diocletian and Maximianus Herculius are mentioned as seniores 24

27

28

3]

1s, to

my

knowledge,

the

latest

internally

dated

dedication to any deity found in Roman Britain and the only one after the reign of the emperor Probus

(AD 276-282)". It is worth mentioning that only one

votive inscription after AD 235 was certainly set up by civilians, significantly enough it was a communal dedication which did not omit to express devotion to the

emperor Gordian III. (AD 238-244)^. The findspot of

the dedication of the inscription. from London whose dedicator or dedicators are unknown, ıs therefore quite extraordinary, because it is not m the main a military area even though there were soldiers stationed in

London”. Of course there are later dedications on cult objects like spoons and probably also on lead tablets, but

they cannot be dated exactly". The British provinces

were amongst the first in the empire where stone inscriptions or at least the giving of the consuls or emperors went out of fashion (compare table p. 18-19 and the diagram on p. 20). The latest stone inscriptions which are known from Roman Britain are milestones. No milestone can be dated to after AD 340. As the milestones

of

Constantine I.

(AD

306-337),

Licinius

(AD 308-324), Crispus (AD 317-326) and Constantine II. (AD 317-340) do not give their full imperial titles and powers, it is not even possible to say whether any of these milestones was set after AD 317. In other parts of the Empire such as Italy and Africa milestones and other inscriptions even of the second half of the fourth century are quite frequent, but they even occur rarely in northern

Gaul”. The lack of any exactly dated inscriptions of the

1968,

117.

The

inscription

is certainly

Mithraic:

compare

the text with

Vermaseren/

Van

Essen

1965,

155;

179-184. Birley 1986, 84 doubts this interpretation, but compare also Fishwick 1994, especially 127-128; Mann 1991, 173. The case is most likely to be genetive, but the nominative, dative or ablative are also conceivable. Rightly Merrifield 1983, 208. For the imperial chronology compare Kienast 1990, 260-299 and RIC VI: AD 307-308: Constantine L, Galerius, Maxentius and Maximianus; AD 308-310: Licinius instead of Maximianus; AD 310-311: Maximinus Daia instead of Maxentius, no longer recognized by Constantine I. Compare Appendix 1: Further fourth century pagan dedications in Britain? Stone inscriptions from Cirencester and Bath and an inscription on a mosaic floor in Lydney. RIB 899. It is notable in this context that there is a gravestone of AD 258 from Tarrant Hinton (Hassall/ Tomlin 1981); the restoration of the gravestone RIB 1255, thought to be of AD 278, is very uncertain. An inscription recording the restoration of a temple of Isis on the orders of the /egatus Augustorum pro praetore, reused 1n the riverside wall of London,

29

This

RIB 4 = Ann. Epigr. 1956, 115 = Wright 1955, 145 no. 2; Harris/ Harris 1965, 12-13; Merrifield 1983, 212-213; compare Grimes

26

Augusti AD 305-306. More likely is a date between AD 307 and 311^.

cannot be dated closely (Birley

1981b,

176-178

about

Wright/ Hassall/ Tomlin

1976,

378-379

no.

2; Hassall

1980, 196-198 no. 2). see Henig 1984b, 242 and Richmond 1943a, 7 about RIB 3. Concerning late inscriptions on spoons and other precious metal objects I confine myself to mentioning the latest discovery: The Hoxne treasure (Bland/ Johns 1993, 29-30; Hassall/ Tomlin 1994, 306-308 no. 41-88; compare 313, another late Christian inscription from Risley Park). The chronology of the lead tablets is quite imprecise (Tomlin 1988; Tomlin/ Woodward 1993; Britannia passim). Inscriptions on lead sealings and on tiles are not considered here. CIL XVII/ 2, especially p. 274; beside milestones there are some late building inscriptions, for example RIB 1912 (compare Donaldson 1990) from Birdoswald (c. AD 296-305: for the dating compare Casey 1994, 43-45, 145; Birley 1981b, 200-201. The dating of RIB 1613 is uncertain).

14

later fourth century cannot be explamed by the comparatively low number of Roman stone inscriptions in Britain in general. Compared with the Mediterranean late stone inscriptions must have been extremely rare or

totally absent".

both, the dedications

307-311, a generation or more (25-35

years) after the second-latest pagan dedication in Britain, we know, and a lifetime after the latest votive inscriptions on stone from southem Britain. Is tt therefore testimony to a surviving or a "reimported" custom? It may be noted that it 1s to my knowledge the only Mithraic inscription from Britain. which is incised on a marble panel (which had, however, been reused: Harrıs/ Harris 1965, 13). The Mithraeum from London is, of course, exceptional in the north-western provinces in having yielded a most remarkable collection. of marbles (two of them bearing votive inscriptions: RIB 1; 3), all of them, however, are earlier than the inscription under discussion, the most precious ones are made in the second century and even predate the construction of the temple shortly before the middle of the third century (Toynbee 1986; Grimes 1986). The dedication on marble from London is certamly exceptional in Britain, but it is worth comparing it with Mithraic inscriptions from other parts of the Roman Empire with similarly exceptional features. The fragmentary inscription. from Wiesbaden which I have discussed above seems to be unique in some formulations. As in the case of its "counterpart(?)" in London it was incised on a thin marble slab. In a bnef search, I failed to find a single parallel for a Mithraic inscription on a marble slab throughout the Germanic provinces. Marble is not normally used for votive inscriptions in the Mithras cult in the north-western

frontier provinces".

from

London

and from

Wiesbaden are only partially preserved, there 1s a third mscription which 1s worth comparing and which is complete. It is the inscription from Virunum of AD 311, referred to above,

It 1s only in the light of the history of later Roman stone inscriptions in Britain that the exceptional nature of the fourth-century dedication from the Walbrook Mithraeum becomes obvious. Ás we have seen the practice of private dedications amongst civilians did not extend beyond the earlier third century to judge from the sparse surviving epigraphic evidence. In the army the practice was maintained for a few decades longer, but there 1s no proof so far that it survived the third century crisis (AD 235-284/ 285). The Mithraic inscription. from London was set up in AD

Whereas

for which

a white marble

slab was

used. All three inscriptions have not only the precious material in common, the regular shape of the carefully incised letters (fig. 2-3; Piccottini 1994, 13 fig. 8) and, at least in two cases, a similar date, but also what one

could describe as unique individuality in their contents. There are no parallels either in the north-western provinces or in the Alpine region to the manner in which neglect and abandonment of Mithraea are described in the inscriptions from Wiesbaden and Virunum. The formulation [ab oriente] ad [occid]entem is only twice attested

in

Mithraeum

a Mithraic

context,

ın London

of Santa Prisca in Rome

and

in the

(Vermaseren/ Van

Essen 1965, 155; 179-184). It 1s tempting to interpret this link and the unusual descriptiveness of the two other inscriptions as an indication that those who composed the texts were well educated and perhaps came from areas where the epigraphic habit in the early fourth (and perhaps late third century) was still more vivid than it was on the northem frontier of the empire (if I am right in assuming that the inscription from Wiesbaden might be that late). We know only one of the dedicators of the three monuments; the inscription. from Virunum was dedicated by Aurelius Hermodorus, a v(ir) p(erfectissimus)

and

provincial

govemor,

p(raeses)

p(rovinciae) N(orici) m(edi)t(erranei). London and Virunum were provincial capitals, Wiesbaden is very close to Mainz, the capital of Germania I, on the opposite side of the Rhine. There 1s ample evidence for renewed Roman activities on the right bank of the river in the area of Wiesbaden-Kastel and Wiesbaden in the Diocletianic and Constantinian periods (Czysz 1994, 216-217). That the marble inscription in the spa town of Wiesbaden (Aquae Mattiacorum) was dedicated by a governor is at least not mconceivable, nor 15 it in the case of London. One further monument deserves inclusion in this comparative study. It is an mscnibed marble slab(!) from Como in northern Italy, recording the construction of a

temple of the god Sol”. While in Wiesbaden the findspot

of the inscription within a Mithraeum, in Virunum the dedication formula itself and m London both the contents

* Some late inscriptions which cannot be dated exactly have already been discussed. For a possibly late stone inscription see Birley 1981b, 353 about RIB 721. Compare also RIB 289; 412; 930; 2308; 2314 with the late imperial title bono rei publicae nato or natus. The early medieval stone inscriptions of western Britain, one of them even with consular date (Johnstone 1962, especially 102-103), are not to be explained by Romano-British continuity (Knight 1992; Nash-Williams 1950, 3-16: compare Thomas 1994 - Dr. Martin Henig drew my attention to the last of these books).

^ There are. however. examples from southern Gaul: compare Walters 1974, 58-60, no. 4-5; 60-63, no. 7-8. 15

and the findspot prove that we are dealing with Mithraic inscriptions, we lack certainty in this case: the monument in Como just mentions a templum dei Solis. Unlike

Manfred Clauss” I would certainly not rule out the

possibility that the mscnption could refer to a construction of a Mithraeum. The fact that the dedicator Titus Flavius Postumius Titianus, a vfir) c(larissimus),

who held the prestigious post of corr(ector) Ital(iae)”,

later became priest of the official sun-god, pontifex dei Solis, does not prove that the careerist had always been exclusively devoted to the cult of the official sun-god. In any case we have to consider that he did not build and dedicate the temple on his own inititive, but "by order of our lords, the Augusti Diocletian and Maximianus", iussu dd(ominorum) nn(ostrorum) | Diocletiani et Maximiani Augg(ustorum). Are we justified in classifying these four inscriptions as a group? One common element is that they are all incised

on marble slabs?', but there are of course differences in

the prosperity of different regions and, of course, in the local availability of marble. Its use for the Mithraic inscriptions ın London and Wiesbaden ıs indeed exceptional, but it 1s less remarkable m Virunum. The dedicators were not only able to pay for the precious stone, but they also had very experienced and skilful stonemasons at their disposal: that 1s equally true for the inscription from Como (Giussani 1927, 122 fig. 8). Two of the four inscriptions were set up by high-ranking officials, for the other two, as already noted, we at least

cannot prove the opposite. As far as the dedication from London 1s concerned, however, we have to remember the discontinuity of the custom of setting up stone inscriptions, and not only its date, but also the formulation [ab oriente] ad [occid|entem makes it an alien element among Romano-Brtish inscriptions. Likewise alien, amongst Romano-British sculpture, are the marbles from the same Mithraeum, especially those which had been produced (probably in Italy) long before the Mithraeum in London was erected. The question may be allowed therefore whether it might not have been the same person who dedicated the inscription. and who brought the works of art. Unlike the monument from Como there is nothing to indicate that the early Constantinian dedication from London was set up merely in fulfilment of duty. It 1s the only one of the four mscriptions with an element, [ab oriente] ad [occid]entem, which could signify knowledge of and interest in the cult. In contrast to this epigraphic monument, that which 15 individual about the inscriptions in Wiesbaden and Virunum, is that they give details about past neglect or destruction, thus ımplyıng that not only the sanctuaries, but the state as a whole had been restored. Reading the inscription. from Wiesbaden in particular one gets the impression that after the chaos in the past (the third century crisis?) a golden age was

retuming, symbolized by an inscription largely? avoiding abbreviations", with regular letters, beautifully engraved on white marble.

^" Ann. Epigr. 1914, 249; 1917-1918, 124; 1919, 52; CIMRM I no. 722; Cumont 1914.

35

36

37

38

39

Clauss 1992, 282 no. 15 (compare Halsberghe 1972, 163 no. 1; 165-166) contrary to Merkelbach 1984, 187 no. 119; CIMRM I no. 722 etc. Compare Barnes 1982, 99; 144; 218: at this time he was either corrector of Italy or only of the regio Transpadana. Compare p. 17 no. 40. The emphasis on the fact that we the inscriptions are all incised on marble slabs certainly should not imply that we have some kind of series production, especially since, as we will see, not all of them are contemporary. The dimensions (height/ wideness/ diameter in cm) of the slabs are of course different (and the same is true for the size of the letters): Como: 51/ 82/ 2 (Giussani 1927, 119 no. 14); Wiesbaden: > 21/ > 30/ 2-2.5 (Czysz 1994, 143); London: c. 25/ > 32/ 0.16-0.19 (RIB 4; Harris/ Harris 1965, 12 no. 6); Virunum: (c.?) 60/ 100/ 15 (Schón 1988, 140 no. 166). One feature may be worth noting: the diameters of the expensive marble slabs in Wiesbaden, Como and London are similar, the last, however, being reused. They had been inserted in a frame or in a wall and only their obverses were intended to be visible. (As we have seen, not all late inscriptions are incised in plaques, there are, of course, also some altars.) Another Constantinian inscription (CIMRM I no. 150 = CIL VIII 8713; misprinted: "8712") on a marble plate, discovered in Bir Haddada mentioning Sol, dedicated by a governor (of Mauretania Sitifensis), cannot be included as it 1s certainly not Mithraic. It refers to the construction of a centenarium Solis. The centenarium named after the sun/ sun-god was not a religious building; the term centenarium in this context probably describes a fortlet (Mattingly 1995, 103; compare 195; Février 1989, 164-165). The only abbreviation is in the restored text, but the letter before nostri can only be a D, O, P or Q and therefore not the ending of a noun or adjective in genetive. Ritterling 1916/ 1917, 243 no. 11 rightly stresses the significance of the point before nostri. In particular a long verb which does not describe a specific action like [--- a]rbitrermu|r ---] in full 1s extremely unusual. Is the subject a group of civilians or officials? If not, the plural could provide slender support for assigning the inscription to a period of joint rule - the emperors themselves addressing the readers. In this case the traditional restoration of line 6-7 cannot be correct. Alternatively one could consider excub(i)is utri[usque ---/ ---]g(ue) nostri. The possibility that a single emperor was using the plural cannot be ruled out in this period, but seems to be less likely (compare Mommsen 1882 on the ancient history of the "royal" plural). These questions may deserve further investigation by somebody more competent

16

It 1s obvious that these inscriptions are too individual to be classified as a group. There are some further differences which have to be pointed out: They cannot be contemporaneous: The inscription from Como whose attribution to the Mithras mysteries is a possibility,

though it is unprovable,

dates to c. AD

291-293”,

almost a generation earlier than those from London (AD 307-311) and Virunum (AD 311). If my restoration of the sixth and seventh preserved line of the inscription from Wiesbaden is correct, it dates to the joint rule of two emperors, probably of equal rank. In this case it cannot be contemporary with London or Virunum, but

the two emperors” could be for example Diocletian and

Maximianus. In my personal view the late third century or possibly the early fourth century is indeed the most likely date for the marble inscription in the Mithraeum in the spa town beyond the Rhine. I would like to stress, however, that in absence of an imperial or consular date or the mention of a known person or of a name, title or term, distinctive of this period, or a datable stnkingly close epigraphic parallel known to me, I do not claim that it 1s more than a plausible theory. Stonemasons who had the skill to produce inscriptions of the highest quality were certainly rare north of the Alps m Late Antiquity, and it is worth comparing the

shape of the letters in the mscriptions which I have just discussed with those of other inscriptions of the late third or of the fourth century, such as the following one which was a private dedication at some distance from the next major town. In Neustadt ἃ. d. W.-Gimmeldingen a temple of Mithras, "Midre", was erected on January 23rd, AD 325 by a certain Matemmius Faustinus, a "carax" (corax - a Mithraic grade) according to the inscription on the base of the cult relief (fig. 4). Two altars were dedicated by him as well and at least one more has the same lettering and

seems to be contemporary". This is an extraordinary

late dedication and the latest epigraphic testimony for the cult of Mithras in the north-western provinces of the Roman Empire. The Mithraeum was built about four months after Constantine I., at this time probably already a Christian though not yet a formal member of the church (compare p. 52), had become sole emperor, but over 18 years after his accession and recognition as sovereign in this part of the empire. Later inscriptions dedicated to Mithras are only known from Constantina

(= Cirta) in Numidia (AD 364-367)", possibly from Sidon in Phoenice (AD 389-390?)"* and above all from Italy until AD 391°.

in this field than I am.

© Barnes 1982, 99; 144; 218; PLRE I 919-920 s.v. T. Flavius Postumius Titianus; Chastagnol 1963, 351.

*' On the title imperator in the Tetrarchic period compare also Barnes 1982, 25-26. Both the context and the very title render it exceedingly unlikely that Ritterling 1916/ 1917, 243-244 is right in assuming that the imperator noster could be Mithras himself.

*

Schwertheim

1974 no. 140, especially 140a; pl. 38-39; compare Finke 1927, 52-55 no. 163-167; CIMRM

II no. 1315.

" CIMRM I no. 129 = CIL VIII 6975 = ILAlg. II 541; compare PLRE I 34-35 s. v. Publilius Caeionius Caecina Albinus 8. ** The dating (AD 389-390 or AD 188) is disputed: Hopfe 1990, 2221; 2233; Will 1950b.

* Compare for example Clauss 1990a, 39-41. CIL VI 736 (though the consular date is extremely abbreviated, it is probably

indeed of AD 391). Compare Patsch 1904. especially 267 about an inscription from Potoci in Dalmatia, possibly dating to

the fourth century.

Table: Datable dedications to deities later than AD 235 found in Britain? (Ligatures are not indicated.) Abbreviations: Cl = classical deities/ In = indigenous deities, including all Celtic or Germanic deities and indigenous deities adapted to classical deities/ Mil = purely military deities/ Im = imperial deities (Genii or Numina of emperors)/ Or = oriental deities/ Ded = dedicator: sol = soldier(s), officer or official, setting up an inscription in a military context/ civ = civilians. No|Reference — |Dating Dedication (deities) CI |In | Mil |Im [Or | Ded |Findspot ] | RIB 1896

AD 235-238

|Kovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo) [D(olicheno) ?]

?

2| RIB 1875

AD 237

I(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo)

X

3| RIB 1262

AD 238-2447 |G(enio)

d(omini)

Vardul(lorum)

Gor(diani) 4| RIB 1334

et

n(osti)

n(umen)

et

signorum/

explora/to(um)

AD 238-244? | Matr(ibus) tribus Campes[t]ribusy

coh(ortis)

Brem(eniensium)

et Genio

Hispano/rum Asturum [—/—] Gordi[a]nae

5| RIB 583

AD 238-244 | Deo san(cto)/ [A}pol(1)mi Mapon(o) AD 238-244

|Yov1) o(ptimo) m(aximo) eU V(o)lk(ano)

7 | RIB 1074

AD 238-244

|Deae Gar/mangaby/ et N(umini) [[Gor[d1]/ani]] Aug(usti) n(ostri)

8| RIB 1893

AD 238-244

|IKov1) o(ptimo) [m(aximo)]

9|RIB 1983

AD 241

[—] / et Numi[ni Aug(usti)]/ n(ostri)

1O| RIB 882

AD 241

not preserved

AD 242

I(ovi) o(ptimo) m(axımo)

12| RIB 883 13

AD 242 and|net preserved AD 244-249?

14 | RIB 327

AD 244(?f

]15| RIB 915

AD 247-249

16 |RIB 2057

AD 251-253

17| RIB 2058 18| RIB 1600

X

|X

X X

X X X

|Nn(uminibus) Augg(ustorum) Genio/ leg(ionis) II Aug(ustae)

sol

|Birdoswald |High

Rochester

sol

|Benwell

sol

|Ribchester

civ

|Old Carlisle

sol

|Lanchester

sol

|Birdoswald

sol

|Castlesteads

sol

|Papcastle

sol

|Old Carlisle

sol

|Papcastle

sol

|Caerleon

X

sol

|Old Penrith

|I(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo)

sol

|Bowness-onSolway

AD 251-253

|not preserved!

sol

|Bowness-on-

AD 252

Deo Soli/ invicto Mit/rae saeculari

|sol

|Housesteads

sol (?)

|Featherwood

|X

sol

|Beaumont

?

sol

|Cardewlees

|Kovi)

o(ptmo)

m(axımo)

et

Gfenio)

nn(ostrorum) Phi/liporu[m]/ Augg(ustorum)

X

|Willowford near Birdoswald

sol

X

X

|sol

|X

19|Ann. Epigr.| AD 253 1982, 654; Birley about 1273.

I

alae pri(mae)

6| RIB 899

11|RIB 897

?

dd(ommorum) | X

X

Victoriae/ et Paci

X

X

1981a RIB

|[—"

elt

Numinib/us

Augg(ustorum)

G(enio)

20 | RIB 2042

AD 253-260

21|RIB 913

AD 257-258

22 | RIB 1589

AD 258

I(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo)

X

sol

|Housesteads

23|RIB 1883

AD 260-269? |I(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo)

X

sol

|Birdoswald

24 | RIB 1886

AD 260-269"

X

sol

|Birdoswald

Maur(o)rum/ Aur(elianorum) Valer/1an1 Gallie/niq(ue)

n(umeriy

X

Solway

|[Kovi)] o(ptimo) m(aximo) [et Nn(ummibus) d]d(ommorum) | X

nn(ostrorum) Va/[leri]jam et Gifallieniı εἰ — Vale/[na]ni nob(ilissimi) C(a)es(aris) p(iorum)/ [fel(icrum)]/ Auggustor(um) -

(?)

or: ...[pro sal(ute) did(ommorum) nn(ostrorum)...

I(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo)

(?)

‘ Compare the diagram on p. 20. (RIB I? (Stroud 1995) appeared too late to be included in this table.) The restoration of RIB 449 is very uncertain. This dedication to a Genius, thought to be of AD 249-251 (compare JRS 45, 1955, 146 no. 8) is therefore omitted. (If D[eciana] was erased, why is the letter below the D which cannot have been part of the imperial formula according to the drawing in RIB 449 deleted as well?) The restorations of the name of the emperor in two further British dedications (Birley 1986, 34 no. 114: 82 no. 423) are not certain either.

18

No|Reference

|Dating

25 |RIB 1956

AD 263-267 | Deo/ Cocidio (?)!!

Dedication (deities)

Cl |In | Mil Im

|Or | Ded

Χ

sol

|Findspot

|Bankshead milecastle (No. 52)

26 | RIB 1885

AD 271-274

|Kovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo)

X

sol

|Birdoswald

27 JRS 51,1961, 194 no. 12

AD 276-282

|I(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo)

X

sol

|Birdoswald

28 |RIB 4

AD 307-311

|?

{London

"^.

[40]

[oriente]

[—] mvicto/

X

ad/

[occid]enten??

The restoration of the dedication to /(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo) [D(olicheno)| cannot be proven, but may be right: According to the drawing and the missing letters in the other lines there would be enough space for a fourth letter. Mostly it is regarded as a Dolichenic dedication, but sometimes with scepticism: Harris/ Harris 1965, 69; Hórig/ Schwertheim 1987 no. 572; Birley 1986, 82. Birley 1981b, 197-198 supposes that the governorship of Egnatius Lucilianus, mentioned in the inscription, ended not

later than AD 242 and that he was already the second /egatus Augusti pro praetore under Gordian III.

An older imperial epithet - it is uncertain of which emperor(s) (Fitz 1983, 148 no. 556; 149) - was erased: Compare Haverfield 1894, 322-323.

Possibly the restoration in RIB 1983, [/(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo)], 1s correct but not proven. The epithet [[Philip/p(ianorum)]] of the cuneus Frisionum Aballavensium probably replaced the epithet Gord(ianorum)

(Fitz 1983, 155 no. 591; 172 no. 673) as the inscription bears a consular date of AD 242. The consular date of AD 241 does not refer to the dedication itself. In the diagram the inscription is included twice (AD 242 and 244-249).

The dating of the inscription (though it is included in the diagram) is not absolutely certain. Only a few letters of the

consular date are recorded. On 23 September AD 244 there was only one Augustus (Philippus (Senior); compare Peachin

1990, 31; 62-63; Kienast 1990, 197-200), whereas the inscription clearly refers to the Numina of two Augusti. The abbreviation AVGG, however, was already used before Philippus (Junior) had been made Augustus in summer AD 247 (compare for example CIL III 10174). Fishwick 1991, 406 refers the plural in RIB 327 to the two Philippi. In RIC IV 3

p. 57 the plural AVGG on early coins is thought to include the emperor's wife, the Augusta Otacilia Severa. Compare

also Fishwick 1994, 129 with no. 11.

Probably the same dedication as in no. 16 (RIB 2057), dedicated by the same tribunus. Possibly the restoration in RIB 2042, [/(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo)], 1s correct but not proven.

Probably early during the reign of Postumus as the same trib(unus) set up another altar, to Jupiter optimus maximus and the Numen Augusti, in Birdoswald (RIB

epithet Postumiana.

1882) in which the coh(ors) 1 Ael(ia) Dac(orum)

Another tribunus as in RIB 1883 and therefore later. Birley 1936, 1-7; compare Kónig 1981, 68. See Vermaseren/ Van Essen 1965, 155; 179-184; Harrıs/ Harris 1965, 13.

19

is still given without the

Na

τ

Ove

of

οζὲ

TTTTITTTTTTTTERTITTTTITTITE

OLE καρ

ODE

ἐπα

To

a

O62 ΤΊ

ΤΤΓΤΤΤ

08

ΓΈΤΤΤΤΤ

O42

TTTT

09Ζ

ΤΊ

ΤΓΤΤ

ΤΊ ΤΤΤΤΙΤΊ

09% OvzQV

ΤΤΤΤΤΤΤΤ

I

.

G

‘(uonduosut u1ey190 ouo Ayuo) to 194 souojsquio], = A/L (suonduosur 01) "ueipAr 9q 0} poAoid oq wed urouj jo ouou - Arejrmur sAemje Jo Apsour 918 suonduosur Surpying ou) *(ureyooun AIOA 51 UONEIOJSII YI Ing ΙΒΠΉΠΛΙ 9q 0} posoddns sem (7761 AND 900 - uoneorpop 5ΠΟΙ31|91 (poAroso1d) moyyIm 9501} Aquo) 1834 rod suonduosur Surppmg = A/g '(suonduosur 18) 1eo& Jod suonduosur suogsajıyy = A/W '(suonduosur 87) sAoqe 9461 oq ut UOAIS *1eoK Jod suontompeq = A/d

ῬΘΉΠΙΕΟ oq oj seu Sunep 1191 pue WeIdeIp ou) ur popnout SIusumuou

omqde18ido oq) Jo ist] Β 9108 sry) Jo adoos 91} puoÁoq 03 pro ojqeuonsonb 51 Sunep osoqa suonduosur sow ouios jo pue Ῥομϑά sry} o Sunep *suonduosur snorgi[o1

‘unssed ΒΗ

"uu “p66 ‘ST-OL6T ‘I ἘΠΠΙΒΊΠΕ 6961 ‘6S-SS6I ‘Sp SUL ‘Soxopuy ryderdidg 1 grs pue I gni 91} Jo qSnonp Supjooyo oq) uo poseq sr urerSerp SIUL

uou 76 Jo Suntp sy} Jo uoisstosrp e sy 's1240d [eurodur pue sop 119) pue s1012duro o Jo SurAI8 ay} Aq payep 918 suonduosur ou], penruro usq OARY urej1ooun SI sunep 9souA 1 ἘΠῚ UI UI SEZ AV Joe our ou ΟἹ Poynqume suonduosut sy} Jo euros ᾿Αϑογχοποχῃο jensdun jnoqe suoreorqnd snorreA pue spajjesed onjde12ido 0j Surp1oooe our Ag poyepaı uooq 9ΛΕῚ uray) Jo [819λ95 pue poxoouo uooq seq suondrosur [e Jo Sunep 91, '(g£61 Koj8pog Aqeyou) sxooq pue sopore *eodzoo orydes3ido snopes Suueduroo

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THE NUMISMATIC EVIDENCE OF LATE OCCUPATION OF MITHRAEA AND THE QUESTION OF POSSIBLE REDEDICATION OF SANCTUARIES TO OTHER DEITIES Potential sources of error: examples post-abandonment deposition of coins in Mithraea

of

Unlike a dated dedication to Mithras, a coin found inside

a Mithraeum does not prove that the building was still occupied by a Mithraic congregation at the time when the com was lost. Depending on their stratigraphical contexts, coms might have been lost after possible re-dedication of the sanctuary to another deity, after its profanation and subsequent conversion to a dwelling, during its process of dilapidation or its destruction for building stone or afterwards when the interior of the ruin and the robber trenches filled up with rubble and sediments from the surrounding settlement. Coins occur in a few cases as gravegoods belonging to burials in former Mithraea. In Krefeld-Gellep a woman was

buried with four Antoniniani, the last minted

AD

258/ 259". The latest coin (AD 383-388) in the Mithraeum of Vieux-en-Val-Romey probably belonged to a cremation burial and human bones have been found

in the sanctuary as well". Perhaps the most interesting

example occurs coins (AD 253/ whose cremated Mithras temple

ferryman

outside the area mvestigated here: 28 268-367/ 378) enabled the dead persons, remams had been buried m the former of Fertorákos ın Hungary to pay the

Charon

in

the

underworld’.

As

the

"ash-contamers" consisted of two roofing tiles (tegulae) each and as there were obviously no grave-goods except a single com per person, we may conclude that the deceased had been poor people who were buried in the aisle of the deserted Mithraeum to save the expense of digging graves. Given this context, these coins prove the

early abandonment, not the late usage” of the sanctuary.

Unlike in this example, in many other old reports of finds from Mithraea there is description of the stratigraphical context of finds and one often cannot be sure that late the continued use of a Mithraic temple. "

Reichmann

excavation insufficient the datable coins prove

Often it is difficult to decide the significance of late coins: The Mithraeum in Wiesbaden for example seems to have become a quarry for stone for the construction of the late antique defensive wall, the Heidenmauer, in which a fragment of an altar from the Mithraeum was incorporated (Ritterling 1916/ 1917, 249). The coins in the Mithraeum from the disturbed layers and the rubble above range from about AD 270 to 367/ 375. The exact findspot of some of the coins is not stated. It is not certam that the latest com, which is not explicitly reported to be from the disturbed layers or the infill indicates that the temple was still used m AD 337 or

later’. It is remarkable that amongst nine coins, which I

know were found m the Mithraeum (AD 195/ 196-367/ 375), three are nummi (folles) of the Tetrarchic period (c. AD 296/ 298; 298/ 299 and 304/ 305). They are usually quite rare as site finds and had been out of circulation for decades when the Heidenmauer was constructed, probably under Valentinian I. (AD 364-375), in c. 369-375(?) The perfect preservation, even of the thin silver surface (Ritterling 1902, 67-68 and 1916/ 1917, 248-249), ıs certainly worth considering as well because it indicates a short period of circulation of the precious large coms. Nine coins do not allow any valid statistical analysis and ıt should be noted that all three nummi come from layers contammg many fragments of stone, testifying to the dismantlement of the Mithraeum. The ransacked Mithraeum and tts surroundings were covered by partially disturbed burnt layers which contained fourth century coms and tile fragments with military stamps of the same century (Ritterling 1902, 68; compare Czysz 1994, 130-133). A tile stamp of the Mart(enses), obviously one of the army units involved in the construction of the Heidenmauer (which 1s roughly 20 m away from the entrance of the

temple), was amongst them". If Emil Ritterling is right

in assuming that the Tetrarchic coins had been lost by stone robbers this must have happened long before the Heidenmauer was erected. Consequently we have to assume that the Mithraeum was used as a quarry more than once or that the fragment of the altar in the Heidenmauer whose counterpart has been found in the temple was reused for a second time. Perhaps, however, there 1s an easier explanation: Finds from the ransacked

1994, 8-9; Pirling 1986b, 34-35; Pirling 1986a, 245.

‘8 Turcan 1972, 6-7; CIMRM I no. 909; 912 a) = Cumont 1896, 397 no. 275 a); b).

* Kenner 1867, 126-132; especially 127; compare 119; LRBC II; CIMRM II no. 1646. Ὁ Erroneously Clauss 1990a, 178.

>! FMRD V 1, 2 (1994) 1251, 769 = Ritterling 1907 no. 908. For systematic reasons it is given as the latest coin on map 2 on p. 85. Compare FMRD V 1, 2 (1994) 1251, 507; 600; 603; 614; 640-641; 769; 810: 814; Ritterling 1916/ 1917, 245, 248-249; Ritterling 1902/ 1903, 13-14; 19: Ritterling 1902, 67-68; Czysz 1994, 144-145. *

CIL XIII 12577, 1; Ritterling 1902/ 1903, Hoffmann 1969. 345.

16; 18 no. 8 and 1916/

1917, 258; 259 fig. 12; Czysz

1994,

144; 225; compare

layers are hard to interpret, but a fair proportion of them quite possibly could have been in the building before it became a quarry. The Mithraeum which has yielded an inscniption (fig.2) recording a late restoration (discussed above p. 11-12; 15-17) and signs of a fire (Ritterling 1902, 67), may well have been a place of worship in the late third and early fourth century. The evidence gives grounds for such a hypothesis, but it does not provide certainty. Founders deposits in Mithraea However, there are coin finds whose religious interpretation cannot be doubted: In Friedberg there are

founders’ deposits beneath two altar bases". One of

them consists of second century bronze coins im a little partially gilded silver bowl, the other is a single coin, minted in AD 180. More interesting with regard to the end of the worship of Mithras is a founders' deposit in the Walbrook Mithraeum, London. Here again two

time when such money was lost or deposited. However, the relative proportion of those buildings, in which a large coin hoard of the fourth century AD has been discovered, is much higher among temples than among little dwellings or other secular buildings of the size of a Mithraeum. The large number of coins in many Mithraea in eastern Gaul - in and around the Mithraic temple in Martigny c. 2000 pieces have been found, in Septeuil about 1400, in Nuits-Saint-Georges, Les Bolards over 500 coms, im Trier at least 491, but probably more (FMRD IV 3/ 1 (1970) 3001. 37 B-D, compare A), in Mackwiller about 469(?), in the probable Mithraeum of Mandelieu 362 (Fixot 1990, 203; 213-228) and in Sarrebourg 274 during a very incomplete rescue excavation (compare the references to each site on p. 82-83) - cannot be explained merely as individual savings. (In the temples of Septeuil and Mackwiller a basin with spring water was incorporated, and the veneration of springs was often connected with numerous votive offerings.) In many temples m antiquity

there

coins were found under the base of an altar, dated to AD

310-312 and 313-318. As discussed below (p. 26-27),

were

offertory

boxes

(O40avpot)".

Although

Mithraea, unlike many Greek, Roman and Romano-Celtic temple complexes, were not places of public pilgrimage, but only accessible to votaries, there

it is disputed whether the Mithraeum of London was still used by a Mithraic congregation this time. Founders’ deposits of coins beneath altars, are of course not

seems to have been a similar use of such boxes".

specifically Mithraic?.

Are coin deposits Mackwiller and possible change Mithraea in Late

The deposition of large numbers of coins in Gaulish Mithraea Unlike a single com or coins deposited deliberately beneath an altar one or even a few coins found m less significant positions do not prove that the Mithraeum was still in use as a temple and not secularized at the

in Mithraea Mithraic? The cases of Biesheim and the question of a in function and rededication of Antiquity

In Mackwiller a ceramic vessel containing 404 coins, the latest minted AD 351, probably fell down from a stand resting on a reused altar basis when the building

>> Goldmann 1895, 301-303; Goldmann 1894, 187-190; compare ORL B 26. Kastell Friedberg (1913) 11.

" Grimes 1986, 3; compare Grimes 1968, 109 (with different dating).

55

56 57

The report of Tacitus (hist. 4, 53, 4) that when the burnt down Capitolium in Rome was re-erected under Vespasian, offerings (stipes) of gold and silver and pieces of raw metal were inserted in the foundations, is interesting. A gold coin (aureus) was also found beside another coin inserted in the floor of the apse of the sanctuary (capitolium) of the headquarters of the Roman fort in Aalen, two more coins in the floor of another room (Planck 1984, 156; Klein 1984, 268; 269 fig. 269 (i); (k); (D). Coin deposits beneath altars do not occur only in Mithraea - compare for example FMRD II 1 (1963) 1138. 7-8 where two coins are recorded beneath an altar dedicated to Visucius Mercurius near Hockenheim (CIL XIII 6347; Rappenegger 1847. In this case, the insufficient stratigraphic description of the finding does not allow us to exclude the possibility that the coins were lving coincidentally under the altar in a secondary position). For further informations regarding founders’ deposits of coins see Donderer 1984; Gorecki, 1975, 183-184; Bateson/ Hanson 1990(?); Birley 1986, 94 about Birley 1934. For a Mithraic ritual coin deposit in the Mithraeum 2 of Stockstadt a. M. see Schleiermacher 1928, 49-50; ORL A 6. Nachtrag zu B 33. Kastell Stockstadt (1933) 35-36; Schwertheim 1974 no. 117.

A catalogue of the ϑησαυροΐ made of stone has been compiled by Kaminski 1991.

Kaminski 1991, 172-173 no. 4; Wortmann 1969, 419 no. 5e) and Espérandieu 1931, 97 no. 141 classify a stone monument with a dedication in the first Mithraeum of Frankfurt a. M.-Heddernheim (Habel 1830, 181 no. 11; pl. V 1) as an offertory box. This seems plausible though traces of soot (Huld-Zetsche

1986, 51 no. 3 contrary to Wortmann

1969. 419 no. 5 e))

might indicate that it was not always (perhaps never?) an offertory box. The suspicious stone monument ın Strasbourg-Koenigshoffen (Forrer 1915, 56-58; Wortmann 1969, 419 no. 5 d)) probably served a completely different purpose. Compare Turcan 1991, 218; 221-222 who doubts the interpretation of both monuments as offertory boxes. Compare Huld-Zetsche 1986, 31; 82 no. 44 to Hammeran 1887, 48 and to Wolff/ Cumont 1894, 66-67 (iron flagon from Mithraeum 3 in Frankfurt a. M.-Heddernheim. erroneously described as an offertory box).

22

was destroyed by fire”. The temple of Mackwiller had a

can be chronologically linked with the fire in the AD 350s. Consequently the most likely interpretation seems to be that up to this time the temple of the spring was connected with a Mithraic sanctuary, even though the characteristic tripartite nave has not been discovered. But we do not know if the 404 coins in the ceramic vessel were dedicated to the spring or to Mithras or if it was money destined for specific religious purposes.

quadrangular ce//a, in the centre of which was a stone basin which was supplied with water by a spring. The sanctuary did not have a tripartite form nor any other typical architectural features of a Mithraeum, but several pieces of undoubtedly Mithraic stone monuments, fragments of two reliefs of the bull-slaying-scene and of the depiction of the rockbirth were found. According to Jean-Jacques Hatt (1957, 59; 64; 66; 68) the Mithraeum had already been destroyed at the end of the third century and after a renovation of the sanctuary or its pronaos, it was converted into a temple of the indigenous deity of the spring who was already worshipped here before. Interestingly a fragmentary inscription, set up by an eg(ues) KRom|anus] might have been dedicated to a indigenous

Even after the destruction m the AD 350s a new building on a dry stone foundation, probably still of a religious nature, was erected (Hatt 1957, 64; 68). Some coins were still lost or offered in the second half of the fourth century before another conflagration put an end to traceable religious activity on the site, even though the continued use of the spring in the Middle Ages and later (Hatt 1957, 52; 62; 66; 68) might also have had a religious aspect. From antiquity up to the present day springs have often been worshipped as natural sanctuaries and the coins up to AD 388-392 (Schwartz ın Hatt 1957, 69-70; 72) found above the destruction-layer which contained the smashed Mithraic sculpture could have been offered to the deity presiding over the spring, perhaps to Nanus. It 1s impossible to say if there was still a Mithraic congregation m Mackwiller after the AD 350s.

god Narius". I do not know whether there might have

been a connection between this Narius and Nenus, the

god of the springs of Neris-les-Bains (Aquae Neri), the

fontes Nerii^. The veneration of Mithras was closely

connected with the ritual use and veneration of water and especially springs. A large number of the Mithraea mn the north-westem provinces was erected in the

proximity of a spring”. In the cult of Mithras water and

spnngs played important roles in ritual purifications, baptism and in religious symbolism (Clauss 1990a, 80-82). In Ptuj (Poetovio) in the province of Noricum Mediterraneum coin offerings (nearly 80 bronze coins, mainly first half of the fourth century) were thrown into a spring incorporated in the second Mithraic sanctuary, and a dedication to this fons perennis, "the perpetual spring" has been found (Abrami¢ 1925, 67-69; CIL III

But as for example in the Christian religion, the splendid furnishing of a church is not a prerequisite for holding a service, it is questionable whether anything was absolutely indispensable for the Mithraists in hard times except a closed room which offered the privacy required for their secret ceremonies. It is a matter of speculation whether the latest coins found in the area of the former(?) Mithraeum in Mackwiller have anything to do with Mithraism, but it 1s worthwhile to compare this site with a second Mithraeum: In the Mithraic temple of Biesheim, west of the upper Rhine, between 150 and

15184^). Similarly the spring in Mackwiller might have

been venerated by votaries of Mithras and m my judgement the destruction at the end of the third century does not necessarily indicate the end of the worship of Mithras. According to Jean-Jacques Hatt's report (1957, 62; 64; 68) the violent destruction of Mithraic 1mages

°° The upper part of the vessel was burnt: Schwartz 1957, 42; compare 43-46; Hatt 1957, 54; 58-59; 60 fig. 5; 62; 64; 68; 73; 74 fig. 14; 76 fig. 17. 3; Wigg 1991, 85 tab. A; 101; 238; 286 no. 37 about the dating of the hoard.

” Hatt 1957, 58; 75 fig. 16; compare 62: possibly a second dedication to Narius.

6

[nd

60

CIL XIII 1376-1377; compare 1371-1372. A dedication to Nerius was also found in a settlement nearer to Mackwiller, in Haegen (Forét du Wasserwald) (Pétry 1972, 411-412; compare Bourgeois 1991, 35; 216-217). Interestingly he 1s equated on inscriptions on Roman silver spoons of the Thetford treasure with Faunus (Johns/ Potter 1983, 47 (Jackson, K); 107-109 no. 50-51, 119 no. 66). The restoration of the inscription of Mackwiller to Nario In|tarabo] by Hatt 1971, 253 1s doubtful: Intarabus was an indigenous deity, popular in the area of Trier, who was otherwise never equated with Nerius. There are several possible formula, starting with im[—] or in[---]. Compare also Hatt 1989, 260. The inscription in Mackwiller was according to Hatt 1957, 58; 75 fig. 16 and 1971, 253 incised on the base of the Mithraic cult relief which would suggest a dedication to Mithras and the indigenous god under a depiction of the bull-slaying scene. This would be unusual. Perhaps [—]nrario is just the ending a dative or ablative form. As the dedicator was an eq(ues) Rom|anus| one could for example think of [---duce]nario or [---cente]nario. But the name of the dedicator seems to be given in the nominative and therefore a dedication to Narius indeed is the most likely solution. An iconographic and petrographic examination whether this was indeed the base of the main cult relief might be worthwhile. The examples are too numerous to be listed here. Porphyr. antr. 6 describes springs already in first cave, dedicated to Mithras, according to the legend, bv Zoroaster himself.

23

200 coins up to the end of the fourth century have been found (Petry/ Kem 1978, 6; 19). The sanctuary suffered a similar fate to the Mithraeum in Mackwiller: There are destruction layers containing ash and charcoal, and the religious furniture had been smashed and dispersed even outside the Mithraeum. This wilful destruction 1s hard to date, but the excavators suggest that it happened c. AD 270-275. Afterwards there were obviously renovations to maintain the tripartite division of the nave, the most significant architectural feature of a Mithraeum. According to the numismatic evidence this Mithraeum was ın use at least until the end of the fourth century.

The coins date to roughly AD 253-395” (= c. AD 253/

260/ 268-c. 379/ 408?).

Here again questions remain. unanswered: could the Mithraists do without religious images during the final phase of the use of the temple? were images of organic

material such as wood‘, which has not been preserved,

substituted for stone sculpture and reliefs? were new stone monuments erected and removed to safety before the final destruction of the Mithraeum? The Mithraeum of Martigny is also interesting in this context. It was used until towards the end of the fourth century and although no piece of stone sculpture or relief has been found, depictions of Mithraic figures and symbols m bronze may well have been part of a main cult 1mage (Wible 1995, 12-14). Such transportable objects would have been much easier to hide in case of danger than a heavy stone relief. The early end of Mithras worship in Britain and the rarity of coins from insular Mithraea If it 1s true that in Biesheim near the Rhine mm the late Roman frontier zone a Mithraeum was in use until the late fourth century, the situation there is strikingly different from that of the Mithraea on Hadrian's Wall,

where coins of the Christian emperors are totally lacking. The number of coms from these buildings seems to be extremely low, though the published evidence for British. Mithraea does not allow absolute certainty. I have noted (in the reports listed on p. 82 no. 1-4; 7) one each in the Housesteads and Rudchester

Mithraeum, three in Caemarfon, eight in Carrawburgh (one coin, lost after the abandonment not included) and about nine(?) in London. But these represent minimum numbers. Coins are often just mentioned in passing in

the available reports and not listed separately. It is therefore not certain that I might not have missed references

to

coin

finds,

hidden

in

the

text

or

m

footnotes. In the preliminary reports about London and in the publication of the excavation of the temple in Carrawburgh

(see

p.

82

no.

2;

7),

one

gets

the

impression that only those coins are mentioned which are important in argument. It also has to be mentioned in this context that, as far as the Mithraeum in Caemarfon is concerned, the condition of the soil was far from ideal

for the preservation of the small metal objects. According to George Boon (1960, 160-161) the extreme acidity of the soil tumed coms mto mere discs of powder. Despite all such uncertamties, there is no indication that there is a single Mithraeum in Britain, in which coms were deposited m numbers which come anywhere close to the size of com deposits of several hundred coms found in some Mithraea in Gaul. On Hadrnran's Wall the numismatic evidence ends particularly early. One coin each from Rudchester and Housesteads does not allow a meaningful discussion, but from Carrawburgh there 1s interesting evidence. On the latest floor of the Mithraeum lay four coins (Richmond/

Gillam

1951,

34),

three

of

them

are

described as "slightly worn" and date to AD 269-271, 268-270 or later and 271-274 (following the updated imperial chronology) and one was a "fresh" nummus (or follis) of Maximianus Herculius, dating to AD 294-308, but unlikely to have been lost before the defeat and death of the British usurper Allectus in c. AD 296. Obviously the temple was stil m use durmg the Tetrarchic period, but it is hard to say for how long. Individual

coins,

minted

after Diocletian's

reform

are

generally only rarely found in these contexts. The silver content and large size of nummi (or folles) made them much more valuable than the coms predating the reform. People certainly took care not to lose them, and in case of a loss, ıt was easier to recover these large coms. It seems likely that the latest com was deposited on the floor of the Mithraeum during, or shortly after, the period in which it was struck, though of course a single com cannot prove this hypothesis. If the com had been kept for years in some kind of money box there would be no traces of circulation either. In any case, the former temple was soon affected by floods and subsequently peat built up. Even today the rum of the Mithraeum 15 occasionally flooded (fig. 5) though Coventina's Well, a spring which used to feed a small stream in the marshy

°° Kern 1991, especially 64; compare Pétry/ Kern 1978, 18-19; Petry 1978, 354. °° Interesting with regard to possible wooden or partially wooden images in general: Turcan Faider-Feytmans 1974. (The disputed example is of course not late antique.)

1977-1978,

177-181

about

valley in which the Mithraeum is situated with water, has dried out (Allason-Jones/ Mc Kay 1985, 2). A coin of Magnentius (obviously dating to AD 350), "in excellent condition when lost", found in the peat in a layer with numerous animal bones seems to indicate that by that date the site of the collapsed temple was a part of a rubbish dump at the foot of the slope below the south-west comer of the fort (Richmond/ Gillam 1951, 39-40). Pottery confirms that it was not long after the middle of the fourth century AD that the remams of the former temple were completely covered with silt, peat and rubbish (Richmond/ Gillam 1951, 78-80). Despite the early collapse of roof and walls of the Mithraeum and despite the quick silting up of the sanctuary, only one small fragment of the cult relief was found which obviously had been the objective of δὴ earlier iconoclastic attack (compare p. 39-40). Even though the number of coms recorded from the excavation of these Mithraea at Hadrian's Wall is too low

coins

for a statistical examination,

because

cannot

be

pottery

explained

evidence

as

the absence

merely

from

of late

coincidence,

Carrawburgh™,

Housesteads (Bosanquet 1904, 263) and Rudchester (Gillam/ Mac Ivor 1954, 214-218) does not support an occupation of these Mithraea later than in the early fourth century either. The find of a mortarium in the Mithraic sanctuary of Rudchester (Gillam/ Mac Ivor 1954, 216: Corder’s Crambeck type 8) which can be dated to about the last third of the fourth/ possibly early

fifth century? is worth mentioning, and it is a pity that it

is unstratified or from disturbed layers within the Mithraeum in Rudchester or its later filling which also contained a fragment of a Huntcliff-type cooking pot (of simular date) from behind the revetment of the south bench and medieval pottery in disturbed areas (Gillam/ Mac Ivor 1954, 215-216). In mterpreting these late finds, one has to bear in mind that even

some

of the

stone monuments have been damaged by the plough (Gillam/ Mac Ivor 1954, 201-204; 206; pl. XVI 1). From what are clearly undisturbed layers there was obviously no pottery which appears only m fourth-century contexts (Gillam/ Mac Ivor 1954, 218).

The latest published com found in a certain Mithraeum in Britain comes from Caernarfon in north-west Wales: Interestingly the bronze com of Constans of AD

348-350 is described as wom. As it was found in the

burnt layer which indicates the final destruction of the temple and indeed as it was damaged by fire itself, the worn coin could suggest that the temple was set alight considerably later than the date it was minted in the middle of the fourth century. (The smashing of altars (Boon 1960, 153-156) makes it unlikely that the Mithraeum caught fire as a result of natural causes, if George Boon is nght in chronologically lmking the fire and the intentional destruction. His theory is of course extremely plausible and compatible with the description of the stratigraphy. It may, however, be worth noting that the stratigraphy, as 1 understand the excavation report, does not exclude the possibility that there might have been a certain gap of time between both incidents, though it seems to be less likely. To establish a relative chronology of the events, one should know whether any fragments of the altars were embedded in the bumt layer

or whether all were lying over it®’.)

Caemarfon provides evidence for an act of violence m the second half of the fourth century or perhaps even

later”, but according to a theory of the excavator,

George Boon, it is not proof that Mithraism survived in Britam to this time: He interpreted a thin layer of humus immediately beneath the burnt layer as an indication of a phase of abandonment. He linked this assumed abandonment with a now rejected (Simpson 1962, Casey/ Davies 1993, 7; 14-15) theory about a temporary withdrawal of the garrison of the fort of Caernarfon (Segontium) from c. AD 290 to c. AD 350 (Boon 1960, 138; 145 fig. 6; 153; 155-156). In any case, 1f the "thin film of brown earth" really indicates a phase of abandonment "when the Mithraeum lay roofless and weed-grown", which other wooden remains were left within a rum without a roof and could be set alight? If this phase was really at least sixty years long, some of those timbers, which were directly exposed to rain, would have decayed anyway in the damp climate of north-west Wales. The humus layer, directly over the

* Richmond/ Gillam 1951, 62-84, especially 74-79. compare 40: a mint coin of Magnentius of AD 350 in the peat which developed over the abandoned sanctuary of Carrawburgh confirms an early date of the destruction.

°° Corder 1937, 403; 409; compare Evans 1989; Gillam 1956, 73-76.

°° Boon 1960, 156; 166 B 3: 170; compare RIC VIII p. 153.

There is no mention of any traces of fire observed on the surface of the broken altars which were made of a local erit, and most probably there are indeed none. If in similar cases however smashed stone objects show signs of bumıng, it would interesting to know whether the surface of the breaks was exposed to the flames as well.

°° A later date cannot be ruled out, and it is possible but rather unlikely that this bronze coin, minted in the middle of the fourth century. was still in circulation in the early fifth century (Ryan 1988, especially 156), but its loss or deposition and the fire could have been separated bv a long period of time.

flag stones of the latest paving, was obviously only about 3 to 6 mm thick. Perhaps it indeed indicates some sort of vegetation, most likely of course to grow in a ruined building. Alternatively one could think of an organic floor covering, such as soft heather which at least temporarily carpeted the nave and the apse of the Carrawburgh Mithraeum (Richmond/ Gillam 1951, 16-18; pl. V A), rottmg in a building, situated in a marshy valley (compare Boon 1960, 137-138), with or without an intact roof. Perhaps the brown earth just indicates that the building was not kept clean at the end of its usage. It would unwise to speculate further which of these theories, if any, is the correct explanation for this thin layer. The fact that the remains of squared oak beams could apparently be recognized in the burnt layer (Boon 1960, 155), should be mentioned as well. One would like to see them as part of the preserved roof truss. The minimal conclusion, one can draw on the basis of this evidence, is that considerably later than the middle of the fourth century AD, the temple buildmg caught fire, probably not accidentally, while it was not yet completely ruined, perhaps even structurally intact. Was it still a Mithraeum at this time? George Boon (1960, 155) nghtly draws attention to the absence of any piece of sculpture or any undoubtable Mithraic find at all. (The only thing which identifies the temple as a Mithraeum is its ground plan.) The precious cult images could have been transported to another temple or ritually buried somewhere else. When this happened and whether the members of the Mithraic community moved away despite the continued occupation of the fort, or whether they stayed and hid the religious art at a time when there was danger of destruction, are questions which cannot be answered. There is no proof at all that the Caernarfon Mithraeum was still serving its original function when it was destroyed, and not even an indication that people still assembled there though 1 would not rule it out completely. The pottery evidence obviously does not allow precise dating of the abandonment of the temple: around the end of the third century or later (Boon 1960, 153; 167-170). The

question as to whether other Mithraea might have been

destroyed after their desertion and for what reasons, will be discussed below (p. 57-58; 62-69). Miranda Green emphasizes the intensity of the late pagan revival of indigenous cults in the British

countryside". The opposite seems to be true for the

Mithras cult in. Britain. which had been especially popular in the frontier zone. The only certain Mithraeum which has been discovered so far at a place not chiefly dominated by the army, was situated in a major town and traffic junction, 1n London, where however soldiers

were present, as it was a provincial capital'?. The latest

published coin from this Mithraeum was minted AD 341-346. But in the last decades of its existence major changes took place which pose the question again as to whether the building was still used as Mithraeum when the late coins were lost Several very precious and elaborate marbles, among others the heads of Minerva, Serapis and Mithras were buried within the temple (fig. 6) not before c. AD 310/ 320, but possibly even

later than AD 330". It is doubtful whether the head of

Mithras (fig. 7) was hacked off a cult relief as it is otherwise remarkably well preserved and undamaged (even the face!) The threat of acts of iconoclasm however may well have been the decisive factor in the concealment of this and the other precious marbles. Later on the sanctuary fell into a state of disrepair, but continued to have a religious function: A new altar base in the apse proves that it was not profaned, but finds connected with the cult of Bacchus such as a marble

Bacchic group might possibly indicate a rededication".

They were found in upper layers, but none of them in

their original position". However the tripartite division

was partially mamtained as long as the temple was used (Grimes 1986, 3). The fact that the marbles and three silver objects (a stramer inserted in a casket, decorated with religious scenes and a bowl), quite possibly hidden on the same occasion, were not recovered, does not necessarily indicate a change of occupants. The works of art and precious cult objects were hidden to protect them from iconoclasts, and as long as the threat persisted, it was unwise to remove them from their

9 Green 1976, 40; compare Lewis 1966, 140 tab. 7- 142 tab. 9; Thomas 1981, 265 fig. 48; Henig 1980, 110. ” Henig 1984b, 242. But compare the probable Mithraeum in Leicester and the possible one in Colchester (p. 82 no. 5-6; ^ 72

compare p. 27). Grimes 1986, 2, contrary to Merrifield 1977, 375 (based on Grimes 1968); about the marbles in general see Toynbee 1986; Grimes 1986; Haverfield 1906. ] am grateful to Dr. Martin Henig. who is of course not responsible for my view that there was no real rededication, for a discussion of this aspect. Henig 1984a, 107-109; 126; 215; 218; 221-222; Mernfield 1977, 375-382, 396-397; especially 381-382;

Hutchinson

point of view.

1986,

especially

152;

Grimes

1986,

2-3 and Toynbee

> Grimes 1986, 3-4; Toynbee 1986, 23 no. 6; 39 no. 15; compare 24 no. 7.

1986,

60; compare

56 express the opposite

hidden burial-places. The presence of Bacchic finds is also explicable. Pagans in the aristocracy of Italy in the fourth century were often involved in several mystery cults, and it would not be a complete surprise to find in the provincial capital London votaries of Mithras who worshipped Bacchus as well: Mithraists in the fourth

century often worshipped

Bacchus".

Admittedly the

epigraphic testimonies from Rome are later than the latest published dating evidence from the Walbrook Mithraeum m London. It is well known that in Mithraea many "non-Mithraic" deities were worshipped, as

Mithraism was not a monotheistic religion^.

Probably another buildmg, excavated m the civilian zone of Roman Britam, was a Mithraeum. The ground plan of a tripartite building with raised aisles in Leicester fits well mto the usual architectural scheme. Unfortunately only preliminary reports have been published so far, but there were obviously coms scattered on the ground which mdicate a decline in use

after c. AD 360’°. One would like to know more about

this archaeological finding to be able to assess if this building really has yielded the latest numismatic evidence for the usage of a Mithraic temple(?) in Britain. It has to be emphasized that the rarıty of coms in Mithraea and the early end of their deposition is not characteristic for Roman temples in Britain. Various sanctuaries, dedicated to different deities have yielded considerable quantities of coms, some of them several thousand. The com series often extends to the end of the fourth/ early fifth century as m their Gaulish counterparts. With regard to com supply in general it has to be mentioned that the relative proportion of coms minted after AD 330 amongst the Roman coins found in Britam is on average considerably higher than amongst

those found in Gaul or Italy’’, but the proportion of late antique Britain Britam that in

coinage found in the northern frontier zone. of is generally much smaller than it is in southern (Casey 1984, 50-51). The latter is due to the fact contradistinction to the period of the principate,

soldiers in the later third and fourth centuries were paid a proportion of their wages in kind. Cash pay and donations continued, but as a result of the devaluation of the currency was comparatively unimportant until payment in gold coms (solidi) was introduced while small change may have played an increasingly important role in small trade in civilian areas. Probably changes in the size of the garrisons were involved as well (compare Casey 1993, 262). The early end of the coin series of the northem British. Mithraea is not atypical if one compares them with other temples in the frontier zone where coin deposition ends on average earlier than m the south. The continuity of the Mithras cult and spring cults in Late Antiquity Despite the comparative rarity of late antique comage in northem Britain the custom of coin offerings did not stop in general: m Coventina’s Well, a sacred spring only about 150 metres away from the Mithraeum in Carrawburgh, about 16 000 coms were offered to the goddess Coventina during the time of Roman occupation, the latest minted probably AD 393 or even

later^. Unlike a sanctuary or sacral sculpture a spring

itself could not be destroyed by religious fanatics, and that certainly is one of the reasons why the cult of springs outlasted many other antique cults and survived

in many places up to the present". Coventina’s Well

remained in Carrawburgh as living evidence for paganism far longer than the cult of Mithras (unless there was another undiscovered sanctuary). Later the water of the spring was possibly dammed to flood the valley where the Mithraeum and other sanctuaries were situated (fig. 5), to make it impossible to use them (Richmond/ Gillam 1951, 43-44). Equally on the Continent spring cults often survived, in some cases even up to the present. The water of a spring next to the Mithras temple of Bourg-Saint-Andeéol was used in the fifteenth century for a magical practice, testing whether or not a suspected person was a leper

^" Collins-Clinton 1977, 38-45 about syncretism in a Bacchus temple in Cosa; compare Turcan 1992, 184-189 about the Syrian sanctuary of the Ianiculum at Rome; for the popularity of Mithras with the Roman aristocracy of the fourth century see Bloch 1963, especially 203; Matthews 1973. On the veneration and great popularity of Bacchus in fourth century Britain see Hutchinson 1986 passim; Henig/ Soffe 1993. 75 Compare Clauss 1990a, 162-169; Mercury for example is very frequently represented in Gallo-Roman religion in general. He was likewise venerated in several Mithraea such as in the recently excavated sanctuaries of Mundelsheim (Planck 1989) and Groß-Gerau (Seitz 1991). "© Wacher 1995, 359-360; compare Wilson 1970; Henig 1984b, 242; Green 1986, 125.

" Reece 1988, especially 73-75; compare Reece 1987, 71-97.

^ Allason-Jones/ Mc Kay 1985, especially 12; 50; 54; 65; 73-75. There are numerous examples. Two selected references may give an impression of this phenomenon: On springs and wells see Panzer 1941; Woodward 1992, 121-123.

(Walters 1974, 46-47; 72). Whether there was a continuity of this place as a religious focus for more than a millennium is of course impossible to say. As noted above the spring cult might also have survived the Mithras cult in Mackwiller (see p. 23), but this 1s less secure than in Carrawburgh. In the territories between the Rhine and the Danube, abandoned by the Roman army and administration in the AD 260s, later religious activities in temples can hardly be traced, but coin

offerings in springs" continue until the later fourth

century. But even though the spring cult survived in western and central Europe longer, often until moder times, the loss of those areas in the third century where the Mithras cult had been very widespread (besides the territories east of the Rhine, Dacia should be mentioned) did not cause a shift of popularity from the Mithras mysteries to other cults in all the other territories which remained under full imperial control, already in the third

or fourth century”.

Unlike Mackwiller, in Septeuil a nymphaeum with an mcorporated springwater basi was abandoned, subsequently privately reused and one half of it was eventually according to the numismatic evidence between about AD 350 and 360 converted into a Mithraeum. For the rebuilding oak, which it is hoped will allow dendrochronological dating, and reused pieces of columns were used. Mithraic stone sculpture and reliefs adored the sanctuary. Finally destroyed by iconoclasts, the use of the Mithraeum can be proved to have continued until the last decade of the fourth century or even until the early fifth century. A large number of coins (1400) is known from Septeuil where beside Mithraic worship the veneration of the spring

in historic development, east of the Rhine traces of Mithraic worship disappear already about a century earlier than in Bntam. The latest coin found in a Mithraeum of this area, except in the special case of Wiesbaden an outpost of the late antique empire, which has been discussed above, (p. 21-22), is a sestertius of Maximus (AD 236-238) from the third Mithraeum of Frankfurt a. M.-Heddernheim. But coins from Mithraic Sanctuaries east of the Rhine are too sparse for any Statistical conclusions to be drawn, especially if we take into account the fact that coins from the latest phase of the Roman occupation which lasted until probably the AD 260s are quite rare on many sites (Nuber 1990, 58-65; Baatz 1986; Stribrny 1989). The low number of coins and the early end of their deposition in Mithraea in this area might be one of the clues indicating that, in common with the British. examples and unlike several temples of Mithras in eastern Gaul, they were not destroyed by religious fanatics while still in use. This theory will be investigated more in detail in the chapter dealing with "The end of Mithraism m Germania Superior east of the Rhine".

persisted?"

Coin finds in Mithraea east of the Rhine

The rarity of coins, discovered in temples of Mithras m Britain has an astonishing parallel in. the Mithraea between Rhine and Danube (map 2 on p. 85). In none of them has a larger number of coins been found. There 1s yet another parallel: In both areas Mithraea ceased to be used for their onginal function demonstrably from an earlier date than most sanctuaries dedicated to the eastern god in Gaul. Of course as a result of differences

Some thoughts on the limitations of the numismatic evidence and on other dating evidence not discussed in detail Bronze coins remained m circulation for so long before the rapid devaluation during the third century crisis that their value for the chronology of the Mithraea, m which they were lost, is very limited. Other dating material is more important for that period. The pottery for example allows us to prove that the Mithraeum of Krefeld-Gellep had already been abandoned in the second half of the second century (Pirling 1986a, 244-245 and 1986b, 33), whereas a single coin from the bottom of the floor (AD 81-96) does not tell much about the chronology (Pirling 1986a, 244). But in Late Antiquity, when votive inscriptions are almost always lacking, there are several assemblages of large numbers of coins im Mithraea,

while the pottery is often less exactly datable*’. Unlike

major com deposits, the pottery - fragile and not recyclable - 1s usually not biassed towards the end of the period of usage. Sometimes the late pottery confirms the

numismatic dating, as for example in Mandelieu?^, while sometimes

there

9 A thesis about this phenomenon is preparation by me. As one among Rottenburg-Bad Niedernau (FMRD II 3 (1964) 3313; Planck 1986b).

* The opposite opinion is expressed bv Cumont 1923, 188-191. * Gaidon-Bunuel 1991 (on p. 57 with no. compare Kisch 1986; Cholet 1991.

13 she refers to

a numismatic

is

a

other examples

significant

may

disparity

in

be cited the spring of

study, inaccessible to me); Blanchet

1993;

5 In some other cases we depend of course completely on the pottery evidence: compare for example Hell 1965 about the Mithraeum of Moosham (between Salzburg and Spittal in the upper Mur valley, outside the investigated area).

chronology". A detailed study of the pottery and other

types of small find from Mithraea would certainly deserve a specialist study, a task not undertaken here (compare p. 5).

The end of coin deposition in Mithraic sanctuaries Interestingly all the Mithraea associated with major coin concentrations in the area examined lie in eastern Gaul, west of the Rhine. Most of the coins found there were minted in the fourth century and the coin series always extend to the late fourth or in some cases possibly as

late as to the early fifth century”. Instead of producing a

deposited after the abandonment of the temple); the latest

of 23

coins

from

Schachadorf

are

from

AD

375-392**. the latest of 13 coins in the fifth Mithraeum in Ptuj are from AD 379-395 (Tusek 1990, 270-271);

the latest of 91 coms from the Mithraeum of Konjica was minted in AD 383-408 (Patsch 1898, 191; 205-209), in the third Mithraeum of Ptuj the series of

268-274 coins extends until AD 388-395”: in the temple

of Mithras in Linz over 100 coins have been found, the

latest minted

AD

Mühlthal there were 395-408”.

394-402". c. 570

in the

Mithraeum

of

coins, the latest of AD

It should be stressed that eastern Gaul was not the only part of the Empire where late coms were found m sanctuarıes of Mithras. As comparison I take the dioecesis Illyricum and cite some examples: The latest numismatic dating evidence from Sankt Urban proves the use of this temple until at least AD 364-378 (or

After c. AD 400 hardly any new base metal coinage entered circulation in Britain and Gaul and since coins of precious metal are rarely found m temples m this area, the coin series of almost every temple, with only a few exceptions, dedicated to any deity ends with coins of Arcadius (AD 383-408) or Honorius (AD 393-423) at the latest. Coin deposition in some Mithraea in Gaul and lllyncum ends with coms minted not earlier than AD 394/ 395, but hardly later than AD 408, probably

second Mithraeum of Aquincum were minted AD 367-383 (but in this case the coins might have been

question were not all rededicated and in most cases there Is no indication of this, though it may have happened in

long list of Mithraea and dates, I refer the reader to map 2 on p. 85.

AD 375-3927)°’: the latest of 80 (64 dated) coins in the

not even later than c. AD

403”. If the Mithraea in

*' Fixot 1990, especially 184; compare Garbsch 1985, especially 420; 427-432; 437; 442; 447 fig. 32 about several categories of late antique finds (mortaria, glass beakers, a crossbow brooch and lavez vessels in the Mithraeum of Mühlthal near Pfaffenhofen am Inn (Pons Aeni).

© For example in Biesheim: Pétry/ Kern 1978, 19; Petry 1978, 354. °° This statement is of course only based on the numismatic publications, available to me. It will be interesting to see when

exactly the latest coin, found in Martigny was minted. Concerning the question as to whether coin series extend to the late fourth or to the early fifth century, it should be noted that on the map 2 on p. 85 only the earliest possible date of mintage of the latest coin is given, but that some of the coins of Arcadius (AD 383-408) and Honorius (AD 393-423) might have been minted after AD 400. In Nuits-Saint-Georges, Les Bolards some coins are reported to be of the fifth century (Planson

et al. 1973, 62; compare 55), but I do not know a description or list of these coins. Probably they rather date to the turn of

the fourth century as well. *' Schón 1988, 137 no. 161 mentions Valentinian II. (AD 375-392), but in CIMRM II no. 1442 and in Cumont (1896), 338 no. 237 beside other emperors Valens and Valentinian (= Valentinian I.?) are listed. Compare also the different lists of the other coins.

* Kuzsinszky 1892, 24 (see the description of the findspot: The coin deposit was found about one meter above the floor of the cella, next to the depiction of the rockbirth of Mithras at the back wall. Kuzsinszky plausibly suggests that it was deposited long after the abandonment of the sanctuary. Anyhow, the description of the stratigraphy 1s too inexact for any certain conclusion.) $9 CIMRM II no. 1411 = Schön 1988, 131 no. 153; 132 no. 156. 17. Ὁ FMRSI II (1988) 434/ 4: AD 392-395. For reasons of consistency the latest coins (FMRSI II (1988) 434) 4. 273-274) whose mint is indeterminable according to the description are dated according to LRBC II. ?' Eckhart 1966 no. 153; 180; 196-198; 204; 207-208; 220; 224-230; 241; 248-249: 261-263; 271-279, 288; 298-299; 311-313; 315-352; 360-388; 394-397; 399. 401-405; 407-409; 425 (compare LRBC II 1111; 1113 to no. 409); Karnitsch

1956, especially 194; 197; 206-207; 210; 222-233.

"^^ Kellner, H-J, 1985, especially 381 no. 537. For Mithraea in the dioecesis Illyricum in which at least one coin, minted not

9

P

earlier than in the first half of the fourth century was found, see Abrami¢ 1925, 68 about Mithraeum 2 in Ptuj (Poetovio) in

Noricum Mediterraneum; Patsch 1904, 267-268, Patsch 1900, 82-84 about Mithraeum 1 near Prozor (Arupium) in Dalmatia (until AD 337-350 or 337-361); Evans 1885, 20 about Cavtat (Epidaurum in Dalmatia); CIMRM II no. 1905 about Jajce in Dalmatia; Sacken 1853, 340 and CIMRM II no. 1679 about Carnuntum I; compare Schmid 1923/ 24, 210; CIMRM II no. 1448 about the Mithraeum in Ruse with coins until Diocletian (AD 284-305; coinage for him as senior Augustus was struck until AD 312 in Alexandria, until AD 311 in Antioch, but in most mints not longer than until AD 308 (RIC VID). Compare the coin lists with RIC X p. 317-342. RIC X is otherwise not included in this paper.

single cases, the numismatic evidence does not support the theory that the worship of Mithras came to an earlier end than the worship of other divine powers in eastern Gaul during the period while there was still an adequate supply of coms of small denomination. We may assume that this conclusion is not only true for Gaul, but also for some other parts of the empire such as the dioecesis Illyricum. The composition circulation

of the

coin

series

and

traces

Every Mithras temple, of course, has its own history, and the individual coin series depend on both the local economy and religious history which vary in different regions and from town to countryside. In Sarrebourg the percentage of Valentinianic and Theodosian coinage (AD 364-late fourth/ early fifth century) is comparable to that m Mühlthal, but much higher than in the Mithraeum 1n the great sacred area of the Altbachtal in Trıer, an imperial residence for long periods in Late Antiquity (see p. 88-90). One would need much more evidence to assess whether this might reflect a difference m the influence of the church between the imperial capital and smaller settlements. C. Brenot (in Fixot 1990, 206-208) unterestingly compares the low proportion of coins minted after AD 388 in the probable Mithraeum of Mandelieu with the far higher percentage in two non-Mithraic sanctuaries in southern Gaul. Both of them are over 100 km away from Mandelieu, and therefore I do not hazard an interpretation of the disparity by drawing general conclusions about the fates of Mithraea compared with those of other sanctuaries.

of

It 1s logical to assume that the significance of the date of the latest com is extremely uncertain if there is no other dating evidence for the period of its probable deposition. The composition of the whole com series has to be considered, and this often minimizes these uncertainties. A considerable proportion of coins from the last period of regular bronze coin supply in north-western Europe (late fourth possibly to early fifth century) 15 remarkable, especially if those coms are wom which indicates that they were deposited or contmued to be deposited until well after their date of mintage. Outside the area studied here, in the Mithraeum of Mühlthal near Pfaffenhofen am Inn next to the crossing of a major road over the river Inn (Aenus) where customs duties were certainly levied, the proportion of late fourth century coinage 1s extremely high (see diagrams on p. 90-91). It 1s much higher than in the settlement of Pfaffenhofen am Inn (Pons Aeni), about 1.5 km from the Mithras temple on the opposite bank of the river. One would expect this phenomenon anyway, when comparing a temple, continuously used until Late Antiquity with a whole settlement where, of course, the chances that early coin losses and deposits were not recovered, are far higher. But even within the time span of the second half of the fourth century the coin series from the Mithraeum is clearly more biassed towards the end of the period than

The stratigraphic position of coin finds as indicator for the continued use of Mithraea as sanctuaries in Late Antiquity: The example of Martigny The description of the stratigraphic position of coin finds in Mithraea is missing in many old excavation reports or at least not as accurate as one would wish. Several sanctuaries, discovered in recent years, are not yet fully published. Where the stratigraphic context of com finds is known, it is of course crucial in their interpretation and imn attempting to answer the question why they were left behind. I focus here on one Mithraeum, but some further examples are discussed in the following chapter (on p. 32-33) and in the Appendix 3 (p. 87-88).

in the settlement".

Martigny promises to enhance our knowledge about the significance of coin deposition m Mithraea considerably, once the final report has been published. All coins were recorded three-dimensionally (Wible 1995, 12), something which to my knowledge has not been done or at least not been published yet for any other temple of Mithras with numerous com finds in the area under examination. Crucial again is the question of whether Mithraic worship in Martigny continued as long as coms were deposited there. Certainly one is on dangerous ground, drawing conclusions based only on the preliminary report. However, the importance of the stratigraphic position of the coin finds, unfortunately not

The fact that the percentage of the coms from the Mühlthal Mithraeum minted after AD 361 which are in a good or very good state of preservation is considerably lower than it is for coins of AD 260-361 (Garbsch 1985, 445) might pomt to a longer circulation of coms minted after AD 361 and to a late deposition. But it has also to be considered that the small late fourth century copper alloy coins are generally often very corroded, and that the latest coms (minted after AD 378) are better preserved than those minted AD 361-378. ^ Kellner, H-J, 1985; Garbsch 1985, 446 fig. 31-447 fig. 32.

30

recorded in many older excavation reports, can hardly be overestimated. To exclude Martigny from my discussion therefore would be hard to justify. So far we know that numerous coins have been found in and above the two layers which accumulated during the decay of the buildmg (Wible 1995, 12), but the number of coins from each layer and their exact dating has not yet been published. The sanctuary was obviously in use until towards the end of the fourth century. Then it began to fall into a state of disrepair, and a layer consisting of mortar and plaster began to accumulate which according to Francois Wible (1995, 9) indicates the abandonment of the building. The fact that the mortar and plaster layer contained hardly any stones

suggests that the walls were still standing".

Interestingly a deep pit cuts the mortar and plaster layer. It was obviously dug to conceal an altar, originally dedicated to Jupiter optimus maximus (compare above p.14), later covered by plaster bearing a painted inscription. In contrast to Francois Wible (1995, 9) who ascribes this act to the Christians, it seems to me to be more likely that pagans buried this undamaged religious monument. Christian iconoclasts might have preferred less time-consummg methods to remove or destroy the altar than to dig a pit of at least 1.6m m depth. Certainly the fact that somebody took the trouble to remove the altar in such a labour-intensive way indicates, regardless of whether the motive was to protect the altar from iconoclasts or whether it was to prevent pagan rituals, that at the time of its concealment the Mithraeum had not yet ceased to be a place of pagan worship (compare Wible 1995, 12). Examples of similar actions are discussed in following chapters. Two other altars were found smashed lying above the mortar and plaster layer. There was obviously no place left for them in the pit, blocked by the first altar, and as the only pagan stone monuments left which were visible, they did not survive an iconoclastic attack. Subsequently the stones of the crumbling wall slowly filled the nave of the Mithraeum which was now finally abandoned (Wible 1995, 9; 10 with fig. 16-17). As noted above the Mithraeum was in use and not yet in a state of decay until towards the end of the fourth century, and there are even numerous coms im later layers. If these layers really indicate a complete

abandonment, the presence of these coins is hard to understand. As one possible explanation among others, Francois Wiblé (1995, 12) tentatively suggests that coins continued to be offered at the place of the abandoned sanctuary. This would imply that the sanctuary was out of use while some fourth century coms were still in circulation, but that rt continued to be

a

sacred

site

abandonment

even

(Wiblé

after 1995,

its

late

fourth

century

9). Knowing that throwing

coins was a common religious practice at many holy places, it is harder to imagine that this happened at an abandoned religious meeting place than for example at a Gallo-Roman temple ce//a, believed to be a sacred site itself or at a sacred spring. Is it reasonable to assume instead that there were perhaps still some Mithraists in late fourth or early fifth century Martigny, meeting in the windowless old temple, with the plaster crumbling from the walls? Francois Wible (1995, 9) proposes that the rarity of tile fragments in this layer might indicate that the tiled roof might have been reused. The poor state of preservation of a painted inscription on one altar allows according to Francois Wible (1995, 10-11) the conclusion that it was exposed to rain and frost which would support the theory that the building was roofless at least for some time. Humidity and frost damage could also have caused or accelerated the plaster peeling off the walls. It 1s indeed hard to imagine that secret ceremonies even

in the most difficult times took place in a roofless ruin”.

But there was definitely something gomg on as numerous coins in a temple are most likely to indicate continued religious activities, and the alternative explanation to money being collected at the meeting place of a religious community, 1.e. that of throwmg coms as offerings in an abandoned ruin does not convince me yet either. To think of any non-religious activities which are likely to lead to the deposition of numerous coms m a buildmg m such a bad state of repair is even harder. Could it be that the collection box, perhaps a vessel contamıng the coms rested on some kind of shelf and fell and down as a result of the process of decay? Such an explanation might solve the problem of the reasons for their presence ın postabandonment(?)-layers, but not the fact that they were obviously widely dispersed (Wiblé 1995, 12). Only the stratigraphy may eventually solve the question of whether the dispersal of the coins by the iconoclasts who

? Ido not know whether the collapse outwards of the whole south-east wall (Wiblé 1995, 4: 7 fig. 10) can be dated to this or to a later period. Ὁ But compare p. 74-75 concerning the use of a roofless church tower for Christian worship in the seventeenth century which can of course not be compared with a secret mystery cult.

smashed the altars is a possibility. If the preliminary record of the excavator that the coms were numerous in and above the post-abandonment(?)-layers, includes the layer of stones from the crumbling walls covering the altars, then this interpretation cannot be correct. It will be interesting to see whether the full publication of the excavation will provide further evidence for a complete abandonment or perhaps indications of a continued use of the building in its very deteriorated state until the burial of the one altar and the destruction of the two others. It would not be wise to speculate further, before all of the evidence is available. The value of coin deposits recovered from Mithraea (negligible small change or a significant amount of money?) and the reasons for their presence: Offerings in temples, loss or deposition after profanation or abandonment? Scorned by plunderers or religious fanatics? The most costly items which have been discovered so far in Mithraea are certainly the stone sculptures, worthless both to religious fanatics and most plunderers. It 1s hardly astonishing that precious metal objects

which were always valuable, are rarely found". Of

course in most non-Mithraic temples excavations have not revealed precious items either. In any case, it 15 remarkable that none of the large pagan temple treasures found in Britain, Gaul and the Germanic provinces is Mithraic, even though the Mithraists were always a minority, not exclusively involved only in this cult and probably not m the slightest comparable with the number of non-Mithraists. The only written record about treasures in a temple of Mithras comes from Armenia, a country where the tradition of Mithraism

was very old and certainly quite different from the romanized form of the cult. It is perhaps the earliest literary recorded destruction of a sanctuary of Mithras. (Armenia 1s known to be the earliest Christian state in

the world”.) St. Gregory is reported to have destroyed a temple of Mihr (Mithras) to its foundations and to have given

poor’.

its treasures

We

do

(which

not

know

are

not

if the

described)

small

to the

Mithraic

congregations in the Roman Empire ever possessed valuable temple treasures; certainly there is no indication of treasures in any way comparable with the

possessions of major sanctuaries'". It seems unlikely

that there were many valuables in little temples, especially when they were isolated, probably unguarded and not part of a residential building. The coins found in Mithraea, like most coins found in other temples, are mainly of base metal or else are antoniniani with a low silver content. The findspots of the major coin deposits, which are all fourth century, deserve special mention: In Mackwiller a ceramic vessel containing over 400 coins fell off a stand, when the sanctuary bumt down, probably not accidentally as the smashed sculpture suggests. Did the fire-raisers not search through the temple before they set it alight? In other Mithraea numerous coins are scattered

all over the floor". Robert Forrer suggests that when

the Christians destroyed the Mithraeum in Sarrebourg, they threw the money on the ground because they did

not want to take coms dedicated to a hated god’.

Another theory was originally proposed to explain the dispersal of the coins found in the destruction layers and in the ploughsoil over the Mithraeum of Biesheim. Francois Petry and Erwin Kem (1978, 19) regarded it as possible that most of them belonged to the same deposit

”” The most famous example is a silver strainer, inserted in a silver casket and a bowl made of silver as well from the

Mithraeum of London (Toynbee 1986, 42-54; Hughes/ Lang 1986; Toynbee 1963), but as Dr. Martin Henig kindly told me, the depictions on the silver strainer could also be interpreted as Bacchic scenes. For precious metal objects in Mithraic contexts compare ORL B 33. Kastell Stockstadt (1910) 93-95 no. 61; ORL A 6. Nachtrag zu B 33. Kastell Stockstadt (1933) 38-40; Loeschke 1925, 318-319; Gose 1972, 117; Schwinden 1987, 272-273. Garsoian/ Patterson Sevcenko 1991. (The conversion of king Abgar VIII., king of parts of the Osrhoene in the late second/ early third century, was probably not historical, but even if it was, it was only an episode as the client state was AD 212/ 213 annexedby Rome (Millar 1993, 125; 144; 472-476, especially 476; Kirsten 1959, especially 570; Fox 1986, 279-280). The sanctuary destroyed by St. Gregory, was not in Armenia Minor as sometimes stated (for example Merkelbach 1984, 50), but in north-west Armenia beyond the borders of the Roman Empire in this period: Langlois 1867, 168 no. 4; compare Treidler 1967. Another record of the desecration of a Mithraic sanctuary, in the area of Trapezus in the province of Cappadocia/ Pontus Polemoniacus under Diocletian and Maximianus is doubtful (Rosenqvist 1991). Agathangelos 134 (Langlois 1867, 168-169; Cumont 1896, 3-4): French translation of the Armenian text and antique Greek version. The keyword in the French translation is les trésors, in the Greek text ot αποκεΐμενοι ϑησαυροί. For the history of the tradition of the text see Thomson 1991. ‘°° Compare Duncan-Jones 1994. 8-9: compilation of literary evidence for the biggest temple treasures in the Roman Empire. /! Compare FMRD IV 3/ 1 (1970) 3001, 37 A-D about Trier. Votive deposits have to be considered as well (Fixot 1990, 184; 187; 209-2107). 106: Forrer 1915. 103: compare Clauss 1986, 281 with no. 48: the theory is based on Fisenne 1896, 158; that there are clear signs of iconoclasm in Sarrebourg (Fisenne

1896, especially 123; 132: 136-137;

161) has to be mentioned in this context.

of collected money and that ploughmg might have scattered them. In a recent article Erwin Kem (1991, 64) comes to a similar conclusion with regard to Biesherm as does Robert Forrer in the case of Sarrebourg: It was a dishonourable gesture that the coms which have been kept in the temple until its destruction were on this occasion scattered in the ruins. Whether this theory is true or not (and in my judgement it 1s indeed likely that it 1s true in many cases), leaving of the coins behind certainly indicates an unexpected destruction. It would be wrong to argue that the coms of small denomination were worthless small change in which nobody was interested. Even though the value of bronze coms depended on many factors (compare Lendon 1990, 106-107; 119-126) and any guess about the purchasing power of the coms of fourth century deposits from Mithraea runs the risk of dangerous oversimplification, 1 have the temerity to produce a calculation which might give at least a rough idea of their worth. I take as example the Mithraeum of Mühlthal near Pfaffenhofen am Inn, outside the area under investigation here, but north of the Alps where 570 coins have been found which are well published by Hans-Jorg Kellner (1985). The coms were dispersed over the sanctuary and particularly abundant m two pits in the central nave and above its floor. First of all it necessary to examime whether we are justified to include all the coms in the calculation. The findspots of most of the 438 coins, found during the excavation, lie within the temple, in the case of a few tt is uncertain and only a very small number (7) are recorded as finds, certainly from outside the building. Private searches revealed a further 132 coins from the area of the Mithraeum, and of course it 1s not at all certam that all such finds have been reported. Hans-Jörg Kellner argues convincingly (1985, 366) that at least most of these coins are likely to derive from the temple as well. However, attention may be drawn to the fact that coms from the period up to AD 235 make up only 1.14% of those, revealed during the excavation, but 7.58 % of those, reported by private finders. The percentage of coins, minted after AD 378 15, however, strikingly similar: 21.92 % (excavation) - 21.97 9o (private finds). Amongst them, those coins, Hans-Jorg Kellner lists (1985, 367) as undoubtedly minted after AD 388 show different proportions: 8.45 % (excavation)

- 4.55 % (private finds).

most of these late coms (after AD 388) were AE 4 coins with an average weight of only c. 1.15 g (RIC IX, xxxi) It 1S unsurprising that more of them were detected during the archaeological excavation. It 1s open to debate whether the much higher proportion of the larger early imperial coms amongst the private finds, can be explamed in a similar way. The three heavy nummi (or folles) of the late third and possibly early

fourth century are interesting as comparison!”: none of

them was found during the excavation. Nevertheless, rt seems reasonable to suppose that indeed at least some of the ten coins from the period before AD 235, discovered by non-archaeologists, may not belong to the sanctuary itself: Most of them were found after the end of the excavation (Kellner 1985, 366; 382 no. 1-15 passim). One would expect that the percentage of early imperial coinage in the Mithraeum (interestingly absent from the pits) to be higher m the excavated lower layers within the sanctuary than in the top soil, and that only a few, if any, of the larger coms were missed by the archaeologists. As the Mithraeum was situated on a slope, the origin of coins discovered outside the building is hard to trace. It would be interesting to map those coins from outside the Mithraeum whose findspots are known to test the theory (Kellner 1985, 366) that many coins were washed out of the sanctuary whose downwards sloping side was heavily eroded (Garbsch 1985, 360; 362-363 fig. 5-6). This data could show whether there is a concentration of finds below the temple in the direction of the slope. The large number of coins and remarkable similarities in the composition of the comage support Hans-Jorg Kellner’s view (1985, 366) that most of the 132 coms belong to the Mithraeum, though probably not all of them. If some of the coms are not related to the sanctuary, it 1s probable that the early imperial coins rather than those from the late fourth century are overrepresented. I have checked for every coin the average weight of coins of that denomination in its period of mintage and the average fineness of all silver and billon coins. (The silver content is only considered if it 1s not below 2 90.) The result of my calculations are that the 570 coins contained approximately 1.7 kg of copper alloy and c. 16 g of silver. In the late fourth century the ratio of the value of gold coins to the value of raw copper or copper alloy was 1: 1800 (gold: silver = 1: 14.4; silver: copper

= 1: 125)'^. The silver and copper alloy of the coins

Considering that

' Kellner 1985, 370 and 383 no. 61-63: No. 62 (AD 294-295): 63 (AD 299) and no. 61 which is in a bad state of preservation and dated to AD 294-313, but obviously it seems to be likelier that it predates the reduction in weight of AD 307.

from the Mithraeum in Mühlthal were worth almost half a solidus in terms of their metal content. Almost half a solidus (c. 45.7 96) 1s of course a fairly

abstract figure and one has to try to get at least an approximate idea of what one could buy for this amount of money or - perhaps even more revealing - how long people of certam professions had to work for it. One solidus (c. 4.5 g of high-carat gold) could buy about 87-437 litres of wheat m the fourth century, depending on harvest and regional supply (Jones 1974, 206-207). The purchasing power of gold coms was remarkably constant over centuries, and with some caution price and pay levels, even 1f they are recorded for another century and for another geographic area, can be used as a comparison. A. H. M. Jones (1974, 208-209; compare 1964, 623-630) calculates the annual pay and other sources of income of soldiers in the fifth to sixth century amounted to the value of about twelve solidi. It would be more interesting to know the figures for the fourth century when however the soldiers received parts of their pay m kind which makes it more difficult to calculate the total value. In the later fourth and in the fifth century the system was gradually changed, and soldiers received most of their pay in gold. Twelve solidi were considerably more than some unskilled workers had at their disposal who could earn as little as three solidi a year or even less. Construction workers, 1f they found work throughout the year could make much more money than that (Jones 1964, 447-448; 858; 1358 no. 82).

It might give some idea of the metal value of the coms from the Mithraeum of Mühlthal, that it was roughly equivalent to the money that a soldier, at least m the fifth or sixth century, could dispose of in two weeks, or that it was enough to pay for the keep of a child for almost half a year (c. five months and two weeks: Jones 1964, 448, agam based on later records). It 1s clear that this calculation is based on many factors which are uncertam, but even allowing for a deviation of a few percent for every factor, the result cannot be too far from the truth. Nobody would doubt that nowadays the standard of living in westem Europe is much higher than in the Roman imperial period and certainly much higher than around AD 400. But is it likely that a burglar today who found small banknotes, worth the pay for two weeks of a soldier in our armed forces, would not bother to take

this money, but throw ıt on the floor? Or, who when moving out of a house would not care about such an amount of money left behind or even for a much smaller amount? The idea that plunderers of a Mithraeum in antiquity behaved like this is equally inconceivable. If one considers the possibility that money was left behind by votaries on abandonment of a temple, the only conceivable reason for their doing so 15 religious fear or respect. Even in this instance the latest of the collected coms still predates the abandonment and thus is proof for the use of the building as a temple. I am stressing this point, because it is repeatedly disputed that coins - and we have seen a number of the small Mithraea have yielded several hundreds of them are likely to indicate that Mithraea 1n the last third of the fourth century were still used as temples and that the coms were not deposited after their abandonment (Vidman 1977, 240; Turcan 1984, 223). Once it has even been suggested to me that since these coms are mostly of low denomination their presence could potentially be explained by the use of some of the temples as rubbish dumps. But though mdeed Mithraea as partially underground structures often filled up with rubbish beside other sediments and though throughout the ages small objects have been lost, the density of coin finds in such a large portion of the comparatively small Mithraea m certain areas cannot possibly be explained by comcidental losses. It should not be necessary to emphasize that even the smallest bronze coin was hardly likely to be thrown away intentionally: One solidus might have been worth roughly 6000 to 7000 current small bronze coins of the late fourth century (Jones 1974, 214-216; Pankiewicz 1989, 91; 97; 99). If one considers again the pay of soldiers and workers, even a 1.15 g bronze coin was worth considerably more for them than for most modern Europeans the smallest coin in their currency systems which are nevertheless usually not thrown away. Though today certamly many more small coins are in circulation and most coms and certainly the metal itself have a much lower value than in antiquity, I doubt that a modem rubbish dump, contaming several hundred coms within only a few cubic metres, would be easy to find. The Mithraeum of Mühlthal does not contain the largest com deposit in a Mithraeum north of the Alps. Apart from Septeuil (compare p. 22; 28; 53) where the spring veneration makes an interpretation more difficult, Martigny has to be mentioned. It is the Mithraeum with

' Pankiewiecz 1989, 96: 98; 121 tab. 3: RIC IX p. xxix; Cod. Theod. 16, 29.

11, 21, 2; compare the different figures in Cod. lust.

the most numerous coin finds in the area examined. Only preliminary reports about this sanctuary have been

published so far!?. About 2000 coins have been found

in and around the Mithraeum, the majority minted in the

fourth century, mainly in its second μα!δ΄ Ὁ. How large

the portion of coins, found outside the temple actually is, and how certam we can be that they belong to the Mithraeum, is not known yet. If one assumes that the coin series, comprising 2000 coins, is similar to that from Mühlthal, it would correspond to the pay of a soldier for about seven weeks or to the keep for a child for about one year and seven months. It has to be emphasized again that these calculations are based on many uncertainties and exactitude is impossible to achieve. To conclude, even if the description of the findspots of several hundred coins does not allow us to determine whether they were finally deposited during the usage of the Mithraeum as a temple or when this religious usage came to an end, their presence is by itself revealing. The likelihood of a private money deposit hidden in an abandoned temple is far lower than that of collected votive offermgs. Certainly one can consider the former explanation in a single case, but nobody will seriously believe that people were regularly hiding large numbers of coins in abandoned Mithraea in wide areas of Gaul. I have to stress agam that my calculations about the approximate value of the com deposits, discovered in some Mithraea as in many other pagan temples cannot give more than a rough idea of their magnitude. Com deposits of several hundred or even over a thousand bronze coins had a considerable value and were certainly worth collectmg for somebody whose actions were motivated by a desire for plunder. The most convincing explanation for coin deposits, obviously not hidden by the Mithraists, 15 in my judgement that the persons, responsible for the desecration had no financial motives. Moreover, if single persons without armed protection were carrying out the work of destruction m an area still dominated by paganism, they had to act quickly m order not to be impeded or even to become victims of violence themselves (compare p. 46-47; 67). Even if Christian iconoclasts had sufficient support or protection to eliminate the monuments of the pagan past openly and without being in a dangerous situation and

under pressure of time, they had good reason not to take any coins or valuables for themselves. A passage in a letter of St. Augustine (epist. 47, 3), the bishop of the African coastal town of Hippo Regius, reveals how Christians thought about this matter in the transition from the fourth to the fifth century. On the advice of the famous Christian saint, destroyers of pagan sanctuaries must not take possession of anything because it should be apparent that piety and not greed is the motive for such destruction. He also refers the reader to a passage in Deuteronomy (7, 25-26), which he had been asked to interpret (Aug. epist. 46, 18); in this passage from the Bible God orders the Israelites to burn the wooden 1dols of the gods in the Promised Land, but not to desire the silver or gold of them. God wams them, not to bring such an abomination into their house, otherwise they would be cursed just like such pagan votive objects. It 1s strongly emphasized in this passage from the Old Testament (and indeed in many others) that any contact (other than during the process of destruction) with anything pagan must be avoided and that it has to be utterly abhored. Was it also for fear of contammation that the iconoclasts did not dare to take money from the temples, which was accursed since ıt had been dedicated to Mithras? St. Augustine at least had no objections agamst taking valuables from temples for communal (1.e. ecclesiastical) purposes. That 1s how he understands the warming im Deuteronomy (7, 25-26): Christians should not take the the gold, the silver or also bronze utensils because they had to be given to the treasure of

the

Lord'".

Christian

iconoclasts

in

areas

where

paganism was still strong, however, would have had even greater difficulties coming across with the message that they were acting in community interest, had they left vandalized temples with hundreds of coins. They would have risked being seen by locals (who, according to hagiographic sources, were very often outraged by the destruction) carrying away this voluminous stolen temple property. There was no way to prove instantly that they were not only pretending to use the money for good causes (1.e. what they personally regarded as being good causes, but others perhaps did not - or even if they did, may, nevertheless, have stil disapproved of desecrating money, dedicated to a god, and misusing it for a purpose, it was never destined for). To scatter the coins in the ruins of sanctuaries certainly was a clear demonstration to potential witnesses (and to God?) of the unselfish motives for the pious work of destruction.

'» Wiblé 1993 and 1995. I would like to thank Markus Scholz for telling me about the latter important article when it was not yet available in Oxford. '» Wiblé 1995. 12; the figure c. 2000 is obviously an update (Wiblé 1993, 163: c. 1500).

7 Aug. epist. 47, 3; compare 46, 18 on Joshua 6, 19.

being worth the widespread unrest which

Though it 1s clear that a deposit in a temple, consisting of several hundred or even a few thousand coins (even if

measure would have caused.

they were mainly bronze coins as it was mostly the case) had a considerable value, it, however, was only a fraction of the value of the possessions of a person, one would describe as being "rich" and certainly only a very tiny fraction of the largest temple treasures in the ancient world as described in literature. The normal fate of the latter was certainly reuse, unlike that of the numerous small deposits of collected offerings. The central authorities obviously did not consider the systematic seizure of these smaller deposits of money as

such a

That within the territory of the late Roman Empire there were still numerous coms in Mithraea at the time during which the temples were destroyed, seems to indicate that the worship of Mithras continued at many places until it came to a violent end, and that for the most part the destroyers of these Mithraea did not find the temples already abandoned.

36

WILFUL DAMAGE REMOVAL OF MONUMENTS™

TO AND MITHRAIC

ICONOCLASM AND INTENTIONAL DAMAGE TO INSCRIPTIONS The difficulty in proving iconoclasm Iconoclasm is the intentional damage or destruction of religious images arising out of intolerance. A related phenomenon 1s the destruction of other cult objects, such as votive inscriptions, and of buildings with a religious function. The motivation, 1 not just the blind rage of the fanatic, 1s either to prevent detested forms of worship or religious practices with or without the intention. of eliminating the cult or religion. concerned. In certain cases iconoclasm could have an additional objective which was to demonstrate the helplessness and powerlessness of the deities affected who obviously could not even help themselves when attacked notwithstanding the weakness of such an argument, admittedly as seen from a modern perspective and not from that of the superstitious human bemgs mvolved: The religious monuments and places of worship of the iconoclasts were naturally as vulnerable as those of the religion attacked. And yet incidents, affecting monuments of the religion of the iconoclast himself were often viewed in a different light since iconoclasm and belief m the unquestionable superiority of one’s own religion are related phenomena. The aim of this investigation is to try to differentiate between accidental and deliberate damage to religious art and to explore what the latter reveals about the motives and identity of those responsible. Only a small minority of the antique sculptures and reliefs known today are preserved complete and undamaged. Often, especially when the stratigraphic context 1s unknown, it is hard to decide whether damage 15 due to mtentional destruction or to some kind of natural process. A statue m a sanctuary which is falling into disrepair could have been hit by the collapsmg roof or by blocks from a crumbling wall. The severed head of a statue with a damaged face might testify iconoclasm or simply the collapse of the fragile work of art when the upper part of

the sculpture hit the ground at higher speed than lower parts of the anatomy; the thin neck was intrinsically likely to break. Pagan stone images at which frequently stones were thrown out of a religious (Christian) motivation might bear a close resemblance to weathered images (see Appendix 4). Ploughing, as for example in Rudchester (Gillam/ Mac Ivor 1954, 201-204; 206; pl.

XVI

1) or later building activities" on the site of a

former Mithraeum might have caused further accidental damage.

Even if intentional damage can be proved there are several possible explanations for it: for instance it was very profitable to melt down metal objects. A statue or relief made of stone could be smashed in order to simplify transport action to a kiln if the material was a limestone or to get stone for building. Interestingly there are two fragments of two almost identical Bacchus(?) statuettes from the temple of Mithras in London, broken off similarly at the thighs and m the hip region. Could it be that these statuettes were split up to get more or less rectangular very small stone blocks? One of these fragments was found south of the narthex of the Mithraeum, the other one about 180 metres away from

it, reused in a late Roman foundation '?.

The use of fragments of ancient sculpture or of the even more suitable altars or of other rectangular stone blocks bearing religious dedications or reliefs as building material might have had purely practical reasons or it might have been wilful desecration. In AD 397 Arcadius and Honorius officially approved the use of temples as

quarries

for

various

public

building

purposes’’’.

Porphyrios, the bishop of Gaza on the coast of Palestine, in AD 402 took the marble flags or the marble facing, regarded as holy, from a part of the chief temple of the town, dedicated to the god Marnas (obviously from the holy of the holies), he had destroyed with imperial support against the will of the population and used it to pave a street, because he wanted even dogs, pigs and

other animals to walk on it in order to desecrate it''*.

For the western half of the Empire there are also many written sources attesting the destruction of temples and

cult images! and it is likely that as long as pagan

traditions were vivid, religious ımages were reused by Christians with similar intentions.

' It is a general question how to interpret damages to religious images and altars. Therefore Mithraic monuments can only be understood in comparison with other pagan monuments and not exclusively.

Ὁ See for example Precht 1971, 62 about Mithraeum 2 in Köln (Cologne). πὸ Grimes 1986, 4: Toynbee 1986, 9 fig. 1; 23-25 no. 6-7 with pl. 13-14; 38-39 pl. VI-VII, Grimes 1968, 111. "Ἢ Cod. Theod. 15, 1, 36; about the destruction of temples compare 16, 10, 16 (AD 399).

^ Marcus Diaconus, Vita Porphyrii episcopi Gazensis 76; compare Mussies 1990, 2418; Preisendanz 1930. '# The numerous examples cannot be listed here. Compare the compilations quoted on p. 4 no. 1.

But even though the desecration of sanctuaries by inhabitants of the Empire seems to have been unusual before the fourth century AD and the theft or misuse of cult objects was severely punished before the

Christianization of the Roman Empire''*, one has to be

aware of the fact that already during the third century crisis when countless civil wars and hostile mcursions threatened the lives of the population, votive inscriptions and objects made of stone were reused for city walls and military fortifications. For example in Mainz Mithraic inscriptions besides many other stone monuments were mcorporated in sections of the walls which were probably built in the third quarter of the third

century AD'".

The inscription from London,

reused

besides another altar and various pieces of carved stone blocks m the riverside wall of Roman London 1s also notable. As discussed above (p. 12) there is a good chance that it 1s Mithraic. The date of the riverside wall is firmly based on dendrochronological examination of the oak piles which formed the foundation of several sections of the wall, one of them very close to the part of the wall in which the stone monuments were incorporated; this very section, however, was not based

on wooden piles. As the rectangular timbers did not retain the bark, it 1s not possible to date the construction or its phases exactly to the year. The curve of the latest sample extends to AD 255; allowing for a few more missing tree-rmgs of the sapwood of the timbers, the building may have taken place a few years after AD 255, but hardly much later than AD 270. Could it be that the threat of pirates rowing up the Thames and

frequent in. Britam than it is m Gaul. As one among many non-Mithraic examples, a dedication to indigenous derties from Mittelstrimmig east of the Mosel (CIL XIII 11975-11976), reused in AD 270 or 271 (dating according to Kienast 1990, 243), may be cited. It was reused as an official building inscription for a burgus. Religious inscriptions, reliefs and sculptures were also often reused for defensive walls in the fourth century AD, as for example a fragment of an altar with depiction of Cautopates from the late Roman fortifications of Wiesbaden''’. But for late Roman defences stone monuments dedicated to almost every popular deity were employed without conspicuous preference for certain cults together with suitable funerary monuments and profane stone sculpture and inscriptions. However, the incorporation of Mithraic and other pagan monuments in the defences of late antique forts and towns certainly indicates radical changes in the religious life which affected paganism in general. The incorporation of pagan monuments in ecclesiastical buildings in certain positions might rather be of religious significance in itself. Under the mam altar of the St. Anna chapel in Obernburg a. M. a dedication to Mithras has been found (Schwertheim 1974 no. 130). An inverted altar dedicated to Sol Invictus from Kirchheim am Ries 1s also interesting. It was used as the base for a medieval altar. It is possible but not proven

that the church dates back to the early Middle Ages''”.

landing at the unprotected side of the large (1.3 km’)

Iconoclasm directed against Mithraic monuments

with

In any case it is obvious that the anger of the destroyers was sometimes directed towards the depictions themselves. In Dieburg for example the blow of the iconoclast was directed at the head of the hunting god, the central figure on the obverse of the swivelling cult

city led to the hasty construction of a defensive wall whatever

suitable

material

was

available?

(The

building of the massive Saxon Shore forts leaves no doubt that piracy became a real danger in the second half of the third century; a large city like London would have been one of the most rewarding targets which one could reach by ship.) Or were the religious stone monuments only used for a restoration, carried out

perhaps much later'^? It may be noted that to my

knowledge the incorporation of antique religious stone monuments in later Roman defensive structures 1s less

image,

and the

stone was

thus

split (fig.

8a-b).

The

minor figures are comparatively well preserved. The sun-god on the reverse (fig. 8c) may have met a similar fate, but it 1s difficult to decide whether the depiction of his face which had been next to a break, cracked off

/!^ Mommsen 1899, 810-811; Suet. Dom. 8. 5; Dig. 48, 13, 7/ 11.

!5 Neeb 1928, 86 no. 3; Schwertheim 1974 no. 91; 93; compare Keller 1883 about the findspot of a part of a Mithraic altar, used at least for the second time as a building stone; Schwertheim 1974 no. 92. See about the dating Hollstein 1980, 89-90; Selzer 1988 especially 42, 62; Kónig 1981, 81 no. 27; Esser 1972, 215; 223. 16 Ann. Epigr. 1976, 362; Wright Hassall/ Tomlin 1976, 378 no. 1; Brigham 1990, 140; Hill/ Millet! Blagg 1980; especially 62-66 (Hill, Ch); 191-193 (Blagg, Th) and (in the same volume) Hassall 1980, 195-196 no. 1; Hillam/ Morgan 1986, 83-84; Sheldon/ Tyers 1983, 359-361; Perring 1991, 106-108; 113; 124.

IF Ritterling 1902/ 1903, 13-14; Ritterling 1902, 67-68; Schwertheim 1974 no. 86b. !I* Planck 1986a; Weisshuhn/ Planck 1984; Planck interpretation of dedications to Sol Invictus.

1981.

Compare

Clauss

1992, 280-283

about the difficulties in the

accidentally or whether it was mutilated intentionally too (compare p. 64-65; Behn 1928, 7-28; 45-47). Quite often one gets the impression that it was the central cult relief that first of all attracted the attention of the violent ıntruder(s). The reason why the depiction of the bull slaying scene and the cult meal of Mithras and Sol caused offence to Christians will be discussed below (p. 76-79). The central cult relief in the Mithraeum of Strasbourg-Koenigshoffen (fig. 9) had been hacked in hundreds of pieces (according to Robert Forrer over 360 were still recognizable) which were found scattered all over the floor of the sanctuary. Such a shattering and dispersal cannot be explained by any natural processes. The destruction in StrasbourgKoenigshoffen whose date could not be determined archaeologically (Forrer 1915, 78-79), was the deed of people who wanted to blot out the remembrance of a deeply hated god. They succeeded in so far as major parts of the cult relief including the head of Mithras were totally destroyed or cleared away (Forrer 1915, 59-69, pl. 1; Will 1950a). Manfred Clauss (1986, 280) explains the absence of the head of Mithras with its tota! destruction or deposition in a river. As discussed below, in the chapter about "the deposition of stone monuments in wells", the head could be treated m a special way not only for purely iconoclastic causes, but also for some superstitious reason. As major parts of the cult relief of Strasbourg-Koenigshoffen are missing, not only the head, it is quite possible, but not provable that the head was the main target for the iconoclasts. There are numerous parallels for the destruction of the main cult images which cannot be listed here. How thoroughly Christians could destroy pagan cult images is impressively shown by St. Gregory of Tours (Franc. 8.

15) to whom

the deacon

Vulfilaicus

described the

destruction of a statue of Diana at La Ferte-sur-Chiers in the later sixth century: ...simulacrum ... confractumque cum malleis ferreis in pulverem redegi (the image was smashed with iron hammers, and thus I reduced it to powder). St. Martin of Tours had acted similarly in the later fourth century. Sulpicius Severus (Vita Martini 14, 6), reporting how the saint razed to the ground a temple in a village, writes: aras omnes atque simulacra redegit in pulverem (all the altars and the cult images he reduced to powder). Unlike St. Martin the 1conoclasts mn Strasbourg-Koenigshoffen made a distinction. between

the different pagan monuments and destroyed the Mithraic altars, but spared those, dedicated to Attis and the indigenous god Cissonius (Forrer 1915, especially 50). They were obviously literate, as of course bishop Martin was. The reasons why they (unlike St. Martin if we can trust in the report) did not destroy indiscriminately all pagan monuments, were therefore of an ideological nature. Interestingly enough in the Mithraea on Hadrian's Wall the ıconoclasts acted similarly to those in StrasbourgKoenigshoffen as far as the treatment of the central cult image 15 concerned. In Housesteads apart from the right end with the depiction of Cautes only some small fragments of the tauroctony relief survive, in Carrawburgh only the depiction of a hom of the bull remains, in Rudchester nothing at all except possibly fragments of its base are left. More was left of the other religious sculptures, even though there are undoubtedly traces of deliberate destruction such as the decapitation of statues, mostly of torch-bearers. Surprisingly the altars, dedicated by members of the army, were always

in a good state of preservation^

In Carrawburgh for example, the Mithraeum (fig. 5) was abandoned at some time early m the fourth century. Subsequently the roof and wall collapsed and the former sanctuary was filled with silt, peat and rubbish. It is impossible to say, how long the whole process took, but in any case hardly more than half a century (Richmond/ Gillam 1951, 39-44; 74-80). As the niche at the rear wall where the relief showing Mithras, killing the bull undoubtedly had been positioned, collapsed inside the building, the fact that just one small fragment was left, can only be explamed by the deliberate removal of the rest (Richmond/ Gillam 1951, 41; pl. XIV B). One could theoretically assume that the Mithraists themselves ritually buried the (accidentally damaged?) relief somewhere else, overlookmg one piece. But such a proceeding seems exceedingly unlikely, and it 1s almost impossible that in all three Mithraea in the area accidental damage led to a ritual burial only of the main cult relief which was always incomplete. It is far more likely that the relief was hacked into transportable pieces. For iconoclasts it made sense to remove the depiction of an animal sacrifice, which the Mithraists

believed to be an act of salvation'”. If some small

fragments were left behind, the action nevertheless had

11% Housesteads: Harris/ Harris 1965, 28-36; especially 36; CSIR Great Britain I 6 no. 39; 110-111; 114; 125-127; 129-130; 138. Carrawburgh: Richmond/ Gillam 1951, especially 39-43; Harns/ Harms 1965, 17-23, especially 23. CSIR Great Britain I 6 no. 109; 112-113; 121-124, 164-165, see also Daniels 1962, 115. Rudchester: Gillam/ Mac Ivor 1954; Harris/ Harris 1965, 23-28; especially 28; CSIR Great Britain I 1 no. 222-229.

served its purpose. lan Richmond and J. P. Gillam (1951, 42) point rightly to the fact that stone-robbers would hardly have left the altars in place. It might have been on this occasion that Cautes has lost his head. Two dowel holes in his neck show that it was not the first time that the companion of Mithras had suffered such a tragic misfortune. It is quite possible that he had already been a victim of iconoclasts previously (Richmond/ Gillam 1951, 32; 41), but the occasion is not certain (see p. 51-52; compare p. 24-25), and accidental damage cannot be completely ruled out in this case either. The possible reasons for this dissimilar treatment of Mithraic sculpture and inscriptions will be discussed below (p. 40-42).

The Sol Invictus-dedication from Corbridge There is one more monument which should be noted m this context, a dedication to Sol Invictus from Corbridge (fig. 10), though it is perhaps more likely that it is

non-Mithraic

An mteresting comparison is the fate of the altars in Caernarfon in north-west Wales (Boon 1960, 153-156). The destruction of the altars there, one of them with a

Wall,

Mithraic".

Whether

it was

a

The name of the legatus Augustorum pro praetore proves that the inscription cannot be dated later than AD 166. The first line, Soli invicto, of this very well preserved inscription was without doubt erased, but it 1s still legible. The pointed tool of the 1conoclast hit every letter of the name of the derty several times whereas no

partially preserved military dedication (Boon 1960, 166: abbreviated name of a centurio), 1s ın marked contrast to the sparing of military inscriptions in the Mithraea at Hadrian s Wall. While all three Mithraea at the Wall are within a day's walking distance (a fact which should of course not necessarily imply that they were indeed destroyed on the same day), Caernarfon (Segontium) is m a completely different area, about a march of two weeks from the section of the Wall in question. There seems to have been a coordinated action of destruction at Hadnan's

than

Mithraic inscription or not, is in this context only important in so far as it makes a difference in interpretation as to whether or not the iconoclasts had to enter a Mithraeum. If it was not apparent from the primary or secondary position of the inscription where the iconoclasts found it, it might have been as difficult for them as it is for us to distinguish between dedications to Sol Invictus and to Sol Invictus Mithras. It is anyway uncertain whether they cared about such differences.

other letter was affected (fig.

10; a photograph, taken

after the recovery shows the erasure even slightly more clearly than the object itself at the present time: Bishop 1994, 41 fig. 33). This inscription together with other pagan and profane sculptures was used for the latest restoration of the road south of the large courtyard building. This paving was dated to about the middle or

but this did not affect Caernarfon

which was destroyed decades if not generations later.

the third quarter of the fourth century AD'^.

^ Compare the chapter on "The Christian attitude towards Mithraism and the similarities between the two religions".

1 RIB 1137 = CIMRM I no. 870 = CSIR Great Britain I 1 no. 59. The inscription was set c. AD 162-166 (compare Birley 1981b, 127-129 and RIB 1149). Harris/ Harris 1965, 50, compare 106 deny that this is a dedication to Mithras because it is closely dated to about A.D. 162 and therefore belongs to the period before the cult (of Sol Invictus) was assimilated to that of Mithras. Such a generalization is not possible, as an altar set up AD 148 in Heilbronn-Bóckingen is dedicated to Sol Invictus Mithras. (Schwertheim 1974 no. 153 = CIL XIII 6477). The altar is not dated itself, but as two more inscriptions from the same findspot (CIL XIII 6469; 6472), dedicated by the same person, a centurio of the legio VIII Augusta and praepositus of the cohors I Helvetiorum bear the consular date of AD 148, it is very likely that the third dedication is contemporary, at the very least earlier than the inscription from Corbridge. (Compare Clauss 1990c, especially 427.) Therefore it is possible that the inscription from Corbridge was dedicated to Mithras, even though neither this nor the contrary is provable. Compare also the dedication found in the Mithraeum of Rudchester (RIB 1396): Deo Soli invic(toy Tib(erius) Cl(audius) Dec(iymus/ Cornel(ius) Anto/nius praeflectus)/ templ(um) restit(uit). The name of Mithras was omitted in an inscription obviously dedicated to the god. The Corbridge inscription, however, would be the earliest testimony for Mithraism in Britain, and the fact that it is a collective dedication of the whole vexillatio anyway rather supports a non-Mithraic interpretation. Nevertheless the possibility that even a collective dedication 1s Mithraic cannot be ruled out with certainty: An inscription from Sétif (Sitifis in Mauretania Sitifensis) is dedicated to Mithras by two cohortes of a vexillatio of the legio II Herculia (CIL VIII 8440 = CIMRM I 149; Clauss 1992, 250-251). This inscription is admittedly much later (c. AD 297-299). About other collective dedications by soldiers compare Clauss 1992, 268-269. A dedication to an invincible god, Jnvicto sac[ru]m, probably Mithras (Clauss 1992, 248; 264; 280) was found in Lambaesis (Ann. Épigr. 1920, 36 = CIMRM I no. 139). The name of the legionary commander is interestingly given (as that of the legatus Augustorum pro praetore in the Corbridge inscription) in the genitive, but several lines are not restorable, and we do not know whether it was a collective dedication as well. The monument dates to c. AD

176-177 (Le Bohec

1989,

126:

388-389), during the reign of Marcus Aurelius (AD 161-180) as well. '** In CSIR Great Britain I 1, xviii-xix; no. 1-180 passim the monuments are listed and discussed; compare Richmond 1943b; Forster/ Knowles

1912, especially 141, 165, 263; Haverfield 1911-1912, 269-271.

40

It 1s generally believed that the inscription cannot have remained undamaged in its original position for about 200 years; often it 15 even assumed that it could not have survived the hostile incursions of AD 197 and that the name of the god was chiselled off and the inscription removed before that date. Therefore it is sometimes proposed that the erasure was carried out after the news of the death of Commodus (AD 180-192) had reached

Britain in AD

193'*.

I am not convinced by this

argument and I do not think that the invaders of AD 197 took the trouble to destroy every inscription. The link with the death of Commodus is also problematic. Commodus was involved in several cults (Straub 1957, 255-262) and to erase a name of a god which was not obviously associated with him in a dedication which had not been set up during his reign, can hardly be explained as the result of the official damnatio memoriae of the emperor or by personal hate. A second interpretation seems rather more likely - that the name of the god was erased after the assassination of the young emperor Elagabalus in AD 222 (CSIR Great Britain I 1 no. 59) who as a priest of Sol Invictus Elagabalus promoted his cult and offended Roman religious traditions. severely. But even though the damnatio memoriae was imposed on Elagabalus

(AD 218-222)",

and

his

religious

reforms

were

reversed, there was no persecution of the cult of Sol Invictus as such and even the main cult object of Sol Invictus Elagabalus, a holy black stone, brought by emperor Elagabalus to Rome, was merely sent back by his successor Severus Alexander to the temple in Emesa in Syria Phoenice where it had been before. It was not

desecrated'^. That in northern Britain, far from the

capital at Rome where the assassinated emperor was hated because of his lack of sensivity towards religious traditions, the name of a god on an old monument, obviously not directly connected with the emperor or his Syrian sun-god, he had worshipped, was erased, is

perhaps not totally impossible but seems to be rather unlikely. Comparison may be made with an inscription for the well-bemg (salus) of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus (= Elagabalus) from modern Ouled-Mimoun or its surroundings in western Mauretania Caesariensis on the occasion of the erection of a temple, dedicated to deus Sol Elagabalus. While the cognomen of the emperor was accuratedly chiselled off (Elagabalus had his praenomen and nomen gentile m common with his cousin and successor Severus Alexander: AD 222-235) and the Syrian epithet of Sol as well, deo Soli is

preserved undamaged'^.

The traditional sun-god was

not affected by damnatio memoriae.

In my opinion the most likely mterpretation for the mscription from Corbridge is that the mscription was erased after the cult of Sol Invictus had finally lost imperial support m the fourth century AD. There is no evidence to suggest that this inscription did not remain m its original position until the Christianization of the empire. Even if it 1s not a Mithraic dedication, it may help us to understand the circumstances of the end of Mithraism in northem Britain. It was certainly erased before it was used as paving in the middle or the third quarter of the fourth century AD. The erasure might have been contemporary with the destruction of the Mithraea of Carrawburgh, Housesteads and

Rudchester ^.

At

Corbridge

there

was

equally

no

attempt to deface the name of the military unit or the governor in any way, whereas the name of the god was carefully erased. This suggests an action conducted or controlled by members of the army or at least by people who cautiously avoided offending the feelings and the pride of soldiers and officials. Eve and John R. Harris pointed rightly to fact that the destruction of the religious images in the Mithraea of Carrawburgh, Rudchester and Housesteads 1s in marked contrast to the preservation of the altars and thought that it was

inspired by a Christian commander'^. This theory is

'> Richmond 1943b, 210-213; Harris/ Harris 1965, 106; Haverfield 1912, 187; Clauss 1992, 281 no. 10 concludes that it was a public dedication to Sol Invictus and not to Mithras, because it was inconceivable that the Mithraists erased the name of their god in their own temple after the death of Commodus; compare p. 280-283 and Clauss 1990c about the difficulties in

distinction between dedications to Mithras and to Sol Invictus; compare also Rubio Rivera c. 1992.

7^ Halsberghe 1984, 2193-2194: Halsberghe 1972, 105 no. 2 quotes CIL VII 664 as example for the damnatio memoriae imposed on Elagabalus. This inscription was found in Corbridge as well (RIB 1153). But the name of the emperor is so fragmentary and there were different emperors with the name Aurelius Antoninus - Elagabalus (during the time when Severus Alexander was already Caesar AD 221-222) is only one possibility beside others. Moreover according to the description in RIB 1153 it is not proven that the emperor’s name was erased at all. [5 Pietrzykowski 1986, especially 1822; Mac Dowall 1979, 566-567; Halsberghe 1972, especially 100-107 (103 no. 1 has to be corrected: Halsberghe thinks that the inscription from Corbridge, Eph. Ep. IX 1381 (= RIB 1137) undoubtedly dates from the period after the emperor's (Elagabalus's) murder. As mentioned above (p. 40 with no. 121) it is over half a century older). On Elagabalus's religion in general compare Frey 1989. ^! Mahboubi 1977-1979, especially 218 and 222 (photograph): Ann. Epigr. 1985, 976. /^" About the fate of paganism in the military zones in Britain compared with civilian towns and with the countryside in general see Frend 1968, especially 40-45.

supported by Martin Henig (1984a, 108-109; 214-215) who stresses that the worship of Mithras ended earlier in Britain than other pagan cults. He plausibly emphasizes that it was unwise even for a Christian military commander to destroy military dedications. The same seems to apply to the dedication found in Corbridge: The name of the sun-god was carefully erased, the name of the military unit and the name of the former governor not touched at all The occurence of non-religious sculpture and military inscriptions in the make-up of the road renders it unlikely that the repaving had purely iconoclastic reasons and it probably was indeed later than the erasure, but perhaps only by a few years or decades. That the public cult of Sol Invictus and the mystery cult of Sol Invictus Mithras were closely related to each other, for followers and adversaries alike, is beyond doubt. Given this fact, the end of the cult of Sol Invictus and of Sol Invictus Mithras cannot be discussed separately, and the inscrption from Corbridge, even though it 15 more likely that it is not Mithraic and had never been located in a sanctuary of the oriental god, nonetheless casts light on the end of Mithraism. Precautions against iconoclasm: The concealment of Müthraic cult objects Not only damaged religious monuments, but also the absence of sculptures or mscriptions may sometimes suggest iconoclasm: The fact that Mithraists were obviously hiding precious cult objects m Late Antiquity calls mto question the hypothesis that absence of smashed sculpture necessarily indicates a peaceful abandonment of a sanctuary. According to a personal note by Franz Cumont to Maarten J. Vermaseren (CIMRM I no. 87) the elaborate marble sculptures from Sidon m the province of Phoenice were found m a room without windows and completely walled in - perhaps the Mithraists had the same motives for hiding them as their brothers in faith in London who had buried precious works of art m their temple (fig. 6-7) to protect them

against acts of iconoclasm'^. In other cases than in

London the votaries might have regarded it as safer to hide votive objects outside the temple. The absence of any certam Mithraic objects from the probable Mithraeum of Mandelieu (Fixot 1990, 188) - one among many Mithraea without inscriptions or other votive

objects, distinctive of the cult - could be mterpreted this Way. It was not necessarily always fear of Christian iconoclasm which led to the concealment of religious

sculpture or other items: Volker Strocka'” advances the

theory that the famous Mithras relief from Osterburken was hidden m the time of Germanic incursions of AD 233. As the well preserved work of art was lying on its face, probably inside a Mithraic sanctuary, carefully laid on sand, the theory that rt was concealed is very convincing, even though it did not necessarily happen m AD 233. The situation in the frontier zone remained insecure for decades and there were plenty of occasions which could have led to this careful burial (compare p. 58-62). In an interesting article which had just appeared before

my final revisions, Oliver Nicholson"! puts forward the

theory that not only the concealment of sculpture, but also the filling of complete sanctuanes in Italy might have been the work of Mithraists themselves. Based on this well argued theory and and on the investigation of the fate of a number of sanctuaries he concludes (Nicholson

1995,

361):

...the circumstances

in which

Mithraea went out of use were far from uniform. It is too simple to blame the Christians... I fully agree that the circumstances of the end of Mithraea were far from uniform - as the fate of temples, dedicated to any other deity of course. Oliver Nicholson continues by drawing attention to one of Tertullian’s negative comments about Mithraism (who was certamly not restramed in his criticism

of the

veneration

of other

deities,

but

he

regarded obviously Mithraısm as particularly dangerous), in contrast to some other Christian authors who do not pay attention to the minority cult at all. We may assume that the same 15 true for the ıconoclasts: Many of them did not make a distinction between Mithraic and non-Mithraic monuments, but some did.

If Mithraists buried religious images and if they, according to this unprovable, but quite plausible theory, filled whole temples with sand or earth and various debris, this indicates that they still retamed their faith, but notwithstandmg this that they felt threatened enough to abandon important cult objects or whole sanctuarıes. The only other possible explanation for such laborious actions 1s that whole communities moved away and

//^* Harris/ Harris 1965, especially 23 with no. 3; 25; 28; 36; compare Thomas 1981, 133-136. ^? Compare p. 26-27; 52; Toynbee 1986; Grimes 1986.

°° Strocka 1967, 130 (compare Stark 1865, 7; 26: ORL B 40. Kastell Osterburken (1895) 20-25; 40 no. 32).

^' Nicholson 1995, especially 360-361. I am grateful for reference to this article to Dr. Martin Henig.

could not take the valuable, but heavy stone monuments with them. The latter however is unlikely to account for the majority of the cases. Is it too simple to blame the Christians for that? Certamly Oliver Nicholson is right that one should not generalize, but the absence of traces of destruction does not acquit Christians or sometimes also hostile invaders from any responsibility for precausionary measures, taken by the votaries of Mithras.

THE SINKING OF CULT OBJECTS: MITHRAIC FINDS FROM RIVERS'” General considerations

It has been shown above that in many cases the question as to whether certain signs of damage to religious monuments are the result of iconoclasm, remains unresolved. Even less certain in most cases is how some objects came into rivers. Therefore it may be justified to devote more space in this chapter to methodical considerations, interesting with regard to iconoclasm in general, than to the actual discussion of Mithraic examples. If someone intended to blot out the remembrance of a religious cult, one of the most effective solutions was to deposit religious images m a place from whence recovery was impossible. Depictions of deities thrown into deep rivers or lakes were maccessible to votaries who still believed in their gods. As a characteristic example of this practice of mission the way m which St. Gall tried to stop people from venerating pagan deities in the early seventh century may be cited: When as companion of St. Columbanus he came to a pagan community in the village of Tuggen (Tucconia) on the Lake of Zurich, the population resisted their attempts to convert them. St. Gall therefore became angry, set fire

to their temple and threw all the offering into the lake’*’.

After this event the two missionaries were forced to flee. A few days later they came to Bregenz (Brigantium). The inhabitants of Bregenz venerated three gilded bronze idols, attached to a wall mside a former church.

St. Gall smashed these statues against the will of the population who believed that these were the old gods and ancient protectors of the place (dii veteres et antiqui

huius loci tutores), with stones and threw the remains

into the Lake of Constance".

Ralph Merrifield (1977, 388; compare 389-394) doubted that the finds of bronze figurines of different deities and of emperors in the Thames were deposited there as a result of ıconoclasm. He wrote: But it is a curious and half-hearted form of iconoclasm. The melting-pot, the ultimate fate of so many ancient bronzes, would have been more satisfying, one would have thought, as a means of destruction of hated images - and it had the great advantage of combining a religious duty with personal profit. As the passages summarized above prove, this 1s only true to a certain degree. Missionaries often led a spartan life and sought for divine reward, not for secular profit. Even in consideration of the idealization of the saints in their biographies, one must conclude that money did not mean much to many of them, but that they devoted their lives and did all that they could to enforce Christianization. If one compares this unquestionable testimony for deposition of religious monuments in deep water out of an intolerant’ religious motivation with. the archaeological findings, the difficulties become obvious: There are in most cases alternative possibilities. to explain how a religious object came into a river, such as loss or a deliberate action, influenced by some kind of religious belief or superstition. A detailed consideration of a possible superstitious component of the deposition itself 1s almost impossible, but the possibility cannot be ignored: It would certainly be wrong to view the deposition of images, embodying divine powers in the mysterious depth of rivers or lakes with pure rationalism from a scientific perspective of the close of the twentieth century. On the reasonable assumption that popular religious beliefs m Late Antiquity and m the early Middle Ages were at least as diverse as we know that they have been in recent centuries, one can hardly overestimate the importance of superstition in everyday life. However actions, motivated by unrecorded superstitious beliefs of the past will mostly remain mysterious forever. One needs at least close ancient, modem or ethnological analogies for such a practice which has to leave traces which cannot be interpreted as the result of a rational action or a natural process if an attempt at detailed interpretation is meant to be more

ΠΣ | had the opportunity of taking part in a stimulating seminar of Prof. Dr. Heiko Steuer in 1993 about finds in rivers from

the Bronze Age to the Middle Ages. The views, expressed here, are however my own responsibility, the references and the examples quoted, are based on my research.

? Wetti, Vita Galli 4 (MGH SS RM IV (1902) 259-260); Walahfridus, Vita Galli 1, 4 (MGH SS RM IV (1902) 287-288).

^^ Walahfridus, Vita Galli 1, 6: compare 7-8; (MGH SS RM IV (1902) 289; compare 290); Wetti, Vita Galli 6; compare 7-8 (MGH SS RM IV (1902) 260-261).

than a guessing game. Therefore I do not deal with theories about the possible superstitious background of iconoclasm or of the deposition of monuments in rivers or wells in great detail. Attention should nevertheless be drawn again to the theories of Ralph Merrifield which are interesting and certainly worth considering though I do not always share his point of view. He suggested (1977, 388-394 and 1987, 97-104) that some religious images were deposited intentionally in rivers and wells as offerings. For me rt 1s hard to imagine, that as proposed by Ralph Merrifield pious pagans threw statuettes of deities which were not even connected with the water cult and which they venerated, into rivers as offerings, sometimes even after their dismemberment. This does not mean that no religious images were thrown into rivers before the Christianızation of the Roman Empire. In particular, monuments which could be regarded as symbols of imperial power were m danger in the rebellions agamst Roman rule during the early principate, in civil wars or hostile

incursions.

Interaction

between

iconoclastic,

emotional, sometimes political and religious motivations certamly led to the deposition of religious objects or certain parts of them such as the heads of statues representing deities or emperors in rivers or wells. In any case rt remains questionable for me whether the worshippers of religious images were frequently identical with the people who deposited these objects in rivers and whether they did not make a difference between divine images and other objects offered to deities and thrown into rivers, such as coms, without leaving any written record of such practices. In any case the great diversity between local ritual customs within the Roman Empire might not allow any generalization. While all theories about the deposition of religious images as votive offerings in rivers are highly speculative - | am not aware of any certain testimonies it cannot possibly be doubted that objects of any kind have been lost. Unfortunately the methods by which

such items have been salvaged from rivers and the movement of fluvial sediments make it difficult or impossible to establish when an object sank into the waters. Some of the stone monuments may have been transported for building purposes centuries after their primary use and may have been lost over board when

the ship, they were on, capsized ^. A bronze statuette

for example could have been carried by a traveller for religious reasons or taken as booty by enemies, wherever a river had to be crossed on boat or waded through at a ford there was the danger of loss. Mithraic monuments

We do not know for example if the undamaged bronze statuette of Cautes which was recovered from the Rhine at Bingerbrück had been thrown in wilfully, or whether it fell into the water accidentally. Other non religious bronze objects from the same findspot rather support the latter

theory

(Lehner,

1905;

Schwertheim

1974

no.

111). More mysterious 1s a bronze statuette of Mithras

as bull-killer, dredged from the river Saale in Halle’,

an area outside the Roman Empire whose Christianization did not begin until the Carolingian period. In this case an accidental loss or an intentional deposition (out of some kind of superstitious or perhaps even iconoclastic belief) of a purchased votive object or of loot are possible explanations. We do not know whether the work of art was destined to be melted down,

to be used for some other purpose or whether it was still

a venerated image".

Iconoclasm was more probably the motive at Entrams in central Gaul. The base of a statue, dedicated to Mithras,

a depiction of Sol in his quadriga (fig. 11), fragments of probably six bull-slaying reliefs (fig. 12-13 amongst others), and several heads of deities (whose identity is disputed) were found close together on the bed of the river Nohain. Several of the stone monuments show clear signs of iconoclasm, such as decapitation or the mutilation of the face of Sol on one cult relief

155 Finds in rivers have been dealt with intensively by Torbrügge 1970-1971, especially interesting 58-59; 109-111 about iconoclasm. It should not be necessarv to point out that the theory, occasionally supported by some archaeologists, that precious items are never lost, is a very schematic view. It is certainly not entirely true at the present time nor is it for the past. Losses in rivers unlike losses at most other locations mostly could not be recovered. In particular ancient descriptions of the flight of warriors after lost battles and other events in time of war do not leave any doubt that a fair number of precious objects were lost as a result of military events. I select as one example the following passage about the return of Roman soldiers who fought against the Alamanni on islands in the Rhine in AD 357 (Amm. 16, 11, 9): they were loaded with an abundance of booty, of which they lost a part through the current of the river (...opimitate praedarum onusti, cuius partem vi fluminis amiserunt. ..). °° Loeschke 1925, 334-336; Schwertheim 1974 no. 219; CIMRM II no. 1296. 5" Even outside the Roman Empire there could have been initiates of a mystery religion: See Amm. 16, 12, 25 about the Alamann Mederichus who was during a longer stay in Gaul initiated in a Greek mystery cult (Graeca quaedam arcana) and who renamed his son Agenarichus as Serapio.

(fig. 13)'**. Could it be that Christian fanatics completed

their work of destruction by taking the trouble of transporting the religious furnishing of several(?) temples of Mithras to a place where they could be hidden from human view for ever? Anyhow the Nohain

is a small river ^ from which the recovery of stone

monuments may have been possible, and it seems to be unknown whether the iconoclasts transported the religious furniture to the river or if the objects were left m an undiscovered temple or at a hiding-place and used

for river bank reinforcement!^, a bridge, or a building

next to the river centuries later. A relief of Cautopates was found in the Rhine at the Roman bridge of Kóln

(Cologne)*'. The bridge could have provided a platform

to throw the religious monument into deep water, but as the relief shows no obvious signs of deliberate destruction, reuse as a building stone for the late antique Rhine bridge is perhaps a more convincing

explanation".

A

marble

head

of Sol

with

badly

mutilated face has been discovered m the Rhone near Vienne. Plausibly Robert Turcan blames the Christians

for the deposition of the stone monument in the river'^ -

although there is no certainty, of course. Depictions of Sol, not only on the main cult reliefs, often formed part of the religious furnishing of a Mithraeum, but they do not occur exclusively in Mithraic contexts. While it is not improbable that the marble was indeed taken from a temple of Mithras, it is not certain.

THE DEPOSITION MONUMENTS IN WELLS

OF

STONE

General considerations!^ Water, essential for ceremonies in many religions all over the world, played a very important part in the ritual acts of Mithraism. Apart from the rare cases where there was a good supply of flowing water, next to a Mithraeum or even integrated into a sanctuary there was always a well or a spring which could be used. For iconoclasts it was therefore often much easier to carry a

heavy religious stone image which they wanted to remove to the next well rather than over a longer distance to the next stretch of water. But with this action the well was made unusable. Even if a well was already out of use and destined to be filled up with rubbish, it was troublesome to transport a stone monument or parts of it to this well and to hurl ıt down. Besides, depending on the period of history when the action took place, one caused economic damage removing stones needed for buildmg purposes or limestone for lime works. (The demand for stone as a building material in the post-Roman period until well into the second millenium AD

was,

however,

much

lower

than

it had

been

in

antiquity; in. some areas outside the Mediterranean, in temperate Europe whose extensive forests could supply a sufficient amount of suitable timber, there was a complete discontinuity over centuries.) As it is usually impossible for stone monuments to fall accidentally into wells, religious monuments in well shafts mostly indicate wilful destruction, either of the well itself as an essential part of the fabric of Roman urban life - the same motivation which led to well poisoning - or of the stone monument so disposed of. It has been argued that the deposition of stone monuments in wells could sometimes be religious burials of votive objects (favissae) (BauchhenB/ Noelke

1981, 25-26). If a stone sculpture could be deposited in

a shaft without (further) damage this is a sensible interpretation, and the existence of ritual burials and

votive shafts cannot be doubted'^, but the hurling of fragile sculptures or of pieces of them into a narrow and deep shaft was not careful bunal. Mithraic monuments

Among many examples of Mithraic finds in wells I cite only three (including one found next to a well), all of them from areas east of the Rhine m Germania Superior: In Dieburg (fig. 14) a fragment of a Mercury statue (fig. 15) which had been smashed m the Mithraeum as

δ Walters 1974, 95 no. 26-101 no. 34 and CIMRM I no. 940-950 with further references, partially not available to me; compare Devauges

1988, 54 no. 28 - 60 no. 39; 62 no. 42-43; 210-211 no. 25; 226; 241; 348-349.

'? I could not find an exact plan, but compare the photographs in Devauges 1988, 211; 223; 228. /4 Compare the fate of a part of a Mithraic relief with a depiction of Cautes in Welzheim (Planck 1985).

'^' Schwertheim 1974 no. 14; CIMRM II no. 1024; Ristow 1974, 29 no. 32. ‘’ '# /^ ‘

Klinkenberg 1906, 348-350. I could not determine the exact findspot: near the bank or in the middle of the river? Turcan 1972, 21-22; compare Lantier 1947 no. 8010; pl. XLI. Compare p. 67-68 with no. 222. Compare for example Allason-Jones/ Mc Kay 1985, 8-9; 12 about altars and well preserved fragile votive objects in the

spring basin of Coventina's Well in Carrawburgh; Fellmann in Drack/ Fellmann 1988, 222-223; 239 also interesting as a comparison to the burial of precious sculpture in the Mithraeum of London. For a deposition of religious (non Mithraic) stone monuments in a well in Britain from probable iconoclastic motives, see O'Neil/ Toynbee 1958; compare Rodwell/ Bentlev 1984, 19.

the parts, scattered inside the buildmg, show, and other religious sculpture, Mithras carrying the bull (fig. 16) and Juno (? - fig. 17), were thrown mto the well

nearby’.

This is an example

of the indiscriminate

destruction and removal of pagan monuments, not just of those dedicated to a selected deity such as Mithras.

A sandstone head of Mithras which was found 40 cm over the bottom of a well in a Roman cellar in Sindelfingen, was probably derived from a cult relief (Paret 1935-1938, 100; Schwertheim 1974 no. 168), but the position of the Mithraeum is unknown. Whether this was just an act of iconoclasm or whether some kind of superstrtion led to the deposition of the god's head in the well, it 1s impossible to say. It seems to indicate a more selective procedure than in Dieburg, but we do not know whether the selection criterion. was that it was the head of Mithras or that it was just the depiction of a head. The latter seems more likely in an area, Christianized long after the date of the last certam testimonies of Mithraic worship, no matter whether Christians were

responsible or ποῖ᾽

Impressive testimony to the procedure of iconoclasts who did not content themselves with smashing and removal of pagan art, but who wanted to ensure that nobody could ever again look at the faces of the deities depicted, 1s the swivelling cult relief from Rückingen which was found next to a well containing fragments of

sculpture'^.

On the obverse (fig.

18a) the head of

Mithras, killing the bull, and the heads of the torch-bearers, accompanying him, had been destroyed. The mutilated heads of Mithras and Sol, taking the holy meal, on the reverse (fig. 18b), bear the marks of fanatic iconoclasm as well. Not even the minor figures, assisting them, were spared. Accidental damage to all the seven heads ın the recesses of the relief can be ruled out (while it 1s not entirely certain in the case of the hunting Mithras, depicted m a central position next to the upper swivel hole), and the contrast between the good state of preservation of the relief in general and the

damage to the faces of all eight main figures is obvious. The cult relief has been violently broken from its frame which caused the splmtermg of parts, adjacent to the swivels (compare p. 64-65). It is probable that the stone monument was carried to the well with the intention of throwing it into the shaft, possibly after further fragmentation. However though it is proved that religious sculpture was hurled into wells long before the

Christianization

of the

Roman

Empire'”,

it seems

questionable to me that such a systematic procedure as in Rückingen, which cannot be dated, can be explained by hostile vandalism. There is no need to assume that the iconoclasts had a specifically anti-Mithraic attitude. A depiction of an animal sacrifice could be regarded by Christians as particularly offensive in itself, and in fact one did not have to know anything about Mithraism to recognize that it was a pagan image and which were the central figures.

FIRE-RAISING This chapter gives me the opportunity to take up a statement, made above about temple-desecrations (p. 35), discussing the numismatic evidence: "If single persons without armed protection were carrying out the work of destruction m an area still dommated by paganism, they had to act quickly in order not to be impeded or even to become victims of violence themselves." As already discussed, the quickest method of destroying a sanctuary was to set it alight, provided that there were easily inflammable building materials. (The roofing of Mithraea for example did not necessarily consist of tiles or slate. In the case of the Carrawburgh Mithraeum it could be proved that it was temporarily roofed with shmgles and even at one time with highly combustible thatch: Richmond/ Gillam 1951, 27; 39-40; 84.) The

most

vivid illustration,

1 know,

of these

general

statements about the way single destroyers had to act, 1s

a report by St. Gregory of Tours about St. Gallus?

/^? Behn 1928, 8; 32-33 no. 8; 46-47; compare 30 no. 4 and 35 no. 13. Compare the similar fate of a statue of Minerva in Bad Wimpfen (Pietsch 1986, 224-225; Filgis/ Pietsch 1985, 144-145). 147 Ross 1992, 140-149, Beck 1981, 14-15 and Merrifield 1987, 45-46 discuss the connection between the cult of the head and the cult of wells. Not only human skulls, but also the head of a statue could be the object of religious veneration (the following examples do not refer to the cult of wells): Woodward/ Leach 1993, 71; 73 fig. 66; 75 fig. 68; 324-325; Henig 1993. An interesting comparison to the burial of a largely undamaged limestone head of Mercury in a pit below the platform of a possible church in Uley is a well preserved head of the same god, buried below the famous Carolingian Einhards-Basilika at Michelstadt-Steinbach in the Odenwald (Behn 1932, 2 fig. 2; 3-4 no.1; 4 fig. 7; pl. 3. 1). ^5 Birkner 1952; Schoppa 1951; Schwertheim 1974 no. 85. '° Compare p. 67-68; Heukemes 1975; compare Bauchhenß/ Noelke 1981, 27; 124-125 no. 143-146; 184-185 no. 362-363 about the destruction of Jupiter columns, possibly by Germanic invaders in the third century; compare Kuhnen 1992c; 19922, 42-43. /? Greg. Tur., Vita patrum 6, 2 (MGH SS RM? I 2 (1969) 231).

(not identical with the St. Gall, mentioned above). Accompanied only by one cleric, the saint set fire in the earlier sixth century to a wooden temple in Köln (Cologne) at a moment when no pagans were around, and had to seek refuge in the king’s court because when the pagans saw smoke arising from their sanctuary, they drew their swords and tried to get hold of the desecrators. The summary of this vividly described event demonstrates that in this particular dangerous situation there was only one way for the samt to destroy the sanctuary. The example is also a good complement for the discussion of the numismatic evidence: Even accepting the fact that biographies of early medieval saints tend to be cliche-ndden, it 15 scarcely conceivable that St. Gallus, who according to St. Gregory of Tours was acting spontaneously, had the mtention or the time to steal anything from the temple. We do not know whether the sanctuary contained anything worth stealing; the text states that it was stuffed with various omaments and mentions religious images and wooden anatomical votive offerings. If there were any valuables in the temple, though a temple of the sixth century 15 not likely to produce a single new coi, all of them would have been contained m the ashes which remained of the sanctuary, unless the pagans took the trouble to recover them.

were very important in the cult, were less affected by these catastrophes, unless a temple was built completely m stone. If traces of destruction which cannot be explained by fire or by the collapse of a burning roof are stratigraphically associated with a burnt layer whose composition 1s inexplicable by the secondary deposition of ash and charcoal, arson is the most likely cause. Given the fact that supporting evidence is always needed to infer intentional destruction

from traces of fire, an

independent discussion of incidents, affecting Mithraea is omitted here, but several examples, such as Mackwiller, Biesheim and Caemarfon are included in other chapters. If we have reason to believe that there was an arson attack on a temple, rt 1s worth asking whether ıt was still part of a densely built settlement at this time and what was the fate of neighbouring houses. In war in antiquity and in the Middle Ages it often happened that armies, which were just marchmg through an area, either intentionally burnt down whole villages and towns or did not care too much if a fire spread accidentally. In peacetime, however, even Christian authorities certainly would not have tolerated iconoclasts settmg fire to any building close to other inflammable structures, risking loss of life and the destruction of homes, food stocks and taxable goods. The deeds of men of God were, however, not always determined by such practical considerations. When St. Martin of Tours in the later fourth century AD set alight a temple m a village, the fire threatened to spread to a neighbouring house. The saint, as we are told by his biographer Sulpicius Severus (Vita Martini 14, 1-2), once he had become aware of this, rapidly climbed onto the house's roof and his miraculous power indeed proved to be superior to the strength of the wind, which was driving the flames in direction of the buildmg. Despite this impressive example of trust in God replacing any wordly precautions, there is no evidence which suggests that 1conoclasm often resulted in major fires. If it can be archaeologically ascertained that a temple perished simultaneously with the whole settlement or larger parts of it, tt 1s more likely that we have traces of an event in war (compare the example of Walting-Pfünz below on p. 61-62) or a fire which had broken out accidentally. If, however, there is smashed sculpture clearly associated with this burnt layer, it may be worth considering whether the temple could have been the source of the blaze.

There are numerous examples of the burning of temples and cult objects by Christians in the later Roman Empire which cannot be listed here. Most of these incidents are of course reported from those geographical areas, the Mediterranean and the eastern parts which are m more or less every respect better covered by written sources than the north-west. In fact, literature leaves no doubt that fire was one of the mam weapons of early mission. It is a logical truism that the argument cannot be inverted, and that traces of fire do not tell anything about the circumstances of its outbreak. Only all of the evidence taken together may provide a clue to the identity of the fire-raisers. Unquestionably it happened that barbarian enemies set fire to temples. (Compare for example Greg. Tur., Franc. 1, 32 dealing with the third century Germanic incursions in Gaul. The text of course was written over three centuries later.) Bumt layers and other traces of fire have been discovered in numerous Mithraea. The frequency of fires which broke out accidentally in ancient cities and settlements should not be underestimated, and there 1s no

reason to assume that Mithraea, in which lighting effects

47

THE DESECRATION OF MITHRAEA DEPOSITION OF HUMAN REMAINS AND QUESTION OF MITHRAIC MARTYRS(?)

BY THE

by the Fathers of Church Kotting 1977 passim).

in that period

(compare

early as the fourth century". The ritual dismemberment

However individuals rısked their lives, not for being pagans, but for performing certam pagan ceremonies. An investigation as to whether the humans whose remams were found in Sarrebourg and StrasbourgKoenigshoffen could have been victims of Christian violence certainly has to consider the antipagan laws (compilation by Noethlichs 1971). Already m the middle of the fourth century (the exact dating of Cod. Theod. 16, 10, 4 is disputed: see below p. 53 with no. 179) capital punishment was imposed for conducting animal sacrifices. This was repeated in AD 356 (Cod. Theod. 16, 10, 6) with the same threat of punishment for the veneration of idols. It is possible that Constantius II.,

of human bodies was of course an old tradition, to some

after his visit to Rome

extent still recalled (and beyond the frontiers of the empire in central and northern Europe even practised) in the imperial period, but there was no direct connection with the veneration of martyrs. Furthermore, it is hard to tell whether m the fourth century Christian fanaticism led to the death of pagans because of their religion only in exceptional cases or more often, and to what extent the authorities, depending on period and province, turned a blind eye on excesses of Christian violence or were themselves actively involved in it. There is no doubt that acts of violence durmg the Chnistianization of the Roman Empire in the fourth century were not in the slightest comparable with the worst atrocities, commutted to enforce Christianization in various parts of the world during the second millenium AD. Before their recognition by the state Chnstians had been members of a persecuted sect, and though at least from the later second century there were soldiers amongst them, many Christians were pacifists, opposed to any use of physical violence by Christians. Their sudden gam in influence and power and the integration of millions of converts into the community during the fourth century, brought about significant changes in attitude: The persecuted minority became the persecutor of the shrmnking majority, but Christians did not use the same bloody methods - people were not yet killed for confessing paganism. Christian violence in the fourth century was mainly directed agamst pagan monuments, massacres were not committed and would not have been tolerated

(Noethlichs 1971, 65) and even after the death of the pagan emperor Julian (AD 360/ 361-363) the state’s religious policy m the West was less restrictive until AD 391 and probably during the usurpation of Eugenius, from AD 392 until AD 394. The literary evidence (compare Noethlichs 1986, 1181-1182) does not allow the conclusion that in the fourth or early fifth century a large number of pagans were executed for purely

A chained skeleton (fig. 19) was discovered in the Mithraeum of Sarrebourg (Fisenne 1896, 161-164), and a human skull together with a thigh bone was found buried, directly in front of the base of the main cult

relief in the Mithraeum of Strasbourg-Koenigshoffen’”’.

Both have already been explamed as the remams of the corpses of votaries of Mithras who died a martyr's death (Forrer 1915, 77-79; Fisenne 1896, 164). However, the

dismemberment of the mortal remains of the Christian martyrs is mainly a later development and it 1s therefore very doubtful that it was adopted by other religions as

in AD

357, was

more tolerant

religious reasons'”’ - riots and the execution of people,

convicted of sorcery might be another matter. (An accusation of sorcery could be connected with an accusation of having made a sacrificial offering: see for example

Amm.

28,

1,

19.) The

secrecy

of rituals

in

non-public cults could easily bring about rumours about magical ceremonies. Even the (purely speculative!) assumption of executions of single Mithraists however, would not explain their(?) burial in temples. One theory to explain the burial of human remains in sanctuary of Strasbourg-Koenigshoffen ıs assumption of wilful desecration of the sanctuary Christians (Forrer 1915, 78-79). But Christians hardly be blamed for the find of two human skulls m

the the by can the

cella of the sanctuary of Isis in Pompeii", buried under

the volcanic ash of the Vesuvius in AD 79. Part of a cranium had been deposited directly under a statue base in an apse of the Syrian temple of the Ianiculum in Rome (Gauckler 1912, 86-90). The discovery of a human skull in an oriental sanctuary is therefore not without parallel. The almost world-wide phenomenon of

>! Forrer 1915, 75-76 (compare 77 fig. 60) mentions only one thigh bone (compare CIMRM II no. 1375: two human femora). * Kótting 1965, 23-24; Angenendt 1990, 186-187; compare Gauckler 1912, 189-191 about burials in oriental sanctuaries. > Compare also Lib. or. 30, 15-20; Aug. epist. 93, 10. In general the same seems to be true for heretics, though there were exceptions: Noethlichs 1971, 119-121;

139-140;

162; 318 no. 832; compare 95.

"Ὁ Fiorelli 1860, 173-174; compare Hoffmann 1993, 156; De Caro 1992, 5.

keeping severed human heads as trophies and of using them for various ritual purposes had of course also a long tradition in northern and western Europe and can be traced back to the Stone Age; there is ample evidence for this practice being very widespread in the Iron

Age'”. It should also be noted that animal skulls were

buned within Mithraea as foundation deposits. (For example in Mundelsheim the left half of a cattle skull was buried in a pot in one bench, another half of a cattle skull in a pot in the opposite bench (Planck 1989, 180) and in Carrawburgh the skull of a fowl has been found as part of a ritual deposit beneath the altars of the last

period?)

Of course it should be stressed that the

greatest caution 1s advisable in comparing the treatment of human and animal remains in the Roman Empire.

Interestingly, however, there 1s even a literary reference to human skulls, found in a temple of Mithras: The ecclesiastical historian Sokrates (hist. eccl. 3, 2) reports that in an abandoned Mithraeum at Alexandria in Egypt, already filled with rubbish, in AD 361 many skulls of young and old humans were found. This discovery is explained in typical anti-pagan polemics as testimony for human sacrifice, performed by the Mithraists for

soothsaying and magical purposes".

Accusations of

human sacrifices against eastern non-public cults were

typical in antiquity ". It is scarcely credible that ritual

killings, proposed not only in Late Antiquity, but also in this century as explanation for the discovery of human

skeletons in Mithraea'”, formed part of Mithraic ceremonies'”. One has to bear in mind that human

sacrifices were forbidden in the Roman Empire and even

rumours about it revolted the public'°'. There is only

one doubtful reference - besides one-sided Christian testimonies - for a human sacrifice in the cult of Mithras, allegedly by the emperor Commodus

(AD 180-192)“, stating that it was an exception. Less

prejudiced sources than ecclesiastical historians confirm that parts of human bodies or skeletons were used for

magic in the classical world'^ and there may have been

ways of obtainıng them other than through ritual murder. The answer to the question of why human remains were kept in the Mithraeum of StrasbourgKoenigshoffen 1s to be sought in the sphere of magical belief, and the discovery does not really cast any light on the end of Mithraic worship. The chained

skeleton, discovered

in the Mithraeum

of

Sarrebourg (fig. 19) is rather to be interpreted in terms of Christian desecration of the temple. It lay just at the place where the cult relief had once been, on a part of its inverted pedestal, bearing a votive inscription. The skeleton was covered by larger stone blocks, all or at least a part of which had belonged to the cult relief. These stone blocks were resting on other pieces of smashed sculpture, thus protecting the mortal remains against their weight and forming a kind of stone cist. Even though it is likely that the same persons are to blame for destruction of the cult relief and the impious burial, the attendant circumstances of the death of the

man remain obscure'™. He was not necessarily the priest of the temple or a votary, but perhaps he could have

^? Ross 1992, 94-171 not only to British examples and with further references; Lambrechts 1954. Especially interesting is an indigenous dedication (CIL XII 1077), found near Apt, under which seven to nine human skulls have been found, but the descriptions of the finding are partially contradictory. °° Richmond/ Gillam 1951, 35-36; 91-92 (Platt,

M I); pl. XII A; XV A.

'°” About human skulls in sanctuaries compare also Rufin. hist. eccl. 2, 24; Eus. Vita Const. 3, 57.

55 Scháfke 1979, 579-596; especially 589-591; Pietrzykowski 1986, 1820; compare also Mussies 1990, 2450-2452; Cass. Dio 42, 26, 2. ΠΡ Forrer 1915, 76-77; Massalsky 1941 contrary to the sensible interpretation of Kenner 1867, 125; 130-132 (compare CIMRM II no. 1647) about a human skeleton under the large cult relief in a brick-tile sarcophagus in the Mithraeum of Fertórákos (7 Kroisbach); see also CIMRM I no. 983. 1€ Discussion of this matter: Turcan 1993, 91-92; Vermaseren 1965, 136-138. 16! See for example Min. Fel. 9, 5; HA Heliog. 8, 1-2; Cass. Dio 79, 11; general discussion by Schwenn

rumours about a case of ritual killing and cannibalism (not Mithraic) in imperial Egypt see luv. 15.

1915,

185-196. For

*' HA Comm. 9, 6; compare also Porphyr. abst. 2, 56, 3.

'°° See for example Tac. ann. 2, 69; compare also Apul. met. 2, 20-30. Apuleius was of course a novelist, but nevertheless the

passage probably reflects some popular belief. ' Fisenne 1896, 161-164; compare Keune 1896, 51. Another discovery has been interpreted as a Christian desecration: Schwertheim 1979, 72 interprets a gravestone from Köln (Cologne) as the epitaph of a Mithraist, converted to Christianity. This gravestone was, according to Schwertheim, thrown into the Mithraeum. I do not follow this interpretation: A large proportion of the Christians in the fourth century were converted pagans, and there was no reason for a persecution of converts - even after their death (if ıt was a gravestone of a convert at all). Besides the descriptions of the findspot of the gravestone are very inaccurate (Fremersdorf 1929a; compare Finke 1927. 211-212 no. 366; Ristow 1974. 9: 19-20 no. 8), and it is doubtful that it was found inside the sanctuary. Interesunglv in the Mithraeum of Santa Prisca in Rome some pagan and Christian tombstones were found in the late fourth/ early fifth century filling of the sanctuary, over which a church was errected (Vermaseren/ Van Essen 1965, especially 242; compare 43; 46).

been. The archaeological finding calls into mind the way fanatic monks destroyed sanctuaries without legal authority as Libanios described m his famous dramatic

and killed by iconoclasts in self-defence. Was this the fate of the man from Sarrebourg - according to the anthropological examination, conducted a century ago (Fisenne 1896, 164), c. 1.57 m tall and 30-40 years old? Was his body left m the temple to desecrate it or rather to hide it? The chain does not point to a death in a fight, and it 1s hard to imagine that the ıconoclasts acted in such a systematic and brutal way that they put a pagan, disturbing them at their task, first m chains (where did they get these from?) and then murdered him. Was he some kind of captive who died for some other reason, naturally or violently and who was not granted a regular burial, but whose body was used to desecrate a temple, he had nothmg to do with? There are various possible explanations for his impious burial, he has taken the secret of his death with him to the grave. The question whether there were smgle cases of martyrdom of Mithraists cannot be answered m the affirmative.

appeal to Theodosius I. ὑπὲρ τῶν ἱερῶν (about the temples) with regard to the situation m the Levant, but

perhaps equally true for the north-west of the divided empire (Lib. or. 30, 8; compare 30, 9): The monks assaulted the temples, carrying wooden clubs, stones and

iron

tools,

but

sometimes

without

these

items,

simply using their arms and feet. Then, a prey to all, they pulled down the roofs, razed the walls to the ground, tore down the statues, pulled down the altars, and the priests had to keep silent or they had to die. Interestingly this happened even in major towns, but more often on estates. It seems very unlikely that Libanios would have accused monks of killmg pagan priests in a petition to such a strict Christian emperor as Theodosius I. (AD 379-395) if there had been no attested facts to support his courageous statement. Was the Christianızation of the north-western provinces already in the late fourth or early fifth century connected with manslaughter as well? (Numismatic evidence proves that the Sarrebourg Mithraeum was desecrated at least a few years after Libanios wrote his appeal.) There were certainly no frequent massacres for they would not have escaped the literary record - even though a large proportion of the historical sources represent the ecclesiastical point of view - but there may have been single victims, perhaps defending what was holy to them

In contrast to this example, graves m former sanctuaries of Mithras for the most part tell little about the end of Mithraism: In Krefeld-Gellep around AD 260 a cemetery of war victims was laid out, some graves directly over the remams of the Mithraeum. This was not intentional desecration, as the Mithraeum had been

abandoned from approximately the second half of the second century and made up only a small part of the

graveyard ^.

' Reichmann 1994, 8-9; Pirling, 1986a; Pirling 1986b, 32-37; 39 fig. 25. Compare Turcan 1972, 6-7; CIMRM 912 a); Walters 1974, 7; Cumont 1896. 397 no. 275 a)-b) about possible burials in the temple of Vieux-en-Val-Romey; in the Mithraeum of Fertórákos (7 Kroisbach), mentioned above, not only a skeleton in sarcophagus. but also cremation burials have been found (Kenner 1867): compare Hull 1930 on the possible Mithraeum: human remains. interpreted as Christian desecration.

350

I no. 909; Mithras in a brick-tile Colchester

HISTORICAL CONCLUSIONS DESTROYERS AND MOTIVES: INNER OR OUTER ENEMIES, PAGANS OR CHRISTIANS? THE FATE OF MITHRAEA IN THE THIRD AND FOURTH CENTURIES AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF PARTICULAR HISTORICAL EVENTS AND PROCESSES AND THE RELIGIOUS POLICY OF THE STATE Examination

of selected

datable

abandonments

or

acts of destruction arranged in chronological order'*?

It is difficult to link the dating evidence for the destruction of Mithraea with historical events since the latest datable sign of occupation and destruction can be far apart Of course for a detailed historical interpretation the dating has to be fairly close. Dendrochronological investigations which can in any case only give dates for construction and restoration when suitable timber 1s preserved and are of no use in dating abandonment and destruction, do not exist or have not been published so far. Therefore in general we depend on numismatic evidence. For exact numismatic dating we ideally need a series of coms, numerous enough for serious statistical investigation, which ends abrubtly, but not at a time when the supply of new coins was sharply reduced or generally ceased, as for example during the transition from the fourth to the fifth century. The chances of misinterpretation are minimized if it can be ascertamed that the coins derive indeed from the destruction layer or from the layer immediately beneath it. To anticipate the result: There is actually only one case where the end of the coin deposition can be linked to a particular historic event with a sufficient degree of likelihood, but still leaving more than one possible explanation and this is Mackwiller. I am not aware of any Mithraeum in the area mvestigated which has provided a major com series, ending before the state was ruled by Christian emperors, and I do not know a Mithraic temple whose destruction can be dated closely enough to be linked to one

particular invasion. The latest coin from the Mithraeum near the cathedral (Dom) of Koln (Cologne) was minted

AD 273-274'°', but four determinable published coins

are not a sufficient statistical base to connect the end of the sanctuary, anyway protected by the city wall, with any of the troubles that affected the province Germania Infenor these years (Precht 1971, 62; Ristow 1974, 5; 11). Mithraism was not very thoroughly rooted in the northernmost parts of Gaul. (Koln (Cologne) as a major city and provincial capital is of course an exception.)

There are fewer testimonies in northern Gaul’®, and the

cult cannot be proven in these territories, partially settled by numerous Germanic immigrants in Late Antiquity, as long as it can be in central eastern Gaul. The existing testimonies do not allow us to tell how long Mithraism survived in this area; the very sketchy evidence for Germania Inferior/ Germania II ceases over a century earlier than m the central parts of eastern

Gaul'°”. It would be tempting to compare the fate of the

cult here with other parts of the empire where it came to an early end, but the evidence is insufficient to go into detail.

The destruction of the Mithraeum in Carrawburgh (fig. 5) has also been explained by hostile incursions at the end of its penultimate building phase which 15 archaeologically dated to the end of the third or to the beginning of the fourth century. The screen which divided the narthex caught fire and it seems likely that one original pair of torch-bearers was substituted by another pair when the Mithraeum was totally rebuilt, posing the question as to whether the other pair did not survive the violent(?) end of the penultimate building phase. I. A. Richmond and J. P. Gillam (1951, 27-32; especially 28; 71-74) date the end of this phase to AD 296/ 297. Eve and John R. Harris write: The second Mithraeum came to a violent end when the Wall forts were overwhelmed by the barbarian invasions in A.D.

296-7...”. David J. Breeze and Brian Dobson have

doubts, putting forward convincing arguments, that there was an invasion at the time when Constantius I. (AD 293-306) defeated the British usurper Allectus

c. AD 296!" .. However, it is not possible to rule out the

possibility that Carrawburgh

was

affected by hostile

‘°° With a similar approach Rousselle 1990 investigates the fate of sanctuaries, mainly healing sanctuaries in Gaul. (Other aspects of religion during this period in Gaul are discussed as well.) As I only became aware of this book shortly before the end of my last revision, I can neither make use of her compilation of material, nor can I discuss her results.

9" FMRD VI 1, 1 (1984) 1001, 1-5. 2a. 101; 122; 162; 180; 953 (indeterminable). Compare Kienast 1990 for the dating. /* See for example Tassignon 1992, 39-43; 51 about testimonies in the area of modern Belgium and Luxembourg.

** Ries 1974, especially 5; Schwertheim 1974 no. 1-42 passim; CIMRM II no. 1003-1034. ° Harris/ Harris 1965, 20; compare 60 about monuments of the Dolichenus cult in Corbridge. [1 Breeze/ Dobson

1987. 212-219; compare Casey 1994, 43-45 (dating of the defeat of Allectus); 135-137;

the northern frontier zone in AD 296).

145-147 (about

activity at the end of the third or at the beginning of the fourth century. The campaigns of Constantius I. in northern Britain recorded for AD 306, might have been

the end of this period. That already in the reign of Constantius I. (ruling over Britain c. AD 296-306) there was fear of Christian iconoclasm, as considered by Eve

Another possibility is that fire broke and that the resultmg damage or the (compare fig. 5) led to the rebuilding. the mechanical damage, described by

me, even if he was more lenient during Diocletian's persecution of the Christians than his imperial

due to Pictish incursions

and

J.

P.

Gillam

(1951,

in the preceding years".

32;

out accidentally high water level I am not sure if I. A. Richmond

compare

27)

is to

be

interpreted as wilful destruction or whether parts of the building, fallıng down during the fire and and the rebuilding could be an alternative explanation. In the late third century even the maintenance of military installations at Hadrıan's Wall were neglected and several restorations, datable to the late third or early fourth century might have been due to structural decay (Breeze/ Dobson 1987, 212-219). For another possible act of violence against a sanctuary of Mithras ın Britain, m London, which happened later (AD 310/ 320 - 330/ 335 or some years after: Grimes 1986, 2) enemies of the empire can hardly be blamed. A cut in the neck of a marble bust of Mithras (fig. 7) 1s usually mterpreted as evidence of beheading (Merrifield 1977,

375-382;

396-397,

Grimes

1986, 2), posing the

questions of how this fragile work of art could survive otherwise undamaged to fall down subsequently, whether the iconoclasts(?) wanted to preserve the head for some superstitious(?) reason, or whether there were

no iconoclasts at all'^ which is the most convincing

solution to the problem. The concealment of the marble sculptures in the Mithraeum of London (fig. 6), far away from any troubled frontier, 1s nonetheless best explained by the threat of Christian intolerance.

The archaeological dating of these events in London, given above, is not very precise - from a historical point of view it 1s easier to imagine that rt happened towards

and John R. Harris (1965,

colleagues'’*.

12 no. 5), seems unlikely to

This tradition,

however,

is based

on

Christian writers, such as Eusebios and Lactantius who

were enjoying emperor Constantine's I. support. Their account of the father of the first emperor who was tuming to Christianity is hardly entirely objective. Constantine's I. legislation was not anti-pagan at all

until AD 319'” and solidi dedicated to Sol Invictus were issued up to AD 322/ 323''°. Despite having a strong

sympathy

for

Christianity

and

even

active

involvement in church policy, Constantine, who became

a Christian himself and later was baptized on his death-bed in AD 337, by and large tolerated paganism throughout his reign. The confiscation of temple treasures however clearly mdicates changes in religious policy, and there were even heralds of more dramatic future changes: After Constantine had become sole emperor in AD 324, some destruction of temples is recorded but it was still comparatively rare and not aimless: First of all certam categories of sanctuaries, for example shrines at holy places for Christians or "immoral" cults, connected with ritual prostitution, were

affected". After all we know, it is hard to classify

Mithraism as an "immoral" cult though a secret religion always provokes all kinds of rumours. But leaving aside what Christians regarded as particularly detestable about this cult which will be discussed below (p. 76-80), there is one further point, the secret nature of the cult which in itself might have had a negative influence on the attitude of Constantine and later emperors towards Mithraism as towards other mystery cults. A passage in

the Vita Constantini by Eusebius! refers to legal action against secret mysteries (τελεταὶ κρύφιοι). It is indeed

'? Breeze/ Dobson 1987, 222-223; compare Frere 1987, 332; 335. [75 In discussion Dr. Martin Henig has kindly told me that since the marble was made for insertion, it was obviously buried by the Mithraists and as the damage was very slight, he has doubts about the interpretation of beheading. ^ Eus. hist. eccl. 8, 13; Eus. Vita Const. 1, 13; Lact. mort. pers. 15, 6-7; Optat. 1, 22.

'? Noethlichs 1971, 19-32. The historicity of the tradition of the miraculous conversion of Constantine in AD 312 is in my

opinion doubtful. It seems that it was rather a longer process, involving successive changes in attitude; compare Kuhoff 1991, 163-174; Martin 1990, 12-14; 26. 16 RIC VII p. 472 Sirmium no. 31. In Antiochia solidi were issued AD 324-325, shortly after the defeat of Licinius, with the reverse legend Soli Comi-ti Aug(usti) n(ostri) (RIC VII p. 685 Antioch no. 49); compare also Bruun 1958. The issues dedicated to So/ invictus (the official cult of So/ must of course not be confused with the mysteries of Mithras) are certainly a religious confession - not without ulterior political motives (Halsberghe 1984, 2200; compare also Mac Dowall 1979 about Sol Invictus on coins from the mint of Rome in general), and I do not agree with Kellner, W, 1985, 66-68. It 1s hardly coincidence that the enactment of the antipagan laws and the gradual disappearance of Sol from the coinage is more or less contemporary.

"Compilation

by Noethlichs

1971,

28-29

(compare

Keil

1989,

especially

compilation). = Eus. Vita Const. 4, 25; compare the discussion by Turcan 1984, 213; 220-222.

196-201;

216-221:

selective commented

an interesting - unanswerable - question whether the fear of Christian emperors of non-public magic ceremonies affected the mystery cults seriously or only practices like soothsaying. The archaeological evidence does not support the theory that already in the early fourth century mystery ceremonies were prevented from happening all over the empire - at least not efficiently and permanently. But it might have provided the ideological basis for local actions such as in Britain where Mithraism was not strong and obviously did not survive the reign of the Constantinian dynasty and was not revitalized later. In the years after Constantine's death the influence of the church gradually expanded. In AD 346, 353, 354 or

356, the dating is a controversial subject! ”, a law finally

was passed which prescribed the closure of all temples and imposed capital punishment on animal sacrifices, thus affecting vital parts of pagan religious life. But it is a matter of dispute how far-reachmg the consequences for paganism were and from what date sanctuaries in the north-western provinces of the Roman Empire were abandoned, closed or destroyed on a large scale. According to Karl-Josef Gilles the numismatic evidence points to the abandonment of many indigenous hill

temples around Trier between AD 346 and AD 350'**.

In Septeuil a non-religious occupation of a nymphaeum at the end of the first half of the fourth century can be proved. One half of it was subsequently transformed into a Mithraeum, on the basis of the numismatic evidence this occured between about AD 350 and AD 360 (compare p. 22; 28). (I do not know the numismatic evidence and cannot judge the reliability of the conclusion.) From a historical point of view it would be highly interesting to know exactly when this happened: Under Magnentius (AD 350-353), under Constantius Il. before the proclamation of Julian as Caesar (AD 353-355) or after (AD 355-360) or perhaps after the proclamation of Julian as Augustus (AD 360-363). As oak is preserved, a dendrochronological examination will hopefully be possible which could date the conversion precisely to the year or even to the season within the year. The dating to one decade does not allow a consideration of the possible historical background, but it clearly shows that in Septeuil there was a very vital Mithraic community even after AD 350.

The latest com from the hoard 1n the Mithraeum(?) of Mackwiller which is stratigraphically associated with the violent destruction and burning down of the sacred building, is dated to AD 351 (Wigg 1991, 85 tab. A; 238). Christians are unlikely to have attacked the temple in AD 351 as the religious policy of Magnentius (AD 350-353) does not seem to have been anti-pagan. Admittedly the evidence for the religious policy of the usurper who permitted animal sacrifices, even at night is very scarce (Noethlichs 1971, 57 about Cod. Theod. 16, 16, 5), but since he was according to Philostorgios (hist. eccl. 3, 26) a pagan himself and since in all probability pagans still made up the majority of the population in

his territories and presumably of the army’, there is no

reason to assume of his murdered which would not unstable position

that he adopted the anti-pagan policy predecessor Constans (AD 337-350) have helped him to consolidate his of power. (That 1s not to say that he

did not try to gain Christian support as well'””.)

Private acts of violence cannot, of course, be excluded:

Once examples had been set durmg the Constantinian dynasty, Christians considered the desecration and destruction of anything sacred to people of any other faith as justified for the sake of their own religion. Even under the sole reign of the pagan emperor Julian (AD 361-363) there were cases of Christian iconoclasm (Noethlichs 1986, 1179). The attitude and policy of an emperor certainly, however, had a major influence on the frequency of Christian acts of ıconoclasm. To sum up, It 1s not impossible that a private act of violence led to the destruction of the temple in Mackwiller as long as Magnentius still had firm control over the region, but it is not very likely. In the excavation report the hoard and the destructions are interpreted as resulting from the disastrous Alamannic incursions of AD 352 (Hatt 1957, 68: compare Schwartz 1957). According to David Wigg's examination of coin circulation in Gaul during the reign of Magnentius, com hoards whose latest issue was minted in the first half of AD 351 such as in the hoard from Mackwiller are not certam indicators of Germanic incursions which affected the region first in AD 352/ 353 (Wigg 1991, 101-114; 159-160). The general problem of linking hoards with invasions cannot be discussed here, but even though an unexpected

15 Cod. Theod. 16, 10, 4; recent discussions of the dating: Heinen 1989, 398; Noethlichs 1971, 63; 273-274 no. 389; compare Noethlichs 1986, 1156; Gilles 1987, 201; Chuvin 1991, 45; Turcan 1984, 212 with no. 29.

' Gilles 1987, 198-202; compare Heinen 1989, 398; Gilles 1991, 106. 5' Compare Jones 1964, 137 about Christianity in the army under Julian.

^" Demandt 1989, 83 interpreting the chi-rho sign on coins. Noethlichs Philostorgios.

1971, 57; 269 no. 338 doubts the reliability of

Germanic advance cannot be excluded, it is quite possible that the votaries of Mithras (or the locals, worshipping the deity or the deities, presiding over the spring? compare p. 22-23) had already left the area when the threat to the Rhine frontier and its hinterland loomed after Magnentius had withdrawn strong military forces for his civil war against Constantius II. The later fate of the temple remains obscure. The Alamanni controlled even the hinterland for years (Wigg 1991, 19-30) and were certamly responsible for much destruction. My reluctance to interpret the systematic smashing of religious sculpture while leaving valuables in a temple as "barbarian vandalism" has already been expressed. When the Romans reconquered the area, the anti-pagan laws of Constantius II. (AD 337-361) who personally led campaigns against the Alamanni in AD 354, 355 and 356, were already in force. But they did not order the destruction of temples, and there is no reason to assume that the Roman army systematically destroyed sanctuarıes during their first operations. After the last campaign against the Alamanni, in which Constantius II. personally took part m AD 356, the Caesar Julian who had been in Gaul since AD 355 was actually the supreme commander of the Roman forces, operating in Gaul. One might be very reluctant to assume that Julian tolerated or even carried out temple destructions, especially after the departure of Constantius II. Julian of course still had to conceal his religious conviction as we shall see below. This short summary of the history of Gaul m the AD 350s shows that the sudden end of coin offerings which were obviously collected or deposited m the vessel which fell from its stand, 1s in all probability connected with the Alamannic

mvasions,

but that the

destroyers themselves were not necessarily Alamanni. We wnll never know with absolute certamty by whom and on what occasion the Mackwiller sanctuary was destroyed. Without claiming that alternative theories are to be ruled out, I would like to interpret the iconoclasm and the fact that the coin hoard was left in the building before ıt was set alight as hinting that it was the deed of Christian provincials. According to the relevant passages in the work of the eyewitness Ammuanus Marcellmus about the situation before the famous battle near Strasbourg (Argentorate) in AD 357, for years law and order had broken down in the hmterland of the Rhine; people certainly had fled, only concerned about their lives and personal possessions and probably in

many instances leaving "ghost towns" behind. Could it be that Christian iconoclasts took advantage of this situation? In the fourth century Christian asceticism, even the most extreme forms of self-imposed sufferings, attracted more and more people. In Gaul certainly this movement was not yet as developed as in the east. If, however, only a few Christians, scorning earthly life and all its pleasures or trusting in God, intended to take this opportunity to destroy temples and monuments of the deeply hated pagan deities, what did they have to fear in staying behind? It was a time when martyrdom was glonfied. Durmg the persecutions Christians, though probably even then always only a minority of them, had been prepared to die for their conviction, some even had sought death and provoked their execution. Their memory was still very vivid, and even centuries after the end of the persecutions Christian missionaries often deliberately nsked their lives. Whether my theory m the particular example of Mackwiller is true or not, it is certainly worthwhile asking whether in a period of hostile invasions nobody but the mvaders themselves had a motive for causing certain destruction. There is no reason to clear Christians of suspicion of responsibility m this case. Everybody could expect that after the civil war was over, Rome with her superior fighting forces would regain control, and the retummg pagans would not be able to worship their gods in devastated sanctuaries. To smash the sculpture of a temple and to set fire to it, is a matter of a few minutes. In abandoned

settlements even a single mdividual unhindered could cause enormous damage. History is always more complex than the written evidence implies, and the theory proposed by me to explam the end of the Mackwiller temple certamly does not apply to all sanctuaries where the latest coins stratigraphically associated with a destruction date to the reign of Magnentius (AD 350-353). Even in Britam, formerly ruled by Magnentius as well, and obviously still less affected by hostile invasions and maintaining a healthy economy (Britam was able to supply grain to the ravaged frontier zone in eastern Gaul in AD 359: Frere 1987, 339; 350 no. 32 with sources), comage from some

religious sites seems to indicate decline or destruction after the end of the reign of Magnentius. In these cases the persecution of pagans and collaborators with the usurper after the victory of Constantius II. in the civil war is one possible explanation. Graham Webster

writes: Another consequence of the re-establishment

of the authority of Constantius in Britain could well have been an attack on pagan monuments and

' Webster 1983 (quoted passage on p. 247); compare Henig/ Soffe 1993, 8; 13.

practices, which had been tolerated under Magnentius. The narrow-minded and mean-spirited Emperor may have been specially severe in Britain and Gaul, ... The problem,

however,

in linking the numismatic

evidence

with the enforcement of the anti-pagan laws after the defeat of Magnentius is the sharply reduced supply of official bronze coins after the death of the usurper AD

353 until at least AD 364'**. Consequently dating is

difficult if only a small number of coins has been found at a site, and it 1s hard to prove the plausible theory of Graham Webster. When the Caesar Julian, who later when he had become sole emperor, bore witness to his pagan belief, entered Vienne in December AD 355, an old blind woman prophesied: "He will repair the temples of the gods" (exclamavit, hunc deorum templa reparaturum: Amm. 15, 8, 22). Obviously some damage had been done already before at least as far as this part of Gaul 1s concerned. Whether Julian after AD 355, during his stay m Gaul showed his loyalty to Constantius II. by toleratmg or even carrymg out

extreme antipagan measures is a crucial question *".

During the sole rule of Julian (AD 361-363), the last pagan emperor and a worshipper of Mithras, paganism enjoyed imperial support all over the empire for the last time. This was just a short episode, as was the ephemeral last pagan revival under the Christian usurper Eugenius (AD 392-394) m the West. After the death of Julian in AD 363 however paganism was legally tolerated for about another thirty years, even though there were laws against animal sacrifices, of which some

pagan

philosophers

also disapproved ^, and against

fortune-tellmg, which could be a dangerous threat to the life of the emperor (Noethlichs 1971 passim). In this period, judging by coin evidence, many Mithraea in eastem Gaul and a large number of pagan temples throughout the north-western provinces were still visited frequently. Anyhow Christian acts of violence against buildings and objects connected with pagan cults became a more and more dangerous menace m the late fourth century (Noethlichs 1986, 1177-1182; Frend 1992, 125). The most famous example as far as Mithraism is concemed is the destruction of a Mithraeum in Rome by the praefectus urbi Gracchus in

AD 376/ 377 to prove his commitment to Christ before his baptism. It 1s praised and described by Jerome: The high official overturned the idols in the cave of Mithras (specus Mithrae), smashed them and knocked them

over'"'. There is no written record of the destruction of a

Mithraeum north of the Alps at this time, but it 15 noteworthy that Sulpicius Severus in his biography of St. Martin, the bishop of Tours AD 372-397, whom he knew personally, records the destruction of several temples and cult images m northern Gaul, often against

the will of the population". While these actions may

have been not officially authorized, the ultimate end of the state's tolerance 1s marked by laws of Theodosius I. of AD 391 and AD 392 (Cod. Theod. 16, 10, 10-12). After the suppression of the usurpation of Eugenius in

September 394'°”, these laws finally had legal force also

in the West of the Roman Empire. Needless to say paganism was dying more slowly than the Christian government wished, and these were not the last anti-pagan laws to be issued in the empire which was finally divided in AD 395 into a western and an eastem half. In a few Mithraea the latest coms found were certainly minted after the defeat of Eugenius, but as mentioned above the supply of bronze comage was sharply reduced in these years and therefore it is impossible to say whether some Mithraea continued to be used for a few months or for several years and if some still existed when in AD 406/ 407 Gaul was left to Germanic and Alanic invaders. There 1s not much point in going into detail about the fifth century history of Gaul as links between particular historical events and the fate of the last Mithraists or of the monuments of a dying religion are impossible to establish. The last decades of Roman rule in Gaul are marked by growing insecurity, the state losing direct control over more and more territories. An increasing number of Germans settled down in Gaul, mainly Franks, Burgundians and Visigoths and later also Alamanni. These tribal groups gained, with or without the recognition of the state, control over large territories. The Franks and Alamanni, whose expansion is particularly interesting with regard to those areas in eastem

Gaul

with

numerous

Mithraic.

monuments,

' Casey 1988, 47; 49; Reece 1994; compare Gilles 1989 about the coin supply in northern Gaul in this period. 55 Noethlichs 1971, 57; 62-65 about the religious policy of Constantius II. which was obviously especially antipagan AD 353-357. '% Turcan 1984, 214-220 referring to various literary testimonies; Merkelbach

1984, 240-241; Chuvin 1991, 237-244.

'# Hier. epist. 107, 2 (PL ed. Migne 22 (1864) 868-869; CSEL 55 (1912) 292: perhaps exussit (exurere = to burn) instead of excussit. In the context of the sentence excussit seems to make more sense). 55 Sulp. Sev. Vita Martini 13-15; compare Greg. Tur. Franc. 1, 39; for similar actions in the eastern parts of the empire compare Fowden 1978: Chuvin 1991. 65-68.

7" Noethlichs 1971, 127-128; 180 about the literary testimonies for the religious policy of Eugenius.

remained in their vast majority pagans throughout the century. After the deposition of the last westem Roman emperor Romulus Augustu(lu)s in. AD 476, and after the last resistance under Syagrius had been crushed in AD 486, rule finally passed from the Roman emperor and army leaders to Germanic kings. We can only speculate about damage done by the numerous mvaders and new settlers during this century. The way in which several Mithraea which have yielded late fourth century comage were destroyed pomts rather to religious fanaticism, than to invading enemies or plunderers. It seems likely that despite the numerous wars most of the destruction was carried out by provincials at the end of the fourth century or later. The end of Mithraism in Britain

The general structure of this chapter which is to list selected archaeologically datable destructions and other possibly significant changes m chronological order and to examine whether it might be possible to establish lmks with historical events and processes cannot be applied to Mithraea

(such

as those

in Britain) whose

abandonment or destruction is far from exactly datable. Therefore, apart from theories which try to explain archaeological findings in the London and the Carrawburgh Mithraea by means of written history and which are given above (p. 51-53), the fate of British Mithraea has to be discussed separately. The end of Mithraism in Britain obviously came much earlier than m Gaul. There is no piece of published evidence, suggesting occupation of the Mithraeum in London in the second half of the fourth century, and the three temples of Mithras at Hadrians Wall were obviously already abandoned earlier than that m London (compare p. 24-27) while Caernarfon will be discussed separately below. The reasons for the fact that Mithraism in Britain was obviously not as strong as in eastern Gaul and some other areas might be sought in the social structure of the community. As already pointed out above Mithraism in Britain can only be proven to have existed in military zones and major towns; unlike eastern Gaul, the Germanic frontier provinces included, it does not seem to have been really rooted among the rural population. Britain was the only part of the empire where it is justified to describe the mystery religion as predominantly a cult of the army (compare p. 10), if one can trust in the epigraphic evidence which illuminates

the social composition only for a few decades and which in Britain always overrepresents soldiers. The central question is, how reliable our information is about the composition of the Mithraic community in Britain, and whether it allows us to draw any conclusions either about the reasons why Mithraea were abandoned and obviously left to iconoclasts quite early or perhaps even about the identity of the culprits: G. R. Watson (1968, 53) states that none of the dedicators of Mithraic inscriptions at Hadrian's Wall can be proved to be an ordinary soldier and concludes: The common soldier may quite possibly have delighted in the sheer destruction of an officers’ temple. It is problematic to describe Mithraism in the Wall region as a religion of the officers; at least the praefecti and tribuni who stayed only for a comparatively short time before their replacement could not have guaranteed the local continuity of the cult. The rank of a few dedicators is unknown (compare Clauss 1992, 77-84) and the positions of richer dedicators do not necessarily reflect the social structure of the congregation; furthermore an inscription from High Rochester (RIB 1272), an outpost fort north of Hadrian's Wall may be cited: The tribunus cohortis Lucius Caecilius Optatus and his fellow votaries (consecranei) shared the cost of building a Mithraic temple from ground level during the reign of Caracalla, in c. AD 212-217. The tribunus was certainly the largest contributor, but not the only one. It was typical of Roman society during the principate that the rich demonstrated their status by making generous donations for the community, leaving memorials to themselves. It might have been an embarrassment for a unit commander, initiated in the cult, to be surpassed in generosity by an ordinary soldier. To find on the most expensive monuments the names of those who could pay for them without ruming themselves, is not a real surprise. I know that the theory that Mithraism was not very popular with ordınary auxiliary soldiers has support (Clauss 1992, 267 with no. 11), but the epigraphic statistics all over the empire are not totally persuasive to me, considering that in general those, who did not have a rank or position, of which they could be proud, had even less reason to indicate more than their names on an inscription, visible only to their fellow votaries and not to the public at large. Furthermore, the delight of the common soldier in the destruction of an officers’ temple which G. R. Watson assumes, implies that higher authority ordered the destruction against the will of many officers -

/" Compare RIB 1265: according to Kienast 1990. 166 Caracalla's sole reign had started in AD 211, but only in December.

undermining the discipline in the army. During the reign of Constantine I. (AD 306-337) when temples were destroyed only in exceptional cases, such a measure seems highly unlikely. And there is no indication that the Mithraea at Hadrian’s Wall were still in use at a later date. A destruction of course can well postdate the abandonment, but then the suggested psychological component for the destruction is untenable anyway. Anyhow the dedications predate the abandonment of the temples by c. a century and do not tell us anything about religion in the late antique army whose composition was quite different from that of the army of the principate. One has to be very cautious in using the social structure of the Mithraic community of one period in interpreting events of another period. However, as the three Mithraea in the Wall region are all in vici adjacent to forts, there certainly is a link between the history of the army and the local Mithraea. Just about the time when the Mithraea were abandoned, there were important changes in the organization of the army and the recruitment of the soldiers as a result of the reforms of Diocletian (AD 284-305; Britain came under Tetrarchic control in c. AD 296) and of Constantine I. (AD 306-337). It would be speculative to try to explain the fate of Mithraism in Britain for example by changes in the areas of recruitment of soldiers and officers who were in service at Hadrian s Wall, though this might well have had an impact on a minority cult. Certainly the fact that the strength of the garrisons was probably considerably reduced has to be taken into consideration (Casey 1993, 262), but it probably had already declined

during

the third century

crisis"

which

Mithraism

survived. The population of the vici next to the fort may have shrunk faster: Accordmg to James Crow (1995, 92) the Housesteads vicus, in which the Mithraeum was situated, seems to have been largely abandoned after AD 320. Perhaps it is not insignificant that the benches of the Carrawburgh Mithraeum when 1t was reconstructed for the last time in the last years of the third or in the early fourth century, were approximately five metres long, Iıttle more than two thirds of the length of those of the

previous phase". This might well reflect a drop in the absolute number of votaries, unless a second, undiscovered temple was founded contemporaneously which is not very likely at this time in the Wall region, but conceivable. While this reduction in capacity might

well indicate a decrease in the number of votaries at a local level, their total number is hard to assess, as we do not know whether a temple had to be big enough to accommodate all members of the community at once or whether they might have been divided into different groups for the services. Whether or not Mithraism did not survive the first part of the fourth century throughout Britain is uncertain. There are mdications that a probable Mithraeum in Leicester was used until about AD 360, but to my knowledge details are not published yet (compare p. 27; 82 no. 5). The destruction of the Caernarfon Mithraeum occured later than the middle of the fourth century. North-west Wales was a remote, economically weak and obviously never intensively Romanized region though Caemarfon was in an important strategic position, guarding the route to the island of Anglesey. The speed of cultural change in history 1s often related to economic and political importance of a region and to the centrality of its geographic position. One might wonder therefore whether a Mithraic community here might have been left undisturbed longer than at Hadnan’s Wall The evidence, however, given above (p. 25-26), does not support regular use right to the end. It seems likely though not certain, that it was no longer an actively used temple at the time of its destruction. With regard to the identity of the destroyers, one has to consider that late antique fortifications m the area - the fort of Caernarfon itself continued to be occupied - and at least one watchtower (Esmonde Cleary 1989, 54), mdicate that the islands of Holyhead and Anglesey and the adjacent coastal regions around Caemarfon were under serious threat of sea-raids. But to blame mvading enemies for the destruction of some small altars in a building which seems to have been quite empty otherwise does not really make sense, and a theory, proposed by George Boon is much more attractive. He cautiously suggests that St. Peblig, according to legend living in the fourth century, and to whom a church is dedicated not far from the site of the former Mithraeum in Caernarfon, played an important role ın local religious history, presiding over the destruction of a

humble shrine of ‘Antichrist””’. Whether it was St.

Peblig or not, zealous Christians had the best motives to destroy what was left of the ancient pagan monument. The desecration of the Mithraeum in Caemarfon 15 the

*' Breeze/ Dobson 1987, 212-213; compare 218; 225-226 and Frere 1987, 222; 228 no. 22 about Rudchester.

= Richmond/ Gillam 1951, 23 fig. 5; 31 fig. 7; 32; compare 5 fig. 2; 11 fig. 3; 17 fig. 4. ** Boon 1960. 156: compare Thomas 1981. 135: Baring-Gould/ Fisher 1913, 86-87; Casey/ Davies 1993, 16.

latest datable act of iconoclasm, affecting a Mithraeum in Britain. No-one can exclude the possibility with certainty that archaeologists will discover in future a temple of Mithras with a coin series extending to the end of the fourth century, but to judge from the sparse evidence, Mithraism does not seem to have had any part in the strong late pagan revival in Britain in the second half of the century which can be proven to have taken place in

southern Britain"^ where the cult of the oriental sungod

was evidently never very popular.

and areas where people of many different backgrounds live together. Where the vast majority of the population has the same traditions, society can afford to make a few who behave differently, feel that they are outsiders. Where there are many different traditions, people either have to 1solate themselves into separate groups, or they have to tolerate others in order to be tolerated themselves. Of course there are also many more mutual influences if society 15 heterogeneous than if it is homogeneous. In Britam

society was

probably

more

homogeneous

than, for example, it was in the area between Rhine and As

far as Britain

is concerned however,

it is hard to

prove whether Mithraea were still in use when the iconoclasts arrived. Christians might well have done more than simply destroy what had already lost its funcion. On Hadrian's Wall Christian provincial officials, military commanders or as proven for other parts of the empire, members of the church, but not without the connivance of the authorities, obviously acted quite systematically in destroying Mithraic monuments, but at the same time sparing military dedications. It is impossible to assess to what extent Christian actions and to what extent other factors caused the early end of this oriental religion in Britain. Christians in any case could not have had such quick success 1f Mithraism m Britain had not been a minority religion which was not very widespread. We do not know enough about society in Britam and in many other provinces to be able to explain the weakness of the Mithras cult in one area and its long persistence in

another.

Here we come up against limiting factors mherent in archaeology which cannot reveal the "national" character of ancient societies, but it might be helpful to compare it with the situation today: There are certainly major differences m the popularity of foreign religions and sects between cities and small villages and between different regions and countries in. modern Western Europe and certainly between Western Europe and many countries which for example have an Islamic tradition. The reasons for such differencies have to be sought in the degree of satisfaction or dissatisfaction with what traditional religion has to offer, in openness towards foreign religions, and in the preparedness of society to take sanctions against those who do not keep to tradition. Generally there is more tolerance in places

Danube (compare Sauer 1996) where Mithraism was particularly popular. Within Britain. Mithraısm was popular m the Wall region and in major towns where many people of foreign origin were present, but not in the countryside which certamly was much more conservative. (This is not to say that Mithraists in British towns and in the military zone were all foreigners.) As the often partially underground Mithraea are likelier to survive and to be identified than temples dedicated to almost any other deity, the absence of Mithraic monuments outside towns and military zones in Britain as in many areas in western Gaul cannot be explained merely by the general comparative rarity of inscriptions and religious sculpture in these remote regions. The population of late antique towns and of the forts and adjacent vici at Hadnan’s Wall was probably shrinking. This could have led to a certam provincialization and closer assimilation to society in the surrounding areas which was less open-minded towards the mystery cult. If I am right m assuming that large portions of society in Roman Britain. had a reserved attitude towards Mithraism as completely foreign, this might well explain the early actions of the iconoclasts who perhaps did not have to fear much resistance. The end of Mithraism in Germania Superior east of the Rhine The end of Mithraism in Britain. and in those parts of Germania Superior, situated east of the Rhine, is comparable in so far as there are no certain indications that Christian iconoclasm affected the temples while they were still m use, and that there is no dating evidence for Mithraic worship as late as m many Gaulish sanctuaries: Traces of activity disappear for historical reasons even about a century earlier than they

™ Lewis 1966, 140 tab. 7-142 tab. 9: Green 1976, 40; Rahtz/ Watts 1979, Frend 1992, 127; he also states (especially 126-127. 130-131) that in his opinion the church was comparatively weak in Britain during the time of the late pagan revival and afterwards (compare also Thomas 1981, 352-355).

do in Britain.

In many

cases

destructions,

affecting

Mithraic monuments east of the Rhine, are even harder

to date than they are in Britain. In other respects the end of the cult and its circumstances in both areas are quite different: Mithraism was certainly far more popular and widespread than in Britain. The cult flourished not only in vici next to forts and in central towns, but followers

were also living in smaller. civil settlement and in the country such as in the villa rustica of Mundelshem (fig. 20). The majority of the votaries were civilians. (16 %

of those

votaries

who

are named

on

Mithraic

mscriptions are soldiers: Clauss 1992, 123. This figure refers to the entire province of Germania Superior, mcluding the west.) The large number of Mithraic Sanctuaries 15 remarkable: About one third of the Mithraea all over the north-western provinces, are imn those parts of Germania Superior, situated east of the Rhine. The density of Mithraic sanctuaries and findspots of cult objects is particularly high ın the north of this region, along the Limes between Welzheim and the Wetterau and in its hinterland from the middle Neckar up to the lower Main valley and north of it (see map 1

p. 84).

Nevertheless none of the 17 Mithraea between the Rhine, the Limes and the provincial border to Raetia has produced more than 13 coins (map 2 p. 85). (This at least 1s the maximum number of coms published so far for a single sanctuary: Stockstadt a. M. 2: p. 83 no. 40). By comparison it may be noted that my list of 52 Mithraea (p. 82-83 - not all of them certain) comprises eight sanctuaries with over 150 coms, all of them west of the Rhme. This poses the question as to the reason for this significant distribution pattern? It should be noted first that coins found im temples are in general quite scarce in the area between the Rhine and the Danube. This is due to the fact that there were more large Gallo-Roman temple complexes west of the Rhine and south of the Danube than there were in those territories between the two rivers, as well as to regional differences m com circulation in general and to the way, m which the direct Roman rule came to an end here, as discussed

below. It is less significant that throughout the north-western provinces there is no Mithraeum which has yielded a large number of coins until the early third century. Most of the Mithraea m areas which were under direct Roman control until Late Antiquity continued to be used until long after coins of the earlier empire had disappeared from circulation. Their rarity in buildings continuously used until the fourth century in

some instances possibly even longer, is therefore hardly surprising. Knowing that one risks being blamed for overinterpreting sketchy evidence, the question may be allowed as to whether the low number of coins does not reflect the way in which Mithraism came to an end: The ancient towns at the foot of Mount Vesuvius are only the most famous examples of the fact that nothing is more rewarding for archaeologists than the excavation of the remains of a flounshmg ancient civilisation suddenly terminated in an unexpected catastrophe. This is true for natural disasters as well as for those inflicted by humans upon their fellow bemgs if the catastrophe overtakes people who had no opportunity to remove their property to safety. This admittedly has to be qualified: Nature of course has no materialistic interests whereas most humans do, though potential pressure of time and limited possibilities of transporting booty are factors which have to be considered. If, however, one pictures the end of Roman rule between the Rhine, the Danube and the Limes as resulting from a surprise attack of savage Germanic hordes, interested in nothing but to blot out the entire civilisation as quickly and as thoroughly as possible, while the Mithraists free of care were still holding their services, one might ideally expect to find layers of destruction which contained or sealed everything which origmally belonged to the temples, including some money collected by the votaries. I have chosen this scenario, not to demonstrate what the end of Mithraism was like, but to show what 1t almost

certainly was not like. Members of almost all societies, past and present, have not wasted too much energy on purposeless actions. The reasons, why Germanic tribesmen risked their lives, invading an empire which though im a severe crisis still had a highly trained army superior to almost every enemy m open battle, and often still able to take bloody revenge for attacks, were of an economic

nature,

the

aim

was

not

sheer

destruction.

Emotions of course play a part m every war, and even if the main objective was to capture booty, destructions without doubt were often carried out. It seems, however, likely that one intended to keep the investment of time and energy to a mmimum, setting for example inflammable structures alight, probably not before at least a brief search for valuables. The aim was hardly to wreck the infrastructure systematically, in the hope that the Romans might lose interest in resettling a devastated country and in the long term might even cede it to Germanic settlers. Though eventually this happened

^ Compare Schwertheim 1974 map 1; Planck 1985; Glock/ Planck 1987.

(Nuber 1993), it could not have been predicted. For the

Germanic invaders of AD 233 and AD 260 there was not a single example in living memory of the Romans retreating from a substantial part of their empire despite some changes on a smaller scale in the frontier line in the east of the empire. It seems that either the votaries had enough time to remove the coins when the Mithraea were abandoned or that looters found them searching through the temple. Both explanations are conceivable: Recent research (Nuber 1990 and 1993; Kuhnen 1992b) rightly tends to question that the end of Roman rule came as suddenly and violently as often thought previously. No doubt these areas were particularly vulnerable to Germanic Invasions, but in an atmosphere of msecurity existing over a number of years, of which the hostile threat was only one cause among others, many temples might have been abandoned by their votaries, leaving nothing behind which had any value and could be easily transported. The Mithraeum in Riegel, little more than ten kilometres east of the Rhine, might be an example. No remains of the cult relief or other sculpture have been found and they may have been brought to safety in time, leaving just the altars. Only a single coin 1s published (FMRD II 2 N 1 (1980) 2058. E 2. 2) though one has to wait for the final excavation report to see whether it was indeed the only one. A number of pottery vessels of various types, several of them perfectly intact, were left behind in the pronaos (Càmmerer 1986; Schleiermacher 1933, 75-76). Bernhard Cammerer (1986, 508) puts forward the attractive interpretation that slow decay is likelier than a violent destruction. Before however the wooden parts had mouldered away a fire-catastrophe affected the sanctuary reddening parts of its limestone walls (Schleiermacher 1933, 70-71; compare 76). The published evidence does not allow us to tell whether this happened while Riegel was still under Roman rule or afterwards. Perhaps it was an accident, but arson is likewise conceivable. While invaders can hardly be blamed for the absence of religious sculpture such as in Riegel, the rarity of coins in a sanctuary can well be the result of plunder if the votaries failed to remove the collected money im time. Despite quite a sophisticated border control and a highly developed communication system, news could not always travel ahead of invaders. The devastating '% Compare Hdn. 6, 7, 2-3, referring of course to a wider area.

*' König 1981, 92; compare DuSek 1992, especially 136-137.

Germanic invasions of AD 233 might well have taken

many provincials by surprise’, and there might have

been plenty of time for an intruder of a temple to remove valuables before Roman rule was firmly re-established in a counter-offensive AD 235/ 236. The numerous hoards of coms and metal objects, buried during the last decades of Roman rule east of the Rhine (Filtzinger 1986, 89 fig. 22; 93 fig. 23; 95 fig. 24), but also in other frontier regions clearly indicate that it was regarded as highly risky to leave anything precious at places where one could expect plunderers to look for valuables and that a number of those who knew the hiding-places of these hoards, did not survive or could not return. Hostile invaders represent of course only one group of possible looters: Soldiers in civil wars and elements of local society who took advantage of the breakdown of public order in certain periods might be to blame as well though most of them were probably more reluctant to take something from a temple for fear of divine punishment, than people from beyond the border. Postulating this, one has to remind oneself that a clear cultural distinction between Romans and "barbarians" in the frontier zone along the Rhine again becomes difficult if one is dealing with later Roman history when the proportion of members of Germanic tribes in army and provincial society was rising. When exactly the Mithras temples in those territories which were under direct Roman administration until AD 260 or a few years later (Nuber 1993), were deserted by their votaries, 1s hard to establish. Certainly the fate of Mithraism was closely linked to the history of the region in general: Prospermg in the early third century, a dramatic decline in. wealth combined with a probable decrease m population from the 230s onwards characterizes the last decades of direct Roman rule in the territories in the hinterland of the Limes. In AD 260 they may briefly have become a part of the Gaulish empire of Postumus, but soon the central empire was able to re-establish rts control over Raetia (Bakker 1993), the frontier now running through the areas between the Rhine and the Danube (Nuber 1990 and 1993) if ıt was still occupied by the army. Postumus (AD 260-269) was defending his part of the empire against foreign enemies, but - more important for his political and physical survival - against his legimate imperial opponent Gallienus. Whether there is a connection between the fact that the Gaulish emperors

employed a number of Germanic mercenaries'’’, and the settlement

of Germans

between

the

Rhine

and

the

Danube at some time after AD 260, whether either side

in the civil war wanted to create some kind of "buffer states" or whether the settlement started later, is not known. Gallienus (sole reign AD 260-268) was faced with numerous devastating hostile invasions, his rule was also threatened by many usurpations and he had lost control over far more substantial parts of the empire than the areas between the Rhine and the Danube. For both imperial adversaries there were more urgent tasks than to concentrate on a disputed outpost, demanding high investment to create the security needed, even for a slight economic recovery, but not promising to yield m the short term equivalent revenues. This general summary of the history of these areas is based on recent

research. We can be sure that Roman rule did not

terminate in a single catastrophic event, but that a multitude of causes led to a long process of decline and to the final abandonment, and the same is certainly true for Mithraea in the area. We can only understand the fate of the Mithras cult during the third century crisis in these territories against the background of this complex economic, demographic and political development which affected the whole population. One might still question my theory and ask whether there is not a simpler explanation for the consistent absence of coin accumulations in Mithraea in this area than to assume that they were either removed by the votaries themselves or by plunderers, and that there was no systematic destruction unlike m Gaul over a century later. Could it be that there had never been any coin hoards m these sanctuaries? This seems unlikely to me, and the example which follows, though ıt does not provide absolute proof, may give an idea of what the results of unexpected destruction can be. It may support my theory that unexpected destruction in blind rage was not normally the fate of Mithraea anywhere at any time before the Christianization of the Roman Empire. A wider examination would probably show that this statement is by and large true for pagan sanctuaries in the empire in general. Of course there are always exceptions, and the following example 1s an exception in so far as it was suddenly destroyed while in active use though it was hardly the main target and just happened

to perish with the whole settlement. It is not a testimony of ıconoclasm. In the temple of the Syrian god Jupiter Dolichenus in Walting-Pfünz, situated next to a fort which is at the edge of a ridge above the Altmühl valley, about 17 km upstream from the Raetian Limes a hoard of 95 denarii has been discovered. It was found below a burnt layer together with an engraved gemstone (comelian) set in a silver ring, one bronze ring, two bracelets and a comelian without engraving. Besides votive plaques and various other objects seven more denarii and two bronze coins were found in the building. The latest of the 95 coins was minted in AD 232. (The other coins, found in the building, are earlier.) Burnt debris and traces of fire all over the fort and the adjacent vicus with the temple of Jupiter Dolichenus, the considerable quantity of finds, especially of metal objects and the findspots of human remains in the fort, suggesting that there were war casualties, point to a sudden and violent catastrophic end. In this case we certainly trace an event in war,

either during the invasion of AD 233'” or, bearing in

mind the difficulties in using coin evidence for dating in

northern Raetia in this period“, in a later war during or

towards the end of the Roman military occupation of forts between the Rhine and the Danube. Obviously the

whole settlement went up in flames^", and there is no hint

of any

attack,

directed

specifically

agamst

the

oriental sanctuary"^. Archaeology of course can never

tell the complete story, and we can only speculate about potential fighting and resistance and about an accidental outbreak and spread of the fire during the turbulent course of events or about arson as offensive weapon, motivated by delight in destruction or, in case soldiers were forced to retreat hastily, by the determination not to leave any supplies to the enemy: large quantities of

half-charred grain in the granary of the fort (ORL B 73.

Kastell Pfünz (1901) 7) are in addition to weapons evidence for the presence of soldiers and for the suddenness of the catastrophe.

Fire is an uncontrollable means of destruction in a densely built settlement and can soon make any attempt to plunder or to rescue valuables a deadly risk. The discovery of an empty urn-shaped pottery vessel, buried

/,^9 Notably by Nuber 1990 and 1993, Kuhnen 1992b, both giving further important references. ' Later coins are rare amongst the finds from the whole site (FMRD I 5 (1963) 5040-5041); compare no. 202.

200 Baatz 1986; compare Kellner, H-J, in Czyzk, W et al. (ed.), 1995 Die Römer in Bayern, Stuttgart, 323-324 which was published too late for an inclusion in this ?' According to Baatz 1986, 89 no. 15 there °° ORL B 73. Kastell Pfünz (1901) passim; 5042 only listing 94 coins, but compare Fischer 1983, 98-99: Winkelmann 1926,

study. may be, however, various destruction layers. FMRD I 5 (1963) 5040. 138/ 140/ 167-169/ 172-173/ 175-177/ 179/ 186-187; Arnold 1889, especially 192-193; 200-201; see also Kellner 1972, 138; Ulbert/ 54-55; Hörig/ Schwertheim 1987, 305 no. 479-308 no. 484.

in the Dolichenus sanctuary, neatly covered with some slate slabs, gave mse to the theory that we have traces here of a rescue attempt which failed. A dramatic scenario emerges: Somebody is taking the money from its hiding-place, the vessel, while the temple is already

ablaze, but he does not get far with the money

^". The

that ıt indicates that com hoards were exceptional in earlier third century sanctuaries in this region.

ICONOCLASM IN THE MIDDLE AGES? THE SPEED OF DECAY AND THE DATE OF DESTRUCTION OF TEMPLES AND MONUMENTS OF MITHRAS

story is fascinating, but hardly credible: Nobody in these circumstances would have put the empty vessel back in the ground, covering it neatly again (it did not even contam earth). We should rather interpret the vessel as some kind of foundation deposit with long decayed contents which has nothing to do with the coins, found according to the plan (Amold 1889, 187) roughly

The example of Krefeld-Gellep (p. 13; 28; 50) shows that long before the church was an influential power in the state, Mithraea were deserted. The inscription from

1.5 m away.

Virunum, evidence for the abandonment of a Mithraeum

In the earliest report (Arnold

1889,

192)

the com hoard is interestingly not described as dispersed, like most fourth century finds from other temples, but as a small cluster. Unlike four denarii from another part of the buildmg which were surrounded by a thin film of dark soil, certainly the remains of some kind of purse or container, consisting of some organic material, no traces of any kind of container could be detected for the 95 coins, though textiles of course do not necessarily leave traces. Instead of thinking of a failed (or only partially successful) attempt to bring the temple treasure to safety, it is possible that the com hoard just fell down from an elevated position as a result of the fire. Disregarding the other valuables (and the theoretical(!) possibility that it is not the complete treasure), the 102 silver coins from the temple in themselves represent quite a substantial sum of money: 100 denarii are, at the traditional official rate at least, equivalent to four

aurei or c. 26 g of minted gold™ in this period, and

correspond to the pay of a legionary, serving at the time of the catastrophe, for seven weeks to two months. The common soldier of the cohors I Breucorum civium Romanorum ..., stationed in Walting-Pfünz, did not have quite as much money at his disposal, but we are less well informed about the pay of auxilianes than about that of legionaries (Le Bohec 1994, 210-212). Comparing the fate of many temples after Christianization in the late empire, it seems far likelier that the example of the temple of Dolichenus in Walting-Pfünz indicates that an unexpected catastrophic end without search for valuables was the exception for temples between the Rhine and the Danube, rather than 7? Winkelmann

Abandonment, decay and reuse of Mithraea

for more than half a century, referred to above (p. 13), confirms this. The inscription. cited from Wiesbaden (fig. 2; p. 11-12; 15-17) indicates a temporary neglect of the maintenance of the Mithraeum probably during a phase of abandonment. Both inscriptions prove a renaissance of the cult and of the sanctuarıes. For the period of Christian persecution of paganism, as outlined below (p. 73), mscriptions are lacking. The final destruction, proved for many temples of Mithras, could be preceded by a period when there was no will or no possibility of keeping the sanctuary m a good state of repair; m other cases the temple may have been totally deserted. The destroyers of Mithraea did not necessarily lose datable objects during the destruction of religious images or of temples. The central question, therefore, 1s whether archaeologists have not been misled m some cases and whether the dates of abandonment and destruction were not sometimes centuries apart. In the areas east of the Rhine the tradition of building in stone presumably ended soon after the middle of the third century. The earliest buildings to be erected in

stone again were churches built about AD 600°”. Where

stone was not needed for buildmg, where settlements were abandoned or where the living habits of a significantly reduced town or village population did not require the demolition of ancient structures, there was no necessity for the arduous dismantling of the numerous preserved Roman ruins. In all probability the missionaries who came to the area from the sixth to the eighth century found many temples structurally more or less

1926, 55; Kellner 1972, 138; compare Arnold

formulating it cautiously as a question).

intact.

Robert

Forrer

concludes,

based

on

the

discovery of Merovingian pottery and other finds below 1889, 192 (proposing the theory, but less decided and

204 King 1993, 446. These statements are based on the assumption that the catastrophe occured in AD 233. (The exact gold content is not considered here, as the methods, used in antiquity to determine the fineness of gold coins were not very accurate: Steuer 1987, 410-443).

^7? Christlein 1979, 116-117; Müller/ Knaut 1987, 30-31; Planck 1990, 94.

a layer with Roman roof tiles, that the eastern part of the Mithraeum of Strasbourg-Koenigshoffen which of course 1S situated west of the Rhine m an area under Roman control until the fifth century AD, still served as

a dwelling centuries after Christianization^?. Here the

demand for building stone was certamly drastically reduced as well, but there was not such a long and complete discontinuity as east of the river. To sum up, a large proportion of antique stone structures of all types survived the end of Roman rule for centuries, north of the Alps as well as elsewhere, and no doubt Mithraea were amongst them. In the

Mithraeum

in the

Altbachtal

m

Trier

early

medieval activities could be traced as well”. Large quantities of Germanic pottery from Mithraeum 2 Stockstadt

a.

M.,

associated

with

some

other

in

late

antique finds, indicate either that the building was used for some purpose after the Roman retreat or that it was a ruin or a hole m the ground which served as a rubbish pit. The insufficient stratigraphic description does not allow us to decide between these two different

possibilities”. Elmar Schwertheim^" assumes that the

Mithraeum bumt down and was abandoned AD 210/ 211, a very interesting theory, certainly worth considering, even though the datmg evidence is not compelling and there are these later finds. Several Mithraea filled up with rubbish after their abandonment, for example Carrawburgh in the fourth century (Richmond/ Gillam 1951, 40). Sokrates (hist. eccl. 3, 2) reports that a Mithraeum in Alexandria, mentioned above, was already filled with refuse m AD 361. It is worth comparing the report of Rufinus (hist. eccl. 2, 22) mentioning a neglected basilica in Alexandria, which 1s probably identical with the Mithraeum (compare p. 75 no. 235). As a result of neglect over a long period, it was obviously completely rumed, and only the walls were still standing. In the fifth and sixth century, after its abandonment, the Mithraeum of Bordeaux was used

as a rubbish pit (Gaidon 1987-1988, 105).

1986,

51;

Rigaud

et al.

The dating of the destructions It 1s hard to think of any reason why the early Germanic settlers between the Rhine and the Danube should have systematically smashed all religious sculpture. Even within the limits of the late Roman Empire, probably above all in remote areas, religious images could survive the anti-pagan measures of the state and private violence, and they could still be visible over a century after the breakdown of the Roman rule in Gaul. In AD 585 St. Gregory of Tours met a deacon who reported that he had destroyed several religious images, most notably a large statue of Diana which used to be on the mountain of his monastery (at La Ferté-sur-Chiers), up

until then venerated by the rural population^?. The

gilded bronze statues, venerated m Bregenz in the seventh century and mentioned above (p. 43) were probably surviving antique cult images. When St. Columbanus founded the monastery of Luxeuil-lesBams m around AD 590 im the deserted town of Luxovium at the foothills of the Vosges, once in the imperial period famous for its baths and the cult of the hot springs, the old sacred area is reported to have been overgrown by forest, only mhabited by wild beasts, and

there

were

still

many

stone

images

of deities^'.

Similarly Gildas (De excidio et conquestu Britanniae 4) mentions in the sixth century, when referring to the ancient pagan gods of Britain, truly devilish monsters of his home country (patriae portenta ipsa diabolica), some of which were still visible mside and outside deserted walls (intra vel extra deserta moenia).

If pagan images could survive the Chnistianization of Britain (which was interrupted in the eastern and central parts of the island, conquered by pagan Germans from tribes bordering the North Sea, the Angles, Saxons, Jutes and Frisians, during the fifth and sixth centuries who were converted to Christianity only in the course of the seventh century) and even the Christianization of Gaul, and if they could still be visible in the early Middle Ages, one would expect an even higher proportion to have survived in the territories east of the

°° Forrer 1915, 26; 91-97 (compare 15 fig. 8). A systematic destruction of all re-usable sacral architecture was not in the interest of the state (Cod. Theod. 16, 10, 18; compare 15, both edicts of AD 399; see also Lib. or. 30, 42-45, advising Theodosius I. to preserve the temples at least structurally). For the survival of Roman buildings in the Middle Ages in Britain and even for the continued usage of temples see Rahtz/ Watts 1979, especially 184-185; 201; Morris/ Roxan 1980. 7" Loeschcke 1928, 35-36; FMRD IV 3/ 1 (1970) p. 274; 290. 8 ORL A 6. Nachtrag zu B 33. Kastell Stockstadt (1933) 35-36; 44; 65-70; Schleiermacher 1928, 46; 54; 56; compare 49; Pescheck 1978, 278-280; 319.

7? Schwertheim 1974 no. 117; compare Schleiermacher 1928, 56. ^? Greg. Tur. Franc. 8, 15; Vieillard-Troiekouroff 1976, 120-122 no. 110-111; compare p. 39.

*! Ionas, Vita Columbani abbatis discipulorumque eius 1, 10 (MGH SS RM IV (1902) 76); there are further testimonies for the existence of temples (certainly not only sanctuaries which date back to the imperial period) in sixth-century Gaul: Audin 1983, 336-338: compare the chapter in this paper about "Fire-raising".

Rhine where the church never gained a foothold in antiquity. Such laborious systematic actions as in Ruckingen (fig. 18a-b) raise the question as to whether the pagan Germans were really responsible for every archaeologically traceable act of iconoclasm east of the Rhine which marked the end of the sphere of control of the late antique church and if so, which motives would have led them? Some of the damage might have been perpetrated in the Middle Ages. Certainly the Christians of the early Middle Ages had no idea or at best only a vague one, of Mithraism (Vidman

1977); their actions

were directed agamst everything which remained from the old idolatry. A comparson between the Mithraea of Strasbourg-Koenigshoffen (fig. 9) and of Dieburg (fig. 8a-c; 14-17) is interesting: In Strasbourg-Koenigshoffen, in the sphere of influence of the late antique church the literate iconoclasts spared obviously the non-Mithraic

whereas

dedications

in Dieburg

distinction

(Behn

(Forrer

1915,

the destroyers 1928,

especially 50),

did not make

especially

7-8;

a

45-47).

Admittedly this fact alone does not prove that the damage in Dieburg was done ın the Middle Ages, and if one believes in a systematic destruction by Germanic invaders, there was no reason for them to differentiate

either. Interestingly the swivelling cult relief of Dieburg (fig. 8a-c) was still anchored at the time of its destruction

(Behn

1928,

7-8),

and

one

might wonder

whether this is likely to have been the case centuries

after the abandonment^". The same question arises with regard

to

the

relief from

Rückingen

(fig.

18a-b).

Presumably their pivots had been made of iron*’’. There

is no doubt that the cult relief in Dieburg could have remamed m an upright position in its frame for a very long period, at least as long as the frame was stable and did not tilt. The frame would have protected even iron pivots to a certain degree against corrosion. I do not have the expertise, however, to hazard a guess as to how

long they could have been in the sort of condition to cause the stone to splinter in the circumstances described. An early destruction 1s possible, of course, in any case. Tentatively one might question the traditional theory and assume that the reliefs were broken off their anchorage quite early (to get the metal of the pivots?), then left behind only to fall prey to iconoclasts much later. At least as far as Dieburg is concerned, however, this is certainly not the nght explanation. A single strong blow with a pointed tool simultaneously crushed the head of the hunting Mithras and broke the monument from its frame. The most obvious cracks are on the same side as the mutilated depiction of the hunter, and just next to the swivels pieces of stone have splintered off. This suggests that the violent blow pressed the thin stone relief (only 12.2 cm thick, but 90.2 cm high and 85.5 cm wide) against the pivots. One crack runs right from the head of the god to the upper swivel which is closer to it than the lower and seems to have been worse affected. The monument was found broken into five pieces in the aisle (fig. 14 no. 7) and not at its original location. It may help us to understand the fate of the mutilated reliefs in Dieburg and Rückingen to examine the third revolving relief, from Mithraeum 1 in Frankfurt a. M.-Heddernheim, which obviously was not damaged at all by iconoclasts. The relief from Heddernheim was still surrounded by its decorated lintel and side panels which formed the upper part of its frame when it was discovered in 1826 (Habel 1830, 162-163; 171-173). At an unknown date the heavy stone monument had fallen off its socle and onto an altar which had caused the relief to break into several pieces. One crack was in the area of the axis of rotation m the frame (Cumont 1896, 364 no. 251d; Habel 1830, 163; 182). According to F. G. Habel (1830, 182) no part was missing though larger parts of the reverse are severely damaged (Huld-Zetsche 1986, 48-50 no. 1; CIMRM II no. 1083); apparently ıt

2? Similar questions arise with regard to the pronaos of the Mithraeum which burnt down (Behn 1928, 4), but I am not aware of any evidence which links the fire and the deliberate destruction of the stone monuments. ?5 In the existing publications not much attention is paid to the swivel holes and pivots of the rare revolving Mithraic reliefs, but the largest and best preserved of them from the first Mithraeum of Frankfurt a. M.-Heddernheim, was obviously discovered together with one iron pivot. Habel (1830, 172) mentions it, but the context of the passage does not make it clear whether he is referring to a preserved or assumed pivot. Cumont (1896, 364 no. 251 d) is more precise in his description: the upper pivot was preserved and made of iron (compare CIMRM II no. 1083; Schwertheim 1974, 67 no. 59 a). The swivelling part of the pivot was anchored in the frame (Cumont 1896, 364 no. 251 d) whereas the swivel holes were square, measuring c. 2.5 x 2.5 cm and they were c. 10-11 cm deep (Habel 1830, 172). The ones of the relief from Rückingen were only 5.5 cm deep (Birkner 1952, 350), the shape is not indicated and, judging by photographs (front view!), the diameter was roughly between 3 and 4.5 cm. I cannot find any figures for Dieburg; on the occasion of a visit to the museum I observed the upper swivel hole of the relief (Mrs. Schanz kindly provided a small ladder) which 1s oblong (not square) and has similar dimensions as those of other reliefs; I could not measure it as it is under a heavy glass show-case. Since the reliefs of Dieburg and Rückingen are both restored now (fig. 8a-c and 18a-b have been taken before these restorations), the damage in the area of the swivel holes 1s no longer visible.

was this side which hit the altar. There is no damage which cannot be explained by the collapse of the work of art and no sign of any mtentional destruction. The perfect preservation of the faces of the main figures is in striking contrast to their sad mutilation in Rückingen, but also to the less systematic procedure of the iconoclast(s) in Dieburg. The first Mithraeum in Frankfurt a. M.-Heddernheim which has yielded several other perfectly preserved stone monuments was never affected by an iconoclastic attack. The fact that the upper iron pivot was not removed and melted down, is not necessarily very significant, but perhaps worth noting as another contrast to the fate of the two other reliefs. The absence of the lower pivot may possibly be explained by the manner in which the landowner in 1826 recovered the relief and subsequently ransacked the temple in search for hidden treasure (compare Habel 1830, 161-166). Is it possible that the high and heavy stone relief in Frankfurt a. M.-Heddernheim collapsed while the smaller reliefs in Dieburg and Ruckingen did not fall off their socles? Could it be that the religious monuments in this partially underground temple m Frankfurt a. M.-Heddernheim were already covered over with debris and sediments when the main wave of

iconoclasm(?) affected the area*'* whereas the revolving

cult images in Dieburg and Rückingen were still in an upright position in their frames. The three sites are in the same region; they form a triangle whose sides are roughly 30km long. These considerations remain speculation since we have no proof that a major part of the Roman pagan monuments in the territories between the late antique borders of the empire (on the Rhine, the Iller and the Danube) and the old Limes (or in smaller regions within these territories) perished in. one particular period of history. One could assume that certain

Germanic

invaders

or

settlers,

obsessed

with

destructive mania, coincidentally came to Dieburg and Riickingen and entered the Mithraea there whereas other Mithraic sanctuaries, such as Mithraeum 1 m Frankfurt a. M.-Heddernheim, escaped this fate and were allowed to decay slowly and naturally over decades or rather over centuries. Though I cannot disprove such a hypothesis, the circumstantial evidence in my view favours, as far as the special cases of the reliefs of Dieburg and Rückmgen are concerned, rather an

interpretation that they were victims of early medieval iconoclasm. Admittedly as discussed above this interpretation stands and falls by the speed at which the pivots rusted. In many other cases even more uncertainties are involved 1f one tries to find hints of the identity of the iconoclasts, and I take as an example of that the recently excavated Mithraeum near Mundelsheim (fig. 20) where obvious signs of destruction have been detected: Over 200, mainly very small fragments of images were lying in the aisle. First the main cult relief mcured the hatred of the mvaders of the temple who obviously hacked it into small pieces whereas they did less damage to some other Mithraic and non-Mithraic sculpture (Planck 1993, 296; 298; Planck 1989, especially 181). The latest of the three published denarii (of Elagabal (AD 218-222) and Alexander Severus (AD 222-235)) found

during the excavations was

minted

AD

228-2317’,

fairly close to the famous Germanic incursions of AD 233. But bearing in mind that the coin supply was reduced m the territories between the Rhine and the

upper Danube during this decade”'°, this might well be coincidence, and does not prove that the destructions

date to AD 233. The villa rustica, to which the Mithraic

sanctuary belonged, seems to have been occupied until about the middle of the third century or possibly a few years longer (Planck 1989, 182). Whether a single fourth-century coin (see below) is testimony of continued occupation, reoccupation or just a visit to the runs of the villa, seems to be impossible to tell. Normally it would be tempting to interpret the obvious focussmg on the mam cult relief as the deed of Christians who knew about the Mithras mysteries. In Mundelsheim however this does not seem to be very likely as the area was already under the control of the pagan Alamanni when the first cases of Christian iconoclasm are attested for the empire. One could speculate that it was perhaps the most elaborate work of art and therefore attracted the attention of hostile invaders with the intention. of causing the maximum damage. But it is likewise conceivable that early medieval Christians regarded the depiction of an animal sacrifice as particularly distasteful, and we have seen that there are attested cases that missionaries virtually left nothing, but powdered stone of images, already centuries old. This description and my thoughts about it

"^ A similar question arises also in the case of other sanctuaries; see for example Seitz 1990, especially 8; compare Seitz 1991 concerning three quite well preserved stone monuments, covered by the caved-in slate roof.

discovered in the aisle of the Mithraeum in Groß-Gerau and

"> Klein 1989, 356 fig. 259 d-f. 357; compare RIC IV 2 Severus Alexander 225. ^? Nuber 1990, 58-65; Baatz 1986; Stribrny 1989 with many useful diagrams of the coin series of various findspots. The development was of course not uniform, but varied from site to site.

are of course only based on the prelimmary reports on the excavation, and it will be highly exciting to see whether there 1s further evidence about the manner of destruction and perhaps for the dating. The fate of a temple, belonging to a villa rustica may have been linked of course with that of such a farm. The main house whose cellar has interestingly yielded a

bronze coin of AD 323-324, perished by fire”'. It is

also worth noting that the villa rustica was obviously the site of a tragic event: Some bones of a 50-60 year-old man and of a 13-14 year-old girl, partially bumt, were dumped together with remains of several domestic animals m a deep well. A dog had gnawed on

Ingeborg Huld-Zetsche denies δὴν Christian responsibility for the destruction of Mithraic monuments in Frankfurt a. M.-Heddemheim im her excellent

one of the man's bones, and there are similar traces on

compilation of Mithraic monuments from the town^'*.

several animal bones, indicating that they had been lying around in the open and that there had been a certain gap of time between the man's death and the impious disposal (or ritual deposition?) of a part of his remains (Frank et al. 1990, 342-343). It is likely that this happened during a period of war or lawlessness. There are some other examples of the deposition of human remains in wells in the northern frontier provinces, but they do not seem to be very frequent m Germania Superior (Wahl

1991 with an interesting discussion).

removal of the remains of rottmg corpses to prevent the outbreak of infectious diseases are conceivable causes as well. It will be interesting to see after the full publication of the recent excavations whether this potential act of violence against human beings and the certainly impious treatment of their mortal remains and the violence against monuments in the Mithraeum which is about 150 m away from the well and 1s part of the same villa rustica (Planck 199la, 185 fig. 66), could have been contemporaneous events or whether they are perhaps unrelated and happened long apart in time.

Her account is of general interest with regard to the area east of the Rhine; there is comparatively little damage to Mithraic monuments from the sanctuaries in Frankfurt a. M.-Heddemheim. It is to her credit that she does not avoid discussion of this difficult problem, as many others do, and that she makes her pomt of view very clear. That my conclusions differ from hers, should not be understood as criticism, but as a continuation of her 1

confine myself to mentionmg one example m Raetia south of the Danube: In two wells, belonging to a villa rustica in Regensburg-Harting, remams of 13 (or 14?) human beings have been found, associated with finds which poit to ritual deposition (Schröter 1984; Osterhaus 1984). The anthropological investigation showed significant biological similarities between some of them, indicating that we may trace the owner's family and some other people, perhaps spouses and slaves or free staff (Alt et al. 1992). Some of them were according to the results of the anthropological research scalped and all were brutally slam. Their bodies were mostly dismembered, the long bones smashed. The theory that these are the remains of human sacrifices, 1s hard to dispute, and it even was suggested that these might have been connected with ritual cannibalism (Schröter 1984). As far as this example 15 concerned, it is highly likely that pagan Germans who still made human sacrifices in the imperial period, are to blame. In Mundelsheim the circumstances are less clear: The fact that human bodies were left lying around, certainly indicates that the villa rustica was affected by a catastrophe, perhaps during a hostile invasion. The disposal in the well could have had a similar explanation to Regensburg-Harting, but well-poisoning or the quick

search for truth. I entirely agree with her view that Christian iconoclasm before the end of the direct Roman admmistration in about the AD 260s is an unlikely explanation of destruction. Christians liked to portray themselves as law-abiding subjects and citizens as long as their religion was illegal; only if pressurized to become personally mvolved in any kind of idolatry did they put up resistance which was purely passive. The destruction by Christians of monuments, holy to their pagan fellow citizens, would have been not only incompatible with such a self-image, but also a serious attack on the inner peace in the empire which their pagan adversaries would not have failed to notice, had any incidents come to their attention. Though this may be due to my ignorance, it might be worth noting that I am not aware of any reliably attested case of Christian iconoclasm anywhere in the Roman Empire during the principate. That 1s not to

say,

however,

that

it never

happened;

after

all,

Christians knew the Old Testament which testified that God had repeatedly demanded the destruction of pagan monuments. Already at the Council of Illiberis in the province of Baetica (Granada in southern Spain) which was held at an unknown date between AD 295 and AD 314 (De Luis

1992;

Demandt

1989, 67 no. 27), either

?* Planck 1988, 183-184; Fundber. Schwaben ΝΕ. 3, 1926. 106; FMRD II 4 (1964) no. 4358; compare RIC VII p. 201. *"* T only disagree with the interpretation of the destructions: Huld-Zetsche 1986, 46 (compare 42).

before, during or after the last great persecutions of the Christians in the Roman Empire, starting in AD 303, the assembled bishops came to a decision with regard to iconoclasm (Concilium Eliberritanum 60): if someone had smashed idols and had been killed on the spot since it 15 not mentioned in the Gospel, nor is it found under the apostles that this had ever been done - it was determined not to count him amongst the martyrs. There was apparently still reluctance to encourage believers to such acts, no matter whether the reasons were more of a theological or more of a pragmatic nature. The decision, however, can hardly be described as a condemnation of iconoclasm, and it 1s significant that it was at the same Council that Christians were ordered to prohibit their slaves from worshipping idols (Concilium Eliberritanum 41). We may assume that cases of Christian iconoclasm occured already in the pagan empire, but they were probably exceptional and an explosion of idol-smashing took place only later, under Christian government. Retuming to the example of Frankfurt ἃ. M.-Heddernheim, I am not sure that there were no Christians in this region during Roman rule up to the AD 260s. Traces of Christianity, detectable to modern archaeologists, were certainly also detectable to ancient persecutors and would have represented an unnecessary deadly risk for Christians. To prove the presence of early Christians archaeologically, who anyway had a very reserved attitude towards the depiction of biblical scenes at this time (Kollwitz 1954), is only possible in exceptional cases, and consequently a comparison of the popularity of Mithraism and Christianıty ın the

north-western provinces is impossible".

In contrast to my point of view Ingeborg Huld-Zetsche states that later there was no necessity for the Franks to destroy sanctuaries which had been abandoned for a long time. Personally I support the opinion of Franz

Fischer^ that many pagan monuments in the provinces

Germania Superior and Raetia were destroyed deliberately during the process of Christianization. But that is not to say that I just take the point of view that "barbanans" were innocent of the destruction. It 1s obvious that any attempt to find an explanation, applicable to every sıngle example is likely to fail. History 1s far too complex and the characters of human

individuals too different to allow the historian to use the words "never" or "always" very often. The question is not to determine whether the Germanic invaders and later the Alamannic settlers either smashed every single cult image left m a visible position east of the Rhine or whether they did not touch a single one. I admit that | cannot provide an example for a Mithraeum in these territories which was vandalized without any doubt by early medieval Christians and not by Germanic pagans. But is there compelling evidence for the extent of damage, done by the latter? The destruction of abandoned buildings 1s just not easy to date. Wells, 1f lined in stone, do not fill up with sediments or only do so very slowly, and in a partially or completely deserted settlement deep shafts can stay intact for centuries without necessarily containing datable finds to indicate this. As far as the areas between the Rhine and the Danube are concemed, there were certainly major changes m population density, settlement pattern and living habits as a result of the probable emigration of a large proportion of the Roman inhabitants and the settlement of Germans. Population continuity or Alamannic reoccupation in Late Antiquity can, however, be proved for many Roman sites, but to what extent various installations of infrastructure remamed m use, 1s

hard to assess~’. It would not have been safe to scoop

water for drinking from wells which had been out of use for a certain period. Even if wells were no longer used, however, one would not have filled them with rubbish if there were no human dwellings close to them. Some wells may still have provided the opportunity to dump smashed sculpture long after their abandonment. This general statement is of course no proof for iconoclasm in the early Middle Ages, but one may be allowed to ask whether there is proof that all Roman sculpture, discovered in Roman wells was deposited there during Roman rule or immediately after it had come to an end. Certainly it happened that Germanic invaders threw smashed religious images or parts of them into wells. The stratigraphy of a well beside other indications is evidence that this was the fate of a Jupiter column in Ladenburg (Heukemes 1975). (A depiction of the Roman father of gods Jupiter, nding down an uncivilized giant, on a high column could of course not only be regarded as a religious monument, but also as a

“19 Compare Eck 1991 on the Christianization of these territories. 7? Fischer 1991. I am sceptical about the example of Fellbach-Schmiden (p. 37-42), given in this excellent article: In a deep

well in a rectangular enclosure (Viereckschanze: compare Krause/ Wieland 1993 about their function), typical for thc Latene period, wooden sculptures of animals were thrown which were probably parts of a religious image. Anyhow, thc well was built 123 BC, and no object in its filling allows the conclusion that it could have been used for over 600 years (Planck 1982).

^' See the detailed investigations of Planck 1990; Weidemann 1972; Stribrny 1989.

symbol of imperial power.) I do not have the evidence to make a reliable assessment of how many images were smashed and thrown into wells by Germanic invaders or settlers and how many later by Christians. It would be useful to conduct a systematic investigation of wells, containing religious monuments whose stratigraphy 1s well known and to look for proof for erther possibility. It may also be worthwhile to examine how often there are layers consisting exclusively of the remains of religious monuments and how often they were associated with other heavy objects and perhaps with animal remains, pointing to an intention to block the well and to poison it, but not to religious fanaticism. Another interesting question ıs whether votive inscriptions were treated differently by members of the clergy, most of whom had at least some reading knowledge and by illiterate foreign invaders. An investigation of the explanations for the occurence of votive mscriptions in wells would be complicated by the fact that the vast majority of early medieval Christians did not have reading knowledge either, though one did not have to be literate to recognize that altars and indeed any inscription mside a temple was probably a pagan monument. In any case one would not assume that invaders made a difference between religious and non-religious inscriptions. and other monuments. Therefore I propose as a working hypothesis which hopefully will be proved or rejected by systematic future investigatons of the evidence that a larger proportion of those well deposits which contain partially or exclusively non-religious stone monuments date to the time of the Germanic incursions than those

which consist entirely of votive objects”.

To sum up, the reason why I have questioned im this paper many theories that Germanic invaders are to blame for the destruction of certain religious monuments is not because I want to rule out that they were indeed responsible for intentional damage in some cases, but because it is necessary to stress that mostly the published evidence is just insufficient to reveal the identity of the iconoclasts. Given the fact that documentary evidence proves the survival of pagan monuments in the early Middle Ages throughout the north-western provinces, there 1s scarcely any reason to assume that Mithraic monuments between the Rhine and the Danube comprised an exception and we can be

certain that any theory, trying to blame pagan Germanic invaders or settlers for all destruction is wrong. The question which deserves further investigation is not whether Germanic invaders or early missionaries caused damage to religious monuments - both groups certamly did - the question is what differences there were in the extent of the deliberate damage, in the chosen targets, in the procedures and in the thoroughness of destruction and in the basic aims and motives. We can be sure that every destruction of a religious monument recorded in the sparse sources about the history of the former north-west of the Roman Empire in the Middle Ages and I have just picked out a few examples in this book stands for many thousands which vanished in a similar way without any commemoration by a medieval writer. The written sources attest many more cases of Christian iconoclasm than of destructions of religious monuments by pagan "barbarians". There are of course differences in tradition: Quite possibly there were indeed many more such cases during Christianization, but one could also argue that there are a fair number of biographies of saints, but of course not of invaders, and that Christian

unlike "barbarian" attacks against pagan monuments were seen as heroic acts, worth commemorating. As far as Christian iconoclasm in Gaul and Britain is concerned, the written evidence does not represent the victims’ view which is the only perspective we have of the hostile invasions. | am not aware of particular emphasis on the destruction of religious monuments in the description of Germanic incursions. Some certainly perished, but there is nothing to indicate that temples were worse affected than other buildings and cult images worse than other works of art of similar size. There was never a really systematic attack on all remaining pagan monuments over wide areas, not even during the period of Christianization. A number of rock carvings of pagan deities in France and Germany for example (a few also m Britain) are still recognizable today, as are the Mithraic reliefs in Bourg-Saint-Andeol and Reichweiler (fig. 21). The speed of destruction of the unwanted heritage was influenced by many factors: Whether a monument had ceased to be a place of worship, such as Mithraea in the Middle Ages, or not. The line 1s difficult to draw, since we may assume that many abandoned temples and images still stimulated the

“2 It may be interesting to note that I have the impression (I did not have the time for a statistical examination) that far more stone objects have been discovered in wells between the Rhine and the Danube than in Britain. I refer the reader only to one particularly interesting example, to the vicus of Walheim in the Neckar valley: A considerable quantity of stone sculpture and reliefs, often smashed. together with votive inscriptions had been thrown into wells (Planck 1991b). It would be interesting to investigate (in comparison with other areas) whether the reason for this disparity 1s that the Continental frontier zones of the empire were earlier affected by devastating invasions than Britain or whether possibly early Christians found east of the Rhine more wells which were no longer usable, but not vet filled 1n.

imagination of the locals and that they had a place in popular superstition. One might also speculate on religious fears, protecting certain monuments. A Christian might have regarded one pagan image as more offensive,

diabolic

or

amoral

than

another.

The

likelihood of long survival depends of course also on the position of the monument. On a busy road the chances of the early destruction of a pagan monument out of Christian zeal or out of sheer delight in destruction by a medieval visitor are higher than m a remote area. Pre-Christian religious monuments — disappeared gradually over centuries, the speed of the process varied, depending on period and region.

ALTERNATIVE DESTRUCTION MITHRAEA?

EXPLANATIONS FOR AND ABANDONMENT OF

Pagan inhabitants of the empire as iconoclasts? Finally one could ask if there are any other possible explanations of the devastation of religious monuments beside hostile and Christian attacks. I have claimed that there were differences in the openness of pagans towards religions, foreign to them. To actively destroy the monuments of the cult, it demands of course more than

reservations in regard to a foreign cult and perhaps also to its members. Our literary sources give the impression that those inhabitants of the empire who believed in a polytheistic religious system generally tolerated other pagans. Only Christians and Jews who were convinced of the wrongness of paganism in general and whose religion did not share any of the common and m a certam sense uniting elements of paganism all over the empire, did not enjoy this tolerance and even could encounter deadly hate. Not only could their places of worship be in danger, but also their lives. (Thousands of Jews in the Diaspora, innocent of the rebellion for example, were mercilessly massacred by pagan fellow citizens during the first Jewish war (AD 66-70). There is of course a major difference between Judaism and Christianity: Judaism was legally protected, Christianity not. Consequently Christians were always under threat, though to a significantly varying degree this depended on the religious policy of the state at the time.) I am not, however, aware of incidents in which pagans attacked other pagans because of their religion or m which

pagans systematically destroyed monuments, dedicated to certain deities, within the empire. The history of oriental cults during the Repulican era when society in centre of the state, in Rome, was not yet as heterogeneous as in the imperial period and when the conservative ancient traditions still had a strong influence on policy, is of course quite different, and there were cases of persecutions of worshippers of certam eastern deities and of iconoclasm, affecting monuments of those cults (Versnel 1981). Attention should also be drawn to the history of certain foreign cults in the city of Rome itself even during the early empire, though they cannot be discussed here in detail. As example may be quoted the persecution of the Jews and of the Egyptian cults after a scandal under the severe and traditionalist emperor Tiberius (AD 14-37). It involved the burning of their sacred objects, the deposition of the cult image of Isis in the Tiber and the

destruction of her temple*”. Between the later Republic

and the early empire, however, attitudes were changing. Attempts to keep under control foreign influences on the culture in the heart of what was now a gigantic state, and to preserve the traditional value system which had made Rome a world power, were doomed to failure. A state of the extent of the Roman Empire, could only be maintained in the long term 1f people from all kinds of cultural background leamed to live with each other peacefully. The imperial period is characterized by an atmosphere of general religious tolerance which was in the interest of both people and state. The fact that the actual power lay now with an individual, ie. the emperor, made policy more flexible than ıt had been when the representatives of the senatorial class had, uncontrolled by a higher authority, promoted their own conservative interests despite their destabilizing effects on the state, to legitimize and secure their position of power. In view of the general religious tolerance of pagans, their frequent open-mindedness towards other deities and religious fears, it seems unlikely that temple desecrations were at all frequent in the numerous civil wars of the third century between pagan pretenders to the throne. Written sources confirm this: It caused for example public gnef when Maximmus Thrax (AD 235-238) melted down temple votive offerings, esteemed

7? Tos. ant. Iud. 18, 3, 4-5; Suet. Tib. 36; compare Tac. ann. 2, 85. It may be interesting to note that the statue of Isis suffered the same fate as the victims of a mass execution carried out on Tiberius’ order; they were allegedly guilty of high treason and their corpses were thrown in the Tiber as well (Tac. ann. 6, 19). (Compare also Tac. ann. 3, 14 for similarities in the treatment of certain images (in this case of a living man, Germanicus" alleged murder Cn. Calpurnius Piso, by an outraged crowd which, however, could not complete their task) and of the corpses of executed persons.)

statues of deities and demigods and various other metal objects

to

get

metal

for

comage

(Hdn.

7,

3,

5-6).

Unpopular measures like that were taken only in exceptional cases (compare Duncan-Jones 1994, 9) for financial reasons and affected precious objects, primarily those which were made of metal. There was no point in smashmg stone sculpture. For similar reasons the late third century uprisings of the Bagaudae cannot be used to explain iconoclasm either. I am aware of the dangers in making a general statement about the population m the territories. between the Atlantic ocean m the west and the Synan desert in the east, between northern Britam, the Rhine, the Danube, a

longer time the Limes and the Carpathians in the north and the Sahara and Egypt in the south, speaking about a period of more than three centuries. Yet, I dare to become even more general: Iconoclasm and religious persecution is rather a random phenomenon in the

ancient world”. Of course temples as well as other

buildings and parts of infrastructure were sometimes intentionally destroyed during wars - obviously it also happens occasionally in peacetime in certain societies. But the systematic destruction of large numbers of religious monuments while sparing non-religious objects, the persecution of worshippers of deities who are tolerant themselves and wars, for which religion is cause or pretext, only began to dominate the history of the world after monotheistic religions with a claim to absolute right and an urge to proselytize had won the

support of governments of major powers””.

The potential impact of demography and population movements

Having kindly read an earlier draft of this paper, Dr. Simon Price expressed reservations about my conclusion regarding Christians as "the principal agents of destruction" in a letter, and he suggested to me that I "explore alternative possibilities (e.g. ...demographic changes)" to explam the declme of Mithraism. | am grateful for this comment because it persuaded me to devote a separate chapter to a subject which m the

earlier draft had been discussed only very briefly in a

footnote. The whole investigation and the views, expressed here, are however entirely my own responsibility and not the result of discussions.

I am happy to take the opportunity to go further into detail, though naturally a study concerned with demography cannot be limited to Miuithraism or paganism, but has to go far afield. This was the reason why I was originally reluctant to include a discussion of this subject despite its undeniable importance for the period, I am investigating, m this particular study. Two questions are worth investigating: (1.) How did the population in the north-west of the Roman Empire develop in the third and fourth centuries AD? - (2.) Is the abandonment of sanctuaries and decreasing number of certain testimonies, for example of inscriptions, caused by or related to a decrease m population? The value of such an investigation 1s of course limited: It might help us to understand the circumstances of the development of Mithraism, but it cannot explain its end. If the absolute number of Mithraists was decreasing, but their relative proportion in society did not change, we cannot descnbe that as a loss m popularity. Demography 1s not selective with regard to worshippers of different deities, and the same is true for migrations which are not caused by religious intolerance. A decline, due only to demographic changes in a certain area, would affect all cults in that area in a similar way, unless the adult male population suffered heavier losses than the female population which can occur in wars in certam circumstances. This, of course, would have had

a larger impact on Mithraism which excluded women than on other religions. Such however remains a purely theoretical consideration as m an archaeologıcally traceable decline various other factors might be also involved whose exact impact is unknown. Furthermore it is very hard to differentiate between the speed of decline of different cults. (Compare the following chapter concerned with "The reliability of the latest testimonies for Mithraic worship and the changing nature of paganism").

7* Exceptional is the case of the psychopath Herostratos who in 356 BC set alight the world-famous Artemision in Ephesos, motivated by thirst for fame: See Kukula 1906, 262-272 who compiles the literary evidence for all pillage, fires, damage, closures and destruction affecting the Artemision throughout its history; the temple interestingly did not escape the Gothic incursions, and it was looted and set on fire probably in AD 268/ 269 (compare Wolfram 1990, 62-63). The rich temple was of course only one target besides many others during these invasions which were devastating for territories around the Aegean Sea and for wide areas in Asia Minor. 7251 am not referring here to Judaism which has never been the dominant religion of a major power. In Judaism as it emerges in the Old Testament, a monotheistic religion of a people which believes itself to be chosen by God, the main motive for iconoclasm was a desire to prevent by all means the loss of faith or its "contamination" by believers, but not the mission of pagans.

A much more rewarding approach 15 to consider the fact that the population development of different parts of the empire was certainly far from homogeneous. This 15 particularly true in the third and fourth centuries AD when there were significant geographical differences in the impact of those factors causing death or migration: civil

wars,

invasions,

epidemics,

unjust

taxation,

insufficient food supply, brigandage etc. Because the Mithras cult in the north-west of the Roman Empire was particularly popular in the frontier zones, the number of his votarıes killed or forced to flee during the third century crisis might have been disproportionately high compared with cults which were better represented in regions far from borders and the main lines of communication. Apart from hostile incursions which not only mvolved the threat of slaughter, but also certainly often prevented people from making provisions for the winter and thus probably caused famines, areas contiguous to military garrisons or along roads, used by the army were worst affected by civil wars and

requisitions as the military was concentrated here^^.

Changes in the money economy and the resulting break down of the older and more just tax system (Neesen 1980 passim) made the frontier zones an unattractive place for civilians to live, and many military units probably were not up to full strength either (Nuber 1990, 62-63; Breeze/ Dobson 1987, 212-213). Migrations of course do not necessarily affect the faith of the individual refugee, but members of small religious communities may well have lost contact and found themselves 1solated in areas where Mithraism was less popular. Against the background of all these changes, affecting in particular many areas close to the frontiers of the empire such as the Germanic provinces, one might wonder whether the abandonment and temporary neglect of Mithraea as well as the significant drop in the number of dedications during the third century crisis as described in the chapter about "The epigraphic evidence" might reflect demographic changes. Though it 1s hard to doubt that there was an impact, it is hard to assess its importance compared with other factors. Only population statistics would allow ἃ detailed investigation. In contrast to Chima between the early

first century and the middle of the second, a period when there was interestingly a big population shift from troubled territories on the northern frontier to safer areas (Cartier/ Will 1971, especially 168-173), there are no ancient census figures for the population of the whole Roman empire, and such isolated figures as exist for the number of Roman citizens or the population of Egypt in the early empire do not enable us to assess demographic developments (Kirsten 1968, 218-287 passim).

In the absence of absolute figures for the north-westem provinces, 15 there another way to find out how dramatic the demographic changes of the third and fourth centuries actually were? The question of population changes in the late Roman Empire has been a matter of

dispute for a long time’. It is certain that population

development was far less static than in modern Europe where medicine prevents the spread of infectious diseases, resulting in mass deaths. This can be proved for any pre-industrial society for which statistics exist. There are records of epidemics, spreading in various parts of the empire from the early AD 250s onwards for

many years”, but it is impossible to say how many

people were carried off and which areas were worst affected. The only passage in ancient literature, I am aware of which might allow a statistical conclusion, but only for one city, is a report by Eusebios (hist. eccl. 7, 21-22, especially 21, 9): By c. AD 261/ 262 epidemics had reduced the inhabitants of Alexandria in Egypt to a fraction of their former number, perhaps to little more than one third (Parkin 1992, 63-64; compare 60-62). Whether the almost apocalyptic scenario by the Christian author can be trusted, 1s another matter, but it is not inconceivable if we compare it with figures in medieval sources about the number of deaths in plague epidemics. Even if Eusebios does not exaggerate, there is no way of findmg out whether epidemics led to a comparable depopulation of areas in the north-west of the empire. Even if they did, there were certainly considerable regional differences which makes any generalization dangerous. It may be noted that in the Thirty

Years’

War

(1618-1648)

for example,

various

factors, many of which resemble the history of the third century crisis, led to a loss in population of over 70 % in some

areas, but there was

no decrease at all in other

7$ Herrmann 1990 gives highly interesting examples of complaints about unjust requisitions which almost forced people to

leave their home towns. The examples are not from the north-west of the empire, but the lack of informations about the north-western provinces is probably only due to the general sparseness of sources for the third century crisis in this part of the empire.

2" Christ

1970

for example

offers a wide

compilation of different perspectives:

p. 20-21.

(Westermann, W L); 171-172 (Huntington, E). 271-272 (Piganiol. A); 336-338 (Jones,

368-395 (Finley, M I).

23-24

(Christ,

K),

118

A H M); 348-367 (Boak, A E R):

75 Bleckmann 1992, 180-183 with no. 95 discusses the testimonies. Compare also HA Claud. 12, 2; Zos. hist. 1, 46, 2.

regions of central Europe

(Franz

1979).

we can be sure that well over 90 9o of the population lived in rural areas, the demographic development there does not really concern us here: Mithraism was as we

The surviving

documentary evidence does not even allow a guess at the size of the population in the beginning and at the end of the third century crisis, nor do we have figures for the fourth century. To link the abandonment or neglect of certain Mithraea with demographic changes remains in most cases pure hypothesis though often not an unlikely one.

have

An investigation of the archaeological evidence is much more promising than that of the sketchy documentary evidence, though it is hard to differentiate between demographic changes and changes m economy and habits: The demand for luxury goods is hardly a reliable indicator of population development, but the datmg of archaeological contexts often depends on their presence since, for example, purely functional undecorated coarse pottery is of course hard to date. The number of inhabitants of existing structures reused in a primitive manner 1s almost impossible to estimate, living space per person was not necessarily constant, and the chances of finding new structures depends on the foundations and on the materials chosen for their construction - and the cheapest are most difficult to detect.

population from the towns to the countryside^". As far

as the special case of Britain is concemed which obviously was one of the parts of the empire, least affected by the troubles of the third century crisis, despite the growing threat of sea-raids, there are no signs which point to an overall decrease of population during the period when we can prove the Mithras cult 1993,

263-265).

in this dioecesis

im so far as the evidence

Brtam has been selected here to discuss the demographic development of at least one dioecesis in a little more detail. Conclusions relevant to Bnitain, however, cannot be applied to areas in Gaul or to any other part of the empire. To sum up, demography and migrations, in particular in the frontier provinces where in some areas m Late Antiquity the settlement of numerous Germans changed the composition of society, certainly had a major impact on the culture as a whole. The demographic evolution of the whole empire or large parts of it can, however, only provide essential background information, and cannot explain the fate of the individual temple. Though our knowledge about the demographic development 1s limited, we can be sure that it was far from uniform over larger geographic areas. Most promising is further investigation on a local level: A largely excavated settlement with various temples and religious sites may reveal how the development of residential areas and of different places of worship are related. In a study which tres to sum up the development im a larger area the conclusion is necessarily quite vague: The probable reduction of the fort garrisons on Hadrian's Wall 1s very likely to have had a serious impact on the fate of the Mithras cult, though it must be accepted that demography was only one factor for the obviously early end of Mithraism in Britain, a territory where the oriental god was only worshipped in the military zone and m towns, both being areas with a more heterogeneous population (compare p. 56-58). The ultimate end of the Roman administration of the territories east of the Rhine in the AD 260s (apart from small late antique outposts) and all the preceding and resulting population changes, the moving away of large parts of the Roman inhabitants and the settlement of the Alamanni brought about the end of Mithraism; at least there is no positive evidence for the persistence of the cult. (The monuments are a different matter.) In the central parts of eastem Gaul, however, there is no indication that demographic changes affected Mithraism more severely than other cults.

Without bemg able to go into great detail here and to discuss the development all over the north-west, attention may be drawn to an interesting recent investigation in Britain. (Marsden/ West 1992) into the quantity of surviving rubbish, the number of animal bones from datable deposits as indicator for the amount of food consumed and into the number of wells as indicators of water supply which might suggest that the population of London was decreasing, possibly already from the middle of the second century onwards (but the dating 15 of course quite mexact). There are indications that the number of townspeople in third and fourth century Britain might generally have been lower than previously. To what extent the absence of closely datable finds from deposits may have distorted the results, is hard to say. The towns however continued to have a certain central function in fourth century Britam though there was a shift of wealth and possibly

was active (Cunliffe

seen,

allows us to judge, restricted to towns and to the Wall region, where there was probably indeed a decrease in population. Its potential impact on society has been discussed above (p. 56-58).

However though

*? Esmonde Cleary 1989. 108; 110; 128-130; Frere 1987, 240; 246; 248-249. 72

THE RELIABILITY OF THE LATEST TESTIMONIES FOR MITHRAIC WORSHIP AND THE CHANGING NATURE OF PAGANISM The reasons why I believe that the numismatic evidence proves the continued use of Mithraea in Late Antiquity have already been discussed in detail. Of course, one would like to have more definite evidence for the continuation of a cult than a number of coins; and as no theory is better than the foundations, it is based on, it is worthwhile to ask what other kinds of testimonies one could reasonably expect for a cult in the fourth century north of the Alps, and how significant or insignificant the presence or absence of certain types of evidence is. It 1s true that votive inscriptions, datable to the time after AD 325 are lacking ın the north-west of the Roman Empire. AD 325 however is already very late for a votive inscription on stone, and one will search for such a late epigraphic testimony for the veneration of many other deities without success. For most deities attested in the north-west of the empire the latest dedication predates the middle of the third century. Is ıt therefore justified to assume that their worship came to an end a century before the reign of Constantine I. (AD 306-337)? Certainly not, and no-one would assume that the rarity of first century dedications m the north-west proves that the pantheon of deities (or at least that of the mdigenous gods and goddesses, several hundred of which are epigraphically attested in the imperial period), worshipped here, was smaller than it was around AD 200 when the habit of setting up mscriptions was at its peak. The frequency of inscriptions was changing constantly, but the number of deities worshipped is a

different matter”. The end of epigraphic testimonies

with the inscription of AD 325 does not prove an early end of Mithraism, in fact stone inscriptions are almost irrelevant as sources for paganism m the north-west of the Christian empire. If one cannot expect an epigraphic testimony for Mithraism im the later fourth century north of the Alps, one might assume that its continued existence would be noted in the literary sources. But if we depended on classical literature, we would not even know that there

had been Mithraists in the north-west of the empire before the fourth century, and yet, the epigraphic and archaeological evidence is abundant in the second and third centuries AD. Mithraism had always been a

minority religion, and though there are references to some, mainly classical, deities in late antique and early medieval literature, the literary tradition 1s full of gaps. This is not to say that the absence of medieval testimonies in Europe is insignificant. After Christians had finally succeeded m creating a Christian culture in a particular area, everything endangering the unity in faith and opposed to the Christian Church was likely to attract the attention of ecclesiastic writers. Does their silence prove the end of the cult or perhaps its Christianization? A medieval Christian could still believe that nature was populated by all kinds of magical beings, in power far inferior to God, but whose enmity nevertheless could be dangerous or even mortal and whose protection or magical help could be gained by specific superstituous rituals. The complex theology of the saviour god Mithras, however, the initiation ceremonies and regular meetings of the votaries were harder to hide, harder to excuse and harder to integrate in the Christian culture of the Middle Ages in Europe. Mithraism had no chance of survival in such a changed world, and the absence of evidence indeed points to the fact that the cult did not exist any longer, but the date of its end 1s hard to establish. Society m Gaul in the late fourth century however cannot yet be described as a Christian society, the process of change from paganism to Christianity and to a culture, in which Mithraism no longer had a place, was still far from complete. Concerning Late Antiquity the best approach is perhaps not to ask "do we have written evidence for a specific cult?", but to compare what material evidence remains for the veneration of other deities whose continued worship is attested. By this means we will find that there 1s not much difference between the evidence for the occupation of Mithraea and of many other temples in the fourth century. Late antique works of religious art, such as certam mosaics, adoming the private homes of rich pagans, the sort of evidence we cannot expect for the mystery god Mithras, are a different matter, as is the evidence for paganism m fourth century Britan where, as we have seen, Mithraism came to an early end. The absence of Mithraic monuments in Gaul after the first quarter of the fourth century does not prove the immediate end of Mithraism. It points to the fact that some religious customs of pagans in general were changing, and so was the world they were living in. The

^? Compare for the interpretation of the chronological distribution of epigraphic testimonies Mac Mullen 1981, especially 118-119; 123-124.

output of stone inscriptions and religious art depends on a functioning infrastructure, the presence of rich benefactors and their generosity. The economic changes during the third century crisis severely affected the culture of privately financed monumental buildings, works of art and inscriptions, not only in regard to religion. The nature of the economy had a major impact on this development, but there was certainly also a psychological component. The times when the Roman army seemed to guarantee perpetual security and prosperity, and when hostile invasions and civil wars were rare events, were over. Already during the third century crisis the optimistic attitude towards the future was without doubt wavering. In an important article

Ramsay Mac Mullen^' not only rightly emphasizes the

importance of psychological factors for the decrease m the frequency of inscriptions, but also points to the possibility of "changing fashions" m the use of writing, not only in literacy itself (Mac Mullen 1982, 233-234). Indeed, in the late third and m the fourth century there were again long periods of relative stability in Gaul; the disastrous Alamannic and Frankish incursions in eastern Gaul of the AD 350s were an exception. In Britain, despite hostile threat to the coastlines and probably to a lesser extent to the northern frontier, the economy in the first two thirds of the century seemed to have flourished, one almost gets the impression that the southern parts were more prosperous than they had been m the

previous three centuries^". In Gaul it was different, and

I certainly do not want to claim that people living m the fourth century had financial resources, they could privately dispose of, comparable to those of their ancestors in the second and early third century. Nonetheless the decline in wealth and a potential decrease in population (though the latter 1s speculative) was in any case not as dramatic as the decrease in the number of inscriptions and works of art. Demographic development might well have been one factor, influencmg the number of dedications, but it was certainly not the main factor nor was it the only one. The habit of privately financing inscriptions and stone sculpture in considerable quantities was not revitalized, because it belonged to a bygone past. It certamly would be daring to compare ancient stone monuments and certam public buildings in Late Antiquity with medieval churches and cathedrals in modem Europe. Both examples however show that ancient monuments can still be used and admired long after their production or

construction in a time when there is neither the intention to copy the past nor a willingness to spend a comparable proportion of wealth for similar purposes. Ramsay

Mac

Mullen

(1982,

246)

explams

the

significant decrease in the number of stone inscriptions mn the third century as linked to "some very broad psychological shift", and indeed this seems to be to my Judgement as well the most convincing explanation not only for the scarcity of inscriptions, but also of monumental art and privately financed architecture in the third and fourth centuries. An elaborate Mithraic cult relief was not just produced for short-term use, it certainly was intended to outlast the life of the dedicator if not for eternity. A dedication, commemorated in an inscription, was certainly often mspired by the desire of the dedicator to leave himself a memorial. In a world where everything seemed to be breaking down, people came to realize that memorials could have a short life. Later m the fourth century, after the first iconoclastic attacks what motivation did the votarıes have to embellish once more a devastated temple with precious sculpture, investing a great deal of money and devotion, if a few minutes of Christian rage could again reduce everything to some scattered mutilated remains? Probably not everybody will accept that continued religious use of an empty building 1s a likely explanation of those Mithraea whose votive sculpture was smashed or hidden some time before their abandonment and which subsequently fell into disrepair. (It is by the way impossible to prove whether such a building was indeed empty as the decay of organic materials and the removal of votive objects just before the final abandonment are always possibilities, one has to consider m the interpretation.) Bad repair and lack of religious furniture are, 1f continued use of the building can be proved, not

inconsistent with the preservation of a religious function. Perhaps the comparison is darmg, but the fate of the parish church in my home village, Tamm near Stuttgart m south-west Germany, after the Thirty Years’ War (AD 1618-1648) provides an example for the sacrifices religious people can make m extreme circumstances assembling for worship in an unsafe ruin and risking their health and even their lives. The complete village was bumt down in 1634 during the siege of a nearby fortification. Nothmg, but a burnt out church steeple and the bare walls of the nave of the church remained of the

^! Mac Mullen 1982. I am grateful to Professor Fergus Millar for referring me to this article. ^* My general impression is based on various developments, mainly in the countryside which cannot be outlined here. Amongst many general assessments of the economic development, I confine myself to mentioning one: Birley especially 547; 549-551.

1990,

village after these devastations. Six years later, in 1640, the first of the surviving inhabitants who had fled came back and started to rebuild the village. As a document of 1650 reveals, the few inhabitants assembled for services,

exposed to cold, wind,

rain and

snow

in the

roofless church steeple which threatened to collapse and to strike dead the parish priest and the members of the assembled congregation. In 1654 at least the nave was provided with a makeshift roof, but as the roof of the church steeple and the glass of windows was not replaced for years, the congregation had to suffer icy cold in winter until 1673/ 1674, about 40 years after the fire catastrophe. Despite deep religiosity the poverty-stricken villagers who had made dramatic appeals for help, simply could not afford the expensive restorations, not even with some outside support (Sauer 1980, 114-115; 150-157). Did we not have the written evidence, and had there been excavations, the conclusion might have been that there was a long period of neglect after a fire catastrophe. What are the implications? - Were the inhabitants of Tamm after the Thirty Years’ War less religious than before? We definitely know that the answer 15 "no", and that they were deeply committed to their faith. We also know that there were numerous Mithraea with splendid furnishing in the second and in the early third century, but that some fell into disrepair during the third century crisis, and that many were still used, but that some were in a bad repair ın the later fourth century when in addition to economic and other factors involved, there was also a serious threat of iconoclasm. What are the implications in this case? | leave the judgement to the reader as to whether the neglect of temples and a significant fall m the production of religious works of art and inscriptions in hard times can be taken as a measurement of religiosity.

MITHRAISM AND CHRISTIAN PAGAN SANCTUARIES

REUSE

OF

"When he (St. Martin) had destroyed the temples, he immediately built churches or monasteries there" (Sulp. Sev. Vita S. Martini 13, 9: Nam ubi fana destruxerat,

statim

ibi aut ecclesias

aut monasteria

construebat).

More than two hundred years later than the missionary activities of St. Martin of Tours in northern Gaul pope Gregory I. gave the advice, not to destroy the temples in Anglo-Saxon Britain, but to convert them into churches

to

make

conversion

for the

pagans

easier’.

To

transform pagan temples into Christian churches was a widespread practice in Late Antiquity and in the early

Middle Ages^". Bishop Georgios of Alexandria in Egypt

wanted to build a church over the abandoned Mithraeum in Alexandria in Egypt, mentioned above, but the hated iconoclast who had also destroyed other temples was

cruelly lynched in AD 361 before realizing this plan***

In Rome some churches were constructed directly over Mithraea (Testini 1979, 430-432; Martin 1989), but in the north-western provinces there is no, or at least no certain, evidence for similar procedures. The reports about the excavation campaigns in 1868-1869 in Vieux-en-Val-Romey do not allow us to locate the

Mithraeum exactly”; it is uncertain that it is under the

local church as sometimes stated (for example in the CIMRM I no. 909). One common feature of Mithraea and many early Christian basilicae was the division into three naves, and sometimes temples of Mithras would indeed have been suited for reuse as a church. It has been assumed by some that the Walbrook Mithraeum in London came into the possession of a Christian community after the concealment of the pagan

sculptures

(fig. 6-7)”,

but

no

find

attesting

this

assumption has so far been published. As the position of all certam Mithraea in Britain except Rudchester is marked by their high water level (compare fig. 5), they probably were not very attractive for early Christians. In eastern Gaul the situation was different. Mithraism survived longer and most Mithraea were not endangered by a high water level and were theoretically suitable for reuse as little churches. But their fate was not reuse but destruction or sometimes abandonment. I am aware of only one potential exception in the area I am dealing with

which

is, however,

very

uncertain,

the so called

Heidenkapelle ("pagans’ chapel"), an artificial cave at

>? Beda, historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum 1, 30; Greg. M. epist. 11, 76. 7^ See for example Demandt 1989, 428-429; especially about Britain see Woodward 1992, 112-115; Watts 1991, 124-125; Henig 1984a, 126; 222; 225-227; Rahtz/ Watts 1979, especially 187; 189; 192; 196; but compare Morris/ Roxan 176; Merrifield 1987, 96.

1980,

35 Sokr. hist. eccl. 3, 2; Soz. hist. eccl. 5, 7; compare Amm. 22, 11, 3-11 (about the bishop as iconoclast and about his death.

but without reference to the Mithraeum). Sokr. hist. eccl. 5, 16 (report about a purification of a Mithraeum in Alexandria AD 391 - but possibly about the same event in wrong chronological order: Vidman 1977, 241 contrary to the recent article by Nicholson 1995, 360). Compare Rufin. hist. eccl. 2, 22 about a basilica quaedam publici operis, probably identical with the Mithraeum. In a similar context Sozomenos (hist. eccl. 7, 15), who is writing later, refers to a sanctuary of Dionysos. ^*? Buisson 1994: compare Allmer/ De Terrebasse 1875, 388-389. ?' Thomas 1981. 135; Rodwell/ Bentley 1984, 19: Rodwell 1993, 92; but compare Merrifield 1977, 381 and the sceptical point of view, expressed by Grimes 1956, 141.

Saarbriicken-Brebach. It 1s disputed whether this cave

was ever a Mithraeum^". According to the tradition it

could have been used by missionaries in the early Middle Ages, and a piece of a seventh century glass beaker (Schindler 1964, 23) has been found there. However this is the only trace of any activities in this period. The cave was used as a chapel m the fifteenth century, but there were no other objects, datable to the period between the deposition of coms of the fourth century and late antique pottery and some pieces of pottery of the eleventh or twelfth century (Schindler 1963 and 1964).

Despite the fact that there are impressive examples of Christian sanctuaries in place of pagan shrines, religious continuity cannot be proven for the excavated temples of Mithras. The absence of proof of the conversion of Mithraea to ecclesiastical buildings m the north-western provinces is not to be explamed by the assumption that Mithraism was already dead when the church was granted imperial support in the fourth century. In several parts of the Roman Empire Mithraism survived the rule of Christian emperors by over half a century, as the numismatic evidence proves. Robert Turcan does not accept the late fourth century coms found m many Mithraea, also in the north-west of course, as proof that these buildings still served their original function and interprets the description of the single deserted Mithraeum in Alexandria in Egypt in AD 361 as

symptomatic for Mithraism in general^". The possibility

that single temples could be already abandoned while the Mithras cult flourished, has been discussed above (p. 13). Besides, people were killed m the nots which broke out when Mithraic cult objects were publicly held

up to ridicule in Alexandria“. Even though pagans did

not have to be Mithraists to have a motive to hate the people who vandalized sanctuaries of various gods, and despite the fact that Egypt was not one of the strongholds of Mithraism, the riots might indicate that the inhabitants of the cosmopolitan city Alexandria were not all yet indifferent towards this mystery cult.

One reason for the absence of evidence of any Mithraeum being overbuilt in the north-west of the empire might be that only a very small portion of the churches known in the areas in question originated in Late Antiquity when often the graves of martyrs or else central positions in important settlements were chosen as foci of Christian worship. Later Mithraea indeed had probably ceased to be places of worship. Apart from that the Mithras mysteries were unlike the veneration of springs or hilltops for example not bound to certam holy spots and for this reason there was no point in reusing or overbuildmg of Mithraea only to prevent pagan ceremonies.

THE CHRISTIAN ATTITUDE TOWARDS MITHRAISM AND THE SIMILARITIES BETWEEN THE TWO RELIGIONS The persistence of a cult in hard times is correlated to the reasons for its original success. If one assumes it was simply fashionable or advantageous to be initiated in the mysteries during the principate, and if there were no genuine believers, then of course the cult could have quietly disappeared when there was a change in fashion or imn the attitude of the emperor. In my judgement however the success of Mithraism must be explained not by the opportunism of men loyal to the emperor, but primarely by the religion itself. There are some striking parallels with what became the most successful oriental religion m the end, namely Christianity. This perhaps made it easier for some Mithraists to convert (Clauss 1990a, 179), but on the other hand the similarities were also the reason for the passion of some early Christian writers who show "the rival religion" m a very unfavourable light. Rivalry in this context does not mean that the Christians had to be afraid of missionary activities on the part of the votaries of Mithras,

comparable with their own^^'; the fact however that the

two religions had so much in common was a thorn m the flesh of the representatives of a religion with a claim to absolute nght and it means that they had a lot of explaining to do.

5$ Schwertheim 1974, 252-253; Schindler 1963; Schindler 1964; Krüger 1926. = Turcan 1984, 223 (the same opinion is expressed by Vidman 1977, 240).

^9 Soz. hist. eccl. 5, 7; Sokr. hist. eccl. 3, 2; 5, 16; compare Rufin. hist. eccl. 2, 22 and Amm. 22, 11, 3-11; see also Fowden 1978, 59 and Kienast 1990, 318 for the chronologv of the events.

^! ''hat Mithras whose mysteries were not open to women and whose votaries were no monotheists, was not an equal rival to Christ, can hardly be disputed. There was never the intention of creating a purely Mithraic world (Simon 1978). Sometimes it is even assumed that there was hardly no missionary activity conducted by the initiates of mystery religions at all (Clauss 1986, 265-266). But this has to be qualified. if a votary believed that a mystery religion was a way to gain divine support in life and afterlife, it is only natural that he wanted at least friends and close relatives to enjoy this support as well. That there could be even a general sense of mission is shown at least for the Isis cult by Apul. met. 11, 15.

These parallels are most evident in religious rituals. The Christian Communion had, on the testimony of Justin (lust. (Mart.) apol. 1, 66) and Tertullian, its equivalent in the mystenes of Mithras. Tertullian (praescr. 40, 4) mentions a panis oblatio (an offering of bread) in connection with an imago resurrectionis (a delusion of a resurrection). This suggests that the Mithraists also associated a kind of communion with the hope of

resurrection from the dead^*. Several reliefs, depicting

the holy meal of Mithras and Sol, show loaves of bread and grapes, symbolizing wine. It was probably especially alarming for the Fathers of the Church that the parallels between the two religions were not restricted to appearances. In Christian doctrine the Eucharist recalls that Jesus, the son of God, shed his blood and let himself be martyred to death. With this bloody sacrifice he enabled humans to gain eternal life. The wine recalls the blood and the bread the flesh of Christ. Similarly in the Mithras cult the death of a god and a meal as commemoration were central as the stereotyped depictions of the bull slaying scene and the holy meal clearly show. If one compares the Anatolian, Persian and Indian tradition which were the theological base for Roman Mithraism, with the rare records dealing directly with. the Roman form of Mithras worship as a mystery cult, the following image emerges. The bull which is to be equated with the moon is a deity who has to die for the sake of humanity. By the killing of the bull new life comes into being, symbolically illustrated as ears of grain, springing up from the tail or the stab wound of the dying divine animal. This painful death is for the benefit of the living as shown by the animals drinking the blood and the sperm of the dying god. A potion of immortality was made of the blood which was taken in the Roman Mithras mysteries in the

form

of

wine

or

water”.

Perhaps

the

clear:

manifestation of the attitude of the votaries to their yı=! Is a painted inscription in the Mithraeum of Santa Prisca in Rome: "and you have saved us by the shedding of the eternal blood", ef nos servalsjti, (a)eternul:

sanguine

fuso".

These

words

relationship

between

the votaries

express the close

and their god

and

saviour^" who promised them an afterlife. In Mithraism

and Christianity the believers owed their salvation to the personal commitment of a god and to the death of a god as a sacrifice. The crucial difference was that the saviour god and the dying god were in Mithraism unlike Christianity not identical. Mithras was not the suffering and dying god who rose again from the dead like Jesus, and also like some pagan deities such as Osiris. Not every similarity between Christianity can be discussed here,

Mithraısm and such as the sun

symbolism^^, the religious function of the cave””, the

water miracle (Clauss 1990a, 80-82), the baptism, the

importance of water’ and light (Clauss 19903, 130-137; 179, Wortmann 1969) in the ceremonies etc?^.

We do not know enough about moral guidelines laid down for the Mithraists, but unlike the Greek and Roman gods who all had their faults, and as in Christianity there was certainly a moral standard and a clear distinction between good and evil. Knowing that it is hard to separate elements of Roman Mithraism from other theological and philosophical traditions, the following examples may be mentioned: Tertullian (praescr. 40, 3) states that the votaries believed they could achieve forgiveness for their sins by baptism. An inscription (CIMRM I no 18) from Tyana

^^^ About the hope of an afterlife compare Iul. Caes. 336 C: the philosopher and emperor Julian about divine guidance by Mithras in this life and in the afterlife.

^^ This short synopsis is based on various ancient sources (compare for example those quoted on this page above) and on modern research, notably on Merkelbach 1984, 9-22; 132-133; 193-206; Clauss 1986, 267-272 and 1990a, 87-99; 117-122; Hinnells 1975; Ries 1984, 452-456; Lincoln 1979. Schwertheim 1979, 71-72; Vermaseren 1965, 78-83 and 1974, 17-21; Weiß 1994; but compare the critical point of view of Kane 1975. Differences in the perspectives of modern scholars cannot be discussed here.

^* Vermaseren/ Van Essen 1965, 215 fig. 69; 217-218 (compare Brashear 1993, 8; 11 and 1992, 37-38, presenting new

evidence for the attitude of the votaries to Mithras). ^? Clauss 1990a, 148-151 about the close relationship between Mithras and his votaries. I do not share the very critical point of view about possible parallels between Mithraism and Christianity 1n eschatology, expressed by Lease 1980, 1320, but I agree with his emphasis on the general importance of their similar cultural origin. About Mithras as a saviour god and the promise of an afterlife compare no. 242-243.

^^? See Clauss 1986, 272-279; 284 about sun symbolism and the birthday of Sol and Christ with further references.

^' Gervers 1979; Benz 1953, 370-381; Lease 1980, 1321-1322; Iust. (Mart.) dial. 78, 6. Compare Clauss 1990a, 176 about the rock birth.

^5 Every Mithraeum if not erected next to a spring, was provided with a well nearby or incorporated into the sanctuary or with a pipe for water supply. Sometimes water basins have been found (for example in Strasbourg-Koenigshoffen (Forrer 1915, 30-32; 33 fig. 11-12; pl. IX 2-3). One of the ceremonies connected with water was baptism (Tert. praescr. 40, 3: lavacrum; Tert. bapt. 5. 1).

^" About similarities in general see for example Cumont 1923, 144; 180-186; 196-197; Ries 1984; Patterson 1921.

(Cappadocia) 1s dedicated to the just god Mithras, Θεῶ δικαίω Μῖϑρᾳ“". Another

similarity

lies in the

personal

relationships

between the members of the religious community”. One

of the most

important

reasons

for the popularity of

Christianity was the care of Christians for each other^".

Community life and the conviction that they knew the only way to paradise coupled with the common danger of their social isolation by non-Christians or even of severe punishment if they were reported to the authorities (frequently a cruel death in case of uncompromising staunchness, i.e. if they refused to make a pagan sacrifice) welded the early Christians together. The little Mithraea had room for only a limited number

of votaries, and it is characteristic that where

Mithraism was popular, instead of building one large temple a number of sanctuaries of modest dimensions were erected in one settlement (compare Clauss 1990a, 51-52). The discovery of a bronze tablet in 1992, giving the names of the votaries in Virunum (Piccottini

1994)

broadens our knowledge of the size of Mithraic communities considerably. The inscription is also a remarkable testimony of communal spirit since it specifically refers to the gathering of the congregation on the occasion of the obviously epidemic(?) death of five members in AD 184 (Piccottini 1994, 22-24; 35). We may assume that m a small circle of votanies, gathering in one temple a sense of community could develop which was strengthened by the memory that all had suffered hard trials in the initiation. ceremonies and by the farth that a divine saviour stood at their side. The dilemma of every investigation of a mystery religion is our limited cognitive faculty about the cult. It was against the nature of such cults which only allowed votaries to gain an insight into the mner mysteries to make their religious secrets public. Therefore apart from a few early testimonies of believers and hostile Christian polemic, we depend today on late antique texts imbued with neoplatonic thought. It is difficult to separate the

philosophical world view of these authors from the original elements of the religion they describe. In fourth-century Rome various mystery cults flourished which signal a final and vigorous resistance of the conservative pagan senatorial class against Christianization. At a time when the main representatives of the cult were members of the Roman aristocracy whose personal involvement in Mithraism m the preceding centuries 1s scarcely traceable, it is likely that not only the social structure of Mithraic communities in. Rome and some other Italian cities

changed^", but also religious ideas (Turcan 1982 with

further references). This makes texts of this period difficult.

the interpretation

of

Important circumstantial evidence is provided by texts which

illuminate

near

eastern,

Persian

and

Indian

religious traditions. The roots of Mithraism can be traced back nearly 1500 years from the time of the earliest evidence for the existence of the Roman Mithras

mysteries^"^; actually the tradition certainly goes back

even further, deep into western Asian prehistory. Even though most written records from Asia date to the first centuries AD or later, wide-ranging parallels between different culture areas and the comparison with pre-Christian sources prove a very old religious tradition. But it is difficult again to detect later religious influences which were incorporated in the texts. When Mithras appears in the Zoroastnan tradition Manichaean texts are an interesting comparison - he 15 reported as raising humans from the dead and as sitting in judgement on them; this 1s an obvious parallel to the Christian description. of the Last Judgement. When Manichaeism, partially based on the Christian religion, spread m the Sasanid Empire, m central and in eastern Asia there was an intensive interaction of many religious

traditions^?. To summarize, neither the mysteries of Mithras nor Christianity were created out of nothing, both were based on a multitude of cultural and religious

traditions and some of these they had in common”.

^7? Boyce/ Grenet 1991, 274 discuss whether this epithet is to be explained with Zoroastrian or Roman Mithraic traditions;

compare Iul. Caes. 336 C; Porphyr. antr. 15 and the general discussions by Clauss 1990a, 151-152 and Merkelbach 1984, 188-193. ?! 'The votaries regarded their fellows as brothers (fratres): Cumont 1923, 142 with epigraphic evidence; compare 180-181. **? This was recognized even by their adversaries: compare Demandt 1989, 102-103 about emperor Julian's (AD 360/ 361-363) attitude towards Christian care.

°° Clauss 1992, 295-297; compare 264; Clauss 1990a, 39-41; Merkelbach 1984, 247-248.

5* Merkelbach 1984, 3-39 with many further references. ^" This is of course only a selective and simplified summary of various records. For a more detailed discussion see Lieu 1985, 21-22; 206-210; Bovce/ Grenet 1991, 440-446; Merkelbach 1984, especially 9-22; Bohlig 1981, 447; 455-456; Brandon 1975, especially 476-478. Boyce

1962: Vermaseren

1965, 18-20.

^? Lease 1980; Vermaseren 1965, 9-20; Boyce/ Grenet 1991, 440-456; Bóhlig 1981.

THE MYSTERIES OF MITHRAS, THE MOST HATED CULT AND THE FIRST VICTIM OF THE CHRISTIAN PERSECUTION OF PAGANISM? It has to be stressed again that early Christians did not regard the pagan gods as pure inventions, but as demons whose power was inferior to the saints supported by God's omnipotence, but which were dangerous evil spirits anyway (see Schweizer et al. 1976). The dark cave-like temples, furnished with the large depiction of an animal sacrifice, detestable for Christians, and with

other religious sculpture such as sometimes a statue of

Aion with a lion’s head, entwined with a snake~’, evoked visions of hell in Christian imagination^".

Christians had many motives for the destruction of Mithraea. In any case, m reading the comments of ancient Christian writers about various pagan deities

and religions^" it is hardly possible to differentiate

between different grades of intolerance. The temples and monuments of the Mithras cult were not always and everywhere destroyed more violently than the sanctuaries and depictions of other deities; sometimes they were and sometimes they were not. In some cases iconoclasm affected first of all monuments which could be regarded as especially offensive towards Chnistianity

such as the bull slaying scene or the holy meal””, in

other cases the ıconoclasts did not know or did not care about differences like that. There was no co-ordination of the works of destruction all over the empire, but a host of single actions by officials and civilians, with or without the active support of the state. The personality and attitude of the iconoclasts differed as did the resistance of the local population agamst Christianization or the open-mindedness they felt

towards the new religion”. In some areas, probably in

Britain, Mithraism was a religion of a small minority of the population, against which Christians could take actions quite early without risking public unrest. The fate of Mithraism varied from province to province and from region to region, and consequently generalization 1s impossible. The Mithras cult died slowly, its last signs of life date to about AD 395, but its death throes might still have lasted for years or decades, nobody knows. In early medieval western literature some Roman or Romanized indigenous deities are still occasionally mentioned. The foreign sun-god obviously had been

forgotten". Whereas many pagan customs, beliefs and

traditions survived m a more or less Christianized form in the territory of the former north-westem provinces of the Roman Empire m the Middle Ages and some even

until today?, any influence of Mithraism on popular medieval religion is hard to trace*™. A different matter is

the question of a possible impact of Mithraic art on late

antique and medieval Christian art”. The similarities

>’ Worth noting in this context are two Italian works of art: CIMRM I no. 383 with emphasis on the element fire; CIMRM I no. 695-696: a naked man with hoofs, the snake wound round him.

258 Compare the description of Aion by Arnob. nat. 6, 10. The sinister darkness of Mithraic temples is emphasized by Tert.

coron. 15, 3; Firm. err. 5, 2; Paul. Nol. carm. 32, 113-116; compare Rufin. hist. eccl. 2, 22; see also the description of a possibly Mithraic crypt in Bourg-Saint-Andéol in the Acta Sanctorum Maii I, p. 35; 38 (compare Cumont 1896, 402 no. 279. Turcan 1986, 506-507). Turcan 1984 is probably quite right in stressing that the large depiction of an animal sacrifice as the central cult object in every Mithraeum was regarded as detestable by Christians; compare p. 220 about the veneration of the god Ahriman as the power of evil, contrary to Merkelbach 1984, 104. Compare Beck 1984, 2034-2035; Vermaseren 1981, 111-112.

5? As one among many authors Tertullian may be cited (though his particular emphasis on Mithraism is rather atypical):

Tert. spect. 30 is an impressive example of hate for anything associated with any form of pagan religion - even if only indirectly (compare Tert. 1dol. and coron.).

260 For addition to several examples discussed above, the procedure followed by the iconoclasts in the Mithraeum of Santa

Prisca in Rome should be mentioned: The face of Sol, taking the holy meal was mutilated with an axe (Vermaseren/ Van Essen 1965, 150-151; 241; pl. LV-LVIIT, Vermaseren 1965, 36), whereas many other scenes of the paintings were not subjected to such fanatic treatment.

?!'The process of the conversion of the population of the gigantic empire with its great cultural diversity is aptly

characterized by Mathews 1993, 6: The undoing of paganism was not a process of gentle persuasion. The instruments of conversion were frequently axe and firebrand. There had been already numerous Christians in various parts of the ancient world before Christianity gained the support of the emperors. But without intense suppression of any other belief it would have continued to be one important religion beside others. There is no historical parallel to support the theory that it could have become the sole religion all over the empire without force or pressure. ^? Vidman 1977 (I do not support his interpretation of the numismatic evidence p. 240); but compare Cumont 1896, 1-73; 457-459: compilation of literary passages about Mithraism, with some later eastern mediterranean texts which anyhow sometimes show more phantasy than knowledge (compare Clauss 1990a, 111; Rosenqvist 1991). Visible Mithraic monuments might of course have stimulated the superstitious phantasies of the local population: see Cumont 1896, 384 no. 258 about a cave near the rock relief of Reichweiler (fig. 21) near Schwarzerden in popular belief.

^5 Compare for example Chevallier 1983, an excellent selection of Gaulish testimonies.

^^! The theory of a possible Mithraic tradition for the Christmas tree by Koepf 1987, 43-44 cannot be taken seriously.

are, however, limited to appearances; the original symbolism was completely lost: For late antique and early medieval Christian artists a saviour god unlike some other deities was unacceptable even as allegory (Demandt 1989, 429) - and later perhaps forgotten. Mithras returned finally to his homecountries: Notably in Armenia, the first Christian state, and in neighbouring areas some Mithraic traditions - naturally not in the

Romanized form - have survived until today’.

To conclude, I take up Luther Martin's statement (1989, 12), quoted ın the introduction: Following the progressive Christianization of the army and the imperial court after Constantine, the Mithraic "religion of loyalty" lost much of its raison d étre. By the time of Theodosius's prohibitions of paganism during the final decade of the fourth century, Mithraism was dead. Is this right? No, it is not, not for

the

city of Rome“

which

Luther

Martin

mainly

investigates and certainly not for some other parts of the empire. It can be proved that Mithraism survived the edicts of AD 391 and AD 392 at least for a few years,

and its fate becomes obscure in a time when, as far as

the areas examined 1n this study are concerned, the fate of almost every pagan cult becomes obscure. Furthermore the passage implies that the votaries just lost faith m Mithras or even that their belief was not true faith, but mere opportunism had been the reason for the earlier success of this mystery cult. As far as opportunism is concemed, I am not aware of a single case of a votary who was ever promoted or gained any financial benefits, simply because he was a Mithraist. If It was advantageous to be a Mithraist, why did the most distinguished senatorial officials during the principate largely fail to demonstrate their loyalty by this means (Clauss 1992, 264 giving the evidence) though their initiation in the cult would have been much likelier to attract the emperors attention than that of the inhabitants of many frontier provinces where Mithraism was very popular? The involvement of the powerful in the cult was stronger in the Tetrarchic period, but nevertheless the main attraction of the cult was not of a pragmatic wordly nature. That is not to deny that

Roman Mithraism with its moral standards contained elements which could be regarded as being in the interest of the state. It is also worth pointing out that one of the main aspects (beside others) of the traditional veneration of Mithras in Asia was that of a guardian of contracts and agreements between individuals, social groups and states, thus helping to stabilize the social order. It is significant that when Mithras is first mentioned in the fourteenth century BC, this 1s in a contract between the the Hittites in. Anatolia and the Mitanni Kingdom in northem Mesopotamia (CIMRM I no. 16) and many later sources confirm that he was called upon m this function or a similar one in south-western Asia (Merkelbach

1984, 3-72 passim; Thieme

1960). It is a

fair assumption that in this respect also the Roman mystery god did not break away from his past. If Mithras was still invoked as a protector of contracts, then the votaries could be sure that the god would keep his own promises to those initiated in his mysteries. I do not dare to speculate to what extent those bonds of loyalty extended beyond the community of votaries, and I do know no evidence which allows us to assess whether or not Mithraists were "better citizens and subjects of the pagan emperors", but there is certainly nothing to suggest that political loyalty constituted the whole religion. Even if we theoretically assume, as is often done, that there was an element of loyalty to the emperor in Roman Mithraism, we should also consider that other religions could be described as "religions of loyalty", Christianity in a certam sense for example (with the exception of matters of faith); however, it would be unjust and wrong to ascribe its success entirely to loyalty to the wordly authority, believed to be invested by God; this was only one important aspect besides others. The cult of Mithras was not just a "religion of loyalty" either, an expression of devotion to the emperor which would have been senseless after the emperors professed Christianity, and many Mithraea seem to have been in active use until the last decade of the fourth century or even longer. Mithraism did not die a natural death; there was

active Christian euthanasia

when the cult was not yet mortally ill.

‘= Compare for example Testini 1979; Cumont 1896, 441-442 no. 332 with fig. 388; Cumont 1899, 166 with fig. 8. ^? Ishkol-Kerovpian 1986, 125-130; Merkelbach 1984, 46-50; 251-259; Haas 1982, 203-204; Cumont 1937. ?' Compare p. 17 with no. 45 and the Carmen codicis Parisini 8084. Contra paganos 47. (Anthologia Latina I° (1894) 22); Bloch 1945, 230-232.

APPENDICES

interpretation: The /ocus religiosus was a monument, connected with the imperial cult, wilfully destroyed during a civil war or a rebellion probably in the third century. The text of the inscription states explicitly that the holy spot (/ocus religiosus) was restored to the virtus and to the numen Augusti and does not name any other non-imperial deities. It may also be noted that in

APPENDIX 1: FURTHER FOURTH CENTURY PAGAN DEDICATIONS IN BRITAIN? STONE INSCRIPTIONS FROM CIRENCESTER AND BATH AND AN INSCRIPTION ON A MOSAIC FLOOR IN LYDNEY

two inscriptions from Ribchester (RIB 583 and 587), set

up by two centuriones who were praepositi numeri et regionis the expression of their devotion to the emperor was not omitted. As the Bath inscription was obviously set up during or immediately after a civil war or after an insurrection, it was probably not a private dedication: It was vital for the centurio regionarius as the local military commander to show that he guaranteed in his area of competence the loyalty to the emperor. The statement by Lindsay Allason-Jones and Bruce Mc Kay (1985, 9), ...(RIB 152) may be political rather than religious, certainly points in the right direction.

As stated in the chapter "The epigraphic evidence" there is only one certam fourth century religious stone inscription in Britain. (except for chi-rho symbols). At least two more are mostly dated to this period as well. These inscriptions merit a brief discussion: It is unlikely that the restoration of a Jupiter column in Cirencester

(RIB 103) was carried out under the reign of Julian^*

(AD 360/ 361-363), and there is no proof at all that the inscription 1s to be dated to the fourth century (Birley 1981b, 178-180). One would rather be tempted to date the purification of a holy spot m Bath (RIB 152) to the early fourth

As the only epigraphic testimonies for paganism in Britain in the period of the late pagan revival except for inscriptions on portable objects inscriptions on mosaic

century” , as it was due to an insolent destruction:

floors, such as the one in the temple cella in Lydney”,

Locum relilgiosum per in/solentiam e/rutum)... The problem in interpreting this mscription is that nothing

have to be mentioned. From an epigraphic (Birley 1986,

fact

could well be earlier - at least by some decades - but

90) and stylistic^^ standpoint this mosaic inscription

points to a date later than the third century^" except the that there

are

no

traces

of a hostile

incursion,

coins, incorporated in floors^^ do not support such a

affecting Bath m the second or third century and there 1s no-one within the provincial society one would suspect of being capable of a purely religiously motivated act of iconoclasm except the Christians. But as discussed above, according to the literary evidence Christian iconoclasm only became a real danger after the latest precisely datable stone inscriptions were set up in Britaın. Therefore I would suggest another

?* ^* ?" *" *

conclusion. Unlike stone monuments bearing inscriptions mosaics were very popular in southem Britain in Late Antiquity and some of them are

inscribed^^. It is notable that there are examples of fourth-century inscriptions on tessellated floors which refer to classical pagan mythology.

As for example stated in PLRE I 822 s.v. L. Sept(imius) 3; compare Frend 1968, 41. Discussed by Cunliffe 1986, 6; compare the older publications in his bibliography; Thomas 1981, 136. A later dating is rightly disputed by Henig 1984a, 218. RIB 2448. 3; Wright 1985 with further references; Henig 1984a, 135; 136 fig. 58; 223. Johnson 1994, 320 (Dr. Martin Henig referred me to this article and proffered me his expert advice on Romano-British

mosaics). "= Wheeler/ Wheeler 1932, especially 30-32; fig. 4. Compare p. 22 with no. 55 in this book about founders’ deposits of coins.

“" See RIB 2448. 1-14: compilation of mosaic inscriptions in Britain (not all are late). δ]

378

APPENDIX 2: A LIST OF PARTIALLY OR COMPLETELY EXCAVATED TEMPLES OF MITHRAS WITH A SELECTIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY RELATING TO THE NUMISMATIC EVIDENCE FOR THEIR USE (Compare maps p. 84-85.)

(Hull

1958,

110; CIMRM

I no.

829; Hull

1930; Mac Donald 1931, 81).

London: Grimes 1986; Merrifield 1983, 212-213; Grimes 1968, especially 103-104; 108-109; Grimes 1971, especially 33; 35. Lillebonne: Harmand 1970; Marın/ Vipard 1990, 34-36. Septeuil: Gaidon-Bunuel, M-A, 1991, especially 57

(Mithraeum: A ; probable Mithraeum = (?): A; possible Mithraeum = ?: A)

referring to a numismatic study, inaccessible to me;

Kisch 1986; compare Blanchet 1993.

Monuments not found in situ, indicating the existence of an undiscovered sanctuary have been excluded as they are not relevant with regard to the numismatic evidence. The references refer first of all to specific mention of coins which have been found inside Mithraea. Only those publications accesible to me and considered to be important for the subject are included. In addition a selection of other checked articles and books about some of the sites are quoted 1f they are relevant to the end of the sanctuaries or their identification as Mithraea. Clearly the distinction between probable and possible Mithraea is to a certain degree subjective and some more buildings, not included in this list, could be classified as possible Mithraea (see below p. 86: "Doubtful Mithraea, not included in the list").

10 Nuits-Saint-Georges, Les Bolards: Thevenot 1948, especially 309; 325 no. 126; Planson et al. 1973. 11 Vieux-en-Val-Romey: Buisson 1994; Walters 1974, 5-11 no. 3; especially 7; 9-10, with further references. 12 Krefeld-Gellep: Reichmann 1994, 8-9; Pirling 1986a, especially 244; compare Pirling 1986b. 13 Dormagen: Dorow 1821, especially 359; compare Cumont 1896, 386-388 no. 265. 14 Koln (Cologne) 1 (RichmondstraDe/ Breite StraDe): Ristow 1974, 6-9; Fremersdorf 1929b. 15 Koln (Cologne) 2 (near the Dom/ cathedral): FMRD VI 1, 1 (1984) 1001. 1-5. 2a. 101; 122; 162; 180; 953; compare Ristow, 1974, 11-15. 16 Koln (Cologne) 3 (north of the town wall)?: Binsfeld 1960/ 61; compare Ristow 1974, 9-11. 17 Bonn(?): Krafft 1859; Schwertheim 1974 no. 35. 18 Remagen-Oberwinter-Bandorf?: Schaaffhausen 1873, especially 120: The description of the findspot of four coms (until AD 367-383) is insufficient to take them as proof for the usage of the uncertain Mithraeum. 19 Trier (Altbachtal): FMRD IV 3/ 1 (1970) 3001. 37 B-D; compare 3001. 37 A; Gose 1972, 110-117; especially 110-111; compare Schwinden 1987, 270-271. 20 Saarbrücken-Brebach?: FMRD III (1962) 1094. Whether this cave was used as a Mithraeum is not certain (Schwertheim 1974, 252-253; Schindler 1963; Schindler 1964; Krüger 1926). 21 Mackwiller: Schwartz, J, in Hatt 1957, especially 69-70; 72; Schwartz 1957, 42-46. Fisenne 1896, especially 121; 22 Sarrebourg: 154-158. 23 Reichweiler: Bernhard 1990a; compare Krencker 1925 (mostly cited as the Mithraeum of Schwarzerden). 24 Bingen a. Rh. 1(?): Behrens 1922. 25 Bingen a. Rh. 2?: FMRD IV 1 (1960) 1054.

1 Rudchester: Gillam/ Mac Ivor 1954, especially 216-217; compare Bell/ Hodgson 1845. 2 Carrawburgh: Richmond/ Gillam 1951, especially 12; 27 no. 26; 34-35; 39-40. Housesteads: Bosanquet 1904, especially 263; 298; compare Hodgson 1822. Caernarfon: Boon 1960, especially 144; 153; 156, 160-161; 166; 170. Leicester(?): Wacher 1995, 359-360; compare Wilson 1970; Henig 1984b, 242; Green 1986, 125. Colchester?: Despite serious doubts (Richmond, 1 A, m Hull 1958, xxvıu-xxix; Harris/ Harris. 1965, 2; CIMRM II no. 829 about I no. 829) the building in which no identifiable Mithraic objects were discovered, has a ground plan which would be perfectly acceptable as a Mithraeum (Hull, 1958, 107-113; Hull 1930; Mac Donald 1931, 79-81): Compare for example the similar ground plan of the main cult room in Dieburg (fig. 14). The possibility that the explanation for this significant structural feature is not just coincidence, should not be ruled out. Is there any close parallel for a secular building with such a ground plan? The latest coin, found on the "very bottom" dates to AD 337-350, whereas the filing contained a coin, minted AD 364-375/

377-385:

Como

1924,

Schwertheim 1974 no. 109. 82

45;

Behrens

1938:

37 Florstadt-Ober-Florstadt: FMRD V 2, 1 (1989) 2145; ORL B 19. Kastell Ober-Florstadt (1903) 7-9, 21-24; especially 21-22; Kofler 1888, especially 60; Adamy 1888, especially 125-126. 38 GroBkrotzenburg: ORL B 23. Kastell Gross-Krotzenburg (1903) 21 no. 7d; 22 no. 8a; 8c; compare 13-14; 29-30; FMRD V 1, 1 (1994) 1026. 39 Stockstadt a. M. 1: ORL B 33. Kastell Stockstadt (1910) 76-95. 40 Stockstadt a. M. 2: Schleiermacher 1928,

26 Mainz?: Stümpel 1980; Stümpel 1978/ 79; compare Herz 1978/ 79, 277-278; Stümpel 1982/ 83; Stümpel 1984/ 85. Coins until Gratian (AD 367-383) have been discovered from this construction site as well as Mithraic altars. There seems

27

28 29 30

31

to

have

been

a

Mithraeum,

but

the

desciptions are very imprecise and it 1s not clear if the coins were found inside the possible sanctuary. Rockenhausen: FMRD IV 2 (1965) 2307; compare Grünenwald 1899 and 1901. Contrary to Gordon 1994b, 473 I regard the evidence (two pieces of sculptures and the ground plan) given by Schwertheim 1974 no. 135 as sufficient to assume that it was in all probability indeed a Mithraeum. Neustadt a. d. W.-Gimmeldingen: Schwerthem 1974 no. 140; Sprater 1926; Jacobi 1927, 163-164. Strasbourg-Koenigshoffen: Forrer 1915, especially 51-52; 101-104. Biesheim: Kern 1991, especially 64: According to this passage the coms date to AD 253-395, but AD 253 and AD 395 are hardly absolute dates. AD 395 could indicate coms of Theodosius I. (AD 379-395), Arcadius (AD 383-408) or Honorius (AD 393-423). Therefore AD 379-395 15 given on the map as earliest possible date for the mintage of the latest coin. The statement that m Sarrebourg the coin deposition ended in the same period as m Biesheim pomts of course to a later date than AD 379. Petry/ Kern 1978, especially 6; 19; Petry 1976 and 1978. Wiesbaden: FMRD V 1, 2 (1994) 1251. 507; 600; 603; 614; 640-641; 769; 810; 814; Ritterlmg 1916/ 1917, 245, 248-249; Ritterlmg 1902/ 1903, 14; 19; Ritterling 1902, especially 67-68; ORL B 31. Kastell Wiesbaden (1909) 76.

especially 49; 52-53; 56; ORL A 38; 45-47.

41

Dieburg: Behn to FMRD

V

1928, especially 42-43, according 2,

1 (1989)

2061

these coms

were

found at (not in?) the Mithraeum, but compare Schuhmacher/ Behn/ Behrens 1927. 42 GroD-Gerau: Seitz 1990 and 1991. 43 Osterburken(?): ORL B 40. Kastell Osterburken (1895) 20-25; Stark 1865, 7; 26. 44 Heidelberg-Neuenheim: Creuzer 1838, 8-9; 61-62. 45

Wiesloch: Behrends 1989.

46 Mundelsheim: Klein 1989, 356 fig. 259 d-f; 357; Planck 1989, especially 180; compare Planck 1993, 295-298; Planck 1991a, 187-190. 47 Riegel; FMRD II 2 N 1 (1980) 2058. E 2. 2; compare Alföldy 1986 with further references; Cammerer 1986; Schleiermacher 1933. Martigny: Wiblé 1995, especially 9; 12 and 1993, especially 163. Mandelieu(?): Fixot 1990; Goudineau 1981. Vienne?: Turcan 1972, 4-5; Cumont 1896, 399-400 no. 277; Walters 1974, 76-80 no. 16-17. Bourg-Saint-Andéol: Walters 1974, 4-5 no. 2; 70-73 no. 13; Lavagne 1976. 92 Bordeaux: Gaidon-Bunuel 1991, especially 56; Gaidon 1986; Rigaud et al. 1987-1988; Gaidon 1989, 517; Maurin/ Bost/ Roddaz 1992, 372-373; Barraud/ Gaidon 1992, 47. After a partial destruction the Mithraeum was reoccupied in the first half of the fourth century and destroyed and abandoned shortly before AD 400, but in the publications, accessible for me, the dating evidence is not discussed yet. I do not know whether the chronology is based on numismatic evidence. It 15 only mentioned in passing that there is a series of coms from the end of the first half of the third century (Gaidon-Bunuel 1991, 56).

32 Frankfurt

a. M.-Heddernheim 1: Habel 1830, 173; 181 no. 21; Huld-Zetsche 1986, especially 21.

33 Frankfurt a. M.-Heddernheim 2: FMRD V 2, 2 (1989) 2264. 6; Huld-Zetsche 1986, especially 25. Frankfurt a. M.-Heddernheim 3: FMRD V 2, 2 (1989) 2264. 2-5; 7; Wolff/ Cumont 1894, especially 66-67; Huld-Zetsche 1986, especially 31. 35 Frankfurt a. M-Heddernheim 4: Huld-Zetsche 1986, 39-41; Woelcke 1929.

36

6. Nachtrag zu B

33. Kastell Stockstadt (1933) 34-47; especially 36;

Friedberg (Hessen): Goldmann 1895, especially 301-303; FMRD V 2, 1 (1989) 2122; ORL B 26. Kastell Friedberg (1913) 10-12; especially 11.

83

Map

1: Excavated Mithraea in the north-western parts of the Roman

Empire - ara by the author:

compare list p. 82-83 (inscriptions or sculpture, indicating the exi of Mithraic ies, outside Mithraea not included). Mithraea of all periods are plotted on the map, showing the late antique dioeceses in the area of Britain and Gaul and the imperial borders in the late fourth century. (The coastlines are modern.) N Areas not included in the study Areas previously under direct military Borders of the empire and of dioeceses

SN

control, but no longer in the late fourth

N

investigated

3

century (abandoned or lost after AD 260)

KC

PUR d

EA.

12 13

. -"

re s "

8

“19

a M

16

14 KÀ 15 17 18

Dioecesis

aA

20 A21 22

9 GaVliae

34 5 40

2435 A2 ! 27 ΖΑ" 4

I) ἐπὶ

29€—

= 30 af 47

Ἃ *

3A

A0

ς

Ζ

^ 4$

Dibecesisx

50

52 51

'epte

Provinciarum

49

dL E

Map

2:

Coins

found

inside

Mithraea

- aavn by the author. (The relative size of the circles corresponds to the number of the published coins found

inside onc Mithraeum. If the number of the coins is not given in the excavation report and if not more than three single coins arc mentioned, the smalicst symbol is used, even for “numerous coins". The number beside each circle indicates the earliest possible date when the latest coin was minted. Coins which obviously have becn found in layers after the destruction or abandı ofa y are excluded. 300 = latest coin minted AD 300; ? = dating of all coins unknown; 300? = doubtful whether the latest coin was not lost after the destruction or abandonment of the temple (possible rededications arc not taken into account) or whether it was found in the temple at all; (300) = find(s) in a probable Mithracum; ((300)) = find(s) in a possible Mithracum. The bigger numbers, printed in italics, refer to the number of the temple in the list p. 82-83. Relative size of the circles

Number of coins

(in rclation to thc diameter)

used for

ἘΞ

2

Wes

i

41-60

.

145-180

265-312

313-364

Earliest possible

A

421-480

;

date of mintage

of the latest coin:

481-544

545-612

)

N

«S :

348 4

-—-—

Vá

M

=
vinius Aurelius d(eo) S(oli) i(nvicto) M(ithrae). Silvestrius Silvinus, Silvestrius Perpetus and Silvinius Aurelius (dedicated this) to the invincible sun-god Mithras.

109

Fig. 9: The bull-slaying relief in the Mithraeum of Strasbourg-Koenigshoffen which was probably originally more than four metres high (Will 1950a, 80), was hacked into many pieces. Over 360 fragments, widely scattered within the sanctuary, were still recognizable.The reconstruction by R. Will and Prof. Dr. Emest Will shows impressively that the iconoclasts succeeded in smashing major parts of this monument so thoroughly that not even small fragments could be detected or else that they removed some parts and deposited them elsewhere. Only those parts of the reliefs which are shaded on the drawing have been preserved. Text of the inscription: [/n] ἢ (onorem) d(omus) d(ivinae) d(eo) i (nvicto) M |ytrae/ ---Jus M Di[---/ ---Jus typu[m ---/ ---] solo v[---]. In honour of the Divine House (of the emperor; dedicated) to the invincible god Mithras ... (The reconstruction by Prof. Dr. Emest Will and R. Will, was drawn by R. Will and published in the Revue Archeologique 35, 1950 (= Will 1950a), 68 fig. 1. Reproduced by kind permission of the Revue Archéologique with the friendly consent of Prof. Dr. Emest Will.) Fig. 10: The dedication by a vexillatio of the sixth legion to Sol Invictus (c. AD 162-166) was found later fourth century road paving in Corbridge. The name of the god was erased, the name of the military the governor not touched at all: [[Soli invicto]]/ vexillatio/ leg(ionis) VI Vic(tricis) P(iae) F(idelis) f(ecit) sub cura Sex(tiy Calpurni leg(ati) Aug(ustorum)* pr(o) pr(aetore). (Dedicated) to the invincible sun-god; the vexillatio (= a detached body of soldiers) of the /egio VI Victrix

set this up under the charge of Sextus Calpurnius Agricola, the legatus Augustorum pro praetore.

reused in a unit and of Agrico/lae Pia Fidelis

* The inscription clearly dates to the joint reign of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus (AD 161-169 - compare Fishwick 1994). (Photo kindly provided by Corbridge Roman Museum and reproduced by courtesy of English Heritage.)

Fig. 11: This relief was found together with several other Mithraic monuments (fig. 12-13 amongst others) on the bed of the river Noham in Entrams. It depicts Sol m his quadriga; the heads of Sol and Luna(?) to his left are missing. (© Photo by courtesy of musee des Antiquites nationales de Saint-Germain-en-Laye.) Fig. 12: Central part of a depiction of the bull-slaying scene. The findspot next to to other mutilated monuments (fig. 11 and 13 besides others) suggests that Mithras was deliberately beheaded - though we cannot be certam. (© Photo by courtesy of musée des Antiquites nationales de Saınt-Germain-en-Laye.) Fig. 13: The left upper corner of another relief depicting the bull-slaying scene (0.31 x 0.35 x 0.03 m), broken into two pieces. The head of Sol on the left was obviously deliberately mutilated by means of a blow with an axe-shaped tool, the short sharp edge parallel to the handle(?), at a slight angle from above, cutting deep into the god's forehead. This renders it doubtful that it was coincidence that during the process of fragmentation the head of Mithras was broken off only at his neck. Same findspot as fig. 11-12. (© Photo by courtesy of musée des Antiquités nationales de Saint-Germain-en-Laye.) Fig. 14: The groundplan of the Mithraeum m Dieburg (and of the modern house on the site whose construction made complete excavation of the sanctuary impossible). The numbers on the plan indicate the findspots of various cult objects, some of which were also thrown in the well (Brunnen) nearby. (The plan was published by Behn 1928, 3 fig. 1 and reproduced by courtesy of Kreis- und Stadtmuseum Dieburg and Rómisch-Germanische Kommission des Deutschen Archaologischen Institutes (Frankfurt a. M.).) Fig. 15: In Dieburg the iconoclasts did not differentiate between Mithraic and non-Mithraic images. This statue of Mercury was found smashed into 23 pieces. The base with the god's feet was found at findspot no. 12 (see fig. 14), the upper parts of the thigh at no. 14, the ram's head, Mercury's money-bag and his right arm between the entrance

into the nave and the benches and the caduceus which he was holding with his left hand, was thrown into the well

(Brunnen: fig. 14). As in the case of many other statues and reliefs, attacked by iconoclasts, the head of the god has vanished and also the shoulders. Several other statues of various gods in the Mithraeum in Dieburg were decapitated. (Fig. 15-17 by kind permission of Mrs. Maria Porzenheim, director of Kreis- und Stadtmuseum Dieburg, taken by E. Sauer in December 1995.)

110

Fig. 16: Relief depicting Mithras carrying the bull (the two preserved parts joined together and partially restored). Thrown into the well (Brunnen: fig. 14) next to the Mithraeum of Dieburg. The dedicatory inscription is incomplete: [---]mapio/ [---]stor ex/ [--- v(otum) s(olvit)] libens) l(aetus) m(erito). ... fulfilled the vow gladly, willingly and deservedly. (Photo by kind permission of Kreis- und Stadtmuseum Dieburg.) Fig. 17: Juno? This stone monument was found, broken in two pieces, together with other sculpture (compare fig. 15-16) 1n the well (Brunnen: fig. 14) close to the Mithraic temple in Dieburg. (Photo by kind permission of Kreis- und Stadtmuseum Dieburg.) Fig. 18: Cult relief from Rückingen, discovered next to a well containing, besides other objects, smashed sculpture. (No trace of the Mithraeum in Riickingen has been discovered so far.) The faces of all the main figures have been mutilated and the swivelling relief (1.08-1.09 x 0.65-0.67 x 0.21-0.22 m) violently broken off its frame. (Photos reproduced by kind permission of Museum Hanau, Schloß Philippsruhe - Hanauer Geschichtsverein.) Fig. 18a: Front: Mithras sacrificing the bull and the torch-bearers. The vault of the cave, symbolizing the cosmos, is formed by the twelve zodiacal signs, and in the corners Sol and Luna are depicted. A series of illustrations of Mithraic mythology adoms the upper part of the monument, such as the capture of the bull and the holy meal. Fig. 18b: Reverse: Mithras and Sol, shown behind the sacrificed bull, are taking the holy meal. Above this scene Mithras 1s depicted as a hunter. Fig. 19: A skeleton was discovered, lying over an inverted part of the pedestal of the main cult relief in Sarrebourg. This monument, once with a surmounting colossal bust of Sol c. 3.30 m high, has been smashed. Over 300 parts could be recognized. The man was buried in the temple with his arms chained together behind his back as chain-links between his wrists prove. He was not provided with any grave-goods. His skeleton, placed in a kind of stone cist made of smashed sculpture, was well preserved. The pedestal, a part of which 1s visible on the photograph, bears a votive inscription (CIL XIII 4539; Fisenne 1896, 145): In h(onorem) d(omus) d(ivinae) deo inv[ict]o Marceleus Marianus d(e) s(uo) posuit. In honour of the Divine House (of the emperor; dedicated) to the mvincible god. Marceleus Marianus set this up from his own money. (Reproduced from Cumont 1923 (reprinted 1975) pl. 2 fig. 2 by kind permission of B. G. Teubner (Stuttgart).)

Fig. 20: In Germania Superior Mithras was very popular and venerated even in small settlements, such as in this villa rustica above the fertile Neckar valley near Mundelsheim. There are clear signs that some of its sculptures had been affected by an iconoclastic attack. Copies of two altars with depiction of Sol and Luna are exhibited in the preserved remains of the building. The damage to one of them is very recent. (Photo by E. Sauer, December 1995.) Fig. 21: Depiction of Mithras killing the bull, carved out of the rock which formed the back wall of the Mithraeum in Reichweiler. Is the damage in the recess entirely due to natural processes or not? (Photo provided and reproduced by courtesy of Rheinisches Landesmuseum Trier; compare Bernhard 19902, 528 fig. 451.) Fig. 22a: Mutilated Venus Torso which was exhibited for centuries in the monastery of St. Matthias in Trier. The image was stoned by pious pilgrims and is now scarcely recognizable. (Photo provided and reproduced by courtesy of Rhemisches Landesmuseum Trier; compare Binsfeld 1984, 202 fig. 91a.) Fig. 22b: A sixteenth-century bilingual inscription in Latin and German mocked the pagan goddess (see fig. 22a). Translation of the German text on the right: "Do you want to know what I am? I have been an idol/ goddess ("Abgottin"). When St. Eucharius came to Trier, he smashed me and took away my honour. I have been honoured as a deity; now I am standing here, exposed to the world's ridicule. In AD 50 the three holy bishops came from Rome to Trier. Euc(harius), Val(erius and) Mat(ernus)." (Photo provided and reproduced by courtesy of Rheinisches Landesmuseum Trier; compare Binsfeld 1984, 203 fig. 91b.) Fig. 23: Depiction of Buddha,

cut out of the rock between

Barikot and Udegram

weathered or intentionally damaged, perhaps stoned? (Photo by E. Sauer, August 1990.)

111

(Swat valley in Pakistan),

Fig. la

Fig. 1b

ΕΣ

P. 5

"agin ucla et nee

Ὁ

og 511

116

RWÜILL DEL1949

Fig. 12

Fig. 11 E

70063

118

Sami? 2-3,

F ig. 14

Fig. 16

Fig. 15

Fig. 17 ᾿ 119

Fig. 18 a

RUN Sr ae

120 Fig. 18b

Fig. 19

Fig. 20

Fig. 21 121

GEOGRAPHIC

INDEX

Placenames or other geographic terms are only listed under the form (modern or ancient) which 1s used in the text. Not included are geographic names or descriptions referring to wider territories in the north-west such as Bnitain; Gaul; Germanic provinces; Rhine, areas east of; etc.

Aalen, 22 no. 55 Aegean Sea, 70 no. 224 Aenus, see Inn

Africa, 14 Alexandria (in Egypt), 29 no. 92, 49, 63, 71, 75 with no. 235, 76 Alpes Graiae et Poeninae, 13 Altmühl, 61 Anatolia, 8, 80 Anglesey, 57 Antioch, 29 no. 92, 52 no. 176 Antiochia, see Antioch Apt, 49 no. 155 Aquae Mattiacorum, see Wiesbaden Aquae Neri, see Neris-les-Bains Aquincum, 29 Argentorate, see Strasbourg Arles, 86 Armenia, 5, 32 with no. 98, 80

Armenia Minor, 32 no. 98 Arupium, see Prozor Asia, central, 5, 78 Asia, eastern, 78 Asia Minor, 7, 70 no. 224

Asia, south-western, 7, 80 Augsburg, 12-13 Bad Wimpfen, 46 no. 146 Baetica, 66 Bankshead milecastle, 19 no. 25 Barikot, 92, fig. 23 Bath, 81 Batie-Montsaléon, La, 86 Beaumont,

18 no. 20

Benwell, 18 no. 4 Biesheim, 22-24, 29 no. 85, 32-33, 47, 83 no. 30, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 30 Bingen a. Rh., 82 no. 24-25, 84 map ] no. 24-25, 85 map 2 no. 25 Bingerbrück, 44 Birdoswald,

14 no. 31, 18 no. 1-2/ 8/

23-24, 19 no. 26-27/ no. 9

Bir Haddada,

16 no. 37

Bolards, Les, see Nuits-SamtGeorges Bonn, 82 no. 17, 84 map | no. 17 Bordeaux,

63,

83

no.

52,

84-85

maps 1-2 no. 52 Bourg-Saint-Andeol, 27, 68, 79 no. 258, 83 no. 51, 84 map 1 no. 51 Bowness-on-Solway, 18 no. 16-17 Bregenz, 43, 63 Brigantium, see Bregenz Britannia, dioecesis, 5, 84 map | Caerleon, 18 no. 14 Caernarfon, 24-26, 40, 47, 56-57, 82 no. 4, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 4 Cappadocia, 32 no. 98, 78 Cardewlees, 18 no. 21 Camuntum, 13, 29 no. 92 Carrawburgh, 24, 25 with no. 64, 26-28, 39 with no. 119, 41, 45 no. 145, 46, 49, 51, 56-57, 63, 82 no. 2, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 2, fig. 5 Castlesteads, 18 no. 9 Cavtat, 29 no. 92 Chimaera, see Olympos China, 71 Cirencester, 81 Cirta, see Constantina Civitas Taunensium, see Frankfurt a.

M.-Heddernheim Colchester, 10, 26 no. 70, 50 no. 165, 82 no. 6, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 6 Cologne, see Köln Commagene, 8 Como, 15, 16 with no. 37, 17 Constantina (= Cırta), 17 Corbridge, 40 wıth no. 121, 41 with no.

124/ 125, 42, 51 no.

170, fig.

10 Cosa, 27 no. 74

Dacıa, 28 Dalmatia, 17 no. 45, 29 no. 92, 92 Dieburg, 38, 45-46, 64 with no. 213, 65, 82 no. 6, 83 no. 41, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 41, fig. 8a-c/ 14-17 Dormagen, 82 no. 13, 84-85 maps ] -2 no. 13 Egypt, 49 with no. 161, 71, 75-76

Epidaurum, see Cavtat Featherwood, 18 no. 19 Fellbach-Schmiden, 67 no. 220 Ferte-sur-Chiers, La, 39, 63 Fertorakos, 21, 49 no. 159, 50 no. 165 Florstadt-Ober-Florstadt, 83 no. 37, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 37 Foret du Wasserwald, see Wasserwald Frankfurt a. M.-Heddemheim, 10 with no. 11, 13, 22 no. 57, 28, 64 with no. 213, 65-67, 83 no. 32-35, 84 map 1 no. 32-35, 85 map 2 no. 32-34, 86, fig. la-b Friedberg (Hessen), 22, 83 no. 36, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 36 Gallia, dioecesis, 5, 84 map 1 Gaza, 37 Geneva, 86 Germania Inferior, 51

Germania I (Prima), 13, 15 Germania II (Secunda), 51 Germania Superior, 5, 28, 45, 58-59, 66-67, 86, fig. 8b (text)/ 20

(text)

Granada, 66 Greece, 8 GroB-Gerau, 27 no. 75, 65 no. 214, 83 no. 42, 84 map | no. 42 GroBkrotzenburg, 83 no. 38, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 38, 86 Hadnan’s

Wall

(/

Wall),

Heddemheim,

see

Frankfurt

a. M.-

Heddernheim Heidelberg-Neuenheim, 83 no. 44, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 44 Heilbronn-Bockingen, 40 no. 121 High Rochester, 18 no. 3, 56 Hippo Regius, 35 Hockenheim, 22 no. 55

Holyhead, 57 Housesteads, 10-11, 18 no. 18/ 22, 24-25, 39 with no. 119, 41, 57, 82 no. 3, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 3 Hoxne, 14 no. 30

Emesa, 41

Hungary, see Fertorakos

Entrains, 44, fig. 11-13 Ephesos, 70 no. 224

Illiberis, see Granada

123

24-25,

39-40, 51-52, 56-58, 72 Haegen, 23 no. 60 Halle, 44

Illyricum, dioecesis, 29 with no. 92, 30 India, 5, 7-8 Inn, 30 Italy, 14-15, 16 with no. 36, 17, 27, 42 Jajce, 29 no. 92 Kirchheim am Ries, 38 Koln,

37

no.

109,

164, 51, 82 no.

45,

47,

14-16,

49

no.

84 map

]

no. 14-16, 85 map 2 no. 15-16 Konyica, 29 Krefeld-Gellep, 13, 21, 28, 50, 62, 82 no. 12, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 12 Kroisbach, see Fertorakos Ladenburg, 67 Lake of Constance, 43 Lake of Zurich, 43 Lambaesis, 40 no. 121 Lanchester, 18 no. 7

Leicester, 10, 26 no. 70, 27, 57, 82 no. 5, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 5 Lillebonne, 82 no. 8, 84 map I no. 8 Limes (German and Raetian), 59-61, 65 Linz, 11, 29 Londinium, see London London

(compare

Thames),

7,

11-13, 14 with no. 28, 15, 16 with no.

37,

26-27, no.

17,

19

no.

28,

22,

24,

32 no. 97, 37-38, 42, 45

145, 52, 56, 72, 75, 82 no. 7,

84-85 maps 1-2 no. 7, fig. 3/ 6-7 Luxeuul-les-Bains, 63 Luxovium, see Luxeuil-les-Bains

Lycia, 7 Lydney, 81 Lyon, 86 Mackwiller, 22, 23 with no. 60, 24,

28, 32, 47, 51, 53-54, 82 no. 21, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 21, 88, 90

no. 12]

Maxima Caesariensis, 13 Mesopotamia, 80 Michelstadt-Steinbach, 46 no. 147 Mitanni Kingdom, 80 Mittelstrimmig, 38 Moosham, 28 no. 83

Mühlthal, 11, 29 with no. 84, 30, 33-35, 87-88, 90-91 Mundelsheim, 27 no. 75, 49, 59, 65-66, 83 no. 46, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 46, fig. 20 Mur, 28 no. 83

Murrhardt, 12 Neckar, 59, 68 no. 222, fig. 20 (text) Neris-les-Bains, 23 Neustadt a. d. W.-Gimmeldingen, 13,

17, 83 no. 28,

84 map |

49, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 49, 88, 90 13,

22,

24,

29

no.

86,

30-31, 34, 83 no. 48, 84-85 maps ] -2 no. 48

Maryport, 86 Mauretania Caesariensis, 4]

no.

28, fig. 4 Nida, see Frankfurt a. M.- Heddernhem Nohamn, 44-45, fig. 11 (text) Noricum, 1]

Noricum Mediterraneum, 12-13, 15, 23, 29 no. 92 North Sea, 63 Nuits-Saint-Georges, Les Bolards, 22, 29 no. 86, 82 no. 10, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 10, 86 Numidia, 17 Nyon, 86 Ober-Florstadt, see Florstadt Obemburg a. M., 38 Octodurus, see Martigny Odenwald, 46 no. 147 Old Carlisle, 18 no. 6/ 11 Old Penrith, 18 no. 15 Olympos (in Lycia), 7 Osrhoene, 32 no. 98 Osterburken, 42, 83 no. 43, 84 map Ouled-Mimoun, 41 Pakistan, 92, fig. 23 (text)

Palestine (/ "Promised Land"), 35, 37 Papcastle, 18 no. 10/ 12-13 Persia (compare Sasanid Empire), 5, 7 Pfalzer Bergland, 89 Pfaffenhofen am Inn (compare Mühlthal), 30

124

Phoenice, 17, 42 Poetovio, see Ptuj Pompeu, 48 Pons Aeni, see Pfaffenhofen am Inn Pontus Polemoniacus, 32 no. 98

] no. 43

Main, 59

Mainz, 11, 15, 38, 83 no. 26, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 26 Mandelieu, 22, 28, 30, 42, 83 no. Martigny,

Mauretania Sitifensis, 16 no. 37, 40

Potoci, 17 no. 45 Prozor, 29 no. 92, 92 Ptuj, 23, 29 with no. 92 Raetia, 12, 59-61, 66-67 Regensburg-Harting, 66 Reichweiler, 68, 79 no. 262, 82 no. 23, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 23, 92, fig. 2] Remagen, 10 no. 10 Remagen-Oberwinter-Bandorf, 82 no. 18, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 18 Rhine, 44 with no. 135, 45 Rhone, 6, 45 Ribchester, 18 no. 5, 81 Riegel, 60, 83 no. 47, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 47 Risley Park, 14 no. 30 Rockenhausen, 83 no. 27, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 27, 87-90 Rome, 15, 22 no. 55, 27 wnth no. 74, 41, 48, 49 no. 164, 52 no. 176, 55, 69, 75, 77-78, 79 no. 260, 80, fig. 22b (text) Rottenburg-Bad Niedernau, 28 no. 80 Rudchester, 24-25, 37, 39 with no. 119, 40 no.

121, 41, 57 no.

191,

75, 82 no. 1, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. ] Rückingen, 46, 64 with no. 213, 65,

fig. 18a-b

Ruse, 29 no. 92 Saalburg, 86 Saale, 44 Saarbrücken-Brebach, 76, 82 no. 20,

84-85 maps 1-2 no. 20 Sankt Urban, 29 Sarrebourg, 22, 30, 32 with no. 102, 33, 48-50,

82 no.

22, 83 no.

30,

84-85 maps 1-2 no. 22, 88, 90, fig. 19 Sasanid Empire, 78 Schachadorf, 29 Schwarzerden, see Reichweiler Segontium, see Caernarfon Septem

map 1

Provinciae,

dioecesis,

5, 84

Septeuil, 22, 28, 34, 53, 82 no. 9,

Tarrant Hinton, 14 no. 28

Vieux-en-Val-Romey, 21, 50 no. 165, 75, 82 no. 11, 84-85 maps

84-85 maps 1-2 no. 9 Setif, 40 no. 121 Sidon, 17, 42

Thetford, 23 no. 60

Thun-Allmendingen, 86

Virunum,

Silchester, 86

Tiber, 69 with no. 223

Thames, 38, 43

1-2 no. 11 12-13, 15, 16 with no. 37,

Sindelfingen, 46

Tours, 39, 46-47, 55, 63, 75

17, 62, 78 Vosges, 63

Sirmium, 52 no. 176

Transpadana, regio, 16 no. 36

Wales, see Caernarfon

Sitifis, see Setif

Trapezus, 32 no. 98

Walheim, 68 no. 222

Trier, 22, 23 no. 60, 30, 32 no. 101,

Walting-Pfünz, 47, 61-62 Wasserwald, Foret du, see Haegen

Spain, 66 Stockstadt a. M., 13 no. 22, 22 no. 55, 59, 63, 83 no. 39-40, 84 map 1 no. 39-40, 85 map 2 no. 40 Strasbourg, 54 Strasbourg-Koenigshoffen, 22 no. 57, 39, 48-49, 63-64, 77 no. 248, 83 no. 29, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 29, fig. 9 Swat, 92, fig. 23 (text) Syria Phoenice, 41 Tamm (near Stuttgart), 74-75

53, 63, 82 no. 19, 84-85 maps 1-2

no. 19, 86-90, 92, fig. 22a-b Tucconia, see Tuggen Tuggen, 43 Tyana, 77 Udegram, 92, fig. 23 Uley, 46 no. 147

Welzheim, 45 no. 140, 59 Wetterau, 59 Wiesbaden,

Wiesbaden-Kastel,

Vesuvius, 48, 59 Vienne, 45, 55, 83 no. 50, 84 map

no. 50

11-13,

15,

with

|

15

Wiesloch, 83 no. 45, 84 map 1 no. 45 Willowford, see Birdoswald Zwiefalten, 12-13

125

16

no. 37, 17, 21, 28, 38, 62, 83 no. 31, 84-85 maps 1-2 no. 31, fig. 2