The Cultural Ecology of Early Nineteenth Century Java 9789814376556

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The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies

Established as an autonomous corporation in May. 1968. the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies is a regional research centre for scholars and other specialists concerned with modern Southeast Asia. The Institute's research interesl is focussed on the many-faceted problems of modernization and social change in Southeast Asia. The Institute is governed by a 24-member Board of Trustees on which are represented the University of Singapore and Nanyang University. appointees from the Government, as well as representative~ from a broad range of professional and civic organizations and groups. A ten-man Executive Committee oversea day-to-day operations; it is ex officio chaired by the director. the Institute's chief academic and administrative officer.

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THE CULTURAL ECOLOGY OF EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY JAVA Pangeran Dipanagara, a Case Study

by

Peter Carey

Occasional Paper No. 24 Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Price:

S$4.00

FOREWORD

It wou l d seem supe rfluous t o stress that there c an be lit tle or no mean i ngful unders~anding of t he historical re a lit i es of t he region without a proper appreciation of the cultural d i mensions of t he societies or e v ents under study. Yet studies incorporating a ful l understanding of loc a l cultura l e c o l ogy , i n clud i ng a ba l anced ana l y s i s of ind i genous sources, perc epti ons and viewpoint s, are fe w and far in bet ween, partly, perhaps , because of t he tendency t o d i smiss or d owng r ade l ocal sources , whether t hey be oral o r lite r a l, as being of l itt e his t o ri ca l v a lue o Viewed i n thi s l i gh t, Mr . Pet e r Carey ' s effort to put some of the nineteenth century Javanese Babad (Ch ronic l es ) in t he ir p r oper pe rs pe ctive and cas t light on their i mpo rt ance in understanding contemporar y Javanese socie ty is al l t he more welcome . Let 's hope hi s examp l e will s timu l a te other s i milar studies not on y in Indonesia but in t he o t he r c ount r ies of t he r eg i on as we ll. In wi sh i ng Mr . Pet e r Ca r ey and h is paper on

Th e Cu Z ural Ecolo gy of Earl y Ninetee n t h Centur y J ava

al l the best, it i s clear l y understood that r espon s i bility for fac t s and opinions e x p r essed i n t he wo rk th a t follows re s t s exclusive l y with Mr o Peter Carey, and h i s int erpr et ations do not necessa rily ref l ect the views o r po l i cy of t he Institute itself or it s supporters o 6 November 1 9 74

Kern i a l Singh Sandh u Di re ctor

LI ST OF . Z\BBREVI ATIONS AN

Arsip Nasional , Jakart a

ARA

Algemeen Ri j ksarch i ef, The Hague

BG

Bataviaasc h Genootsch ap

BKI

Bijdra g en tot de

J SEAH

J o urnal o f Sou the ast Asi a n Hi stor y

KIT LV

Koninkl i jk Ins tituut voor Taal- , Land- en Vo l kenkunde

KITLV Or

I dem c

Ori ental MS o

KIT LV H

I de·m·..

Wes t e r n Language MS .

LOr

Leiden Unive r sity Oriental MS .

NBS

Nether l ands Bible Society (Nederland s Bijbel Genootsch ap ) MS . , on loan to the Leiden Universit y Library

SB

Sana Budaya Mu seum Library, Yogyakart a

TBG

Tijdschri ft van het Batavia a sch Genootscha p van Kunsten en Wetenscha pp en

TNI

T ijds c h r i f t

TaaZ -~

Land - en VoZkenk unde

(H - Hollands)

voo r Nederland s c h -In die

NOTE ON THE SYSTEM OF JAVANESE TRANSLITERATION The system of transl it erat i on used here is that which was establishe d by the Lembaga Bahasa Nasion a l Congress in Yogyakart a (D . I.Y .) in Januar y 1973 . The tja becomes ca, the da becomes dha , dja becomes ja, ja becomes ya, nja becomes n y a , and ta becomes tha. Only the p e p e t is shown.

Introduction In this paper I wish to consider some of the Javanese

Babad (Chronicles) sources for the period of Pangeran Dipanagara (1785-1855) and the Java War (1825-1830), and to provide some tentative suggestions as to ways of analysing these Babads in their cultural context. In his article on Sufism as a category in Indonesian literature and history, Professor Johns opened by making some general remarks as to the need for non-Indonesian historians of the archipelago to rethink their historical conceptions in terms which would have meaning for the society they were proposing to study. Thus historical characteristics and concepts should not be imposed from without, but should be firmly based on the cultural particularities of the society in question to enable the historian to look outwards from his subject rather than inwards from another position. 1 It is with some of these cultural particularities as regards the Babad literature, the historical literature, of Central Java in the early nineteenth century that I will be concerned with here, and in this I will take the small body of historical literature about Dipanagara, known under the general title of Babad Dipanagara, for a case study. It is not possible here to discuss in detail the background and authorship of these Babads, although much basic work still has to be done in the important fields of palaeography, the dating of the MSS., and in more detailed historical research on their authorship. 2 In brief the collection of Babad Dipanagara can be divided into three main groups: those written by Dipanagara and his family; those written under the orders of the Bupati of Purwareja, Raden Adipati Cakran~gara I (1830-1862), generally known under the title Buku Kedhung K~bo; and those written at the courts of Central Java, Yogyakarta and Surakarta . For the purposes of this paper, three particular MSS. will be singled out for discussion as they represent the most original Babads written by contemporaries.

1

A. H. Jdms, "Sufism as a category in Indonesian Literature and History," JSEAH, Vol. 2, No. 2 (July 1961) , pp. 10-23.

2 See a forthCCJtli.n3 article in BKI, V0l. 131) (19.74.) , pp. 259-288, P.B.R. Carev, ".Javanese ~ !isto:r.-i.~s or: ;:)i•)anagara: 'l'l-to BUku Irtance," \·h ich discu.sses on~

o1:· t1 1r-~

: v:'~.~n

Dipanagara Ba)ads.

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The fi r s t is Dipanagara's own Babad written in Menado in j us t under three months (13 November 18313 February 1832), one third of which concerns the history of Java before Dipanagara's birth, and the rest describes t he history of h i s own life and times down to his exile in Menado . It was probably dictated by Dipanagara to his scribe and t he most ori~ina l extant copy is wri tt en in Peg on (Javanese writt en with Arabic letters )/ whi ch was a s c ript used wi de l y amongst the more orthodox re li gious c ir cles in Java . Dipanagara's Babad is the best known of a ll t he J avanese h i storical sources, partly because it has been t ranslat ed and later published with Javanese chara cters , - but · n o. origina l MS . has yet been discovered and a ll re ferences here wil l be to a later copy made in Sur akart a and now in the Leiden University Library , LOr 6547a-d , 5 The second MS ., that of the Buku Kedhun g K ~bo, was apparently written in the 1840 ' s and a very ear l y copy is now in the Leiden University Library, LOr 2163 , which was comp l eted in 1843. 6 Although it was written on Cakranegara ' s instructions, who was himself a maj or opponent of Dipanagara in the Bagelen a r ea, it seems likely that an e r stwhi l e commander of Dipanagara, ·

3 See, Jaa:roboek van het KoninkUjk Bataviaasch Genoots chap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, NiX & Co. , Bandung , 1933, p . 290 . The copy is BG 282 and was made by A.B. Cohen Stuart ' s scribe Raden Abdul Sarnsi in the 1870's. BG 283 is the earliest copy in Javanese script . 4

S~rat

Babad Dipanaga:roan, ed. Albert Rusche 1908-9 , 2nd ed. 1914, 3rd ed. 1917.

&

Co . , Surakarta,

5 T. G. Th . Pigeaud, Literature of Java , Nijhoff, The Hague, Vol. II, p . 392. The original Dipanagara MS . is rrenti oned by A.B. Cchen St uart in NotuZ.en van het Bataviaasch Genootschap, 5 June 1877, p. 94 9 when it was sent back to Mak.assar. Sare references will be in the published edition (Rusche ed., 1908-9) but these have been checked against the I.eiden MS . and the rel evant canto and verse reference given . 6 Pigeaud, Literature of Java, Vol. II, p . 78 . In this paper another Kedhung K~bo text will also be referred to, KITLV Or 13, as the first nine cantos have been the subj ect of recent research by G. Forrester, The Java War_, 1825- 30: Some Javanese Aspects, unpublished M. Ao thes i s , Austral i an National University, Canberra, 1971.

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Ali Basah Pengalasan, also had a hand in its composition . 7 Finally there is the Surakarta Kraton Babad., LOr 2114, which was written at the outbreak of the Java War itself, in August 1825, and although it is only a fragment of a longer Babad, it is the most contemporary document available. The copy which is now in the Leiden University Library was probably made originally for use in the Javanese language school which J . F.C . Gericke set up in Surakarta in 1832. 8 All three of the above MSS " can be regarded as historically of great value because of the fact that they were written by contemporaries and in the case of the first two because they were written by major protagonists in the Java War. But although they contain much information of an historical nature they cannot be viewed in the same light as a western historian might view the memoires or autob1ography of an important historical figure. Firstly because the Javanese Babad was essentially a literary endeavo ur and not just an historical account, thus it was written in verse (t~mbang) as opposed to prose, and often used many poetic words and literary forms which are not found in everyday language , It was split up into various cantos each with its own metre, which served to heighten the effect of the Babad's delivery as it was usually recited or sung at large gatherings and the changing metres accorded with the subject matter , Thus the Durma and Pa nkur metres with their closer clipped staccato rhythm were more appropriate for descriptions of battle scenes, and the languorous and stately As marad a n a and S i nom metres were more suitable for scenes at the court, love affairs, and discussions on politics . The key to the change of the metre was usually interwoven in the last couplet of the preceding canto by certain key words, and often the skill of the poet (pu j a n gg a ) could be judged by the subtlety with which he was able to disguise the change in metre so that it would not detract from the smoothness of the recitation . The person intoning the Babad would, however, know that a change in the rhythm of the verse was required and would a l ter his voice accordingly . Such recitations (m ac apa ta n )

11

Javanese Histories., 11 passim.

7

Carey,

8

Pigeaud, Literature of Java, Vol. II, p. 69 o The idea that it was copied for the Java Institute at Surakarta is a suggestioo of the pmsent writer.

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of Babads are common both at the court (kraton ) and in the vi l lages (desa ) where there are often readings from the Babads at all night celebration s (teklekan) for pregnancy, births or marriages. 9 The Yogyakarta Kraton Babad was regarded as so powerful (krama t ), dealing as 1t does with such tragic events at the Yogyakarta Kraton, th at it was until recently only sung amongst the closest members of the Sultan's family. Secondly, quite apart from its literary function, the Babad was important as a symbol of the legitimizati on or authorizatio n of power in the Javanese context, for a ru l ing dynasty or even for a family, and part i cul ar Babads often had the status of pusaka (sacred fami l y he1rlooms) . The verb mbabad, to clear a forest or a w1lderness , from which the noun Babad is taken, denotes its funct i on for it was often seen, along with the physical foundation of a kraton, the gathering of pusaka, and the establishme nt of administrati on and cultivation , as an important part in the foundation of a new kingdom . 1 1 Thus it was the function of the court poet, the pujangga, to rewrite or bring up to date the court chronicles at an important period, and in this elucidation of family trees, the linking of the new dynasty with Javanese mythical figures and even sometimes with the Prophets (S~ j a rah kiw a and t~ng~n) were crucial in the legitimizati on of a dynasty " This was probably one of the reasons for the flourishing of Javanese historical literature at the Central Javanese courts after the Treaty of Giyanti in 1 755, which had divided Central Java between Yogyakarta and Surakarta, for each court wished to prove its legitimacy as the sole ruler of Java . 1 2

9

At one macapatan for a birth at whidl the writer was present at Klangon, Kalurahan Argasari, Bantul, D.I.Y., the S~rat Anbiya was recited in turns around a large group and difficult passages mutually explained (May 1972) o

10

Interview with K. R., T" Wid:yakustnlla, Librarian of .t he Widaya Budaya, Kratcn Yogyakarta (Marcil 1972).

ll

c. c. Berg, "Kratan-Bouw in de Wildernis," Indonesie, Vol . 10 (1957), pp. 506-532; M. C. Ricklefs, Jogjakarta under Su&tan Mangkubumi, 1?49-1 ?92,

0xford Thiversity Press, Landon, 1974, Clap. VII, pp. 176-226. 12

Ricklefs, Mangl· 39-43. 14 IDr 6547a, I 1-11, W o 1

2

1~3 .

The introduction begins:

Stm ~dhar surasaning ati at~ang pamiyos pan kinacya anglipur brangtane aneng kitha Menadhu duk kardi tan a(na) kaeksi nginq:sihing Yang Agung Mapan kathah kang karaseng ing tingkah kadudcn

galih

pan rrengkana ing tyas pangesthine kaya paran solahingstm iki yen tan ana ugi apura Yang Agung 3

Lara wirang pan wus sun lakoni nging panuhtmingong ingkang kari lan kang dhingin:J kabeh kulawarga kang ngestok&l ~kti mring CVjama Nabi oleh apitultmg

-

6 -

under what authority o In the case of the Buku K~dhung K~bo, the object is essentially the same but couched in a more worldly context, for Cakranegara wished to provide a foundation charter for the dynasty of Bupatis which he had established at Purwar~ja (Bagelen) and his exploits during the Java War were thus central to the foundation of his authority o 15 It also deals with the question of power and pamY.·ih in terms of why Cakran~gara decided to figh t against Dipanagara, and why he, a me·re descendant of kya i 's (men of authority/country gentlemen ) in Bag~len before the Java War, should have risen t o become a Bupati. The Buku K~dh u ng K~bo was thus the pusaka of the Cakran~gara family and was just as important as the building of the new Kabupaten (Bupa ti 's residence) at Purwareja and the assumption of Cakranegara's new title in the consolidation of his power in Javanese terms 0 This search for legitimacy and the discussion ot

pamri h in the Babad Dipanagara are postulated i n traditional Javanese cultural and cosmic terms, and it is with some of these concepts that the rest of this paper is concerned . In each of the Babads there are important passages which deal with the wayang (Javanese· shadow play) , 6 and in the case of the two main Babads, there are others which deal with dreams and visions and their interpretation e It will be argued that these are not merely literary flourishes or digressions into the realms of the absurd , but important passages which deal directly or indirectly with the role of power and the way in which Javanese contemporaries might have seen themselves or their opponents. Thus although they would be classified as unhistorical by the western reader, they nonetheless offer clues which can afford crucial insights into the historical material of tbe Babad, and a discussion of them can help to define some of the cultural conceptions which a non-Indonesian historian Javanese Babad material . One subject which cannot unfortunately be discussed in detail within the scope of this paper, but which is directly relevant, is the role of Islam both as a legitimizing

15

Carey, "Javanese Histories.," P o 26L

16

There are various types of Javanese theatre, those rrentianed here are: wayang kulit, shadCM theatre with flat leather puppets; and wayang wong, a danae performance usually based en a wayang Zakon {plot) with gameZan. music,

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force within the traditional Javanese cultural framework, and also as an innovating force during this period. It is a central consideration for anyone who wishes to understand the early nineteenth century in Java, but it will be dealt with here only in so far as Islamic concepts m1ght have ~pinged on the themes discussed below. Importance of Wayang in Javanese Culture Before discussing in detail the main themes as they present themselves in the Babad Dipanagara it is perhaps necessary first to preface such a discussion with a short note on the importance of wayang in Java. The influence of wayang symbolism and mythology, in particular examples taken from the Rama and Pandhawa cycles which form the basis of most of the wayang lakon (plots) , cannot be overemphasized even in present day Java . 1 ~ These wayang stories, many of which were originally inspired by the great Hindu epics of the Ramayana and Mahabharata, offer a vast range of different characters and situations with which individual Javanese can identify. They present too at a much deeper level for the Javanese the very quintessence of the struggle between good and evil in a man's soul and a mystical insight into the hidden mysteries of man's life on earth 9 This central ~portance of wayang in the Javanese world view was apparently recognized by the wali's, the tradit1onal saints of Islam in Java, who according to tradit1on in Java, used it as a vehicle to

17

Interview with G.J. :Eesink (Jakarta, 1 August 1973) . See also Bernhard Dahrn, Sukarno and the Struggle for Indonesian Independence, Cornell U'liversity Press, Ithaca, N. Y. , 1969, pp .. 24-28, 104, 303-304; and his History of Indonesia in the Twentieth Century, Pall Mall, London, 1971, p . 228; which discuss the important part played by wayang symbolism in the 1965 coup d'eiat .

18

Benedict R. O. 'G. Andersen, Mythology and the Toleran ce

of the Javanese, M:lnograt:h Series, M::>dern Indonesia Project, Southeast Asia Program, Cornell Uliversi ty, 1965, pp .. 25-27 .

19

K. G.P.A.A. Mangkoenagoro VII, "OVer de Wajang-koelit (Poerwa in het algerreen en over de daarin voorkarende syrrbolisdle en It¥Stieke elerrenten," Dj8:wa , No. 19 (1933), pp. 79-97 .

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convey the doctrine of Islam. Thus Sunan Kalijaga, the most effective of the wali's in this respect, is reported as tel ling the Sultan of Demak that, "The wayang show is indeed a [mirror]-image of the One, one cafi call it the image of the Law . The wayang stands then for all mankind, [and] the dha l ang (puppeteer) is to ne . compare'd ." vTith :ZU.lah, the creator of the Universe • . .. " 2 0 It was probably partly in t his sense that Dipanagara himself understood the meaning of the wayang , for in his crucial encount er with the Ratu Adi l (J ust King ) in May 1824, he used just such a wayang simile to portray God whom he described as holding the plot of his life in his hands . 2 1 Yet despite efforts to graft Islamic concepts onto the wayang , it is arguable that it has remained the purest express i on of Javanese mysticism with its stress on the quest for truth within a man ' s soul, and self-knowledge l eading to mystical union wi t h the Godhead . 22 If wayang symbolism and mythology is sti ll influential today in shaping th e actions of Javanese politicians how much mo r e so was it important in the society of early nineteent h century of which Dipanagara was a part: Java was then a society steeped in an understanding of wayang myths and stories. The Yogyakarta Kraton Babads, for example, carry numerous references t o various types of wayang performances which were held in the kraton at the time, and of these t he wayang wong (theatre) performances appear to have been the most popular. 23 One Dutch report

20 Dr. D.A. Rinkes, "D::! Heiligen van Java V: Pangeran Panggoeng, zi jne honden en het waj angspel," TBG, Vol. 54 (1912), p. 145 . 21 LOr 6547b, XX 17, Rusche ed. , Vol . I, Po 102:

17 tanah Jawa pinasthi marang Hyang Widdhi kang dhuwe l akon sirao 22

Mangkoenagoro, "Wajang-koelit . " For a discussion of the KCMula-Gust i (servant- Lord} relationship whim is the Javanese expression of this !11YStical union, see Soemarsaid Mcertono, State and Statecraft in Old Java, Monogram Series, MJdem Indonesia Project, Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, 1968, pp. 14-26.

23

Sana Budaya Museum (henceforth SB), Yogyakarta MSS . A 135

&

136,

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even mentioned that a main cause for complaint against the Yogya Pat i h (Chancellor), Danur~ja IV (1813-1847), was that he had arrogated for himself the right to hold a wayang wong performance in his dal~m (residence) just before the outbreak of the Java War in July 1825. 2 4 During the celebrations for Sultan Harn~ngkubuwana IV' s (1814-1822) marriage to the daughter of Patih Danur~ja II in May 1816, no less than three full-length wayang kulit performances were held in the kraton together with wayang wong and seven other different kinds of wayang shows. 25 Later a Yogyakarta Patih, Danur~ja V (1847-1879), owed much of his early advancement during the reign of Sultan Hamengkubuwana V (1822-1855) to the fact that he was so skilled in the presentation of wayang wong performances at the court. 26 The texts which appear to have been most popular in the

transliterated versicns in KITLV, Bahad Ngayogyakarta, Vol. I, LXXXV 35, p . 345, XCVIII 37, p. 401; and Vol . II, XXXIV 22-23, p. 142, XLII 21-23, p. 177 . 'llie main author of the Babads, Panger an :~w:Yanesrara~ was a grandson of the Yogyakarta court dhalang, Kyai Dhalang Jiwatenaya (Dhalang Punra), who was active in the early nineteenth century, R.W. Dwidjasoeganda & R.S. Adisoetrisna, Berat Dharah, Kediri 1941, p. 105. 24

C.F. Walraven van Nes, "Verhandeling over de waarschijnlijke Oorzaken die aanleiding tot de onslusten van 1825 en de volgende j a.ren in de Vorstenlanden gegeven hebben, "TNI, Vol. 4 {1844 ) , p. 153. This is cx:nfinted in the Bahad Ngayogyakar r;a , VoL II, (SB 136) , XLII 21-29, pp. 176-177.

25

Bahad Ngayogyakarta, Vol. I, ~ X..."VI I 1 36-39, p. 401, the wayang nentioned are: wayang gedhog (Panj i cycle) , wayang kruci Z (Damar Wulan cycle using flat wooden puPfetS) , wayang j'emblung (M31ak cycle), wayang k'ddhog (?g~og), wayang topeng (a masked danoe) , wayang j~nggi (Chinese costurred masquerade ) and wayang garribyong (a round wooden puppet br0\.J3'ht fot:Ward by a female danoer at the end of a wayang perfonnanoe) .

26

Universitas Indonesia, Jakarta, MS. G 40, Sedj arah Danur~djan, pp. 529-530. It is interesting to note that the favourite wayang wong perfonnanoe of ~ngkubt.l'Wana V was the Wayang Wong Trunajaya which recounted the rebellion of the farrous seventeenth oentury Madurese rebel. Perhaps this was no coincidence considerir¥} ~ngkubuwana V' s youth had been so daninated by Dipanagara's rebellion!

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Yogyakarta Kraton in the early nineteenth century were the

Arj una Sasrabau (Arjuna Wi jaya ) , Serat Rama, S~rat Bratayuda and the Ar j una Wi waha ( Mi ntaraga ) , and these may have formed the basis for many of the wayang Zakon's shown at the time 27 A Dutch report mentioned that. Ratu K~ncana, the widow of Sultan Hamengkubuwana IV, during a period of illness in 1825, had not slept for two nights but had read wayang stories continuously . 28 In Surakarta, Sunan Pakubuwana IV (1788-1820), a great patron of the arts, was supposed to have been so keen on wayang kuZit and wayang wo n g performances in the Surakarta Kraton that he sometimes acted as t he dha Zang himself and encouraged members of his family as wayang topeng dancers . 2 9 In the countryside too it is almost certain that there was a considerable interest in wayang for many of the best dhalang at the courts came from the villages and some must have led a wandering life in t h e countryside giving performances from village to vi age. ~ 0 An official Dutch report which was circu l ated to Residents after the Java War complained of the influence of wayang on the orang m~numpang (landless labourers ) and desc r ibed how their imaginations were fired by wayang tales of adventurers who had raised themselves to princely st a t us. 3 ! Despite his considerable devotion to rel i gion , Dipanagara himself was probably no exception to th i s interest in wayang amongst the Javanese nobil i ty o f t he day and kept a large gam~Zan (Javanese orchestra ) in his daZ~m at T~gaZrlja . 3 2 A later Dutch visitor to the ruins

27

Babad Ngayogyakarta, Vol. I, XCV 27, p. 388; Vol o II, XVIII 28-29' p . 75.

28

"Djocjo Brieven" No. 53, AN, Smissaert to the Secretary of State, 28 February 1825.

29

J. Jcz. Hageman, Geschiedenis van den OorZog op Java van 1825 tot 1830, Batavia, 1856, p. 24.

30

T.G. Th. Pigeaud, Javaanse voZksvertoningen, bijdrage tot de beschrijving van land en voZk, Batavia, 1938, ,. pp. 35-37.

31 TNI, Vol. 2 (186 1) , p. 67; P.J oF. LotlVl, De J·a va Oorlog 1825-30, Vol. I, Batavia & The Hague 1824: , p. 26 o 32

Van den

B~sch

Aanteeken~ngen

1Jan

Private CoZZ.ection No , 3~11. ARA, Lt. J ~ H. Knoerle, gehouden door den 2e Lu~t - KnoerZe • .. gedurende

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of his house after the Java War commented on the stone pringgitan (dividing gallery) and spacious p~ndhapa (open · front hall) which would have been suitable for staging wayang performances . 3 ~ There is also evidence that Dipanagara was well acquainted with Javanese literature and in the Babads he is depicted as reading the Arjuna Wijaya, S~rat Rama, Arjuna Wiw~ha and Bhoma Kawya 3 4 (Bhom~n t aka J amongst his circle at Tegalr~ja . He recommended several such texts to his younger brother, the fourth Sultan, for his education when he was st~l l a minor. ~ s In his autobiographical Babad Dipanagara described how, in December 1822, when he was appointed guardian to his nephew the fifth Sultan, without his advice being asked and without even being invited to the coronation ceremony in Yogyakarta, he instructed his abdi-dalem ( reta~ner) at T~galreja, Sastrawinangun, to read the Ar j una Wij aya and to begin with Arjuna's anger and penance; a suitable passage given the circumstances . 36 It seems likely then that Dipanagara and his contemporaries had a close knowledge of many of the foremost Javanese texts, and this provides a useful starting point for an understanding of the Babad Di panagara in which examples drawn from the wayang feature so prominently .

eene re i s van Batavi a naar Menado ' (P..e~rt. Cbnc.Erning h.:i.s ]ourney to ~Enado \4i't.h Di?anagara) , heilreforth Journal, MenadQ 1 . 2·:) June 1830 r P · 4 • 33

J .F. G. Brum.md, Bezoek i n den vervallen dalem van Dipo Negoro te Tegal Redjo, Indi ana, Atrsterdam, ]BSJ',-54!, p. 185. There may have been a wayang perfonnance at Tegalreja after Dipanagara' s marriag-e in c . 1814, thus in his Babad there is the cEscription: IDr 6547b, XVIII 58, Rusche ed, , Vol. I, p. 72: 58

34

Nulya pasang Jrelir sanpm ing jawi drawina sami Sa:JUnging putra santana tanapi kang pra Dipati lawan samya nanayuban

Babad Ngayogyakarta, Vol. II, XXXVI 19 , p. 149; KTI'LV Or 13 ~tmg

Kebo) ,

IV 37 .

35

Babad Ngayogyakarta, VoL I, XOJ 27, P< 388 .

36

IDr 6547b, XIX 87, Rusche edo , Vol. I, p. 96 . This is ccnfirnEd in other Babads: KITLV Or 13 ( ~dhung :Kebo) , IV 13, and Babad · Ngayogyakarta, Vol. II, XXXIII 12, p o 136.

-

12 -

Di panagara's Autobiographical Babad In Dipanagar a's own Babad there are various passages which suggest that he v1as himself aware of the model of Ar juna, the third of the · five Pandhawa brothers, who was renowned both f or his physical beauty and great spiritual strength. 37 Thus d uring Dipanagara's meeti ng wi t h Rat u Ki du Z, t he Goddess of the Southern Ocean and sp i ritual p r otector of t he Kings of Java, when he was st il l a young man , he described how he was given an arr ow, Sarotama, by her which he later fashioned into a k ris (dagger ) . 3 8 Sarotama was the weapon of Arjuna and the way in which Dipanagara received the arrow strong l y reca l ls t .he way i n which Arjuna received another ar row, Pasopati, f r om Siwa in the Arj una Wi wa ha . 39 Lat e r i n h i s Babad, when Dipanagara r elated h i s wedding i n c . 1 8 1 4 with the orphaned daughter of Raden Rangga Prawi rad i rja III of Madiun (1 796-1810 ) and Ratu Madur~tna, he described the marriage in terms of Batara Wisnu's marriage to Dewi Sr i , with h is fat.her, Sultan Ham~ngkubuwana III ( 1 8 12 - 1 8 1 4) as Batara Gurur and the Sultan's consorts (Ratu ) as Ratih, Supraba, and Tilottama " ·~ 0 The descript1.on 1. s cast i n traditional terms, but it once again recalls t Le f i gure of Ar juna fo r the God Wisnu was supposed to have been i ncarnated on earth as Arjuna. ~ The theme i s r efe r r ed to again even more exp l i c itly during Di panagara ' s meet i ng 1

37

See a forthcaning article in BKI, . \bl. · 130 (197 4): >l.C . Ricklefs, nDi? anag ara1 .i Early Inspirational Experience, .. p. 4; and S c van Praag, Onrus t op Java: de Jeug'd van Dip anegara een Hi stori s ah-Literaire St udie, Amsterdam, 194 7, ;} . 202 . In a later allegorical Babad, the Babad Dipanagar an Surya Ngalarn, written by one of Dipanagara' s sons, Dipanagara is depicted as Cekel Among Raga (Arjuna) in the Zakon Dora Weaa and his father, Sultan Harrengkubuwana III, as Prabu Indrapuri (Indra); Pigeaud, LiteratUPe of Java, Vol. II, p. 383; Vol. III, p . 208 . 3

38

LOr 6547b, XIV 78-82, and Ricklefs, "Insp1.rat1.anal Experience ,.. p . 247 o

39

R. Ng . Poerbat jaraka,

40

LOr 6547b, XVIII 28-34, p. 249, Rusche ed. , Vol , I, _ pp. 69-70.

41

Pak Hardj ONirogo, Se djarah Waj'ang Purua, :Djakarta: , 1965, p . 142 .

11

Arjuna-Wiwaha," BKI, VoL 82 (1926 ) , p . 263 .

- 13 -

with the Ratu Adi l in 1824, when in terms similar to the ones used by Arjuna to Kr~sna before his battle with Karna in the Bratayuda, he begged to be excused from waging war for he said that he could not fight or bear to see death. 4 2 Finally the theme occurs again at the very end of the Java War when Dipanagara was wandering nearly alone in the jungles of Bag~len and Banyurnas (November 1829-January 1830 ) accompan i ed by his two panakawan (intimate retainers ) , Banteng-wareng and Rata, the first of whom was descr i bed in the Babad as a mischievous young rogue and a dwarf . 4 3 The description recalls the deformed servitors of t h e Pandhawa, S~mar, Gareng, and Petruk, who also followed their masters off into the jungle after Yudistlra had lost the kingdom of Ngastina to the Kurawa at a game of dice. This analogy between Dipanagara and the Pandhawa is made even clearer when the names of S~mar, Gareng and Petruk were given to the three Be k ~l (village heads ) from the surrounding area who attached themselves to him . The Babad also added the detail that the names suited the physical ap~earance of the Bek~l's and the latter f o und them good. ~t. Of all the texts read by Dipanagara and his circle at Tegalr~ja it seems likely that the Ar j una Wi waha had the most influence on him and important comparisons can be drawn with passages in his Babad . It is interesting too that the Arjuna Wi waha was one of the very few texts in the Yogyakarta Kraton which survived the plundering of the Kraton library by the English in 1812.~ 5 Today the wayang la k o n of the Arjuna Wiw~ha, usually known under its modern title of Min t araga, is regarded as one of the few great mystical lakon's by the Javanese and as a counterpart to the lakon Bima Suc i , In the latter the theme is that of Bima's quest for the water of life and cosmic self-knowledge whereas the former deals with Arjuna's preparation through asceticism to achieve invincible power to rule the world and triumph over the

42

LOr

6547b, XX 16-17, Rusche ed., Vol. I, pp. 101-102 .

43

LOr 6547d, XXXVIII 150, Rusche ed., Vol. II, pp. 149-150.

44

LOr 6547d, XXXVIII 153-154, Rusche ed. , Vol . II, p. 150.

45

Drs . Mudjanattistaro, Katalogus Manuskrip Kraton JogJ akart a, Yogyakarta, 1971, p . 8. The MSS . whi ch survived with the dates they were written are: S~rat Sur yaraja (1774) , Arjuna Wi waha (1778), Al-Qur'an (1797).

- 14 -

for c es of evil . ~ 6 Earlier according to Dr. Pigeaud the Arju na W i w~ha text was especially popular amongst Javanese authors of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries who "saw in the poem an allegory referring to a superior man's struggle in life, his victory over demoniacal powers and his final apotheosis •. . . " 47 It i s probably both in this light and in the original sense of the text, that of Arjuna's preparation for just rule in the world, that it can be seen in connection with Dipanagara, for the way in which he described himself in his Babad as retiring to practise .as,c eit·i .ci '3JT1 . a n d emerging purified for battle is strikingly similar to the way in which Arjuna prepared himself in the Arju n a Wi waha . Thus throughout the early part of h i s Babad before the outbreak of the Java War, periods of asceticism with the object of pur i fication for spiritual rule are referred to frequently. Dipanagara's uncle, Pangeran Mangkuburni, is made to comment in the Babad that even as a young boy Dipanagara loved to wander off alone into the jungle ~ 8 and Dipanagara himself described at some length his visits to the traditional holy sites of Mataram and the visions he received on journeys between Yogyakarta and the Southern Ocean . 4 9 His infrequent visits to the Yogyakarta Kraton are also stressed in his Babad and there are descriptions in other Babad's of his periods of asceticism both a t his own retreat at Tegalr~ja, Selareja, and at the cave of Secang on his estate at Selarong to the south of Yogya . 50 Such behaviour could

46

Mangkoenagoro, "Wajang-koelit,"

pp. 92-93.

47 Pigeaud, Literature of Java, Vol. I, p. 181, 48

IDr 6547b, XXI 74, Rusche ed., Vol. I, p. 123: 74

Saba alas

kar~e

cilik mula

v • " • "' • • o n oe 't'

49

50

See Ricklefs, "Inspirational Experience,"passim for 'a h excellent analysis of Dtnanagara' s· early visitms .· and journeys; · an accurate . translation and t 21ct: (Rll.sidle 3rd ed.) ··is aLso included. IDr 6547b, XIV 59 and XVII, 98-99, p . 119: XIV 59 dadya awis sCManeki mt.mg gareoeg pu.n.i ka kang pest~i ana

- 15 -

be classified in traditional Javanese terms as tirakat, the withdrawal from the world and the asceticism of a man who contemplated a serious undertaking such as becoming a rebel (kraman), for it afforded a time of solitude to question the inner motives for such an act and purge oneself of pamrih. 5 1 In Dipanagara's case, however, the period of preparation and purification was to lead to a much wider and more important undertaking than that of mere rebellion as his meeting with the Ratu Adil was later to confirm . Like Arjuna in the Wi wah a , Dipanagara described too how he was often exposed to the temptations of women 5 2 and the analogy is elucidated further in various passages in which he depicted his wife as Supraba, the heavenly consort of Arjuna in the Wiwaha tale. 53 In this respect Dipanagara can hardly

XVII 98

•

0

•

••••••

•

••

yen karsa Hyang Agung 99

Yen kang p..rt:ra tan ~ reng wus karsaning manon nanung ~ndhak g~ SONare

nagri

lawan 1amm wcnt:el prakawis in:Jkang · amatosi ti.nirtbalan iku KrTLV Or 13 (Kedhung Kebo) , II 38-41, for a description of Selareja . LOr 2114, I 11-17, pp. 3-4, for a description of

sezaron.g.

51

J. W. Winter, Beknopte Beschrijving van het Hof Soerakarta in 1824, BKI, Vol. 54 ( 1902) , p. 87. 11

11

52

LOr 6547, XIV 62:

62

nanging sipat ngaral maksih asring kenging ginadha dhateng wanodya Poematjaraka, 53

11

Arjtma-Wiw~a, 11 pp. 252-255.

!Dr 6547b, XIX 97, Rusche ed., Vol. I, p . 98:

97

Sinanbut sang lir Supraba mring tilam sari

b~ta

• o • o• •• • • •e •

Poerl>atjaraka,

11

Arjtma-Wi~a,

11

pp. 269-293 ,

- 16 -

be said to have emulated the rigorous standards set by Arjuna as a lover, and his appearance could not be called handsome (bagus) in the sense that Arjuna is recognized as handsome in traditional Javanese terms. 54 Nevertheless the constant theme of spiritual preparation and refusal of temporal power by Dipanagara before the Java War does strike a close comparison with the figure of Arjuna in the Wiw aha. Later Dipanagara's summons and meeting with the Ratu Adil bears some resemblance to Arjuna's encounter with Indra, for both are summoned by old men clad in religious clothes who then disappear to allow the Ratu Adil and Indra to manifest themselves . The injunctions which Dipanagara and Arjuna received also bear comparison for both are brought forth from a period of asceticism to receive the mandate of battle. 55 The Arjuna theme in Dipanagara's Babad is obviously important but it is one of many and should perhaps best be considered in relation to others which hold an equally . L mportant place o Thus throughout Dipanagara seemed to have been acutely aware too of the wal i 's and of his ancestor Sultan Agung as examples which had relevance to his situation, and it was probably in their function as spiritual protectors of Java that they had significance for him. Thus early in his wanderings Dipanagara described how he received a visitation from Sunan Kalijaga who prophesied that he would become king, but rather in the manner of a spiritual overseer of the temporal rulers of J·ava, than merely as a temporal ruler himself. 56 This

54

Thus Resident A.M. Th. de Salis (Resident of Yogya (tenp.) 1822-1823) described him as being of a rather heavy build ("van lichaams gesteldheid log") , Pro Memorie van A M Th o o

o

de Salis over de Javasche Vorstenlanden, 11 Octcber 1828, No. 208 L, Geheim, ARA.. In a hum:::>rous passage in the Buk1A. K~dhung Kebo, KITLV Or 13, IV 45, p. A9_,; me. of·ro±panagara' 5 . s~ lir' s

(unofficial wives) camented on his rrodesty: 45

55

Lamtm jint~l

uwis pinakanan bae sawengi tan ngulisik

I.Dr 6547b, XX 16-17, Rusche ed., Vol. I, ppn 101-102; Poerbatjaraka, "Arjuna-Wiwahav"

56

pp. 257-258.

I.Dr 654 7b, XIV 67. The term used is Ratu ngera:ng-erang. Nger·ang-erang is described in J .F.C. Gericke and Tc Roorda,

- 17 -

distinction is made·1. clearer later in the Babad when the Ratu Ag~ng, Dipaqii,gara's stepmother, had a dream depicting Dipanagara as a wati wudhar. The Pengulu of Yogyakarta explained to the Prince the meaning of this term as a waZi who had two offices for God had given him the power to administer justice. As examples from Javanese history the P~ngulu cited Sunan Giri, the great waZ i of East Java who had founded the influential dynasty of priestkings of Giri, and Sultan Agung (1613-1646), both of whom he asserted had held a double office and were beloved of God . 5 ? This "double office" seems to refer to them in their capacities as waZi's, spiritual men beloved of God, and as executors of Islamic law with temporal powers " Thus Dipanagara later mentioned Sultan Agung as a "spiritual man who did as I did travelling around everywhere" and as a great- Islamdc ruler who had established the five p"illaT~ -: of Islam. 58 In his Babad Dipanagara described how the Pengulu's explanation caused him to reflect on his recent meeting with the Ratu Adi l and how he had now been called forth as a leading of the Ratu Adil's soldiers in Java with his authority based on the Koran. 59 It is as if Dipanagara had prepared himself spiritually and

Javaanseh-Nederta:ndsah Ha:ndWoordenboek, ed. A, C. Vreede and J . G. H. Gmning, Ieiden,-·1901, VoL I, P o 66, as cne

who forbids, cautions or adrconishes sareone about scrcething. Hena: Dipanagara· woold fulfil just sudl a ftmction in religious affairs, see the letter of Pengalasan in Carey, "Javanese Histories.;• pp. 285-288. 57 Wr 6 54 7b, XX 42-4 3 , Rusche ed. , Vol . I , pp . 106-107 : 42 pan tegese wali wudhar kang sayekti

inggih wali angiras 43

Cin~~gan

adil mring Hyang Widdhi

58 E.S. de Klerck, De Java OorZog van 1825-30, Batavia & The Hague, Vol. V, 1908, Bijlage XXXVI, p. 744 . Dipanagara, Makassar MS , , VoL I, p . 168, Kangjeng Sultan Agung iku Ratu kang wus sanpurna Is lame, sappb ,kpng wus ~t~pi rukun kang lima 1ku. (The ~ . ~ • .. ~ CMned by the family desa:mdants of Dipanagara .in Makassar). 59 !.Dr 6547b, XX 45, Rusche ed. , VoL I, p . 107 .

- 18 -

was now to accept authority as the head of the Islamic r e l igion in Java with temporal powers at his command. The t hought is perhaps expressed in Dipanagara's words to the P~ngulu:

Thanks be to God what do men in life wait for if they are not awaiting some exceptionally great task? 60 o

~

o

o o

o

o

~

o

o

o

e

As far as the model of t he wali's is concerned it seems alsmos t certain that Dipanagara saw himself as being chosen as one of their number for some time later occurred his vision of eight men led by one referred to as a "Panembahan" ( Pan~mbahan Ag·eng Giri'?) who read out a letter proclaiming him as Sultan Ngabdulkamit , Erucakra (Just King ) , Sayidin (Lord of the Faith) , Panatagama (Regulator of religion) , Kalifat Rasulullah (Caliph of the P rophet of God) . 61 The eight men can be equated with the eight wali's and their appearance implied that Dipanagara envisaged himself as being elected as the ninth, which was the traditional number of Islamic saints ; u sually referred to as the waZ i sanga (the nine wali's) in Java . 6 2 The titles which were accorded him also indicated that Dipanagara saw himself as the head of the Islamic relig ion i n Java, and, as all but the titles of NgabduZkami t and E~ucak~a were already incorporated in t he titles of t he rulers of Yogyakarta and Surakarta, it was later to be ostensible cause for the breakdown of the Mag~lang peace conference in March 1830 with

60

LOr 6547b, XX 45-46, Rusche ed" , Vol. I, p. 107: 45 kaki Alkamdulillah 46

Pan 'NOng urip punapa dene anti lamun kaki datan angantiya pakaryan kang luwih gedhe

61

IDr 654 7b, XX 49, Rusche ed o , Vol. I, p. 108.

62

Soli chin Salam, Sekita~ Wali Sanga, Menara (Kudus) 1963, p. 26, rrentic:ns: Maulana Malik Ibrahim, Sunan ~1, Sunan Bonang, Sunan Giri, Sunan Drajat, Sunan Kalijaga, Sunan Kudus, Stman M..rria, Sunan Guntmg JatL

- 19 -

the Dutch. 63 The title of Erucakra, the Javanese messianic "Just King," indicated something much more, namely that Dipanagara saw himself as fulfilling the J·ayabaya prophecy of the prince who would institute a period of just6 4 rule, a This golden age, after a time of confusion and cdet:li.ne.. particular aspect of the Erucakra title is discussed below, but as regards the theme of the waZi's it is interesting to note that in one account of the Jayabaya prophecies the Erucakra is defined as a descendant of the wali's who would be raised as a priest-king, and in another as a wa Zi yuZZah an apostle of God) .6s This would link the examples of the wal i 's very closely indeed with the Erucakra title, but there is no proof that Dipanagara himself understood this connection . There is proof, however , that the example of the waZi 's remained important during the Java War and they are referred to often in Dipanagara's Babad. Thus Dipanaqara's quarrel with Kyai Maja, according to the account given in the Babad, largely stemmed from Maja's attempt to challenge Dipanagara's supreme authority by dividing the administration into that of Ratu (King) 1 Wa Zi (apostle of religion), Pandhita (one learned in the law), and Mukm i n (the believers) . Maja suggested that Dipanagara should choose for himself one of these functions, implying that if he took that of Ratu, he, Maja, would be able to take that of Wal i and enjoy undisputed relig i ous authority. This Dipanagara refused to countenance saying that Maja wished to wield authority over him and drew a comparison between Maja and Sunan Giri, who according to Dipanagara had exercised power over the Sultans of ~mak. 6 6 Later when Dipanagara tried to

63 KITLV H 340, H.Mo de Kock, VersZag van het voorgevaUene met den Pangeran Dipo-Nagoro, kort v66r, bij en na zijne overkomst, Magelang, 1 Apr1l 1830. 64 J .A.B. Wiselius, "Dj&jS. MJS., zijn Ieven en Profetieen," BKI, Vol. 7 (1872) , pp. 186-189; A.B . Cohen Stuart, "Eroe Tjakra," BKI, Vol. 7 (1872), pp. 285-288; J . Brandes, "lets over een ouderen Dipanigara in verband net een Protot~ van de Voorspel1inqen van Jayaba:ja," TBG, Vol. 32 (1889) , pp. 368-4X> .

65 Wiselius,

11

Dj&j& Baja, II p. 188; Brandes, "Prototype, II pp. 386-387.

66 IDr 6547c, XXX 129-l:n, Rusche ed., VoL I, p. 312:

- 20 -

c urb Maja's ambitions by suggesting that he should take over as his P~ngulu, he cited this time the example of the Sunan of Kudus, a waZi whom Dipanagara averred had acted as the P~ngulu of the Sultan of D~mak, and who had been more amenable to carrying out the temporal commands of the Demak Sultans . 67 This time Maja refused, stating that he was not from a P~ngulu family anyway and wished to be r ecognized as an Imam (head of the whole Islamic community) , This ambitious claim Dipanagara dismissed and asserted that the argument over the delineation of functions was a specious one anyway for God had chosen him alone as the

129

• • • • • c. • • o • e •

ingsun ~ruh karepira apan j aluk wisesa kaya Sunan Giri iku dadi ingsun sira karya 130 Kaya Sultan D1:fulak dhingin ingsun dudu muridira •

v

••

~

~

eee••

c

67 LOr 6547d, XXXIII 52-53, Rusche ed., Vol. II, p. 45:

52 dhawuhna karsa mami mring si paman Maja dene saselehira Pangulu Kaji (I}mamraji si paman Maja ingkang sun kan genteni 53

D::idi iku pan wus ora katanggungan kaya duk ~ dh.ingin Wali Pangulunya Sunan Kudus ika

68 IDr 6547d, XXXIII 56, Rusche ed., Vol. II, p. 45: 56

Lamun dadi Pangulu dika aturna pan sanget lumuh mami namung dadi Im§m pmika karep kula kalamum pareng Narpati narmmg punika ingkang kula btmeni

- 21 -

Caliph in the Holy War (pangirid sabit) between Muslim and heathen. 69 . It is possible to see in this long drawn out clash between Dipanagara and Kyai Maja, which was eventually to lead to Maja's defection, an argument over who should wield supreme religious authority and in this the examples of the wati's and their forms of government were obviously considered as crucially ~portant. It is interesting too that the family of Pangeran Serang, descendants of the famous wali Sunan Kalijaga, commanded immense respect and attracted many followers to Dipanagara's cause early in the war. 70 The position of Pangeran Serang, officially termed by the Dutch authorities as an onafhankelijk geestelijk Prins (independent spiritual Prince), probably served as an example to Dipanagara and his followers, thus Pangeran Abdul Samsu, Dipanagara's younger brother, demanded to be recognized under just such a title after the Java War. 7 1 Dipanagara, however, was aiming for something more, for although Pangeran Serang had lands, he did not wield any religious authority outside them apart from the influence which the charisma of his name imparted. In the detailed account of Dipanagara's peace plans given in the letter of his army commander, Ali Basah Pengalasan, it seems that he aimed to take some of the lands of Sala and Yogya and rule as an independent prince. The Dutch would be 69 LOr 6547d, XXXIII 112-113, Rusche ed., Vol. II, p. 52: 112

•••••••••••• dene sun iki D.ll.maj id

karsa Hyang Suksma ~ ing tanah JCMi 113

Pan kinarya Chalipah .Jeng Rasulullah dad1 pangirid sabil Islam lCMan lanat pan nl¥}rahan kewala pinundhuta rina wengi tan wenil ingwang iku kagungan Widdhi

70 LOr 2114, _ X 28-30, p. 43; IDuw, De Java Oorlog, Vol. I, pp. 361-363 o P~eran Serar¥J' s nother, Raden Ayu Serang was regarded as particularly sekti (enc:t:.ed with Slp!matural pc:JNers) and is still :revered today o 71 . lably at Texmayat ,. Agung aband.c:>ned the solar calendrical system and regularized the use of the Islamic lunar year of 354/5 days, see Ricklefts, Jr;;gjakarta, p . 17.

- 2-3 -

to the Yaqyakarta Patih just before the outbreak of the war stated that Dipanagara had plans to go to the hill of Majaata just by TMmbayat to raise the standard of revolt in the month of Sura, and that he had sent an 75 official · to summon all the inhabitants from T~mbayat. R. Ayu Mangkarawati, It seema too that Dipanagara's motherl 7 and later in the might herself have come from Majasta first month of the war an Arab pandhita who had a pondhok (small religious school) at Majasta joined Dipanagara at s~1arong '

7

?

It is perhaps above all in the aspect of Sultan Agung as a great sage-king (pandhita-ratu) in Javanese history that his example might have been important for Dipanagara, for there is much in Dipanagara's behaviour as a leader during the Java War which equates with the idealized Javanese view of the sage-king. In traditional javanese ter.ms · such an ideal king was one who constantly sought for internal divine guidance and by meditation and reflection sUbdued his individual will to that of t .he

, p • .lxxxxii-iii, 75 KITLV H 698b, Rouffaer, 18 July, a certain Raj ali (Haji Ali? ) gave infonnation that rN wa.ll.d go to Majasta oo the 8th Sura. CN' s 'l'unSlggung, R. T. Slfmarillil.jaya, was sent to T~ayat in July and to Kajoran in A\JjUSt to gather support . For inf01:matioo an Majasta, Rinkes, "Heiligen IV," R>· 449-450G 76 Knoerle, Journal, p. 6, where he reported m as saying that his rrot:her was born in the desa of Madesta in het Padjitaansche, ~ich suggested Pacntan but in fact was used by Iahan Kiyahi pan kawula talll>i wangsiting Hyang Agung kalarnun badhe kawula 51

Punika ~asaneki apan tan dados punapa

dadya kan Sinuwun mangke

- 26 -

instructed his younger brother Pangeran !·l gabdurrahim in Islanic mysticism, the latter mentioned how he saw Dipanagara in three aspects, as a :f ather (sudarma) , as a teacher (guru) , and as a King (Ratu) . 85 Other interesting sub-themes are also discernible in Dipanagara's descriptions of the places he chose to meditate at. Firstly there is the prevalence of water which probably owed much to earlier Hindu practices in Java and indeed at many of the places chosen by Dipanagara there were some Hindu remains: thus there was his pond at Selareja, the waterfall at Selarong, the Sunan's pool at P~ngging, and the river at Banyum~nMnq. 86 Then in all the places visited by Dipanagara there were animals: fish in his pond at Selar~ja, turtles at Pengginq, turtle-doves at Banyurn~neng, and tigers during his wanderings at the end of the war. 87 Then during most of his periods of asceticism he was only accompanied by one or two very close retainers (panakawan) and even in exile the Resident of Menado wrote that Dipanagara spent most of his days in the company of his two servants who

84 Wiselius, "Dj&j& B&j&," p. 187. 85 LOr 6547d, XXXVIII 76, Rusche ed., Vol. II, p. 141: 76

• • • • • • e • • • • •

Kangjeng Pangran mangkana ciptane mring Narendra pan tiga prakawis suda.rrna say~ti guru lawan ratu 86 At Selareja there were six yoni (female Sivaitic synix:>ls) v.hidl had been turned upside davn and placed in two :rc:MS, three in the front and three slightly higher at the back to fonn a broad throne for prayer, Brtm.md, Bezoek, p. 194. Thus Dipanagara prayed to ~cca daily an the upturned syrrbols of Siva: Sare ten or rrore yoni 's are still visible in the grounds of Tegalrej a today. There are three at Sf!larcng: two outside the cave of ~cang and one at the base of the waterfall. Pengging was an inp::>rtant centre during the Hindu period in Java and Ban~~g (Kulan Praga) is close to a small Hindu shrine. See H.J. de Graaf, Geschiedenis van Indonesie, Van Hoeve, The Hague & Bandung, 1949, p. 44. 87 Brumund, Besoek; IDr 6547c, XXVII 9 Rusdle ed., Vol. I, p. 238; d, XXXIX 1-15, Rusche ed., Vol. II, W· 154-5 for a descriptioo of the tiger Tepang .

- 27 -

were still children and some kak~tu' s (cockatoo's) ·• 8 8 Some of the animals mentioned, especially the turtle-doves and tigers had important magical significance 89 but they also strongly recall the wild animals which pay their respects to the satria (warrior) and his panakawan in the wayang. 90 The most important theme of all in Dipanagara's Babad is almost certainly that of the Eruaakra, the Javanese Messianic "Just King." It is difficult to ascertain exactly just how Dipanagara envisaged himself as fulfilling this role for direct references are few, and there is significantly no mention at all in the historical introduction to his Babad of the first Pangeran Dipanagara who took the title of Sultan Eruaakra early in the eighteenth century . 91 Nevertheless his vision of the Ratu Adit before the war and his assumption of the title of Sultan Eruaakra on the 1st Sura of the Javanese year Wawu, A.J . 1753 (15 Auwust 1825), do suggest that he saw himself as the Just King. 2 Indeed in the Surakarta Kraton Babad which will be discussed

88

De Java Oor tog, Vol. I, p. 151, the two servants were prd:>ably his panakCilJ)an Rata and Banteng-wareng who accarpanied him into exile, Knoerle, Journat, p. 1. ~,

89 Turtl..e-00\.les are used for divination Li terature, Vol. I, p. 269, p. 277. to harl:>our the souls of rren at night called Maaan Gadhungan . See Winter,

in Java, see Pigeaud, Tigers are believed and are saretines "Besdl.rijving," p. 85.

90 Boedihardjo, "Grepen uit de Wajang," Dj8:wa, Vol. 2 (1923), p . 28, includes the follcwing kanda (narrative) of the dha tang cxnoeming the return of the Bcunbang (the sa1 of Arj'lma) to his father at .Amarta: "The satogatak (wild anilnal.s), sarduta's (tigers) and sing a's (lions) make way for him with lthe words) ·'peace be with you,' the kutu-kutu watang-ataga (various sorts of insects) sing as it were a ~ratulation for the Bcunbang . '!be birds chirp as if they wish to show the beautiful young man the WiJ:i •••• " The picture is a1e of hamony with nature which reflects oo the sensitivity of the satria.

91 IDr 654 7a 1 Brandes, "Prototype 1 " passim. 92 !Dr 654 7c, XXIII 40-51 1 Rusche ed. , Vol. I, pp. 148-149.

-

28 -

below there is a very interesting passage in which Dipanagara was described as taking council with his religious advisers and being informed that the month of Sura in the year Wawu was the exact time for the Ra t u Ad&l to be proclaimed. 9 3 There are also numerous accounts, both Dutch and Javanese, which confirm that before the Dutch attack on T~galreja he was preparing to co-ordinate an upris1ng early in the month of Sura, which is the first month of the Javanese year and a traditional time for the Ratu Adil to appear. 9 ~ Dipanagara's idyllic description in his Babad of the period of plenty at S~larong after the outbreak of the war also compares closely with the trad1tional description of this period in the S~r a ~ Cab cl ang . 95 It is interesting too that there was some

93

LOr 2114,

v

7-8, p. 16:

7

kas&>ut ing da.lern kitab t anah Jc:Ma ratu adil 8

94

Bran~s,

titi-mangsanipun 1.n:J taun nga jeng puniki taun WCMU sasi Sura jurenenge ratu adil

N~gih

"Prototype," p. 386 ..

95 LOr 6547b, XXII 36; Rusche ed., Vol. I, p. 136: 36

Mapan ta wus dadi nagri Ngayogya ngalih punika kang ~n langkung a~e mirah kanj scnwa tmUTbas pajeng tiyang sadeyan dadya samya rena sagung tan ana Ranq doracara

Compare with the class1c description given in the ~rat Cabola:ng (A.D. 1814-1815) (~apustaka, Mangk~aran 1 Surakarta) Vol. IV 1 V 6-7 1 p. 1813: 6

••••

~

ot.

ac

oee~

resik nir apa-apa marmane wcng ci11k sany a ayem enak tyasira dene murah sandang tedha.

wus

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29 -

fierce f -i ghting around K~tangga in the Madiun area during the f ,t rst y.e ar of the war, for the forest of K~tangg a was regarded as the kraton of the Ratu Adi t in Java. 9 6 Meanwhile the aim of the establishment of Islam as the {the pure religion) , the driving out of ag~ma kang suci the unbelievers tkafi r ' s) and the installation of the new ruler as the Ra t u Paneteg Panatagama (the king who stands firm as t he regulator of the religion) , all of wh~ch were prominent in Dipanagara's rebellion, anticipated the strongly Islamic influenced expectations of the Ra t u Adi t which can be found later in the Mala n gyu d a books . 9 7 Then there was Dipanagara's wish both during and after the war to .r etire to live in Mecca, which not only indicated a desire to· go on a pilgrimage (Ha j' ) , but also probab l y suggests that Dipanagara was conscious of the belief current in the Pratambang Jayabaya that the Ratu Adbl had two kr a to n's, one in Java (usually K~tangga) and one in Arabia 9 8 Furthermore there i s evidence that on the promptings of S~ntot (Ali Basah Prawiradirja), his most imaginative army commander, Dipanagara was contemplating conquests i n eastern Indonesia, which would have fitted in again wi th the Jayabaya description in which rulers from overseas paid homage to t he Ratu Adi t , 9 9

Tan ana dursila durjana

7

•

rsprcng en het begin van de ~tand van Dip~ Neg~~," BKI, Vol. III (1860), p . 171, note of C. F. Winter. 125

Forrester, Java War, pp. 6, Sed.Jarah, p.

141

I am grateful to Dr. Pigeaoo for this suggest1cn t Int..ervieW, Leiden, July 1973).

275; HardJ0'.'1rogo,

~.

- 46 -

The figures of Baladewa and Suyudana are clearer and in the Buku refer to Sunan Pakubuwana VI (1823-1830) and Pangeran Dipanagara, Prabu Baladewa, the King of Madura in the wayang, was strongly sympathetic to the Kurawa cause, but because his great . kasekten might have put the Pandhawa cause in jeopardy if he had fought against them, he was tricked by Prabu Kr~sna into meditating at Grojogan Sewu, and thus missed taking part in the Bratayuda. ~ 4 l The figure of Prabu Baladewa was thus a suitable and flattering wayang figure with which to equate Sunan Pakubuwana VIt who, although strongly sympathetic to Dipanagara, took no direct part in the Java War o 1 43 Suyudana the eldest of the ninetynine Kurawa brothers in the Mahabharata was the king of Ngastina and a great ruler, yet fated to destroy himself and his house because of his own overweening vanity. He was eventually killed during the Bratayuda by Bima himself who was informed by Prabu Kresna of a weak place on Suyudana's left thigh " This weakness, which derived from the fact that the place had been covered by a waringin leaf when Suyudana had been bathed in magic water (t oya s~kti ) as a young man, mirrored the essential flaw in his character, his vanity. 14 " So by equating him with Dipanagaraf as Cakran~gara had already pointed out in the discussion of the signs and portents, he implied that a potentially great ruler was brought to ruin by his own conceit. According to a modern commentator the lakon describing Suyudana's end is to this day rarely performed in Java so great is the aura of tragedy which surrounds it . 1 45 The comparison between Dipanagara and Suyudana in the Buku v1as thus a fitting analogy for such a great figure and for the cataclysmic events with which he was involved. By including these passages in his account Cakranegara was able at the same time to demonstrate his admiration for the Prince and to justify his actions against him during the Java War.

142 HardjCMiro:JO, Sedjarah,

P~

102.

143 de Klerck, De Java Oorlog, Vol. IV, pp. 48Cr481, quotes Nahuys van Burgst • s inquiries into the sympathies of· the Sala oourt in 1825 . 144

HardjCMiro:Jo, Sedjarah, p , 187.

145

Anderson, MYthology, p. 20